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Full text of "The life of Edward, earl of Clarendon, in which is included a continuation of his History of the grand rebellion"

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Ne quid f nisi dicere audeat, ne quid veri non audeat. CICERO. 





f AND 





















A HOUGH the parliament at Oxford had pre- 1665. 
served that excellent harmony that the king had 
proposed, and hardly wished any thing in which 
they had not concurred, insomuch as never parlia- 
ment so entirely sympathised with his majesty ; and 
though a it passed more acts for his honour and se- 
curity than any other had ever done in so short a 
session : yet it produced b a precedent of a very un- 
happy nature, the circumstances whereof in the 
present were unusual and pernicious, and the conse- 
quences in the future very mischievous, and there- 
fore not unfit to be set out at large. 

The lord Arlington and sir William Coventry, An attempt 
closely united in the same purposes, and especially {J e remOTe 
against the chancellor, had a great desire to find 811 
some means to change the course and method of the 
king's counsels ; which they could hardly do whilst 

a though] Not in MS. b produced] introduced 

VOL. in. B 

S7C K 

ie trea- 


1665. the same persons continued still in the same employ- 
"ments. Their malice was most against the chan- 
cellor : yet they knew not what suggestions to make 
to the king against him, having always pretended 
to his majesty, how falsely soever, to have a great 
esteem of him. Their project therefore was to re- 
move the treasurer, who was as weary of his office 
and of the court as any body could be of him : but 
his reputation was so great, his wisdom so unques- 
tionable, and his integrity so confessed, that they 
knew in neither of those points he could be im- 
peached. And the king himself had kindness and 
reverence towards him, though he had for some 
years thought him less active, and so less fit for that 
administration, than every body else knew him to 
be: and these men had long insinuated unto his 
majesty , " how ill all the business of the exchequer 
" was managed by the continual infirmities of the 
" treasurer, who, between the gout and the stone, 
" had not ease enough to attend the painful function 
" of that office, but left the whole to be managed 
" and governed by his secretary sir Philip Warwick ;" 
upon whose experience and fidelity he did in truth 
much rely, as he had reason to do, his reputation 
for both being very signal and universal. And to- 
wards fastening this reproach they had the contribu- 
tion of the lord Ashley, who was good at looking into 
other men's offices, and was not pleased to see sir 
Philip Warwick's credit greater than his with the 
treasurer, and his advice more followed. And the 
other two had craftily insinuated to him, that he 
would make much a better treasurer ; which, whilst 

majesty] Omitted in MS. 


he thought they were in earnest, prevailed with him iGf>r> 
not only to suggest materials to them for that re- 
proach, but to inculcate the same to the king upon 
several occasions : but when he discovered that they 
intended nothing of advantage to his particular, he 
withdrew from that intrigue, though in all other 
particulars he sided with them. 

The king was too easy in making assignations 
upon his revenue, which would make it uncapable 
to satisfy others which were more necessary, and to 
grant suits by lease or farm, (sometimes to worthy 
men,) which were of mischievous consequence to all 
the measures which could be taken ; and those the 
treasurer found himself obliged to stop : and com- 
monly, upon informing the king of it and of his 
reasons, his majesty was very well pleased with 
what he had done, and (as hath been said before) 
did often give himself ease from the importunity of 
many, by signing the warrants they brought to him, 
in confidence that either the chancellor or treasurer 
would not suffer them to pass. However, it raised 
clamour ; and there were men enough who had the 
same provocation to make a great noise ; and they 
easily found countenance from others* who desired 
it should be believed, " that it was a high arrogance 
" and presumption in any subject to stop any sig- 
" nature of the king, and so make his majesty's 
" grace and bounty to be ineffectual, if his appro- 
" bation and consent was not likewise procured." 
There was visibly great want of money, though 
there were vast sums d raised ; which they laboured 
to persuade the king proceeded from the unskilful- 

d sums] sums of money 
B 2 


I6fr>. ness or unactivity of the treasurer, who was again 
~ tired with the vexation and indignity, when he had 
so frequently presented the king with the particulars 
of the receipts and disbursements, and made it de- 
monstrable how much his expenses exceeded all his 
income; and how impossible it would be, without 
lessening these, to provide wherewithal to supply 
necessaiy occasions* : but this was an ungracious 
subject, and opened more mouths than could easily 
be stopped. 

There was a man who hath been often named, 
sir George Downing, who by having been some years 
in the office of one of the tellers of the exchequer, 
and being of a restless brain, did understand enough 
of the nature of the revenue and of the course of 
the receipt, to make others who understood less of 
it to think that he knew the bottom of it, and that 
the expedients, which should be proposed by him 
towards a reformation, could not but be very per- 
tinent and practicable. And he was not unhurt in 
the emoluments of his own office, which were less- 
ened by the assignations made to the bankers, upon 
the receipts themselves, without the money's ever 
passing through the tellers' office ; by which, though 
they did receive their just fees, they had not what 
they would have taken, if the money had passed 
through their own hands. He was a member of 
parliament, and a very voluminous sj>eaker, who 
would be thought wiser in trade than any of the 
merchants, and to understand the mystery of all 
professions much better than the professors of them. 
And such a kind of chat is always acceptable in a 

e necessary occasions] Omitted in MS. 


crowd, (where few understand many subjects,) who f 1(^5. 
are always glad to find those put out of countenance 
who thought they understood it best : and so they 
were much pleased to hear sir George Downing in- 
veigh against the ignorance of those, who could only 
smile at his want of knowledge. 

This gentleman was very grateful to sir William 
Coventry as well as to lord Arlington, and was ready 
to instruct them in all the miscarriages and over- 
sights in the treasury, and to propose ways of re- 
formation to them. " The root of all miscarriage 
" was the unlimited power of the lord treasurer, that 
" no money could issue out without his particular 
" direction, and all money was paid upon no other 
" rules than his order; so that, let the king want as 
" much as was possible, no money could be paid by 
" his, without the treasurer's warrant ;" which, to 
men who understood no more than they did, seemed 
a very great incongruity. *' But," he said, "if there A project of 
" were such a clause inserted into the bill which Downing to 
" was to be passed in the house of commons for j 1 ,^""^ 61 
" money., it might prevent all inconveniences, and sur y- 
" the king's money would be paid only to those 
" persons and purposes to which his majesty should 
" assign them ; and more money would be presently 
" advanced upon this act of parliament, than the 
" credit of the bankers could procure ;" for he fore- 
saw that would be a very natural objection against 
his clause and the method he proposed. 

He made his discourse so plausible to them, that 
they were much pleased with it ; and it provided 
for so many of their own ends, that they neither did 

1 who] and ~ no] any 

B 3 


1665. nor were able to consider the reverse of it, but were 
"most solicitous that there might no obstructions 
arise in the way. If it should come to the know- 
ledge of the chancellor, he would oppose it for the 
novelty, and the consequences that might attend it ; 
and if the treasurer had notice of it, he would not 
consent to it for the indignity that his office was 
subjected to : they therefore discoursed it to the king 
as a matter of high importance to his service, if it 
were secretly carried; and then brought the pro- 
jector, who was an indefatigable talker, to inform 
his majesty of the many benefits which would accrue 
to his service by this new method that he had de- 
vised, and the many mischiefs which would be pre- 

There were many 1 ' things which were suggested, 
that were agreeable to some fancies that the king 
himself had entertained ; there would not need now 
so many formalities, as warrants and privy seals, be- 
fore monies could be paid ; and money might here- 
after issue out and be paid without the treasurer's 
privity ; in which many conveniences seemed to ap- 
pear : though besides the innovation and breach of 
all old order, which is ever attended by many mis- 
chiefs unforeseen, there were very great inconveni- 
ences hi view in those very particulars which they 
fancied to be conveniences. But it was enough that 
the king so well liked the advice, upon conference 
with them three, that he resolved to communicate 
it with no others ; but appointed, that when the bill 
for supply should be brought into the house, (it be- 
ing to be, as was said before, for the sum of ,) 

h many] so many 


at the commitment Downing should offer that pro- 1665. 
viso, which had been drawn by himself, and' read to "" 
the king and the other two. And because it was 
foreseen, that it would be opposed by many of those 
who were known to be very affectionate to the 
king's service, they had all authority privately to 
assure them, that it was offered with the king's 

Against the time that the bill was to be brought A clamour 

, raised a- 

m, they prepared the house by many unseasonable gainst the 
bitter invectives against the bankers, called them 
cheats, bloodsuckers, extortioners, and loaded them 
with all the reproaches which can be cast upon the 
worst men in the world, and would have them looked 
upon as the causes of all the king's necessities, and 
of the want of monies throughout the kingdom : all 
which was a plausible argument, as all invectives 
against particular men are ; and all men who had 
faculties of depraving, and of making ill things ap- 
pear worse than they are, were easily engaged with 
them. The bankers did not consist of above the 
number of five or six men, some whereof were alder- 
men, and had been lord mayors of London, and all 
the rest were aldermen, or had fined for aldermen. 
They were a tribe that had risen ad grown up in 
Cromwell's time, and never were 1 heard of before 
the late troubles, till when the whole trade of money 
had passed through the hands of the scriveners : 
they were for the most part goldsmiths, men known 
to be so rich, and of so good reputation, that all the 
money of the kingdom would be trusted or depo- 
sited in their hands. 

were] Not in MS. 
B 4 


From the time of the king's return, when though 
The Miran- great and vast sums were granted, yet such vast 
from" 1 ,,'* 1 "''' debts were presently to IK? paid, the armies by land 
bankers. anc j sca j o fe p resen tly discharged, that k the money 
that was to be collected in six and six months would 
not provide for those present unavoidable issues ; 
but there must be two or three hundred thousand 
pounds gotten together ih few days, before they 
could begin to disband the armies or to pay the sea- 
men off; the deferring whereof every month in- 
creased the charge to an incredible proportion : none 
could supply those occasions but the bankers, which 
brought the king's ministers first acquainted^ with 
them ; and they were so well satisfied with their 
proceedings, that they did always declare, " that 
" they were so necessary to the king's affairs, that 
" they knew not how to have conducted them with- 
" out that assistance." 
The method T ne method of proceeding with them was thus. 

of treat ing 

with them. As soon as an act of parliament was passed, the king 
sent for those bankers, (for there was never any con- 
tract made with them but in his majesty's pre- 
sence :) and he ' being attended by the ministers of 
the revenue, and commonly the chancellor and 
others of the council, the lord treasurer presented a 
particular information to the king of the most ur- 
gent occasions for present money, either for disband- 
ing troops, or discharging ships, or setting out fleets, 
(all which are to be done together, and not by par- 
cels ;) so that it was easily foreseen what ready mo- 
ney must be provided. And this account being 
made, the bankers were called in, and told, " that 

k that] Not in MS. ' he] No/ in J/*'. 


" the king had occasion to use such a sum of ready 1665. 
" money within such a day ; they understood the ~ 
" act of parliament, and so might determine what 
" money they could lend the king, and what man- 
" ner of security would best satisfy them." Where- 
upon one said, " he would within such a time pay 
" one hundred thousand pounds," another more, and 
another less, as they found themselves provided ; for 
there was no joint stock amongst them, but every 
one supplied according to his ability. They were 
desirous to have eight in the hundred, which was 
not unreasonable to ask, and the king was " willing 
" to give :" but upon better consideration amongst 
themselves, they thought fit to decline that demand, 
as being capable of turning to their disadvantage, 
and would leave the interest to the king's own 
bounty, declaring " that themselves paid six in the 
" hundred for all the money with which they were 
" intrusted," which was known to be true. 

Then they demanded such a receipt and assign- 
ment to be made to them by the lord treasurer, for 
the payment of the first money that should be pay- 
able upon that act of parliament, or a branch of that 
act, or tallies upon the farmers of the customs or ex- 
cise, or such other branches of the revenue as were 
least charged ; having the king's own word and the 
faith of the treasurer, that they should be exactly 
complied with ; for, let the security be what they 
could desire, it would still be in the power of the 
king or of the lord treasurer to divert what was as- 
signed to them to other purposes. Therefore there 
is nothing surer, than that the confidence in the 
king's justice, and the unquestionable reputation of 


1665. the lord treasurer's honour and integrity, was the 
" true foundation of that credit which supplied all his 
majesty's necessities and occasions ; and his majesty 
always treated those men very graciously, as his 
very good servants, and all his ministers looked upon 
them as very honest and valuable men. And in this 
manner, for many years after his majesty's return, 
even to the unhappy beginning of the Dutch war, 
the public expenses were carried on, it may be, with 
too little difficulty, which possibly increased some 
expenses ; and nobody opened his mouth against the 
bankers, who every day increased in credit and re- 
putation, and had the money of all men at their dis- 

The solicitor general brought in the bill for sup- 
ply according to course, in that form as those bills 
for money ought and used to be : and after it had 
been read the second time, when it was committed, 
Downing Downing offered his proviso, the end of which was, 

offers a new 

proviso in " to make all the money that was to be raised by 

the suj.pi) ; " this bill to be applied only to those ends to which 

" it was given, which was the carrying on the war, 

** and to no other purpose whatsoever, by what au- 

" thority soever ;" with many other clauses in it so 

which is monstrous, that the solicitor, and many others who 

tbrMtici-' were most watchful for the king's service, declared 

tor gene- a g a j ns t ft, as iiitroductive to a commonwealth, and 

not fit for monarchy. It was observed, " that the 

** assignment of the money that was given by act of 

" parliament to be paid in another manner and to 

** other persons than had lieen formerly used, though 

" there wanted not plausible pretences, was the be- 

" ginning of the late rebellion, and furnished the 


" parliament with money to raise a rebellion, when 1665. 
" the king had none to defend himself; which had~~ 
" made Cromwell wise enough never to permit any 
" of those clauses, or that the impositions which 
" were raised should be disposed to any uses or by 
" any persons but by himself and his own orders. 5 ' 
And by such and other arguments, which the con- 
trivers had not foreseen, the proviso had been ab- 
solutely thrown out, if sir William Coventry and 
Downing had not gone to the solicitor and others 
who spake against it, and assured them, " that it 
" was brought in by the king's own direction, and 
" for purposes well understood by his majesty." 
Upon which they were contented that it should be 
committed, yet with direction " that such and such 
" expressions should be reformed and amended." 

In the afternoon the king sent for the solicitor, The king 

i P i i T .1 commands 

and iorbade him any more to oppose that proviso, i, im not to 

for that it was much for his service. And when 
would inform him of many mischiefs which would 
inevitably attend it, some were of those which he 
had no mind to prevent, being to lessen their power 
who he thought had too much, and the other he 
cared not to hear ; and said only, " that he would 
" bear the inconveniences which would ensue upon 
" his own account, for the benefits which would ac- 
" crue, and which it was not yet seasonable to coni- 
" municate with other members of the house of com- 
" mons, whom he thought not to be so able to dis- 
" pute it with him." m 

m Something seems to be ventry ; or, by the king to the 

wanting here to make the sense solicitor. In the latter ease, 

dear. Qu. Whether what fol- told them (as it is in the MS.) 

lows was spoken by Downing should be altered to told him. 

to the king, Arlington, and Co- [Note in the first edition.] 


1665. He enlarged more in discourse, and told them, 
" that this would be an n encouragement to lend mo- 
" ney, by making the payment with interest so cer- 
** tain and fixed, that there could be no security in 
** the kingdom like it, when it should be out of any 
" man's power to cause any money that should be 
** lent to morrow to be paid before that which was 
" lent yesterday, but that all should Ix? infallibly 
** paid in order ; by which the exchequer (which was 
** now bankrupt and without any credit) would be 
** quickly in that reputation, that all men would de- 
" posit their money there : and that he hoped in few 
" years, by observing the method he now proposed, 
" he would make his exchequer the best and the 
** greatest bank in Europe, and where all Europe 
** would, when it was once understood, pay in their 
'* money for the certain profit it would yield, and 
" the indubitable certainty that they should receive 
" their money." And with this discourse the vain 
man, who had lived many years in Holland, and 
would be thought to have made himself master of 
all their policy, had amused the king and his two 
friends, undertaking to erect the king's exchequer 
into the same degree of credit that the bank of 
Amsterdam stood upon i', the institution whereof he 
undertook to know, and from thence to make it evi- 
dent, " that all that should be transplanted into Eng- 
" land, and all nations would sooner send their mo- 
" ncy into the exchequer, than into Amsterdam or 
" Genoa or Venice." And it cannot be enough won- 
dered at, that this intoxication prevailed so far, that 

11 would be an] Omitted in c stood upon] Omitted in 
MS. MS. 

noj Omitted in MS. 


no argument would be heard against it, the king i6Gf>. 
having upon those notions, and with the advice of"" 
those counsellors, in his own thoughts new-modelled 
the whole government of his treasury, in which he 
resolved to have no more superior officers. But this 
was only reserved within his own breast, and not 
communicated to any but those who devised the 
project, without weighing that the security for mo- 
nies so deposited in banks is the republic itself, 
which must expire before that security can fail ; 
which can never be depended on in a monarchy, 
where the monarch's sole word can cancel all those 
formal provisions which can be made, (as hath since 
been too evident,) by vacating those assignations 
which have been made upon that and the like acts 
of parliament, for such time as the present necessities 
have made counsellable ; which would not then be 
admitted to be possible. 

And so without any more opposition, which was If is i iasse < ! 

. by the com- 

llOt grateful to the king, that act passed the house mom. 

of commons, with the correction only of such absur- 
dities as had not been foreseen by those who framed 
the proviso, and which did indeed cross their own 
designs : and so it was sent from the commons to 
the house of peers for their consent. 

Bills of that nature, which concern the raising of 
money, seldom stay long with the lords ; but as of 
custom, which they call privilege, they are first be- 
gun in the house of commons, where they endure 
long deliberation, so when they are adjusted there, 
they seem to pass through the house of peers witli 
the reading twice and formal commitment, in which 
any alterations are very rarely made, except in any 
impositions which are laid upon their own persons, 


for which there are usually blanks left, the filling up 
whereof is all the amendment or alteration that is 
commonly made by the lords : so that the same en- 
grossment that is sent up by the commons, is usually 
the bill itself that is presented to the king for his 
royal assent. Yet there can be no reasonable doubt 
made, but that those bills of any kind of subsidies, as 
excise, chimney-money, or any other way of impo- 
sition, are as much the gift and present from the 
house of peers as they are from the house of com- 
mons, and are no more Valid without their consent 
than without the consent of the other; and they 
may alter any clause in them that they do not think 
for the good of the people. But because the house 
of commons is the immediate representative of the 
people, it is presumed that they best know what 
they can bear or are willing to submit to, and what 
they propose to give is proportionable to what they 
can spare ; and therefore the lords use not to put 
any stop in the passage of such bills, much less di- 
minish what is offered by them to the king. 

And in this parliament the expedition that was 
used in all business out of fear of the sickness, and 
out of an impatient desire to be separated, was very 
notorious : and as soon as this bill for supply was 
sent to the lords, very many members of the house 
of commons left the town and departed, conceiving 
that there was no more left for them to do ; for it 
was generally thought <>, that at the passing that act, 
with the rest which were ready, the king would 
prorogue the parliament. Yet the novelty in this 
act so surprised the lords, that they thought it worthy 

i thought] OmitM in HIS. 


a very serious deliberation, and used not their cus- i(i6f>. 
tomary expedition in the passing it. It happened" 
to lie in an ill conjuncture, when the terrible cold 
weather kept the lord treasurer from going out of 
his chamber for fear of the gout, of which the chan- 
cellor laboured then in that extremity, that he was 
obliged to remain in his bed ; and neither of them 
had received information of this affair. Many of the some lords 

. r> i remonstrate 

lords came to them, and advertised them or this new to the king 
proviso; and some of them went to the king, to let pfovUo. 
him know r the prejudice it would bring him, and 
censured the ill hand that had contrived it. 

The lord Ashley, who was chancellor of the ex- 
chequer, and had been privy in the first cabal in 
which this reformation was designed, whether be- 
cause he found himself left out in the most secret 
part of it, or not enough considered in it, passion- 
ately inveighed against it, both publicly and pri- 
vately, and, according to the fertility of his wit and 
invention, found more objections against it than any 
body else had done, and the consequences to be more 
destructive s ; with which he so alarmed the king, The king 

. consults the 

that his majesty was contented that the matter private 
should be debated in his presence; and because the " "","'! e< 
chancellor was in his bed, thought his chamber to 
be the fittest place for the consultation : and the lord 
treasurer 1 , though indisposed and apprehensive of 
the gout, could yet use his feet, and was very willing 
to attend his majesty there, without the least ima- 
gination that he was aimed at in the least. 

The king appointed the hour for the meeting, 
where his majesty, with his brother, was present, 

1 know] Omitted in MS. f treasurer] Omitted in MS. 
s destructive] destruction 


I66. r ). the chancellor in his l>ed, the lord treasurer, the 
"lord Ashley, the lord Arlington, and sir William 
Coventry ; the attorney general and the solicitor 
were likewise present, to word any alterations which 
should be fit to be made ; and sir George Downing 
likewise attended, who the king still believed would 
l>e able to answer all objections which could IK? 
made. The chancellor had never seen the proviso 
which contained all the novelty, (for all the other 
parts of the bill were according to the course,) and 
the treasurer had read it only an hour or two lx?- 
fore the meeting : the lord Ashley therefore, who 
had heard it read in the house of peers, and observed 
what that house thought of it, opened the whole 
business with the novelty, and the ill consequence 
that must inevitably attend it ; all which he enforced 
with great clearness and evidence of reason, and 
would have enlarged with some sharpness upon the 
advisers of it. 

But the king himself stopped that by declaring, 
" that whatsoever had been done in the whole trans- 
" action of it had been with his privity and approba- 
" tion, and the whole blame must be laid to his own 
" charge u , who it seems was like to suffer most by 
" it." He confessed, " he was so fully convinced in 
" his own understanding, that the method proposed 
" would prove to his infinite advantage and to the 
" benefit of the kingdom, that lie had converted 
" many in the house who had disliked it ; and that 
** since it came into the house of peers; he had 
" spoken with many of the lords, who seemed most 
" unsatisfied with it : and he was confident he had 

" charge] Omitted in MS. 


" so well informed many of them, that they had 1GG5. 
" changed their opinion, and would be no more" 
" against that proviso. However, he confessed that 
" some remained still obstinate against it, and they 
" had given some reasons which he had not thought 
" of, and which in truth he could not answer : he 
" wished therefore that they would apply themselves 
" to the most weighty objections which were in view, 
" or which might probably result from thence, and 
" think of the best remedies which might be applied 
" by alterations and amendments in the house of 
" lords, which he doubted not but that the com- 
" mons would concur in." 

The first objection was " the novelty, which in objections 
" cases of that nature was very dangerous, remem- gainst it 
" bering what hath been mentioned before of the th 
" beginning of the late rebellion, by putting the 
" money to run in another channel than it had used 
" to do : and that when once such a clause was ad- 
" mitted in one bill, the king would hardly get it 
" left out in others of the same kind hereafter ; and 
" so his majesty should never be master of his own 
" money, nor the ministers of his revenue be able to 
" assign monies to defray any casual expenses, of 
" what nature soever ; but that upon the matter the 
" authority of the treasurer and chancellor of the 
" exchequer must be invested in the tellers of the 
" exchequer, who were subordinate officers, and qua- 
" lifted to do nothing but by the immediate order of 
" those their superior officers. And though there 
" are four tellers in equal authority, yet sir George 
" Downing would in a short time make his office 
" the sole receipt, and the rest neither receive nor 
" pay but by his favour and consent." 



1 665. The king had in his nature so little reverence or 
""esteem for antiquity, and did in truth so much 
contemn old orders, forms, and institutions, that 
the objections of novelty rather advanced than ob- 
structed any proposition. He was a great lover of 
new inventions, and thought them * the effects of 
wit and spirit, and fit to control the superstitious 
observation of the dictates of our ancestors : so that 
objection made little impression. And for the con- 
tinuance of the same clause in future bills, he looked 
for it as necessary, in order to the establishment of 
his bank, which would abundantly recompense for 
his loss of power in disposal of his own money. 
And though it was made appear, by very solid ar- 
guments, that the imagination of a bank was a mere 
chimera in itself, and the erecting it in the exche- 
quer must suppose that the crown must be always 
liable to a vast debt upon interest, which would be 
very ill husbandry ; and that there was great hope, 
_ that after a happy peace should be concluded, and 
care should be taken to bring the expenses into a 
narrower compass, the king might in a short time 
be out of debt : yet all discourse against a bank was 
thought to proceed from pure ignorance. And sir 
George was let loose to instruct them how easy it 
was to be established, who talked imperiously " of 
" the method by which it came to be settled in 
" Holland ? by the industry of very few persons, 
" when the greatest men despaired of it as imprac- 
" ticable ; yet the obstinacy of the other prevailed, 
" and it was now become the strength, wealth, and 
" security of the state : that the same would be 

* them] Omitted in MS. * in Holland] Omitted in MS. 


" brought to pass much more easily here, and would 1665. 
" be no sooner done, than England would be the ~~ 
" seat of all the trade of Christendom." And then 
assuming all he said to be demonstration, he 
wrapped himself up, according to his custom, in 
a mist of words that nobody could see light in, but 
they who by often hearing the same chat thought 
they understood it. 

The next objection was " against the injustice of 
" this clause, and the ill consequence of that injus- 
" tice. The necessities of the crown being still 
" pressing, and the fleet every day calling for sup- 
" ply, money had been borrowed from the bankers 
" upon the credit of this bill, as soon as the first 
" vote had passed in the house of commons for so 
" considerable a supply ; and the treasurer had 
" made assignments upon several branches of the 
" revenue, which had been preserved and designed 
" for the army and the immediate expenses of the 
" king's and queen's household, and the like una- 
" voidable issues, upon presumption that enough 
" would come in from this new act of parliament to 
" be replaced to those purposes, before the time 
" that would require it should come. But by this 
" proviso especial care was taken, that none of the 
" money that should be raised should be applied to 
" the payment of any debt that was contracted be- 
" fore the royal assent was given to the bill : so that 
" both the money lent by the bankers upon the pro- 
" mise made to them must be unpaid and un- 
" secured, and the money that had been supplied 
" from other assignations must not be applied to 
" the original use ; by which the army and house- 

c 2 


1665. " hold would be unprovided for, the inconveni- 
~~ " ence whereof had no need of an enlargement. 

" Besides that the hankers had the king's word, 
" and the engagement of the ministers of the revenue, 
" that all new bills of supply should still make good 
" what former securities were not sufficient to do; 
" as by this heavy visitation of the plague, the assig- 
" nations which had been made upon the excise and 
" chimney- money, and by the decay of trade that 
" the war and sickness together had produced, the 
" assignations made upon the customs had brought 
" in so little money, that the debt to the bankers, 
" which, but for those obstructions, might by this 
" time have been much abated, remained still very 
" little less than it was z near a year before. And 
" when it should be known, that this sum of money 
** that was to be raised was exempt from the pay- 
" ment of any of those and the like debts, it would 
" be a great heartbreaking to all those, who had 
" not only lent all their own estates, but the whole 
M estates of many thousands of other men, to the 
** king, and must expect to be called upon by all 
" who have trusted them for their money, which, 
" by this invention, they have no means to pay : 
" and for the future, let the necessities be what 
" they will that the crown may be involved in, 
" there is no hope of borrowing any money, since it 
" is not in the power of the king himself to make 
" any assignment upon this new imposition." 

Very much of this had been so absolutely un- 
thought of by the king, that he was very much 

7 was] was in 


troubled at it; and he had in his own judgment a 1665. 
just esteem of the bankers, and looked upon any pre-~~ 
judice 3 that they should suffer as hurtful to himself, 
and a great violation of his honour and justice. But 
it was plain enough that the principal design of the 
contrivers was to prejudice the bankers, nor did 
they care what ruin befell them, and so talked 
loosely and bitterly " of their cozening the king, and 
" what ill bargains had been made with them ;" 
though it was made manifest, that no private gen- 
tleman in England did, upon any real or personal 
security, borrow money, but considering the brocage 
he pays, and b the often renewing his security, it costs 
him yearly much more than the king paid to the 

They slighted what was past as sufficiently pro- 
vided for ; and for the future confidently undertook 
the king should never more have need of the bank- 
ers, " for that this act would be no sooner passed, 
" but, upon the credit of it, money would be poured 
" into the exchequer faster than it could be told." 
And when they were told, " that expectation would 
" deceive them, and that great sums would not 
" come in, and small sums would do hurt, because 
" they would but stop up the security from giving 
" satisfaction to others, because whatever was first 
" paid in must be first paid :" all this was answered 
confidently, " that vast sums were ready, to their 
" knowledge, to be paid in as soon as the bill 
" should pass ;" which fell out as was foretold. 
For after ten or twenty thousand pounds were deli- 

a prejudice] Not in MS. c should pass] Omitted in MS. 

b and] Not in MS. 

c 3 

1665. vered in by themselves and their friends to save 

their credit, there was no more money like to come ; 
and that sum did more harm than good, by inter- 
rupting the security. 

But notwithstanding all their answers, the king 
remained unsatisfied in many particulars which he 
had not foreseen, and wished " that the matter had 
" been better consulted ;" and confessed " that 
" Downing had not answered many of the ob- 
" jections ;" and wished " that alterations might be 
*' prepared to be offered in the house of peers as 
" amendments, and transmitted to the commons, 
" without casting out the proviso ;" the foundation 
and end of which still pleased him, for those rea- 
sons which he would not communicate, and for 
which only it ought to have been rejected. But as 
it had been very easy to have had it quite left out, 
which was the only proper remedy ; so the mending 
it would leave much argument for debate, and 
would spend much time. .And it was to be appre- 
hended, that there were so many of the best affected 
members of the house of commons gone out of the 
town, as having no more to do, that when it should 
be sent down thither again, it might be longer de- 
layed* 1 there than would be convenient for the pub- 
lic ; and so the parliament be kept longer from a 
prorogation, than would be grateful to them or 
agreeable to the king. 

it passed And therefore, upon the whole matter, his ma- 
ioni' e jesty chose that no interruption should l>e given to 
it in the house of peers, and only such small amend- 
ments, which would be as soon consented to in 

' delayed] detained 


both houses as read, should be offered, rather than 1665. 
run the other hazard of delay : and so accordingly it The lia _ 
was passed ; and upon the doing thereof, the parlia- ^ nt ' ro ' 
ment was prorogued to April following. 

In this debate, upon the insolent behaviour of The king 
Downing in the defence of that which could not "ended 
be defended, and it may be out of the extremity ^nclnor 
of the pain which at that time he endured in in this 


his bed, the chancellor 6 had given some very sharp 
reprehensions to Downing, for his presumption in 
undertaking to set such a design on foot that 
concerned the whole fabric of the exchequer, (in 
which he was an inferior officer,) and such a branch 
of the king's revenue, without first communicating 
it to his superior officers, and receiving their advice ; 
and told him, " that it was impossible for the king 
" to be well served, whilst fellows of his condition 
" were admitted to speak as much as they had a 
" mind to ; and that in the best times such pre- 
" sumptions had been punished with imprisonment 
" by the lords of the council, without the king's 
" taking notice of it :" which, with what sharpness 
soever uttered, (in which he naturally exceeded in 
such occasions,) in a case of this nature, in which, 
with reference to any disrespect towards himself, he 
was not concerned, he thought did not exceed the 
privilege and dignity of the place he held ; and 
for which there were many precedents in the past 

At the present there was no notice taken, nor 
reply made to what he said. But they who knew 
themselves equally guilty, and believed they were 

e the chancellor] in MS. the charge 

c 4 


1665. reflected upon, found quickly opportunity to incense 
"the king, and to persuade him to believe, " that the 
" chancellor's l)ehaviour was a greater affront to him 
" than to Downing : that a servant should undergo 
" such reproaches in the king's own presence, for no 
" other reason but having, with all humility, pre- 
" sented an information to his majesty, which was 
" natural for him to understand in the office in which 
" he served him, and afterwards followed and ob- 
" served the orders and directions which himself 
" had prescribed ; that this must terrify all men 
" from giving the king any light in his affairs, that 
" he may know nothing of his own nearest concern- 
" ments but what his chief ministers thought fit to 
" impart to him." All which, and whatsoever else 
was natural to wit sharpened with malice to suggest 
upon such an argument, they enforced with warmth, 
that they desired might be taken for zeal for his 
service f and dignity, which was prostituted by those 
presumptions of the chancellor. 

And herewith they so inflamed the king, that he 
was much offended, and expressed to them such a 
dislike that pleased them well, and gave them op- 
portunity to add more fuel to the fire ; and told them, 
" that the chancellor should find that he was not 
" pleased ;" as indeed he did, by a greater reserved- 
ness in his countenance than his majesty used to 
carry towards him ; the reason whereof his innocence 
kept him from comprehending, till in a short time 
he vouchsafed plainly to put him in mind of his be- 
haviour at that time, and to express a great resent- 
ment of it, and urged all those glosses which had 

{ service] Omitted in MS. 

been made to him upon it, and " what interpretation 1665. 

" all men must make of such an action, and be ter- 
" rifled by it from offering any thing, of what im- 
" portance soever to his service, if it would offend 
" his ministers ;" and all this in a choler very unna- 
tural to him, which exceedingly troubled the chan- 
cellor, and made him more discern, though he had 
evidence enough of it before, that he stood upon very 
slippery ground. 

He told his majesty, " that since he thought his The chan - 

J J cellor satis- 

" behaviour to be so bad in that particular, forfies his 
" which till then his own conscience or discretion 
" had not reproached him, he must and did believe 
" he had committed a great fault, for which he did 
" humbly ask his pardon ; and promised hereafter 
" no more to incur his displeasure for such excesses, 
" which he could never have fallen into at that time 
" and upon that occasion, but upon the presumption, 
" that it had been impossible for his majesty to have 
" made that interpretation of it which it seems he 
" had done, or that any body could have credit 
" enough with him to persuade him to believe, that 
" he desired that his majesty should not have a clear 
" view, and the most discerning insight, into the 
" darkest and most intricate parts of all his affairs, 
" which they knew in their consciences to be most 
" untrue. And he must with great confidence ap- 
" peal to his majesty, who knew how much he had 
" desired, and taken some pains, that his majesty 
" might never set his hand to any thing, before he 
" fully understood it upon such references and re- 
" ports, as, according to the nature of the business, 
" were * to be for his full information." 

P were] \va.s 


1665. He besought him to remember, " how often he 
~ " had told him, that it was most absolutely neces- 
" sary that he should make himself entirely master 
" of his own business, for that there would be no 
" acquiescence in any judgment but his own ; and 
" that his majesty knew with what boldness he had 
" often lamented to himself, that he would not take 
" the pains perfectly to understand all his own af- 
" fairs, which exposed his ministers to the censures 
" of half-witted men, and was the greatest discou- 
" ragement to all who served him honestly : and he 
" desired his pardon again for saying that. He 
" would h hereafter find that they who had advised 
" him in this late transaction, in the handling where- 
" of he had taken the liberty that had offended his 
" majesty, had but a very dim insight into that bu- 
" siness which they took upon themselves to direct." 
But his majesty was not willing to enter again 
into that discourse, and concluded with forbidding 
him to believe, " that it was or could be in any 
" men's power to make him suspect his affection or 
" integrity to his service ;" and used many other 
very gracious expressions to him, nor ever after 
seemed to remember that action to his prejudice. 
But within a short time the bishopric of Salisbury 
becoming void by the never enough lamented death 
of Dr. Earle, his majesty conferred that bishopric 
upon Dr. Hyde, the dean of Winchester, upon the 
chancellor's recommendation, whose near kinsman 
he was. Nor was his credit with the king thought 
to be lessened by any body but himself, who knew 
more to that purpose than other people could do : 

h for saying that. He would] for saying, that he would 


yet he judged more from the credit that he found 1665. 
his enemies got every day, than from the king's" 
withdrawing his trust and kindness from him ; nor 
did the king believe that they had then that design 
against him, which shortly after they did not dis- 

The purpose of making the alteration in the go- The king 

. P persuaded 

vernment ot the treasury was pursued very indus- to desire the 
triously. And since that proviso, with all the cir-' wou id - 
cumstances thereof, had not produced the effect they Slgn ' 
proposed, for they had believed that the indignity 
of the affront would have wrought so far upon the 
great heart of the treasurer, that he would there- 
upon have given up his staff; which he was too much 
inclined to have done, if he had not been prevailed 
with by those who he knew were his friends, not to 
gratify those who desired him out of their way, in 
doing that which they of all things wished : therefore, 
that plot not succeeding, they persuaded the king to 
try another expedient. For they all knew, that it 
was too envious a thing for his majesty himself to 
remove him from his office by any act of his, and 
that it would be loudly imputed to them. But if 
he could be himself persuaded to quit that which 
every body knew he was weary of, it would prevent 
all inconveniences : and they had been told that the 
chancellor only had dissuaded him from doing it, 
which he would not presume to do, if he were clearly 
told that the king desired that he should give it up. 
Hereupon the king one day called the chancellor 
to 'him, and told him, "that he must speak with 
" him in a business of great confidence, and which 
" required great secrecy ;" and then enlarged in a 
great commendation of the treasurer, (whom in truth 


1665. he did very much esteem,) " of his great parts of 
~ " judgment, of his unquestionable integrity, and of 
his general interest and reputation throughout 
" the kingdom. But with all this," he said, " he 
" was not fit for the office he held : that he did not 
" understand the mystery of that place, nor could 
" in his nature go through ' with the necessary 
** obligations of it. That his bodily infirmities were 
" such, that many times he could not be spoken 
" with for two or three days, so that there could !>e 
" np despatch ; of which every body complained, and 
*' by which his business suffered very much. That 
" all men knew that all the business was done by 
" sir Philip Warwick, whom, though he was a very 
" honest man, he did not think fit to be treasurer ; 
" which he was to all effects, the treasurer himself 
** doing nothing but signing the papers which the 
" other prepared for him, which was neither for the 
" king's honour nor his." The truth was, that his 
understanding was too fine for such gross matters as 
that office must be conversant about, and that if his 
want of health did not hinder him, his genius did 
not carry him that way ; nor would the laziness of 
his nature permit him to take that pains, that was 
absolutely necessary for the well discharging that 
great office. 

His majesty concluded, " that he loved him too 
" well to disoblige him, and would never do any 
" thing that would not be grateful to him : but he 
" had some reason, even from what he had some- 
" times said to him, to think that he was weary of 
" it, and might be easily persuaded to deliver up his 

' go through] Omitted in MS. 


" staff, which his majesty would be very glad of; 1665. 
" and therefore he wished that he, the chancellor, The king 
"who was known to have most interest in him, w .j 8he8 * he 


" would persuade him to it, in which he would do to a(lvise 

him to it. 

" his majesty a singular service." 

The chancellor presently asked him, " if he were 
" so unfit, whom he would make treasurer in his 
" room." The king as presently answered, " that 
" he would never make another treasurer, which 
" was an office of great charge, and would be much 
" more effectually executed by commissioners ; which 
" had been done in Cromwell's time, as many offices 
" had been : and that his majesty found by expe- 
" rience, that in offices of that kind commissioners 
" were better than single officers ; for though sir 
" William Compton was a very extraordinary man, 
" of great industry and fidelity, yet that the office 
" of the ordnance was neither in so good order nor 
" so thriftily managed whilst he was master of it, 
" as it hath been since his death, since when it hath 
" been governed by commissioners ; and so he was 
" well assured his treasury would be." 

The chancellor replied, " that he was very sorry 
" to find his majesty so much inclined to commis- 
" sioners, who were indeed fittest to execute all 
*' offices according to the model of a commonwealth, 
" but not at all agreeable to monarchy : that if he 
" thought the precedent of Cromwell's time fit to be 
" followed, he should be in the posture that Crom- 
" well was, with an army of one hundred thousand 
" men, which made him have no need of the au- 
" thority and reputation of a treasurer, either to 
" settle his revenue or to direct the levying it ; he 
" could do both best himself." But he very pas- 


1665. sionately besought his majesty to believe, " that 
~" they who advised him to this method of govern- 
" ment, though they might have good affection to 
" his person and his service, were very unskilful in 
the constitution of this kingdom and in the nature 
'* of the people. That the office of treasurer had 
" sometimes, upon the death of a present officer, 
" been executed by commissioners, but very seldom 
" for any time, or longer than whilst the king could 
" deliberately make choice of a fit minister. That 
" himself had been twice a commissioner for the 
" treasury, once in the time of his father, and again 
" upon his majesty's return : and therefore that he 
" could upon experience assure him, that commis- 
" sioners, in so active a time as this, could never 
" discharge the duty of that office ; and that the 
" dignity of the person of the treasurer was most 
" necessary for his service, both towards the pro- 
" curing the raising of money in parliament, and 
" the improving his revenue by the grant of addi- 
" tions there, as likewise for the collecting and con- 
" ducting it afterwards. For the present treasurer," 
he said, " there was no question, but if he knew that 
" his majesty was weary of his service, and wished 
" to have the staff out of his hand, he would most 
" readily deliver it : but that they who gave the 
" counsel, and thought it fit for his majesty's service, 
" were much fitter to give him that advertisement, 
" than he who in his conscience did believe, that 
" the following it would be of the most pernicious 
" consequence to his service of any thing that could 
" be done." 

he chan- He most humbly and with much earnestness be- 
tiy f pe"- n sought his majesty " seriously to reflect, what an ill 


" savour it would have over the whole kingdom, at 1665. 
" this time of a war with at least two powerful ene- tions him 
" mies abroad together, of so great discontent and* 
" jealousy at home, and when the court was in no 
" great reputation with the people, to remove a per- 
" son the most loved and reverenced by the people 
" for his most exemplary k fidelity and wisdom, who 
" had deserved as much from his blessed father and 
" himself as a subject can do from l his prince, a 
" nobleman of the best quality, the best allied and 
" the best beloved ; to remove at such a time such 
" a person, and with such circumstances, from his 
" councils and his trust : for nobody could imagine, 
" that, after such a manifestation of his majesty's 
" displeasure, he would be again conversant in the 
" court or in the council, both which would be much 
" less esteemed upon such an action. That many 
" with the same diseases and infirmities had long 
" executed that office, which required more the 
" strength of the mind than of the body : all were 
" obliged to attend him, and he only to wait upon 
" his majesty. 

