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Full text of "The life of Edward, earl of Clarendon, in which is included a continuation of his History of the grand rebellion"

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THE LIFE 



OF 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON, 

LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND, 



AND 



CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD. 



Ne quidfalsi dicere audeat, ne quid veri non audeat. CICKRO. 



THE LIFE 



OF 



LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND, 



CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD : 



IN WHICH IS INCLUDED 



A CONTINUATION 



HISTORY OF THE GRAND REBELLION. 



WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 



A NEW EDITION, 

EXHIBITING A FAITHFUL COLLATION OF THE ORIGINAL MS., 
WITH ALL THE SUPPRESSED PASSAGES. 



VOL. I. 



OXFORD, 

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS. 
MDCCCXXVII. 



library 

J7A 



THE 

PREFACE 

TO 

THE FIRST EDITION. 



A HE reader can desire no better recommendation 
of the History now published, than to be assured 
that it is the genuine Work of the great Earl of 
Clarendon. The Work itself bears plain charac- 
teristics of its Author. The same dignity of sen- 
timent and style which distinguishes the History 
of the Rebellion, and all other the works of this 
noble Writer, breathes through the whole of this 
performance. 

The reason why this History has lain so long con- 
cealed will appear from the a title of it, which shews 
that his lordship intended it only for the information 
of his children. But the late lord Hyde, judging 
that so faithful and authentic an account of this in- 
teresting period of our history would be an useful 
and acceptable present to the public, and bearing a 
grateful remembrance of this place of his education, 
left by his will this, and the other remains of his 
great grandfather, in the hands of trustees, to be 

a See Continuation, p. i. 
VOL. I. a 



ii THE PREFACE. 

printed at our press, and directed that the profits 
arising from the sale should be employed towards 
the establishing a Riding-school in the University. 
But lord Hyde dying before his father, the then 
earl of Clarendon, the property of these papers 
never became vested in him, and consequently this 
bequest was void. However, the noble heiresses of 
the earl of Clarendon, out of their regard to the 
public, and to this seat of learning, have been 
pleased to fulfil the kind intentions of lord Hyde, 
and adopt a scheme recommended both by him b 
and his great grandfather. To this end they have 
sent to the University this History, to be printed at 
our press, on condition that the profits arising from 
the publication or sale of this Work be applied as 
a beginning for a fund for supporting a Manege, or 
Academy for Riding, and other useful exercises, in 
Oxford. 

The Work here offered to the public consists of 
two parts. The second, which is the most import- 
ant and interesting part of the Work, is the History 
of the Earl of Clarendon's Life, from the year 1660 
to 1667, from the restoration to the time of his 
banishment, and includes in it the most memorable 
transactions of those times. It may be therefore 
considered in two views. It is a second part of 
Lord Clarendon's Life ; and is also a Continuation 
of his former History, entitled, The History of the 

b See his Dialogue on Education, p. 325, &c. 



THE PREFACE. iii 

Rebellion, from the year 1660, where that ends, to 
the year 1667. This is carefully printed, without 
any material variations, from a manuscript, all of 
lord Clarendon's own hand-writing, excepting some 
few pages in the hand of his amanuensis, which are 
only transcripts from two papers ; the one, a letter 
from the Chancellor to the King on the subject of 
his Majesty's declared displeasure ; the other, a pa- 
per containing his reasons for withdrawing himself, 
which he left behind him to be presented to the 
House of Peers. 

To this our noble benefactresses have thought fit 
to prefix, as a first part, the History of the Earl of 
Clarendon's Life, from his birth, to the year 1660, 
extracted from another manuscript of Lord Claren- 
don's own hand-writing. This other manuscript is 
entitled by his Lordship, The History of his own 
Life, and contains likewise the substance of the 
History of the Rebellion. However, it is not the 
manuscript from whence that History was printed, 
but appears rather to be the rough draught from 
whence that History, or, however, great part of it, 
was afterwards compiled. For although he tells us, 
towards the close of this Work, that he wrote the 
first four books of the History of the Rebellion in 
the island of Jersey, (many years before the date of 
this History of his Life,) yet he likewise informs us, 
that he did not proceed to complete that History till 
after his banishment. It is therefore supposed by 

a2 



iv THE PREFACE. 

the family, (and the supposition seems to carry 
with it great probability,) that, seeing an unjust and 
cruel persecution prevail against him, he was in- 
duced at that time to extend the original plan of his 
Work, by introducing the particular History of his 
own Life, from his earliest days down to the time of 
his disgrace, as the most effectual means of vindicat- 
ing his character, wickedly traduced by his enemies, 
and artfully misrepresented to a master, whom he 
had long and faithfully served, whose countenance 
and favour being transferred to the authors and 
abettors of his ruin, might probably, in the eyes of 
the world, give too much colour to their aspersions. 
But afterwards, on more mature thoughts, his great 
benevolence and public spirit prevailed on him to 
drop the defence of his own private character, and 
resume his original plan of the History of the Rebel- 
lion. However, his noble descendants, willing to do 
justice to the memory of their great grandfather, 
and thinking it might be also of service to the pub- 
lic to deliver his exemplary life as complete as they 
could authentically collect it, have caused such parts 
of this manuscript, as related to the Earl of Claren- 
don's private life, to be extracted ; and according to 
their directions it is printed. 

The directions are as follows: 

" The Life of Lord Chancellor Clarendon from 
" his Birth to the Restoration of the Royal Family 



THE PREFACE. v 

" is extracted from a large manuscript in his own 
" hand-writing, in which is contained what has al- 
" ready been printed in the History of the Rebel- 
" lion ; and therefore care has been taken to tran- 
" scribe only what has never yet been published : 
" but as those passages are often intermixed with 
" the History already printed, it has been found 
" necessary to preserve connection by giving ab- 
" stracts c .of some parts of the printed history, with 
" references to the pages, where the reader may be 
" satisfied more at large. And, as great pains have 
" been taken to put this first part in the order it 
" now stands, it is desired that in this first edi- 
*' tion it may be printed exactly after the copy to 
" be sent. 

" The original manuscript of the Continuation of 
" Lord Chancellor Clarendon's Life from 1660 to 
" 1667 inclusive is very incorrect, many words being 
"'omitted, that must necessarily be supplied: but 
" it is desired that no other alterations may be made, 
" except in the orthography, or where literal or 
" grammatical errors require it, or where little in- 
" accuracies may have escaped the attention of the 
" author. The work must be printed entire, as it 
" now stands, no part of it left out, not an abstract, 
" nor a reference omitted." 

These directions have been punctually observed. 

c In the present edition all the passages here referred to are 
printed in Italics. 



vi THE PREFACE. 

The second part is printed from his lordship's ma- 
nuscript entire, without any omission or variation, 
except as above ; and with regard to the first part, 
the extract sent to us has been carefully compared 
with the original manuscript itself, and found to 
agree : so that the whole here offered to the public 
is the genuine work of the Lord Chancellor Claren- 
don. And both these valuable original manuscripts 
are given to the University by our noble benefac- 
tresses, to be deposited in the public library. 



THE LIFE 



OF 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON; 



FROM HIS BIRTH TO THE RESTORATION OF THE 
ROYAL FAMILY IN THE YEAR 1660. 



THE LIFE 



OF 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON; 

FROM HIS BIRTH TO THE RESTORATION OF THE 
ROYAL FAMILY IN THE YEAR 1660 . 



PART I. 



Montpelier, July 23, 1668. 

JH.E was born in Dinton in the county of Wilts, 
six miles from Salisbury, in the house of his father, 



who was Henry Hyde, the third son of Laurence E. Hyde's 
Hyde, of West-Hatch, esquire ; which Laurence was ""' 



the younger son of Robert Hyde of Norbury in the His & ene - 
county of Chester, esquire ; which estate of Norbury 
had continued in that family, and descended from 
father to son from before the Conquest, and con- 
tinues to this day in Edward Hyde, who is pos- 
sessed thereof: the other estate of Hyde having s.ome 
ages since fallen into that of Norbury, by a mar- 
riage, and continues still in that house. 

Laurence, being, as was said, the younger son of ^ a e t *f~ his 
Robert Hyde of Norbury, and the custom of that fami |y- 
county of Chester being, to make small provisions graad- 
for the younger sons of the best families, was, by a 

a FROM YKAR 1660.] Not in MS. 
VOL. I. B 



THE LIFE OF 

PART the care and providence of his mother, well edu- 
___!__ cated, and when his age was fit for it, was placed as 
a clerk in one of the auditor's offices of the exche- 
quer, where he gained great experience, and was 
employed in the affairs and business of sir John 
Thynne, who, under the protection and service of 
the duke of Somerset, had in a short time raised a 
very great estate, and was the first of that name 
who was known, and left the house of Longleat to 
his heir, with other lands to a great value. Lau- 
rence Hyde continued not above a year (or very 
little more) in that relation, and never gained any 
thing by it ; but shortly after married Anne, the re- 
lict and widow of Matthew Calthurst, esquire, of 
Claverton near Bath in the county of Somerset, by 
whom he had a fair fortune : and by her had four 
sons and four daughters, that is to say, Robert, 
Laurence, Henry, and Nicholas ; Joanna, married to 
Edward Younge of Durnford near Salisbury, esquire ; 
Alice, married to John St. Loe of Kingston in the 
county of Wilts, esquire ; Anne, married to Thomas 
Baynard of Wanstrow in the county of Somerset, 
esquire ; and Susanna, married to sir George Fuy 
of Kyneton in the county of Wilts, knight : and 
these four sons and four daughters lived all above 
forty years after the death of their father. 

Laurence, shortly after his marriage with Anne, 
purchased the manor of West-Hatch, where he died, 
and several other lands ; and having taken care to 
breed his sons at the university of Oxford, and inns 
of court, leaving his wife, the mother of all his chil- 
dren, possessed of the greatest part of his estate, 
presuming that she would be careful and kind to all 
their children, upon that account left the bulk of 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. tt 

his estate to Robert his eldest son, who married PART 
Anne the daughter of Castilian of Benham 



in the county of Berks, esquire, who had many chil- 
dren, and lived to the age of eighty, and left his 
estate, a little impaired by the marriage of many 
daughters, to his son. To Laurence his second son 
(who was afterwards sir Laurence, and attorney ge- 
neral to queen Anne, and a lawyer of great name 
and practice) he left the impropriate rectory of Din- 
ton, after the life of Anne his mother, charged with 
an annuity of forty pounds per annum to his third 
son Henry for his life ; and he charged some other 
part of his estate with an annuity of thirty pounds 
per annum to his youngest son Nicholas, for his life, 
relying upon the goodness of his wife, who was left 
very rich, as well by his donation, as from her hus- 
band Calthurst, that she would provide for the better 
support of the younger children ; two of which raised 
their fortunes by the law, Laurence, as was said be- 
fore, being attorney general to the queen, and Ni- 
cholas, the youngest son, living to be lord chief jus- 
tice of the king's bench, and dying in that office ; 
both of them leaving behind them many sons and 
daughters. 

Henry, the third son, being of the Middle Temple or his r- 
at his father's death, and being thought to be most 
in the favour of his mother, and being ready to be 
called to the bar, though he had studied the law 
very well, and was a very good scholar, having pro- 
ceeded master of arts in Oxford, had yet no mind 
to the practice of the law, but had long had an in- 
clination to travel beyond the seas, which in that 
strict time of queen Elizabeth was not usual, except 
to merchants, and such gentlemen who resolved to 

B 2 



4 THE LIFE OF 

PART be soldiers; and at last prevailed with his mother to 

'. give him leave to go to the Spa for his health, from 

whence lie followed his former inclinations, and pass- 
ing through Germany, he went into Italy, and from 
Florence he went to Syena, and thence to Rome: 
which was not only strictly inhibited to all the 
queen's subjects, but was very dangerous to all the 
English nation who did not profess themselves Ro- 
man catholics; to which profession he was very 
averse, in regard of the great animosity Sixtus 
Quintus (who was then pope) had to the person of 
queen Elizabeth : yet cardinal Allen, who was the 
last English cardinal, being then in Rome, he re- 
ceived so much protection from him, that during 
the time he stayed there, which was some months, 
he received no trouble, though many English priests 
murmured very much, and said, " that my lord car- 
" dinal was much to be blamed for protecting such 
" men, who came to Rome, and so seeing the eccle- 
'* siastical persons of that nation, discovered them 
** afterwards when they came into England, and so 
" they were put to death." 

After he was returned into England his mother 
was very glad, and persuaded him very earnestly to 
marry, offering him in that case, that whereas she 
had the rectory of Din ton in jointure for her life, 
upon which he had only an annuity of forty pounds 
per annum, for his life, the remainder being to come 
to Laurence the second brother and his heirs for 
ever, she would immediately resign her term to him, 
for his better support, and would likewise purchase 
of Laurence the said rectory for the life of Henry, 
and such a wife as he should marry ; upon which 
encouragement, and depending still upon his mo- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 5 

ther's future bounty, about the thirtieth year of his PART 

age, he married Mary, one of the daughters and ! 

heirs of Edward Langford of Trowbridge in the 
county of Wilts, esquire, by whom in present, and 
after her mother, he had a good fortune, in the ac- 
count of.that age. From that time, he lived a pri- 
vate life at Dinton aforesaid, with great cheerfulness 
and content, and with a general reputation through- 
out the whole country ; being a person of great 
knowledge and reputation, and of so great esteem 
for integrity, that most persons near him referred 
all matters of contention and difference which did 
arise amongst them to his determination ; by which, 
that part of the country lived in more peace and 
quietness than many of their neighbours. During 
the time of queen Elizabeth he served as a burgess 
for some neighbour boroughs in many parliaments ; 
but from the death of queen Elizabeth, he never 
was in London, though he lived above thirty years 
after ; and his wife, who was married to him above 
forty years, never was in London in her life ; the 
wisdom and frugality of that time being such, that 
few gentlemen made journeys to London, or any 
other expensive journeys, but upon important busi- 
ness, and their wives never; by which providence 
they enjoyed and improved their estates in the coun- 
try, and kept good hospitality in their houses, brought 
up their children well, and were beloved by their 
neighbours ; and in this rank, and with this reputa- 
tion, this gentleman lived till he was seventy years 
of age ; his younger brother the chief justice dying 
some years before him, and his two elder brothers 
outliving him. The great affection between the four 
brothers, and towards their sisters, of whom all en- 

B 3 



6 THE LIFE OF 

PART joyed plenty and contentedness, was very notorious 
'. throughout the country, and of credit to them all. 



Henry Hyde, the third son of Laurence, by his 
intermarriage with Mary Langford, had four sons 
and five daughters, and being by the kindness and 
bounty of his mother, who lived long, and till he 
had seven or eight children, possessed of such an 
estate as made his condition easy to him, lived still 
in the country, as was said before. Laurence his 
eldest son died young; Henry his second son lived 
till he was twenty-six or twenty-seven years of age ; 
Edward his third son was he who came afterwards 
to be earl of Clarendon, and lord high chancellor of 
England; Nicholas died young; Henry and Ed- 
ward were both in the university of Oxford toge- 
ther ; Henry being master of arts the act before his 
younger brother Edward came to the university, 
who was designed b by his father to the clergy. 
Time of the Ed ward Hyde, being the third son of his father, 

author's J 

birth, was born at Dinton upon the eighteenth day of 
February in the year 1608, being the fifth year of 
king James ; and was always bred in his father's 
house under the care of a schoolmaster, to whom his 
father had given the vicarage of that parish, who, 
having been always a schoolmaster, had bred many 
good scholars, and this person of whom we now 
speak, principally by the care and conversation of 
his father, (who was an excellent scholar, and took 
pleasure in conferring with him, and contributed 
much more to his education than the school did,) 
was thought fit to be sent to the university soon 

ft l> who was designed] who schoolmaster,] MS. adds : 
was then but thirteen years of (though but of very indifferent 
age, and designed parts) 



His educa- 
tion. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 7 

after he was thirteen years of age; and being a I'ART 

younger son of a younger brother, was to expect a ' 

small patrimony from his father, but to make his 
own fortune by his own industry ; and in order to 
that, was sent by his father to Oxford at that time, He is sent 

, . ... . to Oxford. 

being about Magdalen election time, in expectation 1022. 
that he should have been chosen demy of Magdalen 
college, the election being to be at that time, for 
which he was recommended by a special letter from 
king James to Dr. Langton then president of that 
college ; but upon pretence that the letter came too 
late, though the election was not then begun, he 
was not chosen, and so remained in Magdalen hall 
(where he was before admitted) under the tuition 
of Mr. John Oliver, a fellow of that college, who 
had been junior of the act a month before, and a 
scholar of eminency d . 

The year following, the president of the college 1623. 
having received reprehension from the lord Conway 
then secretary of state, for giving no more respect 
to the king's letter, he was chosen the next election 
in the first place, but that whole year passed with- 
out any avoidance of a demy's place, which was 
never known before in any man's memory, and that 
year king James died, and shortly after, Henry his 
elder brother, and thereupon his father having now 
no other son, changed his former inclination, and 
resolved to send his son Edward to the inns of 
court : he was then entered in the Middle Temple Mr. Hyde 

i i i TVT t i TT -i entered of 

by his uncle Nicholas Hyde, who was then treasurer the Middle 
of that society, and afterwards lord chief justice of 
the king's bench ; but by reason of the great plague 

d eminency.] MS. adds : who was his tutor. 
B 4 



8 THE LIFE OF 

PART then at London in the first year of king Charles, 
. and the parliament being then adjourned to Oxford, 



1625. wm 'ther the plague was likewise then brought by 
sir James Hussy, one of the masters of the chan- 
cery, who died in New college the first night after 
his arrival at Oxford, and shortly after Dr. Chaloner, 
principal of Alban hall, who had supped that night 
with sir James Hussy, he did not go to the Middle 
Temple till the Michaelmas term after the term at 
Reading, but remained partly at his father's house, 
and partly at the university, where he took the de- 
gree of bachelor of arts, and then left it, rather with 
the opinion of a young man of parts and pregnancy 
of wit, than that he had improved it much by in- 
dustry, the discipline of that time being not so strict 
as it hath been since, and as it ought to be; and 
the custom of drinking being too much introduced 
and practised, his elder brother having been too much 
corrupted in that kind, and so having at his first 
coming given him some liberty, at least some ex- 
ample towards that license, insomuch as he was 
often heard to say, " that it was a very good for- 
" tune to him that his father so soon removed him 
" from the university," though he always reserved a 
high esteem of it. 

Before the beginning of Michaelmas term (which 
was in the year 1625) the city being then clear 
from the plague, he went from Marlborough after 
the quarter sessions with his uncle Nicholas Hyde e 
to London, and arrived there f the eve of the term &, 

c Hyde] MS. adds : who was morning 

afterwards chief justice f term] MS. adds: and dined 

f arrived there] MS. adds : that day in the Middle Temple 

about ten of the clock in the hall 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 9 

being then between sixteen and seventeen years of PART 
age. In the evening he went to prayers to the - 
Temple church, and was there seized upon by a fit 1625> 
of an ague very violently, which proved a quartan, 
and brought him in a short time so weak, that his 
friends much feared a consumption, so that his uncle 
thought fit shortly after Alhollandtide to send him 
into the country to Pirton in North Wiltshire, whi- llem vedto 

Pirton. 

ther his father had removed himself from Dinton ; 
choosing rather to live upon his own land, the 
which he had purchased many years before, and to 
rent Dinton, which was but a lease for lives, to a 
tenant. He came home to his father's house very 
weak, his ague continuing so violently upon him 
(though it sometimes changed its course from a 
quartan to a tertian, and then to a quotidian, and 
on new year's day he had two hot fits and two 
cold fits) until Whitsunday following, that all men 
thought him to be in a consumption ; it then left 
him, and he grew quickly strong again. In this 
time of his sickness his uncle was made chief jus- 
tice : it was Michaelmas following before he returned Returns to 
to the Middle Temple, having by his want of health Tempi*. * 
lost a full year of study; and when he returned, it 
was without great application to the study of the 
law for some years, it being then a time when the 
town was full of soldiers, the king having then a 
war both with Spain and France, and the business 
of the Isle of Ree shortly followed ; and he had got- 
ten into the acquaintance of many of those officers, 
which took up too much of his time for one year : 
but as the war was quickly ended, so he had the 
good fortune quickly to make a full retreat from 
that company, and from any conversation with any 



10 THE LIFE OF 

PART of them, and without any hurt or prejudice 11 ; inso- 

' much as he used often to say, " that since it pleased 

1626. Q Q( J to p reserve him whilst he did keep that com- 
" pany, (in which he wonderfully escaped from be- 
" ing involved in many inconveniences,) and to 
" withdraw him so soon from it, he was not sorry 
" that he had some experience in the conversation 
*' of such men, and of the license of those times," 
which was very exorbitant : yet when he did in- 
dulge himself that liberty, it was without any signal 
debauchery, arid not without some hours every day, 
at least every night, spent amongst his books ; yet 
he would not deny that more than to be able to an- 
swer his uncle, who almost every night put a case 
to him in law, he could not bring himself to an in- 
dustrious pursuit of the law study, but rather loved 
polite learning and history, in which, especially in 
the Roman, he had been always conversant. 
sets out on In the year 1628 his father gave him leave to 

the Norfolk ... .... .... , . , 

circuit. ride the circuit in the summer with his uncle the 
1 628. c hj e f justice, who then rode the Norfolk circuit ; 
and indeed desired it, both that he might see those 
counties, and especially that he might be out of 
London in that season when the small pox raged 
very furiously, and many persons, some whereof 
were much acquainted 1 with him, died of that dis- 
ease in the Middle Temple itself. It was about the 
middle of July when that circuit began, and Cam- 
bridge was the first place the judges begun at ; Mr. 
justice Harvey (one of the judges of the common 
pleas) was in commission with the chief justice : 
they both came into Cambridge on the Saturday 

h prejudice] prejudice from ' much acquainted] very fa- 

their conversation miliar 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 11 

night, and the next day Mr. Edward Hyde fell sick, PART 
which was imputed only to his journey the day be-. 



fore in very hot weather; but he continued so ill 
the day or two following, that it was apprehended of the small 
that he might have the small pox ; whereupon he Ege. " 
was removed out of Trinity college, where the 
judges were lodged k , to the Sun inn, over against 
the college gate, the judges being to go out of town 
the next day ; but before they went, the small pox 
appeared; whereupon his uncle put him under the 
care of Mr. Crane an eminent apothecary, who had 
been bred up under Dr. Butler, and was in much 
greater practice than any physician in the univer- 
sity ; and left with him Laurence St. Loe one of his 
servants, who was likewise his nephew, to assist 
and comfort him. It pleased God to preserve him 
from that devouring disease, which was spread all 
over him very furiously, and had so far prevailed 
over him, that for some hours both his friends and 
physician consulted of nothing but of the place and 
manner of his burial ; but as I said, by God's good- 
ness he escaped that sickness, and within few days 
more than a month after his first indisposition, he 
passed in moderate journeys to his father's house at Returns 

again to 

Firton, where he arrived a day or two before Bar- pirton after 

. , i , bis reco- 

tholomew day. very . 

He was often wont to say, that he was reading 
to his father in Camden's Annals, and that particu- 
lar place, in which it is said, " Johannes Feltonus, 
" qui bullam pontificiam valvis palatii episcopi 
" Londinensis affixerat jam deprehensus, cumfu- 
" gere nollet,Jhctum confessus quod tamen crimen 

k lodged] MS. adds: and where he had a chamber 



12 THE LIFE OF 

PART " agnoscere noluit"&ic. when a person of the neigh- 
.bourhood knocked at the door, and being called in, 



1628> told his father that a post was then passed through 
the village to Charleton, the house of the earl of 
Berkshire, to inform the earl of Berkshire that the 
duke of Buckingham was killed the day before (be- 
ing the 24th of August, Bartholomew day, in the 
year 1628) by one John Felton*, which dismal ac- 
cident happening in the court, made a great change 
in the state, produced a sudden disbanding of all 
armies, and a due observation of, and obedience to 
the laws ; so that there being no more mutations in 
view (which usually affect the spirits of young men, 
And from at least hold them some time at gaze) Mr. Hyde re- 
the Middle turned again to his studies at the Middle Temple, 
Temple. nav j n g ft s ^{\\ j n n j s resolution to dedicate him- 
self to the profession of the law, without declin- 
ing the politer learning, to which his humour and 
his conversation kept him always very indulgent ; 
and to lay some obligation upon himself to be fixed 
to that course of life, he inclined to a proposition of 
marriage, which, having no other passion in it than 
an appetite to a convenient estate, succeeded not, yet 
produced new acquaintance, and continued the same 
inclinations. 

Death and About this time his uncle sir Nicholas Hyde, lord 
his^nde chief justice of the king's bench, died of a malig- 
Hyde. cb ' las nan t fever, gotten from the infection of some gaol 
in his summer circuit. He was a man of excellent 
learning for that province he was to govern, of un- 
suspected and unblemished integrity, of an exemplar 

* For the particulars of the duced at court and in public 
duke of Buckingham's death, affairs, vid. Hist, of the Rebel- 
and of the alterations it pro- lion, vol. i. p. 47, &c. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 13 

gravity and austerity, which was necessary for the PART 
manners of that time, corrupted by the marching of 



armies, and by the license after the disbanding 
them ; and though upon his promotion some years 
before, from a private practiser of the law to the 
supreme judicatory in it, by the power and recom- 
mendation of the great favourite, of whose council 
he had been, he was exposed to much envy and 
some prejudice ; yet his behaviour was so grateful to 
all the judges, who had an entire confidence in him, 
his service so useful to the king in his government, 
his justice and sincerity so conspicuous throughout 
the kingdom, that the death of no judge had in any 
time been more lamented. 

The loss of so beneficial an encouragement and 
support in that profession did not at all discourage 
his nephew in his purpose ; rather added new reso- 
lution to him ; and to call home all straggling and 
wandering appetites, which naturally produce irre- 
solution and inconstancy in the mind, with his fa- 
ther's consent and approbation he married a young Mr. Hyde's 
lady very fair and beautiful, the daughter of sir 1529. 
George Ayliffe, a gentleman of a good name and 
fortune in the county of Wilts, where his own ex- 
pectations lay, and by her mother (a St. John) nearly 
allied to many noble families in England. He en- 
joyed this comfort and composure of mind a very 
short time, for within less than six months after he 
was married, being upon the way from London to- 
wards his father's house, she fell sick at Reading, 
and being removed to a friend's house near that 
town, the small pox discovered themselves, and (she 
being with child) forced her to miscarry ; and she D . eatl | of 
died within two days. He bore her loss with so 



14 THE LIFE OF 

PART great passion and confusion of spirit, that it shook 
. all the frame of his resolutions, and nothing but his 



1629. en tire duty and reverence to his father kept him 
from giving over all thoughts of books, and trans- 
porting himself beyond the seas to enjoy his own 
melancholy ; nor could any persuasion or importu- 
nity from his friends prevail with him in some years 
to think of another marriage. There was an ill ac- 
cident in the court befell a lady of a family nearly 
allied to his wife, whose memory was very dear to 
him, and there always continued a firm friendship 
in him to all her alliance, which likewise ever ma- 
nifested an equal affection to him ; amongst those 
was William viscount Grandison, a young man of 
extraordinary hope, between whom and the other 
there was an entire confidence. The injury was of 
that nature, that the young lord thought of nothing 
but repairing it his own way; but those imagina- 
tions were quickly at an end, by the king's rigor- 
ous and just proceeding against the persons offend- 
ing, in committing them both to the Tower, and 
declaring that " since he was satisfied that there 
" was a promise of marriage in the case, the gentle- 
" man should make good his promise by marrying 
" the lady ; or be kept in prison, and for ever ba- 
" nished from all pretence or relation to the court," 
where he had a very great credit and interest. This 
declaration by the king made the nearest friends of 
the lady pursue the design of this reparation more 
solicitously, in which they had all access to the 
king, who continued still in his declared judgment 
in the matter. In this pursuit Mr. Hyde's passion- 
ate affection to the family embarked him, and they 
were all as willing to be guided by his conduct; 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 15 

the business was to be followed by frequent in- PART 
stances at court, and conferences with those who ' 



had most power and opportunity to confirm the 1629< 
king in the sense he had entertained ; and those con- 
ferences were wholly managed by him, who thereby 
had all admission to the persons of alliance to the 
lady, and so concerned in the dishonour, which was 
a great body of lords and ladies of principal rela- The occa- 
tions in court, with whom in a short time he was of Hide's fn- 
great credit and esteem ; of which the marquis of [0^". 
Hamilton was one, who having married an excellent c ' uis of Ha - 

t * milton. 

lady, cousin-german to the injured person, seemed 
the most concerned and most zealous for her vindi- 
cation, and who had at that time the most credit of 
any man about the court, and 1 upon that occasion 
entered into a familiarity with him, and made as 
great professions of kindness to him as could pass to 
a person at that distance from him, which continued 
till the end and conclusion of that affair, when the 
marquis believed that Mr. Hyde had discovered 
some want of sincerity in him in that prosecution, 
which he pretended so much to assert. 

The mention of this particular little story, in it- 
self of no seeming consequence, is not inserted here 
only as it made some alterations, and accidentally 
introduced him into another way of conversation 
than he had formerly been accustomed to, and 
which in truth by the acquaintance, by the friends 
and enemies he then made, had an influence upon 
the whole course of his life afterwards ; but as m it 
made such impressions upon the whole court, by di- 
viding the lords and ladies both in their wishes and 

1 and] and who ra as] that 



16 THE LIFE OF 

PART appearances, that much of that faction grew out of 
it, which survived the memory of the original ; and 



from this occasion (to shew us from how small 
springs great rivers may arise) the women, who till 
then had not appeared concerned in public affairs, 
began to have some part in all business ; and hav- 
ing shewn themselves warm upon this amour, as 
their passions or affections carried them, and there- 
by entered into new affections, and formed new in- 
terests ; the activity in their spirits remained still 
vigorous when the object which first inspired it was 
vanished and put in oblivion. Nor were the very 
ministers of state vacant upon this occasion ; they 
who for their own sakes, or, as they pretended, for 
the king's dignity, and honour of the court, desired 
the ruin of the gentleman, pressed the magnitude 
of the crime, in bringing so great a scandal upon 
the king's family, which would hinder persons of 
honour from sending their children to the court ; 
and that there could be no reparation without the 
marriage, which they therefore only insisted upon, 
because they believed he would prefer banishment 
before it; others who had friendship for him and 
believed that he had an interest in the court, which 
might accommodate himself and them if this breach 
were closed any way, therefore if the king's severity 
could not be prevailed upon, wished it concluded by 
the marriage ; which neither himself nor they upon 
whom he most depended would ever be brought to 
consent to ; so that all the jealousies and animo- 
sities in the court or state came to play their own 
prizes in the widening or accommodating this con- 
tention. In the conclusion, on a sudden, contrary 
to the expectation of any man of either party, the 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 17 

gentleman was immediately sent out of the king- PART 
dom, under the formality of a temporary and short 



banishment, and the lady commended to her friends, ! 629 - 
to be taken care of till her delivery ; and from that 
time never word more spoken of the business, nor 
shall their names ever come upon the stage by any 
record of mine. It was only observed, that at this 
time there was a great change in the friendships of 
the court, and in those of the marquis of Hamilton, 
who came now into the queen's confidence, towards 
whom he had always been in great jealousy ; and 
another lady more appeared in view, who had for 
the most part before continued behind the curtain ; 
and who in few years after came to a very unhappy 1632. 
and untimely end. 

Now after a widowhood of near three years, Mr. 
Hyde inclined" again to marry, which he knew 
would be the most grateful thing to his father (for 
whom he had always a profound reverence) he 
could do ; and though he needed no other motive 
to it, he would often say, that though he was now 
called to the bar, and entered into the profession of 
the law, he was not so confident of himself that he 
should not start aside if his father should die, who 
was then near seventy years of age, having long en- 
tertained thoughts of travels, but that he thought 
it necessary to lay some obligation upon himself, 
which would suppress and restrain all those appe- 
tites ; and thereupon resolved to marry, and so, be- 
ing about the age of twenty-four years, in the year 
of our Lord 1632, he married the daughter of sir His second 

marriage. 

Thomas Aylesbury, baronet, master of requests to 

" inclined] was inclined a profound] an infinite 

VOL. I. C 



18 THE LIFE OF 

PART the king; by whom he had many children of both 
sexes, with whom he lived very comfortably in the 



1632. mos t uncomfortable times, and very joyfully in those 
times when matter of joy was administered, for the 
space of five or six and thirty years ; what befell 
him after her death will be recounted in its place. 
From the time of his marriage he laid aside all 
other thoughts but of his profession, to the which 
he betook himself very seriously; but in the very 
entrance into it, he met with a great mortification : 
some months after he was married, he went with 
his wife to wait upon his father and mother at his 
house at Pirton, to make them sharers in that satis- 
faction which they had so long desired to see, and 
in which they took great delight. 

His father had long suffered under an indisposi- 
tion (even before the time his son could remember) 
which gave him rather frequent pains than sick- 
ness; and gave him cause to be terrified with the 
expectation of the stone, without being exercised 
with the present sense of it : but from the time he 
was sixty years of age it increased very much, and 
four or five years before his death, with circum- 
stances scarce heard of before, and the causes where- 
of are not yet understood by any physician : he was 
very often, both in the day and the night, forced to 
make water, seldom in any quantity, because he 
could not retain it long enough ; and in the close of 
that work, without any sharp pain in those parts, 
he was still and constantly seized on by so sharp a 
pain in the left arm for half a quarter of an hour, or 
near so much, that the torment made him as pale 
(whereas he was otherwise of a very sanguine com- 
plexion) as if he were dead; and he used to say, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 19 

" that he had passed the pangs of death, and he PART 
" should die in one of those fits." As soon as it was -__!__ 



over, which was quickly, he was the cheerfullest 1632 - 
man living ; eat well such things as he could fancy, 
walked, slept, digested, conversed with such a 
promptness and vivacity upon all arguments (for 
he was omnifariam doctus) as hath been seldom 
known in a man of his age : but he had the image 
of death so constantly before him in those continual 
torments, that for many years before his death he 
always parted with his son as to see him no more ; 
and at parting still shewed him his will, discoursing 
very particularly and very cheerfully of all things he 
would have performed after his death. 

He had for some time before resolved to leave the Hi* father'* 
country, and to spend the remainder of his time 
Salisbury, where he had caused a house to be pro- 
vided for him, both for the neighbourhood of the 
cathedral church, where he could perform his devo- 
tions every day, and for the conversation of many 
of his family who lived there, and not far from it ; 
and especially that he might be buried there, where 
many of his family and friends lay ; and he obliged 
his son to accompany him thither before his return 
to London ; and he came to Salisbury on the Friday 
before Michaelmas day in the year 1632, and lodged 
in his own house that night. The next day he was 
so wholly taken up in receiving visits from his many 
friends, being a person wonderfully reverenced in 
those parts, that he walked very little out of his 
house. The next morning, being Sunday, lie rose 
very early, and went to two or three churches ; and 
when he returned, which was by eight of the clock, 
he told his wife and his son, " that he had been to 

c 2 



20 THE LIFE OF 

PART i 00 k out a place to be buried in, but found none 

" against which he had not some exception, the ca- 

* " thedral only excepted : where he had made a choice 
" of a place near a kinsman of his own name, and had 
" shewed it to the sexton, whom he had sent for to 
" that purpose; and wished them to see him buried 
" there ;" and this with as much composedness of 
mind as if it had made no impression on him P ; then 
went to the cathedral to sermon, and spent the 
whole day in as cheerful conversation with his 
friends, (saving only the frequent interruptions his 
infirmity gave him once in two or three hours, 
sometimes more, sometimes less,) as the man in the 
most confirmed health could do. Monday was Mi- 
chaelmas day, when in the morning he went to visit 
his brother sir Laurence Hyde, who was then mak- 
ing a journey in the service of the king, and from 
him went to the church to a sermon, where he 
found himself a little pressed as he used to be, and 
therefore thought fit to make what haste he could 
to his house, and was no sooner come thither into a 
lower room, than having made water, and the pain 
And death, in his arm seizing upon him, he fell down dead, 
without the least motion of any limb. The sudden- 
ness of it made it apprehended to be an apoplexy ; 
but there being nothing like convulsions, or the 
least distortion or alteration in the visage, it is not 
like to be from that cause ; nor could the physicians 
make any reasonable guess from whence that mor- 
tal blow proceeded. He wanted about six weeks of 
attaining the age of seventy, and was the greatest 
instance of the felicity of a country life that was 

p impression on him] impression of mind 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 21 

seen in that age; having enjoyed a competent, and PART 

to him a plentiful fortune, a very great reputation L_ 

of piety and virtue, and his death being attended 1632 - 
with universal lamentation. It cannot be expressed 
with what agony his son bore this loss, having, as 
he was used to say, " not only lost the best father, 
" but the best friend and the best companion he 
" ever had or could have ;" and he was never so 
well pleased, as when he had fit occasions given him 
to mention his father, whom he did in truth believe ' 
to be the wisest man he had ever known ; and he 
was often heard to say, in the time when his condi- 
tion was at highest, " that though God Almighty 
" had been very propitious to him, in raising him to 
" great honours and preferments, he did not value 
" any honour he had so much as the being the son 
" of such a father and mother, for whose sakes prin- 
" cipally he thought God had conferred those bless- 
" ings upon him." 

There fell out at this time, or thereabouts, a great 1635. 
alteration in the court and state, by the death of 
the earl of Portland, lord high treasurer of Eng- 
land 1. The king from the death of the duke of 
Buckingham had not only been very reserved in his 
bounty, but so frugal in his own expense, that he 
had retrenched much of what had formerly issued 
out for his household, in so much as every year 
somewhat had been paid of his debts. He resolved 
now to govern his treasury by commission, and to 
take a constant account of it ; and thereby to dis- 
cover what had been of late done amiss. The com- 

i lord high treasurer of Eng- to the character of the earl 
land] MS. adds. -of whom enough inserted in the History, vol. i. 
hath been said before ; alluding p. 84. 

c 3 



32 THE LIFE OF 

PART missioners he appointed were, the lord archbishop 

! of Canterbury, Dr. Laud, (formerly bishop of Lon- 

Thl nla* don ') tne lord kee P er Coventry, and other principal 
urer's of- officers of state, who, together with the lord Cot- 
to comniis- tington, (who was chancellor of the exchequer, and 
ofwhom by his office of the quorum in that commission,) 
La C d ifone. were to su ppty tne ffi ce of treasurer in all particu- 
lars. The archbishop of Canterbury, who till now 
had only intended the good government of the 
church, without intermeddling in secular affairs, 
otherwise than when the discipline of the church 
was coricerned, in which he was very strict, both in 
the high commission, and in all other places, where 
he sat as a privy counsellor, well foreseeing, as he 
made manifest upon several occasions, the growth 
of the schismatics, and that if they were not w r ith 
rigour suppressed, they would put the whole king- 
dom into a flame, which shortly after fell out to be 
{ too confessed a truth ; though for the present his 
providence only served to increase the number of 
his enemies, who had from that his zeal contracted 
all the malice against him that can be imagined, 
and which he, out of the conscience of his duty, 
and the purity of his intentions, and his knowledge 
of the king's full approbation of his vigilance and 
ardour, too much undervalued ; I say, as soon as 
he was made commissioner of the treasury, he 
thought himself obliged to take all the pains he 
could to understand that employment, and the na- 
ture of the revenue, and to find out all possible ways 
for the improvement thereof, and for the present 
managery of the expense. Many were of opinion 
that he was the more solicitous in that disquisition, 
and the more inquisitive into what had been done, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 23 

that he might make some discovery of past actions, PART 
which might reflect upon the memory of the late, 



treasurer, the earl of Portland, and call his wisdom 1635 - 
and integrity in question, who had been so far from 
being his friend, that he had always laboured to do 
him all the mischief he could ; and it was no small 
grief of heart to him, and much occasion of his ill 
humour, to find that the archbishop had too much 
credit with the king, to be shaken by him : and the 
archbishop was not in his affections behindhand ' 
with him, looking always upon him as a Roman ca- 
tholic, though he dissembled it by going to church ; 
and as the great countenancer and support of that 
religion ; all his family being of that profession, and 
very few resorting to it, or having any credit with 
him but such. It is very true, the archbishop had 
no great regard for his memory, or for his friends, 
and was willing enough to make any discovery of 
his miscarriages, and to inform his majesty of them, 
who he believed had too good an opinion of him 
and his integrity. 

The truth is, the archbishop had laid down one 
principle to himself, which he believed would much 
advance the king's service, and was without doubt 
very prudent ; that the king's duties being provided 
for, and cheerfully paid, the merchants should re- 
ceive all the countenance and protection from the 
king that they could expect, and not be liable to 
the vexation particular men gave them for their 
private advantage ; being forward enough to re- 
ceive propositions which tended to the king's profit, 
but careful that what accrued of burden to the sub- 
ject should redound entirely to the benefit of the 

c 4 



24 THE LIFE OF 

PART crown, and not enrich projectors at the charge of 

'. the people : and there is reason to believe that if 

J635> this measure had been well observed, much of that 
murmur had been prevented, which contributed to 
that jealousy and discontent which soon after brake 
out. This vigilance and inclination in the arch- 
bishop opened a door to the admission of any mer- 
chants or others to him, who gave him information 
of this kind ; and who being ready to pay any thing 
to the king, desired only to be protected from pri- 
vate oppressions. The archbishop used to spend as 
much time as he could get at Ms country house at 
Croydon ; and then his mind being unbent from bu- 
siness, he delighted in the conversation of his neigh- 
bours, and treated them with great urbanity. 

There was a merchant of the greatest reputa- 
tion, (Daniel Harvey,) who, having a country house 
within the distance of a few miles r from Croydon, 
and understanding the whole business of trade 
more exactly than most men, was always very wel- 
come to the archbishop, who used to ask him many 
questions upon such matters as he desired to be in- 
formed in ; and received much satisfaction from 
him. Upon an accidental discourse between them, 
what encouragement merchants ought to receive, 
who brought a great trade into the kingdom, and 
paid thereupon great sums of money to the king, 
Mr.Har. Mr. Harvey mentioned the discouragements they 

vey'g cdm- . * 

plaint to had received in the late times, by the rigour of 
bishop of the earl of Portland, in matters that related nothing 
P e rt e i*nd! f to the king's service, but to the profit of private 

' the distance of a few miles] a few miles 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 25 

men ; and thereupon remembered a particular, that, PART 

after the dissolution of the parliament s in the fourth '. 

year of the king, and the combination amongst l635 ' 
many merchants to pay no more customs or impo- 
sitions to the king, because they had not been 
granted in parliament, which produced those suits 
and decrees in the exchequer, which are generally 
understood, and a general distraction in trade; 
many merchants of the greatest wealth and reputa- 
tion resolved to continue the trade ; and in a short 
time reduced it into so good order, and by, their ad- 
vice and example disposed others to make a punc- 
tual entry of their goods, and to pay their duties to 
the king, that the trade seemed to be restored to 
the nation, and the customs to rise above the value 
they had ever yielded to the crown : which was no 
sooner brought to pass, than the earl of Portland 
(who endeavoured to ^ persuade the king that this 
great work was entirely compassed by his wisdom, 
interest, and dexterity) disobliged the merchants in 
a very sensible degree, in requiring them to unlade 
their ships at the custom-house quay, and at no 
other quay or wharf, upon pretence that thereby 
the king would have his customs well paid, of which 
otherwise he would be in danger to be cozened ; 
and alleged an order that had been formerly made 
in the court of the exchequer, that fine goods which 
were portable, (as silks and fine linens,) and might 
easily be stolen, should always be landed at the 
custom-house quay. The merchants looked upon 
this constraint and restraint as a great oppression, 
and applied themselves to him for reparation and 

8 parliament] Originally in viour of the house of eom- 
MS. upon the mutinous beha- mons. 



26 THE LIFE OF 

PART redress: they undertook to make it evident to him, 
.that it was merely a matter which concerned the 



1635. private benefit of the particular wharfingers, and 
not l in the least degree the king's profit ; that the 
custom-house quay was of great value to the owner 
of it, who had a very great rent for it, but that it 
yielded the king nothing, nor would in fifty years 
or thereabouts, there being a lease yet to come for 
that term ; that the mention of fine goods, and the 
order of the exchequer, was not applicable to the 
question ; that they disputed not the landing of fine 
goods, but that the pretence was to compel them to 
bring their grossest, and their merchandise of the 
greatest bulk to that quay, whereas they had been 
always free to ship or unship such goods at what 
wharf they would choose for their conveniences ; 
there being the sworn waiters of the custom-house 
attending in the one, as well as the other ; that the 
restraining them to one wharf, and obliging all the 
ships to be brought thither, must prove much to 
their prejudice, and make them depend upon the 
good-will of the wharfinger for their despatch ; who 
in truth, let his desire be never so good, could not 
be able to perform the service, without obliging 
them to wait very long, and thereby to lose their 
markets. All this discourse, how reasonable soever, 
made no impression upon the treasurer, but he dis- 
missed them with his usual roughness, and re- 
proached them that they desired all occasions to 
cozen the king of his customs ; which they looked 
upon as an ill reward for the service they had done, 
and a great discouragement to trade. The archbi- 
shop heard this discourse with great trouble and in- 

' not] Omitted in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 27 

dignation, and being then interrupted by the com- PART 
ing of persons of quality, told him, he would some 



other time run over all these particulars again, and 1635> 
that he -should recollect himself for other instances 
of that strange nature. 

The next time the archbishop returned to Croy- 
don, which he usually did once in the week during 
the summer, and stayed a day or two, impatient to 
understand more of the matter, he sent for Mr. 
Harvey, and told him, " that his last discourse had 
" given him much cause of sorrow, in finding how 
" the king had been used, and that he knew his na- 
" ture so well, that he could confidently say, that he 
" never knew of that kind of proceeding, and that 
" he wondered that the merchants had not then pe- 
" titioned the king to hear the matter himself." He 
answered, " that they had left no way unattempted 
" for their ease, having no fear of displeasing the 
" treasurer ; that they had caused a petition to be 
" drawn by their council, which was signed by all 
" the principal merchants in the city, wherein (to 
" obviate the calumny concerning refusing to pay, 
" or stealing customs) they declared, that they were 
" all very willing to pay all duties to his majesty, 
" and would never refuse the same, (which was 
*' a declaration would have been much valued a 
" year or two before, and ought to have been so 
" then,) only desired to be left at liberty to ship 
^* and land their goods as they had been accustomed 
" to ; that they had given this petition to a secre- 
" tary of state to present it to the king, who re- 
" ferred it to the consideration of the treasurer ; and 
" thereupon they pursued it no further, knowing 
" how he stood resolved, and the cause of it, which 



28 THE LIFE OF 

PART " troubled them most, viz. that that custom-house 
_ " quay did, though not in his own name, in truth 



1635. belong to sir Abraham Dawes, one of the farmers 
" of the customs, and the only favourite u of the lord 
" treasurer, all the other farmers being offended 
" with the order, which they saw would offend the 
" merchants." The archbishop asked " where that 
" petition was ; that he thought it still of that mo- 
" ment, that he would be glad to see it." He an- 
swered, " he knew not where it was ; but he be- 
" lieved it to remain in the hands of Mr. Hyde, 
" who had drawn it, and was of council with the 
" merchants throughout the whole proceedings ; 
" and was so warm in it, that he had exceedingly 
" provoked the lord treasurer, who would have 
Mr. Harvey " ruined him if he could." He asked who that Mr. 
Mr. Hyde Hyde was, and where he was : the other said, " he 
bishop , anh " was a y un g lawyer of the Middle Temple, who 
" was not afraid of being of council with them, 
" when all men of name durst not appear for them ; 
" and that he was confident that he, having been 
" always present at all debates, remembered many 
" circumstances in the business which the other had 
" forgotten ; that he was generally known ; and had 
" lately married the daughter of sir Thomas Ayles- 
" bury." 

Within a few days after, the archbishop meeting 
sir Thomas Aylesbury at court, asked him whether 
he had married his daughter to one Mr. Hyde, a 
lawyer, and where he was : he answered, he had 
done so, and that he lived in his house, when he 
was not at his chamber in the Middle Temple. The 

11 favourite] minion 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 29 

archbishop desired him to send him to him, for he PART 
heard well of him; and the next morning he at-. 



tended x him, and found him walking alone in his 1635 ' 

garden at Lambeth : he received him civilly accord- attend? the 

ing to his manner, without much ceremony ; and archblsh P < 

presently asked him, whether he had not been of 

council with some merchants in such a business, and 

where that petition now was : he answered him, 

not knowing why he asked, " that he had been 

" about two years past of council with some mer- 

" chants about such an aifair, in which the earl of 

"Portland had been much incensed against him; 

" that he remembered he had drawn such a peti- 

" tipn, which was signed by all the considerable 

" merchants of London, but that there was little 

" progress made thereupon, by reason of the as- 

" perity of the treasurer." He asked still for the 

petition that was so signed ; he told him, he thought 

he had it himself, if he had it not, he was confident 

he could find who had it : he desired him, that he 

would find it out, and bring it to him, and any 

other papers concerning that affair, or the business 

of the customs. He said, " the king had, contrary 

" to his desire, made him one of the commis- 

" sioners of the treasury ; that he understood no- 

" thing of that province, but was willing to take 

" any pains which might enable him to do his mas- 

" ter service, which made him inquisitive into the 

" customs, the principal branch of the revenue ; 

" that his neighbour Daniel Harvey had spoken 

" much good of him to him ; and informed him of 

" that complaint of the merchants, which he thought 

1 he attended] I attended, as far as relates to Mr. Hyde, is 
The whole of this conversation, given in the first person. 



SO THE LIFE OF 

PART " had much reason in it, but it was like other acts 
" of the earl of Portland ; that he would be willing 



1635. to receive any information from him, and that he 
" should be welcome when he came to him." He 
told him, in short, (which he heard would please 
him best,) two or three passages that happened in 
that transaction ; and some haughty >' expressions 
which fell from the treasurer, when upon his urging 
that the farmers would not hold their farm, if he 
did not strictly hold the merchants to custom-house 
quay, he told him, " that if the farmers were weary 
" of their bargain, he would help the king to forty 
" thousand pounds a year above the rent they paid, 
" and that they should be paid all the money they 
" had advanced within one week ;" upon which the 
earl indeed had let himself out into an indecent rage, 
using many threats to him : which he found was 
not ingrateful to the archbishop, upon whom he at- 
tended within a day or two again, and delivered him 
the petition and many other useful papers, which 
pleased him abundantly; and he required him to 
see him often. 

By this accident Mr. Hyde came first to be 
known to the archbishop, who ever afterwards used 
him very kindly, and spoke well of him upon all oc- 
casions, and took particular notice of him when he 
came of council in any causes depending at the 
council board, as he did frequently ; and desired his 
service in many occasions, and particularly in the 
raising monies for the building St. Paul's church, in 
which he made a journey or two into Wiltshire with 
good success ; which the archbishop still acknow- 

>' haughty] huffing 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 31 

ledged in a more obliging way than he was accus- PART 
tomed to ; insomuch as it was so much taken notice . 



of, that Mr. Hyde (who well knew how to cultivate.. 1 ^- 

* ^ Mr. Hyde 

those advantages) was used with more countenance receives en- 
by all the judges in Westminster hall, and the emi- ment in hu 

. .1 11 f profession. 

nent practisers, than was usually given to men of 
his years; so that he grew every day in practice, 
of which he had as much as he desired ; and hav- 
ing a competent estate of his own, he enjoyed a 
very pleasant and a plentiful life, living much 
above the rank 7 of those lawyers whose business 
was only to be rich ; and was generally beloved 
and esteemed by most persons of condition and 
great reputation. Though he pursued his profession 
with great diligence and intentness of mind, and 
upon the matter wholly betook himself to business, 
yet he made not himself a slave to it, but kept both 
his friends at court and about the town, by his fre- 
quent application and constant conversation : in or- His method 
der to which, he always gave himself at dinner to 
those who used to meet together at that hour, and 
in such places as was mutually agreed between 
them ; where they enjoyed themselves with great a 
delight and public reputation, for the innocence, 
and sharpness, and learning of their conversation. 
For he would never suffer himself to be deprived of 
some hours (which commonly he borrowed from 
the night) to refresh himself with polite learning, 
in which he still made some. progress. The after- 
noons he entirely dedicated to the business of his 
profession, taking instructions and the like; and 
very rarely supped, except he was called out by 

z living much above the rank] above the rank 
living very generously, and much "great] wonderful 



32 THE LIFE OF 

PART some of his friends, who spared him the more, be- 
cause he always complied with those summons ; 



1635. otherwise he never supped for many years, (before 
the troubles brought in that custom,) both for the 
gaining that time for himself, and that he might rise 
early in the morning according to his custom, and 
which he would say, he could never do when he 
supped. The vacations he gave wholly to his study 
and conversation, never going out of London in those 
seasons, except for two months in the summer, 
which he spent at his own house in the country, 
with great cheerfulness amongst his friends, who 
then resorted to him in good numbers. 

He never did ride any country circuits with the 
judges, which he often repented afterwards, saying, 
that besides the knowing the gentry, and people, and 
manners of England, (which is best attained that 
way,) there is a very good and necessary part of the 
learning in the law, which is not so easily got any 
other way, as in riding those circuits ; which as it 
seems to have much of drudgery, so is accompa- 
nied with much pleasure and profit b ; and it may be, 
the long lives of men of that profession (for the law- 
yers usually live to more years than any other pro- 
fession) may very reasonably be imputed to the ex- 
ercise they give themselves by their circuits, as well 
as to their other acts of temperance and sobriety. 
And as he had denied himself that satisfaction, 
purely to have that time to himself for other delight, 
so he did resolve, if the confusion of the time had 
not surprised him, for three or four years (longer he 
did not intend) to have improved himself by the ex- 
perience of those journeys. 

b and profit] as well as profit 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 33 

He was often heard to say, that, " next the imme- PART 
" diate blessing and providence of God Almighty, ' 
" which had preserved him throughout the whole 
" course of his life, (less strict than it ought to have 
" been) from many dangers and disadvantages, in 
" which many other young men were lost ; he owed 
" all the little he knew, and the little good that was 
" in him, to the friendships and conversation he had 
" still been used to, of the most excellent men in 
" their several kinds that lived in that age ; by 
" whose learning, and information, and instruction, 
" he formed his studies, and mended his understand- 
" ing ; and by whose gentleness and sweetness of 
" behaviour, and justice, and virtue, and example, he 
" formed his manners, subdued that pride, and sup- 
'* pressed that heat and passion he was naturally in- 
" clined to be transported with." And he never took 
more pleasure in any thing, than in frequently men- 
tioning and naming those persons, who were then his 
friends, or of his most familiar conversation, and in 
remembering their particular virtues and faculties ; 
and used often to say, " that he never was so proud, 
" or thought himself so good a man, as when he was 
" the worst man in the company ;" all his friends 
and companions being in their quality, in their for- 
tunes, at least in their faculties and endowments of 
mind, very much his superiors: and he always 
charged his children to follow his example in that 
point, in making their friendships and conversation ; 
protesting, that in the whole course of his life he 
never knew one man, of what condition soever, ar- 
rive to any degree of reputation in the world, who 
made choice or delighted in the company or conver- 
VOL. i. D 



34 THE LIFE OF 

PART sation of those, who in their qualities were inferior, 
or in their parts not much superior to himself. 



1635. Whilst he was only a student of the law, and 

Some ac- ' 

count of his stood at gaze, and irresolute what course of life to 

- * 

take, his chief acquaintance were Ben Johnson, 
emof John Selden, Charles Cotton, John Vaughan, sir Ke- 

the law. ne i m Digby, Thomas May, and Thomas Carew, and 
some others of eminent faculties in their several 
ways. Ben Johnson's name can never be forgotten, 
having by his very good learning, and the severity 
of his nature and manners, very much reformed the 

character stage ; and indeed the English poetry itself. His na- 
tural advantages were, judgment to order and govern 
fancy, rather than excess of fancy, his productions 
being slow and upon deliberation, yet then abound- 
ing with great wit and fancy, and will live accord- 
ingly ; and surely as he did exceedingly exalt the 
English language in eloquence, propriety, and mas- 
culine expressions, so he was the best judge of, and 
fittest to prescribe rules to poetry and poets, of any 
man, who had lived with, or before him, or since : 
if Mr. Cowley had not made a flight beyond all men, 
with that modesty yet, to ascribe much of this to 
the example and learning of Ben Johnson. His 
conversation was very good, and with the men of 
most note ; and he had for many years an extraor- 
dinary kindness for Mr. Hyde, till he found he be- 
took himself to business, which he believed ought 
never to be preferred before his company. He lived 
to be very old, and till the palsy made a deep im- 
pression upon his body and his mind. 

c to himself.] to them. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 35 

Mr. Selden was a person whom no character can PART 
flatter, or transmit in any expressions equal to his l ' 



merit and virtue. He was of so stupendous learn- 1635. 
ing in all kinds and in all languages, (as may appear den. 
in his excellent and transcendent writings,) that a 
man would have thought he had been entirely con- 
versant amongst books, and had never spent an hour 
but in reading and writing ; yet his humanity, court- 
esy, and- affability was such, that he would have 
been thought to have been bred in the best courts, 
but that his good nature, charity, and delight in 
doing good, and in communicating all he knew, ex- 
ceeded that breeding. His style in all his writings 
seems harsh and sometimes obscure ; which is not 
wholly to be imputed to the abstruse subjects of 
which he commonly treated, out of the paths trod by 
other men ; but to a little undervaluing the beauty of 
a style, and too much propensity to the language of 
antiquity : but in his conversation he was the most 
clear discourser, and had the best faculty of making 
hard things easy, and presenting them to the under- 
standing, of any man that hath been known. Mr. 
Hyde was wont to say, that he valued himself upon 
nothing more than upon having had Mr. Selden's 
acquaintance from the time he was very young ; and 
held it with great delight as long as they were suf- 
fered to continue together in London ; and he was 
very much troubled always when he heard him 
blamed, censured, and reproached, for staying in 
London, and in the parliament, after they were in 
rebellion, and in the worst times, which his age 
obliged him to do ; and how wicked soever the ac- 
tions were which were every day done, he was confi- 
dent he had not given his consent to them; but 

D 2 



36 THE LIFE OF 

FART would have hindered them if he could with his own 
safety, to which he was always enough indulgent. If 



ton. 



1635. j^ jjad some infirmities with other men, they were 
weighed down with wonderful and prodigious abili- 
ties and excellencies in the other scale, 
or Mr. cot- Charles Cotton was a gentleman born to a com- 
petent fortune, and so qualified in his person and 
education, that for many years he continued the 
greatest ornament of the town, in the esteem of those 
who had been best bred. His natural parts were 
very great, his wit flowing in all the parts of con- 
versation ; the superstructure of learning not raised 
to a considerable height; but having passed some 
years in Cambridge, and then in France, and con- 
versing always with learned men, his expressions 
were ever proper and significant, and gave great 
lustre to his discourse upon any argument ; so that 
he was thought by those who were not intimate with 
him, to have been much better acquainted with books 
than he was. He had all those qualities which in youth 
raise men to the reputation of being fine gentlemen ; 
such a pleasantness and gayety of humour, such a 
sweetness and gentleness of nature, and such a civi- 
lity and delightfulness in conversation, that no man 
in the court, or out of it, appeared a more accom- 
plished person ; all these extraordinary qualifications 
being supported by as extraordinary a clearness of 
courage and fearlessness of spirit, of which he gave 
too often manifestation. Some unhappy suits in law, 
and waste of his fortune in those suits, made some 
impression upon his mind; which being improved by 
domestic afflictions, and those indulgences to him- 
self which naturally attend those afflictions, rendered 
his age less reverenced than his youth had been ; and 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 37 

gave his best friends cause to have wished that he PART 
had not lived so long. 



1 fiQ 

John Vaughan was then a student of the law in 
the Inner Temple, but at that time indulged more 
the politer learning ; and was in truth a man of 
great parts of nature, and very well adorned by arts 
and books, and so much cherished by Mr. Selden, 
that he grew to be of entire trust and friendship 
with him, and to that owed the best part of his repu- 
tation : for he was of so magisterial and supercilious a 
humour, so proud and insolent a behaviour, that all 
Mr. Selden's instructions, and authority, and exam- 
ple, could not file off that roughness of his nature, so 
as to make him very grateful. He looked most into 
those parts of the law which disposed him to least re- 
verence to the crown, and most to popular authority ; 
yet without inclination to any change in government; 
and therefore, before the beginning of the civil war, 
and when he clearly discerned the approaches to it 
in parliament, (of which he was a member,) he with- 
drew himself into the fastnesses of his own country, 
North Wales, where he enjoyed a secure, and as 
near an innocent life, as the iniquity of that time 
would permit ; and upon the return of king Charles 
the Second d , he appeared under the character of a 
man who had preserved his loyalty entire, and was 
esteemed accordingly by all that party. 

His friend Mr. Hyde, who was then become lord 
high chancellor of England, renewed his old kind- 
ness and friendship towards him, and was desirous 
to gratify him all the ways he could, and earnestly 
pressed him to put on his gown again, and take upon 

d upon the return of king king returned 
Charles the Second^ when the 

D 3 



38 THE LIFE OF 

PART him the office of a judge; but he excused himself 
.upon his long discontinuance, (having not worn his 



1635. gown, and wholly discontinued the profession from 
the year 1640, full twenty years,) and upon his age, 
and expressly refused to receive any promotion ; but 
continued all the professions of respect and gratitude 
imaginable to the chancellor, till it was in his power 
to manifest the contrary, to his prejudice, which he 
did with circumstances very uncommendable. 
of sir Ke- Sir Kenelm Digby was a person very eminent and 
b y . m notorious throughout the whole course of his life, 
from his cradle to his grave ; of an ancient family 
and noble extraction ; and inherited a fair and plen- 
tiful fortune, notwithstanding the attainder of his 
father. He was a man of a very extraordinary per- 
son and presence, which drew the eyes of all men 
upon him, which were more fixed by a wonderful 
graceful behaviour, a flowing courtesy and civility, 
and such a volubility of language, as surprised and 
delighted ; and though in another man it might have 
appeared to have somewhat of affectation, it was 
marvellous graceful in him, and seemed natural to 
his size, and mould of his person, to the gravity of 
his motion, and the tune of his voice and delivery. 
He had a fair reputation in arms, of which he gave 
an early testimony in his youth, in some encounters 
in Spain and Italy, and afterwards in an action in 
the Mediterranean sea, where he had the command 
of a squadron of ships of war, set out at his own 
charge under the king's commission ; with which, 
upon an injury received, or apprehended from the 
Venetians, he encountered their whole fleet, killed 
many of their men, and sunk one of their galleasses ; 
which in that drowsy and unactive time, was looked 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 39 

upon with a general estimation, though the crown PART 
disavowed it. In a word, he had all the advantages 



that nature, and art, and an excellent education could 1635 - 
give him ; which, with a great confidence and pre- 
sentness of mind, buoyed him up against all those 
prejudices and disadvantages, (as e the attainder and 
execution of his father, for a crime of the highest 
nature ; his own marriage with a lady, though of an 
extraordinary beauty, of as extraordinary a fame ; 
his changing and rechanging his religion ; and some 
personal vices and licenses in his life,) which would 
have suppressed and sunk any other man, but never 
clouded or eclipsed him, from appearing in the best 
places, and the best company, and with the best esti- 
mation and satisfaction. 

Thomas May was the eldest son of his father, aofMr. 
knight, and born to a fortune, if his father had not ay> 
spent it ; so that he had only an annuity left him, 
not proportionable to a liberal education : yet since 
his fortune could not raise his mind, he brought his 
mind down to his fortune, by a great modesty and ' 
humility in his nature, which was not affected, but 
very well became an imperfection in his speech, 
which was a great mortification to him, and kept 
him from entering upon any discourse but in the 
company of his very friends. His parts of nature 
and art were very good, as appears by his transla- 
tion of Lucan, (none of the easiest work of that 
kind,) and more by his supplement to Lucan, which 
being entirely his own, for the learning, the wit, and 
the language, may be well looked upon as one of the 
best epic f poems in the English language. He writ 

' as] which f epic] dramatic 

D 4 



40 THE LIFE OF 

PART some other commendable pieces, of the reign of some 
. of our kings. He was cherished by many persons of 



1 635. nonour) and very acceptable in all places ; yet, (to 
shew that pride and envy have their influences upon 
the narrowest minds, and which have the greatest 
semblance of humility,) though he had received much 
countenance, and a very considerable donative from 
the king, upon his majesty's refusing to give him a 
small pension, which he had designed and promised 
to another very ingenious person, whose qualities 
he thought inferior to his own, he fell from his duty, 
and all his former friends, and prostituted himself 
to the vile office of celebrating the infamous acts of 
those who were in rebellion against the king ; which 
he did so meanly, that he seemed to all men to have 
lost his wits, when he left his honesty ; and so 
shortly after died miserable and neglected, and de- 
serves to be forgotten, 
of Mr. ca- Thomas Carew was a younger brother of a good 

rew. J 

family, and of excellent parts, and had spent many 
years of his youth in France and Italy ; and return- 
ing from travel, followed the court ; which the mo- 
desty of that time disposed men to do some time, 
before they pretended to be of it ; and he was very 
much esteemed by the most eminent persons in the 
court, and well looked upon by the king himself, 
some years before he could obtain to be sewer to the 
king ; and when the king conferred that place? upon 
him, it was not without the regret even of the whole 
Scotch nation, which united themselves in recom- 
mending another gentleman to it h : of so great value 
were those relations held in that age, when majesty 

8 place] honour h to it] to the place 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 41 

was beheld with the reverence it ought to be. He PART 
was a person of a pleasant and facetious wit, and 



made many poems, (especially in the amorous way,) 
which for the sharpness of the fancy, and the ele- 
gancy of the language in which that fancy was 
spread, were at least equal, if not superior to any 
of that time : but his glory was, that after fifty 
years of his life, spent with less severity or exact- 
ness than it ought to have been, he died with the 
greatest remorse for that license, and with the great- 
est manifestation of Christianity, that his best friends 
could desire. 

Among these persons Mr. Hyde's usual time of 
conversation was spent, till he grew more retired to 
his more serious studies, and never discontinued his 
acquaintance with any of them, though he spent less 
time in their company ; only upon Mr. Selden he 
looked with so much affection and reverence, that 
he always thought himself best when he was with 
him : but he had then another conjunction and com- 
munication that he took so much delight in, that he 
embraced it in the time of his greatest business and 
practice, and would suffer no other pretence or obli- 
gation to withdraw him from that familiarity and 
friendship ; and took frequent occasions to mention characters 
their names with great pleasure; being often heard Hyde's 



to say, " that if he had any thing good in him, in 
" his humour, or in his manners, he owed it to the friends< 
" example, and the information he had received in, 
" and from that company, with most of whom he 
" had an entire friendship." And they were in truth, 
in their several qualifications, men of more than or- 
dinary eminence, before they attained the great pre- 
ferments many of them lived to enjoy. The persons 



42 THE LIFE OF 

PART were, sir Lucius Carey, eldest son to the lord vis- 
. count Falkland, lord deputy of Ireland; sir Francis 



I63o. "VVenman of Oxfordshire ; Sidney Godolphin of Go- 
dolphin in Cornwall ; Edmund Waller of Beacons- 
field ; Dr. Gilbert Sheldon ; Dr. George Morley ; 
Dr. John Earles ; Mr. John Hales of Eton ; and 
Mr. William Chilling worth, 
of sir LU- With sir Lucius Carey he had a most entire 

cius Carey. _ . . . ,, 

friendship without reserve, from his age of twenty 
years to the hour of his death, near twenty years 
after : upon which there will be occasion to enlarge 
when we come to speak of that time, and often be- 
fore, and therefore we shall say no more of him in 
this place, than to shew his condition and qualifica- 
tions, which were the first ingredients into that 
friendship, which was afterwards cultivated and im- 
proved by a constant conversation and familiarity, 
and by many accidents which contributed thereto. 
He had the advantage of a noble extraction, and of 
being born his father's eldest son, when there was a 
greater fortune in prospect to be inherited, (besides 
what he might reasonably expect by his mother,) 
than came afterwards to his possession. His edu- 
cation was equal to his birth, at least in the care, if 
not in the climate; for his father being deputy of 
Ireland, before he was of age fit to be sent abroad, 
his breeding was in the court, and in the university 
of Dublin ; but under the care, vigilance, and direc- 
tion of such governors and tutors, that he learned 
all those exercises and languages, better than most 
men do in more celebrated places; insomuch as 
when he came into England, which was when he 
was about the age of eighteen years, he was not 
only master of the Latin tongue, and s had read all 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 43 

the poets, and other of the best authors with notable PART 

judgment for that age, but he understood, and spake, ! 

and writ French, as if he had spent many years in 
France. 

s He had another advantage, which was a great 
ornament to the rest, that was, a good, a plentiful 
estate, gf which he had the early possession. His 
mother was the sole daughter and heir of the lord 
chief baron Tanfield, who having given a fair por- 
tion with his daughter in marriage, had kept him- 
self free to dispose of his land, and his other estate, 
in such manner as he should think fit ; and he set- 
tled it in such manner upon his grandson sir Lucius 
Carey, without taking notice of his father, or mo- 
ther, that upon his grandmother's death, which fell 
out about the time that he was nineteen years of 
age, all the land, with two very good 1 houses very 
well k furnished, (worth above 2000/. per annum,) 
in a most pleasant country, and the two most plea- 
sant places in that country, with a very plentiful 
personal estate, fell into his hands and possession, 
and to his entire disposal. 

With these advantages, he had one great disad- 
vantage (which in the first entrance into the world 
is attended with too much prejudice) in his person 
and presence, which was in no degree attractive or 
promising. His stature was low, and smaller than 
most men ; his motion not graceful ; and his aspect 
so far from inviting, that it had somewhat in it of 
simplicity ; and his voice the worst of the three, 
and so untuned, that instead of reconciling, it of- 
fended the ear, so that nobody would have expected 
music from that tongue ; and sure no man was less 
' very good] excellent k very well] excellently 



44 THE LIFE OF 

PART beholden to nature for its recommendation into the 
world : but then no man sooner or more disappointed 



I /Q C 

this general and customary prejudice ; that little per- 
son and small stature was quickly found to contain 
a great heart, a courage so keen, and a nature so 
fearless, that no composition of the strongest limbs, 
and most harmonious and proportioned presence and 
strength, ever more disposed any man to the greatest 
enterprise ; it being his greatest weakness to be too 
solicitous for such adventures : and that untuned 
tongue and voice easily discovered itself to be sup- 
plied and governed by a mind and understanding so 
excellent, that the wit and weight of all he said car- 
ried another kind of lustre and admiration in it, and 
even another kind of acceptation from the persons 
present, than any ornament of delivery could rea- 
sonably promise itself, or is usually attended with ; 
and his disposition and nature was so gentle and 
obliging, so much delighted in courtesy, kindness, 
and generosity, that all mankind could not but ad- 
mire and love him. 

In a short time after he had possession of the 
estate his grandfather had left him, and before he 
was of age, he committed a fault against his father, 
in marrying a 'young lady, whom he passionately 
loved, without any considerable portion, which ex- 
ceedingly offended him ; and disappointed all his 
reasonable hopes and expectation of redeeming and 
repairing his own broken fortune, and desperate 
hopes in court, by some advantageous marriage of 
his son ; about which he had then some probable 
treaty. Sir Lucius Carey was very conscious to 
himself of his offence and transgression, and the 
consequence of it, which though he could not re- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 45 

pent, having married a lady of a most extraordinary PART 
wit and judgment, and of the most signal virtue ' 
and exemplary life, that the age produced, and who 1635 - 
brought him many hopeful children, in which he 
took great delight ; yet he confessed it, with the 
most sincere and dutiful applications to his father 
for his pardon that could be made ; and for the pre- 
judice l he had brought upon his fortune, by bring- 
ing no portion to him, he offered to repair it, by re- 
signing his whole estate to his disposal, and to rely 
wholly upon his kindness for his own maintenance 
and support; and to that purpose, he had caused 
conveyances to be drawn by council, which he 
brought ready engrossed to his father, and was will- 
ing to seal and execute them, that they might be 
valid : but his father's passion and indignation so 
far transported him, (though he was a gentleman of 
excellent parts,) that he refused any reconciliation, 
and rejected all the offers that were made him of 
the estate ; so that his son remained still in the pos- 
session of his estate against his will ; for which he 
found great reason afterwards to rejoice : but he 
was for the present so much afflicted with his fa- 
ther's displeasure, that he transported himself and 
his wife into Holland, resolving to buy some mili- 
tary command, and to spend the remainder of his 
life in that profession : but being disappointed in 
the treaty he expected, and finding no opportunity 
to accommodate himself with such a command, he 
returned again into England ; resolving to retire to 
a country life, and to his books ; that since he was 
not like to improve himself in arms, he might ad- 
vance in letters. 

1 and for the prejudice] and in order to the prejudice 



46 THE LIFE OF 

PART In this resolution he was so severe, (as he was 
always naturally very intent upon what he was in- 

1635. clined to,) that he declared, he would not see Lon- 
don in many years, which was the place he loved 
of all the world ; and that in his studies, he would 
first apply himself to the Greek, and pursue it with- 
out intermission, till he should attain to the full un- 
derstanding of that tongue : and it is hardly to be 
credited, what industry he used, and what success 
attended that industry : for though his father's 
death, by an unhappy accident, made his repair to 
London absolutely necessary, in fewer years, than 
he had proposed for his absence ; yet he had first 
made himself master of the Greek tongue, (in the 
Latin he was very well versed before,) and had read 
not only the Greek m historians, but Homer likewise, 
and such of the poets as were worthy to be perused. 
Though his father's death brought no other con- 
venience to him, but a title to redeem an estate, 
mortgaged for as much as it w r as worth, and for 
which he was compelled to sell a finer seat of his 
own ; yet it imposed a burden upon him, of the title 
of a viscount, and an increase of expense, in which 
he was not in his nature too provident or restrained ; 
having naturally such a generosity and bounty in 
him, that he seemed to have his estate in trust, for 
all worthy persons, who stood in want of supplies 
and encouragement, as Ben Johnson, and many 
others of that time, whose fortunes required, and 
whose spirits made them superior to, ordinary obli- 
gations ; which yet they were contented to receive 
from him, because his bounties were so generously 

m the Greek] all the Greek 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 47 

distributed, and so much without vanity and osten- PART 

tation, that, except from those few persons from ' 

whom he sometimes received the characters of fit 1635> 
objects for his benefits, or whom he intrusted, for 
the more secret deriving them to them, he did all 
he could, that the persons themselves who received 
them should not know from what fountain they 
flowed ; and when that could not be concealed, he 
sustained any acknowledgment from the persons 
obliged with so much trouble and bashfulness, that 
they might well perceive, that he was even ashamed 
of the little he had given, and to receive so large a 
recompense for it. 

As soon as he had finished all those transactions, 
which the death of his father had made necessary to 
be done, he retired again to his country life, and to 
his severe course of study, which was very delight- 
ful to him, as soon as he was engaged in it : but he 
was wont to say, that he never found reluctancy in 
any thing he resolved to do, but in his quitting 
London, and departing from the conversation of 
those he enjoyed there ; which was in some degree 
preserved and continued by frequent letters, and 
often visits, which were made by his friends from 
thence, whilst he continued wedded to the country ; 
and which were so grateful to him, that during their 
stay with him, he looked upon no book, except their 
very conversation made an appeal to some book ; 
and truly his whole conversation was one continued 
convivium philosophicum, or convivium tkeologicum, 
enlivened and refreshed with all the facetiousness of 
wit, and good humour, and pleasantness of discourse, 
which made the gravity of the argument itself (what- 
ever it was) very delectable. His house where he 



48 THE LIFE OF 



PART usually resided, (Tew, or Burford, in Oxfordshire,) 
being within ten or twelve miles of the university, 



J635. i 00 ij e( j iik e t ne university itself, by the company 
that was always found there. There were Dr. Shel- 
don, Dr. Morley, Dr. Hammond, Dr. Earles, Mr. 
Chillingworth, and indeed all men of eminent parts 
and faculties in Oxford, besides those who resorted 
thither from London ; who all found their lodgings 
there, as ready as in the colleges ; nor did the lord 
of the house know of their coming or going, nor 
who were in his house, till he came to dinner, or 
supper, where all still met ; otherwise, there was no 
troublesome ceremony or constraint, to forbid men 
to come to the house, or to make them weary of 
staying there ; so that many came thither to study 
in a better air, finding all the books they could de- 
sire in his library, and all the persons together, 
whose company they could wish, and not find in 
any other society. Here Mr. Chillingworth wrote, 
and formed, and modelled, his excellent book against 
the learned Jesuit Mr. Nott, after frequent debates 
upon the most important particulars; in many of 
which, he suffered himself to be overruled by the 
judgment of his friends, though in others he still 
adhered to his own fancy, which was sceptical 
enough, even in the highest points. 

In this happy and delightful conversation and re- 
straint, he remained in the country many years; 
and until he had made so prodigious a progress in 
learning, that there were very few classic authors 
in the Greek or Latin tongue, that he had not read 
with great exactness. He had read all the Greek 
and Latin fathers ; all the most allowed and au- 
thentic ecclesiastical writers ; and all the councils, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 49 

with wonderful care and observation ; for in religion PART 
he thought too careful and too curious an inquiry 
could not be made, amongst those, whose purity was 
not questioned, and whose authority was constantly 
and confidently urged, by men who were furthest 
from being of one mind amongst themselves ; and 
for the mutual support of their several opinions, in 
which they most contradicted each other ; and in 
all those controversies, he had so dispassioned a con- 
sideration, such a candour in his nature, and so pro- 
found a charity in his conscience, that in those 
points, in which he was in his own judgment most 
clear, he never thought the worse, or in any degree 
declined the familiarity, of those who were of an- 
other mind ; which, without question, is an excel- 
lent temper for the propagation and advancement of 
Christianity. With these great advantages of indus- 
try, he had a memory retentive of all that he had 
ever read, and an understanding and judgment to 
apply it seasonably and appositely, with the most 
dexterity and address, and the least pedantry and 
affectation, that ever man, who knew so much, was 
possessed with, of what quality soever. It is not a 
trivial evidence of his learning, his wit, and his can- 
dour, that may be found in that discourse of his, 
against the infallibility of the church of Rome, pub- 
lished since his death, and from a copy under his 
own hand, though not prepared and digested by 
him for the press, and to which he would have given 
some castigations. 

But all his parts, abilities, and faculties, by art 
and industry, were not to be valued, or mentioned, 
in comparison of his most accomplished mind and 
manners : his gentleness and affability was so trans- 

VOL. i. E 



50 THE LIFE OF 

PART cendent and obliging, that it drew reverence, and 
some kind of compliance, from the roughest, and 



163o. most un p iighed, and stubborn constitutions; and 
made them of another temper in debate, in his pre- 
sence, than they were in other places. He was in 
his nature so severe a lover of justice, and so pre- 
cise a lover of truth, that he was superior to all 
possible temptations for the violation of either ; in- 
deed so rigid an exacter of perfection, in all those 
things which seemed but to border upon either of 
them, and by the common practice of men were not 
thought to border upon either, that many who knew 
him very well, and loved and admired his virtue, 
(as all who did know him must love and admire it,) 
did believe, that he was of a temper and composi- 
tion fitter to live in republica Platonis., than in 
JtBce Romuli: but this rigidness was only exercised 
towards himself; towards his friend's infirmities no 
man was more indulgent. In his conversation, which 
was the most cheerful and pleasant that can be ima- 
gined, though he was young, (for all I have yet 
spoken of him doth not exceed his age of twenty- 
five or twenty-six years, 11 ) and of great gayety in his 
humour, with a flowing delightfulness of language, 
he had so chaste a tongue and ear, that there was 
never known a profane or loose word to fall from 
him, nor in truth in his company; the integrity, 
and cleanliness of the wit of that time, not exercis- 
ing itself in that license, before persons for whom 
they had any esteem. 
ofsirFran- Sir Francis Wenman would not look upon himself 

cis Wen- 
man. under any other character, than that of a country 

" years,] MS. adds: what will be mentioned in its proper 
progress he made afterwards season in this discourse, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 51 

gentleman ; though no man of his quality in Eng- PART 

land was more esteemed in court. He was of a 

noble extraction, and of an ancient family in Ox- 
fordshire, where he was possessed of a competent 
estate ; but his reputation of wisdom and integrity 
gave him an interest and credit in that country 
much above his fortune; and no man had more 
esteem in it, or power over it. He was a neighbour 
to the lord Falkland, and in so entire friendship and 
confidence with him, that he had great authority in 
the society of all his friends and acquaintance. He 
was a man of great sharpness of understanding, and 
of a piercing judgment ; no man better understood 
the affections and temper of the kingdom, or indeed 
the nature of the nation, or discerned further the 
consequence of counsels, and with what success they 
were like to be attended. He was a very good La- 
tin scholar, but his ratiocination was above his learn- 
ing ; and the sharpness of his wit incomparable. He 
was equal to the greatest trust and employment, if 
he had been ambitious of it, or solicitous for it ; but 
his want of health produced a kind of laziness of 
mind, which disinclined him to business, and he died 
a little before the general troubles of the kingdom, 
which he foresaw with wonderful concern , and 
when many wise men were weary of living so long. 

Sidney Godolphin was a younger brother of Go- or Mr. Sid 
dolphin, but by the provision left by his father, andphfn. 
by the death of a younger brother, liberally supplied 
for a very good education, and for a cheerful sub- 
sistence, in any course of life he proposed to himself. 
There was never so great a mind and spirit con- 

" concern] reluctancy 
E 2 



52 THE LIFE OF 

PART tained in so little room; so large an understanding 
and so unrestrained a fancy in so very small a body ; 

1635< so that the lord Falkland used to say merrily, that 
he thought it was a great ingredient into his friend- 
ship for Mr. Godolphin, that he was pleased to be 
found in his company, where he was the properer 
man ; and it may be, the very remark ableness of 
his little person made the sharpness of his wit, and 
the composed quickness of his judgment and under- 
standing, the more notable P. He had spent some 
years in France, and in the Low Countries ; and 
accompanied the earl of Leicester in his ambassage 
' into Denmark, before he resolved to be quiet, and 
attend some promotion in the court ; where his ex- 
cellent disposition and manners, and extraordinary 
qualifications, made him very acceptable. Though 
every body loved his company very well, yet he 
loved very much to be alone, being in his constitu- 
tion inclined somewhat to melancholy, and to retire- 
ment amongst his books ; and was so far from being 
active, that he was contented to be reproached by 
his friends with laziness ; and was of so nice and 
tender a composition, that a little rain or wind 
would disorder him, and divert him from any short 
journey he had most willingly proposed to himself; 
insomuch as, when he rid abroad with those in 
whose company he most delighted, if the wind 
chanced to be in his face, he would (after a little 
pleasant murmuring) suddenly turn his horse, and 
go home. Yet the civil war no sooner began, 
(the first approaches towards which he discovered 
as soon as any man, by the proceedings in parlia- 

P notable] notorious and notable 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 53 

ment, where he was a member, and opposed with PART 
great indignation,) than he put himself into the first. 



troops which were raised in the west for the king; 1635> 
and bore the uneasiness and fatigue of winter 
marches, with an exemplar courage and alacrity ; 
until by too brave a pursuit of the enemy, into an 
obscure village in Devonshire, he was shot with a 
musket ; with which (without saying any word 
more, than, Oh God ! I am hurt) he fell dead from 
his horse ; to the excessive grief of his friends, who 
were all that knew him ; and the irreparable da- 
mage of the public. 

Edmund Waller was born to a very fair estate, of Mr. Ed- 
by the parsimony or frugality of a wise father and"" 
mother ; and he thought it so commendable an ad- 
vantage, that he resolved to improve it with his ut- 
most care, upon which in his nature he was too 
much intent ; and in order to that, he was so much 
reserved and retired, that he was scarce ever heard 
of, till by his address and dexterity he had gotten a 
very rich wife in the city, against all the recom- 
mendation, and countenance, and authority of the 
court, which was thoroughly engaged on the behalf of 
Mr. Crofts ; and which used to be successful, in that 
age, against any opposition. He had the good for- 
tune to have an alliance and friendship with Dr. 
Morley, who had assisted and instructed him in the 
reading many good books, to which his natural parts 
and promptitude inclined him ; especially the poets : 
and at the age when other men used to give over 
writing verses, (for he was near thirty years of age 
when he first engaged himself in that exercise, at 
least that he was known to do so,) he surprised the 
town with two or three pieces of that kind ; as if a 

E 3 



54 THE LIFE OF 

PART tenth muse had been newly born, to cherish droop- 
.ing poetry. The doctor at that time brought him 



1635. m j. Q th^ company which was most celebrated for 
good conversation ; where he was received, and 
esteemed, with great applause and respect. He was 
a very pleasant discourser, in earnest and in jest, 
and therefore very grateful to all kind of company, 
where he was not the less esteemed for being very 
rich. 

He had been even nursed in parliaments, where 
he sat when he was very young ^ ; and so when 
they were resumed again, (after a long intermis- 
sion r ,) he appeared in those assemblies with great 
advantage, having a graceful way of speaking ; and 
by thinking much upon several arguments, (which 
his temper and complexion, that had much of me- 
lancholic, inclined him to,) he seemed often to speak 
upon the sudden, when the occasion had only ad- 
ministered the opportunity of saying what he had 
thoroughly considered, which gave a great lustre to 
all he said ; which yet was rather of delight than 
weight. There needs no more be said to extol the 
excellence and power of his wit, and pleasantness of 
his conversation, than that it was of magnitude 
enough to cover a world of very great faults ; that 
is, so to cover them, that they were not taken no- 
tice of to his reproach ; viz. a narrowness in his na- 
ture to the lowest degree ; an abjectness, and want 
of courage to support him in any virtuous under- 
taking; an insinuation and servile flattery to the 
height the vainest and most imperious nature could 
be contented with ; that it preserved and won his 

( i when he was very youngi] r intermission] intermission 
in his infancy and interdiction 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 55 

life from those who were most resolved to take it, PART 

and in an occasion in which he ought to have been ' 

ambitious to have lost it; and then preserved him 1635- 
again, from the reproach and contempt that was 
due to him for so preserving it, and for vindicating 
it at such a price; that it had power to reconcile 
him to those whom he had most offended and pro- 
voked ; and continued to his age with that rare fe- 
licity, that his company was acceptable, where his 
spirit was odious ; and he was at least pitied, where 
he was most detested. 

Of Doctor Sheldon there needs no more be said or Dr. shei- 
in this place, 8 than that his learning, and gravity, 
and prudence, had in that time raised him to such 
a reputation, when he was chaplain in the house to 
the lord keeper Coventry, (who exceedingly esteemed 
him, and used his service not only in all matters re- 
lating to the church, but in many other businesses 
of importance, and in which that great and good 
lord was nearly concerned,) and when he was after- 
wards warden of All Souls' college in Oxford, that 
he then was looked upon as very equal to any pre- 
ferment the church could yield f , or hath since 
yielded unto him ; and sir Francis Wenman would 
often say, when the doctor resorted to the conver- 
sation at the lord Falkland's house, as he frequently 
did, that " Dr. Sheldon was born and bred to be 
" archbishop of Canterbury." 

Doctor Morley " was a gentleman of very eminent or Dr. Mor- 
parts in all polite learning ; of great wit, and readi- le: 

in this place,] MS. adds : * yield] Not in MS. 

there being frequent occasions u Doctor Morley] MS. adds: 

to mention him hereafter in the of whom more must likewise 

prosecution of this discourse, be said in its place, 

E 4 



56 THE LIFE OF 

PART ness, and subtilty in disputation ; and of remarkable 
.temper and prudence in conversation, which ren- 



1635. dered hj m mos t grateful in all the best company. 
He was then chaplain in the house, and to the fa- 
mily, of the lord and lady Carnarvon, which needed 
a wise and a wary director. From some academic 
contests he had been engaged in, during his living 
in Christ Church in Oxford, where he was always 
of the first eminency, he had, by the natural faction 
and animosity of those disputes, fallen under the re- 
proach of holding some opinions, which were not 
then grateful to those churchmen who had the 
greatest power in ecclesiastical promotions ; and 
some sharp answers and replies he used to make in 
accidental discourses, and which in truth were made 
for mirth and pleasantness sake, (as he was of the 
highest facetiousness,) were reported, and spread 
abroad to his prejudice : as being once asked by a 
grave country gentleman, (who was desirous to be 
instructed what their tenets and opinions were,) 
" what the Arminians held," he pleasantly an- 
swered, that they held all the best bishoprics and 
deaneries in England; which was quickly re- 
ported abroad, as Mr. Morley's definition of the Ar- 
minian tenets. 

Such and the like harmless and jocular sayings, 
upon many accidental occasions, had wrought upon 
the archbishop of Canterbury, Laud, (who lived to 
change his mind, and to have a just esteem of him,) 
to entertain some prejudice towards him ; and the 
respect which was paid him by many eminent per- 
sons, as John Hampden, Arthur Goodwin, and 
others, who were not thought friends to the pros- 
perity the church was in, made others apprehend 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 57 

that he was not enough zealous for it. But that PART 

disaffection and virulency (which few men had then '. 

owned and discovered) no sooner appeared, in those 
and other men, but Dr. Morley made haste as pub- 
licly to oppose them, both in private and in public ; 
which had the more effect to the benefit of the 
church, by his being a person above all possible re- 
proach, and known and valued by more persons of 
honour than most of the clergy were, and being not 
only without the envy of any preferment, but under 
the advantage of a discountenanced person. And as 
he was afterwards the late king's chaplain, and 
much regarded by him, and as long about him as 
any of his chaplains were permitted to attend him ; 
so presently after his murder he left the kingdom, 
and remained in banishment till king Charles the 
Second's x happy return. 

Doctor Earles was at that time chaplain in the or Dr. 
house to the earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlain of 
his majesty's household, and had a lodging in the 
court under that relation. He was a person very 
notable for his elegance in the Greek and Latin 
tongues ; and being Fellow of Merton college in 
Oxford, and having been proctor of the university, 
and some very witty and sharp discourses being pub- 
lished in print without his consent, though known 
to be his, he grew suddenly into a very general 
esteem with all men ; being a man of great piety and 
devotion ; a most eloquent and powerful preacher ; 
and of a conversation so pleasant and delightful, so 
very innocent, and so very facetious, that no man's 
company was more desired and more loved. No 

* king Charles the Second's] his majesty's 



58 THE LIFE OF 

PART man was more negligent in his dress, and habit, and 
.mien; no man more wary and cultivated in his be- 



1635. h av i our and discourse; insomuch as he had the 
greater advantage when he was known, by pro- 
mising so little before he was known. He was an 
excellent poet, both in Latin, Greek, and English, 
as appears by many pieces yet abroad ; though he 
suppressed many more himself, especially of Eng- 
lish, incomparably good, out of an austerity to those 
sallies of his youth. He was very dear to the lord 
Falkland, with whom he spent as much time as he 
could make his own ; and as that lord would impute 
the speedy progress he made in the Greek tongue, 
to the information and assistance he had from Mr. 
Earles, so Mr. Earles would frequently profess, that 
he had got more useful learning by his conversation 
at Tew, (the lord Falkland's house,) than he had at 
Oxford. In the first settling of the prince's family, 
he was made one of his chaplains ; and attended on 
him when he was forced to leave the kingdom ?. 
He was amongst the few excellent men who never 
had, nor ever could have an enemy, but such a one 
who was an enemy to all learning and virtue, and 
therefore would never make himself known. 

of Mr. M r j on n Hales had been Greek professor in the 

Hales. 

university of Oxford; and had borne the greatest 
part of the labour 7 of that excellent edition and im- 
pression of St. Chrysostom's Works, set out by sir 
Harry Savile ; who was then warden of Merton col- 
lege, when the other was fellow of that house. He 
was chaplain in the house with sir Dudley Carleton, 

y kingdom] MS. adds : and after. 

therefore we shall often have 7> the greatest part of the la- 
occasion to mention him here- hour] all the labour 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 59 

ambassador at the Hague in Holland, at the time PART 

when the synod of Dort was held, and so had liberty ! 

to be present at the consultations in that assembly; 1635- 
and hath left the best memorial behind him, of 
the ignorance, and passion, and animosity, and in- 
justice of that convention ; of which he often made 
very pleasant relations ; though at that time it re- 
ceived too much countenance from England. Being 
a person of the greatest eminency for learning, and 
other abilities, from which he might have promised 
himself any preferment in the church, he withdrew 
himself from all pursuits of that kind into a private 
fellowship in the college of Eton, where his friend sir 
Harry Savile was provost ; where he lived amongst 
his books, and the most separated from the world of 
any man then living : though he was not in the 
least degree inclined to melancholy, but, on the con- 
trary, of a very open and pleasant conversation ; 
and therefore was very well pleased with the resort 
of his friends to him, who were such as he had 
chosen, and in whose company he delighted, and for 
whose sake he would sometimes, once in a year, re- 
sort to London, only to enjoy their cheerful conver- 
sation. 

He would never take any cure of souls ; and was 
so great a contemner of money, that he was wont to 
say, that his fellowship, and the bursar's place, 
(which, for the good of the college, he held many 
years,) was worth him fifty pounds a year more 
than he could spend ; and yet, besides his being 
very charitable to all poor people, even to liberality, 
he had made a greater and better collection of 
books, than were to be found in any other private 
library that J have seen ; as he had sure read more, 



60 THE LIFE OF 

PART and carried more about him in his excellent me- 
mory, than any man I ever knew, my lord Falk- 



1635. j an( j on iy excepted, who I think sided him. He 
had, whether from his natural temper and constitu- 
tion, or from his long retirement from all crowds, or 
from his profound judgment and discerning spirit, 
contracted some opinions which were not received, 
nor by him published, except in private discourses ; 
and then rather upon occasion of dispute, than of 
positive opinion : and he would often say, his opin- 
ions he was sure did him no harm, but he was far 
from being confident that they might not do others 
harm who entertained them, and might entertain 
other results from them than he did ; and therefore 
he was very reserved in communicating what he 
thought himself in those points, in which he differed 
from what was received. 

Nothing troubled him more than the brawls which 
were grown from religion ; and he therefore exceed- 
ingly detested the tyranny of the church of Rome ; 
more for their imposing uncharitably upon the con- 
sciences of other men, than for the errors in their 
own opinions : and would often say, that he would 
renounce the religion of the church of England to- 
morrow, if it obliged him to believe that any other 
Christians should be damned; and that nobody 
would conclude another man to be damned, who did 
not wish him so. No man more strict and severe 
to himself; to other men so charitable as to their 
opinions, that he thought that other men were more 
in fault for their carriage towards them, than the 
men themselves were who erred ; and he thought 
that pride, and passion, more than conscience, were 
the cause of all separation from each other's com- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 61 

munion ; and he frequently said, that that only kept 

the world from agreeing upon such a liturgy, as 

might bring them into one communion ; all doctri- 
nal points, upon which men differed in their opin- 
ions, being to have no place in any liturgy. Upon 
an occasional discourse with a friend, of the fre- 
quent and uncharitable reproaches of heretic and 
schismatic, too lightly thrown at each other, amongst 
men who differ in their judgment, he writ a little 
discourse of schism, contained in less than two 
sheets of paper; which being transmitted from 
friend to friend in writing, was at last, without any 
malice, brought to the view of the archbishop of 
Canterbury, Dr. Laud, who was a very rigid sur- 
veyor of all things which never so little bordered 
upon schism ; and thought the church could not be 
too vigilant against, and jealous of, such incursions. 

He sent for Mr. Hales, whom, when they had both 
lived in the university of Oxford, he had known 
well ; and told him, that he had in truth believed 
him to be long since dead; and chid him very 
kindly for having never come to him, having been 
of his old acquaintance : then asked him, whether 
he had lately written a short discourse of schism, 
and whether he was of that opinion which that dis- 
course implied. He told him, that he had, for the 
satisfaction of a private friend, (who was not of his 
mind,) a year or two before, writ such a small tract, 
without any imagination that it would be communi- 
cated ; and that he believed it did not contain any 
thing that was not agreeable to the judgment of the 
primitive fathers : upon which, the archbishop de- 
bated with him upon some expressions of Irenaeus, 
and the most ancient fathers ; and concluded with 



62 THE LIFE OF 

PART saying, that the time was very apt to set new doc- 

! trines on foot, of which the wits of the age were 

1635. j. 00 SUSC eptible; and that there could not be too 
much care taken to preserve the peace and unity of 
the church ; and from thence asked him of his con- 
dition, and whether he wanted any thing : and the 
other answering, that he had enough, and wanted 
or desired no addition, so dismissed him with great 
courtesy; and shortly after sent for him again, 
when there was a prebendary of Windsor fallen, and 
told him, the king had given him the preferment, 
because it lay so convenient to his fellowship of Eton ; 
which (though indeed the most convenient prefer- 
ment that could be thought of for him) the arch- 
bishop could not without great difficulty persuade 
him to accept, and he did accept it rather to please 
him than himself; because he really believed he 
had enough before. He was one of the least men in 
the kingdom ; and one of the greatest scholars in 
Europe. 

or Mr. ]vt r> Chillingworth was of a stature little superior 

worth. to Mr. Hales, (and it was an age in which there 
were many great and wonderful men of that size,) 
and a man of so great a subtilty of understanding, 
and so rare a temper in debate, that, as it was im- 
possible to provoke him into any passion, so it was 
very difficult to keep a man's self from being a little 
discomposed by his sharpness and quickness of argu- 
ment, and instances, in which he had a rare facility, 
and a great advantage over all the men I ever 
knew. He had spent all his younger time in dispu- 
tation, and had arrived to so great a mastery, as he 
was inferior to no man in those skirmishes : but he 
had, with his notable perfection in this exercise, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 63 

contracted' such an irresolution and habit of doubt- PART 
ing, that by degrees he grew confident of nothing, 



and a sceptic, at least, in the greatest mysteries of l635 * 
faith. 

This made him, from first wavering in religion, 
and indulging to scruples, to reconcile himself too 
soon and too easily to the church of Rome ; and 
carrying still his own inquisitiveness about him, 
without any resignation to their authority, (which is 
the only temper can make that church sure of its 
proselytes,) having made a journey to St. Omer's, 
purely to perfect his conversion by the conversation 
of those who had the greatest name, he found as 
little satisfaction there ; and returned with as much 
haste from them ; with a belief, that an entire ex- 
emption from error was neither inherent in, nor ne- 
cessary to any church : which occasioned that war, 
which was carried on by the Jesuits with so great 
asperity and reproaches against him, and in which 
he defended himself by such an admirable eloquence 
of language, and clear and incomparable power of 
reason, that he not only made them appear unequal 
adversaries, but carried the war into their own quar- 
ters ; and made the pope's infallibility to be as much 
shaken, and declined by their own doctors, (and as 
great an acrimony amongst themselves upon that 
subject,) and to be at least as much doubted, as in 
the schools of the reformed, or protestant ; and 
forced them since to defend and maintain those un- 
happy controversies in religion, with arms and wea- 
pons of another nature than were used or known in 
the church of Rome when Bellarmine died; and 
which probably will in time undermine the very 
foundation that supports it. 



64 THE LIFE OF 

PART Such a levity, and propensity to change, is com- 
monly attended with great infirmities in, and no 



1635. j ess re p roac h and prejudice to the person; but the 
sincerity of his heart was so conspicuous, and with- 
out the least temptation of any corrupt end ; and 
the innocence and candour in a his nature so evi- 
dent, and without any perverseness ; that all who 
knew him clearly discerned, that all those restless 
motions and fluctuations proceeded only from the 
warmth and jealousy of his own thoughts, in a too 
nice inquisition for truth. Neither the books of the 
adversary, nor any of their persons, though he was 
acquainted with the best of both, had ever made 
great impression upon him ; all his doubts grew out 
of himself, when he assisted his scruples with all 
the strength of his own reason, and was then too 
hard for himself; but finding as little quiet and re- 
pose in those victories, he quickly recovered, by a 
new appeal to his own judgment ; so that he was, in 
truth, upon the matter, in all his sallies and retreats, 
his own convert ; though he was not so totally di- 
vested of all thoughts of this world, but that when 
he was ready for it, he admitted some great and 
considerable churchmen, to be sharers with him in 
his public conversion. 

Whilst he was in perplexity, or rather some pas- 
sionate disinclination to the religion he had been 
educated in, he had the misfortune to have much 
acquaintance with one Mr. Lugar, a minister of that 
church ; a man of a competency of learning in those 
points most controverted with the Romanists, but of 
no acute parts of wit, or judgment ; and wrought so 

in] of 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 65 

far upon him, by weakening and enervating those PART 
arguments, by which he found he was governed, (as 



he had all the logic, and all the rhetoric, that was 1635> 
necessary to persuade very powerfully men of the 
greatest talents,) that the poor man, not able to live 
long in doubt, too hastily deserted his own church, 
and betook himself to the Roman : nor could all the 
arguments and reasons of Mr. Chillingworth make 
him pause in the expedition he was using, or reduce 
him from that church after he had given himself to 
it ; but he had always a great animosity against 
him, for having (as he said) unkindly betrayed him, 
and carried him into another religion, and there left 
him. So unfit are some constitutions to be troubled 
with doubts, after they are once fixed. 

He did really believe all war to be unlawful ; and 
did not think that the parliament (whose proceed- 
ings he perfectly abhorred) did in truth intend to 
involve the nation in a civil war, till after the battle 
of Edge-hill ; and then he thought any expedient 
or stratagem that was like to put a speedy end to it, 
to be the most commendable : and so having too 
mathematically conceived an engine, that should 
move so lightly as to be a breastwork in all en- 
counters and assaults in the field, he carried it, to 
make the experiment, into that part of his majesty's 
army, which was only in that winter season in 
the field, under the command of the lord Hopton, 
in Hampshire, upon the borders of Sussex ; where 
he was shut up in the castle of Arundel; which was 
forced, after a short, sharp siege, to yield for want 
of victual ; and poor Mr. Chillingworth with it, fall- 
ing into the rebels' hands ; and being most barba- 
rously treated by them, especially by that clergy 

VOL. i. F 



66 THE LIFE OF 

PART which followed them ; and being broken with sick- 
' ness, contracted by the ill accommodation, and want 

1635. Q f mea t anc i fire during the siege, which was in a 
terrible season of frost and snow, he died shortly 
after in prison. He was a man of excellent parts, 
and of a cheerful disposition ; void of all kind of 
vice, and endued with many notable virtues ; of a 
very public heart, and an indefatigable desire to do 
good; his only unhappiness proceeded from his 
sleeping too little, and thinking too much ; which 
sometimes threw him into violent fevers. 

This was Mr. Hyde's company and conversation, 
to which he dedicated his vacant times, and all that 
time which he could make vacant, from the business 
of his profession ; which he indulged with no more 
passion than was necessary to keep up the reputa- 
tion of a man that had no purpose to be idle ; 
which indeed he perfectly abhorred : and he took 
always occasion to celebrate the time he had spent 
in that conversation, with great satisfaction and de- 
light. Nor was he less fortunate in the acquaint- 
ance and friendships which he made with the per- 
sons in his profession ; who were all eminent men, 
or of the most hopeful parts ; who being all much 
superior to him in age and experience, and entirely 
devoted to their profession, were yet well pleased 
with the gayety of his humour, and inoffensive and 
winning behaviour; and this good inclination of 
theirs was improved by the interest they saw he 
had in persons of the best quality, to whom he was 
very acceptable, and his condition of living, which 
was with more expense b than young lawyers were 
accustomed to. 

b expense] splendour 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 67 

Those persons were, Mr. Lane, who was then at- HART 
torney to the prince of Wales, and afterwards lord 



i / Q t 

chief baron of the exchequer, and lastly, upon the 

Mr. Hyde's 

death of the lord Littleton, was made keeper of the friends in 
great seal, who died in banishment with king Charles 9 io n pr 
the Second d ; Mr. Geoffrey Palmer, afterwards attor- 
ney general 6 ; Mr. John Maynard; and Bulstrode 
Whitlock ; all men of eminent parts, and great learn- 
ing out pf their professions; and in their professions, of 
signal reputation : and though the two last did after- 
wards bow their knees to Baal, and so swerved from 
their allegiance, it was wkh less rancour and malice 
than other men : they never led, but followed ; and 
were rather carried away with the torrent, than 
swam with the stream ; and failed through those in- 
firmities, which less than a general defection and a 
prosperous rebellion could never have discovered. 
With these, and very few other persons of other 
societies, and of more than ordinary parts in the 
profession, he conversed. In business and in prac- 
tice, with the rest of the profession, he had at most 
a formal acquaintance, and little familiarity ; very 
seldom using, when his practice was at highest, so 
much as to eat in the hall, without which no man 
ever got the reputation of a good student : but he 
ever gave his time of eating to his friends ; and was 
wont pleasantly to say, "that he repaired himself 
" with very good company at dinner, for the ill com- 
" pany he had kept in the morning ;" and made him- 
self amends for the time he lost with his friends, by 
declining suppers, and with a part of that time 

c banishment] MS. adds: and cond] Not in MS. 
of whom we shall say more e attorney general] MS. adds : 

hereafter. who will likewise have another 

d with king Charles the Se- part in this story 

F 2 



68 THE LIFE OF 

PART which was allowed for sleep : but he grew every day 
' more intent on business and more engaged in prac- 



1635. ^ cej so that he could not assign so much time as he 
had used to do to his beloved conversation. 

The countenance he received from the archbishop 
of Canterbury, who took all occasion to mention him 
as a person he had kindness for ; the favour of the 
lord Coventry, manifested as often as he came before 
him ; the reception he found with the lord privy 
seal, the earl of Manchester, who had raised the 
court of requests to as much business as the chan- 
cery itself was possessed of; and where he was looked 
upon as a favourite ; the familiarity used towards 
him by the lord Pembroke f , who was lord chamber- 
lain of the king's house, and a greater man in the 
country than the court ; by the earl of Holland, and 
many other lords and ladies, and other persons of 
interest in the court, made him looked upon by the 
judges in Westminster hall with much condescen- 
sion ; and they, who before he put on his gown looked 
upon him as one who designed some other course 
of life, (for though he had been always very punctual 
in the performance of all those public exercises the 
profession obliged him to, both before and after he 
was called to the bar ; yet in all other respects he 
seemed not to confine himself wholly to that course 
of life*,) now when they no sooner saw him put on 
his gown, but that he was suddenly in practice, and 
taken notice of particularly in all courts of justice 
with unusual countenance, thought he would make 
what progress he desired in that profession. 

f lord Pembroke] earl of Pern- himself wholly to that course of 

broke life] he lived as if he thought 

g he seemed not to confine himself above that course of life 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 69 

As he had those many friends in court, so he was PART 
not less acceptable to many great persons in the. 



country, who least regarded the court, and were 1635 - 
least esteemed by it ; and he had that rare felicity, 
that even they, who did not love many of those upon 
whom he most depended, were yet very well pleased 
with him and with his company. The earl of Hert- 
ford and the earl of Essex, whose interests and 
friendships were then the same, and who were looked 
upon with reverence by all who had not reverence 
for the court ; and even by all in the court who 
were not satisfied there, (which was, and always will 
be, a great people,) were very kind to him, and ready 
to trust him in any thing that was most secret : and 
though he could not dispose the archbishop or the 
earl of Essex to any correspondence or good intelli- 
gence with each other, which he exceedingly la- 
boured to do, and found an equal aversion in both 
towards each other ; yet he succeeded to his wish in Mr - H y^ e 

i_ reconciles" 

bringing the archbishop and the earl of Hertford to the archbi- 
a very good acquaintance and inclination to each the L*" of 
other ; which they both often acknowledged kindly Hertford - 
to him, and with which the earl of Essex was as 
much unsatisfied. 

The person whose life this discourse is to recollect 
(and who had so great an affection and reverence for 
the memory of archbishop Laud h , that he never 
spake of him without extraordinary esteem, and be- 
lieved him to be a man of the most exemplar virtue 
and piety of any of that age) was wont to say, the 
greatest want the archbishop had was of a true friend, 
who would seasonably have told him of his infirmities, 

h archbishop Laud] that prelate 
F 3 



70 THE LIFE OF 

PART and what people spake of him ; and he said, he knew 
! well that such a friend would have been very accept- 



1635. a bj e to hj m . an( | U p 0n t ij at OCC asion he used to 
mention a story of himself: that when he was a 
young practiser of the law, being in some favour 
with him, (as is mentioned before,) he went to visit 
him in the beginning of a Michaelmas term, shortly 
after his return from the country, where he had 
spent a month or two of the summer. 
HI* free ex- He found the archbishop early walking in the 

postulation . ... ,. . 

with the garden ; who received him according to his custom. 
? ' very graciously ; and continuing his walk, asked him,. 
" What good news in the country ?" to which he an- 
swered, " there was none good ; the people were 
" universally discontented ; and (which troubled him 
" most) that many people 1 spoke extreme ill of his 
" grace, as the cause of all that was amiss." He re- 
plied, " that he was sorry for it ; he knew he did 
" not deserve it ; and that he must not give over 
" serving the king and the church, to please the 
" people, who otherwise would not speak well of 
" him." Mr. Hyde told him, " he thought he need 
" not lessen his zeal for either ; and that it grieved 
" him to find persons of the best condition, and who 
" loved both king and church, exceedingly indevoted 
" to him ; complaining of his manner of treating 
" them, when they had occasion to resort to him, it 
" may be, for his directions." And then named him 
two persons of the most interest and credit in Wilt- 
shire, who had that summer attended the council 
board in some affairs which concerned the king and 
the county : that all the lords present used them 

1 many people] every [one] 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 71 

with great courtesy, knowing well their quality and PART 
reputation ; but that he alone spake very sharply to 



them, and without any thing of grace, at which they 1635 - 
were much troubled; and one of them, supposing that 
somebody had done him ill offices, went the next 
morning to Lambeth, to present his service to him, 
and to discover, if he could, what misrepresentation 
had been made of him : that after he had attended 
very long, he was admitted to speak with his grace, 
who scarce hearing him, sharply answered him, that 
" he had no leisure for compliments ;" and so hurried 
away k ; which put the other gentleman much out of 
countenance : and that this kind of behaviour of his 
was the discourse of all companies of persons of qua- 
lity ; every man continuing any such story with an- 
other like it, very much to his disadvantage, and to 
the trouble of those who were very just to him. 

He heard the relation very patiently and atten-i'henrchbi- 

T i shop's re- 

tively, and discoursed over every particular with allpiy. 
imaginable condescension ; and said, with evident 
shew of trouble, that " he was very unfortunate to 
" be so ill understood ; that he meant very well ; 
" that he remembered the time when those two per- 
" sons were with the council ; that upon any delibe- 
" rations, when any thing was resolved, or to be said 
" to any body, the council enjoined him to deliver 
" their resolutions ; which he did always according 
" to the best of his understanding : but by the im- 
" perfection he had by nature, which he said often 
" troubled him, he might deliver it in such a tune, 
" and with a sharpness of voice, that made men be- 
" lieve he was angry, when there was no such thing; 

k hurried away] turned away 
F 4 



72 THE LIFE OF 

PART " that when those gentlemen were there, and he had 
. " delivered what he was to say, they made some 



1635. staV) an d spake with some of the lords, which not 
" being according to order, he thought he gave them 
" some reprehension ; they having at that time very 
" much other business to do : that he did well re- 
" member that one of them (who was a person of 
" honour) came afterwards to him at a time he was 
" shut up about an affair of importance, which re- 
" quired his full thoughts ; but that as soon as he 
" heard of the other's being without, he sent for him, 
" himself going into the next room, and received him 
*' very kindly, as he thought ; and supposing that 
" he came about business, asked him what his busi- 
" ness was ; and the other answering, that he had no 
" business, but continuing his address with some 
" ceremony, he had indeed said, that he had not time 
" for compliments : but he did not think that he 
" went out of the room in that manner : and con- 
" eluded, that it was not possible for him, in the 
" many occupations he had, to spend any time in 
" unnecessary compliments ; and that if his integrity 
" and uprightness, which never should be liable to 
" reproach, could not be strong enough to preserve 
" him, he must submit to God's pleasure ! ." 

He was well contented to hear Mr. Hyde reply 
very freely upon the subject, who said, "he observed 
" by what his grace himself had related, that the 
" gentlemen had too much reason for the report they 
" made ; and he did not wonder that they had been 
" much troubled at his carriage towards them ; that 
" he did exceedingly wish that he would more re- 

1 God's pleasure.] God's good pleasure. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 73 

" serve his passion towards all persons, how faulty PART 

" soever ; and that he would treat persons of honour, ' 

" and quality, and interest in their country, with 163 - 

" more courtesy and condescension ; especially when 

" they came to visit him, and make offer of their 

" service." He said, smiling, that "he could only un- 

" dertake for his heart ; that he had very good 

" meaning ; for his tongue, he could not undertake, 

" that he would not sometimes speak more hastily 

" and sharply than he should do, (which oftentimes 

" he was sorry m and reprehended himself for,) and 

" in a tune which might be liable to misinterpreta- 

" tion with them who were not very well acquainted 

" with him, and so knew that it was an infirmity, 

" which his nature and education had so rooted in 

" him, that it was in vain to contend with it." For the 

state and distance he kept with men, he said, " he 

" thought it was not more than was suitable to the 

" place and degree he held in the church and state ; 

" or so much as others had assumed to themselves 

*' who had sat in his place ; and thereupon he told 

" him some behaviour and carriage of his prede- 

" cessor, Abbot, (who he said was not better born 

" than himself,) towards the greatest nobility of the 

" kingdom, which he thought was very insolent and 

" inexcusable ;" and was indeed very ridiculous. 

After this free discourse, Mr. Hyde n ever found 
himself more graciously received by him, and treated 
with more familiarity ; upon which he always con- 
cluded, that if the archbishop had had any true 
friend, who would, in proper seasons, have dealt 
frankly with him in the most important matters, and 

m sorry] sorry for Mr. Hy.de] After this bold en- 

" After this free discourse, terprise, that gentleman 



74 THE LIFE OF 

PART wherein the errors were like to be most penal, he 
would not only have received it very well, but have 



1635. profited himself by it. But it is the misfortune of 
most persons of that education, (how worthy soever,) 
that they have rarely friendships with men above 
their own condition ; and that their ascent being 
commonly sudden, from low to high, they have af- 
terwards rather dependants than friends, and are 
still deceived by keeping somewhat in reserve to 
themselves, even from those with whom they seem 
most openly to communicate ; and which is worse, 
receive for the most part their informations and ad- 
vertisements from clergymen who understand the 
least, and take the worst measure of human affairs, 
of all mankind that can write and read. 

Under this universal acquaintance and general 
acceptation, Mr. Hyde led for many years as cheer- 
ful and pleasant a life as any man did enjoy, as long 
as the kingdom took any pleasure in itself. His 
practice grew every day as much as he wished, and 
would have been much more, if he had wished it ; 
by which, he not only supported his expense, greater 
much than men of his rank and pretences used to, 
make, but increased his- estate by some convenient 
purchases of land adjoining to his other; and he 
grew so much in love with business and practice, 
that he gave up his whole heart to it ; resolving, by 
a course of severe study, to recover the time he had 
lost upon less profitable learning; and to intend 
nothing else, but to reap all those benefits to which 
that profession could carry him, and to the pursuing 
whereof he had so many and so unusual encourage- 
ments ; and towards which it was not the least, that 
God had blessed him with an excellent . wife, who 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 75 

perfectly resigned herself to him ; and who then had PART 
brought him, before any troubles in the kingdom, ______ 

three sons and a daughter, which he then and ever 163<<i ' 
looked upon, as his greatest blessing and consolation. 

Because we shall have little cause hereafter to Mr - H y de ' s 

. , reflections 

mention any other particulars in the calm part of on the 
his life, whilst he followed the study and practice of paruff ins 
the law, it will not in this place appear a very im- llfe ' 
pertinent digression to say, that he was in that very 
time when fortune seemed to smile and to intend 
well towards him, and often afterwards, throughout 
the whole course of his life, wont to say, that " when 
" he reflected upon himself and his past actions, 
" even from the time of his first coming to the 
" Middle Temple, he had much more cause to be 
" terrified upon the reflection, than the man had 
" who viewed Rochester bridge in the morning that 
" it was broken, and which he had galloped over in 
*' the night ; that he had passed over more preci- 
" pices than the other had done, for many nights 
" and days, arid some years together ; from which 
" nothing but the immediate hand of God could have 
" preserved him." For though it is very true, the 
persons before mentioned were the only men, in 
whose company, in those seasons of his life, he took 
delight ; yet he frequently found himself in the con- 
versation of worse, and indeed of all manner of men ; 
and it being in the time when the war was entered 
into against the two crowns, and the expeditions 
made to, and unprosperous returns from Cadiz and 
the Isle of Rhe, the town was full of soldiers, and of 
young gentlemen who intended to be soldiers, or as 

" much more] so much more 



76 THE LIFE OF 

PART like them as they could ; great license used of all 
kinds, in clothes, in diet, in gaming ; and all kinds 



1635. O f expenses equally carried on, by men who had 
fortunes of their own to support it, and by others, 
who, having nothing of their own, cared not what 
they "spent, whilst they could find credit : so that 
there was never an age, in which, in so short a time, 
so many young gentlemen, who had not experience 
in the world, or some good tutelar angel to protect 
them, were insensibly and suddenly overwhelmed in 
that sea of wine, and women, and quarrels, and 
gaming, which almost overspread the whole king- 
dom, and the nobility and gentry thereof. And when 
he had, by God's immediate blessing, disentangled 
himself from these labyrinths, (his nature and incli- 
nation disposing him rather to pass through those 
dissolute quarters, than to make any stay in them,) 
and was enough composed against any extravagant 
excursions ; he was still conversant with a rank of 
men (how worthy soever) above his quality, and en- 
gaged in an expense above his fortune, if the extra- 
ordinary accidents of his life had not supplied him 
for those excesses ; so that it brought no prejudice 
upon him, except in the censure of severe men, who 
thought him a person of more license than in truth 
he was, and who, in a short time, were very fully 
reconciled to him. 
And his fj e jj a( i w ithout doubt great infirmities ; which 

own cha- 
racter, by a providential mercy were seasonably restrained 

from growing into vices, at least [into any that were 
habitual. He had ambition enough to keep him 
from being satisfied with his own condition, and to 
raise his spirit to great designs of raising himself; 
but not to transport him to endeavour it by any 



\ 
EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 77 

crooked and indirect means. He was never sus- PART 
pected to flatter the greatest men P, or in the least *' 
degree to dissemble his own opinions or thoughts, 1635< 
how ingrateful soever it often proved ; and even an 
affected defect in, and contempt of, those two useful 
qualities, cost him dear afterwards. He indulged 
his palate very much, and took even some delight in 
eating and drinking well, but without any approach 
to luxury ; and, in truth, rather discoursed like an 
epicure, than was one ; having spent much time in 
the eating hours with the earl of Dorset, the lord 
Con way, and the lord Lumley, men who excelled in 
gratifying their appetites. He had a fancy sharp 
and luxuriant ; but so carefully cultivated and 
strictly guarded, that he never was heard to speak a 
loose or a profane word ; which he imputed to the 
chastity of the persons where his conversation usu- 
ally was, where that rank sort of wit'was religiously 
detested : and a little discountenance would quickly 
root those unsavoury weeds out of all discourses, 
where persons of honour are present. 

He was in his nature inclined to pride and pas- 
sion, and to a humour between wrangling and dis- 
puting very troublesome, which good company in a 
short time so much reformed and mastered, that no 
man was more affable and courteous to all kind of 
persons ; and they who knew the great infirmity of 
his whole family, which abounded in passion, used 
to say, he had much extinguished the unruliness of 
that fire. That which supported and rendered him 
generally acceptable was his generosity, (for he had 
too much a contempt of money,) and the opinion 

P men] man 



78 THE LIFE OF 

PART men had of the goodness and justice of his nature, 
which was transcendent in him, in a wonderful ten- 



1635. d ernesSj an( j delight in obliging. His integrity was 
ever without blemish, and believed to be above tempt- 
ation. He was firm and unshaken 1 in his friend- 
ships ; and, though he had great candour towards 
others in the differences of religion, he was zealously 
and deliberately fixed in the principles both of the 
doctrine and discipline of the church : yet he used 
to say to his nearest friends, in that time, when he 
expected another kind of calm for the remainder of 
his life, " though he had some glimmering light of, 
" and inclination to, virtue in his nature, that the 
" whole progress of his life had been full of despe- 
" rate hazards ; and that only the merciful hand of 
" God Almighty had prevented his being both an 
". unfortunate and a vicious man :" and he still said, 
that " God had vouchsafed that signal goodness 
" to him, for the piety and exemplar virtue of 
" his father and mother ;" whose memory he had 
always in veneration r : and he was pleased with 
what his nearest ally and bosom friend, sergeant 
Hyde, (who was afterwards chief justice of the 
king's bench,) used at that time to say of him, that 
his cousin had passed his time very luckily, and with 
notable success, and was like to be very happy in 
the world ; but he would never advise any of his 
friends to walk in the same paths, or to tread in his 
steps. 

s^eT/Eu- lt was about the 7 ear 163 9, when he was little 

rope A. D. more than thirty years of age, and when England 

enjoyed the greatest measure of felicity that it had 

'' unshaken] unshakable ' veneration] singular veneration 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 79 

ever known; the two crowns of France and Spain PART 
worrying each other, by their mutual incursions and. 



invasions 8 , whilst they had both a civil war in their 1639> 
own bowels ; the former, by frequent rebellions from 
their own factions and animosities, the latter, by the 
defection of Portugal ; and both laboured more to 
ransack and burn each other's dominions, than to 
extinguish their own fire. All Germany weltering 
in its own blood, and contributing to each other's 
destruction, that the poor crown of Sweden might 
grow great out of their ruins, and at their charge : 
Denmark and Poland being adventurers in the same 
destructive enterprises. Holland and the United 
Provinces wearied and tired with their long and 
chargeable war, how prosperous soever they were in 
it ; and beginning to be more afraid of France their 
ally, than of Spain their enemy. Italy every year 
infested by the arms of Spain and France, which di- 
vided the princes thereof into the several factions. 

Of all the princes of Europe, the king of Eng- 
land alone seemed to be seated upon that pleasant 
promontory, that might safely view the tragic suf- 
ferings of all his neighbours about him, without any 
other concernment than what arose from his own 
princely heart and Christian compassion, to see such 
desolation wrought by the pride, and passion, and 
ambition of private persons, supported by princes 
who knew not what themselves would have. His 
three kingdoms flourishing in entire peace and uni- 
versal plenty, in danger of nothing but their own 
surfeits ; and his dominions every day enlarged, by 
sending out colonies upon large and fruitful planta- 

" invasions] invasions of each other 



80 THE LIFE OF 

PART tions ; his strong fleets commanding all seas; and 
the numerous shipping of the nation bringing the 



' 



1G39. t ra( j e O f th e WO rld into his ports; nor could it with 
unquestionable security be carried any whither else ; 
and all these blessings enjoyed under a prince of the 
greatest clemency and justice, and of the greatest 
piety and devotion, and the most indulgent to his 
subjects, and most solicitous for their happiness and 
prosperity. 

O fortunati nimium, bona si sua norint ! 

In this blessed conjuncture, when no other prince 
thought he wanted any thing to compass what he 
most desired to be possessed of, but the affection and 
friendship of the king of England, a small, scarce dis- 
cernible cloud arose in the north, which was shortly 
after attended with such a storm, that never gave 
over raging till it had shaken, and even rooted up, 
the greatest and tallest cedars of the three nations ; 
blasted all its beauty and fruitfulness ; brought its 
strength to decay, and its glory to reproach, and al- 
most to desolation ; by such a career and deluge of 
wickedness and rebellion, as by not being enough 
foreseen, or in truth suspected, could not be pre- 
vented. 

Upon the rebellion in Scotland, in the year 1640, 

the king called a parliament ; which met, according 

chos" yde to summ ns, upon the third of April. Mr. Hyde 

member for was chosen to serve for two places ; for the borough 

Wotton- 

Basset. of Wotton-Basset, in the county of Wilts ; and for 
the borough of Shaftesbury, in the county of Dorset; 
but made choice to serve for his neighbours of the 
former place: and so a new writ issued for the 
choice of another burgess for Shaftesbury. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 81 

The next day after Mr. Pym had recapitulated PART 
the whole series of the grievances and miscarriages 



which had been in the state, Mr. Hyde told the 164 - 
house, that "that worthy gentleman had omitted His first 
" one grievance, more heavy than (as he thought) 
" many of the others ; which was, the earl marshal's 
" court : a court newly erected, without colour or 
" shadow of law, which took upon it to fine and 
" imprison the king's subjects, and to give great da- 
" mages for matters which the law gave no damages 
" for." He repeated a pleasant story of a citizen, 
who, being rudely treated for more than his fare 
came to, by a waterman, who, pressing him, still 
shewed his crest, or badge upon his coat, the citizen 
bade him be gone with his goose ; whereas it was, 
in truth, a swan, the crest of an earl, whose servant 
the waterman was : whereupon the citizen was called 
into the marshal's court, and, after a long and charge- 
able attendance, was, for the opprobrious dishonour- 
ing the earl's crest, by calling the swan a goose, 
fined and imprisoned, till he had paid considerable 
damages to the lord, or at least to the waterman ; 
which really undid the citizen. 

He told them another story as ridiculous, of a 
gentleman, who, owing his tailor a long time a good 
sum of money for clothes, and his tailor coming one 
day to his chamber, with more than ordinary impor- 
tunity for his debt, and not receiving any good an- 
swer, threatened to arrest him ; upon which the gen- 
tleman, enraged, gave him very ill words, called him 
base fellow, and laid his hands upon him to thrust 
him out of his chamber : in this struggle, and under 
this provocation, oppression, and reproach, the poor 
tailor chanced to say, that he was as good a man as 

VOL. I. G 



82 THE LIFE OF 

PART the other; for which words he was called into the 
marshal's court ; and for his peace, was content to 



164 - be satisfied his debt, out of his own ill manners; 
being compelled to release all his other demands in 
, lieu of damages. The case was known by many *, 
and detested by all. 

He told them, that " there was an appendant to 
" that court, which he called the pageantry of it, 
" the heralds ; who were as grievous to the gentry, 
" as the court was to the people." He said, " that 
" sure the knights of that house, when they received 
" that honour from the king, though they might 
" think themselves obliged to live at a higher rate, 
" yet they believed that they might die as good 
" cheap as other men ;" he told them, " they could 
" not, it would cost them ten pounds more ; and yet 
" a gentleman could not die for nothing." The he- 
ralds had procured such an order from the earl mar- 
shal, to force all persons to pay at their funerals, 
such several sums, according to their several degrees. 
He concluded with a desire, that when the wisdom 
of that house provided remedies against the other 
grievances, it would likewise secure the subject 
against this exorbitance. This representation was 
very acceptable to the house, both in respect of the 
matter, which was odious enough, and in regard of the 
person that usurped that monstrous jurisdiction, who 
was in no degree grateful to them ; upon whom he 
that made the motion u had not made the least re- 
flection, the modesty of that time not permitting the 
mention of great men with any reproach, until their 
offences were first examined and proved : and this 
being the first part he had acted upon that stage, 
* by many] to many " he that made the motion] the speaker 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 83 

brought him much applause ; and he was ever after- PART 
wards heard with great benignity. ' 



Upon the warm debate in the house of commons, . 

7 He endea- 

concerning the giving the king money, Mr. Hyde vourst 
observed by the several discourses of many of the dissolution 
court, who were of near admission to the king and Ha 
queen, and like to make probable guesses, that they 
believed the king would be so much displeased at 
the proceedings of the house, that he would dissolve 
them ; which he believed would prove the most fatal 
resolution could be taken. As soon as the house 
was up, he went over to Lambeth, to the archbi- 
shop ; whom he found walking in his garden, hav- 
ing received a full account of all that had passed, 
from persons who had made more haste from the 
house. He appeared sad, and full of thoughts ; and 
calling the other to him, seemed willing to hear what 
he would say. He told him, "that he would not 
" trouble him with the relation of any thing that 
" had passed, of which he presumed he had received 
" a good account : that his business was only to in- 
" form him of his own fears and apprehensions, and 
" the observations he had made upon the discourses 
" of some considerable men of the court, as if the 
" king might be wrought upon, because there had 
" not been that expedition used as he expected, 
" speedily to dissolve the parliament : that he came 
" only to beseech him to use all his credit to pre- 
" vent such a desperate counsel, which would pro- 
" duce great mischief to the king and to the church : 
" that he was confident the house was as well con- 
'* stituted and disposed, as ever house of commons 
" was or would be : that the number of the disaf- 
" fected to church or state was very small ; and 

G 2 



84 THE LIFE OF 



PART " though they might obstruct for some time the 
quick resolving upon what was fit, they would 



1640. never be able to pervert their good inclinations 
" and desires to serve the king." 

The archbishop heard him very patiently, and 
said, he believed the king would be very angry at 
the way of their proceedings ; for that, in this con- 
juncture, the delaying and denying to do what he 
desired was the same thing, and therefore he be- 
lieved it probable that he would dissolve them, with- 
out which he could not enter upon other counsels : 
that, for his own part, he was resolved to deliver no 
opinion ; but as he would not persuade the dissolu- 
tion, which might be attended by consequences he 
could not foresee, so he had not so good an opinion 
of their affections to the king or the church, as to 
persuade their longer sitting, if the king were in- 
clined to dissolve them : as he actually did on the 
fourth or fifth of May, not three weeks after their 
first meeting. v 

The temper and constitution of both houses of 
parliament, which the king was forced to call shortly 
after, and met on the third of November, 1640, X 
was very different from the last : and they disco- 
vered not more prejudice against any man, than 
He is again against Mr. Hyde ; who was again returned to serve 
serve in par- there, and whom they were sorry to find amongst 
:nt * them , as a man they knew well to have great af- 
fection for the archbishop, and of unalterable devo- 
tion to the government of the church; and there- 
fore they first laboured to find some defect in his 

v as he actually did on the x and met on the third of 
fourth or fifth of May first November, 1640,] Not in MS. 
meeting.] Not in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 85 

election, and then to irreconcile those towards him, PART 
who they found had any esteem or kindness for 



him: but not finding the success in either answer- 
able to their expectation, they lived fairly towards 
him, and endeavoured, by several applications, to 
gain credit with him ; who returned them their own 
civilities ; having had very particular acquaintance 
with many of them, whom he as much endeavoured 
to preserve from being prevailed upon. 

Within few days after their meeting, he renewed He procures 

i i -i i ' -i i i i thesuppres- 

tne motion he had made in the last parliament, sion of the 



against the marshal's court, (though he knew 
earl marshal had gotten himself much into their fa- 
vour, by his application, and some promises he had 
made them at the meeting at York ; and principally 
by his declared aversion and prejudice to the earl of 
Strafford,) and told them what extravagant proceed- 
ings there had been in that court, since the dissolu- 
tion of the last parliament ; and that more damages 
had been given there, by the sole judgment of the 
lord marshal, for contumelious and reproachful words, 
of which the law took no notice, in two days, than 
had been given by all the juries, in all the courts in 
Westminster hall, in the whole term, and the days 
for trial after it was ended. Upon which he got a 
committee to be named, of which himself sat in the 
chair ; and found that the first precedent they had 
in all their records for that form of proceeding which 
they had used, and for giving of damages for words, 
was but in the year 1633 ; and the very entrance 
upon this inquisition put an end to that upstart 
court, which never presumed to sit afterwards ; and 
so that grievance was thoroughly abolished. And, 
to manifest how great an impression the alarums of 

G 3 



86 THE LIFE OF 

PART this kind made upon the highest and the proudest 
. natures, the very next Sunday after this motion was 



1640. ma d e i n the house of commons, the earl marshal 
seeing Mr. Hyde in the closet at Whitehall during 
the time of the sermon, he came with great courtesy 
to him, thanked him for having treated his person 
so civilly, when upon so just reason he had found 
fault with some of his actions : said, he believed he 
had been in the wrong ; but that he had been mis- 
led by the advice of sir Harry Martin and other ci- 
vilians, who were held men of great learning, and 
who assured him that those proceedings were just 
and lawful. He said, they had gained well by it, 
but should mislead him no more : and concluded 
with great professions of kindness and esteem, and 
offered him all offices in his power ; when, in his 
heart, he did him the honour to detest and hate 
him perfectly; as he professed to all whom he 
trusted, y 

7 - His credit grew every day in the house, in spite 
of all the endeavours which were used to lessen it : 
and it being evident that he had no dependence 
upon the court, and insisted wholly upon maintain- 
ing what the law had established, very many wise 
men, and of estate and reputation in the kingdom, 

7 as he professed to all whom pers of the person whose life is 

he trusted.] A curious narrative the end of this discourse, that 

of the conduct and escape of the even unawares many things are 

lord keeper Finch is here omit- inserted not so immediately ap- 

ted : it may be seen in the Ap- plicable to his own person ; 

pendix to the first volume of the which possibly may hereafter, in 

History of the Rebellion, p. 522. some other method, be cornmu- 

8vo. Oxford, 1826. nicated to the world; and there- 

* Thus in MS. : The memo- fore we shall again resort only 

rials and extracts are so large to such particulars as more im- 

and particular of all these pro- mediately relate to him. His 

ceedings in the notes and pa- credit, &c. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 87 

(who observed well the crooked and ambitious de- PART 
signs of those who desired to be thought to care 



only for the good of their country,) adhered to him ; 
and were willing to take advice from him, how to 
prevent those miseries which were like to be brought 
upon the kingdom : so that they, who had cut out 
all the work from the beginning, and seldom met 
with any notable contradiction, found themselves 
now frequently disappointed, and different resolu- 
tions taken to what they had proposed ; which they 
imputed to his activity. 

He was very much in the business of the house ; 
the greatest chairman in the committees of the 
greatest moment ; and very diligent in attending 
the service both in the house and at committees : 
for he had from the beginning of- the parliament 
laid aside his gown and practice, and wholly given He la y 

. g aside his 

himself up to the public business ; which he saw so gown, and 
much concerned the peace and very being of the f e 'if wholly 
kingdom. He was in the chair in that committee 
which considered of the illegality of the court of 
York : and the other, that examined the miscar- 
riages of the judges, in the case of ship-money, and 
in other cases of judicatory, in their several courts ; 
and prepared charges thereupon against them. He 
was in the chair against the marshal's court : in that 
committee which was against the court of York, 
which was prosecuted with great passion, and took 
up many weeks debate : in that which concerned 
the jurisdiction of the lord president and council of 
the marches of Wales ; which likewise held a long 
time, and was prosecuted with great bitterness and 
animosity : in which the inhabitants of the four 
neighbour counties of Salop, Worcester, Hereford, 

. G 4 



88 THE LIFE OF 



PART and Gloucester, and consequently the knights and 
burgesses which served for the same, were passion- 



1640. ately concerned to absolve themselves from the bur- 
den of that jurisdiction ; and all the officers of that 
court and council, whereof some were very great 
men, and held offices of great value, laboured with 
equal passion and concernment to support and main- 
tain what was in practice and possession ; and their 
friends appeared accordingly. 

He was in the chair in many committees made 
upon private complaints ; insomuch as he was sel- 
dom in the afternoon free from that service in the 
committees, as he was never absent in mornings 
from the house : and he was often heard to mention 
one private committee, in which he was put acci- 
dentally into the chair, upon an enclosure which had 
been made of great wastes, belonging to a the queen's 
manors, without the consent of the tenants, the be- 
nefit whereof had been given by the queen to a ser- 
vant of near trust ; who forthwith sold the lands 
enclosed to the earl of Manchester, lord privy seal ; 
who, together with his son Mandevile, were now 
most concerned to maintain the enclosure ; against 
which, as well the inhabitants of other manors, who 
claimed common in those wastes, as the queen's te- 
nants of the same, made loud complaints, as a great 
oppression, carried upon them with a very high 
hand, and supported by power. 
The erst The committee sat in the queen's court, and Oli- 

canse of ~, 

Oliver ver Cromwell, being one of them, appeared much 

enm?ty e to S concerned to countenance the petitioners, who were 

numerous, together with, their witnesses; the lord 

* to] to some 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 89 

Mandevile being likewise present as a party, and, PART 
by the direction of the committee, sitting covered. 



Cromwell (who had never before been heard to 164 - 
speak in the house of commons) ordered the wit- 
nesses and petitioners in the method of the proceed- 
ing, and seconded and enlarged upon what they said 
with great passion ; and the witnesses and persons 
concerned, who were a very rude kind of people, 
interrupted the council and witnesses on the other 
side with great clamour, when they said any thing 
that did not please them ; so that Mr. Hyde (whose 
office it was to oblige men of all sorts to keep order) 
was compelled to use some sharp reproofs and some 
threats to reduce them to such a temper, that the 
business might be quietly heard. Cromwell in great 
fury reproached the chairman for being partial, and 
that he discountenanced the witnesses by threaten- 
ing them : the other appealed to the committee, 
which justified him, and declared that he behaved 
himself as he ought to do ; which more inflamed 
him, who was already too much angry. When upon 
any mention of matter of fact, or the proceeding 
before and at the enclosure, the lord Mandevile de- 
sired to be heard, and with great modesty related 
what had been done, or explained what had been 
said, Mr. Cromwell did answer and reply upon him 
with so much indecency and rudeness, and in lan- 
guage so contrary and offensive, that every man 
would have thought, that as their natures and their 
manners were as opposite as it is possible, so their 
interest could never have been the same. In the 
end, his whole carriage was so tempestuous, and his 
behaviour so insolent, that the chairman found him- 
self obliged to reprehend him ; and to tell him, if he 



90 THE LIFE OF 

PART proceeded in the same manner, he would presently 
*' adjourn the committee, and the next morning com- 
plain to the house of him ; which he never forgave ; 
and took all occasions afterwards to pursue him with 
the utmost malice and revenge, to his death. 
1641. When Mr. Hyde sat in the chair, in the grand 
committee of the house for the extirpation of episco- 
pacy, all that party made great court to him ; and 
the house keeping those disorderly hours, and sel- 
dom rising till after four of the clock in the after- 
noon, they frequently importuned him to dine with 
them at Mr. Pym's lodging, which was at sir Ri- 
chard Manly 's house, in a little court behind West- 
minster hall ; where he, and Mr. Hambden, sir Ar- 
thur Haslerig, and two or three more, upon a stock 
kept a table, where they transacted much business, 
and invited thither those of whose conversion they 
had any hope. 

One day after dinner, Nathaniel Fiennes, who 
that day likewise dined there, asked Mr. Hyde whe- 
ther he would ride into the fields, and take a little 
air, it being a fine evening; which the other con- 
senting to, they sent for their horses, and riding to- 
gether in the fields between Westminster and Chel- 
His con- Se3j MJ-. Fiennes asked him what it was that inclined 

versation ' . 

with Nat. him to adhere so passionately to the church, which 
could not possibly be supported. He answered, that 
he could have no other obligation than that of his 
own b conscience, and his reason, that could move 
with him ; for he had no relation or dependence 
upon any churchmen that could dispose him to it ; 
that he could not conceive how religion could be 

b own] Not in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 91 

preserved without bishops, nor how the government PART 
of the state could well subsist, if the government of. 



the church were altered; and asked him what go- 1641- 
vernment they meant to introduce in its place. To 
which he answered, that there would be time enough 
to think of that ; but assured him, and wished him 
to remember what he said, that if the king resolved 
to defend the bishops, it would cost the kingdom 
much blood, and would be the occasion of as sharp 
a war as had ever been in England : for that there 
was a great number c of good men who resolved to 
lose their lives before they would ever submit to 
that government. Which was the first positive de- 
claration he had ever heard from any particular 
man of that party, very few of them having at that 
time that resolution, much less avowing it ; and if 
they had, the kingdom was in no degree at that 
time infected with that poison, how much soever it 
was spread afterwards. 

Within two days after this discourse from Mr. 
Fiennes, Mr. Hyde, walking between the parliament 
house and Westminster, in the churchyard, met with 
Harrv Martin, with whom he lived very familiarly ; And Wlth 

J J J Harry Mar- 

and speaking together about the proceedings of the tin. 
houses, Martin told him, that he would undo him- 
self by his adhering to the court ; to which he re- 
plied, that he had no relation to the court, and was 
only concerned to maintain the government and 
preserve the law : and then told him, he could not 
conceive what he proposed to himself, for he did not 
think him to be of the opinion or nature with those 

c a great number] so great a number 



92 THE LIFE OF 

PART men who governed the house; and asked him, what 
. he thought of such and such men : and he very 



1 64 1 . f ran kiy answered, that he thought them knaves ; 
and that when they had done as much as they in- 
tended to do, they should be used as they had used 
others. The other pressed him then to say what 
he desired; to which, after a little pause, he very 
who owns roundly answered, " I do not think one man wise 
republican. " enough to govern us all :" which was the first 
word he had ever heard any man speak to that pur- 
pose ; and would without doubt, if it had been then 
communicated or attempted, been the most abhorred 
by the whole nation, of any design that could be 
mentioned ; and yet it appears it had even so early 
entered into the hearts of some desperate persons, 
that gentleman being at that time possessed of a 
very great fortune, and having great credit in his 
country. 

Whilst things were thus depending, one morning, 
when there was a conference with the lords, and so 
the house adjourned, Mr. Hyde being walking in 
the house, Mr. Peircy, brother to the earl of North- 
Mr. Hyde umberland, being a membe^ of the house, came to 

is sent for. i i i i 11 

by the king, him, and told him that the king would speak with 
him, and would have him that afternoon to come to 
him. He answered, he believed it was some mis- 
take, for that he had not the honour to be known 
to the king ; and that there was another of the same 
name, of the house. Mr. Peircy assured him he was 
the man ; and so it was agreed, that at such an 
hour in the evening he should call on him at his 
chamber ; which he did, and was by him conducted 
into the gallery, and so into the square room, where 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 9iJ 

he stayed till the other went to the king; who in a PART 

very short time came thither, attended only by Mr ' 

Peircy, who, as soon as Mr. Hyde had kissed his 
majesty's hand, withdrew. 

The king told him, " that he heard from all hands The king's 
" how much he was beholden to him ; and that when w fth him. 
" all his servants in the house of commons either 
" neglected his service, or could not appear usefully 
" in it, he took all occasions to do him service ; for 
" which he thought fit to give him his own thanks, 
" and to assure him that he would remember it to 
" his advantage." He took notice of his affection to 
the church, for which, he said, " he thanked him 
" more than for all the rest ;" which the other ac- 
knowledged with the duty that became him, and said, 
" he was very happy that his majesty was pleased 
" with what he did ; but if he had commanded him 
" to have withdrawn his affection and reverence for 
" the church, he would not have obeyed him ;" which ,> 
his majesty said made him love him the better. Then 
he discoursed of the passion of the house, and of the 
bill then brought in against episcopacy ; and asked 
him, " whether he thought they would be able to 
" carry it ;" to which he answered, " he believed 
" they could not, at least that it would be very long 
" first." " Nay, (replied the king,) if you will look 
" to it, that they do not carry it before I go for 
" Scotland, which will be at such a time, when the 
" armies shall be disbanded, I will undertake for the 
" church after that time : why then, (said the other,) 
" by the grace of God, it will not be in much danger :" 
with which the king was well pleased ; and dismissed 
him with very gracious expressions. And this was 



94 THE LIFE OF 

PART the first introduction of him to the king's taking no- 
'. tice of him. 



164 1. Afterwards, in that summer, during the time of 
his majesty's stay in Scotland, Mr. Secretary Nicho- 
las (who then kept the signet, though he was not 
sworn secretary till the king's return) being very 
sick, sent to him, to desire to speak with him ; 
whereupon he went to him to his house in King's- 
street, and found him in his bed : and the business 
was wholly to shew him a letter from the king to 
him, in which he writ to him, that he understood, 
by several hands, that he was very much beholden 
to Mr. Hyde, for the great zeal he shewed to his 
service; and therefore commanded him to speak 
with him, and to let him know the sense he had of 
it; and that when he returned, he would let him 
know it himself. 

Having now taken a view of him from his birth, 
and through his whole youth, and first entrance into 
the business of the world, in which he had great 
success and prosperity, (and if the calm, in which 
he was born, and lasted so long, had continued, no 
man could with more probability have promised 
himself better fortune in the profession to which he 
had dedicated himself;) and having now brought 
him to be known to the king; and the tempest, 
that from the present foul weather shortly after 
broke out, driving him from further applying him- 
self to, or prosecuting that profession ; and the par- 
liament making some short recess during the king's 
being in Scotland ; we will here conclude the first 
part of his life, and enter upon the second ; which 
will contain a more important part, and in which 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 95 

we will mention no particulars of that active time, PART 
but such in which he had a signal part ; leaving the ' 
rest to the history of those great and monstrous 
actions. 

Montpelier, March 27, 1669- 



THE LIFE 



OF 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON; 

FROM HIS BIRTH TO THE RESTORATION OF THE 
ROYAL FAMILY IN THE YEAR 1650. 



PART II. 



WHEN the remonstrance of the state of the na- PART 
tion and its particular grievances was (by order of IL 
the house of commons) printed 3 . Mr. Hyde, only to I641 - 

. ,. . i , , Mr. Hyde 

give vent to his own indignation, and without the draws up 



an answer 



liament's 
renion- 
rattce. 



least purpose of communicating it, or that any use to the par 
should be made of it, had drawn such a full answer 
to it, as the subject would have enabled any man to st 
have done who had thought of it : and the lord 
Digby, who had much conversation and friendship 
with him, coming accidentally and suddenly into 
the room, where he was alone amongst his books 
and papers ; conferring together of the extravagant 
proceedings of the parliament, he, upon the fami- 
liarity that was between them, and upori the argu- 
ment that was then between them, read the answer 



a WHEN the remonstrance of printed,] As soon as the remon- 

the state of the nation and its strance, so much mentioned be- 

particular grievances was (by fore, was printed, 
order of the house of commons) 

VOL. I. H 



98 THE LIFE OF 

PART to him, which he had prepared to the remonstrance; 
with which he seemed much pleased, and desired 



1 64 ' him, that he would permit it to be made use of by 
the king, and that he might shew it to his majesty ; 
who found it absolutely necessary to publish some 
answer in his own name to that remonstrance, which 
had so much poisoned the hearts of the people ; and 
that his majesty was endeavouring to procure such 
an answer to be drawn. The other expressly and 
positively refused to give it him, or that any use 
should be made of it ; and reproached him for pro- 
posing a thing to him which might prove ruinous to 
him, if the house should have the least imagination 
that he exercised himself in such offices ; with which 
answer he seemed satisfied, and departed : no other 
person having seen it but the lord Falkland, from 
whom nothing was ever concealed. 

Within few days after, the lord Digby, with whom 
the king advised in the business of the parliament 
without reserve, came again to him ; and, after some 
apologies, told him freely, that very many had been 
with the king, desiring him that he would take care 
that some answer might be published to that remon- 
strance, which had already done much harm, and 
would do much more if it were not answered ; and 
that the king had spoken to him ; upon which he 
had confessed that he had seen an answer that 
pleased him very well, but could not prevail with 
the author of it to suffer it to be made use of; and 
told him who it was : whereupon the king seemed 
to wonder very much, that a person, who had ap- 
peared so publicly in defence of his service, should 
be so wary of assisting him in private : and after 
many expressions of grace towards that gentleman, 



EDWARD EARL OF- CLARENDON. 99 

his majesty had commanded him to come in his P ART 
name to him; and to conjure him to send that 



paper to him ; and to give him his royal word, that 
no person living should know that he had the least 
hand in it ; so that no danger should accrue to him 
thereby. 

Mr. Hyde, though he was very unsatisfied with 
what the lord Digby had done, (whose affection to 
him he did not in any degree make question of, but 
did not like his over activity, to which his restless 
fancy always disposed him ; and as he doubted not 
that himself had given the occasion to the king to 
send those commands, so he had likewise enlarged 
those commands, as he believed, in such a manner 
as he thought might most oblige him,) yet, upon 
the real consideration that it might do the king 
much service, he did, without delay, deliver the pa- 
pers; insisting upon the promise of secrecy, and, 
likewise, that his majesty would not publish without 
first communicating it to his council, and as done 
with their advice. And to that purpose he affixed 
that title to it, before he delivered the papers out of 
his hands ; believing, that as it would be more for 
the king's service to carry such an authority in the 
front of it, as " The king's answer with the advice 
" of his council ;" so it could not be refused by 
them, and yet might engage them in some displea- 
sure with the house of commons, which probably 
might be offended at it. The king was very punctual 
in doing what was desired, and caused it to be read 
at a full council, where many of the lords commended 
it very much, and none spake against it; and so it which by 
was published and printed ; and it was very appa- command 
rent to all men, that the king's service was very" pm 

H 2 



100 THE LIFE OF 

PART much advanced by it; and it was not more evident 
.to any than to the house of commons, who knew 



1641 - not how to make any expostulation upon it, it being 
in the king's own name, and published with the ad- 
vice of his privy-council : so that all they could do 
was, to endeavour to discover who was the penner 
of it ; to which discovery they were most intent by 
all their secret friends in court, who found means 
to discover most other secrets to them, but in this 
could do them no service. 

As soon as the lord Falkland and sir John Cole- 
pepper were called to the privy-council, the king 
sent for Mr. Hyde to him, who had not seen his 
majesty from the time he had been presented by 
Mr. Peircy. He commanded the lord Digby to bring 
him when it was night to the queen's back stairs ; 
and as soon as he was there, both king and queen 
came into the room ; and when he had kissed their 
hands, and the lord Digby was withdrawn, the king 
told him, " he was much beholden to him for many 
" good services, and that now he had preferred two 
" of his friends, it was time to give him some testi- 
" mony of his favour ; and therefore he had sent to 
" him to tell him that he intended to make him his 
" solicitor general, in the place of him who had 
Mr. Hyde " served him so ill." Mr. Hyde suddenly answered, 
offic!Tof S so- e " God forbid!" With which the king seeming sur- 
IS. rge " P rised > said > "Why God forbid?" The other replied, 
" It was in no degree fit at this time that he should 
" remove the other ; and if he were removed, him- 
" self was in no degree fit for it." The queen said, 
" he ought not to suffer for his modesty : she had 
" heard men, who could judge well, say, that he 
" was as fit for it as the other." Mr. Hyde said, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 101 

" that was an argument that gentleman thought the PART 
" other not fit for it, not that he believed him fit ; ' 



" which in truth, he said, he was not. That it 1641> 
" might be, that when the place was actually void, 
" the king might have filled it better with another 
" man than with Mr. Saint- John, whose parts were 
" not above many others, and his affections were 
" below most men's : but now that he was invested 
" in that office, it was not a good conjuncture to re- 
" move him ; and when it should be, he did humbly 
" advise his majesty to make choice of the ablest 
" man of the profession, whose affections were clear, 
" by whom he might indeed have great benefit; 
" whereas himself was" young, and without any of 
" that learning or experience which might make 
" him capable of that great trust." The queen say- 
ing again this was his modesty, he replied, " Madam, 
" when you know me better, you will not find me 
" so modest a man, but that I hope by your ma- 
" jesty's favour, in due time, to be made a better 
" man than I am at present : but, if you believe 
" that I know any thing of the disposition of .the 
" present time, or of what may conduce to the king's 
" service, I pray believe, that, though the solicitor 
" will never do much service, he will be able to do 
" much more mischief if he be removed." The king 
at the same time resolved to remove another officer, 
who did disserve him notoriously, and to prefer Mr. 
Hyde to that place ; with which their gracious in- 
tention both their majesties acquainted him : but he 
positively refused it ; and assured both their majes- 
ties, that he should be able to do much more service 
in the condition he was in. 

Before the king left Whitehall, he renewed his 
H 3 



102 THE LIFE OF 

PART commands to the three persons mentioned before, 
' the lord viscount Falkland, sir John Colepepper, 



and Mr. Hyde, to meet constantly together, and 

He is in- * 

trusted with consult upon his affairs, and conduct them the best 

the conduct . . . 

of the king's way they could in the parbament, and to give him 
parliament, constant advice what he was to do, without which, 
he declared again very solemnly, he would make no 
step in the parliament. Two of them were obb'ged 
by their offices and relations, and the other by his 
duty and inclination, to give him all satisfaction ; 
notwithstanding the discouragement they had so 
lately received in the king's going to the house to 
demand the five members, without ever communi- 
cating his intention to them b , and which had made 
a deep impression upon them. And so they met 
every night late together, and communicated their 
observations and intelligence of the day ; and so 
agreed what was to be done or attempted the next ; 
there being very many persons of condition and in- 
terest in the house who would follow their advice, 
and assist in any thing they desired. And because 
Mr. Hyde had larger accommodation in the house 
where he lived in Westminster than either of the 
other had, the meetings at night were for the most 
part with him ; and after their deliberation together, 
what was to be put in writing was always commit- 
ted to Mr. Hyde ; and when the king had left the 
town, he writ as freely to the king as either of the 
other did ; and sometimes, when they would be ex- 
cused, he went to him in great secret. 

He had been from the beginning very unbeloved 

b in the king's going to the ing his intention to them] Not 
house to demand the five mem- in MS. 
bers, without ever communicat- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 103 

by all the governing party; and though they took PART 
some pains at first to win him, yet their hope of- 



that was quickly desperate; and from the night of 1642> 
the protestation, he was as much in their detesta- 
tion as any man ; and the more, that they could 
take no advantage against him : and though they 
had a better opinion of his discretion than to believe 
he had any share in the advice of the late proceed- 
ings, yet they were very willing that others should 
believe it ; and made all the infusions they could to 
that purpose amongst those who took their opinions 
from them ; towards which his known friendship 
with the lord Digby was an argument very preva- 
lent : and then his opposing the votes upon their 
privilege had inflamed them beyond their temper; 
insomuch as Mr. Hambden told him one day, that 
the trouble that had lately befallen them had been 
attended with that benefit, that they knew who 
were their friends : and the other offering to speak 
upon the point of privilege, and how monstrous a 
thing it was to make a vote so contrary to the 
known law; he replied very snappishly, "that he 
" well knew he had a mind they should be all in 
" prison ;" and so departed without staying for an 
answer. Then they imputed to him the disposing 
the lord Falkland to serve the court, and the court 
to receive his service; and from the time that he 
and Colepepper were called to the council, they 
equally were enraged against both ; and now, when 
they had discovered the place of the nightly meet- 
ings, that a secretary of state and a chancellor of 
the exchequer every day went to the lodging of a 
private person, who ought to attend them, they be- 
lieved it a condescension that had some other foun- 

H 4 



104 THE LIFE OF 

PART dation than mere civility; yet they could not dis- 
cover any thing against them which they thought 



1642 ' fit to offer in public. 

It is not amiss in this place to say somewhat of 
those three persons, who had from that time so 
great a part in the business that was upon the stage, 
and did in a short time raise the reputation of the 
king, and of his cause, to a very great degree ; and 
who, though they were well united in the opposi- 
tion of all the ill designs against the crown, and 
concurred in the public service with necessary and 
mutual civilities towards each other, yet their prin- 
ciples and constitutions were very different ; and 
the lord Falkland and Mr. Hyde (between whom, 
as is said before, the friendship was most entire) 
had never had the least acquaintance with sir John 
Colepepper before the parliament ; and finding them- 
selves often of one opinion, grew into some conver- 
sation; and being after united in the king's trust, 
they rarely conferred but in the agitation of busi- 
ness ; their natures being in nothing like. 
some ac- The lord Falkland, though he was a man of a 

count of the 

temper and cheerful conversation, was of a severe nature, and a 
onord CS lover of virtue ; yet he had great esteem for all men 
Falkland. o f g reat p ar t s> though they applied them to ill pur- 
poses. He was so great an enemy to all dissimula- 
tion, that he chose sometimes the other extreme 
when it was not requisite. He had not the court 
in great reverence, and had a presaging spirit that 
the king would fall into great misfortune : and often 
said to his friend, that he chose to serve the king, 
because honesty obliged him to it ; but that he fore- 
saw his own ruin by doing it. He had a better 
opinion of the church of England, and the religion 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 105 
of it, than of any other church and religion; and PART 



had extraordinary kindness for very many church- 
men ; and if he could have helped or prevented it, 
there should have been no attempts against it. But 
he had in his own judgment such a latitude in opin- 
ion, that he did not helieve any part of the order or 
government of it to be so essentially necessary to 
religion, but that it might be parted with, and al- 
tered, for a notable public benefit or convenience ; 
and that the crown itself ought to gratify the people, 
in yielding to many things ; and to part with some 
power, rather than to run the hazards which would 
attend the refusal. But he was swayed in this by a 
belief that the king would in the end be prevailed 
with to yield to what was pressed ; and this opinion 
wrought too much upon too many. 

Albeit he had the greatest compliance with the 
weakness, and even the humour of other men, when 
there could be no suspicion of flattery ; and the 
greatest address to inform and reform them : yet 
towards the king, who many times obstinately ad- 
hered to many conclusions which did not naturally 
result from good premises, and did love to argue 
many things to which he would not so positively ad- 
here, he did not practise that condescension ; but 
contradicted him with more bluntness, and by sharp 
sentences ; and in some particulars (as of the church) 
to which the king was in conscience most devoted : 
and of this his majesty often complained ; and cared 
less to confer with him in private, and was less per- 
suaded by him, than his affairs, and the other's great 
parts and wisdom, would have required : though he 
had not a better opinion of any man's sincerity or 
fidelity towards him. 



106 THE LIFE OF 

PART Sir John Colepepper had spent some years of his 
youth in foreign parts, and especially in armies ; 



1642. wnere he had seen good service, and very well ob- 
r. served it ; and might have made a very good officer 
if he had intended it. He was of a rough nature, a 
hot head, and of great courage ; which had engaged 
him in many quarrels and duels ; wherein he still 
behaved himself very signally. He had in a very 
good season, and after a small waste of his fortune, 
retired from that course of life, and married, and 
betook himself to a country life ; and studied the 
business of the country, and the concernments of it, 
in which he was very well versed ; and being a man 
of sharpness .of parts, and volubility of language, he 
was frequently made choice of to appear at the 
council-board, in those matters which related to 
the country : in the managing whereof, his abilities 
were well taken notice of. His estate was very mo- 
derate, and his usual expense exceeded it not ; not 
being delighted with delicacies of any nature, or in- 
deed ever acquainted with them. He had infirmi- 
ties which sometimes made a noise ; but his parts 
and abilities made him very acceptable to his neigh- 
bours, and to those who were most considerable in 
their estates, and most popular ; so that with very 
little opposition, he had been chosen to be knight of 
that great county Kent, for the parliament ; where 
he quickly made himself to be taken notice of. He 
was proud and ambitious, and very much disposed 
to improve his fortune ; which he knew well how to 
do, by industry and thrift, without stooping to any 
corrupt ways, to which he was not inclined. 

He did not love the persons of many of those who 
were the violent managers, and less their designs ; 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 107 

and therefore he no sooner knew that he was well PART 
spoken of at court, but he exposed himself to the 
invitation, and heartily embraced that interest: 164 ' 2 - 
and when he came thither, he might very well be 
thought a man of no very good breeding ; having 
never sacrificed to the muses, or conversed in any 
polite company. He was warm and positive in de- 
bates, and of present fancy to object and find fault 
with what was proposed ; and indeed would take 
any argument in pieces, and expose it excellently to 
a full view ; and leave nothing to chance, or acci- 
dent, without making it foreseen ; but after that, 
knew not so well what to judge and determine ; and 
was so irresolute, and had a fancy so perpetually 
working, that, after a conclusion made, he would 
the next day, in the execution of it, and sometimes 
after, raise new doubts, and make new objections ; 
which always occasioned trouble, and sometimes 
produced inconvenience. 

In matters of religion he was, in his judgment, 
very indifferent ; but more inclined to what was 
established, to avoid the accidents which commonly 
attend a change, without any motives from his con- 
science; which yet he kept to himself; and was 
well content to have it believed that the activity 
proceeded from thence. He had, with all this un- 
courtliness (for sure no man less appeared a cour- 
tier) and ungracefulness in his mien and motion, a 
wonderful insinuation and address into the accepta- 
tion and confidence of the king and queen ; and 
flattery being a weed not so natural to the air and 
soil of the country where he had wholly lived, he 
was believed to speak with all plainness and sin- 
cerity; when no man more complied with those in- 



108 THE LIFE OF 

PART firmities they both had, and by that compliance pre- 
- vailed often over them. 



He had a very tragical way in expressing him- 
self, to raise the fears and apprehensions of those 
who were naturally apprehensive of dangers ; and 
by this means he prevailed marvellously with the 
queen in those matters to which she was most 
averse ; by representing things as dismally to her as 
he could well do; and on the other hand, to the 
king (who was naturally very sanguine) he was full 
of compliance ; cherished all his hopes and imagina- 
tions, and raised and improved those hopes very fre- 
quently by expedients very unagreeable to the end 
proposed. He was then (as was said before) very 
positive in his conclusions ; as if he did not pro- 
pose a thing that might come to pass, but what in- 
fallibly must be so : which was a temper the king 
could not contend with ; and did so much suspect 
himself, (which was his greatest infirmity, and the 
chief ground of all his sufferings,) that he did believe 
a man, of whom he thought very well, did know 
every thing that he confidently insisted upon. But 
his greatest advantage was, (besides his diligence in 
speaking as often as he could with the king and 
queen, and always with the queen upon any import- 
ant counsel,) that he had an entire confidence and 
friendship with Mr. John Ashburnham, whom the 
king loved, and trusted very much ; and who al- 
ways imprinted that advice in the king's mind, 
which the other had infused ; and being a member 
of the house, was always ready to report the service 
he did his majesty there, as advantageously as the 
business would bear, 
or Mr. ^ r Hyde was, in his nature and disposition, dif- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 109 

ferent from both the other; which never begot the PART 
least disagreement between the lord Falkland and !__ 
him. He was of a very cheerful and open nature, 164 '^- 
without any dissimulation ; and delivered his opin- 
ion of things or persons, where it was convenient, 
without reserve or disguise ; and was at least tena- 
cious enough of his opinion, and never departed 
from it out of compliance with any man. He had 
a very particular devotion and passion for the per- 
son of the king ; and did believe him the most, and 
the best Christian in the world. He had a most 
zealous esteem and reverence for the constitution of 
the government ; and believed it so equally poised, 
that if the least branch of the prerogative was torn 
off, or parted with, the subject suffered by it, and 
that his right was impaired : and he was as much 
troubled when the crown exceeded its just limits, 
and thought its prerogative hurt by it : and there- 
fore not only never consented to any diminution of 
the king's authority, but always wished that the 
king would not consent to it, with what importunity 
or impetuosity soever it was desired and pressed. 

He had taken more pains than such men use to 
do, in the examination of religion ; having always 
conversed with those of different opinions with all 
freedom and affection, and had very much kindness 
and esteem for many, who were in no degree of his 
own judgment ; and upon all this, he did really be- 
lieve the church of England the most exactly formed 
and framed for the encouragement and advance- 
ment of learning and piety, and for the preservation 
of peace, of any church in the world : that the tak- 
ing away any of its revenue, and applying it to se- 
cular uses, was robbery, and notorious sacrilege ; 



110 THE LIFE OF 

PART and that the diminishing the lustre it had, and had 
always had in the government, by removing the bi- 



1642. s h O p S out O f the house of peers, was a violation of 
justice ; the removing a landmark, and the shaking 
the very foundation of government ; and therefore 
he always opposed, upon the impulsion of conscience, 
all mutations in the church ; and did always believe, 
let the season or the circumstance be what it would, 
that any compliance was pernicious ; and that a 
peremptory and obstinate refusal, that might put 
men in despair of what they laboured for, and take 
away all hope of obtaining what they desired, would 
reconcile more persons to the government than the 
gratifying them in part ; which only whetted their 
appetite to desire more, and their confidence in de- 
manding it. 

Though he was of a complexion and humour very 
far from despair, yet he did believe the king would 
be oppressed by that party which then governed, and 
that they who followed and served him would be 
destroyed ; so that it was not ambition of power, or 
wealth, that engaged him to embark in so very ha- 
zardous an employment, but abstractly the consi- 
deration of his duty ; and he often used to apply 
those words of Cicero to himself, Meet cetas incidit in 
idbellum, cujus altera pars sceleris nimiumhabuit, 
alterafelicitatis parum. It is very probable, that if his 
access at that time had been as frequent to the king 
as sir John Colepepper's was, or the lord Falkland's 
might have been, some things might have been left 
undone, the doing whereof brought much prejudice 
to the king ; for all his principles were much more 
agreeable to his majesty's own judgment, than those 
of either of the other ; and what he said was of equal 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. Ill 

authority with him ; and when any advice was given PART 
by either of the other, the king usually asked, " whe- n ' 
" ther Ned Hyde were of that opinion ;" and they 1642 - 
always very ingenuously confessed, that he was not : 
but his having no relation of service, and so no pre- 
tence to be seen often at court, and the great jea- 
lousy that was entertained towards him, made it ne- 
cessary to him to repair only in the dark to the king 
upon emergent occasions, and leave the rest to be 
imparted by the other two : and the differences in 
their natures and opinions never produced any dis- 
union between them in those councils which con- 
cerned the conduct of the king's service ; but they 
proceeded with great unanimity, and very manifestly 
much advanced the king's business from the very 
low state it was in when they were first trusted ; the 
other two having always much deference to the lord 
Falkland, who allayed their passions ; to which they 
were both enough inclined . 

c to which they were both of so many bishops to the 
enough inclined.] Thus continued Tower, having made many of 
in the MS. : The parliament the lords neglect coming to the 
continued its fury, and every house, and disheartened many 
day sent some new" expostula- of those who did continue their 
tions to the king, and did all attendance : so that the king 
they could to kindle the fire and queen were weary of Wind- 
throughout the kingdom, upon sor ; and her majesty's fears 
the breach of privilege. They grew everyday so much strong- 
had already passed the bill to er, that it was resolved, that she 
remove the bishops out of the should herself remove beyond 
house of peers, and deferred the the seas ; and that then the 
sending it to the king, only that king should retire into the 
it might be accompanied with northern parts, with a resolution 
the other bill concerning the that he would get Hull into his 
militia, which, being passed the hands. But this and all other re- 
co'mmons, was not like to meet solutions were kept very secret; 
with much obstruction in the the design upon Hull, which 
house of peers ; the late tumults, would require his remove into 
and the committing the persons the northern parts, being the 



112 



THE LIFE OF 



PART 
II. 



When the two bills were sent to the king, for the 
.granting the militia, and the removing the bishops 
I642< out of the house of peers > most men did believe that 



sole advice of sir John Colepep- 
per, which he owned not to his 
two companions, well knowing 
that their opinion was, that the 
queen being once gone, the 
king should either return to 
London, or rernain at Hamp- 
ton-court, or at such a distance, 
and positively refuse to consent 
to any other unreasonable de- 
mands. The king sent word to 
the parliament, that he was 
obliged by the treaty with the 
States upon the marriage of his 
daughter, the princess Mary, to 
the prince of Orange, that he 
would about this time send his 
daughter to her husband, which 
he was resolved forthwith to 
do ; and that the queen his 
wife, being indisposed in her 
health, and being advised that 
change of air would do her 
much good, resolved to make 
use of the same opportunity, and 
to accompany her daughter to 
the Hague, of which he thought 
fit to give them notice. The 
leading men were much divided 
among themselves upon this 
message. They, who had been 
formerly engaged in treaties of 
preferment, were not willing to 
give over all hopes of reas- 
suming that matter, which they 
could never think could be done, 
if her majesty were gone beyond 
the seas. Others, who were well 
acquainted with her constitution 
and her fears, believed, if she 
were absent, they should no 
more prevail with the king (who 
was naturally positive enough) 



to consent to their demands ; 
and there were some who out 
of pure generosity, and a sense 
that all the world would believe 
that she was driven away by the 
uncivil behaviour of the parlia- 
ment : and all these desired 
that she might be persuaded to 
stay; and prevailed so far, that 
both houses sent a message to 
her to that purpose, with some 
more courtly expressions tban 
they had been of late accustomed 
to ; and taking notice that her 
physician had declared that her 
health was impaired by the 
trouble of her mind, made pro- 
fessions of duty, and a desire to 
give her all content, if they 
might know what would do it. 
But the rest, who cared not 
whether she went or stayed, and 
rather wished her away, pressed 
on all those proceedings in the 
houses which they knew would 
give her most offence, and the 
bill for the militia was now 
likewise passed both houses, as 
well as that concerning the bi- 
shops, and they sent to the king 
to appoint a day for the passing 
and enacting them, together 
with some other bill for the re- 
lief of Ireland, according to 
their usual method, which was 
to send some necessary act, 
which could not be refused, 
when they sent others which 
would be more ungrateful. 
Most men did believe that the 
king would never give his con- 
sent to either of these two, &c. 
page 113. line I. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 113 

the king would never give his assent to either of PART 
these two ; though very many had concurred in 



them for no other reason, than because they were 
assured he would not refuse ; and others upon confi- 
dence that he would ; and therefore would not ren- 
der themselves obnoxious by opposing them. Upon 
all which the queen continued her resolution, and 
hastened her journey, that she might be out of the 
way, and thereby the king might the more reso- 
lutely reject those bills, which he intended to do ; 
and the houses the more importunately pressed the 
despatch of the bills, as soon as the day was ap- 
pointed for the queen's beginning her journey from 
Windsor towards Dover d . 

In this perplexity, when nothing was so necessary 
as the most obstinate resolution, sir John Colepepper, 
who was naturally inclined to expedients, and in 
difficult cases, that is, cases made difficult by the 
perverseness of supercilious contenders, to composi- 
tion, much desired that the king would pass that 
against the bishops, and absolutely reject the other ; 
which he did in truth believe would satisfy so many, 
that those that remained unsatisfied would not have 

a journey from Windsor to- thought of sending a commission 
wards Dover] Thus continued in to despatch those and suspend 
MS. : And the bill concerning the other, till he had further con- 
Ireland could not be despatched sidered them ; for he thought it 
too soon for the necessity of the not fit to give an absolute denial, 
service ; besides that any delay till he were retired to a greater 
therein was presently taken no- distance from London ; but then 
tice of and published as a fa- the doing one and not the other 
vour to that rebellion and hin- would be looked upon as an ab- 
dering the suppression thereof, solute denial by those imperious 
which now grew to be an impu- conductors. In this perplexity, 
dent imputation, especially upon &c. 
the queen ; so that the king 

VOL. I. I 



114 THE LIFE OF 

PART credit enough to give any further disturbance ; and 
in his own judgment, as hath been said before, he 



1642 ' thought the matter of little importance; but he 
knew that argument would make no other impres- 
sion upon the king, than to the disadvantage of the 
arguer; and if he had thought himself obliged to 
have enacted one, he would have chosen to have 
sir John passed that for the militia, rather than the other : he 
ad ves P the r urged therefore to the king, no other person present, 
thelin paSS the necessity of giving the parliament satisfaction in 
against the one o f those bills ; and that there were more who 

bishops. 

would be satisfied with that concerning the bishops, 
than with the other concerning the militia ; and 
therefore it would be best to gratify the major part. 
Then he exposed the dreadful consequences which 
would attend the yielding in the point of the militia ; 
as if it would be the next day in their power to de- 
pose him ; and all the tragical effects of granting 
that authority. He seemed in no degree to under- 
value the mischief of consenting to the bill against 
the bishops ; yet that it would be attended with 
that present benefit, that the church would be free 
from further apprehension ; and that this degrada- 
tion would secure the function and the revenue ; and 
that when these jealousies and misunderstandings 
should be once composed, that bill would be easily 
repealed by the experience how much the govern- 
ment was hurt by it ; and whilst the sword remained 
in the king's own hands, there would be no attempt 
to make further alterations. The king asked him, 
whether Ned Hyde was of that mind ; to which he 
answered, he was not ; nor did wish that either of 
the bills should be passed ; which he thought, as the 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 115 

time was, could not be a reasonable judgment : the PART 
king said, " it was his ; and that he would run the . 



"hazard." 1642 - 

When he found he could not prevail there, he 
went to the queen, and repeated all the arguments 
he had used to the king, with his usual vehemence ; 
and added, that he exceedingly apprehended, that, 
by some means or other, upon this refusal of the 
king's, her majesty's journey would be stopped, and 
that she would not be suffered to transport herself 
out of the kingdom ; and therefore he heartily 
wished that she would so use her credit with the 
king, that he might pass that act concerning the bi- 
shops, which he said would lay such an obligation 
upon both houses, as would redound to her majesty's 
advantage. The queen was so terrified with the ap- who is P re- 
prehension of her being hindered from pursuing her the queen y 
purpose, that she gave not over her importunity 10 
with the king, till she had prevailed with him ; and 
so that bill for removing the bishops out of the house 
of peers passed by commission, when both their 
majesties were upon their way, and in their journey 
to Dover. 

Nothing that is here said must reflect upon the 
memory of sir John Colepepper, as if he were cor- 
rupted in his affections to the church, or gave this 
advice to gratify and please other men, or for any 
particular advantage to himself, of all 6 which he 
was very innocent. It is said before, that in his 
judgment he looked upon the thing as what might 
be conscientiously consented to ; and then his real 
apprehension of danger and mischief to the king (to 

c of all] in all 
I 2 



116 THE LIFE OF 

PART whom he bore all possible fidelity) by refusing it, 
so far wrought upon his warm constitution, that he 



1 642. ^jj rea iiy believe it to be his duty to be solicitous to 
the vehement degree he was. But he quickly found 
he had been deceived, at least in the imagination, 
that the consenting to that one bill would at all allay 
their passion. They were, on the contrary, so far 
from being pleased with it, that they immediately 
betook themselves to inquire, " who the evil coun- 
" sellers were, who dissuaded his majesty from con- 
" senting to the other concerning the militia ;" which 
was so necessary to all their purposes : and forth- 
with sent some of their messengers to the king, 
whilst he stayed at Dover, to complain of such evil 
counsel, and to use all importunity that he would pass 
it as a matter of absolute necessity for the peace and 
security of the kingdom, and for the carrying on the 
service for suppressing the rebellion in Ireland ; with 
many new expressions " of the presumption of those 
" malignant persons who gave his majesty such ad- 
" vice," and with boldness enough, that the king 
should prefer such advice before the wisdom of the 
parliament. 
The effect They who hated the bishops most, and were glad 

of this con- * 

that they were rid of the opposition they grave them 



ontheseve-. . 

rai parties, in all their demands, seemed not at all contented ; 
but enlarged exceedingly upon the mischief in not 
granting the militia. And no doubt there were 
many the less pleased with the passing the other, in 
doubt, that they should thereby lose the assistance of 
very many towards the utter extirpation of episco- 
pacy, and the disposal of all church lands, upon 
which their hearts were set ; and who would with 
the more choler have concurred with them, if that 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 117 

bill, as well as the other, had been rejected; and PART 
therefore they rather wished they had the other, 



which they knew would bring all their ends to pass. 1642> 
They who loved the church, and were afraid of so 
great an alteration in the frame and constitution of 
parliament, as the utter taking away of one of the 
three estates., of which the parliament is com- 
pounded, were infinitely provoked; and lamented 
the passing that act, as an introduction to the en- 
tire destruction of the government of the church, 
and to the alteration of the religion of the king- 
dom : and very many, who more considered the po- 
licy than the justice and piety of the state, did ever 
after believe, that being f removed out of the parlia- 
ment, the preserving them in the kingdom was not 
worth any notable contention. Then they looked 
upon the king's condescension in this particular, in 
a subject that all men knew had a wonderful influ- 
ence upon his conscience, as he often took occasion 
to profess, as a manifestation that he would not 
be constant in retaining and denying any thing 
that should be impetuously and fiercely demanded ; 
which, as it exceedingly confirmed those who were 
engaged in that party, so it abated the courage 
of too many who had always opposed them, and 
heartily detested their proceedings ; and made them 
more remiss in their attendance at the house, and 
kss solicitous for any thing that was done there ; who 
by degrees first became a neutral party, believing 
they should be safe in angering nobody : and when 
they afterwards found no security in that indif- 
ferency, they adhered to those who they saw had 
the best success ; and so went sharers with them in 
f that being] that by being 
I 3 



118 THE LIFE OF 

PART their future attempts, according to their several tem- 

! pers and inclinations. 

The benefit that would redound to the king from 
not passing the other bill of the militia, more than 
avoiding the infamy of consenting to it, was not 
evident to discerning men ; for they foresaw, that 
they would quickly wrest it out of his hands with- 
out his consent ; and that the reputation of the par- 
liament was so great, that whatsoever the two 
houses (which the people looked upon as the parlia- 
ment) should concur in, and enjoin to be done, the 
people would look upon as law, and observe it ac- 
cordingly :' so that when, by the removal of so many 
voices out of the house of peers as the bishops made, 
who were always firm to the crown and govern- 
ment, the house of commons found a concurrence 
from the lords in all they proposed, their joint de- 
termination would find obedience, for the most part, 
from the people ; whom there were all endeavours 
used to corrupt and possess, by presently printing, 
and causing to be read in churches, all their mes- 
sages and petitions to the king ; that they might see 
all their concernments were for the good of the 
kingdom, and preservation of the people. 

When the king accompanied the queen to Dover, 
where they expected a wind many days, he sent 
the prince, under his new governor, the marquis of 
Hertford, to Richmond; that there might be no 
room for the jealousy that the prince should be 
transported beyond the seas; which had been in- 
fused into the minds of many; and would have 
made a great noise, if he had waited upon his mo- 
ther to Dover: but as soon as the wind appeared 
hopeful for her majesty's embarkation, the king sent 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 119 

an express to Richmond, that the prince should PART 
attend his majesty at Greenwich the Saturday fol-. 



lowing: the marquis being at that time very much 

, . The king 

indisposed by a defluxion upon his eyes, and a ca- sends for 



tarrh. The parliament, being presently informed 
as they had spies in all places, of this direction, and wich - 
there being yet no certainty of the queen's being 
embarked, was much troubled ; and resolved to send 
to his majesty, by members of both houses, to desire 
that the prince might not remove from Richmond, 
at least till the marquis recovered health enough to 
be able to attend him ; and at the same time sent 
an express order to the marquis, that he should not 
suffer the prince to go from thence, till he himself 
should be able to go with him. 

They appointed one lord and two commoners to Mr. Hyde 
carry the message to the king, whom they believed thek!ngon 
to be still at Dover; and Mr. Hyde coming acci-* i h a n t t occa ' 
dentally into the house, when the matter was in de- 
bate, they appointed him to be one of the messen- 
gers ; which no excuses could free him from, for 
they did not intend it as a favour to him ; so that 
they were obliged presently to begin their journey ; 
and that night they went to Gravesend. The next 
day they were fully informed of the queen's being 
gone to sea, and that the king would be that night 
at Canterbury ; whither the messengers made what 
haste they could > and found his majesty there, with 
a very little court, most of his servants having leave 
to go before to London, the better to provide them- 
selves for a further journey. When they read their 
message to the king, in the hearing whereof he 
shewed no satisfaction, he appointed them to attend 
him after he had supped, and they should receive 

i 4 



120 THE LIFE OF 

TART their answer: and accordingly, about nine of the 

__ clock, he caused it to be read, and delivered it to 

1 642 - them ; taking no notice of Mr. Hyde, as if he had 

been known to him. That messenger, who was a 

member of the house of peers, received it from his 

majesty, as of right he ought to do, that it might be 

first reported to that house. 

Mr. Hyde was very much troubled when he heard 
the answer read ; for it had much sharpness in it, 
which at that time could only provoke them : so 
without taking any notice of it to his companions, 
he pretended to them only to be very weary, and 
desirous to go to bed, and bade them good night; 
having the conveniency offered him by the lord 
Grandison (his familiar friend) to lodge with him in 
a house next the court : and so the other two mes- 
sengers making haste to find some lodging in an 
inn, he sent the lord Grandison to the duke of Rich- 
mond, to desire the king that he might speak with 
him before he went, into his bed. The king was 
half undressed, yet said he would stay for him, and 
bade that he should make haste to the back stairs ; 
and as soon as he came thither, the duke went into 
the king, who immediately came out in his night- 
dress; and the duke having before sent all other 
servants from thence, retired likewise himself. 

He told the king, that " he was sorry that his 
" majesty had expressed so much displeasure in his 
" answer ; which could produce no good, and might 
" do hurt ; and therefore he desired he would call 
" for it, and alter some expressions ;" which his ma- 
jesty was not inclined to do ; enlarging himself with 
much sharpness upon the insolence of the message, 
and of the order they had sent to the marquis of 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 121 

Hertford; and seemed to apprehend that the prince PART 
would not be suffered to attend him at Greenwich ; 



the thought whereof had caused that warmth in him. 
It was now Friday night, and his majesty resolved 
the next night to be at Greenwich, and to stay there 
all Sunday ; and then to pursue his former resolu- 
tions : upon which, Mr. Hyde told him, " that he 
" hoped the prince would be at Greenwich as soon 
" as he, and then that point would be cleared ; that 
" they could not report his message to the parlia- 
" ment till Monday morning ; and that they might 
" well attend upon his majesty again on Sunday, 
" and receive his pleasure ; and at that time the 
" lord Falkland and sir John Colepepper would be 
"likewise present; when his majesty might take 
" what resolution he pleased in that matter ; and 
" therefore he besought his majesty that he would 
" presently send a servant to the other two messen- 
" gers, at such an inn, for the answer he had de- 
" livered to them, of which he would further con- 
" sider when he came to Greenwich ; where he on whom 
" commanded them to attend him on Sunday, 
" that he would despatch them soon enough for Jh 
" them to be at London that night." All which his ment - 
majesty was pleased to consent to, and immediately 
sent a gentleman to them for the paper, with that 
injunction ; and then sent it by the lord Grandison 
the same night to Mr. Hyde, whom he had com- 
manded to attend him on Sunday morning, saying 
he had very much to say to him. 

When his majesty came to Greenwich, he found 
the prince there with his governor, who, though in- 
disposed in his health, without returning any an- 
swer to the parliament, brought the prince very 



122 THE LIFE OF 

PART early from Richmond to Greenwich ; with which the 
king was very much pleased, and in very good hu- 



1 642. mour . And the next morning, when Mr. Hyde came 
to court, (to whom his companions had told that the 
king had sent for his answer to them again, and ap- 
pointed them to attend him for it at Greenwich that 
afternoon ; which they had agreed together to do,) 
the king being come into the privy chamber, and 
seeing him there, asked him aloud, where the others 
who came in the message with him were ; and said, 
he would expect them in the afternoon ; and so dis- 
coursing somewhat of the weather, that all men 
heard, he came near him, and, as it were passing by, 
(which nobody took notice of, the room not being 
full,) he bade him dine with Porter, at the back 
stairs, that he might be in the privy chamber when 
he rose from dinner; and after he had dined he 
found him there ; and at that hour most people 
looking after their own dinner, his majesty did, 
without any body's taking notice of it, bid him fol- 
low him into the privy gallery ; where he was no 
sooner entered, than the king locked the door with 
his own key, saying, " We will not now be dis- 
" turbed, for there is no man in the house now who 
" hath a key to this door." Then he said, " I will 
" say nothing of the answer, for I am sure Falkland 
" and Colepepper will be here anon ; and then pre- 
" pare one, and I will not differ with you ; for now 
" I have gotten Charles, I care not what answer I 
" send to them." 
The king's Then he spake of many particulars of the parlia- 

discourse to . , , , , , , 

him at ment with warmth enough ; and lamented his hav- 

b ing consented to the bill concerning the bishops, 

which he said he was prevailed upon to do for his 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 123 

wife's security; but he should now be without any PART 
fear to displease them. He said, he would lay the 



next night at Theobalds; where he would stay a 1642> 
day or two, that his servants might provide them- 
selves to attend him northward : that he should not 
see him any more before he took that journey, and 
therefore he required him upon all occasions to write 
to him, and advertise him of such matters as were 
fit for him to know ; and to prepare and send him 
answers to such declarations or messages as the par- 
liament should send to him. He said, he knew well 
the danger he underwent, if it were discovered ; but 
his majesty assured him, and bade him be confident 
of it, that no person alive, but himself and his two 
friends, should know that he corresponded with his 
majesty ; and that he would himself transcribe every 
paper in his own hand before he would shew it to 
any man, and before his secretary should write it 
out. Mr. Hyde told him, that he writ a very ill 
hand, which would give his majesty too much trou- 
ble to transcribe himself; and that he had so much 
friendship with secretary Nicholas, that he was well 
contented he should be trusted : to which the king 
said, Nicholas was a very honest man, and he would 
trust him in any thing that concerned himself; but 
in this particular, which would be so penal to the 
other, if it should be known, it was not necessary ; 
for he would quickly learn to read the hand, if it 
were writ at first with a little the more care ; and 
nobody should see it but himself. And his majesty 
continued so firm to this resolution, that though the 
declarations from the houses shortly after grew so 
voluminous, that the answers frequently contained 



124 THE LIFE OF 

PART five or six sheets of paper very closely writ, his ma- 

! jesty always transcribed them with his own hand ; 

1642. wm ' cn sometimes took him up two or three days, 
and a good part of the night, before he produced 
them to the council, where they were first read; 
and then he burned the originals. And he gave 
himself no ease in this particular, till Mr. Hyde left 
the parliament, and by his majesty's command at- 
tended upon him at York : which will be mentioned 
in its time. 

Whilst the king held this discourse with him in 
the privy gallery, many of the lords were come from 
London ; and not finding him, the earls of Essex 
and Holland, who by their offices had keys to the 
gallery, opened that door, and went in ; and seeing 
nobody there, walked to the further end ; where in 
a turning walk the king and Mr. Hyde were : and 
though they presently drew back, the king himself, 
as well as Mr. Hyde, was a little discomposed ; and 
said, " I am very sorry for this accident ; I meant 
" to have said somewhat to you of those gentlemen, 
" but we must not stay longer together : forget not 
" what I have said ; and send me presently the an- 
" swer for your message, and then attend with your 
" companions in the privy chamber, and I will come 
" out and deliver it to them :" and so he withdrew ; 
the two earls smiling, and saluting Mr. Hyde civilly. 
He quickly found the lord Falkland and Colepepper, 
and they as quickly agreed upon the answer, which 
where he the lord Falkland carried to the king : and his ma- 
theTing-s J es ty approving and signing it, he came out and de- 
nnswer. Hvered it, after he had caused it to be read, to the 
messengers who attended to receive it ; and who 



EDWARI> EARL OF CLARENDON. 125 

went that night to London ; and the next morning, PART 
at the first sitting of the houses, reported and deli-. 



vered it. 

It was expected and believed, that as soon as the 
queen was gone for Holland, the king would return 
to Whitehall, and reside there. And many wise 
men were of opinion, that if he had done so, he 
would have been treated with more duty and re- 
spect ; and that he would be able to bring his busi- 
ness to a fair end by very moderate condescensions ; 
for the universal prejudice and aversion was to the 
queen, how unjustly and unreasonably soever; and 
to the king only as it was generally believed, that 
he governed himself entirely by her dictates : and 
many of those, whose countenance had most sup- 
ported the violent party, by their concurrence with 
them, were grown weary of those excesses ; and as 
they had been seduced, and craftily drawn further 
than they meant to have gone, so they plainly dis- 
cerned that there would be further attempts made 
than were agreeable to their wishes or their in- 
terests, and therefore resolved to second them no 
further. 

The earl of Essex himself was in his nature an 
honest man, and a man of honour ; and though he 
did not think the king had any gracious purposes 
towards him, or great confidence in him, yet he was 
willing to retire from that angry company ; and did 
neither desire the dignity of the king should be af- 
fronted, or the government receive an alteration or 
diminution ; and did hope nothing more than to 
make himself the instrument to reconcile the parlia- 
ment to the king, by some moderate and plausible 
expedient. But it was no sooner known in the 



126 THE LIFE OF 

PART houses that his majesty was gone to Theobalds, and 
had taken the prince with him, with a purpose of 



1642. nuking a progress further northward, but they fell 
into all their usual heat and debate, of their just 
causes of jealousy and distrust, and the wickedness 
of those persons who misled him; and the next 
morning, being well informed that the king stayed 
all day at Theobalds, they resolved to send a com- 
mittee of four lords and eight commoners to him, to 
put him in mind of his violating their privileges, for 
which they had yet no reparation or satisfaction ; 
his refusal to settle the militia, whereby he left his 
kingdom and people exposed to the violence of a 
foreign enemy, or a domestic insurrection ; the great 
jealousies and fears which possessed the minds of all 
his subjects, which would be now exceedingly in- 
creased by his removal in this conjuncture from his 
parliament ; and thereupon concluded, that he would 
return to London, or reside at such a distance that 
they might easily repair to him. 

When the persons designed for the message with- 
drew to prepare themselves for their journey, the 
message being read and agreed upon, Mr. Hyde 
went likewise out of the house ; and that the king 
might not be surprised with the sight of the mes- 
sage before he heard of it, he sent instantly to the 
lord Grandison (in whom he had entire confidence) 
to speak with him ; and desired him to cause his 
horse to be made ready, that he might with all pos- 
sible expedition carry a letter to the king, which 
he would prepare by the time he could be ready for 



His advice ^g jouiuey. He writ to the king, that such per- 

to the king ^ ^ *>' 

upon a mes- sons would be presently with him, and the substance 
the two of the message they would bring to him ; which in 

houses. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 127 

respect of the length of it, and of many particulars PART 

in it, would require some time to answer, which he '. 

should receive soon enough ; and for the present, he 
might upon the delivery make some short resent- 
ment of the houses' proceeding with him ; and con- 
clude, that he would send an answer to their mes- 
sage in due time. The lord Grandison came to 
Theobalds when the king had newly dined, so that 
he was alone in his bedchamber ; and as soon as he 
had delivered the letter, he returned to London, 
and met the messengers within a mile or two of 
Theobalds. 

As soon as they had delivered their message, 
which one of them read, the king, with a displeased 
countenance, and in a warmer and more sprightly 
tone than was natural to him, told them, "that he 
" was amazed at their message, and could not con- 
" ceive what they would have, nor what they meant 
" to do : that they made a great noise with their 
" privileges, but forgot that he had privileges too, 
" which they made no conscience to violate : that 
" they talked of their fears and jealousies, for which 
" they had not the least ground ; but if they would 
" well consider, they would find that they gave him 
" cause enough for jealousy :" and concluded, " that 
" he would think of their message, and send an an- 
" swer to the houses in convenient time :" without 
saying any thing of his journey, when or whither he 
meant to go ; nor held any further discourse with 
them. The manner and the matter of the king's 
short discourse to them wonderfully surprised the 
messengers, who were all persons of the best quality 
in both houses, the earl of Pembroke being the chief, 
and some of them were of known affections to his 



128 THE LIFE OF 

PART majesty's service; who were wonderfully delighted 

! with the king's quick and sharp treatment, with 

which the rest were as much troubled : and so they 
all returned the same night to London. 

The king resolved to pursue the course agreed 
upon with the queen at her departure, and would 
no more resume the consideration of staying nearer 
the parliament ; very reasonably apprehending that 
he should render himself liable every day to new 
affronts. And the practice both houses had gotten, 
to send for persons by a sergeant at arms upon any 
suggestions of light discourse, or upon general and 
ungrounded suspicions, by which they were com- 
pelled to give long attendance, if they were not 
committed to prison, had so terrified all conditions 
of men, that very few resorted to the court. And 
they who did most diligently seem to attend their 
duty there, did in truth perform that service, that 
they might with the more ease betray their master, 
and gratify those who they thought would at last 
bring themselves into those places and offices, upon 
which they were to depend. So that he thought it 
most absolutely necessary to be at such a distance 
from Westminster, that people might be less appre- 
hensive of their power : resolving likewise, that no 
person who attended him, or resorted to the place 
where he was, should yield any obedience to their 
summons upon those general suggestions, or any ap- 
plications they should make to his majesty. And 
though it might have met with better success, if he 
had taken the contrary resolution, and stayed in or 
near Whitehall ; yet the hazards or inconveniences 
which might very probably have attended that coun- 
sel, were too much in view for wise meji to engage 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 129 

positively in the advice. Besides, the concert that 
had been made with the queen shut out all opposite 
consultations : and the king with a small court, after 



two days stay at Theobalds, began his progress to- 

j TVT i 

wards Newmarket; and sometimes resting a day in 
a place, he advanced by easy journeys northward. 

He took the prince with him, the marquis like- 
wise attending him ; but left the duke of York still 
at Richmond, till he came to York : and then like- 
wise he sent for his highness, who came thither to 
him : and the morning he left Theobalds he sent his 
answer to the two houses to their message they had 
sent to him thither g . 



PART 

' 



, 

The king 

be s ins his 

progress 

northward. 



s the morning he left Theo- 
balds he sent his answer to the 
two houses to their message 
they had sent to him thither.] 
Thus continued in MS.: When 
the messengers who had pre- 
sented the message to the king 
at Theobalds made their report 
to the houses of their reception 
there, and of what his majesty 
had said to them, in which they 
helped and assisted each other, 
so that there was not only every 
word he said related, but his 
manner of speaking and his 
looks described, which gave 
them infinite trouble, and much 
the more, because they saw joy 
and delight in the countenance 
of all those who they knew were 
not their friends, and a kind of 
dejection in many who used to 
concur with them ; on the same 
day, or the next, they received 
fin answer from his majesty to 
their last message, which took 
notice of every particular in it ; 
answered all the reproaches they 
had cast upon him, and the 

VOL. I. 



unwarrantable manner in doing 
it ; enlarged upon the large 
concessions he had granted 
upon their desires ; and that 
all which the people could de- 
sire for their benefit and ad- 
vantage was provided for by 
his grace, and that it would be 
acknowledged by them, if they 
had not fears and jealousies in- 
fused into their heads by them. 
He put them in mind of many 
indignities offered to him in the 
pulpits by seditious sermons, 
and by the press in publishing 
and printing those sermons, 
and many other scandalous 
pamphlets, and that all this 
found no discountenance from 
them. He said, he would deny 
nothing to them which by law 
they could require, and that the 
preservation of his own prero- 
gative was necessary, that his 
subjects might enjoy the bene- 
fit of those laws ; and after 
some sharp reflections upon 
some 1 1 IK lu t if'n 1 actions of theirs, 
and some unusual expressions 



130 



THE LIFE OF 



PART 
II. 