" That it was impossible for any man to discharge 
" that office without a secretary : and if the whole 
" kingdom had been to have preferred a secretary 
" to him, they would have commended this gentle- 
" man to him whom he trusted, who had for many 
" years served a former treasurer in the same trust, 
" in the most malignant, captious, and calumniating 
" time that hath been known, and yet without the 
" least blemish or imputation ; and who, ever since 
" that time, had served his father in and to the end 

k exemplary] exemplar ' from] for 


I6f>5. " of the war, and himself since in the most secret 
~" and dangerous affairs," (for he had been trusted 
by the persons of the greatest quality to hold intel- 
ligence with his majesty to the time of his return ;) 
" so that all men rather m expected to have found 
" him preferred to some good place, than in the 
" same post he had been in twenty years l^efore ; 
" which he would never have undertaken under any 
" other officer than one with whom he had much 
" confidence, and who he knew would serve his ma- 
" jesty so well. Yet," he said, " that whoever knew 
" them could never n believe that sir Philip War- 
" wick could govern the lord treasurer." 

The king said, " he had a very good opinion of sir 
" Philip Warwick, and had never heard any thing to 
" his prejudice." But upon the main point of the 
debate he seemed rather moved and troubled than 
convinced, when by good fortune the duke of York 
came into the room, who had been well prepared to 
like the king's purpose, and to believe it necessary ; 
and therefore his majesty was glad of his presence, 
and called him to him, and told him what he had 
been speaking of; and the chancellor informed him 
of all that had passed between the king and him, 
and told him, " that he could never do a better ser- 
" vice to the king his brother, than by using his cre- 
" dit with him to restrain him from prosecuting a 
" purpose that would prove so mischievous to him." 
And at And so the discourse was renewed : and in the end 
*M*. the duke was so entirely converted, that he pre- 
vailed with his majesty to lay aside the thought of 
it ; which so broke all the measures the other con- 

m rather] Oniittitl in MS. " never] Omitted in MS. 


trivers had formed their counsels by, that they were 1665. 
much out of countenance. But finding that they" 
could not work upon the duke to change his mind, 
and to return to the former resolution, they thought 
not fit to press the king further for the present ; 
and only made so much use of their want of success, 
by presenting to his majesty his irresoluteness, which 
made the chancellor still impose upon him, that the 
king did not think the better of the chancellor or 
the treasurer, for his receding at that time from 
prosecuting what he had so positively resolved to 
have done, and promised them " to be firmer to his 
" next determination." 

After Christmas the rage and fury of the pesti- ] 666. 
lence began in some degree to be mitigated, but so 
little, that nobody who had left the town had yet 
the courage to return thither : nor had they reason ; 
for though it was a considerable abatement from the 
height it had been at, yet there died still between 
three and four thousand in the week, and of those, 
some men of better condition than had fallen before. 
The general writ from thence, " that there still 
" arose new difficulties in providing for the setting 
" out the fleet, and some of such a nature, that he 
" could not easily remove them without communi- 
" cation with his majesty, and receiving his more 
" positive directions ; and how to bring that to pass 
" he knew not, for as he could by no means advise 
" his majesty to leave Oxford, so he found many ob- 
" jections against his own being absent from Lon- 
" don." Windsor was thought upon as a place 
where the king might safely reside, there being then 
no infection there : but the king had adjourned the 
term thither, which had possessed the whole town ; 



1666. and he was not without some apprehension, that the 

""plague had got into one house. 

The king In the end, towards the end of February, the 
from Ox- king resolved that the queen and duchess and all 
Hampton- their families should remain in Oxford ; and that 
his majesty and his brother, with prince Rupert, 
and such of his council and other servants as were 
thought necessary or fit, would make a quick jour- 
ney to Hampton-Court, where the general might be 
every day, and return again to London at night, and 
his majesty give such orders as were requisite for 
the carrying on his service, and so after two or three 
days' stay there return again to Oxford ; for no 
man did believe it counsellable, that his majesty 
should reside longer there, than the despatch of the 
most important business required : and with this re- 
solution his majesty made his journey to Hampton- 

The plague It pleased God, that the next week after his ma- 
jesty came thither, the number of those who died of 
the plague in the city decreased one thousand ; and 
there was a strange universal joy there for the king's 
being so near. The weather was as it could be 
wished, deep snow and terrible frost, which very 
probably stopped the spreading of the infection, 
though it might put an end to those who were al- 
ready infected, as it did, for in a week or two the 
number of the dead was very little diminished. The 
general came and went as was intended : but the 
business every day increased ; and his majesty's re- 
move to a further distance was thought inconve- 
nierit, since there appeared no danger in remaining 
where he was. 

And after a fortnight's or three weeks' stay, he 


resolved, for the quicker despatch of all that was to 

be done, to go to Whitehall, when there died above ,7TT 

1 lie king- 
fifteen hundred in the week, and when there was retnrns to 

. Whitehall. 

not in a day seen a coach in the streets, but those 
which came in his majesty's train ; so much all men 
were terrified from returning to a place of so much 
mortality. Yet it can hardly be imagined what 
numbers flocked thither from all parts upon the 
fame of the king's being at Whitehall, all men being 
ashamed of their fears for their own safety, when 
the king ventured his person. The judges at Wind- 
sor adjourned the last return of the term to West- 
minster-hall, and the town every day filled marvel- 
lously ; and which was more wonderful, the plague 
every day decreased. Upon which the king changed 
his purpose, and, instead of returning to Oxford, 
sent for the queen and all the family to come to 
Whitehall : so that before the end of March the 
streets were as full, the exchange as much crowded, 
and the people in all places as numerous, as they 
had ever been seen, few persons missing any of their 
acquaintance, though by the weekly bills there ap- 
peared to have died above one hundred and three- The nnm- 
score thousand persons : and many, who could com- p ol e dTo 
pute very well, concluded that there were in truth have died of 
double that number who died ; and that in one 
week, when the bill mentioned only six thousand, 
there had in truth fourteen thousand died. The 
frequent deaths of the clerks and sextons of parishes 
hindered the exact account of every week ; but that 
which left it without any certainty was the vast 
number that was buried in the fields, of which no 
account was kept. Then of the anabaptists and 
other sectaries, who abounded in the city, very few 

D 2 


l G66. left their habitations ; and multitudes of them died, 
~~ whereof no churchwarden or other officer had notice ; 
but they found burials, according to their own fan- 
cies, in small gardens or the next fields. The great- 
est number of those who died consisted of women 
and children, and the lowest and poorest sort of the 
people : so that, as I said before, few men missed 
any of their acquaintance when they returned, not 
many of wealth or quab'ty or of much conversation 
bring dead ; yet some of either sort there were. 

The business of the king and of all about him 
was t h at t he fl eet m ight; b e ready and at sea with 


setting out 

the fleet a ll the possible expedition : and in or towards this 


there was less disturbance and interruption than 
could reasonably have been expected, an universal 
cheerfulness appearing in all who could obstruct or 
contribute towards it, the people generally being 
abundantly satisfied in the king's choice of the com- 
manders. Prince Rupert was very much beloved, 
for his confessed courage, by the seamen ; and the 
people believed that they could not but have the 
victory where the general commanded, who only 
underwent unquietness and vexation from the tem- 
pestuous humour of his wife. She, from his return 
from Oxford, and from the time that she had the 
first intimation that the king had designed her hus- 
band for the command of the fleet, was all storm 
and fury ; and, according to the wisdom and mo- 
desty of her nature, poured out a thousand full- 
mouthed curses against all those who had contri- 
buted to that counsel : but the malice of all that 
tempest fell upon the chancellor. She declared, 
" that this was a plot of his to remove her husband 
" from the king, that~he might do what he had a 


" mind to ;" and threw all the ill words at him 166G. 
which she had been accustomed to hear, accom-~ 
panied with her good wishes of what she would 
have befall him. But the company she kept, and 
the conversation she was accustomed to, could not 
propagate the reproaches far ; and the poor gene- 
ral himself felt them most, who knew the chancellor 
to be his very fast and faithful friend, and that he 
would not be less so because his wife was no wiser 
than she was born to be. He was indefatigable in 
taking pains night and day, that the fleet might be 
at sea. 

The duke of Beaufort, admiral of France, was al- 
ready gone to Brest, and had taken leave of the 
king at Paris, whither he was not to return till after 
the summer's service at sea, and had appointed a 
rendezvous of all the ships to be at Brest by the The French 
middle of March, which they reported should con- pared! 
sist of fifty ships of war. 

The rupture was declared on both sides with Denmark 
Denmark. That king had appeared much troubled Dutch. *" 
at the ill accident at Bergen, which had fallen out 
merely by the accidents of weather, which had hin- 
dered the positive orders from arriving in the pre- 
cise time : and he seemed still resolved to detain 
the Dutch ships there, and only to fear the conjunc- 
tion of the Swede with the Hollander, which the 
king's agent, sir Gilbert Talbot, assured him he 
need not to fear. Which the better to confirm, 
Mr. Clifford, who had been present at Bergen, and 
is before mentioned to be sent after that by the 
king to Denmark, went from thence into Sweden 
(where Mr. Coventry yet remained) with a project 
of such a treaty as would have been with little al- 

D 3 


1666. terations consented to in Sweden, who had good in- 
""clinations to the king, and resolved to join with the 
bishop of Munster, when he should advance, accord- 
ing to his engagement. But the Danish resident in 
Sweden delayed to conclude, and pretended to have 
received less positive orders than the nature of the 
affair required, and that he expected fuller : and so 
all matters were deferred, till ambassadors came 
from Holland with no expostulations, and a desire 
to renew their alliance, and release some engage- 
ments they had upon the Sound, which had been 
very grievous to the Dane ; and many other condi- 
tions were granted which were very convenient to 
them. An ambassador likewise arrived in the nick 
of time from France, to dispose them to a conjunc- 
tion with Holland, and to warrant the performance 
of whatsoever the Hollander should promise, and 
likewise to undertake that France would protect 
them against England, and therefore that they 
should not apprehend any danger from a war from 
thence ; and De Ruyter was now gone with the 
fleet for Bergen. 

Upon all these motives concurring in the same 
conjuncture, the poor king embraced that party ; 
and then declared and complained, " that the English 
" had broken the law of nations in violating the 
" peace of his ports, and endeavouring to fire his 
" town, when they were hospitably received and 
" treated there under the protection of his castle." 
He denied that he had ever made such an offer or 
promise as sir Gilbert Talbot still charged him with, 
and which he had not denied to Mr. Clifford when 
he came first thither. But now he reproached sir 
Gilbert Talbot " for falsifying his words, at least for 


" mistaking them, and sending that to the king his 1666. 
" master which he gave him no liberty to do."" 
And now sir Gilbert found his error in not having 
drawn from him or his servant Gabell, in writing, 
some evidence of the engagement : but after many 
indignities he left the court and returned to Eng- 
land. All English ships in Denmark or Norway 
were seized upon ; and the persons of all merchants 
and others who were his majesty's subjects, and to 
some of whom the king of Denmark owed great 
sums of money, which they had lent to him, were 
imprisoned, and their goods seized and confiscated. 

All which proceedings provoked the king to give 
the like orders, and to look upon them as enemies, 
and to emit a declaration of the motive he had to 
send his fleet to Bergen, " which he could never 
" have done but upon the invitation and promise of 
" that king ; which was evident enough by the re- 
" ception his ships had there, and expectation the 
" governor had of their arrival, and his allegation, 
" that he expected that very night fuller orders 
" than he had yet received ; and lastly, his suffering 
" them to depart securely, after all the acts of hos- 
" tility had passed in the port." Much of this 
was denied with many indecent expressions, and 
such evasions as made all that was said believed 
by equal considerers : and so the war was de- 

And then in the beginning of the year 1666, a 
year long destined by all astrologers for the produc- 
tion of dismal changes and alterations throughout 
the world, and by some for the. end of it, the king 
found his condition so much worse than it had been 
the last year, as the addition of France and Den- 

D 4 


1 666. mark could make it ; against all which, and the 
"prodigies which the year was to produce, (and it 
did truly produce many,) the king prepared with 
his accustomed vigour and resolution, though the 
predictions had a strange operation upon vulgar 

Ne K ocin- The proclamation of the war in France, and the 
Frelld/at' 6 se i z " r e upon the estates of the English, with some 
th. time, circumstances in the point of time, and other ac- 
tions very unjust and unusual, the great maritime 
preparations there, and the visible assistance of force 
that was sent thence to the Dutch, did not trouble 
nor hurt the king so much as the secret and in- 
visible negociations of that crown. From the first 
declaration of 4;he bishop of Munster of his resolu- 
tion to make a war upon Holland, (with which he 
acquainted the king of France before he declared" 
it, and received such an answer that made him very 
confident (as hath been remembered before upon his 
first address to the king of Great Britain) that he 
should meet with no obstruction from thence ; and 
upon that confidence the treaty was concluded with 
the king, and great sum^ of money paid to the bi- 
shop upon his promise and engagement, " that he 
" would fix himself with his army within the terri- 
" tories of the States General before the winter was 
" ended ; and that against the spring, when the 
" king's fleet should be ready for the sea, he would 
" at the same time march with an army of twenty 
" thousand foot and five thousand horse into the 
" heart of their country ;" and what the effect of 
that would have been in that conjuncture may be 

n declared] resolved and] Not in A/*'. 


in some degree guessed at by what hath since fallen 1666. 
out:) I say P, France, from the first knowledge they" 
had of his purpose, and before they declared on the 
behalf of the Dutch, secretly sent to the neighbour 
princes " not to join with the bishop, and to do all They deter 

the neigh- 

" that was in their power to hinder his levies ; bourin- 
and prevailed with the elector of Brandenburgh, a J is e t j n m 
who had given hopes to the bishop of a powerful ^[^P 
assistance upon the expectation of the restoration of ster ; 
Wesel, and other towns then possessed by Holland, 
totally to decline any conjunction with him, upon 
promise " that he should find his own account bet- 
" ter from the friendship of France," The dukes of 
Lunenburg, who had made the bishop believe that 
they would join with him, and had made levies of 
soldiers to that purpose, having abundant argument 
of quarrel with Holland, were now persuaded by the 
same way not only to desist from helping, but to 
declare themselves enemies to the bishop, if he would 
not desist, and " that they would serve the Dutch 
" with their forces." 

When all this could not discourage the bishop 
from prosecuting his intention, but that he still ga- 
thered troops, and gave new commissions to officers 
who had prepared for their levies further in Ger- 
many ; the king of France sent an envoy expressly 
to the bishop himself, and offered his mediation and 
interposition with the Dutch, " that they should do 
" him all the right that in justice he could demand 
" from them % and if this r were not accepted by 
" him, that he must 3 expect what prejudice the 
" arms of France could bring upon him ;" and then 

i' I say] But r this] Omitted in MS. 

'i them] him 5 must] Omitted in MS. 


1 t>66. sent to all those princes who had permitted levies to 
~be made in their countries, " that they should not 
" suffer those troops to march out of their country," 
but offered '* to receive and entertain them in his 
" own army." With this he sent to the other princes 
of Germany and to the emperor himself, " that if 
" they did not prevent this incursion of the bishop of 
" Munster," (to which they all wished well,) " they 
" would involve the empire in a war." 

When all this could not terrify the bishop, who 
defended himself by his engagement to the king of 
Great Britain, " that he would ' not enter into treaty 
" nor give over his enterprise without his consent," 
and drew his forces together to a rendezvous, and 
had got permission from the marquis of Castelle 
Roderigo, then governor of Flanders, to make levies 
in those provinces without noise or avowing it, and 
marched with his army into the States' dominions, 
and took a place or two even in the sight of prince 
Maurice, (who drew as many of the States' troops 
together as could be spared out of their garrisons, 
but thought not fit to engage with them, after he 
had found in some light skirmishes that they were 
not firm ;) so that the bishop, by the advantage of 
the situation of which he was possessed, began to 
fasten himself in full assurance of increasing his 
army, in spite of all discouragements, before the 
spring, (and he had already received some troops out 
of Flanders, and advertisement from other of his of- 
ficers, that they were well advanced in their levies :) 
the king of France in this conjuncture, in the im- 
perious style he customarily used in those cases, sent 

1 would] could 


to the governor of Flanders for a license for such 1666. 
troops, as he had occasion to send into Germany, to " 
pass through such a part of his government ; which 
as he had no mind to grant, so he durst not deny, 
having orders from Spain to be very careful, that 
no disgusts might be given to France which might 
give any occasion, or pretence, or opportunity for a 
breach, which they well knew was desired and 
longed for. 

Upon this permission the French troops marched 
into Flanders : and in the first place, whether in 
their way or out of their way, they fell upon the 
levies which were made for the bishop, and routed 
and dispersed them, or took them prisoners. In one 
place, by the strength of their quarter and a neigh- 
bour church, they defended themselves, imagining 
the country would relieve them, without suspecting 
that they had license and permission to march 
through : but they were so much inferior in number 
or strength, that after some of them were killed, the 
rest were glad to throw down their arms and be- 
come prisoners at mercy, the officers not compre- 
hending what declared enemy could fall upon them 
in those quarters. With this triumph they marched, 
and joined with prince Maurice by the time the 
bishop had notice of the disaster, and speedily ad- 
vanced upon his quarters,, and beat some of his 

L T pon which the poor bishop (who instead of the 
supplies and commissions and other countenance 
that he had reason to expect from those princes, 
who had been privy and with great promises encou- 
raged his enterprise, received every day arguments 
from them against his proceeding further, with many 


1666. conjurations, that he would entirely submit to the 
"king of France's determination) found himself ne- 
cessitated to comply, and even heart-broken signed 
Ami at a treaty with the French, who then were careful 
f*r him enough both of his honour and interest in the con- 
with ditions with the Dutch, as for an ally of whom they 
the Dutch. mean t t make more use in another conjuncture. 
Upon all which the bishop had been much more ex- 
cusable, if he had not received some of the king's 
money, even after he saw that he should be obliged 
to sign the treaty ; which he ought not to have done, 
though it had been due, and it may be expended, 
before he had any such intention, and to which, it 
cannot be denied, he had most forcible compulsions. 
This was the most sensible blow, but the plague, 
that the king had felt from the beginning of the 
war, and was instance enough how terrible the 
king of France was to all the neighbour kings and 
princes, who had so suddenly departed from their 
own inclinations and resolutions, and from their 
own interest, only upon his insinuations, which be- 
came orders to them. And Spain, if they knew that 
which all the world besides discerned, could not but 
believe that France would break all treaties as soon 
as the other king should die, the news of which 
was expected and provided for every week. But 
the drowsy temper of that monarch, who had been 
so much disquieted throughout his whole reign, ex- 
tended so far only as to prepare a stock of peace 
that would last during his own time, that he saw 
would be very short, and to leave his dominions and 
Iris infant son to shift for themselves when he was 
dead : and it was an unhappy maxim of that state, 
that it was the best husbandry to purchase present 


peace and present money at how dear interest soever i6G6. 
for the future, which would be assisted with some" 
new expedients, as Spain had always been. 

All these disadvantages made the king the more The king 
solicitous to have but one enemy to struggle with, uniting 
though it were France : and therefore he was very so- J!lJ^2nt 
licitous, by all ways he could devise, to make a peace France - 
with Holland, and to leave Denmark to their own 
inventions ; and he had some encouragement to be- 
lieve, that it was not impossible to separate Holland 
from France. They were sensible enough, that they 
had been upon the matter betrayed into the war, by 
the positive promise of assistance, and a firm con- 
junction from France in the instant that the war 
should be entered upon, without any mention of 
mediation or interposition for peace, which was 
against their desire ; and that they had looked on 
very unconcernedly, or rather well pleased to see 
them beaten, and their own people ready to rise 
against the government. Then they knew that The Dutch 
France did already provide for an expedition against p^nce. f 
Flanders, which could not long defend itself with 
its own forces; and that they depended upon this 
war between England and the Dutch, as what must 
hinder both those nations from giving it assistance : 
and they as well knew what their own portion must 
be, when that screen was removed, that was their 
best security against so mighty a neighbour. And 
this De Wit himself, who was the chief supporter of 
the war, frequently observed and confessed to those 
with whom he had most conversation, and in whom 
he was believed to have most trust : and all those 
advertisements were transmitted to the king by 
those whose integrity could not be suspected, and 


1666. who did not dissemble, being of the States them- 
~~ selves, to be very desirous of peace and very jealous 

of France. 

character There was a gentleman, one monsieur Bewett, of 
eu* gT- a gd family in France and born there, but long 

bred m Holland whilst the wars were there, and 

of great 

weight in who had been captain in the last prince of Orange's 

Holland. , . . . . _ . . 

horse-guards, and in very particular favour with 
him, by which he was married to a woman of Hol- 
land very rich, and very nearly allied to many of 
those who had the greatest influence upon the go- 
vernment; and who" was now looked upon rather 
as a Dutchman than a Frenchman, and conversed 
most familiarly amongst the burgomasters, and 
other principal persons of the States. And by this 
interest, after the death of the prince of Orange, 
that troop was still preserved for a guard to the 
States, and was the only horse-troop that remained 
constantly in the Hague. And for the better pleas- 
ing the people, it was still called the Prince of 
Orange's Guard, and continued to wear the same li- 
very it had always done : and the young prince 
took much delight to see them, and to hear himself 
called by them their captain ; and the commander 
thereof, Bewett, professed and paid the same devo- 
tion to him that he had done to his father. 

This gentleman was generally beloved, and held 
a man of great sincerity, brave in point of courage, 
and of good parts of wit and judgment, save that he 
was immoderately given to wine and to the excess 
of it, which, being the disease or rather the health of 
the country, made him not the worse thought of or 

u who] Not in MS. 


less fit for business. He was well known to the 
king, and well thought of by him, and had great fa- " 
miliarity with some of the bedchamber, and others 
near the king and trusted by him. He had made a 
journey once, since the king's return into England, 
only to kiss his hand, and profess the same affection 
and duty he had often done when his majesty was 
abroad, which had always made him acceptable to 

He was a bold speaker, and from the time that 
the war was begun against England much inveigh- 
ed against the counsel that persuaded it, as very 
pernicious to the affairs of that country ; and in 
this argument used not more freedom with any than 
with De Wit himself, who loved his person and his 
spirit, and conversed very freely with him, though 
he knew his friendships were chiefly with the de- 
pendents upon the house of Orange, and with others 
of the States who were of his own opinion with re- 
ference to the war : and the publishing his opinion 
drew many of the greatest interest amongst the bur- 
gomasters to delight in his conversation, and to 
trust him much. With those he consulted freely 
what means should be used to procure a peace, and 
prevent x the mischief that must attend the continu- 
ance of the wary, with good sense and judgment : 
but those consultations were always in the exercise 
of drinking, which never ended without the utmost 
excess, though without noise or disquiet or unkind- 
ness, which are never the effects of those excesses 
amongst that people. 

After the first battle, when the Dutch were so 

x prevent] Omitted in MS. y of the war] Omitted in MS. 


much beaten, and the people in that consternation 
that they called aloud for peace, and reviled all those 
who were thought to be against it, and amongst 
those De Wit principally, who had the more ene- 
mies, and peace the more friends, for the differences 
which had arisen amongst the officers of the fleet 
upon the death of Opdam, and upon the disgrace 
which Trump had undergone by the power and in- 
justice, as they said, of De Wit upon personal dis- 
likes, and because he was known to have great affec- 
tion for the prince of Orange, (and Van Trump 
himself, as hath been said, was not only of much in- 
terest amongst the seamen, but very popular in the" 
government, and had his sisters married to burgo- 
masters in some of the greatest towns ; so that the 
disgrace of him increased the number of De Wit's 
enemies :) in this conjuncture Bewett cultivated the 
about best he could all those ill humours, how mutinous 

a pace. soever> w hich grew most importunate for peace ; yet 
without any reflection upon the person of De Wit, 
with whom he was known by the company he 
most kept to have much familiarity, and whom he 
did at that time really believe to be inclined to peace, 
and declared he did think so to. those who knew the 
contrary, yet did not think the worse of him for 
being deceived, being assured he would never de- 
ceive them for want of integrity. 

But he took advantage of this general distemper 
and of the prejudice the people had against him, to 
talk very frankly to De Wit of both ; and admired, 
" since he did, as he professed, desire peace, that he 
" would not find some way to undeceive the people, 
" which was necessary for his own security ; and it 
" might easily be effected, by giving a beginning to 


" such a consultation as might look towards an ac- 1666. 
" commodation." De Wit had his spies in all places, ~~ 
and knew well what company Bewett most delight- 
ed in, though his acquaintance was universal and 
agreeable to all men : and he was informed too of 
his particular behaviour with reference to him, 
and that he did constantly and confidently vindicate 
him from many imputations, in the presence of 
those who were not pleased with his contradictions ; 
so that he looked upon him as his friend, and one 
that might by his interest and credit divert some of 
that popular envy and malice, of which he had no 
contempt, but much apprehension. 

He renewed his former professions of his desire of D* wit 

. . pretends to 

peace, and gave so good reasons tor it as mignt na- desire a 
turally gain belief; amongst which one was always''* 
a vehement jealousy of France, " which," he said, 
" though it had at last declared war against Eng- 
" land, which they ought to have done so long be- 
" fore, had done it only 7 - to draw England into 
" some conditions which might facilitate their own 
" enterprise upon Flanders, which it concerned 
" them to prevent by all the ways possible ; of 
" which none would be so probable as a peace 
" between England and them, which would imme- 
" diately make each solicitous for their own interest. 
" But how to set any thing on foot that might con- 
" tribute to this he knew not ; and the doing that 
" which the other had proposed, by declaring him- 
" self, was the way only to slacken all the provi- 
" sions for war, the expediting of which would most 
" advance a peace." 

'' had done it, only] uas only 


Bewett replied, "that he knew he had many 
'" friends in the English court, whereof some were 
" of near trust about his majesty, for whose secrecy 
" he would be accountable ;" and named the lord 
Arlington, who had lately married a lady of the 
Hague, the daughter of monsieur Beverwaert, a 
person in his quality and fortune in the first rank. 
He offered to him, "that he would himself write 
" such a letter to the lord Arlington in his own 
" name, which he should first see and approve, 
" without which he would not send it, as should 
" only testify his own good wishes for a peace be- 
" tween the two nations, which were not unknown 
" to the king himself; and would make no other 
" mention of him, than that he had reason to believe, 
" that monsieur De Wit (in whose good opinion he 
" had the honour to be known to have some place) 
" would not be unwilling to promote any good over- 
" ture that should be made." After some debate he 
was content that he should write, provided that he 
would promise to write nothing but what he should 
first see, and would still bring the answers to him 
which he should receive; to which the other con- 
ikwett Upon this encouragement he begun his corre- 

entcrs into 

acorre- spondence with the lord Arlington, and acquainted 
his bosom-friends witli it, to dispose them the more 
* hope for peace, and to look upon De Wit as not 

De wit's averse t o it. But what he writ was with so much 


wariness, being dictated upon the matter by the 
pensioner, that it could draw no other answers from 
the secretary but of the same style, with expressions 
of his majesty's desire of peace and esteem of De 
Wit, and as if he expected some overtures to arise 


from thence. This intelligence had not been long 1660. 
on foot, but he begun to suspect the sincerity of He soon 
De Wit, and that indeed he was not so well inclined *" s P ect ? De 

t \Vits siu- 

to peace as he had pretended to be : his countenance cerit y- 
was not so open, nor he so vacant when he came, 
as he used to be ; he grew less jealous of the French, 
and more composed himself, and less apprehensive 
of the people, as he found them more composed, 
and a greater concurrence in the making all things 
ready for the fleet. All which observations he like- 
wise imparted to his companions, who were glad to 
find him begin to be undeceived ; and from that time 
he was apter to concur with them in the fiercer 
counsels, how to compass a peace in spite of him And re- 
by a majority of votes in the States, with the help ge t a peace 
of the people, for the suppression of any accidental i 
insurrection whereof a , there were no other forces in 
view than tnose horse-guards that were commanded 
by him. 

Hereupon he took a new resolution, but would 
not lose the advantage he had by the knowledge 
De Wit had of his correspondence, and therefore 
shewed him a letter that he had received from the 
lord Arlington, in which he pressed him " to inform 
" him, what particulars would dispose the States to 
" peace, and to separate from the French," and had 
sent him a cipher for the more free and safe com- 
munication ; which cipher he deposited in the hands 
of De Wit, having received his directions and ob- 
served them by using the same cipher, which the 
other examined and kept, and hoped by the answer 
to put an end to that correspondence, of which he 

a for the suppression of any for any accidental suppression" 
accidental insurrection whereof] whereof 

E 2 


1666. grew weary, and less confident of the person, be- 
~ cause he heard that he was grown less zealous in 
his defence than he had been. 

Bewett upon this grew more resolute one way 

a secret . 

correspond- and less apprehensive the other way, and sent a per- 
theEng-' son with whom he had great friendship, and who 
iih court. wag we jj k nown to tne k m g an( j most about him, 

monsieur Silvius, a servant to the late princess royal, 
and a native of Orange, with a full account " of the 
" state of the counsels at the Hague, and his disco- 
" very that De Wit did not in truth desire a peace, 
" nor would consent to it, but upon very unreason- 
" able terms," whereof some were mentioned in his 
letter in cipher which he had dictated ; " but that 
" he was most assured, that he should be compelled 
" at the next assembly of the States to submit to 
" more reasonable conditions." He gave the king 
an account of the ground of his confidence, and an 
information of the persons who were combined to- 
gether to press it in the States, amongst which there 
were some of the greatest power : and by their ad- 
vice he offered the substance of a message they 
wished the king should send to the States General 
at the time of their convening, in which there was 
nothing contained against which any thing could be 
objected on his majesty's behalf; and " upon the de- 
" livery thereof there would so few adhere to De 
" Wit, that he should not be able to prevent a treaty, 
" though France should protest against it." He sent 
likewise at the same time, and by the same person, 
another cipher to the lord Arlington, with direction 
" that in such letters as were intended for the view 
" of the pensioner the former cipher should be used, 
" and in the other letters, which were to be concealed 


"from him, and 'which were for the most part to 1666'. 
" contain intelligence and advice against him, the ~ 
" latter cipher was only to be made use of." 

Those informations by Silvius, who was a man of 
parts, and had dependance upon the duke of York, 
and meant not to return into Holland except upon 
a pressing occasion, when he durst adventure to go, 
being looked upon as an inhabitant of the Hague, 
having been always bred there, and his relation to 
the duke scarce yet taken notice of; I say, those 
informations the king thought to be worthy to be 
well considered, and conferred with the chancellor 
upon the whole, and appointed the lord Arlington 
to inform him of all that had passed from the be- 
ginning ; and that Silvius, who was concealed, that 
they might have no advertisement in Holland of his 
having been in England, should likewise attend him 
in some evening; which he shortly after did, and 
made him an ample and clear relation of the state 
of the counsels at the Hague, and the several fac- 
tions amongst them, and the distemper of the people. 
He had himself spoken with many of the burgomas- 
ters and others in authority, who were privy to his 
coming, and communicated the method they meant 
to proceed in towards the depressing De Wit, by 
mingling the proposition for peace with the interest 
of the prince of Orange, which the people thought 
to be inseparable. 

In fine, he gave a perfect good account of all to 
which he was instructed, with great modesty : and 
when the chancellor, to whom Bewett and he were 
both well known, would have induced him to de- 
liver somewhat of his own judgment, whether he 
thought that combination to be strong enough to 

E 3 


I r>f>f>. overrule De Wit ; he could draw no other answer 
from him than the magnifying the credit and inter- 
est of Bewett, which he seemed principally to rely 
upon, and the impossibility that he should fail in 
point of integrity or courage. 

Silvius had settled a sure way of correspondence, 
and by every post received fresh intelligence of the 
preparations and progress Bewett and his friends 
made in their designs, of the success whereof they 
were every day more confident, and thought their 
party so much to increase, that as they did not ap- 
prehend any discovery like to be made by treachery, 
so they did not seem to fear it, if De Wit himself 
should know all that they intended : and they pressed 
very earnestly, " that the king's letter, in the man- 
" ner they had proposed, might be at the Hague 
" when the General States were to meet," the time 
whereof approached. 

The king called those to him to whom the whole 
negociation had been imparted, to advise what was 
to-be done. On the king's part nothing was consi- 
derable, but whether he should write to the States 
at all, and what he should write : and against writ- 
ing there seemed to be no objection, and as little 
against writing what they advised, which was no 
more than he had formerly writ, and always said to 
their ambassador. And that this might be a more 
favourable conjuncture for the good reception of it, 
and hearkening to it, his majesty was reasonably to 
believe those who meant to second and promote it 
with their own reasons : and therefore the time and 
the manner of the delivery of it was left to be re- 
solved amongst themselves, the king having no min- 
ister there to present it. 


The way that they had thought of was, that Bewett ] 666. 
should at the proper time deliver it to De Wit, who ~~ 
durst not conceal it, and if he should, there would 
be ways enough to publish it to his reproach ; nor 
could he take any advantage of Bewett for his cor- 
respondence with their enemies, because it had been 
entered into with his approbation. But for the 
better security in the sending it, and the better in- 
formation of the persons engaged, of all the re- 
flections which had been made by the king, and 
those with whom he had conferred by his majesty's 
order, it was thought best that Silvius should return ; 
and if Bewett thought fit to decline the delivery of 
the king's letter, and no better way could be found 
for the delivery of it, he might present it in the 
manner his friends there should direct, and avow 
his having been at London to solicit his own pre- 
tences since the death of the princess royal his mis- 
tress, and that he had received the letter from the 
king's own hand. This being the concurrent opin- 
ion of all, and the gentleman himself willing to un- 
dertake it, Silvius was despatched. 

In the debate of the matter, the king asked the 
chancellor " what he thought of the design, and 
" whether he thought it would succeed ;" who said, 
" he doubted it much, and that it would conclude in 
" the loss of poor Bewett's head, who had not a talent 
" for the managery of an affair of that weight, which 
" would require great secrecy and great sobriety, 
" and the consideration of more particulars at once 
" than his comprehension could contain together." 
Then he did not like the method they proposed, of 
joining the demand of peace witlj the interest of 
the prince of Orange, which, though it might pro- 

E 4 


i 66(i. bably follow the peace and be an effect of it, would 
"not be seasonable to be joined with it in regard 
of his infancy ; and that many did heartily desire 
the peace, who had no mind that the prince should 
be restored to the offices of his father and family, or 
that there should be any debate of it, till the prince 
came to the age that was provided by the solemn act 
and declaration of the States : which had been the 
reason that his majesty (who had all the tenderness 
for his nephew that a parent could have) would 
never be persuaded to mention him (though it had 
been proposed by many, and even by the elector of 
Brandenburgh and the princess dowager) in the 
conditions of the peace ; the king foreseeing that De 
Wit would have been glad to have that advantage, 
as to observe to the people, that the king would 
prescribe to them what officers they should choose 
and admit into their government, and that they must 
have no peace, except they would take a general 
and a stadtholder and an admiral of his nomination, 
which was to make them subject to himself. 

And this was the reason, that in all conferences 
with the French ambassadors, who sometimes would 
mention the prince of Orange with compassion for 
the ingratitude of the States towards him, and add, 
" that they doubted not their master would be ready 
" to join with his majesty in doing him all offices ;" 
and sometimes when the Dutch ambassador (who 
was of that party that did really wish the restora- 
tion of the prince) in conference would seem to 
wish and to believe, that the restoring the prince of 
Orange would be the consequence of the peace : the 
king never gave other answer, than " that he should 
** be very glad that the States would gratify his ne- 


" phew ; but that it was a matter he had nothing to 1 66C. 
" do to interpose in, it depending wholly upon their ~ 
" own good-will and pleasure." 

The rest who were present had much more esteem 
of Bewett than the chancellor had, (who thought as 
well of his courage and integrity as they did,) and 
believed he would have success in what he designed, 
his interest in the right of his wife being confessedly 
very great amongst the States, and his jolly course 
of living having rendered him very acceptable and 
grateful to men of the most different affections ; 
and then of all the officers of the militia he was most 
esteemed, which was like to be of moment, if the 
dispute brought the matter to a struggle : but the 
event shewed the contrary. 

After Siivius's departure, letters passed between 
them, as they had used to do, for two or three posts. 
And Bewett one day meeting De Wit when he 
came from his good fellows, and they walking a 
turn together in common discourse, De Wit asked 
him, " when he had any letter from England, and 
" how affairs went there :" to which he suddenly an- 
swered, " that he came just then from receiving 
" one, which he had not yet deciphered," and put his Bewett's 
hand into his pocket, and took thence a letter ; and res 

casting his eyes (which were never good, and now JS^ed' 3 
worse by the company he had left) upon the super- b > Ue wit - 
scription, he gave it to him, and said, " he would 
" go with him that they might decipher it together 
" according to custom." 

De Wit presently found that it was not the ac- 
customed cipher, (for he had delivered the wrong 
letter, that which he ought not to see,) and desired 
him " that he would walk before, and he would pre- 


16G6. " sently overtake him, after he had spoken a few 
~~" words at a house in his way." And so leaving 
him, he took present order for the apprehending 
him and searching his pockets; and at the same 
time sent to his house, and caused his cabinet, where 
all his papers were, to be examined and sealed up. 
And so poor Bewett, whilst he stayed at the other's 
house that they might decipher the letter, was ap- 
prehended, and all his papers taken out of his 
pockets, and he sent to prison. The other cipher 
was quickly found, and many letters and other pa- 
pers, which discovered many secrets. Whereupon a 
court of justice was speedily erected: and within 
three days, according to the expedition used there 
Upon which in such cases, a scaffold was erected, and the poor 
ccuted. gentleman brought thither in the sight of all his 
friends ; and there, with his known courage, and in 
few words declaring " that he had honest purposes 
" to the country," lost his head. 
His friends Silvius quickly heard of his imprisonment, and as 

obliged to . 

fl y . soon thought it necessary to make his own escape, 

and arrived in England l>efore he heard of his last 
misfortune, which he did not suspect, nor knew 
how the discovery had been made. The knot, thus 
broken, dispersed themselves : most of them got into 
Flanders ; the burgomaster of Rotterdam, and two 
or three others of note, made all the haste they 
could into England ; some thought themselves se- 
cure in Antwerp and other parts of Flanders ; and 
some were seized upon in several places of the 
States' dominions, and imprisoned with all the cir- 
cumstances of severity, though upon the want of 
clear proofs few of them were put to death. The 
troop of guards was reformed, or rather transformed, 


under new officers, and assigned for a constant guard 1666. 
to the States, without the least formal relation to the ~~ 
prince of Orange, or using his name or livery, or 
permission to pay any reverence to him. And so 
the prince was much lower than before, and all 
hopes of reviving almost extinguished or expired ; 
De Wit stood firmer upon his own feet than ever, 
and directed all preparations for the war without 
control ; and all the present expectation in England 
vanished : whilst the pensionary informed France of 
the dangers he had escaped for them, and what 
great matters had been offered to him if he would 
have departed from their interest ; and made the 
plot to contain all that he fancied it might have 

When the parliament at Oxford was prorogued, 
it was to a day in April : but the king had reason 
to believe that they would not so soon be in good 
humour enough to give more money, which was the 
principal end of calling them together. And the 
dregs of the plague still remaining, and venting its 
malignity in many burials every week, his majesty 
thought fit to dispense with their attendance at that 
time by a proclamation : and he caused it at the 
day to be prorogued to the twentieth of September 
following. In the mean time the court abounded in 
all its excesses. There had been some hope during 
the abode at Oxford, that the queen had been with 
child ; and whilst that hope lasted, the king lived 
with more constraint and caution, and prepared to 
make himself worthy of that blessing : and there 
are many reasons to believe, besides his own natural 
good inclinations, that if God had vouchsafed to 
have given him a child, and the queen that blessing 


I66(j. to have merited from him, he would have restrained 
~ all those inordinate appetites and delights ; and that 
he would seriously have applied himself to his go- 
vernment, and cut off all those extravagant expenses 
of money and time, which disturbed and corrupted 
the evenness of his own nature and the sincerity of 
his intentions^ and exposed him to the temptations of 
those who had all the traps and snares to catch and 
detain him. 

miMarrin 1 ^e imagination of the queen's breeding was one 
cause of her stay there ; and her stay there was the 
longer, because she miscarried when she intended to 
begin her journey. And though the doctors declared 
that it was a real miscarriage, ripe enough to make 
a judgment of the sex ; yet some of the women who 
had more credit with the king assured him, " that 
" it was only a false conception, and that she had 
" not been at all with child :" insomuch that his ma- 
jesty, who had been so confident upon a former oc- 
casion b , as to declare to the queen his mother and 
to others, " that upon his own knowledge her ma- 
" jesty had miscarried of a son," suffered himself 
now to be so totally convinced by those ladies and 
other women, that he did as positively believe that 

Great H- s he never had, never could be, with child. And 

cense in the . . 

court. from that time he took little pleasure in her conver- 
sation, and more indulged to himself all liberties in 
the conversation of those, who used all their skill to 
supply him with divertisements, which might drive 
all that was serious out of his thoughts, and make 
him undervalue those whom he had used, and still 
did most trust and employ, in what he thought most 
important ; though he sometimes thought many 

l> occasion] Omitted in MS. 


things not of importance, which in the consequence 1 666. 
were of the highest. 