1G42. 



They had long detested 
from the time of their first 



in the addresses they had made 
to him, he concluded that, since 
they had appealed to the people, 
by printing all their unwarrant- 
able votes and other proceed- 
ings, which they had no lawful 
authority to publish in that 
manner, his majesty was well 
contented that the people should 
judge between them, and dis- 
cern who was most tender of 
their happiness, and most de- 
sired that it might be conti- 
nued to them ; and so ordered 
that his answer should be print- 
ed, as their message had been. 

This new spirit in the king's 
actions, and steadiness in his 
proceedings, and his new dia- 
lect in his words and answers 
to them, so contrary to the 
softness they expected, infinite- 
ly discomposed them, and raised 
the spirits of others, who had 
sunk under their insolence. In 
the house of peers they found 
more opposition than of late 
they had done, and many in 
the house of commons reco- 
vered new mettle. Alderman 
Gourny, who was lord mayor 
of London, was a man of cou- 
rage and discretion, very well 
affected to the king, and to the 
government in church and state, 
and perfectly abhorred the pro- 
ceedings of the parliament; 
gave not that obedience to the 
orders they expected; did all 
he could to discountenance and 
suppress the riotous assemblies 
in the city, and especially the in- 
solencies committed in churches; 
and expressly refused to call 
common- halls, and sometimes 



and suspected Mr. Hyde, 
remonstrance, for framing 

common-councils, when the 
house of commons desired it, 
which was the only way they 
had to scatter their fire about 
the city ; and the refractoriness 
of this lord mayor discouraged 
them much by making it evi- 
dent, that it was only the rab- 
ble and inferior sort of the city 
which was in truth devoted to 
them. But they were now gone 
too far to retire with their ho- 
nour, or indeed with their safe- 
ty ; and they easily discerned, 
that if their spirits seemed to 
sink, their friends would leave 
them as fast as they had re- 
sorted to them ; and if they 
now appeared more moderate 
in their demands from the king, 
they should but censure and 
condemn their own former fer- 
vour and importunity, and 
therefore they made all haste 
to make it appear that they 
had no such temper and incli- 
nation. They made commit- 
tees to prepare new messages 
to the king, and to prepare 
new declarations ; and sent 
their agents into the country to 
stir up the people in those 
counties and places through 
which the king was to pass ; so 
that, wherever he made any stay, 
he was sure to be encountered 
with a petition from the county, 
that is, in the name of it, or of 
some eminent town in it where 
he lodged, that he would re- 
turn to his parliament ; but at 
the very time appeared to be 
the work of a few factious peo- 
ple, by the repair of the best 
persons of quality and interest 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 131 



the king's messages and answers, which they now PART 
every day received, to their intolerable vexation ; 



ii. 



1642. 



to his majesty with all profes- 
sions of affections and duty to 
him. They declared more har- 
diness and resolution than be- 
fore for the settling the militia 
of the kingdom ; and since the 
king had refused to consent to 
the bill they had sent to him, 
they appointed a committee to 
prepare an ordinance for the 
government and settling of it, 
which, being passed both houses, 
they voted had in it the autho- 
rity of a law, and that all per- 
sons were bound to obey it. 
They had before the king's 
leaving Windsor, or about that 
time, sent to the king, that in 
regard of the sickness and in- 
disposition of the earl of North- 
umberland, the high admiral of 
England, so that he could not 
be able in person to command 
the fleets which his majesty had 
ordered to be ready for the 
guard of the seas, they desired 
that the earl of Warwick might, 
with his majesty's approbation, 
have a commission to execute 
that charge, (the earl of North- 
umberland having refused to 
grant any such commission 
without the king's consent,) 
which they said would much 
compose the minds of the peo- 
ple, in a conjuncture of so much 
jealousy ; and the king answer- 
ed them, that in the absence of 
the admiral, sir John Penning- 
ton, a person of good experi- 
ence in command, well known, 
and of a fair reputation, had 
used to have that command, 
which his majesty resolved he 
should execute that year. They 



now resolved that the earl of 
Warwick should be admiral of 
that fleet,, by an ordinance of 
both houses, which the earl 
accepted, and undertook the 
charge accordingly ; the admi- 
ral having put in some officers 
and commanders of ships who 
would be forward to obey all 
his commands ; and the king 
unhappily restraining some who 
had good interest in the navy 
from taking command then, 
though he permitted some 
others to go, who had less cre- 
dit and reputation to serve him, 
though they were not without 
good affections. The king in 
his journey sent an answer from 
Huntingdon to some proposi- 
tions they had sent to him, 
which contained not only a po- 
sitive refusal of what they had 
desired, but making some sharp 
reflections upon somewhat they 
had said or done, put them 
into wonderful passion. They 
would not believe that it came 
from the king, but that it was 
forged in the town, for that it 
took notice of what had been 
done the night before, which 
could not be communicated to 
the king before the date of that 
despatch ; and therefore they 
would make inquiry how it 
came to the speaker, to whom 
it had been delivered under the 
king's signet. The lord Falk- 
land owning the having received 
it that morning from the king, 
and that he sent it by a mes- 
senger to the speaker, and put- 
ting them in mind that the 
matter they reflected upon as 

K 2 



132 



THE LIFE OF 



PART yet knew not how to accuse him. But now that 

If 

' the earls of Essex and Holland had discovered his 



1 642. b e i n g s hut up with the king at Greenwich, and the 
marquis of Hamilton had once before found him 
very early in private with the king at Windsor, at 
a time when the king thought all passages had been 
stopped ; together with his being of late more absent 
from the house than he had used to be ; and the re- 
sort of the other two every night to his lodging, as 
is mentioned before, satisfied them that he was the 
person ; and they resolved to disenable him to ma- 
nage that office long. Sir John Colepepper had as 
many eyes upon them as they had upon the other, 
and an equal animosity against them ; and had fa- 
miliarity and friendship with some persons, who 
from the second or third hand came to know many 
of the greatest designs, before they were brought 
upon the stage. For though they managed those 
councils with the greatest secrecy, and by few per- 
sons, which amounted to no more than pure designs 
in speculation ; yet when any thing was to be 



done the night before, had 

likewise been done three or 

tour days before that, which, 

being manifest, they suppressed 

their choler as to the forgery, 

and took revenge upon the 

message itself, and voted, " that 

' whosoever had advised the 

' king to send that message, 

' was a disaffected person, an 

' enemy to the peace of the 

' kingdom, and a promoter of 

' the rebellion in Ireland ;" 

which was a new style they 

took up upon that occasion, and 

continued afterwards in their 

most angry votes, to make those 



they liked not odious, and to 
make their punishment to pass 
with the more ease when they 
should be discovered. And now 
they tried all ways imaginable 
to find what new counsellors 
and secretary the king had 
found, who supplied him with 
so much resolution and bitter- 
ness ; and though they made 
no doubt of the two new coun- 
sellors' concurrence in all, yet 
they did not impute the fram- 
ing and forming the writing it- 
self to either of them. They 
had long detested and suspected 
Mr. Hyde, &c. as in p. 130. 1. 1. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 133 

transacted in public by the house, they were obliged, FART 
not only to prepare those of whom they were them- _ _!^ 



selves confident, but to allow those confidents to 1642 - 
communicate it to others in whom they confided : 
and so men, who did not concur with them, came to 
know sometimes their intentions time enough to 
prevent the success they proposed to themselves. 

And by this means, sir John Colepepper, meeting 
at night with the lord Falkland and Mr. Hyde, as- 
sured them, that it had been resolved that day to A design of 
have seized upon all three, and sent them to the Sv 
Tower : of which he having received notice as he Tower 
was going to the house, returned to his lodging, not 
being able to give the same information to the other 
two ; but that his own being absent prevented the 
mischief. For he knew it was resolved the night 
before, that, when the three were together in the 
house, semebody should move the house, " that they 
" would apply themselves to make some strict in- 
" quiry after the persons who were most like to give 
" the king the evil counsel he had lately followed, 
" and who prepared those answers and messages 
" they received from his majesty :" upon which, by 
one and another, those three persons should be 
named, and particular reasons given for their suspi- 
cion ; and that they did not doubt, but, if their 
friends were well prepared beforehand, they should 
be able to cause them to be all sent to the Tower ; 
and then they doubted not they should be able to 
keep them there. But it was then likewise agreed, 
that they would not make the attempt but at a 
time when they were all three in the house ; upon 
hearing whereof, and finding that they two were 

K 3 



134 THE LIFE OF 

PART there, he went back to his lodging; knowing that 
thereupon there would be nothing done. 



Upon this communication, though they were all 
of opinion that the design was so extravagant, and 
exceeding all the rules of common justice, that they 
would not be able to procure the consent of the ma- 
jor part of the house in it, if there were any con- 
siderable number present; yet because very many 
usually absented themselves, and they were not go- 
verned by any rules which had been formerly ob- 
served, they thought fit to resolve, that one of them 
would be always present in the house, that they 
might know all that was done ; but that they would 
never be there all together, and seldom two of 
them ; and when they were, they would only hear, 
and speak no more than was of absolute necessity. 
For it was now grown a very difficult thing for a 
man who was in their disfavour to speak against 
what they proposed, but that they would find some 
exception to some word or expression ; upon which, 
after he had been called upon to explain, he was 
obliged to withdraw ; and then they had commonly 
a major part to send him to the Tower, or to expel 
him the house ; or at least to oblige him to receive 
a reprehension at the bar upon his knees. And so 
they had used sir Ralph Hopton at that time ; who 
excepting to some expression that was used in a de- 
claration prepared by a committee, and presented to 
the house, which he said was dishonourable to the 
king, they said, it was a tax upon the committee ; 
caused him to withdraw, and committed him to the 
Tower ; which terrified many from speaking at all, 
and caused more to absent themselves from the 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 135 

house ; where too small numbers appeared any day. PART 
These three gentlemen kept the resolution agreed 



upon, till they all found it necessary to forbear any 
further attendance upon the house. 

About the end of April, which was in the year . Mr - H )' du 

is sent for 

1642, Mr. Hyde received a letter from the king, by the king 
wherein he required him, that, as soon as he could 
be spared from his business there, he should repair 
to his majesty at York, where he had occasion for 
his service : which when he had communicated to 
his two friends, they were all of opinion that it was 
necessary he should defer that journey for some 
time ; there being every day great occasion of con- 
sulting together, and of sending despatches to the 
king. And it was a wonderful expedition that was 
then used between York and London, when gentle- 
men undertook the service, as enough were willing 
to do : insomuch, as when they despatched a letter 
on Saturday night, at that time of the year, about 
twelve at night, they received always the king's an- 
swer, Monday by ten of the clock in the morning. 
His majesty was content that he should stay as long 
as the necessity required; but that as soon as he 
might be dispensed with, he would expect him. 
And it was happy h that he did stay ; for there was 
an occasion then fell out, in which his presence was 
very useful, ' towards disposing the lord keeper 
Littleton to send the great seal to the king at 
York, and to resolve upon going thither himself 
as soon as possible to attend his majesty ; which 
resolution being taken, it was agreed between him 
and his two friends, that it was now time that he 

h happy] very happy ' History of the Rebellion, &c. 

K 4 



136 THE LIFE OF 

PART should be gone (the king having sent for him some 
u ' .time before) after a day or two; in which time the 



1642. declaration of the nineteenth of May would be 

passed, which being very long, he might carry with 

him, and prepare the answer upon the way, or after 

he came to York. 

Towards It was upon a Wednesday that he resolved to be- 

which be 

begins his gin his journey, having told the speaker, that it was 
very necessary, by the advice of his physician, that 
he should take the air of the country for his health ; 
and his physician certified the same ; which caution 
was necessary : for he had a week or two before 
made a journey into the country to his own house, 
and his absence being taken notice of, a messenger 
was immediately sent to him, to require him imme- 
diately to attend the house ; upon which he found 
it necessary to return without delay ; and was will- 
ing to prevent the like sudden inquiry, and so pre- 
pared the speaker to answer for him. He resolved 
with the lord Falkland to stay at a friend's house 
near Oxford, and little out of the road he meant to 
take for York, till he should hear of the keeper's 
motion, of which he promised to give him timely 
notice ; not giving in the mean time any credit to 
his purpose of moving; but he was quickly con- 
vinced. 

Much notice had been taken of Mr. Hyde's fre- 
quent resort to him, and of his being often shut up 
with him ; and when he took his leave of him, the 
night before he left the town, the keeper was walk- 
ing in his garden with Mr. Hollis and Mr. Glyn, 
who had, as they said, then observed, that as soon 
as the keeper's eyes were upon him, at his entrance 
into the garden, he had shewn some impatience to 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 137 

be free from them; and when they were gone, PART 
others took notice, (for there were many in the gar- 



den,) as they pretended, that, after they had walked 1642 - 
some time together, they took their leave of each 
other in another manner than was usual ; and which 
was not true. But he had not so good a name, as 
that any thing of that kind would not easily gain 
belief: so that Dr. Morley, (who is since bishop of- 
Winchester,) being in Westminster hall on the Mon- 
day morning, when the news came of the lord 
keeper's flight, a person of great authority in the 
parliament met him, and, with great passion in- 
veighing against the keeper, told him, that they 
knew well enough that his friend Mr. Hyde had 
contrived that mischief, and brought it to pass ; for 
which he would be that morning, or the next, ac- 
cused of high treason ; which the doctor (who was 
ever very much his friend) hearing, went presently 
to the lord Falkland, and told him of it, and desired 
to know where he was, that he might give him 
timely notice of it; knowing a gentleman, a very 
near friend of his, who would immediately ride to 
him. The lord Falkland was then writing to him, 
to inform him of the keeper's having made good his 
word, of which he had but then notice, and to advise 
him to prosecute his northern journey with all ex- 
pedition; and desired the doctor, that he would 
send for the gentleman, whom he would presently 
direct where he should find Mr. Hyde ; who did 
make so good haste, that he delivered the lord Falk- 
land's letter to him early the same night. 

He was then at Ditchley with the lady Lee, Ami after* 
(since countess of Rochester,) and the person who at'T^tcMey, 
brought the advertisement to him was John Ayliffe, 



138 THE LIFE OF 

PART whom he dearly loved. He no sooner received the 
ii 

advertisement, but he thought it time for him to be 



1 642. g One and as he was utterly unacquainted with the 
way, having never been in the northern parts, and 
apprehended that there would be care taken to in- 
tercept him, if he went in any common road ; there 
was with him at that time Mr. Chillingworth, whose 
company he had desired from Oxford, purposely for 
that occasion ; and who was well acquainted with 
those ways which led almost as far as Yorkshire. 
They sent their horses that night to a village near 
Coventry, where Mr. Chillingworth's brother had a 
farm ; and then in the morning they put themselves 
into the lady's coach ; which, with six horses, car- 
ried them to that village, thirty miles from Ditch- 
ley ; where, after they had a little refreshed them- 
selves, they took their horses ; and that night, out 
of all roads, reached Lutterworth, a village in Lei- 
cestershire ; where Mr. Chillingworth had likewise 
a friend, who was parson of the parish, who received 
them kindly. And so by unusual ways they got 
through Derbyshire, until they came to Yorkshire ; 
Arrives at and then rested at Nostall, the house of sir John 
Worstenholme ; who, though he and his family 
were at London, had given order for his very good 
reception ; it having been before resolved, with his 
majesty's consent, that he should stay in some pri- 
vate place near York, till his majesty was informed 
of it, and till his affairs absolutely required his pre- 
sence there ; there being many reasons that he 
should be concealed in those parts as long as might 
be convenient. Nostall was within twenty miles of 
York ; and from thence he gave his majesty notice 
of his being there, and sent him the answer that 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 139 



1642. 



was prepared to the declaration of the nineteenth of PART 
May. k And the king the next day sent Mr. Ash-, 
burnham to him, with the declaration of the twenty- 
sixth of May, and which was the highest they had 
yet published ; and to which he wished an answer 
should be prepared as soon as possible it might be, 
that the poison thereof might not work too long 
upon the minds of the people \ 



k declaration of the nine- 
teenth of May.] declaration of 
the two houses. 

1 that the poison thereof 
might not work too long upon 
the minds of the people.] Thus 
continued in MS. : By this time 
many persons of quality from 
the several quarters of the king- 
dom repaired to the king, and 
many gentlemen listed them- 
selves with those of the coun- 
try in the prince's troop, and 
usually attended upon his ma- 
jesty when he rode abroad to 
take the air ; and it was not 
possible but in such a number 
of men of all humours, many 
would discourse with freedom 
of the times, and of the pro- 
ceedings of the parliament ac- 
cording to their tempers and 
passions ; and there were spies 
enough to give quick advertise- 
ment to London of all that 
was said or done. Whereupon 
the houses sent messengers to 
apprehend some gentlemen, 
against whom they had re- 
ceived information of words 
spoken by them, which trenched 
upon them and their actions, 
and to bring them before 
them; who appeared with the 
same confidence^ even in the 
king's presence, as they could 



have done at Westminster, and 
shewed their warrants to the 
persons concerned, and required 
their submission ; of which his 
majesty being informed, he for- 
bade the gentlemen to yield any 
obedience to those summons, 
and sent for the messengers, 
and commanded them to de- 
part the town, and to appear 
no more there on those er- 
rands at their utmost perils. 
The news of this protection, 
which his majesty knew well 
if he did not give, he should 
be quickly stripped of all his 
attendants, and that nobody 
should remain about him, but 
such who would betray him, 
was no sooner known, but per- 
sons of all conditions and from 
all places flocked to York, and 
many members of both houses 
of parliament left their attend- 
ance at Westminster, and re- 
paired to his majesty, it being 
in truth not safe to continue 
longer there, they having now 
made their general, and so- 
lemnly engaged themselves to 
live and die with the earl of 
Essex; and shortly after sir 
Sydney Mountague was ex- 
pelled the house of commons 
for refusing to take that en- 
gagement, and giving his rea- 



140 



THE LIFE OF 



PART As soon as it was taken notice of in the parlia- 
ment that Mr. Hyde was absent, inquiry was made 



1642. 



son, because, he said, he had a 
proclamation in his pocket by 
which the king had proclaimed 
the earl of Essex a traitor, and 
produced the proclamation, for 
which he was so treated as 
aforesaid. In the house of com- 
mons the members had pub- 
licly declared, and made sub- 
scriptions what horse and arms 
they would contribute or bring 
in to serve under the earl of 
Essex. It is true, though al! 
the members were called upon 
by name to declare themselves, 
there was not yet any man pu- 
nished for refusing ; the case 
of sir Sydney Mountague fell 
out afterwards ; and Harry Kil- 
ligrew, of Cornwall, (a gal- 
lant gentleman, and generally 
known,) being asked in the 
house what he would subscribe, 
stood up and answered, that he 
would provide a good horse, and 
a good sword, and a good buff 
coat, and then he would find a 
good cause ; which, for that 
time, only raised laughter, 
though they knew well what 
cause he thought good, which 
he had never dissembled. How- 
ever men easily discerned, that 
in a short time there could very 
few remain there, but of one 
party ; and so very many re- 
paired into their countries, 
there to expect what would fol- 
low ; and very many resorted 
to the king, to offer him their 
service, and to receive his com- 
mands. Upon the return of 
the messengers to London, who 
were forbade by his majesty 
to come any more thither, after 



he forbade the gentlemen who 
had been sent for to obey the 
summons, the houses had a 
new reproach to cast upon 
the king, that he protected de- 
linquents from justice; upon 
which they made new votes 
and declarations ; and that the 
spirits of their friends in those 
parts might not sink, they sent 
a committee of both houses to 
deliver one of their usual mes- 
sages to his majesty, and or- 
dered them to reside at York, 
or wheresoever his majesty 
should be, for the more conve- 
nient representing their de- 
sires and propositions, which 
would otherwise require parti- 
cular messengers every [time] ; 
whereas that committee, resid- 
ing still there, would receive his 
majesty's answers upon all oc- 
casions, and transmit them to 
the parliament. 

The king well knew that 
the persons were chosen to be 
spies upon him, and to raise 
factions in the country against 
him ; yet thought it not yet 
time to break off all corre- 
spondence with the parliament, 
and so to dismiss that commit- 
tee. That committee consisted 
of the lord Edward Howard, 
who hath been mentioned be- 
fore so fully that there needs 
no enlargement upon him in 
this place ; the lord Fairfax, 
sir Hugh Cholmondely, and 
sir John Stapleton ; the three 
last being gentlemen of that 
county; who, in a short time, 
had so great an influence upon 
that people, that they made it 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 141 



what was become of him, and a motion made 
in the house, that he might be sent for. The. 
speaker said, that he had acquainted him with his 
going into the country to recover his indisposition, 
which troubled him, by fresh air ; and that Dr. 
Winston his physician was with him, and informed 
him that he was troubled with the stone ; and that 
his having sat so much in the house in that very 
hot weather had done him much harm, and there- 
fore that he had advised him to refresh himself in 
the country air ; with which testimony they were 
for the present satisfied; though Mr. Peard said 
confidently, " that he was troubled with no other 
*' stone than the stone in his heart, and therefore he 
" would have him sent for wherever he was ; for he 



PART 
u. 

1642. 



appear to the king that he was 
not so entirely possessed of the 
hearts and affections of that 
great county, as by the conflux 
of the chief gentry to him he 
was willing to believe : for at 
a general appearance of that 
country in a great field or moor 
near York, his majesty riding 
thither to receive the acclama- 
tions of the people, who, he 
was told, were ready to receive 
any commands from him, sir 
Thomas Fairfax, the son of the 
lord Fairfax, and the same man 
who was afterwards general for 
the parliament, with some few 
other gentlemen of less ac- 
count, in the head of a great 
number of substantial country 
people, presented the king with 
a petition that he would return 
to his parliament, and not vio- 
late their privileges by giving 
protection to delinquents ; tak- 
ing notice that he had, many 



papists who attended about 
him, and had listed themselves 
in his troops of guards, and 
some particulars of the like na- 
ture ; which petition, delivered 
confidently, in such a manner 
and at such a time, much sur- 
prised the king ; and though 
most of the persons of condi- 
tion expressed a public dislike 
and disapprobation of the peti- 
tion, and the number of the 
common people, who knew no- 
thing of it, was much superior 
to the other, which appeared 
many ways, and in particular 
by the affronts which were 
given to many of those who ap- 
peared with the petition ; yet 
it made a great noise, and gave 
the parliament new courage, 
and persuaded them that they 
had many friends in that place, 
where it was believed that the 
king had most. As soon as it 
was, &c. cr.v in p. HO. /. 1. 



142 THE LIFE OF 

PART " was most confident that he was doing them mis- 

ii 
___' " chief wherever he was." But he prevailed not, 

1 642 - till their committee from York sent them word that 
he was come thither, and almost always with the 
king. It is said before, that he stayed at Nostall, at 
the house of sir John Worstenholme, from whence 
he sent every day to the king, and received his ma- 
jesty's commands ; and he intended to have stayed 
longer there, where he could better intend and des- 
patch any business he was to do ; and he was will- 
ing for some time not to be seen at York, which he 
knew would quickly be taken notice of at West- 
minster. 

When he came first thither, he found that the 
king was not satisfied with the lord keeper, which 
gave him much trouble ; his majesty having sent 
him word, that he did not like his humours, nor 
know what to make of him. Mr. Elliot, who had 
brought the seal to the king, to magnify his own 
service, and not imagining that the keeper intended 
to follow him, had told many stories ; as if the 
keeper had refused to deliver the seal, and that he 
got it by force, by having locked the door upon 
him, and threatened to kill him, if he would not 
give it to him, which, upon such his manhood, he 
did for pure fear consent unto. And this tale got 
so much credit with the king, that he hardly dis- 
believed it when he came himself; though it was 
in the nature of it very improbable, that a single 
man, by another" 1 man as strong as himself, (who 
was attended by many servants in the next room,) 
should be suffered to shut the door upon him, and 

01 by another] from another 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 143 

to extort that from him n which he had no mind to PART 
part with ; and afterwards to go out of his house, _ 
when there were persons enough in every room to 
have laid hands upon him, and to have taken that 
again by force, which he had ravished away. Be- 
sides that, his majesty knew he expected to be sent 
for at that time ; and that if he had repented the 
promise he had made, and resolved not to perform it, 
he could have found several ways to have evaded it ; 
and refused to have admitted Mr. Elliot to speak 
with him : but the prejudice his majesty had before 
contraeted against him, and the great confidence 
Elliot had in the relation, which was natural in 
him, had shut out all those reflections. Yet when 
his majesty saw him, he received him graciously ; 
and caused him to be lodged in the court, in a room 
very near his majesty ; which many believed to be 
rather out of jealousy and care that he should not 
again return, than out of respect to him; his ma- 
jesty keeping still the seal himself, and not restoring 
it to his custody ; which could not but make some 
impression on him, and more on others, who from 
thence concluded that he would have no more to do 
with the seal ; and carried themselves towards him 
accordingly. 

The lords who were come from the house of 
peers, and had been* offended at his behaviour there, 
gave him little respect now ; but rather gave credit 
to Mr. Elliot's relation ; and were forward to make 
relation of his carriage in the house to his disadvan- 

n should be suffered to shut him, and suffer that to be ex- 

the door upon him, and to ex- torted from him 
tort that from him] should suf- and afterwards to go out] 

fer the door to be shut upon and suffer him to go out 



144 THE LIFE OF 

FART tage, to the king himself; so that it was no wonder 
' that the poor gentleman grew very melancholic. 
1(542. And when he was sent for to attend the king, (who 
was himself present when the great seal was to be 
used, nor did ever suffer it to be used but in the 
presence of the keeper, who signed all things, as he 
ought to do by his office,) when any proclamation of 
treason, as that against the earl of Essex, or against 
the proceedings of the- houses, as in the business of 
the militia, or the like, was brought to be sealed, he 
used all delays ; and made many exceptions, and 
found faults in matters of form, and otherwise, 
sometimes very reasonably ; yet in such a manner 
as made it evident he retained many fears about 
him, as if he was not without apprehension that he 
might fall again into their hands ; which was the 
cause that the king had said, that he knew not what 
to make of him. 
Mr. Hyde Mr. Hyde, as soon as he heard this, wrote a letter 

writes from i* i i . . i r> it i 

Nostaii to to the king, and put him in mind of all that had 
formerly passed in that affair; how absolutely the 
keeper had destroyed himself in the account of 
the parliament, by paying that obedience which he 
ought to do to his majesty's commands ; and that if 
he should be deprived of his majesty's favour, he 
must be of all men the most miserable ; and that 
himself should be most unfortunate, in having con- 
tributed so much to his ruin ; which would call his 
majesty's good nature, and even his justice into 
question ; and therefore besought him to be gracious 
to him, and to keep up his spirits with his counte- 
nance. However, he made it his own humble suit 
to his majesty, that he would not take any severe 
resolution against him, before he gave him leave to 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 145 

kiss his hand, and to offer him some further con- PART 
siderations. Upon the receipt of this letter, the 



king sent him word, that he would gratify him in 1642 ' 
the last part of his letter, and conclude nothing 
before he spake with him : in the mean time he 
wished him to send the keeper some good counsel ; 
and that as soon as he should have despatched some 
business he had then upon his hands, that he would 
come to York, where he would find much to do; 
and that he thought now there would be less reason 
every day for his being concealed. And within four 
or five days after, his majesty sent Mr. Ashburn- 
ham to him, to let him know, that he had every , 
day so much to do with the keeper, and found him 
so refractory and obstinate, that he should not be 
able to keep the promise he had made to him, if he 
did not make haste to York ; and therefore bade And goes 
him to be with him with all convenience: where- to 
upon, within two days after, for he had somewhat 
to despatch that required haste, and sooner than he 
intended, he waited upon his majesty at York. 

When he came to the court P, being about four of 
the clock in the afternoon, the king was at council, 
upon the publishing his answer to the declaration 
of the twenty-sixth of May ; which, though it con- 
tained eight or nine sheets of paper, he brought to 
the board in his own hand writing ; having kept the 
promise he had made at Greenwich to that hour, in 
writing out all the papers himself, which had been 
sent to him ; which had been a wonderful task he 

' When he came to the the petition, mentioned before, 

court] It was about a day or that Mr. Hyde eame to York, 

two after the appearance of the and when he came to the 

people of the country, when sir court, &c. 
Thomas Fairfax had delivered 

VOL. I. L 



146 THE LIFE OF 

PART had imposed on himself: so that he always spent 
more than half the day shut up by himself in his 



1 642. chamber, writi-ng ; which was most of the news the 
houses heard of him at London ; and which per- 
plexed them very much. 
His recep. jy[ r< Hyde was in the gallery when the king came 

tion there ; ' J 

from council ; and as soon as he saw him, he bade 
him welcome to York very graciously ; and asked 
some questions aloud of him, as if he thought he 
had then come from London ; and then called him 
into the garden, where -he walked with him above 
and conver- an hour. He said at the beginning, " that they 

sation with - , </ 

the king. " needed not now be afraid of being seen together ; 
then used all the expressions of kindness to him 
that can be imagined, of the service he had done 
him, and" of the great benefit he had received from 
it, even to the turning the hearts of the whole na- 
tion towards him again, and of his gracious resolu- 
tions of rewarding him with the first opportunity ; 
and many expressions of that kind, which the other 
received with the modesty and reverence that became 
him. Then his majesty spake of his business, and 
the temper of that country ; and quickly entered 
upon finding fault with the keeper, and protested, if 
it were not for his sake, he would turn him out of 
his place that very hour ; and enlarged upon many 
particulars of his obstinacy, and of his want of cou- 
rage, to such a degree, as if he did really appre- 
hend that the gentleman usher of the black rod 
would come and take him out of his chamber. 

Mr. Hyde told him, that he would discourage 
many good men, who desired to serve him very 
faithfully, if he were too severe for such faults, as 
the infirmities of their nature and defects in their 



EDWARD EARJ, OF CLARENDON. 147 

education exposed them to : that if the keeper, from PART 
those impressions, had committed some faults which 



might provoke his majesty's displeasure, he had re- 1642> 

deemed those errors by a signal service, which might 

well wipe out the memory of the other. The king 

said with some warmth, " that he was so far from 

" another opinion, that he would hate himself, if he 

" did not believe that he had made a full expiation ; 

" and though he did think that he had been wrought 

" upon by him to perform that part, yet he thought 

" the merit of it far above any of his transgres- 

" sions ; and that he was disposed, from the first 

" minute of his coming to York, to have renewed 

" his old kindness to him, and confidence in him ; 

" and would willingly have given the seal again 

" into his hands, if he had found he had desired it ; 

" but that he found no serenity in his countenance, 

" nor any inclination to do what necessity required : 

" and whereas the parliament took advantage, that 

" none of his majesty's acts, which he had caused to 

" be published, were authentic, nor ought to be 

" looked upon as his, because the great seal had not 

" been affixed to them, which could not be done 

" whilst the great seal was at Westminster ; now 

" he had the seal by him, and sent proclamations to 

" be sealed, the keeper was still as unwilling that 

" they should pass, as if he was still under their 

" power ; which made him angry, and nothing that 

" he had done before." 

Mr. Hyde replied, that " the poor gentleman 
" could not but think himself disobliged to the 
" highest extremity, in the presumption of Mr. El- 
" Hot ; and that his extravagant and insolent dis- 
" courses should find credit, without his majesty's 



148 THE LIFE OF 

PART " reprehension and vindication, who kne\v the false- 
_J_L_ " hood of them." And so put his majesty in mind 



1642. O f a n t h at k^ p ass ed; and of the other circum- 
stances, which made all the other's brags impossible 
to be true. For his fears and apprehensions, he be- 
sought his majesty to remember, that " he had 
" newly escaped out of that region where the thun- 
" der and lightning is made ; and that he could 
" hardly yet recover the fright he had been often in, 
" and seen so many others in ; and that his majesty 
" need not distrust him ; he had passed the Rubi- 



he . C on, and had no hope but in his majesty." His 

reconciles 



o the lord majesty concluded, that he should be sure to receive 
all necessary countenance and protection from him ; 
of which he bade him to assure him, and presently 
to visit him ; which going to do, he met him in the 
garden, and they there walked together. 

He found him full of apprehension that he should 
be put out of his place, and of the ruin and con- 
tempt that he should be then exposed to, which he 
had brought upon himself; but when the other an- 
swered him, that there was no danger of that, and told 
him all that had passed between the king and him ; 
and that if he would, he might have the seal in his 
own custody again within an hour, he was exceed- 
ingly revived, and desired him to entreat the king 
to keep the great seal still himself; that he would 
by no means be answerable for the safety of it, nor 
would trust any servant of his own to look to it ; 
which, as it was wisely considered and resolved by 
him, so it increased the king's confidence in him ; 
who would have been troubled if the other had ac- 
cepted the grace that was offered. And from that 
time, when any thing was to be done that admi- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 149 

nistered any argument for doubt, Mr. Hyde always PART 

prepared him by discourse ; so that there was never , ! 

after any unkindness from the king towards him: 1642> 
but the vigour of his mind grew every day less, un- 
der a great melancholy that oppressed him, from 
the consideration of the time, and of his own ill 
condition in his fortune ; which was much worse than 
any body imagined it could be. 

Before he went out of the garden, the lord How- 
ard, sir Hugh Cholmely, and sir Philip Stapleton, 
(who were the committee from the parliament,) had 
intelligence that he was walking in the garden with 
the king ; whereupon they came presently thither, 
and after they had saluted him with much civility, 
the,y shewed him an instruction they had from the 
parliament; by which they were required, if any 
member of either house came to York, they should 
let them know, that it was the pleasure of the house He is sum- 
that they should immediately attend the house, an 
signify to them what answer they made ; and so 
they desired he would excuse them for doing their 
duty. He told them, he was but just then come 
thither, in obedience to his majesty's commands, and 
knew not yet what service he was to do ; but that 
as soon as his majesty would give him leave, he 
would return to the parliament. 

There happened an accident, at Mr. Hyde's first 
coming to York, which he used often to speak of, 
and to be very merry at. One of the king's servants 
had provided a lodging for him, so that, when he 
alighted at the court, he sent his servants thither, 
and stayed himself at the court till after supper, 
and till the king went into his chamber ; and then 
he had a guide, who went with him, and conducted 

i- 3 



150 THE LIFE OF 

PART him to his chamber; which he liked very well, 
and began to undress himself. One of his servants 



' wished that he had any other lodging, and desired 
him not to lie there : he asked why, it seemed to 
him a, good chamber : his servant answered, that 
the chamber was good, but the people of the house 
the worst he ever saw, and such as he was confident 
would do him some mischief : at which wondering, 
his servant told him, that the persons of the house 
seemed to be of some condition by their habit that 
was very good ; and that the servants, when they 
came thither, found the master and mistress in the 
lower room, who received them civilly, and shewed 
them the chamber where their master was to lodge, 
and wished them to call for any thing they wanted, 
and so left them : that shortly after, one of them 
went down, and the mistress of the house being 
again in the lower room, where it seems she usually 
sat, she asked him what his master's name was, 
which he told her : what, said she, that Hyde that is 
of the house of commons? and he answering yes, 
she gave a great shriek, and cried out, that he 
should not lodge in her house ; cursing him with 
many bitter execrations. Upon the noise, her hus- 
band came in ; and when she told him who it was 
that was to lodge in the chamber above, he swore a 
great oath that he -should not ; and that he would 
rather set his house on fire, than entertain him in it. 
The servant stood amazed, knowing that his master 
had never been in or near that city, and desired 
to know what offence he had committed against 
them ; he told them, he was confident his master 
did not know them, nor could be known to them. 
The man answered, after two or three curses, that 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 151 

he knew him well enough, and that he had undone PART 

ii 
him, and his wife, and his children; and so, after 1_ 



repeating some new hitter curses, he concluded, that 1642 ' 
he would set his house on fire, as soon as the other 
should set his foot in it ; and so he and his wife 
went away in a great rage into an inner room, and 
clapped the door to them. 

When his servant had made this relation to him, 
he was no less surprised ; knew not what to make 
of it; asked whether the people were drunk; was 
assured that they were very sober, and a'ppeared 
before this passion to be well bred. He sent to de- 
sire the master of the house to come to him, that 
they might confer together ; and that he would im- 
mediately depart his house, if he desired it. He 
received no answer, but that he and his wife were 
gone to bed : upon which he said no more, but that, 
if they were gone to bed, he would go to bed too ; 
and did accordingly. Though he was not disturbed 
in the night, the morning was not at all calmer; 
the master and the mistress stormed as much as 
ever, and would not be persuaded to speak with 
him ; but he then understood the reason : the man 
of the house had been an attorney in the court of 
the president and council of the north, in great re- 
putation and practice there ; and thereby got a very 
good livelihood ; with which he had lived in splen- 
dour ; and Mr. Hyde had sat in the chair of that 
committee, and had carried up the votes of the com- 
mons against that court, to the house of peers ; 
upon which it was dissolved : which he confessed 
was a better reason for being angry with him than 
many others had, who were as angry, and perse- 
cuted him more. * However, he thought himself 

L 4 



152 THE LIFE OF 

PART obliged to remove the eyesore from them, and to 

! quit the lodging that had been assigned to him; 

1 642. an( j h e was mu ch better accommodated by the kind- 
ness of a good prebendary of the church, Dr. Hod- 
He resides shon, who" sent to invite him to lodge in his house, 
with Dr. as soon as he heard he was come to town ; where 
he resided as long as the court stayed there. 

There was now a great conflux of the members 
of both houses of parliament to York ; insomuch as 
there remained not in the house of commons above 
a fifth part of the whole number ; and of the house 
of peers so few, that there continued not at West- 
minster twenty lords. Yet they proceeded with the 
same spirit and presumption, as when their numbers 
were full ; published new declarations against the 
king ; raised soldiers for their army apace ; and exe- 
cuted their ordinance for the militia in all the coun- 
ties of England, the northern parts only excepted ; 
forbade all persons to resort to the king ; and inter- 
cepted many in their journey towards York, and 
committed them to prison : notwithstanding which, 
many persons of quality every day flocked thither ; 
and it was no longer safe for those members to stay 
in the houses of parliament, who resolved not to 
concur with them in their unwarrantable designs ; 
and therefore the lord Falkland and sir John Cole- 
pepper shortly after repaired likewise to York. 1 

v likewise to York.] Thus given to those summons, they 

continued in the MS.: The expelled those members of the 

bouses quickly found the re- house of commons who were 

proacb of their small numbers with the king, and gave order 

was some discredit to their that new writs should issue out 

transactions, and therefore re- for the electing new members 

newed their summons to their in their places ; but the king 

absent members to return ; and, prevented that by giving order 

when they saw no obedience to the lord keeper not to seal 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 153 

When the king declared that he would go to Be- PART 
verley, a place within four miles of Hull, the noise 



of the king's journey thither r made a great impres- } 642- 
sion upon the parliament ; where, how great a con- 
currence soever there was, in those unwarrantable 
actions which begot the war, yet a small number of 
those who voted both the raising the army and mak- 
ing the general, did in truth intend, or believe, that 
there would be a war : and therefore, when they 
looked upon it as begun in this march of the king's 
to Hull, (for they considered their own actions as 
done only to prevent a war, by making the king 
unable to make it, who as they thought only desired 
it,) they moved presently for some overtures of an 
accommodation : which that angry party that re- 
solved against it, never durst absolutely reject ; but 
consenting cheerfully to it, got thereby authority to 

any writs which should be pre- service of the parliament ; and 
pared and sent to him for any the house of peers thereupon, 
new elections. Upon some in- with all formality, and in their 
formation against the lord Sa- robes, passed a sentence and 
vile, for some expressions he judgment upon those nine, (the 
had used against the parlia- number of the judges not much 
ment, when the petition that exceeding that number,) that 
is mentioned before was pre- they should be fined, and dis- 
sented by sir Thomas Fairfax, abled to sit in parliament dur- 
that lord and eight more were ing the time that parliament 
summoned by an order from should continue ; which was 
the house of peers, and v re- looked upon as an act without 
quired to attend that house, any foundation of law or pre- 
Upon which they making a cedent, and was slighted ac- 
joint answer, that they had re- cordingly by those who were 
ceived an express order to at- most immediately concerned in 
tend upon his majesty's person, it. 

the house of commons, taking r When the king declared 

notice of this answer, in a new that he would go to Beverley, 

and unheard-of way carried up a place within four miles of 

a charge and impeachment to Hull, the noise of the king's 

the house of peers against those journey thither] The noise of 

nine lords for not attending the the king's journey to Beverley 



154 THE LIFE OF 

PART insert such things in the address, as must inevitably 
render it ineffectual. So at this time they sent the 



1 642. ear j o f Holland, a person whom they knew s to be 
most unacceptable to the king, with two members 
of the house of commons, who came to Beverley the 
day the king arrived there. The subject of their 
message was, after several specious expressions and 
professions of their duty, to dissuade his majesty 
from making war against his parliament, by pro- 
ceeding in his enterprise against Hull, which the 
parliament was obliged to defend. And all the ex- 
pedient they proposed for the avoiding this war was, 
that he would consent to the nineteen propositions, 
which they had formerly made to him at York, and 
to which he had long since returned his answer; 
and both the one and the other were printed. 

These nineteen propositions, which contained the 
disinherison of the crown of all its choice regalities, 
and left only the shadow and empty name of the 
king, had been framed by the houses after Mr. Hyde 
left London. And because he had so much work 
then upon his hands, as they believed he would not 
be able to despatch soon enough, the lord Falkland 
and sir John Colepepper undertook to prepare an 
answer to them themselves ; and so^divided the pro- 
positions between them ; and in a short time so 
finished their answer, that they sent it to the king, 
and desired that Mr. Hyde might peruse it, and 
then cause it to be published and printed. The an- 
swer was full to all particulars, and writ with very 
much wit and sharpness ; but there were some ex- 
pressions in it, which he liked not, as prejudicial to 

9 they knew] at that time they knew 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 155 

the king, and in truth a mistake in point of right, PART 
in that part which had been prepared by sir John - ! 
Colepepper ; who had taken it up upon credit, and, ! 642 - 
without weighing the consequence, did really be- 
lieve that it had been true ; which was, that in the 
discourse of the constitution of the kingdom, he had 
declared, that the king, and the house of peers, and 
the house of commons made the three estates: and 
for this reason Mr. Hyde did not advance the print- 
ing it ; and told the king, that all the particulars in Mr. Hyde 
those propositions had been enough answered in for- king not to 



mer answers to other declarations, (which was 

and therefore that this needed not be published : the P arlia ~ 

ruent s 

with which his majesty was satisfied, without know- nineteen 

. . . proposi- 

ing the particular true reason ; which he thought tions. 
not fit to communicate, for both the persons' sakes, 
of whose affection for the church (which was prin- 
cipally concerned in that mistake, since in truth 
the bishops make the third estate, the king being 
the head and sovereign of the whole) his majesty 
was always jealous. 

But they no sooner came to York, than they ap- 
peared much unsatisfied, that that answer was not 
printed ; and the lord Falkland finding it remained 
still in Mr. Hyde's hands, he expostulated warmly 
with him of the reasons ; and in some passion said, 
" he therefore disliked it, because he had not writ Lord Faik- 
" it himself." Upon which, without saying more, postuiation 
than that " he never expected so unkind a reproach Jhereon" 
" from him," he delivered the written copy to him, 
and he immediately procured the king's consent, and 
sent it to the press that night, with order to lose no 
time in the impression. Of which the king was 
afterwards very sensible; and that excellent lord, 



156 THE LIFE OF 

PART who intended not the least unkindness, (nor did it 
ii. 

produce the least interruption in their friendship,) 



was likewise much troubled when he knew the rea- 
son ; and imputed it to his own inadvertency, and 
to the infusion of some lawyers, who had misled sir 
John Colepepper; and to the declarations which 
many of the prelatical clergy frequently and igno- 
rantly made, that the bishops did not sit in parlia- 
ment as the representatives of the clergy, and so 
could not be the third estate. 

It happened that the day the earl of Holland 
came to Beverley, Mr. Hyde had been riding abroad ; 
and returning to Beverley, happened to be in the 
same road, when the earl of Holland arid his com- 
pany prosecuted their journey to the king: when 
meeting together, there passed the usual salutations 
which are between persons well known, to each 
Mr. Hyde's other. " He hoped," the earl said, " that he should 
tion wi $ th " be welcome to all honest men at the court, be- 
Hoiiid. of " cause ne came to invite the king to return to his 
" parliament, and to abolish all jealousies between 
" them." The other answered, " he would be very 
" welcome indeed, if he brought proper expedients 
" to produce either of those effects ; but then his 
" errand must be of another composition than what 
" the king understood it to be." Upon which they 
entered upon a warmer discourse than it may be 
either of them intended ; and as the earl spake in 
another style than he had used to do, of the power 
and authority of the parliament, and how much 
they were superior to any opposition or contradic- 
tion ; so the other in the debate was less reserved, 
and kept a less guard upon himself than he used to 
do ; so that they seemed nothing pleased with each 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 157 
other: nor did Mr. Hyde visit him after his coming PART 



to Beverley, because he was informed that the earl 
had, to many persons who resorted to him, repeated 
with some liberty and sharpness, what had passed 
between them ; and not without some menaces what 
the parliament would do. And as soon as he did Ha is ex - 

eiupted 

return, there was a new vote passed by name against from par- 
him, and two or three more, by which he was ex- V o" e of *i. 
empted from pardon, in any accommodation that llouscs ' 
should be made between the king and parliament. 

Mr. Hyde had been absent four or five days from 
the court, and came into the presence when the 
. king was washing his hands before dinner ; and as 
soon as the king saw him, he asked him aloud, 
" Ned Hyde, when did you play with my band- 
" strings last ?" upon which he was exceedingly out 
of countenance, not imagining the cause of the ques- 
tion, and the room being full of gentlemen, who ap- 
peared to be merry with what the king had asked. 
But his majesty observing him to be in disorder, 
and to blush very much, said pleasantly, " Be not 
" troubled at it, for I have worn no band-strings 
" these twenty years :" and then asked him whether 
he had not seen the diurnal ; of which he had not 
heard till then ; but shortly after, some of the 
standers-by shewed him a diurnal, in which there 
was a letter of intelligence printed, where it was 
said, that Ned Hyde was grown so familiar with 
the king, that he used to play with his band-strings. 
Which was a method of calumniating they began 
then, and shortly after prosecuted and exercised 
upon much greater persons. 

In the afternoon the earl of Holland came to de- 
liver his message with great formality ; whom the 



158 THE LIFE OF 

PART king received with much coldness and manifestation 
of neglect : and when the earl approached, and 



1642< kneeled to kiss his hand, he turned, or withdrew 
his hand in such a manner, that the earl kissed his 
own. When the message was read, the king said 
little more, than that they should not stay long for 
an answer ; and so went to his chamber. The earl 
was not without many friends there ; and some of 
them moved the king, that he would give him leave 
to say somewhat to him in private, which they be- 
lieved would be very much for his service ; but his 
majesty would by no means yield to it. By this 
time his majesty had notice of the governor's irreso- 
lution at Hull ; and so was glad of this opportunity 
to have a fair excuse for making no attempt upon 
that place : and sent the next day for the earl of 
Holland to receive his answer; which being read 
aloud in the king's presence, and a full room, by the 
clerk of the council, was very grateful to the au- 
ditors, who feared some condescension in the king, 
though very mortifying to the earl. For besides 
that it was thought very sharp towards the houses, 
it declared his brother, the earl of Warwick, a trai- 
tor, for possessing himself of the king's fleet against 
his consent ; and concluded, that he would forbear 
any attempt upon Hull for fourteen days ; in which 
time, if the parliament would enter into a treaty for 
a happy peace, they should find him very well in- 
clined to it ; after the expiration of that time, he 
should pursue those ways which he thought fit. In 
the mean time, he made a short progress into the 
adjacent counties of Nottingham and Leicester, to 
see what countenance they wore, and to encourage 
those who appeared to have good affections to his 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 159 

service: and then returning to Beverley within the PART 
limited time, and hearing no more from the parlia-. 



ment, or any thing from Hull that he expected, he 1642 - 
returned again to York. l 

Mr. Hyde was wont often to relate a passage in 
that melancholic time, when the standard was set 
up at Nottingham, with which he was much af- 
fected. Sir Edmund Varney, knight-marshal, who 
was mentioned before as standard-bearer, with whom 
he had great familiarity, who was a man of great 
courage, and generally beloved, came one day to 
him, and told him, " he was very glad to see him, His conver- 
" in so universal a damp, under which the spirits of sf r Edmund 
" most men were oppressed, retain still his natural Varney * 
" vivacity and cheerfulness ; that he knew that the 
" condition of the king, and the power of the par- 
" liament, was not better known to 'any man than 
" to him ; and therefore he hoped that he was able 
" to administer some comfort to his friends, that 
" might raise their spirits, as well as it supported 
" his own." He answered, " that he was, in truth, 
" beholden to his constitution, which did not incline 
" him to despair ; otherwise, that he had no plea- 
" sant prospect before him, but thought as ill of 
" affairs as most men did ; that the other was as 
" far from being melancholic as he, and was known 
" to be a man of great courage, (as indeed he was 
" of a very cheerful and a generous nature, and con- 
" fessedly valiant,) and that they could not do the 
" king better service, than by making it .their busi- 
" ness to raise the dejected minds of men, and root 
" out those apprehensions which disturbed them, of 

1 to York.] to York, as hath been said before. 



160 THE LIFE OF 

PART " fear and despair, which could do no good, and did 

! " really much mischief." 

He replied smiling, " I will willingly join with 
" you the best I can, but I shall act it very scurvily. 
" My condition," said he, " is much worse than yours, 
" and different, I believe, from any other man's ; and 
" will very well justify the melancholic that, I con- 
" fess to you, possesses me. You have satisfaction 
" in your conscience that you are in the right ; that 
" the king ought not to grant what is required of 
" him ; and so you do your duty and your business 
" together : but for my part, I do not like the quar- 
" rel, and do heartily wish that the king would 
" yield and consent to what they desire ; so that 
" my conscience is only concerned in honour and in 
" gratitude to follow my master. I have eaten his 
" bread, and served him near thirty years, and will 
" not do so base a thing as to forsake him ; and 
" choose rather to lose my life (which I am sure I 
" shall do) to preserve and defend those things which 
" are against my conscience to preserve and defend : 
" for I will deal freely with you, I have no re- 
" verence for the bishops, for whom this quarrel 
" subsists."" It was not a time to dispute ; and his 
affection to the church had never been suspected. 
He was as good as his word ; and was killed, in the 
battle of Edge-hill, within two months after this 
discourse. And if those who had the same and 
greater obligations, had observed the same rules of 
gratitude .and generosity, whatever their other af- 
fections had been, that battle had never been fought, 
nor any of that mischief been brought to pass that 
succeeded it. 

11 subsists.] Omitted in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 161 

After the king came to Oxford with his army, FART 
his majesty one day speaking with the lord Falk- ' 



land very graciously concerning Mr. Hyde, said he 
had such a peculiar style, that he could know any The ki 
thing written by him, if it were brought to him by toJSI 
a stranger, amongst a multitude of writings by other ^"nin 
men. The lord Falkland answered, he doubted his Hyde's 

style. 

majesty could hardly do that, because he himself, 
who had so long conversation and friendship with 
him, was often deceived; and often met with things 
written by him, of which he could never have sus- 
pected him, upon the variety of arguments. To 
which the king replied, he would lay him an angel, 
that, let the argument be what it would, he should 
never bring him a sheet of paper (for he would not 
undertake to judge of less) of his writing, but he 
would discover it to be his. The lord Falkland told 
him it should be a wager ; but neither the one nor 
the other ever mentioned it to Mr. Hyde. Some 
days after, the lord Falkland brought several packets, 
which he had then received from London, to the 
king, before he had opened them, as he used to do : 
and after he had read his several letters of intelli- 
gence, he took out the prints of diurnals, and 
speeches, and the like, which were every day 
printed at London, and as constantly sent to Ox- 
ford : and amongst the rest there were two speeches, 
the one made by the lord Pembroke for an accom- 
modation, and the other by the lord Brooke against 
it; and for the carrying on the war with more 
vigour, and utterly to root out the cavaliers, which 
were the king's party. 

The king was very much pleased with reading 
the speeches, and said, he did not think that Pem- 

VOL. i. M 



162 THE LIFE OF 

PART broke could speak so long together ; though every 
_ '. word he said was so much his own, that nobody else 
542< could make it. And so after he had pleased him- 
self with reading the speeches over again, and then 
passed to other papers, the lord Falkland whispered 
in his ear, (for there were other persons by,) desir- 
ing him he would pay him the angel; which his 
majesty in the instant apprehending, blushed, and 
put his hand in his pocket, and gave him an angel, 
saying, he had never paid a wager more willingly ; 
and was very merry upon it, and would often call 
upon Mr. Hyde for a speech, or a letter, which he 
very often prepared upon several occasions ; and 
the king always commanded them to be printed. 
He laments And he was often wont to say, many years after, 

the loss of , * . 

many of his that he would be very glad he could make a collec- 
writhigs! tion of all those papers, which he had written occa- 
sionally at that time; which he could never do, 
though he got many of them. 
A dispute* There was at that time a pleasant story upon 

caused by 

one of them, those speeches. The lord Brooke had met with 
them in print, and heard that he was much re- 
proached for so unchristian a speech against peace, 
though the language was such as he used in all op- 
portunities : whereupon one morning in the house 
of peers, and before the house sat, he came to the 
earl of Portland, (who yet remained there with the 
king's approbation, and knew well enough from 
whence the speeches came, having himself caused 
them to be printed,) and shewing them to him, de- 
sired he would move the house, that that speech 
might, by their order, be burned by the hand of the 
hangman ; by which means the kingdom would be 
informed, that it had never been spoken by him. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 163 

The earl said, he would willingly do him the ser- PART 

vice ; but he observed, that the speeches were ' 

printed in that manner, that where the earl of Pern- 1642 ' 
broke's speech ended on the one side of the leaf, his 
(the lord Brooke's) speech began on the other side, 
so that one could not be burned, without burning 
the other too ; which he knew not how the earl of 
Pembroke would like ; and therefore he durst not 
move it without his consent. Whereupon they both 
went to the earl, who was then likewise in the 
house ; and Portland told him what the lord Brooke 
; desired, and asked him whether he wished it should 
be done. He, who heard he was very well spoken 
of, for having spoke so honestly for peace, said, he 
did not desire it. Upon which Brooke, in great 
anger, asked, if he had ever made that speech ; he 
was very sure he had never made the other; and 
the other with equal choler replied, that he was al- 
ways for peace ; and though he could not say he 
had spoken all those things together, he was sure 
he had spoken them all at several times ; and that 
he knew as well, that he had always been against 
peace, and had often used all those expressions 
which were in the speech, though, it may be, not 
all together. Upon which they entered into a high 
combat of reproachful words against each other, to 
the no small delight of the earl, who had brought 

them together, and of the rest of the standers-by. x 

(-:'. -"} f- '*. 

x rest of the standers-by.] to London, both the parlia- 

The following account of some ment and the city was so far 

of the king's movements is omit- provoked, that they laid aside 

ted: Though upon the king's all thoughts of treaty; and 

advance from Colebrooke, and upon his retreat, the view of 

the imagination that he pur- the number and ill condition of 

posed to have brought his army his army, the furious party was 

M 2 



164 



THE LIFE OF 



PART 

II. 
1643. 



The king was no sooner settled in his winter 
quarters, after his retreat from Brentford to Oxford, 

much exalted, and thought of weary of the service, and dis- 

nothing but of forming new ar- engaged themselves, and gave 

mirs, which might subdue the up their commands ; so that the 

other parts of the kingdom ; motions were again renewed for 



yet when they had better col- 
lected themselves, the principal 



sending to the king for a peace : 
and at last a message was sent 



persons of the parliament, and to the king, that he would send 

those of the city, who had for- a safe conduct for four lords 

merly very importunately press- and eight commoners to attend 

ed the message to the king for his majesty with an humble pe- 

a treaty, returned to the same tition from both houses, which 

temper. The parliament was they hoped might produce a 

full of faction, and they who good accommodation ; which 

had concurred too much in the safe conduct was immediately 

entering into the war, were granted, with which the mes- 

now most solicitous to get out senger returned ; and within 

of it ; they said the expense few days after, the earls of 
already 



was already unsupportable ; Northumberland, Pembroke, Sa- 
their army was wasted, so that lisbury, and Holland, together 
they were upon the matter to 
begin again. They had spent 
very much of the money which 
had been raised for Ireland, and 
employed great numbers of those 
soldiers which were levied for 
that kingdom, which did not 
only redound to the great ha- 
zard of losing that kingdom, 
but would exceedingly turn to his majesty would permit them 
their reproach with the people to send a committee of both 
of England, as soon as it should 
be taken notice of, and it could 



with Pierrepoint, lord Wenman, 
Whitlocke, Waller, and other 
members of the house of com- 
mons, came to Oxford with a 
petition to the king ; which 
contained no more than a de- 
sire from the parliament, in 
terms more modest than they 
had been accustomed to, that 



not be long concealed. They 



houses to attend him, that they 
might treat about a happy peace, 
and, in the first place, of a ces- 

foresaw likewise that the vast sation of all acts of hostility, 
sum of money, which must be There was a pleasant observa- 
got for the carrying on the war, 
must all be raised out of the 
city, which appeared discon- 
tented enough. There was like- 
wise no union in the army ; 
many officers gave up their 



commissions ; and those who 
were members of both houses, 
and had carried regiments and 



tion at that time, which made 
the artifices appear by which 
they imposed upon their friends 
at London. The people there 
did generally believe that the 
king, and the little army he had 
with him, were in so great 
straits for want of provision in 
Oxford, that they were corn- 



troops into the field, were pelled to eat horseflesh ; and 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 165 



but the parliament sent to him for a safe-conduct, PART 
for commissioners to be sent from them to treat nf 



that they would in a short time 
be forced to return to the par- 
liament, that they might avoid 
the being starved ; and either 
to keep up this imagination, or 



place, for the better understand- 
ing the unhappy temper of the 
court and of the king's affairs, 
to remember, that, as soon as 
the commissioners were gone 



1643. 



that they did themselves believe out of the. town, there appeared 

the scarcity to be very great, a general indisposition in court, 

these commissioners brought in army, and amongst the per- 

with them a great quantity of sons of quality which filled the 



provisions, even of bread and 
beer, as well as of beef and 
mutton and fowl, sufficient to 
feed the whole company that 



town, to the peace, and a won- 
derful apprehension that it would 
be brought to pass, and there- 
fore there were many cabals 



came with them, during such and meetings to consult how 
time as they believed they should the treaty might be prevented, 
stay there; of which they were or at least made ineffectual, 
ashamed as soon as they en- Though the king was in plea- 
tered Oxford, and saw the great sant and plentiful quarters, 
plenty in the markets, not only where he wanted no provision 
of the usual common fare, but 
of those choice fowl, of phea- 
sants, partridge, cocks, snipes, 
in that abundance, as they were 
not so well furnished in Lon- 
don ; besides the best fish and 
wild fowl, which was brought 
in every day, from the western 
part, in such plenty, that it can 
hardly be imagined. So that 
they were quickly converted 
from giving credit to that ru- 
mour, and it may be by it judged 

the better of the want of inte- try would long endure free- 
grity in many other reports, quarters, and submit likewise 
The commissioners, after three 
or four days, returned with a 
gracious answer from the king, 
and with a safe conduct for 
such persons as the two houses 
should send to treat with the 
king ; and men began to en- 



of victuals, and out of which 
(for he was possessed of most 
of the countries between Oxford 
and Chester, and of the greatest 
part of Wales) he might rea- 
sonably hope to recruit his ar- 
my ; yet there was no hope of 
procuring money to pay them ;. 
and though the soldiers yet be- 
haved themselves modestly in 
their quarters, so that there 
were no complaints, it could 
not be imagined that the coun- 



tertain good hope of a peace, 
and fair accommodation of all 
differences. 

It may not be unfit in this 



to pay contributions in money, 
which was assigned to the horse. 
The battle of Edge-hill, and 
the supplying the few garrisons 
which were made with very 
slender proportions of ammu- 
nition, had already so exhausted 
the stores, that there were not 
left at this time in Oxford above 
forty barrels of powder, and 
match and bullet proportion- 

M 3 



166 



THE LIFE OF 



1643. 



PART peace; which was sent to them. And at this time 
there was a change in Mr. Hyde's fortune, by a pre- 
ferment the king conferred upon him. Every body 
knew that he was trusted by the king in his most 
secret transactions ; but he was under no character 
in his service. When the commissioners who were 
sent for the safe-conduct came to Oxford, some who 
came in their company, amongst other matters of 
intelligence, brought the king a letter of his own to 
the queen, printed, that had been intercepted, and 
printed by the license, if not order, of the parlia- 



able ; and though there was set 
up there a mill to make pow- 
der, newly erected, yet the un- 
dertakers in it would not pro- 
mise to provide above twenty 
barrels in a week, which could 
produce no provision suitable 
to the necessity. It is true 
there was a reasonable supply 
of arms and ammunition ar- 
rived at Newcastle, the only 
port in the king's obedience ; 
but, besides the great use there 
was to be of it in those parts, 
where the earl of Newcastle 
had been left to raise an army, 
and had now Yorkshire added 
to his commission, which stood 
in great need of his protection, 
the distance was so great be- 
tween that and Oxford, that 
there was little hope of getting 
any of it with a less convoy 
than an army. Above all this, 
it was apparent to all men, who 
could discern at any distance, 
that the good humour of the 
lords and persons of quality, 
which kept up the humour every 
where else, would decay, and 
turn into murmuring and dis- 



content, as soon as that money 
should be spent which they had 
brought with them from Lon- 
don, and which alone had made 
some show of plenty in the 
court ; and therefore it was 
looked upon by wise men as a 
judgment from Heaven, that 
now, when that seemed to be 
in view which men of all con- 
ditions had prayed for since the 
setting up the standard at Not- 
tingham, there should be even 
a conspiracy amongst those very 
persons to drive that blessing 
from them. And it was the 
more wonderful, that even the 
king himself was not without 
apprehension that he might suf- 
fer by making peace, and coun- 
tenanced those who spake most 
against it, and laboured to pre- 
vent it ; of which there will be 
occasion anon to speak more at 
large, and in that place to men- 
tion the true reason which pro- 
duced that aversion. At this 
time there was a change in Mr. 
Hyde's fortune, &c. as in page 
1C6, line 1. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 167 

ment. In this letter, of the safe conveyance whereof PART 
his majesty had no apprehension, the king had la- 



mented the uneasiness of his own condition, in re- 
spect of the daily importunity which was made to 
him by the lords and others, for honours, offices, 
and preferments ; and named several lords, who were 
solicitous by themselves, or their friends, for this 
and that place ; in all which he desired to receive 
the queen's advice, being resolved to do nothing 
with reference to those pretences, till he should re- 
ceive it. But he said there were some places which 
he must dispose of without staying for her answer, 
the necessity of his service requiring it ; which were 
the mastership of the wards ; applications being still 
made to the lord Say in those affairs, and so that 
revenue was diverted from him : and therefore, as 
he had revoked his patent, so he was resolved to 
make secretary Nicholas master of the wards ; " and 
" then," (these were his majesty's own words,) " I 
" must make Ned Hyde secretary of state, for the 
" truth is, I can trust nobody else." Which was a 
very envious expression, and extended by the ill in- 
terpretation of some men, to a more general corn- 
prehension than could be intended. This was quick- 
ly made public, for there were several prints of it 
in many hands ; and some men had reason to be 
troubled to find their names mentioned in that man- 
ner, and others were glad that theirs were there, as 
having the pretence to pursue their importunities 
the more vehemently, being, as the phrase was, 
brought upon the stage, and should suffer much in 
their honour, if they should be now rejected ; which 
kind of argumentation was very unagreeable and 
grievous to the king. 

M 4 



168 THE LIFE OF 

PART One morning, when the king was walking in the 
! garden, as he used to do, Mr. Hyde being then in 



., '^ 3 ,' his view, his majesty called him, and discoursed of 

Mr. Hyde J J 

declines the the trouble he was in at the intercepting that letter ; 

office of se- i / i i j 

cretaryof and finding by his countenance that he understood 
not the meaning, he asked him, " whether he had 
" not heard a letter of his, which he writ to the 
" queen, had been intercepted and printed." And 
he answering, " that he had not heard of it," as in 
truth he had not, the king gave him the printed 
letter to read, and then said, that "he wished it 
" were as much in his power to make every body 
" else amends as he could him ; for," he said, " he 
" was resolved that afternoon to swear him secretary 
" of state, in the place of Nicholas, whom he would 
" likewise then make master of the wards." Mr. 
Hyde told him, " he was indeed much surprised 
" with the sight of the letter ; which he wished had 
" not been communicated in that manner : but that 
" he was much more surprised to find his own name 
" in it, and his majesty's resolution upon it, which 
" he besought him to change ; for as he never had 
" the ambition to hope or wish for that place, so he 
" knew he was very unfit for it, and unable to dis- 
" charge it." To which the king with a little anger 
replied, that " he did the greatest part of the busi- 
" ness now :" and he answered, that " what he did 
" now would be no part of the business, if the rebel- 
" lion were ended ; and that his unskilfulness in lan- 
" guages, and his not understanding foreign affairs, 
" rendered him very incapable of that trust." The 
king said, " he would learn as much as was neces- 
" sary of that kind very quickly." He continued 
his desire, that his majesty would lay aside that 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 169 

thought; and said, "that he had great friendship PART 
" for secretary Nicholas, who would be undone by. 



" the change ; for he would find that his majesty J 643 * 
" would receive very little, and he nothing, by that 
" office, till the troubles were composed." The king 
said, " Nicholas was an honest man, and that his 
" change was by his desire ;" and bade him speak 
with him of it ; which he went presently to do, leav- 
ing his majesty unsatisfied with the scruples he had 
made. 

When he came to the secretary's lodging, he 
found him with a cheerful countenance, and em- 
bracing him, called him his son. Mr. Hyde an- 
swered him, that " it was not the part of a good son 
" to undo his father, or to become his son that he 
" might undo him :" and so they entered upon the 
discourse; the one telling him what the king had 
resolved, and how grateful the resolution was to 
him ; and the other informing him of the conference 
he had then had with the king, and that for his 
sake, as well as his own, he would not submit to 
the king's pleasure in it. And so he debated the 
whole matter with him, and made it evident to him, 
that he would be disappointed in any expectation 
he should entertain of profit from the wards, as the 
state of affairs then stood : so that he should relin- 
quish an honourable employment, which he was well 
acquainted with, for an empty title, with which he 
would have nothing to do : and so advised him to 
consider well of it, and of all the consequences of it, 
before he exposed himself to such an inconvenience. 

Whilst this was in suspense, sir Charles Caesar, 
who, with great prejudice to the king, and more re- 
proach to the archbishop of Canterbury, Laud, had 



170 THE LIFE OF 

PART been made master of the rolls, died: and sir John 
.Colepepper had long had a promise from the king 



of that place, when it should become void, and now 
pressed the performance of it : which was violently 
opposed by many, partly out of ill-will to him, (for 
he had not the faculty of getting himself much 
loved,) and as much out of good husbandry, and to 
supply the king's necessities with a good sum of 
money, which Dr. Duck was ready to lay down for 
the office. And the king was so far wrought upon, 
that he paid down three thousand pounds in part of 
what he was to give ; but his majesty caused the 
money to be repaid, and resolved to make good his 
promise to sir John Colepepper, who would by no 
means release him. This was no sooner declared, 
than the lord Falkland (who was much more soli- 
citous to have Mr. Hyde of the council, than he was 
himself for the honour) took an opportunity to tell 
the king, that he had now a good opportunity to 
prefer Mr. Hyde, by making him chancellor of the 
exchequer, in the place of sir John Colepepper; 
which the king said he had resolved to do, and bid 
him take no notice of it, until he had told him so' 
himself: and shortly after sent for him, and said, 
But accepts that he had now found an office for him, which 

that of 

chancellor " he hoped he would not refuse : that the chancel- 
" " lorship of the exchequer was void by the promo- 
" tion of Colepepper, and that he resolved to confer 
" it upon him ;" with many gracious expressions of 
the satisfaction he had in his service. The other 
answered, " that though it was an office much above 
" his merit, yet he did not despair of enabling hiin- 
" self by industry to execute it, which he would do 
" with all fidelity." 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 171 

As soon as this was known, no man was so much PART 
troubled at it as sir John Colepepper, who had in 



truth an intention to have kept both places, until 1643 ' 
he should get into the quiet possession of the rolls. 
And though he professed much friendship to the 
other, he had no mind he should be upon the same 
level with him ; and believed he would have too 
much credit in the council. And so delayed, after 
his patent for the rolls was passed, to surrender that 
of the chancellorship of the exchequer, until the 
lord Falkland and the lord Digby expostulated very 
warmly with him upon it, and until the king took 
notice of it ; and then, seeming very much troubled 
that any body should doubt the integrity of his 
friendship to Mr. Hyde, to whom he made all the 
professions imaginable, he surrendered his office of 
chancellor of the exchequer : and the next day Mr. He 5s swom 

TT J X-.LU -1 J 1 ' 1. J fthe P rh 7- 

Hyde was sworn 01 the privy-council, and knighted, council, and 
and had his patents sealed for that office. And the kmg ** 
king, after he rose from the council, and after many 
expressions of the content he took himself in the 
obligation he had laid upon him, with much grace, 
that was not natural in him upon such occasions, 
told him, that " he was very fortunate, because he 
" verily believed nobody was angry at his prefer- 
" ment; for besides that the earl of Dorset and 
" others, who he knew loved him, had expressed 
" much satisfaction in the king's purpose," he said, 
" the lord Maltrevers, and the lord Dunsmore, who 
" he did not think had any acquaintance with him, 
" seemed very much pleased with him ; and there- 
" fore he thought nobody would envy him ; which 
" was a rare felicity." But his majesty was therein 
mistaken ; for he had great enviers, of many who 



172 THE LIFE OF 

PART thought he had run too fast; especially of those of 
his own profession, who looked upon themselves as 



1643. his superiors in all respects, and did not think that 
his age, (which was not then above thirty-three,) or 
his other parts, did entitle him to such a preference 
before them. And the news of it at Westminster 
exceedingly offended those who governed in the par- 
liament; to see the man whom they most hated, 
and whom they had voted to be incapable of pardon, 
to be now preferred to an office the chief of them 
looked for. Besides, there was another unusual cir- 
cumstance accompanied his preferment, that it was 
without the interposition or privity of the queen, 
which was not like to make it the more easy and 
advantageous ; and it was not the more unwelcome 
to him from that circumstance. 

Notwithstanding all the discourse of, and inclina- 
tion to a treaty, the armies were not quiet on either 
side. The king's quarters were enlarged by the 
taking of Marlborough in Wiltshire, and of Ciren- 
cester in Gloucestershire; which, though untenable 
by their situation and weak fortifications, were gar- 
risoned by the parliament with great numbers of 
men ; who were all killed, or taken prisoners. And 
the parliament forces were not without success too ; 
and, after the loss of Marlborough, surprised the re- 
giment of horse, that was commanded by the lord 
Grandison, a gallant gentleman, who, if not be- 
trayed, was unhappily invited to Winchester, with 
promise of forces ready to defend the place ; which 
being in no degree performed, he was, the next day 
after he came, enclosed in the castle of Winchester, 
and compelled to become, all, officers and soldiers, 
prisoners of war : though he and some other of the 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 173 

f 

principal officers, by the negligence or corruption of PART 
their guard, made their escape in the night, and re-. 



turned to Oxford. 1643 - 

This was the state of the kingdom, of the king, 
and of the parliament, in the beginning of the year 
1643, at the time when Mr. Hyde was made of the 
privy-council, and chancellor of the exchequer : 
which was between the return of the commissioners, 
who had been sent to the king to propose a treaty, 
and the coming of those commissioners to Oxford, 
who were afterwards sent from the parliament to 
treat with the king ; which being about the end of 
the year 1642, this part shall be closed here, 

) the %4ith of July ^ 1669. 



THE LIFE 



OF 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON; 

FROM HIS BIRTH TO THE RESTORATION OF THE 
ROYAL FAMILY IN THE YEAR 1660. 



PART III. 



J.T was about the beginning of March (which by PART 
that account was about the end of the year 1642,. 



and about the beginning of the year 1643) that the 1643 - 
commissioners of the parliament came to Oxford, to 
treat with his majesty; and were received graciously 
by him ; and by his order lodged conveniently, and 
well accommodated in all respects. 

The parliament had bound up their commissioners 11 

a The parliament had bound treat with his majesty himself, 
up their commissioners] Thus and not with any other persons; 
in the MS.: The persons were whereupon his majesty gave 
the earl of Northumberland, them admission whenever they 
(the rest appointed by the house desired it, and received what 
of peers were dispensed with,) they had to propose in writing, 
and of the commons the lord and then consulted and debated 
Wenman, Mr. Pierrepoint, Mr. it at his council, and delivered 
Whitlocke, and the his answer again in writing, the 
king intended to have appointed chancellor of the exchequer be- 
some of his council to have ing always appointed to prepare 
treated with them ; but they those answers. The commis- 
discovered at their first audience, sioners had very sincere desires 
that they had authority only to to have made a peace, none of 



176 



THE LIFE OF 



1643. 



P nJ lT ^ ^ e IBti " c * est tetter of their propositions ; nor did 
their instructions at this time (which they presented 
to the king) admit the least latitude to them, to 
interpret a word or expression, that admitted a 
doubtful interpretation. Insomuch as the king told 
them, " that he was sorry that they had no more 
" trust reposed in them ; and that the parliament 
" might as well have sent their demands to him by 
" the common carrier, as by commissioners so re- 
" strained." They had only twenty days allowed 



them having ever had inclina- 
tion to alter the government, 
and the short experience they 
had, made it manifest to them 
that others were possessed with 
contrary resolutions ; but their 
instructions were very strict, and 
nothing left to their own discre- 
tions ; they who sent them well 
knowing how their affections 
stood, and though they had not 
power to hinder a treaty, which 
all the kingdom called for, and 
to refuse it had been to declare 
that they would continue the 
war that was universally abo- 
minated ; yet they knew well 
how to elude it, which they 
were the less suspected to in- 
cline to, because they were still 
willing that such persons should 
be employed to treat who were 
known to be most solicitous for 
peace. When the propositions 
were formed in the house, upon 
the debate of them, when ob- 
jections were made of their un- 
reasonableness : that the king 
had already refused those very 
overtures when his condition 
was much lower, and therefore 
that it was not probable he 
would yield to the same when 



he was in the head of a good 
army: it was answered by those 
who resolved it should come to 
nothing, that it was. the course 
and rule in all treaties iniquum 
peter e ut cequum feras ; that they 
did not expect that the king 
would yield to all they desired, 
or indeed that a peace would 
ever be made upon what they 
did or could propose ; but that 
thereupon the king would be 
wrought upon to make his pro- 
positions, which must be the 
ground of the peace; and that 
theyjnust first know what the 
king would grant before they 
abated any thing of their de- 
mands ; and hereby (which 
seemed to have somewhat of 
-eason) they still prevailed to 
keep up their propositions to 
the utmost they had insisted 
upon, in their proudest and 
most insolent conjuncture, but 
still implied that they would be 
glad to depart from any thing 
of it, when they should see any 
approach made towards peace 
by any concessions from the 
king that would, make it safe 
and valid: yet they bound up 
their commissioners, &c. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 177 

them to finish the whole treaty: whereof they might PART 
employ six days 'in adjusting a cessation, if they - 
found it probable to effect it in that time; other- 1643t 
wise they were to decline the cessation, and enter 
upon the conditions of the peace ; which, if not con- 
cluded before the end of the twenty days, they were 
to give it over, and to return to the parliament. 

These propositions and restrictions much abated 
the hopes of a good issue of the treaty. Yet every 
body believed, and the commissioners themselves 
did not doubt, that if such a progress should be 
made in the treaty, that a peace was like to ensue, 
there would be no difficulty in the enlargement of 
the time ; and therefore the articles for a cessation 
were the sooner declined, that they might proceed 
in the main business. For though what was pro- 
posed by them in order to it was agreeable enough 
to the nature of such an affair; yet the time allowed 
for it was so short, that it was impossible to make 
it practicable : nor could notice be timely given to 
all the quarters on either side to observe it. 

Besides that, there were many particulars in it, 
which the officers on the king's side (who had no 
mind to a cessation) formalized much upon ; and (I 
know not from what unhappy root, but) there was 
sprung up a wonderful aversion in the town against 
a cessation. Insomuch as many persons of quality 
of several counties, whereof the town was full, ap- 
plied themselves in a body to the king, not to con- 
sent to a cessation till a peace might be concluded ; 
alleging, that they had several agitations in their 
countries, for his majesty's and their own conveni- 
ences, which would be interrupted by the cessation ; 
and if a peace should not afterwards ensue, would 

VOL. I. N 



178 THE LIFE OF 

PART be very mischievous. Which suggestion, if it had 
.been well weighed, would not have been found to 



1643. k e o f importance. But the truth is, the king him- 
self had no mind to the cessation, for a reason which 
shall be mentioned anon, though it was never owned: 
and so they waved all further mention of the cessa- 
tion, and betook themselves to the treaty ; it being 
reasonable enough to believe, that if both sides were 
heartily disposed to it; a peace might as soon have 
been agreed upon as a cessation could be. All the 
transactions of that treaty having been long since 
published, and being fit only to be digested into the 
The secret history of that time, are to be omitted here. Only 

transactions 

in the treaty what passed in secret, and was never communicated, 

of Oxford. -I'll 

nor can otherwise be known, since at this time no 
man else is living who was privy to that negociation 
but the chancellor of the exchequer, will have a 
proper place in this discourse. 

The propositions brought by the commissioners b 
in the treaty were so unreasonable, that they well 
knew that the king would never consent to them : 
but some persons amongst them, who were known to 

b The propositions brought by to that, and that guilt was in 

the commissioners] The follow- truth the foundation of their 

ing portion is here omitted : the union. On the other side, if 

commissioners, who had all good the parliament insisted on all 

fortunes and estates, had all a that they had demanded, all the 

great desire of peaee, but knew power of the crown and inonar- 

well that there must be a reced- cby itself would be thrown off 

ing mutually on both sides from the hinges, which as they could 

what they demanded ; for if the never imagine the king would 

king insisted on justice, and on ever consent to, so they saw 

the satisfaction and reparation well enough their own concern- 

the law would give him, the ment in it, and that themselves 

lives and the fortunes of all should be as much involved in 

who had opposed him would be the confusion as those they call- 

at his mercy ; and there were ed their enemies, 
too many concerned to submit 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 179 

wish well to the king, endeavoured underhand to PART 

in 

bring it to pass. And they did therefore, whilst, 



they publicly pursued their instructions, and deli- 164 3. 
vered and received papers upon their propositions, 
privately use all the means they could, especially in 
conferences with the lord Falkland and the chancel- 
lor of the exchequer, that the king might be pre- 
vailed with in some degree to comply with their 
unreasonable demands. 

In all matters which related to the church, they 
did not only despair of the king's concurrence, but 
did not ~in their own judgments wish it; and be- 
lieved, that the strength of the party which desired 
the continuance of the war, was made up of those 
who were very indifferent in that point ; and that, 
if they might return with satisfaction in other parti- 
culars, they should have power enough in the two 
houses, to oblige the more violent people to accept 
or submit to the conditions. They wished therefore 
that the king would make some condescensions in 
tne point of the militia ; which they looked upon as 
the only substantial security they could have, not to 
be called in question for what they had done amiss. 
And when they saw nothing could be digested of 
that kind, which would not reflect both upon the 
king's authority and his honour, they gave over in- 
sisting upon the general ; and then Mr. Pierrepoint Mr. 
(who was of the best parts, and most intimate with posit 
the earl of Northumberland) rather desired than 
proposed, that the king would offer to grant his 
commission to the earl of Northumberland, to be 
lord high admiral of England. By which conde- 
scension he would be restored to his office, which he 
had lost for their sakes ; and so their honour would 

N 2 



180 THE LIFE OF 

PART be likewise repaired, without any signal prejudice to 
.the king; since he should hold it only by his ma- 



1643. jesty's commission, and not by any ordinance of 
parliament : and he said, if the king would be in- 
duced to gratify them in this particular, he could 
not be confident that they should be able to prevail 
with both houses to be satisfied therewith, so Jhat a 
peace might suddenly be concluded ; but, as he did 
not despair even of that, he did believe, that so 
many would be satisfied with it, that they would 
from thence take the occasion to separate themselves 
from them, as men who would rather destroy their 
country than restore it to peace. 

And the earl of Northumberland himself took so 
much notice of this discourse to secretary Nicholas, 
(with whom he had as much freedom as his reserved 
nature was capable of,) as to protest to him, that he 
desired only to receive that honour and trust from 
the king, that he might be able to do him service ; 
and thereby to recover the credit he had unhappily 
lost with him. In which he used very decent ex- 
pressions towards his majesty ; not without such re- 
flections upon his own behaviour, as implied that he 
was not proud of it : and concluded, that if his ma- 
jesty would do him that honour, as to make that 
offer to the houses, upon the proposition of the 
militia, he would do all he could that it might be 
effectual towards a peace ; and if it had not success, 
he would pass his word and honour to the king, 
that as soon, or whensoever his majesty would please 
to require it, he would deliver up his commission 
again into his hands ; he having no other ambition 
or desire, than by this means to redeliyer up the 
royal navy to his majesty's as absolute disposal, as 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 181 

it was when his majesty first put it into his hands; PART 
and which he doubted would hardly be done by any _ 



other expedient, at least not so soon. ]G43. 

When this proposition (which, from the interest 
and persons who proposed it, seemed to carry with 
it some probability of success, if it should be ac- 
cepted) was communicated with those who were 
like with most secrecy to consult it ; secretary Ni- 
cholas having already made some approach towards 
the king upon the subject, and found his majesty 
without inclination to hear more of it ; it was agreed 
and resolved by them, that the chancellor of the ex- 
chequer should presume to make the proposition 
plainly to the king, and to persuade his majesty to 
hear it debated in his presence ; at least, if that 
might not be, to enlarge upon it himself as much 
as the argument required : and he was not unwill- 
ing to embark himself in the affair. 

When he found a fit opportunity for the repre- Which the 
sentation, and his majesty at good leisure, in 



morning's walk, when he was always most willing chequer 

vises the 

to be entertained ; the chancellor related ingenu- king to 
ously to him the whole discourse, which had been^j y 
made by Mr. Pierrepoint, and to whom ; and what 
the earl himself had said to secretary Nicholas ; and 
what conference they, to whom his majesty gave 
leave to consult together upon his affairs, had be- 
tween themselves upon the argument, and what 
occurred to them upon it : in which he mentioned 
the earl's demerit towards his majesty with severity 
enough, and what reason he had not to be willing 
to restore a man to his favour, who had forfeited it 
so unworthily. Yet he desired him to consider his 
own ill condition ; and how unlike it was that it 

N 3 



182 THE LIFE OF 

PART should be improved by the continuance of the war; 

! and whether he could ever imagine a possibility of 

643 ' getting out of it upon more easy conditions than 
what was now proposed ; the offer of which to the 
parliament could do him no signal prejudice, and 
could -not but bring him very notable advantages : 
for if the peace did not ensue upon it, such a rup- 
' ture infallibly would, as might in a little time facili- 
tate the other. And then he said as much to lessen 
the malignity of the earl as he could, by remember- 
ing, how dutifully he had resigned his commission 
of admiral upon his majesty's demand, and his re- 
fusal to accept the commission the parliament would 
have given him ; and observed some vices in his na- 
ture, which would stand in the place of virtues, to- 
wards the support of his fidelity to his majesty, and 
his animosity against the parliament, if he were 
once reingratiated to his majesty's trust. 

The king heard him very quietly without the 
least interruption, which he used not to do upon 
subjects which were not grateful to him ; for he 
knew well that he was not swayed by any affection 
to the man, to whom he was more a stranger than 
he was to most of that condition ; and he, upon oc- 
casions, had often made sharp reflections upon his 
ingratitude to the king. His majesty seemed at the 
first to insist upon the improbability that any such 
concession by him would be attended with any suc- 
cess ; that not only the earl had not interest in the 
houses to lead them into a resolution that was only 
for his particular benefit, but that the parliament 
itself was not able to make a peace, without such 
conditions as the army would require ; and then he 
should suffer exceedingly in his honour, for having 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 183 

shewn an inclination to a person who had requited PART 

his former graces so unworthily : and this led him 

into more warmth than he used to be affected with. 4t> * 
He said, " indeed he had been very unfortunate in Thekin s' s 

answer. 

" conferring his favours upon many very ungrateful 
" persons ; but no man was so inexcusable as the 
'* earl of Northumberland." He said, " he knew that 
" the earl of Holland was generally looked lipon 
" as the man of the greatest ingratitude ; but," he 
said, " he could better excuse him than the other : 
" that it was true, he owed all he had to his 
" father's and his bounties, and that himself had 
" conferred great favours upon him ; but that it was 
" as true, he had frequently given him many mor- 
" tifications, which, though he had deserved, he knew 
" had troubled him very much ; that he had oftener 
" denied him, than any other man of his condition ; 
" and that he had but lately refused to gratify him 
" in a suit he had made to him, of which he had been 
" very confident ; and so might have some excuse 
" (how ill soever) for being out of humour, which 
" led him from one ill to another : but that he had 
"lived always without intermission with the earl 
" of Northumberland as his friend, and courted him 
" as his mistress ; that he had never denied any 
" thing he had ever asked ; and therefore his carriage 
" -to him was never to be forgotten." 

And this discourse he continued with more com- 
motion, and in a more pathetical style than ever he 
used upon any other argument. And though at 
that time it was not fit to press the niatter further, 
it was afterwards resumed by the same person more 
than once ; but without any other effect, than that 
his majesty was contented that the earl should not 

N 4 



184 THE LIFE OF 

PART despair of being restored to that office, when the 



peace should be made; or upon any eminent service 
performed by him, when the peace should be de- 
spaired of. The king was very willing and desirous 
that the treaty should be drawn out in length ; to 
which purpose a proposition was made to the com- 
missioners for an addition of ten days, which they 
sent to the parliament, without the least apprehen- 
sion that it would be denied. But they were de- 
ceived ; and for answer, received an order upon the 
last day but one of the time before limited, by which 
they were expressly required to leave Oxford the 
next day. From that time all intercourse and com- 
merce between Oxford and London, which had 
been permitted before, was absolutely interdicted 
under the highest penalties by the parliament. 

If this secret underhand proposition had succeed- 
ed, and received that encouragement from the king 
that was desired, and more application of the same 
remedies had been then made to other persons, (for 
alone it could never have proved effectual,) it is pro- 
bable, that those violent and abominable counsels, 
which were but then in projection between very few 
men of any interest, and which were afterwards mi- 
serably put in practice, had been prevented. And 
it was exceedingly wondered at, by those who were 
then privy to this overture, and by all who after- 
wards came to hear of it, that the king should in 
that conjuncture decline so advantageous a propo- 
sition ; since he did already discern many ill humours 
and factions., growing and nourished, both in his court 
and army, which would every day be uneasy to him; 
and did with all his soul desire an end of the war. 
And there was nothing more suitable and agreeable 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 185 

to his magnanimous nature, than to forgive those, PART 
who had in the highest degree offended him : which 



temper was notorious throughout his whole life. It 
will not be therefore amiss, in this discourse, to en- 
large upon this fatal rejection, and the true cause 
and ground thereof. 

The king's affection to the queen was of a very The true 
extraordinary alloy; a composition of conscience, and the king's 
love, and generosity, and gratitude, and all those re J ectu) s '* 
noble affections which raise the passion to the great- 
est height ; insomuch as he saw with her eyes, and 
determined by her judgment ; and did not only pay 
her this adoration, but desired that all men should 
know that he was swayed by her : which was not good 
for either of them. ,,The queen was a lady of great 
beauty, excellent wit and humour, and made him a 
just return of noblest affections ; so that they were 
the true idea of conjugal affection, in the age in 
which they lived. When she was admitted to the 
knowledge and participation of the most secret af- 
fairs, (from which she had been carefully restrained 
by the duke of Buckingham whilst he lived,) she 
took delight in the examining and discussing them, 
and from thence in making judgment of them; in 
which her passions were always strong. 

She had felt so much pain in knowing nothing, 
and meddling with nothing, during the time of that 
great favourite, that now she took pleasure in no- 
thing but knowing all things, and disposing all 
things ; and thought it but just, that she should dis- 
pose of all favours and preferments, as he had done ; 
at least, that nothing of that kind might be done 

c this discourse,] MS. adds : so can reflect upon nobody's 
which is never to see light, and character with prejudice, 



186 THE LIFE OF 

PART without her privity: not considering that the uni- 
. versal prejudice that great man had undergone, was 



1643. no t w jth reference to his person, but his power; and 
that the same power would be equally obnoxious to 
murmur and complaint, if it resided in any other 
person than the king himself. And she so far con- 
curred with the king's inclination, that she did not 
more desire to be possessed of this unlimited power, 
than that all the world should take notice that she 
' was the entire mistress of it : which in truth (what 
other unhappy circumstances soever concurred in 
the mischief) was the foundation upon which the 
first and the utmost prejudices to the king and his 
government were raised and prosecuted. And it 
was her majesty's and the kingdom's misfortune, 
that she had not any person about her, who had 
either ability or affection, to inform and advise lir 
of the temper of the kingdom, or humour of the 
people ; or who thought either worth the caring 
for. 

When the disturbances grew so rude as to inter- 
rupt this harmony, and the queen's fears, and indis- 
position, which proceeded from those fears, disposed 
her to leave the kingdom, which the king, to comply 
with her, consented to ; (and if that fear had not 
been predominant in her, her jealousy and appre- 
hension, that the king would at some time be pre- 
vailed with to yield to some unreasonable conditions, 
would have dissuaded her from that voyage ;) to 
make all things therefore as sure as might be, that 
her absence should not be attended with any such 
inconvenience, his majesty made a solemn promise 
to her at parting, that he would receive no person 
into any favour or trust, who had disserved him, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 187 

without her privity and consent; and that, as she PART 
had undergone so many reproaches and calumnies at 



the entrance into the war, so he would never make 
any peace, but by her interposition and mediation, 
that the kingdom might receive that blessing only 
from her. 

This promise (of which his majesty was too reli- 
gious an observer) was the cause of his majesty's re- 
jection, or not entertaining this last overture ; and 
this was the reason that he had that aversion to the 
cessation, which he thought would inevitably oblige 
him to consent to the peace, as it should be pro- 
posed; and therefore he had countenanced an ad- 
dress, that had been made to him against it, by the 
gentlemen of several counties attending the court : 
and in truth they were put upon that address by 
the king's own private direction. Upon which the 
chancellor of the exchequer told him, when the bu- 
siness was over, that he had raised a spirit he would 
not be able to conjure down ; and that those peti- 
tioners had now appeared in a business that pleased 
him, but would be as ready to appear, at another 
time, to cross what he desired ; which proved true. 
For he was afterwards more troubled with applica- 
tion and importunity of that kind, and the mur- 
murs that arose from that liberty, when all men 
would be counsellors, and censure all that the coun- 
cil did, than with the power of the enemy. 

About the time that the treaty began, the queen 
landed in the north d ; and she resolved, with a good 

d the queen landed in the after her landing, that she was 

north] MS. adds: having been glad to resort for shelter to 

chased by the parliament ships some banks in the field, where 

into Burlington bay, their ships she spent most part of the 

discharging all their cannon upon night, and was the next day re- 

a small village where she lodged ceived by the earl of Newcastle, 



188 THE LIFE OF 

PART quantity of ammunition and arms, to make what 
.haste she could to the king; having at her first 



1643. landing expressed, by a letter to his majesty, her 
apprehension of an ill peace by that treaty ; and de- 
clared, that she would never live in England, if she 
might not have a guard for the security of her per- 
son : which letter came accidentally afterwards into 
the hands of the parliament ; of which they made 
use to the queen's disadvantage. And the expecta- 
tion of her majesty's arrival at Oxford, was the rea- 
son that the king so much desired the prolongation 
of the treaty. And if it had pleased God that she 
had come thither time enough, as she did shortly 
after, she would have probably condescended to many 
propositions for the gratifying particular persons, as 
appeared afterwards, if thereby a reasonable peace 
might have been obtained. 



The Scot- e^y nen ^he Scottish commissioners attended the 

tish com- 

missioners king at Oxford, and desired . his leave that there 
the king might be a parliament called in Scotland, which his 
quest "for majesty denied them, (well knowing that they 
i- wou ld, against all the protestations and oaths they 
na( j made to him at his being in that country, join 
with those at Westminster,) they presented a long 
paper to the king 6 , containing a bitter invective 

with some troops of his army, parliament came to Oxford to 

and was by him conveyed to treat, that some commissioners 

York. Her majesty had brought from Scotland came likewise to 

with her a good supply of arms the king ; and, having taken 

and ammunition, which was ex- London in their way, had con- 

ceedingly wanted in the king's certed with their old friends 

quarters ; and she resolved, &c. how to behave themselves, and 

e When the Scottish commis- how they might be able, by be- 

sioners they presented a long ing present there, to advance 

paper to the king] This is their pretences. They were sent 

stated more at large in the MS.: by the council and kingdom of 

It was some few days before Scotland, and they pretended 

the commissioners from the to desire his majesty to issue 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 189 



against bishops, and the whole government of the PART 
church ; as being contrary to the word of God, and 



1643. 



out his letters of summons for 
the convening a parliament in 
that kingdom, which they said 
the affairs of that nation re- 
quired ; the rather, because of 
the present distractions in Eng- 
land. The earl of Loudon, so 
often mentioned before, who 
had been so deeply engaged in 
the beginning, and throughout 
the rebellion of Scotland, and 
had been gratified upon the 
pacification, (in treaty whereof 
he had been a principal com- 
missioner,) at the king's late 
being in Edinburgh, with being 
made an earl and chancellor 
of Scotland, was the principal 
commissioner now sent to Ox- 
ford, together with Alexander 
Henderson, their high priest, 
who had modelled the church 
government there, after he had 
inflamed the people against the 
bishops there. In that parlia- 
ment, when his majesty had 
been lately present, and they 
had obtained all those conces- 
sions from his majesty which 
gave them power to keep all 
they had got, and left the 
empty name of king to his ma- 
jesty, there was an act passed 
for the dissolving that parlia- 
ment, with a provision in it, 
that if the king should not call 
another parliament within three 
years after the dissolution of 
that, that then, upon such day, 
in such a year, summons should 
be sent out by the several offi- 
cers, so that infallibly, on such 
a Tuesday, in such a year, an- 
other parliament should meet at 
Edinburgh according to such a 
model as they had carried with 



them from London. Now when 
these commissioners came to 
Oxford to demand a parlia- 
ment, there were above two 
years to come to the day upon 
which that act of parliament 
would authorize them to meet ; 
but it is true the king might, 
if he thought fit, convene one 
sooner. His majesty knew well, 
that, with reference to Scotland 
itself, there was no occasion for 
a parliament to meet, and knew 
as well, that it was desired only 
in order the better to support 
the rebellion in England ; and, 
without a parliament, he did 
not believe that the disaffected 
party in that kingdom would 
have power enough to do him 
any notable disservice ; his ma- 
jesty always unhappily overva- 
luing the authority of those 
there, who he believed true to 
him ; and therefore he gave for 
answer to those commissioners, 
that he would send out his sum- 
mons time enough for a parlia- 
ment to meet before that time : 
nor could all the importunity 
they could use, which was very 
great, nor the professions and 
promises which they could 
make, which were very many, 
how great benefit and service 
his majesty should receive by 
speedily calling a parliament, 
prevail with him to give them 
any other answer." 

\Vhen they despaired of hav- 
ing his majesty's leave to have 
a parliament, which would have 
served their turn, and suspended 
all other propositions, they dealt 
more ingenuously and openly ; 
and taking notice of the present 



190 THE LIFE OF 

PART to the advancement of true religion: and con- 
iii 

. eluded with a very passionate desire for the altera- 



1643. tj on of that government, as the only means to settle 
peace throughout his majesty's dominions. In all 
their other demands, concerning the kingdom of 
Scotland, and calling a parliament there, the king 
had only conferred with two or three of those he 
most trusted, whereof the chancellor of the exche- 
quer was always one, and drew the answers he 
gave : but this last paper, which only concerned 
England, he brought to the council-board, and re- 
quired their advice, what answer he should give to 
it. The king himself was very desirous to take this 
occasion, to shew his affection and zeal for the 
church ; and that other men's mouths might be 
hereafter stopped in that argument, and that no- 
body might ever make the same proposition to him 
again, he had a great mind to have made an answer 
to every expression in their paper, and to have set 
out the divine right of episcopacy ; and how impos- 
sible it was ever for him in conscience to consent to 
any thing, to the prejudice of that order and func- 
tion, or to the alienating their lands ; enlarging 
himself more in the debate, than he used to do 
upon any other argument; mentioning those rea- 
sons which the ablest prelate could do upon that oc- 
casion ; and wished that all those, and such others 
as might occur, should be contained in his answer. 

Many of the lords were of opinion that a short 
answer would be best, that should contain nothing 
but -a rejection of the proposition, without giving 
any reason ; no man seeming to concur with his 

treaty, and desiring such an nient of the true religion, they 

end thereof as might establish presented a long paper to the 

peace and quiet to the nation, king, &c. as in p. 188. I. 25. 
to the glory of God, and settle- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 191 

majesty; with which he was not satisfied; and re- PART 
plied with some sharpness upon what had been said. . 



Upon which the lord Falkland replied, having been 
before of that mind, desiring that no reasons might 
be given ; and upon that occasion answered many 
of those reasons the king had urged, as not valid to 
support the subject, with a little quickness of wit, 
(as his notions were always sharp, and expressed 
with notable vivacity,) which made the king warmer 
than he used to be; reproaching all who were of 
that mind with, want of affection, for the church ; 
and declaring, that he would have the substance of 
what he had said, or of the like nature, digested 
into his answer : with which reprehension all sat 
very silent, having never undergone the like before. 
Whereupon the king recollecting himself, and ob- The king 
serving that the chancellor of the exchequer had 
not yet spoke, called upon him to deliver his opinion, iJj 
adding, that he was sure he was of his majesty's q er to de 

i f i iii liver his 

mmd, with reference to religion and the church. opinion 

The chancellor stood up, and said, that he would 
have been glad to have said nothing that day, hav- 
ing observed more warmth than had ever been at 
that board, since he had the honour to sit here, 
(which was not many days before ;) that in truth 
he was not of the opinion of any one who had 
spoken ; he did not think that the answer ought to 
be very short, or without any reasons ; and he did 
as little think that the reasons mentioned by his 
majesty ought to be applied to the paper, which the 
Scots had been so bold as to present to the king. 
He said, all those reasons were fit to be offered in a 
synod, or in any other place, where that subject 
could be lawfully ventilated ; and he believed them 
all to be of that weight, that Mr. Henderson and all 



192 THE LIFE OF 

PART his assembly of divines could never answer; but he 
' should be very sorry that his majesty should so far 
6 "* 3 - condescend to their presumption, as to give those 
reasons ; as if he admitted the matter to be dis- 
puted. He asked his majesty, what answer he would 
give to the king of France, if he should send to him 
to alter the government of the city of London, or 
any other city, and that he would substitute other 
magistrates in the place of those who are ; which, 
as a king, he might more reasonably demand, than 
these gentlemen of Scotland could do what they 
propose ; whether his majesty would think it more 
agreeable to his honour, to make a reasonable dis- 
course of the antiquity of the lord mayor of London, 
and of the dependence the present magistrates had 
upon the law, and the frame of the government ; or 
whether he would only send him word, that he 
should meddle with what he had to do. He did 
think, that it was very fit that his majesty's answer 
to this paper should contain a very severe and sharp 
reprehension for their presumption ; and take no- 
tice, how solicitous they were for the preservation 
of what they called the right and privilege of their 
country, that his majesty might not bring any thing 
into debate at his council-board here, that concerned 
the kingdom of Scotland ; though it had often too 
much relation to the affairs and government of Eng- 
land : yet that they would take upon them to de- 
mand from his majesty, at least to advise him to 
make, an alteration in the government of England, 
which would quite alter the frame of it, and make 
such a confusion in the laws, which they could no 
more comprehend than they could any f of the same 
kind that related to any other foreign kingdom ; 

f any] any thing 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 193 

and therefore, that for the future they should not PART 
practise the like presumption. 



The king discovered himself to be very well ,J ^ 43 t : , 

* With which 

pleased all the time he was speaking ; and when he the king is 

. x . f well satisfi- 

had done, his majesty said again, he was sure theed. 
chancellor was entirely of his mind, with reference 
to the church ; and that he had satisfied him that 
this was not the season, nor the occasion, in which 
those arguments which he had used were to be in- 
sisted on ; and that he was willing to depart from 
his own sense; and was in truth so well pleased, 
that he vouchsafed to make some kind of excuse for 
the passion he had spoken with : and all the lords 
were very well satisfied with the expedient proposed; 
and all commended the chancellor : and the answer 
was given to the Scottish commissioners accordingly ; 
who had too good intelligence not to know all that 
had passed : and upon their long discourses with the 
king, (who was always forward to enlarge upon that 
subject, in which he was so well versed,) expected 
such an answer as might give them opportunity to 
bring the whole matter of episcopacy upon the stage, 
and into public disputation. And so they returned 
to London, with manifest dissatisfaction, before the 
commissioners of the parliament ; and with avowed 
detestation of a person, against whom they were 
known always to have an inveterate and an impla- 
cable displeasure. B 

s an implacable displeasure.] day was expired that was as- 

Thus continued in the MS. : It signed for the treaty. They 

appeared quickly that the parlia- who intended nothing but the 

ment had refused to enlarge the carrying on of the war, and be- 

time of the treaty, and so posi- lieved there could be no security 

tively commanded the commis- for them but by an entire vic- 

sioners to return before the List tory of the king, and a total 

VOL. I. O 



194 THE LIFE OF 

PART The king was much troubled at the disunion be- 
in. 

-tween the princes Rupert and Maurice, and the 

marquis of Hertford h , after the taking of Bristol; 
which he knew must exceedingly disorder and di- 
vide that army : for composing whereof, his majesty 
resolved, the next day after the news, to go himself 
to Bristol ; which was very necessary in many re- 
spects. The settlement of the port, which was of 
infinite importance to the king in point of trade, 
and his customs, and with reference to Ireland, and 
the applying the army to some new enterprise, with- 
out loss of time, could not be done without his ma- 
jesty's presence. But there was nothing more dis- 
posed his majesty to that resolution, than to be 
absent from his council at Oxford, when he should 
settle the differences between the princes * and the 
marquis ; for as he was always swayed by his affec- 
tion to his nephews k , which he did not think par- 
subduing his party, had not made such wonderful haste in 
power enough to hinder and recruiting the army, (to which 
prevent the treaty, and there- the earl of Essex had contri- 
fore satisfied themselves with buted all his endeavours, be- 
limiting the commissioners to lieving that he had yet per- 
such propositions and by such formed less than had been ex- 
instructions as are mentioned pected from him,) that the very 
before. But from that time day that the commissioners left 
they met with little opposition Oxford, the earl of Essex had a 
in the houses ; they who desir- rendezvous of his whole army, 
ed peace, and had raised their and marched towards Reading, 
hopes upon the treaty, thinking which was about the beginning 
it reasonable that all prepara- of April. 

tions should be made for the ll at the disunion between 
"war, and they who abhorred the princes Rupert and Mau- 
the thought of peace, and all rice, and the marquis of Hert- 
those who affected it, using all ford] The account of this dis- 
imaginable diligence in advanc- union is inserted in Appendix D 
ing those preparations ; inso- of the ^.th volume of the History 
much as, having by- ordinances of the Rebellion. 
and seizures drawn in great ' princes] prince 
supplies of money, they had k nephews] nephew 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 195 



1643. 



tiality; so the lords, towards whom the princes 1 did PART 
not" live with any condescension, were very solicitous 
that the marquis might receive no injustice or dis- 
obligation. And the king, to avoid all counsel in 
this particular, resolved to declare no resolution till 
he should come himself to Bristol; and so went 
from Oxford thither : taking with him, of the coun- 
cil, the duke of Richmond, the lord Falkland, the 
master of the rolls, and the chancellor of the exche- 
quer. The king lodging the first night at Malms- 
bury; and the lord Falkland, the master of the rolls, 
and some other gentlemen lodging that night with 
the chancellor of the exchequer, at his house at Pir- 
ton, which lay in the way to Bristol ; where they 
were the next day within an hour after the king. m 



1 princes] prince 

m within an hour after the 
king.] ThuscontinuedintheMS.: 
The disorders at Bristol were 
greater than could have been 
imagined ; the factions and jea- 
lousies ran through all kinds 
and degrees of men, of the ar- 
my, of the city, of the country; 
and the loss of many officers 
and common men upon the as- 
saults had weakened the army 
beyond imagination, and the 
number of the sick and wound- 
ed was very great. The natural 
murmurs of the Cornish were 
now turned into direct mutiny, 
and they declared positively that 
they would not march further 
southward, but would return to 
their own country to look to 
their houses, their wives, and 
their children, which they said 
were infested by the garrison at 
Plymouth. There was no mo- 
ney to give them, nor were 



there any officers left, who had 
credit and authority over them ; 
and now all men saw the infi- 
nite loss the king had sustained 
in the death of Greenvil, Slan- 
ning, and Trevannion, who go- 
verned that people absolutely. 
It was evident, that if they were 
compelled to march further,many 
of them would run away, and 
the rest be full of discontent ; 
and therefore it was resolved, 
that they, and all the rest who 
had been officers or soldiers 
formerly designed for the west- 
ern services under the marquis 
and prince Maurice, should re- 
turn again to the west, upon a 
presumption that they would 
be able, with the reputation they 
would carry back upon the tak- 
ing of Bristol, in a short time 
to subdue those maritime places, 
which were possessed by small 
garrisorts for the parliament; and 
being recruited by good winter 

o 21 



196 



THE LIFE OF 



PART 
III. 



The chancellor of the exchequer had undergone 
some mortification during the short abode at Bristol, 



Ashburn 
ham 



1643. 

The chan- ... . 

ceilor of the quarters, an army would be ready 
exchequer's by the next spring to attend his 
office invad- majesty; and all the Cornish 
ed by Mr. ma( i e so lenin promises that, as 
soon as Plymouth should be 
reduced, they would with great 
alacrity return to any service 
they should be required. The 
expectation was very reasonable, 
and the counsel much advanced 
by prince Rupert, that his bro- 
ther Maurice might be in the 
head of an army; for he had 
prevailed with the king to re- 
solve that the marquis of Hertz 
ford should be no more em- 
ployed as general, though it 
was not discovered to him, nor 
his commission taken from him. 
Besides the king's inclination 
to his nephew, he found that 
work not so difficult, nor the 
marquis so popular, as it ap- 
peared in the first consultation 
at Oxford. The marquis's unac- 
tivity in all things relating to 
the war, and his too much re- 
tirement to his ease, had lost 
all the reverence and devotion 
of the soldiers ; and prince 
Maurice's living with them so- 
ciably and familiarly, and going 
with them upon all parties and 
in all actions, in which he had 
received some hurts, had made 
both his person and his com- 
mand very acceptable to them. 
Then the marquis's leaning too 
much to the advice of his do- 
mestic officers and the stewards 
of his lands,. and people of that 
condition, (many whereof were 
thought very disaffected to the 
king's service, as most of his 
tenants were,) made the chief 



persons of the country less so- 
licitous for his command over 
them than they had been, where- 
of the lord Paulet was the chief, 
who was then at Bristol, and 
spake with great freedom to the 
king of the marquis's unfitness 
to exercise that command; which 
advice, besides that it was very 
grateful, made the more im- 
pression, because he was thought 
to have good affection for the 
marquis, and had little know- 
ledge of the prince. 

This matter being thus set- 
tled in the king's own thoughts 
and resolutions, he discovered 
it no further than by appoint- 
ing those troops to be ready for 
their march, and prince Maurice 
to conduct them, whilst the 
marquis of Hertford attended 
his majesty till the business of 
Bristol should be settled, and 
some other affairs of the coun- 
try; the marquis intending, when 
those should be settled, (in do- 
ing whereof he was willing to 
be present,) to make haste to 
the army, and his majesty, ac- 
cording to his natural custom 
of discovering any disobliging 
resolution as late as was possi- 
ble, did not at all impart his 
purpose to him, and being first 
to resolve what obligation to 
confer upon him at the same 
time, to make the other the 
better digested ; and to that pur- 
pose he was pleased to confer 
with freedom and without re- 
servation with the chancellor of 
the exchequer, and bidding him 
inform himself of the opinion 
both the army and the country 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 197 



which was the only port of trade within the king's PART 
which was like to yield a considerable 



quarters ; 



had of the marquis, and asking 
him, whether the lord Paulet 
and others had not spoken to 
him of the laziness of the mar- 
quis, and of the credit and power 
Hirton had with him; and of 
some actions done by his secre- 
tary, who was a fellow of an ill 
reputation; and wished him to 
think of it, and to dispose the 
marquis to decline that employ- 
ment, as less agreeable to his 
nature and constitution, and to 
remain about the person of the 
king, in order to which he would 
think upon some place, for he 
knew he was weary of being 
governor to the prince. The 
chancellor had great reverence 
for the marquis, and knew the 
benefit his fidelity had brought 
to the king, and the insupport- 
able damage that would accrue 
from his declared discontent, 
and had no other esteem of the 
prince's parts and conduct and 
discretion, than good manners 
obliged him -to ; and yet he had 
with much trouble heard the 
little credit the marquis had in 
the army, and more of his unac- 
tivity than he believed he could 
have been guilty of; for though 
he knew he was naturally lazy, 
and did so much love his ease, 
he knew too that he had a clear 
courage and a very good under- 
standing ; and if he had a friend 
by him to put him in mind of 
any thing that concerned his 
honour, he would be very coun- 
sellable. Whereupon he told 
the king, that though he had 
heard many discourses which 
he had not expected, and found 



1643. 



that some persons had changed 
their opinions of the marquis, 
yet he was so apprehensive of 
the ill consequence that might 
probably attend his majesty's 
inclination to remove him from 
the command, and giving the 
entire trust to his nephew, that 
he could not give his counsel 
for the putting it in execution ; 
but that when his majesty upon 
full thoughts had fixed himself, 
he would use the credit he had 
with the marquis to dispose him 
to conform himself to his ma- 
jesty's determination, and that 
he could with a much better 
conscience dissuade the marquis 
from affecting that command, 
than he could persuade his ma- 
jesty to take it from him. 

The other matter concerning 
the government of Bristol was 
of as nice a nature, but not like 
to give the king so much trou- 
ble; for sir Ralph Hopton had 
neither set his heart upon the 
command, nor would embrace 
any title that might give any 
umbrage to his majesty, but 
laid all his pretences at the 
king's feet, and himself to be 
disposed of by him. By which 
unconcernedness and ingenuity 
the marquis was sensibly dis- 
obliged, having chosen him as 
a subject fit to support his au- 
thority against the pretences of 
the prince; and therefore this un- 
warm condescension was look- 
ed upon as a forsaking the mar- 
quis, who was never thoroughly 
reconciled to him afterwards. 
But that which gave the king 
trouble was, the clear and un- 

o 3 



198 



THE LIFE OF 



PART benefit to the king, if it were well managed; and 
. the direction thereof belonged entirely to his office : 



1643. 



questionable credit and reputa- 
tion of sir Ralph Hopton, who 
was now the only man left, who 
had out of nothing, and when 
the marquis had given over all 
hopes of the west and abandon- 
ed it, and fled into Wales, (which 
was now remembered with many 
reproaches,) raised that force, 
and upon the matter reduced 
that part of the kingdom to his 
majesty's obedience. He was 
a person of one of the best 
families, and one of the fairest 
fortunes, of all the gentlemen 
in that large, rich, and populous 
county of Somerset, and inferior 
to none in the love and affection 
of that people. He was of a 
very generous nature, a pious 
and devout man, and an exact 
observer of justice, which made 
the city infinitely desire that he 
might be their govemor, who 
would not suffer them to be 
made a prey to the soldier. On 
the other side, by being himself 
ungrievous to them by any ex- 
actions, it was very probable he 
would be able to persuade and 
induce them cheerfully to sub- 
mit to such impositions as were 
necessary for their own defence ; 
and that such a man should be 
rejected by the king upon the 
prince's pretence, who could 
not reside there himself, and 
must leave it to a deputy who 
would never be grateful, seemed 
unreasonable to the king him- 
self in reference to his own 
service, and to the envy which 
would be increased by it towards 
his nephew, prince Rupert, who 
was already become very un- 



popular ; but on the other side, 
the granting it to him would be 
generally looked upon as the 
triumph of the marquis of Hert- 
ford over prince Rupert, which 
his majesty could not think of 
with any patience. The easy 
temper and disposition of sir 
Ralph Hopton, and prince Ru- 
pert's being willing to come off 
from this matter with his honour, 
gave the king an expedient to 
compose this difficult affair to 
his own satisfaction : prince Ru- 
pert should have the name of 
governor of Bristol, according to 
his pretence, by a grant from 
the king, and sir Ralph Hopton 
should be his lieutenant gover- 
nor, which he without scruple 
accepted : but the prince pro- 
mised to the king that he would 
never in the least degree meddle 
in the government, but leave it 
entirely to sir Ralph Hopton ; 
which being all concluded, two 
were only satisfied, the king 
and sir Ralph Hopton ; the 
other two, the prince and the 
marquis, were both offended, 
the latter thinking himself in- 
jured by sir Ralph's declining 
his commission to be governor, 
and submitting to be lieutenant 
under prince Rupert, though he 
had it by commission from the 
king himself; and prince Ru- 
pert being as angry that he had 
only the title, and could not 
make his own lieutenant ; and 
that the same man's having the 
place, who was designed to it 
by the marquis, as was generally 
known, would be believed to be 
put in by his authority; and 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 199 

but when he sent to the officers of the customs, to PART 

be informed of the present state of trade, he found " 

that some treaty was made, and order given in it by 
Mr. Ashburnham, a groom of the bedchamber; who, 
with the assistance and advice of sir John Cole- 
pepper, had prevailed with the king to assign that 
province to him, as a means to raise a present sum 
of money for the supply of the army : which the 
chancellor took very heavily; and the lord Falkland, 
out of his friendship to him, more tenderly ; and ex- 
postulated it with the king with some warmth ; and 
more passionately with sir John Colepepper and Mr. 
Ashburnham, as a violation of the friendship they 
professed to the chancellor, and an invasion of his 
office; which no man bears easily. 

They were both ashamed of it, and made some 
weak excuses, of incogitance and inadvertence ; and 
the king himself, who discerned the mischief that 
would ensue, if there should be an apparent schism 
amongst those he so entirely trusted, was pleased to 
take notice of it to the chancellor, with many gra- 
cious expressions ; and said, " that Mr. Ashburnham The king 
" being treasurer and paymaster of the army, he did 
" believe some money might have been raised for the 
" present occasion ; and only intended it for the 

from that time he never favour- upon several occasions, 

ed sir Ralph Hopton, but al- When the king had settled 

ways discountenanced him all these particulars, which had very 

he could. But the king, to much disquieted him, he consi- 

publish to all the world the es- dered what he was to do now 

teem he had of him, made him this success at Bristol gave him 

at the same time a baron, and great reputation every where ; 

created him lord Hopton of and the possessing the second 

Witham, a noble seat of his city of the kingdom for trade 

own in the county of Somerset, and wealth of the inhabitants 

of whom there will be more much enlarged his quarters, 
occasion of discourse hereafter 

o 4 



THE LIFE OF 

PART " present, without considering it would be an inva- 
" sion of his right ; and therefore directed, that an 



1643. account should be given to him of all that had 
" been done, and he should do n as he thought fit." 
But when he understood all that had been done, he 
would make no alteration in it, that his majesty 
might be convinced that his service was not looked 
after in the design. And it was discernible enough, 
that Mr. Ashburnham, who usually looked very far 
before him, had not so much intended to disoblige the 
chancellor, as, by introducing himself this way into 
the customs, to continue one of the farmers of the 
customs, when the war should be at an end; of 
which he got a promise from the king at the same 
time ; who had great affection for him, and an ex- 
traordinary opinion of his managery. If there re- 
mained after this any jealousy or coldness between 
the chancellor of the exchequer and the other two, 
as the disparity between their natures and humours 
made some believe there did, it never brake out or 
appeared, to the disturbance or prejudice of the 
king's service ; but all possible concurrence in the 
carrying it on was observed between them. 

The march of the earl of Essex from London to 

n do] do in it. earl of Essex march out of Lon- 
The march of the earl of don with a much better army, 
Essex] This part is thus intro- and better provided for, than he 
duced in the MS.: They who had yet commanded since the 
had judged only of the impro- beginning of the troubles. The 
bability of relieving Gloucester, city had supplied him with five 
by the slow progress that seem- thousand foot of their train- 
ed to be made in the parliament bands, consisting all of citizens 
towards it, and the small in- of good account, who were coin- 
crease that was made in the manded by their own officers ; 
army by new levies, found them- and made it appear, that their 
selves deceived ; and, before it city order and discipline very 
was imagined possible, saw the well prepared and disposed men 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 201 

Gloucester, over as large a campania as any in Eng- PART 

land, when the king had an army of above eight ! 

thousand horse, reputed victorious, without being 16 ^ 3 * 
put to strike one stroke ; the circumstances of that 
siege, and the raising it ; the earl's march after he 
had performed that great work, and when the king's 
army watched only to engage him in a battle, and 
passing over a large and open campania three days 
before the king had notice that he was come out of 
Gloucester ; the overtaking the army P, and the 
battle by Newbury ; and his retreat afterwards to 
London ; contained so many particular actions of 
courage and conduct, that they all deserve a very 
punctual and just relation ; and are much above the 
level of this plain and foreign discourse. 

In this battle of Newbury, the chancellor of the 
exchequer lost the joy and comfort of his life; which 
he lamented so passionately, that he could not in 
many days compose himself to any thoughts of bu- 
siness. His dear friend the lord Falkland, hurried The death 

i 1_ / "i r> i i i f t' le l r d 

by nis rate, in the morning of the battle, as he was Falkland. 
naturally inquisitive after danger, put himself into 
the head of sir John Byron's regiment, which he be- 
lieved was like to be in the hottest service, and was 
then appointed to charge a body of foot ; and in that 
charge was shot with a musket bullet, so that he 
fell dead from his horse. The same day that the 
news came to Oxford of his death, which was the 
next after he was killed, the chancellor received 
a letter from him, written at the time when the army 
rose from Gloucester ; but the messenger had been 
employed in other service, so that he came not to 

for the boldest service and en- of Essex, &c. 

terprise. The march of the earl P the army] his army 



202 THE LIFE OF 

PART Oxford till that day. The letter was an answer to 
in 

. one the chancellor had then sent to him ; in which 



1643. h e had told him, how much he suffered in his repu- 
tation with all discreet men, by engaging himself 
unnecessarily in all places of danger ; and that it 
was not the office of a privy counsellor, and a secre- 
tary of state, to visit the trenches, as he usually did ; 
and conjured~him, out of the conscience of his duty 
to the king, and to free his friends from those con- 
tinual uneasy apprehensions, not to engage his per- 
son to those dangers which were not incumbent to 
him. His answer was, that the trenches were now 
at an end ; there would be no more danger there : 
that his case was different from other men's ; that 
he was so much taken notice of for an impatient de- 
sire of peace, that it was necessary that he should 
likewise make it appear, that it was not out of fear 
of the utmost hazard of war : he said some melan- 
cholic things of the time ; and concluded, that in 
few days they should come to a battle, the issue 
whereof, he hoped, would put an end to the misery 
of the kingdom. 

Much hath been said of this excellent person be- 
fore ; but not so much, or so well, as his wonderful 
parts and virtues deserved. He died as much of the 
time as of the bullet : for, from the very beginning 
of the war, he contracted so deep a sadness and me- 
lancholy, that his life was not pleasant to him ; and 
sure he was too weary of it. Those who did not 
know him very well imputed, very unjustly, much 
of it to a violent passion he had for a noble lady ; 
and it was the more spoken of, because she died the 
same day, and, as some computed it, in the same 
hour that he was killed : but they who knew either 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 203 
the lord or the lady, knew well that neither of them PART 



was capable of an ill imagination. She was of the- 
most unspotted, unblemished virtue ; never married ; 
of an extraordinary talent of mind, but of no alluring 
beauty ; nor of a constitution of tolerable health, be- 
ing in a deep consumption, and not like to have lived 
so long by many months. It is very true, the lord 
Falkland had an extraordinary esteem of her, and 
exceedingly loved her conversation, as most of the 
persons of eminent parts of that time did ; for she 
was in her understanding, and discretion, and wit, 
and modesty, above most women ; the best of which 
had always a friendship with her. But he was 
withal so kind to his wife, whom he knew to be an 
excellent person, that, though he loved his children 
with more affection and fondness than most fathers 
used to do, he left by his will all he had to his wife ; 
and committed his three sons, who were all the chil- 
dren he had, to her sole care and bounty. 

He was little more than thirty years of age when 
he was killed ; in which time he was very accom- 
plished in all those parts of learning and knowledge, 
which most men labour to attain till they are very 
old ; and in wisdom, and the practice of virtue, to a 
wonderful perfection. From his age of twenty years, 
he had lived in an entire friendship with the chan- 
cellor, who was about six months elder; and who 
never spake of him afterwards, but with a love, and 
a grief, which still raised some commotion in him. 
And he very often used to lament him in the words 
of Cicero concerning Hortensius, " Quod magna sa- 
" pientium et civium bonorum penuria, vir egregius, 
" conjunctissimusque mecum consiliorum omnium 
" societate, alienissimo reipublicae tempore extinctus, 



FART " et auctoritatis, et prudentia? suae, triste nobis desi- 
derium reliquerat." And without doubt, it was in 



1 643. a conjuncture of time, when the death of every honest 
and discreet person was a very sensible and terrible 
loss in the judgment of all good men. 

After the unhappy death of the lord Falkland, 
the king much desired that the chancellor of the 
exchequer should be secretary of state in his place ; 
which the queen did not oppose, though she rather 
wished that the lord Digby might have it ; who had 
so much kindness and friendship for the chancellor, 
(which was at that time, and long after, as sincere as 
could receive harbour in his breast,) that he pro- 
fessed, he would not have it, if the other would re- 
Tbeciian- ceive it: but the chancellor gratified his civilitv, 

cellorofthe 

exchequer and refused the office the second time, as he had 

refuses the in AI-III i 

office of once before. And he had so much more reason now, 
stat?* f ^ v tne coming of a very specious embassy from 
time. France, in the person of the count of Harcourt, who 
was already arrived in London ; in which the chan- 
cellor knew his own want of ability to act that part 
the office of secretary would have obliged him to ; 
and for which, as far as the perfection of the French 
tongue could qualify him, the Lord Digby was very 
proper ; and so he was made secretary of state ; pro- 
fessing to every body, that, as he had the office by 
the chancellor's refusal of it, so he would wholly ad- 
vise with him in all things pertaining to it, which 
he always did ; and the confidence and friendship 
between them was mutual, and very notorious, until 
that lord changed his religion. And he was no 
sooner admitted and sworn secretary of state, and 
privy counsellor, and consequently made of the junto, 
which the king at that time created, consisting of 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 205 

the duke of Richmond, the lord Cottington, the two PART 
secretaries of state, and sir John Colepepper, but ' 
the chancellor of the exchequer was likewise added; 1463 - 

He is add- 
tO the trouble, at least the surprise, of the master of d to the 

the rolls; who could have been contented that he 
should have been excluded from that near trust, 
where all matters were to be consulted before they 
should be brought to the council-board. And this 
committee was appointed to treat with the count of 
Harcourt ; whom the king believed to be sent from 
France, to demand any thing from the parliament 
in that king's name, as his majesty should direct ; 
and therefore they were appointed to consider well 
what he should be directed to propose. 

But the ambassador no sooner came to the town 
in great state and lustre, but he quickly saved them 
any further labour, by declaring, that he would treat 
with nobody but the king himself; his business be- 
ing only to serve the king, with reference to the dif- 
ferences between his majesty and the parliament ; 
and pretended, that, in his short stay at London, he 
had already discovered that his majesty was betray- 
ed; and that his most secret counsels were disco- 
vered : and so there was never any communication 
between him and the king's council ; but all matters 
were transacted with the king himself, and queen, 
and lord Jermyn, who was not of the council, and 
the lord Digby ; the queen promising herself very 
much from his negociation ; the ambassador being 
then of great reputation, having been general of the 
French army in two or three great actions, in which 
his success had been very notable ; and the queen 
looked upon him as a person particularly devoted to 
her service ; and being of the house of Lorrain, (the 



206 THE LIFE OF 

PART younger son of the duke d'Elboeuf,) he was not 
without some alliance to the king : and so he re- 



* turned to London with such instructions and advice 
as they thought fit to intrust him with, which were 
too particular ; and with the privity only of the two 
other persons mentioned before. 

But it quickly appeared after, that he was not 
sent with any purpose to do the king service ; but 
that cardinal Mazarin (who was newly entered upon 
the ministry, after the death of cardinal Richelieu) 
might take such a view of the affairs of England, 
as the better to judge what he was to do ; and that 
an accommodation there might not break his mea- 
sures, with reference to his other designs ; which the 
ambassador was easily satisfied it was not like to 
do. And so, after three or four months spent be- 
tween Oxford and London, he returned to France ; 
leaving the king's affairs so much worse than he 
found them, by having communicated some instruc- 
tions which had been given him at Oxford, with 
overmuch confidence, and which less disposed some 
persons to peace than they had been at London. 
The king The king called the chancellor one day to him, 
Suitor and told him, that he thought there was too much 
of the ex- honour done to those rebels at Westminster in all 

chequer to 

prepare a hi s declarations, by his mentioning them as part of 

proclama- 
tion for d.s- " the parliament ; which as long as they should be 

parliament 8 " thought to be, they would have more authority, 
SiMtST " by their continuing their sitting in the place whi- 
" ther they were first called, than all the other mem- 
" bers, though so much more numerous, would have, 
" when they should be convened any where else ; 
" (there being a thought of convening them to Ox- 
" ford :) therefore he knew no reason why he should 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 207 

" not positively declare them to be dissolved ; and PART 
" so forbid them to sit or meet any more there." ' 



He said, " that he knew learned men of an opinion, 
" that that act for the continuance of the parliament 
" was void from the beginning ; and that it is not 
" in the power of the king to bar himself from the 
" power of dissolving it ; which is to be deprived of 
" an essential part of his sovereignty : but if the act 
" were good and valid in law, they had dissolved 
" themselves by their force, in driving so many 
" members, and even his majesty himself, who was 
" their head, from the parliament ; and had forfeited 
" their right of sitting there, and all that the act 
" had given them, by their treason and rebellion ; 
" which the very being a parliament could not sup- 
" port : and therefore he wished, that a proclamation 
" might be prepared, to declare them actually dis- 
" solved ; and expressly forbidding them to meet, or 
" any body to own them, or submit to them as a 
" parliament." 

The chancellor told him, that " he perceived by His advice 

* to the king 

" his majesty's discourse, that he had very much n that 
" considered the argument, and was well prepared * 
" in it ; which for his part he was not. But he be- 
" sought him to think it worth a very strict reflec- 
" tion ; and to hear the opinion of learned men be- 
" fore he resolved upon it. That it was of a very 
" nice and delicate nature, at which ^ not only the 
" people in general, but those of his own party, 
" and even of his council, would take more umbrage, 
" than upon any one particular that had happened 
" since the beginning of the war. That he could 

i at which] in which 



208 THE LIFE OF 

PART " not imagine that his forbidding them to meet any 
_ " more at Westminster would make one man the less 



1 G43. to mee t there ; but he might forbid them upon such 
" grounds and reasons as might bring more to them : 
" and that they who had severed themselves from 
" them, upon the guilt of their actions, might return 
" and be reconciled to them, upon their unity of 
" opinion. That it had been the first powerful re- 
" proach they had corrupted the people with to- 
" wards his majesty, that he intended to dissolve 
" this parliament, notwithstanding the act for con- 
" tinuance thereof; and if he had power to do that, 
" he might likewise, by the same power, repeal all 
" the other acts made this parliament, whereof some 
" were very precious to the people : and as his 
" majesty had always disclaimed any such thought, 
" so such a proclamation, as he now mentioned, 
" would confirm all the fears and jealousies which 
" had been infused into them, and would trouble 
" many of his own true subjects. 

" That for the invalidity of the act from the be- 
" ginning, he was in his own opinion inclined to hope 
" that it might be originally void, for the reasons 
" and grounds his majesty had mentioned ; and 
'* that the parliament itself, if this rebellion was 
" suppressed, might be of the same judgment, and 
" declare it accordingly ; which would enable him 
" quickly to dissolve it. But till then, he thought 
" all the judges together, even those who were in 
" his own quarters, and of unquestionable affection 
" to his majesty, would not declare any such inva- 
" lidity ; and much less, that any private man, how 
" learned soever, would avow that judgment : in 
" which his majesty might easily satisfy himself, hav- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 209 

" ing so many of the judges, and many other excel- PART 

" lent men of the robe then at Oxford. For their ' 

" having dissolved themselves, or forfeited their right 16 ^ 3 - 

" of sitting there, by their treason and rebellion," he 

said, " he could less understand it than the other 

" argument of invalidity ; for that the treason and 

" rebellion could only concern and be penal to the 

" persons who committed them : it was possible 

" many might sit there, he was sure many had a 

" right to sit there, who had always opposed every 

" illegal, and every rebellious act ; and therefore the 

" faults of the others could never forfeit any right of 

" theirs, who had committed no fault : and, upon the 

" whole matter, concluded as he had begun, that his 

" majesty would very throughly consult it, before 

" he did so much as incline in his own wishes." 

His majesty said, he had spoken more reason 
against it, than he had thought could have been 
alleged : however, he bade him confer with his at- 
torney general, who, he believed, was of another 
opinion. The chancellor moved his majesty, that 
since the ground of what should be resolved on in 
this point must be expressed in the proclamation, 
the attorney might put his own conceptions in writ- 
ing, and then his majesty would the better judge of 
them. The king said, it seemed reasonable to him, 
and he had proposed it to him, but he had declined 
it, and commended the pen his majesty had used to 
employ, as very clear and significant; and said, if 
he had an hour's conference with that person, the 
business would be done. Whereupon the chancellor 
went immediately to his lodging, choosing rather to 
use that civility towards him, than to send for him ; 
VOL. i. p 



210 THE LIFE OF 

PART who did not love him so well as he had done before 
he was his superior officer. 



After a long conference together, and many cir- 
rcnces with cumlocutions, (which was his natural way of dis- 
ncy g"nerai course ) an< l asking questions, Why not this? and, 
thereon. \Vhy no t that ? without expressing his own opinion ; 
at last he confessed, that there must be no attempt to 
dissolve them, " though it might be even that might 
" be lawful in many respects," but that it would be 
sufficient to declare the force which had been, and 
still was upon them, that rendered them not free ; 
arid so they ought not to be looked upon as a parlia- 
ment ; and that they might be required to adjourn 
from time to time, till all the members might with 
safety repair to, and sit with them : in all which the 
other agreed with him, and so they parted ; the 
chancellor promising, that, against the next morn- 
ing, he would prepare a proclamation agreeable to 
that, which he thought to be their joint meaning ; 
for he did not observe any difference to be between 
them. The next morning the attorney came to his 
lodging, where he found the draught prepared ; 
which, as soon as he had read, he said did in no de- 
gree express or comprehend the sense that had been 
agreed between them : and thereupon he entered 
again into the same discourse he had made before, 
and more perplexed than before ; being most offend- 
ed with the preamble, wherein it was declared, that 
the king neither could or .intended to break the par- 
liament : which was so contrary to what he had in- 
fused into the king, and which the chancellor thought 
most necessary, to contradict that reproach which 
naturally would be cast upon his majesty. In the 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 211 

end, when he had wearied himself with the debate, PART 
they came both again to mean the same thing ; 
which was no other than was agreed before, though, 1643 
as the attorney said, it was not expressed in the 
draught before them : whereupon it was agreed be- 
tween them, that, against the next morning, either 
of them should make a draught apart; and then, 
when they came together, it would easily be ad- 
justed. 

But the next morning they were as far asunder 
as before, and the attorney had prepared no paper, 
and said, it needed not, the difference being very 
small, and would be rectified with changing or leav- 
ing out a word or two ; which the chancellor desired 
him to do, and to leave out or put in what he 
pleased : which when he went about to do, twenty 
other things occurred to him ; and so he entered 
upon new discourses, without concluding any thing ; 
and every day entertained the king with an account, 
as if all were agreed ; but upon conference with the 
chancellor, his majesty wondered at the delay, and 
told him, he wondered at it, for the attorney spake 
still as clearly to him as it was possible for any man 
to do, and therefore the putting it in writing could 
not be hard. The other answered him, that it would 
never be done any other way, than that which he 
had first proposed to him ; and therefore besought 
his majesty, that he would oblige the attorney to 
put his own conceptions, which he made so clear to 
him, into writing; and then, his majesty having 
likewise what the chancellor prepared in his hands, 
he would easily conclude which should stand ; and 
otherwise there would never be any conclusion. 

About two days after, the chancellor came into 
?2 



212 THE LIFE OF 

PART the garden where the king was walking; and call- 
.ing him shortly to him, in some disorder, his majesty 



1643. told him, " he was never in that amazement in his 
draught of " life ; that he had at last, not without a very posi- 
tiontbe ma " ti ve command, obliged the attorney to bring him 
king shews tt such a draught in writing, as was agreeable to his 

to the chan- 
cellor ot the" own sense; and that he had now done it ; but in 

exchequer. 

" such a manner, that he no more understood what 
" the meaning of it was, than if it were in Welch, 
" which was the language of the attorney's coun- 
" try ; only," he said, " he was very sure it con- 
" tained nothing of the sense he had ever expressed to 
" him :" and so bade him follow him into a little room 
at the end of the garden ; where, as soon as he was 
entered, he shut the door, because there were many 
people in the garden ; and then pulled a paper out 
of his pocket, and bade him read it; which when 
he had done, it being all in the attorney's own hand, 
he said, " it deserved wonder indeed ;" and it was 
so rough, perplexed, and insignificant, that no man 
could judge by it, or out of it, what the writer pro- 
posed to himself. And it made so great an impres- 
sion upon the king, (who had before thought him a 
man of a master reason, and that no man had so 
clear notions,) that he never after had any esteem of 
him. 

character The truth is, he was a man very unlike any other 
tomey^e- man ' f a verv good natural wit, improved by con- 
versation with learned men, but not at all by study 
and industry : and then his conversation was most 
with men, though much superior to him in parts, 
who rather admired than informed him ; of which 
his nature (being the proudest man living) made 
him not capable, because not desirous. His greatest 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 213 

faculty was, and in which he was a master, to make PART 
difficult matters more intricate and perplexed ; and 



very easy things to seem more hard than they were. I643 - 
The king considered the matter and subject of that 
proclamation at the council ; where that draught the 
chancellor had provided was agreed to ; and the at- 
torney seemed to be satisfied in it, and was content 
to have it believed that it had been consulted with 
him ; though he never forgave the chancellor for 
exposing him in that manner ; by which he found 
he had lost much ground. 

After the treaty of Uxbridge, most of the com- 1645. 
missioners had given so good a testimony of the 
chancellor's diligence and industry, that the fcing, 
shortly after his return, very graciously took notice exchequer's 
of it to him; and, above all, of his affection to the in the treaty 
church, of which, he said, Dr. Steward had so fully of Uxbridge ' 
informed him, that he looked upon him as one of 
the few who was to be relied upon in that particular : 
at which, he said, himself was not at all surprised, 
having long known his affection and judgment in 
that point ; but confessed he was surprised with the 
carriage of some others, from whom he had expected 
another kind of behaviour in matters of the church ; 
and named sir Orlando Bridgman, upon whom, he 
said, he had always looked, being the son of a bishop, 
as so firm, that he could not be shaken ; and there- 
fore he was the more amazed, to hear what conde- 
scensions he had been willing to have made, in what 
concerned religion ; and pressed the chancellor to 
answer some questions he asked him about that 
transaction : to the particulars whereof he excused 
himself from answering, by the protestation they had 
all taken before the treaty, wfth his majesty's appro- 

P 3 



214 THE LIFE OF 

PART bation : though indeed himself had been very much 

surprised with the first discovery of that temper in 

1645 * that gentleman, which he had never before suspect- 
ed : and ever after said, that " he was a man of ex- 
" cellent parts, and honestly inclined ; and would 
" choose much rather to do well than ill ; but if it 
" were not safe for him to be steady in those reso- 
" lutions, he was so much given to find out expedi- 
" ents to satisfy unreasonable men, that he would 
. " at last be drawn to yield to any thing he should 
" be powerfully pressed to do." 

The king at that time having resolved to separate 
the prince his son from himself, by sending him into 
the west, the chancellor had a great desire to excuse 
himself from attending upon the prince in that jour- 
ney ; and represented to his majesty, that his office 
made it more proper for him to be near his majesty's 
person ; and therefore renewed his suit again to him, 
that his service might be spared in that employment; 
which he was the less inclined to, because he had 
discovered, that neither the duke of Richmond or 
the earl of Southampton did intend to wait upon 
his highness in that expedition : but the king told 
him positively, and with some warmth, that if he 
would not go, he would not send his son : where- 
upon he submitted to do any thing which his majesty 
should judge fit for his service. 

The chancellor speaking one day with the duke 
of Richmond, who was exceedingly kind to him, of 
the ill state of the king's affairs, and of the prince's 
journey into the west ; the duke asked him, whether 
he was well resolved to carry the prince into France, 
when he should be required. He answered, that 
there had been no such thing mentioned to him, nor 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 215 

could he ever be made instrumental in it, but in one PART 
case, which was, to prevent his falling into the 



hands of the parliament ; and in that case, he did be- 
lieve every honest man would rather advise his going 
any whither, than being taken r by them : yet even 
in that case, he should prefer many places before 
France. The duke wished he might stay till then, 
implying, that he doubted it was the present design ; 
but there was never any thing discovered to make 
it believed, that there was a design at that time 
formed to such a purpose : yet the lord Digby, who 
had all familiarity and confidence with the chan- 
cellor, shortly after gave him occasion to apprehend 
that there might even then be some such intention. 

After a long discourse of the great satisfaction Lord pig- 
the king had in his (the chancellor's) service, and coJrse^wit 
how much he was pleased with his behaviour in the ce 



treaty at Uxbridge. and that he had not a greater ce in F the 

prince s 

confidence in any man's affection and fidelity : he & oin g to 

. . France. 

said, his majesty had a great mind to confer with 
him upon a point of the last importance ; but that 
he was kept from it by an apprehension that he was 
of a different judgment from his majesty in that 
particular. The other answered, that he was very 
sorry .that the king was reserved for such a reason ; 
for though he knew the chancellor did never pretend 
to think one thing when he did think another, and 
so might take the boldness to differ from his majesty 
in his judgment ; yet the king could not believe that 
he would discover the secret, or refuse to do any 
thing that became an honest man, upon his com- 
mand, though he did not believe it counsellable. 

r being taken] to be taken 
p 4 



16 THE LIFE OF 

PART Whereupon he entered upon a very reasonable con- 
sideration of the low condition of the king ; of the 



1645. discontent and murmur of the court, and of the 
camp ; how very difficult a thing it was like to be, 
to raise such an army as would be fit to take the 
field ; and how much more unfit it would be for the 
king to suffer himself to be enclosed in any garrison ; 
which he must be, if there were no army for him to 
be in. If the first difficulty should be mastered, 
and an army made ready to march, there could be 
little doubt, how great soever their distractions were 
at London, but that the parliament would be able 
to send another more numerous, and much better 
supplied than the king's could be ; and then, if the 
king's army was beaten, he could have no hope ever 
to raise another, his quarters already being very 
strait ; and after a defeat, the victorious army would 
find no opposition ; nor was there any garrison that 
could oppose them any considerable time ; London 
would pour out more forces ; that all the west would 
be swallowed up in an instant ; and in such a case 
he asked him, whether he would not think it fit, 
and assist to the carrying the prince out of the 
kingdom. 
The chan- The chancellor told him, he would deliver his 

cellor's 

reply. opinion freely to him, and was willing he should let 
the king know it. That such a prospect as he had 
supposed, might and ought to be prudently con- 
sidered ; but that it must be with great secrecy, for 
that there were already, to his knowledge, some 
whispers of such a purpose ; and that it was the true 
end of sending the prince into the west ; which, if it 
should be believed, it would never be in their power 
to execute, though the occasion should be most 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 217 

pressing: therefore desired there might not be the PART 

least whisper of any contingency that might make 1_ 

it fit. For the matter itself, it must never be done 1 645 - 
upon any supposition of a necessity; but when the 
necessity should be real, and in view, it ought to be 
resolved and executed at once ; and he would make 
no scruple of carrying him rather into Turkey, than 
suffering him to be made a prisoner to the par- 
liament. 

The lord Digby replied, that though the king 
would be very well pleased with this opinion of his, 
yet he would not be surprised with it ; since he knew 
his affection and wisdom to be such, that in such an 
extremity he could not but have that resolution : 
therefore that was not the point that the king 
doubted he would differ with him in. Then he con- 
tinued the discourse, that he hoped there would not 
such an occasion fall out, and that the divisions at 
London would yet open some door for a good peace 
to enter at ; but if they should unite, and should 
send out a strong army, and likewise appoint the 
Scots to march towards them ; how the king would 
do between two such armies, was a terrible prospect : 
and then the least blow would raise so general a 
consternation, that the king would be more dis- 
quieted by his friends and servants, than by the 
enemy; that his council was so constituted, that they 
would look upon the prince's leaving the kingdom, 
as less advisable than giving himself up to the par- 
liament ; and that many men were yet so weak a 
to believe, that the best way the king could take 
for his security, and preservation of his posterity, 
was to deliver up both himself and all his children 
into the hands of the parliament ; and that they 



218 THE LIFE OF 

PART would then give him better conditions than they 
.had offered in their treaties, having it then in their 



1645. power to keep all such persons from him as they 
were dissatisfied with. 

If this opinion should once spread itself, as upon 
any signal defeat it would undoubtedly do, it must 
be expected, that the council, and most of the lords, 
who looked upon themselves as ruined for their loy- 
alty, out of their natural apprehension, would ima- 
gine, that the prince being then in the west, and at 
liberty to do what should be thought fit, would be 
directed by the king to transport himself into parts 
beyond the sea ; and the queen his mother being 
then in France, most probably thither ; which was 
a circumstance that would likewise make his trans- 
portation more universally odious. So that upon 
this reflection and erroneous animadversion, the 
king would be, in the first unfortunate conjuncture, 
importuned by all about him to send for the prince ; 
or at least to send such orders to those to whose 
care he was intrusted, that they should not presume 
to transport him beyond the seas, in what exigent 
soever. Most men would believe, that they should 
merit of the parliament by this advice, and would 
prosecute it with the more earnestness and impor- 
tunity ; whilst those few who discerned the mischief 
and ruin that must flow from it, would not have 
the courage to deliver their opinions in public, for 
fear of being accused of the counsel ; and by this 
means the king might be so wearied and tired with 
importunity, that, against his judgment, he might 
be prevailed with to sign such a direction and order 
as is before mentioned; though his majesty was 
clearly satisfied in his understanding, that if both 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 219 

himself and the prince were in their hands together, PART 
the best that could happen would be murdering him 
and crowning his son ; whereas if his son were at 
liberty, and out of their reach, they would get no- 
thing by his death, and consequently would not at- 
tempt it. 

This, he said, was the fatal conjuncture the king 
apprehended ; and he then asked the chancellor, 
what he would do. To which he answered, without 
pausing, that he hoped the king had made up a firm 
resolution never to depart from his own virtue, upon 
which his fate depended; and that if he forsook 
himself, he had no reason to depend upon the con- 
stancy of any other man, who had nothing to sup- 
port that confidence but the conscience of doing 
what was just : that no man could doubt the law- 
fulness of obeying him, in carrying the prince out 
of the kingdom, to avoid his being taken by the re- 
bels ; and he was not only ready to obey in that 
case, but would confidently advise it, as a thing in 
policy and prudence necessary to be done. But if 
the king, being at liberty, and with his own coun- 
sellors and servants, should under his hand forbid 
the prince to transport himself, and forbid all about 
him to suffer it to be done, he would never be guilty 
of disobeying that express command; though he 
should be very sorry to receive it. He wished the 
king would speak with him of it, that he might take 
the boldness to conjure him never to put an honest 
and a faithful servant to that unjust strait, to do 
any thing expressly contrary to his plain and posi- 
tive command, upon pretence of knowing his secret 
pleasure; which is exposing him to public justice 
and reproach, which can never be wiped out by the 



220 THE LIFE OF 

PART conscience of the other; and that the artifice was 
not worthy the royal breast of a great monarch. 



1645. This, he said, was still Upon the supposition of the 
king's liberty; but if he were a prisoner in the 
hands of his enemies, (though that should not shake 
his resolution, or make him say things he doth not 
intend, upon imagination that others will know his - 
meaning,) the case would be different; and honest 
men would pursue former resolutions, though they 
should be countermanded, according to circum- 
stances. 

The conference ended ; and was never after re- 
sumed : nor did the king ever, in the least degree, 
enter upon the argument with the chancellor, though 
he had many private conferences with him upon all 
that occurred to him, with reference to what the 
prince should do in the west ; and of all the melan- 
cholic contingencies which might fall out in his own 
fortune. And it was generally believed, that his ma- 
jesty had a much greater confidence in the chancel- 
lor than in the other, whose judgment he had no 
reverence for ; and this made the chancellor after- 
wards believe, that all the other discourse from the 
lord Digby proceeded rather from some communi- 
cation of counsels he had with the queen, than any 
directions from the king. And he did upon concur- 
rent circumstances ever think, that the queen did, 
from the first minute of the separation of the prince 
from the king, intend to draw his highness into 
France, that he might be near her, and under her 
tuition, before any thing in the declension of the 
king's fortune required it, or made it counsellable ; 
and therefore had appointed the lord Digby, her 
creature, who she knew had great friendship with 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 

the chancellor, to feel his pulse, and discover, whe- PART 

Hi- 
ther he (in whom she had never confidence) might 



be applicable to her purposes. But he often declared, l645 * 
that the king himself never intimated the least 
thought of the prince's leaving the kingdom, till 
after the battle of Naseby ; and when Fairfax was 
marched with his army into the west, and himself 
was in despair of being able to raise another army ; 
and even then, when he signified his pleasure to that 
purpose, he left the time, and the manner, and the 
place to them, who were especially trusted by him 
about the prince ; as will appear by the particular 
papers which are preserved of that affair; and 
wherein it will likewise appear, that his majesty re- 
ceived infinite satisfaction and content in the whole 
management of that affair, and the happy and se- 
cure transportation of the prince, in the just and 
proper season, and when all the kingdom was right 
glad that it was done. 

As his majesty was more particularly gracious to 
the chancellor from the time of the treaty at Ux- 
bridge ; so there was no day passed without his con- 
ferring with him in private upon his most secret 
considerations and apprehensions, before his depar- 
ture with the prince for the west. One day he told 
him, he was very glad of what the duke of Rich- 
mond had done the day before ; and indeed he had 
done somewhat the day before which very much 
surprised the chancellor. When his majesty arose 
from council, the duke of Richmond whispered 
somewhat privately to him, upon which the king 
went into his bedchamber ; and the duke called the 
chancellor, and told him, the king would speak with 
him, and so took him by the hand, and led him into 



222 THE LIFE OF 

PART the bedchamber ; the privilege and dignity of which 
.room was then so punctually preserved, that the 



16-45. ting very rarely called any privy counsellor to con- 
fer with him there, who was not of the bedcham- 
ber : which maintained a just reverence to the place, 
and an esteem of those who were admitted to attend 
there. ^ 

The cimn- As soon as he came into the room, before he said 
the king's any thing to the king, who was there alone, the 
duke spake to the chancellor, and told him, that he 
p had been brought up from his childhood by the 
duke of crown, and had always paid it the obedience of a 

Richmond. 

child ; that as he had taken a wife with the appro- 
bation and advice of the crown, so he had never 
made a friendship, which he took to be a kind of 
marriage, without the king's privity and particular 
approbation ; that he had long had a kindness for 
him, but had taken time to know him well, which 
he thought he now did; and therefore had asked 
his majesty's consent, that he might make a friend- 
ship with him : and then said to the king, " Sir, 
" have I not your approbation to this conjunction ?" 
to which his majesty said, " Yes, my lord, I am 
" very glad of it ; and I will pass my word to you 
" for the chancellor, that you will not repent it ;" 
with many gracious expressions to them both : and 
so the duke led him out of the room again, saying, 
f ' Now, Mr. Chancellor, it is in your power to de- 
" ceive me." And to this it was, that his majesty's 
discourse related the next day, when he told him he 
was glad of what had passed, &c. and said, he hoped 
he would give him good counsel ; for he had not of 
late lived towards him in the manner he was used 
to do ; that he knew well the duke was a very ho- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 223 

nest and worthy man, and had all the kindness, as PART 
well as duty for his majesty ; but that he was grown ' 



sullen, or discontented, and had not the same coun- 
tenance he used to have ; for which he could ima- 
gine no other reason, but that his man Webb gave 
him ill counsel : he said, he was well contented that 
he should take notice, that his majesty was not well 
satisfied ; and asked him suddenly, when the duke 
was at Oriel college with them ; (Oriel college was 
the lodging of the lord treasurer, where that com- 
mittee for secret affairs, of which the duke was one, 
used to meet.) The chancellor answered, that in- 
deed the duke had not been there lately, which he 
thought had proceeded from his attendance upon 
his majesty, or some other necessary divertisement. 
The king said, it proceeded not from thence ; and 
that he might take occasion from his absence from 
thence, to let himself into that discourse, and after- 
wards proceed as he thought fit. 

The duke was a person of a very good under- character of 
standing ; and of so great perfection and punctuality 
in all matters of honesty and honour, that he was 
infinitely superior to any kind of temptation. He 
had all the warmth and passions of a subject, and a 
servant, and a friend for the king, and for his per- 
son ; but he was then a man of a high spirit, and 
valued his very fidelity at the rate it was worth ; 
and not the less, for that it had almost stood single 
for some time. The chancellor was very sorry for 
this discovery ; and chose to wait upon the duke 
the same day, near the hour when the meeting used 
to be at Oriel college : and when he had spent a 
short time with him, he said, he thought it was time 
to go to Oriel college, and asked his grace, whether 



224 THE LIFE OF 

PART he would please to go thither ; for which he making 
IIL some excuse, the other pressed him with some ear- 



1645. nestness, and said, it was observed that he had a 
good time declined that meeting, and if he should 
not now go thither, he should be doubtful there 
was some reason for it. 

The duke replied, that he had indeed been absent 
from thence for some time, and that he would deal 
clearly with him as his friend, but desired it should 
not be known ; that he was resolved to be there no 
more. Then complained, that the king was not kind 
to him ; at least, had not that confidence in him 
which he had used to have : and then spake of many 
particulars loosely ; and especially, that before the 
treaty, he had advised the king to use all the means 
he could to draw them to a treaty, for many advan- 
tages which were like to be gotten by it ; and to 
that purpose produced a letter that he had newly re- 
ceived from the countess of Carlisle, and read it to 
his majesty, who then seemed not to be moved with 
the contents ; but afterwards, in several discourses, 
reflected upon it in such a manner, as if he were 
jealous that the duke held too much correspondence 
with that people : which he looked upon .as such a 
point of diffidence, that it was no longer fit for him 
to be present when s the secret part of his affairs 
was transacted ; and so he had and would forbear to 
meet in that place, till iris majesty should entertain a 
better opinion of him : yet he concealed the trouble 
of rtiind which he sustained ; and wished that no 
notice might be taken of it. 

The chancellor told him, it was too late for that 

* when] where 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 

caution ; that the lords themselves could not but ob- PART 

in. 
serve his long absence, who before used to be the 



most punctual ; and confessed to him, that the king Whom h ' e 
himself had spoken to him of it with a sense of won- endeavour* 

to reconcile 

der and dislike; which, he said, he was to blame to the king; 
himself for; since the honour he had done him to the 
king, had likewise disposed his majesty to trust him 
so far, as to express some dissatisfaction he had in 
his grace's late carriage and behaviour. The duke 
seemed not displeased with the communication, but 
thereupon entered into a fuller and warmer dis- 
course than before ; how much the king had with- 
drawn his confidence from him, and trusted others 
much more than him. In sum, it was easy to dis- 
cern, that the thing that troubled him was the 
power and credit that John Ashburnham had with 
the king ; which his vanity made him own to that 
degree, that he was not content to enjoy the benefit 
of it, except he made it public, and to be taken 
notice of by all men ; which could not but reflect 
upon his honour : and when the chancellor seemed 
to think it impossible, that himself could believe 
that the king could prefer a man of Mr. Ashburn- 
ham's talent before his grace, he proceeded with 
many instances, and insisted with most indignation 
upon one. 

That about a year before, sir John Lucas, who 
was well known to his grace, having met him abroad 
in his travels, and ever after paid a particular re- 
spect to him, had applied himself to him, and de- 
sired his favour ; that when there should be any 
opportunity offered, he would recommend him to 
the king, to whom he was not unknown : that his 
affection to his majesty's service was notorious 

VOL. i. a 



THE LIFE OF 

PART enough, and that his sufferings were so likewise, his 
house being the first that was plundered in the be- 



1 645. ginning of the war ; by which, the loss he sustained in 
furniture, plate, money, and stock, was very consider- 
able ; so that he might modestly hope, that when his 
majesty scattered his favours upon others of his own 
rank, his poor service might likewise be remembered : 
but he had seen men raised to dignities, who he was 
sure had not the advantage over him in their suffer- 
ings, whatever they might have in their actings ; and 
he desired no more, but (since it was too ^evident 
that his majesty's wants were great, and that money 
would do him some service) that he might receive 
that degree of honour which others had, and he 
would make such a present to him as should mani- 
fest his gratitude ; and he desired to owe the obli- 
gation to his grace, and to receive it only by his me- 
diation. 

He said, he had moved this matter, with the 
relation of all the circumstances, to his majesty, 
who spake very graciously of the gentleman, as a 
person of merit, but said, he was resolved to make 
no more lords ; which he received as a very good an- 
swer, and looked upon as a good resolution, and 
commended it; desiring only, that if at any time 
his majesty found it necessary to vary from that re- 
solution, he would remember his proposition, and 
gratify that gentleman ; which he promised to do ; 
and with all which he acquainted the person con- 
cerned ; thinking it could not but well satisfy him. 
But he told him, that he was sorry that he could 
not receive the honour by his grace's recommenda- 
tion ; but for the thing itself, he could have it when 
he would ; and shortly after it was despatched by 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 227 

Mr. Ashburnham : he asked, whether this was not PART 
preferring Mr. Ashburnham very much before him. 



1 f* A t\ 

The chancellor told him, he was preferred as the 
better market man ; and that he ought not to be- 
lieve that the king's affection swayed him to that 
preference, but an opinion that the other would 
make the better bargain. He replied, his majesty 
was deceived in that, for he had told him what the 
other meant to give, without the least thought of re- 
serving any thing for himself; whereas his majesty 
had now received five hundred pounds less, and his 
market man had gotten so much for his pains. 

In conclusion, he prevailed so far with him, that 
they went that afternoon together to the committee 
to Oriel college ; and the next day the chancellor 
spake with the king again, and told him, that the 
duke had been in the afternoon with the committee, 
where many things had been consulted ; and that he And the 
found all his trouble proceeded from an apprehen- duke of 
sion, that his majesty had withdrawn his affection 
from him ; at least, that he, the duke, had not the 
same credit with his majesty which he had formerly 
had ; and that the sense and fear of that, could not but 
make an impression upon a good servant, who loved 
his master as well as he did. His majesty said, they 
two should not live as well together as they had done, 
as long as the duke kept his man Webb ; who made 
him believe that the king was wholly governed by 
Ashburnham, and cared not for any body else. He 
said, nobody who knew him could believe he could 
be governed by Ashburnham ; who, though an honest 
man, and one that he believed loved him well, no man 
thought was of an understanding superior to his ma- 
jesty ; and enlarged himself upon this argument so 

Q 2 



228 THE LIFE OF 

PART much, that he seemed as it were glad of the oppor- 
tunity to clear himself from that aspersion or impu- 



1645 - tation. 

It is a very great misfortune for any prince to be 
suspected to be governed by any man ; for as the 
reproach is of all others the most grievous, so they 
think the trusting weak men, who are much short 
of their own vigour of wit and understanding, is a 
sufficient vindication from that calumny ; and so, 
before they are aware of it, they decline wiser men, 
who are fit to advise them, and give themselves to 
weaker, upon an imagination, that nobody will ever 

But with- suspect they can be governed by them. In fine, he 
5S> found the work too hard for him ; the king being 
so much incensed against Webb, that he expected 
the duke should turn him away : and the duke him- 
self looked upon the king's prejudice as infused into 
him by Ashburnham, upon particular malice ; hav- 
ing often desired, that some accuser might charge 
Webb, and he be heard to answer for himself; 
which the king not being willing to admit, the 
other was unwilling to dismiss a servant, his secre- 
tary, who had served him long, and was very useful 
to him ; and who indeed was never suspected for any 
infidelity or want of affection to his master : and so 
the chancellor, to his great trouble, was not able to 
remove that cloudiness that remained in both their 
countenances ; which never produced the least ill 
effect in the view or observation of any ; the duke's 
duty being never in any degree diminished ; and the 
king's kindness to him continuing with many gra- 
cious evidences to his death. 

The king's The last conference his majesty had with the 

last confer- 
ence with chancellor was the very day the prince began his 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 229 

journey towards the west, and indeed after he had PART 
received his blessing ; when his majesty sent for 



HI. 



him into his bedchamber, and repeated some things I6 i 4o< 

v the chan- 

he had mentioned before. He told him, " there had ceiior of the 
" been many things which had troubled him, with 
" reference to his son's absence from him ; for all 
" which, but one, he had satisfied himself: the one 
" was, the inconvenience which might arise from 
" the weakness and folly of his governor ; against 
" which he had provided, as well as he could, by 
" obliging the prince to follow the advice of his 
" council in all things ; which he was well assured 
" he would do ; and he had given them as much au- 
" thority as they could wish : another was, that 
" there was one servant about the prince, who he 
" thought had too much credit with him, which was 
" Elliot ; who he did not intend should be with him 
" in the journey ; and had therefore sent him into 
" France to the queen, with direction to her majesty, 
" to keep him there ; and if he should return whilst 
" the prince remained in the west, that he should be 
" sent to his majesty, and not suffered to stay with 
" his highness ; and that was all the care he could 
" take in those two particulars : but there was a 
" third, in which he knew not what to do, and that 
" troubled him much more than the other two." 
When the chancellor seemed full of expectation to 
know what that might be, the king said, " I have 
" observed of late some kind of sharpness, upon 
" many occasions, between Colepepper and you ; and 
" though you are joined with other honest men, yet 
" my great confidence is upon you two : I know not 
" that the fault is in you ; nay, I must confess, that 
" it is very often in him ; but let it be where it will, 

Q3 



230 THE LIFE OF 

PART " any difference and unkindness between you two 
" must be at my charge ; and I must tell you, the 



1645. t ( f ear j have o f ft gi ves me much trouble: I have 
" spoken very plainly to him my apprehension in 
" this point, within this hour ; and he hath made as 
" fair promises to me as I can wish ; and upon my 
" conscience I think he loves you, though he may 
" sometimes provoke you to be angry." 

The king here making a pause, the chancellor, 
out of countenance, said, " he was very sorry that he 
" had ever given his majesty any occasion for such 
" an apprehension, but very glad that he had vouch- 
" safed to inform him of it ; because he believed he 
" should give his majesty such assurance in that 
" particular as would fully satisfy him : he assured 
" his majesty, that he had a great esteem of the lord 
" Colepepper; and though he might have at some 
" times passions which were inconvenient, he was 
" so confident of himself, that they should not pro- 
" voke or disturb him, that he was well content that 
" his majesty should condemn, and think him in the 
" fault, if any thing should fall out, of prejudice to 
" his service, from a difference between them two." 
With which his majesty appeared abundantly satis- 
fied and pleased ; and embracing him, gave him his 
hand to kiss ; and he immediately went to horse, 
and followed the prince : and this was the last time 
the chancellor ever saw that gracious and excellent 
king. 
The cban- It was upon the fourth of March, in the year 

cellor at- - /> . , > . -, 11* i / 

tends the lt>44, that the prince parted from the king his ta- 
thTwest 1 ; ther. He lodged that night at Farringdon, having 
first aLauit- mac ' e ^ s j ournev thither in one continued storm of 
ed by the ra j n from the minute he left Oxford ; and from 

gout. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 231 

thence went the next day to the garrison of the De- FART 
vizes ; and the third to the city of Bath ; which be- 



ing a safe place, and within seven or eight miles of 1645 - 
Bristol, he stayed there two or three days. And in 
this journey the chancellor was first assaulted with 
the gout, having never had the least apprehension 
of it before ; but from his coming to Bath, he was 
not able to stand, and so went by coach to Bristol ; 
where in few days he recovered that first lameness, 
which ever after afflicted him too often. And so the 
year 1644 ended, which shall conclude this part. 

^ November 6, 1669- 



Q 4 



THE LIFE 

OF 

EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON; 

FROM HIS BIRTH TO THE RESTORATION OF THE 
ROYAL FAMILY IN THE YEAR 1660. 



PART IV. 



A VERY particular memorial 'of all material af- PART 

IV 

fairs in the west, during the subsequent year of. 



1645, during the prince's residence in the west 1645 - 
The state and temper of that country, after the de- 
feat of his majesty's army at Naseby The several 
plots and devices of the lord Goring, to get the 
prince into his power The debauchery of that army 
and amongst the officers of it, and the defeats it 
suffered from the enemy through that debauchery 
Goring's departure out of the kingdom, and the pos- 
ture he left his army in The beating up of their 
quarters afterwards- The entering of Fairfax into 
the west with his army ; and his sudden taking the 
towns there The mutinous behaviour of sir Richard 
Greenvil, and the quarrels and conflicts between the 
troops under his command with those under the 
lord Goring The prince's retreat by degrees back- 
ward into Cornwall, as Fairfax advanced The seve- 
ral messages and orders from the king, for the trans- 



234, THE LIFE OF 

PART porting the prince out of England, and all the di- 
rections and resolutions thereupon; and the several 
messages from the queen and the earl of St. Alban's; 
with the assurance of a supply of six thousand foot, 
under the command of Ruvignie, promised confi- 
dently to be landed in Cornwall within- one month, 
when there was not any such thing in nature, nor 
one company raised, or ship in readiness, or in view 

1646. for such an expedition, &c. The king's obliging 
the lord Hopton to take charge of those broken and 
dissolute troops The commitment of sir Richard 
Greenvil, for not submitting to be commanded by 
him, and for endeavouring to raise a party in the 
country to treat with the enemy for the security 
and neutrality of Cornwall, and the routing the lord 
Hopton's troops at Torrington The prince's retreat 
thereupon to Pendennis; and the factions and con- 
spiracies between some of his own servants, and 
some gentlemen of the country, to hinder the prince 
from going out of the kingdom ; and the departure 
of his highness from Pendennis, in the end of that 
year 1645 % and his arrival in the island of Scilly, is 
contained in papers, orderly and methodically set 
down ; which papers and relation are not now 
at hand, but are safe, and will be easily found; 
together with his highness's stay in the island of 
Scilly: from whence, the next day, the lord Cole- 
pepper was despatched with letters to the queen to 
Paris, to give notice of his highness's being in that 
island ; and to desire money, arms, and ammunition 
for the defence thereof: and at the same time an- 
other vessel was sent into Ireland, to give the mar- 

a in the end of that year 1645] Namely, Old Style. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 235 

quis of Ormond likewise information of it, and to PART 
desire that two companies of foot might be sent thi- ' 
ther, to increase that garrison, and to defend it, in 
case the enemy should attack it His highness's stay 
in Scilly near six weeks, until the lords Capel and 
Hopton came thither, after they had made condi- 
tions for the disbanding their troops with Fairfax ; 
which Goring's troops made it necessary to do ; they 
not only refusing to obey all orders, but mingling 
every day with the troops of the enemy, and re- 
maining quietly together in the same quarters, 
drinking and making merry with each other The 
report of a fleet designed from the parliament for 
Scilly, and those lords viewing the island, and not 
looking upon it as tenable, caused a new consulta- 
tion to be held, whether it were fit for his highness 
to remain there, till the return of the lord Colepep- 
per, or to remove sooner ; and whither he should 
remove ; the frigate which brought the prince from 
Pendennis being still kept in readiness at Scilly, 
upon the foresight that his remove might come to 
be necessary That upon this consultation it was 
resolved, that it would not be safe for his highness 
to remain there, but that he should transport him- 
self from thence into the island of Jersey ; which 
was done accordingly And his highness's arrival 
there about the beginning of April, 1645 The 
prince's reception in Jersey, by sir George Carteret ; 
and the universal joy of the island for his arrival ; 
with the situation and strength of the island The 
lord Digby's arrival in Jersey, with two frigates 
from Ireland, and with two hundred soldiers ; hav- 
ing been at Scilly, and there heard of his highness's 
departure for Jersey His earnest advice for the 



236 THE LIFE OF 

PART prince's going for Ireland; and when he could not 

! obtain his highness's consent, till the return of the 

C46 ' lord Colepepper, his going to Paris, to persuade the 
queen, and to protest against the prince's going for 
France ; against which he inveighed with more pas- 
sion than any man The arrival of Mr. Thomas 
Jermyn from Paris, with very positive orders for 
the prince's repair thither, from the queen And 
shortly after, the lord Colepepper's arrival, who 
had been despatched from her majesty -to return to 
Scilly, before she knew of his highness's remove 
from thence; which advertisement overtook the 
lord Colepepper at Havre de Grace, after he was 
embarked; and so he bent his course thither, and 
had the same orders for the prince's going to Paris, 
as Mr. Jermyn had likewise brought. 

There was none of the council inclined that his 
highness, being in a place of unquestionable safety, 
should suddenly depart from thence, till the state 
and condition in which his majesty was, and his 
pleasure might be known : it was then understood 
that his majesty had left Oxford, and was with the 
Scottish army before Newark ; which he had caused 
to be rendered, that the army might retire ; which 
it presently did, and the king in it, to Newcastle : 
the prince was yet in his father's -dominions ; some 
places in England still holding out, as Oxford, Wor- 
cester, Pendennis, and other places ; that it would 
be easy, in a short time, to understand the king's 
pleasure, and that there could be no inconvenience 
in expecting it, the prince's person being in no pos- 
sible danger; but that the mischief might be very 
great, if, without the king's direction, it were done, 
whether his majesty should be well or ill treated by 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 237 

the Scots; and that the parliament might make it PART 
a new matter of reproach against the king, that iie 



had sent the heir apparent of the crown out of the 
kingdom ; which could be no otherwise excused, at 
least by those who attended him, than by evident 
and apparent necessity : those reasons appeared of 
so much weight to the prince himself, (who had not 
a natural inclination to go into France,) and to all 
the council, that the lord Capel and the lord Cole- 
pepper were desired to go to Paris, to satisfy the 
queen why the prince had deferred yielding a pre- 
sent obedience to her command. 

The treatment they received at Paris, and their 
return again to Jersey, together with the lord Jer- 
myn and lord Digby, and some other persons of 
quality: the lord Digby being to return to Ireland 
with eight thousand pistoles, which the cardinal sent 
towards the supply of the king's service there ; and 
being by it and the cardinal so throughly convinced 
of the necessity of the prince's going for France, that 
he was more positive for it than any of the rest ; and 
had promised the queen that he would convert the 
chancellor, and make him consent to it ; with whom 
he had a great friendship The debate at Jersey 
upon their coming back The lord Capel adhering 
to his former opinion, that we might first know the 
king's opinion ; towards the receiving of which he 
had offered the queen, and now offered again, to go 
himself to Newcastle, where the king still was ; no- 
body knowing what would be the issue of the con- 
troversy between the Scots and the parliament ; and 
if the king should direct it, every man would will- 
ingly attend his highness, and punctually observe 
whatsoever the king commanded ; and because the 



238 THE LIFE OF EDWARD &c. 

PART objection might be removed, of his being taken pri- 
.soner by the parliament, or his being not suffered 



1646. by the Scots to speak with the king, he" did offer, 
and all who were of his opinion consented to it, that 
if he did not return to Jersey within one month, 
the prince should pursue the queen's orders, and 
every man would attend his highness into France ; 
and a month's delay could be of no ill consequence 
The prince's resolution to go presently for Paris 
and the reasons which moved the lords Capel and 
Hopton, and the chancellor, to excuse themselves 
and his highness's permission to remain in Jersey ; 
from whence they would attend his commands, when 
he had any service for them And the sudden re- 
servedness and strangeness that grew between those 
who advised the going, and those who were for stay- 
ing and the prince's embarking himself for France 
about July, in the year 1646 

All these particulars are so exactly remembered 
in those papers, remaining in a cabinet easy to be 
found, that they will quickly be put into a method ; 
and contain enough to be inserted in the fourth part 
of this relation. 

Montpelier, November 9, 1669- 

N. B. These materials were afterwards made 
use of by the author, when he completed the 
History of the Rebellion, where these occur- 
rences are treated of more at large. 



THE LIFE 

OF 

EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON ; 

FROM HIS BIRTH TO THE RESTORATION OF THE 
ROYAL FAMILY IN THE YEAR 160. 



PART V. 



AHE prince having left Jersey about July in the PART 
year 1646, the chancellor of the exchequer remained 
there about two years after; where he presently be- 164 6. 

* . J The chan- 

took himself to his study; and enjoyed, as he wasceiiorofthe 
wont to say, the greatest tranquillity of mind imagin- residence' at 
able. Whilst the lords Capel and Hopton stayed jersey ' 
there, they lived and kept house together in St. 
Hilary's ; which is the chief town of the island : 
where, having a chaplain of their own, they had 
prayers every day in the church, at eleven of the 
clock in the morning ; till which hour they enjoyed 
themselves in their chambers, according as they 
thought fit ; the chancellor betaking himself to the 
continuance of the History, which he had begun at 
Scilly, and spending most of his time at that exercise. 
The other two walked, or rode abroad, or read, as 
they were disposed ; but at the hour of prayers they 
always met; and then dined together at the lord 
Hopton's lodging, which was the best house ; they 



240 THE LIFE OF 

being lodged at several houses, with convenience 

enough. Their table was maintained at their joint 

expense only for dinners ; they never using to sup ; 
but met always upon the sands in the evening to 
walk, often going to the castle to sir George Carte- 
ret ; who treated them with extraordinary kindness 
and civility, and spent much time with them ; and, 
in truth, the whole island shewed great affection to 
them, and all the persons of quality invited them to 
their houses, to very good entertainments ; and all 
other ways expressed great esteem towards them 3 . 
He writes ^ n( jf f rom Ji enc e theu writ a joint letter to the 

from thence 9 

to the king. & fl^, which they sent to him by Mr. Fanshaw; in 
which they made great profession of their duty to 
his majesty, and their readiness to proceed in his 
service, and to wait upon the prince upon the first 
occasion; with such reasons for their not attending 
him into France, as they thought could not but be 
satisfactory to his majesty; declaring, that they 
had only desired that he would stay so long in a 
place of his own, of unquestionable security, as 
that they might receive the signification of his ma- 
jesty's pleasure for his remove ; upon which they 
were all resolved to have waited upon him : though 
it was evident enough to them, that their advice 
would be no longer hearkened unto, after his high- 
ness should arrive with the queen. 

1647. In England, men's hopes and fears were raised 
according to their tempers ; for there was argument 
for both affections in the transactions and occur- 
rences of every day; it being no easy matter to make 

a towards them] MS. adds: against any attempt the parlia- 
and appeared very .unanimous ment should make against it 
and resolute to defend the island 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 241 

a judgment which party would prevail, nor what PART 
they would do if they did. The lord Capel received ' 
advice from his friends in England, to remove from 164 ^- 
Jersey into some part of the United Provinces ; that 
so, being in a place to which there could be no pre- 
judice, his friends might the more hopefully solicit 
for liberty for him to return into his own country, 
and that he might live in his own house; which 
they had reason to hope would not be denied to a 
person who had many friends, and could not be con- 
ceived to have any enemies, his person being wor- 
thily esteemed by all. Whereupon, with the full 
concurrence and advice of his two friends, from 
whom he had great tenderness to part, and with 
whom he renewed his contract of friendship at part- 
ing in a particular manner, upon foresight of what 
might happen; he went from thence, and first waited 
upon the prince at Paris, that he might have his 
royal highness's approbation for his return into 
England, if he might do it upon honourable condi- 
tions : and from thence, with all possible demonstra- 
tion of grace from the prince, he transported him- 
self to Middleburgh in Zealand ; where he remained 
till his friends procured liberty for him to return, 
and remain at his own house. The worthy and 
noble things he did after, deserve b to be transmitted 
to posterity in some more illustrious testimony, that 
may be worthy to be recorded. 

The lord Capel thus leaving Jersey, the lord 
Hopton and the chancellor remained still there, in 
the same conjunction, until, some few months after, 
the lord Hopton received the news of the death of 

b deserve] will be mentioned in order, and deserve 
VOL. I. R 



242 THE LIFE OF 

PART his wife, and of the arrival in France of his uncle, 
v ' sir Arthur Hopton ; who, having been ambassador 



1647. from the king in Spain, had left that court, and 
retired to Paris ; from whence he shortly after re- 
moved to Rouen, with a purpose, as soon as he had 
at large conferred with his nephew, to go into Eng- 
land, for the good and benefit of both their fortunes: 
and upon this occasion the lord Hopton likewise left 
Jersey, with all possible professions of an entire 
friendship to the chancellor, which was never vio- 
lated in the least degree to his death. And the 
chancellor being thus left alone, he was with great 
And re- civility and friendship invited by sir George Carteret 

moves to sir /i*iiiiii 

George car- to remove from the town, (where he had lived with 
his friends till then,) and to live with him in the 
castle Elizabeth; whither he went the next day 
after the departure of the lord Hopton, and remain- 
ed there, to his wonderful contentment, in the very 
cheerful society of sir George Carteret and his lady ; 
in whose house he received all the liberty and enter- 
tainment he could have expected in his own family ; 
of which he always retained so just a memory, that 
there was never any intermission or decay of that 
friendship he then made : and he remained there till 
he was sent for again to attend the prince, which 
will be mentioned in its time. 

He built a lodging in the castle, of two or three 
convenient rooms, to the wall of the church, which 
sir George Carteret had repaired and beautified ; 
and over the door of his lodging he set up his arms, 
with this inscription, JSene vixit, qui bene latuit: 
and he always took pleasure in relating, with what 
great tranquillity of spirit (though deprived of the 
joy he took in his wife and children) he spent his 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 243 

time here, amongst his books (which he got from PART 
Paris) and his papers ; between which he seldom ! 



spent less than ten hours in the day: and it 

* Where he 

hardly be believed how much he read and writ wriles the 

i . ,. History of 

there ; insomuch as he did usually compute, that the Tnm- 
during his whole stay in Jersey, which was some 
months above two years, he writ daily little less 
than one sheet of large paper with his own hand; 
most of which are still to be seen amongst his 
papers. 

From Hampton Court, his majesty writ to the 
chancellor of the exchequer with his own hand ; in 
which he took notice, that he was writing the His- 
tory of the late Troubles; for which he thanked 
him, saying, that he knew no man could do it so 
well; and that he would not do it the worse, by the Towards 
helps that he would very speedily send him : (as his king im- 



majesty shortly after did, in two manuscripts very "1" 
fairly written, containing all matters of importance ^ s ^^ o 
that had passed from the time that the prince of )645and 

1646. 

Wales went from his majesty into the west, to the 
very time that his majesty himself went from Ox- 
ford to the Scottish army ; which were all the pas- 
sages in the years 1645 and 1646.) He used many 
gracious expressions in that letter to him ; and said, 
he looked upon him as one of those who had served 
him with most fidelity, and therefore he might be 
confident of his kindness ; and that he would bring 
him to him with the first ; though, he said, he did 
not hold him to be infallible, as he might discern by 
what he had commanded Dr. Sheldon, who was then 
clerk of his closet, to write to him ; and at the same 

c daily] Omitted in MS. 
R 2 



244 THE LIFE OF 

PART time the doctor writ him word, that the king was 



sorry that he, the chancellor, stayed at Jersey, and 
647 ' did not attend the prince into France ; and that if 
he had been there, he would have been able to have 
prevented the vexation his majesty had endured at 
Newcastle, by messages from Paris. 

The doctor likewise sent him word, that great 
pains had been taken from Paris to incense the king 
against him ; but that it had so little prevailed, that 
his majesty had with some sharpness reprehended 
those who blamed him, and had justified the chan- 
cellor. He made haste to answer his majesty's letter, 
and gave him so much satisfaction, that his majesty 
said, he was too hard for him. And about the same 
time the lord Capel came into England ; and though 
he was under security to the parliament for behaving 
himself peaceably, he was not -restrained from seeing 
the king ; and so gave him a very particular infor- 
mation of all that had passed at Jersey ; and many 
other things, of which his majesty had never been 
informed before ; which put it out of any body's 
power to make any ill impressions in him towards 
the chancellor. 

Upon the king's refusing to give his assent to 
the four acts sent to him from the parliament when 
he was in the Isle of Wight, they voted, " that no 
" more addresses should be made to the king;" 
and jmblisked a declaration to that effect, which 
contained severe charges against his majesty. Vid. 
Hist. Reb. 8vo. vol. v. p. 512. &c. 

cnance ll r f tne exchequer no sooner re- 



ceiior of ceived a copy of it in Jersey, than he prepared a very 

the exche- . 

quer writes large and full answer to it ; in which he made the 
iShes U an malice and the treason of that libellous declaration 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 245 

to appear; and his majesty's innocence in all the PART 
particulars charged upon him, with such pathetical _____ 



applications and insinuations, as were most like to 

answer to 

work upon the affections of the people : all which the pariia- 

i r ** n ment's de- 

transmitted (by the care of Mr. Secretary ciaration of 



Nicholas, who resided at Caen in Normandy, 
held a constant correspondence with the chancellor) 
to a trusty hand in London ; who caused it to be 
well printed and divulged, and found means to send 
it to the king : who, after he had read it, said he 
durst swear it was writ by the chancellor, if it 
were not that there was more divinity in it than he 
expected from him, which made him believe he 
had conferred with Dr. Steward. But some months 
after, being informed by secretary Nicholas, he sent 
the chancellor thanks for it ; and expressed upon all 
occasions, that he was much pleased with that vindi- 
cation. 

The lord Capel had written to the chancellor of 
the exchequer, who remained still in Jersey, sig- 
nifying the king's commands, that as soon as the 
chancellor 'should be required to wait upon the 
prince, he should without delay obey the summons. 
The king had writ to the queen, that when it should 
be necessary for the prince to remove out of France, 
the chancellor should have notice oj it, and be re- 
quired to attend him. About the beginning of 
April, in the year 1648, the lord Capel writ again 
to the chancellor, giving him notice, that he would 
probably be sent for soon, and desiring him to be 
ready. About the middle of May, the queen sent 
to the chancellor of the exchequer to Jersey, com- 
manding, that he would , wait upon the prince at 
Pdris, upon a day that was past before the letter 

R 3 



246 THE LIFE OF 

PART came to his hands ; but as soon as he received the 
summons, he immediately transported himself into 



1 648. Normandy, and went to Caen ; from thence he hast- 
ened to Rouen, where he found the lord Cottington, 
the earl of Bristol, and secretary Nicholas, who 
had received the same commands. They were in- 
formed that the prince was passed by towards 
Calais ; and direction was sent, that the chancellor 
and the rest should stay at Rouen till they should 
receive new orders from Calais. Within few days 
they received advice, that the prince had put 
himself on board a ship that he found at Calais 
bound for Holland, where they were to hear from 
him; whereupon they removed from Rouen to 
Dieppe ; from whence they might embark for Hol- 
land when required. Vid. Hist. Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. 
p. 20. &c. 

After the lord Cottington, the earl of Bristol, 
and the chancellor of the exchequer had stayed at 
Dieppe some days, and were confirmed by reports 
every day that the prince was in Holland, and 
that the fleet wanted some provisions, without which 
it could not put out to sea ; they resolved to make 
use of the first vessel, of which there were many 
then in the harbour, that should be bound for Hol- 
land, and to transport themselves thither ; and there 
was one which within two or three days would 
set out for Flushing. The earl of Bristol had 
no mind to venture himself in such a vessel ; and 
since the fleet that had declared for the king was 
then in Holland, he apprehended that the parlia- 
ment might have other vessels abroad, that might 
easily seize upon that small bark ; and so, after some 
debate with the lord Cottington, (they two being 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 247 

seldom of one mind,) the earl resolved to return PART 

v. 
to his old habitation at Caen, and expect another. 



occasion. ] fi48 ' 

The chancellor, who knew nothing of the sea, nor 
understood the hazards thereof, (being always so 'af- 
flicted upon that element with sickness, that he con- 
sidered nothing about it ; and holding himself obliged 
to make what haste he could to the prince,) com- 
mitted himself entirely to the lord Cottington : and 
when they resolved to embark themselves in the ves- 
sel bound for Flushing, a French man of war, which 
was called the king's ship, came into the road of 
Dieppe, and offered to carry them the next day to 
Dunkirk ; which they took to be the safer passage : 
and so giving the captain as much money as he de-TFiechan- 
manded, they put themselves upon his miserable fri- exchequer e 
gate, where they had no accommodations but the 
open deck ; and were safely set on shore at Dunkirk, 
where marshal Ranzaw was then governor. And 
they no sooner landed in the evening, but Carteret, 
a servant of the prince's, came to them, and in- 
formed them, that the prince was entered the 
river of Thames with the fleet; and that he was 
sent by his highness to the marshal for a frigate, 
which he had offered to lend the prince : and that 
he had delivered the letter, and the marshal (who 
had been out all the night before upon a design 
upon the enemy, and was newly arrived, and gone 
to bed) had promised him that the frigate should be 
ready the next day. This seemed an extraordinary 
good fortune to them, that they might now embark 
directly for the fleet without going into Holland, 
which they were willing to avoid ; and so resolved 
to speak with the marshal as soon as they could, 

ll 4 



248 THE LIFE OF 

PART that they might be confirmed by him, that his fri- 
.gate should be ready the next day ; and thereupon 



1648. sent a serv ant to wait at the marshal's lodging, that 
they might know when he waked, and was to be 
spoken with. 

The marshal had notice of their arrival before the 
servant came to him, and of their desire to go to the 
prince ; and sent one of his officers to welcome them 
to the town, and to see them well accommodated with 
lodging; and to excuse him, that he did not wait 
upon them that night, by reason of the fatigue he 
had undergone the night before, and that day ; and 
to oblige them to dine with him the next day, against 
which time the vessel would be made ready to re- 
ceive them, and transport them to the prince's fleet ; 
with which they were abundantly satisfied ; and be- 
took themselves to their rest for that night : and 
were early up the next morning to see the marshal ; 
but it was late before he rose. 

He received them with great civility, being a very 
proper man, of a most extraordinary presence and 
aspect, and might well be reckoned a very hand- 
some man, though he had but one leg, one hand, one 
eye, and one ear, the other being cut off with that 
side of his face ; besides many other cuts on the 
other cheek, and upon his head, with many wounds 
in the body ; notwithstanding all which, he stood 
very upright, and had a very graceful motion, a 
clear voice, and a charming delivery ; and if he had 
not, according to the custom of his nation, (for he 
was a German,) too much indulged to the excess of 
wine, he had been one of the most excellent captains 
of that age. He professed great affection to the 
prince, and much commended the frigate he in- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 249 

tended to send to him ; which, for the swiftness of it, PART 

was called the Hare, and outsailed, as he said, all ! 

the vessels of that coast: and after he had treated 1648 * 

them with a very excellent and a jovial dinner, about 

four of the clock in the afternoon he brought them And from 

. , i i n thence for 

to their boat, that put them on board their frigate ; the prince's 
which was but a small vessel of twenty guns, much 
inferior to what they expected, by the description 
the marshal had made of it. However, it was very 
proper for the use they were to make of it, to be de- 
livered at the fleet ; and so, the moon shining very 
fair, they weighed anchor about sunset, with a very 
small gale of wind. 

The prince being master at sea, they had no man- 
ner of apprehension of an enemy; not knowing or con- 
sidering that they were very near Ostend, and so, in 
respect of the vessel they were in, liable to be made 
a prize by those men of war ; as it fell out : for about 
break of day, in a dead calm, they found themselves 
pursued by six or seven ships, which, as they drew 
nearer, were known by the seamen to be the frigates 
of Ostend. There was no hope to escape by the 
swiftness of -the vessel, for there was not the least 
breath of wind ; and it was to no purpose to resist ; 
for, besides that the vessel was not half manned, four 
or five of the pursuers were stronger ships ; so that 
it was thought best to let the sails fall, that they 
might see there was no purpose of resistance ; and 
to send Carteret in the boat, to inform the ships who 
the persons were that were on board, and that they 
had a pass from the archduke : for an authentic 
copy of a pass the archduke had sent to the prince, 
had been sent to them. All the ships, though they 
had the king of Spain's commission, were freebooters, 



250 THE LIFE OF 

PART belonging to private owners, who observed no rules 
! or laws of nations ; but they boarded the vessel with 



1 / their swords drawn and pistols cocked, and without 

But is taken 

by some fri- any distinction plundered all the passengers with 

gates of 

ostend ; equal rudeness ; save that they stripped some of the 
servants to their very shirts : they used not the rest 
with that barbarity, being satisfied with taking all 
they had in their pockets, and carefully examined 
all their valises and trunks, in which they found 
good booty. 

The lord Cottington lost in money and jewels 
above one thousand pounds ; the chancellor, in mo- 
ney about two hundred pounds, and all his clothes 
and linen ; and sir George Ratcliff and Mr. Wans- 
ford, who were in the company, above five hundred 

and carried pounds in money and jewels. And having pillaged 
iatport 'them in this manner, they carried them all, with the 
frigate they had been in, prisoners to Ostend ; where 
they arrived about two of the clock in the afternoon ; 
all the men and women of the town being gathered 
together to behold the prize that was brought in 
within so few hours : for intelligence had been sent 
from Dunkirk the night before, (according to the 
custom and good intelligence observed in those 
places,) of the going out of this vessel, which had 
such persons on board. When they were on shore, 
they were carried through all the spectators to a 
common inn ; from whence they sent to the ma- 
gistrates, to inform them of what condition they 
were, and of the injuries they had received, by hav- 
ing been treated as enemies ; and demanded resti- 
tution of ship and goods. 

The magistrates, who were called the lords of the 
admiralty, came presently to them ; and when they 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 251 

were fully informed of the whole matter, and had PART 
seen the archduke's pass, they seemed very much ' 



troubled; and with much civility assured them, that 
they should not only receive all that had been taken 
from them, but that the men should be severely pu- 
nished for their transgression. They immediately He is set at 
discharged those guards that kept them as prisoners, promised" 
and provided the best lodgings in the town for them : satisfaction - 
and because it was growing towards the evening, 
and the frigates were not yet come in, they excused 
themselves that they could do no more that night, 
but promised to go themselves on board the ships 
the next morning early ; and desired that some of 
the gentlemen of their company might go with them, 
to the end that they might discover at least some of 
those who had been most rude towards them ; who 
should be sure to be imprisoned till full satisfaction 
were made by the rest. 

As soon as the lords of the admiralty were gone, 
the governor, an old Spaniard, came to visit them, 
with all professions of civility and service, and seemed 
to abhor the barbarity with which they had been 
treated ; asked very particularly of the manner of 
them, and of every particular that had been taken 
from them ; and told them, they should be sure to 
have it all returned ; for that they did not trouble 
themselves in such cases to find out the seamen who 
were the plunderers, but resorted always to the 
owners of the ships, who lived in the town, and 
were substantial men, and bound to answer and sa- 
tisfy for all misdemeanours committed by the com- 
pany ; and said, he would be with them the next 
day, and take care that all should be done that was 
just. These professions and assurances made them 



252 THE LIFE OF 

PART believe that they should receive full reparation for 
the damages they had received; and the lord Cot- 



1648. tington began to commend the good order and dis- 
cipline that was observed under the Spanish govern- 
ment, much different from that in other places ; and 
in how much better condition they were, after such 
usage, to be brought into Ostend, than if they had 
been so used by the French, and carried into any of 
their ports. 

The next morning two of the lords of the admi- 
ralty called upon them in their way to the ships, 
retaining the same professions they had made the 
night before ; and sir George Ratcliff, Mr. Wans- 
ford, and some of their servants accompanied them 
according to their desire ; and as soon as they were 
on board the admiral's vessel, that had brought them 
in, and had taken them out of their own, they knew 
some of those seamen who had been most busy 
about them ; which were immediately seized on and 
searched ; and about some of them some pieces of 
chains of gold, and other things of value belonging 
to the lord Cottington were found ; and some mails, 
in which were linen and clothes ; all which were pre- 
sently restored and delivered to some of the servants 
who were present, and brought them to their mas- 
ters. The chancellor was more solicitous for some 
papers he had lost, than for his money ; and he was 
used to say, that he looked upon it as a singular act 
of Providence, that those officers prevailed with a 
seaman, who had taken it out of his pocket, to re- 
store a little letter which he had lately received from 
the king whilst he was in the hands of the army ; 
which, for the grace and kindness contained in it, 
he did ever exceedingly value. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 253 

Those of the admiralty, though they had not yet PART 
found out either any. of the jewels or money of which 
they had been robbed, thought they had done enough 
for the morning, and so returned to dinner ; declar- 
ing that they would return in the afternoon ; and 
directed the ships to be drawn nearer together, to 
the end they might visit them together : and they 
did return in the afternoon, accompanied as before, 
but their reception by the seamen was not as in the 
morning. The captains answered those questions 
which were asked of them negligently and scorn- 
fully ; and those seamen who had been searched in 
the morning, and were appointed to be produced in 
the afternoon to be further examined, could not be 
found ; and instead of bringing the ships nearer to- 
gether, some of them were gone more out to sea; 
and the rest declared, that they would go all out to 
sea that night : and when the magistrates seemed to 
threaten them, they swore they would throw both 
them and all who came with them overboard ; and 
offered to lay hands upon them in order to it ; so 
that they were all glad to get off; and returned to 
the town, talking loud what vengeance they would 
take upon the captains and seamen when they re- 
turned again into port, (for they already stood out 
to sea in their sight ;) and in the mean time they 
would prosecute the owners of the vessels, who 
should satisfy for the damage received: but from 
this time the governor nor the lords of the admiralty 
cared to come near them ; and they quickly found 
that the reason of all the governor's civility the first 
night, and the many questions he had asked con- 
cerning all the particulars they had lost of any kind, 
was only to be the better informed, to demand his 



254 THE LIFE OF 

PART share from the seamen ; and that the lords of the 
v. 

admiralty were the owners of the several vessels, or 



C48< had shares in them, and in the victualling, and so 

were to divide the spoil, which they pretended 

But cannot should be restored. So that after they had remained 

obtain it. 

there four or five days, they were contented to 
receive one hundred pistoles for discharging the 
debts they had contracted in the town, (for there 
was not any money left amongst them,) and to carry 
them to the prince ; which those of the admiralty 
pretended to have received from some of the own- 
ers, and to wait for further justice when the ships 
should return, which they doubted not should be 
effectually called for by the commands of the arch- 
duke, when he should be informed: and so they 
prosecuted their journey to the prince, making their 
way by Bruges, and from thence by the way of 
Sluys to Flushing : and those hundred pistoles were 
the only recompense that they ever received for that 
affront and damage they had sustained, which in 
the whole amounted to two thousand pounds at the 
least ; though the king's resident, De Vic, at Brus- 
sels prosecuted the pretence with the archduke as 
long as there was any hope. 