The lady, who had never declined in favour, was 
now greater in power than ever : she was with child 
again, and well enough contented that his majesty 
should entertain an amour with another lady, and 
made a very strict friendship with her, it may be 
the more diligently out of confidence that he would 
never prevail with her, which many others believed 
too. But without doubt the king's passion was 
stronger towards that other lady, than ever it was 
to any other woman : and she carried it with that 
discretion and modesty, that she made no other use 
of it than for the convenience of her own fortune and 
subsistence, which was narrow enough ; never seemed 
disposed to interpose in the least degree in business, 
nor to speak ill of any body ; which kind of nature 
and temper the more inflamed the king's affection, 
who did not in his nature love a busy woman, and 
had an aversion from speaking with any woman, or 
hearing them speak, of any business but to that pur- 
pose he thought them all made for, however they 
broke in afterwards upon him to all other purposes. 

The lady herself, who every day (as was said be- 
fore) grew in power and credit, did not yet presume 
to interpose in any other business, than in giving all 
the imaginable countenance she could to those who 
desired to depend upon her, and, in their right as 
well as her own, in depressing the credit of those 
who she knew wished hers much less than it was ; 
but in this last argument she was hitherto wary, and 
took only such opportunities as were offered, with- 
out going out of her way to find .them. Her prin- 
cipal business was to get an estate for herself and 


1666. her children, which she thought the king at least as 
"much concerned to provide as she to solicit; which 
however she would not be wanting in, and so pro- 
cured round sums of money out of the privy purse, 
(where she had placed Mr. May,) and other assign- 
ations in other names, and so the less taken notice 
of, though in great proportions : all which yet 
amounted to little more than to pay her debts, 
which she had in few years contracted to an un- 
imaginable greatness, and to defray her constant 
expenses, which were very excessive in coaches and 
horses, clothes and jewels, without any thing of ge- 
nerosity, or gratifying any of her family, or so much 
as paying any of her father's debts, whereof some 
were very clamorous. Her name was not used in 
any suits for the grant of lands ; for tesides that 
there was no avowing or public mention of natural 
children, she did think the chancellor and treasurer 
willing to obstruct such grants, and desired not to 
have any occasion to try the kindness of either of 
them : and so all the suits she made of that kind 
were with reference to Ireland, where they had no 
title to obstruct, nor natural opportunity to know, 
what was granted; and in that kingdom she pro- 
cured the grant of several great quantities of land, 
like to prove of great benefit and value to her or 
her children. 
An attempt The chief design they now began to design, and 

to raise if a- . i i i 

lousies in the worst they could ever design, was to raise a 
iiiib k roth "r. jealousy in the king of his brother, to which his 
majesty was not in any degree inclined, and had in 
truth a just affection for him and confidence in him, 
without thinking better of his natural parts than he 
thought there was cause for; and yet, which made 


it the more wondered at, he did very often depart i CGG. 
in matters of the highest moment from his own 
judgment to comply with his brother, who was in- 
structed, by those who too well knew the king's na- 
ture, to adhere to any thing he once advised, and to 
be importunate in any thing he proposed ; in which 
he prevailed the more easily, because he never used 
it in any thing that concerned himself or his own 

The truth is, it was the unhappy fate and consti- The temper 

and disposi- 

tution of that family, that they trusted naturally tion of the 
the judgments of those, who were as much inferior m j l |y' 
to them in understanding as they were in quality, 
before their own, which was very good ; and suffered 
even their natures, which disposed them to virtue 
and justice, to be prevailed upon and altered and 
corrupted by those, who knew how to make use of 
some one infirmity that they discovered in them ; 
and by complying with that, and cherishing and 
serving it, they by degrees wrought upon the mass, 
and sacrificed all the other good inclinations to that 
single vice. They were too much inclined to like 
men at first sight, and did not love the conversation 
of men of many more years than themselves, and 
thought age not only troublesome but impertinent. 
They did not love to deny, and less to strangers than 
to their friends ; not out of bounty or generosity, 
which was a flower that did never grow naturally 
in the heart of either of the families, that of Stuart 
or the other of Bourbon, but out of an unskilfulness 
and defect in the countenance : and when they pre- 
vailed with themselves to make some pause rather 
than c to deny, importunity removed all resolution, 

c than] Omitted in MS. 


1666. which they knew neither how to shut out nor to de- 

~~fend themselves against, even when it was evident 

enough that they had much rather not consent ; 

which often made that which would have looked 

like bounty lose all its grace and lustre. 

Particularly jf t ne duke seemed to be more firm and fixed in 

of the king 

and duke, his resolutions, it was rather from an obstinacy in 
his will, which he defended by aversion from the 
debate, than from <l the constancy of his judgment, 
which was more subject to persons than to argu- 
ments, and so as changeable at least as the king's, 
which was in greatest danger by surprise : and from 
this want of steadiness and irresolution (whence- 
soever the infirmity proceeded) most of the misfor- 
tunes, which attended either of them or their ser- 
vants who served them honestly, had their rise and 
growth ; of which there will be shortly an occasion, 
and too frequently, to say much more. In the 
mean time it cannot be denied, and was observed 
and confessed by all, that never any prince had a 
more humble and dutiful condescension and submis- 
sion to an elder brother, than the duke had towards 
the king : his whole demeanour and behaviour was 
so full of reverence, that it f might have given ex- 
ample to be imitated by those, who ought but did 
not observe a greater distance. And the conscience 
and resentment he had within himself, for the sally 
he had made in Flanders, made him after so wary in 
his actions, and so abhorring to hear any thing that 
might lessen his awe for the king, that no man who 
had most credit with him & durst approach towards 
any thing of that kind ; so that there was never less 

' from] by ' it] Nnt in MS. 

e their] its him] Omitted in MS. 


ground of jealousy than of him. And (as was said 
before) the king (who was in his nature so far from 
any kind of jealousy, that he was too much inclined 
to make interpretations of many words and actions, 
which might reasonably harbour other apprehensions) 
was as incapable of any infusions which might lessen 
his confidence in his brother, as any noble and vir- 
tuous mind could be. And therefore those ill men, 
who began about this time to sow that cursed seed 
that grew up to bear a large crop of the worst and 
rankest jealousy in the succeeding time, did not 
presume to make any reflection upon the duke him- 
self, but upon his wife, " upon the state she assumed, 
" and the height of the whole family, that lived in 
" much more plenty," they said, " than the king's, 
" and were more regarded abroad." 

Such kind of people are never without some par- Endeavours 
ticular stories of the persons whom they desire to " e s s e g e n to the 
deprave : and so they h had many instances, which ki ' lg ' s 

* J esteem or 

they used upon all occasions, of some levity or va- tliedlirliess 
nity, of some words affected by the duchess, or some 
outward carriage, true or false, which for the most 
part concluded in mirth and laughter, and seemed 
ridiculous ; which was the method they used in all 
their approaches of that kind towards the highest 
acts of malice, first to make the person, whom they 
hoped to ruin in the end, less esteemed, by the act- 
ing and presentation of his words and gestures and 
motions ; which commonly is attended with laughter. 
And this is the first breach they make upon any 
man's reputation ; and the frequent custom of this 
kind of laughter and mirth, which is easily pro- 

!l they] Nat in MS. 


1666. duced without any malice, doth in the end open a 
~~ space large enough to let in ' calumny and scandal 
enough to weaken, if not to destroy, the l>est built 

This was the course they held with reference to 
the duchess, whom the king had from the beginning 
treated with great grace and favour, and considered 
her as a woman of more than ordinary wit k and un- 
derstanding : and the queen mother had from the 
reconciliation used her with that abundant affection 
and familiarity that was very wonderful; and the 
heights she assumed, and all that greatness which 
many thought too much, were } not only inculcated, 
but enjoined by the queen as a duty due to her hus- 
band, of whose high degree she thought she could 
not be too tender and careful. And she had the 
happiness so well to behave herself towards the 
duke, that he was exceedingly pleased with her, and 
lived towards her with an affection so remarkable 
and notorious, that it grew to be the public discourse 
and commendation ; and which made the liberties 
that were taken elsewhere the more spoken of and 
censured. It was very visible that he liked her 
company and conversation very well, and was be- 
lieved to communicate all his counsels, and all he 
knew or thought, without reserve to her; which, 
being so contrary to the professed doctrine of the 
court, administered occasion to the men of mirth, in 
those seasons which took up a good part of every 
night, to be very pleasant upon the government of 
the duchess, and the submission of the duke" 1 ; in 
which there were always some witty reflections upon 

' in] Omitted in MS. ' were] was 

k ordinary wit] an ordinary wit m of the duke] Not in MS. 


the chancellor. And this kind of liberty, being first 1666. 
grateful to the king for the wit that accompanied it ~ 
and the mirth that it produced, grew by the custom 
of it the more acceptable ; and it may be the general 
and public observation of the disparity in the lives 
of the two brothers made it wished, that there were 
no more of that strictness in the one place than in 
the other, towards which there wanted not applica- 
tion and advice accordingly as well as example. 

In the mean time the chancellor had a hard part 
to act, being neither able to do the good he con- 
stantly endeavoured on one side, nor remove the ill 
he disliked on the other side ; for he saw well the 
mischief that would inevitably follow the great ex- 
penses of the duke, which exceeded all limits, and 
could never be provided for; and thought the du- 
chess to be blamed for what she spent upon 'herself, 
and used all the credit he had with both to begin in 
time to reform what necessity would shortly do with 
more dishonour: but the disease had grown from 
the first ill digestion. 

The lord Berkley had upon the king's first arrival 
formed a family without rule or precedent, and 
made the servants in a much better condition than 
the master, by assigning liberal pensions and allow- 
ances to them, who had paid him dear for their 
places, without considering from what fund they 
should arise : and now they all would have the duke 
believe, " that he spent not too much ; but that he 
" had too little provision assigned to him for his qua- 
" lity and relation, and that n this proceeded from the 

11 that] Not in MS. 
F 2 


1666. " neglect in the chancellor, who was able, if he en- 
" " deavoured it, to persuade the king to enlarge it to 
" a just proportion." And this was as much urged to 
the duchess as to the duke, and it made in her a 
greater impression ; and though she had in all other 
respects a very entire affection and even a duty and 
resignation to her father, yet in this he had no au- 
thority with her, nor did she think him a competent 
judge what expenses princes should make : and hav- 
ing seen the state and lustre in which the duke of 
Anjou lived in France, and having received many 
infusions from the queen, of the great defect in the 
customs of England, in providing either for the re- 
spect or for the support of the younger sons of the 
crown, she thought that the chancellor should ra- 
ther use his credit for the enlarging that narrow- 
ness, which the king was enough disposed to, than 
to reform their expenses. But of this enough. 

The plague had really swept away and destroyed 
so many seamen, (Stepney and the places adjacent, 
which were their common habitations, being almost 
depopulated,) that now, all other obstructions being 
removed, there seemed even an impossibility to pro- 
cure sailors and mariners enough to set out the fleet; 
insomuch as they found it necessary to press many 
watermen, and to disfurnish all merchant ships 
which were prepared to be set out to the planta- 
tions or to other places of trade : all which turned 
not so much to benefit one way, as it did to loss an- 
other way. But the best way to expedite all things 
was the two admirals going to the fleet themselves, 


that they who resolved to go might hasten thither, 1666. 
and that they who had no mind to go might, out of ~ 
shame, likewise accompany them. 

There appeared great unanimity and consent be- 
tween them. Only prince Rupert had a great de- 
sire to go in a ship apart, and that they might not 
be both in one P ship : but upon debate it appeared 
to be un practicable, and that in a time of action the 
orders could not be the same, if they who gave 
them were not together and in the same place ; and 
so the prince was persuaded not to be positive in 
that particular. And so they both went together, The fleet 
and took leave of the king towards the end of April, under 
and laboured so effectually, (as they were both men peruLdtiie 
of great dexterity and indefatigable industry in such geueralt 
conjunctures,) that they carried the fleet out to sea, 
well fitted and provided, by the middle of May ; 
with which they presently visited the coast of Hol- 
land, and took many prizes ; and, by the intelli- 
gence they met with, concluded that the Dutch fleet 
would not be ready in c, month, of which they 
gave the king advertisement, and returned into the 
Downs. And prince Rupert at the same time ex- Tlie occa - 

sion of the 

pressed an inclination to go himself with part of the division of 
fleet to meet the duke of Beaufort, who was re- 
ported to be under sail to join with the Dutch, and 
" that they would not put to sea till they foresaw 
" that they were like to join about Calais." 

At or near the same time the lord Arlington re- 
ceived intelligence, " that the Dutch were not yet 
" well manned ; and that the ships which were in 

i' one] Omitted in MS. 
Y 3 


I (>Gti. " the Texel, and were to join with the other under 
~ " De Ruyter in the Wierings, were more unpro- 
" vided :" though at the same time secretary Mor- 
rice (who had always better intelligence from Hol- 
land) was assured from thence, " that all the ships 
" in both places were so ready that they would join 
" within very few days." But the lord Arlington, 
who thought he ought to be more believed, received 
as positive 1 advertisement from France, " that the 
" duke of Beaufort set sail from Brest on such a 
" day :" and though the wind had not been yet di- 
rectly favourable for him, it was concluded that he 
must be well advanced in his way, and he had no 
port to friend till he came to the coast of France 
near Calais. 

Upon this there seemed a great desire that prince 
Rupert might take the course he had proposed ; for 
the convenience was agreed to be very great, if the 
French could be met with before the conjunction. 
However, the council was so wary that at that time 
attended the king at Worcester-house, the chancel- 
lor being affected with the gout, that they advised 
the king " not to send positive orders for the divid- 
" ing the fleet, which by many accidents might 
*' produce inconveniences ; but rather to send two 
" of the council to the fleet, with an account of 
" all the intelligence, and the reflections which oc- 
" curred to the king upon it." And hereupon sir 
George Carteret and sir William Coventry were 
presently sent, and carried such orders with them, 
as would be necessary if the generals had not other 
intelligence, or did think that the division was not 
liable to more objections than had been in view. 


And this caution I set down more particularly, be- 1666. 
cause the council underwent reproaches which it did~ 
not deserve. 

The two counsellors used such expedition, and 
found so good conveniences by land and water, that 
they returned to the king the next day with an ac- 
count, " that the state of the Dutch fleet was con- 
" firmed to be the same that his majesty had heard, 
" and that they believed the other concerning the 
" duke of Beaufort to be very probable ; where- 
" upon they had concluded with a mutual consent 
" and approbation, that prince Rupert should take 
" twenty of the ships, which he had already chosen, 
" to meet the French, though they were superior in 
" number, whilst the general remained in the Downs 
" with the rest : and in order to this, that the prince 
" went aboard his ship before they came away, and 
" the rather, because the wind was so much against 
" him, that his majesty's orders, if he found cause 
" to send any, would be sure for some days to find 
" him upon the western coast ; and the wind that 
" was against him was so favourable to the duke of 
" Beaufort, that it was probable they might speedily 
" meet, and in a place to be wished." The king 
saw no cause yet to send orders to the contrary; 
and this was the reason, and all the circumstances, 
of the separation of the fleet, that proved unfortu- 

It appeared very soon after, which secretary had 
the better intelligence : for the very next day after 
the departure of the prince, the general, who re- 
mained in the Downs, had certain intelligence that 
the Dutch were come out of their harbours, having 
it seems received intelligence likewise of the French 

F 4 


l (5G6. fleet's being at sea, and lieing obliged to meet 
"" them, and had been long ready to do so ; which had 
deceived the court, they believing that they stayed 
because they were not ready to come out ; whereas 
they were ready, and expected only the other adver- 

As soon as the general was informed, he sent no- 
tice presently to the duke late in the same evening, 
who, informing the king of it, gave orders to sir 
William Coventry to prepare orders to prince Ru- 
pert immediately to return ; and if those orders had 
been carefully despatched, they might have come to 
A neglect the prince before the morning. But sir William 

in forward- 

ing an or- Coventry thought he had done his part when he got 
prince RU- the order signed, which was about twelve of the 
join the" clock at night, and then sent them by his servant to 
fleet. th e i or( i Arlington, whose part he thought it was to 
charge a messenger with them : but he was gone to 
bed, and his servants durst not disquiet him, a ten- 
derness not accustomed to be in the family of a se- 
cretary. But whether they did not wake him, as 
he pretended, or being awake he deferred it, it was 
not sent away till the next day, and never came to 
prince Rupert's hand till he had turned his sails 
upon the thunder of the cannon ; and he no sooner 
endeavoured to return, but the wind chopped about 
to retard him, that' he could make little way that 
day or the night following. Whose fault it was 
that these important orders were not sent with more 
expedition, whether sir William Coventry ought not 
to have taken care for the conveying them, at least 
to have given the lord Arlington notice what the 
contents of them were, of which he denied to have 
any notice, was disputed with some warmth between 


themselves, and so came to be published : but it was 
never examined any where else, though the negli-~ 
gence was very mischievous in its effect ; but they 
were both too great men to be questioned in any ju- 

The general, after the notice he had received of 
the motion of the Dutch, ordered the fleet to weigh 
anchor about three of the clock in the morning upon 
the first of June 1666, to sail to the Buoy of the The Dutch 
Gunfleet to join with some other ships which lay 01 1t. 
there, to get more men, being then but ill manned : 
and about seven of the clock in the morning the 
scouts came in, and brought the general notice, that 
the Dutch fleet was to the leeward, and probably in- 
tended to decline fighting till they might join with 
the French. And it had been to be wished that the 
English had stood off too, upon confidence that 
prince Rupert, whom the wind had kept from being 
far off, as they could not but know, would receive 
direction from court to return. But the general 
(who was as impatient upon the sight of an enemy 
to engage with him as prince Rupert himself, and 
had a natural contempt of the Dutch) called his 
flag-officers to council, and quickly resolved, "that 
" it was not convenient nor safe nor honourable to 
" decline the battle, lest it might take off the pre- 
" sent courage of the seamen." And truly in all 
those consultations, upon the like occasions, who- 
ever proposed any wary advice ran great hazard of 
being reputed a coward. And so they bore up with 
a full wind upon the enemy, notwithstanding the vi- 
sible disadvantage they were in, in respect of the 
strength of the enemy, for in the absence of prince 
Rupert there remained little above fifty sail with 


I66f>. the general; whereas De Ruyter's fleet consisted of 
~~ above fourscore sail, who easily perceived his advan- 
tage, and that a great part of the English fleet was 
absent, and so willingly embraced the occasion, 
and made what sail he could to meet with them. 
The etond It was about two of the clock in the afternoon 
gagcment" when the engagement l)egan ; and the English had 
got the wind, which was so high that they could not 
The first carry out their lower tiers. The admiral was so 

day's ac- . ... 

lion. shattered in his rigging and masts, that he was com- 
pelled to get off and anchor, that he might mend 
what was amiss; and many of his squadron had 
their main-yards shot off, and received such damage 
in their tackling, which was the chief aim of the 
Dutch, that they could hardly govern their ships. 
And by this means the enemy got the wind ; and 
the battle continued with great fierceness, and loss 
of many men on both sides, till nine or ten of the 
clock at night, when all were willing to have some 

The second That night was spent in repairing masts and rig- 

tion. ging : and at six of the clock in the morning the 
battle began again with the same firceness, and 
lasted till night. And that day the Dutch suffered 
much, and one of their vice-admirals was l>oarded 
and afterwards sunk, as many of their other ships 

The Dutch likewise were; so that they began to fall of: when 

reinforced. . . . , . ., , . , 

sixteen new great ships came to their aid, which 
gave them new courage ; so that they renewed and 
maintained the fight with great resolution, and 
killed many men of the English, and disabled many 
of the ships, till the night again parted them. 
The EHK- Upon the account the general received that night, 

lish retire. i i-v i i 

and the new access ot force to the Dutch, he 


thought it necessary to retire ; for though he had 
lost no ship, very many were so disabled, that there ~ 
was reason to fear they would hardly hold out to re- 
cover the shore. And thereupon he caused all 
those ships to be put before and make all the sail 
they could, and himself with sixteen ships in a 
breadth went in the rear : which as soon as the 
enemy perceived, they pursued, but came not within 
reach of their guns till four of the clock in the after- 
noon ; and then, though they shot hard, they did Tll <= third 

day's ac- 

very little harm, the sternpieces of the English over- tion. 
reaching their broadsides, which made many of them 
get off as quickly as they could. But by this time 
the English descried about twenty sail of ships 
standing towards them, which they concluded to be 
prince Rupert, (as it proved :) and so being earnest 
to join, they edged up towards them, but so unfortu- 
nately, that many of the flag ships were on ground 
off the Galloper-sand. But with much ado they all 
got off safe, the Royal Prince only excepted, which 
for this last age, and till the late war, was held the 
best ship in the world. This brave ship stuck so 
fast, that no art or industry could move her ; so 
that the enemy, when they found they could not 
carry her off, set her on fire, and took the captain, 
sir George Ayscue, and all the company prisoners, 
and without distinction used all with great barbarity, 
in which they pretended only to use retaliation. 
That night prince Rupert joined: and then they Prince KU 
bore to the northward, that they might get clear of Up Juh'his 
the sands ; and thereby the enemy got the wind M|Ud( 

The fourth day of the battle, which was the The fourth 
fourth of June, the enemy being to windward about'' 1 


1666. three leagues, the generals in the morning made all 
~~ sail towards them : and they lay with their sails to 
the masts to stay for them, which they would not 
have had the courage to have done, if they had not 
had intelligence from the prisoners of the Prince, in 
how tattered a condition the fleet was. The battle 
began about eight of the clock in the morning with 
extraordinary confidence on both sides, the Dutch 
continuing their old guard, to spend all their shot 
upon the rigging and masts, and to defend them- 
selves from being boarded, which the English most 
intended and laboured to do. But the design of the 
others succeeded better : insomuch that one of 
the vice-admirals of a squadron, and other of the 
best ships, were so disabled that they bore off from 
the battle, that they might mend and repair; 
which gave no small encouragement to the enemy. 
But the two generals were invincible, and continued 
the battle all the day in several forms, and by the 
advantage of the wind fired six or seven of their 
ships, and sunk others, and had two or three of their 
own likewise sunk. And between six and seven at 
night, as. if by consent, (and no doubt both sides 
were very weary of the encounter,) they separated 
without looking after each other, and hastened to 
their several coasts ; many of the English being so 
hurt in yards, masts, rigging, and hulls, many of 
them wanting men to ply their guns, and their pow- 
der and shot near spent, that with very much diffi- 
Both >ide> culty they got into harbour : and so concluded that 
great action, wherein either side pretended to have 
advantage, and both lost very much. 

The next day after the battle was spent in fitting 
their masts and repairing their rigging, that they 


might be able to reach the coast: and when they 
came near it, the generals called a council about dis- 
posing those ships which could not remain at sea, 
and sent them to such several places as they might 
be soonest repaired in ; and gave every captain 
very strict order, " that all possible diligence and 
" expedition should be used to get their ships ready, 
" and furnished with whatsoever was wanting ;" and 
the commissioners of the navy were required to be 
assistant in all places. And so wonderful diligence 
was used, (which appears almost incredible,) that 
the whole fleet was so well fitted, that by the seven- 
teenth day of the same month, within a fortnight 
after so terrible a battle, it was gathered together to 
a rendezvous to the Buoy of the Nore. The enemy 
made as much haste, rather to meet with the French, 
who were every day still expected, than to fight 
with the English, and kept as near to their own 
coast as conveniently they could : so that how ready 
soever the generals were (who had never left their 
ships) with the fleet by the seventeenth of the 
month, the winds were so averse or so calm, that it 
was the four and twentieth day of that month be- 
fore they could reach the sight of the enemy. 

And the next day, which was the twenty-fifth, The third 

. genera) en 

the English made all the sail they could, and by ten gagement. 
in the morning engaged in as hot an encounter as 
had hitherto been in any engagement : and though 
the Dutch seemed not to fight with the same spirit 
and mettle, yet the battle held till two in the after- 
noon, when by the advantage of the wind they 
bore away faster than the English could follow. 
However, here they took vice-admiral Banchart, The *?".?- 
and his ship of threescore guns and three hundred torious. 


men was birrned ; and another ship of seventy guns 
and three hundred men was likewise taken and 
burned ; which the generals thought better, than to 
undergo the possible inconvenience of keeping them: 
and so they kept up as close to the enemy in the 
night as they could do. The next morning they 
used all their sails, and designed to board De Ruy- 
ter ; which, the wind lessening, they could not effect, 
he fighting very well, but running faster: and so, 
though very well pursued, he got into his fastness 
at the Wierings, with those who were nearest to 
him. But the rest who were further off, and were 
like to have the benefit of the night, tacked about : 
which they who attacked De Ruyter perceiving, 
and that they could follow him no further, and that 
the rest were five and forty sail, they followed them, 
the generals doing all they could with their squad- 
ron to put themselves between them and the coast ; 
but the wind growing on a sudden calm, about mid- 
night they dropped their anchors, that they might 
not be driven further than they had a mind to be. 
But in the morning, when they weighed anchor to 
pursue them, and made all the way they could with 
a little wind, the enemy got so close to their own 
shore, their ships drawing less water than the Eng- 
lish, that there could be no further pursuit. 

Another part of the fleet, which was separated 
when De Ruyter got into the Wierings, and which 
the generals looked upon as their own, was so 
unhappily pursued, though by men of very good 
name, that they escaped ; which raised a great dis- 
temper in the fleet, whilst some officers of the prime 
and most unquestionable courage charged and ac- 
cused others, who had always given great testimony 


that they durst do any thing, " of base declining to I c>66. 
" fight when the enemy was in their power, and~ 
" that they chose rather to suffer them to escape 
" than to encounter them." And this dispute and 
expostulation, between men who had many seconds, 
divided the generals, one declaring himself on the 
one side as the other did on the other <*; but they 
wisely laid aside the debate, till they should be at 
more leisure with less inconvenience to determine it. 
The generals thereupon, having thus scattered 
the enemy, resolved to ply upon the Dutch coast to 
take all ships of trade, which they did ; and off the 
Texel and the Flie took many prizes 1 ', both home- 
ward and outward bound, of great value. And they The at- 

i ii T MI i tempt upon 

having now nothing to do but to lie still, there 

a Dutch captain, one Laurence Van Humskerke, Sc 
who after the first battle, in the faction between 
Evertson and Van Trump, had given De Wit so 
great an advantage, that if he had not made his 
escape, he had been hanged, who from that time 
had always been on board with prince Rupert : this 
man, whilst the fleet lay in this posture, advised 
prince Rupert to attempt a place near the Flie, 
which was so locked in the land that it was always 
looked upon as very secure, (and where all ships 
laden at Amsterdam for the Straits and those parts, 
when they were outward bound, used to lie two or 
three days, as in a safe port, until all things which 
might be forgotten were prepared s , and all the com- 
pany came together,) and had never been invaded in 
any war ; and by it was a pretty large village, called 
Schelling, which had many good houses in it, besides 

i as the other did on the other] r prizes] rich prizes 
and the other s were prepared] Not in MS. 

IGC6. others inhabited by, and for the entertainment of, 


This enterprise was committed to sir Rolxrt 
Holmes, a very bold and expert man ; who, with a 
number of small vessels very well manned, besides a 
body of stout foot to land upon occasions, l>eing as- 
Tbe chief sisted by the Dutchman, so vigorously assaulted it, 
fthat he burned all the Dutch ships lying there, being 
. f inestimable value, all outward bound, and some 
of them worth above one hundred thousand pounds 
each ship. They burned likewise the whole town 
of Schelling ; which conflagration, with that of the 
ships, appearing at the break of day so near Am- 
sterdam, put that place into that consternation that 
they thought the day of judgment was come, not 
thinking of their ships there, as being out of the 
power or reach of any enemy : and no doubt it was 
the greatest loss that state sustained in the whole 
war, that is, greater than all the rest. And as this 
victory, if it can be called a victory when there is 
no resistance, occasioned great triumph in England, 
so it raised great thoughts of heart in De Wit, and 
a resolution of revenge before any peace should be 
consented to ; which they effected to a good degree 
the next year. 

There appeared no more likelihood of the Dutch 
coming out again : so about the fifteenth of August 
the generals returned to Southwould Bay, to receive 
a recruit of men, provisions, and ammunition, having 
left ships enough upon the coast of Holland to take 
prizes, and scouts upon the coast to get intelligence 
in what readiness the enemy's fleet was, and what 
was done within the land. And about the twenty- 
seventh a little pink, that waited upon the coast of 


Zealand, brought notice that the enemy, consisting J66G. 
of about fourscore sail of 'ships, were ready to come The Dutch 
out from the Wierings ; and the next day they were rteet P utsto 

sea ii^uiii. 

assured that they were come out and bound west- 
ward, by which they concluded that they had hope 
to join the French fleet. Whereupon the generals 
gave present orders to unmoor the fleet ; and weigh- 
ing anchor about seven of the clock in the morning 
stood to sea, and about noon discovered the Dutch 
fleet about four leagues to the leeward. The gene- 
rals made all sail towards them : but the enemy 
stood away for the coast of Flanders, whilst the 
English were so entangled upon the Galloper-sands, 
that they could not stand after the enemy till late 
in the afternoon ; so that it was night before they 
came near each other, and then several guns were 
fired to little purpose. 

The next morning, being the first of September, 
the season when the winds begin to grow boisterous, 
they had, upon the breaking of the day, lost the 
sight of the enemy, though they c believed that they 
had bore up in the night for them : but when it was 
light, they found that they were to the leeward, as 
far as they could discover, near St. John's Bay be- 
yond Calais. The English pursued them, and mak- 
ing some stay for the fireships, which could not 
make haste by reason of the blustering weather, it 
was four in the afternoon before the fleet came up 
together to them ; when De Ruyter made a show 
as if he would draw off from the shore towards 
them. But when he saw the English stand with 
him and advance with their usual resolution, he 

1 though they] and 


1666. tacked back again, and stood close in to the shore, 
where the rest of the fleet was, in the Bay of Staples. 
TheEogiuii And then the night came, and the wind blew so 
pmedbya violently, that the English were forced to tack, and 
many of the ships were forced to the leeward, the 
night being so foul, that neither the generals nor 
the chief flags could be discerned. And though the 
storm continued very violent the next day, a good 
part of the fleet got again together, and stood to the 
Bay of Staples, where the Dutch still remained close 
under the shore at anchor, but could not be invited 
to come out. So the English found it necessary to 
stand further out to the sea ; and then they disco- 
vered the rest of the fleet at a great distance to the 
leeward, and so bore after them, and at night they 
all arrived at St. Helen's Point. And though the 
tempest still increased, a squadron went every day 
out to the coast of France. 
The French In this tempest the French fleet had a very nar- 

fleet has a 

narrow row escape, by a providence they are seldom with- 
out. A gentleman of good quality of that nation 
returned at this time out of England, (whither they 
repaired with as much liberty and were as kindly 
treated as if there were no war, whilst no English- 
man could be safe there ;) and landing at Calais, and 
finding that the duke of Beaufort was every day 
expected, he despatched two or three barks to find 
him, with information how and where the English 
lay ; one of which came so luckily to him towards 
the evening, that he changed his course, and by the 
darkness of the night got into the road of Dieppe, 
where he dropped his anchors. But his vice-ad- 
miral, being the biggest and the best ship but one 
in the fleet, and carrying seventy pieces of cannon, 


pursuing the course he was directed, in the dark of 1G6G. 
the night fell amongst the English, as the rest had 
done if it had not been for that advertisement ; and 
after a little defending himself, which he saw was 
to no purpose, was taken prisoner, and desired to 
be brought to prince Rupert, who knew him well, 
and treated him as a gallant person ought to be, 
and caused many things which belonged to his own 
person to be restored to him ; and when he was 
brought into England, he found another kind of re- 
ception (though he was prisoner in the Tower) than 
any of the English, though of the same quality, met 
with abroad. By this accident the French fleet 
made a happy escape" : and the continuance of the 
storm for many days kept the English and the 
Dutch from any further engagement. But the 
same winds, and at the same time, did much more 
mischief at land than at sea. 

It was upon the first day of that September, in the The 6re of 
dismal year of 1666, (in which many prodigies were 
expected, and so many really fell out,) that that 
memorable and terrible fire brake out in London, 
which begun about midnight, or nearer the morning 
of Sunday, in a baker's house at the end of Thames- 
street next the Tower, there being many little nar- 
row alleys and very poor houses about the place 
where it first appeared ; and then finding such store 
of combustible materials, as that street is always 
furnished with in timber-houses, the fire prevailed 
so powerfully, that that whole street and the neigh- 
bourhood was in so short a time turned to ashes, 
that few persons had time to save and preserve any 

u escape] Erroneously in MS. estate 

G 2 


1 666. of their goods ; but were a heap of people almost as 
~ dead with the sudden distraction, as the ruins were 
which they sustained. The magistrates of the city 
assembled quickly together, and with the usual re- 
medies of buckets, which they were provided with : 
but the fire was too ravenous to be extinguished 
with such quantities of water as those instruments 
could apply to it, and fastened still upon new mate- 
rials before it had destroyed the old. And though 
it raged furiously all that day, to that degree that 
all men stood amazed, as spectators only, no man 
knowing what remedy to apply, nor the magistrates 
what orders to give ; yet it kept within some com- 
pass, burned what was next, and laid hold only on 
both sides ; and the greatest apprehension was of 
the Tower, and all considerations entered upon how 
to secure that place. 

But in the night the wind changed, and carried 
the danger from thence, but with so great and irre- 
sistible violence, that as it kept the English and 
Dutch fleets from grappling when they were so near 
each other, so it scattered the fire from pursuing 
the line it was in with all its force, and spread it 
over the city : so that they, who went late to bed 
at a great distance from any place where the fire 
prevailed, were awakened before morning with 
their own houses being in a flame ; and whilst en- 
deavour was used to quench that, other houses were 
discovered to be burning, which were near no place 
from whence they could imagine the fire could 
come ; all which kindled another fire in the breasts 
of men, almost as dangerous as that within their 

Monday morning produced first a jealousy, and 


then an universal conclusion, that this fire came not 1666. 
by chance, nor did they care where it began ; but ~ 
the breaking out in several places at so great dis- 
tance from each other made it evident, that it was 
by conspiracy and combination. And this determi- 
nation could not hold long without discovery of the 
wicked authors, who were concluded to be all the 
Dutch and all the French in the town, though they 
had inhabited the same places above twenty years. 
All of that kind, or, if they were strangers, of what 
nation soever, were laid hold of; and after all the ill 
usage that can consist in words, and some blows and 
kicks, they were thrown into prison. And shortly 
after, the same conclusion comprehended all the Ro- 
man catholics x , who were in the same predicament 
of guilt and danger, and quickly found that their 
only safety consisted in keeping within doors ; and 
yet some of them, and of quality, were taken by 
force out of their houses, and carried to prison. 

When this rage spread as far as the fire, and 
every hour brought reports of some bloody effects of 
it, worse than in truth there were, the king distri- 
buted many of the privy-council into several quarters 
of the city, to prevent, by their authorities, those in- 
humanities which he heard were committed. In 
the mean time, even they or any other person 
thought it not >" safe to declare, " that they believed 
" that the fire came by accident, or that it was not a 
* c plot of the Dutch and the French and papists to 
" burn the city ;" which was so generally believed, 
and in the best company, that he who said the con- 

v the Roman catholics] the > not] Omitted in MS. 
Roman catholics, the papists 

G 3 


1666. trary was suspected for a conspirator, or at best a 

favourer of them. It could not be conceived, how 

a house that was distant a mile from any part of the 
fire could suddenly be in a flame, without some par- 
ticular malice ; and this case fell out every hour. 
When a man at the furthest end of Bread-street 
had made a shift to get out of his house his best and 
most portable goods, because the fire had approached 
near them ; he no sooner had secured them, as he 
thought, in some friend's house in Holborn, which 
was believed a safe distance, but he saw that very 
house, and none else near it, in a sudden flame. 
Nor did there want, in this woful distemper, the 
testimony of witnesses who saw this villany com- 
mitted, and apprehended men who they were ready 
to swear threw fireballs into houses, which were 
presently burning. 

The lord Hollis and lord Ashley, who had their 
quarters assigned about Newgate-market and the 
streets adjacent, had many brought to them in cus- 
tody for crimes of this nature; and saw, within a 
very little distance from the place where they were, 
the people gathered together in great disorder ; and 
as they came nearer saw a man in the middle of 
them without a hat or cloak, pulled and hauled and 
very ill used, whom they knew to be a servant to 
the Portugal ambassador, who was presently brought 
to them. And a substantial citizen was ready to 
take his oath, "that he saw that man put his hand 
" in his pocket, and throw into a shop a fireball ; 
" upon which he saw the house immediately on fire : 
" whereupon, being on the other side of the way, 
" and seeing this, he cried out to the people to stop 
" that gentleman, and made all the haste he could 


" himself;" but the people had first seized upon 1666. 
him, and taken away his sword, which he was ready" 
to draw ; and he not speaking nor understanding 
English, they had used him in the manner set down 
before. The lord Hollis told him what he was ac- 
cused of, and " that he was seen to have thrown 
" somewhat out of his pocket, which they thought 
" to be a fireball, into a house which was now on 
" fire :" and the people had diligently searched 
his pockets to find more of the same commodities, 
but found nothing that they meant to accuse him 
of. The man standing in great amazement to hear 
he was so charged, the lord Hollis asked him, 
" what it was that he pulled out of his pocket, and 
" what it was he threw into the house:" to which he 
answered, "that he did not think that he had put his 
" hand into his pocket ; but he remembered very 
" well, that as he walked in the street, he saw a 
" piece of bread upon the ground, which he took up, 
" and laid upon a shelf in the next house;" which is 
a custom or superstition so natural to the Portu- 
guese, that if the king of Portugal were walking, 
and saw a piece of bread upon the ground, he would 
take it up with his own hand, and keep it till he 
saw a fit place to lay it down. 

The house being in view, the lords with many of 
the people walked to it, and found the piece of 
bread just within the door upon a board, where he 
said he laid it ; and the house on fire was two doors 
beyond it, which the man who was on the other 
side of the way, and saw this man put his hand into 
the house without staying, arid presently after the 
fire break out, concluded to be the same house ; 
which was very natural in the fright that all men 

G 4 


1666. were in : nor did the lords, though they were satis- 
~~ fied, set the poor man at liberty ; but, as if there 
remained ground enough of suspicion, committed 
him to the constable, to be kept by him in his own 
house for some hours, when they pretended they 
would examine him again. Nor were any persons 
who were seized upon in the same manner, as mul- 
titudes were in all the parts of the town, especially 
if they were strangers or papists, presently dis- 
charged, when there was no reasonable ground to 
suspect ; but all sent to prison, where they were in 
much more security than they could have been in 
full liberty, after they were once known to have 
been suspected ; and most of them understood their 
commitment to be upon that ground, and were glad 
of it. 

The fire and the wind continued in the same ex- 
cess all Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday till after- 
noon, and flung and scattered brands burning into 
all quarters ; the nights more terrible than the days, 
and the light the same, the light of the fire sup- 
plying that of the sun. And indeed whoever was 
an eyewitness of that terrible prospect, can never 
have so lively an image of the last conflagration till 
he beholds it ; the faces of all people in a wonderful 
dejection and discomposure, not knowing where 
they could repose themselves for one hour's sleep, 
and no distance thought secure from the fire, which 
suddenly started up before it was suspected ; so that 
people left their houses and carried away their goods 
from many places which received no hurt, and whi- 
ther they afterwards returned again ; all the fields 
full of women and children, who had made a shift 
to bring thither some goods and conveniences to rest 


upon, as safer than any houses, where yet they felt 1666. 
such intolerable heat and drought, as if they had~~ 
been in the middle of the fire. The king and the 
duke, who rode from one place to another, and put 
themselves into great dangers amongst the burning 
and falling houses, to give advice and direction what 
was to be done, underwent as much fatigue as the 
meanest, and had as little sleep or rest ; and the 
faces of all men appeared ghastly and in the highest 
confusion. The country sent in carts to help those 
miserable people who had saved any goods : and by 
this means, and the help of coaches, all the neigh- 
bour villages were filled with more people than they 
could contain, and more goods than they could find 
room for ; so that those fields became likewise as full 
as the other about London and Westminster. 

It was observed that where the fire prevailed 
most, when it met with brick buildings, if it was not 
repulsed, it was so well resisted that it made a much 
slower progress ; and when it had done its worst, 
that the timber and all the combustible matter fell, 
it fell down to the bottom within the house, and the 
walls stood and enclosed the fire, and it was burned 
out without making a further progress in many of 
those places ; and then the vacancy so interrupted 
the fury of it, that many times the two or three 
next houses stood without much damage. Besides 
the spreading, insomuch as all London seemed but 
one fire in the breadth of it, it seemed to continue 
in its full fury a direct line to the Thames side, 
all Cheapside from beyond the Exchange, through 
Fleet-street ; insomuch as for that breadth, taking 
in both sides as tar as the Thames, there was scarce 
a house or church standing 1 from the bridge to Uor- 


1666. set-house, which was burned on Tuesday night after 
~ Baynard's-castle. 