The chancellor was often used to relate an obser- 
vation that was generally made and discoursed at 
Ostend at that time, that never any man who ad- 
ventured in setting out those frigates of rapine, 
which are called men of war, or in victualling or 
bearing any share in them, died rich, or possessed 
of any valuable estate : and that as he walked one 
morning about the town and upon the quay with an 
English officer, who was a lieutenant in that garri- 
son, they saw a poor old man walk by them, whom 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 255 

the lieutenant desired the chancellor to observe; PART 
and when he was passed by, he told him, that he 



had known that man the richest of any man in the 1648 * 
town ; that he had been the owner of above ten 
ships of war at one time, without any partner or 
sharer with him ; that he had had in his ware- 
houses in the town as much goods and merchandise 
together as amounted to the value of one hundred 
thousand pounds, within seven years before the time 
he was then speaking ; and after the loss of two or 
three frigates, he insensibly decayed so fast, that 
having begun to build another frigate, which he 
shewed him as they walked, and which lay then not 
half finished, he was not able to go through with it ; 
and that he was at that time so poor, that he had 
not wherewith to maintain him, but received the 
charity of those who had known him in a plentiful 
estate : and this relation he made in confirmation of 
that discourse and observation ; and it made so deep 
an impression upon the chancellor, that afterwards, 
when the war was between England, and Holland, 
and France, and when many gentlemen thought it 
good husbandry to adventure in the setting out 
such ships of war, he always dissuaded his friends 
from that traffic, relating to them this story, of the 
truth whereof he had such evidence ; and did in 
truth moreover in his own judgment believe, that 
all engagements of that kind were contrary to the 
rules of justice and a good conscience, 

When they came to Flushing, they thought it He goes to 
best to stay there, as the most' likely place to have 
commerce with the fleet ; and they found there co- 
lonel William Vavasour, who had, by the prince's 
commission, drawn some companies of foot together, 



256 THE LIFE OF 

PART and expected some vessel to be sent from the fleet 
for their transportation ; and Carteret was already 



1648. despatched, to inform the prince of what had be- 
fallen the treasurer and chancellor, and that they 
waited his commands at Flushing : and because Mid- 
dleburgh would be as convenient to receive intelli- 
gence, and more convenient for their accommoda- 

m thence tion, they removed thither, and took a private lodg- 

to Middle- t J 

burgh. ing ; where, by having a cook, and other servants, 
they might make their own provisions. They had 
been at Middleburgh very few days, before the Hind 
frigate was sent by the prince to bring them to the 
fleet, with direction that they should make as much 
haste as was possible ; and they had no occasion to 
delay, but the wind was so directly against them for 
two or three days, that they could not put them- 
selves on board. It was now about the middle of 



attend the T . , -i / 11 

prince in July, when the wind appeared fair, and they pre- 



sently embarked, and weighed anchor, and sailed all 
s driven the night; but in the morning the wind changed, 
and blew so hard a gale, that they were compelled 
to turn about, and came before night again to Flush- 
ing; whence they endeavoured three times more to 
get into the Downs, from whence they might easily 
have got to the fleet; but as often as they put to 
sea, so often they were driven back, and once with 
so violent a storm that their ship was in danger, 
and was driven in under the Ramekins, a fort near 
the mouth of the river that goes to Middleburgh ; 
whither they again repaired : and the winds were 
so long contrary, that they received order from the 
prince to repair into Holland ; for that his highness 
resolved within very few days, it being now tow'ards 
the end of August, to carry the fleet thither ; as he 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 257 

shortly after did. And by this means the lord Cot- PART 
tington and the chancellor were not able to attend ! 
the prince whilst he remained with the fleet within IC 48. 
the river of Thames ; but were well informed, when 
they came to him, of all that had passed there. 

The lord Cottington and the chancellor of 'the ex- 
chequer, as soon as they received advertisement at 
Middleburgh that the prince resolved to return with 
the fleet into Holland, made all the haste they could Arrives at 

the Hague. 

to the Hague ; it being then about the end of Au- 
gust; and came thither within one day after the 
prince's arrival there. 

The next morning after the lord Cottington and 
the chancellor of the exchequer came to the Hague, 
the prince appointed his council, to meet together, 
to receive and deliberate upon a message the lord 
Lautherdale had brought from the parliament of 
Scotland, earnestly pressing him to repair forth- 
with to their army; which was already entered 
into England, under the command of the duke of 
Hamilton the chancellor reproves the lord Lau- 
therdale for his insolent behaviour before the coun- 
cil. Vid. Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 83. &c. 

The factions in the prince's family, and the 
great animosity which prince Rupert had against 
the lord Colepepper, infinitely disturbed the coun- 
sels, and perplexed the lord Cottington and the 
chancellor of the exchequer Colepepper had pas- 
sions and infirmities which no friends could re- 
strain ; and prince Rupert, though very well in- 
clined to the chancellor, >was absolutely governed 
by Herbert the attorney general, who industri- 
ously cultivated his prejudice to Colepepper. Hist, 
of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 126. &c. 

VOL, I. s 



258 THE LIFE OF 



PART Whilst the prince was at the Hague, he received 
the shocking account of the murder of the king his 



father ; and soon after, the queen wrote to him 
from Paris, advising him to repair into France as 
soon as possible, and desiring him not to swear any 
persons to be of his council, till she could speak 
with him: but before he received her letter, he had 
already caused those of his father's council who 
had attended him to be sworn of his privy council; 
adding only Mr. Long his secretary. He had no 
mind to go into France ; and it was evident that he 
could not be long able to reside at the Hague, an 
agent from the parliament being there at that very 
time: so that it was time to think of some other re- 
treat. Ireland was then thought most advisable ; 
some favourable accounts having 1 been received 
from thence of the transactions of the marquis of 
Ormond and lord Inchiquin, arid of the arrival of 
prince Rupert at Kinsale with the Jleet. Hist, of 
the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 277- &c. 

The chancellor of the exchequer was sent to con- 
fer with the marquis of Mountrose in a village 
near the Hague upon the state of affairs in Scot- 
land. The marquis came now into Holland to 
offer his service to his majesty ; expecting that he 
would presently send him to Scotland with some 
forces, to prepare the way for his majesty to follow 
after. Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 286. &c. 

The king declared his resolution of going into 
Ireland, and preparations were made for that ex- 
pedition; which however, from accidents that af- 
terwards fett out, did not take effect. The lord 
Cottington, wishing to avoid the fatigue of such 
expeditions, took that occasion to confer with the 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 259 

chancellor of the exchequer upon the expediency of PART 
the king's sending an embassy into Spain ; and. 



proposed, that himself and the chancellor should ] 649> 
be appointed ambassadors to that court ; to which 
the chancellor consented: and upon the lord Cot- 
tingtori's representation of the matter to the king, 
his majesty soon after publicly declared his resolu- 
tion to send those two, ambassadors extraordinary 
into Spain. Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 309. &c. 

This was no sooner known, but all kind of people, The mur- 

. i i i 11 mursofthe 

who agreed in nothing else, murmured and com- court on his 
plained of this counsel; and the more, because it p oinfed P a"m- 
had never been mentioned or debated in council. 
Only the Scots were very glad of it, (Mountrose 
excepted,) believing that when the chancellor was 
gone, their beloved covenant would not be so irre- 
verently mentioned; and that the king would be 
wrought upon to withdraw all countenance and fa- 
vour from the marquis of Mountrose ; and the mar- 
quis himself looked upon it as a deserting him, and 
complying with the other party : and from that 
time, though they lived with civility towards each 
other, he withdrew very much of his confidence, 
which he had formerly reposed in him. They who 
loved him were sorry for him and themselves ; they 
thought he deserted a path he had long trod, and 
was well acquainted with ; and was henceforward 
to move " extra sphaeram activitatis," in an office he 
had not been acquainted with ; and then they should 
want his credit to support and confirm them in the 
king's favour and grace : and there were many who 
were very sorry when they heard it, out of par- 
ticular duty to the king; who, being young, they 

s 2 



260 THE LIFE OF 

PART thought might be without that counsel and advertise- 
ment, which they knew well he would still admin- 



1649> istertohim. 

No man was more angry and offended with the 
counsel than the lord Colepepper, who would have 
been very glad to have gone himself in the employ- 
ment, if he could have persuaded the lord Cotting- 
ton to have accepted his company ; which he would 
by no means do ; and though he and the chancellor 
were not thought to have the greatest kindness for 
each other, yet he knew he could agree with no other 
man so well in business ; and was very unwilling he 
His own should be from the person of the king. But the 

content in 

that office, chancellor himself, from the time that the king had 
signified his own pleasure to him, was exceedingly 
pleased with the commission ; and did believe that 
he should in some degree improve his understand- 
ing, and very much refresh his spirits, by what he 
should learn by the one, and by his absence from 
being continually conversant with those wants which 
could never be severed from that court, and that 
company which would be always corrupted by those 
wants. And so he sent for his wife and children to 
meet him at Antwerp, where he intended they should 
reside whilst he continued in Spain, and where they 
were like to find some civilities in respect of his em- 
ployment. 

The ambassadors took leave of the king before 
the middle of May., and went to Antwerp, where 
the chancellor's wife and family were arrived,, who 
were to remain there during his embassy After 
staying two or three days at Antwerp, they went 
to Brussels, to deliver their credentials to the arch- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 261 

duke and to the duke of Lor rain, and to visit the PART 
Spanish ministers there, &c. Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. 



vol. vi. p. 325. ]649 - 

When the ambassadors had despatched all their 
business at Brussels, they returned to Antwerp, to 
negociate the remittance of their money to Madrid, 
Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 328. 

The queen is much displeased that the king had 
taken any resolutions before she was consulted, 
and imputed all that had been done principally 
to the chancellor of the exchequer; suspecting he 
meant to exclude her from meddling in the affairs. 
Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 329. 

Lord Cottington and the chancellor, hearing 
that the king was on his way to France, resolve to 
defer going to St. Germain's till the king's first 
interview with the queen should be over. Hist, of 
the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 331. 

About a week after the king left Brussels, the 
two ambassadors prosecuted their journey to Paris; 
stayed only one day there, and then went to St. 
Germain's; where the king, and the queen his 
mother, with both their families, and the duke of 
York then were They found that court full of 
jealousy and disorder The queen much troubled 
at the king's behaviour to her, as if he had no mind 
that she should interfere in his affairs She now 
attributes this reservedness of the king towards 
her, more to the influence of somebody else than to 
the chancellor of the exchequer He had a pri- 
vate audience of the queen She complained of the 
king's unkindness to her, and of the great credit 
Mr. Elliot (one of his majesty's grooms of the 

s 3 



THE LIFE OF 

PART bedchamber) had with the king. Hist, of the Reb. 
V ' 8vo. vol. vi. p. 333. 



1649. About the middle of September, the king left St. 
Germain's, and began his journey towards Jersey, 
and the queen removed to Paris The two am- 
bassadors attended her majesty thither, and pre<- 
pared for their journey into Spain. Hist, of the 
Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 354. 

The queen During the time of their short stay at Paris, the 
at bis* going queen used the chancellor very graciously; but still 
) Spam. ex p resse( j trouble that he was sent on that embassy, 
which, she said, would be fruitless, as to any ad- 
vantage' the king would receive from it ; and, she 
said, she must confess, that though she was not con- 
fident of his affection and kindness towards her, yet 
she believed that he did wish that the king's car- 
riage towards her should be always fair and respect- 
ful ; and that she did desire that he might be al- 
ways about his majesty's person ; not only because 
she thought he understood the business of England 
better than any body else, but because she knew 
that he loved the king, and would always give him 
good counsel towards his living virtuously ; and that 
she thought he had more credit with him than any 
other, who would deal plainly and honestly with 
him. 

There was a passage at that time, of which he 
used to speak often, and looked upon as a great ho- 
nour to him. The queen one day, amongst some of 
her ladies in whom she had most confidence, ex- 
pressed some sharpness towards a lord of the king's 
council, whom she named not ; who, she said, al- 
ways gave her the fairest words, and promised her 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 263 

every thing she desired, and had persuaded her to PART 
affect somewhat that she had before no mind to; ! 



and yet she was well assured, that when the same 
was proposed to the king on her behalf, he was the 
only man who dissuaded the king from granting it. 
Some of the ladies seemed to have the curiosity to 
know who it was ; which the queen would not tell : 
one of them, who was known to have a friendship 
for him, said, she hoped it was not the chancellor ; 
to which her majesty replied with some quickness, The queen's 

,, . , , ., , , opinion of 

that she might be sure it was not he, who was so his sin- 
far from making promises, or giving fair words, and centy ' 
flattering her, that she did verily believe, that " if 
" he thought her to be a whore, he would tell her of 
" it ;" which when that lady told him, he was not 
displeased with the testimony. 

The two ambassadors began their journey from 
Paris on Michaelmas day, and continued it with- 
out one day's rest to Bourdeaux. Hist, of the Reb. 
8vo. vol. v. p. 357. V 

They continued their journey to Bayonne ; and 
from thence to St. Sebastian's; where they were 
told by the corregidor that he had received direc- 
tions from the secretary of state, to persuade them 
to remain there till the king's further pleasure 
might be known ; and they received a packet from 
sir Benjamin Wright at Madrid, enclosing a pass 
for them, under the title of ambassadors from the 
prince of Wales. They immediately sent an ex- 
press to the court, complaining of their treatment, 
and desiring to know whether their persons were 
unacceptable to his catholic majesty; and if other- 
wise, they desired they might be treated in the 
manner due to the honour and dignity of the king 

s 4 



264 THE LIFE OF 

PART their master. They received an answer full of ci- 
vility, imputing the error in the style of their pass 



1 649 - to the negligence or ignorance of the secretary; and 
new passes were sent to them in the proper style; 
with assurance, that they should find a very good 
welcome from his majesty They left St. Sebas- 
tian's about the middle of November. Hist, of the 
Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 358. &c. 

When they came to Alcavendas, within three 
leagues of Madrid, sir Benjamin Wright came to 
them, and informed them that all things were in 
the state they were when he writ to them at St. Se- 
bastian's; that no house was yet prepared for their 
reception ; and that there was an evident want of 
attention for them in the court ; the Spanish am- 
bassador in England having done them ill offices, 
lest their good, reception in Spain might incense 
the parliament After a week's stay in that little 
town, they accepted of sir Benjamin Wrighfs in- 
vitation to his house at Madrid; they went pri- 
vately thither, to reside incognito The court knew 
of their arrival, but took no notice of it Lord 
Cottington desired and obtained a private audi- 
ence of don Lewis de Haro Don Lewis excused 
the omissions towards the ambassadors, on pre- 
tence that the fiestas for their new queen's arrival 
had engrossed the whole attention of all the officers 
about the court ; and promised immediate repara- 
tion Lord Cottington returned home well satis- 
fied The ambassadors are invited to see the exer- 
cises of the fiestas ; and the chancellor accordingly 
went to the place assigned. Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. 
vol. vi. p. 363. &c. 

The masquerade is an exercise they learned from 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 265 



the Moors, performed by squadrons of horse, seem- PART 
ing to charge each other with great fierceness, with ' 
bucklers in their left hands, and a kind of cane in 1649 - 

Description 

their right; which, when they come within little of the mas- 
more than a horse's length, they throw with all the q " 
strength they can ; and against them they defend 
themselves with very broad bucklers ; and as soon as 
they have thrown their darts, they wheel about in a 
full gallop, till they can turn to receive the like as- 
sault from those whom they had charged ; and so 
several squadrons of twenty or five and twenty horse 
run round and charge each other. It hath at first 
the appearance of a martial exercise ; the horses are 
very beautiful, and well adorned ; the men richly 
clad, and must be good horsemen, otherwise they 
could not conduct d the quick motions and turns of 
their horses ; all the rest is too childish, the darts 
being nothing else but plain bulrushes of the biggest 
growth. After this, they run the course ; which is 
like our running at the ring ; save that two run still 
together, and the swifter hath the prize ; a post di- 
viding them at the end : from the start they run 
their horses full speed about fifty paces, and the 
judges are at that post to determine who is first at 
the end. c 

d conduct] obey itself had nothing wonderful. 

e who is first at the end.] Here there happened to be some 

Thus continued in MS. : There sudden sharp words between the 

the king and don Lewis ran se- admirante of Castile, a haughty 

veral courses, in all which don young man, and the marquis de 

Lewis was too good a cour- Liche, the eldest son of don 

tier to win any prize; though Lewis de Haro ; the which being 

he always lost it by very little, taken notice of, they were both 

The appearance of the people dismissed the squadrons where- 

was very great, and the ladies in they were, and committed to 

in all the windows made a very their chambers. See pp. 369, 

rich show, otherwise the show 370. vol. vi. of the History. 



266 THE LIFE OF 

PART The next day, and so for two or three days toge- 
! ther, both the ambassadors had a box prepared for 



^.. them to see the toros ; which is a spectacle very 

Description 

of the toros. wonderful/ Here the place was very noble, being 
the market-place, a very large square, built with 
handsome brick houses, which had all balconies, 
which were adorned with tapestry and very beau- 
tiful ladies. Scaffolds were built round to the first 
story ; the lower rooms being shops, and for ordi- 
nary use ; and in the division of those scaffolds, all 
the magistrates and officers of the town knew their 
places. The pavement of the place was all covered 
with gravel, which in summer time was upon those 
occasions watered by carts charged with hogsheads 
of water. As soon as the king comes, some officers 
clear the whole ground from the common people ; 
so that there is no man seen upon the plain, but 
two or three alguazils, magistrates with their small 
white wands. Then one of the four gates which 
lead into the streets is opened; at which the tor- 
readors enter, all persons of quality richly clad, and 
upon the best horses in Spain ; every one attended . 
by eight, or ten, or more lackeys, all clinquant with 
gold and silver lace ; who carry the spears which 
their masters are to use against the bulls ; and with 
this entry many of the common people break in, for 
which sometimes they pay very dear. The persons 
on horseback have all cloaks folded up upon their 
left shoulder ; the least disorder of which, much 
more the letting it fall, is a very great disgrace ; and 

f very wonderful.] Originally and where they were not charged 

added in MS. : different from by men on horseback, and little 

what they had seen at Burgos, harm done, 
where the bulls were much tamer, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 267 

in that grave order they march to the place where PART 
the king sits, and after they have made the reve-. 



rences, they place themselves at a good distance 1649< 
from one another, and expect the bull. 

The bulls are brought in the night before from 
the mountains, by people used to that work ; who 
drive them into the town when nobody is in the 
streets, into a pen made for them, which hath a door 
that opens into that large space, the key whereof is 
sent to the king; which the king, when he sees 
every thing ready, throws to an alguazil, who car- 
ries it to the officer that keeps the door; and he 
causes it to be opened when a single bull is ready 
to come out. When the bull enters, the common 
people who sit over the door, or near it, strike him, 
or throw short darts with sharp points of steel, to 
provoke him to rage : he commonly runs with all 
his fury against the first man he sees on horseback ; 
who watches him so carefully, and avoids him so 
dexterously, that when the spectators believe him to 
be even between the horns of the bull, he avoids 
him by the quick turn of his horse ; and with his 
lance strikes the bull upon a vein that runs through 
his pole, with which in a moment he falls down dead. 
But this fatal stroke can never be struck, but when 
the bull conies so near upon the turn of the horse, 
that his horn even touches the rider's leg ; and so is 
at such a distance, that he can shorten his lance, 
and use the full strength of his arm in the blow ; 
and they who are the most skilful in the exercise, 
do frequently kill the beast with such an exact 
stroke ; insomuch as in a day, two or three fall in 
that manner : but if they miss the vein, it only gives 
a wound that the more enrages him. 



268 THE LIFE OF 

PART Sometimes the bull runs with so much fierceness, 
v 

(for if he escapes the first man, he runs upon the 



1649. res t as t^y are j n hj s wa y^ that he gores the horse 
with his horns, so that his guts come out, and he 
falls before the rider can get from his back. Some- 
times, by the strength of his neck, he raises horse 
and man from the ground, and throws both down ; 
and then the greatest danger is another gore upon 
the ground. In any of these disgraces, or any other 
by which the rider comes to be dismounted, he is 
obliged in honour to take his revenge upon the bull 
by his sword, and upon his head ; towards which the 
standers-by assist him, by running after the bull, 
and hocking him, by which he falls upon his hinder 
legs ; but before that execution can be done, a good 
bull hath his revenge upon many poor fellows. 
Sometimes he is so unruly that nobody dares to at- 
tack him ; and then the king calls for the mastiffs, 
whereof two are let out at a time ; and if they can- 
not master him, but are themselves killed, as fre- 
quently they are, the king then, as the last refuge, 
calls for the English mastiffs ; of which they seldom 
turn out above one at a time, and he rarely misses 
taking the bull, and holding him by the nose till the 
men run in ; and after they have hocked him, they 
quickly kill him. 

In one of those days there were no fewer than 
sixteen horses, as good as any in Spain, the worst 
of which would that very morning have yielded 
three hundred pistoles, killed, and four or five men ; 
besides many more of both hurt, and some men re- 
mained perpetually maimed : for after the horsemen 
have done as much as they can, they withdraw 
themselves, and then some accustomed nimble fel- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 269 

lows, to whom money is thrown, when they perform PART 
their feats with skill, stand to receive the bulls, 
whereof the worst are reserved till the last; and it IC49 * 
is a wonderful thing to see with what steadiness 
those fellows will stand a full career of the bull, and 
by a little quick motion upon one foot, avoid him, 
and lay a hand upon his horn, as if they guided him 
from them ; but then the next standers-by, who have 
not the same activity, commonly pay for it ; and 
there is no day without much mischief. It is a very 
barbarous exercise and triumph, in which so many 
men's lives are lost, and always ventured; but so 
rooted in the affections of that nation, that it is not 
in the king's power, they say, to suppress it ; though 
if he disliked it enough, he might forbear to be pre- 
sent at it. 

There are three festivals? in the year, whereof 
midsummer is one, on which the people hold it to 
be their right to be treated with these spectacles; 
not only in great cities, where they are never dis- 
appointed, but in very ordinary towns, where there 
are places provided for it. Besides those ordinary 
annual days, upon any extraordinary accidents of 
joy, as at this time for the arrival of the queen, upon 
the birth of the king's children, or any signal vic- 
tory, these triumphs are repeated ; which no eccle- 
siastical censures or authority can suppress or dis- 
countenance : for pope Pius the Fifth, in the time of 
Philip the Second, and very probably with his ap- 
probation, if not upon his desire, published a bull 
against the toros in Spain, which is still in force ; in 
which he declared, that nobody should be capable of 

g "festivals] festival days 



70 THE LIFE OF 

PART Christian burial who lost his life at those spectacles; 
and that every clergyman who should be present at 



9> them stood excommunicated ipso facto : and yet 
there is always one of the largest galleries assigned 
to the office of the inquisition, and the chief of the 
clergy, which is always filled ; besides that many 
religious men in their habits get other places ; only 
the Jesuits, out of their submission to the supreme 
authority of the pope, are never present there ; but 
on those days do always appoint some such solemn 
exercise to be performed that obliges their whole 
body to be together. 
is visited by Though it is not the course for the ambassadors 

the other ' 

ambassadors to make their visits to those who come last, before 
before his' they receive their first audience from the king ; yet 
audience. . came to the town, the Venetian 



ambassador sent to congratulate their arrival, and to 
know what hour they would assign of the next day 
te receive a visit from him : to which they returned 
their acknowledgments ; and that when they had 
obtained their audience of the king, they would be 
ready to receive that honour from him. However, 
the very next day he came to visit them ; and he 
was no sooner gone, but the German ambassador, 
not sending notice till he was at the bottom of the 
stairs, likewise came to them ; and then the other 
ambassadors and public ministers took their times 
to make their visits, without attending the audience. 
ntofthe There was one thing very notable, that all the 



ambassa- foreign ministers residing then in Madrid (the Eng- 
lish ambassadors and the resident of Denmark only 



excepted) were Italians ; and all, but the Venetian, 
of Julio subjects of the great duke. Julio Rospigliosi, nuncio 
pope, was of Pistoja, and so a subject to the 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 271 

duke of Florence; a grave man, and at that time, PART 
save that his health was not good, like to come to v> 



be, what he was afterwards, pope, as he was Clement 1 649. 
the Ninth. The emperor's ambassador, the marquis of the mar- 
of Grana, was likewise an Italian, and a subject of Grana. 
Florence ; he had been general of one of the em- 
peror's armies, and was sent afterwards ambassador 
to Madrid ; he was a man of great parts ; and the 
removing the conde-duke Olivarez from court was 
imputed to his artifice. He made the match be- 
tween the king and the present queen, for which he ' 
expected to have the cap of a cardinal; and had 
received it, if he had not died before the following 
creation ; the cardinal of Hesse being nominated by 
the emperor upon his death. He was a man of an 
imperious and insolent nature, and capable of any 
temptation ; and nobody was more glad of his death 
than his own servants, over whom he was a great 
tyrant. 

The ambassador of Venice, Pietro Basadonna h , a of the Ve- 
noble Venetian, was a man, as all that nation is, of |^* 
great civility, and much profession ; he was the first 
who told the ambassadors that the king their master 
had a resident at Venice ; which was Mr. Killigrew; 
which they did not at first believe, having before 
they left St. Germain's dissuaded the king from that 
purpose ; but afterwards his majesty was prevailed 
upon, only to gratify him, that in that capacity he 
might borrow money of English merchants for his 
own subsistence ; which he did, and nothing to the 
honour of his master ; but was at last compelled to 
leave the republic for his vicious behaviour; of 

h Pietro Basadonna,] Omitted in MS. 



272 THE LIFE OF 

PART which the Venetian ambassador complained to the 
king, when he came afterwards to Paris. 



The ambassador of the king of Poland was like- 

Of the Po- 
lish anibas- w i se a Florentine, who was much in favour with 

sador. 

the king Uladislaus, from whom he was sent ; and 
continued by king Casimir. He had lived in great 
splendour; but by his vicious course of life, and 
some miscarriages, he fell very low, and was revoked 
with some circumstances of dishonour. He was a 
man of a great wit, if it had not served him to very 
of the am- jij purposes. The ambassador of Florence was a 

bassador of 

Florence, subject of his master, and an abbot, a grave man ; 
and though he was frequently called ambassador, he 
was in truth but resident ; which was discovered by 
a contest he had with the Denmark resident for 
place ; who alleged, that the other was no more 
than resident ; which was true, and made the disco- 
very that the Florentines send no ambassadors to 
Madrid, because they are not suffered to cover, 

of the arch- which they use to do in many other courts. The 

spruck's " archduke of Inspruck's minister was likewise a Flo- 
ter ' rentine, and had been bred in Spain, and was a 
knight of the order; and supported that character 
upon a small assignation from his master, for some 
benefit and advantage it gave him in negociations 
and pretences he had in that court. 

of the resi- The resident of Denmark was don Henrique Wil- 
liamson, (he was afterwards called Rosewell,) who 
came secretary to Hannibal Zested ; who had been 
the year before ambassador in that court, and lived 
in extraordinary splendour, as all the northern min- 
isters do ; who have not their allowance from the 
king, but from a revenue that is purposely set aside 
for that kind of service. When he went away, he 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 273 

left this gentleman to remain there as resident. He PART 
was a grave and a sober man, wiser than most of his , 



nation ; and lived with much more plenty, and with 1649< 
a better retinue than any other minister of that rank 
in that court. 

They had not been many days in Madrid, when 
don Lewis sent them the news of the imprisonment 
of the prince of Conde, prince of Conti, and the 
duke of Longueville, and that marshal Turenne was 
fled into Flanders; so much the cardinal had im- 
proved his condition from the time that they had 
left Paris. There was yet no house provided for 
them, which they took very heavily ; and believed 
that it might advance that business, if they had once 
a public reception as ambassadors ; and therefore 
they resolved to demand an audience. Don Lewis 
came to be advertised that the ambassadors had 
prepared mourning for themselves, and all their 
train, against their audience ; which was true ; for 
they thought it the most proper dress to appear in *, 
and to demand assistance to revenge the murder of 
their master, it being yet within the year : but don 
Lewis sent to them, that he hoped that when the 
whole court was in gala., upon the joy of the mar- 
riage of the king, and to give the queen a cheerful 
reception, they would not dishonour the festival by 
appearing in Into., which the king could not but take 
unkindly; which, he said, he thought fit to advertise 
them of, out of friendship, and without any authority. 
Whereupon, as well to comply in an affair which Lord c-ot- 
seemed to have somewhat of reason in it, as out 

1 to appear in] for them to appear in 
VOL. I. T 



274 



THE LIFE OF EDWARD &c. 



PART 
V. 

1649. 
lor of the 
exchequer 
demand 
their audi- 
ence. 



apprehension, that from hence they might take oc- 
casion to defer their audience, they changed their 
purpose, and caused new clothes to be made ; and 
then sent to demand their audience. & 



Montpelier, March 1, 1670. 

s audience.] MS. dds : upon 
the subject whereof, and what 
followed of the negotiation, the 
relation shall be continued. 

At the end. of this part in the 
MS. is the following paragraph: 
All that passed at the Hague, 
both with the States and the 
Scots, is more particularly con- 



tained in papers and memorials, 
which will be found in the hair 
cabinet, out of which any thing 
that is material may be added 
or altered ; as also the names 
of all the ministers at that time 
in Madrid are in a paper book 
that stands in the shop. 



THE LIFE 



OF 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON ; 

FROM HIS BIRTH TO THE RESTORATION OF THE 
ROYAL FAMILY IN THE YEAR 1660. 



PART VI. 

i V ^ - . ._ 

JL HE ambassadors were conducted in form to PART 
their audience of the king of Spain ; and after- Vl ' 
wards of the queen and infanta ; and at last a 1 64 9. 
house was provided for them. Hist, of the Reb. 
8vo. vol. vi. p. 378. &c. 

They perceived that court was more inclined to 
cultivate a strict friendship with the new common- 
wealth of England, than with the king their mas- 
ter, from an opinion of his condition being irre- 
coverable After all ceremonies were over, the 
ambassadors had a private audience of the king, 
to whom they delivered a memorial containing their 
propositions and demands They received shortly 
after such an answer as was evidence enough to 
them, how little they were to expect from any 
avowed friendship of that crown They rested for 
some time without giving the court any further 
trouble, (Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 389- &c.) 
and enjoyed themselves in no unpleasant retreat 

T 2 



276 THE LIFE OF 

PART from business, if they could have put off the thought 
. of the miserable condition of their master, and their 



1649. own p ar ti cu i ar concernments in their own country. 
2for oT" The chancellor betook himself to the learning their 
the exche- language, by reading their books ; of which he 
plies him- made a good collection ; and informing himself the 

self to the , 

learning best he could of their government, and the admini- 
stration of their justice : and there began his Devo- 
tions upon the Psalms, which he finished in another 
banishment. 

Prince Rupert came upon the coast of Spain 
with the fleet under his command; and wrote 
to the chancellor, acquainting him, that he had 
brought away all the fleet from Ireland; and de- 
siring him to procure orders from the court, that 
he might flnd a good reception in all the Spanish 
ports, if his occasions brought him thither The 
news of a fleet of the king of England being on 
their coast at a time when their galeons were ex- 
pected home, occasioned great alteration in the be- 
haviour of that court ; and all that the ambassa- 
dors asked was easily granted : but that seeming 
favourable disposition was of short duration ; for 
on the arrival afterwards of a strong fleet sent out 
by the parliament, and the commander thereof 
writing an insolent letter to the king of Spain, the 
ambassadors found themselves less regarded. Hist, 
of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 390. 

1650. The king had now determined to go into Scot- 
land, upon the invitation of the council and parlia- 
ment of that kingdom ; and the ambassadors, who 
in reality disapproved of that measure, notified it 
to the court of Spain as a happy turn in the king's 
affairs; setting forth, that his majesty was now 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 277 

master of that kingdom, and therefore might rea- PART 
sonably hope to be restored to the possession of the. 



rest of his dominions The court of Spain then I65 - 
began again to treat the ambassadors with more 
regard. Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 404. &c. 

Upon the news of Cromwell's victory over the 
marquis of Argyle's army in Scotland., the ambas- 
sadors received a message from the king of Spain, 
desiring them to depart, since their presence in the 
court would be prejudicial to his affairs They 
imagined this proceeded from the expectation of 
the arrival of an ambassador from the common- 
wealth of England, which was then reported; but 
they knew afterwards that the true cause of this 
impatience to get rid of them was, that their min- 
ister in England having purchased many of the 
kings pictures, and rich furniture, had sent them 
to the Groyne ; from whence they were expected 
to arrive about that time at Madrid: which they 
thought could not decently be brought to the pa- 
lace while the ambassadors remained at the court. 
Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vi. p. 458. &c. 

Lord Cottington resolves, and obtains leave to 
stay as a private man in Spain ; but is not permit- 
ted to reside at Madrid. Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. 
vi. p. 464. 

The other ambassador made his journey by Al-Tbechan- 
cala; and stayed a day there to see that university; the 



where the college and other buildings made by the 
cardinal Ximenes are well worth the seeing; 
went through the kingdom of Navarre to Pampe- drid 
lima, where the vice-king, the duke of Escalona, re- 
ceived him ; and lodged him two days in the palace, 
and treated him with great civility. There he was 

T 3 



278 THE LIFE OF 

PART seized upon with the gou ; yet he continued his 
.journey by mules, there being no passage by coach 



1650. or ntter, over the Pyrenees to Bayonne; where he 
was forced to keep his bed, and to bleed, for many 
days : but was so impatient of delay, that after a 
week's rest, and before he was fit for the journey, 
he put himself into a litter, and reached Bourdeaux ; 
where he was forced to follow the prescription of 
Dr. Lopez, a very learned Jew and physician ; and 
Andar- yet went too soon from thence too; so that when 
ne came to Paris, he was cast into his bed by a new 
defluxion of the gout, more violent than ever. 

As soon as he had recovered any strength, he 
waited upon the queen mother, who received him 
The queen's very graciously ; complained very much to him of 
the duke of York; who having been left with her 
by * ne k* n & when he parted with her majesty at 
Beauvais, had, expressly against her consent and 
command, transported himself to Brussels, upon 
imaginations which had no foundation, and upon 
some treaty with the duke of Lorrain, which she 
was sure could produce no good effect. Her ma- 
jesty seemed most offended with sir Edward Her- 
bert, the attorney general, and sir George Ratcliff, 
as the two persons who prevailed with the duke, and 
had engaged him in that journey, and governed 
him in it, against the advice of the lord Byron, 
who was his governor ; and that being disappointed 
of what they had unreasonably looked for at Brus- 
sels, they had carried his royal highness into Hol- 
land, to his sister; who suffered much by his pre- 
sence, the States of Holland being resolved not to 
suffer him to reside within their province ; the 
prince of Orange being lately dead of the smallpox, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 979 

and his son, who was born after his death, being an PART 
infant, and depending so entirely upon the good- will 



of the States : and therefore the princess royal was 
much troubled that the coming of the duke her bro- 
ther into those parts gave the States any occasion of 
offence. The queen said, that she had writ to the 
duke to return into France, but had received no an- 
swer ; and therefore she desired the ambassador, as 
soon as he should come into those parts, (for he 
meant to go to Antwerp, where his wife and chil- 
dren then were,) that he would make a journey to 
the Hague, to reduce the duke, and to prevail with 
him to return into France ; which the ambassador 
could not refuse to promise. 

He found there the queen's own family in some 
disorder, upon some declaration she had made, that 
the protestant chaplain should be no more permitted 
to perform his function in the Louvre ; where the 
queen's court resided, and where there was a lower 
room, which had been always used as a chapel, from 
the time of the princes first coming thither to that 
time; and where twice a day the common prayer 
was read to those who were protestants, in both fa- 
milies ; and now the queen had signified to Dr. Co- Dr - c* 

forbid to of- 

sins (who was the chaplain assigned by the late kmgficiatetothe 
to attend in her majesty's family, for the protestant f n ro t an 
part of it) that he should be no more permitted to ^' s fa ' 
have the use of that room. 

The chancellor of the exchequer took this occa-Thechan- 

' i j ce ^ r 

sion to speak with the queen ; and put her in mind speaks to 

of some promise she had made him, when he took on that 
his leave of her to go for Spain, that she would not subje<rt ' 
withdraw her stipend which she allowed to Dr. Co- 
sins ; whereby he must be compelled to withdraw ; 

T 4 



280 THE LIFE OF 

PART and so the protestant part of her family would be 
. deprived of their public devotions ; which promise 



1650. gne j^ observed to that time : but if now the room 
should be taken from that use, it would be the same 
thing as if the chaplain was turned away. He put 
her majesty in mind of the ill impression it might 
make in the hearts of the protestants in England, 
who retained their respects and duty for her ma- 
jesty ; and of what pernicious consequence it might 
prove to the king, who was still in Scotland, in a 
hopeful condition, and depended most upon the 
affections of his protestant subjects of England ; 
and in the last place, whether it might not prove a 
better argument to those who were suspected by her 
to mislead the duke of York, to dissuade him from 
returning to her, since she would not permit him to 
The queen's have the exercise of his religion. The queen seem- 
ed to think that what he said was not without rea- 
son, and confessed that she was not the author of 
this new resolution, which she did not believe to be 
seasonable. 

Mr. Walter Mountague, who had some years ago a 
changed his religion, and was become catholic, after 
he had sustained a long imprisonment in the Tower 
of London, procured his release from thence, upon 
assurance that he would no more return into Eng- 
land ; and so came into France ; where he was very 
well known in the French, as well as the English 
court, and in great reputation and esteem with both 
queens. He appeared a man wholly restrained from 
all the vanity and levity of his former life ; and per- 
fectly mortified to the pleasures of the world, which 
he had enjoyed in a very great measure and excess. 
a ago] before 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 281 
He dedicated himself to his studies with great PART 

VI. 

austerity, and seemed to have no affection or ambi- '. 



tion for preferment, but to live within himself upon 
the very moderate exhibition he had left to him by 
his father; and in this melancholic retreat he had 
newly taken the order of priesthood ; which was, in 
truth, the most reasonable way to satisfy his ambi- 
tion, if he had any left ; for both the queen regent 
and the cardinal could not but liberally provide for 
his support in that profession ; which they did very 
shortly after : and this devout profession and new 
function much improved the interest and credit he 
always had in his old mistress ; who very much 
hearkened to him in cases of conscience : and she 
confessed to the chancellor, that he was a little too 
bigotted in this affair ; and had not only pressed her 
very passionately to remove the scandal of having a 
protestant chapel in her house, as inconsistent with 
a good conscience, but had likewise inflamed the 
queen regent with the same zeal ; who had very ear- 
nestly pressed and importuned her majesty no longer 
to permit that offence to be given to the catholic re- 
ligion. And upon this occasion she lamented the 
death of her late confessor, father Phillips, who, she 
said, was a very discreet man, and would never 
suffer her to be troubled with such infusions and 
scruples. In conclusion, she wished him to confer 
with Mr. Mountague, and to try if he could with- 
draw him from that asperity in that particular ; to 
which purpose the chancellor conferred with him, 
but without any effect. 

He said, the house was the king of France's, who The chn- 
only permitted the queen to live there ; and that the fer 
queen regent thought herself bound in conscience 



282 THE LIFE OF 

PART no longer to suffer that reproach, of which she had 
. never had information till very lately : that if the 



1650. duke of York came thither, there was no thought or 

on, but . .,... 

without ef- purpose to deny him the exercise of his religion ; he 
might have his chaplain say prayers to him in his 
own chamber, or in some room adjacent, which 
served likewise to all other purposes ; but that the 
setting a room apart, as this was, for that service, 
was upon the matter dedicating it as a chapel for 
the exercise of a religion contrary to what was esta- 
blished in that kingdom ; which the king of France 
would not suffer to be done in a house of his, though 
the king should return thither again. He under- 
valued all the considerations which were offered of 
England, or of a protestant interest, as if he thought 
them all, as no doubt he did, of no importance to 
the king's restoration, which could never be effected 
but by that interest which was quite opposite to it. 
When he gave the queen an account of this dis- 
course, he prevailed so far with her, that she pro- 
mised, in case she should be compelled to take away 
that room, as she foresaw she should be, the family 
should be permitted to meet in some other room ; 
and if the duke of York came, the place that should 
be appointed for his devotions, should serve for all 
the rest to resort to. 

As soon as the chancellor had recovered his 
strength, he took leave of the queen, and pursued 

The chan- his journey for Flanders. At Brussels he stayed till 
k e had an audience of the archduke, to whom he 
had letters from the king of Spain and don Lewis ; 
by which the king signified his pleasure that he 
should reside any where in those provinces he best 
liked, until he could conveniently repair to the king 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 283 

his master; and that in the mean time he should PART 
enjoy all the privileges due to an ambassador : and 



so he had his audience in that quality. He spake 165 - 

Has an an- 

il! Latin ; and the archduke, answering in the same, dience of 
assured him of all the respects he could pay him duke. 
whilst he stayed in those parts : and thereupon he And resides 
went to his family at Antwerp, and kept that cha- mliy at* * 
racter till the king's coming into France, and his ^Sac- 
return to him ; by means whereof he enjoyed many ^"ado'"" 
privileges and exemptions in the town ; and had the 
freedom of his chapel, not only for his own devo- 
tions, but for the resort of all the protestants who 
were then in the town ; whereof the marquis of 
Newcastle, the earl of Norwich, and sir Charles 
Cavendish were the principal ; who came always on 
the Sundays, and frequently on the week days, to 
the common prayer, to the grief of many English 
and Irish Roman catholics ; who used all the mali- 
cious artifices they could to procure that liberty to 
be restrained ; and which could not have been en- 
joyed under any other concession than by the privi- 
lege of an ambassador. 

Whilst he was preparing to make a journey to the 
Hague, to wait upon the duke of York, according to 
the promise he had made to the queen, he received 
information from the Hague, that his royal highness 
would be at Breda such a day ; whereupon he was He goes to 

,, , ,.. , ,, .. the duke of 

glad to shorten his journey, and at the day to kiss York at Bre- 
his hands there ; where he found his highness newly id? him 



arrived, and in an inclination enough to return to tumto 



r 



the queen ; so that the chancellor had no great task 
to confirm him in that resolution ; nor in truth did 
he know what else to do : however, all about him 
were very glad of the chancellor's presence, every 



284 THE LIFE OF 

PART body hoping to get him to their party, that he might 

- be ready to make a fair report of their behaviour to 

' the king ; whom they knew the queen would endea- 

vour to incense against them. 

Someac- Never little family was torn into so many pieces 
theduke of and factions. The duke was very young, yet loved 



so we ll, that he was too much inclined to 
hearken to any men who had the confidence to make 
bold propositions to him. The king had appointed 
him to remain with the queen, and to obey her in 
all things, religion only excepted. The lord Byron 
was his governor, ordained to be so by his father, 
and very fit for that province; being a very fine 
gentleman ; well bred both in France and Italy, 
and perfectly versed in both languages ; of great 
courage and fidelity ; and in all respects qualified 
for the trust ; but his being absent in the king's ser- 
vice when the duke made his escape out of England, 
and sir John Berkley being then put about him, all 
pains had been taken to lessen his esteem of the 
lord Byron ; and sir John Berkley, knowing that he 
could no longer remain governor when the lord 
Byron came thither, and hearing that he was in his 
journey, infused into the duke's mind, that it was a 
great lessening of his dignity at that age (when he 
was not above fourteen years of age, and backward 
enough for that age) to be under a governor ; and 
so, partly by disesteeming the person, and partly by 
reproaching the office, he grew less inclined to 
the person of that good lord than he should have 
been. 

But what title soever any body had, the whole 
authority was in the queen, not only by the direc- 
tion of the king, but by inevitable necessity ; for 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 285 

there was no kind of fund assigned for the support PART 
of the duke; but he depended entirely upon the. 



queen his mother's bounty, who had no more as- 
signed for herself than they, to whom the manage- 
ment thereof was committed, knew well how to dis- 
pose of, nor was it enough to serve their occasions ; 
so that her majesty herself certainly spent less upon 
her own person, or in any thing relating to herself, 
than ever any queen or lady of a very eminent de- 
gree did. This visible and total dependence of the 
duke upon his mother made her majesty the less 
apprehensive of his doing any thing contrary to her 
Uking ; and there was not that care for the general 
part of his education, nor that indulgence to his 
person, as ought to have been ; and the queen's 
own carriage and behaviour towards him was at 
least severe enough, as it had been before to the 
king, in the time that he was prince; which then 
and now gave opportunity to those who were not 
themselves at ease, to make many infusions ; which, 
how contrary soever to their duties, were not so un- 
reasonable as to be easily rejected, or to make no 
impression. 

The king, at his going from Beauvais in his 
voyage for Scotland, had given some recommenda- 
tion to the duke his brother of sir George Ratcliff ; to 
whose care his father had once designed to commit 
him, when he meant to have sent him into Ireland ; 
and his majesty had likewise, at the same time at 
Beauvais, made some promise to sir George Ratcliff 
of some place about his brother, when his family 
should be settled, of which there was then little ap- 
pearance : however, it was enough to entitle him to 
give his frequent attendance upon the duke ; and 



286 THE LIFE OF 

PART the general reputation he had of having been the 
person of the nearest trust with the earl of Strafford, 



1650. m jgh we n dispose the duke to think him a wise 
man, and the better to esteem any thing he said to 
him. 

Sir Edward Herbert thought himself the wisest 
man that followed the king's fortune, and was al- 
ways angry that he had no more to do ; and now 
prince Rupert was absent, endeavoured all he could 
to get credit with the duke of York; and came 
very frequently to him, and held him in long whis- 
pers, which the duke easily indulged to him, out of 
a real belief that he was a man of great wisdom and 
experience. The queen liked neither of these two ; 
which they well enough discerning, grew into a 
friendship, or rather a familiarity together, though 
they were of the most different natures and humours 
imaginable : Ratcliff being a man very capable of 
business ; and if the prosperity of his former fortune 
had not raised in him some fumes of vanity and self- 
conceitedness, was very fit to be advised with, being 
of a nature constant and sincere ; which the other 
was not : yet they agreed well in the design of mak- 
ing the duke of York discontented and weary of his 
condition ; which was not pleasant enough to be 
much delighted in. 
The cause ^he news from England, of the state of the king's 

of the duke < & 

of York's affairs in Scotland, made most men believe that his 

having left . . , _ 

Paris. majesty was irrecoverably lost ; and there was tor 
some time a rumour scattered abroad, and by many 
believed, that the king was dead. These two gen- 
tlemen, upon the fame of this, consulted together, 
whether, if the news were or should be true, the 
duke of York, who must succeed, were in a good 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 287 

place ; and both concluded, that in that case it would PART 
not be fit that he should be with his mother. Here- ' 
upon they persuaded the duke, that it was not fit 163 - 
for him to remain idle in France, but to employ him- 
self abroad ; whereby his experience might be im- 
proved, and he might put himself into a posture to 
be able to assist the king his brother ; or if any mis- 
fortune should befall him, in some degree to provide 
for himself; and proposed to him, that he would re- 
solve to make a journey to Brussels, to advise and 
consult with the duke of Lorrain, who was a prince 
of great wisdom, wealth, and courage ; and being 
driven out of his own country by too powerful and 
potent a neighbour, had yet, by his own activity and 
virtue, made himself so considerable, that Spain de- 
pended upon his army, and France itself would be 
glad of his friendship; that he was very rich, and 
would not be only able to give the duke good coun- 
sel, but assistance to make it effectual. 

The duke, without further examining the proba- 
bility of the design, which he concluded had been 
thought upon enough by two such wise men, gave 
his full consent to it ; and they having likewise found 
credit for so much money as would defray the 
charges of the journey, and really believing that the 
king was dead, the duke one day told the queen, 
that he was resolved to make a journey to Brussels to 
see the duke of Lorrain ; with which the queen be- 
ing surprised, used both her reason and her autho- 
rity to dissuade him from it, but could not prevail 
by either ; his highness telling her very obstinately, 
that he would begin his journey within two days. 
She found that none of his servants were privy to 
the design, or were at all acquainted with the pur- 



288 THE LIFE OF 

PA RT pose ; and quickly discovered the two counsellors , 

! who, having no relation to his service that she knew, 

1650. were prepared to wait on him, and had drawn Dr. 
Steward (who was dean of the chapel to the king, 
and left behind when his majesty went for Scotland, 
with direction to be with the duke of York) to be 
of their party. 

character The doctor was a very honest and learned gen- 
stewlrd tleman, and most conversant in that learning which 
vindicated the dignity and/ authority of the church ; 
upon which his heart was most entirely set ; not 
without some prejudice to those who thought there 
was any other object to be more carefully pursued. 
Sir George Ratcliff seemed to be of his mind, and so 
was looked upon by him as one of the best friends of 
the church ; which was virtue enough to cover many 
defects. He told him of the rumour of the death 
of the king, and what conference had been between 
him and the attorney general upon it, which they 
both believed ; and how necessary they thought it 
was for the duke to be out of France when the cer- 
tainty of that news should arrive : that they had 
spoken with the duke of it, who seemed very well 
disposed ; yet they knew not how his mother's au- 
thority might prevail over his obedience ; and there- 
fore wished that he would speak with the duke, 
who had great reverence for him in all matters of 
conscience, and remove any scruples which might 
arise. The doctor did not think himself so much 
regarded by the queen as he expected to be, and did 
really believe the case to be such as the other had 
informed him ; and confirmed the duke in his reso- 
lution, notwithstanding any thing his mother should 
say to the contrary; and the queen could neither 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 289 

say or do any thing to dissuade him from the PART 
. ' vi. 
journey. 

The lord Byron his governor, and Mr. Bennet his ' ^ 50m 
secretary, both well liked by the queen, and of great 
confidence in each other, thought it their duty to 
attend upon him. Sir John Berkley stayed behind, 
as well to avoid the being inferior to another, which 
he always abhorred, as to prosecute an amour which 
he was newly embarked in ; and sir George Ratcliff, 
and sir Edward Herbert, and the good doctor, were 
so to improve their interest, that neither the queen 
or any who depended on her might have any credit 
with the duke. Most of the inferior servants de- 
pended upon them, because they saw they had most 
interest with their master ; and with these thoughts 
and resolutions they all set out for Brussels : and 
these wild notions were the true reasons and foun- 
dation of that journey, which many sober men so 
much wondered at then, and so much censured af- 
terwards. 

When his highness came to Brussels, he was ac- 
commodated in the house of sir Henry de Vic, the 
king's resident there : and he was no sooner there, 
but they began to model his house and regulate his 
family ; towards which sir George Ratcliff was de- 
signed to manage all the affairs of money ; the at- 
torney contenting himself with having the greatest 
power in governing the councils ; and all looking for 
other stations upon the arrival of the news from 
Scotland. But in a short time the intelligence from 
thence was quite contrary to what they expected ; 
the king was not only in good health, but his affairs 
in no desperate condition ; all factions seemed re- 

VOL. i. tr 



290 THE LIFE OF 

PART conciled, and he was at the head of an army that 
looked Cromwell in the face. 



1650. Hereupon they were at a great stand in their 
councils. The duke of Lorrain had been civil to 
the duke, and had at his first coming lent him some 
money ; but when he found he was without any de- 
sign, and by what persons his counsels were directed, 
he grew colder in his respects ; and they who had 
gone thus far, took upon them the presumption to 
propose a marriage between the duke of York and a 
natural daughter of the duke of Lorrain ; his mar- 
riage with madame de Cantecroy, the mother of the 
said lady, being declared void in the court of Rome : 
but the duke of Lorrain was so wise as not to enter- 
tain the motion, except it should be made with the 
king's privity. So apt are unexperienced men, when 
they are once out of the way, to wander into bogs 
and precipices, before they will be sensible of their 
false conduct. When they found there was nothing 
to be done at Brussels, they persuaded the duke to 
go to the Hague, with as little design ; and when 
they had wearied all people there, they came to 
Breda, where the chancellor had met them. 
The state The duke himself was so young, that he was ra- 

of the duke * & 

of York's ther delighted with the journeys he had made, than 
Breda. * sensible that he had not entered upon them with 
reason enough ; and they had fortified him with a 
firm resolution, never to acknowledge that he had 
committed any error. But his counsellors had lost 
all the pleasure of their combination, and reproached 
each other of their follies and presumptions with all 
the animosity imaginable. The lord Byron and Mr. 
Bennet, who had comforted each other in their suf- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 291 

ferings, were glad enough to see that there was PART 

some end put to their peregrinations, and that by ! 

returning to the queen they were like to find some 1650; 
rest again ; and they entertained the chancellor with 
many ridiculous relations of the politics of the attor- 
ney and sir George Ratcliff, and of the pleasant dis- 
courses the duke of Lorrain made of the Latin ora- 
tions sir George Ratcliff had entertained him with. 

On the other hand, sir George was well pleased 
with the grace he had received from the duke of 
Lorrain, and with the testimony he had given of 
him to some men who had told him of it again, that 
he was a very grave and a wise man, and that he 
wished he had such another to look after his affairs. 
He and Dr. Steward continued their affections to- 
wards each other, and concurred in most bitter in- 
vectives against sir Edward Herbert, as a madman, 
and of that intolerable pride, that it was not possible 
for any man to converse with him ; and the attorney 
as frankly reproached them all with being men of no 
parts, of no understanding, no learning, no principles, 
and no resolution ; and was so just to them all, as 
to contemn every man alike ; and in truth had ren- 
dered himself so grievous to them all, and behaved 
himself so insolently towards all, that there was not 
a man who desired to be in his company : yet by 
the knack of his talk, which was the most like rea- 
son, and not it, he retained still great credit with 
the duke ; who being still confounded with his posi- 
tive discourse, thought him to be wiser than those 
who were more easy to be understood. 

The duke upon the receipt of the queen's letters, 
which the chancellor delivered to him, resolved upon 
his journey to Paris without further delay ; and the 

u 2 



292 THE LIFE OF 

PART chancellor waiting upon his highness as far as Ant- 
.werp, he prosecuted his journey with the same reti- 



1650. nue h e had carr i e( i ^th him ; and was received by 
his mother without those expostulations and repre- 
hensions which he might have expected ; though her 
severity was the same towards all those who she 
thought had the credit and power to seduce him. 

The chancellor was now at a little rest again with 
his own family in Antwerp ; and had time to be 
vacant to his own thoughts and books ; and in the 
interval to enjoy the conversation of many worthy 
persons of his own nation, who had chosen that 
place to spend the time of their banishment in. 
There was the marquis of Newcastle, who having 
married a young lady, confined himself most to her 
company ; and lived as retired as his ruined condi- 
tion in England obliged him to ; yet with honour, 
and decency, and with much respect paid him by all 
men, as well foreigners as those of his own country. 
The chan- The conversation the chancellor took most delight 
friendship in was that of sir Charles Cavendish, brother to the 

with, and . . A , , , . 

character of, marquis; who was one of the most extraordinary 
P ersons f tna * age, in all the noble endowments of 
the mind. He had all the disadvantages imaginable 
in his person ; which was not only of so small a size 
that it drew the eyes of men upon him, but with 
such deformity in his little person, and an aspect in 
his countenance, that was apter to raise contempt 
than application : but in this unhandsome or homely 
habitation, there was a mind and a soul lodged that 
was very lovely and beautiful ; cultivated and po- 
lished by all the knowledge and wisdom that arts 
and sciences could supply it with. He was a great 
philosopher, in the extent of it ; and an excellent 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 293 

mathematician; whose correspondence was very dear PART 
to Gassendus and Descartes ; the last of which dedi- . 



cated some of his works to him. He had very nota- 
ble courage ; and the vigour of his mind so adorned 
his body, that being with his brother the marquis in 
all the war, he usually went out in all parties, and 
was present, and charged the enemy in all battles 
with as keen a courage as could dwell in the heart 
of man. But then the gentleness of his disposition, 
the humility and meekness of his nature, and the 
vivacity of his wit was admirable. He was so 
modest, that he could hardly be prevailed with to 
enlarge himself on subjects he understood better 
than other men, except he were pressed by his very 
familiar friends ; as if he thought it presumption to 
know more than handsomer men use to do. Above 
all, his virtue and piety was such, that no tempta- 
tion could work upon him to consent to any thing 
that swerved in the least degree from the precise 
rules of honour, or the most severe rules of con- 
science. X? 

When he was exceedingly importuned by those 
whom he loved best to go into England, and com- 
pound for his estate, which was very good, that 
thereby he might be enabled to help his friends, 
who were reduced into great straits ; he refused it, 
out of apprehension that he might be required to 
take the covenant or engagement, or to do some- 
what else which his conscience would not permit 
him to do : and when they endeavoured to under- 
value that conscience, and to persuade him not to 
be governed by it, that would expose him to famine, 
and restrain him from being charitable to his best 
friends ; he was so offended with their argumenta- 

u 3 



294 THE LIFE OF 

PART tion, that he would no more admit any discourse 

vi * 
L__upon the subject. Upon which they applied them- 

1650. se i ves t o t ne chancellor; who they thought had 
most credit with him ; and desired him to persuade 
him to make a journey into England ; the benefit 
whereof to him and themselves was very intelligible; 
but informed him not of his refusal, and the argu- 
ments they had used to convert him. 

The chan- The next time they met, which they usually did 
suadessir once a day, the chancellor told him, he heard he 

Charles Ca- , , . 

vendish to had a purpose to make a journey into England ; to 
faad! Dg which he suddenly answered, that indeed he was 
desired to do so, but that he had positively refused ; 
and thereupon, with much warmth and indignation, 
related what importunity and what arguments had 
been used to him, and what he had answered: and 
thereupon said, that his present condition was in no 
degree pleasant or easy to him, (as in truth it was 
not, he being in very visible want of ordinary con- 
veniences,) but, he protested, that he would rather 
submit to nakedness, or starving in the street, than 
subscribe to the covenant or engagement, or do any 
thing else that might trench b upon his honour or 
his conscience. To which the chancellor replied, 
that his resolution became him, and was worthy of 
his wisdom and honesty; and that if he found him 
inclined to do any thing that might trench upon 
either, he was so much his friend, that he would 
put him in mind of his obligations to both ; that in- 
deed the arguments which had been used to him 
could never prevail upon a virtuous mind : however, 
he told him, he thought the motion from his friends 
might be a little more considered before it was re-. 
b trench] reflect 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 295 

jected; and confessed to him, that he was desired PART 
to confer with him about it, and to dispose him to 



it, without being informed that any attempt had 
been already made : and then asked him, whether 
he did in truth believe that his journey thither 
might probably produce those benefits to himself 
and his friends as they imagined ; and then it would 
be fit to consider, whether those conveniences were 
to be purchased at a dearer price than they were 
worth. 

He answered, there could be no doubt, but that if 
he could go thither with safety, and be admitted to 
compound for his estate, as others did, he could then 
sell it at so good a price, that he could not only 
provide for a competent subsistence for himself, 
when he returned, but likewise assist his friends for 
their better support; and that he could otherwise, 
out of lands that were in trust, and not known to 
be his, and so had not been yet sequestered, raise 
other sums of money, which would be attended with 
many conveniences ; and he confessed nothing of all 
this could be done without his own presence. But 
then that which deprived him of all this was, in the 
first place, the apprehension of imprisonment; which, 
he said, his constitution would not bear; but espe- 
cially, because by their own ordinance nobody was 
capable to compound till he had subscribed to the 
covenant and engagement ; which he would not do 
to save his life ; and that in what necessity soever 
he was, he valued what benefit he could possibly 
receive by the journey only as it might consist with 
his innocence and liberty to return ; and since he 
could not reasonably presume of either, he had no 
thought of going. 

u 4 



296 THE LIFE OF 

PART The chancellor told him, that they were both of 
vi. . 

.the same mind in all things which related to con- 



1 650. sc i ence an d honour ; but yet, since the benefits that 
might result from this journey were great, and very 
probable, and in some degree certain, and the mis- 
chiefs he apprehended were not certain, and possibly 
might be avoided, he thought he was not to lay 
aside all thoughts of the journey, which he was so 
importuned to undertake by those who were so dear 
to him. That he was of the few who had many 
friends, and no enemies ; and therefore had no rea- 
son to fear imprisonment, or any other rigour extra- 
ordinary; which was seldom used, but to persons 
under some notable prejudice. That after he once 
came to London, he would not take much pleasure 
in going abroad; but might despatch his business 
by others, who would repair to him : and that for 
the covenant and engagement, they were so con- 
trary, that both were rarely offered to the same per- 
son ; and they had now so much justled and reviled 
each other, that they were neither in so much credit 
as they had been, and were not pressed but upon 
such persons against whom they had a particular 
design ; however, he went well armed, as to that 
point, with a resolution not to submit to either; 
and the worst that could happen, was to return 
without the full effect of his journey. Whereas if 
those mischiefs could be avoided, which the skilful 
upon the place could only instruct him in, he would 
return with great benefit and satisfaction to himself 
and his friends ; and if he were subjected to impri- 
sonment, (which he ought not to apprehend, and 
could be but short,) even in that case his journey 
could not be without fruit, by the conference and 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 297 

transactions with his friends; though no composi- PART 
tion could be made. Upon revolving these con- 



siderations, he resolved to undertake the journey; 165 - 
and performed it so happily, without those obstruc- 
tions he feared, that he finished all he proposed to 
himself, and made a competent provision to support 
his brother during his distress ; though when he had 
despatched it, he lived not to enjoy the repose he 
desired, but died before he could return to Ant- 
werp : and the marquis ever after publicly acknow- 
ledged the benefit he received hereby to the chan- 
cellor's advice. 

As soon as the chancellor had reposed himself at 1651. 
Antwerp, after so much fatigue, he thought it ne- 
cessary to give some account of himself to the king ; 
and though the prohibition before his going into 
Scotland, and the sending away many of the ser- 
vants who attended him thither out of the king- 
dom, made it unfit for him to repair thither himself, 
he resolved to send his secretary, (a man of fidelity, 
and well known to the king,) to inform his majesty of 
all that had passed, and to bring back his commands ; 
but when he was at Amsterdam, ready to embark, 
upon a ship bound for Scotland, the news arrived 
there of his majesty's being upon his march for Eng- 
land ; upon which he returned to Antwerp ; where 
he found the spirits of all the English exalted with 
the same advertisement. 

As soon as the king came to Paris, (after his 
wonderful deliverance from the battle of Wor- 
cester}) and knew that the chancellor of the exche- 
quer was at Antwerp, his majesty sent to him to 
repair thither, which he accordingly did; and for 
the first four or Jive days after his arrival, the 



298 THE LIFE OF 

PART king spent many hours with him in private ; and 
informed him of many particulars of the treatment 



1 65 1 he had met with in Scotland ; of his march into 
England ; of the confusion at Worcester ; and all 
the circumstances of his happy escape and deliver- 
ance. Hist, of the Reb. vo. vol. vi. p. 542. 

1652. The chancellor was yet looked upon with no un- 

The queen 

endeavours gracious eye by her majesty ; only the lord Jermyn 
th e a c han- fcnew well he would never resign himself to be dis- 



posed of, which was the temper that could only en- 
dear any man to him : for besides former experi- 
ence, an attempt had been lately made upon him by 
sir John Berkley ; who told him, that the queen had 
a good opinion of him ; and knew well in how ill a 
condition he must be, in respect of his subsistence ; 
and that she would assign him such a competent 
maintenance, that he should be able to draw his fa- 
mily to him out of Flanders to Paris, and to live 
comfortably together, if she might be confident of 
his service, and that he would always concur with 
her in his advice to the king. To which he an- 
swered, that he should never fail in performing his 
duty to the queen, whom he acknowledged to be his 
most gracious mistress, with all possible integrity : 
but as he was a servant and counsellor to the king, 
so he should always consider what was good for his 
service ; and never decline that out of any coriipli- 
ance whatsoever ; and that he did not desire to be 
supported from any bounty but the king's ; nor 
more by his, than in proportion with what his ma- 
jesty should be able to do for his other servants. 
And shortly after the queen herself speaking with 
him, and complaining that she had no credit with 
His answer. the king; the chancellor desired her not to think 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 299 

so; he knew well the king had great duty for her, PART 
which he would still preserve towards her; but as ____!_ 
it would not be fit for her to affect such an interest J fi52 - 
as to be thought to govern, so nothing could be 
more disadvantageous to the king, and to his in- 
terest, than that the world should believe that he 
was absolutely governed by his mother; which he 
found (though she seemed to consent to it) was no 
acceptable declaration to her. However, she did 
often employ him to the king, upon such particulars 
as troubled or offended her ; as once, for the re- 
moval of a young lady out of the Louvre, who had 
procured a lodging there without her majesty's con- 
sent ; and with whom her majesty was justly of- 
fended, for the little respect she shewed towards her 
majesty : and when the chancellor had prevailed so 
far with the king, that he obliged the lady to remove 
out of the Louvre, to satisfy his mother, the queen 
was well content that the lady herself and her friends 
should believe, that she had undergone that affront 
merely by the malice and credit of the chancellor. 

The king remained at Paris till the year 1654 ; '653. 
when, in the month of June, he left France ; and 1654. 
passing through Flanders, went to Spa ; where he 
proposed to spend two or three months with his 
sister, the princess royal. His stay at Spa was 
not so long as he intended, the smallpox breaking 
out there. His majesty and his sister suddenly 1655. 
removed to Aix-la-Chapelle. Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. 
vol. vii. p. 99. &c. 

c At this time there fell out an accident neces- 

c The entrance of the chan- in both manuscripts. The fact 
cellar's daughter into the family is here retained, as best pre- 
of the princess royal is related serving the order of time: the 



300 THE LIFE OF 

PART sary d to be insertedjn the particular relation of the 
. chancellor's life ; which had afterwards an influence 



1655. U p On hi s fortune, and a very great one upon the 
peace and quiet of his mind, and of his family. 
When the king resolved, immediately after the 
murder of his father, to send the chancellor his am- 
bassador into Spain, the chancellor, being to begin 
his journey from the Hague, sent for his wife and 
children to meet him at Antwerp ; and had at that 
time only four children, one daughter and three 
sons ; all of so tender years, that their own discre- 
tions could contribute little to their education. 
The situ- These children, under the sole direction of a very 

ation of the * 

chancellor's discreet mother, he left at Antwerp, competently 
Antwerp, provided for, for the space of a year or more ; hop- 
ing in that time to be able to send them some fur- 
ther supply ; and having removed them out of Eng- 
land, to prevent any inconvenience that might befall 
them there, upon any accident that might result 
from his negociation in Spain ; it being in those 
times no unusual thing for the parliament, when it 
had conceived any notable displeasure against a man 
who was out of their reach, to seize upon his wife 
and children, and to imprison them in what manner 
and for what time seemed reasonable to them ; and 
from this hazard he was willing to preserve his. 

circumstances preceding it, from ted by him, it has been thought 

p. 300. 1. 5. top. 302. I. 14. and better to insert the whole account 

the conclusion of it, p. 307. I. as it stands in the manuscript; 

15. to 1. 26. are transcribedfrom for which the reader is Yef erred 

the manuscript of The Continu- to a note in the early part of The 

ation; and therefore the whole Continuation.'] 

transaction is omitted in that d an accident necessary] an 

part of this work. accident not pertinent to the 

[This note was inserted by the public history of that time, but 

editor of the fast edition : as necessary 
however some portion was omit- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. SOI 

The king was in Scotland when the chancellor re- PART 
turned from his embassy to Antwerp, where his fa-. 



mily had still remained; his children being grown 1655> 
as much as usually attends the space of two years, 
which was the time he had been absent. The fatal 
success at Worcester about this time had put a pe- 
riod to all his majesty's present designs ; and he had 
no sooner made his wonderful escape into France, 
than he sent for the chancellor ; who left his family, 
as he had done formerly, and as meanly supplied, 
and made all haste to Paris, where he found the 
king ; with whom he remained till his majesty was 
even compelled to remove from thence into Germany; 
which was above three years. 

During that time the princess royal had, out of They re - 
her own princely nature and inclination, cultivated 
by the civility and offices of the lady Stanhope, con- 
ferred a very seasonable obligation upon him, by 
assigning a house, that was in her disposal at Breda, 
to his wife and children ; who had thereupon left - 
Antwerp ; and, without the payment of any house- 
rent, were more conveniently, because more frugally, 
settled in their new mansion at Breda; where he 
got liberty to visit them for four or five days, whilst 
the king continued his journey to the Spa, and after 
another absence of near four years ; finding his chil- 
dren grown and improved after that rate. The 
gracious inclination in the princess royal towards 
the chancellor's wife and children, (not without some 
reprehension from Paris,) and the civilities in the 
lady Stanhope, had proceeded much from the good 
offices of Daniel O'Neile, of the king's bedchamber ; 
who had for many years lived in very good corre- 
spondence with the chancellor, and was very accept- 



302 THE LIFE OF 

PART able in the court of the princess royal, and to those 

_J persons who had the greatest influence upon her 

1655. counc jig a nd affections. 

The princess met the king her brother at the Spa, 
rather for the mutual comfort they took in each 
other, than for the use either of them had of the 
waters ; yet the princess engaged herself to that or^ 
der and diet that the waters required ; and after 
near a month's stay there, they were forced suddenly 
to remove from thence, by the sickness of some of 
the princess's women of the smallpox, and resided 
at Aix-la-Chapelle ; where they had been but one 
whole day, when notice came from the Spa, that 
Mrs. Killigrew, one of the maids of honour to the 
Mr. o'Neiie princess, was dead of the smallpox. O'Neile came 
the P chan- t0 m the instant to the chancellor, with very much 
*"^J r t s oask kindness, and told him e , that the princess royal had 
Kiiiigrew's a verv good opinion of him, and kind purposes to- 
daughter. wards his family ; which she knew suffered much for 
his fidelity to the king ; and therefore that she was. 
much troubled to find that her mother the queen 
had less kindness for him than he deserved ; that 
by the death of Mrs. Killigrew there was a place 
now fallen, which very many would desire ; and that 
it would no sooner be known at Paris, than the 
queen would undoubtedly recommend some lady ta 
the princess ; but he was confident that, if the 
chancellor would move the king to recommend his 
daughter, who was known to the princess, her high- 
ness would willingly receive her. He thanked him 

e O'Neile came in the instant by his friendship with the lady 

to the chancellor, with very much Stanhope had much credit in 

kindness, and told him] Mr. the family of the princess, came 

O'Neile, who professed much to him and told him 
kindness to the chancellor, and 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 303 

for his particular kindness, but conjured him not to PART 
use his interest to promote any such pretence; and 



told him f , that " himself would not apply the king's' 6 ^ 5 ' 

* r * & Which the 

" favour to such a request ; that he had but one chancellor 

declines. 

" daughter , who was all the company and comfort 
" her mother had in her melancholic retirement, 
" and therefore he was resolved not to separate 
" them, nor to dispose his daughter to a court life ;" 
which he did in truth perfectly detest. O'Neile, 
much disappointed with the answer, and believing 
that the proposition would have been very grateful 
to him, confessed, that the princess had been already 
moved in it by the lady Chesterfield; and that it 
was her own desire that the king should move it to 
her, to the end that she might be thereby sheltered 
from the reproach which she expected from the 
queen ; but that the princess herself had so much 
kindness for his daughter, that she had long resolved 
to have her upon the first vacancy. The chancellor 
was exceedingly perplexed, and resolved nothing 
more, than that his daughter should not live from 
her mother ; and therefore renewed his conjurations 
to Mr. O'Neile, that he would not further promote 
it, since it would never be acceptable to him ; and 
concluded, that his making no application, and the 
importunity of others who desired the honour, would 
put an end to the pretence. 

The king had heard of the matter from the The king 
princess, and willingly expected when the chan-SmoVthat 
cellor would move him for his recommendation ; sub J ect - 
which when he saw he forbore to do, he spake him- 
self to him of it, and asked him why he did not 

f told him] Omitted in MS. he had then no more) 
daughter] MS. adds: (for 



304 THE LIFE OF 

PART make such a suit to him : upon which the chancellor 

VI. 

told him all that had passed between O'Neile and 



1655. jjim ; and that for many reasons he declined the re- 
ceiving that obligation from the princess ; and there- 
fore he had no use of his majesty's favour in it. 
The king told him plainly, that " his sister, upon 
" having seen his daughter some days, liked her so 
" well, that she desired to have her about her per- 
" son ; and had herself spoken to him to move it to 
" her, for the reason aforesaid, and to prevent any 
*' displeasure from the queen ; and he knew not how 
" the chancellor could, or why he should, omit such 
" an opportunity of providing for his daughter in so 
The chan- " honourable a way." The chancellor told him, 
answer. " he could not dispute the reasons with him ; only 
" that he could not give himself leave to deprive his 
" wife of her daughter's company, nor believe that 
" she could be more advantageously bred than un- 
His dis- " der her mother." Hereupon he went to the 
rincess princess, and took notice of the honour she was in- 
clined to do him ; but, he told her, the honour was 
not fit for him to receive, nor the conjuncture sea- 
sonable for her royal highness to confer it ; that she 
could not but know his condition, being deprived of 
his estate; and if her highness's bounty had not 
assigned a house at Breda, where his wife and fa- 
mily lived rent free, they had not known how to 
have subsisted : but by that her favour, the small 
supplies his friends in England secretly sent over to 
them sustained them in that private retirement in 
which they lived ; so that it was not in his power to 
make his daughter such an allowance as would en- 
able her to live in her court in that manner as would 
become her relation. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 305 
The princess would not permit him to enlarge; PART 



VI. 



but very generously told him, that she knew well 

1 f> r 

the straitness of his condition, and how it came to 
be so low ; and had no thought that he should be at 
the charge to maintain his daughter in her service ; 
that he should leave that to her : and so used many 
expressions of esteem of him, and of kindness and 
grace to his daughter. He, foreseeing and ex- 
pecting such generosity, replied to her, that since 
her goodness disposed her to such an act of charity 
and honour, it became his duty and gratitude to 
provide, that she should bring no inconvenience 
upon herself; that he had the misfortune (with all 
the innocence and integrity imaginable) to be more 
in the queen her mother's disfavour, than any gen- 
tleman who had had the honour to serve the crown 
so many years in some trust \ that all the applica- 
tion he could make, nor the king's own interposition, 
could prevail with her majesty to receive him into 
her gracious opinion ; and that he could not but 
know, that this unseasonable act of charity, which 
her highness would vouchsafe to so ungracious a 
family, would produce some resentment and dis- 
pleasure from the queen her mother towards her 
highness, and increase the weight of her severe in- 
dignation against him, which so heavily oppressed 
him already ; and therefore he resolved to prevent 
that mischief, which would undoubtedly befall her 
highness ; and would not submit to the receiving 
the fruits of her favourable condescension. 

To this the princess answered with some warmth, 
that she had always paid that duty to the queen her 
mother which was due to her, and would never give 
her a just cause to be offended with her : but that 

VOL. i. x 



306 THE LIFE OF 

PART she was mistress of her own family, and might re- 
ceive what servants she pleased ; and that she should 



I xe t 

commit a great fault against the queen, if she should 
forbear to do a good and a just action, to which she 
was inclined, out of apprehension that her majesty 
would be offended at it. She said, she knew some 
ill offices had been done him to her mother, for 
which she was sorry; and doubted not, but her 
majesty would in due time discern that she had 
been misinformed and mistaken; and then she would 
like and approve of what her highness should now 
do. In the mean time she was resolved to take his 
daughter, and would send for her as soon as she 
returned into Holland. The chancellor, not in any 
degree converted, but confounded with the gracious 
and frank discourse of the princess royal, knew not 
what more to say ; replied only, that he hoped her 
highness would think better of what she seemed to 
undervalue, and that he left his daughter to be dis- 
posed of by her mother, who he knew would be very 
unwilling to part with her ; upon which her high- 
ness answered, " I'll warrant you, my lady and I 
" will agree upon the matter." To conclude this 
discourse, which, considering what fell out after- 
wards, is not impertinent to be remembered; he 
knew his wife had no inclination to have her daugh- 
ter out of her own company ; and when he had by 
letter informed her of all that had passed, he endea- 
voured to confirm her in that resolution : but when 
the princess, after her return into Holland, sent to 
her, and renewed her gracious offer, she, upon con- 
sultation with Dr. Morley, (who upon the old friend- 
ship between the chancellor, and him, chose in his 
banishment, from the murder of the king, to make 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 307 

his residence for the most part in his family, and PART 
was always perfectly kind to all his interests,) be-. 



lieved it might prove for her daughter's benefit, and 1655> 
writ to her husband her opinion, and that the doctor 
concurred in the same. 

The chancellor looked upon the matter itself, and 
all the circumstances thereof, as having some marks 
of divine Providence, which he would not resist, and 
so referred it wholly to his wife ; who when she had 
presented her daughter to the princess, came herself His wife ac - 

& r > cepts the 

to reside with her husband, to his great comfort ; offer, and 

presents tier 

and which he could not have enjoyed if the other daughter to 
separation had not been made; and possibly that thepm 
consideration had the more easily disposed her to 
consent to the other. We have now set down all 
the passages and circumstances which accompanied 
or attended that lady's first promotion to the service 
of the princess royal ; which the extreme averseness 
in her father and mother from embracing that op- 
portunity, and the unusual grace and importunity 
from them who conferred the honour being consi- 
dered, there may appear to many an extraordinary 
operation of Providence in giving the first rise to 
what afterwards succeeded ; though of a nature so 
transcendent, as cannot be thought to have any re- 
lation to it. 

After an unsuccessful insurrection of some of 
the king's friends in England, Cromwell exercised 
the utmost severity and cruelty against them ; put- 
ting many to death, and transporting others as 
slaves to Barbadoes ; and by his own authority, 
and that of his council, made an order, that all 
persons who had ever borne arms for, or declared 
themselves of, the royal party, should be decimated; 

x 2 



308 THE LIFE OF 

PART that is, pay a tenth part of all the estate they had 
ty to support the charge of the commonwealth ; 



li55. and published a declaration to justify his proceed- 
pubiishesa ings, (Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vii. p. 129 to 162.) 
justifying which confidently set down such maxims, as made 
decimating r it manifest to all who had ever served the king, or 
would not submit to Cromwell's power and govern- 
ment, that they had nothing that they could call 
their own, but must be disposed of at his pleasure ; 
which as much concerned all other parties as the 
king's, in the consequence *. 

This declaration, as soon as printed, was sent 

over to Cologne, where the king then was, and the 

TO which chancellor was commanded by the king to write 

the chancel- 
lor by the some discourse upon it, to awaken the people, and 

mand* writes shew them their concernment in it; which he did 



an answer. 



by way of " a Letter to a Friend ;" which was like- 
wise sent into England, and there printed; and 
when Cromwell called his next parliament, it was 
made great use of to inflame the people, and make 
them sensible of the destruction that attended them; 
and was thought then to produce many good effects, 
conclusion. And so we conclude this part. 

Montpelier, May 27, 1670. 

1656 The seventh and last part of the manuscript is 
1660 dated at Montpelier, August 1, 1670, and con- 

' in the consequence] MS. would have given his majesty 

adds: though for the present the least assistance, and were 

none but that party underwent only reputed to be of the king's 

that insupportable burden of party, because they had not as- 

the decimation, which brought sisted the rebels to any consi- 

in a vast incredible sum of mo- derable" proportion, but had a 

ney into his coffers, the greater good mind to have sat neuters, 

part whereof was raised upon and not to be at any charge 

those who never did, nor ever with reference to either party. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 309 

tinues the history from the king's residence at Co- PART 
logne, to the restoration of the royal family in 



1660; containing the substance of what is printed 1656 
in the two last books of The History of the Rebel- jfigo 
lion. The only remarkable circumstance of the 
author's life during that period is, that in the 
year 1657, while the king was at Bruges, his ma- 
jesty appointed the chancellor of the exchequer to 
be lord high chancellor of England; and delivered 
the great seal into his custody, upon the death of 
sir Edward Herbert, the last lord keeper thereof . 
Hist, of the Reb. 8vo. vol. vii. p. 167506. 



X 3 



THE 

CONTINUATION 



OF 



THE LIFE 

OF 

EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON, 

LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND, 

AND 

CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD ; 



THE RESTORATION IN 1660, TO HIS BANISHMENT 
IN 1667. 



x4 



THE 

CONTINUATION 

OF 

THE LIFE ; 

OF 

EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 



Moulins, June 8, 1672. 

Reflections upon the most material passages which hap- 
pened after the king's restoration to the time of the 
chancellor's banishment; out of which his children, for 
whose information they are only collected, may add some 
important passages to his Life, as the true cause of his 
misfortunes. 

X HE easy and glorious reception of the king, in 1 660. 



the manner that hath been mentioned, without any The au- 
other conditions than what had been frankly offered fe c e r . spre 
by himself in his declaration and letters from Breda ; 
the parliament's casting themselves in a body at his 
feet, in the minute of his arrival at Whitehall, with 
all the professions of duty and submission imagin- 
able ; and no man having authority there, but they 
who had either eminently served the late king, or 
who were since grown up out of their nonage from 
such fathers, and had throughly manifested their 
fast fidelity to his present majesty; the rest, who 



CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. had been enough criminal, shewing more animosity 
~~ towards the severe punishment of those, who having 
more power in the late times had exceeded them in 
mischief, than care for their own indemnity : this 
temper sufficiently evident, and the universal joy of 
the people, which was equally visible, for the total 
suppression of all those who had so many years ex- 
ercised tyranny over them, made most men believe, 
both abroad and at home, that God had not only 
restored the king miraculously to his throne, but 
that he had, as he did in the time of Hezekiah, 
" prepared the people, for the thing was done sud- 
" denly," (2 Chron. xxix. 36.) in such a manner that 
his authority and greatness would have been more 
illustrious than it had been in any of his ancestors. 
And it is most true, and must never be denied, that 
the people were admirably a disposed and prepared 
to pay all the subjection, duty, and obedience, that 
a just and prudent king could expect from them, 
and had a very sharp aversion and detestation of 
all those who had formerly misled and corrupted 
them ; so that, except the general, who seemed to 
be possessed entirely of the affection of the army, 
and whose fidelity was now above any misappre- 
hension, there appeared no man whose power and 
interest could in any degree shake or endanger the 
peace and security the king was in ; the congratu- 
lations for his return being so universal from all the 
counties of England, as well as from the parliament 
and city ; from all those who had most signally dis- 
served and disclaimed him, as well as from those of 
his own party, and those who were descended from 
them : insomuch as the king was wont merrily to 
a admirably] so admirably 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 315 

say, as hath been mentioned before, " that it could 1660. 
" be nobody's fault but his own that he had stayed 
" so long abroad, when all mankind wished him so 
" heartily at home." It cannot therefore but be 
concluded by the standers-by, and the spectators of 
this wonderful change and exclamation of all de- 
grees of men, that there must be some wonderful 
miscarriages in the state, or some unheard of defect 
of understanding in those who were trusted by the 
king in the administration of his affairs ; that there 
could in so short a time be a new revolution in the 
general affections of the people,- that they grew even 
weary of that happiness they were possessed of and 
had so much valued, and fell into the same discon- 
tents and murmurings which had naturally accom- 
panied them in the worst times. From what fatal 
causes these miserable effects were produced, is the 
business of this present disquisition to examine, and 
in some degree to discover ; and therefore must be 
of such a nature, as must be as tenderly handled, 
with reference to things and persons, as the disco- 
very of the truth will permit ; and cannot be pre- 
sumed to be intended ever for a public view, or for 
more than the information of his children of the true 
source and grounds from whence their father's mis- 
fortunes proceeded, in which nothing can be found 
that can make them ashamed of his memory. 

The king brought with him from beyond the seas 
that council which had always attended him, and 
whose advice he had always received in his trans- 
actions of greatest importance ; and his small fa- 
mily, that consisted of gentlemen who had for the 
most part been put about him by his father, and 



316 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 660. constantly waited upon his person in all his distress h , 

"with as much submission and patience undergoing 

their part in it, as could reasonably be expected 

from such a people; and therefore had the keener 

appetites, and the stronger presumption to push on 

their fortunes (as they called it) in the infancy of 

their master's restoration, that other men might not 

be preferred before them, who had not " borne the 

" heat of the day," as they had done. 

The king's Qf t ne council were the chancellor, the marquis 

council at * 

the restore- of Ormond, the lord Colepepper, and secretary Ni- 
cholas, who lived in great unity and concurrence 
in the communication of the most secret counsels. 
There had been more of his council abroad with 
him, who, according to the motions he made, and 
the places he had resided in, were sometimes with 
him, but other remained in France, or in some parts 
of Holland and Flanders, for their convenience, 
ready to repair to his majesty when they should be 
called. The four nominated above were they who 
constantly attended, were privy to all counsels, and 
waited upon him in his return. 

Lord chan- T ne chancellor was the highest in place, and 

cellorHyde. 

thought to be so in trust, because he was most in 
private with the king, had managed most of the se- 
cret correspondence in England, and all despatches 
of importance had passed through his hands ; which 
had hitherto been with the less envy, because the 
indefatigable pains he took were very visible, and 
it was as visible that he gained nothing by it. His 
wants and necessities were as great as any man's, 
nor was the allowance assigned to him by the king 

b distress] distresses 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 317 

in the least degree more, or better paid, than every 1 660. 
one of the council received. Besides, the friendship 
was so entire between the marquis of Ormond and 
him, that no arts that were used could dissolve it ; 
and it was enough known, that as he had an entire 
and full confidence from the king, and a greater 
esteem than any man, so, that the chancellor so en- 
tirely communicated all particulars with him, that 
there was not the least resolution taken without his 
privity and approbation. The chancellor had been 
employed by the last king in all the affairs of the 
greatest trust and secrecy ; had been made privy 
counsellor and chancellor of the exchequer in the 
very beginning of the troubles ; and had been sent 
by that king into the west with his son, when he 
thought their interest would be best preserved and 
provided for by separating their persons. A greater 
testimony and recommendation a servant could not 
receive from his master, than the king gave of him 
to the prince, who from that time treated him with 
as much affection and confidence as any man, and 
which (notwithstanding very powerful opposition) he 
continued and improved to this time of his restora- 
tion ; and even then rejected some intimations ra- 
ther than propositions, which were secretly made to 
him at the Hague, that the chancellor was a man 
very much in the prejudice of the presbyterian 
party, as in truth he was, and therefore that his 
majesty would do best to leave him behind, till he 
should be himself settled in England : which the 
king received with that indignation and disdain, 
and answered the person, who privately presumed 
to give the advice, in such a manner, that he was 
troubled no more with the importunity, nor did any 



318 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. man ever own the advice. Yet the chancellor had 
besought the king, upon some rumours which had 
been spread, that if any exception or prejudice to 
his person should be so insisted on, as might delay 
his return one hour, he would decline giving him 
any protection, till he should find it more in his 
power, after his arrival in England : which desire of 
his, though it found no reception with the king, 
proceeded from so much sincerity, that it is well 
known the chancellor did positively resolve, that if 
any such thing had been urged by any authority, he 
would render the king's indulgence and grace of no 
inconvenience to his majesty, by his secret and vo- 
luntary withdrawing himself, without his privity, 
and without the reach of his discovery for some 
time : so far he was from being biassed by his own 
particular benefit and advantage. 
The mar- T ne marquis of Ormond was the person of the 

quis of 

Ormond. greatest quality, estate, and reputation, who had 
frankly engaged his person and his fortune in the 
king's service from the first hour of the troubles, and 
pursued it with that courage and constancy, that 
when the king was murdered, and he deserted by 
the Irish, contrary to the articles of the peace which 
they had made with him, and when he could make 
no longer defence, he refused all the conditions 
which Cromwell offered, who would have given him 
all his vast estate, if he would have been contented 
to have lived quietly in some of his own houses, 
without further concerning himself in the quarrel ; 
and transported himself, without so much as accept- 
ing a pass from his authority, in a little weak vessel 
into France, where he found the king, from whom 
he never parted till he returned with him into Eng- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 319 

land. And having thus merited as much as a sub- 1660. 
ject can do from a prince, he had much more credit "~ 
and esteem with the king than any other man : and 
the lustre the chancellor was in, was no less from 
the declared friendship the marquis had for him, 
than from the great trust his majesty reposed in 
him. 

The lord Colepepper was a man of great parts, 



. . -I 1 -i Colepepper. 

very sharp and present wit, and an universal under- 
standing ; so that few men filled a place in council 
with more sufficiency, or expressed themselves upon 
any subject that occurred with more weight and 
vigour. He had been trusted by the late king 
(who had a singular opinion of his courage and 
other abilities) to wait upon the prince when he left 
his father, and continued still afterwards with him, 
or in his service, and in a good correspondence with 
the chancellor. 

Secretary Nicholas was a man of general good Secretary 
reputation with all men, of unquestionable integrity 
and long experience in the service of the crown ; 
whom the late king trusted as much as any man to 
his death. He was one of those who were excepted 
by the parliament from pardon or composition, and 
so was compelled to leave the kingdom shortly after 
Oxford was delivered up, when the king was in 
the hands of the Scots. The present king con- 
tinued him in the office of secretary of state, which 
he had so long held under his father. He was a 
man of great gravity, and without any ambitious or 
private designs ; and had so fast a friendship with 
the chancellor for many years, that he was very well 
content, and without any jealousy for his making 
many despatches and other transactions, which more 



320 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. immediately related to his office, and which indeed 
"were always made with his privity and concurrence. 
This was the state and constitution of the king's 
council and his family, when he embarked in Hol- 
land, and landed at Dover : the additions and alter- 
ations which were after made will be mentioned in 
their place. 

It will be convenient here, before we descend to 
those particulars which had an influence upon the 
minds of men, to take a clear view of the temper 
and spirit of that time ; of the nature and inclination 
of the army ; of the disposition and interest of the 
several factions in religion ; all which appeared in 
their several colours, without dissembling their prin- 
ciples, and with equal confidence demanded the li- 
berty of conscience they had enjoyed in and since 
the time of Cromwell ; and the humour and the pre- 
sent purpose and design of the parliament itself, to 
whose judgment and determination the whole settle- 
ment of the kingdom, both in church and state, 
stood referred by the king's own declaration from 
Breda, which by God's inspiration had been the sole 
visible motive to that wonderful change that had en- 
The tem- sued. And whosoever takes a prospect of all those 
rit'oftha? 1 "several passions and appetites and interests, toge- 
time. ther w jth t ne divided affections, jealousies, and ani- 
mosities of those who had been always looked upon 
as the king's party, which, if united, would in that 
conjuncture have been powerful enough to have ba- 
lanced all the other ; I say, whoever truly and inge- 
nuously considers and reflects upon all this com- 
position of contradictory wishes and expectations, 
must confess that the king was not yet the master 
of the kingdom, nor his authority and security such 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 321 

as the general noise and acclamation, the bells and 
the bonfires, proclaimed it to be; and that there was 
in no conjuncture more need, that the virtue and 
wisdom and industry of a prince should be evident, 
and made manifest in the preservation of his dignity, 
and in the application of his mind to the govern- 
ment of his affairs ; and that all who were eminently 
trusted by him should be men of unquestionable 
sincerity, who with industry and dexterity should 
first endeavour to compose the public disorders, and 
to provide for the peace and settlement of the king- 
dom, before they applied themselves to make or im- 
prove their own particular fortunes. And there is 
little question, but if this good method had been 
pursued, and the resolutions of that kind, which the 
king had seriously taken beyond the seas, when he 
first discerned his good fortune coming towards him, 
had been executed and improved; the hearts and 
affections of all degrees of men were so prepared by 
their own natural inclinations and integrity, by what 
they had seen and what they had suffered, by their 
observations and experience, by their fears, or by 
their hopes ; that they might have been all kneaded 
into a firm and constant obedience c and resignation 
to the king's authority, and to a lasting establish- 
ment of monarchic power, in all the just extents 
which the king could expect, or men of any public 
or honest affections could wish or submit to. 

The first mortification the king met with was as importu- 

. . _ . . nate solici- 

soon as he arrived at Canterbury, which was within 



three hours after he landed at Dover; and where JJ,,' 

he found many of those who were justly looked ^'^ b a >'_ 



ists. 



c a firm and constant obedience] as firm and constant an obedience 
VOL. I. Y 



322 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 
1660. upon, from their own sufferings or those of their 



fathers, and their constant adhering to the same 
principles, as of the king's party; who with joy 
waited to kiss his hand, and were received by him 
with those open arms and flowing expressions of 
grace, calling all those by their names who were 
known to him, that they easily assured themselves 
of the accomplishment of all their desires from such 
a generous prince. And some of them, that they 
might not lose the first opportunity, forced him to 
give them present audience, in which they reckoned 
up the insupportable losses undergone by themselves 
or their fathers, and some services of their own ; and 
thereupon demanded the present grant or promise 
of such or such an office. Some, for the real small 
value of one, though of the first classis, pressed for 
two or three with such confidence and importunity, 
and with such tedious discourses, that the king was 
extremely nauseated with their suits, though his 
modesty knew not how to break from them ; that 
he no sooner got into his chamber, which for some 
hours he was not able to do, than he lamented the 
condition to which he found he must be subject ; 
and did in truth from that minute contract such a 
prejudice against the persons of some of those, though 
of the greatest quality, for the indecency and incon- 
gruity of their pretences, that he never afterwards 
received their addresses with his usual grace or 
patience, and rarely granted any thing they desired, 
though the matter was more reasonable, and the 
manner of asking much more modest. 
Monk re- B u t there was another mortification, which im- 

commends . . 

a list of mediately succeeded this, that gave him much more 
Si?!* the trouble, and in which he knew not how to comport 

king. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 323 

himself. The general, after he had given all neces- 1 660. 
sary orders to his troops, and sent a short despatch ~~ 
to the parliament of the king's being come to Can- 
terbury, and of his purpose to stay there two days, 
till the next Sunday was passed, he came to the 
king in his chamber, and in a short secret audience, 
and without any preamble or apology, as he was not 
a man of a graceful elocution, he told him, " that he 
" could not do him better service, than by recom- 
" mending to him such persons who were most 
" grateful to the people, and in respect of their 
" parts and interests were best able to serve him;" 
and thereupon gave him a large paper full of names, 
which the king in disorder enough received, and 
without reading put it into his pocket, that he 
might not enter into any particular debate upon the 
persons ; and told him, " that he would be always 
" ready to receive his advice, and willing to gratify 
" him in any thing he should desire, and which 
" would not be prejudicial to his service." The . 
king, as soon as he could, took an opportunity, 
when there remained no more in his chamber, to 
inform the chancellor of the first assaults he had 
encountered as soon as he alighted out of his coach, 
and afterwards of what the general had said to him ; 
and thereupon took the paper out of his pocket and 
read it. It contained the names of at least three- 
score and ten persons, who were thought fittest to 
be made privy counsellors; in the whole number 
whereof, there were only two who had ever served 
the king, or been looked upon as zealously affected 
to his service, the marquis of Hertford and the earl 
of Southampton ; who were both of so universal 
reputation and interest, and so well known to have 

Y 2 



324 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. the very particular esteem of the king, that they 
"needed no such recommendation. All the rest were 
either those counsellors who had served the king, 
and deserted him by adhering to the parliament ; or 
of those who had most eminently disserved him in 
the beginning of the rebellion, and in the carrying 
it on with all fierceness and animosity, until the new 
model, and dismissing the earl of Essex : then, in- 
deed, Cromwell had grown terrible to them, and 
disposed them to wish the king were again possessed 
of his regal power ; and which they did but wish. 
There were then the names of the principal persons 
of the presbyterian party, to which the general was 
thought to be most inclined, at least to satisfy the 
foolish and unruly inclinations of his wife. There 
were likewise the names of some who were most 
notorious in all the other factions ; and of some who, 
in respect of their mean qualities and meaner quali- 
fications, nobody could imagine how they could come 
to be named, except that by the very odd mixture 
any sober and wise resolutions and concurrence 
might be prevented, 
with which The king was in more than ordinary confusion 

he is dis- 
pleased, with the reading this paper, and knew not well 

what to think of the general, in whose absolute 
power he now was. However, he resolved in the 
entrance upon his government not to consent to 
such impositions, which might prove perpetual fet- 
ters and chains upon him ever after. He gave the 
paper therefore to the chancellor, and bade him 
" take the first opportunity to discourse the matter 
" with the general," (whom he had not yet saluted,) 
" or rather with Mr. Morrice, his most intimate 
" friend ;" whom he had newly presented to the 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 325 

king, and " with both whom he presumed he would 1660. 
" shortly be acquainted," though for the present ~~ 
both were equally unknown to him. Shortly after, 
when mutual visits had passed between them, and 
such professions as naturally are made between per- 
sons who are like to have much to do with each 
other, and Mr. Morrice being in private with him,, 
the chancellor told him " how much the king was 
" surprised with the paper he had received from the 
" general, which at least recommended (and which 
" would have always great authority with him) some 
" such persons to his trust, in whom he could not 
" yet, till they were better known to him, repose 
" any confidence." And thereupon he read many of 
their names, and said, " that if such men were made 
" privy counsellors, it would either be imputed to 
" the king's own election, which would cause a very 
" ill measure to be taken of his majesty's nature and 
" judgment ; or (which more probably would be the 
" case) to the inclination and power of the general, 
" which would be attended with as ill effects." Mr. 
Morrice seemed much troubled at the apprehension,, 
and said, " the paper was of his handwriting, by the 
" general's order, who, he was assured, had no such 
" intention ; but that he would presently speak with 
" him and return ;" which he did within less than 
an hour, and expressed " the trouble the general 
"was in upon the king's very just exception; and 
" that the truth was, he had been obliged to have 
" much communication with men of all humours 
" and inclinations, and so had promised to do them 
" good offices to the king, and could not therefore 
" avoid inserting their names in that paper, without 
" any imaginations that the king would accept them; 

Y 3 



326 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. "that he had done his part, and all that could be 
~ " expected from him, and left the king to do what 
" he had thought best for his own service, which he 
" would always desire him to do, whatever proposi- 
" tion he should at any time presume to make to his 
" majesty, which he would not promise should be al- 
" ways reasonable. However, he did still heartily 
" wish that his majesty would make use of some of 
" those persons," whom he named, and said, " he 
" knew most of them were not his friends, and that 
" his service would be more advanced by admitting 
" them, than by leaving them out." 

was abundantly pleased with this good 



Monk's ex- temper of the general, and less disliked those who 
he discerned would be grateful to him than any of 
the rest : and so the next day he made the general 
knight of the garter, and admitted him of the coun- 
cil ; and likewise at the same time gave the signet 
to Mr. Morrice, who was sworn of the council, and 
secretary of state ; and sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, 
who had been presented by the general under a spe- 
cial recommendation, was then too sworn of the 
council ; and the rather, because having lately mar- 
ried the niece of the earl of Southampton, (who was 
then likewise present, and received the garter, to 
which he had been elected some years before,) it was 
believed that his slippery humour would be easily 
. restrained and fixed by the uncle. All this was 

transacted during his majesty's stay at Canterbury. 
SUm'hlnt Upon the 29th of May, which was his majesty's 
entry into birthday, and now d the day of his restoration and 
triumph, he entered London the highway from Ro- 

d now] now again 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 327 

Chester to Blackheath, being on both sides so full of 1660. 
acclamations of joy, and crowded with such a multi-~ 
tude of people, that it seemed one continued street 
wonderfully inhabited. Upon Blackheath the arm^ 
was drawn up, consisting of above fifty thousand 
men, horse and foot, in excellent order and equi- 
page, where the general presented the chief officers 
to kiss the king's hands, which grace they seemed to 
receive with all humility and cheerfulness. Shortly 
after, the lord mayor of London, the sheriffs, and 
body of the aldermen, with the whole militia of the 
city, appeared with great lustre ; whom the king 
received with a most graceful and obliging counte- 
nance, and knighted the mayor, and all the alder- 
men, and sheriffs, and the principal officers of the 
militia : an honour the city had been without near 
eighteen years, and therefore abundantly welcome 
to the husbands and their wives. With this equi- 
page the king was attended through the city of 
London, where the streets were railed in on both 
sides, that the livery of the e companies of the city 
might appear with the more order and decency, till 
he came to Whitehall ; the windows all the way be- 
ing full of ladies and persons of quality, who were 
impatient to fill their eyes with a beloved spectacle, 
of which they had been so long deprived. The king 
was no sooner at Whitehall, but (as hath been said) 
the speakers and both houses of parliament pre- 
sented themselves with all possible professions of 
duty and obedience at his royal feet, and were even 
ravished with the cheerful reception they had from 
him. The joy was universal ; and whosoever was 

e of the] of all the 
Y 4 



3528 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 660. not pleased at heart, took the more care to appear 

Excessive as ^ ne was ' an( ^ no v i ce was heard but of the 
joy upon highest congratulation, of extolling the person of 

the restora- & 

tion. the king, admiring his condescensions and affability, 
raising his praises to heaven, and cursing and de- 
testing the memory of those villains who had so 
long excluded so meritorious a prince, and thereby 
withheld that happiness from them, which they 
should enjoy in the largest measure they could de- 
sire or wish. The joy on all sides was with the 
greatest excess, so that most men thought, and had 
reason enough' to think, that the king was even al- 
ready that great and glorious prince which the par- 
liament had wantonly and hypocritically promised 
to raise his father to be. 