On Wednesday morning, when the king saw that 
neither the fire decreased nor the wind lessened, he 
even despaired of preserving Whitehall, but was 
more afraid of Westminster-abl^ey. But having 
observed by his having visited all places, that where 
there were any vacant places between the houses, 
by which the progress of the fire was interrupted, it 
changed its course and went to the other side ; he 
gave order for pulling down many houses about 
Whitehall, some whereof were newly built and 
hardly finished, and sent many of his choice goods 
by water to Hampton-Court ; as most of the persons 
of quality in the Strand, who had the benefit of the 
river, got barges and other vessels, and sent their 
furniture for their houses to some houses some miles 
out of the town. And very many on both sides the 
Strand, who knew not whither to go, and scarce 
what they did, fled with their families out of their 
houses into the streets, that they might not be with- 
in when the fire fell upon their houses. 
The fire But it pleased God, contrary to all expectation, 
that on Wednesday, about four or five of the clock 
in the afternoon, the wind fell : and as in an instant 
the fire decreased, having burned all on the Thames 
side to the new buildings of the Inner Temple next 
to White-friars, and having consumed them, was 
stopped by that vacancy from proceeding further 
into that house ; but laid hold on some old buildings 
which joined to Ram-alley, and swept all those into 
Fleet-street. And the other side being likewise de- 
stroyed to Fetter-lane, it advanced no further ; but 
left the other part of Fleet-street to the Temple-bar, 


and all the Strand, unhurt, but what damage the 1666. 
owners of the houses had done to themselves by en-~ 
deavouring to remove ; and it ceased in all other 
parts of the town near the same time : so that the 
greatest care then was, to keep good guards to watch 
the fire that was upon the ground, that it might not 
break out again. And this was the better perform- 
ed, because they who had yet their houses standing 
had not the courage to sleep, but watched with 
much less distraction ; though the same distemper 
still remained in the utmost extent, '* that all this 
" had fallen out by the conspiracy of the French and 
" Dutch with the papists ;" and all gaols were filled 
with those who were every hour apprehended upon 
that jealousy ; or rather upon some evidence that 
they were guilty of the crime. And the people were 
so sottish, that they believed that all the French in 
the town (which no doubt were a very great num- 
ber) were drawn into a body, to prosecute those by 
the sword who were preserved from the fire : and 
the inhabitants of a whole street have ran in a great 
tumult one way, upon the rumour that the French 
were marching at the other end of it ; so terrified 
men were with their own apprehensions. 

When the night, though far from being a quiet 
one, had somewhat lessened the consternation, the 
first care the king took was, that the country might 
speedily supply markets in all places, that they who 
had saved themselves from burning might not be in 
danger of starving ; and if there had not been extra- 
ordinary care and diligence used, many would have 
perished that way. The vast destruction of corn, 
and all other sorts of provisions, in those parts where 
the fire had prevailed, had not only left all that 


1 666. people destitute of all that was to be eat or drank ; 
but the bakers and brewers, which inhabited the 
other parts which were unhurt, had forsaken their 
houses, and carried away all that was portable : in- 
somuch as many days passed, before they were 
enough in their wits and in their houses to fall to 
their occupations; and those parts of the town 
which God had spared and preserved were many 
hours without any thing to eat, as well as they who 
were in the fields. And yet it can hardly be con- 
ceived, how great a supply of all kinds was brought 
from all places within four and twenty hours. And 
which was more miraculous, in four days, in all the 
fields about the town, which had seemed covered 
with those whose habitations were burned, and with 
the goods which they had saved, there was scarce a 
man to be seen : all found shelter in so short a time, 
either in those parts which remained of the city and 
in the suburbs, or in the neighbour villages ; all kind 
of people expressing a marvellous charity towards 
those who appeared to be undone. And very many, 
with more expedition than can be conceived, set up 
little sheds of brick and timber upon the ruins of 
their own houses, where they chose rather to inhabit 
than in more convenient places, though they knew 
they could not long reside in those new buildings. 

The king was not more troubled at any parti- 
cular, than at the imagination which possessed the 
hearts of so many, that all this mischief had fallen 
out by a real and formed conspiracy ; which, all*eit 
he saw no colour to believe, he found very many in- 
telligent men, and even some of his own council, 
who did really tolieve it. Whereupon he appointed 
the privy-council to sit both morning and evening, 


to examine all evidence of that kind that should be i C66. 
brought before them, and to send for any persons ~~ 
who had been committed to prison upon some evi- 
dence that made the greatest noise ; and sent for the 
lord chief justice, who was in the country, to come 
to the town for the better examination of all sug- 
gestions and allegations of that kind, there having 
been some malicious report scattered about the town, 
" that the court had so great a prejudice against 
" any kind of testimony of such a conspiracy, that 
" they discountenanced all witnesses who came be- 
" fore them to testify what they knew ;" which was 
without any colour of truth. Yet many, who were 
produced as if their testimony would remove all 
doubts, made such senseless relations of what they 
had been told, without knowing the condition of the 
persons who told them, or where to find them, that it 
was a hard matter to forbear smiling at their evi- 
dence. Some Frenchmen's houses had been searched, 
in which had been found many of those shells for 
squibs and other fireworks, frequently used in nights 
of joy and triumph ; and the men were well known, 
and had lived many years there by that trade, and 
had no other : and one of these was the king's ser- 
vant, and employed by the office of ordnance for 
making grenades of all kinds, as well for the hand 
as for mortarpieces. Yet these men were looked 
upon as in the number of the conspirators, and re- 
mained still in prison till their neighbours solicited 
for their liberty. And it cannot be enough won- 
dered at, that in this general rage of the people no 
mischief was done to the strangers, that no one of 
them was assassinated outright, though many were 
sorely beaten and bruised. 

1666. There was a very odd accident that confirmed 

Hubert-! many in what they were inclined to believe, and 
startled others, who thought the conspiracy impos- 
sible, since no combination not very discernible and 
discovered could have effected that mischief, in which 
the immediate hand of God was so visible. Amongst 
many Frenchmen who had been sent to Newgate, 
there was one Hubert, a young man of five or six 
and twenty years of age, the son of a famous watch- 
maker in the city of Roan ; and this fellow had 
wrought in the same profession with several men 
in LnndnM. and had for many years, both in Roan 
and in London, been looked upon as distracted. 
This man confessed " that he had set the first house 
" on fire, and that he had been hired in Paris a year 
" before to do it : that there were three more com- 
" bined with him to do the same thing ; and that 
" they came over together into England to put it in 
" execution in the time of the plague : but when 
" they were in London, he and two of his compa- 
" nions went into Sweden, and returned from thence 
" in the latter end of August, and he resolved to 
" undertake it ; and that the two others went away 
" into France." 

The whole examination was so senseless, that the 
chief justice, who was not looked upon as a man 
who wanted rigour, did not believe any thing he 
said. He was asked, " who it was in Paris that 
" suborned him to this action :" to which he answer- 
ed, " that he did not know, having never seen him 
" before ;" and in the enlarging upon that point he 
contradicted himself in many particulars. Being 
asked *' what money he had received to perform a 
" service of so much hazard," he said, " he had re- 


" ceived but a pistole, but was promised five pistoles 1666. 
" more when he should have done his work ;" and 
many such unreasonable things, that nobody present 
credited any thing he said. However, they durst 
not slight the evidence, but put him to a particular, 
in which he so fully confirmed all that he had said 
before, that they were surprised with wonder, and 
knew not afterwards what to say or think. They 
asked him, " if he knew the place where he first put 
" fire :" he answered, " that he knew it very well, 
" and would shew it to any body." Upon this the 
chief justice, and many aldermen who sat with him, 
sent a guard of substantial citizens with the prisoner, 
that he might shew them the house ; and they first 
led him to a place at some distance from it, and 
asked him " if that were it :" to which he answered 
presently, " No, it was lower, nearer to the Thames." 
The house and all which were near it were so co- 
vered and buried in ruins, that the owners them- 
selves, without some infallible mark, could very 
hardly have said where their own houses 7 - had stood : 
but this man led them directly to the place, de- 
scribed how it stood, the shape of the little yard, 
the fashion of the door and windows, and where he 
first put the fire ; and all this with such exactness, 
that they who had dwelt long near it could not so 
perfectly have described all particulars. 

This silenced all further doubts. And though the 
chief justice told the king, " that all his discourse 
" was so disjointed that he did not believe him 
" guilty ;" nor was there one man who prosecuted 
or accused him : yet upon his own confession, and 

' their own houses] his own house 


1666. so sensible a relation of all that he had done, accom- 
~ panied with so many circumstances, (though* with- 
out the least show of compunction or sorrow for 
what he said he had done, nor yet seeming to justify 
or to take delight in it ; but being asked whether 
he was not sorry for the wickedness, and whether 
he intended to do so much, he gave no answer at 
all, or made reply to what was said ; and with the 
upon which same temper died,) the Jury found him guilty, and 
!*ot*d*~ ne was executed accordingly. And though no man 
could imagine any reason why a man should so de- 
sperately throw away his life, which he might have 
saved though he had been guilty, since he was only 
accused upon his own confession ; yet neither the 
judges nor any present at the trial did believe him 
guilty, but that he was a poor distracted wretch, 
weary of his life, and chose to part with it this way. 
Certain it is, that upon the strictest examination 
that could be afterwards made by the king's com- 
mand, and then by the diligence of the house, that 
upon the general jealousy and rumour made a com- 
mittee, that was very diligent and solicitous to make 
that discovery, there was never any probable evi- 
dence (that poor creature's only excepted) that there 
was any other cause of that woful fire, than the dis- 
pleasure of God Almighty : the first accident of the 
beginning in a baker's house, where there was so 
great a stock of fagots, and the neighbourhood of 
much combustible matter, of pitch and rosin and 
the like, led it b in an instant from house to house 
through Thames-street, with the agitation of so ter- 
rible a wind to scatter and disperse it. 

a though] Not in MS. >' led it] that led it 


Let the cause be what it would, the effect was 1666. 
very terrible ; for above two parts of three of that ~~ 
great city were burned to ashes, and those the most 
rich and wealthy parts of the city, where the great- 
est warehouses and the best shops stood. The Royal 
Exchange with all the streets about it, Lombard- 
street, Cheapside, Paternoster-row, St. Paul's church, 
and almost all the other churches in the city, with 
the, Old Bailey, Ludgate, all Paul's churchyard even 
to the Thames, and the greatest part of Fleet-street, 
all which were places the best inhabited, were all 
burned without one house remaining. 

The value or estimate of what that devouring The ines- 

. . . . , timable loss 

fire consumed, over and above the houses, could sustained 
never be computed in any degree : for besides that by * 
the first night (which in a moment swept away the 
vast wealth of Thames-street) there was not c any 
thing that could be preserved in respect of the sud- 
denness and amazement, (all people being in their 
beds till the fire was in their houses, and so could 
save nothing but themselves,) the next day with the 
violence of the wind increased the distraction ; nor 
did many believe that the fire was near them, or 
that they had reason to remove their goods, till it 
was upon them, and rendered it impossible. Then 
it fell out at a season jn the year, the beginning of 
September, when very many of the substantial citi- 
zens and other wealthy men were in the country, 
whereof many had not left a servant in their houses, 
thinking themselves upon all ordinary accidents 
more secure in the goodness and kindness of their 
neighbours, than they could be in the fidelity of a 
servant; and whatsoever was in such houses was 

c not] Omitted in MS. 


166C. entirely consumed by the fire, or lost as to the 
"owners. And of this classis of absent men, when 
the fire came where the lawyers had houses, as 
they had in many places, especially Sergeants-Inn 
in Fleet-street, with that part of the Inner Temple 
that was next it and White-friars, there was scarce 
a man to whom those lodgings appertained who was 
in Town : so that whatsoever was there, their mo- 
ney, books, and papers, besides the evidences of 
many men's estates deposited in their hands, were 
all burned or lost, to a very great value. But of 
particular men's losses could never be made any 

It was an incredible damage that was and might 
rationally be computed to be sustained by one small 
company, the company of stationers, in books, paper, 
and the other lesser commodities which are vendible 
in that corporation, which amounted to no less than 
two hundred thousand pounds : in which prodigious 
loss there was one circumstance very lamentable. 
AH those who dwelt near Paul's carried their goods, 
books, paper, and the like, as others of greater 
trades did their commodities, into the large vaults 
which were under St. Paul's church, before the fire 
came thither: which vaults, though all the church 
above the ground was afterwards burned, with all 
the houses round about, still stood firm and sup- 
ported the foundation, and preserved all that was 
within them ; until the impatience of those who had 
lost their houses, and whatsoever they had else, in 
the fire, made them very desirous to see what they 
had saved (1 , upon which all their hopes were founded 
to repair the rest. 

d saved] lost 


It was the fourth day after the fire ceased to 1666. 
flame, though it still burned in the ruins, from"" 
whence there was still an intolerable heat, when the 
booksellers especially, and some other tradesmen, 
who had deposited all they had preserved in the 
greatest and most spacious vault, came to behold all 
their wealth, which to that moment w r as safe : but 
the doors were no sooner opened, and the air from 
without fanned the strong heat within, but first the 
driest and most combustible matters broke into a 
flame, which consumed all, of what kind soever, 
that till then had been unhurt there. Yet they who 
had committed their goods to some lesser vaults, at 
a distance from that greater, had better fortune ; 
and having learned from the second ruin of their 
friends to have more patience, attended till the rain 
fell, and extinguished the fire in all places, and 
cooled the air : and then they securely opened the 
doors, and received all from thence that they had 

If so vast a damage as two hundred thousand 
pounds befell that little company of stationers in 
books and paper and the like, what shall we con- 
ceive was lost in cloth, (of which the country clo- 
thiers lost all that they had brought up to Black- 
well-hall against Michaelmas, which was all burned 
with that fair structure,) in silks of all kinds, in 
linen, and those richer manufactures ? Not to speak 
of money, plate, and jewels, whereof some were re- 
covered out of the ruins of those houses which the 
owners took care to watch, as containing somewhat 
that was worth the looking for, and in which de- 
luge there were men ready enough to fish. 

The lord mayor, though a very honest man, was 
H 2 


1666. much blamed for want of sagacity in the first night 
~ of the fire, before the wind gave it much advance- 
ment : for though he came with great diligence as 
soon as he had notice of it, and was present with 
the first, yet having never been used to such spec- 
tacles, his consternation was equal to that of other 
men, nor did he know how to apply his authority to 
the remedying the present distress ; and when men 
who were less terrified with the object pressed him 
very earnestly, " that he would give order for the 
" present pulling down those houses which were 
" nearest, and by which the fire climbed to go fur- 
ther," (the doing whereof at that time might pro- 
bably have prevented much of the mischief that suc- 
ceeded,) he thought it not safe counsel, and made 
no other answer, " than that he durst not do it with- 
" out the consent of the owners." His want of skill 
was the less wondered at, when it was known after- 
wards, that some gentlemen of the Inner Temple 
would not endeavour to preserve the goods which 
were in the lodgings of absent persons, nor suffer 
others to do it, " because," they said, " it was against 
" the law to break up any man's chamber." 

The so sudden repair of those formidable ruins, 
and the giving so great beauty to all deformity, (a 
beauty and a lustre that city had never before been 
acquainted with,) is little less wonderful than the 
fire that consumed it. 

It was hoped and expected that this prodigious 
and universal calamity, for the effects of it covered 
the whole kingdom, would have made impression, 
and produced some reformation in the license of the 
court : for as the pains the king had taken night 
and day during the fire, and the dangers he had ex- 


posed himself to, even for the saving the citizens' J666. 
goods, had been very notorious, and in the mouths'" 
of all men, with good wishes and prayers for him ; 
so his majesty had been heard during that time to 
speak with great piety and devotion of the displea- 
sure that God was provoked to. And no doubt the The king 
deep sense of it did raise many good thoughts and affected 7 
purposes in his royal breast. But he was nar-^Jity! 
rowly watched and looked to, that such melancholic 
thoughts 6 might not long possess him, the conse- 
quence and effect whereof was like to be more griev- 
ous than that of the fire itself; of which that loose 
company that was too much cherished, even before 
it was extinguished, discoursed as of an argument 
for mirth and wit to describe the wildness of the 
confusion all people were in ; in which the scripture 
itself was used with equal liberty, when they could 
apply it to their profane purposes. And Mr. May 
presumed to assure the king, " that this was the Measles 

taken to 

" greatest blessing that God had ever conferred upon efface such 

" him, his restoration only excepted: for the walls passions in. 

" and gates being now burned and thrown down of him; 

" that rebellious city, which was always an enemy 

" to the crown, his majesty would never suffer them 

" to repair and build them up again, to be a bit in 

" his mouth and a bridle upon his neck ; but would 

" keep all open, that his troops might enter upon 

" them whenever he thought necessary for his ser- 

" vice, there being no other way to govern that rude 

" multitude but by force." 

This kind of discourse did not please the king, 
but was highly approved by the company ; and for 

e thoughts] Not in MS. 
H 3 


1666. the wit and pleasantness of it was repeated in all 
""companies, infinitely to the king's disservice, and 
corrupted the affections of the citizens and of the 
country, who used and assumed the same liberty to 
publish the profaneness and atheism of the court. 
And as nothing was done there in private, so it was 
made more public in pasquils and libels, which were 
as bold with reflections of the broadest nature upon 
the king himself, and upon those in whose company 
he was most delighted, as upon the meanest person. 

All men of virtue and sobriety, of which there 
were very many in the king's family, were grieved 
and heartbroken with hearing what they could not 
choose but hear, and seeing many things which they 
could not avoid the seeing. There were few of the 
council that did not to one another lament the ex- 
cesses, which must in time be attended with fatal 
consequences, and for the present did apparently 
lessen the reverence to the king, that is the best 
support of his royalty : but few of them had the 
courage to say that to his majesty, which was not 
so fit to be said to any body else. Nor can it be de- 
nied, that his majesty did, upon all occasions, re- 
ceive those advertisements from those who presented 
them to him, with patience and benignity, and 
without the least show of displeasure ; though the 
persons concerned endeavoured no one thing more 

And to th an to persuade him, " that it was the highest pre- 

Imen his 

esteem of sumption imaginable in the privy-council to be- 
coun P ci'j7 " lieve, that they had any jurisdiction in the court, 
" or ought to censure the manners of it." 

Nor were all those endeavours without making 
some impression upon his majesty, who rather 
esteemed some particular members of it, than was 


inclined to believe that the body of it ought to re- 1666. 
ceive a reverence from the people, or lie looked upon ~" 
as a vital part of the government : in which his ma- 
jesty (as hath been often said before) by the ill prin- 
ciples he had received in France, and the accustomed 
liberty of his bedchamber, was exceedingly and un- 
happily mistaken. For by the constitution of the 
kingdom, and the very laws and customs of the na- 
tion, as the privy-council and every member of it is 
of the king's sole choice and election of him to that 
trust, (for the greatest office in the state, though 
conferred likewise by the king himself, doth not 
qualify the officer to be of the privy-council, or to be 
present in it, before by a new assignation that ho- 
nour is bestowed on him, and that he be sworn of 
the council ;) so the body of it is the most sacred, 
and hath the greatest authority in the government 
of the state, next the person of the king himself, to 
whom all other powers are equally subject : and no 
king of England can so well secure his own just 
prerogative, or preserve it from violation, as by a 
strict defending and supporting the dignity of his 

When it was too much taken notice of, that the 
king himself had not that esteem or consideration of 
the council that was due to it, what they did or or- 
dered to be done was less valued by the people; 
and that disrespect every day improved by the want 
of gravity and justice arid constancy in the proceed- 
ings there, the resolutions of one day being reversed 
or altered the next, either upon some whispers in 
the king's ear, or some new fancy in some of those 
counsellors, who were always of one mind against 
all former orders and precedents ; the pride and in- 

H 4 


1666. solent humour of sir William Coventry taking not so 
~ much delight in any thing, as to cross and oppose 
whatsoever the chancellor or the treasurer advised, 
and to reverse what had been ordered upon that 
ground. And though he had sucked his milk at the 
charge of the law, no man was so professed an enemy 
to it and to the professors of it, and shewed so 
little f respect to any thing passed and granted under 
the great seal of England, but spake against it with 
the same confidence as if it had been a common 
scroll of no signification ; which kind of behaviour 
in a person unqualified by any office to speak much 
in such an assembly, as it had never been accus- 
tomed, so it would have found much reprehension 
there, if it had not been for respect to the duke, 
and if the king himself had not very often declared 
himself to be of his opinion, even in particulars 
which himself had caused to be proposed to a con- 
trary purpose. 

One day his majesty called the chancellor to him, 
and complained very much of the license that was 
assumed in the coffeehouses, which were the places 
where the boldest calumnies and scandals were 
raised, and discoursed amongst a people who knew 
not each other, and came together only for that 
communication, and from thence were propagated 
over the kingdom ; and mentioned some particular 
rumours which had been lately dispersed from those 
fountains, which on his own behalf he was enough 
displeased with, and asked him what was to be done 
in it. 

The chancellor concurred with him in the sense 

' so little] no more 


of the scandal, and the mischief that must attend ] 666. 
the impunity of such places, where the foulest im-~ 
putations were laid upon the government, which 
were held lawful to be reported and divulged to 
every body but to the magistrates, who might ex- 
amine and punish them ; of which there having yet 
been no precedent, people generally believed that 
those houses had a charter of privilege to speak 
what they would, without being in danger to be 
called in question : and " that it was high time for 
" his majesty to apply some remedy to such a grow- 
" ing disease, and to reform the understanding of 
" those who believed that no remedy could be ap- 
" plied to it. That it would be fit, either by a pro- 
" clamation to forbid all persons to resort to those 
" houses, and so totally to suppress them ; or to em- 
" ploy some spies, who, being present in the conver- 
" sation, might be ready to charge and accuse the 
" persons who had talked with most license in a 
" subject that would bear a complaint ; upon which 
" the proceedings might be in such a manner, as 
" would put an end to the confidence that was only 
" mischievous in those meetings." The king liked 
both the expedients, and thought that the last could 
not justly be made use of till the former should give 
fair warning; and commanded him to propose it 
that same day in council, that some order might be 
given in it. 

The chancellor proposed it, as he was required, 
with such arguments as were like to move with 
men who knew the inconveniences which arose from 
those places ; and the king himself mentioned it 
with passion, as derogatory to the government, and 
directed that the attorney might prepare a procla- 


1666. mat inn for the suppression of those houses, in which 
~ the hoard seemed to agree : when sir William Co- 
ventry, who had been heard within few days before 
to inveigh with much fierceness against the permis- 
sion of so much seditious prattle in the impunity of 
those houses, stood up and said, " that coffee was a 
" commodity that yielded the king a good revenue, 
" and therefore it would not be just to receive the 
" duties and inhibit the sale of it, which many men 
" found to be very good for their health," as if it 
might not be bought and drank but in those licen- 
tious meetings. " That it had been permitted in 
" Cromwell's time, and that the king's friends had 
" used more liberty of speech in those places than 
" they durst do in any other ; and that he thought 
" it would be better to leave them as they were, 
" without running the hazard of ill being continued, 
" notwithstanding his command to the contrary." 
And upon these reasons his majesty was converted, 
and declined any further debate; which put the 
chancellor very much out of countenance, nor knew 
he how to behave himself. 

The chau- The truth is, he had a very hard province, and 
terest de- found his credit every day to decay with the king ; 
whilst the whilst they who prevailed against him used all the 
affect'to s kiU anc ^ cunning they had to make it believed, 
represent that his power with his majesty was as great as it 
highest. " had ever been, and that all those things which he 
" most opposed were acted by his advice." And 
whilst they procured all those for whom he had 
kindness, or who professed any respect towards him, 
to be discountenanced and undervalued, and pre- 
ferred none but such who were known to have an 
aversion for him upon somewhat that he had, or 


they had been told that he had, obstructed their \C)66. 
pretences in ; they persuaded men, " that nobody 
" had any credit with the king to dispose of any 
" place but he." 

Those very men would often profess to him, " that 
" they were so much afflicted at the king's course of 
" life, that they even despaired that he would be 
" able to master those difficulties which would still 
" press him ;" and would then tell him some parti- 
culars which he himself had said or done, or had 
been said or done lately in his own presence, and of 
which he had never heard before ; which gave him 
occasion often to blame them, " that they, who had 
" the opportunity to see and know many things 
" which he had no notice of or could not take any, 
" and foresaw the consequence that did attend them, 
" did yet forbear to use the credit they had with his 
" majesty, in advertising him what they thought 
" and heard all others say ;" and he offered " to go 
" with them to his majesty, and make a lively repre- 
" sentation to him of the great decay of his reputa- 
" tion with the people upon his exorbitant excesses, 
" which God could never bless :" to all which they 
were not ashamed to confess, " that they never had 
" nor durst speak to his majesty to that purpose, or 
" in such a dialect." Indeed they were the honester 
men in not doing it, for it had been gross hypocrisy 
to have found fault with those actions, upon the pur- 
suing whereof they most depended; and the re- 
formation which they would have been glad to have 
seen, had no relation to those inordinate and unlaw- 
ful appetites, which were the root from whence all 

4 s who had] having 



laments to 
the chan- 
cellor the 
course of 
life: the 
king enters 
the room. 

To whom 
the chan- 
cellor re- 
peats the 

the other mischiefs had their birth. They did not 
wish that the lady's authority and power should he 
lessened, much less extinguished ; and that which 
would have been the most universal blessing to the 
whole kingdom, would have been received by them 
as the greatest curse that could befall them. 

One day the chancellor and the lord Arlington 
were together alone, and the secretary, according to 
his custom, was speaking soberly of many great mis- 
carriages by the license of the court, and how much 
his majesty suffered thereby; when the king sud- 
denly came into the room to them, and after he was 
sat asked them what they were talking of: to which 
the chancellor answered, " that he would tell him 
" honestly and truly, and was not sorry for the op- 
" portunity." And the other looking with a very 
troubled countenance, he proceeded and said, " that 
" they were speaking of his majesty, and, as they 
"did frequently, were bewailing the unhappy life he 
" lived, botli with respect to himself, who, by the 
" excess of pleasures which he indulged to himself, 
" was indeed without the true delight and relish of 
" any ; and in respect to his government, which he 
*' totally neglected, and of which the kingdom was 
" so sensible, that it could not be long before he felt 
" the ill effects of it. That the people were well 
" prepared and well inclined to obey ; but if they 
" found that he either would not or could not com- 
" mand, their temper would quickly be changed, and 
" he would find less obedience in all places, than 
" was necessary for his affairs : and that it was too 
" evident and visible, that he had already lost very 
" much of the affection and reverence the nation 
" had for him." 

He said, " that this was the subject they two 


" were discoursing upon when his majesty entered ; 
" and that it is the argument, upon which all those 
" of his council with whom he had any conversation 
" did every day enlarge, when they were together, 
" with grief of heart, and even with tears ; and that 
" he hoped that some of them did, with that duty 
" that became them, represent to his majesty their 
" own sense, and the sense his good subjects had, of 
" his condition of living, both with reference to God, 
" who had wrought such miracles for him, and ex- 
" pected some proportionable return ; and with re- 
" ference to his people, who were in the highest dis- 
" content. He doubted all men did not discharge 
" their duty this way ; and some had confessed to 
" him that they durst not do it, lest they might 
" offend him, which he had assured them often that 
" they would not do, having had so often experience 
" himself of his goodness in that respect h ; and that 
" he had the rather taken this opportunity to make 
" this representation to him in the presence of an- 
" other, which he had never used to do :" and con- 
cluded " with beseeching his majesty to believe that 
" which he had often said to him, that no prince 
" could be more miserable, nor could have more rea- 
" son to fear his own ruin, than he who hath no 
" servants who dare contradict him in his opinions, 
" or advise him against his inclinations, how natural 
" soever." 

The king heard all this and more to the same ef- 
fect with his usual temper, (for he was a patient 
hearer,) and spake sensibly, as if he thought that 

h in that respect] Not in MS. 


1 666. much that had been said was with too much reason ; 
"~ when the other, who wished not such an effect from 
the discourse, instead of seconding any thing that 
Arlington had been said, made use of the warmth the chan- 
wuh'rati- cellor was in, and of some expressions he had used, 
to fall into raillery, which was his best faculty ; 
with which he diverted the king from any further 
serious reflections ; and both of them grew very 
merry with the other, and reproached his overmuch 
severity, now he grew old, and considered not the 
infirmities of younger men : which increased the 
passion he was in, and provoked him to say, "that it 
" was observed abroad, that it was a faculty very 
" mnch improved of late in the court, to laugh at 
" those arguments they could not answer, and 
" which would always be requited with the same 
" mirth amongst those who were enemies to it, and 
" therefore it was pity that it should be so much 
" embraced by those who pretended to be friends;" 
and to use some other, too plain, expressions, which 
it may be were not warily enough used, and which 
the good lord forgot not to put the king in mind of, 
and to descant upon the presumption, in a season 
that was more ripe for such reflections, which at the 
present he forbore to do, and for some time after re- 
membered only in merry occasions. 

Though the king did not yet, nor in a good time 
after, appear to dislike the liberty the chancellor 
presumed to take with him, (who often told him, 
" that he knew he made himself grievous to him, 
" and gave his enemies too great advantages against 
" him ; but that the conscience of having done his 
" duty, and having never failed to inform his ma- 
" jesty of any thing that was fit for him to know 

" and to believe, was the only support he had to 1GGG. 

" bear the present trouble of his mind, and to pre- 
" pare him for those distresses which he foresaw he 
" was to undergo :" which his majesty heard with 
great goodness and condescension, and vouchsafed 
still to tell him, " that it was in nobody's power to 
" divert his kindness from him :") yet he found 
every day that some arguments grew less acceptable 
to him, and that the constant conversation with 
men of great profaneness, whose wit consisted in 
abusing scripture, and in repeating and acting what 
the preachers said in their sermons, and turning it 
into ridicule, (a faculty in which the duke of Buck- 
ingham excelled,) did much lessen the natural es- 
teem and reverence he had for the clergy ; and in- 
clined him to consider them i as a rank of men that 
compounded a religion for their own advantage, and 
to serve their own turns. Nor was all he could say 
to him of weight enough to make impression to the 

And then he seemed to think, " that men were The king 
" bolder in the examining his actions and censuring toThV*'' 1 
" them than they ought to be :" and once he told ^Xlu' 
him, " that he thought he was more k severe against be , rties . 

taken with 

" common infirmities than he should be ; and that !s charac- 
" his wife was not courteous in returning visits and 

" civilities to those who paid her respect ; and that 
" he expected that all his friends should be very 
" kind to those who they knew were much loved by 
" him, and that he thought so much justice was due 
" to him." 

The chancellor, who had never dissembled with 

1 and inclined him to con- k more] too 
sider them] Not in MS. 


1666. him, but on the contrary had always endeavoured 

""to persuade him to believe, that dissimulation was 

the most dishonest and ungentlemanly quality that 

Tbc chan- CO uld be affected, answered him very roundly, ".that 

cllor se- 
riously re- " he might seem not to understand his meaning, 

with him. " and so make no reply to the discourse he had 
" made : but that he understood it all, and the 
" meaning of every word of it ; and therefore that 
" it would not become him to suffer his majesty to 
" depart with an opinion, that what he had said 
*' would produce any alteration in his behaviour to- 
" wards him, or reformation of his manners towards 
" any other persons. 

" That for the first part, the liberty men took to 
" speak of him and to censure his actions, he was of 
" the opinion that it was a very great presumption, 
" and a crime very fit to be punished : for let it be 
" true or false, men had been always severely chas- 
" Used for that license, because it tended to sedition. 
" However, he put his majesty in mind of the ex- 
" ample of Philip of Macedon, who, when one of his 
" servants accused a person of condition to him of 
" having spoken ill of him, and offered to go him- 
" self to the magistrate and make proof of it, an- 
" swered him ; that the person he accused was a 
" man of the greatest reputation of wisdom and in- 
" tegrity in the kingdom, and therefore it would be 
" fit in the first place to examine, whether himself, 
" the king, had not done somewhat by which he 
" had deserved to be so spoken of: indeed this way 
" the best men would often receive benefit from 
" their worst enemies. For the matter itself," he 
said, " he need make no apology : for that it was 
" notoriously known, that lie had constantly given 


" it in charge to all the judges, to make diligent in- 166G. 

" quiry into misdemeanours and transgrassions of ~ 

" that magnitude, and to punish those who were 

" guilty in the most exemplary manner ; and that 

" he took not more pains any way, than to preserve 

" in the hearts of the people that veneration for his 

" person that is due to his dignity, and to persuade 

" many who appeared afflicted with the reports they 

" heard, that they heard more than was true ; and 

" that the suppressing all reports of that kind was 

" the duty of every good subject, and would contri- 

" bute more towards the reforming any thing that 

" in truth is amiss, than the propagating the scandal 

" by spreading it in discourses could do. However, 

" that all this, which was his duty, and but his duty, 

" did not make it unfit for him, or any other under 

" his obligations, in fit seasons to make a lively re- 

" presentation to his majesty of what is done, and 

** how secretly soever, that cannot be justified or ex- 

" cused ; and of the untruths and scandals which 

" spring from thence to his irreparable dishonour 

" and prejudice. 

" For the other part, of want of ceremony and 
" respect to those who were loved and esteemed by 
" his majesty, he might likewise avoid enlarging 
" upon that subject, by putting his majesty in mind, 
" that he had the honour to serve him in a province 
" that excused him from making visits, and exempt- 
" ed him from all ceremonies of that kind. But he 
" would not shelter himself under such a general de- 
" fence, when he perceived that his majesty had in 
" the reprehension a particular intention : and there- 
" fore he confessed ingenuously to his majesty, that 
:{ he did deny himself many liberties, which in 

VOL. in. j 


1 666. " themselves might be innocent enough and agree- 
~" " able to his person, because they would not be de- 
" cent or agreeable to the office he held, which 
" obliged him, for his majesty's honour, and to pre- 
" serve him from the reproach of having put a light 
" person into a grave place, to have the more care 
" of his own carriage and behaviour. And that, as 
" it would reflect upon his majesty himself, if his 
" chancellor was known or thought to be of disso- 
" lute and debauched manners, which would make 
" him as uncapable as unworthy to do him service ; 
" so it would be a blemish and taint upon him to 
" give any countenance, or to pay more than or- 
" dinary, cursory, and unavoidable civilities, to per- 
" sons infamous for any vice, for which by the laws 
" of God and man they ought to be odious, and to 
" be exposed to the judgment of the church and 
" state. And that he would not for his own sake 
" and for his own dignity, to how low a condition 
" soever he might be reduced, stoop to such a con- 
" descension as to have the least commerce, or to 
" make the application of a visit, to any such person, 
" for any benefit or advantage that it might bring 
" to him. He did beseech his majesty not to be- 
** lieve, that he hath a prerogative to declare vice 
** virtue ; or to qualify any person who lives in a sin 
" and avows it, against which God himself hath pro- 
" nounced damnation, for the company and conver- 
" sation of innocent and worthy persons. And that 
" whatever low obedience, which was in truth gross 
" flattery, some people might pay to what they Ix?- 
" lieved would be grateful to his majesty, they had 
'* in their hearts a perfect detestation of the persons 
" they made address to : and that for his part he 


" was long resolved that his wife should not be one I6GG. 
" of those courtiers ; and that he would himself 
" much less like her company, if she put herself 
" into theirs who had not the same innocence." 

The king was not the more pleased for the de- 
fence he made, and did not dissemble his dislike of 
it, without any other sharpness, than by telling him 
" that he was in the wrong, and had an understand- 
" ing different from all other men who had ex- 
" perience in the world." And it is most certain, it 
was an avowed doctrine, and with great address 
daily insinuated to the king, "that princes had 
" many liberties which private persons have not ; 
" and that a lady of honour who dedicates herself 
" only to please a king, and continues faithful to 
" him, ought not to be branded with any name or 
" mark of infamy, but hath been always looked 
" upon by all persons well-bred as worthy of re- 
" spect :" and to this purpose the history of all the 
amours of his grandfather were carefully presented 
to him, and with what indignation he suffered 
any disrespect towards any of his mistresses. 

But of all these artifices the chancellor had no ap- 
prehension, out of the confidence he had in the in- 
tegrity of the king's nature ; and that though he 
might be swayed to sacrifice his present affections 
to his appetite, he could never be prevailed upon to 
entertain a real suspicion of his very passionate 
affection and duty to his person. That which 
gave him most trouble, and many times made 
him wish himself in any private condition sepa- 
rated from the court, was that unfixedness and irre- 
solution of judgment that was natural to all his fa- 
mily of the male line, which often exposed them 

I 2 


I G66. all to the importunities of bold, and to the snares nf 
~" crafty, men. 

One day the king and the duke came to the chan- 
cellor together ; and the king told him with a very 
visible trouble in his countenance, " that they were 
" come to confer and advise with him upon an affair 
" of importance, which exceedingly disquieted them 
one Tai- both. That Dick Talbot" (which was the fami- 

bot, an , . _. . t _ _ 

irishman, liar appellation, according to the ill custom of the 
JsaLlnate court, that most men gave him) " had a resolution 
the duke of to assass i na te the duke of Ormond. That he had 

Or mono. 

" sworn in the presence of two or three persons 
" of honour, that he would do it in the revenge of 
" some injuries which, he pretended, he had done 
" his family : that he had much rather fight with 
" him, which he knew the duke would be willing 
" enough to do ; but that he should never be able 
" to bring to pass ; and therefore he would take his 
" revenge in any way that should offer itself. And 
" every body knew that the man had courage and 
" wickedness enough to attempt any thing like it. 
" That the duke of Ormond knew well enough that 
" the fellow threatened it, and was like enough to 
" act it ; but that he thought it below him to appre- 
" bend it ; and that his majesty came to the notice 
" of it by the earl of Clancarty, to whom sir Rotert 
" Talbot, the elder brother of the other, told it, to 
" the end that the earl might give the duke notice 
" of it, and find some way to prevent it ; and the 
" earl had that day informed the king of it, as the 
" best way he could think of to prevent it." His ma- 
jesty said, " there remained no doubt to l)e made of 
" the truth of it ; for there were two or three more 
" of unquestionable credit who had heard him use 


" the same expressions: and that* he had first spoken 1666. 
" with his brother, whose servant he was, whom he ~~ 
" found equally incensed as himself; and that they 
" came immediately together to consult with him 
" what was to be done." 

The chancellor knew all the brothers well, and A " accou 

of this 

was believed to have too much prejudice to them man's fa. 
all. They were all of an Irish family, but of an- with the 

cient English extraction, which had always inhabit- 
ed within that circle that was called the Pale ; brothers - 
which, being originally an English plantation, was 
in so many hundred years for the most part degene- 
rated into the manners of the Irish, and rose and 
mingled with them in the late rebellion : and of this 
family there were two distinct families, who had 
competent estates, and lived in many descents in the 
rank of gentlemen of quality ; and those brothers 
were all the sons, or the grandsons, of one who was 
a judge in Ireland, and esteemed a learned man. 
The eldest was sir Robert Talbot, who was by much Sir Robcrt 

* Talbot, the 

the best ; that is, the .rest were much worse men : a eldest. 
man, whom the duke of Ormond most esteemed of 
those who had been in rebellion, as one who had less 
malice than most of the rest, and had recommended 
to the king as a person fit for his favour. But be- 
cause he did not ask all on his behalf, which he 
must have done for a man entirely innocent, this re- 
fusal was looked upon as the highest disobligation. 

The second brother was a Jesuit, who had been peter, the 
very troublesome to the king abroad, and had be- 
haved himself in so insolent a manner, that his ma- 
jesty had forbidden him his court ; after which he 
went into England, and applied himself to the ruling 
power there, and was by that sent into Spain, at 

i 3 

1666. the time when the treaty was at Fuentarabia be- 

tween the two crowns, to procure that England 
might be included in that peace, and the king ex- 
cluded, and not to be suffered to remain in Flanders. 
Of all which his majesty having advertisement, sent 
positive orders to sir Harry Bennet his resident then 
in Madrid to complain of him, and to desire don 
Lewis de Haro, that he might receive no counte- 
nance in that court. But the Jesuit had better and 
more powerful recommendation ; and was not only 
welcome there, but (which was very strange, consi- 
dering his talent of understanding) in a short time 
got so much interest in the resident, that he re- 
ceived him into all kind of familiarity and trust, and 
undertook to reconcile the king to him, and was as 
good as his word : and from the time of his majesty's 
return, or rather from the return of sir Harry, Ben- 
net, he was as much and as busy in the court as if 
he were a domestic servant. And after the queen 
came to Whitehall, he was admitted one of her al- 
moners; and walked with the same or more freedom 
in the king's house (and in clergy habit) than any of 
his majesty's chaplains did; who did not presume 
to be seen in the galleries and other reserved 
rooms, where he was conversant with the same con- 
fidence as if he were of the bedchamber. 
Gilbert, The third brother was Gilbert, who was called 1 
called Co. Colonel Talbot from some command he had with 
the rebels against the king. And he had likewise 
been with the king in Flanders, that is, had lived in 
Antwerp and Brussels whilst the king was there ; 
and being a half-witted fellow did not meddle with 

' called] Not in JMS. 


any thing nor angered any body, but found a way J666. 
to get good clothes and to play, and was looked upon ~ 
as a man of courage, having fought a duel or two 
with stout men. 

The fourth brother was a Franciscan friar, of wit Thomas, 

the fourth, 

enough, but of so notorious debauchery, that he was a Francis- 
frequently under severe discipline by the superiors 
of his order for his scandalous life, which made him 
hate his habit, and take all opportunities to make 
journeys into England and Ireland : but not being 
able to live there, he was forced to return and put 
on his abhorred habit, which he always called his 
" fool's coat," and came seldom into those places 
where he was known, and so wandered into Ger- 
many and Flanders, and took all opportunities to be 
in the places where the king was ; and so he came 
to Cologne and Brussels and Bruges, and being a 
merry fellow, was-the more made of for laughing at 
and contemning his brother the Jesuit, who had not 
so good natural parts, though by his education he 
had more sobriety, and lived without scandal in his 
manners. He went by the name of Tom Talbot, 
and after the king's return was in London in his 
man's clothes, (as he called them,) with the natural 
license of an Irish friar, (which are a people, for the 
most part, of the whole creation the most sottish 
and the most brutal,) and against his obedience, 
and all orders of his superiors, who interdicted him 
to say mass. 

The fifth brother was this Dick Talbot, who gave Richard, 
the king and the duke the trouble mentioned before, the person 
He was brought into Flanders first by Daniel concernetl ' 
O'Neile, as one who was willing to assassinate 
Cromwell ; and he made a journey into England 

I 4 


1 666. with that resolution not long before his death, and 
"after it returned into Flanders ready to do all that 
he should be required. He was a very handsome 
young man, wore good clothes, and was m without 
doubt of a clear, ready courage, which was virtue 
enough to recommend a man to the duke's good 
opinion ; which, with more expedition than could be 
expected, he got to that degree, that he was made 
of his bedchamber; and, from that qualification. 
embarked himself after the king's return in the pre- 
tences of the Irish, with such an unusual confi- 
dence, and upon private contracts with very scan- 
dalous circumstances, that the chancellor had some- 
times at the council-table been obliged to give him 
severe reprehensions, and often desired the duke to 
withdraw his countenance from him. He had like- 
wise declared very loudly against the Jesuit, and, 
though he had made many addresses unto him by 
letters and by some friends who had credit with 
him, would never, from the time of the king's re- 
turn, be persuaded to speak with him, and had once 
prevailed with the king so far, that he was forbid to 
come to the court ; but he had a friend, who after 
some time got that restraint off again. The chan- 
cellor had likewise observed the friar to be too fre- 
quently in the galleries, and sometimes drunk there, 
and caused him to be forbid to come into the court : 
and the eldest brother, towards whom he had rather 
kindness than prejudice, finding many obstructions 
in his pretences, was persuaded to think him not his 
friend. And so he got the reproach of being an 
enemy to the whole family. 

m was] Not in MS. 


This consideration did really affect the chancellor, 1 666. 
so that he appeared more reserved and more wary" 
in this particular proposed by the king and by the 
duke, than he used to be. He said, " that in many 
" respects he was not so fit to advise in this parti- 
" cular as other men were. Though this man's be- 
" haviour was so scandalous that it deserved exem- 
" plary punishment, yet he did not conceive any pre- 
" sent danger from it : that he would deny it and 
" repent it, and give any other satisfaction that 
" would be required or assigned ; and then his ma- 
" jesty and the duke would be prevailed with to 
" take off their displeasure. And therefore it would 
" be better n not to make such a matter public, 
" which, considering the person and the circum- 
" stances, would make a deep impression upon the 
" minds of all wise men ; than, after the world takes 
" notice of it, to pass it over with a light and ordi- 
" nary punishment." The king interrupted him as 
he was going on, and told him, " there was no dan- 
" ger of that, and that he would deal freely with 
" him. That as the offence was in itself unpar- 
" donable, so he and his brother were resolved to take 
" this opportunity and occasion to free themselves 
" from the importunity of the whole family : that 
" all the brothers were naughty fellows, and had no 
" good meaning." And thereupon his majesty en- 
larged with much sharpness upon the Jesuit and 
friar, with charges upon both very weighty and un- 
answerable ; and the duke upon this man who was 
the subject of the debate : and both concluded, 
" that they should be in great ease by the absence 

" it would be better] Omitted in MS. 


1 666. " of all of them, which should be enjoined as soon 
~ " as a resolution should be taken in this particular." 
The chancellor knew that there was somewhat 
else, which was not so fit to be mentioned, that had 
offended them both as much ; and thought he had 
reason to believe that they would be both resolute 
in the punishment, and that they had deliberated it 
too long to depart from the prosecution. He there- 
fore advised, " that the gentleman should be pre- 
" sently apprehended and examined upon the words, 
" which some witness should be ready to affirm : 
" and that thereupon he should be sent to the Tower, 
" and the next day that his majesty should inform 
" the privy-council of the whole, which without 
" question would give direction to his attorney ge- 
" neral to prosecute this foul misdemeanour in such 
" a manner, that should put this gentleman in such 
" a condition, that he should not trouble the court 
" with his attendance; and other men should by 
" his example find, that their tongues are not their 
" own, to be employed according to their own mali- 
" cious pleasures." 

He is sent The person was the same night sent to the Tower ; 

Tcwer by an ^ both the king and the duke declared themselves, 
r^'ad * n * ne P resence ^ their servants and many others, 
to be as highly offended, and as positively resolved 
to take as much vengeance upon the impudent pre- 
sumption of the offender as the rigour of the law 
would inflict, as ever they had done upon any oc- 
currence and accident in their lives : and if they 
had had persons enough about them, who out of a 
just sense of their honour would have confirmed 

ever] if 


them in the judgment they were of, it would have 1 666. 
been in nobody's power to have shaken them. But" 
as from the first day of his commitment, the ser- 
vants near the person both of the king and duke 
presumed, against all ancient order, (which made it 
a crime in any to perform those civilities to persons 
declared to be under his majesty's displeasure,) to 
visit Mr. Talbot, and to censure those who had ad- 
vised his commitment; SOP after some few days, 
when they thought the duke's passion in some de- 
gree abated, the lord Berkley confidently told the 
duke, " that he suffered much in the opirtion of the 
" world, in permitting a servant of so near relation <i 
" to be committed to prison for a few hasty and 
" unadvised words to which he had been provoked ; 
" and that it was well enough known that it was 
" by the contrivement and advice of the chancellor, 
" who was taken notice of to be an enemy to that 
" whole family, nor any great friend to any of his 
" highness's servants ; and if he had that credit to 
" remove any of them from his person, there would 
" in a short time be few of them found in his 
" court." 

This was seconded by all the standers by ; and 
though it did not suddenly work its effect, yet the 
continual pressing it by degrees weakened the reso- 
lution : and the same offices being with equal im- 
portunity performed towards the king, and with the 
more zeal after it was published that the whole was 
done by the chancellor's procurement ; both his ma- 
jesty and his highness grew weary of their severity, 
and, upon conference together, resolved to interpose 

v so] and 'i relation] relation to his person 


with the duke for his remission, who disdained to 
~ make himself a prosecutor in such a transgression. 
ut won And so the prisoner returned to Whitehall, with the 

released by . 

the artifice advantage which men who have been unjustly im- 
usually receive : and all men thought he 

enemies, triumphed over the chancellor, who, how uncon- 
cerned soever, knew every day the less how to be- 
have himself. And this unhappy constitution grew 
so notorious, (for there were too many instances of 
it,) that all men grew less resolute in matters which 
concerned the king and drew the displeasure of 
others upon them, which was like to prove unpro- 
fitable to them. 

The pariia- According to their last prorogation the parliament 

nient meets. . . <-, 

convened again upon the one and twentieth of Sep- 
The king's tember ; when the king told them, " that he was 
" very glad to meet so many of them together again, 
" and thanked God for their meeting together again 
" in that place." He said, " little time had passed 
" since they were almost in despair of having that 
" place left to meet in. They saw the dismal ruins 
" the fire had made ; and nothing but a miracle of 
" God's mercy could have preserved what was left 
" from the same destruction." 

His majesty told them, " he need make no ex- 
" cuse to them for having dispensed with their at- 
" tendance in April ; he was confident they all 
" thanked him for it : the truth is, he desired to 
" put them to as little trouble as he could ; and he 
" could tell them truly, he desired to put them to 
" as little cost as was possible. He wished with all 
" his heart that he could bear the whole charge of 
'* the war himself, and that his subjects should reap 
" the whole benefit of it to themselves. But he had 


" two great and powerful enemies, who used all the ifififi. 
" ways they could, fair and foul, to make all the 
" world to concur with them ; and the war was 
" more chargeable by that conjunction, than any 
" body thought it would have been. He needed 
" not tell them the success of the summer, in which 
" God had given them great success ; and no ques- 
" tion the enemy had undergone great losses ; and 
" if it had pleased God to have withheld his late 
" judgment by fire, he had been in no ill condition." 
His majesty confessed, " that they had given him 
" very large supplies for the carrying on the war : 
" and yet," he told them, " that if he had not, by 
" anticipating his own revenue, raised a very great 
" sum of money, he had not been able to have set out 
" the fleet the last spring ; and he had some hope 
" upon the same credit to be able to pay off the great 
" ships as they should come in. They would con- 
" sider what was to be, done next, when they were 
" well informed of the expense : and he would leave 
" it to their wisdoms, to find out the best expedients 
" for the carrying on the war with as little burden 
" to the people as was possible." He said, " he 
" would add no more than to put them in mind, 
" that their enemies were very insolent ; and if 
" they were able the last year to persuade their mi- 
" serable people whom they misled, that the con- 
" tagion had so wasted the nation, and impoverished 
" the king, that he would not be able to set out 
" any fleet ; how would they be exalted with this 
" last impoverishment of the city, and contemn all 
" reasonable conditions of peace ? And therefore 
" he could not doubt but that they would provide 
" accordingly." 


1GGG. Indeed the king did not till now understand the 
' damage he had sustained by the plague, much less 
what he must sustain by r the fire. Monies could 
neither be collected nor borrowed where the plague 
had prevailed, which was over all the city and over 
a great part of the country ; the collectors durst not 
go to require it or receive it. Yet the fountains 
remained yet clear, and the waters would run again : 
but this late conflagration had dried up or so stopped 
the very fountains, that there was no prospect when 
they would flow again. The two great branches of 
the revenue, the customs and excise, which was the 
great and almost inexhaustible security to borrow 
money upon, were now bankrupt, and would neither 
bring in money nor supply credit : all the measures 
by which -computations had been made were so 
broken, that they could not be brought to meet 
again. By a medium of the constant receipts it had 
been depended upon, that what had been borrowed 
upon that fund would by this time have been fully sa- 
tisfied with all the interest, whereby the money would 
have been replaced in the hands to which it was due, 
which would have been glad to have laid it out again ; 
and the security would have 8 remained still in vigour 
to be applied to any other urgent occasions : but now 
the plague had routed all those receipts, especially 
in London, where the great conduits of those re- 
ceipts still ran. The plague and the war had so 
totally broken and distracted those receipts, that the 
farmers of either had not received enough to dis- 
charge the constant burden of the officers, and were 
so far from paying any part of the principal that 
was secured upon it, that it left the interest unpaid 
r by] from * would have] Not in MS. 


to swell the principal. And now this deluge by fire 
had dissipated the persons, and destroyed the houses, ~ 
which were liable to the reimbursement of all ar- 
rears ; and the very stocks were consumed which 
should carry on and revive the trade. And the third 
next considerable branch of the revenue, the chim- 
ney-money, was determined; and the city must be 
rebuilt before any body could be required to pay for 
his chimneys. 

This was the true state of the crown, if all other 
inconveniences and casual expenses had been away, 
and all application to things serious had been made 
by all persons concerned. And this woful prospect 
was in view when the parliament met again ; which 
came not together with the better countenance by 
seeing all hopes abroad with so sad an aspect, and 
all things at home (that troubled them much more) 
appear so desperate in many respects. Yet within 
few days after the king had spoken to them, the 
house of commons being most filled with the king's 
servants, the gentlemen of the country being not 
yet come, there was a faint vote procured, " that 
" they would give a supply to the king proportion - 
" able to his wants," without mentioning any sum, 
or which way it should be raised : nor from that mi- 
nute did they make the least reflection upon that 
engagement in many months after. Whilst the ene- 
mies, much more exalted than ever, believed, as 
they had good cause, that they should reap a much 
greater benefit by the burning of London than they 
had from the contagion. 

When the numbers of the members increased, the Discontents 
parliament appeared much more chagrined than it 
had hitherto done ; and though they made the same 

1666. professions of affection and duty to the king they 

had ever done, they did not conceal the very ill 
opinion they had of the court and the continual riot- 
ings there: and the very idle discourses of some 
(who were much countenanced) upon the miserable 
event of the fire made them even believe, that the 
former jealousies of the city, when they saw their 
houses burning at such a distance from each other, 
were not without some foundation, nor without just 
apprehension of a conspiracy, and that it had not 
A commit- been diligently enough examined ; and therefore 
pointed to they appointed a committee, with large authority to 
IhJ'cause"* send for and examine all persons who could give 
of the fire. an y information concerning it. 

When any mention was made of the declaration 
they had so lately passed, for giving the king sup- 
ply, and " that it was high time to despatch it, that 
" all necessary provisions might be made for the 
" setting out a fleet against the spring;" it was an- 
swered with passion, " that the king's wants must 
" be made first to appear before any supply must be 
" discoursed of: that there were already such vast 
" sums of money given to the king, that there was 
" none left in the country ; nor could any commo- 
" dities there, upon which they should raise where- 
" with to pay their taxes, be sold for want of mo- 
" ney, which was all brought to London in specie, 
" and none left to carry on the commerce and trade 
" in the country, where they could not sell their corn 
" or their cattle or their wool for half the value." 

They who had not sat in the parliament at Ox- 
ford were exceedingly vexed, that there had been so 
much given there, so soon after the two millions and 
a half had been granted ; and said, " if the king 


" wanted again already, that he must have been 1666. 
" abominably cheated, which was fit to be examined. ~~ 
" That the number of the ships, which had been set 
" out by the king in several fleets since the begin- 
" ning of this war, was no secret ; and that there 
" are men enough who are acquainted with the 
" charge of setting out and manning and victual- 
" ling ships, and can make thereby a reasonable com- 
" putation what this vast expense can amount to : 
" and that they cannot but conclude, that if his ma- 
" jesty hath been honestly dealt with, there must 
" remain still a very great proportion of money to 
** carry on the war, without need of imposing more 
" upon the people, till they are better able to bear it. 
" And therefore that it was absolutely necessary, that 
" all those, through whose hands the money had 
" passed, should first give an exact account of what 
" they had received,' and what and how they had 
" disbursed it : and when that should appear, it 
" would be seasonable to demand an addition of 
" supply, which would be cheerfully granted." 

And for the better expedition of this (for every 
body confessed that the time pressed) it was proposed, 
" that forthwith a bill should be prepared, which 
" should pass into an act of parliament, in which 
" such commissioners should be appointed as the 
" houses should think fit, Ito examine all accounts of 
" those who had received or issued out any monies 
" for this war ; and where they found any persons 
" faulty, and who had broken their trust, they 
" should be liable to such punishment as the parlia- 
" ment should think fit :" and a committee was pre- A bin 

, .,, 1*1 brought in 

sently named to prepare such a bill accordingly. f or inspect- 
This proposition found such a concurrence in theJJJjJ[* 



1666. house, that none of the court thought fit to oppose 
~ it ; and others who knew the method to be new, and 
liable to just exceptions, thought it to as little pur- 
pose to endeavour to divert it : and so all motions 
for present supply were to be laid aside till a more 
favourable conjuncture ; and the overture had been 
contrived and put on by many who seemed not to 
like it, which is an artifice not unusual in courts or 

The persons, who were principally aimed at, (for 
no doubt they believed that others would be com- 
prehended,) were sir George Carteret, the treasurer 
of the navy, through whom all that expense had 
passed, who had many enemies upon the opinion 
that his office was too great, and the more by the ill 
offices sir William Coventry was always ready to do 
him ; and the lord Ashley, who was treasurer of all 
the money that had been raised upon prizes, which 
could not but be a great proportion. The former 
was a punctual officer and a good accountant, and 
had already passed his account in the exchequer for 
two years, upon which he had his " quietus est ;" 
which was the only lawful way known and practised 
by all accountants to the crown, who can receive a 
good discharge no other way : and he was ready to 
make another year's account. But what method 
commissioners extraordinary by act of parliament 
would put it into, he could not imagine, nor be well 
satisfied with. The other, the lord Ashley, had more 
reason to be troubled, for he was by his commission 
exempted from giving any other account but to the 
king himself, which exemption was the only reason 
that made him so solicitous for the office ; and he 
well knew that there were great sums issued, which 


could not be put into any public account: so that 1666. 
his perplexity in several respects was not small. ~~ 
And they both applied themselves to the king for 
his protection in the point. 

His majesty was no less troubled, knowing 1 that upon which 
both had issued out many sums upon his warrants, coLuuf the 
which he would not suffer to be produced; and E"mmittee. 
called that committee of the privy-council with 
which he used to advise, and complained of this 
unusual way of proceeding in the house of commons, 
which would terrify all men from serving his majesty 
in any receipts; to which employment men sub- 
mitted because they knew what they were to do, 
and what they were to suffer. If they made their 
account according to the known rules of the exche- 
quer, their discharge could not be denied ; and if they 
failed, they knew what process would be awarded 
against them. But to account by such orders as 
the parliament should prescribe, and to be liable to 
such punishment as the parliament would inflict, 
was such an uncertainty as would deprive them of 
all rest and quiet of mind ; and was in itself so un- 
just, that his majesty declared " that he would never 
" suffer it : that he hoped it would never find a con- 
" sent in the house of commons ; if it should, that 
" the house of peers would reject it ; but if it should 
" be brought to him, he was resolved never to give 
" his royal assent." There was no man present, 
who did not seem fully to concur with his majesty 
that he should never consent to it : " however, that 
" the best care and diligence should be used, that it 
" might never be presented to him, but stopped in 

1 knowing] knew 
K 2 


1 666. " the houses ; and to that purpose, that the mem- 
~" bers should be prepared by giving them notice of 

" his pleasure." 

The chan- The chancellor upon this argument, in which he 
yen his discerned no opposition, enlarged himself upon what 
vy 'freely: he had often before put his majesty in mind of; 
" that he could not be too indulgent in the defence 
",of the privileges of parliament; that he hoped he 
" would never violate any of them :" but he desired 
him " to be equally solicitous to prevent the ex- 
" cesses in parliament, and not to suffer them to 
" extend their jurisdiction to cases they have no- 
" thing to do with ; and that to restrain them within 
" their proper bounds and limits is as necessary, as 
" it is to preserve them from being invaded. That 
" this was such a new encroachment as had no bot- 
" torn ; and the scars were yet too fresh and green 
" of those wounds which had been inflicted upon 
" the kingdom from such usurpation." And there- 
fore he desired his majesty " to be firm in the reso- 
" lution he had taken, and not to depart from it ; 
" and if such a bill should be brought up to the 
" house of peers, he would not fail in doing his duty, 
" and speaking freely his opinion against such inno- 
Which is vations, how many soever it might offend." All 

toon re- . 

ported a- which discourse of his was in a short time after 
prejudice, "communicated to those, who would not fail to make 
use of it to his disadvantage. 

There was a correspondence by this time begun 
and warmly pursued between some discontented 
members of the house of peers, who thought their 
parts not enough valued, (and the duke of Bucking- 
ham was in the head of them,) and some members 
of the house of commons, who made themselves 


remarkable by opposing all things which were pro- 1666. 
posed in that house for the king's service, or which ~~ 
were like to be grateful to him, as sir Richard Tem- 
ple, Mr. Seymour, and Mr. Garraway, and sir Robert 
Howard ; who were all bold speakers, and meant to 
make themselves considerable by saying, upon all 
occasions, what wiser men would not u , whatever 
they thought. 

The duke of Buckingham x took more pains than The duke of 

, , , . . Bucking- 

Was agreeable to his constitution to get an interest ham at the 

in all such persons, invited them to his table, pre- opposition? 
tended to have a great esteem of their parts, asked 
counsel of them, lamented the king's neglecting his 
business, and committing it to other people who 
were not fit for it ; and then reported all the license 
and debauchery of the court in the most lively co- 
lours ?, being himself a frequent eye and earwitness 
of it. He had a mortal quarrel with the lady, and 
was at this time so much in the king's displeasure, 
(as he was very frequently,) that he forbore going 
to the court, and revenged himself upon it by all 
the merry tales he could tell of what was done 

It cannot be imagined, considering the loose life 
he led (which was a life more by night than by day) 
in all the liberties that nature could desire or wit 
invent, how great an interest he had in both houses 
of parliament ; that is, how many in both would fol- 
low his advice, and concur in what he proposed. 
His quality and condescensions, the pleasantness of 
his humour and conversation, the extravagance and 
sharpness of his wit, unrestrained by any modesty 

" not] Omitted in MS. -\ colours] courage 

x of Buckingham] Not in MS. 

K 3 


1666. or religion, drew persons of all affections and in- 

clinations to like his company ; and to believe that 

the levities and the vanities would be wrought off 
by age, and there would enough of good he left to 
become a great man, and make him useful to his 
country, for which he pretended to have a wonderful 
affection and reverence ; and that all his displeasure 
against the court proceeded from their declared ma- 
lignity against the liberty of the subject, and their 
desire that the king should govern by the example 
of France. He had always held intelligence with 
the principal persons of the levelling party, and pro- 
fessed to desire that liberty of conscience might be 
granted to all; and exercised his wit with most 
license against the church, the law, and the court. 

The king had constant intelligence of all his be- 
haviour, and the liberty he took in his discourses of 
him, for which he had indignation enough : but of 
this new stratagem to make himself great in parlia- 
ment, and to have a faction there to disturb his bu- 
siness, his majesty had no apprehension, believing it 
impossible for the duke to keep his mind long bent 
upon any particular design, or to keep and observe 
those hours and orders of sleeping and eating, as 
men who pretend to business are obliged to; and 
that it was more impossible, for him to make and 
preserve a friendship with any serious persons, whom 
. he could never restrain himself from abusing and 
making ridiculous, as soon as he was out of their 
company. Yet, with all these infirmities and vices, 
he found a respect and concurrence from men of 
different tempers and talents, and had an incredible 
opinion with the people. 

The great object of his dislike, displeasure, and 


hatred, was the duke of Ormond, who being his 1666. 
equal in title, and superior in credit with the king, His hatred 
and at least equal to him in all other respects, he * 
looked upon him" as his rival ; and that his constant 
attendance upon the king through all his fortunes, 
was a reproach to him for not having performed his 
duty that way, and gave him a general reputation 
in the kingdom with all men who had been faithful 
to the crown. The duke of Ormond's younger son 
had married his niece, who was the heir apparent 
of his house ; to which, though he had given his 
consent when he saw it was not in his power to 
contradict it, yet he pretended that the duke had 
made many promises of friendship to him which he 
had not made good ; whereas in truth the other did 
really desire, and had heartily endeavoured, to do 
him all the good offices he could with the king, 
which some other new extravagance of his own dis- 
appointed and made uneffectual. Let the ground 
and reason be what they will, he did not dissemble 
to hate the duke of Ormond heartily, and to be will- 
ing to undertake the prosecution of any complaint 
against him ; of which, in that distempered and dis- 
jointed condition of Ireland, there could not be oc- 
casion wanting z , as soon as it was known that such 
a patron was ready to undertake their defence. And 
it cannot be denied, (the spirit of envy is so power- 
ful,) that there were too many, who had no affection 
for the duke of Buckingham, who were yet willing 
that any thing should be done to the prejudice of 
the duke of Ormond, who they thought eclipsed the 
nobility of England. 

7 there could not be occasion wanting] could not be wanting 

K 4 


1666. There had been for many months a great mur- 
~ mur, rather than complaint, " of the great damage 
" the kingdom in general sustained by the importa- 
" tion of such great quantities of Irish cattle, which 
*' were bred there for nothing, and transported for 
" little, that they might well undersell all the cat- 
" tie here ; and from hence the breed of cattle in 
" the kingdom was totally given over, and thereby 
" the land would yield no rent proportionably to 
" what it had ever done : and that this was a prin- 
" cipal cause of the want of money in the country, 
" which could only be remedied by a very strict act 
" of parliament, to forbid the importation of any 
" sort of cattle out of Ireland into this kingdom." 
A bin And some of them who had most thought of the 


into the matter had prepared a bill, and brought it into the 

house of _ 

commons house ot commons, where it was read. At first it 
S^portaJion underwent very calm and reasonable debates. Very 
cauie Sh manv members of several counties desired, " that 
" their counties might not undergo any damage for 
" the benefit of other individual places." They pro- 
fessed " that their counties had no land bad enough 
" to breed : but that their great traffick consisted in 
" buying lean cattle, and making them fat, and 
" upon this they paid 'their rent ; and if the bringing 
" over Irish cattle should be restrained, their coun- 
" ties must be undone." And this appeared to be 
the case of very many counties in England. And 
the complaint was of so new a nature, that it had 
never been heard of in England till some few 
months before this meeting in parliament ; only it 
had been mentioned in the parliament at Oxford, as 
a grievance to the northern counties, which com- 
plained no less of the Scots than of the Irish cattle ; 


and the bill that was at this time brought into the 1666, 
house of commons provided as well against the one" 
as the other. 

Whether this complaint originally proceeded from 
the damage which the people of some counties sus- 
tained, or thought they sustained, which made their 
members in parliament press the restraint with 
much earnestness, (and it cannot be denied that 
many worthy men were passionate in it, who were 
not like to be- engaged in particular and factious 
contests, to comply with the humours of other men,) 
is not easy to other men to judge of than those who 
sat in the houses, and observed the manner and the 
passion in which those debates were carried. And 
it cannot be denied but that, how innocently soever 
the grievance first came to be mentioned, and to be 
recommended to the consideration and wisdom of 
the house, the carrying it on was with unusual heat 
and passion, different from what appeared in the 
transaction of any other business, that had an aspect 
only to the public : and it was observed, that the 
cabal that is mentioned before, between some of the 
house of peers and of the house of commons, began 
at this time to meet more frequently, and were 
united in the driving on this affair ; which suddenly 
grew to be insisted on as of that importance, that 
there could be no debate begun with reference to the 
giving money to the king, till this bill were first 

In the mean time the council of Ireland had the The privy- 
alarm of what was intended before the parliament, Ireland re- 
and did not only write to the king himself, but a ^ 
large letter to the lords of the privy-council, in billf 
which they represented the present distracted con- 


1 666. dition of that kingdom, " that there were more than 
~ " one hundred thousand persons who had nothing else 
" to live upon but their droves of cattle ; out of 
" which they twice a year sent as many as they 
" could spare into England, which enabled them to 
" pay their rents, and return such goods and mer- 
" chandise from thence as the kingdom stood a in 
" need of;" for no money in specie was returned 
upon that commerce. " That if this liberty of 
" trade, which they had enjoyed in all ages, should 
" be taken from them, the king's army could not be 
" supported, nor the government maintained, but 
" the kingdom must necessarily be ruined ; and pro- 
" bably a new rebellion, in so general a discontent 
" as this restraint would administer, might be again 
** entered into : and therefore they desired, that at 
" least some years might be allowed to that traffick 
" which had been always enjoyed ; to the end that 
" some other husbandry might be introduced into 
" the kingdom, by which the people might live, 
" and which the government would endeavour to 
" plant with all possible dib'gence and encourage- 
" ment." 


The king The king himself was so much moved with those 
wT. ns e letters, that he declared, " that he could neither in 
" justice nor in conscience consent to such a bill, 
" which upon pretence of benefit to one of his king- 
" doms might and must be so mischievous to the 
" other two," (for Scotland, as is said, was yet com- 
prehended as well as Ireland :) " that he was equally 
" king to b all, and obliged to have an equal care of 
" all ; and never to consent to any thing that might 

* stood] Omitted in MS. b to] of 


" be prejudicial to either of the other, especially if 1666. 
" the benefit to the one were not proportionable to, ~~ 
" and as evident as, the damage was to the other." 
And upon these grounds he recommended to them, 
" to give such a stop to this bill, that it might never 
" be presented to him ; for if it were, he must posi- 
" tively reject it :" and without doubt his majesty 
at that time did not resolve any thing more within 
himself, than never to give his royal assent to that 

The letters from Ireland did not make the same The privy- 
impressions upon the lords of the council, who were v^TiTm '" 
very much divided in their opinions, even they f 
whose zeal for the king's service was most unques- il - 
tionable. Some were, upon the sole consideration 
of the injustice of it, and the mischief that it would 
produce in Ireland, positively against ever consent- 
ing to it, and as positive that it might be stopped in 
the house of commons, or thrown out of the lords' 
house, that it should never come to the king: others 
did as much believe that it was a real grievance, in 
which the subject should have relief; and insisted 
much, " that in a point evidently for the benefit and 
" advantage of England, Ireland ought not to be 
" put into the scale, because it would be some incon- 
" venience there." Some did in truth think that 
the king was too much inclined to favour the Irish, 
and in that respect were well content that this bill 
should be a mortification to them : and there wanted 
not others, who in dark expressions (which grew 
clearer when the matter came into the house of peers) 
seemed to think, " that the estates in Ireland were 
" more valuable than they were in England ; and that 
" some noblemen of that kingdom lived in a higher 


1666. " garb, and made greater expenses, than the noble- 

" men in England were able to do ; which had not 

" been in former times." But they never considered, 
that those noblemen had nothing but what descend- 
ed to them from their ancestors; and that they 
had faithfully adhered to the king, and undergone 
as much damage for doing so, as any men had 

The house of commons seemed much more mo- 
rose and obstinate than it had formerly appeared to 
be, and solicitous to grasp as much power and au- 
thority as any of their predecessors had done, though 
no doubt with no ill intention : and c it may be 
this would not have so much appeared, if there had 
been the same vigour in those who had used to con- 
duct the king's business in that house, as there had 
used to be. But that spirit was much fallen. The 
chief men of the court, upon whose example other 
men looked, were much more humble than they had 
used to be, and took more pains to ingratiate them- 
selves than to advance the interest of their master : 
and instead of pressing what was desirable upon the 
strength of reason and policy, as they had used to 
do, and by which the major part of the house had 
usually concurred with them, they now applied 
themselves with address to those, who had always 
frowardly opposed whatsoever they thought would 
be grateful to the king ; and desired rather to buy 
their votes and concurrence by promises of reward 
and preferment, (which is the most dishonourable 
and unthrifty brokery that can be practised in a par- 
liament, which from this time was much practised, 

r and] nor 


and brought many ill things to pass,) than to pre- 1666. 
vail upon those weighty and important arguments" 
which would bear the light. Which low artifice 
raised the insolence of those, which would, as easily 
as it had been, have been still overruled and sup- 
pressed ; and was quickly discerned by those others, 
who, upon the principles of honour and wisdom, had 
hitherto swayed the house in all matters of public 
concernment, and who now concluded by those new 
condescensions that the former sober spirit and reso- 
lution was laid aside, and that peevish men would be 
compounded with ; and so resolved to sit still or look 
on, till the success of this stratagem might be dis- 

And by this means the bill for Irish cattle was 
driven on with more fury, and the other concerning 
accounts more passionately spoken of; whilst every 
day not only many of those, who had constantly ob- 
served the advice that had been given them on the 
behalf of the king, fell off to the other party, but 
many of his household servants concurred in the bill 
for Ireland ; whilst the rest, who did not yet think 
fit to do so, applied themselves to the king for his 
leave that they might do the same. And sir William 
Coventry, who had now by his insinuations and 
communication made himself very grateful to the re- 
fractory party, persuaded the king, " that the house 
" had taken the Irish bill so much to heart, that 
" they would never enter upon the debate of money, 
" till that had passed the house and was sent to the 
" lords, who no doubt, upon the knowledge of his 
" majesty's mind and resolution, would easily throw 
" it out. That if his servants continued obstinate in 
" opposing it below, they should but provoke and 


1666. " anger the house, and render themselves useless to 
"""" other parts of his majesty's more important busi- 
** ness : whereas if they did now gratify the house by 
" concurring with them in this matter, they should 
" make themselves acceptable, have credit enough to 
" divert the bill of accounts, and presently to dispose 
" every body to enter upon the matter of supply." 

The king was not pleased with the counsel, but 
had a very good opinion of the counsellor, who he 
believed could not but judge aright of the temper 
of those with whom he had sat and conversed so 
long : and so his majesty told him, " he was con- 
" tented he should follow the dictates of his own 
" judgment and conscience ;" and the same answer 
he gave to all such members of the house of commons 
The bin, who came to receive his orders. And after all this, 
opposition, * ne bill was carried with great difficulty, and long 
opposition given to it by those members of several 
counties, which professed, " that the bringing over 
" the Irish cattle was so much for their benefit, that 
" they could not live well without it," and were ex- 
ceedingly perplexed that it should pass ; which yet 
they hoped would be prevented in the house of 
peers : and so the bill was in great triumph, and by 
all the members, (as in cases they much delight in 
is usual,) presented to the house of peers. 

And the commons no sooner repaired to their own 
house, than they assumed the debate upon the ac- 
counts, with the same fervour they had pursued the 
other bill of Ireland, and with the same declaration, 
" that they would not enter upon the subject of 
" money, till they saw what success that bill would 
" likewise have ;" and appearing every day more out 
of humour, expressed less reverence towards the 


court. And some expressions were frequently used, 1666. 
which seemed to glance at the license and disorders" 
and extravagant expense of that place, not without 
some reflections which aimed at the lady, and at the 
exorbitant power exercised by her. And this impe- 
rious way of proceeding confirmed those in their wa- 
riness, who had no mind to oppose or contradict the 
party that they would and meant should prevail : 
but they the more endeavoured to render themselves 
gracious to the leaders, as being willing to ad- 
minister fuel to the fire the others intended to 
kindle; and, so they might preserve themselves, 
were very willing to expose other ministers to the 
jealousy of them, who they thought would not be 
quiet without some sacrifice. And thus they alarmed 
the king with the new apprehensions, " that the 
" house, which had yet dutiful intentions, if they 
" were crossed in what they designed for his service, 
" might be provoked to be bolder with his majesty 
" than they had been yet, and to mention the preva- 
" lence of the lady," which every body knew the 
duke of Buckingham would have been glad to have 
contributed to. And with these continued repre- 
sentations, but especially with their old argument of 
casting it out by the house of peers, where his power 
could not be doubted, they at last prevailed with 
the king to leave all men to themselves in the busi- ' rhe bi " f r 


ness or the accounts, (where there was a greater public ac - 
concurrence,) as he had done in the Irish bill : and p s "<] S by 
so that bill likewise was transmitted to the lords. mlm~ 
And at this time many wise men thought, that it The pro- 
would have been very happy for the king if he would dUwfvTng 
have dissolved the parliament, and presently after mentanhi 
called another ; which would have discovered many tinie> 


1666. combinations, when the actors had found themselves 
~" excluded from entering again upon the stage ; and 
it would have appeared, that all the storms had 
been raised by those winds which had their birth 
in the king's own house. And such a dissolution 
(to t which the king himself was enough inclined) 
would have been very popular throughout the king- 
dom, which naturally doth not love long parlia- 
ments, and exceedingly detested this for having 
only given away their money, and raised a war of 
which they saw no end nor possible benefit, without 
passing any good laws for the advancement of the 
peace and happiness of the kingdom. And very few 
of those, who had gotten credit in the house to ob- 
struct what the king desired, were men of any in- 
terest or reputation with the people. 

But as nobody was forward publicly to own and 
avow this counsel, the consequence whereof they 
knew if it were not consented to; so they who 
meant to do themselves more good by the present 
indisposition and distemper, than they could propose 
from a new convention of men utterly unknown, 
and who were like enough to bring prejudice against 
their own particulars, used all the means they could 
devise to divert the king from that inclination. 
They told him, " that he would never have such 
" another parliament, where he had near one hun- 
" dred members of his own menial servants and their 
" near relations, who were all at his disposal ; by 
" which they had incurred so much prejudice in the 
" country, that very few of thm would ever be 
" elegted again. That the present distemper was 
" contracted by accidents and mistakes, and would 
" vanish upon very reasonable condescensions, and 


"in another prorogation: whereas if it should be 1666. 
" dissolved and new writs sent out, the people would" 
" return none but presbyterians and known enemies 
" to the church, and such who were most notori- 
" ously disaffected to the court." And this argu- 
ment, pressed by men who had no more affection 
for the church than the Quakers had, prevailed with 
most of the bishops to dissuade the king from 
hearkening to any such advice; when they had 
much more reason to expect a stronger party in a 
new parliament, and might have observed that their 
friends fell from them every day in both houses, and 
that the court was not propitious to them, of which 
they had afterwards a sad experience, and which 
they might then have well foreseen. 

The house of peers was no sooner possessed of the Great ani- 
bill against Irish cattle, but it was read, and a mar- the house of 
vellous keen resolution appeared in many to use all t ,' e bJii P ' 
expedition in the passing it ; though if the matter if* 
itself had been without exception, there were so 
many clauses and provisos in it so derogatory to the 
king's honour and prerogative, that many thought it 
a high disrespect to his majesty to admit them into 
debate. But of these anon. The duke of Bucking- 
ham appeared in the head of those who favoured the 
bill, with a marvellous concernment : and at the 
times appointed for the debate of it, contrary to his 
custom of coming into the house, indeed of not ris- 
ing till eleven of the clock, and seldom staying above 
a quarter of an hour, except upon some affair which 
he concerned himself in, he was now always present 
with the first in a morning, and stayed till the last 
at night ; for the debate often held from the morn- 

VOL. in. i. 


1666. ing till four of the clock in the afternoon, and 
""sometimes till candles were brought in. 

And it grew quickly evident, that there were 
other reasons which caused so earnest a prosecution 
of it, above the encouragement of the breed of cattle 
in England : insomuch as the lord Ashley, who next 
the duke of Buckingham appeared the most violent 
supporter of the bill, could not forbear to urge it as 
an argument for the prosecuting it, " that if this bill 
** did not pass, all the rents in Ireland would rise in 
" a vast proportion, and those in England fall as 
" much ; so that in a year or two the duke of Or- 
" mond would have a greater revenue than the earl 
" of Northumberland ;" which made a visible im- 
pression in many, as a thing not to be endured. 
Whereas the duke had indeed at least four times the 
proportion of land in Ireland that descended to him 
from his ancestors, that the earl had in England ; 
and the revenue of it before the rebellion was not 
inferior to the other's. But nothing was more ma- 
nifest, than that the warmth of that prosecution in 
the house of peers in many lords did proceed from 
the envy they had of the duke's station in one king- 
dom, and of his fortune in the other. 

And the whole debate upon the bill was so dis- 
orderly and unparliamentary, that the like had never 
been known : no rules or orders of the house for the 
course and method of debate were observed. And 
there being, amongst those who advanced the bill, 
fewer speakers than there were of those who were 
against it, those few took upon them to speak 
oftener than they ought to do, and to reply to every 
man who declared himself to be of another opinion : 


and when they were put in mind of the rule of the \6G6. 
house, " that no man should speak above once upon 
" the same question," they called presently to have 
the house resolved into a committee, which any sin- 
gle member may require, and then every man may 
speak as often as he please ; and so the time was 
spent unprofitably without the business being ad- 
vanced. In the mean time the house of commons 
proceeded as irregularly, in sending frequent mes- 
sages to hasten the despatch of the bill, when they 
knew well the debate of every day : and it was fre- 
quently urged as an argument, "that the house of 
" commons was the fittest judge of the necessities 
" and grievances of the people ; and they having 
" passed this bill, the lords ought to conform to their 
" opinion." In fine, there grew so great a license 
of words in this debate, and so many personal reflec- 
tions, that every day some quarrels arose, to the 
great scandal and dishonour of a court that was the 
supreme judicatory of the kingdom. 

The duke of Buckingham, who assumed a liberty 
of speaking when and what he would in a dialect 
unusual and ungrave, his similes and other expres- 
sions giving occasion of much mirth and laughter, 
one day said in the debate, "that whoever was 
" against that bill had either an Irish interest or an 
" Irish understanding:" which so much offended the 
lord Ossory, who was eldest son to the duke of Or- 
mond, (who had very narrowly escaped the censure 
of the house lately, for reproaching the lord Ashley 
with having been a counsellor to Cromwell, and 
would not therefore trust himself with giving a pre- 
sent answer,) that d meeting him afterwards in the 

rf that] but 
I, 2 


1666. court, he c desired the duke "that he would walk 
~ " into the next room with him ;" and there told 
The lord him, "that he had taken the liberty to use many 
fen^thS "" loose and unworthy expressions which reflected 
Bucking- " u Pn the whole Irish nation, and which he him- 
ham. se jf resented so much that he expected satisfaction, 
" and to find him with his sword in his hand ;" 
which the duke endeavoured to avoid by all the fair 
words and shifts he could use, but was so far pressed 
by the other, whose courage was never doubted, 
that he could not avoid appointing a place where 
they would presently meet, which he found the 
other would exact to prevent discovery, and there- 
fore had chosen rather to urge it himself than to 
send a message to him. And so he named a known 
place in Chelsea Fields, and to be there within less 
than an hour. 

The lord Ossory made haste thither, and expect- 
ed him much beyond the time ; and then seeing 
some persons come out of the way towards the place 
where he was, and concluding f they were sent out 
to prevent any action between them, he avoided 
speaking with them, but got to the place where his 
horse was, and so retired to London. The duke 
was found by himself in another place on the other 
side of the water, which was never known by the 
name of Chelsea Fields, which he said was the place 
he had appointed to meet. 

Finding that night that the lord Ossory was not 
in custody, and so he was sure he should quickly 
hear from him, and upon conference with his friends, 
that the mistake of the place would be imputed to 

e he] Not in MS. ' and concluding] he concluded 


him ; he took a strange resolution, that every body 1 666. 

wondered at, and his friends dissuaded him from. 

And the next morning, as soon as the house was sat, 

the lord Ossory being likewise present that he might 

find some opportunity to speak with him, the duke 

told the house, "that he must inform them of some- The duke of 

i r> i i i Bucking- 

" what that concerned himself ; and being sure that ham in- 
" it would come to their notice some other way, he 
" had therefore chose to acquaint them with it him- afiair - 
" self;" and thereupon related "how the lord Ossory 
" had the day before found him in the court, and 
" desired him to walk into the next room, where 
" he charged him with many particulars which he 
" had spoken in that place, and in few words told 
" him he should fight with him ; which though he 
" did not hold himself obliged to do in maintenance 
" of any thing he had said or done in the parlia- 
" ment, yet that it being suitable and agreeable to 
" his nature, to fight with any man who had a 
" mind to fight with him,'' (upon which he enlarged 
with a little vanity, as if duelling were his daily ex- 
ercise and inclination,) " he appointed the place in 
" Chelsea Fields, which he understood to be the 
" fields over against Chelsea; whither, having only 
" gone to his lodging to change his sword, he hast- 
" ened, by presently crossing the water in a pair of 
" oars, and stayed there in expectation of the lord 
" Ossory, until such gentlemen," whom he named, 
" found him there, and said, they were sent to pre- 
" vent his and the lord Ossory's meeting, whom 
" others were likewise sent to find for the same pre- 
" vention. Whereupon, concluding that for the 
" present there would be no meeting together, he 
" returned with those gentlemen to his lodging, 

L 3 


IMG. " being always ready to give any gentleman sa- 
" tisfaction that should require it of him." 