Both houses The chancellor took his place in the house of peers 

menTmeet. with a general acceptation and respect ; and all those 
lords who were alive and had served the king his fa- 
ther, and the sons of those who were dead and were 
equally excluded from sitting there by ordinances of 
parliament, together with all those who had been cre- 
ated by this king, took their seats in parliament with- 

The charac- out the least murmur or exception. The house of 

ter of the , ._, . , , . - 

house of commons seemed equally constituted to what could 
>ns ' be wished ; for though there were many presbyterian 
members, and some of all other factions in religion, 
who did all promise themselves some liberty and in- 
dulgence for their several parties, yet they all pro- 
fessed great zeal for the establishing the king in his 
full power. And the major part of the house was of 
sober and prudent men, who had been long known 
to be very weary of all the late governments, and 
heartily to desire and pray for the king's return. 
And there were many who had either themselves 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 329 

been actual and active malignants and delinquents 1660. . 
in the late king's time, or the sons of such, who in-"~ 
herited their fathers virtues. Both which classes of 
men were excluded from being capable of being 
elected to serve in parliament, not only by former 
ordinances, but by express caution in the very writs 
which were sent out to summon this parliament ; 
and were notwithstanding made choice of, and re- 
turned by the country, and received without any 
hesitation in the house, and treated by all men with 
the more civility and respect for their known malig- 
nity : so that the king, though it was necessary to 
have patience in the expectations of their resolu- 
tions in all important points, which could not sud- 
denly be concluded in such a popular assembly, was 
very reasonably assured, that he should have nothing 
pressed upon him that should be ungrateful, with 
reference to the church or state. 

It is true, the presbyterians were very numer- Particularly 
ous in the house, and many of them men of good byterian^ 
parts, and had a great party in the army, and a party 1D ltf 
greater in the city, and, except with reference to 
episcopacy, were desirous to make themselves grate- 
ful to the king in the settling all his interest, and 
especially in vindicating themselves from the odious 
murder of the king by loud and passionate inveigh- 
ing against that monstrous parricide, and with the 
highest animosity denouncing the severest judg- 
ments not only against those who were immediately 
guilty of it, but against those principal persons who 
had most notoriously adhered to Cromwell in the 
administration of his government, that is, most emi- 
nently opposed them and their faction. They took 
all occasions to declare, " that the power and in- 



330 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 660- " terest of the party f had been the chief means to 
bring home the king;" and used all possible en- 
deavours that the king might be persuaded to think 
so too, and that the very covenant had at last done 
him good and expedited his return, by the causing 
it to be hung up -in churches, from whence Crom- 
well had cast it out; and their ministers pressing 
upon the conscience of all those who had taken it, 
" that they were bound by that clause which con- 
" cerned the defence of the king's person, to take up 
" arms, if need were, on his behalf, and to restore 
** him to his rightful government ;" when the very 
same ministers had obliged them to take up arms 
against the king his father by virtue of that cove- 
nant, and to fight against him till they had taken 
him prisoner, which produced his murder. This 
party was much displeased that the king declared 
himself so positively on behalf of episcopacy, and 
would hear no , other prayers in his chapel than 
those contained in the Book of Common Prayer, 
and that all those formalities and solemnities were 
now again resumed and practised, which they had 
caused to be abolished for so many years past. Yet 
the king left all churches to their liberty, to use 
such forms of devotion which they liked best ; and 
such of their chief preachers who desired it, or were 
desired by their friends, were admitted to preach 
before him, even without the surplice, or any other 
habit than they made choice of. But this conniv- 
ance would not do their business; their preaching 
made no proselytes who were not so before ; and 
the resort of the people to those churches where the 

f the party] their party 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 331 

Common Prayer was again introduced, was evi- 1660. 
dence enough of their inclinations ; and they saw ~~ 
the king's chapel always full of those who had used 
to possess the chief benches in their assemblies ; so 
that it was manifest that nothing but the supreme 
authority would be able to settle their discipline : 
and therefore, with their usual confidence, they were which 
very importunate in the house of commons, " that settlement 
" the ecclesiastical government might be settled and f j, c ^* ias 
" remain according to the covenant, which had been Ternn nt 

. according 

" practised many years, and so the people generally to the c - 
" well devoted to it ; whereas the introducing the 
" Common Prayer (with which very few had ever 
" been acquainted or heard it read) would very 
" much offend the people, and give great interrup- 
** tion to the composing the peace of the kingdom." 
This was urged in the house of commons by emi- 
nent men of the party, who believed they had the 
major part of their mind. And their preachers 
were as solicitous and industrious to inculcate the 
same doctrine to the principal persons who had re- 
turned with the king, and every day resorted to the 
court as if they presided there, and had frequent 
audiences of the king to persuade him to be of the 
same opinion ; from whom they received no other 
condescensions than they had formerly had at the 
Hague, with the same gracious affability and ex- 
pressions to their persons. 

That party in the house that was in truth devoted 
to the king and to the old principles of church and 
of state, which every day increased, thought not fit 
so to cross the presbyterians, as to make them despe- 
rate in their hopes of satisfaction ; but, with the 
concurrence with those who were of contrary fac- 



332 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. tions, diverted the argument by proposing other sub- 

jects of more immediate relation to the public peace, 

(as the act of indemnity, which every man impa- 
tiently longed for, and the raising money towards 
the payment of the army and the navy, without 
which that insupportable charge could not be less- 
ened,) to be first considered and despatched ; and 
the model for religion to be debated and prepared 
by that committee which had been nominated before 
his majesty's return to that purpose ; they not doubt- 
ing to cross and puzzle any pernicious resolutions 
there, till time and their own extravagant follies 
should put some end to their destructive designs. 

In the mean time there were two particulars 
which the king, with much inward impatience, 
though with little outward communication, did most 
desire ; the disbanding the army, and the settling 
the revenue, the course and receipt whereof had 
been so broken and perverted, and a great part ex- 
tinguished by the sale of all the crown lands, that 
the old officers of the exchequer, auditors or re- 
ceivers, knew not how to resume their administra- 
tions. Besides that the great receipt of excise and 
customs was not yet vested in the king ; nor did the 
parliament make any haste to assign it, finding it 
necessary to reserve it in the old way, and not to 
divert it from those assignments which had been 
made for the payment of the army and navy ; for 
which, until some other provision could be made, it 
was to no purpose to mention the disbanding the 
one or the other, though the charge of both was so 
vast and insupportable, that the kingdom must in a 
short time sink under the burden. For what con- 
cerned the revenue and raising money, the king 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 333 

was less solicitous; and yet there was not so much 1660. 
as any assignation made for the support of his~ 
household, which caused a vast debt to be con- 
tracted before taken notice of, the mischief of which 
is hardly yet removed. He saw the parliament 
every day doing somewhat in it; and it quickly 
dissolved all bargains, contracts, and sales, which 
had been of any of the crown lands, so that all that 
royal revenue (which had been too much wasted and 
impaired in those improvident times which had pre- 
ceded the troubles) was entirely remitted to those to 
whom it belonged, the king and the queen his mo- ^_ 
ther ; but very little money was returned out of the 
same into the exchequer in the space of the first 
year: so difficult it was to reduce any payments, 
which had been made for so many years irregularly, 
into the old channel and order. And every thing 
else of this kind was done, how slowly soever, with 
as much expedition as from s the nature of the af- 
fair, and the crowd in which it was necessary to be 
agitated, could h reasonably be expected ; and there- 
fore his majesty was less troubled for those incon- 
veniences which he foresaw must inevitably flow 
from thence. 

But the delay in disbanding the army, how una- The nature 

111 1*1 1*1 /vi i 11 iilu ' inclina- 

voidable soever, did exceedingly afflict him, and the tion of the 
more, because for many reasons he could not urge it ari 
nor complain of it. He knew well the ill constitu- 
tion of the army, the distemper and murmuring that 
was in it, and how many diseases and convulsions 
their infant loyalty was subject to ; that how united 
soever their inclinations and acclamations seemed 

8 from] Not in MS. h could] as could 



334 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. to be at Blackheath, their affections were not the 
same : and the very countenances then of many offi- 
cers as well as soldiers did sufficiently manifest, that 
they were drawn thither to a service they were not 
delighted in. The general, before he had formed 
any resolution to himself, and only valued himself 
upon the presbyterian interest, had cashiered some 
regiments and companies which he knew not to be 
devoted to his person and greatness ; and after he 
found it necessary to fix his own hopes and depend- 
ence upon the king, he had dismissed many officers 
who he thought might be willing and able to cross 
his designs and purposes when he should think fit to 
discover them, and conferred their charges and com- 
mands upon those who had been disfavoured by the 
late powers ; and after the parliament had declared 
for and proclaimed the king, he cashiered others, 
and gave their offices to some eminent commanders 
who had served the king ; and gave others of the 
loyal nobility leave to list volunteers in companies 
to appear with them at the reception of the king, 
who had all ' l met and joined with the army upon 
Blackheath in the head of their regiments and com- 
panies : yet, notwithstanding all this providence, the 
old soldiers had little regard for their new officers, 
at least had no resignation for them ; and it quickly 
appeared, by the select and affected mixtures of sul- 
len and melancholic parties of officers and soldiers, 
that as ill-disposed men of other classes were left as 
had been disbanded ; and that much the greater 
part so much abounded with ill humours, that it 
was not safe to administer a general purgation. It 

' who had all] all who had 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 335 

is true that Lambert was close prisoner in the 1660. 
Tower, and as many of those officers who were" 1 
taken and had appeared in arms with him when he 
was taken were likewise there, or in some other 
prisons, with others of the same complexion, who 
were well enough known to have the present settle- 
ment that was intended in perfect detestation : but 
this leprosy was spread too far to have the conta- 
gion quickly or easily extinguished. How close 
soever Lambert himself was secured from doing 
mischief, his faction was at liberty, and very nu- 
merous ; his disbanded officers and soldiers mingled 
and conversed with their old friends and compan- 
ions, and found too many of them possessed with 
the same spirit; they concurred in the same re- 
proaches and revilings of the general, as the man 
who had treacherously betrayed them, and led them 
into an ambuscade from whence they knew not how 
to disentangle themselves. They looked upon him 
as the sole person who still supported his own model, 
and were well assured that if he were removed, the 
army would be still the same, and appear in their 
old retrenchments ; and therefore they entered into 
several combinations to assassinate him, which they 
resolved to do with the first opportunity. In a 
word, they liked neither the mien nor garb nor 
countenance of the court, nor were wrought upon 
by the gracious aspect and benignity of the king 
himself. 

All this was well enough known to his majesty, 
and to the general, who was well enough acquainted 
and not at all pleased with the temper and disposi- 
tion of his army, and therefore no less desired it 
should be disbanded than the king did. In the 



336 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. mean time, very diligent endeavours were used to 
~~ discover and apprehend some principal persons, who 
took as much care to conceal themselves ; and every 
day many dangerous or suspected men of all quali- 
ties were imprisoned in all counties : spies were em- 
ployed, who for the most part had the same affec- 
tions which they were to discover in others, and re- 
ceived money on both sides to do, and not to do, the 
work they were appointed to do. And in this me- 
lancholic and perplexed condition the king and all 
his hopes stood, when he appeared most gay and ex- 
alted, and wore a pleasantness in his face that be- 
came him, and looked like as full an assurance of 
his security as was possible to be put on. 
Disunion of There was yet added to this slippery and uneasy 

the king's . .,. . 

friends. posture of affairs, another mortification, which made 
a deeper impression upon the king's spirit than all 
the rest, and without which the worst of the other 
would have been in some degree remediable; that 
was, the constitution and disunion of those who 
were called and looked upon as his own party, 
which without doubt in the whole kingdom was 
numerous enough, and capable of being powerful 
enough to give the law to all the rest ; which had 
been the ground of many unhappy attempts in the 
late time ; that if any present force could be drawn 
together, and possessed of any such place in which 
they might make a stand without being overrun in 
a moment, the general concurrence of the kingdom 
would in a short time reduce the army, and make 
the king superior to all his enemies ; which imagi- 
nation was enough confuted, though not enough ex- 
tinguished, by the dearbought. experience in the 
woful enterprise at Worcester. However, it had 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 337 

been now a very justifiable presumption in the king, icco. 
to believe as well as hope, that he could not be long ~ 
in England without such an apparency of his own 
party, that wished all that he himself desired, and 
such a manifestation of their authority, interest, and 
power, that would prevent, or be sufficient to sub- 
due, any froward disposition that might grow up in 
the parliament, or more extravagant demands in the 
army itself. An apparence there was of that people, 
great enough, who had all the wishes for the king 
which he entertained for himself. But they were A review of 
so divided and disunited by private quarrels, fac-thisdis-* 
tions, and animosities; or so unacquainted with each ""^ s n t ^," ie 
other; or, which was worse, so jealous of each other ; restoration - 
the understandings and faculties of many honest 
men were so weak and shallow, that they could not 
be applied to any great trust; and others, who 
wished and meant very well, had a peevishness, 
frowardness, and opiniatrety, that they would be 
engaged only in what pleased themselves, nor would 
join in any thing with such and such men whom 
they disliked. The severe and tyrannical govern- 
ment of Cromwell and the parliament had so often 
banished and imprisoned them upon mere jealousies, 
that they were grown strangers to one another, 
without any communication between them : and 
there had been so frequent betrayings and treach- 
eries used, so many discoveries of meetings privately 
contrived, and of discourses accidentally entered 
into, and words and expressions rashly and unad- 
visedly uttered without any design, upon which 
multitudes were still imprisoned and many put . to 
death ; that k the jealousy was so universal, that 

k that] so that 
VOL. I. Z 



338 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. few men who had never so good affections for the 
king, durst confer with any freedom together. 

Most of those of the nobility who had with con- 
stancy and fidelity adhered to the last king, and had 
greatest authority with all men who professed the 
same affections, were dead; as the duke of Rich- 
mond, the earl of Dorset, the lord Capel, the lord 
Hopton, and many other excellent persons. And of 
that classis, that is, of a powerful interest and un- 
suspected integrity, (for there were some very good 
men, who were without any cause suspected then, 
because they were not equally persecuted upon all 
occasions,) there were only two who survived, the 
marquis of Hertford and earl of Southampton ; who 
were both great and worthy men, looked upon with 
great estimation by all the most valuable men who 
could contribute most to the king's restoration, and 
with reverence by their greatest enemy, and had 
been courted by Cromwell himself till he found it 
to no purpose. And though the marquis had been 
prevailed with once and no more to give him a visit, 
the other, the earl, could never be persuaded so 
much as to see him ; and when Cromwell was in 
the New Forest, and resolved one day to visit him, 
he being informed of it or suspecting it, removed to 
another house he had at such a distance as exempted 
him from that ^visitation. But these two great per- 
sons had for several years withdrawn themselves 
into the country, lived retired, sent sometimes such 
money as they could raise out of their long-seques- 
tered and exhausted fortunes, by messengers of their 
own dependence, with advice to the king, " to sit 
" still, and expect a reasonable revolution, without 
" making any unadvised attempt;" and industriously 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 339 

declined any conversation or commerce with any 1660. 
who were known to correspond with the king: so 
that now, upon his majesty's return, they were to- 
tally unacquainted with any of those persons, who 
now looked as men to be depended upon in any 
great action and attempt. And for themselves, as 
the marquis shortly after died, so the other with 
great abilities served him in his most secret and im- 
portant counsels, but had been never conversant in 
martial affairs. 

There had been six or eight persons of general 
good and confessed reputation, and who of all who 
were then left alive had had the most eminent 
charges in the war, and executed them with great 
courage and discretion ; so that few men could with 
any reasonable pretence refuse to receive orders 
from them, or to serve under their commands. 
They had great affection for and confidence in each 
other, and had frankly offered by an express of 
their own number, whilst the king remained in 
France, " that if they were approved and qualified 
" by his majesty, they would by joint advice intend 
" the care of his majesty's service ; and as they 
" would not engage in any absurd and desperate 
" attempt, but use all their credit and authority to 
" prevent and discountenance the same, so they 
" would take the first rational opportunity, which 
" they expected from the divisions and animosities 
" which daily grew and appeared in the army, to 
" draw their friends and old soldiers who were ready 
" to receive their commands together, and try the 
" utmost that could be done, with the loss or hazard 
" of their lives :" some of them having, beside their 
experience in war, very considerable fortunes of their 

7. 2 



340 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. own to lose, and were relations to the greatest fami- 

lies in England. And therefore they made it their 

humble suit, " that this secret correspondence might 
" be carried on, and known to none but to the mar- 
" quis of Ormond and to the chancellor ; and that if 
" any other counsels were set on foot in England by 
" the activity of particular persons, who too fre- 
" quently with great zeal and little animadversion 
" embarked themselves in impossible undertakings, 
" his majesty upon advertisement thereof would 
" first communicate the motives or pretences which 
" would be offered to him, to them ; and then they 
" would find opportunity to confer with some sober 
" man of that fraternity," (as there was no well-af- 
fected person in England, who at that time would 
not willingly receive advice and direction from most 
of those persons,) " and thereupon they would pre- 
" sent their opinion to his majesty; and if the de- 
" sign should appear practicable to his majesty, they 
" would cheerfully embark themselves in it, other- 
" wise use their own dexterity to divert it." These 
men had been armed with all necessary commissions 
and instructions, according to their own desires ; the 
king consented to all they proposed; and the cyphers 
and correspondence were committed to the chancel- 
lor, in whose hands, with the privity only of the 
marquis of Ormond, all the intelligence with Eng- 
land, of what kind soever, was intrusted. 

Under this conduct, for some years all things suc- 
ceeded well ; many unseasonable attempts were pre- 
vented, and thereby the lives of many good men 
preserved: and though (upon the cursory jealousy 
of that time, and the restless apprehension of Crom- 
well, and the almost continual commitments of all 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 341 

who had eminently served the king, and were able 1 660. 
to do it again) these 1 persons who were thus trusted," 
or the major part of them, were seldom out of pri- 
son, or free from the obligation of good sureties for 
their peaceable behaviour; yet all the vigilance of 
Cromwell and his most diligent inquisitors could 
never discover this secret intercourse between those 
confidants and the king, which did always pass and 
was maintained by expresses made choice of by 
them, and supported at their charge out of such 
monies as were privately collected for public uses, 
of which they who contributed most knew little 
more than the integrity of him who was intrusted, 
who did not always make skilful contributions. 

It fell out unfortunately, that two of these princi- 
pal persons fell out, and had a fatal quarrel, upon a 
particular less justifiable than any thing that could 
result from or relate to the great trust they both 
had from the king, which ought to have been of 
influence enough to have suppressed or diverted all 
passions of that kind : but the animosities grew 
suddenly irreconcilable, and if not divided the affec- 
tions of the whole knot, at least interrupted or sus- 
pended their constant intercourse and confidence in 
each other, and so the diligent accounts which the 
king used to receive from them. And the cause 
growing more public and notorious, though not 
known in a long time after to the king, exceedingly 
lessened both their reputations with the most sober 
men ; insomuch as they withdrew all confidence in 
their conduct, and all inclination to embark in the 
business which was intrusted in such hands. And 

1 these] and so these 
z 3 



342 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. which was worse than all this, one person amongst 
""them, of as unblemished a reputation as either of 
them, and of much better abilities and faculties of 
mind, either affected with this untoward accident, 
or broken with frequent imprisonments and despair 
of any resurrection of the king's interest, about this 
time yielded to a foul temptation ; and for large 
supplies of money, which his fortune stood in need 
of, engaged to be a spy to Cromwell, with a latitude 
which he did not allow to others of that ignominious 
tribe, undertaking only to impart enough of any de- 
sign to prevent the mischief thereof, without expos- 
ing any man to the loss of his life, or ever appear- 
ing himself to make good and justify any of his dis- 
coveries. The rest of his associates neither sus- 
pected their companion, nor lessened their affection 
or utmost zeal for the king ; though they remitted 
some of their diligence in his service by the other 
unhappy interruption. 

This falling out during his majesty's abode in 
Cologne, he was very long without notice of the 
grounds of that jealousy which had obstructed his 
usual correspondence ; and the matter of infidelity 
being not in the least degree suspected, he could not 
avoid receiving advice and propositions from other 
honest men, who were of known affection and cou- 
rage, and who conversed much with the officers of 
the army, and were unskilfully disposed to believe 
that all they, who they had reason to believe did 
hate Cromwell, would easily be induced to serve the 
king : and many of the officers in their behaviour, 
discourses, and familiarity, contributed to that be- 
lief; some of them, not without the privity and al- 
lowance of Cromwell, or his secretary Thurlow. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 343 

And upon overtures of this kind, and wonderful 1660. 
confidence of success, even upon the preparations" 
which were in readiness, of and by his own party, 
several messengers were sent to the king; and by 
all of them sharp and passionate complaints against 
those persons, who were so much and still in the 
same confidence with him, as men who were at ease, 
and uninclined to venture themselves upon dan- 
gerous or doubtful enterprises. They complained, 
" that when they imparted to them or any one of 
". them," (for they knew not of his majesty's refer- 
ence to them, but had of themselves resorted to 
them as men of the greatest reputation for their af- 
fections and experience,) " a design which had been 
" well consulted and deliberated by those who meant 
" to venture their own lives in the execution of it, 
" they made so many excuses and arguments and 
" objections against it, as if it were wholly unadvis- 
" able and unpracticable ; and when they proposed 
" the meeting and conferring with some of the offi- 
" cers, who were resolved to serve his majesty, and 
" were willing to advise with them, as men of more 
" interest and who had managed greater commands, 
" upon the places of rendezvous, and what method 
" should be observed in the enterprises, making no 
" scruple themselves to receive orders from them, 
" or to do all things they should require which 
" might advance his majesty's service, these gentle- 
" men only wished them to take heed they were 
" not destroyed, and positively refused to meet or 
" confer with any of the officers of the army : and 
" hereupon," they said, " all the king's party was so 
" incensed against them, that they no more would 
" have recourse to them, or make any conjunction 

z 4 



344 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. " with them." They informed his majesty at large 
~~ of the animosity that was grown between two of the 
principal persons, and the original cause thereof, and 
therefore desired " that some person might be sent, 
" to whom they might repair for orders, until the 
" king himself discerned that all preparations were 
" in such a readiness, that he might reasonably ven- 
" ture his royal person with them." 

Though he was not at all satisfied with the grounds 
of their expectation and proceedings, and therefore 
could not blame the wariness and reservedness of 
the other, and thought their apprehension of being 
betrayed, (which in the language of that time was 
called -trepanned,) which befell some men every day, 
very reasonable ; yet the confidence of many honest 
men, who were sure to pay dear for any rash under- 
taking, and their presumption in appointing a per- 
emptory day for a general rendezvous over the king- 
dom, but especially the division of his friends, and 
sharpness against those upon whom he principally 
relied, was the cause of his sending over the lord 
Rochester, and of his own concealment in Zealand ; 
the success whereof, and the ill consequence of those 
precipitate resolutions, in the slaughter of many 
worthy and gallant gentlemen with all the circum- 
stances of insolence and barbarity, are mentioned in 
their proper places. 

But these unhappy and fatal miscarriages, and 
the sad spectacles which ensued, made not those 
impressions upon the affections and spirits of the 
king's friends as they ought to have done ; nor ren- 
dered the wariness and discretion of those who had 
dissuaded the enterprise, and who were always im- 
prisoned upon suspicion, how innocent soever, the 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 345 

more valued and esteemed : on the contrary, it in- 1 660. 
creased the reproaches against the knot, as if their" 
lachete* and want of appearance and engaging had 
been the sole cause of the misfortune. And after 
some short fits of dejection and acquiescence, upon 
the shedding so much blood of their friends and 
confederates, and the notorious discovery of being 
betrayed by those, who had been trusted by them, 
of the army ; they began again to resume courage, 
to meet and enter upon new counsels and designs, 
imputing the former want of success to the want of 
skill and conduct in the undertakers, not to the all- 
seeing vigilance of Cromwell and his instruments, or 
to the formed strength of his government, not to be 
shaken by weak or ill-seconded conspiracies. Young 
men were grown up, who inherited their fathers 
malignity, and were too impatient to revenge their 
death, or to be even with their oppressors, and so 
entered into new combinations as unskilful, and 
therefore as unfortunate as the former ; and being 
discovered even before they were formed, Cromwell 
had occasion given him to make himself more ter- 
rible in new executions, and to exercise greater 
tyranny upon the whole party, in imprisonments, 
penalties, and sequestrations ; making those who 
heartily desired to be quiet, and who abhorred any 
rash and desperate insurrection, to pay their full 
shares for the folly of the other, as if a.11 were ani- 
mated by the same spirit. And this unjust and un- 
reasonable rigour increased the reproaches and ani- 
mosities in the king's friends against each other : the 
wiser and more sober part, who had most experi- 

m and who abhorred] and who as much abhorred 



346 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. ence, and knew how impossible it was to succeed in 
~~ such enterprises, and had yet preserved or redeemed 
enough of their fortunes to sit still and expect some 
hopeful revolution, were unexpressibly offended, and 
bitterly inveighed against those, who without reason 
disturbed their peace and quiet, by provoking the 
state to fresh persecutions of them who had given 
them no offence : and the other stirring and enraged 
party, with more fierceness and public disdain, pro- 
tested against and reviled those who refused to join 
with them, as men who had spent all their stock of 
allegiance, and meant to acquiesce with what they 
had left under the tyranny and in the subjection of 
Cromwell. And thus they who did really wish the 
same things, and equally the overthrow of that go- 
vernment, which hindered the restoration of the 
king, grew into more implacable jealousies and viru- 
lencies against each other, than against that power 
that oppressed them both, and " poured out their 
" blood like water." And either party conveyed 
their apologies and accusations to the king : one in- 
sisting upon the impertinency of all such attempts ; 
and the other insisting that they were ready for a 
very solid and well-grounded enterprise, were sure 
to be possessed of good towns, if, by his majesty's 
positive command, the rest, who professed such 
obedience to him, would join with them. 

It was at this time, and upon these reasons, that 
the king sent the marquis of Ormond into England, 
to find out and discover whether in truth there were 
any sober preparations and readiness for action, and 
then to head and conduct it ; or if it was not ripe, 
to compose the several distempers, and unite, as 
far as was possible, all who wished well, to con- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 347 

cur in the same patience for the present, and in the 1660. 
same activity when it should be seasonable. And" 
he, upon full conference with the principal persons 
of the most contradictory judgments, quickly found 
that they who were accused to be lazy and unactive 
were in truth discreet men, and as ready vigorously 
to appear as the other, when the season should be 
advisable, which he clearly discerned it was not 
then ; and that the presumption of the other, upon 
persons as well as places, was in no degree to be 
depended upon. And so, after he had done what 
was possible towards making a good intelligence 
between tempers and understandings so different, 
the marquis had the same good fortune to retire 
from thence and bring himself safe to the king ; 
which was the more wonderful preservation, in 
that, during the whole time of his abode in London, 
he had trusted no man more, nor conferred with 
any man so much, as with that person of the select 
knot, who had been corrupted to give all intelli- 
gence to Cromwell : and as he had now blasted and 
diverted some ill laid designs, so he had discovered 
the marquis's arrival to him, but could not be pre- 
vailed with to inform him of his lodging, which was 
particularly known to him upon every change, or to 
contrive any way for his apprehension : on the con- 
trary, as in all his conferences with him he ap- 
peared a man of great judgment and perspicacity, 
and the most ready to engage his person in any 
action that might be for his majesty's advantage, so 
he seemed best to understand the temper of the 
time, and the parts, faculties, and interest of all the 
king's party ; and left the marquis abundantly satis- 
fied with him, and of the general good reputation 



348 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. he had with all men : which had afterwards an ill 
"effect, for it kept the king and those who were 
trusted by him from giving credit to the first infor- 
mation he received, from a person who could not be 
deceived, of his tergiversation ; his late fidelity to 
the marquis of Ormond weighing down with them 
all the intimations, until the evidence was so preg- 
nant that there was no room for any doubt. 

After all these endeavours by the king to dis- 
countenance and suppress all unseasonable action 
amongst his party, and to infuse into them a spirit 
of peace and quiet till he himself could appear in 
the head of some foreign forces, which he looked 
upon as the only reasonable encouragement that 
could animate his friends to declare for him, the 
generous distemper and impatience of their nature 
was incorrigible. They thought the expectation of 
miracles from God Almighty was too lazy and stu- 
pid a confidence, and that God no less required their 
endeavours and activity, than they hoped for his be- 
nediction in their success. New hopes were enter- 
tained, and counsels suitable entered upon. Mr. 
Mordaunt, the younger son and brother to the earls 
of Peterborough, who was too young in the time of 
the late war to act any part in it, had lately under- 
gone, after Cromwell himself had taken great pains 
in the examination of him. a severe trial before the 
high court of justice ; where by his own singular ad- 
dress and behaviour, and his friends having wrought 
by money upon some of the witnesses to absent 
themselves, he was by one single voice acquitted; 
and after a longer detention in prison by the indig- 
nation of Cromwell, who well knew his guilt, and 
against the rules and forms of their own justice, he 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 349 

was discharged, after most of his associates were pub- 1 550. 

licly and barbarously put to several kinds of death. 

And he no sooner found himself at liberty, than he 
engaged in new intrigues, how he might destroy 
that government that was so near destroying him. 
The state of the kingdom was indeed altered, and he 
had encouragement to 'hope well, which former un- 
dertakers, and himself in his, had been without. 
Cromwell had entered into a war with Spain ; and 
the king was received and permitted to live in 
Flanders, with some exhibition from that king for 
his support, and assurance of an army to embark for 
England, (which made a great noise, and raised the 
broken hearts of his friends after so many distresses,) 
which his majesty was contented should be generally 
reputed to be greater and in more forwardness than 
there was cause for. He had likewise another ad- 
vantage, much superior and of more importance 
than the other, by the death of Cromwell, which fell 
out without or beyond expectation, which seemed 
to put an end to all his stratagems, and to dissolve 
the whole frame of government in the three king- 
doms, and to open many doors to the king to enter 
upon that which every body knew to be his own. 
And though this reasonable hope was, sooner than 
could be imagined, blasted and extinguished by an 
universal submission to the declaration that Crom- 
well had made at his death, " that his son Richard 
" should succeed him ;" upon which he was declar- 
ed protector by the council, army, navy, with the 
concurrence of the forces of the three kingdoms, 
and the addresses of all the counties in England, 
with vows of their obedience ; insomuch as he ap- 
peared in the- eyes of all men as formidably settled 



350 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

IGGO. as his father had been : yet Mr. Mordaunt proceeded 
"with alacrity in his design, contrary to the opinion 
and advice of those with whom he was obliged to 
consult, who thought the conjuncture as unfavour- 
able as any that was past, and looked upon Mr. Mor- 
daunt as a rash young man, of a daring spirit, with- 
out any experience in military affairs, and upon 
themselves as unkindly treated by those about the 
king, in being exposed to the importunity of a gen- 
tleman who was a stranger to them, and who was 
not equally qualified with them for the forming any 
resolution which they could concur in. n 

But the intermission of the severe persecution 
which had been formerly practised against the royal 
party, in this nonage of Richard's government, gave 
more liberty to communication ; and the Presby- 
terian party grew more discontented and daring, 
and the Independent less concerned to prevent any 
inconvenience or trouble to the weak son of Oliver, 
whom they resolved not to obey. Mr. Mordaunt, 
who had gained much reputation by his steady car- 
riage in his late mortification, and by his so brisk 
carriage so soon after, found credit with many per- 
sons of great fortune and interest ; as sir George 
Booth and sir Thomas Middleton, the greatest men 
in Cheshire and North Wales, who were reputed 
Presbyterians, and had been both very active against 
the king, and now resolved to declare for him ; sir 
Horatio Townsend, who was newly become of age, 
and the most powerful person in Norfolk, where 



n who was not equally quali- qualified with them for the form- 

fied with them for the forming ing any resolution which they 

any resolution which they could could not concur in. 
concur in.] who was equally 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 351 

there were many gallant men ready to follow him ; 1CGO. 
and many others the most considerable men in most "~ 
of the counties of England : who all agreed, in so 
many several counties of England, to appear upon a 
day, in such bodies as they could draw together; 
many considerable places being prepared for their 
reception, or too weak to oppose them. And Mr. 
Mordaunt secretly transported himself and waited 
upon the king at Brussels, with that wariness that 
he was known to none but to them with whom he 
was to consult. The king received by him a full 
information of the engagement of all those persons 
to do him service with the utmost hazard, and of 
the method they meant to proceed in, and the pro- 
bability, most like assurance, of their being to be 
possessed of Gloucester, Chester, Lynne, Yarmouth, 
all Kent, and the most considerable places in the 
west, where indeed his own friends were very con- t 
siderable. 

Upon the whole matter the king thought it so 
reasonable to approve the whole design, that he ap- 
pointed the day, with a promise to be himself, with 
his brother the duke of York, concealed at Calais or 
thereabout, that they might divide themselves to 
those parts which should be thought most proper for 
the work in hand. Mr. Mordaunt lamented the 
wariness and want of confidence in those persons 
upon whom the king depended, and acknowledged 
them most worthy of that trust, and of much repu- 
tation in the nation ; and imputed their much re- 
servation to the troubles and imprisonments which 
they had been seldom free from, and their observa- 
tion how little ground there had been for former 
enterprises, without the least suspicion of want of 



352 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 GGO. affection and resolution in any one of them, and less 
~of integrity. But the king was by this time fully 
convinced where the treachery was, without any 
blemish to any one of the rest, who needed not to 
be ashamed of being deceived by a man whom all 
the kingdom would have trusted. The ridiculous 
dethroning of Richard by the army, and the reas- 
sembling that part of the old parliament which was 
called the Rump, and which was more terrible than 
any single person could be, because they presently 
returned into their old track, and renewed their 
former rigour against their old more than their new 
enemies, rather advanced than restrained this com- 
bination ; too much being known to too many to be 
secure any other way than by pursuing it. So the 
king and duke, according to their former resolution, 
went to Calais and Boulogne, and prepared as well 
to make a descent into Kent with such numbers of 
men as the condition they were in would permit. 
How many of those designs came to be wonderfully 
and even miraculously disappointed, and sir George 
Booth defeated by Lambert, are particularly set 
down by those who have taken upon them to men- 
tion the transactions of those times. And from 
thence the universality of all who were, or were 
suspected to be, of the king's party, wqre, according 
to custom, imprisoned, or otherwise cruelly entreat- 
ed ; and thereupon a new fire kindled amongst 
themselves : they who had done nothing reproach- 
ing them who had brought that storm upon them ; 
and they who had been engaged more loudly and 
bitterly cursing the other, as deserters of the king, 
and the cause of the ruin of his cause through their 
want of courage, or, what was worse, of affection. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 353 

And so all men's mouths were opened wider to ac- 1 600. 
cuse and defame each other, than to defend their ~" 
own integrity and their lives. 

I have thought myself obliged to renew the me- Theun - 
mory of all these particulars, that the several vicissi-stitution of 
tudes and stages may be known, by which the jea- friend" at" 
lousies, murmurs, and disaffections in the royal party ^2". 
amongst themselves, and against each other, had em P lified - 
mounted to that height which the king found them 
at when he returned ; when in truth very few men 
of active minds, and upon whom he could depend in 
any sudden occasion that might probably press him, 
can be named, who had any confidence in each 
other. All men were full of bitter reflections upon 
the actions .and behaviour of others, or of excuses 
and apologies for themselves for what they thought 
might be charged upon them. The woful vice 
drinking, from the uneasiness of their fortune, 



1 . n t drinking. 

the necessity of frequent meetings together, for 
which taverns were the most secure places, had 
spread itself very far in that classis of men, as well 
as upon other parts of the nation, in all counties; 
and had exceedingly weakened the parts, and broken 
the understandings of many, who had formerly com- 
petent judgments, and had been in all respects fit for 
any trust ; and had prevented the growth of parts 
in many young men, who had good affections, but 
had been from their entering into the world so cor- 
rupted with that excess, and other license of the 
time, that they only made much noise, and, by their 
extravagant and scandalous debauches, brought 
many calumnies and disestimation upon that cause 
which they pretended to advance. They who had 
suffered much in their fortunes, and by frequent im- 
VOL. i. A a 



354 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF - 

1660. prisonments and sequestrations and compositions, 
""expected large recompenses and reparations in ho- 
nours which they could not support, or offices which 
they could not discharge, or lands and money which 
the king had not to give ; as all dispassioned men 
knew the conditions which the king was obliged to 
perform, and that the act of indemnity discharged 
all those forfeitures which could have been applied 
to their benefit : and therefore they who had been 
without comparison the greatest sufferers in their 
fortunes, and in all respects had merited most, never 
made any inconvenient suits to the king, but mo- 
destly left the memory and consideration of all they 
had done or undergone, to his majesty's own gra- 
Thosewho cious reflections. They were observed to be most 
least the importunate, who had deserved least, and were least 
portunat~e. capable to perform any notable service; and none 
had more esteem of themselves, and believed prefer- 
ment to be more due to them, than a sort of men, 
who had most loudly began the king's health in ta- 
verns, especially if for any disorders which had ac- 
companied it they had suffered imprisonment, with- 
out any other pretence of merit, or running any 
other hazard. 

Though it was very evident, humanly speaking, 
that the late combination entered into, and the brave 
attempt and engagement of sir George Booth, how 
unsuccessful soever in the instant, had contributed 
very much to the wonderful change that had since 
ensued, by the discovery of the general affections 
and disposition of the kingdom, and their aversion 
from any kind of government that was not founded 

knew] who knew 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 355 

upon the old principles; and the public or private 1 660. 
engagement of very many persons, who had never ~~ 
been before suspected, whereof, though many of 
the most considerable persons had been, by the 
treachery heretofore mentioned, committed to seve- 
ral prisons, yet many others of equal interest re- 
mained still in liberty, and had a great influence 
upon the counsels both in the parliament and army: 
yet, I say,' notwithstanding this was notorious, a 
greater animosity had been kindled in the royal 
party, and was still pursued and improved amongst 
them from that combination and engagement, than 
from all the other accidents and occasions, and gave 
the king more trouble and perplexity. It had in- 
troduced a great nuniber of persons, who had for- 
merly no pretence of merit from the king, rather 
might have been the objects of his justice, to a just 
title to the greatest favours the king could confer ; 
and which, from that time, they had continually 
improved by repeated offices and services, which, 
being of a later date, might be thought to cloud and 
eclipse the lustre of those actions, which had before 
been performed by the more ancient cavaliers, espe- 
cially of those who had been observed to be remiss 
in that occasion : and therefore they were the more 
solicitous in undervaluing the undertaking, and the 
persons of the undertakers, whom they mentioned 
under such characters, and to whom they imputed 
such weakness and levities as they had collected from 
the several parts of their lives, as might render them 
much disadvantage; and would by no means ad- 
mit, " that any of the good that afterwards befell 



the king, resulted in any degree from that rash more 
enterprise; but that thereby the king's friends 
A a 2 



356 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. " were so weakened, and more completely undone, 

~~" that they were disabled to appear in that conjunc- 

" ture when the army was divided, and in which 

" they might otherwise have been considerable 

" enough to have given the law to all parties." 

Mr. Mordaunt, whom the king had created a vis- 
count before his return into England, and had P been 
most eminent in the other contrivances, in a time 
when a general consternation had seized upon the 
spirits of those who wished best to his majesty ; for 
when he resumed his former resolutions, so soon 
after his head was raised from the block, and when 
the blood of his confederates watered so many 
streets in the city and the suburbs, the most trusted 
by the king had totally withdrawn their correspond- 
ence, and desired, that for some time no account or 
information might be expected from them ; and 
therefore it must not be denied, that his vivacity, 
courage, and industry, revived the hearts which 
were so near broken before Cromwell's death, and 
afterwards prevailed with many to have more active 
spirits than they had before appeared to have : this 
gentleman, I say, most unjustly underwent the 
heaviest weight of all their censures and reproaches. 
Particularly He was the butt, at which all their arrows of envy, 

of Mr. Mor- m i -i i i 

daunt, who malice, and jealousy, were aimed and shot ; he was 
signally" the object and subject of all their scurrilous jests, 
served the an( j depraving discourses and relations; and they, 
who agreed in nothing else, were at unity and of one 
mind, in telling ridiculous stories to the king him- 
self of his vanity and behaviour; and laying those 
aspersions upon him, as were most like to lessen the 

v and had] and who had 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 357 

king's opinion of him; and to persuade him, that 1660. 
the recompenses he had already received were"" 
abundantly more than the services he had per- 
formed : which kind of insinuations from several 
persons, who seemed not to do it by concert, toge- 
ther with some prejudice the noble person did him- 
self by some unseasonable importunities, as if he 
thought he had deserved very much, did for some 
time draw a more ungracious countenance from the 
king towards him, than his own nature disposed him 
to, or than the other's singular and useful activity, 
though liable to some levity or vanity, did deserve ; 
and which the same persons, who procured it, made 
use of against those who were in most trust about 
the king, as arguments of the little esteem they had 
of those who had done the king most service, when 
a man of so eminent merit as Mr. Mordaunt was so 
totally neglected; and did all they could to infuse 
the same apprehensions into him. When the truth 
is, most men were affected, and more grieved and 
discontented for any honour and preferment which 
they saw conferred upon another man, than for be- 
ing disappointed in their own particular expecta- 
tions ; and looked upon every obligation bestowed 
upon another man, how meritorious soever, as upon 
a reproach to them, and an upbraiding of their want 
of merit. 

This unhappy temper and constitution of the This per- 
royal party, with whom he had always intended to state erf the 
have made a firm conjunction against all accidents fr \ends 
and occurrences which might happen at home or" t c s h h *[~ 
from abroad, did wonderfully displease and trouble s P irit ' 
the king; and, with the other perplexities, which 
are mentioned before, did so break his mind, and 

A. a 3 



358 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. had that operation upon his spirits, that finding he 
""could not propose any such method to himself, by 
which he might extricate himself out of those many 
difficulties and labyrinths in which he was involved, 
nor expedite those important matters which de- 
pended upon the good-will and despatch of the par- 
liament, which would proceed by its own rules, and 
He gives with its accustomed formalities, he grew more dis- 
tdTb piea. posed to leave all things to their natural course, and 
God's providence ; and by degrees unbent his mind 
from the knotty and ungrateful part of his business, 
grew more remiss in his application to it, and in- 
dulged to his youth and appetite that license and 
satisfaction that it desired, and for which he had 
opportunity enough, and could not be without min- 
isters abundant for any such negociations ; the time 
itself, and the young people thereof of either sex 
having been educated in all the liberty of vice, 
wickedness without reprehension or restraint. All relations 
introduced were confounded by the several sects in religion, 
^ which discountenanced all forms of reverence and 
respect, as relics and marks of superstition. Chil- 
dren asked not blessing of their parents ; nor did 
they concern themselves in the education of their 
children; but were well content that they should 
take any course to maintain themselves, that they 
might be free from that expense. The young wo- 
men conversed without any circumspection or mo- 
desty, and frequently met at taverns and common 
eatinghouses ; and they who were stricter and more 
severe in their comportment, became the wives of 
the seditious preachers, or of officers of the army. 
The daughters of noble and "illustrious families be- 
stowed themselves upon the divines of the time, 7>r 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 359 

other low and unequal matches. Parents had no 1660. 
manner of authority over their children, nor children 
any obedience or submission to their parents; but 
" every one did that which was good in his own 
" eyes." This unnatural antipathy had its first rise 
from the beginning of the rebellion, when the fa- 
thers and sons engaged themselves in the contrary 
parties, the one choosing to serve the king, and the 
other the parliament ; which division and contradic- 
tion of affections was afterwards improved to mutual 
animosities and direct malice, by the help of the 
preachers and the several factions in religion, or by 
the absence of all religion : so that there were never 
such examples of impiety between such relations 
in any age of the world, Christian or heathen, as 
that wicked time, from the beginning of the rebel- 
lion to the king's return ; of which the families of 
Hotham and Vane are sufficient instances ; though 
other more illustrious houses may be named, where 
the same accursed fruit was too plentifully gathered, 
and too notorious to the world. The relation be- 
tween masters and servants had been long since dis- 
solved by the parliament, that their army might be 
increased by the prentices against their masters con- 
sent, and that they might have intelligence of the 
secret meetings and transactions in those houses and 
families which were not devoted to them ; from 
whence issued the foulest treacheries and perfidious- 
ness that were ever practised : and the blood of the 
master was frequently the price of the servant's 
villany. 

Cromwell had <i been most strict and severe in the 

i had] who had 

Aa 4 



360 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. forming the manners of his army, and in chastising 
~~all irregularities; insomuch that sure there was 
never any such body of men so without rapine,, 
swearing, drinking, or any other debauchery, but 
the wickedness of their hearts : and all persons 
cherished by him, were of the same leaven, and to 
common appearance without the practice of any of 
those vices which were most infamous to the people, 
and which drew the public hatred upon those who 
were notoriously guilty of them. But then he was 
well pleased with the most scandalous lives of those 
who pretended to be for the king, and wished that 
all his were such, and took all the pains he could 
that they might be generally thought to be such ; 
whereas in truth the greatest part of those who 
were guilty of those disorders were young men, who 
had never seen the king, and had been born and 
bred in those corrupt times, " when there was no 
" king in Israel." He was equally delighted with 
the luxury and voluptuousness of the presbyterians, 
who, in contempt of the thrift, sordidness, and af- 
fected ill-breeding of the independents, thought it 
became them to live more generously, and were not 
strict in restraining or mortifying the unruly and 
inordinate appetite of flesh and blood, but indulged 
it with too much and too open scandal, from which 
he reaped no small advantage ; and wished all those, 
who were not his friends, should not only be infected, 
but given over to the practice of the most odious 
vices and wickedness. 

In a word, the nation was corrupted from that 
integrity, good nature, and generosity, that had been 
peculiar to it, and for which it had been signal and 
celebrated throughout the world; in the room where- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 361 

of the vilest craft and dissembling had succeeded, j 660. 
The tenderness of the bowels, which is the quintes- 
sence of justice and compassion, the very mention of 
good nature was laughed at and looked upon as the 
mark and character of a fool ; and a roughness of 
manners, or hardheartedness and cruelty was af- 
fected. In the place of generosity, a vile and sordid 
love of money was entertained as the truest wisdom, 
and any thing lawful that would contribute towards 
being rich. There was a total decay, or rather a 
final expiration of all friendship ; and to dissuade a 
man from any thing he affected, or to reprove him 
for any thing he had done amiss, or to advise him 
to do any thing he had no mind to do, was thought 
an impertinence unworthy a wise man, and received 
with reproach and contempt. These dilapidations 
and ruins of the ancient candour and discipline were 
not taken enough to heart, and repaired with that 
early care and severity that they might have been ; 
for they were not then incorrigible ; but by the re- 
missness of applying remedies to some, and the un- 
wariness in giving a kind of countenance to others, 
too much of that poison insinuated itself into minds 
not well fortified against such infection : so that 
much of the malignity was transplanted, instead 
of being extinguished, to the corruption of many 
wholesome bodies, which, being corrupted, spread 
the diseases more powerfully and more mischiev- 
ously. 

That the king might be the more vacant to those 
thoughts and divertisements which pleased him best, 
he appointed the chancellor and some others to 
have frequent consultations with such members of 
the parliament who were most able and willing to 



362 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

J660. serve him; and to concert all the ways and means 
~by which the transactions in the houses might be 
carried with the more expedition, and attended with 
the best success. These daily conferences proved 
very beneficial to his majesty's service ; the mem- 
bers of both houses being very willing to receive ad- 
vice .and direction, and to pursue what they were 
directed ; and all things were done there in good 
The old order, and succeeded well. All the courts of justice 
justice re- * n Westminster hall were presently filled with grave 
and learned judges, who had either deserted their 
practice and profession during all the rebellious 
times, or had given full evidence of their affection 
to the king and the established laws, in many 
weighty instances : and they were then quickly sent 
in their several circuits, to administer justice to the 
people according to the old forms of law, which was 
universally received and submitted to with all pos- 
sible joy and satisfaction. All commissions of the 
peace were renewed, and the names of those per- 
sons inserted therein, who had been most eminent 
sufferers for the king, and were known to have en- 
tire affections for his majesty and the laws ; though 
it was not possible, but some would get and con- 
tinue in, who were of more doubtful inclinations, by 
their not being known to him, whose province it was 
to depute them. Denied it cannot be, that there 
appeared, sooner than was thought possible, a gene- 
ral settlement in the civil justice of the kingdom ; 
that no man complained without remedy, and 
" every man dwelt again under the shadow of his 
" own vine," without any complaint of injustice and 
oppression. 

The king exposed himself with more condescen- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 363 

sion than was necessary to persons of all conditions, 1660. 
heard all that they had a mind to say to him, and~ 
gave them such answers as for the present seemed 
full of grace. He was too well pleased to hear both 
the men and the women of all factions and fancies 
in religion discourse in their own method, and en- 
larged himself in debate with them ; which made 
every one believe that they were more favoured by 
him than they had cause : which kind of liberty, 
though at first it was accompanied with acclama- 
tions, and acknowledgment of his being a prince of 
rare parts and affability, yet it was attended after- 
wards with ill consequences, and gave many men 
opportunity to declare and publish, that the king 
had said many things to them which he had never 
said ; and made many concessions and promises to 
them which he had never uttered or thought upon. 

The chancellor was generally thought to have 
most credit with his master, and most power in the 
counsels, because the king referred all matters of 
what kind soever to him. And whosoever repaired The chan - 

cellor prin- 
tO him for his direction in any business was sent tocipaiiy en- 

the chancellor, not only because he had a great con-u,," 6 
fidence in his integrity, having been with him so*" 
many years, and of whose indefatigable industry he 
and all men had great experience ; but because he 
saw those men, whom he was as willing to trust, 
and who had at least an equal share in his affections, 
more inclined to ease and pleasure, and willing that 
the weight of the work should lie on the chancellor's 
shoulders, with whom they had an entire friendship, 
and knew well that they should with more ease be 
consulted by him in all matters of importance. Nor 
was it possible for him, at the first coining, to avoid 



trans- 

tlODS. 



364 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. the being engaged in all the counsels, of how dis- 
tinct a nature soever, because he had been best ac- 
quainted with all transactions whilst the king was 
abroad; and therefore communication with him in 
all things was thought necessary by those, who were 
to have any part in them. Besides that, he conti- 
nued still chancellor of the exchequer, by virtue of 
the grant formerly made to him by the last king, 
during whose time he executed that office, but re- 
solved to surrender it into the king's hand as soon 
as his majesty should resolve on whom to confer it ; 
he proposing nothing to himself, but to be left at 
liberty to intend only the discharge of his own office, 
which he thought himself unequalto, and hoped 
only to improve his talent that way by a most dili- 
gent application, well knowing the great abilities of 
those, who had formerly sat in that office, and that 
they found it required their full time and all their 
faculties. And therefore he did most heartily desire 
to meddle with nothing but that province, which 
though in itself and the constant perquisites of it is 
not sufficient to support the dignity of it, yet was 
then, upon the king's return ; and, after it had been 
so many years without a lawful officer, would un- 
questionably bring in money enough to be a foun- 
dation to a future fortune, competent to his ambi- 
tion, and enough to provoke the envy of many, who 
believed they deserved better than he. And that 
this was the temper and resolution he brought with 
him into England, and how unwillingly he departed 
from it, will evidently appear by two or three in- 
stances, which shall be given in their proper place. 
However, he could not expect that freedom till the 
council should be settled, (into which the king ad- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 365 

mitted all who had been counsellors to his father, 1660. 
and had not eminently forfeited that promotion by - 
their revolt, and many of those who had been and 
still were recommended by the general, amongst 
whom there were some who would not have been 
received upon any other title,) and until those officers 
could be settled, who might take particular care of 
their several provinces. 

The king had upon great deliberation whilst he 
was beyond the seas, after his return appeared in 
view, firmly resolved to reform those excesses which 
were known to be in great offices, especially in 
those of his household, whilst the places were va- 
cant, and to reform all extravagant expenses there ; 
and first himself to gratify those, who had followed 
and served him, in settling them in such inferior 
offices and places, as custom had put in the disposal 
of the great officers, when they should become va- 
cant after their admission. And of this kind he had 
made many promises, and given many warrants 
under his sign manual to persons, who to his own 
knowledge had merited those obligations. But most 
of those predeterminations, and many other resolu- 
tions of that kind, vanished and expired in the jol- 
lity of the return, and new inch* nations and affections 
seemed to be more seasonable. The general, who The general 
was the sole pillar of the king's confidence, had by ' ' 



the parliament been invested (before the king's re- ^ g j]y d tlie 
turn) in all the offices and commands which Crom- P arliament - 
well had enjoyed. He was lieutenant of Ireland, 
and general of all the armies and forces raised, or to 
be raised, in the three kingdoms; and it was not fit 
that he should be degraded from either upon his 
majesty's arrival : therefore all diligence was used 



366 * CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 660. in despatching grants of all those commands to him 
Also sworn under the great seal of England. And that he might 
ofthe'bed ^ e bh"ged to be always near his majesty's person, he 
chamber, was presently sworn gentleman of the bedchamber ; 

and master 

of the horse, and might choose what office he liked best in the 
court, whilst titles of honour were preparing by the 
attorney, and particulars of lands inquired after by 
the auditors and receivers, which in all respects 
might raise him to that height which would most 
please him. He made choice to be master of the 
horse, and was immediately gratified with it ; and 
thereby all those poor gentlemen, who had promises 
and warrants for several places, depending upon that 
great officer, were disappointed, and offered the 
king's sign manual to no purpose for their admission. 
The general in his own nature was an immoderate 
lover of money, and yet would have gratified some 
of the pretenders upon his majesty's recommenda- 
tion, if the vile good housewifery of his wife had 
not engrossed that province, and preferred him, who 
offered most money, before all other considerations 
or motives. And hereby, not only many honest 
men, who had several ways served the king, and 
spent the fortunes they had been masters of, were 
denied the recompenses the king had designed to 
them ; but such men, who had been most notorious 
in the malice against the crown from the beginning 
of the rebellion, or had been employed in all the 
active offices to affront and oppress his party, were 
for money preferred and admitted into those offices, 
and became the king's servants very much against 
his will, and with his manifest regret on the behalf 
of the honest men, who had been so unworthily re- 
jected. And this occasioned the first murmur and 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 367 

discontent, which appeared after the king's return, i860, 
amongst those who were not inclined to it, yet~ 
found every day fresh occasions to nourish and im- 
prove it. 

The settling this great officer in the stables made 
it necessary to appoint a lord steward of the house- 
hold, who was a necessary officer for the parliament, 
being by the statute appointed to swear all the 
members of the house of commons; and to this Themar - 

t quis of Or- 

charge the marquis of Ormond had been long de- mond made 
signed, and was then sworn. And they had b0tfcofth 
their tables erected according to the old models, and household 
all those excesses, which the irregular precedents of 
former times had introduced, and which the king 
had so solemnly resolved to reform, before it could 
be said to trench upon the rights of particular per- 
sons. But the good humour the king was in, and 
the plenty which generally appeared, how much 
soever without a fund to support it, and especially 
the natural desire his majesty had to see every body 
pleased, banished all thoughts of such providence ; 
instead whereof, he resolved forthwith to settle his 
house according to former rules, or rather without 
any rule, and to appoint the officers, who impatiently 
expected their promotion. He directed his own 
table to be more magnificently furnished than it had 
ever been in any time of his predecessors ; which 
example was easily followed in all offices. 

That he might give a lively instance of his grace 
to those who had been of the party which had been, 
faulty, according to his declaration from Breda, he 
made of his own free inclination and choice the earl'rheeariof 

-_,. _ Manchester 

ot Manchester (who was looked upon as one or the lord cham- 
principal heads of the presbyterian party) lord cham- 



368 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1C60. berlain of his house; who, continuing still to per- 
""form all good offices to his old friends, complied 
very punctually with all the obligations and duties 
which his place required, never failed being at 
chapel, and at all the king's devotions with all ima- 
ginable decency ; and, by his extraordinary civilities 
and behaviour towards all men, did not only appear 
the fittest person the king could have chosen for 
that office in that time, but rendered himself so ac- 
ceptable to all degrees of men, that none, but such 
who were implacable towards all who had ever dis- 
served the king, were sorry to see him so promoted. 
And it must be confessed, that as he had expressed 
much penitence for what he had done amiss, and 
was mortally hated and persecuted by Cromwell, 
even for his life, and had done many acts of merit 
towards the king ; so he was of all men, who had 
ever borne arms against the king, both in the gen- 
tleness and justice of his nature, in the sweetness 
and evenness of his conversation, and in his real 
principles for monarchy, the most worthy to be re- 
ceived into the trust and confidence in which he was 
placed. With his, the two other white staves were 
disposed of to those, to whom they were designed, 
when the king was prince of Wales, by his father : 
and all other inferior officers were made, who were 
to take care of the expenses of the house, and were 
a great part of it. 

And thus the king's house quickly appeared in 
its full lustre, the eating and drinking very grateful 
to all men, and the charge and expense of it much 
exceeding the precedents of the most luxurious 
times ; and all this before there was any provision 
of ready money, or any assignation of a future fund 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 369 

to discharge or support it. All men were ready to 1660. 
deliver their goods upon trust, the officers too remiss 
in computing the disbursements; insomuch as the 
debts contracted by those excesses in less than the 
first year broke all the measures in that degree, that 
they could not suddenly be retrenched for the fu- 
ture; and the debt itself was not discharged in 
many years. 

The king had in his purpose, long before his re- 
turn, to make the earl of Southampton (who was the 
most valued and esteemed of all the nobility, and 
generally thought worthy of any honour or office) 
lord high treasurer of England ; but he desired first 
to see some revenue settled by the parliament, and 
that part of the old, which had been sold and dis- 
persed by extravagant grants and sales, reduced into 
the old channel, and regularly to be received and 
paid, and the customs to be put in such order, (which 
were not yet granted, and only continued by orders 
as illegal as the late times had been accustomed to, 
and to the authority whereof he had no mind to ad- 
minister,) before he was willing to receive the staflf. 
And so the office of the treasury .was by commission 
executed by several lords of the council, whereof 
the chancellor, as well by the dignity of his place, 
as by his still being chancellor of the exchequer, 
was one ; and so engaged in the putting the cus- 
toms likewise into commissioners' hands, and settling 
all the other branches of the revenue in such man- 
ner as was thought most reasonable ; in all debates 
whereof his majesty himself was still present, and 
approved the conclusion. But after a month or two 
spent in this method, in the crowd of so much bu- 
siness of several natures, the king found so little 

VOL. I. B b 



370 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. expedition, that he thought it best to determine 
The eari of that commission, and so gave the staff to the earl of 
Southamp- Southampton, and made him treasurer. And the 

ton lord 

high trea- chancellor at the same time surrendering his office 

of chancellor of the exchequer into the king's hands, 

his majesty, upon the humble desire of the earl, con- 

And sir feiTed that office upon sir Anthony Ashley Cooper,who 

Ashiey Dy had married his niece, and whose parts well enough 

Sanceiior qualified him for the discharge thereof; though 

of the ex- some other qualities of his, as well known, brought 

chequer. ... . 

no advantage to Ins majesty by that promotion. 
And from this time the chancellor would never in- 
termeddle in the business of the exchequer, nor ad- 
mit any applications to him in it: however, the 
friendship was so great between the treasurer and 
him, and so notorious from an ancient date, and 
from a joint confidence in each other in the service 
of the last king, that neither of them concluded any 
matter of importance without consulting with the 
other. And so the treasurer, marquis of Ormond, 
the general, with the two secretaries of state, were 
of that secret committee with the chancellor ; which, 
under the notion of foreign affairs, were appointed 
by the king to consult all his affairs before they 
came to a public debate ; and in which there could 
not be a more united concurrence of judgments and 
affections. 

Yet it was the chancellor's misfortune to be 
thought to have the greatest credit with the king, 
for the reasons mentioned before, and which for 
some time seemed to be without envy, by reason of 
his many years service of the crown, and constant 
fidelity to the same, and his long attendance upon 
the person of his majesty, and the friendship he had 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 371 

with the most eminent persons who had adhered to 
that interest. Yet he foresaw, and told many of his 
friends, " that the credit he was thought to have 
" with the king, and which he knew was much less 
" than it was thought to be, and his being obliged 
" by the king to conduct many affairs, which were 
" foreign to those which principally concerned and 
" related to his office, would in a short time raise 
" such a storm of envy and malice against him, that Thechan - 
" he should not be able to stand the shock." All sees a storm 
men's impatience to get, and immodesty in asking, h,g against" 
when the king had nothing to give, with his ma- him< 
jesty's easiness of access, and that " imbecillitas fron- . 
" tis" which kept him from denying, together with 
rescuing himself from the most troublesome impor- 
tunities by sending men to the chancellor, could not 
but in a short time make him be looked upon as the 
man that obstructed all their pretences ; in which 
they were confirmed by his own carriage towards 
them, which, though they could not deny to be full 
of civility, yet he always dissuaded them from pur- 
suing the suits they had made to the king, as unfit 
or unjust for his majesty to grant, how inclinable 
soever he had seemed to them. And so, instead of 
promising to assist them, he positively denied so 
much as to endeavour it, when the matter would 
not bear it ; but where he could do courtesies, no 
man proceeded more cheerfully and more unasked, 
which very many of all conditions knew to be true"'; 
nor did he ever receive recompense or reward for 
any such offices. Of which temper of his there will 
be occasion to say more hereafter. 

The first matter of general and public importance, A discovery 

f .of the duke 

and which resulted not from any debate in parlia-ofYork's 

B b 2 



372 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 660. ment, was the discovery of a great affection that the 
marr iage duke had for the chancellor's daughter, who was a 
chancellor's m ^ ^ honour to the king's sister, the princess 
daughter, royal of Orange, and of a contract of marriage be- 
tween them : with which nobody was so surprised 
and confounded as the chancellor himself, who being 
of a nature free from any jealousy, and very confi- 
dent of an. entire affection and obedience from all 
his children, and particularly from that daughter, 
whom he had always loved dearly, never had in the 
least degree suspected any such thing; though he 
knew afterwards, that the duke's affection and kind- 
ness had been much spoken of beyond the seas, but 
without the least suspicion in any body that it could 
ever tend to marriage. And therefore it was che- 
rished and promoted in the duke by those, and only 
by those, who were declared enemies to the chan- 
cellor, and who hoped from thence, that some signal 
disgrace and dishonour would befall the chancellor 
and his family ; in which they were the more rea- 
sonably confirmed by the manner of the duke's living 
towards him, which had never any thing of grace 
in it, but very much of disfavour, to which the lord 
Berkley, and most of his other servants to please 
the lord Berkley, had contributed all they could ; 
and the queen's notorious prejudice to him had 
made it part of his duty to her majesty, which had 
been a very great discomfort to the chancellor, in 
his whole administration beyond the seas. But now, 
upon this discovery and the consequence thereof, he 
looked upon himself as a ruined person, and that 
the king's indignation ought to fall upon him as the 
contriver of that indignity to the crown, which as 
himself from his soul abhorred, and would have had 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 373 

the presumption of his daughter to be punished 166 - 
with the utmost severity, so he believed the whole 
kingdom would be inflamed to the punishment of it, 
and to prevent the dishonour which might result 
from it. And the least calamity that he expected 
upon himself and family, how innocent soever, was 
an everlasting banishment out of the kingdom, and 
to end his days in foreign parts in poverty and mi- 
sery. All which undoubtedly must have come to 
pass upon that occasion, if the king had either had 
that indignation which had been just in him ; or if 
he had withdrawn his grace and favour from him, 
and left him to be sacrificed by the envy and rage 
of others ; though at this time he was not thought 
to have many enemies, nor indeed any who were 
friends to any other honest men. But the king's 
own knowledge of his innocence, and thereupon his 
gracious condescension and interposition diverting 
any rough proceeding, and so a contrary effect to 
what hath been mentioned having been produced 
from thence; the chancellor's greatness seemed to 
be thereby confirmed, his family established above 
the reach of common envy, and his fortune to be in 
a growing and prosperous' condition not like to be 
shaken. Yeti after many years possession of this 
prosperity, an unexpected gust of displeasure took 
again its rise from this original, and overwhelmed 
him with variety and succession of misfortunes/ 

q Yet] And since but as some portion is omitted, 
r misfortunes.] An account the following relation, as it is 
of the entrance of the chancel- given in this part of the latter 
lor's daughter into the family of manuscript, is here inserted, 
the princess royal, compiled part- it is very reasonable to relate 
lyfrom the MS. of the Life, and from before this time all the pas- 
par tlyfrom that of the Continu- sages and circumstances, which 
ation, will be found at page '300; accompanied or attended that 

Bb3 



374 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 



1660. The chancellor, as soon as the king was at White- 
~ hall, had sent for his daughter, having a design pre- 



lady's first promotion in the ser- 
vice of the princess royal, in 
which the extreme averseness 
in her father and mother from 
embracing that opportunity, and 
the unusual grace and impor- 
tunity from them who conferred 
the honour, being considered, 
there may appear to many an 
extraordinary operation of Pro- 
vidence, ii> giving the first rise 
to what afterwards succeeded, 
though of a nature so trans- 
cendent as cannot be thought to 
have any relation to it. 

When the king resolved [as 
in page 300, line 5. to page 302, 
line 14.] Mrs. Killigrew was 
dead of the smallpox. 

O'Neile came in the instant 
to the chancellor with very much 
kindness, and told him, that if 
he desired the king to speak to 
his sister to receive his daughter 
into the place of Mrs. Killigrew, 
he was most confident she would 
do it very willingly, but that she 
expected the king should speak 
to her, because the queen had 
writ to bestow the place that 
should first fall vacant to an- 
other ; and when he found him 
not inclined to move the king in 
it, saying, he would not be any 
occasion to increase the jea- 
lousies which were already be- 
tween their majesties, nor to dis- 
pose the princess to displease 
her mother, he frankly offered 
to move the king without the 
other's appearing in it. Where- 
upon the chancellor thought it 
necessary to deal freely with him, 
and told him, that his daughter 
was the only company and com- 



fort that her mother had, and 
who he knew could not part 
with her; and that for him- 
self he was resolved, whilst the 
king's condition continued so 
low, he would not have his 
daughter in that gayety, which 
was necessary for the court of 
so young a princess; and there- 
fore he conjured him by all the 
friendship he had for him, since 
he saw to what resolution he 
was fixed, to use all his dexterity 
and address to divert the princess 
from the thought of a bounty 
that would prove so inconveni- 
ent to her, and to engage the 
lady Stanhope in the same office. 
O'Neile on the contrary used 
many arguments to him for his 
compliance with an opportunity 
that offered itself so much for 
[his] daughter's advantage, and 
which would probably, by the 
generosity of such a mistress, 
be attended with benefits and 
advantages which might absolve 
him from any further charges 
for her preferment. He remain- 
ed not to be shaken, and the 
other desisted from his impor- 
tunity. Shortly after, the king 
took notice of the vacant place 
in his sister's family, which he 
said he thought might in many 
respects be convenient for his 
daughter, and therefore offered 
to move his sister in it on her 
behalf. The chancellor, after 
he had acknowledged his ma- 
jesty's goodness, with all humi- 
lity besought him not to inter- 
pose his authority with his royal 
sister ; made him a full relation 
of all that had passed between 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 375 



sently to marry her ; to which purpose he had an i '60. 
overture from a noble family, on the behalf of a well- "~ 



O'Neile and him, and of his 
resolution not to separate his 
daughter from his wife, and that 
one should not live in lustre, 
whilst the other must be neces- 
sitated to continue in so much 
security; and thereupon humbly 
entreated the king to refuse to 
interpose in that affair. The 
king told him with a very gra- 
cious freedom, that his 'sister 
had directly spoken to him to 
move in it, because of the letter 
she had received from the queen ; 
that she herself had seen his 
daughter, and was so well pleas- 
ed with her nature and her hu- 
mour, which she had oppor- 
tunity to observe a week toge- 
ther, that she had taken a re- 
solution within herself, and 
communicated it to the lady 
Stanhope, that she would take 
her into her service when there 
should be opportunity; and 
therefore his majesty wished 
him to consider, whether he 
would not accept a benefit with 
all these circumstances ; how- 
ever advised him to wait upon 
his sister, and acknowledge so 
much grace, if he did not in- 
tend to make use of it. Though 
the chancellor was exceedingly 
perplexed with the knowledge 
of all these particulars, and un- 
derstood to what misinterpre- 
tation and disadvantages this 
obstinacy might make him lia- 
ble, yet he changed nothing of 
his resolution, and waited upon 
the princess with hope that he 
might convert her purely upon 
the inconvenience that might 
follow upon the conferring a 



grace, in that conjuncture, upon 
a family so inconsiderable to 
her service. 

After he had attended the 
princess, and with all the expres- 
sions which his gratitude could 
suggest to him magnified the 
many favours he had received 
from her, and the gracious in- 
clination he was informed shehad 
now for his daughter; and he 
knew no better way (he told her) 
to return his most dutiful ac- 
. knowledgments, than by taking 
care that she should undergo the 
least prejudice by her bounty to 
him, and therefore that he was re- 
solved not to receive the honour 
she was inclined to bestow upon 
his daughter: that he had the 
misfortune to be ill understood 
by the queen her mother, who 
would be the more incensed 
against him, and offended with 
her highness, if the recom- 
mendation she had given on the 
behalf of another lady should be 
rejected on his behalf, and that 
in truth he was not able to 
maintain his daughter in such a 
condition as that relation did 
require ; and concluded how in- 
convenient it would be to sepa- 
rate her from her mother, who 
would be desolate without her. 
Her royal highness, who heard 
him with great patience till he 
had alleged all the arguments 
why she should not persist in 
her gracious disposition, and 
why he could not receive the 
obligations, answered, " that 
" she knew well the long and 
" faithful service he had per- 
" formed towards the king her 

B b 4 



376 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. bred hopeful young gentleman, who was the heir of 

~~it. His daughter quickly arrived at her father's 

house, to his great joy, having always had a great 



" father, and the confidence his 
" majesty had in him at his 
" death; that he had continued 
" the same fidelity to the king 
" her brother, who was very. 
" sensible of it, and that she was 
" the more troubled, that her 
" mother had entertained any 
" prejudice towards him, which 
" she was assured proceeded 
" from some false information, 
" which would shortly appear 
" to be so; that for her own 
" part, she had always paid all 
" duty to her, and would be 
" ready to gratify any worthy 
" person who came recom- 
" mended by her majesty, but 
" that she would not exclude 
" her own judgment, and be 
" bound to have no servants 
" about her person but such 
te who should be recommended 
" by her mother, who she could 
" not believe could ever be of- 
" fended with her for taking 
" the daughter of a person who 
" had been of so eminent fide- 
" lity to the crown : that for the 
" maintenance of his daughter 
" he should take no further 
" care; she well enough knew 
" his condition, and how it 
" came to be such, and that 
" she took the care of that upon 
" herself: for what related to 
" his wife's unwillingness to 
" part with her daughter, her 
" highness said, she was con- 
" tented to refer it entirely to 
" her ; as soon as she came 
" home she would send for her 
" to Breda, and if her mother 



" would not permit her to come 
" to her, she had done her part, 
" and would acquiesce." There 
remained nothing for the chan- 
cellor to reply, and he remained 
still confident that his wife (to 
whom he had written to confirm 
her in her former resolution of 
having her daughter still with 
her) would continue of the mind 
she had been of; but when she 
was informed of all that had 
passed, she concluded that all 
those unusual circumstances in 
an affair of that nature were not 
without some instinct of Provi- 
dence ; and so when the princess 
royal sent for her daughter, she 
went herself likewise, and pre- 
sented her to her highness ; to 
which possibly it was some mo- 
tive, that there would then re- 
main no objection against her 
own residence with her hiis- 
band ; and so she presently re- 
moved to him to Cologne, where 
the king then was, and remained 
for some years. Having now set 
down (not improperly I think) 
the true rise and story of his 
daughter's going into that court, 
with all the particulars which 
preceded it, I shall now return 
to that place from whence this 
digression led us, of the public 
discovery of the duke's affection, 
and shall continue the relation 
till an end was put to that great 
affair, by the consent and ap- 
probation of the royal family, 
and, for ought appeared to the 
contrary, to the general satis- 
faction of the kingdom. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 377 

affection for her ; and she being his eldest child, he j 660. 
had more acquaintance with her, than with any of 
his children ; and being now of an age fit for mar- 
riage, he was well pleased that he had an opportu- 
nity to place her in such a condition, as with God's 
blessing was like to yield her much content. She The duke's 
had not been long in England, when the duke fo-ofHtotb* 
formed the king " of the affection and engagement kl " 8 ' 
" that had been long between them ; that they had 
" been long contracted, and that she was with 
" child :" and therefore with all imaginable impor- 
tunity he begged his majesty's leave and permission 
upon his knees, " that he might publicly marry her, 
" .in such a manner as his majesty thought necessary 
" for the consequence thereof." The king was much 
troubled with it, and more with his brother's pas- 
sion, which was expressed in a very wonderful man- 
ner and with many tears, protesting, " that if his 
"majesty should not give his consent, he would 
" immediately leave the kingdom, and must spend his 
" life in foreign parts." His majesty was very much 
perplexed to resolve what to do : he knew the chan- 
cellor so well, that he concluded that he was not 
privy to it, nor would ever approve it ; and yet that 
it might draw much prejudice upon him, by the jea- 
lousy of those who were not well acquainted with 
his nature. He presently sent for the marquis ofrhe king 
Ormond and the earl of Southampton, who he well oflhe cban- 
knew were his bosom friends, and informed them at^j^V^ 
large, and of all particulars which had passed from to P eD the 

matter to 

the duke to him, and commanded them presently toim- 
see for the chancellor to come to his own chamber 
at Whitehall, where they would meet him upon a 
business of great importance, which the king had 



378 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. commended to them for their joint advice. They 
no sooner met, than the marquis of Ormond told the 
chancellor, " that he had a matter to inform him of, 
" that he doubted would give him much trouble ;" 
and therefore advised him to compose himself to 
hear it : and then told him, " that the duke of York 
" had owned a great affection for his daughter to 
" the king, and that he much doubted that she was 
" with child by the duke, and that the king re- 
" quired the advice of them ancj of him what he was 
" to do." 

The chan- The manner of the chancellor's receiving this ad- 
wittTittr vertisement made it evident enough that he was 
the heart : struc k w j t j, j t to tne heart, and had never had the 

least jealousy or apprehension of it. He broke out 
into a very immoderate passion against the wicked- 
ness of his daughter, and said with all imaginable 
earnestness, " that as soon as he came home he 
" would turn her out of his house, as a strumpet, to 
" shift for herself, and would never see her again." 
They told him, " that his passion was too violent to 
" administer good counsel to him, that they thought 
" that the duke was married to his daughter, and 
" that there were other measures to be taken than 
" those which the disorder he was in had suggested 
" to him." Whereupon he fell into new commo- 
tions, and said, " if that were true, he was well pre- 
And breaks pared to advise what was to be done : that he had 

out into a 

very immo- " much rather his daughter should be the duke's 
ion. " whore than his wife : in the former case nobody 
" could blame him for the resolution he had taken, 
" for he was not obliged to keep a whore for the 
" greatest prince alive ; and the indignity to him- 
" self he would submit to the good pleasure of God. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 379 

" But if there were any reason to suspect the other, 1660. 
" he was ready to give a positive judgment, in which 
" he hoped their lordships would concur with him ; 
" that the king should immediately cause the wo- 
'* man to be sent to the Tower, and to be cast into 
" a dungeon, under so strict a guard, that no per- 
" son living should be admitted to come to her ; 
" and then that an act of parliament should be im- 
" mediately passed for the cutting off her head, to 
" which he would not only give his consent, but 
" would very willingly be the first man that should 
" propose it :" and whoever knew the man, will be- 
lieve that he said all this very heartily. 

In this point of time the king entered the room, 
and sat down at the table ; and perceiving by his 
countenance the agony the chancellor was in, and 
his swollen eyes from whence a flood of tears were 
fallen, he asked the other lords, " what they had done, 
" and whether they had resolved on any thing." 
The earl of Southampton said, " his majesty must 
" consult with soberer men ; that he" (pointing to 
the chancellor) " was mad, and had proposed such 
" extravagant things, that he was no more to be 
" consulted with." Whereupon his majesty, look- 
ing upon him with a wonderful benignity, said, 
" Chancellor, I knew this business would trouble 
" you, and therefore I appointed your two friends 
" to confer first with you upon it, before I would 
" speak with you myself: but you must now lay 
" aside all passion that disturbs you, and consider 
" that this business will not do itself; that it will 
" quickly take air ; and therefore it is fit that I first 
" resolve what to do, before other men uncalled pre- 
" sume to give their counsel : tell me therefore 



380 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. " what you would have me do, and I will follow 
~~" your advice." Then his majesty enlarged upon 
the passion of his brother, and the expressions he 
had often used, " that he was not capable of having 
" any other wife, and the like." Upon which the 
chancellor arose, and with a little composedness 
said, " Sir, I hope I need make no apology to you 
" for myself, and of my own in this matter, upon 
" which I look with so much detestation, that 
" though I could have wished that your brother 
" had not thought it fit to have put this disgrace 
"upon me, I had much rather submit and bear it 
" with all humility, than that it should be repaired 
" by making her his wife ; the thought whereof I 
" do so much abominate, that I had much rather 
" see her dead, with all the infamy that is due to 
" her presumption." And then he repeated all that 
he had before said to the lords, of sending her pre- 
sently to the Tower, and the rest ; and concluded, 
" Sir, I do upon all my oaths which I have taken to 
" you Jto give you faithful counsels, and from all the 
" sincere gratitude I stand obliged to you for so 
" many obligations, renew this counsel to you ; and 
" do beseech you to pursue it, as the only expedient 
" that can free you from the evils that this business 
" will otherwise bring upon you." And observing 
by the king's countenance, that he was not pleased 
with his advice, he continued and said, " I am the 
" dullest creature alive, if, having been with your 
" majesty so many years, I do not know yoiir infirm- 
" ities better than other men. You are of too 
" easy and gentle a nature to contend with those 
" rough affronts, which the iniquity and license of 
" the late times is like to put upon you, before it 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 381 

" be subdued and reformed. The presumption all 1660. 
" kind of men have upon your temper is too noto-~~ 
" rious to all men, and lamented by all who wish 
" you well : and, trust me, an example of the 
" highest severity in a case that so nearly concerns 
" you, and that relates to the person who is nearest 
" to you, will be so seasonable, that your reign, dur- 
" ing the remaining part of your life, will be the 
" easier to you, and all men will take heed how 
" they impudently offend you." 

He had scarce done speaking, when the duke of 
York came in ; whereupon the king spake of some 
other business, and shortly after went out of the 
roOm with his brother, whom (as was shortly known) 
he informed of all that the chancellor had said, who, 
as soon as he came to his house, sent his wife to 
command his daughter to keep her chamber, and 
not to admit any visits ; whereas before she had al- 
ways been at dinner and supper, and had much 
company resorting to her : which was all that he 
thought fit to do upon the first assault, and till he 
had slept upon it, (which he did very unquietly,) and 
reflected upon what was like to be the effect of so 
extravagant a cause. And this was quickly known 
to the duke, who was exceedingly offended at it, 
and complained to the king, " as of an indignity of- 
" fered to him." And the next morning the king 
chid the chancellor for proceeding with so much 
precipitation, and required him " to take off that re- 
" straint, and to leave her to the liberty she had 
" been accustomed to." To which he replied, " that 
" her having not discharged the duty of a daughter 
" ought not to deprive him of the authority of a 
" father ; and therefore he must humbly beg his ma- 



1660. "jesty not to interpose his commands against his 
~" " doing any thing that his own dignity required : 
" that he only expected what his majesty would do 
" upon the advice he had humbly offered to him, 
" and when he saw that, he would himself proceed 
" as he was sure would become him :" nor did he 
take off any of the restraint he had imposed. Yet 
he discovered after, that even in that time the duke 
had found ways to come to her, and to stay whole 
nights with her, by the administration of those 
who were not suspected by him, and who had 
the excuse, " that they knew that they were mar- 
" ried." 

This affair This subject was quickly the matter of all men's 
not those discourse, and did not produce those murmurs and 
murmurs discontented reflections which were expected. The 

and discon- 
tents the parliament was sitting, and took not the least no- 

chancellor 

expected, tice of it ; nor could it be discerned that many were 
scandalized, at it. The chancellor received the same 
respects from all men which he had been accus- 
tomed to : and the duke himself, in the house of 
peers, frequently sat by him upon the woolsack, 
that he might the more easily confer with him upon 
the matters which were debated, and receive his ad- 
vice how to behave himself; which made all men 
believe that there had been a good understanding 
between them. And yet it is very true, that, in all 
that time, the duke never spake one word to him 
of that affair. The king spake every day about it^ 
and told the chancellor, " that he must behave him- 
" self wisely, for that the thing was remediless ; and 
" that his majesty knew that they were married, 
" which would quickly appear to all men, who 
" knew that nothing could be done upon it." In 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON 383 

this time the chancellor had conferred with his 1660. 
daughter, without any thing of indulgence, and not" 
only discovered that they were unquestionably mar- 
ried, but by whom, and who were present at it, 
who would be ready to avow it ; which pleased him 
not, though it diverted him from using some of 
that rigour which he intended. And he saw no 
other remedy could be applied, but that which he 
had proposed to the king, who thought of nothing 
like it. 

At this time there was news of the princess 
royal's embarkation in Holland, which obliged the 
king and the duke of York to make a journey to 
Dover to receive her, who came for no other reason, 
but to congratulate with the king her brother, and 
to have her share in the public joy. The morning 
that they began their journey, the king and the 
duke came to the chancellor's house ; and the king, 
after he had spoken to him of some business that 
was to be done in his absence, going out of the 
room, the duke stayed behind, and whispered the 
chancellor in the ear, because there were others at a 
little distance, "that he knew that he had heard of 
" the business between him and his daughter, and 
" of which he confessed he ought to have spoken 
" with him before ; but that when he returned 
" from Dover, he would give him full satisfaction : 
" in the mean time," he desired him, " not to be of- 
" fended with his daughter." To which the chan- 
cellor made no other answer, than " that it was a 
" matter too great for him to speak of." 

When the princess royal came to the town, there 
grew to be a great silence in that affair. The duke 
said nothing to the chancellor, nor came nor sent to 



384 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 
1 660. his daughter, as he had constantly used to do : and 



it was industriously published about the town, that 
that business was broken off, and that the duke was 
resolved never to think more of it. The queen had 
before written a very sharp letter to the duke, full 
of indignation, that he should have so low thoughts 
as to marry such a woman ; to whom he shewed 
The quen the letter, as not moved by it. And now she sent 
in- the king word, " that she was on the way to Eng- 



censed at f( \ an ^ t o prevent, with her authority, so great a 
" stain and dishonour to the crown ;" and used 
many threats and passionate expressions upon the 
subject. The chancellor sat unconcerned in all the 
rumours which were spread, " that the queen was 
" coming with a purpose to complain to the parlia- 
" ment against the chancellor, and to apply the 
" highest remedies to prevent so great a mischief." 

In the mean time it was reported abroad, that 
the duke had discovered some disloyalty in the lady, 
which he had never suspected, but had now so full 
evidence of it, that he was resolved never more to 
see her ; and that he was not married. And all his 
family, whereof the lord Berkley and his nephew 
were the chief, who had long hated the chancellor, 
The king spake very loudly and scandalously of it. The king 
sei7with im carried himself with extraordinary grace towards 
the chancellor, and was with him more, and spake 



towards the U p 0n all occasions and before all persons more gra- 

chancellor. r 

ciously of him, than ever. He told him with much 
trouble, " that his brother was abused ; and that 
" there was a wicked conspiracy set on foot by vil- 
" lains, which, in the end, must prove of more dis- 
" honour to the duke than to any body else." 

The queen was now ready to embark, inflamed 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 385 

and hastened by this occasion ; and it was fit for 1 G60. 
the king and the duke to wait on her at the shore. ~" 
But before his majesty's going, he resolved of him- 
self to do a grace to the chancellor, that should 
publish how far he was from being shaken in his fa- 
vour towards him, and to do it with such circum- 
stances as gave it great lustre. From the time of 
his coming into England, he had often offered the 
chancellor to make him a baron, and told him, " that 
" he was assured by many of the lords, that it was 
" most necessary for his service in the parliament." 
But he had still refused it, and besought his ma- 
jesty " not to think of it ; that it would increase 
" the envy against him if he should confer that ho- 
" nour upon him so soon ; but that hereafter, when 
** his majesty's affairs should be settled, and he, out 
" of the extraordinary perquisites of his office, should 
** be able to make some addition to his small for- 
" tune, he would, with that humility that became 
" him, receive that honour from him." The king, 
in few days after, coming to him, and being alone 
with him in his cabinet, at going away gave him a Makes inm 
little billet into his hand, that contained a warrant twenty" 
of his own handwriting to sir Stephen Fox, to pay to J^,;? " d 
the chancellor the sum of twenty thousand pounds ; 
which was part of the money which the parliament 
had presented to the king at the Hague, and for 
which he had been compelled to take bills of ex- 
change again from Amsterdam upon London ; which 
was only known to the king, the chancellor, and sir 
Stephen Fox, who was intrusted to receive it, as he 
had done all the king's monies for many years be- 
yond the seas. This bounty flowing immediately 
from the king at such a melancholic conjuncture, 
VOL. I. c c 



386 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. and of which nobody could have notice, could not 
~~ but much raise the spirits of the chancellor. Nor 
did the king's goodness rest here; but the night 
before he began his journey towards the queen, he 
sent for the attorney general, whom he knew to be 
most devoted to the chancellor, and told him, " that 
" he must intrust him in an affair that he must 
" not impart to the chancellor :" and then gave him 
a warrant signed for the creation of him a baron, 
which he commanded " to be ready to pass the seal 
" against the hour of his majesty's return, and he 
" would then see it sealed himself; but if the chan- 
" cellor came first to know it, he would use great 
** importunity to stop it." The attorney said, " it 
" would be impossible to conceal it from him, be- 
" cause, without his privity and direction, he knew 
" not what title to give him for his barony." The 
king replied with warmth, " that he should confer 
" with some of his . friends of the way ; but that he 
" would take it ill of him, if there were any delay 
" in it, and if it were not ready for the seal at the 
" time of his return, which would be in few days." 
The attorney came to the chancellor and told him, 
" he would break a trust to do him a service ; and 
" therefore he presumed, that he would not be so 
" unjust to let him suffer by it :" and then told 
him all that had passed between the king and him. 
And the chancellor confessed, " that the king's ob- 
" liging manner of proceeding s , and the conjunc- 
" ture in which this honour was given," though he 
had before refused it with obstinacy, " made it now 

6 obliging manner of proceeding] manner of proceeding was so 
obliging fv 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 387 

" very grateful to him :" and so without hesitation 1 6GO. 
he told him what title he would assume. And all And crcMps 
was ready against the king's return, and signed by [ * 
him, and sealed the same night. 

The queen had expressed her indignation to the 
king and duke, with her natural passion, from the 
time of their meeting; and the duke had asked 
her pardon " for having placed his affection so un- 
" equally, of which he was sure there was now an 
" end ; that he was not married, and had now such 
" evidence of her unworthiness, that he should no 
" more think of her." And it was now avowedly 
said, that sir Charles Berkley, who was captain of 
his guard, and in much more credit and favour with 
the duke than his uncle, (though a young man of a 
dissolute life, and prone to all wickedness in the 
judgment of all sober men,) had informed the duke, 
" that he was bound in conscience to preserve him sir charies 

r> i >ft i it i Berkley tra- 

" irom taking to wife a woman so wholly unworthy duces the 



" of him; that he himself had lain with her; and 

" that for his sake he would be content to many i iutation - 

" her, though he knew well the familiarity the duke 

" had with her." This evidence, with so solemn 

oaths presented by a person so much loved and 

trusted by him, made a wonderful impression in the 

duke ; and now confirmed by the commands of his 

mother, as he had been before prevailed upon by his 

sister, he resolved to deny that he was married, and up winch 

* - the duke re- 

never to see the woman again, who had been so false solves to 
to him. And the queen being satisfied with this marriage. 
resolution, they came all to London, with a full 
hope that they should prevail to the utter overthrow 
of the chancellor ; the king having, without any re- 
ply or debate, heard all they said of the other af- 

cc 2 



388 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. fair, and his mother's bitterness against him. But 
~ when, the very next morning after their arrival at 
London, they saw the chancellor (who had not seen 
the king) appear in the parliament in the robes of a 
peer ; they thought it to no purpose to prosecute their 
design against him, whom his majesty was resolved 
to protect from any unjust persecution. But the 
other resolution was pursued with noise and much 
defamation. 

The next day after the queen's arrival, all the 
privy council in a body waited upon the queen to 
congratulate her return into England; and the 
chancellor was obliged to go in the head of them, 
and was received with the same countenance that 
the rest were, which was very cheerful, and with 
many gracious expressions. And from this time he 
put not himself in her majesty's presence, nor ap- 
peared at all concerned at the scandalous discourses 
against his daughter. The earl of St. Alban's, and 
all who were near the queen in any trust, and the 
lord Berkley and his faction about the duke, lived in 
defiance of the chancellor ; and so imprudently, that 
they did him no harm, but underwent the reproach 
of most sober men. The king continued his grace 
towards him without the least diminution, and not 
only to him, but to many others who were trusted 
by him ; which made it evident that he believed no- 
thing of what sir Charles Berkley avowed, and 
looked on him as a fellow of great wickedness : 
which opinion the king was long known to have of 
him before his coming into England, and after. 

In the mean time, the season of his daughter's de- 
livery was at hand. And it was the king's chance 
to be at his house with the committee of council, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 389 

when she fell in labour : of -which being advertised 1 6GO. 

by her father, the king directed him " to send for ~~ 

" the lady marchioness of Ormond, the countess of 

" Sunderland, and other ladies of known honour 

" and fidelity to the crown, to be present with her :" 

who all came, and were present till she was deli- The duchess 

i n mi i i n -r-rr' -, delivered of 

vered of a son. The bishop of Winchester, in the a son. 
interval of her greatest pangs, and sometimes when 
they were upon her, was present, and asked her 
such questions as were thought fit for the occasion ; 
" whose the child was of which she was in labour," 
whom she averred, with all protestations, to be the 
duke's ; " whether she had ever known any other 
" man ;" which she renounced with all vehemence, 
saying, " that she was confident the duke did not 
"think she had;" and being asked " whether she 
" were married to the duke," she answered, " she 
" was, and that there were witnesses enough, who 
" in due time, she was confident, would avow it." 
In a word, her behaviour was such as abundantly sa- 
tisfied the ladies who were present, of her innocence 
from the reproach ; and they were not reserved in 
the declaration of it, even before the persons who 
were least pleased with their testimony. And the 
lady marchioness of Ormond took an opportunity to 
declare it fully to the duke himself, and perceived in % 
him such a kind of tenderness, that persuaded her 
that he did not believe any thing amiss. And the 
king enough published his opinion and judgment of 
the scandal. 

The chancellor's own carriage, that is, his doing 
nothing, nor saying any thing from whence they 
might take advantage, exceedingly vexed them. 
Yet they undertook to know, and informed the duke 

c c 3 



390 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE 'OF 

1660. confidently, " that the chancellor had a great party 
~~ " in the parliament ;" and that " he was resolved 
" within few days to complain there, and to produce 
" the witnesses, who were present at the marriage, 
"to be examined, that their testimony might re- 
" main there ; which would be a great affront to 
" him ;" with many other particulars, which might 
incense his highness. Whereupon the duke, who 
had been observed never to have spoken to him in 
the house of peers, or any where else, since the time 
of his going to meet his sister, finding the chancellor 
one day in the privy lodgings, whispered him in the 
ear, " that he would be glad to confer with him in 
" his lodging," whither he was then going. The 
other immediately followed ; and being come thi- 
ther, the duke sent all his servants out of distance ; 
and then told him with much warmth, " what he 
" had been informed of his purpose to complain to 
" the parliament against him, which he did not va- 
" lue or care for : however, if he should prosecute 
" any such course, it should be the worse for him ;" 
implying some threats, " what he would do before he 
" would bear such an affront ;" adding then, " that 
" for his daughter, she had behaved herself so foully, 
" (of which he had such evidence as was as con- 
" vincing as his own eyes, and of which he could 
" make no doubt,) that nobody could blame him for 
" his behaviour towards her ;" concluding with some 
other threats, " that he should repent it, if he pur- 
" sued his intention of appealing to the paiiia- 
" ment." 

As soon as the duke discontinued his discourse, 
the chancellor told him, " that he hoped he would 
" discover the untruth of other reports which had 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 391 

" been made to him by the falsehood of this, which j 660. 
" had been raised without the least ground or sha- ~~ 
" dow of truth. That though he did not pretend to 
" much wisdom, yet no man took him to be such a 
" fool, as he must be, if he intended to do such an 
"" act as he was informed. That if his highness had 
" done any thing towards or against him, which he 
" ought not to have done, there was one who is as 
" much above him, as his highness was above him, 
" and who could both censure and punish it. For 
" his own part, he knew too well whose son he was, 
" and whose brother he is, to behave himself to- 
" wards him with less duty and submission than was 
" due to him, and should be always paid by him." He 
said, " he was not concerned to vindicate his daugh- 
" ter from any the most improbable scandals and 
" aspersions : she had disobliged and deceived him 
" too much, for him to be over-confident that she 
" might not deceive any other man : and therefore 
" he would leave that likewise to God Almighty, 
" upon whose blessing he would always depend, 
" whilst himself remained innocent, and no longer." 
The duke replied not, nor from that time men- 
tioned the chancellor with any displeasure ; and re- 
lated to the king, and some other persons, the dis- 
course that had passed, very exactly. 