Every body was exceedingly surprised with the 
oddness and unseasonableness of the discourse, which 
consisted, with some confusion, between aggravat- 
ing the presumption of the lord Ossory, and making 
the offence as heinous as the violating all the privi- 
leges of parliament could amount unto ; and magni- 
fying his own courage and readiness to fight upon 
any opportunity, when it was clear enough that he 
had declined it by a gross shift : and it was won- 
dered at, that he had not chosen rather that some 
other person might inform the house of a quarrel 
between two members, that it might be examined 
and the mischief prevented. But he believed that 
way would not so well represent and manifest the 
lustre of his courage, and might leave him under an 
examination that would not be so advantageous to 
him as his own information : and therefore no per- 
suasion and importunity of his friends could prevail 
with him to decline that method. 

The lord Ossory seemed out of countenance, and 
troubled that the contest was like to be only in that 
place, and cared not to deny any thing that the 
duke had accused him of ; only " wondered, that he 
" should say he had challenged him for words 
" spoken in the house, when he had expressly de- 
" clared to him, when his grace insisted much upon 
" the privilege of parliament to decline giving him 
any satisfaction, that he did not question him for 
" any words spoken in parliament, but for words 
" spoken in other places, and for affronts, which he 
" had at other times chosen to bear rather than to 
"disturb the company." He confessed, "he had 


" attended in the very place where the duke had 1666. 
" done him the honour to promise to meet him ;" 
and mentioned some expressions which he had used 
in designing it, which left the certainty of it not to 
be doubted. 

When they had both said as much as they had a 
mind to, they were both required, as is the custom, 
to withdraw to several rooms near the house : and 
then the lords entered upon debate of the trans- 
gression ; many insisting " upon the magnitude of 
" the offence, which concerned the honour and safety 
" of the highest tribunal in the kingdom, and the 
" liberty and security of every member of the house, 
" That if in any debate any lord exceeded the modest 
" limits prescribed, in any offensive expressions, the 
" house had the power and the practice to restrain 
" and reprehend and imprison the person, according 
" to the quality and degree of the offence ; and that 
*"' no other remedy or examination could be applied 
" to it, even by the king himself. But if it should 
" be in any private man to take exceptions against 
" any words which the house finds no fault with, and 
" to require men to justify with their swords all 
" that they say in discharge of their conscience, and 
" for the good and benefit of their country ; there is 
" an end of the privilege of parliament and the free- 
" dom of speech : and therefore that there could not 
" be too great a punishment inflicted upon this no- 
" torious and monstrous offence of the lord Ossory, 
" which concerned every lord in particular, as much 
" as it did the duke of Buckingham ; who had car- 
" ried himself as well as the ill custom and iniquity 
" of the age would admit, and had given no offence 

L 4 


1666. " to the house, towards which he had always paid 
~ " all possible respect and reverence." 

They who considered the honour and dignity only 
of the house, and the ill consequence of such viola- 
tions as these, which way soever their affections 
were inclined with reference to their persons, were 
all of opinion, " that their offences were so near 
" equal that their punishment ought to be equal : 
" for that besides the lord Ossory's denial that he 
" had made K any reflection upon any words spoken 
" in parliament, which was. the aggravation of his 
" offence, there was some testimony given to the 
" house by some lords present, that the lord Ossory 
" had complained of the duke's comportment to- 
" wards him before those words used in the house 
" by him, of the Irish interest or Irish understand- 
" ing, and resolved to expostulate with him upon 
" it ; so that those words could not be the ground 
" of the quarrel. And it was evident by the duke's 
" own confession and declaration, that he was as 
" ready to fight, and went to the place appointed by 
" himself for encounter ; which made the offence 
" equal." And therefore they moved, " that they 
" might be both brought to the bar, and upon their 
" knees receive the sentence of the house for their 
" commitment to the Tower." 

Some, who would shew their kindness to the duke, 
were not willing that he should undergo the same 
punishment with' the other, until some lords, who 
were known not to be his friends, were very earnest 
" that the duke might receive no punishment, be- 
*' cause he had committed no fault ; for that it was 

s made] Omitted in MS. 


" very evident that he never intended to fight,' and 1666. 
" had, when no other tergiversation would serve his ~ 
" turn, prudently mistaken the place that was ap- 
" pointed by himself;" which was pressed by two or 
three lords in such a pleasant manner, with reflec- 
tion upon some expressions used by himself, that his 
better friends thought it would be more for his ho- 
nour to undergo the censure of the house than the 
penalty of such a vindication : and so they were They are 

, __. both sent 

both sent to the 1 ower. to the 

And during the time they remained there, the 
bill against Ireland remained in suspense, and un- 
called for by those, who would not hazard their 
cause in the absence of their strongest champion. 
But the same spirit was kept up in all other argu- 
ments, the displeasure, that had arisen against each 
other in that, venting itself in contradictions and 
sharp replies in all other occasions ; a mischief that 
is always contracted from the agitation of private 
affairs, where different interests are pursued ; from 
whence personal animosities arise, which are not 
quickly laid aside, after the affair itself that pro- 
duced those passions is composed and ended. And 
this kind of distemper never more appeared, nor 
ever lasted longer, than from the debate arid con- 
testation upon this bill. 

Those two lords were no sooner at liberty, and 
their displeasure towards each other suppressed or 
silenced by the king's command, but another more 
untoward outrage happened, that continued the 

_ A scuffle 

same disturbance. It happened that upon the de- between 
bate of the same affair, the Irish bill, there was a Baking- 
conference appointed with the house of commons, in ^ n *" r ^ His 
which the duke of Buckingham was a manager ; and" f D '"- 

Chester ; 


I6fifi. as they were sitting down in the painted chamber, 
"which is seldom done in good order, it chanced that 
the marquis of Dorchester sat next the duke of 
Buckingham, between whom there was no good 
correspondence. The one changing his posture for 
his own ease, which made the station of the other 
the more uneasy, they first endeavoured by justling 
to recover what they had dispossessed each other 
of, and afterwards fell to direct blows ; in which the 
marquis, who was the lower of the two in stature, 
and was less active in his limbs, lost his periwig, 
and received some rudeness, which nobody imputed 
to his want of courage, which was ever less ques- 
tioned than that of the other. 

The misdemeanour, greater than had ever hap- 
pened, in that place and upon such an occasion, in 
any age when the least reverence to government 
was preserved, could not be concealed ; but as soon 
as the conference was ended, was reported to the 
house, and both parties heard, who both confessed 
enough to make them undergo the censure of the 
house. The duke's friends would fain have justified 
him, as being provoked by the other ; and it was 
evident their mutual undervaluing each other always 
disposed them to affect any opportunity to manifest 
For which it. But the house sent them both to the Tower ; 
comiaittod from whence after a few days they were again re- 
Towlr. leased together, and such a reconciliation made as 
after such rencounters 'is usual, where either party 
thinks himself beforehand with the other, as the 
marquis had much of the duke's hair in his hands 
to recompense for his ll pulling off his periwig, which 
he could not reach high enough to do to the other. 

h his] the 


When all things were thus far quieted, the bill 1666. 
was again entered upon with no less passion for the 
stock that had been wasted. - The arguments which Ar gments 


were urged against the bill for the injustice of it a gainstthe 

. Irish bill iu 

were \ " that they should, without any cause or de- the house 
" merit on their part, or any visible evidence of a pee 
" benefit that would accrue from it to this kingdom, 
" deprive his majesty's two other kingdoms of a pri- 
" vilege they had ever been possessed of: that they 
" might as reasonably take away the trade from any 
" one county in England, because it produced some 
" inconvenience to another county more in their 
" favour : that the large counties of Norfolk, Suf- 
" folk, Kent, and other provinces, would lose as 
" much by the passing of this act, as the northern 
" and any other counties would gain by it : that 
" those two kingdoms might with the same justice 
" press his majesty's concurrence, that they might 
" have no trade with England, which would bring 
" more damage to England by much, than it would 
" gain by this act of restraint : and that it was 
" against all the maxims of prudence, to run the dan- 
" ger of a present mischief and damage, as this 
" would produce in Ireland by the testimony of the 
" lord lieutenant and council of that kingdom, only 
" upon the speculation of a future benefit that might 
" accrue, though it were yet only in speculation." 

These, and many other arguments of this kind, 
which for the most part were offered by men who 
had not the least relation to Ireland, made no other 
impression, than that they were content to leave 
Scotland out of the bill ; which increased their party 

' were] Omitted in MS. 


166G. against Ireland, and gave little satisfaction to the 
""other, who did not so much value the commerce 
with the other kingdom. And this alteration the 
house of commons likewise consented to, but with 
great opposition, since in truth that concession de- 
stroyed the foundation upon which the whole fabric 
of the bill was supported. 
Against Then the debate fell upon some derogatory clauses 

clauses in it 

derogatory and provisos very contrary to his majesty's just pre- 
* rogative and power, (for they made his majesty's 
own license and warrant of no effect or authority, 
but liable to be controlled by a constable ; nor would 
permit the importation of 'three thousand beeves, 
which, by an act of parliament in Ireland, were 
every year to be delivered at Chester and another 
port for the provision of the king's house ;) which 
in many respects the house generally disliked, and 
desired " that it might have no other style than had 
" been accustomed in all the penal acts of parlia- 
" ment which were in force, it being to be presumed, 
" that the king would never dispense with any vio- 
" lation of it, except in such cases as the benefit and 
" good of the kingdom required it ; which might 
" naturally fall out, if there should happen such a 
" murrain amongst the beasts of that species, as had 
" been these late years amongst horses, which had 
" destroyed so many thousand, that good horses 
" were now hard to be procured. And if the same 
" or the like destruction should fall upon the other 
" cattle, we should have then more cause to com- 
" plain of the scarcity and the dearness of meat, than 
" we have now of the plenty and cheapness, which 
*' was the only grievance now felt, and which king- 
" doms seldom complained of: and in such a case 


" it would be very great pity, that the king should 1666. 
" not have power enough to provide for the supply" 
" of his subjects, and to prevent a common dearth." 
But this was again opposed with as much passion 
and violence as had fallen out in any part of the de- 
bate ; and such rude arguments used against such a 
power in the king, as if the question were upon re- 
posing some new trust in. him, whereas it was upon 
divesting him of a trust that was inherent in him 
from all antiquity : and " that it was the same thing 
" to be without the bill, and not to provide against 
" the king's dispensing with the not obeying it, 
" whose inclinations were well known in this parti- 
" cular ; and therefore the effect of them, and of the 
" importunity of the courtiers, must be provided 
" against." And throughout this discourse there 
was such a liberty of language made use of, as re- 
flected more upon the king's honour, and indeed upon 
his whole council and court, than had been k heard 
in that house, but in a time of rebellion, without 
very severe reprehension : and it so much offended 
the house now, that, notwithstanding all the sturdy 
opposition, it was resolved that those clauses and These 

clauses are 

provisos should be amended in some places, and to- amended by 

ii i n i AI--IT the lords. 

tally left out in others. And with the alteration 
and amendments it was sent down to the house of 

At this time the public affairs and necessities 
were little looked after or considered. The fleet was 
come into the ports, but there was 1 no money to 
pay off the men : and what was equally mischievous, 
there was no way to make the provisions for the 

k than had been] as had not ' there was] Omitted in MS. 



1666. next spring, that the fleet might be ready for the 
sea by the time the enemy would assuredly be out. 
If the victualler were not supplied, who had much 
money due to him, the season would be past in 
which he was to buy the cattle that he must kill ; 
and he complained how much he should suffer by 
this bill of Ireland, which already raised the price 
of all meats. And thei yards wanted all those tack- 
lings and rigging and masts, without which another 
fleet could not be sent out, and which could no 
otherwise be provided than by ready money. The 
king had anticipated all his own revenue, and was 
ready to expose that for further security, but nobody 
would trust. The new provisos in the bill of supply 
at Oxford gave no new credit, but were found as mis- 
chievous as any body had apprehended they would 
be : and the bankers, who in all such occasions were 
a sure refuge, wanted now credit themselves ; which 
that they might not recover^ the parliament had 
treated them as ill since they came together, that is, 
with reproaches and threats, as they had done at 
Oxford. In which kind of persecution sir William 
Coventry, and some who followed him, led the van, 
very much to the king's prejudice and against his 
command ; but they excused themselves, upon the 
credit it gave them in the house to do him service. 

All this was well enough understood : and it was 
as visible, that they intended to make it a forcible 
argument for the passing the Irish bill, which, though 
from different motives, was now become the sacri- 
fice, without which they would not be appeased ; 
and therefore, when the bill was sent to them with 
those alterations and amendments, they rejected 
them all, and voted. " that they would adhere to 

their own bill without departing from a word of it, 16(56. 

" except with reference to Scotland," from which The C011< _ 
they had receded. And if upon this very unusual ! 1U)ll V ld - 

J * here to 

return the house of peers had likewise voted, " that their ^11. 
" they too would adhere," which they might regu- 
larly have done, and would have been consented to 
by the major part of the house if the question had 
been then put ; there had been an end of that bill. 
But that must not be suffered : the party that che- 
rished it was too much concerned to let it expire in 
a deep silence, and were numerous enough to ob- 
struct and defer what they liked not, though not to 
establish what they desired. Some of them, that is, 
some who desired that the bill should pass, though 
uncorrupted by their passions, did not like the ob- 
stinacy of the house of commons in not departing 
from some unusual clauses and pretences ; yet were 
not willing to have the like vote for adhering to pass 
in that house, which it might do when all other re- 
medies should fail; and therefore moved, " that a 
" conference might be required, in which such rea- 
" sons might be given as might satisfy them." Many 
conferences, and free conferences, were held, in 
which the commons still maintained their adherence 
with a wonderful petulance : and those members, 
who were appointed to manage the conferences, 
took the liberty to use all those arguments, and the 
very expressions, which had been used in the house 
of peers, against leaving any power in the king to 
dispense ; and added such other of their own as 
more reflected on m his majesty's honour ; and yet 
concluded as if they could say more if they were 

tn on] upon 


1666. provoked, upon which every man might make what 
glosses he pleased, and the king himself was left to 
his own imaginations. 

An instance There need be no other instance given of the un- 
M..II of the heard of and incredible passion that was shewed in 
thi* ff^r.' n the transaction of that bill, than a particular that 
related to the city of London. Upon the news of the 
great fire in London, and the devastation that it 
made there, there was so general a lamentation in 
Ireland as might be expected from a neighbour pro- 
vince, that had so great a commerce with and de- 
pendance upon it. And the consent in this lamen- 
tation was so digested, that the several provinces 
had made a computation and division between them- 
selves, and presented a declaration to the lord lieu- 
tenant and council, " that they had so tender a sense 
" of that calamity, that if they were able to raise 
" money to administer some assistance to the city 
" towards the reparation of their great loss, they 
" would willingly offer and present it : but that not 
" being in their power or possession, the great 
" scarcity and want of money throughout that king- 
" dom being notoriously known, but there being 
" somewhat in their power to offer, which might at 
" least testify their good-will, and not be wholly use- 
" less towards the end they designed it ; they had 
" agreed between themselves to give unto the lord 
" mayor and city of London, to be n disposed of by 
" them to such particular uses as they should judge 
" most convenient, the number of thirty thousand 
" Irish beasts, which should be delivered within 
" such a time and at such ports," which were named, 

11 to be] nnd to be 


" to any such persons as should be appointed to re- 1666. 
" ceive them." And of this they desired the lord 
lieutenant and council to advertise the king, and 
likewise give notice to the city of London : both 
which were done accordingly ; and the advertise- 
ment arrived in the city in the time when this bill 
was depending in the lords' house. Whereupon the 
lord mayor and aldermen presented a petition to the 
lords, with a proviso that they desired might be in- 
serted in the bill that was before them, by which it 
was provided, " that nothing contained in that bill 
4< should hinder the city of London from enjoying the 
** charitable donative of the thirty thousand cattle, 
" but that they might have liberty to import the 
" same." 

It can hardly be believed with what passion and 
indignation this petition was received by the house, 
what invectives were made against the city, " for 
" their presumption in interposing their own parti- 
" cular interest to obstruct the public affairs of the 
*.* kingdom ;" and then the reflections which were 
" made upon the council of Ireland, for giving coun- 
" tenance to such an address, and becoming instru- 
" ments themselves to promote and advance it:" 
which they would not allow " to be an offering of 
" charity, but a cheat and a cozenage by combination 
" to elude an act of parliament, which they could not 
" choose but hear of, and could not but believe that 
*5 it was passed by this time. Which if it had been, 
" and that power left in the king as had been pro- 
" posed, they might now see how it would have been 
" applied : for they could not doubt, but there would 
" enough have advised the king, that he should gra- 
" tify the city of London with a license for this im- 



1 666. ' portation ; which could not or would not have 
" been so warily drawn, but that, under the license 
" for thirty thousand, there would be three hundred 
' thousand imported into England; and this the 
" great charity aimed at and was assured of." And 
so, after much bitterness, they desired " that the pe- 
" tition and the proviso might be both rejected." 

But this passion did not cover the whole house, 
which neither commended nor approved it, and were 
much less transported with it. They believed it was 
a very seasonable intention of charity, and would 
not take upon them to frustrate it ; and so prevailed, 
that it was passed in that house, and transmitted 
with approbation to the other. But it had the same 
fate there with the other provisos, and was thrown 
out with that bitterness and observation which had 
been offered against it by some lords. Nor could 
any expedients alter or remove their obstinacy, 
though many were offered upon conferences, and 
particularly " that all the beasts should be killed in 
" Ireland and powdered there, and then sent over in 
" barrels or other casks ;" but they found cozenage 
in that too, and were as angry with the cattle when 
they were dead, as when they were alive, as if it 
would for a time keep down the price of meat in 
England, which they desired to advance : so that 
there was nothing gotten in all those conferences, 
but the discovery of new jealousies of the king and 
the court, and new insinuations of the discontents 
and murmurs in the country, that this bill was so 
long obstructed. Which being still represented to 
the king with the most ghastly aspects towards what 

as if it would] and 


effects it might produce, his majesty in the end was 1666. 
prevailed upon, notwithstanding very earnest advice ~~ 
to the contrary, not only to be willing to give his 
royal assent when it should be offered to him, but 
to take very great pains to remove those obstructions 
which hindered it from being offered to him, and to 
solicit particularly very many lords to depart from 
their own sense, and to <i conform to what he thought 
convenient to his service ; which gave those who 
loved him not great argument of triumph, and to 
those who loved him very passionately much matter 
of mortification. Yet after all this, and when his 
majesty had changed some men's resolutions, and 
prevailed with others to withdraw and to be absent 
when the bill should come again to be discussed, it The bi " at 

. . /v ' i length con- 

WaS carried with great difficulty and with great op- sented to by 

position, and against the protestation of many of norJs. se 
the lords. 

In all the debate upon this bill, and upon the 
other of accounts, the chancellor had the misfortune 
to lose much credit in the house of commons, not 
only by a very strong 1 " and cordial opposition to 8 
what they desired, but by taking all occasions, which 
were offered by the frequent arguments which were 
urged " of the opinion and the authority of the The chan- 

r> T f cellor of- 

" house of commons, and that it was fit and neces- fends the 
" sary to concur with them," to mention them with by TsWng 
less reverence than they expected. It is very true : ]I| e re ^- n 
he had always used in such provocations to desire tlieir en - 


the lords, " to be more solicitous in preserving their ments. 
" own unquestionable rights and most important 
" privileges, and less tender in restraining the excess 

i to] Not in MS. ' strong] Omitted in MS. s to] of 

M 2 


1 666. " and new encroachments of the house of commons, 
""which extended their jurisdiction beyond their 
"limits." He put them often in mind " of the 
" mischiefs which had their original from the liber- 
" ties the house of commons assumed, and the com- 
" pliance the house of peers had descended to, in the 
" late ill times, and which produced the rebellion ; 
'* and were carried so far, till, after all the multi- 
" plied affronts, they had wrested the whole autho- 
" rity out of the hands of the house of peers, and at 
" last declared them useless members of the com- 
" monwealth, and shut up the door of their house 
" with a padlock, which they had never power to 
" unfasten till the king's return." And in those 
occasions his expressions were many times so lively, 
that they offended many of the lords who were 
present, and had too much contributed to those 
extravagancies, as much as it could do any of the 

The truth is, he did never dissemble from the 
time of his return with the king, whom he had like- 
wise prepared and disposed to the same sentiments 
whilst his majesty was abroad, that his opinion was, 
" that the late rebellion could never be extirpated 
" and pulled up by the roots, till the king's regal 
" and inherent power and prerogative should be 
" fully avowed and vindicated ; and till the usurpa- 
" tions in both houses of parliament since the year 
" 1640 were disclaimed and made odious ; and many 
" other excesses, which had been affected by both 
" before that time under the name of privileges, 
" should be restrained or explained :" for all which 
reformation the kingdom in general was very well 
disposed, when it pleased God to restore the king to 


it. Nor did the convention, which proclaimed the 1666. 
king and invited him to return, exercise after his 
return any exorbitant power, but what was of ne- 
cessity upon former irregularities, and contributed 
to the present ends and desires of the king. 

And this parliament, that was upon the dissolu- 
tion of the former quickly summoned by the king's 
writ, willingly inclined to that method, as appears 
by those many excellent acts which vindicated the 
king's sovereign power over parliaments, and de- 
clared the nullity of all acts done by one or both 
houses without the king's assent ; declared and set- 
tled the absolute power of the crown over the militia; 
repealed that act of parliament that had excluded 
the bishops from being members of the house of 
peers, and restored them to their session there; and 
repealed that other infamous act for triennial par- 
liaments, which had clauses in it to have led the 
people into rebellion ; and would willingly have pro- 
secuted the same method, if they had had the same 
advice and encouragement. 

But " they had continued to sit too long together, 
and were invited to meddle and interpose in matters 
out of their own sphere, to give their advice with 
reference to peace and war, to hold conferences with 
the king, and to offer their advices to him, and to 
receive orders from himself; and x his majesty was 
persuaded by very unskilful men, " that they were 
" so absolutely at his disposal, that he need never 
" doubt their undertaking any thing that would be 
" ingrateful to him, and that whilst he preserved 
" that entire interest he had in the lower house, 

11 But] But when * and] when 

M 3 


1666. " (which he might easily do,) he need not care what 
~" " the other house did or had a mind to do ;" and so 
induced his majesty to undervalue his house of peers 
as of little power to do him good or harm, and pre- 
vailed with him too far to countenance that false 
doctrine; towards which the house of peers them- 
selves contributed too much, by not inquiring into 
or considering the public state of the kingdom, or 
providing remedies for growing evils, or indeed med- 
dling with any thing in the government till they 
were invited to it by some message or overture from 
the house of commons: insomuch as they sat not 
early in the morning, according to the former cus- 
tom of parliaments, but came not together till ten 
of the clock ; and very often adjourned as soon as 
they met, because that nothing was brought from 
the house of commons that administered cause of 
consultation ; and upon that ground often adjourned 
for one or two days together, whilst the other house 
sat, and drew the eyes of the kingdom upon them, 
as the only vigilant people for their good. 

Then when any thing fell in their way, that they 
could draw a consequence from that might relate to 
their privileges, they were so jealous of an invasion, 
that they neither considered former precedents, 
nor rules of honour or justice ; and were not only 
solicitous for that freedom which belonged to them- 
selves and their menial servants, who ought not to 
be disquieted by private suits and prosecutions in 
law, whilst they are obliged to attend upon the ser- 
vice of their country in parliament, but gave their 
protections " ad libitum," which x were commonly 

y which] and which 


sold by their servants to bankrupt citizens, and to I6C6'. 
such who were able but refused to pay their just~ 
debts. And when their creditors knew that they 
could have no relation of attendance to any man, 
and thereupon caused them to be arrested, they 
produced some protection granted to them by some 
lord ; whereupon they were not only discharged, but 
their creditors, and all who bore any part in the 
prosecution, were punished with great rigour, and 
to their great loss and damage, and to the great 
prejudice of the city, and interruption of the whole 
course of the justice of the kingdom. 

When the house of commons sent up a bill for 
the suppression or reformation of many irregularities 
and misdemeanours, which had grown up in the late 
times of disorder and confusion, as conventicles and 
other riotous assemblies, wherein there was a ne- 
cessity of some clauses of power to inferior officers, 
whereby they were qualified to discover those trans- 
gressions which would otherwise be concealed ; the 
lords would be sure always to insert some proviso 
to save their privileges, even in acts which pro- 
vided for the punishment of such crimes as no per- 
son of quality could be supposed to be guilty of, as 
stealing of wood, and such vile trespasses : whicli 
took up much time in debate, and incensed the house 
of commons, and produced many froward debates, 
in which the king thought the peers in the wrong. 

This kind of temper or distemper upon very trivial 
and light occasions, in seasons which required gra- 
vity and despatch, provoked the house of commons 
to take more upon' them, to enter upon contests 
sometimes unreasonably with the lords, and to as- 
sume to themselves an authority in matters in which 

M 4 


1 666. they ought not to interpose ; and then were encou- 
~ raged and indeed induced by those who had near 
relation to the king and were trusted in his service, 
to affect novelties both in the form and substance of 
their proceedings, which those persons concurred in, 
much out of ignorance what was to be done, and 
more out of affectation to compass some crooked 
end of their own, to the prejudice of another person 
who was in their disfavour. And when these sallies 
out of the old trodden path were taken notice of, 
and his majesty had been 7 - advised to prevent them 
in time, he was persuaded, either " that the ex- 
" ceptions were in matters of little moment, and 
" made only by formal men who liked nothing that 
" was out of the old common road ; or that the li- 
" berty would be applied to his service, and in many 
" useful occasions would mollify or subdue the in- 
" convenient morosity of the lords ; or, when it 
" should exceed, it would be still in his majesty's 
" power to restrain it, when he found it necessary." 
And these discourses prevailed too much with his 
majesty, till he now found the humour was grown 
too sturdy for him to contend with ; and the same 
men, who had persuaded him to contemn it, were 
now more importunate with him that he would com- 
ply with it. 
He offends The chancellor had always as earnestly opposed 

the lords , . ... . .. 

hy advising the over-captious insisting upon privilege in the 
!uiu unV" lords' house, either when in truth there was not a 
reasonably j us j. ground for it, or when they would extend it 

upon pnri- 

'< further than it would regularly reach ; and often- 
times put them in mind " of many exorbitant acts 

* been] Not in MS. 


" which stood still mentioned in their journal-books, 1666. 
" of their proceedings in the late rebellious times," 
" which might be looked upon as precedents by 
" posterity, and in which the house of commons 
" had really invaded their greatest privileges, and 
" trampled upon their highest jurisdiction ; which 
" was worthy of their most strict proceedings a to 
" vindicate by protestation, and by expunging the 
" memorial thereof out of all their books and re- 
" cords, that there might be no footsteps left to mis- 
" lead the succeeding ages ;" and often desired them 
" to preserve a power in themselves to put the 
" house of commons in mind of their exceeding 
" their limits, for which they often gave them occa- 
" sion, and particularly as often as they sent to 
" quicken them in any debate, which was a very 
" modern presumption, and derogatory from that 
" respect which a house of commons had always 
" paid to the house of lords. And this they could 
" not reasonably or effectually do, till they declined 
" all unjust or unnecessary pretences to privileges 
" which were not their due, and especially to a 
" power of calling private cases of right and justice, 
" which ought to be determined by the law and in 
" courts of justice, to be heard and adjudged before 
" themselves in parliament ; of which there were 
"too frequent occasions to oppose and contradict 
" their jurisdiction." 

This free way of discourse offended many of the 
lords, who thought him not jealous enough of nor 
zealous for the privilege of the peerage : and they 
were now very glad that he used so much more 

a proceedings] Omitted in MS. 


1666. freedom against the proceedings of the house of 
"commons, which they were sure would be resented 
below, more than it had been above. And many of 
his friends informed him " how ill it was taken ; 
" and how carefully all that he said, and much that 
" he did not say, was transmitted by some of the 
" lords to them, who would not fail in some season 
** to remember and apply it to his highest disadvan- 
" tage ;" and therefore desired him " to use less fer- 
" vour in those argumentations." But he was in 
that, as in many things of that kind that related to 
the offending other men, for his own sake uncoun- 
sellable : not that he did not know that it exposed 
him to the censure of some men who lay in wait to 
do him hurt, but because he neglected those cen- 
sures, nor valued the persons who promoted them ; 
being confident that he would be liable to no charge 
that he should be ashamed of, and well knowing 
that he had, and being well known to have, a 
higher esteem of parliament, and a greater desire to 
preserve the just privileges of both houses, than 
they had who seemed to be angry with him on that 
behalf; and that the extending them b beyond their 
due length would in the end endanger the destruc- 
tion of parliaments. 

But he shortly after found, that this guard was 
not secure enough to defend him. What'toe said in 
parliament was the sense of more who would not 
speak it, than there were of those who disliked it ; 
and how much soever it offended them, they could 
not out of it find a crime to accuse him of. But 
they who were more concerned to remove him from 

b them] Omitted in MS. 


a post, where he too narrowly watched and too 1666. 
often obstructed the liberties they took, resolved to 
sacrifice all their oaths and obligations, which oblig- 
ed them to the contrary, to the satisfaction of their 
envy and their malice: and so whatsoever he said or 
advised in the most secret council to the king him- 
self with reference to things or persons, they commu- 
nicated all to those who had most reason to be an- 
gry, yet could not own the information.* Of all which 
he had advertisement, and that a storm would be 
shortly raised to shake him, of which he had little 
apprehension ; never suspecting that it would arise 
out of that quarter, from whence he soon after dis- 
cerned it to proceed. 

There was another particular and private ac- Lord ROOS 
cident that fell out at this time, that admin isteredbnuo set* 
more occasion of faction and dissension in the "|, d */y "" 
houses, which always obstructed and perplexed all lad >- 
public business. The marquis of Dorchester had 
some years before married one of his daughters to 
the lord Roos, eldest son to the earl of Rutland ; 
both families very noble in themselves, and of great 
fortunes, and allied to all the great families of the 
kingdom. The lady being of a humour not very 
agreeable, and not finding the satisfaction she ex- 
pected where she ought to have received it, looked 
for it abroad where she ought not to find it. And 
her husband, as men conscious to themselves of any 
notable defect used to be, was indulgent enough, not 
strictly inquiring how she behaved herself, and she 
as little dissembling or concealing the contempt she 
had of her husband ; until his friends, especially the 
mother, (who was a lady of a very great spirit and 
most exalted passion,) took notice of her frequent 


1666. absence from her husband, and of her little kindness 
~~ towards him when she was present with him. And 
the young lady, who with her other defects had 
want of wit to bear a reprehension she deserved, in- 
stead of excusing, avowed her no esteem of her 
husband ; charged him with debauchery, and being 
always in drink, which was too true ; and reproach- 
ed him with folly, as a man not worthy to be be- 
loved. And the passion swelling to a great height 
on both sides, the marquis came to be engaged on 
the behalf of his daughter, and challenged her hus- 
band to fight with him, who in many respects 
was not capable, nor did understand those encoun- 

In the end, after many acts of passion, which ad- 
ministered too much cause of mirth and scandal to 
the world, yet c by the advice and mediation of 
friends, as good a reconciliation as in such cases is 
usual was made, and the young couple brought to 
live again together. And the lady having the as- 
cendant over the lord, who was very desirous to b've 
quietly upon any conditions, that he might enjoy 
himself though he could not enjoy her, he was con- 
tented that she made a journey to London upon 
pretence to see some friends : and the time being 
expired which she had prescribed for her absence, 
he sent to her to return, which she deferred from 
time to time. But at last, after many months, she 
returned to him in so gross a manner, that it ap- 
peared that she had kept company too much, which 
she never endeavoured to conceal ; and when her 
husband told her " that she was with child," and 

r yet] yet in the end 


asked " who got it ;" she answered him confidently, 1 666. 
" that whoever got it, if it proved a boy, as she be- ~~ 
" lieved it would, he should be earl of Rutland." 

This was more than the young man could bear 
without informing his mother, (the good earl not 
loving to engage himself in so much noise,) who pre- 
sently took care that the great-bellied lady was 
made a prisoner in her chamber, strictly guarded, 
that she could not go out of those lodgings which 
w r ere assigned her ; all her own servants removed 
from her, and others appointed to attend ; and all 
other things supplied that she could stand in need 
of or require, liberty only excepted. Yet in this 
close restraint she found means to advertise her fa- 
ther of the condition she was in, and made it much 
worse than it was, seeming to apprehend the safety 
of her life threatened by the malice of the countess, 
mother to her husband, " who," she said, " did all 
" she could to alienate his affection from her ; and 
" now that she found she was with child, would per- 
" suade him that it was not his ; and took all this 
" extreme course, either to make her miscarry and 
" so endanger her life, or to put an end to mother 
" and child when she should miscarry :" and there- 
fore besought her father, " that he would find some 
" way to procure her liberty, and to remove her 
" from that place, as the only means to save her 
" life." 

The marquis, with the passion of a father, and 
confidence of his daughter's virtue, and having no 
reverence for the countess, thought it an act of great 
barbarity, and consulted whether he could have any 
remedy at law to recover his daughter's liberty ; and 
finding little hope from thence, (the restraint of 


1 666. a wife by the jealousy of her husband in his own 

house being not a crime the law had provided a 

remedy against,) he resorted then to the king, who 
as little knew how to meddle in it. In the mean 
time he sent women to see and attend his daugh- 
ter, who were admitted to see and confer with her, 
but not to stay with her; the countess declaring, 
" that she should want nothing; but that since it 
" was impossible that the child could be of kin 
" to her son, who had not seen her in so many 
" months before the child must have been got, 
" she would provide that there should be no more 
" foul play, when she should be delivered ; and 
" after that time she should have no more restraint 
*' or residence in that house, but be at liberty to go 
" whither she would." 

The conclusion was, the lady was delivered, and 
a son born, who was quickly christened by the name 
of Ignoto, and committed to a poor woman, who 
lived near, to be nursed ; and as soon as the lady re- 
covered strength enough, she was dismissed and 
sent to a house of her father, who received her with 
the affection he thought was due to her. And hav- 
ing conferred and examined her with all the strict- 
ness he could, he remained satisfied in her innocence, 
and consequently of the barbarous treatment she had 
received, and the injury and indignity, both to him 
and her, that was done to the son ; for which he 
was resolved to leave no way untried in which he 
might receive a vindication. In order to which he 
first desired the king to hear all parties, who was 
prevailed with to appoint a day for the doing it, 
being attended by some bishops and other lords of 
his council ; when the marquis and his daughter, 


and the lord Roos and his mother, appeared d , with 1666. 
more ladies than could have the patience to stay till 
the end of the examination, where there were so 
many indecent and uncleanly particulars mentioned, 
that made all the auditors very weary. Nor was 
there any room for his majesty to interpose towards 
a reconciliation, which was in view impossible ; nor 
could the lady be excused for a great delight she 
took in making her husband jealous of her, and in 
expressing a contempt of him, whatever else she 
was guilty of: and so the king left it as he found it. 
And the marquis, who had heard many things he 
did not expect to have heard, took his daughter to 
his own house, that by her own strict behaviour she 
might best vindicate herself from the scandal she 
lay under : but she quickly freed him from that hope 
and expectation ; for within a short time after, she, 
not being able to submit to the strict order and dis- 
cipline of her father's house, which would not per- 
mit those wanderings she desired to make, nor the 
visits she desired to receive, made an escape from 
thence, and lodged herself at more liberty, and lived 
in that manner as gave too much evidence against 
her with reference to the time that was past. 

The marquis, who was a man of great honour, 
and most punctual in all things relating to justice, 
gave a noble instance of both, and how much he de- 
tested the base and unworthy behaviour of his own 
child, when it was manifest to him. He went to 
the other noble family, asked their pardon " for his 
" incredulity, and for any offence he had committed 
" against them, or reproach he laid upon them e , for 

d appeared] Omitted in MS. e them] Omitted in MS. 


166G. " the vindication of an unworthy woman, who he 
~~ " believed now had deserved all and more aspersions 
" than had been laid on her : and therefore he was 
" ready to join with them to free the family, as much 
" as was possible, from the infamy she had brought 
" to them and him, and that her base issue might 
" not be an eternal reproach in their family." Upon 
this she was first, upon the complaint of her hus- 
band, cited into the court of the arches before the 
ecclesiastical judges : where, after a full examina- 
tion of witnesses on both sides, and hearing what 
she could allege in her own defence, her crime was 
declared to be proved sufficiently ; and thereupon a 
judgment was pronounced " of a full and entire se- 
" paration a toro et a mensa pro causa adulterii" 
in such a form, and with such circumstances, as are 
of course in those cases. 

But all this was not remedy enough against the 
bastard's title to the honour of that illustrious fa- 
mily : and therefore there was a bill prepared, 
wherein all the foul carriage of the lady was set out, 
the birth and christening of Ignoto, the declaration 
and judgment of the court of the arches, and sepa- 
ration of the parties for the adultery proved; and 
thereupon a desire that it might be declared by act 
A bin of parliament, " that the son, Ignoto by name, is a 
foMbis m " bastard, and incapable to inherit any part of the 
" title, honour, or estate of or belonging to the house 
" of Rutland ; and the same incapacity to attend all 
" other children, which from that time, the birth of 
" Ignoto, had or might be born from the body of 
" that lady." And this bill being presented to the 
house of peers by a lord nearly allied to that family, 
the earl of Rutland being present with the marquis, as 


soon as it was read the marquis stood up, and " with l GC6. 
" expressions of trouble, and of the justice that was~ 
" due to the greatness of a noble house, that had 
" received a foul blemish by a woman of too near a 
" relation to him, of whom he was ashamed," gave f 
his free consent to the bill, and desired that it might 
pass : and the earl likewise besought the house, " that 
" so infamous a branch might not be ingrafted into 
" his family, of which his son, the lord Roos, was 
" the sole heir male, with whom the honour must 
" expire." 

It was a case of general concernment as well as 
compassion, that an impudent woman should have 
the power to give an heir to inherit a noble title 
and fortune by descent, when it was so notoriously 
known and adjudged to be illegitimate, and a mere 
stranger to the blood of the house. Yet there were 
some very good lords, and who detested the woman 
and the wickedness, made much scruple of making 
a new precedent in a particular case, that under- Some lords 
mined a foundation of law, and opened a door to let precedent 
in an unjust declaration, upon pretences not so well nre ." s 
proved, to the disinherison of one that should not 
be illegitimate. But though it was a rare case, it 
was found not to be a new one, there having been 
one or two declarations of bastardy in parliament in 
the reign of king Henry VII. and Henry VIII. 

However, it was as just that she should be heard, 
to defend both herself and her son ; and therefore 
the bill being read the second time, it was com- 
mitted, with direction " that the lady should have 
" personal notice * to attend, before the committee 

f gave] and therefore gave e notice] Omitted in MS. 



166C. entered upon it:" and after long inquiry at the 
~~ places where she used to be, it was found that she 
had transported herself into Ireland, in the company 
of the person whom she had preferred before her 
husband; and there was reason to believe, that it 
was after she had notice of the bill. However, all 
proceedings were respited till there was full proof 
given to the house, by the person himself who had 
spoken with her in Ireland, and given her the war- 
rant that required her attendance upon the com- 
mittee : and then, after many days longer delay, it 
was read and debated, and by the committee re- 
ported to the house to be engrossed. 

The duke And then, and not till then, the duke of Bucking- 
hlS U ob-" g nam opposed the passing of it, upon pretence, " that 
struct* the in the bill the lord Roos h na d assumed a title that 


" belonged to him by his mother, who had been 
" heir female to Francis earl of Rutland ;" when 
that title, now challenged, had descended to George 
the brother of Francis, and had been enjoyed by two 
earls of Rutland since. It was generally thought 
a strange exception : nor was it known, whether 
the duke was disposed to it as a revenge upon the 
marquis, or to shew his own power, (for he had 
many who concurred with him in both houses upon 
many occasions,) or whether he did in truth desire 
to support the lady in her infamy, he not being over- 
tender in cases of that nature. However, it was 
necessary to recommit the bill, that some expedient 
might be there found to remove the obstruction, 
which though he was obstinate in till the house was 
tired with many days debate upon it, in which most 

11 the lord Rwos] Omitteti in MS. 


of his adherents upon the unreasonableness left him, 1666. 
he persisted still and maintained the debate almost 
alone, till the time of the session approached ; when 
the lord Roos was compelled to humour him in 
leaving out a title that all the world gave him. 
And then, after intolerable vexation to the house But it is 
and loss of time, he desisted to appear against it ; p ass e e d S 
and the act passed the royal assent. 

The ill humour of the house of commons was not 1667. 
abated ; and though they knew well that their Irish 
bill could never have passed the upper house but by 
the king's powerful interposition, they remained 
still jealous, or pretended to be so, that he would 
not give his assent ; which till he should do, they 
would admit no debate of money : so that as soon 
as the bill was presented to him, his majesty came 
to the house of peers, and sent for the commons to 
attend him upon the 18th day of January ; when, 
after he had given his consent to that and another 
private bill which they had presented, he told them, 
" that he had now passed their bills, and that he The idn^ 
" had been in hope to have had other bills ready to iriTiTbn'f 
" have passed too." He said, " that he could not^h. 
" forget, that within few days after their coming 
" together in September, both houses had presented 
" to him their vote and declaration, that they would 
" give him a supply proportionable to his occasions ; 
" and the confidence of that had made him anti- 
" cipate that small part of his revenue which was 
" unanticipated, for the payment of the seamen ; 
" and his credit had gone further than he had rea- 
" son to think it would, but it was now at an end. 

" This was the first day," he said, " he had heard 
" of a supply, being the 18th of January, and what 

N 2 


1667. " it would amount unto, God only knew ; and what 
" time he had to make such preparations as were 
" necessary to meet three such enemies as he had, 
" they could well enough judge. And he must tell 
" them, what discourses soever were abroad, he was 
" not in any treaty ; but by the grace of God he 
" would not give over himself and them, but would 
" do what was in his power for defence of both. It 
" was high time for them to make good their pro- 
" raise ; and it was high time for them to be in the 
" country, as well for the raising of money, as that 
" the lords lieutenants and deputy lieutenants might 
" watch those seditious spirits which were at work 
" to disturb the public peace. And therefore he 
" was resolved to put an end to that session on 
" Monday next come sennight, before which time 
" he desired that all things might be made ready 
" that he was to despatch." His majesty said, " he 
" was not willing to complain that they had dealt 
" unkindly with him in a bill he had then passed, 
" in which they had manifested a greater distrust of 
" him than he had deserved. He did not pretend 
" to be without infirmities, but he had never broken 
" his word to them ; and if he did not flatter him- 
" self, the nation had never less cause to complain 
" of grievances, or the least injustice or oppression, 
" than it had had in those seven years since it had 
" pleased God to restore him to them : he would," 
he said, " be glad to be used accordingly." 

This little quickness in his majesty prevailed more 
upon them, than all the former application had done : 
and now they saw that they should not be suffered 
to continue longer together, they resolved to leave 
some relish of their former duty and compliance. 


Not that the humour was at all reformed or abated 1667. 
in those who had shewed so much frowardness, who ~~ 
still continued as perverse as ever ; but they were 
overruled by the major part of the house, as they 
would have been sooner, if it had not been that a 
contrary course had been pursued to what had been 
formerly. Nor were they, who had advised that 
change, willing that his majesty should decline the 
same method, and were much troubled that he had 
not caressed the house more in his late discourse. 
And as they had before advised his majesty freely 
and without any condition to offer the repeal, and 
release the act that had granted the chimney-money 
to him, which was a very good and a growing reve- 
nue, but they observed to be unpopular ; upon a pre- 
sumption (which they assured him could not fail) 
that so generous an action in his majesty towards 
his people would be immediately requited by a grant 
of much greater value, (and they had prevailed in 
this counsel, if the chancellor and the treasurer had 
not with great resolution opposed it, and made evi- 
dent to his majesty, " that he ought never to pro- 
" pose it himself though with conditions, because 
" it would make the grace undervalued, and the 
" conditions to be esteemed unreasonable ; nor to 
" hearken to any general proposition, or consent to 
" the repeal of that act, without having a full and 
" equivalent recompense (which ought to be very 
" well weighed) granted in the same act of parlia- 
" ment ; for he had now sufficient evidence, that the 
" constant good-humour of the house was not to 
" be depended upon :" which confirmed his majesty 
to resolve never to hearken to the one without the 
other, and so that mischief was prevented :) so they 


1667. were' now as desirous that the house of commons 
~ would still press the despatch of the bill of accounts, 
which rested in the lords' house ; and assured them, 
" that if they would embrace the same positiveness 
" they had done, the chancellor would be no more 
" able to hinder the passing of that act, than he had 
*' been to keep his majesty from consenting to the 
** Irish bill so much against his resolution." But 
they and their friends could not keep up the same 
spirit of stubbornness in the house, nor prevail 
with the king to recede from his purpose : so that 
the bill for accounts remained still in the house of 
lords not fully discussed. And such a progress was 
made in the house of commons, notwithstanding all 
A supply opposition, that a bill for supply was prepared within 
the time prescribed, though in respect of the pro- 
portion not equal to the occasions, and entangled 
still with the same inconvenient clauses and pro- 
visos which had so unwarily been admitted at Ox- 
ford, and which made what was granted unapplicable 
to the procuring ready money ; of which his majesty 
was now fully convinced. But the time was too 
short to labour in the alteration. And so the bill, 
as it was, was sent up to the lords, who, after the 
short formality that cannot be avoided, gave it a 
passage through that house : so that it was now 
ready for the king. 

The king's The eighth of February the king came to the 
thTproro- parliament, and the speaker of the house presented 

parua- ^ o / 

thanked them for it, with his assurance, " that 
the money should be laid out for the ends it was 

1 so they were] yet were 


" given : however," he said, " he hoped he should 1667. 

" live to have bills of this nature in the old style, ~ 

" with fewer provisos." He took notice, " that the 

" bill of accounts for the money that had been al- 

" ready raised since the war was not offered to him: 

" but," his majesty said, " that he would take care 

" (after so much noise) that the same should not be 

" stifled ; but that he would issue out his commis- 

" sion in the manner he had formerly promised the 

" house of peers ; and the commissioners should 

" have very much to answer, if they should not dis- 

" cover all matters of fraud and cozenage." He 

told them, " the season of the year was very far 

" spent, in which the enemy had got great advan- 

" tage ; but by the help of God, he would make all 

" the preparations he could, and as fast as he could : 

" "and yet he would tell them, that if any good over- 

" tures were made for an honourable peace, he would 

" not reject them ; and he believed all sober men 

" would be glad to see it brought to pass. 

" He would now prorogue them till towards win- 
" ter, that they might in their several places intend 
" the peace and security of their several countries, 
" where there were unquiet spirits still working. 
" He did pray them," and said, " he did expect it 
" from them, that they would use their utmost en- 
" deavours to remove all those false imaginations 
" out of the hearts of the people, which the malice 
*' of ill men had industriously infused into them, of 
" he knew not what jealousies and grievances : for 
" he must tell them again, and he was sure he was 
" in the right, that the people had never so little 
*' cause to complain of oppression and grievances, as 

N 4 


1667. " they had since his return to them. If the taxes 
~" ' and impositions were grievous and heavy upon 
" them, they would put them in mind, that a war 
" with such powerful enemies could not be main- 
" tained without taxes ; and he was sure the money 
" raised thereby came not into his purse." He con- 
cluded " with promising himself good effects from 
" their affections and wisdoms, wherever they were : 
" and he did hope they should all meet again of one 
" mind, for his honour, and the good of the king- 
" dom." And so they were prorogued to the tenth 
day of October next. 

beking And now the king had very much to do, more 
lS? than he had time or tools to despatch. Yet he be- 
jSio / gan first where the parliament left off k , that when 
ots'" *^ e y came again together, they might have no cause 
to say, that he had not performed what he had pro- 
mised, and so with the same passion renew their 
clamour upon the accounts, which was made now a 
very popular complaint; and whoever was accused 
of obstructing that examination, was presently con- 
cluded to have had a share in the prey. Yet he was 
not willing that such a strict account or examina- 
tion should be made, especially into the receipt of 
the lord Ashley for the prizes, that all the world 
should know what money had been issued out by his 
own immediate orders, and to whom. Hereupon he 
commanded his attorney and solicitor general to pre- 
pare a commission, with all necessary clauses, to call 
all persons to account who had received any such 
monies, and to examine and take any exception to 
the same. 

k off] Not in MS. 


And that there might be no just exception to the 1667. 
commission, which he knew would be strictly looked ~~ 
into, they were required " to advise with all or any 
" of the judges, that it might have their approba- 
" tion ; and that there should be a clause in the com- 
" mission, whereby the commissioners should be 
" authorized to call any of the judges to their assist- 
" ance, when upon any matters of difficulty they 
" should think it necessary." And that there might 
be no exception to any of the commissioners, as like 
to be partial in respect of friendship or alliance to 
any of those who were to be called before them, his 
majesty appointed all those persons, who were nomi- 
nated for commissioners in the bill sent to the house 
of lords by the commons, to be inserted into this 
commission ; and likewise made choice of such a 
number of the peers as was fit, to be joined to the 
others, and named those who had upon all debates 
in the house appeared most solicitous, that a very 
exact account should be required, and of such others 
who had no relation to the court, and were looked 
upon with the utmost l esteem by the house of com- 
mons : all which was prepared with the expedition 
that was possible, and the commission sealed; and 
notice given to all the commissioners, that they 
should meet at a place appointed ; upon a day 
named, presently after Easter, by which time the 
judges would be returned out of their circuits" 1 ; 
and they were then at liberty to adjourn to what 
place they pleased. 

We are now to enter upon the occurrences of the 
year 1667, a year little more prosperous to the pub- 

1 utmost] most circuits] circuit 


1667. He than the year preceding, and fatal in respect to n 
"many calamitous accidents to the chancellor, and 
which put a period to his greatness; the circum- 
stances whereof, very notorious, were so interwoven 
with the public transactions of state, that it is not 
easy to make a distinct and clear relation of the one 
without the other. 
The king The temper the parliament had been in, and the 

involved .... 

in great dif- delay they had used in giving the king any supply 
towards the carrying on the war, made the king 
discern that he had been too confident of their gene- 
rosity, and that they had already departed from that 
spirit with which they first had persuaded him to 
enter into that war : and it was as evident (which 
had been often foretold to him) that the Dutch could 
endure being beaten longer than he could endure to 
beat them. They were now relieved and supplied 
with the money of France, and the governing party 
had subdued all contradictions ; and whatever their 
affections were, all compliance and submission ap- 
peared to the commands of the state ; and there 
wanted nothing but the season of the year to carry 
their fleet again to sea, as great and as well provided 
as it had ever been. All murmuring was trans- 
planted from thence into England, where it grew 
up plentifully : and the king was, upon the credit of 
an act of parliament that was passed on the eighth 
of February, to provide a fleet ready to encounter 
with the potent enemies in the spring. There was 
no trade by sea, and therefore could not be much by 
land, that could bring any benefit to the king ; and 
the seamen ran all to the privateers, who adventured 

11 to] ol 


for booty, which they preferred before serving in the 1 667. 
royal navy. 

The king' in those straits called that council to- He consults 
gether with whom he used to consult his most se-^^tTee 
cret affairs ; and the chief officers at sea, and the u * 

commissioners of the navy, attended to give such in- state of his 


formation as was necessary before any resolution 
could be taken. There the whole state of the navy 
was inquired into?; what was in the stores, and 
what the defects or deficiencies were, and what 
hopes there were of supplying them ; what ships 
were ready, and what would be made ready in three 
months. The victualler was sent for, to give an ac- 
count what provision of victuals was ready, and 
what could be provided and put on board in the 
same time, which was the utmost that could be li- 
mited. Every officer protested, " that there could 
" not be the least attempt^ towards any preparations 
" without a good sum of ready money :" and the 
yards were in that necessity by reason of the great 
arrear of wages that was due to them, that they 
were near a mutiny, and could not be kept to their 
work, being necessitated to do any work abroad to 
get victual for their families. The inferior officers, 
which belonged to the stores, lived by stealing and 
selling what they were intrusted to keep. In short, 
all things were presented to be in that confusion, 
that there appeared no probability of being able to set 
out any fleet before the enemy would be so strong 
upon the coast, that it would be very difficult to 
make a conjunction between those ships which were 

those] these in MS. 

v was inquired into] Omitted ( ' attempt] Omitted in MS. 


1667. in the river, and the other which were at Portsmouth 
"and in other ports. 

This desperate representation did not make the 
king take a sudden resolution : but the same coun- 
cil met many days morning and evening. All ways 
were thought upon which might administer hope to 
get any money ; and considerations were entered 
upon what was to be done in case a fleet could not 
be provided fit to engage the enemy, and which way 
a defensive war was to be made at sea, and how the 
trade should be secured, and the coast and harbours 
be so preserved, that the enemy might do no af- 
front at land ; for every day brought loose and un- 
grounded intelligence of bodies of horse and foot, 
drawn in France to the sea-side in many places upon 
that large coast, and likewise in Holland, and great 
provision of flatbottoms, as if they intended to make 
some descent ; which kind of rumours exceedingly 
discomposed the common people, though they who 
understood the expeditions of that nature, and with 
what difficulty land armies were transported, were 
not moved by those reports. After all expedients 
were considered and well weighed, his majesty found 
cause to despair of being able to set out in any time 
Absolution a fleet equal to the occasion, and so contracted his 
on the d *- thoughts to the other part, for the defensive. 

There is a point of land on the Kentish coast 
that, extends itself into the sea, and at the very en- 
trance of the river, where the king had often thought 
and discoursed of erecting a royal fort, that would 
both preserve the coast, and likewise be a great se- 
curity to the river : and the prosecuting this design 
was in this consultation thought of great importance, 


and the erecting another fort in another place, and 1667. 
repairing and strengthening Landguard r Point upon 
the coast of Essex and Suffolk. 

For preparations for the sea, it was thought fit 
and enough, " that a good squadron of light frigates 
" should ride on the coast of Scotland, and another 
" of the same strength lie s off Plymouth, both which 
" should intercept the trade of Holland both out- 
" ward and inward, if they did not maintain it with 
" strong convoys, which would break their fleet ; 
" and in those cases the frigates would easily retire 
" to their harbours. That some frigates should be 
" always in the Downs, to chase picaroons from in- 
" festing the coast, and to observe and get intelli- 
" gence of the enemies' motion, and upon occasion 
" should retire up the river. That there should be 
" some of the greatest ships at Chatham, Ports- 
" mouth, and other places, prepared and put in 
" readiness against the end of summer, before which 
" time money might be provided : and then the 
" enemies' fleet being weary and foul, it might be 
" presumed the French would return early into 
" their own ports, which were so far off; and then 
M the frigates from the west and the north might 
" find the way to join with the great ships, which 
" should be ready against that time, and either fight 
" the Dutch if they should choose it, or infest their 
" coast more than they had done this, and take all 
" their ships homeward bound from all places, which, 
" upon the fame of their being masters of the sea all 
" the summer, would repair home without appre- 
" hensiori of an enemy." And there were some 

r Landguard] Langhorne * lie] to lie 


\6G7. officers of great experience at sea, who, being called 

by the king to advise upon this project, declared 

with confidence, " that the Dutch would be greater 
" losers by the war thus conducted the next sum- 
" mer, than they had been in any year since the 
" war begun." 

For the security of trade, it was declared, " that 
" there was no possible way to secure it but by re- 
" straining it, and not suffering any merchants' ships 
" to go to sea, and by giving them l advice to send 
" to all their factors and correspondents, that they 
" should send no goods home till they received new 
" orders :" which restraint some were against, " both 
" because it would have an ill reception with the 
" people, when they should find that a war, which 
" had been entered into for the enlargement and ad- 
" vancement of trade, had produced a cessation of 
" all trade; and it would appear very hard that men, 
" who had laid out their own stocks and were will- 
" ing to venture them, should be forbid and hin- 
" dered from sending them to those markets for 
" which they had provided them, which 1 would turn 
" to little less loss to them than they should incur 
" by their being taken by the enemy. Then it 
" would be, not a discouragement but a dissipation 
" of the seamen, who, if they could have no employ- 
" ment in the king's ships or in the merchant ships, 
" would be scattered abroad to seek their fortune, 
" so y that they would not be brought together when 
" the king had occasion for their service. In the 
" last place 7 ; that the giving this order for restraint, 

1 by giving them] lo give v so] Not in MS. 
them ' ploe] Not hi MS. 

* which] and which 


" and advice to the merchants to inform their fac- 1667. 
" tors and correspondents, would be, and could not ~~ 
" choose but be, an absolute publication of this reso- 
" lution of the king to send out no fleet in the 
" spring ; which was yet agreed to be the highest 
" secret." 

All these reasons were temperately weighed and 

answered, " that it could not be unreasonable or un- 

" just to hinder men from doing themselves harm : 

" the king could not take their goods from them to 

" his own use ; but he might lawfully hinder them 

" from spoiling or destroying the goods that were 

" their own. That their being taken by the enemy 

" (which would be unavoidable) concerned the king 

" and the kingdom little less than it did the private 

" owners : it would increase the insolence and the 

" wealth of the enemy, and reflect upon his ma- 

" jesty's honour as well as impoverish his subjects ; 

" and the difference would be very great between 

" losing, their goods, and keeping them upon their 

" hands for a better market. For the dissipation of 

" the seamen, there would no great danger be of 

" that : the squadrons on the western and the 

" northern coasts, which must be very well manned, 

" would entertain good numbers ; and the rest 

" would put themselves on board the privateers, 

" who should be all bound to come home against 

" the time the king would have occasion for their 

" service, and then the privateers should be re- 

" strained as now the merchants. For the keeping 

" the present resolution secret, which would by this 

" means be published, it were to be desired that it 

" might remain a secret as long as should be possi- 

" ble : but as discerning men would easily discover 


1 667. " it* ;mi ' could not but already know that it was im- 
" possible for the king in time to set out a fleet *, so 
" it would b quickly be evident to all the world; and 
" the secret was not to be affected longer than it 
" could be concealed." 

There was another inconvenience or mischief that 
was in view, that would come like an armed man 
upon the city, which was want of fuel, especially 
the want of coals from Newcastle, of which there' 
had been a vast quantity consumed in the late fire, 
which had likewise consumed those houses and' 
chimneys which should be supplied ; yet the people 
remained still, and were not like to be much the 
warmer for being crowded closer together. But to* 
that there could be no other remedy applied, but 
the sending c orders to Newcastle to employ all their 1 
ships, and all they could procure, in sending as much 
coal as was possible to London and the towns adja- 
cent, before the enemy's fleet could put to sea : and 
convoys were assigned too strong for their privateers 
or small parties of their men of war d : and the king 
gave two or three vessels of his own, and likewise 
money, to fetch coals, that the poor might have 
them at the rates they cost ; and directed the city 
to do the same. All which produced some good ef- 

Upon the whole matter, and thorough examina- 
tion of the whole, the king concluded upon all the 
particulars mentioned before, assigning proper per- 
sons to supervise every particular, that all should be 
executed in time that was agreed upon. The 

1 fleet] ship r sending] sending both 

b would] would not ll of war] Omitted iw MS. 


issued out all his orders to the ships, with which sir 1667. 
William Coventry was charged, whose office it was : ~~ 
and the king would charge himself with that which The king 
was most important, the fortification at Sheerness ; f"r 
whither his majesty made a journey in the cold an d 
depth of winter, and took an engineer and some of- 
ficers of the ordnance with him, that all things 
might be supplied from thence which belonged to 
that office. He caused master-workmen to be sent 
from London, and drew common labourers enough 
out of the country, having provided money to pay 
them. And after all things were in this order, and 
he had seen the work begun, he left the master-en- 
gineer, whom he designed to be the governor of the 
fort, for which he was very equal, upon the place ; 
and committed the overlooking of the whole, that all 
possible expedition might be used, to one of the 
commissioners of the ordnance, who promised to 
look carefully to it : and his majesty returned to 
London, when in the opinion of all his servants he 
had stayed too long in such a season, and such an 
air, to the danger of his health. How all those re- 
solutions and orders were executed afterwards, or 
complied with, must unavoidably be mentioned in 
its place. 

It cannot be imagined by any man who in any 
degree knew him, that the chancellor, though he 
was present, could have any part in these reso- 
lutions but the submitting to them ; every par- 
ticular being so much out e of his sphere, that he 
never pretended to understand what was fit and 
reasonable to be done : nor throughout the whole 

e out] Omitted in MS. 


1667. conduct of the war was he ever known to presume 
"~ to give an advice ; but presuming f that all whose 
profession it was advised what was fit, he readily 
concurred. And he did always declare, "that in 
" this last consultation all points were so fully de- 
" bated ; and that there was so concurrent an opin- 
" ion in the commanders of the ships, and the offi- 
" cers of the navy, with the approbation of the duke 
" of York, prince Rupert, and the general, that it 
" was not possible to set out a fleet in time equal to 
" that of the enemy, to engage with it ; and that 
" the next best would be to stand upon the defensive 
" in the manner proposed : that & it did not appear 
" to him, that there was any election left but to 
" pursue that course," which he did believe very 
reasonably proposed and resolved upon ; nor did 
any thing occur to him, why very much good might 
not be hoped from it, he being so totally unskil- 
ful in the knowledge of the coast and the river, 
that he knew not where Sheemess was, nor had 
ever heard of the name of such a place till this last 
discourse, nor had ever been upon any part of the 
river with any other thought about him, than to 
get on shore as soon as could be possible. 

The king had not himself thought of this defen- 
sive way, but approved it very much when he 
heard it so fully discussed, and in which himself had 
proposed all his doubts, which no man raised more 
pertinently in arguments of that nature than his 
majesty ; and it may be he liked it the better, be- 
cause at that time, as he was heartily weary of the 
war, so he was not without a reasonable hope of 

f presuming] presumed 8 that] Not in MS. 


peace, which he resolved to cherish, as he told the J 667. 
parliament at parting he would do. The grounds of"" 
which hope, and the progress thereupon, the enter- 
ing upon a treaty, and the conclusion thereof, will 
be the discourse and relation we shall next enter 

How ill success soever had attended the nego- The Swedes 
ciation of Denmark by the irresolution and unsteadi- assfsTth 
ness of that court, Mr. Coventry had conducted what Engllsh> 
had been committed to him with very good effect in 
Sweden. And after he had disposed that court 
(where he had rendered himself extremely accept- 
able) to a just esteem of the king's friendship, and an 
equal aversion to the Hollander, and concluded 
such articles as were for the present and joint con- 
venience and benefit of both nations, and prepared 
them to be willing to enter into a stricter and nearer 
alliance, and to that purpose to send ambassadors 
into England, where they had an agent ; he returned 
to give his majesty an account and information of 
the constitution and temper of that court, and of the 
nature and disposition of the two ambassadors who 
were to attend his majesty, who were chosen before 
he left Stockholm, and resolved to embark within 
ten days : which they did, and arrived about the They send 
time, or soon after, that the city was so miserably ds1nt*o 
destroyed by fire ; which was the less favourable En s lHml - 
conjuncture, not so much by the influence that 
dreadful distraction and damage was like to have 
upon the vigorous carrying on the war, as by the 
ill humour which the parliament shortly after ap- 
peared to be in, and their manifest obstinacy against 
the king's desires ; which was a temper very dif- 
ferent from what they expected to have found, and 

o 2 


1667. what they had been informed had possessed them 
from the time of his majesty's return. Nor was this 
manifest indisposition without some unhappy im- 
pression upon the spirits of the ambassadors, and 
that alacrity they brought with them presently to 
enter into a treaty, and conjunction of forces against 
the common enemy. 

It was manifest enough, that the crown of Swe- 
den was weary of the obligations they had been long 
bound in to France, which had superciliously ne- 
glected of late to comply with what was on their 
part to be performed; and rather endeavoured to 
make alliances with Denmark, and the lesser neigh- 
bour princes, as those of the house of Brunswick 
and Lunenburg, to their disadvantage, than to con- 
sider that crown which had been so useful to them, 
as if their friendship was so considerable to them. 
Nor was this out of a real disesteem of them ; but 
that they might bind them to a faster dependance 
upon them, and that they might not be severed from 
their interest, whatsoever they should declare it to be. 
And therefore, when it was first suspected that they 
might be inclined to England, and h Holland appre- 
hended that they might be induced to make a con- 
junction with the bishop of Munster, France (as 
hath been touched before) sent their ambassador 
Pompone into Sweden, with a full year's salary of 
what was in arrear, much more still remaining due, 
and to incline that crown to a neutrality between 
the English and the Dutch ; in which he found Mr. 
Coventry had prevented him, and though he had not 
then the character of ambassador, he was much bet- 

" and] and that 


ter respected there than he was. And as they would 1 667. 
have joined with the bishop of Munster, if he had ~ 
advanced according to his pretence, or had not been 
absolutely taken off by France ; so, when he was di- 
verted from his purpose, they were the more inclined 
to make a firm alliance with England, and thereby 
such a further conjunction with other princes, pro- 
testant or catholic, that might give some check to 
the impetuous humour of France, which they now 
were as jealous of, and of their overflowing all the 
banks which belonged to their neighbours, as they 
had been formerly of the house of Austria ; and for 
the same reason were as desirous to retire from any 
dependance upon or relation to that crown, as they 
had been formerly of its protection ; and were very 
well prepared to change their alliance, and, if they 
might not be losers by it, to make a conjunction with 
Germany and the house of Austria, into which it was 
reasonable to be presumed that the United Provinces 
would be glad to be received upon moderate condi- 
tions when a peace should be made with England. 

And this was the prospect that had been pre- 
sented to them by Mr. Coventry, and upon view of 
which they now sent their ambassadors, without 
being terrified by the declaration of France on the 
behalf of the Dutch ; and with a resolution, if they 
could not persuade Holland to separate from that 
conjunction, and make a peace apart with the king, 
(which they laboured by their ambassador the count 
of Dhona to the States,) to join their interest frankly 
to that of his majesty, and to run the hazard and 
expect the issue and event of the war. 

The two ambassadors were Flemming and Coyet, The cha- 
racters of 

both senators in the great council of Sweden, and the ambas- 
o 3 


1667. men of prime authority there: the former of the 
~~ greater place and esteem, being a nobleman of an 
ancient and noble extraction of a family in Scotland, 
that had lived through many descents in Sweden in 
great employment and lustre; and this man never 
dissembled a particular devotion to the king, and 
for that reason principally was designed to this ne- 
gociation. The other was not so well born or bred, 
or of so cheerful a complexion, but a more thinking 
and melancholic man, more conversant in books, 
and more versed in the course and forms of busi- 
ness ; and by his own virtue and humble industry 
had from a mean and low birth, which in those 
northern kingdoms is the highest disadvantage, by 
degrees ascended to the degree of a senator, which 
is the chiefest qualification ; and had gotten his first 
credit and reputation by a negociation he was in- 
trusted with in Holland, and a treaty well managed 
by him there : which made him liable in that court 
to be much inclined to the Dutch, and to have 
some particular friendship with De Wit, they having 
studied together in Leyden when they were young ; 
and their familiarity after was improved to a good 
correspondence in that negociation in Holland. 

This being well known and commonly spoken of 
there, Mr. Coventry endeavoured to prevent his de- 
signation to that employment, by speaking to the 
chancellor of that kingdom, who always received 
him with open arms, and gave good testimony of his 
hearty and passionate desire of a firm conjunction 
between the two crowns ; and, though he was of a 
French extraction, had a full jealousy of the want of 
sincerity and justice of that nation. When he dis- 
covered the apprehension Mr. Coventry had, he per- 


suaded him to acquiesce in his judgment rather 1667. 
than to credit common rumour : " that he well knew 
" both, and had contributed to the election of both, 
" who were very fit to be joined together in an em- 
" ployment of this nature, the gaiety and warmth of 
" the one standing in need sometimes of the phlegm 
" of the other, who would yet pay that reverence to 
" him that was due to his superior quality ; and 
" that he was too good a Swede to have inclinations 
" to the Dutch, how much conversation soever he 
" had with them. In a word, he would pass his 
" word ;" which put an end to all further doubts : 
and it was well enough known, that he had been 
raised by and was a creature of the chancellor. 

And in truth, from the time of their arrival in 
England he carried himself very fairly, and without 
any visible inclination to the Dutch, and much less 
to the French ; and they both very frankly declared 
to those of the king's ministers with whom they 
conferred with intimacy, " that that crown would 
" gladly be separated from them, if a good expedient 
" might be found to make them no losers by it." 
Yet it is as true, that after they had been some 
months irt England, and saw in how ill a posture 
the king was for the carrying on the war, and how 
far the parliament was from giving money, or from 
any reasonable compliance with his majesty's de- 
sires, Coyet did not concur with the same warmth 
in his despatches, with Flemming, into Sweden ; but 
writ apart to the ministers there, " that they must 
" take new measures, and not depend upon a con- 
" junction with England, to which, how well soever 
" the king was inclined, he would not be able to 
" bear the part they expected, by reason that he 

o 4 


1 667. " had no power with the parliament ;" which letters 
~his majesty's agent then in Sweden had a sight of: 
which produced no other effect there, but a resolu- 
tion ', that if they saw that either the king was in- 
clined to a peace, or would be reduced to a necessity 
to treat, the ambassadors should offer in the name 
of their master his interposition, which their min- 
isters in France and Holland should then likewise 
make proffer of, upon advertisement first from them, 
Sweden is but with a secret assurance to the king, " that if a 
' " treaty sliould not take effect," (which it could 

hardly be believed it would do,) "the crown of Swe- 
" den would firmly unite itself to his majesty's inter- 
" est, and engage in the war with him ;" which it 
was evident they were more inclined to, than to a 
peace in which France might be comprehended. 
But that which they most desired was, that a peace 
might be made with the Dutch without compre- 
hending France, in which they would willingly 
enter, which would draw Spain and all the princes 
of Germany to desire to be admitted for their own 

The same The Conde of Molina was ambassador from Spain, 
edlT'thT near ^ ne king, a man rather sincere than subtile, 
Spanish and and so had the more need of the advice and assist- 

ini penal 

ambassa- ance of the baron of Isola, who was, under the title 


of envoy from the emperor, entirely trusted and 
supported (as most of the emperor's ministers were) 
by the king of Spain ; who being a Burgundian, 
born in those parts which remain subject to Spain, 
had an implacable hatred to the French ; and by 
the employments he had undergone in Italy and 

1 a resolution] Omitted in MS. 


other places, where he had been ambassador, had 1667. 
made himself so considerable, that he was become"" 
notoriously odious to the French, and was a man 
of great experience and very subtile parts. Both 
those ministers did heartily wish a peace between 
England and Holland, with the exclusion of France : 
but if that could not be, they had much rather the 
war should continue as it was, than that France 
should be comprehended in the peace ; for which 
they had some reason. For at this time the king of 
Spain died, which they had too many reasons to be- 
lieve would put an end to the quiet of Flanders ; 
and therefore would be glad that they might have 
the assistance of England for their defence, and in 
which Holland could not think itself unconcerned. 
The probability of this, and the constant intelli- 
gence they received from the Hague, " that there 
" were already jealousies grown up between the 
" French and the Dutch," persuaded them, and 
they endeavoured to persuade the king, " that Hol- 
" land might be now induced to treat by them- 
" selves ; or if they could not do that, but must 
" proceed jointly with France, they would upon as- 
" surance of the king's affection sever themselves 
" from them, if they insisted upon any thing that 
" was not for the joint benefit of all." The king 
left them to do what they thought fit towards it, 
without undertaking any thing on his part until 
their fair intentions were discerned, and then to as- 
sure them of his majesty's inclinations to peace upon 
just and honourable conditions. 

There is no doubt, there was a real jealousy and Holland 
dissatisfaction between France and Holland at thisj 1 "^,,/ 6 
time. The Dutch complained, "that the French each other - 


1667. " had broken their promise with them no less this 
year than they had done the last : they had 
" indeed declared and proclaimed a war, but they 
" had done no acts of hostility ; and whereas they 
" were engaged that their fleet should have joined 
" with theirs in the month of May, they had never 
" been in view but at a great distance, and suffered 
" the Dutch to fight so many days together without 
" any help from them. And upon their renewed 
*' promise, they had again carried out their fleet to 
" meet with them in August ; when they failed 
" again, and left them exposed to the whole Eng- 
" lish fleet : so that they were compelled with some 
" loss to get again into their harbours." And now 
they had a real apprehension, that they might treat 
with England apart, and leave them to support 
the war at sea by themselves, whilst they pursued 
their expedition against Flanders upon the death of 
the king of Spain. 

On the other side, France as much complained of 
the proceedings of the Dutch : " that after they had 
" received a great sum of money from them, with- 
" out which they could not have set out their fleet, 
" they no more cared for a conjunction with their 
" ships, nor went to that length at sea which they 
" were bound to, to join with them ; which they 
" might have done, if they had continued their 
" course when they put to sea in the beginning of 
" June. Instead of which they went over to the 
" coast of England to find the English, confessing 
" thereby, that they had no need of the assistance 
" of the French ships ; but leaving them k to shift 
" for themselves. And afterwards, in the end of 

k them] Omitted in MS. 


" August, they came not to the place they had pro- 1667. 
" mised to have done ; by reason of which neglect ~" 
" and breach of faith, if a singular act of Providence 
" had not prevented it, their whole fleet had fallen 
" into the hands of the English, as some part of it 
" did." But that which made them likewise willing 
that this war should be at an end was, that now, 
the king of Spain being dead, they might enter 
upon a war with Spain ; towards which they pre- 
pared manifestos to publish upon the matter of 
their right, and already prepared levies of men, of 
which they could pretend no other use : yet they 
professed to the Spanish ambassador to have no 
such design in their purposes. However, they 
would not enter upon any treaty apart without the 
Dutch : nor would De Wit, who entirely governed 
the councils of Holland, be induced to consent to 
any overtures made to separate, before or in the 
treaty, from France ; but gave information ] of 
whatsoever was proposed by the baron of Isola, or 
the Spaniard, or any other person, to that purpose, 
and enlarged upon that information more than was 
true, to endear his own punctuality. 

The mother of the king was then at Paris, hav- The <i een 

. . _ mother en- 

ing chosen rather to reside there than in England, deavours to 
since she saw the resolution of a war between them, apeacewlui 
and desired nothing more than to be an instrument * r 
in the composing those differences, which she 
thought were not good for either of the crowns ; 
and found now another style in that court than it 
had used to discourse in, and from the time of the 
news of the death of the king of Spain, that the 

1 gave information] informed me 


1667. French king had spoken as if he wished a peace 
she eod with England : whereupon, about the time when 
st^AthM'' tne parliament was prorogued, the earl of St. Al- 
jntoEng- Dan ' s came to London, as to look to the queen's 

lam) for 

that pur- affairs, of which he was the great intendant. He 


informed the king *' of the good temper the French 
" court was in, and that he was confident, if his ma- 
" jesty would make any advance towards a peace m , 
" the queen would be able to dispose that king to 
" hearken to it, and to be a mediator between Eng- 
" land and Holland ; and either to draw them to 
" consent to what was just, or to separate from 
" them : and he thought it very reasonable, that the 
" conditions should be referred to the king of France, 
" who he was sure, upon such a trust, would be 
" very careful of the king's honour and interest." 
He professed " to have no authority for any thing 
" he proposed, from the French king or any of his 
" ministers, but from the queen's conjectures and 
" his own observation : and if the king would give 
" him a commission, he would presently return, and 
" would not be known to have any powers, till he 
" should find such a conjuncture to own it, as that" 
" the peace should be concluded before there should 
*"' be any discourse of a treaty, (which he knew the 
" French most desired,) lest Spain might interpose 
" to perplex or delay it." And therefore he pro- 
posed, " that he might cany instructions with him, 
" upon what conditions the king would be willing 
" that a peace should be established." His majesty 
was resolved never to make the French king arbi- 
trator of the conditions of the peace, nor that it 

m towards a peace] towards it n that] Not in MS. 


should be treated at Paris; and most of all, that 1667. 
the earl of St. Alban's should not have any power" 
to treat, " who," the king always used to say, 
" was more a French than an English man :" and 
he likewise resolved, " that no overture should be 
" made towards peace in his name." 

Whilst this was in suspense, the earl received let- 
ters from Paris, in which he was advised " to return 
" thither with power to treat, and with information 
" what conditions the king expected ; for that his 
" most Christian majesty had so prepared the Dutch, 
" that he should have present power to treat and 
" conclude ; and so all things might be settled before 
" the formality of a treaty should be entered into or 
" heard of." This did not alter the king's resolution 
against authorizing the earl to treat, or making Paris 
the place of the treaty. But because the letters 
were written by monsieur Ruvigny, who was a per- 
son well known to the king, and of whom he had a 
good opinion, and whom he well knew to be too 
wary a man to write in that manner without having 
good authority to do so ; his majesty was contented 
" that the earl should make haste to Paris ; and if 
" he found by Ruvigny that what they proposed was 
" really desired, he should undertake to know that 
" the king was very well inclined to peace, and that 
" himself would willingly confer with any body he 
" would carry him to ; and whatsoever should be 
" proposed, he would with all possible expedition 
" transmit it to the king :" with this further direc- 
tion, " that if he were satisfied that their intentions 
" were real, which the alterations in their own af- 
" fairs made probable, he should endeavour, by the 
" queen or Ruvigny, to discover whether it would 


1667. " not be possible to persuade that king to treat apart 
~" and exclude Holland; and if it appeared to him 
" that was not to be hoped, that at least his ma- 
"jesty would think it reasonable, that the Dutch 
" should restore whatsoever fort or other place they 
" had taken upon the coast of Guinea, and likewise 
" pay a good sum of money to the king towards the 
" charge of the war." 

The earl of St. Alban's had no mind to return 
with no larger a commission, and pretended to know 
" that this was not the way to advance a treaty, 
" and that he could as well write what the king 
" directed, and know again by letter what they 
" thought of it ; and therefore he would stay and 
" despatch the business which the queen sent him 
" about, before he would return." But when he 
saw the king was contented he should stay, rather 
than have nothing to do in the treaty, he chose to 
be at the beginning of it, and thought he should not 
be afterwards left out ; and so offered the king to 
depart without further delay. 

The king had from the beginning informed the 
chancellor of all that the earl had said to him from 
his arrival : and when he had received those letters 
from Ruvigny, he sent him to shew them to him ; 
and himself came presently whilst the earl was 
there, and directed him to prepare the instructions 
for him, which the earl likewise desired he might 
do. The chancellor very well knew, that his credit 
with the king was much lessened, and that of the 
lord Arlington much increased, who did not like 
that he should meddle in the affairs proper to his 
office : besides he had no mind to be intrusted in 
the transactions with France, of whose want of faith 


he had too much experience ; which would neither be 1 667. 

grateful to the queen mother nor to the earl. And" 

therefore he very earnestly besought the king, 

" that, it being the lord Arlington's province, all 

" those despatches might pass through his hands." 

The king said, " that he knew the lord Arlington 

" desired his help, and that he should prepare all 

" those despatches," which he required him to do : 

and the earl of St. Alban's seemed very much to 

desire, " that not only his instructions might be pre- 

" pared by him, but that he might always receive 

" his majesty's pleasure signified by him, upon any 

" material point that should arise ;" which the king 

promised him he should do. Upon which the other, 

who durst not decline those commands he was so 

unwilling to obey, humbly desired his majesty, " that 

" the whole matter might be first communicated to 

" that committee of the council, with which he con- 

" suited his most secret affairs ; and that the earl 

" of St. Alban's might be present at the debate ; and 

" that whatever he should be appointed to put into 

" writing might be perused at that board, and if it 

" required his majesty's signature, it should be pre- 

" sented to him by the secretary :" all which his 

majesty consented to. And all being done accord- He returns 

into France 

jng to what is mentioned before, the earl departed to negociate 

r* TI a peace. 

for 1* ranee. 

It is very true, there was yet no visible alteration 
in the king's confidence towards the chancellor with 
reference to his business, in which his majesty had 
no reserve, and spent as much time with him, and 
vouchsafed as often to go to his house, as he had 
ever used to do. But when he offered to speak to 
him of other matters, as he could not forbear to do, 


1667. which he thought concerned him more than his most 
~ public transactions ; he found his countenance pre- 
sently shut, no attention, and no answer, or such a 
one as shewed he was not pleased : and he took all 
occasions to make others see, that he was advised 
only by him in what immediately related to his bu- 
siness, and not more in that than by other men. 

When the earl came to Paris, he found the French 
less upon their guard than he expected: and the 
king himself frankly expressed himself " to wish an 
" end of this war, and that he might be possessed of 
" the king's friendship, which he valued exceeding- 
" ly ;" and referred to monsieur Lionne, " who," his 
majesty said, " was prepared to speak to him." 
Monsieur de Lionne kept himself within generals, 
" of the benefit that England would receive by a 
" peace, which made his Christian majesty desire to 
" promote it, and never more to depart from his 
" friendship. That he was obliged in honour now 
" not to quit the Dutch, having entered into a treaty 
" with them when he had no imagination that there 
" would be a war between them and England ; that 
'* he had been often sorry for it, and had given them 
" just occasion to complain, that he forbore longer 
" than he ought to have done to give them help : 
" and therefore he could not now leave them to 
" themselves, except they were obstinate, and re- 
" fused to make peace upon just conditions ; and 
" then he would renounce them." But when he 
found that the earl had no power, and that he talked 
of money to be given for the charge of the war, and 
expected to have particular overtures to send to the 
king ; he brake off the discourse till he could confer 
with his master. 


Within two or three days monsieur de Lionne vi- 1667 
sited the earl, and told him, " that if any thing 
'* were to be done towards a peace, there must be 
" no time lost : it was yet in the power of the most 
" Christian king to bring it to pass upon just and 
" honourable terms ; but he knew not how long it 
" would continue in his power ; for he confessed 
" the Dutch took themselves to be so much behind- 
" hand, that they had no mind to peace, believ- 
" ing they had now advantage. That it was never 
" heard of, that after a war between two nations, 
" upon the making peace, either side consented to 
" pay the charge of the war : therefore any expecta- 
" tion of that, or but mention of it, would shut the 
" door against any treaty." He gave two papers to 
him to send to the king, both under his own hand, 
which his majesty had the choice of, and which the 
Dutch would consent to ; " but if that P should be 
" required, the treaty was at an end before it was 
" begun, and the sword must determine it." 

One of the papers contained an equivalent, ofovprture 

' . . made by 

which his majesty might make his choice; whether France; 
" all things should continue in the state and posture 
" in which they were at present, either side enjoying 
" what they had got, and sustaining what they had 
" lost, and so all things to remain as they were be- 
" fore the war ;" or, " that a true and just computa- 
" tion should be made of the losses on both sides, 
" and they who were found to have received most 
" damage should be repaired at the charge of the 
" other." The other paper was, " that if his ma- 
" jesty approved of either of these expedients, he 

would] would not i> that] Omitted in MS. 



1667. " should himself make choice of the place where 
~ " the treaty should l>e, whither all parties should 
" send their ambassadors :" but then the French king 
desired, " that his majesty would not make choice of 
" any place in the king of Spain's dominions ;" and 
the Dutch ambassador there had nominated Cologne 
or Francfort or Hamburgh. And the earl of St. 
Alban's immediately sent away an express with 
those two papers to the king, upon receipt whereof 
the council were summoned. 