There did not after all this appear, in the dis- 
courses of men, any of that humour and indigna- 
tion which was expected. On the contrary, men of 
the greatest name and reputation spake of the foul- 
ness of the proceeding with great freedom, and with 
all the detestation imaginable against sir Charles 
Berkley, whose testimony nobody believed; not 
without some censure of . the chancellor, for not 

c c 4 



392 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 660. enough appearing and prosecuting the indignity : 
~" but he was not to be moved by any instances, which 
he never afterwards repented. The queen's implac- 
able displeasure continued in the full height, doing 
all she could to keep the duke firm to his resolution, 
and to give all countenance to the calumny. As be- 
fore the discovery of this engagement of the duke's 
affection, the duke of Gloucester had died of the 
smallpox, to the extraordinary grief of the king and 
the whole kingdom ; so at this time it pleased God 
to visit the princess royal with the same disease, and 
of which she died within few days ; having in her 
last agonies expressed a dislike of the proceedings in 
that affair, to which she had contributed too much. 
The duke The duke himself grew melancholic and dispirited, 
faudioiTc! and cared not for company, nor those divertisements 
in which he formerly delighted : which was observed 
by every body, and which in the end wrought so far 
upon the conscience of the lewd informer, that he, 
sir Charles Berkley, came to the duke, and clearly 
sir Charles declared to him, " that the general discourse of men, 
&>n(esLs " of what inconvenience and mischief, if not absolute 
hoo<fof e ~ " rum > such a marriage would be to his royal high- 
his charge ness, had prevailed with him to use all the power 

against the 

duchess. " he had to dissuade him from it ; and when he found 
" he could not prevail with him, he had formed that 
" accusation, which he presumed could not but pro- 
" duce the effect he wished ; which he now con- 
" fessed to be false, and without the least ground ; 
'* and that he was very confident of her virtue :" 
and therefore besought his highness " to pardon a 
** fault, that was committed out of pure devotion to 
" him ; and that he would not suffer him to be 
-" ruined by the power of those, whom he had so un- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 393 

" worthily provoked ; and of which he had so much 1 660. 
" shame, that he had not confidence to look upon 
" them." The duke found himself so much relieved 
in that part that most afflicted him, that he em- 
braced him, and made a solemn promise, " that he 
" should not suffer in the least degree in his own 
" affection, for what had proceeded so absolutely 
" from his good-will to him ; and that he would 
" take so much care of him, that in the compound- 
" ing that affair he should be so comprehended, 
" that he should receite no disadvantage." 

And now the duke appeared with another coun- The duke 
tenance, writ to her whom he had injured, " that 
" he would speedily visit her," and gave her charge con 
" to have a care of his son." He gave the king a 
full account of all, without concealing his joy ; and 
took most pleasure in conferring with them, who had 
seemed least of his mind when he had been most 
transported, and who had always argued against 
the probability of the testimony which had wrought 
upon him. The queen was not pleased with this 
change, though the duke did not yet own to her 
that he had altered his resolution. She was always 
very angry at the king's coldness, who had been so 
far from that aversion which she expected, that he 
found excuses for the duke, and endeavoured to di- 
vert her passions ; and now pressed the discovery of 
the truth by sir Charles Berkley's confession, as a 
thing that pleased him. They about her, and who 
had most inflamed and provoked her to the sharpest 
resentment, appeared more calm in their discourses, 
and either kept silence, or spake to another tune 
than they had done formerly, and wished that the 
business was well composed ; all which mightily in- 



394 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. creased the queen's passion. And having come to 
~ know that the duke had made a visit at the place 
she most abhorred, she brake into great passion, 
The queen and publicly declared, " that whenever that woman 
fended at " should be brought into Whitehall by one door, 
e." ner majesty would go out of it by another door, 
" and never come into it again." And for several 
days her majesty would not suffer the duke to be in 
her presence ; at least, if he came with the king, she 
forbore to speak to him, or to take any notice of 
him. Nor could they, who had used to have most 
credit with her, speak to her with any acceptation ; 
though they were all weary of the distances they 
had kept, and discerned well enough where the 
matter must end. And many desired to find some 
expedient, how the work might be facilitated, by 
some application and address from the chancellor to 
the queen : but he absolutely refused to make the 
least advance towards it, or to contribute to her in- 
dignation by putting himself into her majesty's pre- 
sence. He declared, " that the queen had great 
" reason for the passion she expressed for the indig- 
" nity that had been done to her, and which he 
" would never endeavour to excuse ; and that as 
" far as his low quality was capable of receiving an 
" injury from so great a prince, he had himself to 
" complain of a transgression that exceeded the 
" limits of all justice, divine and human." 

The queen had made this journey out of France 
into England much sooner than she intended, and 
only, upon this occasion, to prevent a mischief she 
had great reason to deprecate. And so, upon her 
arrival, she had declared, " that she would stay a 
" very short time, being obliged to return into 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 895 

" France for her health, and to use the waters of 1660. 
" Bourbon, which had already done her much good, 
" that the ensuing season would with God's blessing 
" make perfect." And the time was now come, 
that orders were sent for the ships to attend her 
embarkation at Portsmouth ; and the day was ap- 
pointed for the beginning her journey from White- 
hall : so that the duke's affair, which he now took 
to heart, was (as every body thought) to be left in 
the state it was, at least under the renunciation and 
interdiction of a mother. When on a sudden, of 
which nobody then knew the reason, her majesty's 
countenance and discourse was changed ; she treated 
the duke with her usual kindness, and confessed to 
him, "that the business that had offended her 



" much, she perceived was proceeded so far, that no alters her y 
" remedy could be applied to it ; and therefore that behaviour> 
" she would trouble herself no further in it, but 
" pray to God to bless him, and that he might be 
" happy :" so that the duke had now nothing to 
wish, but that the queen would be reconciled to his 
wife, who remained still at her father's, where the 
king had visited her often ; to which the queen was 
not averse, and spake graciously of the chancellor, 
and said, " she would be good friends with him." 
But both these required some formalities ; and they 
who had behaved themselves the most disobligingly, 
expected to be comprehended in any atonement 
that should be made. And it was exceedingly la- 
boured, that .the chancellor would make the first ap- 
proach, by visiting the earl of St. Alban's ; which 
he absolutely refused to do : and very well ac- 
quainted with the arts of that court, whereof dissi- 
mulation was the soul, did not believe that those 



396 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. changes, for which he saw no reasonable motive, 
~~ could be real, until abbot Mountague (who had so 
far complied with the faction of that court as not to 
converse with an enemy) visited him with all open- 
ness, and told him, " that this change in the queen 
" had proceeded from a letter she had newly re- 
" ceived from the cardinal, in which he had plainly 
The cause " told her, that she would not receive a good wel- 
in " come in France, if she left her sons in her dis- 



16 qneen> " pleasure, and professed an animosity against those 
" ministers who were most trusted by the king. 
" He extolled the services done by the chancellor, 
" and advised her to comply with what could not 
" be avoided, and to be perfectly reconciled to her 
*' children, and to those who were nearly related to 
" them, or were intrusted by them : and that he 
" did - this in so powerful a style, and, with such 
" powerful reasons, that her majesty's passions were 
" totally subdued. And this," he said, " was the 
" reason of the sudden change that every body had 
" observed ; and therefore that he ought to believe 
" the sincerity of it, and to perform that part which 
" might be expected from him, in compliance with 
" the queen's inclinations to have a good intelligence 
" with him." 

The chancellor had never looked upon the abbot 
as his enemy, and gave credit to all he said, though 
he did little understand from what fountain that 
good-will of the cardinal had proceeded, who had 
never been propitious to him. He made all those 
professions of duty to the queen that became him, 
and " how happy he should think himself in her 
" protection, which he had need of, and did with all 
" humility implore ; and that he would gladly cast 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 397 
himself at her majesty's feet, when she would 1G60. 



" vouchsafe to admit it." But for the adjusting 
this, there was to be more formality ; for it was ne- 
cessary that the earl of St. Alban's (between whom 
and the chancellor there had never been any friend- 
ship) should have some part in this composition, 
and do many good offices towards it, which were to 
precede the final conclusion. The duke had brought 
sir Charles Berkley to the duchess, at whose feet he 
had cast himself, with all the acknowledgment and 
penitence he could express ; and she, according to 
the command of the duke, accepted his submission, 
and promised to forget the offence. He came like- 
wise to the chancellor with those professions which 
he could easily make ; and the other was obliged to 
receive him civilly. And then his uncle, the lord 
Berkley, waited upon the duchess ; and afterwards 
visited her father, like a man (which he could not 
avoid) who had done very much towards the bring- 
ing so difficult a matter to so good an end, and ex- 
pected thanks from all ; having that talent in some 
perfection, that after he had crossed and puzzled 
any business, as much as was in his power, he would 
be thought the only man who had united 1 all knots, 
and made the way smooth, and removed all obstruc- 
tions. 

The satisfaction the king and the duke had in The king 
this disposition of the queen was visible to all men ; . greati" e 
And they both thought the chancellor too reserved ^ e t j lis 
in contributing his part towards, or in meeting, the chan s e n 
queen's favour, which he could not but discern was 
approaching towards him ; and that he did not en- 

1 united] untied 



398 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1G60. tertain any discourses, which had been by many 
entered upon to him upon that subject, with that 
cheerfulness and serenity of mind that might justly 
be expected. And of this the duke made an ob- 
servation, and a kino! of complaint, to the king, who 
thereupon came one day to the chancellor's house ; 
and being alone with him, his majesty told him 
many particulars which had passed between him 
and the queen, and the good humour her majesty 
was in ; " that the next day the earl of St. Alban's 
" would visit him, and offer him his service in ac- 
" companying him to the queen ; which he conjured 
" him to receive with all civility, and expressions of 
" the joy he took in it ; in which," he told him, " he 
" was observed to be too sullen, and that when all 
" other men's minds appeared to be cheerful, his 
" alone appeared to be more cloudy than it had 
" been, when that affair seemed most desperate ; 
" which was the more taken notice of, because it 
" was not natural to him." 

The chancellor answered, " that he did not know 
" that he had failed in any thing, that in good man- 
" ners or decency dould be required from him : but 
" he confessed, that lately his thoughts were more 
** perplexed and troublesome to himself, than they 
" had ever been before ; and therefore it was no 
" wonder, if his looks were not the same they had 
" used to be. That though he had been surprised to 
" amazement, upon the first notice of that business, 
" yet he had been shortly able to recollect himself; 
" and, upon the testimony of his own conscience, to 
" compose his mind and spirits, and without any 
" reluctancy to abandon any thought of his daugh- 
" ter, and to leave her to that misery she had de- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 399 

" served and brought upon herself. Nor did the vi- 
" cissitudes which occurred after in that transaction, 
" or the displeasure and menaces of the duke, make 
" any other impression upon him, than to know how 
" unable he was to enter into any contest in that 
" matter, (which in all respects was too difficult and 
" superior to his understanding and faculties,) and 
" to leave it entirely to the direction and disposal of 
" God Almighty : and in this acquiescence he had 
" enjoyed a repose with much tranquillity of mind, 
" being prepared to undergo any misfortune that 
" might befall him from thence. But that now he 
" was awakened by other thoughts and reflections, 
" which he could less range and govern. He saw those 
" difficulties removed, which he had thought insu- 
" perable ; that his own condition must be thought 
" exalted above what he thought possible ; and that 
" he was far less able to bear the envy, that was un- 
" avoidable, than the indignation and contempt, that 
" alone had threatened him. That his daughter 
" was now received in the royal family, the wife of 
" the king's only brother, and the heir apparent of 
" the crown, whilst his majesty himself remained un- 
" married. The great trust his majesty reposed in 
" him, infinitely above and contrary to his desire, was 
" in itself liable to envy ; and how insupportable that 
" envy must be, upon this new relation, he could not 
" but foresee ; together with the jealousies which 
" artificial men would be able to insinuate into his 
" majesty, even when they seemed to have all pos- 
" sible confidence in the integrity of the chancel- 
*' lor, and when they extolled him most ; and that 
" how firm and constant soever his majesty's grace 
" and favour^ was to him at present, (of which he 



400 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

I G60. " had lately given such lively testimony,) and how 
" resolved soever he was to continue it, his majesty 
'* himself could not know how far some jealousies, 
" cunningly suggested by some men, might by de- 
" grees be entertained by him. And therefore that, 
" upon all the revolvings he had with himself, he 
" could not think of any thing that could contribute 
" equally to his majesty's service, and his quiet, and 
" to the happiness and security of himself, as for 
" him to retire from the active station he was in, to 
" an absolute solitude, and visible inactivity in all 
" matters relating to the state : and which he 
" thought could not be so well, under any retire- 
" ment into the country, or any part of the king- 
" dom, as by his leaving the kingdom, and fixing 
" himself in some place beyond the seas remote 
" from any court." And having said all this, or 
words to the same effect, he fell on his knees ; and 
with all possible earnestness desired the king, " that 
" he would consent to his retirement, as a thing 
" most necessary for his service, and give his pass, 
" to go and reside in any such place beyond the seas 
" as his majesty would make choice of." 

The king heard him patiently, yet with evidence 
enough that he was not pleased with what he said ; 
and when he kneeled, took him up with some pas- 
sion ; " He did not expect this from him, and that 
" he had so little kindness for him, as to leave him 
" in a time, when he could not but know that he 
" was very necessary for his service. That he had 
" reason to be very well assured, that it could never 
" be in any man's power to lessen his kindness to- 
" wards him, or confidence in him ; and if any should 
" presume to attempt it, they would find cause to re- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 401 

"pent their presumption." He said, " there were JGGO. 
" many reasons, why he could never have designed 
" or advised his brother to this marriage ; yet since 
" it was past, and all things so well reconciled, he 
" would not deny that he was glad of it, and pro- 
" raised himself much benefit from it." He told 
him, " his daughter was a woman of a great wit 
" and excellent parts, and would have a great power 
" with his brother ; and that he knew that she had 
" an entire obedience for him, her father, who he 
" knew would always give her good counsel ; by 
" which," he said, " he was confident, that naughty 
" people, which had too much credit with his bro- 
" ther, and which had so often misled him, would 
" be no more able to corrupt him ; but that she 
" would pi-event all ill and unreasonable attempts : 
" and therefore he again confessed that he was glad of 
" it ;" and so concluded with many gracious expres- 
sions ; and conjured the chancellor, " never more to . 
" think of those unreasonable things, but to attend 
" and prosecute his business with his usual alacrity, 
" since his kindness could never fail him." 

The next morning, which was of the last day 
that the queen was to stay, the earl of St. Alban's 
visited the chancellor with all those compliments, 
professions, and protestations, which were natural, 
and which he did really believe every body else 
thought to be very sincere ; for he had that kind- 
ness for himself, that he thought every body did be- 
lieve him. He expressed " a wonderful joy, that the 
" queen would now leave the court united, and all 
" the king's affairs in a very hopeful condition, m 
" which the queen confessed that the chancellor's 
" counsels had been very prosperous, and that she 
VOL. i. D d 



1660. " was resolved to part with great and a sincere kind- 
~" ness towards him ; and that he had authority from 
" her to assure him so much, which she would do 
" herself when she saw him :" and so offered *' to go 
" with him to her majesty, at such an hour in the 
" afternoon as she should appoint." The other made 
such returns to all the particulars as were fit, and 
" that he would be ready to attend the queen at the 
" time she should please to assign :" and in the after- 
noon the earl of St. Alban's came again to him ; and 
they went together to Whitehall, where they found 
the queen in her bedchamber, where many ladies 
were present, who came then to take their leave of 
her majesty, before she begun her journey. 
The queen The duke of York had before presented his wife 

reconciled -i 

to the to* his mother, who received her without the least 
shew of regret, or rather with the same grace as if 
she had liked it from the beginning, and made her 
sit down by her. When the chancellor came in, the 
queen rose from her chair, and received him with a 
countenance very serene. The ladies, and others 
who were near, withdrawing, her majesty told him, 
" that he could not wonder, much less take it ill, 
" that she had been much offended with the duke, 
" and had no inclination to give her consent to his 
" marriage ; and if she had, in the passion that could 
" not be condemned in her, spake any thing of him 
" that he had taken ill, he ought to impute it to the 
" provocation she had received, though not from 
" him. She was now informed by the king, and well 
" assured, that he had no hand in contriving that 
" friendship, but was offended with that passion that 
" really was worthy of him. That she could not 
" but confess, that his fidelity to the king her hus- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 403 

" band was very eminent, and that he had served IGGO. 

" the king her son with equal fidelity and extraor-~~ 

" dinary success. And therefore, as she had received 

" his daughter as her daughter, and heartily forgave 

" the duke and her, and was resolved ever after to 

" live with all the affection of a mother towards 

" them ; so she resolved to make a friendship with Alld to tlie 

i 11 /v. chancellor. 

:< him, and hereafter to expect all the offices from 
" him, which her kindness should deserve." And 
when the chancellor had made all those acknow- 
ledgments which lie ought to do, and commended 
her wisdom and indignation in a business, " in which 
" she could not shew too much anger and aversion, 
" and had too much forgotten her own honour and 
" dignity, if she had been less offended ;" and mag- 
nified her mercy and generosity, " in departing so 
" soon from her necessary severity, and pardoning a 
" crime in itself so unpardonable ;" he made those 
professions of duty to her which were due to her, 
and " that he should always depend upon her pro- 
" tection as his most gracious mistress, and pay all 
" obedience to her commands." The queen appeared 
well pleased, and said " she should remain very con- 
" fident of his affection," and so discoursed of some 
particulars; and then opening a paper that she had 
in her hand, she recommended the despatch of some 
things to him, which immediately related to her 
own service and interest, and then some persons, 
who had either some suits to the king, or some con- 
troversies depending in chancery. And the evening 
drawing on, and very many ladies and others wait- 
ing without to kiss her majesty's hand, he thought 
it time to take his leave ; and after having repeated 
some short professions of his duty, he kissed her ma- 

D d 2 



404 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. jesty's hand: and from that time there did never 
""appear any want of kindness in the queen towards 
him, whilst he stood in no need of it, nor until it 
might have done him good. 

Thus an intrigue, that without doubt had been 
entered into and industriously contrived by those 
who designed to affront and bring dishonour upon 
the chancellor and his family, was, by God's good 
pleasure, turned to their shame and reproach, and to 
the increase of the chancellor's greatness and pros- 
perity. And so we return to the time from whence 
this digression led us, and shall take a particular 
view of all those accidents, which had an influence 
upon the quiet of the kingdom, or which were the 
cause of all the chancellor's misfortunes; which, 
though the effect of them did not appear in many 
years, were discerned by himself as coming and un- 
avoidable, and foretold by him to his two bosom- 
friends, the marquis of Ormond and the earl of 
Southampton, who constantly adhered to him with 
all the integrity of true friendship. 
The chan- The greatness and power of the chancellor, by 

cellor not r ... 

elated with this marriage of his daughter, with all the circum- 
riagef r his stances which had accompanied and attended it, 
daughter. seeme j t o a \[ men ^ o have established his fortune, 
and that of his family ; I say, to all men but to him- 
self, who was not in the least degree exalted with it. 
He knew well upon how slippery ground he stood, 
and how naturally averse the nation was from ap- 
proving an exorbitant power in any subject. He 
saw that the king grew every day more inclined to 
his pleasures, which involved him in expense, and 
company that did not desire that he should intend his 
business, or be conversant with sober men. He 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 405 

knew well that the servants who were about the 1660. 
duke were as much his enemies as ever, and intended ~~ 
their own profit only, by what means soever, with- 
out considering his honour; that they formed his 
household, officers, and equipage, by the model of 
France, and against all the rules and precedents of 
England for a brother of the crown ; and every day 
put into his head, " that if he were not supplied for all 
" those expenses, it was the chancellor's fault, who 
" could effect it if he would." Nor was he able to 
prevent those infusions, nor the effects of them, be- 
cause they were so artificially administered, as if 
their end was to raise a confidence in him of the 
chancellor, not to weaken it ; though he knew well 
that their design was to create by degrees in him a 
jealousy of his power and credit with the king, as 
if it eclipsed his. But this was only in their own 
dark purposes, which had been all blasted, if they 
had been apparent ; for the duke did not only profess 
a very great affection for the chancellor, but gave 
all the demonstration of it that was possible, and 
desired nothing more, than that it should be mani- 
fest to all men, that he had an entire trust from the 
king in all his affairs, and that he would employ all 
his interest to support that trust : whilst the chan- 
cellor himself declined all the occasions, which were 
offered for the advancement of his fortune, and de- 
sired wholly to be left to the discharge of his office, 
and that all other officers might diligently look to 
their own provinces, and be accountable for them ; 
and detested nothing more than that title and appel- 
lation, which he saw he should not always be able 
to avoid, of principal minister or favourite, and 
which was never cast on him by any designation of 



406 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

lf>60. the king, (who abhorred to be thought to be go- 

verned by any single person,) but by his preferring 

his pleasures before his business, and so sending all 
men to the chancellor to receive advice. And here- 
by the secretaries of state, not finding a present 
access to him, when the occasions pressed, resorted 
to the chancellor, with whom his majesty spent most 
time, to be resolved by him ; which method exceed- 
ingly grieved him, and to which he endeavoured to 
apply a remedy, by putting all things in their pro- 
per channel, and by prevailing with the king, when 
he should be a little satiated with the divertisements 
he affected, to be vacant to so much of his business, 
as could not be managed and conducted by any body 
else. 
some in- And here it may be seasonable to insert at large 

stances of , ' t > 

hisdisin- some instances, which I promised before, and by 
ness! eC which it will be manifest, how far the chancellor was 
from an immoderate appetite to be rich, and to raise 
his fortune, which he proposed only to do by the 
perquisites of his office, which were considerable at 
the first, and by such bounty of the king as might 
hereafter, without noise or scandal, be conferred on 
him in proper seasons and occurrences ; and that he 
was y as far from affecting such an unlimited power 
as he was believed afterwards to be possessed of, 
(and of which no footsteps could ever be discovered 
in any of his actions, or in any one particular that 
was the effect of such power,) or from desiring 7 - any 
other extent of power than was agreeable to the great 
office he held, and which had been enjoyed by most 
of those who had been his predecessors in that trust. 

y that he was] Not in MS. 

' or from desiring] or that he did desire 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 407 

The king had not been many weeks in England, 1 660. 
when the marquis of Ormond came to him with his He refused 
usual friendship, and asked him, " Whether it would > n w r - 

able offer 

" not be now time to think of making a fortune, that of crown - 
" he might be able to leave to his wife and children, 
" if he should die ?" And when he found that he 
was less sensible of what he proposed than he ex- 
pected, and that he only answered, " that he knew 
" not which way to go about it," the marquis told 
him, " that he thought he could commend a proper 
" suit for him to make to the king ; and if his mo- 
" desty would not permit him to move the king for 
" himself, he would undertake to move it for him, 
" and was confident that the king would willingly 
" grant it :" and thereupon shewed him a paper, 
which contained the king's just title to ten thou- 
sand acres of land in the Great Level of the Fens, 
which would be of a good yearly value; or they, 
who were unjustly possessed of it, would be glad to 
purchase the king's title with a very considerable 
sum of money. And, in the end, he frankly told 
him, " that he made this overture to him with the 
" king's approbation, who had been moved in it, 
" and thought at the first sight, out of his own 
" goodness, that it might be fit for him, and wished 
" the marquis to propose it to him." 

When the chancellor had extolled the king's gene- 
rosity, that he could, in so great necessities of his 
own, think of dispensing so great a bounty Upon a 
poor servant, who was already recompensed beyond 
what he could be ever able to deserve, he said, 
" that he knew very well the king's title to that 
" land, of which he was in possession before the re- 
" bellion began, which the old and new adventurers 

D d 4 



408 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1660. " now claimed by a new contract, confirmed by an 
~~" ordinance of parliament, which could not deprive 
" the crown of its right ; which all the adventurers 
" (who for the greatest part were worthy men) well 
" knew, and would for their own sakes not dispute, 
" since it would inevitably produce a new inunda- 
" tion, which all their unity and consent in main- 
" taining the banks would and could with difficulty 
" enough but prevent. That he would advise his 
" majesty to give all the countenance he could to 
" the carrying on and perfecting that great work, 
" which was of great benefit as well as honour to 
" the public, at the charge of private gentlemen, 
" who had paid dear for the land they had re- 
" covered ; but that he would never advise him to 
" begin his reign - with the alienation of such a par- 
" eel of land from the crown to any one particular 
" subject, who could never bear the envy of it. 
" That his majesty ought to reserve that revenue to 
" himself, which was great, though less than it was 
" generally reputed to be ; at least till the value 
" thereof should be clearly understood, (and the de- 
" taining it in his own hands for some time would 
" be the best expedient towards the finishing all the 
" banks, when the season should be fit, which else 
" would be neglected by the discord among the ad- 
" venturers,) and the king knew what he gave. He 
" must remember, that he had two brothers," (for 
the duke of Gloucester was yet alive,) " who were 
'* without any revenue, and towards whom his 
" bounty was to be first extended ; and that this 
" land would be a good ingredient towards an ap- 
" panage for them both. And that till they were 
" reasonably provided for, no private man in his 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 409 

" wits would be the object of any extraordinary 
" bounty from the king, which would unavoidably 
" make him the object of an universal envy and ha- 
" tred. That, for his own part, he held by the 
" king's favour the greatest office of the kingdom 
" in place ; and though it was not near the value 
" it was esteemed to be, and that many other offices 
" were more profitable, yet it was enough for him, 
" and would be a good foundation to improve his 
" fortune : so that," he said, " he had made a reso- 
" lution to himself, which he thought he should not 
" alter, not to make haste to be rich. That it was 
" the principal part or obligation of his office, to dis- 
" suade the king from making any grants of such a 
" nature, (except where the necessity or conveni- 
" ence was very notorious,) and even to stop those 
" which should be made of that kind, and not to 
" suffer them to pass the seal, till he had again 
" waited upon the king, and informed him of the 
" evil consequence of those grants ; which discharge 
" of his duty could not but raise him many enemies, 
" who should not have that advantage, to say that 
" he obstructed the king's bounty towards other 
" men, when he made it very profuse towards him- 
" self. And therefore, that he would never receive 
" any crown-lands from the king's gift, and did not 
" wish to have any other honour or any advantage, 
" but what his office brought him, till seven years 
" should pass; in which all the distractions of the 
" kingdom might be composed, and the necessities 
** thereof so provided for, that the king might be 
" able, without hurting himself, to exercise some li- 
" berality towards his servants who had served him 
" well." How he seemed to part from this resolu- 



410 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

Hif>0. tion in some particulars afterwards, and why he 
~~ did so, may be collected out of what hath been truly 
set down before. 

When the marquis of Ormond had given the 
king a large account of the conference between him 
and the chancellor, and " that he absolutely refused 
" to receive that grant ;" his majesty said, " he was 
" a fool for his labour, and that he would be much 
" better in being envied than in being pitied." And 
though the inheritance of those lands was after- 
wards given to the duke, yet there were such es- 
tates granted for years to many particular persons, 
most whereof had never merited by any service, 
that half the value thereof never came to his high- 
ness. 

1661. As soon as the king and duke returned from Ports- 
mouth, where they had seen the queen embarked 



knight of f or France, the king had appointed a chapter, for 

the garter. 

the electing some knights of the garter into the 
places vacant. Upon which the duke desired him 
" to nominate the chancellor," which his majesty 
said "he would willingly do, but he knew not 
" whether it would be grateful to him ; for he had 
" refused so many things, that he knew not what 
" he would take ;" and therefore wished him " to 
" take a boat to Worcester-house, and propose it to 
" him, and he would not go to the chapter till his 
** highness returned." The duke told the chancel- 
lor what had passed between the king and him, and 
" that he was come only to know his mind, and 
" could not imagine but that such an honour would 
"please him." The chancellor, after a million of 
humble acknowledgments of the duke's grace and 
of "the king's condescension, said, " that the honour 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 411 

" was indeed too great by much for him to sus- 1661, 
" tain ; that there were very many worthy men, ~ 
" who well remembered him of their own condi- 
" tion, when he first entered into his father's service, 
" and believed that he was advanced too much be- 
" fore them." He besought his highness, " that his 
<c favours and protection might not expose him to 
" envy, that would break him to pieces." He asked 
" what knights the king meant to make ;" the duke 
named them, all persons very eminent : the chancel- 
lor said, "no man could except against the king's 
" choice ; many would justly, if he were added to 
" the number." He desired his highness " to put 
" the king in mind of the earl of Lindsey, lord high 
,'* chamberlain of England," (with whom he was 
known to have no friendship ; on the contrary, that 
there had been disgusts between them in the last 
king's time ;) " that his father had lost his life with 
" the garter about his neck, when this gentleman, 
" his son, endeavouring to relieve him, was taken 
" prisoner ; that he had served the king to the end 
" of the war with courage and fidelity, being an ex- 
" cellent officer : for all which, the king his father 
" had admitted him a gentleman of his bedchamber, 
" which office he was now without : and not to 
" have the garter now, upon his majesty's return, 
" would in all men's eyes look like a degradation, 
" and an instance of his majesty's disesteem ; espe- 
" dally if the chancellor should supply the place, 
" who was not thought his friend :" and, upon the 
whole matter, entreated the duke " to reserve his 
" favour towards him for some other occasion, and 
" excuse him to the king for the declining this ho- 
" nour, which he could not support." The duke 



412 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. replied, with an offended countenance, "that he 
~~" saw he would not accept any honour from the 
" king, that proceeded by his mediation ;" and so 
left him in apparent displeasure. However, at that 
chapter the earl of Lindsey was created knight 
of the garter, with the rest; and coming after- 
wards to hear by what chance it was, he ever lived 
with great civility towards the chancellor to his 
death. 

And when the chancellor afterwards complained 
to his majesty " of his want of care of him, in his so 
" easily gratifying his brother in a particular that 
" would be of so much prejudice to him," and so en- 
larged upon the subject, and put his majesty in 
mind of Solomon's interrogation, " Who can stand 
" against envy?" the king said no more, than "that 
" he did really believe, when he sent his brother, 
" that he would refuse it ;" and added, " I tell you, 
" chancellor, that you are too strict and apprehen- 
" sive in those things ; and trust me, it is better to 
" be envied than pitied." The duke did not dis- 
semble his resentment, and told his wife, " that he 
" took it very ill ; that he desired that the world 
" might take notice of his friendship to her father, 
" and that, after former unkindness, he was heartily 
" reconciled to him ; but that her father cared not 
" to have that believed, nor would have it believed 
" that his interest in the king was not enough, to 
" have no need of good offices from the duke :" 
which discourse he used likewise to the marquis of 
Ormond and others, who he thought would inform 
the chancellor of it. And the duchess was much 
troubled at it, and took it unkindly of her father, 
who thought himself obliged to wait upon his royal 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 413 

highness, and to vindicate himself from that folly he icfil. 
was charged with ; in which he protested to him, 
" that he so absolutely and entirely depended upon 
" his protection, that he would never receive any 
" favour from the king, but by his mediation and 
" interposition :" to which the duke answered, " that 
" he should see whether he would have that defer- 
" ence to him shortly." 

And it was not long before the day for the coro- He refused 
nation was appointed, when the king had appointed * e a r " iad 
to make some barons, and to raise some who were 
barons to higher degrees of honour ; most of whom 
were men not very grateful, because they had been 
faulty, though they had afterwards redeemed what 
was past, by having performed very signal services 
to his majesty, and were able to do him more : upon 
which the king had resolved to confer those honours 
upon them, and in truth had promised it to them, or 
to some of their friends, before he came from beyond 
the seas. At this time the duke came to the chan- 
cellor, and said, " he should now discover whether 
" he would be as good as his word ;" and so gave 
him a paper, which was a warrant under the king's 
sign manual to the attorney general, to prepare a 
grant, by which the chancellor should be created an 
earl. To which, upon the reading, he began to 
make objections ; when the duke said, " My lord, I 
" have thought fit to give you this earnest of my 
" friendship ; you may reject it, if you think fit ;" 
and departed. And the chancellor, upon recollec- 
tion, and conference with his two friends, the trea- 
surer and the marquis of Ormond, found he could 
not prudently refuse it. And so, the day or two 
before the coronation, he was with the others created 



414 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

IGOI. an earl by the king in the banqueting-house ; and, 
^ in the very minute of his creation, had an earnest of 



length un- ^he envy that would ensue, in the murmurs of some, 

willingly J 

consented, who were ancienter barons, at the precedence given 
to him before them, of which he was totally igno- 
rant, it being resolved by the king upon the place, 
and the view of the precedents of all times, when 
any officers of state were created with others. Yet 
one of the lords concerned swore in the ears of two 
or three of his friends, at the same time, " that he 
" would be revenged for that affront ;" which re- 
lated not to the chancellor's precedence, for the other 
was no baron, but for the precedence given to an- 
other, whom he thought his inferior, and imputed 
the partiality to his power, who had not the least 
hand in it, nor knew it before it was determined. 
Yet the other was as good as his word, and took 
the very first opportunity that was offered for his re- 
venge. 

I will add one instance more, sufficient, if the 
other were away, to convince all men how far he 
was from being transported with that ambition, of 
which he was accused, and for which he was con- 
demned. After the firm conjunction in the royal 
family was notorious, and all the neighbour princes 
had sent their splendid embassies of congratulation 
to the king, and desired to renew all treaties with 
this crown, and the parliament proceeded, how 
slowly soever, with great duty and reverence to- 
wards the king ; the marquis of Ormond (whom the 
king had by this time made duke of Ormond) came 
one day to him, and, being in private, said, " he 
" came to speak to him of himself, and to let him 
" know, not only his own opinion, but the opinion of 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 415 

" his best friends, with whom he had often conferred 1G61. 
" upon the argument; and that they all wondered," 
" that he so much affected the post he was in, as to 
" continue in the office of chancellor, which took up 
" most of his time, especially all the mornings, in 
" business that many other men could discharge as 
" well as he. Whereas he ought to leave that to He was 

. strongly 

" such a man as he thought fit for it, and to betake urged to 

" himself to that province, which nobody knew so offic^of ' S 

well how to discharge. That the credit he had cliancellor - 

" with the king was known to all men, and that he 

" did in truth remit that province to him, which he 

" would not own, and could not discharge, by the 

" multiplicity of the business of his office, which was 

" not of that moment. That the king every day 

" took less care of his affairs, and affected those 

" pleasures most, which made him averse from the 

" other. That he spent most of his time with confi- 

" dent young men, who abhorred all discourse that 

" was serious, and, in the liberty they assumed in 

" drollery and raillery, preserved no reverence to- 

" wards God or man, but laughed at all sober men, 

" and even at religion itself; and that the custom of 

" this license, that did yet only make the king merry 

" for the present, by degrees a would grow accept- 

" able to him ; and that these men would by degrees 

" have the presumption (which yet they had not, 

"nor would he in truth then suffer it) to enter into 

" his business, and by administering to those ex- 

" cesses, to which his nature and constitution most 

" inclined him, would not only powerfully foment 

" those inclinations, but intermeddle and obstruct 

a by degrees] yet by degrees 



416 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

iCfil. " his most weighty counsels. That, for the preven- 

~ " tion of all this mischief, and the preserving the 

" excellent nature and understanding of the king 

" from being corrupted by such lewd instruments, 

" who had only a scurrilous kind of wit to procure 

" laughter, but had no sense of religion, or reverence 

And to as- f OT fae \ aws there was no remedy in view, but 

suine the * 

character of his giving up his office, and betaking himself 

prime niin- , ,7 . , , . 

ister. " wholly to wait upon the person of the king, and 
" to be with him in those seasons, when that loose 
" people would either abstain from coming, or, if 
" they were present, would not have the confidence 
" to say or do those things which they had been ac- 
" customed to do before the king. By this means, 
" he would find frequent opportunities to inform the 
" king of the true state of his affairs, and the dan- 
" ger he incurred, by not throughly understanding 
" them, and by being thought to be negligent in the 
" duties of religion, and settling the distractions in 
" the church ; at least, he would do some good in all 
" these particulars, or keep the license from spread- 
" ing further, which in time it would do, to the rob- 
" bing him of the hearts, of his people. That the 
" king, from the long knowledge of his fidelity, and 
" the esteem he had of his virtue, received any ad- 
" vertisements and animadversions, and even suf- 
" fered reprehensions, from him, better than from 
" any other man ; therefore he would be able to do 
" much good, and to deserve more than ever he had 
" done from the whole kingdom. And he did verily 
" believe b , that this would be acceptable to the king 
" himself, who knew he could not enough attend to c 

b believe] Omitted in MS. c attend to] Omitted in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 417 

" the many things, which, being left undone, must 1661 
*' much disorder the whole machine of his govern- ~~ 
" ment, or, being ill done, would in time dissolve it ; 
** and that his majesty would assign such a liberal which 
" allowance for this service, that he should find more be 



" himself well rewarded, and a great gainer by ac- f,| 1( 
" cepting it and putting off his office." 

He concluded, " that was the desire and advice 
" of all his friends ; and that the duke was so far of 
" the same judgment, that he resolved to be very 
" instant with him upon it, and only wished that he 
" should first break the matter to him, that he might 
** not be surprised when his royal highness entered 
" upon the discourse." And he added, " that this 
" province must inevitably at last be committed to 
" some one man, who probably would be without 
" that affection to the king's person, that experience 
" in affairs, and that knowledge of the laws and 
" constitution of the kingdom, as all men knew to be 
" in the chancellor." 

When the marquis had ended, with the warmth 
of friendship which was superior to any temptation, 
and in which no man ever excelled him, nor de- 
livered what he had a mind to say more clearly, or 
with a greater weight of words ; the chancellor said, 
*' that he did not much wonder that many of his 
" friends, who had not the opportunity to know him 
" enough, and who might propose to themselves 
" some benefit from his unlimited greatness, might 
" in truth, out of their partiality to him, and by 
" their not knowing the king's nature, believe, that 
" his wariness and integrity, and his knowledge of 
" the constitution of the government and the nature 
" of the people, would conduct the king's counsels 

VOL. I. EC 



418 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

I6fil. "in such a way, as would lead best to his power 
~ " and greatness, and to the good and happiness of 
" the nation, which would be the only secure sup- 
" port of his power and authority. But that he, 
" who knew both the king and him so well, that no 
" man living knew either of them so well, should be 
" of that opinion he had expressed, was matter of 
" admiration and surprisal to him." He appealed to 
him, " how often he had heard him say to the king 
" in France, Germany, and Flanders, when they two 
" took all the pains they could to fix the king's 
" mind to a lively sense of his condition ; that he 
" must not think now to recover his three kingdoms 
" by the dead title of his descent and right, which 
" had been so notoriously baffled and dishonoured, 
" but by the reputation of his virtue, courage, piety, 
" and industry ; that all these virtues must centre in 
" himself, for that his fate depended upon his per- 
" son ; and that the English nation would sooner 
te submit to the government of Cromwell, than to 
" any other subject who should be thought to go- 
" vern the king. That England would not bear a 
" favourite, nor any one man, who should out of his 
" ambition engross to himself the disposal of the 
" public affairs." 

But this he He said, " he was more now of the same mind, 
refused.' 7 " an d was confident that no honest man, of a com- 
" petent understanding, would undertake that pro- 
" vince ; and that for his own part, if a gallows were 
' erected, and if he had only the choice to be hanged 
" or to execute that office, he would rather submit 
" to the first than the last. In the one, he should 
" end his life with the reputation of an honest man ; 
" in the other, he should die with disgrace and in- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 419 

" faray, let his innocence be what it would." He 1661, 
put the marquis in mind, " how far the king was ~~ 
" from observing the rules he had prescribed to him- 
" self, before he came from beyond the seas ; and 
" was so totally unbent from his business, and ad- 
" dieted to pleasures, that the people generally be- 
" gan to take notice of it ; that there was little care 
" taken to regulate expenses, even when he was 
" absolutely without supply ; that he would on a 
" sudden be overwhelmed with such debts, as would 
tf disquiet him, and dishonour his counsels ;" of 
which the lord treasurer was so sensible, that he was 
already weary of his staff, before it had been in his 
hands three months. " That the confidence the 
" king had in him, besides the assurance he had of 
" his integrity and industry, proceeded more from 
" his aversion to be troubled with the intricacies of 
" his affairs, than from any violence of affection, 
" which was not so fixed in his nature as to be like 
" to transport him to any one person : and that as 
" he could not, in so short a time, be acquainted 
" with many men, whom in his judgment he could 
" prefer before the chancellor for the managery of 
" his business, who had been so long acquainted with 
" it ; so he would, in a short time, be acquainted 
" with many, who would, by finding fault with all 
" that was done, be thought much wiser men ; it 
" being one of his majesty's greatest infirmities, 
" that he was apt to think too well of men at the 
" first or second sight." 

He said, " whilst he kept the office he had, (which 
" could better bear the envy of the bulk of the af- 
" fairs, than any other qualification could,) and that 
" it supported him in the execution of it, the king 

E e 21 



420 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661 felt not the burden of it; because little of the 
" profit of it proceeded out of his own purse, and, if 
** he were dead to-morrow, the place still must be 
" conferred upon another. Whereas, if he gave over 
" that administration, and had nothing to rely upon 
" for the support of himself and family, but an ex- 
" traordinary pension out of the exchequer, under no 
" other title or pretence but of being first minister, 
" (a title so newly translated out of French into Eng- 
" lish, that it was not enough understood to b 
" liked, and every man would detest it for the bur- 
" den it was attended with,) the king himself who 
" was not by nature immoderately inclined to give, 
" would be quickly weary of so chargeable an officer, 
" and be very willing to be freed from the reproach 
" of being governed by any, (the very suspicion 
" whereof he doth exceedingly abhor,) at the price 
" and charge of the man, who had been raised by 
" him to that inconvenient height above other men. 
" That whilst he had that seal, he could have ad- 
" mission to his majesty as often as he desired, be- 
" cause it was more ease to receive an account of 
" his business from him, than to be present at the 
" whole debate of it ; and he well knew, the chan- 
" cellor had too much business to desire audiences 
" from his majesty without necessary reason. But 
" if the office were in another hand, and he should 
" haunt his presence with the same importunity as 
" a spy upon his pleasures, and a disturber of the 
" jollities of his meetings ; his majesty would quickly 
" be nauseated with his company, which for the pre- 
" sent he liked in some seasons ; and they, who for 
"the present had submitted to some constraint by 
" the gravity of his countenance, would quickly dis- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 421 

" cover that their talents were more acceptable, and 1661. 
" by degrees make him appear grievous to his ma-~ 
" jesty, and soon after ridiculous. That all his hope 
" was, that the king would shortly find some lady 
" fit to be his wife, which all honest men ought to 
" persuade him to, and that being married, he made 
" no doubt he would decline many of those delights 
" to which he was yet exposed, and which exposed 
" him too much ; and till that time he could not 
" think that his best servants could enjoy any plea- 
" sant lives. That he presumed the parliament 
" would, after they had raised money enough to 
" disband the armies, and to pay off the seamen," 
(towards both which somewhat was every day done, 
and both which amounted to an incredible and in- 
supportable charge,) " settle such a revenue upon 
" the crown, as the king might conform his expense 
" to; and that it should not be in any 'body's power 
" to make that revenue be esteemed by him to be 
" greater, than in truth it would be. That when 
" these two things should be brought to pass, he did 
" hope, that the king would take pleasure in making 
" himself master of every part of his business, and 
" not charge any one man with a greater share of it 
" than he can discharge, or than will agree with his 
" own dignity and honour. In the mean time," he 
besought the marquis, " that he would convert the 
" duke of York and all other persons from that 
" opinion, which could not but appear erroneous to 
" himself, by the reasons he had heard ; and that if 
" he could be brought to consent to what had been 
" proposed to him, (and which rather than he would 
" do, he would suffer a thousand deaths,) as it would 
" inevitably prove his own ruin and destruction, so 

e 3 



1661. " it would bring an irreparable damage to the king." 
""And therefore he conjured him " to invite the king 
" by his own example, and by assuming his own 
" share of the' work," which for some time he had 
declined since the return into England ; and by being 
" himself constantly with his majesty, to whom he 
" was acceptable at all hours, he would obstruct the 
" operation of that ill company, which neither knew 
" how to behave themselves, nor could reasonably 
" propose so much benefit to themselves, as by the 
" propagation of their follies and villanies, and by 
" degrees induce his majesty more proportjonably to 
" mingle his business with his pleasures, which he 
" could not yet totally abandon." 

The marquis could not deny, but that many of 
the reasons alleged by the chancellor were of that 
weight as ought to prevail with him ; and therefore 
forbore ever after to press him upon the same par- 
ticular. And the duke of York shortly undertook a 
conference with him upon the same argument, upon 
which the other durst not enlarge with the same 
freedom as he had done to the marquis ; both be- 
cause his eyes could not bear the prospect of so 
many things at once, as likewise that he knew he 
communicated with some persons, who, whatever 
they pretended, had nothing like good affection for 
him : so that he rather pacified his royal highness 
upon that subject, and diverted him from urging it, 
than satisfied him with his grounds. And others 
who wished well to him, and better to the public, 
acquiesced with his peremptory resolution, without 
believing that he resolved well either for his own 
particular, or the king's affairs ; and did always think 
that he might have prevented his own fate, if he had 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 423 

at that time submitted to the judgment of his best 1661. 

friends ; though himself remained so positive to the ~~ 

contrary, that he often said, " that he would not 

" have redeemed himself by that expedient ; and 

" that he could never have borne that fate with that 

" tranquillity of mind, which God enabled him to 

" do, if he had passed to it through that province." 



Whilst the general affairs of England, by the long c 
debates in parliament, remained thus unsettled, the Io Jh 
king was no less troubled and perplexed how to['j a s n c j t ~ 
compose his two Other kingdoms of Scotland and lrelftnd - 
Ireland; from both which there were several per- 
sons of the best condition of either kingdom sent, 
with the tender and presentation of their allegiance 
to his majesty, and expected his immediate direction 
to free them from the distractions they were in ; and 
by taking the government upon himself, into his own 
hands, to be freed from those extraordinary com- 
missions, under which they had been both governed 
with a rod of iron by the late powers ; the shifting 
of which from one faction to another had adminis- 
tered no kind of variety to them, but they had re- 
mained still under the same full extent of tyranny. 

The whole frame of the ancient government of*^ 6 

of Scotland 

Scotland had been so entirely confounded by Crom-atthat 
well, and new modelled by the laws and customs of u 
England, that is, those laws and customs which the 
commonwealth had established ; that he had hardly 
left footsteps by which the old might be traced out 
again. The power of the nobility was so totally sup- 
pressed and extinguished, that their persons found 
no more respect or distinction from the common 
people, than the acceptation they found from Crom- 
well, and the credit he gave them by some particular 

E e 4 



424 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 66 1 . trust, drew to them. Their beloved presbytery was 
~~ become a term of reproach, and ridiculous ; the 
pride and activity of their preachers subdued, and 
reduced to the lowest contempt; and the standard 
of their religion d remitted to the sole order and di- 
rection of their commander in chief. All criminal 
cases (except where the general thought it more ex- 
pedient to proceed by martial law) were tried and 
punished before judges sent from England, and by 
the laws of England ; and matters of civil interest 
before itinerant judges, who went twice a year in 
circuits through the kingdom, and determined all 
matters of right by the rules and customs which 
were observed in England. They had liberty to 
send a particular number, that was assigned to them, 
to sit in the parliament of England, and to vote 
there with all liberty ; which they had done. And 
in recompense thereof, all such monies were levied 
in Scotland, as were given by the parliament of Eng- 
land, by which such contributions were raised, as 
were proportionable to the expense, which the army 
and garrisons which subdued them put the kingdom 
of England to. Nor was there any other authority 
to raise money in Scotland, but what was derived 
from the parliament or general of England. 

And all this prodigious mutation and transforma- 
tion had been submitted to with the same resigna- 
tion and obedience, as if the same had been trans- 
mitted by an uninterrupted succession from king 
Fergus : and it might well be a question, whether 
the generality of the nation was not better contented 
with it, than to return into the old road of subjec- 

d religion] Omitted in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 425 

tion. But the king would not build according to 1661, 
Cromwell's models, and had .many reasons to con-~ 
tinue Scotland within its own limits and bounds, 
and sole dependance upon himself, rather than unite 
it to England, with so many hazards and dangers as 
would inevitably have accompanied it, under any 
government less tyrannical than that of Cromwell. 
And the resettling that kingdom was to be done 
with much less difficulty, than the other of Ireland, 
by reason that all who appeared concerned in it or 
for it, as a committee for that kingdom, were united 
between themselves, and did, or did pretend to de- 
sire the same things. They all appeared under the 
protection and recommendation of the general ; and 
their dependance was the more upon him, because 
he still commanded those garrisons and forces in 
Scotland, which kept them to their obedience. And 
he was the more willing to give them a testimony of 
their affection to the king, and that without their 
help he could not have been able to have marched 
into England against Lambert, that they might 
speak the more confidently, " that they gave him 
" that assistance, because they were well assured 
" that his intention was to serve the king :" whereas 
they did indeed give him only what they could not 
keep from him, nor did they know any of his inten- 
tions, or himself at that time intend any thing for 
the king. But it is very true, they were all either 
men who had merited best from the king, or had 
suffered most for him, or at least had acted least 
against him, and (which they looked upon as the 
most valuable qualification) they were all, or pre- 
tended to be, the most implacable enemies to the 
marquis of Argyle ; which was the " shibboleth" by 



426 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. which the affections of that whole nation were best 

distinguished. 
Some ac- The chief of the commissioners was the lord Sel- 

< i unit of . 

the Scotch kirk, a younger son of the marquis of Douglass, who 
toners!* had been- known to the king in France, where he 
or the eari nac i \y eeTl faed a Roman catholic, which was the re- 

of Selkirk. 

ligion of his family, but had returned into Scotland 
after it had been subdued by Cromwell ; and being 
a very handsome young man, was easily converted 
from the religion of his father, in which he had been 
bred, to that of his elder brother the earl of Angus, 
that he might marry the daughter and heir of James 
duke Hamilton, who from the battle of Worcester, 
where her uncle duke William was killed, had in- 
herited the title of duchess, with the fair seat of Ha- 
milton, and all the lands which belonged to her fa- 
ther. And her husband now, according to the cus- 
tom of Scotland, assumed the same title with her, 
and appeared in the head of the commissioners un- 
der the style of duke Hamilton, with the merit of 
having never disserved the king, and with the ad- 
vantage of whatsoever his wife could claim by the 
death of her father, which deserved to wipe out the 
memory of whatever had been done amiss in his 
life. 

of the eari The earl of Glencarne was another of the com- 
missioners, a man very well born and bred, and of 
very good parts. As he had rendered himself very 
acceptable to the king, during his being in Scotland, 
by his very good behaviour towards him, so even 
after that fatal blow at Worcester he did not dis- 
semble his affection to his majesty ; but withdraw- 
ing himself into the Highlands, during the time that 
Cromwell remained in Scotland, he sent over an ex- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 427 

press to assure the king of his fidelity, and that he 1661. 
would take the first opportunity to serve him. And 
when upon his desire Middleton was designed to 
command there, he first retired into the Highlands, 
and drew a body of men together to receive him. 
H[e was a man of honour, and good principles as 
well with reference to the church as to the state, 
which few others, even of those which now appeared 
most devoted to the king, avowed to be; for the 
presbytery was yet their idol. From the time that 
he had received a protection and safeguard from 
general Monk, after there was little hope of doing 
good by force, he lived quietly at his house, and was 
more favoured by the general than any of those who 
spoke most loudly against the king, and was most 
trusted by him when he was at Berwick upon his 
march into England; and was now presented by 
him to the king, as a man worthy of his trust in an 
eminent post of that kingdom. 

With these there were others of less name, but of 
good affections and abilities, who came together from 
Scotland as commissioners ; but they found others 
in London as well qualified to do their country ser- 
vice, and whose names were wisely inserted in their 
commission by those who assumed the authority to 
send the other. The earl of Lautherdale, who had f the earl 

.... . f Lauther- 

been very eminent in contriving and carrying on the dale. 
king's service, when his majesty was crowned in 
Scotland, and thereby had wrought himself into a 
very particular esteem with the king, had marched 
with him into England, and behaved himself well 
at Worcester, where he was taken prisoner; had, 
besides that merit, the suffering an imprisonment 
from that very time with some circumstances of ex- 



428 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. treme rigour, being a man against whom Cromwell 
"had always professed a more than ordinary animo- 
sity. And though the scene of his imprisonment 
had been altered, according to the alteration of the 
governments which succeeded, yet he never found 
himself in complete liberty till the king was pro- 
claimed by the parliament, and then he thought it 
not necessary to repair into Scotland for authority 
or recommendation ; but sending his advice thither 
to his friends, he made haste to transport himself 
with the parliament commissioners to the Hague, 
where he was very well received by the king, and 
left nothing undone on his part that might cul- 
tivate those old inclinations, being a man of as much 
address and insinuation, in which that nation excels, 
as was then amongst them. He applied himself to 
those who were most trusted by the king with a 
marvellous importunity, and especially to the chan- 
cellor, with whom, as often as they had ever been 
together, he had a perpetual war. He now magni- 
fied his constancy with loud elogiums, as well to his 
face as behind his back ; remembered " many sharp 
" expressions formerly used by the chancellor, which 
** he confessed had then made him mad, though 
" upon recollection afterwards he had found them 
" to be very reasonable." He was very polite in all 
his discourses ; called himself and his nation, " a 
" thousand traitors and rebels ;" and in his dis- 
courses frequently said, " when I was a traitor," or 
" when I was in rebellion ;" and seemed not equally 
delighted with any argument, as when he scornfully 
spake of the covenant, upon which he brake a hun- 
dred jests. In sum, all his discourses were such as 
pleased all the company, who commonly believed all 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 429 

he said, and concurred with him. He renewed his 
old acquaintance and familiarity with Middleton, by 
all the protestations of friendship ; assured him " of 
" the unanimous desire of Scotland to be under his 
" command ;" and declared to the king, " that he 
" could not send any man into Scotland, who would 
" be able to do him so much service in the place of 
" commissioner as Middleton ; and that it was in his 
" majesty's power to unite that whole kingdom to 
" his service as one man." All which pleased the 
king well: so that, by the time that the commis- 
sioners appeared at London, upon some old promise 
in Scotland, or new inclination upon his long suffer- 
ings, which he magnified enough, the king gave him 
the signet, and declared him to be secretary of state 
of that kingdom ; and at the same time declared Many of 
that Middleton should be his commissioner; the officeTof 
earl of Glencarne his chancellor ; the earl of Rothes, ^ Jj|, 
who was likewise one of the commissioners, and his ed ofi 
person very agreeable to the king, president of the 
council ; and conferred all other inferior offices upon 
men most notable for their affection to the old go- 
vernment of church and state. 

And the first proposition that the commissioners 
made after their meeting together, and before they 
entered upon debate of the public, was, " that his 
" majesty would add to the council of Scotland, 
" which should reside near his person, the chancellor 
" atid treasurer of England, the general, the marquis 
" of Ormond, and secretary Nicholas, who should 
" be always present when any thing should be de- 
" bated and resolved concerning that kingdom :" 
which desire, so different from any that had been in 
times past, persuaded the king that their intentions 



430 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

IOC I. were very sincere. Whatever appearance there was 
~ of unity amongst them, for there was nothing like 
contradiction, there was a general dislike by them 
all of the power Lautherdale had with the king, 
who they knew pressed many things without com- 
munication with them, a's he had prevailed that the 
or the eari earl of Crawford Lindsey should continue in the 
office he formerly had of being high treasurer of that 



kingdom, though he was known to be a man incor- 
rigible in his zeal for the presbytery, and all the 
madness of kirk, and not firm to other principles 
upon which the authority of the crown must be 
established ; so that they could not so much as con- 
sult in his presence of many particulars of the high- 
est moment and importance to the public settlement. 
Yet his having behaved himself well towards the 
king, whilst he was in that kingdom, and his having 
undergone great persecution under Cromwell, and 
professing now all obedience to his majesty, prevailed 
that he should not be displaced upon his majesty's 
first entrance upon his government, but that a new 
occasion should be attended to, which was in view, 
and when the king resolved, without communicating 
his purpose to Lautherdale, to confer that office upon 
Middleton, when he should have proceeded the first 
stage in his commission ; and of this his resolution 
he was graciously pleased to inform him. 
Thema- The marquis of Argyle, (without mentioning of 
gyle sent r whom there can hardly be any mention of Scotland,) 
Tower. though he was not of this fraternity, yet thought he 
could tell as fair a story for himself as any of the 
rest, and contribute as much to the king's absolute 
power in Scotland. And therefore he had no sooner 
unquestionable notice of the king's being in London, 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 431 

but he made haste thither with as much confidence 16GI. 
as the rest. But the commissioners, who were be-~~ 
fore him, wrought so far with the king, that in the 
very minute of his arrival he was arrested by a war- 
rant under the king's hand, and carried to the 
Tower, upon a charge of high treason. 
He was a man like Drances in Virgil, 

Largus opum, et lingua melior, sed frigida bello H|S cha - 

.... , , f >i racter. 

Dcxtera, consilus habitus non minis auctor, 

Seditione potens. 

Without doubt he was a person of extraordinary 
cunning, well bred ; and though, by the ill-placing 
of his eyes, he did not appear with any great advan- 
tage at first sight, yet he reconciled even those who 
had aversion to him very strangely by a little con- 
versation : insomuch as after so many repeated in- 
dignities (to say no worse) which he had put upon 
the late king, and when he had continued the same 
affronts to the present king, by hindering the Scots 
from inviting him, and as long as was possible kept 
him from being received by them ; when there was 
no remedy, and that he was actually landed, no man 
paid him so much reverence and outward respect, 
and gave so good an example to all others, with 
what veneration their king ought to be treated, as 
the marquis of Argyle did, and in a very short time 
made himself agreeable and acceptable to him. His 
wit was pregnant, and his humour gay and pleasant, 
except when he liked not the company or the argu- 
ment. And though he never consented to any one 
thing of moment, which the king asked of him ; and 
even in those seasons in which he was used with 
most rudeness by the clergy, and with some bar- 
barity by his son the lord Lome, whom he had made 



432 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1G61. captain of his majesty's guard, to guard him from 
"~ his friends, and from all who he desired should have 
access to him, the marquis still had that address, 
that he persuaded him all was for the best. When 
the other faction prevailed, in which there were 
likewise crafty managers, and that his counsels were 
commonly rejected, he carried himself so, that they 
who hated him most were willing to compound with 
him, and that his majesty should not withdraw his 
countenance from him. But he continued in all his 
charges, and had a very great party in that parlia- 
ment that was most devoted to serve the king ; so 
that his majesty was often put to desire his help to 
compass what he desired. He did heartily oppose 
the king's marching with his army into England ; the 
ill success whereof made many men believe after- 
wards, that he had more reasons for the counsels he 
gave, than they had who were of another opinion. 
And the king was so far from thinking him his 
enemy, that when it was privately proposed to him 
by those he trusted most, that he might be secured 
from doing hurt when the king was marched into 
England, since he was so much* against it ; his ma- 
jesty would by no means consent to it, but parted 
with him very graciously, as with one he expected 
good service from. All which the commissioners 
well remembered, and were very unwilling that he 
should be again admitted into his presence, to make 
his own excuses for any thing he could be charged 
with. And his behaviour afterwards, and the good 
correspondence he had kept with Cromwell, but 
especially some confident averments of some parti- 
cular words or actions which related to the murder 
of his father, prevailed with his majesty not to speak 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 433 

with him ; which he laboured by many addresses, in 1 GC I . 
petitions to the king, and letters to some of those" 
who were trusted by him, which were often presented 
by his wife and his son, and in which he only desired 
" to speak with the king or with some of those lords," 
pretending, " that he should inform and communi- 
" cate somewhat that would highly concern his ma- 
" jesty's service." But the king not vouchsafing to 
admit him to his presence, the English lords had no 
mind to have any conference with a man who had 
so dark a character, or to meddle in an affair that 
must be examined and judged by the laws of Scot- 
land : and so it was resolved, that the marquis of Sent into 

* Scotland to 

Argyle should be sent by sea into Scotland, to be be tried. 
tried before the parliament there when the com- 
missioner should arrive, who was despatched thither 
with the rest of the lords, as soon as the seals and 
other badges of their several offices could be pre- 
pared. And what afterwards became of the mar*- 
quis is known to all men ; as it grew quickly to ap- 
pear, that what bitterness soever the earl of Lau- 
therdale had expressed towards him in his general 
discourses, he had in truth a great mind to have 
preserved him, and so kept such a pillar of presby- 
tery against a good occasion ; which was not then 
suspected by the rest of the commissioners. 

The lords of the English council, who were ap- 
pointed to sit with the Scots, met with them to 
consult upon the instructions which were to be given 
to the king's commissioner, who was now created 
earl of Middleton.' The Scots seemed all resolute 
and impatient to vindicate their country from the 
infamy of delivering up the last king, (for all things 
relating to the former rebellion had been put in ob- 

VOL. I. F f 



434 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 66 1 . livion by his late majesty's act of indemnity, at his 
"last being in Scotland,) and stricdy to examine who 
of that nation had contributed to his murder, of 
which they were confident Argyle would be found 
The eari of Very guilty. Middleton was very earnest, " that he 
Jrot^e?" " might, for the humiliation of the preachers, and 
* P reven ^ anv unruly proceeding of theirs in their 
assembly, begin with rescinding the act of the 



Scotland. " covenant, and all other acts which had invaded 
" the king's power ecclesiastical, and then proceed 
" to the erecting of bishops in that kingdom, ac- 

in which cording to the ancient institution :" and with him 

all the 

Glencarne, Rothes, and all the rest (Lautherdale 



S CUT Incept' only excepted) concurred ; and averred, " that it 
" wou ld be very easily brought to pass, because the 
" tyrannical proceedings of the assemblies and their 
" several presbyteries had so far incensed persons of 
" all degrees, that not only the nobility, gentry, and 
" common people, would be glad to be freed from 
" them, but that the most learned and best part of 
" the ministers desired the same, and to be subject 
" again to the bishops ; and that there would be 
" enough found of the Scots clergy, very worthy 
" and very willing to supply those charges." 

Lautherdale, with a passion superior to the rest, 
inveighed against the covenant ; called it " a wick- 
" ed, traitorous combination of rebels against their 
" lawful sovereign, and expressly against the laws 
" of their own country ; protested his own hearty 
" repentance for the part he had acted in the pro- 
" motion thereof, and that he was confident that 
" God, who was witness of his repentance, had for- 
" given him that foul sin : that no man there had a 
" greater reverence for the government by bishops 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 435 

" than he himself had ; and that he was most confi- J661. 

'* dent, that the kingdom of Scotland could never be ~ 

" happy in itself, nor ever be reduced to a perfect 

(( submission and obedience to the king, till the 

** episcopal government was again established there. 

" The scruple that only remained with him, and 

" which made him differ with his brethren, was, of 

" the manner how it should be attempted, and of the 

" time when it should be endeavoured to be brought 

" to pass." And then with his usual warmth, when 

he thought it necessary to be warm, (for at other 

times he could be as calm as any man, though not 

so naturally,) he desired, " that the commissioner 

" might have no instruction for the present to make 

" any approach towards either ; on the contrary, who art- 

" that he might be restrained from it by his ma- tempt* to 

" jesty's special direction: for though his own pru- f^ e * d> 

" dence, upon the observation he should quickly 

" make when he came thither, would restrain him 

" from doing any thing which might be inconvenient 

" to his majesty's service ; yet without that he would 

" hardly be able to restrain others, who for want of 

" understanding, or out of ill-will to particular men, 

" might be too forward to set such a design on 

" foot" 

He desired, "that in the first session of parlia^ 
" ment no further attempt might be made, than in 
" pursuance of what had been first mentioned, the 
" vindicating their country from all things which 
" related to the murder of the late king, which 
" would comprehend the delivery up of his person, 
" the asserting the king's royal power, by which all 
" future attempts towards rebellion would be pre- 
" vented, and the trial of the marquis of Argyle ; 

F f 2 



436 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. "all which would take up more time than parlia- 
~~" ments in that kingdom, till the late ill times, had 
" used to continue together. That after the expi- 
" ration of the first session, in which a good judg- 
" ment might be made of the temper of that king- 
" dom, and the commissioner's prudence might have 
" an influence upon many leading men to change 
" their present temper, such further advance might 
" be made for the reformation of the kirk as his 
" majesty should judge best ; and then he made no 
" doubt, but all would by degrees be compassed in 
" that particular which could be desired, and which 
" was the more resolutely to be desired, because he 
" still confessed that the king could not be secure, nor 
" the kingdom happy, till the episcopal government 
" could be restored. But he undertook to know so 
" well the nature of that people," (though he had 
not been in that kingdom since his majesty left it,) 
" that if it were undertaken presently, or without 
" due circumstances in preparing more men than 
" could in a short time be done, it would not only 
" miscarry, but with it his majesty be disappointed 
" of many of the other particulars, which he would 
" otherwise be sure to obtain." 

He named many of the nobility and leading men, 
who he said " were still so infatuated with the cove- 
" nant, that "they would with equal patience hear of 
" the rejection of the four Evangelists, who yet, by 
" conversation, and other information, and applica- 
" tion, might in time be wrought upon." He fre- 
quently appealed to the king's own memory and ob- 
servation, when he was in that kingdom, " how su- 
" perstitious they who were most devoted to do him 
" service, and were at his disposal in all things, were 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 437 

" towards the covenant: that all they did for him, 
" which was all that he desired them to do, was 
" looked upon as the effects of those obligations 
" which the covenant had laid upon them." He 
appealed to the general, (" who," he said, " knew 
" Scotland better than any one man of that nation 
" could pretend to do,) whether he thought this a 
" proper season to attempt so great a change in 
" that kingdom, before other more pressing acts 
"were compassed ; and whether he did not know, 
" that the very pressing the obligations in the cove- 
" nant lately in England had not contributed very 
** much to the restoration of the king, which the 
" London ministers confidently urged at present as 
" an argument for his indulgence towards them. 
" And," he said, " though he well knew that his 
" majesty was fully resolved to maintain the go- 
" vernment of the church of England in its full lus- 
" tre, (which he thanked God for, being in his 
"judgment the best government ecclesiastical in 
" the world,) yet he could not but observe, that the 
" king's prudence had yet forborne to make any 
" new bishops, and had upon the matter suspended 
" the English Liturgy by not enjoining it, out of 
" indulgence to dissenters, and to allow them time 
" to consider, and to be well informed and in- 
" structed in those forms, which had been for so 
" many years rejected or discontinued, that the 
" people in general and many ministers had never 
" seen or heard it used : so that the presbyterians 
" here remained still in hope of his majesty's favour 
" and condescension, that they should be permitted 
" to continue their own forms, or no forms, in their 
" devotions and public worship of God. In consi- 

Ff3 



438 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " deration of all which, he thought it very incongru- 
"~" ous, and somewhat against his majesty's dignity, 
" suddenly and with precipitation to begin and 
" attempt such an alteration in Scotland, against 
" a government that had more antiquity there, and 
" was more generally submitted to and accepted, 
" than it had been in England, before he himself 
" had declared his own judgment against it in this 
" kingdom ; which he presumed he would shortly 
" do, and which would be the best introduction to 
" the same in Scotland, where all the king's actions 
" and determinations would be looked upon with 
" the highest veneration." 

He concluded, "that if the other more vigorous 
" course should be resolved upon, the marquis of 
" Argyle would be very glad of it ; for though he 
" was generally odious to all degrees of men, yet he 
" was not so much hated as the covenant was be- 
" loved and worshipped : a.nd that when they should 
" discern that they must be deprived of that, they 
" would rather desire to preserve both. And there- 
" fore," he said, " his advice still was, that he 
" should be first out of the way, who was looked 
" upon as the upholder of the covenant and the 
" chief pillar of the kirk, before any visible attempt 
" should be made against the other, which would 
" assuredly be done by degrees." 

Many particulars in this discourse confidently 
urged, and with more advantage of elocution than 
the fatness of his tongue, that ever filled his mouth, 
usually was attended with, seemed reasonable to 
many, and worthy to be answered; and his fre- 
quent appeals to the king, in which there were 
always some ridiculous instances of the use made of 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 489 

the covenant, with reference to the power of the 
preachers in the domestic affairs of other men, and^ 3 ^ 7 ^* 35 ' 
the like, (which, though it made it the more odious, 
was still an argument of the reverence that was ge- 
nerally paid to it, all which instances were^well re- 
membered by the king, who commonly added others 
of the same standard from his own memory,) madeHi*di- 

,. . . i i' 1 i ' C urs * 

his majesty in suspense, or rather inclined that no- makes some 
thing should be attempted that concerned the kirk, o 
till the next session of parliament, when Lauther- kmg> 
dale himself confessed it might be securely effected. 
To this the general seemed to incline, not a little 
moved by what had been said of Argyle, to whom he 
was no friend, but much more by the disadvantage 
which might arise, by a precipitate proceeding in 
Scotland, to the presbyterian party here, and espe- 
cially to the preachers, to whom he wished well for 
his wife's sake, or rather for his own peace with his 
wife, who was deeply engaged to that people for 
their seasonable determination of some nice cases 
of conscience, whereby he had been induced to re- 
pair a trespass he had committed, by marrying her ; 
which was an obligation never to be forgotten. 

Middleton, and most of the Scots lords, were 
highly offended by the presumption of Laiitherdale, 
in undertaking to know the spirit and disposition of 
a kingdom which he had not seen in ten years ; and 
easily discerned that his affected raillery and railing other iord 
against the covenant, and his magnifying episcopal Lauther- 
government, were but varnish to cover the rotten- ^ s< 
ness of his intentions, till he might more securely 
and efficaciously manifest his affection to the one, 
and his malignity to the other. They contradicted 

F f 4 



440 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. positively all that he had said of the temper and af- 
"fections of Scotland, and named many of those lords, 
who had been mentioned by him as the most zealous 
assertors of the covenant, " who," they undertook, 
" should, upon the first opportunity, declare their 
" abomination of it to the world ; whereof they knew 
" there were some who had written against it, and 
" were resolved to publish it as soon as they might 
" do it with safety." They advised his majesty, 
" that he would not choose to do his business by 
" halves, when he might with more security do it 
" all together, ajid the dividing it would make both 
" the more difficult. However," they besought him, 
" to put no such restraint, as had been so much 
" pressed, upon his commissioner, that though he 
" should find the parliament most inclined to do that 
" now, which every body confessed necessary to be 
" done at some time, he should not accept their 
" good-will, but hinder them from pursuing it, as 
" very ungrateful to the king ; which," they said, 
** would be a greater countenance to, and confirma- 
" tion of, the covenant, than it had ever yet re- 
" ceived, and a greater wound to episcopacy." And 
And pre- that indeed was consented to by all. And there- 
upon the king resolved to put nothing like restraint 
upon his commissioner from effecting that he wished 
might be done to-morrow if it could be, but to leave it 
entirely to his prudence to judge of the conjuncture, 
with caution " not to permit it to be attempted, if 
" he saw it would be attended with any ill conse- 
" quence or hazard to his service." And so the 
commissioner, with the other officers for Scotland, 
were dismissed to their full content ; and therewith 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 441 

the king was at present eased, by having separated 1 66 1 . 
one very important affair from the crowd of the rest, ~ 
which remained to perplex him. 

That in Ireland was much more intricate, and The state of 

. 1-11 Ireland at 

the intricacy in many respects so involved, that no- that time. 
body had a mind to meddle with it. The chancel- 
lor had made it his humble suit to the king, " that 
" no part of it might ever be referred to him ;" and 
the duke of Ormond (who was most concerned in 
his own interest that all men's interests in that king- 
dom might be adjusted, that he might enjoy his, 
which was the greatest of all the rest) could not see 
any light in so much darkness, that might lead him 
to any beginning. The king's interest had been so 
totally extinguished in that kingdom for many years 
past, that there was no person of any consideration 
there, who pretended to wish that it were revived. 
At Cromwell's death, and at the deposition of Rich- 
ard, his younger son Harry was invested in the full 
authority, by being lieutenant of Ireland. The 
two presidents of the two provinces, were the lord 
Broghill in that of Munster, and sir Charles Coote 
in that of Connaught ; both equally depending upon 
the lieutenant : and they more depended upon him 
and courted his protection, by their not loving one 
another, and being of several complexions and con- 
stitutions, and both of a long aversion to the king 
by multiplications of guilt. When Richard was 
thrown out, the supreme power of the militia was 
vested in Ludlow, and all the civil jurisdiction in 
persons who had been judges of the king, and pos- 
sessed ample fortunes, which they could no longer 
hold than their authority should be maintained. But 
the two presidents remained in their several pro- 



442 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. viuces with their full power, either because they 
~had not deserved to be suspected, or because they 
could not easily be removed, being still subject to 
the commissioners at Dublin. The next change of 
government removed Ludlow and the rest of that 
desperate crew, and committed the government to 
others of more moderate principles, yet far enough 
from wishing well to the king. In those revolutions 
sir Charles Coote took an opportunity to send an ex- 
press to the king, who was then at Brussels, with 
the tender of his obedience, with great cautions as 
to the time of appearing; only desired " to have 
" such commissions in his hands as might be applied 
" to his majesty's service in a proper conjuncture ;" 
which were sent to him, and never made use of by 
him. He expressed great jealousy of Broghill, and 
an unwillingness that he should know of his engage- 
ment. And the alterations succeeded so fast one 
upon another, that they both chose rather to depend 
upon general Monk than upon the king, imagining, 
as they said afterwards, " that he intended nothing 
" but the king's restoration, and best knew how to 
" effect it." And by some private letter, for there 
was no order sent, to Coote and some other officers 
there, " that they would adhere to his army for the 
" service of the parliament against Lambert," Coote 
found assistance to seize upon the castle of Dublin, 
and the persons of those who were in authority, 
who were imprisoned by them, and the government 
settled in that manner as they thought most agree- 
able to the presbyterian humour, until the general 
was declared lieutenant of Ireland, who then sent 



thedifferent commissioners to the same persons, who, as soon as 

parties in ... 

Ireland, the king was proclaimed, sent their commissioners 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 443 

to the king, who were called commissioners from 
the state, and brought a present of money to the 
king from the same, with all professions of duty 
which could be expected from the best subjects. 

These were the lord Broghill, sir Audly Mervin, i- c 
sir John Clotworthy, and several other persons of i! ie state. 
quality, much the greater number whereof had been 
always notorious for the disservice they had done 
the king; but upon the advantage of having been 
discountenanced, and suffered long imprisonment and 
other damages, under Cromwell, they called them- 
selves the king's party, and brought expectations 
with them to be looked upon and treated as such. 
Amongst them was a brother, and other friends, 
made choice of and more immediately trusted by 
sir Charles Coote, who remained in the castle of 
Dublin, and presided in that council that supplied 
the government, and was thought to have the best 
interest in the army as well as in his own province. 
" And these men," he said, " had been privy to the 
" service he meant to have done the king, and ex- 
" pected the performance of several promises he had 
" then made them by virtue of some authority had 
" been sent to him to assure those, who should join 
" with him to do his majesty service." All these 
commissioners from the state had instructions, to 
which they were to conform in desiring nothing 
from the king, but ** the settling his own authority 
" amongst them, the ordering the army, the reviving 
" the execution of the laws, and settling the courts 
" of justice," (all which had been dissolved in the 
late usurpation,) " and such other particulars as 
" purely related to the public." And their public 
addresses were to this and no other purpose. But 



444 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. then to their private friends, and such as they desired 
~~ to make their friends, most of them had many pre- 
tences of merit, and many expedients by which the 
king might reward them, and out of which they 
' would be able liberally to gratify their patrons. And 
by this means all who served the king were fur- 
nished with suits enough to make their fortunes, in 
which they presently engaged themselves with very 
troublesome importunity to the king himself, and to 
all others who they thought had credit or power to 
advance their desires. Nor was there any other art 
so much used by the commissioners in their secret 
conferences, as to deprave one another, and to dis- 
cover the ill actions they had been guilty of, and 
how little they deserved to be trusted, or had in- 
terest to accomplish. The lord Broghill was the 
man of the best parts, and had most friends by his 
great alliance to promise for him. And he appeared 
very generous, and to be without the least pretence 
to any advantage for himself, and to be so wholly 
devoted to the king's interest, and to the establish- 
ing of the government of the church, that he quickly 
got himself believed. And having free access to the 
king, by mingling apologies for what he had done, 
with promises of what he would do, and utterly re- 
nouncing all those principles as to the church or state, 
(as he might with a good conscience do,) which made 
men unfit for trust, he made himself so acceptable 
to his majesty, that he heard him willingly, because 
he made all things easy to be done and compassed ; 
and gave such assurances to the bedchamber men, 
to help them to good fortunes in Ireland, which 
they had reason to despair of in England, that he 
wanted not their testimony upon all occasions, nor 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 445 

their defence and vindication, when any thing was 1661. 
reflected upon to his disadvantage or reproach. 

2. There were many other deputies of several 2 - Deputies 
classes in Ireland, who thought their pretences to be bishops and 
as well grounded, as theirs who came from the state. 
There were yet some bishops alive of that kingdom, 
and other grave divines, all stripped of their dig- 
nities and estates, which had been disposed of by 
the usurping power to their creatures. And all they 
(some whereof had spent time in banishment near 
the king, and others more miserably in their own 
country and in England, under the charity of those 
who for the most part lived by the charity of others) 
expected, as they well might, to be restored to what 
in right belonged to them ; and besought his ma- 
jesty " to use all possible expedition to establish the 
" government of that church as it had always been, 
" by supplying the empty sees with new prelates in 
" the place of those who were dead, that all the 
" schisms and wild factions in religion, which were 
" spread over that whole kingdom, might be extir- 
" pated and rooted out." All which desires were 
grateful to the king, and according to his royal in- 
tentions, and were not opposed by the commissioners 
from the state, who all pretended to be well wishers 
to the old government of the church, and the more 
by the experience they had of the distractions which 
were introduced by that which had succeeded it, 
and by the confusion they were now in without any. 
Only sir John Clotworthy (who, by the exercise of 
very ordinary faculties in several employments, whilst 
the parliament retained the supreme power in their 
hands, had exceedingly improved himself in under- 
standing and ability of negociation) dissembled not 



446 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 66 1 . his old animosity against the bishops, the cross, and 



the surplice, and wished that all might be abolished ; 
though he knew well that his vote would signify 
nothing towards it. And that spirit of his had been 
so long known, that it was now imputed to sincerity 
and plain-dealing, and that he would not dissemble, 
(which many others were known to do, who had the 
same malignity with him,) and was the less ill 
thought of, because in all other respects he was of a 
generous and a jovial nature, and complied in all de- 
signs which might advance the king's interest or 
service, 
s. A com. 3 There appeared likewise a committee deputed 

mittee de- 
puted by by the adventurers to solicit their right, which was 

the adven- / 

turers. the more numerous by the company or many alder- 
men and citizens of the best quality, and many ho- 
nest gentlemen of the country; who all desired 
" that their right might not be disturbed, which 
** had been settled by an act of parliament ratified 
** by the last king before the troubles ; and that if it 
" should be thought just, that any of the lands of 
** which tliey stood possessed should be taken from 
" them, upon what title soever, they might first be 
" put into the possession of other lands of equal va- 
*' lue, before they should be dispossessed of what 

An account they had already." All that they made claim to 

of these ad- ' 

venturers, seemed to be confirmed by an act of parliament. 
The case was this : When the rebellion first brake 
out in Ireland, the parliament then sitting, and 
there being so much money to be raised and already 
raised for the payment of and disbanding two ar- 
mies, and for the composing or compounding the 
rebellion of Scotland, where the king was at that 
time ; it had been propounded, " that the war of 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 447 

" Ireland might be carried on at the charges of par- 1661 
" ticular men, and so all imposition upon the people ~ 
" might be prevented, if an act of parliament were 
" passed for the satisfaction of all those who would 
" advance monies for the war, out of the lands which 
" should become forfeited." 

And this proposition being embraced, an act was 
prepared to that purpose ; in which it was provided, 
" that the forfeited lands in Leinster, Munster, Con- 
" naught, and Ulster, should be valued at such seve- 
" ral rates by the acre, and how many acres in 
" either should be assigned for the satisfaction of 
" one hundred pounds, and so proportionally for 
" greater sums. That for all monies which should 
" be subscribed within so many days (beyond which 
" time there should be no more subscriptions) for 
" that service, one moiety thereof should be paid to 
4t the treasurer appointed, within few days, for the 
" present preparations ; and the other moiety be 
" paid within six months, upon the penalty of losing 
" all benefit from the first payment. That when 
" God should so bless their armies, (which they 
" doubted not of,) that the rebels should be so near 
" reduced, that they should be without any army 
" or visible power to support their rebellion ; there 
" should a commission issue out, under the great 
** seal of England, to such persons as should be no- 
" minated by the parliament, who should take the 
" best way they could in their discretion think fit, 
" to be informed, whether the rebels were totally 
" subdued, and so the rebellion at an end. And 
" upon their declaration, that the work was fully 
" done and the war finished, other commissions 
" should likewise issue out, in the same manner, for 



448 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " the convicting and attainting all those who were 
" guilty of the treason and rebellion by which their 
" estates were become forfeited ; and then other 
" commissions, for the distribution 6f the forfeited 
" lands to the several adventurers, according to the 
" sums of money advanced by them. The king was 
" to be restrained from making any peace with the 
" Irish rebels, or cessation, or from granting pardon 
" to any of them ; but such peace, cessation, or par- 
" don, should be looked upon as void and null." 
* This act the king had consented to and confirmed 
in the year 1641, and in the agony of many troubles 
which that rebellion had brought upon him, think- 
ing it the only means to put a speedy end to that ac- 
cursed rebellion, the suppression whereof would free 
him from many difficulties. And upon the security 
of this act, very many persons, of all qualities and af- 
fections, subscribed and brought in the first moiety 
of their money, and were very properly styled adven- 
turers. Great sums of money were daily brought in, 
and preparations and provisions and new levies of 
men were made for Ireland. But the rebellion in 
England being shortly after fomented by the parlia- 
ment, they applied very much of that money brought 
in by the adventurers, and many of the troops which 
had been raised for that service, immediately against 
the king : which being notoriously known, and his 
majesty complaining of it, many honest gentlemen, 
who had subscribed and paid one moiety, refused to 
pay in the other moiety at the time, and so were 
liable to lose the benefit of 1 their adventure ; which 
they preferred before suffering their money to be 
applied to the carrying on the rebellion against the 
king, which they abhorred. And by this means 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 449 

Ireland was misapplied ; and the rebellion spread 
and prospered with little opposition for some time. 
And the parliament, though the time for subscribing 
was expired, enlarged it by ordinances of their own 
to a longer day, and easily prevailed with many of 
their own party, principally officers and citizens, to 
subscribe and bring in their money ; to which it 
was no small encouragement, that so many had lost 
the benefit of their whole adventure by not paying 
in the second payment, which would make the con- 
ditions of the new adventurers the less hazardous. 

When the success of the parliament had totally 
subdued the king's arms, and himself was so inhu- 
manly murdered, neither the forces in Ireland under 
the king's authority, nor the Irish, who had too late 
promised to submit to it, could make any long re- 
sistance; so that Cromwell quickly dispersed them 
by his own expedition thither : and by licensing as 
many as desired it to transport as many from thence, 
for the service of the two crowns of France and 
Spain, as they would contract for, quickly made a 
disappearance of any army in that kingdom to op- 
pose his conquests. And after the defeat of the 
king at Worcester, he seemed to all men to be in as 
quiet a possession of Ireland as of England, and to 
be as much without enemies in the one as the other 
kingdom ; as in a short time he had reduced Scot- 
land to the same exigent. 

Shortly after that time, when Cromwell was in- 
vested with the office of protector, all those commis- 
sions were issued out, and all the formality was used 
that was prescribed by that act for the adventurers. 
Not only all the Irish nation (very few excepted) 
were found guilty of the rebellion, and so to have 

VOL. i. G g 



450 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. forfeited all their estates; but the marquis of Or- 
~~mond, the lord Inchiquin, and all the English catho- 
lics, and whosoever had served the king, were de- 
clared to be under the same guilt ; and the lands 
seized upon for the benefit of the state. There were 
very vast arrears of pay due to the army, a great 
part e of which (now the war was ended) must be 
disbanded ; for the doing whereof no money was to 
be expected out of England, but they must be sa- 
tisfied out of the forfeitures of the other kingdoms. 
The whole kingdom was admeasured ; the accounts 
of the money paid by the adventurers within the 
time limited, and what was due to the army for 
their pay, were stated ; and such proportions of 
acres in the several provinces were assigned to the 
adventurers and officers and soldiers, as were agree- 
able to the act of parliament, by admeasurement. 
v Where an officer of name had been likewise an ad- 
venturer, his adventure and his pay amounted to 
the more. And sometimes the whole company and 
regiment contracted for money with their captains 
or colonels, and assigned their interest in land to 
them ; and possession was accordingly delivered, 
without any respect to any titles by law to former 
settlements, or descents of any persons soever, wives 
or children ; except in some very few cases, where 
the wives had been great heirs, and could not be 
charged with any crime, such proportions were as- 
signed as were rather agreeable to their own con- 
veniences, than to justice and the right of the 
claimers. 

And that every body might with the more se- 

e part] Omitted in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 451 

curity enjoy that which was assigned to him, they 1661, 
had found a way to have the consent of many to~ 
their own undoing. They found the utter extirpa- 
tion of the nation (which they had intended) to be 
in itself very difficult, and to carry in it somewhat 
of horror, that made some impression upon the 
stone-hardness of their own hearts. After so many 
thousands f destroyed by the plague which raged 
over the kingdom, by fire, sword, and famine ; and 
after so many thousands transported into foreign 
parts, there remained still such a numerous people, 
that they knew not how to dispose of: and though 
they were declared to be all forfeited, and so to 
have no title to any thing, yet they must remain 
somewhere. They therefore found this expedient, 
which they called an act of grace. There was a 
large tract of land, even to the half of the province 
of Connaught, that was separated from the rest by 
a long and a large river, and which by the plague 
and many massacres remained almost desolate. Into 
this space and circuit of land they required all the 
Irish to retire by such a day, under the penalty of 
death ; and all who should after that time be found 
in any other part of the kingdom, man, woman, or 
child, should be killed by any body who saw or met 
them. The land within this circuit, the most barren 
in the kingdom, was out of the grace and mercy of 
the conquerors assigned to those of the nation who 
were enclosed, in such proportions as might with 
great industry preserve their lives. And to those 
persons, from whom they had taken great quantities 
of land in other provinces, they assigned the greater 

' thousands] millions g thousands] millions 

Gg2 



452 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. proportions within this precinct ; so that it fell to 
~~ some men's lot, especially when they were accommo- 
dated with houses, to have a competent livelihood, 
though never to the fifth part of what had been 
taken from them in a much better province. And 
that they might not be exalted with this merciful 
donative, it was a condition that accompanied this 
their accommodation, that they should all give re- 
leases of their former rights and titles to the land 
that was taken from them, in consideration of what 
was now assigned to them ; and so they should for 
ever bar themselves and their heirs from ever laying 
claim to their old inheritance. What should they 
do ? they could not be permitted to go out of this 
precinct to shift for themselves elsewhere ; and 
without this assignation they must starve here, as 
many did die every day of famine. In this deplor- 
able condition, and under this consternation, they 
found themselves obliged to accept or submit to the 
hardest conditions of their conquerors, and so signed 
such conveyances and releases as were prepared for 
them, that they might enjoy those lands which be- 
longed to other men. 

And by this means the plantation (as they called 
it) of Connaught was finished, and all the Irish na- 
tion enclosed within that circuit ; the rest of Ireland 
being left to the English ; some to the old lords and 
just proprietors, who being all protestants, (for no 
Roman catholic was admitted,) had either never 
offended them, or had served them, or had made 
composition for their delinquencies by the benefit of 
some articles ; and h some to the adventurers and 

11 and] Not in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 453 

soldiers. And a good and great part (as I remem- 1661, 
ber, the whole province of Tipperary) Cromwell had ~ 
reserved to himself, as a demesne (as he called it) 
for the state, and in which no adventurer or soldier 
should demand his lot to be assigned, and no doubt 
intended both the state and it for the making great 
his own family. It cannot be imagined in how easy 
a method, and with what peaceable formality, this 
whole great kingdom was taken from the just lords 
and proprietors, and divided and given amongst 
those, who had no other right to it but that they 
had power to keep it i ; no men having so great k 
shares as they who had been instruments to murder 
the king, and were not like willingly to part with it 
to his successor. Where any great sums of money 
for arms, ammunition, or any merchandise, had 
been so long due that they were looked upon as des- 
perate, the creditors subscribed all those sums as 
lent upon adventure, and had their satisfaction as- 
signed to them as adventurers. Ireland was the 
great capital, out of which all debts were paid, all 
services rewarded, and all acts of bounty performed. 
And which is more wonderful, all this was l done 
and settled, within little more than two years, to 
that degree of perfection, that there were many 
buildings raised for beauty as well as use, orderly 
and regular plantations of trees, and fences and en- 
closures raised m throughout the kingdom, purchases 
made by one from the other at very valuable rates, 
and jointures 1 made upon marriages, and all other 
conveyances and settlements executed, as in a king- 

' it] Omitted in MS. m fences and enclosures rais- 

k great] Omitted in MS. ed] raising fences and enclo- 

1 was] Not in MS. sures 

Gg3 



454 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. dom at peace within itself, and where no doubt 
"could be made of the validity of titles. And yet in 
all this quiet, there were very few persons pleased 
or contented. 

And these deputies for the adventurers, and for 
those who called themselves adventurers, came not 
only to ask the king's consent and approbation of 
what had been done, (which they thought in justice 
he could not deny, because all had been done upon 
the warrant of a legal act of parliament,) but to 
complain, " that justice had not been equally done 
" in the distributions ; that this man had received 
" much less than was his due, and others as much 
" more than was their due ; that one had had great 
" quantities of bogs and waste land assigned to him 
" as tenantable, and another as much allowed as 
" bogs and waste, which in truth were very tenant- 
" able lands." And upon the whole matter, they all 
desired " a review might be made n , that justice 
" might be done to all ;" every man expecting an 
addition to what he had already, not suspecting 
that any thing would be taken from him, to be re- 
stored to the true owner. 
Another And this agitation raised another party of adven- 

class of ad- . 111 

venturers turers, who thought they had at least as good a 
right as any of the other ; and that was, they, or 
the heirs and executors of them, who upon the first 
making of the act of parliament, had subscribed 
several good sums of money, and paid in their first 
moieties ; but the rebellion coming on, and the mo- 
nies already paid in being notoriously and visibly 
employed contrary to the act, and against the per- 

V 

11 -be made] Omitted in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 455 

son of the king himself, they had out of conscience 

forborne to pay the second moiety, lest it might 

also be P so employed ; whereby, according to the 
rigour of the law, they lost the benefit of the first 
payment. And they had hitherto sustained that 
loss, with many other, without having ever applied 
themselves for relief. " But now, when it had 
" pleased God to restore the king, and so many who 
" had not deserved very well desired help from the 
" king upon the equity of that act of parliament, 
" where the letter of the law would do them no 
" good % they presumed to think, that by the equity 
" of the law they ought to be satisfied for the money 
" they did really pay ; and that they should not un- 
." dergo any damage for not paying the other moiety, 
" which out of conscience and for his majesty's ser- 
" vice they had forborne to do." No man will doubt 
but that the king was very well inclined to gratify 
this classis of adventurers, when he should find it in 
his power. But it is time to return to the com- 
mittee and deputies of the other parties in that dis- 
tracted kingdom. 

4. There was a committee sent from the army 4. A com- 

,1 . . T i j t , n .-i mittee from 

that was in present pay in Ireland, " tor the arrears t he army. 
" due to them," which was for above a year's pay ; 
most of those who had received satisfaction in land 
for what was then due to them, as well officers as sol- 
diers, being then disbanded, that they might attend 
their plantations and husbandry, but in truth because 
they were for the most part of the presbyterian fac- 
tion, and so suspected by Cromwell not to be enough 
inclined to him. The army now on foot, and to 

to pay] to make P be] Omitted in MS. 'i good] king 
Gg4 



456 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. whom so great arrears were due, consisted for the 
"greatest part of independents, anabaptists, and le- 
vellers, who had corresponded with and been di- 
rected by the general, when he marched from Scot- 
land against Lambert : and therefore he had advised 
the king to declare, " that he would pay all arrears 
" due to the army in Ireland, and ratify the satisfac- 
" tion that had been given to adventurers, officers, 
" and soldiers there ;" which his majesty had accord- 
ingly signified by his declaration from Breda. And 
whoever considers the temper and constitution of 
that army then on foot in that kingdom, and the 
body of presbyterians that had been disbanded, and 
remained still there in their habitations, together 
with the body of adventurers, all presbyterians or 
anabaptists; and at the same time remembers the 
disposition and general affection of the army in 
England, severed from their obedience to the general 
and the good affection of some few superior officers ; 
will not wonder that the king endeavoured, if it had 
been possible, rather to please all, than by any un- 
seasonable discovery of a resolution, how just soever, 
to make any party desperate ; there being none so 
inconsiderable, as not to have been able to do much 
mischief. 



5. A com- - 5 T]^ satisfaction that the officers and soldiers 

mittee from 

the officers had received in land, and the demand of the present 

who bad . 

served the army, had caused another committee to be sent and 
employed by those reformed officers, who had served 
the king under the command of the marquis of 
Ormond, from the beginning of the rebellion to the 
end thereof, with courage and fidelity; and had 
since shifted beyond the seas, and some of them in 
his majesty's service, or suffered patiently in that 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 457 

kingdom under the insolence of their oppressors; 1-661. 
who, because they had always fought against the~ 
Irish, were by articles, upon their laying down their 
arms when they could no longer hold them in their 
hands, permitted to remain in their own houses, or 
such as they could get within that kingdom. These 
gentlemen thought it a very incongruous thing, " that 
" they who had constantly fought against the king's 
" father and himself, should receive their pay and 
" reward by his majesty's care, bounty, and as- 
" signation ; and that they, who had as constantly 
" fought for both, should be left to undergo all want 
" and misery now his majesty was restored to his 
" own." And they believed their suit to be the 
more reasonable, at least the easier to be granted, by 
having brought an expedient with them to facilitate 
their satisfaction. There had been some old order 
or ordinance, that was looked upon as a law, where- 
by it was provided, that all houses within cities or 
corporate towns, which were forfeited, should be re- 
served to be specially disposed of by the state, or in 
such a manner as it should direct, to the end that all 
care might be taken what manner of men should be 
the inhabitants of such important places : and there- 
fore such houses had not been, nor were to be, pro- 
miscuously assigned to adventurers, officers, or sol- 
diers, and so remained hitherto undisposed of. And 
these reformed officers of the king made it their 
suit, that those houses might be assigned to them in 
proportions, according to what might appear to be 
due to their several conditions and degrees in com- 
mand. And to this petition, which might seem 
equitable in itself, the commissioners from the state 
gave their full approbation and consent, being ready 



458 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1 66 1 . to take all the opportunities to ingratiate themselves 

"towards those whom they had oppressed as long as 

they were able, and to be reputed to love the king's 

party. 

e. A com- (J. Lastly, there was a committee for, or rather the 

mittee for 

the Roman whole body of, the Irish catholics, who, with less 
modesty than was suitable to their condition, de- 
manded in justice to be restored to all the lands that 
had been taken from them : alleging, " that they 
" were all at least as innocent as any of them were, 
" to whom their lands had been assigned." They 
urged " their early submission to the king, and the 
" peace they had first made with the marquis of 
" Ormond, by which an act of indemnity had been 
" granted for what offences soever had been com- 
" mitted, except such -in which none of them were 
" concerned." They urged " the peace they had 
" made with the marquis of Ormond upon this king's 
" first coming to the crown, wherein a grant of in- 
" demnity was again renewed to them ;" and confi- 
dently, though very unskilfully, pressed, " that the 
" benefit of all those articles which were contained 
" in that peace, might still be granted and observed 
" to them, since they had done nothing to infringe 
" or forfeit them, but had been oppressed and broken, 
" as all his majesty's other forces had been." They 
urged " the service they had done to the king be- 
" yond the seas 4 having been always ready to obey 
" his commands, and stayed in r or left France or 
" Spain as his majesty had commanded them, and 
" were for the last two years received and listed as 
" his own troops, and in his own actual service, un- 

i 

T in] Not in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 459 

" der the duke of York." They pressed " the in- J661, 
" tolerable tyranny they had suffered under, now 
" almost twenty years ; the massacres and servitude 
" they had undergone ; such devastation and laying 
" waste their country, such bloody cruelty and exe- 
" cutions inflicted on them, as had never been 
" known nor could be paralleled amongst Christians : 
" that their nation almost was become desolated, and 
" their sufferings of all kinds had been s to such an 
" extent, that they hoped had satiated their most 
" implacable enemies." And therefore they humbly 
besought his majesty, " that in this general joy for his 
" majesty's blessed restoration, and in which nobody 
" could rejoice more than they, when all his majesty's 
" subjects of his two other kingdoms (whereof many 
" were not more innocent than themselves) had their 
" mouths filled with laughter, and had all their 
" hearts could desire, the poor Irish alone might not 
" be condemned to perpetual weeping and misery 
" by his majesty's own immediate act." Amongst 
these, with the same confidence, they who had been 
transplanted into Connaught appeared, related the 
circumstances of the persecution they had under- 
gone, and " how impossible it had been for them to 
" refuse their submission to that they had no power 
" to resist ; and therefore that it would be against 
" all conscience to allege their own consent, and 
<( their releases, and other grants, which had they 
" not consented to in that point of time, they, their 
" wives, and children, could not have lived four and 
" twenty hours." All these particulars were great 
motives to compassion, and disposed his majesty's 

s had been] Not in MS. 



460 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. heart to wish that any expedient might be found, 

"which might consist with justice and necessary po- 

licy, that though it might not make them very happy, 4 

yet might preserve them from misery, until he should 

hereafter find some opportunity to repair their con- 

dition according to their several degrees and merit. 

The kiug These several addresses being presented to his 

greatly per- . 

with majesty together, before any thing was yet settled 



in England, and every party of them finding some 
ses * friends, who filled the king's ears with specious dis- 
courses on their behalf for whom they u spake, and 
with bitter invectives against all the rest ; he was 
almost confounded how to begin, and in what me- 
thod to put the examination of all their pretences, 
that he might be able to take such a view of them, 
as to be able to apply some remedy, that might keep 
the disease from increasing and growing worse, un- 
til he could find some cure. He had no mind the 
parliament should interpose and meddle in it, which 
would have been grateful to no party ; and by good 
fortune they were so full of business that they 
thought concerned them nearer, that they had no 
mind to examine or take cognizance of this of Ire- 
land, which they well knew properly depended upon 
the king's own royal pleasure and commands. But 
these addresses were all of so contradictory a nature, 
so inconsistent with each other, and so impossible 
to.be reconciled, that if all Ireland could be sold at 
its full value, (that is, if kingdoms could be valued 
at a just rate,) and find a fit chapman or purchaser 
to disburse the sum, it could not yield half enough 

1 that though it might not very happy, 
make them very happy,] that u they] he 
might make them, though not 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 461 

to satisfy half their demands ; and yet the king was 1661 
not in a condition positively to deny any one party ~ 
that which they desired. 

The commissioners from the state, in respect of 
their quality, parts, and interest, and in regard of 
their mission and authority, seemed the most proper 
persons to be treated with, and the most like to be 
prevailed upon not to insist upon any thing that 
was most profoundly unreasonable. They had all 
their own just fears, if the king should be severe ; 
and there would have been a general concurrence in 
all the rest, that he should have taken a full ven- 
geance upon them : but then they who had most 
cause to fear, thought they might raise their hopes 
highest from that power that sent them, and which 
had yet interest enough to do good and hurt ; and 
they thought themselves secure in the king's decla- 
ration from Breda, and his offer of indemnity, which 
comprehended them. Then they were all desirous 
to merit from the king; and their not loving one 
another, disposed them the more to do any thing 
that might be grateful to his majesty. But they 
were all united and agreed in one unhappy extreme, 
that made all their other devotion less applicable to 
the public peace, that is, their implacable malice to 
the Irish : insomuch as they concurred in their de- 
sire, that they might gain nothing by the king's re- 
turn, but be kept with the same rigour, and under 
the same incapacity to do hurt, which they were till 
then. For which instance they were not totally 
without reason, from their barbarous behaviour in 
the first beginning of the rebellion, which could not 
be denied, and from their having been compelled to' 
submit to and undergo the most barbarous servi- 



462 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1C61. tilde, that could not be forgotten. And though era- 
""dication was too foul a word to be uttered in the 
ears of a Christian prince, yet it was little less or 
better that they proposed in other words, and hoped 
to obtain : whereas the king thought that miserable 
people to be as worthy of his favour, as most of the 
other parties ; and that his honour, justice, and po- 
licy, as far as they were unrestrained by laws and 
contracts, obliged him more to preserve them, at 
least as much as he could. And yet it can hardly 
be believed, how few men, in all other points very 
reasonable, and who were far from cruelty in their 
nature, cherished that inclination in the king; but 
thought it in him, and more in his brother, to pro- 
ceed from other reasons than they published : whilst 
others, who pretended to be only moved by Christ- 
ian charity and compassion, were more cruel to- 
wards them, and made them more miserable, by ex- 
torting great engagements from them for their pro- 
tection and intercession, which being performed 
would leave them in as forlorn a condition as they 
were found. 

In this intricacy and perplexity, the king thought 
it necessary to begin with settling his own author- 
ity in one person over that kingdom, who should 
make haste thither, and establish such a council 
there, and all courts of justice, and other civil offi- 
cers, as might best contribute towards bringing the 
rest in order. And to this purpose he made choice 
of several persons of the robe, who had been known 
by or recommended to the marquis of Ormond, but 
of more by the advice and promotion of Daniel 
O'Neile of his bedchamber, who preferred a friend 
of his, and an Irishman, to the office of attorney 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 463 

general, (a place in that conjuncture of vast im- 1CC1. 
portance to the settlement,) and many other to be ~ 
judges. And all this list was made and settled 
without the least communication with the chancel- 
lor, who might have been presumed to be easily in- 
formed of that rank of men. But to find a person 
fit to send thither in the supreme authority, was 
long deliberated by the king, and with difficulty to 
be resolved. The general continued lord lieutenant The general 
of Ireland, which he had no mind to quit, for he brd'iieu! 
had a great estate there, having for some time been tenant- 
general of that army, and received for the arrears of 
his pay, and by Cromwell's bounty, and by some 
purchases he made of the soldiers, an estate of at 
least four thousand pounds per annum, which he 
thought he could best preserve in the, supreme go- 
vernment ; though he was willing to have it be- 
lieved in the city and the army, that he retained it 
only for the good of the adventurers, and that the 
soldiers might be justly dealt with for their arrears. 
Whatsoever his reason was, as profit was the highest 
reason always with him, whoever was to be deputy 
must be subordinate to him ; which no man of the 
greatest quality would be, though he was to have his 
commission from the king, and the same jurisdiction 
in the absence of the lieutenant. There were some 
few fit for the employment, who were not willing to 
undertake it ; and many who were willing to under- 
take it, but were not fit. 

Upon the view of those of all sorts, the king 
most inclined to the lord Roberts, who was a man of 
more than ordinary parts, well versed in the know- 
ledge of the laws, and esteemed of integrity not to 
be corrupted by money. But then he was a sullen 



464 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. morose man, intolerably proud, and had some hu- 

mours as inconvenient as small vices, which made 

him hard to live with, and which were afterwards 
more discovered than at that time foreseen. He had 
been in the beginning of the rebellion a leading 
man in their councils, and a great officer in their 
army, wherein he expressed no want of courage. 
But after the defeat of the earl of Essex's army in 
Cornwall, which was imputed to his positiveness 
and undertaking for his county, the friendship be- 
tween him and that earl was broken. And from 
that time he did not only quit his command in the 
army, but declined their councils, and remained for 
the most part in the country ; where he censured 
their proceedings, and had his conversation most 
with those who were known to wish well to the 
king, and who gave him a great testimony, as if he 
would be glad to serve his majesty upon the first 
opportunity. The truth is, the wickedness of the 
succeeding time was so much superior and over- 
shadowed all that had been done before, that they 
who had only been in rebellion with the earl of Es- 
sex, looked upon themselves as innocent, and justi- 
fied their own allegiance, by loading the memory of 
Cromwell with all the reproaches and maledictions 
imaginable. The greatest exception that the king 
had to the lord Roberts, who was already of the 
privy council, by the recommendation and instance 
of the general, was, that he was generally esteemed 
a presbyterian, which would make him unfit for that 
trust for many reasons ; besides that, he would not 
cheerfully act the king's part in restoring and ad- 
vancing the government of the church, which the 
king was resolved to settle with all the advantages 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 4G5 

which he could contribute towards it. Nor did the 
lord Roberts profess to be an enemy to episcopacy. 

Before the king would make any public declara- 
tion of his purpose, he sent the lord treasurer and 
the chancellor, who were most acquainted with him, 
to confer freely with him, and to let him know the 
good esteem his majesty had of him, and of his abi- 
lities to serve him. " That the government of Ire- 
" land would require a very steady and a prudent 
" man : that the general did not intend to go into 
" that kingdom, and yet would remain lieutenant 
" thereof; from which office his majesty knew not 
** how, nor thought it seasonable, to remove him, 
" and therefore that the place must be supplied by 
" a deputy ; for which office the king thought him 
" the most fit, if it were not for one objection, which 
" he had given them leave to inform him of parti- 
" cularly, there being but one person more privy to 
" his majesty's purpose, who was the marquis of Or- 
" mond ; and that he might conclude, that the king 
" was desirous to receive satisfaction to his objec- 
" tion, by the way he took to communicate it to 
" him :" and then they told him, " that he had the 
" reputation of being a presbyterian ; and that his 
" majesty would take his own word, whether he was 
" or was not one." 

He answered without any kind of ceremony, to 
which he was not devoted, .or so much as acknow- 
ledging the king's favour in his inquiry, " that no 
" presbyterian thought him to be a presbyterian, or 
" that he loved their party. He knew them too well. 
" That there could be no reason to suspect him to be 
" such, but that which might rather induce men to 
" believe him to be a good protestant, that he went 

VOL. I. H h 



466 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " constantly to church as well in the afternoons as 
forenoons on the Sundays, and on those days for- 
" bore to use those exercises and recreations which 
" he used to do all the week besides." He desired 
them, " to assure the king, that he was so far from 
" a presbyterian, that he believed episcopacy to be 
" the best government the church could be subject 
" to." They asked him then, " whether he would 
" be willing to receive that government of deputy of 
" Ireland, if the king were willing to confer it upon 
" him." There he let himself to fall to an acknow- 
ledgment of the king's goodness, " that he thought 
" him worthy of so great an honour :" but he could 
not conceal the disdain he had of the general's per- 
son, nor how unwilling he was to receive orders 
from him, or to be an officer under his command. 
They told him, " that there would be a necessity of 
" a good correspondence between them, both whilst 
" they stayed together in England, and when he 
" should be in Ireland ; but beyond that there would 
" be no obligation upon him, for that he was to re- 
" ceive his commission immediately from the king, 
" containing as ample powers as were in the lieu- 
" tenant's own commission : that he was not the 
" lieutenant's deputy, but the king's ; only that his 
" commission ceased when the lieutenant should be 
" upon the place, which he was never like to be." 
Upon the whole matter, though it appeared that the 
superiority was a great mortification to him, he said, 
" that he referred himself wholly to the king, to be 
" disposed of as he thought best for his service, and 
" that he would behave himself with all possible 
" fidelity to him." 

Upon this report made to the king, shortly after 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 4(>7 

his majesty in council declared, " that he had made 

" the lord Roberts deputy of Ireland," and then Lord Ro . "~ 

charged him, " that he would prepare as soon as berts """?" 

deputy of 

" was possible for his journey thither, when those Ireland. 
" officers, who were designed by him for the civil 
" justice of the kingdom, should be ready to attend 
" upon him ; and in the mean time, that he would 
" send the commissioners, and all others who soli- 
" cited any thing that had reference to Ireland, to 
" wait upon him, to the end that he, being well in- 
" formed of the nature and consistency of the several 
" pretences, and of the general state of the kingdom, 
" might be the better able to advise his majesty 
" upon the whole matter, and to prescribe, for the 
" entering upon it by parts, such a method, that his 
" majesty might with less perplexity give his own 
" determination in those particulars, which must 
" chiefly depend upon himself and his direction." 
Thus the king gave himself a little ease, by refer- 
ring the gross to the lord deputy, in whose hands we 
shall for the present leave it, that we may take a 
view of the other particulars, that more immediately 
related to England ; though we shall be shortly called 
back again to x Ireland, which enjoyed little repose 
in the hands in which it was put. 

The parliament spent most of the time upon the'ivans- 

_. ... i i j actions in 

act of indemnity, in which private passions and am- parliament 
mosities prevailed very far; one man contending to theaTLT 
preserve this man, who, though amongst the foulest indemnity - 
offenders, had done him some courtesy in the time 
of his power; and another, with as much passion 
and bitterness, endeavouring to have another con- , 

x to] for 

H h 2 



468 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

I6G1. demned, who could not be distinguished from the 
~~ whole herd by any infamous guilt, and who had dis- 
obliged him, or refused to oblige him, when it was 
in his power to have done it. The king had posi- 
tively excepted none from pardon, because he was 
to refer the whole to them ; but had clearly enough 
expressed, that he presumed that they would not 
suffer any of those who had sat as judges upon his 
father, and condemned him to be murdered, to re- 
main alive. And the guilty persons themselves 
made so little doubt of it, that they made what shift 
they could to make their escape into the parts be- 
yond the seas, and many of them had transported 
themselves ; whilst others lay concealed for other op- 
portunities ; and some were apprehended when they 
endeavoured to fly, and so were imprisoned. 

The parliament published a proclamation, " that 
" all who did not render themselves by a day named, 
" should be judged as guilty, and attainted of trea- 
" son ;" which many consented to, conceiving it to 
amount to no more than a common process at law 
to bring men to justice. But it was no sooner out, 
than all they who had concealed themselves in order 
to be transported, rendered themselves to the speaker 
of the house of commons, and were by him com- 
mitted to the Tower. And the house conceived it- 
self engaged to save those men's lives, who had put 
themselves into their power upon that presumption. 
The house of peers insisted upon it in many confer- 
ences, that the proclamation could bear no such in- 
terpretation ; but as it condemned all who by flying 
declined the justice of the kingdom, so it admitted 
as many as would appear to plead their own inno- 
cence, which if they could prove they would be safe. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 469 

But the guilty, and with them the house of com- J661. 
mons, declared, " that they could not but under-"" 
" stand, that they who rendered themselves should 
" be in a better condition than they who fled be- 
" yond the seas, which they were not in any degree, 
" if they were put upon their trial ; for to be tried 
" and to be condemned was the same thing, since 
" the guilt of all was equally notorious and manifest." 
And this kind of reasoning prevailed upon the judg^ 
ments and understandings of many, who had ally 
manner of detestation for the persons of the men. In 
the end, the house of peers, after long contests, was 
obliged to consent, " that all the persons who were 
" fled, and those who had not rendered themselves, 
" should be brought to a trial and attainted accord- 
" ing to law, together with those who were or should 
" be taken ;" whereby they would forfeit all their 
estates to the king : " but for those who had ren- 
" dered themselves upon the faith of the parliament," 
as they called it, " they should remain in such pri- 
" sons as his majesty thought fit during their lives, 
" and neither of them be put to death without con- 
" sent of parliament." 

But then as by this means too many of those im- 
pious persons remained alive, and some others who 
were as bad as any were, upon some testimony of 
the general, and by other interpositions of friends 
upon the allegation of merit and services, preserv- 
ed, with the king's consent too easily obtained, so 
much as from attainder ; so to make some kind of 
amends for this unhappy lenity, they resolved to ex- 
cept a multitude of those they were most angry 

v all] Not in MS. 

H h 3 



470 CONTLNUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. with from -pardon as to their estates, and to fine 
others in great sums of money ; when worse men, at 
least as bad, of either classis were exempted, as in- 
cluded, by the power of their friends who were pre- 
sent in the debate. And this contradiction and 
faction brought such a spirit into the house, as dis- 
turbed all other counsels ; whilst men, who wished 
well enough to the matter proposed, opposed the 
passing it, to cross other men who had refused to 
agree with them in the pardoning or not pardoning 
of persons : which dissension divided the house into 
great animosities. And without doubt, the king's 
credit and authority was at that time so great in 
the house of commons, that he could have taken full 
vengeance upon many of those with whom he had 
reason to be offended, by causing them to be ex- 
empted from pardon, or exposed to some damage of 
estate. And there wanted not many, who used all 
the credit they had, to inflame the king to that re- 
taliation and revenge. 

And it was then and more afterwards imputed to 
the chancellor, that there were no more exceptions 
in the act of indemnity, and that he laboured z for 
expedition of passing it, and for excluding any ex- 
traordinary exceptions ; which reproach he neither 
then nor ever after was solicitous to throw off. But 
his authority and credit, though he at that time was 
generally esteemed, could not have prevailed in that 
particular, (wherein there were few men without 
some temptation to anger and indignation, and none 
more than he, who had undergone injuries and in- 
dignities from many men then alive,) but that it 

z laboured] laboured more 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 471 

was very evident to the king himself, and to all dis- 166J. 
passioned men, that no person was so much con-~ 
cerned, though all were enough, that there should 
be no longer delay in passing the act of indemnity, The ki|) s 

*' T J concerned 

as the king himself was ; there being no progress at the de- 
made in any other business, by the disorder and jibing it. 
ill humour that grew out of that. There was no 
attempt to be made towards disbanding the army, 
until the act of indemnity should be first passed ; 
nor could they begin to pay off the navy, till they 
were ready to pay off the arrears of the army. This 
was the " remora" in all the counsels ; whilst there 
wanted not those, who infused jealousies a into the 
minds of the soldiers, and into the city b , " that the 
" king had no purpose ever to consent to the act of 
" indemnity," which was looked upon as the only 
universal security for the peace of the nation : and 
till that was done, no man could say that he dwelt 
at home, nor the king, think himself in any good 
posture of security. And therefore no man was 
more impatient, and more instant in council and 
parliament, to remove all causes which obstructed 
that work, than the chancellor. And he put the 
king in mind, " how much he had opposed some 
" clauses and expressions which were in the declara- 
" tion and letters from Breda," which notwithstand- 
ing were inserted, as most agreeable to the general's 
advice ; and that he then said to his majesty, in the 
presence of those who were consulted with, " that 
" it would come to his turn to insist upon the per- 
" formance of those concessions, which he was against 

a jealousies] Not in MS. c than the chancellor.] Not 

b the city] the jealousy of the in MS. 
cities 

H h 4 



472 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " the making of, when many others would oppose 
~ " them, which may be at that present would advise 
" much larger :" which his majesty acknowledged to 
he true, and confessed upon many occasions. And 
the chancellor did in truth conceive, that the king's 
taking advantage of the good inclinations of the 
house to him, to dispose' 1 them to fall upon many 
persons, who were men of another classis tb those 
he desired might be excepted, (and of which pros- 
pect there could be no end, every man having cause 
to fear his own security by what he saw his neigh- 
bour suffer, who was as innocent,) was directly con- 
trary to the sense and integrity of his declaration, 
and therefore to be avoided ; and that all things 
were to be done by him that might facilitate and 
advance the disbanding, that so the peace of the 
kingdom might again depend upon the civil justice 
and magistrates thereof. And all men who under- 
stood in how ticklish a condition it then stood, con- 
curred in that advice. 
He inter- And this was the reason that the king used his 

poses with . -i i i i 

the pariia- authority, and they who were trusted by him their 
credit and interest, for the suppressing those ani- 
mosities, which had irreconciled many persons be- 
tween themselves who were of public affections, by 
the nomination of particular persons whose estates 
should be made liable to penalties, the imposing of 
which must again depend upon the parliament ; 
which, besides the consumption of time, which was 
very precious, would renew and continue the same 
spirit of division, which already had done too much 
mischief, and would inevitably have done much 

d to dispose] and to dispose 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 473 

more. But by this temper and composition the act 1661. 
of indemnity was finished, passed the house of peers, And gets it 
and received the royal assent, to the wonderful joy P assed - 
of the people. And present orders were given for 
the disbanding the army and payment of the navy, 
as fast as money came in, for which several acts of 
parliament were formerly passed. And by the former 
delays, the intolerable burden both of army and navy 
lay upon the kingdom near six months after the 
king's return, and amounted not to so little as one 
hundred thousand pounds by the month ; which 
raised a vast debt, that was called the king's, who 
had incessantly desired to have it prevented from 
the first hour of his arrival. 

After the bill of indemnity was passed, with some 
other as important acts for the public peace, (as the 
preserving those proceedings, which had been in 
courts of justice for near twenty years, from being 
ravelled into again as void or invalid, because they 
had been before judges not legally qualified, which 
would have brought an intolerable burden upon the 
subject ; and some other acts,) the parliament was 
willing to adjourn for some time; that their mem- 
bers, who were appointed to attend the disbanding 
the army in several places, and the payment of the 
navy, might be absent with less inconvenience : 
and the king was as willing to have some ease. And Tii 



so it was adjourned for a month or six weeks ; i 
which time, and even in the middle of the disband- 
ing, there happened a very strange accident, that 
was evidence enough of the temper or distemper of 
the time. 

The trial of those infamous persons who were in 
prison for the murder of the king (and who were 



474 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

166). appointed by the act of indemnity to be proceeded 
"against with rigour, and who could not be tried till 
that vote was passed) was no sooner over, and the 
persons executed, with some of the same crew, who 
being in Holland and Flanders were, by the permis- 
sion and connivance of the e magistrates, taken by 
the king's ministers there, and brought into Eng- 
land, and put to death with their companions ; but 
the people of that classis who were called Fanatics, 
discovered a wonderful malignity in their discourses, 
and vows of revenge for their innocent friends. 
They caused the speeches they had made at their 
deaths to be printed, in which there was nothing of 
repentance or sorrow for their wickedness, but a 
justification of what they had f done for the cause of 
God ; and had several meetings to consult of the 
best way to attempt their revenge, and of bringing 
themselves into the same posture of authority and 
power which they formerly had. The disbanding 
the army seemed a good expedient to contribute to 
their ends : and they doubted not, but as fast as 
they disbanded they would repair to them, which 
they could not so well do till then, because of the 
many new officers who had been lately put over 
them ; and to that purpose they had their agents in 
several regiments to appoint rendezvouses. They 
had conference of assassinating the general, " who," 
they said, " had betrayed them, and was the only 
" person who kept the army together." 
Venner Matters being in this state, and some of their 

insurrection companions every day taken and imprisoned upon 
tics hi Lon discovery of their purposes, the king being gone to 

don. 

c the] those ' had] Omitted in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 475 

Portsmouth, and the parliament adjourned, they ap- 1661. 
pointed a rendezvous in several places of London at~ 
twelve of the clock in the night ; the same being 
assigned to their friends in the country. They had 
not patience to make use of the silence of the night, 
till they could draw their several bodies together. 
But their several rendezvouses no sooner met, than 
they fell into noise and exclamations, " that all men 
" should take arms to assist the Lord Jesus Christ ;" 
and when the watch came towards them, they re- 
solutely defended themselves, and killed many of 
those who came to assault them : so that the ala- 
rum was in a short time spread over the city, and 
from thence was carried to Whitehall, where the 
duke of York was and the general, with a regiment 
of guards and some horse, which were quickly drawn 
together. 

Sir Richard Browne was then lord mayor of Lon- 
don, a very stout and vigilant magistrate, who was 
equally feared and hated by all the seditious party, 
for his extraordinary zeal and resolution in the 
king's service. Nor was there any man in Eng- 
land, who did raze out the memory of what he had 
formerly done amiss, with a more signal acknow- 
ledgment, or a more frank and generous engage- 
ment against all manner of factions, which opposed 
or obstructed his majesty's service; which made 
him terrible and odious to all ; and to none more 
than to the presbyterians, who had formerly seduced 
him. Upon the alarum, which of itself had scat- 
tered many of the conspirators as they were going 
to or were upon the places to which they were 
assigned, he was quickly upon his horse, accom- 
panied with as many soldiers, officers, and friends, 



476 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. as he could speedily draw together; and with those 
~ marched towards that place where the most noise 
was made ; and in his way met many who ran from 
the fury of those, "who," they said, "were in 
" arms ;" and reported " their numbers to be very 
" great ; and that they killed all who opposed them." 
And true it was they had killed some, and charged 
a body of the trainbands with so much courage, that 
it retired with disorder. Yet when the mayor came, 
he found the number so small, not above thirty men, 
that he commanded them to lay down their arms ; 
which when they refused to do, he charged them 
briskly. And they defended themselves with that 
courage and despair, that they killed and wounded 
many of his men ; and very few of them yielded or 
would receive quarter, till they were overborne with 
numbers or fainted with wounds, and so were taken 
and laid hands on. 

Their captain, who was to command the whole 
party in London, and had for his device in his en- 
sign these words, THE LORD GOD AND GIDEON, 
was a wine-cooper, of a competent estate, a very 
strong man, who defended himself with his sword, 
and killed some of those who assaulted him, till he 
fell with his wounds, as some others about him did ; 
all whom he had persuaded, that they should be able 
to do as much upon their enemies, as Jonathan and 
his armour-bearer did upon the Philistines, or any 
others in the Old Testament had upon those whom 
the Lord delivered into their hands. Nor could it 
be founds, upon all his examinations, that there 
was any other formed design, than what must pro- 

s it be found] they find 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 477 

bably attend the declaration of the army, of which 1661. 
he was assured. He and the other hurt men were" 
committed to the gaol, and to the special charge 
of the surgeons, that they might be preserved for a 
trial. 

The next morning the council met early, and 
having received an account of all that had passed, 
they could not but conclude, that this so extrava- 
gant an attempt could not be founded upon the 
rashness of one man, who had been always looked 
upon as a man of sense and reason. And thereupon 
they thought it necessary to suspend the disbanding 
the general's regiment of foot, which had the guard 
of Whitehall, and was by the order of parliament to 
have been disbanded the next day ; and writ to the 
king " to approve of what they had done, and to 
" appoint it to be continued till further order ;" 
which his majesty consented to. And this was the 
true ground and occasion of the continuing and in- 
creasing the guard for his majesty's person ; which 
no man at that time thought to be more than was 
necessary. Order was given for the speedy trial of 
Venner and his accomplices ; many whereof, with 
himself, would have died of their wounds, if their 
trial had been deferred for many days : but the sur- 
geons' skill preserved them h till then ; where they 
made no other defence for themselves than what is 
before mentioned; nor did then, or at their deaths For which 
(there being ten or a dozen executed) make the least ^erai of 
show of sorrow for what they had attempted. dat^are 

There is no occasion for i mentioning more of the exe cted. 
particular proceedings of this parliament ; which 
though it met afterwards at the time appointed, 

11 them] Omitted in MS. j for] of 



478 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

iGfil. and proceeded with all duty to the king, in raising 
"~ great sums of money for the army and the navy, and 
for the payment of other great debts, which they 
thought themselves concerned to discharge, and 
which had never been incurred by the king; and 
likewise passed many good acts for the settling a 
future revenue for the crown, and a vote that they 
would raise that revenue to twelve hundred thou- 
sand pounds yearly : yet they gave not any thing to 
the king himself (all the rest was received and paid 
by those who were deputed by them to that pur- 
pose) but seventy thousand pounds towards the dis- 
charge of his coronation, which he had appointed 
to be in the beginning of May following. And this 
seventy thousand pounds was all the money the king 
received, or could dispose of, in a full year after his 
coming to London ; so that there could not but be 
a very great debt contracted in that time ; for the 
payment whereof he must afterwards provide as 
well as he could. I say, I shall not mention more 
of the particulars of that parliament, because it was 
foreseen by all, that though their meeting had pro- 
duced all those good effects, in the restoring the 
king, disbanding the army, and many other things, 
which could be wished ; yet that the lasting validity 
of all they had done would depend upon another 
parliament, to be legally summoned by the king, 
with all those formalities which this wanted; and 
the confirmation of that parliament would be neces- 
sary for the people's security, that they should en- 
joy all that this had granted : so that when I shall 
speak again of the proceedings of parliament, it will 
be of that parliament which will be called by his 
majesty's writ. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 479 

Only before we dissolve this, and because there 1661, 
hath been so little said of the license and distemper ~ 
in religion, which his majesty exceedingly appre- 
hended would have received some countenance from 
the parliament, we shall remember, that the king 
having by his declaration from Breda referred the 
composing and settling all that related to the go- 
vernment of the church to the parliament, he could k 
do nothing towards it himself: but by his gracious 
reception of the old bishops who were still alive, and 
his own practice in his devotions and the govern- 
ment of his royal chapel, he ] declared sufficiently 
what should be done in other places. The party of 
the presbyterians was very numerous in the house . 
of commons ; and had before the king's return made 
a committee to devise such a government for the 
church, as might either totally exclude bishops, or 
make them little superior to the rest of the clergy. 
But the spirit of the time had of itself elected many 
members, notwithstanding the injunctions sent out 
with the writs, and expressly contrary to such in- 
junctions m , of a very different allay ; who, together 
with such as were chosen after his majesty's return, 
were numerous enough to obstruct and check any 
prevalence of that party, though not of power 
enough to compel them to consent to sober counsels. 
And so the business was kept still at the committee, 
now and then getting ground, and then cast back 
again, as the sober members attended ; so that no 
report was brought to the house from thence, which 
might have given the king some trouble. And by 
degrees the heads of that party grew weary of the 

k he could] so that he could '" injunctions] elections 

1 he] Not in MS. 



480 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. warmth of their prosecution, which they saw not 
"like to produce any notable fruit that they cared 
for. The king desired no more, than that they 
should do nothing ; being sure that in a little time 
he should himself do the work best. And so in Sep- 
tember, when he adjourned them, he took notice, 
" that they had offered him no advice towards the 
" composing the dissensions in religion ; and there- 
" fore he would try, in that short adjournment of 
" the parliament, what he could do towards it him- 
" self." 

And thereupon he was himself present many 
days, and for many hours each day, at a conference 
between many of the London ministers, who were 
the heads of the presbyterian party, with an equal 
number of the orthodox clergy, who had been for so 
many years deprived of all that they had : which 
conference was held at Worcester house in the chan- 
cellor's lodgings, to consider what ceremonies should 
be retained in the church, and what alterations 
should be made in the liturgy that had been for- 
merly used; and the substance of this' conference 
Tbekiug was afterwards published in print. The king upon 
declaration this published a declaration concerning ecclesiastical 
eccinlutu affairs* wherein he took notice " of the conference 
cai affa.rs. na fo^ been in his own presence, and that he had 
" commanded the clergy of both sides to meet to- 
" gether at the Savoy, in the master's lodgings, and, 
" if it were possible, to agree upon such an act of 
" uniformity, that might be confirmed in parlia- 
" ment." And in the mean time he signified his 
pleasure, " that nobody should be punished for not 
" using The Book of Common Prayer which had 
" been formerly established, or for discontinuing 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 481 

" the surplice, and the sign of the cross; and that 1(161. 
" all who desired to conform to the old practice in"~ 
" the using them all, should be at the same liberty :" 
which declaration was read to, and put into the 
hands of the divines of both sides for some days ; 
and then they were again heard before his majesty 
at Worcester house 11 . And though it cannot be de- 
nied, that either party did desire that somewhat 
might be put in, and somewhat left out, in neither 
of which they were gratified ; yet it is most true, 
they were both well content with it, or seemed so. 
And the declaration was published in his majesty's 
name before the return of the parliament. 

Here I cannot but instance two acts of the pres-Twoin- 

. . . f> . . ' stances of 

bytenans, by which, if their humour and spmt were the disin- 
not enough discovered and known, their want of in- fhe p' 
genuity and integrity would be manifest ; and how j 
impossible it is for men who would not be deceived 
to depend on either. When the declaration had 
been delivered to the ministers, there was a clause 
in it, in which the king declared " his own constant 
" practice of The Common Prayer; and that he 
" would take it well from those who used it in their 
" churches, that the common people might be again 
" acquainted with the piety, gravity, and devotion 
" of it ; and which he thought would facilitate 
" their living in a good neighbourhood together;" 
or words to that effect. When they had considered 
the whole some days, Mr. Calamy and some other 
ministers, deputed by the rest, came to the chancel- 
lor to redeliver it to his hands. They acknowledged 
" the king had been very gracious to them in his 
" concessions ; though he had not granted all that 

n house] Omitted in MS. not] Omitted in MS. 

VOL. I. I i 



terian min- 
isters. 



482 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " some of their brethren wished, yet they were con- 

" tented :" only desired him, " that he would prevail 

" with the king, that the clause mentioned before 
" might be left out ; which," they protested, " was 
" moved by them for the king's own end, and that 
" they might shew their obedience to him, and re- 
" solution to do him service. For they were re- 
" solved themselves to do what the king wished ; 
" and first to reconcile the people, who for near 
" twenty years had not been acquainted with that 
" form, by informing them that it contained much 
" piety and devotion, and might be lawfully used ; 
" and then that they would begin to use it them- 
" selves, and by degrees accustom the people to it : 
" which," they said, " would have a better effect, 
" than if the clause were in the declaration ; for 
" they should be thought in their persuasions to 
" comply only with the king's recommendation, and 
" to merit from his majesty, and not to be moved 
" from the conscience of the duty ; and so they 
" should take P that occasion to manifest their zeal 
" to please the king. And they feared there would 
" be other ill consequences from it, by the wayward- 
" ness of the common people, who were to be treated 
" with skill, and would not be prevailed upon all at 
" once." The king was to be present the next 
morning, to hear the declaration read the last time 
before both parties; and then the chancellor told 
him, in the presence of all the rest, what the min- 
isters had desired ; which they again enlarged upon 
with the same protestations of their resolutions, 
in such a manner, that his majesty believed they 

v take] Omitted in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 483 

meant honestly; and the clause was left out. But icci. 
the declaration was no sooner published, than, ob- 
serving that the people were generally satisfied with 
it, they sent their emissaries abroad : and many of 
their letters were intercepted ; and particularly a 
letter from Mr. Calamy to a leading minister in So- 
mersetshire ; whereby he advised and entreated him, 
" that he and his friends would continue and persist 
" in the use of The Directory ; and by no means 
" admit The Common Prayer in their churches ; 
" for that he made no question but that they should 
" prevail further with the king, than he had yet 
" consented to in his declaration." 

The other instance was, that as soon as the decla- 
ration was printed, the king received a petition in 
the name of the ministers of London, and many 
others of the same opinion with them, who had sub- 
scribed that petition ; amongst whom none of those 
who had attended the king in those conferences had 
their names. They gave his majesty humble thanks 
" for the grace he had vouchsafed to shew in his 
" declaration, which they received as an earnest of 
'* his future goodness and condescension in granting 
" all those other concessions, which were absolutely 
" necessary for the liberty of their conscience ;" and 
desired, with much importunity and ill manners, 
" that the wearing the surplice, and the using the 
" cross in baptism, might be absolutely abolished 
" out of the church, as being scandalous to all men 
" of tender consciences." From those two instances, 
all men may conclude, that nothing but a severe 
execution of the law can ever prevail upon that 
classis of men to conform to government. 

When the parliament came together again after . 
i i 2 



484 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. their adjournment, they gave the king public thanks 
The pariia- f r his declaration, and never proceeded further in 
agrin ""[* * ne ma tter of religion ; of which the king was very 
is dissolved. gi a d : only some of the leaders brought a bill into 
the house " for the making that, declaration a law ;" 
which was suitable to their other acts of ingenuity, 
to keep the church for ever under the same indul- 
gence, and without any settlement; which being 
quickly perceived, there was no further progress in 
it. And the king, upon the nine and twentieth of 
December, after having given them an ample testi- 
mony of their kindness towards him, which he mag- 
nified with many gracious expressions, and his royal 
thanks for the settling his revenue, and payment of 
the public debts, promised " to send out writs for 
" the calling another parliament, which he doubted 
" not would confirm all that they had done ; and in 
" which he hoped many of them would be elected 
" again to serve : " and so dissolved the present par- 
liament with as general an applause as hath been 
known ; though it was quickly known, that the re- 
venue they had settled was not in value equal to 
what they had computed. Nor did the monies they 
granted in any degree arise to enough to pay either 
the arrears to the army or the debts to the navy ; 
both which must be the work of the ensuing parlia- 
ment ; which was directed to meet upon the eighth 
A new par- of May following : before which time, the king made 

liament 

summoned choice of worthy and learned men to supply the va- 
cant sees of bishops, which had been void so many 
years, and who were consecrated accordingly before 
the parliament met. And before we come to that 
tune, some particular occurrences of moment must 
be first inserted. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 485 

When the king arrived in England, monsieur 1661 
Bordeaux was there ambassador from the king of ~ 
France, and had resided ambassador there about 
three years in Cromwell's time, and lived in marvel- 
lous lustre, very acceptable and dear to Cromwell, 
having treated all the secret alliance between the 
cardinal and him ; and was even trusted by the pro- 
tector in many of his counsels, especially to discover 
any conspiracy against him ; for he lived jovially, 
made great entertainments to lords and ladies with- 
out distinction, and amongst them would frequently 
let fall i some expressions of compassion and respect 
towards the king. After Cromwell's death, his cre- 
dentials were quickly renewed to Richard his suc- 
cessor, with whom all the former treaties were again 
established. And when he was put down, he was 
not long without fresh credit to the commonwealth 
that succeeded : and so upon all vicissitudes was 
supplied with authority to endear his master's affec- 
tion to the present powers, and to let them know, 
" how well the cardinal was disposed to join the 
" power of France to their interest." And his dex- 
terity had been such towards all, that the cardinal 
thought fit to send him new credentials against the 
time of the king's coming to London. And within 
few days after, when he had provided a new equi- 
page to appear in more glory than he had ever yet 
done, he sent to desire an audience from the king. 

The earl of St. Alban's was newly come from 
France ; and to him Bordeaux had applied himself, 
who was always very ready to promote any thing 
that might be grateful to that crown. But the king 

fall] Not in MS. 



s 486 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

166 1 . would not resolve any thing in the point, till he had 

~~ conferred upon it with the council : where it being 

debated, there was an unanimous consent, (the earl 

of St. Alban's only excepted, who exceedingly la- 

boured the contrary,) " that it could not stand with 

" his majesty's honour to receive him as ambassador, 

" who had transacted so many things to his disad- 

" vantage, and shifted his face so often, always in 

" conjunction with his greatest enemies ; and that 

" it was a great disrespect in the crown of France 

" towards his majesty in sending such a person, who 

" they could not believe (without great undervaluing 

The ambas- " the king) could be acceptable to him." The king 

France to himself was of that opinion ; and instead of assigning 



a day for his audience, as was desired, he sent 
mm an ex P ress command to depart the kingdom. 
kingdom. And when he afterwards, with much importunity, 
desired only to be admitted as a stranger to see his 
majesty, and to speak to him, his majesty as posi- 
tively refused to admit him to his presence. All 
which was imputed principally to the chancellor, 
who had with some warmth opposed his being re- 
ceived as ambassador ; and when he sent by a per- 
son well enough esteemed by the chancellor, "that 
" he would receive a visit from him," he expressly 
refused to see him. Whoever gave the advice, the 
king had great honour by it in France itself, which 
declared no kind of resentment of it ; and gave poor 
Bordeaux such a reception, after having served them 
five years with notable success, and spent his whole 
estate in the service, that in a short time he died 
heart-broken in misery, and uninquired after. And 
forthwith that king sent the count of Soissons, the 
most illustrious person in France, very nobly ac- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 487 

companied and bravely attended, as his ambassador, 1661. 
to congratulate his majesty's happy restoration, with ~~ 
all the compliments of friendship and esteem that 
can be imagined. 



There was another ambassador at the same time The a 
in London, who might be thought to stand in the p^ru. 
same predicament with Bordeaux, though in truth JlJrJjJ* 
their cases were very different, and who received a ki " d 'y re 

J ceived. 

very different treatment. That was the ambassador 
of Portugal, who had been sent by that crown to 
finish a treaty that had been begun by another am- 
bassador with Cromwell, who had been so ill used, 
that they had put his brother publicly to death for 
a rash action in which a gentleman had been killed ; 
upon which he had got leave from his master to quit 
the kingdom. And this other ambassador had been 
sent in his room r ; and was forced to consent and 
submit to very hard conditions, as a ransom for 
that king's generosity in assisting the king in his 
lowest condition, by receiving prince Rupert with 
his majesty's fleet in Lisbon, and so preserving them 
from a fleet much superior in number and goodness 
of the ships, that pursued him by commission from 
Cromwell : who took that action so to heart, that he 
made war upon that kingdom, took their ships, ob- 
structed their trade, and blocked up all their ports ; 
whilst the Spanish army invaded them at land, and 
took their towns in the very heart of the kingdom. 
And to redeem that poor king from that terrible 
persecution, that treaty had been submitted to ; in 
which, besides the yearly payment of a great sum of 
money from Portugal, which was to continue for 

r room] Omitted in MS. 

I i 4 



488 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. many years, other great advantages in trade had 
been" granted to England. The king made no scru- 
ple of receiving this ambassador with a very good 
countenance ; and as soon as he got his credentials, 
gave him a public audience, with all the formality 
and ceremony that in those cases are usual and 
necessary. 

An account And because in some time after a negociation was 
treaty and set on foot of the highest importance, and had 8 its 
witiTpor- effect in the king's marriage with the queen ; and 
because, how acceptable soever both that treaty and 
conclusion of it was then to the whole kingdom, that 
affair was afterwards imputed to the chancellor, and 
in the opinion of many proved to be the cause and 
ground of all his misfortunes ; I shall here set down 
all the particulars that introduced and attended that 
negociation and treaty, with all the circumstances, 
some whereof may appear too light, and yet are not 
without weight, to make it appear to all the world, 
how far the chancellor was from being the author 
of that counsel, (and if he had been, there was no 
reason to be ashamed of'it,) and that he did nothing 
before, in, or after that treaty, but what was neces- 
sary for a man in his condition, and what very well 
became a person of that trust and confidence he was 
in with his master. 

It hath been remembered before, that upon the 
publication of the duke's marriage, and the recon- 
ciliation upon that affair, the chancellor was very 
solicitous that the king himself would marry ; that 
he desired the marquis of Ormond very earnestly to 
advise him to it : and himself often put his majesty 

* had] Not in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 489 

in mind of what he had said to him in France, 
when the duke was persuaded to treat about a mar- 
riage with mademoiselle de Longueville, " that his 
" majesty was by no means to consent, that his heir 
" apparent should marry before himself were mar- 
" ried," for which he had given some reasons ; for 
which at that time he underwent great displeasures. 
And this discourse he had held often with the king : 
and sure no man in England more impatiently de- 
sired to see him married than he did. Indeed it was 
no easy matter to find a person in all respects so fit, 
that a man would take upon him to propose in par- 
ticular ; nor did he think himself in many respects, 
and with reference to the accidents which might 
probably or possibly fall out, fit, if he could have 
thought of one, to be the author of the proposition. 

One day the king came to the chancellor's house The Por- 
in the afternoon; and being alone with him, 
majesty told him, " that he was come to confer 
" with him upon an argument that he would well mgt: * 
" like, which was about his own marriage ;" he said, 
" the lord chamberlain" (who was then earl of 
Manchester) " had held a discourse with him some 
" days past, that seemed to have somewhat in it 
" that was worth the thinking of. That he had 
" told him, the Portugal ambassador had made him 
" a visit, and having some conference with him con- 
" cerning the king, towards whose person he pro- 
" fessed a profound respect, he said it was time for 
" his majesty to think of marriage ; which nothing 
" could keep him from, but the difficulty of finding 
" a fit consort for him. That there was in Portugal 
" a princess, in her beauty, person, and age, very fit 
" for him, and who would have a portion suitable 



490 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. "to her birth and quality. That it is true she was 
~~ " a catholic, and would never depart from her reli- 
" gion ; but was totally without that meddling and 
" activity in her nature, which many times made 
" those of that religion troublesome and restless, 
" when they came into a country where another re- 
" ligion was practised. That she had been bred 
" under a wise mother, who was still regent in that 
" kingdom, who had carefully infused another spirit 
" into her, and kept her from affecting to have any 
" hand in business, and which she had never been 
" acquainted with ; so that she would look only to 
" enjoy her own religion, and not at all concern 
" herself in what others professed. That he had 
" authority to make the proposition to the king, 
" with such particularities as included many ad- 
" vantages above any, he thought, which could ac- 
" company any overture of that kind from another 
" prince. To which the chamberlain had added, 
" that there could be no question, but that a pro- 
" testant queen would in all respects be looked upon 
" as the greatest blessing to the kingdom : but if 
" such a one could not be found, he did really be- 
" lieve, that a princess of this temper and spirit 
" would be the best of all catholics. That the trade 
" of Portugal was great here, and that England had 
" a more beneficial commerce with that crown than 
" with any other : which had induced Cromwell to 
" make that peace, when he had upon the matter 
" forsworn it ; and the making it had been the most 
" popular action he had ever performed." 

His majesty said, " that he had only answered 
" the chamberlain, that he would think of it. But 
" that the very morning of this day, the ambassador 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 491 

" of Portugal had been with him, and without any 1661. 
" formality had entered into the same discourse, and ~~ 
" said all that the lord chamberlain had mentioned : 
" to which he added, that he had authority to offer 
" to his majesty five hundred thousand pounds ster- 
" ling in ready money, as a portion with the infanta; 
" and likewise to assign over, and for ever to annex 
" to the crown of England, the possession of Tangier 
" upon the African shore in the Mediterranean sea, 
" a place of that strength and importance, as would 
" be of infinite benefit and security to the trade of 
" England ; and likewise to grant to the English 
" nation a free trade in Brasil and in the East Indies, 
" which they had hitherto denied to all nations but 
" themselves. And for their security to enjoy that 
" privilege, they would put into his majesty's hands 
" and possession, and for ever annex to the crown of 
" England, the island of Bombay ne, (with the towns 
" and castles therein, which are within a very little 
" distance from Bombayne' ;) which" hath within it- 
" self a very good and spacious harbour, and would 
" be a vast improvement to the East India trade. 
" And those two places," he said, " of Tangier and 
" Bombayne, might reasonably be valued above the 
" portion in money." The king mentioned all the The king 
discourse as a matter that pleased him, and might the^pro- 
prove of notable advantage to the kingdom ; and |losah 
said, " that he had wished the ambassador to confer 
" with him (the chancellor) upon it ;" and then 
asked him " what he thought of it :" to which he 
answered, " that he had not heard of it enough to 
" think of it," (for he had never heard or thought 

' Bombayne] Brasil ll which] and 



492 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. of it before that moment ;) " and therefore he should 
" not be able to do more when the ambassador came 
" to him, than to hear what he said, and report it 
" to his majesty for the present." He only asked u , 
" whether his majesty had given over all thoughts 
" of a protestant wife :" to which he answered, " he 
" could find none such, except amongst his own sub- 
" jects ; and amongst them he had seen none that 
" pleased him enough to that end." And observing 
the chancellor to look fixedly upon him, he said, 
" that he would never think more of the princess 
" of Orange's daughter, her mother having used him 
" so ill when he proposed it ; and if he should now 
" think of it, he knew his mother would never con- 
" sent to it, and that it would break his sister's 
*' heart : therefore he had resolved never to enter- 
" tain that thought again. And that he saw no 
" objection against this overture from Portugal, that 
" would not occur in x any other, where the advan- 
" tages would not be so many or so great." 

What could the chancellor say ? What objection 
could he make, why this overture should not be 
hearkened to? And what would the king have 
thought, or what might he not have thought, if he 
had advised him to reject this motion ? He gave him 
no other answer for the present, than " that he de- 
" sired nothing more in this world, than to see his 
" majesty well married ; and he was very confident 
" that all his good subjects were of the same mind : 
" and therefore there must be some very visible in- 
" convenience irt it ?, when he should dissuade him 

11 report it to his majesty for the present he only asked 
the present. He only asked] x inj Omitted in MS. 
report it to his majesty. For - v it] Not in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 493 

"not to embrace such an opportunity. That he 1661 
" would be ready to confer with the Portugal am-~~ 
" bassador when he came, and then he should enter- 
" tain his majesty further upon that subject." The 
ambassador came to him, repeated what he said and 
proposed to the king, with little other enlargement, 
than concerning the benefit England would receive 
by the two places of Tangier and Bombayne, and 
the description of their situation and strength ; of 
all which the chancellor gave his majesty a faithful 
account, without presuming to mingle with it a word 
of his own advice. The king appeared abundantly 
pleased, and willing to proceed further ; and asked 
" what was next to be z done :" to which he answered, 
" that it a was a matter of too great importance for 
" him to deliver any opinion upon; indeed too great 
(t for his majesty himself to resolve, upon the pri- 
" vate advice of any one man, how agreeable soever 
" it should be to his own inclination and judgment." 
And therefore he desired him " that he would call 
" to him four or five persons, whom he thought to 
" be the most competent considerers of such an af- 
" fair, and consult it very maturely with them, be- 
" fore he entertained any more conference with the 
" ambassador. For whatsoever he should resolve b 
" upon it, it ought yet to be kept in all possible 
" secrecy : if it should be thought fit to be rejected, 
" it ought to be without the least noise, and the 
" least reflection upon the overture, which had been 
" made with all the possible demonstration of esteem: 
" if it should appear worthy of entertainment and 
" acceptation, it would still require the same secrecy; 

1 to be] Not in MS. a it] he b resolve] Omitted in MS. 



494 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. till the value and consequence of all the particu- 
" lars proposed by the ambassador might be fully 
" examined and weighed, and a more particular and 
" substantial assurance iven for the accomplish- 
" ment, than the bare word of the ambassador." 
He ap- The king appointed that the lord treasurer, the 

committee marquis of Ormond, the lord chamberlain, and se- 
intoT r cretary Nicholas, should be together at the chan- 
h ce U r ' s house, where his majesty would likewise be 
an( j propose the business to them. And accordingly 
he did relate to them the whole series of what had 
passed, and required them " with all possible free- 
" dom to deliver their c opinions, and to consider 
" whether there was any other princess or lady in 
" their view, with whom he might marry more ad- 
" vantageously." He added, " that he had spoken 
" both with the earl of Sandwich and sir John Law- 
" son occasionally and merely as loose discourse, what 
" place Tangier was, which he pointed to in the 
" map, and whether it was 'well known to them : 
" and they both said, they knew it well from sea. 
" But that sir John Lawson had been in it, and said, 
" it was a place of that importance, that if it were in 
" the hands of the Hollanders, they would quickly 
" make a mole, which they might easily do ; that 
" now ships could not ride there in such a wind," 
which his majesty named ; " but if there were a 
" mole, they would ride securely in .all weather ; 
" and they would keep the place against all the 
" world, and give the law to all the trade of the 
" Mediterranean :" with which discourse his majesty 
seemed very much affected. After many questions 

c their] Not in -MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 495 

and much debate, and some of the lords wishing 1661. 
that it were possible to get a queen that was a pro-~ 
testant, and one of them naming the daughter of 
Harry prince of Orange, of whom they had heard 
some mention when his majesty was beyond the seas, 
and of whose elder sister (then married to the elector 
of Brandenburgh) there had been some discourse in 
the life of the late king ; (but his majesty quickly 
declared, " that he had very unanswerable reasons 
" why he could not entertain that alliance :") all the 
lords unanimously agreed, " that there was no ca- 
" tholic princess in Europe, whom his majesty could 
" with so much reason and advantage marry, as 
" the infanta of Portugal. That the portion pro- 
" posed in money, setting aside the places, was much 
" greater, almost double to what any king had ever 
" received in money by any marriage. And the 
" places seemed to be situated very usefully for 
" trade, the increase whereof his majesty was to 
" endeavour with all possible solicitude ; which could 
" only make this nation flourish, and recover the in- 
" terest they had lost, especially in the Indies and 
" in the Mediterranean, by the late troubles and 
" distractions, and the advantage the Dutch had 
" thereby gotten over the English in those trades, 
" as well as in other." The king approved all that 
had been said, and thereupon appointed all those 
lords with the same secrecy to enter into a treaty 
with the ambassador; which was begun between 
them accordingly. 

The treaty neither was nor could be a secret ; nor 
was there any thing more generally desired, than 
that a treaty of alliance and commerce should be 
made with Portugal, that the trade might continue 



496 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

16G1. with security: and it was very grateful to every 
~ body to know, that there was a committee appointed 
to that purpose. But the proposition towards a mar- 
riage was still a secret, not communicated to any, 
nor so much as suspected by the Spanish ambas- 
sador, who did all he could to obstruct the very 
treaty of alliance ; of whose proceedings there will 
be occasion to make mention anon by itself. The 
ambassador offered " to renew the treaty (if that of 
" the marriage was consented to * in terminis,') that 
" had been made with d Cromwell, without being so 
" much as exempted from that yearly payment, 
" which had been imposed upon them for assisting 
" prince Rupert," and had been assigned to the 
merchants to satisfy the damages they had sustained 
by prince Rupert ; and the release whereof must 
have obliged the king to pay it himself: and there- 
fore that offer was looked upon as a generous thing. 
And the whole treaty, which they had not yet per- 
used, was generally looked upon and believed to be 
the most advantageous to England, that had been 
ever entered into with any crown. 

It had been foreseen from the first motion towards 
this marriage, that it would be a very hard matter e 
with such alliance, to avoid such a conjunction with 
Portugal, as would produce a war with Spain ; which 
the king had no mind to be engaged in. For be- 
sides that he had received some civilities from that 
king, after a world of disobligations, his resident at 
Madrid, sir Harry Bennet, had consented in his 
majesty's name, that the old treaty which had been 
made between the two crowns in the year 1630, 

d with] without e matter] Omitted in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 497 

should be again observed; of which more anon. But 1661 
his majesty's firm resolution at that time was, wholly "~ 
to intend the composing or subduing the distempers 
and ill humours in his three kingdoms and all his 
other dominions ; and till that should be fully done, 
he would have no difference with any of his neigh- 
bours, nor be engaged in any war which he could 
avoid : a resolution very prudently made ; and if it 
had been adhered to, much evil which succeeded 
the departure 1 from it, might have been prevented. 

But the lords found, upon perusal of the treaty, 
one article (which was indeed the only article that 
made any show of benefit and advantage to Portugal) 
by which Cromwell was obliged to assist Portugal 
when they should require it, with six thousand foot, 
to be levied in England at their charge. And now 
the ambassador urged, " that in consideration of the 
" marriage, the portion, the delivery of those places, . 
" and his majesty's own interest by that marriage , 
" in Portugal, which upon the death of the king 
" and his brother must devolve to his majesty ; he 
" would take upon him the protection of that king- 
" dom, and denounce war with Spain :" to which his 
majesty warmly and positively answered, " that he 
" would admit no such engagement ; that he was 
" not in a condition to make a war, till he could not 
" avoid it. He would do what was lawful for him 
" to do ; he could choose a wife for himself, and he 
" could help a brother and ally with a levy of men 
** at their charge, without entering into a war with 
" any other prince. And if Spain should, either 
" upon his marriage or such supply, declare a war 
" against him, he would defend himself as well as he 
"could, and do as much damage as he could to 

VOL. I. K k 



498 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 
1C61. " Spain ; and then that he would apply such assist- 



~" ance to Portugal, as should be most advantageous 
" to it : and that he should not be willing to see it 
" reduced under the obedience of Spain for many 
" reasons. That in the mean time he would assist 
" them with the same number as Cromwell had pro- 
" mised, and transport them at his own charge thi- 
" ther ; provided that as soon as they were landed, 
" they should be received in the king of Portugal's 
" pay :" which offer the king made upon a reason 
not then communicated, and which will be men- 
tioned hereafter ; besides that he had such a body 
of men ready for such a service, and which could 
with much more security and little more charge be 
transported to Portugal, than be disbanded in the 
place where they were. 

When the ambassador found that the king would 
not be persuaded to enter directly into a war with 
Spain, though he offered " to put Barcelona into his 
" hands, of which don Joseph Margarita," (a person 
who had conducted the revolt of that city, and all 
the rebellion which had been lately in Catalonia,) 
" then in Paris, should come over and give un- 
" questionable assurance," (all which, with many 
other propositions of the same nature, his majesty 
totally rejected;) he concluded, that the alliance 
and marriage would give a present reputation to 
Portugal, and make impression upon the spirits of 
Spain, and that a war would hereafter fall out un- 
The treaty avoidably i and so accepted what the king had of- 
mercrwiti. fered. Arid then there remained nothing to be 
ittlel. al done, but to give unquestionable security to the 
king, for the performance of all the particulars 
which had been promised ; and for which there ap- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 499 

peared yet no other warrant, than letters and in- 1661. 
structions to the ambassador from the queen re-~" 
gent. And for further satisfaction therein, the am- 
bassador offered " presently to pass into Portugal, 
" and doubted not, in as short a time as could 
" be expected, to return with such power and au- 
" thority, and such a full concession of what had 
" been proposed, as should be very satisfactory :" 
which his majesty well liked ; and writ himself to 
the queen regent and to the king such letters, as 
signified " his full resolution for the marriage, if all 
" the particulars promised by the ambassador in 
" writing should be made good ;" and writ likewise 
a letter with his own hand to the infanta, as to a 
lady whom he looked upon as his wife ; and as- 
signed two ships to attend the ambassador, who im- 
mediately, and with some appearance or pretence of 
discontent or dissatisfaction, (that the secret might The ambas- 
be the less discovered,) embarked with all his family f 
for the river of Lisbon. And to this time the chan- 
cellor had never mentioned any particular advice of 
his own to the king, more than his concurrence with 
the rest of the lords ; nor in truth had any of them 
shewed more inclination towards it, than the king 
himself had done, who seemed marvellously pleased, 
and had spoken much more in private with the am- 
bassador upon it, than any of the lords had done, 
and of some particulars which they were never ac- 
quainted with. 

That I may not break off the thread of this dis- An account 

. 11T ., . . of the earl 

course till I bring it to a conclusion, nor leave out O f Bristol's 



any important particular that related to that sub- ^|!^j" 
ject, I shall in this place make mention of a little 
cloud or eclipse, raised by the activity and restlessness 

K k 2 



500 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. of the earl of Bristol, that seemed to interpose and 
darken the splendour of this treaty, and to threaten 
the life thereof, by extinguishing it in the bud: 
upon which occasion the chancellor thought himself 
obliged to appear more for it, than he had hitherto 
done ; and which afterwards (how unjustly soever) 
was turned to his reproach. This earl, (who through- 
out the whole course of his life frequently admin- 
istered variety of discourse, that could not be ap- 
plied to any other man,) upon, the defeat of sir 
George Booth, when all the king's hopes in Eng- 
land seemed desperate, had not the patience to ex- 
pect another change that presently succeeded ; but 
presently changed his religion, and declared himself 
a Roman catholic, that he might with undoubted 
success apply himself to the service of Spain, to 
which the present good acceptation he had with don 
Juan was the greater encouragement. He gave ac- 
count by a particular letter to the pope of this his 
conversion, which was delivered by the general of 
the Jesuits ; in return of which he received a cus- 
tomary brief from his sanctity, with the old piece of 
scripture never left out in those occasions, " Tu con- 
" versus converte fratres tuos." 

The noise and scandal of this defection and apo- 
stasy in a sworn counsellor of the king, and one of 
his secretaries of state, made it necessary for the 
king to remove him from both those trusts, which 
he had made himself incapable to execute by the 
laws of England, and which he proposed to himself 
to enjoy with the more advantage by his change ; 
and believed that the king, who seemed to have no 
other hopes towards his restoration than in catholic 
princes, would not think this a season in ordinary 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 501 

policy to disgrace a servant of his eminency and re- J661. 
lation, for no other reason than his becoming catho- 
lie, by which he should have so many opportunities 
to serve his master. And this he had the confidence 
to urge to the king, before he was obliged to deliver 
the signet, and to forbear the being present any 
more in council. And this displacing and remove 
he imputed entirely to his old friend the chancellor, 
(with whom till that minute he had for many years 
held a very firm friendship,) and the more, because 
he received from his majesty the same countenance 
he had before, without any reprehension for what 
he had done; the king not being at all surprised 
with his declaration, because he had long known 
that he was very indifferent in all matters of reli- 
gion, and looked upon the outward profession of 
any, as depending wholly upon the convenience or 
discommodity that might be enjoyed by it. And 
with such discourses he had too much entertained 
the king, who never would speak seriously with him 
upon that subject. And truly his own relation of 
the manner of his conversion, with all the circum- 
stances, and the discourse of an ignorant old Jesuit, 
whom he perfectly contemned, and of a simple good 
woman, the abbess of a convent, which contributed 
to it, was so ridiculous, and administered such occa- 
sion of mirth, that his majesty thought laughing at 
him to be the best reproof. And the earl bore that 
so well and gratefully from the king, and from his 
other familiar friends too, (for he dissembled his 
taking any thing ill of the chancellor,) and contri- 
buted so much himself to the mirth, that he was 
never better company than upon that argument: 
and any man would have believed, that he had not 

K k3 



502 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. a worse opinion of the religion he had forsaken, or 
~~ of any other, by his becoming Roman catholic. 

When the king made his journey to Fuentarabia, 
to the treaty between the two crowns, the earl of 
Bristol's irresistible importunity prevailed with him 
to permit him to go likewise, though his majesty 
had received advertisement from sir Harry Bennet, 
that don Lewis de Haro desired that he might not 
come with his majesty thither. The least part of 
the mischief he did in that journey was, that he 
prevailed with the king to make so many diversions 
and delays in it, that the treaty was concluded be- 
fore he came thither, and he was very near being 
disappointed of all the fruit he had proposed to him- 
self to receive from it. However it was finished so 
much the better, that he left the earl behind him ; 
who, in the short time of his stay there, had so far 
insinuated himself into the grace and good opinion 
of don Lewis de Haro, who came with all the pre- 
judice and detestation imaginable towards him, (as 
he had to his extraordinary parts a marvellous fa- 
culty of getting himself believed,) that he was well 
content that he should go with him to Madrid, 
where the king, upon the memory of his father, 
(who had deserved well from that crown, or rather 
had suffered much for not having deserved ill,) re- 
ceived him graciously. And there he resided in the 
resident's house, who had been his servant, in such 
a repose as was agreeable to his fancy, that he might 
project his own fortune ; which was the only thing 
his heart was set upon, and of which he despaired 
in his own country. 

The news of the king's miraculous restoration 
quickly arrived at Madrid, and put an end to the 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 503 

earl's further designs, believing he could not do bet- 1661. 
ter abroad than he might do in his own country ; ~~ 
and so he undertook his journey through France, 
laden with many obligations from that court, and 
arrived at London about the time that the ambassa- 
dor was embarked for Portugal. The king of Spain An account 
had, soon after the king's arrival in England, sent n 
the prince of Lygnes with a very splendid ambas- SRdor- 
sage to congratulate with his majesty, about the 
time that the count of Soissons came from France 
on the same errand. And after his return, the 
baron of Batteville was sent from Spain as ordinary 
ambassador, a man born in Burgundy in the Spanish 
quarters, and bred a soldier ; in which profession he 
was an officer of note, and at that time was go- 
vernor of St. Sebastian's and of that province. He 
seemed a rough man, and to have more of the camp, 
but in truth knew the intrigues of a court better 
than most Spaniards ; and, except when his passion 
surprised him, wary and cunning in his negotiation. 
He lived with less reservation and more jollity than 
the ministers of that crown used to do ; and drew 
such of the court to his table and conversation, who 
he observed were loud talkers, and confident enough 
in the king's presence. 

In the first private audience he had, he delivered 
a memorial to his majesty; in which he required 
" the delivery of the island of Jamaica to his master, 
"it having been taken by his rebel subjects contrary 
" to the treaty of peace between the two crowns; 
" and likewise that his majesty would cause Dun- 
" kirk and Mardike to be restored to his catholic 
" majesty, they having not only been taken contrary 
" to that treaty, but when his majesty was enter- 

K k 4 



504 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " tained in that king's dominions with all courtesy 
~~" and respect." And he likewise required, in the 
king his master's name, " that the king would not 
" give any assistance, nor enter into any treaty of 
" alliance with Portugal : for that the same, as the 
" rest, was directly contrary to the last treaty, 
" which was now again revived and stood in force 
" by the declaration of his majesty's resident at Ma- 
" drid ;" which was the first notice any of his ma- 
jesty's ministers had of any such declaration. But 
when he had delivered those memorials to the king, 
he never called for an answer, nor willingly entered 
upon the discourse of either of the subjects ; but 
put it off merely as a thing he was to do of form 
once, that his master's just title might be remem- 
bered, but not to be pressed till a fitter conjuncture. 
For he easily discovered what answer he should re- 
ceive : and so took the advantage of the license of the 
court, where no rules or formalities were yet esta- 
blished, (and to which the king himself was not 
enough inclined,) but all doors open to all persons. 
Which the ambassador finding, he made Jiimself a 
domestic, came to the king at all hours, and spake 
to him when and as long as he would, without any 
ceremony, or desiring an audience according to the 
old custom ; but came into the bedchamber whilst 
the king was dressing himself, and mingled in all 
discourses with the same freedom he would use in 
his 'own. And from this never heard of license, in- 
troduced by the French and the Spaniard at this 
time without any dislike in the king, though not 
permitted in any other court in Christendom, many 
inconveniences and mischiefs broke in, which could 
never after be shut out. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 505 

As soon as the earl of Bristol came to the court, 1661. 
he was very willing to be looked upon as wholly de- ~ 
voted to the Spanish interest ; and so made a par- 
ticular friendship with the Spanish ambassador, with 
whom he had a former acquaintance whilst the king 
had been at Fuentarabia, that he might give a testi- 
mony of his gratitude for the favours he had re- 
ceived so lately at Madrid. The king received him 
with his accustomed good countenance ; and he had 
an excellent talent in spreading that leaf-gold very 
thin, that it might look much more than it was : 
and took pains by being always in his presence, and 
often whispering in his ear, and talking upon some 
subjects with a liberty not ingrateful, to have it be- 
lieved that he was more than ordinarily acceptable 
to his majesty. And the king, not wary enough 
against those invasions, did communicate more to 
him of the treaty with Portugal, than he had done 
to any other person, except those who f were imme- 
diately trusted in it. 

The earl had always promised himself (though he 
knew he could not be of the council, nor in any 
ministry of state, by reason of his religion) that he 
was in so good esteem with his majesty and with 
most of those who were trusted by him, that he 
should have a great share in all foreign affairs, and 
should be consulted with in all matters of that kind, 
in regard of the long experience he had in foreign 
parts ; which indeed amounted to no more, than a 
great exactness in the languages of those parts. 
And therefore he was surprised with the notice of 
this affair, and presently expressed his dislike of it, 
and told his majesty, " that he would be exceedingly 
f who] Omitted in MS. 



506 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. "deceived in it; that Portugal was poor, and not 
The eari of " a ^ e to P av tne portion they had promised. That 
Bristol and now ft was forsaken by France. Spain would over- 

the Spanish t J 

ambassador run and reduce it in one year ;" enlarging upon 

obstruct the . * 

marriage, the great preparations which were made for that 
expedition, " of which don Lewis de Haro himself 
" would be general, and was sure of a great party 
" in Portugal itself, that was weary of that govern- 
" ment : so that that miserable family had no hope, 
" but by transporting themselves and their poor 
" party in their ships to Brasil, and their other large 
" territories in the East Indies, which were pos- 
" sessed only by Portugueses, who might possibly be 
" willing to be subject to them. And that this was 
" so much in the view of all men, that it was all 
" the care Spain had to prevent it." The king did 
not inform him, that he had concluded any thing, 
and that the ambassador was gone for more ample 
powers to satisfy his majesty, that all that was pro- 
mised should be performed. 

The earl, who valued himself upon his great fa- 
culty in obstructing and puzzling any thing that 
was agreed upon, and in contriving whereof he had 
no hand, repaired to the Spanish ambassador, and 
informed him, under obligation of secrecy, of what 
treaty the king was entered upon with Portugal by 
the advice of the chancellor ; which he hoped " that 
" they two should find some means to break." But 
the ambassador's breast was not large enough to 
contain that secret z. He talked of it in all places 
with great passion, and then took it up as from com- 
mon report, and spake to the king of it, and said, " the 

s secret] MS, adds: that burned his entrance 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 507 

" Portugal ambassador had in his vanity bragged of 1661, 
" it to some catholics, and promised them great"" 
" things upon it ; none of which he was confident 
" could be true, and that his majesty could never be 
" prevailed with to consent to such a treaty, which 
" would prove ruinous to himself and his kingdom ; 
" for the king of Spain could not but resent it to 
" such a degree, as would bring great inconvenience 
" to his affairs." And his majesty forbearing to 
give him any answer, at least not such a one as 
pleased him, his rage transported him to undervalue 
the person of the infanta. He said, " she was de- 
" formed, and had many diseases ; and that it was 
" very well known in Portugal and in Spain, that 
" she was incapable to bear children ;" and many 
particulars of that nature. 

When he had said the same things several days 
to the king, the earl of Bristol took his turn again, 
and told the king other things which the ambassador 
had communicated to him in trust, and which he 
durst not presume to say to his majesty, and which 
in truth he had said himself, being concerning the 
person of the infanta, and her incapacity to have 
children ; upon which he enlarged very pathetically, 
and said, " he would speak freely with the chancel- 
" lor of it, upon whom the ill consequences of this 
" counsel would fall." He told him, " there were 
" many beautiful ladies in Italy, of the greatest 
" houses ; and that his majesty might take his 
" choice of them, and the king of Spain would give 
" a portion with her, as if she were a daughter of 
" Spain ; and the king should marry her as such." 
And the ambassador shortly after proposed the same 
thing, and enlarged much upon it. And both the 



508 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 
1(561. earl and the ambassador conferred with the chancel- 



lor (concealing the propositions they had made con- 
cerning the Italian ladies) " as of a matter the town 
" talked of and exceedingly disliked, the more be- 
" cause it was generally known, that that princess 
" could not have any children." 'The king himself 
had informed the chancellor of all that passed from 
the ambassador, and of his rudeness towards the 
infanta, and his declaring that she could have no 
children ; and told him, " that the earl of Bristol 
" resolved to confer with him, and doubted not to 
" convert him ;" without seeming himself to have 
been moved with any thing that the ambassador or 
the earl had said to him : so that when they both 
came afterwards to him, not together but severally, 
and he perceived that his majesty had not to either 
of them imparted how far he had proceeded, (but 
had heard them talk as of somewhat they had 
taken up from public rumour, and h had himself dis- 
coursed of it as sprung from such a fountain,) the 
chancellor did not take himself to be at liberty to 
enter into a serious debate of the matter with them ; 
but permitted them to enjoy the pleasure of their 
own opinion, and to believe that either there had 
been no inclination to such a treaty, or that the 
weight of their reasons would quickly enervate it. 
The king Whether the king grew less inclined to marry, 
much" and liked the liberty he enjoyed too well to be will- 
wu&tbe S to k e restrained; or whether what had been 
treaty. g^ { o n j m o f ^he m f an ta's person, and her unapt- 
ness for children, had made some impression in him ; 
or whether the earl of Bristol's describing the per- 
sons of the Italian ladies, and magnifying their con- 
h and] he 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 509 

versations (in which arguments he had naturally a 1661. 
very luxurious style, unlimited by any rules of truth ~ 
or modesty ;) it is not to be denied, that his majesty 
appeared much colder, and less delighted to speak 
of Portugal, than he had been, and would sometimes 
wish l " that the ambassador had not gone, and that 
" he would quickly return without commission to 
" give his majesty satisfaction." He seemed to re- 
flect upon a war with Spain, "which," he said, 
" could not possibly be avoided in that alliance," with 
more apprehension than he had formerly done, when 
that contingency had been debated. All which dis- 
courses troubled the lords who had been trusted, 
very much, not conceiving that the ambassador's 
frantic discourse could have any weight in it, or that 
the earl of Bristol (whose levity and vanity was 
enough known to the king) could make that impres- 
sion in him. However, it appeared, that the earl 
was much more in private with him than he had used 
to be, many hours shut up together ; and when the 
king came from him, that he seemed to be perplexed 
and full of thoughts. 

One morning the earl came to the chancellor, and 
after some compliments and many protestations of 
his inviolable friendship, he told him, " he was come 
" to take his leave of him for some months, being 
" to begin a long journey as soon as he should part 
" with him ; for he had already kissed the king's 
" hand : and his friendship would not permit him 
" to be reserved towards him, and to keep a se- 
" cret of that vast importance from his knowledge." 

He said, " that the king had heard such unanswer- 

\ 

' wish] Omitted in MS. 



510 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " able reasons against this marriage with Portugal, 
~~ " that he was firmly resolved never more to entertain 
" a thought of it ; that the Spanish ambassador had 
" recommended two princesses to him, whereof he 
" might take his choice, of incomparable beauty and 
" all excellent parts of mind, who should be en- 
" dowed as a daughter of Spain by that king, to 
" whom they were allied ;" and so named the ladies. 
He said, " this discourse had prevailed very far upon 
" the king, as a thing that could raise no jealousies 
" in France, with whom he desired so to live, that 
" he might be sure to have peace in his own domin- 
" ions. There was only one thing in which he 
" desired to be better satisfied, which was thfe per- 
" sons, beauties, and good humours of the princesses; 
" and that he had so good an opinion of his judg- 
" ment, that he was confident if he saw them, he 
" would easily know whether either of them were 
" like to please his majesty ; and would so far trust 
" him, that if he did believe, knowing his majesty 
" so well as he did, that one of them would be grate- 
" ful, he should carry power with him to propound 
" and conclude a treaty ; which," he said, " he car- 
" ried with him, and likewise other letters, upon 
" which he should first find such access and admis- 
" sion, as would enable him to judge of their nature 
" and humour as well as of their beauty." He 
seemed much transported with the great trust re- 
posed in him, and with the assurance that he should 
make the king and kingdom happy. And he said, 
" one -reason, besides his friendship, that had made 
" him impart this great secret, was a presumption, 
" that now he knew how far his majesty was dis- 
" posed and in truth engaged in this particular, he 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 511 

" would not do any thing to cross or interrupt the 1 6C 1 
" design." The chancellor, enough amazed, by some 
questions found he was utterly uninformed, how far 
the king stood engaged in Portugal ; and knowing 
the incredible power the earl had over himself, to 
make him believe any thing he had a mind should 
be true, he used little more discourse with him than 
" to wish him a good journey." 

Upon the first opportunity he told the king all 
that the earl had said to him ; with which his ma- 
jesty seemed not pleased, as expecting that the se- 
cret should have been kept better. He did not dis- 
semble his not wishing that the treaty with Portugal 
might succeed ; and confessed " that he had sent the 
" earl of Bristol to see some ladies in Italy, who 
" were highly extolled by the Spanish ambassador," 
but denied that he had given him such powers as 
he bragged of. The chancellor thereupon asked 
him, " whether he well remembered his engagement, 
" which he had voluntarily made, and without any 
" body's persuasion, to the king and queen regent ;" 
and desired him " to impart his new resolution to 
" the lords who were formerly trusted by him. 
" That probably he might find good reason and 
" just arguments to break off the treaty with Por- 
" tugal ; which ought to be first done, before he 
" embarked himself in another : otherwise that he 
" would so far expose his honour to reproach, that 
" all princes would be afraid of entering into any 
" treaty with him." This was every word of per- 
suasion, that he then or ever after used to him upon 
this affair; nor did it at that time seem to make 
any impression in him. However, he sent for the 
lord treasurer, and conferred at large with him and 



512 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1GG1. the lord marquis of Ormond. And finding them 
""exceedingly surprised with what he had done, and 
that they gave the same and other stronger argu- 
ments against it than the other had done, his ma- 
jesty seemed to recollect himself, and to think, that 
whatever resolution he should think fit to take in 
the end, that he had not chosen the best way and 
method of proceeding towards it ; and resolved to 
call the earl back, " which," he said, " he could infal- 
" libly do by sir Kenelm Digby, who knew how to 
" send a letter to him, before he had proceeded fur- 
" ther in his journey, it having been before agreed, 
" that he should make a halt in such and such places, 
" to the end that he might be advertised of any new 
" occurrences." And his majesty did write the same 
night to him " to return, because it was necessary 
" to have some mere conference with him." And 
the letter was sent by sir Kenelm Digby, and pro- 
bably received by the earl in time. But he conti- 
nued his journey into Italy ; and after his return 
pretended not to have received that letter, or any 
other order to return, till it was too late, being at 
that time entered upon the borders or confines of 
Italy ; in which he had not the good fortune to be 
believed. 

The Portu- The ambassador of Portugal despatched his voy- 
ba-wador 1 age with more expedition than could have been ex- 
[ 8 et c u r 1 d5y and pected, and returned, as he believed, with at least 
received. ^ f u jj satisfaction to all particulars as could be ex- 
pected; but found his reception with such a cold- 
ness, that struck the poor gentleman (who was na- 
turally hypochondriac) to the heart ; nor could he be 
informed from whence this distemper proceeded. 
And therefore he forbore to deliver his letters, which 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 513 

he thought might more expose the honour of his 1661, 
master and mistress to contempt, and remained qui- ~ 
etly in his house, without demanding a second audi- 
ence ; until he could by some way or other be in- 
formed what had fallen out since his departure, that 
could raise those clouds which appeared in every 
man's looks. He saw the Spanish ambassador ex- 
ceedingly exalted with the pride of having put an 
insolent affront upon the ambassador from France, 
which cost his master dear, and heard that he had 
bragged loudly of his having broken the treaty of 
Portugal. And it is very true, that he did every 
day somewhat either vainly or insolently, that gave 
the king offence k , or lessened the opinion he had of 
his discretion, and made him withdraw much of that 
countenance from him, which he had formerly given 
him. This, and the return of the Portugal ambas- 
sador with a new title of marquis de Sande, (an 
evidence according to the custom of that court, that 
he had well served his master in his employment,) 
put him into new fury ; so that he came to the 
king with new expostulations, and gave him a me- 
morial, in which he said, " that he had order from 
" his master to let his majesty know, that if his ma- 
" jesty should proceed towards a marriage with the 
" daughter of the duke of Braganza, his master's 
" rebel, he had order to take his leave presently, and 
" to declare war against him." The king returned 
some sharp answer presently to him, and told him 
" he might be gone as soon as he would, and that 
" he would not receive orders from the catholic 
" king, how to dispose himself in marriage." Upon 

k offence] Omitted in MS. 
VOL. I. L 1 



166). which the ambassador seemed to think he had gone 
~~ too far ; and the next day desired another audience, 
wherein he said, " he had received new orders : and 
" that his catholic majesty had so great an affection 
" for his majesty and the good of his affairs, that 
" having understood that, in respect of the present 
" distempers in religion, nothing could be more mis- 
" chievous to him than to marry a catholic ; there- 
" fore," he declared, " that if there were any pro- 
" testant lady, who would be acceptable to his ma- 
" jesty," (and named the daughter of the princess 
dowager of Orange,) " the king of Spain would give 
" a portion with her, as with a daughter of Spain ; 
" by which his majesty's affairs and occasions would 
" be supplied." 

The multiplying these and many bther extrava- 
gancies made the king reflect upon all the ambas- 
sador's proceedings and behaviour, and revolve the 
discourses he had held with him ; and to reconsider, 
whether they had not made greater impressions 
upon him, than the weight of them would bear. He 
had himself spoken with some who had seen the 
infanta, and described her to be a person very dif- 
ferent from what the ambassador had delivered. He 
had seen a picture that was reported to be very like 
her ; and upon the view of it his majesty said, " that 
" person could not be unhandsome." And by de- 
grees considering the many things alleged by the 
ambassador, which could not be known by him, and 
could result from nothing but his own malice, his 
majesty returned to his old resolution ; and spake at 
large with the Portugal 1 ambassador with his usual 

' Portugal] Not in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 515 

freedom, and received both the letters and informa- 1661. 
tion he brought with him, and declared " that he" 
" was fully satisfied in all the particulars." 

Nor did the carriage of the Spanish ambassador Extrava- 

... 1*1 11* i i;:mt beba- 

contribute a little towards his majesty s resolution : v .our of the 



for he, without any other ground than from his own 
fancy, (for the king had not declared his purpose to 
any, nor was the thing spoken of abroad,) and from 
what he collected from his majesty's sharp replies to 
his insolent expressions, took upon him to do an 
act of the highest extravagancy, that hath been 
done in Europe by the minister of any state in this 
age. He caused to be printed in English the copies 
of the memorials which he had presented to the 
king, and of the discourses he had made against 
the match with Portugal, with the offers the king 
of Spain had made to prevent so great a mischief to 
the kingdom, and other seditious papers to the same 
purpose ; and caused those papers to be spread abroad 
in the army and amongst the populace m ; some 
whereof were cast out of his own windows amongst 
the soldiers, as they passed to and from the guard. 
Upon which unheard of misdemeanour, the king was For winch 
so much incensed, that he sent the secretary of state qSiiedto 
" to require him forthwith to depart the kingdom, I^JJ,* 
" without seeing his majesty's face," which he would 
not admit him to do ; and to let him know, " that 
" he would send a complaint of his misbehaviour to 
" the king his master, from whom he would expect 
" that justice should be done upon him." The am- 
bassador received this message with exceeding trou- 
ble and grief, even to tears, and desired, " to be ad- 

m the populace] Omitted in MS. 
L 12 



516 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " mitted to see the king, and to make his humble 

~~" submission, and to beg his pardon ; which he was 

" ready to do :" but that being denied, within few 

days he departed the kingdom, carrying with him 

the character of a very bold rash man. 

AH incident There was an accident about this time, that it is 

that pro- 
motes the probable did confirm the king in his resolution con- 

. cerning Portugal. At this time cardinal Mazarine 
was dead, and had never been observed to be merry 
and to enjoy his natural pleasant humour, from the 
time of the king's restoration, which had deceived 
all his calculations, and broken all his measures. 
Upon his death the ministry was committed to three 
persons, (the king himself being still present at all 
their consultations,) monsieur de Tellier and mon- 
sieur de Lionne, the two secretaries of state, and 
monsieur Fouquet, surintendant of the finances and 
procureur general du roy, who was a man of extra- 
ordinary parts, and being not forty years of age, 
enjoyed his full vigour of body and mind, and in 
respect of his sole power over the finances was looked 
upon as the premier ministre. This man, as soon 
.as he was in the business, sent an express into 
' England with a letter to the chancellor. The mes- 
senger was La Basteede, who, having been secretary 
during the time of his being in England to Bor- 
deaux whilst he was ambassador, spake English 
very well. He, as soon as he arrived, went to the 
chancellor's house, and desired one of his servants 
to let his lord know, " that he was newly come from 
J* France, and that he desired to be admitted to a 
" private audience with him, where nobody else 
" might be present :" and so he was brought into a 
back room, whither the chancellor came to him ; to 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 517 

whom he presented a letter directed to him from J<]61. 
monsieur Fouquet. The letter after general com-"" 
pliments took notice " of the great trust he had 
" with his master ; and that he being now admitted 
" to a part of his master's most secret affairs, and 
" knowing well the affection that was between the 
" two kings, much desired to hold a close and se- 
" cret correspondence together, which he presumed 
" would be for the benefit of both their masters." 
The rest contained only a credential, " that he 
" should give credit to all that the bearer should say, 
'* who was a person entirely trusted by him." And 
then he entered upon his discourse, consisting of 
these parts : 

1. " That the king of France was troubled to Some, part u 
" hear, that there was some obstruction fallen out tures from 
" in the treaty with Portugal ; and that it would be * ' 
" a very generous thing in his majesty to undertake 
" the protection of that crown, which if it should 
" fall into the possession of Spain, would be a great 
" damage and a great shame to all the kings in 
" Europe. That himself had heretofore thought of 
" marrying the infanta of that kingdom, who is a 
" lady of great beauty and admirable endowments ; 
" but that his mother and his then minister, and 
" indeed all other princes, so much desired the peace 
" between the crowns, that he was diverted from 
" that design. And that for the perfecting that 
" peace and his marriage with Spain, he had been 
" compelled to desert Portugal for the present ; and 
" was obliged to send no kind of assistance thither, 
" nor to receive any ambassador from thence, nor to 
'' have any there : all which he could not but ob- 
" serve for some time. But that Portugal was well 

L 1 3 



518 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " assured of the continuance of his affection, and 
~" that he would find some opportunity by one way 
" or other to preserve it. That he foresaw that his 
" majesty might not be provided so soon after his 
" return, in regard of his other great expenses, to 
" disburse such a sum of money, as the sending a 
" vigorous assistance, which was necessary, would 
" require. But for that he would take care ; and for 
" the present cause to be paid to his majesty three 
" hundred thousand pistoles, which would defray 
" the charge of that summer's expedition ; and for 
" the future, provision should be made proportionable 
" to the charge :" and concluded, " that he believed 
" the king could not bestow himself better in mar- 
" riage, than with the infanta of Portugal." 

2. A second part was, " that there were now in 
" France ambassadors from the States of the United 
" Provinces, and the like in England, to renew the 
" alliance with both crowns ; which they hoped to 
" do upon the disadvantageous terms they had used 
" to obtain it. That those people were grown too 
" proud and insolent towards ail their neighbours, 
" and treated all kings as if they were at least their 
" equals : that France had been ill used by them, 
" and was sensible of it ; and that the king had not 
" been much beholden to them." And therefore he 
proposed, " that both kings upon this occasion would 
" so communicate their counsels, that they might 
" reduce that people to live like good neighbours, 
" and with more good manners ; and that they would 
" treat solely and advance together, and that the one 
" should promise not to conclude any thing without 
" communicating it to the other : so that both trea- 
" ties might be concluded together." 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 519 

3. " That those particulars, and whatsoever passed 1 66 1 
" between M. Fouquet and the chancellor, might be~~ 
" retained with wonderful secrecy ; which it would 
" not be, if it were communicated to the queen or 
" the earl of St. Alban's," (who were at that time in 
France :) " and therefore his Christian majesty de- 
" sired, that neither of them should know of this eor- 
" respondence, or any particular that passed by it." 

When the gentleman had finished his discourse, 
the chancellor told him, " that he knew M. Fouquet 
" to be so wise a man, that he would not invite or 
" enter into such a correspondence, without the pri- 
" vity and approbation of his master : and he pre- 
" sumed that he had likewise so good an opinion of 
" him, as to believe, that he would first inform his 
" majesty of all that he received from him, before 
" he would return any answer himself. That he 
" would take the first opportunity to acquaint the 
" king his master ; and if he would come the next 
" day at the same hour" (which was about four in 
the afternoon) " to the same place, he would return 
" his answer." 

The king came the next day before the hour as- 
signed to the chancellor's house. And when he 
heard the gentleman was come, his majesty vouch- 
safed himself to go into that back room ; and (the 
chancellor telling the other, " that he should be wit- 
*' ness to his majesty's approbation of his correspond- 
" ence") took n notice of the letter he had brought, 
and asked many kind questions concerning M. Fou- 
quet, who was known to him, and told him, " that 
" he was very well pleased with the correspondence 

11 look] and took 
L 1 4 



1661. " proposed ; and that the chancellor should perform 
~ " his part very punctually, and with the secrecy 
" that was desired ; and that he would give his own 
" word, that the queen and the earl of St. Alban's 
" should know nothing that should pass in this cor- 
" respondence :" which the chancellor observing with 
the fidelity he ought to do, and this P coming after 
to be known, it * kindled a new jealousy and dis- 
pleasure in the queen, that was never afterwards 
Which the extinguished. The king told him, " he would upon 
the encouragement and promise of the French 
" king, of the performance whereof he could make 
" no doubt, proceed in the treaty with Portugal ; 
" and give that kingdom the best assistance he could, 
" without beginning a war with Spain. That for 
" the treaty with Holland, which was but newly be- 
" gun," (for the States who had made choice of and 
nominated their ambassadors before the king left the 
Hague, did not send them in near six months after ; 
which his majesty looked upon as a great disrespect,) 
" he would comply with what the king desired ; 
" and that his Christian majesty should from time 
" to time receive an account how it should advance, 
" and that he would not conclude any thing with- 
" out his privity." How ill both these engagements 
which related to Portugal and Holland were after- 
wards observed by France, is fit for another discourse 
by itself. The gentleman, much satisfied with what 
the king had said, proposed " that he would make 
" a cipher against the next day to be left in the 
" chancellor's hand ; because M. Fouquet desired, for 
" preservation of the secret* that the chancellor 

and] nor P and this] Not in MS. 1 it] Not in MS. 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 521 

" would always write with his own hand in English, 1G61. 
" directed in such a manner as he should propose ; ~~ 
" which would always bring the letters safe to the 
" hands of him, La Basteede, who was appointed by 
" the king to keep that cipher, and to maintain that 
" correspondence." 

There was another circumstance that attended An instancc 

. . . ofthechan- 

this private negotiation, that may not be unfitly in- ceiior's un- 
serted here, and is a sufficient manifestation of the tegrity. '" 
integrity of the chancellor, and how far he was from 
being r that corrupt person, which his most corrupt 
enemies would have him thought to be. The next 
morning after he had seen the king, La Basteede 
came again, and desired an audience with the chan- 
cellor. He said, " he had somewhat else in his in- 
" structions to say, which he had not yet thought 
" fit to offer." And from thence he entered in a 
confused manner to enlarge " upon the great power, 
" credit, and generosity of M. Fouquet, the extent 
" of his power and office, that he could disburse and 
" issue great sums of money without any account so 
" much as to the king himself; without which li- 
" berty, the king knew many secret services of the 
" highest importance could not be performed." He 
said, " he knew the straits and necessities, in which 
" the chancellor and others about the king had lived 
" for many years : and though he was now returned 
" with much honour, and in great trust with his 
" master, yet he did suppose he might be some time 
" without those furnitures of householdstuff and 
" plate, which the grandeur of his office and place 
" required. And therefore that he had sent him a 

r being] Not in MS. 



522 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " present, which in itself was but small, and was only 
~ " the earnest of as much every year, which should 
" be constantly paid, and more, if he had occasion 
" to use it ; for M. Fouquet did not look upon it as 
" of moment to himself. But he knew well the 
" faction in all courts, and that he must have many 
" enemies ; and if he did not make himself friends 
" by acts of generosity and bounty, he must be op- 
" pressed; and that he had designed this supply 
" only to that purpose." He shewed him then bills 
of exchange and credit for the sum of ten thousand 
pounds 'sterling, to be paid at sight : and said, " that 
" he had been with the merchant, who would be 
" ready to pay it that afternoon ; so that whoever 
" he would please to appoint should receive it." The 
chancellor had heard him with much indignation, 
and answered him warmly, " that if this correspond- 
" ence must expose him to such a reproach, he 
" should unwillingly enter into it ; and wished him to 
" tell M. Fouquet, that he would only receive wages 
" from his own master." The gentleman so little 
looked for a refusal, that he would not understand 
it ; but persisted to know " who should receive the 
" money, which," he said, " should be paid in such 
" a manner, that the person who paid it should 
" never know to whom it was paid; and that it 
" should always remain a secret ;" still pressing it 
with importunity, till the other went with manifest 
anger out of the room. 

That afternoon the king and duke (who was 
likewise informed of the correspondence) came to 
the chancellor, and found him out of humour. He 
told him, " that Fouquet could not be an honest 
" man, and that he had no mind to hold that cor- 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 523 

" respondence with him;" and thereupon repeated JG61 
what had passed in the morning, with much choler : ~ 
which made them both laugh at him, saying, " the 
" French did all their business that way :" and the 
king told him " he was a fool," implying, " that 
" he should take his money." Whereupon the chan- 
cellor besought him " not to appear to his servants 
" so unconcerned in matters of that nature, which 
" might produce ill effects ;" and desired him to 
consider, " what the consequence of his receiving 
" that money, with what secrecy soever, must be. 
" That the French king must either believe that he 
" had received it without his majesty's privity, and 
" so look upon him as a knave fit to be depended 
,'* upon in any treachery against his master ; or that 
" it was with his majesty's approbation, which must 
" needs lessen his esteem of him, that he should per- 
" mit his servants of the nearest trust to grow rich 
" at the charge of another prince, who might the 
" next day become his enemy." To which the king 
smiling made no other reply, " than that few men 
" were so scrupulous ;" and commanded him " to 
" return a civil answer to M. Fouquet's letter, and 
" to cherish that correspondence, which," he said, 
" might be useful to him, and could produce no in- 
" conveniency s ." And so, when La Basteede (who 
could not forbear to use new importunity with him 
to receive the money, till he found he was much 
offended) brought him the cipher, he delivered him 
his letter for M. Fouquet. And the next week after 
his return, the king of France writ to him in his 
own hand, " that the correspondence M. Fouquet 

* inconveniency] inconvenience 



524 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 

1661. " had invited him to was with his majesty's privity; 
~ " and that he was well pleased with it." And so 
the correspondence continued till that great man's 
fall: and then the king sent all the letters which 
had passed, and the cipher, to the chancellor ; and 
writ to him, " from that time to communicate with 
" all freedom with his ambassador ;" which he was 
before restrained from. 

After the king had himself conferred at large 
with the Portugal ambassador, he referred him 
again to give the lords, with whom he had formerly 
treated, an account how all particulars were ad- 
justed in Portugal ; " which were," he said, " in this 
The mea- " manner. For the portion, the queen regent, having 
" resolved not to dispose of any of the money that 
" was provided for the war, had sold her own jewels, 
of marriage. an( j mucn O f her own plate, and had borrowed 
" both plate and jewels from the churches and mo- 
" nasteries : by which means she had the whole 
" portion ready, which was all sealed up in bags, 
" and deposited where nobody could take it to ap- 
" ply to any other use. For the delivery of Tangier, 
" that the old governor, (who had lived there long, 
" and was humorous,) on l whom the queen could 
" not confidently depend, was removed ; and another 
" sent, before he left Lisbon, to take that charge, 
" who was a creature of the queen's, who could not 
" deceive her, and was so far trusted, that he knew 
" for what end he was sent thither, and cheerfully 
" undertook to perform it : and that the fleet which 
" should be sent for the queen should first go to 
" Tangier, and take possession thereof; and till that 

1 on] of 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 525 

" should be delivered into his majesty's hands, the 
" queen should not embark upon the fleet, nor till" 
" all the money should be put on board. That for 
" the delivery of Bombayne, it was resolved like- 
" wise, that the vice-king and governor of Goa u , 
" under whom that island likewise is, should be 
" forthwith recalled ; and that another," (whom he 
named,) " of whom the queen had all assurance, 
" should be sent to that high charge, and should be 
" transported thither in the fleet which the king 
" would send to receive the island, and would de- 
" liver the same to the person designed to receive 
" it." He added, " that there would be another se- 
*' curity given, greater than any of the rest, and 
** such a one as had never been given before in 
" such a case. That the queen should be delivered 
" on board the fleet, and transported into England, 
" before she was married : which was such a trust 
" that had never been reposed in any prince, who, 
" if he would break his word, might put an ever- 
" lasting reproach upon their nation." 

The cause of this extraordinary circumstance was 
truly this. The power of Spain was so great in the 
court of Rome, notwithstanding the interposition 
and threatening mediation of France, (whose am- 
bassador declared that Portugal should choose a pa- 
triarch, and have no longer dependence upon the 
pope,) that neither Urban, in whose reign that king- 
dom severed itself from Spain, nor Innocent, nor 
Alexander, would acknowledge the duke of Bra- 
ganza for king, nor receive an ambassador or other 
minister from him : so that they now foresaw, that 

11 Goa] Brasil 



526 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF 
1661. if they should, in what manner soever, demand a 



dispensation at Rome, (without which the marriage 
could not be celebrated in Portugal,) the interest of 
Spain would cause it to be denied, or granted in 
such a manner as should be worse for them ; for the 
queen would have been mentioned only as the 
daughter and sister of the duke of Braganza. And 
before they would receive that affront, the most jea- 
lous and most apprehensive nation in the world 
chose rather to send the daughter of the kingdom 
to be married in England, and not to be married till 
she came thither. 

The king Upon the whole matter, the king thought not fit 
whole to to make any further exceptions, but resolved to as- 
sem ble his whole privy-council, and to communicate 
the matter to them ; for it did remain a secret yet, 
no man knowing or speaking of it. The council 
was so full, that there was only one counsellor that 
was absent. The king informed them of all that 
had passed in that affair, " how it was first proposed 
" to him, and the objections which occurred to him 
'* against it ; for the better clearing whereof the 
" ambassador had made a voyage into Portugal, and 
" was returned with such satisfaction to all particu- 
" lars, that he thought it now time to communicate 
" the whole to them, that he might receive their ad- 
" vice." He commanded then the particular propo- 
sitions, which were offered by the ambassador, to be 
reported. And thereupon he commanded and con- 
jured all the lords severally to give him their ad- 
vice ; for he said, " he had not yet so firmly re- 
" solved, but that he might change his mind, if he 
" heard reasons to move him : and therefore they 
" would not deal faithfully with him, if they did not 



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 527 

" with all freedom declare their judgment to him." 1601. 
In short, every man delivered his opinion, and every ~ 
one agreed in the opinion, " that it was very fit for 
" his majesty to embrace the propositions, which 
" were of great advantage to himself and the king- 
" dom ;" and that their advice was, " that he should which u 
'* speedily and without more delay conclude the ^^h 
" treaty." And thereupon his majesty said, " that JJ 
" he looked upon so unanimous a concurrence as a 
" good omen, and that he would follow their ad- 
" vice.*' 



END OF VOL. I. 






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