There was no hope of money, which some, not 
reasonably, had expected should be paid whenever 
a peace should be made ; and it had been mentioned 
in Holland as a thing they expected should be pro- 
pounded, it may be, that it might be propounded and 
rejected. Then the despatch of whatsoever should 
be agreed concerned the king very much, that the 
Dutch might not put to sea, nor discover that the 
king had no fleet to set out ; for the spring was not 
yet come, though approaching. There appeared little 
difficulty in the choice of the equivalent, for the 
English had taken much more from the Dutch than 
they had taken from England ; and the other com- 
putation would be endless, and liable to very difti- 
which the cult examinations : so that by an unanimous advice 
prove^ the king resolved to choose the first equivalent. 
Difficulties But then the place for the treaty was not so easy 
tiingthV to be chosen. The most natural had been Brussels, 
Antwerp, or some other large city in Flanders, 
which were all neutral places, and to which all par- 
ties might repair with the same ease and security. 
Whereas all the places mentioned in Germany were 
at so great a distance, that the summer would be far 
entered into, and so, many acts of hostility pass, be- 


fore the ambassadors could meet; and the English 1C67. 
must pass through the enemy's country thither : ~ 
therefore there could be no thought of any of those 
places. Then the king of France had taken upon him 
to exclude Flanders, which he had no power to do, 
and it was as desirable to the Dutch as to the king : 
and therefore it was thought reasonable, that the 
king should insist upon some good town there, of 
which there was choice enough ; and if Holland 
should approve it, France could not reject it. But 
on the other hand it was clearly discerned, that 
France would never send ambassadors into a coun- 
try which he meant at the same time to invade ; 
and that his majesty knew very well to be the in- 
tention, and the ground of that king's desiring the 
peace, which it was plain enough the Dutch did not 
desire, and were only drawn to consent to a treaty 
by the positive demand of France, which they durst 
not contradict : and therefore it concerned the king 
to preserve that good disposition, and that the French 
ambassadors might come fully instructed to concur 
with the English in what should be just, and pre- 
vent any insolent carriage of the Dutch, or the Dane, 
who was likewise to have his ambassadors upon the 

Upon those reasons the express returned with his 
majesty's consent and election of the first equivalent, 
and " that as soon as he should know that the Dutch 
" had consented to it, his majesty would propose 
" some equal place for the treaty." And as soon as 
the express was despatched, his majesty entered 
upon the debate of a fit place for the treaty ; and 
said, " that he had a proposition then made to him 
" by sir William Coventry, that was of such a na- 

p 2 

1667. ture as much surprised him, as he believed it 
" would the lords ; yet he had not thought enough 
" to dislike or condemn it :" and so bade the other 
to propose it. He, with some short apology which 
he did not use to make, said, " that he perceived 
" there would be little less difficulty in agreeing 
" upon a place for the treaty than upon any doubts 
" which might arise in it ; for if the king of France 
" was to be gratified in the exclusion of Flanders, 
" it would be very inconvenient to oblige the king 
" to send into Germany, which by the great delay 
" would deprive the king of the greatest benefit he 
" expected from the treaty ; the speedy despatch 
" whereof would be attended with the greatest con- 
" veniences : therefore he had proposed to the king, 
" that he would immediately write to the States Ge- 
" neral without acquainting France with it, and offer 
" to send his ambassadors to treat the peace at the 
" Hague, that it might be speedily concluded, which 
" would otherwise take up much time in sending for 
" any resolution to the States upon what should 
" arise. If they consented to it, it would probably 
" be attended with success, the general affection of 
" the people being well known to desire peace : and 
" if they refused it, the world would conclude that 
" they would have no peace, when they would not 
" treat about it ; and that his majesty would never 
" have done them the honour to have sent his am- 
" bassadors home to them, if he had intended to 
" deny any thing that was reasonable to them." 

It was very new, and thought of by nobody but 
the lord Arlington and sir William Coventry % who 

i and sir William Coventry] Not in MS. 


had communicated it together; and the objection 1667. 
of the condescension that it would seem to most" 
men, as if the king sent to beg a peace at their own 
doors, was obvious to all men : but that would have 
been an r objection against admitting it to have been 
at Paris. But the States not being s upon any level 
that pretended to an equality, the probable conve- 
nience or benefit that might attend it was only to 
be considered ; and the affection and desire of the 
people generally to peace was so notorious, that there . 
was reason to believe that they would not be willing 
that a treaty begun amongst them should end but 
with effect: and therefore it was unanimously agreed, 
that the advice should be pursued. But then it was 
a new doubt, how the message or overture or letter, 
for the form was not yet thought of, should be con- 
veyed; for the sending a trumpet or express had 
much more of application than the thing itself: and 
it was to be wished, that it might be gone out of 
the king's hands before the answer could come from 
Paris, lest new instance should be made for a parti- 
cular place. 

It was at last resolved, that the Swedes ambas- 
sadors (both France and Holland having accepted 
the mediation of that crown) should be consulted 
with, to engage their minister at the Hague to de- 
liver it l to the States General ; for there was some 
apprehension, that if De Wit knew of it, it might 
be considered only by that committee which was 
deputed for that affair, and never be brought to the 
States : and the adjusting all that was commended 
to the chancellor, who presently sent for the ambas- 

1 an] Not in MS. * it] Omitted in MS. 

' being] Omitted in MS. 

P 3 



1667. sadors, and found them very ready to perform any 
"office which might bring them upon the stage in 
the treaty. And upon communication together, 
they were willing to send a servant of their own to 
the Hague, who should deliver to their ambassador 
the king's message to the States General, as an e 
feet of their mediation and credit with the king. 
And so it was delivered, not in the form of a letter, 
but of a message in the third person to the States 
General, signed by the king and under the signet ; 
and the ambassadors sent a gentleman in post with it. 
The Dutch But within two days a new alarm comes from 
restore France ; and all that was done proved to be to no 
purpose. When they received the king's answer, 
^ey cou ld not but acknowledge that it was as fair 
as they could expect; and monsieur de Lionne 
shewed it as such to the Dutch ambassador, who 
finding that he was satisfied with it, and by him, 
that the king was so too, fell into much passion, and 
declared, " that it was not according to the consent 
" he had given to the king and to monsieur de 
" Lionne ; and that he must protest against any 
" treaty to be entered into upon this declaration." 
He put him then in mind, " that he had informed 
" the king, in his presence, that there was an article 
" in the late treaty between England and Holland, 
" by which they were obliged to deliver up the 
" island of Poleroone in the East Indies to the East 
" India company of London, which they had for- 
" merly consented to with Cromwell, but had nei- 
" ther delivered it then nor yet, and were resolved 
" rather to continue the war than to part with it ; 
" which he had declared, when with reference to all 
" other things he consented to the alternative : and 


" if the king would not 11 release that article of the 1667. 
" former treaty, his masters would not enter upon ~~ 
" any new." 

Whether this was true or no cannot be known. 
But monsieur de Lionne came in great disorder to 
the lord of St. Alban's, and told him all that the 
ambassador had said, and confessed it " to be very 
" true, and that the king remembered it well, and 
" promised that article should be released : but that 
" he, not clearly understanding the delivery of it to 
" be contained in a former treaty, and knowing it 
" had" been many years in the possession of the Dutch, 
" and that it still remained so, thought it had been 
" comprehended in the alternative, and forgat to in- 
" sert it in the paper that was sent to the king, for 
" which he asked a thousand pardons ; and made it 
". his suit to the king that he would yield to it, and 
" that a treaty that was so necessary to the good of 
"Christendom might not be extinguished upon his 
" negligence and want of memory :" which was a 
strange excuse for a minister of his known sagacity. 

The earl of St. Alban's refused to transmit any 
such tergiversation to the king, and said, " he knew 
" the king would never consent to it ; and that this 
" manner of proceeding, after that his majesty had 
" consented to what themselves proposed, would 
" shut out all future confidence of their sincerity." 
Monsieur de Lionne was exceedingly troubled and 
out of countenance, as a man conscious to himself of 
a great oversight, and desired him, " that he would 
" meet the Dutch ambassador at his lodging, that 
*' they might together endeavour to remove him 

11 not] Omitted in MS. 
p 4 


1667. "from the obstinacy he professed;" which the earl 
"was contented to do, and the ambassador, how un- 
willingly soever, was prevailed with to meet at the 
time appointed : but they were no sooner met, and 
monsieur de Lionne entered upon the argument of 
Poleroone, but the ambassador fell into a rude pas- 
sion, and said, " the war should determine it." And 
when the earl of St. Alban's began to speak of the 
unreasonableness of the demand, and entered upon 
the foul manner in which they had first taken that 
island from the English, who were in possession of 
it; 'he told him, " that he had nothing to say to 
" him," and used much other language unfit for the 
other to hear, and which * he had returned with in- 
terest, if monsieur de Lionne had not interposed, 
and been very desirous the conference should end, 
the ambassador's insolence being not to be endured. 
And so they parted, Lionne seeming very much of- 
fended ; and he complained to the king, and the earl 
gave the account of all to his majesty. 

The French king was no less surprised and of- 
fended when he heard what message the king had 
sent to the States, (which he was advertised of by an 
express from Holland,) than De Wit had been at the 
delivery of it, who presently knew the drift of it, 
and could not forbear to tell the States, " that the 
" design was only to stir up the people against the 
" magistrates, and indeed to make them the judges 
" of the conditions of the peace :" and he knew well 
that the people generally were no friends to the East 
India company, (where himself had a great stock, 
and therefore would never consent that a treaty en- 

* which] Not in MS. 


tered into should break only upon their interest; 1667. 
which likewise was the reason, why they had pro- 
vided that that particular should be first Consented 
to, before any treaty should be agreed upon. And 
hereupon he prevailed upon the States General forth- 
with to declare in the negative, " that the treaty 
" should not be at the Hague." But at the same 
time, after the naming again of Cologne and Franc- 
fort, they added, " that if the king desired to do 
" them the honour to appoint it in any place of their 
" dominions, which they did not presume to propose, 
" they should consent that it might be at Breda, or 
" Maastricht," or a place or two that they named : 
and this was resolved before the people heard that 
the king had named the Hague, and wondered and 
murmured at their refusal. 

The king of France took it ill, that at a time when 
he proceeded with so much openness, and had given 
the first rise to a treaty, and opened the door which 
the Hollander peevishly shut against it, by his own 
offering the alternative, which the king had so far 
approved as to make his election ; he should at the 
same time, without communicating it to him, send 
this overture to the Hague : which troubled him 
the more, that it gave him matter of jealousy to 
apprehend, that there was some other underhand 
treaty that was concealed from him, and contrived 
by the baron of I sola, who he knew had been pri- 
vately at the Hague, and had conference with De 
Wit. And the same imagination did more perplex 
the queen mother and the earl of St. Alban's, who 
looked upon this as a device to exclude them from 
having any share in the peace ; the earl having di- 
gested the conclusion in his own breast, that in what 


1667. place soever the treaty should be held, he should 
~~ without doubt be intrusted in the managery of it. 
However the king could not own his part of the 
dislike, since his majesty might without any viola- 
tion of friendship make the overture by message to 
the Hague, as well as to or by him : therefore he 
seemed to take no exception to it, and only sent 
the king word, " that he believed the Dutch would 
" quickly discern, that this condescension in his ma- 
" jesty proceeded from some expectation of a party 
" amongst the people to second it ; and therefore he 
" was confident they would never consent to treat 
" at the Hague." But he proposed, " as the best 
** way for expedition, that it might be at Dover," 
which he advised his majesty not to reject : " for if 
" it were once begun there, it might possibly, and 
" he would further it all he could, quickly be re- 
" moved to Canterbury, and probably might be con- 
" eluded in London." 

But before this message arrived, the other new 
demand of Poleroone, with monsieur de Lionne's 
acknowledgment of the defect of his memory, and 
that he ought to have inserted it in the paper that 
contained the alternative, with all the excuses he 
made for it, was received ; which seemed to put an 
The king end to all hopes of peace. The king was highly in- 
fended. censed, and look i.'il upon it as an affront contrived 
by both parties to amuse him. Every body con- 
cluded, that there could be no safety in depending 
upon any thing that could be offered from France, 
when they could never be without as reasonable a 
pretence as they had at present, to disclaim or avoid 
any concession they had made in writing: that 
the particular demanded could never be consented 


to by his majesty, without swerving from the com- 1667. 
mon rules of justice, and the violation of his own~~ 
honour : that though it did not immediately con- 
cern his majesty in his own interest and the interest 
of the crown, which was an argument used in France 
for his majesty's not insisting upon it, it was how- 
ever an unquestionable and a very considerable in- 
terest of his subjects, which he was in justice bound 
to maintain, and which in justice he had no power 
to release. It was an interest so valuable, that 
Cromwell had insisted upon it so resolutely, that 
they had consented to it as a principal article of the 
peace he made with them ; by which he gained great 
reputation with the people. And his majesty had 
thought himself so much concerned in honour not to 
suffer his subjects to be deprived of that right which 
Cromwell had vindicated, (though by his death it 
came not to be executed,) that he would never con- 
sent to the treaty that had been concluded since his 
happy return, until they consented to and renewed 
the same article, and promised the redelivery of the 
said island to the English by such a day : and their 
having broken their faith in not delivering it accord- 
ing to the last treaty, and with very offensive cir- 
cumstances, his majesty had declared to be a prin- 
cipal cause of the war, and made them unquestion- 
ably to appear the first aggressor. And in that re- 
spect, his honour could not receive a more mortal 
wound than in releasing that article, which con- 
cerned the estates of other men, and would in the 
opinion of the world draw the guilt of the war upon 
himself, or, which would be as bad, the reproach of 
having purchased a peace upon very dishonourable 


1667. conditions to himself, at the charge and with the 

""estates of his subjects. 

And n- Upon the whole, the king resolved rather to un- 
rontlnue dergo the hazard of the war, upon what disadvan- 
kar ' tage soever, than to consent to a proposition so dis- 
honourable : and a despatch was presently sent to 
the earl of St. Alban's, with a very lively resent- 
ment " of the indignity offered to the king in reced- 
" ing from what was offered by themselves, and in 
" asking what he was resolved never to grant." And 
all were enjoined to review all that had been re- 
solved for the war, and to give the utmost advance- 
ment to it that was > possible : and without doubt, 
if Spain had yet put itself into any posture to defend 
itself against the power that was even ready to in- 
vade it, and to act any part towards the support of 
a common interest, the king would hardly have been 
persuaded to hav,e hearkened more to any proposi- 
tions from France. 
New over. Notwithstanding all this, new overtures and new 

tures from ... , 

France. importunities were sent from France. " It was 
" true, that the Dutch had always protested against 
" making a peace or consenting to a treaty without 
" the release of Poleroone ; which his Christian ma- 
" jesty had consented to, and could not recede from 
** it without their consent, though the mention of it 
" had been unfortunately omitted by monsieur de 
" Lionne : but his majesty promised and engaged 
" his royal word, that when the treaty should be en- 
" tered into, he would use all his credit and author- 
44 ity to persuade the States General to recede from 

v was] could be 


" their obstinacy, and to make no alteration in the 1GG7. 

" last treaty ; but that all things should 7 - remain as 

" had been settled by it. And if he could not pre- 

" vail with them to satisfy him therein, as he did 

" fear that there was upon their particular interest 

" some peremptory resolution fixed, from whence 

" they would not be removed as to the main ; yet in 

" that case he did in no degree despair of obliging 

" them to give a considerable sum of money for re- 

" compense thereof, which he desired might satisfy 

" the king, who would find himself at much ease by 

" it. And if the commissioners once met and the 

" treaty was begun, it would not be dissolved before 

" a peace should be concluded ; and that the French 

" ambassadors, as soon as they met, should propose 

" a cessation from all acts of hostility, which he 

" expected should be as soon yielded to as proposed ; 

" and that already they had promised that their 

" fleet should remain in their harbours till the mid- 

" die of May, before which time the treaty might 

" well begin." And from the present time the 

French king promised, " that no hostile act should 

" be done by him, and that his own fleet should not 

" stir out of their port ; and that his ambassadors 

" should in all things behave themselves as his ma- 

" jesty could wish, that particular only of Poleroone 

" excepted a , in which they should do as he had 

" promised." 

The king had by this time had recourse to all 
the inventions and devices, which might yet enable 
him to set out a fleet that might be able to fight 
the enemy ; but in vain. He found all men of the 

2 should] to a excepted] Omitted in MS. 


1667. same opinion they had been, that he must be upon 
""the defensive in the manner expressed before, and 
expect the end of the summer before he could draw 
his ships together ; and that there was an universal 
impatience for peace : so that when the warmth of 
his indignation was a little remitted, he was very 
willing to hear any thing that might revive the hope 
of a treaty, when this last overture from Paris ar- 
rived ; upon which he presently convened the coun- 
cil, that he might take a speedy resolution what he 
was to do, for he saw many conveniences might be 
lost by the not speedily entering upon the treaty, if 
it were to be entered upon at all. The protestation 
and promise of France to assist in all things, that 
particular only excepted, for his majesty's service, 
and his promise even in that, made him willing to 
believe that they might be real : the hope of recom- 
pense for it seemed little inferior to the redelivery 
of the island, and was an equal satisfaction to his 
majesty's honour. And it seemed the more probable 
to be compassed, in that De Wit in his private con- 
ference with the baron of Isola, in all his passion, in 
which he would not endure the mention of the deli- 
very of Poleroone, and said, " that the States would 
" perish before they would part with it," concluded, 
" that he would not say, that they might not be per- 
" suaded to give some recompense for it." 

And many believed that the East India company, 
which was only concerned in the interest of it, would 
choose rather to receive a good recompense than 
the island itself, which was a barren, sandy soil, 
which yielded no fruit, but only nutmegs, which was 
the sole commodity it bore, and is a commodity of 
great value. But when they were bound to give it 


up to Cromwell, there had been immediate order 1667. 
sent to cut down all the trees upon the island ; ~~ 
which order would be now again repeated,: and so 
no less than seven years must expire before any fruit 
could be expected from thence. And it was so far 
from any English factory, and so near to the Dutch, 
that they would easily possess themselves of it again 
when they had a mind to it. And therefore if the 
company might have money, or such a quantity of 
nutmegs delivered to them, as might, besides being 
enough for the expense of England, bear a part in 
the foreign trade, (which had been mentioned by 
some merchants of that company,) it might be rea- 
sonably preferable to the island. 

Whatsoever resolution should in the end be taken, 
this expedient of recompense gave a hint to a coun- 
sel that had not been yet thought of, which was to 
leave the business of Poleroone to the sole managery 
of the East India company, who should be advised 
to choose some members of their own, who should 
go over with the ambassadors, and receive all advice 
and assistance from them in the conduct of their 
pretences : and they would be the witnesses of what 
the king insisted upon on their behalf; and would 
likewise judge, if nothing prevented the peace but 
that interest, how far it should be insisted on. 

The East India company was sent for, and were The East 

India com- 

told " that the king had hope of a treaty for peace, P an y >n- 
" which he presumed would be welcome to them : reiation'to 
" he heard that the greatest difficulty and obstruc- 1)ol '' r """- 
" tion that was like to arise would be concerning 
" their interest in the island of Poleroone, which he 
" was resolved never to abandon. But because he 
" heard likewise that the Dutch did intend to offer 


1667. " a recompense rather than to restore the place, and 
~" " that the recompense might be such as might l>e as 
" agreeable to them, (of whicli he would not take 
" upon him to judge, but leave it entirely to them- 
" selves,) he had given them this timely notice of 
" it, that they might bethink themselves what was 
" fit for them to do, upon a prospect of all that might 
" probably occur ; and that they might make choice 
" of such persons amongst themselves, who best un- 
" derstood their affairs, to the end that when the 
" treaty should be agreed upon and the place ap- 
" pointed, and his majesty had resolved what am- 
" bassadors he would send, (of all which they should 
" have seasonable notice,) those persons elected by 
" them as their commissioners might h go over with 
" the ambassadors ; that when that point came into 
" debate, and the Dutch should call some of their 
" East India company to inform them, they likewise 
"-might be ready to advertise his ambassadors of 
" whatsoever might advance their pretences : and 
" if a recompense was to be considered, they might 
" enter into that consultation with the other depu- 
" ties ; and that they should be sure to receive all 
" the advice and assistance from his ambassadors, 
" that they could require or stand in need of." The 
company received this information from his majesty 
with all demonstration of duty and submission, giv- 
ing humble thanks for his majesty's lx)unty and care 
of their interest ; and said, " they would not fail to 
" make choice of a committee to attend the am- 
" bassadors, when they should know it would be 
" seasonable." 

The king thought it now time to receive the 

b might] Omitted in MS. 


advice of his whole council-board upon this affair, 1667. 
which had been hitherto only debated before the Tlie king 
committee for foreign affairs: and so they c being ^ ral . t8 
assembled, an account was given of all that had council 

upon the 

passed, with all its circumstances, in France and in overtures 
Holland, by the baron of Isola and by the Swedes France \ 
ambassadors. And his majesty said thereupon, " that 
" he had yet taken no resolution, and had been so 
" provoked by the miscarriage of France, that he 
" would have been glad to have put himself into a 
" better posture, and not thought further of a treaty, 
" till there should appear a more favourable con- 
" juncture : but they now understood as much as he 
" did, with reference to the state he was in both at 
" home and abroad, and that he was resolved to 
" follow their advice." 

All the objections which had been foreseen before, winch ad- 
and the considerations thereupon, were renewed and to enter 
again debated : and in the end there was a general 
concurrence, " that his majesty should embrace the 
" opportunity of a treaty ; and if a reasonable peace 
" could be obtained, it would be very grateful to 
" the whole kingdom, that was weary of the war ; 
" and that his majesty should lose no time in re- 
" turning such a despatch to Paris, as might bring 
" on the treaty." And some of the lords proceeded 
so far as to declare, " that the consideration of 
" Poleroone was not of that importance, nor could 
" be thought so by the East India company them- 
" selves, as that the insisting upon it should deprive 
" the kingdom of a peace that was so necessary for 
" it." But the king thought the entering upon that 

c they] Nol in MS. 

upon the 


16G7. argument was not yet seasonable : but he gave order 
~~ for the despatch to be prepared for France. 

There were two material points not yet deter- 
mined, the first of which was fit to l>e inserted into 
the present despatch ; which was the nomination of 
the place where the treaty should l>e. Some were 
of opinion, " that his majesty should lay d hold of 
" the overture that had been made from France, 
" which was since likewise confirmed by Holland, 
" that the treaty should be at Dover :" but they 
changed their minds, when they well considered 
that the same objections would be naturally made 
against Dover on the king's behalf, that had lx?en 
made by the Dutch against the Hague; and that 
the people there, and less at Canterbury, were not 
incapable of any impressions, which the numerous 
trains of the French and the Dutch would be ready 
to imprint in them. In a word, there was much more 
fit to be considered upon that point, than is fit to be 
Breda remembered. The conclusion was, " that Breda, 
the place of" which had been offered by the Dutch, should be the 
" place the king would accept ;" which was added to 
the despatch for Paris, and presently sent away. 

The other matter undetermined of was the choice 
of ambassadors, which had been never entered upon. 
The king had spoken with the chancellor, what 
persons would be fit to be employed in that nego- 
ciation, when the time should be ripe for it ; and 
took notice, as he did frequently, of the small choice 
he had of men well acquainted with business of that 
nature : upon which he had named to the king the 
lord Hollis, who had been lately ambassador in 

J lay] Omitted in MS. 


France, and was in all respects. equal to any busi- 
ness, and Mr. Henry Coventry of his bedchamber, ~~ 
who had shewed so great abilities in his late nego- 
ciation in Sweden. Upon the naming of whom his 
majesty said, " they were both very fit, and that he 
" would think of no other :" so that when all other i-ord Hoiii* 
particulars were adjusted with reference to the Henry co- 
treaty, the king, without further consulting it, de- pointed^ie- 
clared, " that he intended to send those two his am- ^ tentia - 
" bassadors for the treaty," before either of them 
knew or thought of the employment. And when 
his majesty told them of it, he bade them repair to 
the chancellor for their instructions. And this gave 
new thoughts of heart to the lord Arlington, who 
had designed himself and sir Thomas Clifford, who 
was newly made a privy counsellor and controller 
of the household upon the death of sir Hugh Pol- 
lard, for the performance of that service ; and 
thought himself the better qualified for it by his 
late alliance in Holland, by his marriage with the 
daughter of monsieur Beverwaert, a natural son of 
prince Maurice. And this disappointment went 
very near him ; though the other had not the least 
thought that he had any such thing in his heart, but 
advised it purely as they were e the fittest persons 
who could be thought of ; and their abilities, which 
were well thought of before, were very notorious in 
this negociation. 

The Swedish ambassadors, who were the only The swe- 
mediators, prepared likewise to go to the treaty, ^l^me-' 
having agreed with the king, "that if the treaty lliators - 
" should not produce a peace," of which they who 

e they were] Not in MS. 


1 667. hoped most were not confident, " that crown would 

" immediately declare for the king, and unite itself 

" to his interest both against the Dutch and the 
" French ;" their army at that time, being held the 
best in Europe, under the command of their general 
Wrangel, being near the States' dominions. And 
for the better confirming them in that disposition, 
the chancellor had brought the baron of Isola to a 
conference with the Swedes ambassadors, and begun 
that treaty between them which was shortly after 
finished, and known by the style of the Triple Alli- 
ance, that was the first act that detached the Swede 
from France : and for the present the king himself 
found means to supply the crown of Sweden with 
a sum of money for the support of their army. 

All things being thus adjusted, and the place of 
the treaty being on all hands agreed to be Breda, 
and notice being sent from Paris, " that their am- 
" bassadors were departed from thence ;" the king 
thought himself as much concerned in the expedition 
in respect of the cessation, which the French pro- 
mised to obtain in the very entrance into the treaty ; 
and it was now the month of May. And so his am- 
bassadors were despatched, and arrived there before 
the middle of that month, with an equipage worthy 
their master who sent them. 

The death There happened at this time an accident that 
of south- made a fatal breach into the chancellor's fortune, 
with a gap wide enough to let in all that ruin which 
soon after was poured upon him. The earl of 
Southampton, the treasurer, with whom he had an 
entire fast friendship, and who, when they were to- 
gether, had credit enough with the king and at the 
board to prevent, at least to defer, any very unrea- 


sonable resolution, was now ready to expire with 1667. 
the stone; a disease that had kept him in great" 
pain many months, and for which he had sent 
to Paris for a surgeon to be cut, but had deferred 
it too long by the physicians not agreeing what 
the disease was : so that at last he grew too weak 
to apply that remedy. They who had with so 
much industry, and as they thought certainty, pre- 
vailed with the king at Oxford to have removed 
him from that office, had never since intermitted 
the pursuing the design, and persuaded his majesty, 
" that his service had suffered exceedingly by his 
" receding from his purpose ;" and did not think 
their triumph notorious enough, if they suffered him 
to die in the office : insomuch as when he grew so 
weak, that it is true he could not sign any orders 
with his hand, which was four or five days before 
his death, they had again persuaded the king to 
send for the staff. But the chancellor again pre- 
vailed with him not to do so ungracious an act to a 
servant who had served him and his father so long 
and so eminently, to so little purpose as the ravish- 
ing an office unseasonably, which must within five 
or six days fall into his hands, as it did within less 
time, by his death. 

He was a person of extraordinary parts, of facui- His cimr 


ties very discerning and a judgment very profound, 
great eloquence in his delivery, without the least af- 
fectation of words, for he always spake best on the 
sudden. In the beginning of the troubles, he was 
looked upon amongst those lords who were least in- 
clined to the court, and so most acceptable to the 
people : he was in truth not obliged by the court, 
and thought himself oppressed by it, which his great 


1 667. spirit could not bear ; and so he had for some years 
forbore to be much seen there, which was imputed 
to a habit of melancholy, to which he was naturally 
inclined, though it appeared more in his counte- 
nance than in his conversation, which to those with 
whom he was acquainted was very cheerful. 

The great friendship that had been between their 
fathers made many believe, that there was a confi- 
dence between the earl of Essex and him ; which 
was true to that degree as could l>e between men of 
so different natures and understandings. And when 
they came to the parliament in the year 1640, they 
appeared both unsatisfied with the prudence and 
politics of the court, and were not reserved in declar- 
ing it, when the great officers were called in ques- 
tion for great transgressions in their several admin- 
istrations : but in the prosecution there was great 
difference in their passions and their ends. The 
earl of Essex was a great lover of justice, and could 
not have been tempted to consent to the oppression of 
an innocent man : but in the discerning the several 
species of guilt, and in the proportioning the degrees 
of punishment to the degree of guilt, he had no fa- 
culties or measure of judging ; nor was above the 
temptation of general prejudice, and it may be of 
particular disobligations and resentments, which pro- 
ceeded from the weakness of his judgment, not the 
malice of his nature. The carl of Southampton was 
not only an exact observer of justice, but so clear- 
sighted a discerner of all the circumstances which 
might disguise it, that no false or fraudulent colour 
could impose upon him ; and of so sincere and im- 
partial a judgment, that no prejudice to the person 
of any man made him less awake to his cause; but 


believed that there is " aliquid et in hostem nefas," 1 667. 
and that a very ill man might be very unjustly" 
dealt with. 

This difference of faculties divided them quickly 
in the progress of those businesses, in the beginning 
whereof they were both of one mind. They both 
thought the crown had committed great excesses in 
the exercise of its power, which the one thought 
could not be otherwise prevented, than by its f being 
deprived of it : the consequence whereof the other 
too well understood, and that the absolute taking 
away that power that might do hurt, would like- 
wise take away some of that which was necessary 
for the doing good ; and that a monarch cannot be 
deprived of a fundamental right, without such a last- 
ing wound to monarchy itself, that they who have 
most shelter from it and stand nearest to it, the 
nobility, could nots continue long in their native 
strength, if the crown received a maim. Which if 
the earl of Essex had comprehended, who set as 
great a price upon nobility as any man living did, 
he could never have been wrought upon to have 
contributed to his own undoing ; which the other 
knew was unavoidable, if the king were undone. 
So they were both satisfied that the earl of Strafford 
had countenanced some high proceedings, which 
could not be supported by any rules of justice, 
though the policy of Ireland, and the constant 
course observed in the government of that king- 
dom h , might have excused and justified many of 
the high proceedings with which he was reproached: 

1 its] Not in MS. h that kingdom] Ireland . 

; not] Omitted in MS. 

Q 4 


1667. and they who had now the advantage-ground, by 
"" being thought to be most solicitous for the liljerty of 
the subject, and most vigilant that the same out- 
rages might not be transplanted out of the other 
kingdom into this, looked upon him as having the 
strongest influence upon the counsels of England as 
well as governor of Ireland. Then he had declared 
himself so averse and irreconcileable to the sedition 
and rebellion of the Scots, that the whole nation had 
contracted so great an animosity against him, that 
less than his life could not secure them from the 
fears they had conceived of him : and this fury of 
theirs met with a full concurrence from those of the 
English, who could not compass their own ends 
without their help. And this combination too soon 
drew the earl of Essex, who had none of their ends, 
into their party, to satisfy his pride and his passion, 
in removing a man who seemed to have no regard 
for him ; for the stories, which were then made of 
disobligations from the earl of Stratford towards the 
earl of Clanrickard, were without any foundation of 

The earl of Southampton, who had nothing of ob- 
ligation, and somewhat of prejudice to some high 
acts of power which had been exercised by the earl 
of Strafford, was not unwilling that they should be 
so far looked into and examined, as might raise 
more caution and apprehension in men of great au- 
thority of the consequence of such excesses. But 
when he discerned irregular ways entered into to pu- 
nish those irregularities, and which might 1>e at- 
tended witli as ill consequences, and that they in- 
tended to compound one great crime out of seve- 
ral smaller trespasses, and, to use their own style, to 


complicate a treason out of misdemeanours, and so 1 667. 
to take away his life for what he might be fined" 
and imprisoned ; he first dissuaded and then ab- 
horred that exorbitance, and more abhorred it, when 
he found it passionately and maliciously resolved by 
a direct combination. 

From this time he and the earl of Essex were 
perfectly divided and separated, and seldom after- 
wards concurred in the same opinion : but as he 
worthily and bravely stood in the gap in the defence 
of that great man's life, so he did afterwards oppose 
all those invasions, which were every day made by 
the house of commons upon the rights of the crown, 
or the privileges of the peers, which the lords were 
willing to sacrifice to the useful humour of the 
other. And by this means, whilst most of the king's 
servants listed themselves with the conspirators in 
promoting all things which were ingrateful to him, 
this lord, who had no relation to his service, was 
looked upon as a courtier ; and by the strength of 
his reason gave such a check to their proceedings, 
that he became little less odious to them than the 
court itself; and so much the more odious, because 
as he was superior to their temptations, so his un- 
questionable integrity was out of their reach, and 
made him contemn their power as much as their 

He had all the detestation imaginable of the civil 
war, and discerned the dismal effects it would pro- 
duce, more than most other men, which made him 
do all he could to prevent it. But when it could not 
be avoided, he made no scruple how to dispose of 
himself, but frankly declared for the king, who had 
a just sense of the service he had done him, and 


1667. made him then both of his privy-council and gentlc- 
~ man of his bedchamber, without the least applica- 
tion or desire of his, and when most of those who 
were under both those relations had chosen, as the 
much stronger, the rebels' side: and his receiving 
those obligations at that present was known to pro- 
ceed more from his duty than his ambition. He had 
all the fidelity that God requires, and all the affec- 
tion to the person of the king that his duty sug- 
gested to him was due, without any reverence for 
or compliance with his infirmities or weakness ; 
which made him many times uneasy to the king, 
especially in all consultations towards peace, in 
which he was always desirous that his majety should 
yield more than he was inclined to do. 

He was in his nature melancholic, and reserved 
in his conversation, except towards those with whom 
he was very well acquainted; with whom he was 
not only cheerful, but upon occasion light and plea- 
sant. He was naturally lazy, and indulged over- 
much ease to himself: yet as no man had a quicker 
apprehension or solider judgment in business of all 
kinds, so, when it had a hopeful prospect, no man 
could keep his mind longer bent, and take more 
pains in it. In the treaty at Uxbridge, which was 
a continued fatigue of twenty days, he never slept 
four hours in a night, who had never used to allow 
himself less than ten, and at the end of the treaty 
was much more vigorous than in the beginning; 
which made the chancellor to tell the king when 
they returned to Oxford, " that if he would have 
" the earl of Southampton in good health and good 
" humour, he must give him good store of business 
" to do." 


His person was of a small stature ; his courage, as 1 667. 
all his other faculties, very great ; having no sign of 
fear or sense of danger, when he was in a place 
where he ought to be found. When the king had 
withdrawn himself from Oxford in order to his 
escape to the Scotch army, and Fairfax had brought 
his army before the town ; in some debate at the 
council-board, there being some mention of prince 
Rupert with reference to his dignity in a large de- 
gree above all of the nobility, the earl of Southamp- 
ton, who never used to speak indecently, used some 
expressions, which, being unfaithfully reported to 
the prince, his highness interpreted to be disrespect- 
ful towards him : whereupon he sent the lord Ge- 
rard to expostulate with him. To whom the earl 
without any apology related the words he had used ; 
which being reported by him again to the prince, 
though they were not the same which he had been 
informed, yet he was not so well satisfied with 
them, but that he sent the same lord to him again, 
to tell him, " that his highness expected other sa- 
" tisfaction from him, and expected to meet him 
" with his sword in his hand, and desired it might 
" be as soon as he could, lest it might be pre- 
" vented." 

The earl appointed the next morning, at a place 
well known ; and being asked " what weapon he 
" chose," he said, " that he had no horse fit for such 
" a service, nor knew where suddenly to get one ; 
" and that he knew himself too weak to close with 
" the prince : and therefore he hoped his highness 
" would excuse him, if he made choice of such wea- 
" pons as he could best use ; and therefore he rc- 
" solved to fight on foot with a case of pistols only ;" 


1667. which the prince willingly consented to. And with- 

out doubt they had met the next morning, the earl 

having chosen sir George Villiers for his second; 
but that the lord Gerard's coming to the earl so 
often, with whom he had no acquaintance, had been 
so much observed, that some of the lords who had 
been present at the debate at the board, and heard 
some replies which had been made, and thence con- 
cluded that ill offices had been done, watched them 
both so narrowly, and caused the town -gates to be 
shut, that they ' discovered enough, notwithstanding 
the denial of both parties, to prevent their meeting ; 
and afterwards interposed till a reconciliation was 
made : and the prince ever afterwards had a good 
respect for the earl. 

After the murder of the king, the earl of South- 
ampton remained in his own house, without the 
least application to those powers which had made 
themselves so terrible, and which seemed to resolve 
to root out the whole party as well as the royal fa- 
mily ; and would not receive a civility from any of 
them : and when Cromwell was near his house in 
the country, upon the marriage of his son in those 
parts, and had a purpose to have made a visit to 
him ; upon a private notice thereof, he immediately 
removed to another house at a greater distance. He 
sent frequently some trusty person to the king with 
such presents of money, as he could receive out of 
the fortune they had left to him, which was scarce 
enough to support him in that retirement : and after 
the battle of Worcester, when the rebels had set a 
price upon the king's head, and denounced the most 

that they] Omitted in MS. 


terrible judgment upon any person k , and his pos- 1667. 
terity, that should presume to give any shelter or~ 
assistance to Charles Stuart towards his escape ; 
he sent a faithful servant to all those persons, who 
in respect of their fidelity and activity were most 
like to be trusted upon such an occasion, that they 
should advertise the king, " that he would most 
" willingly receive him into his house, and provide 
" a ship for his escape." And his majesty received 
this advertisement from him the day before he was 
ready to embark in a small vessel prepared for him 
in Sussex ; which his majesty always remembered 
as a worthy testimony of his affection and courage 
in so general a consternation. And the earl was 
used to say, " that after that miraculous escape, how 
" dismal soever the prospect was, he had still a con- 
" fidence of his majesty's restoration." 

His own natural disposition inclined to melan- 
cholic ; and his retirement from all conversation, in 
which he might have given some vent to his own 
thoughts, with the discontinuance of all those bodily 
exercises and recreations to which he had been ac- 
customed, brought many diseases upon him, which 
made his life less pleasant to him ; so that from the 
time of the king's return, between the gout and the 
stone, he underwent great affliction. Yet upon the 
happy return of his majesty he seemed to recover 
great vigour of mind, and undertook the charge of 
high treasurer with much alacrity and industry, as 
long as he had any hope to get a revenue settled 
proportionable to the expense of the crown, (towards 
which his interest and authority and counsel contri- 

k any person] whomsoever 


1067. buted very much,) or to reduce the expense of the 
""court within the limits of the revenue. But when 
he discerned that the last did and would still make 
the former impossible, (upon which he made as fre- 
quent and lively representations as he thought him- 
self obliged to do,) and when he saw irregularities 
and excesses to abound, and to overflow all the banks 
which should restrain them ; he grew more dispirit- 
ed, and weary of that province, which exposed him 
to the reproaches which others ought to undergo, 
and which supplied him not with authority to pre- 
vent them. And he had then withdrawn from the 
burden, which he infinitely desired to be eased of, 
but out of conscience of his duty to the king, who 
he knew would suffer in it ; and that the people who 
knew his affections very well, and already opened 
their mouths wide against the license of the court, 
would believe it worse and incurable if he quitted 
the station he was in. This, and this only, pre- 
vailed with him still to undergo that burden, even 
when he knew that they who enjoyed the benefit 
of it were as weary that he should be disquieted 
with it. 

He was a man of great and exemplary virtue and 
piety, and very regular in his devotions ; yet was not 
generally believed by the bishops to have an affection 
keen enough for the government of the church, lie- 
cause he was willing and desirous, that somewhat 
more might have been done to gratify the presby- 
terians than they thought just. But the truth is ; he 
had a perfect detestation of all the presbyterian prin- 
ciples, nor had ever had any conversation with their 
persons, having during all those wicked times strictly 
observed the devotions prescril>ed by the church of 


England; in the performance whereof he had al- 1GG7. 
ways an orthodox chaplain, one of those ] deprived 
of their estates by that government, which disposed 
of the church as well as of the state. But it is very 
true, that upon the observation of the great power 
and authority which the presbyterians usurped and 
were possessed of, even when Cromwell did all lie 
could to divest them of it, and applied all his interest 
to oppress or suppress them, insomuch as they did 
often give a check to and divert many of his designs; 
he did believe that their numbers and their credit 
had been much greater than in truth they were ll! . 
And then some persons, who had credit with him by 
being thought to have an equal aversion /rom them, 
persuaded him to believe, that they would be satis- 
fied with very easy concessions, w r hich would bring 
no prejudice or inconvenience to the church. And 
this imagination prevailed with him, and more witli 
others who loved them not, to wish that there might 
be some indulgence towards them. But that which 
had the strongest influence upon him, and which 
made him less apprehensive of the venom of any 
other sect, was the extreme jealousy he had of the 
power and malignity of the Roman catholics ; whose 
behaviour from the time of the suppression of the 
regal power, and more scandalously at and from the 
time of the murder of the king, had very much irre- 
conciled him towards them : and he did believe, that 
the king and the duke of York had a better opinion 
of their fidelity, and less jealousy of their affections, 
than they deserved ; and so thought there could not 
be too great an union of all other interests to con- 

1 one of those] Omitted in MS. m they were] it was 


IG67. trol the exorbitance of that. And upon this argu- 
ment. with his private friends, he was more pas- 
sionate than in any other. 

He had a marvellous zeal and affection for the 
royal family ; insomuch as the two sons of the duke 
of York falling both into distempers, (of which they 
both shortly after died,) very few days l>efore his 
death, he was so marvellously affected with it, that 
many l>elieved the trouble of it, or a presage what 
might befall the kingdom by it, hastened his death 
some hours : and in the agony of death, the very 
morning he died, he sent to know how they did ; 
and seemed to receive some relief, when the mes- 
senger returned with the news, that they were both 
alive and in some degree mended. 

The king The next day after his death, which was about 
put tbe the end of May, the king called the chancellor into 
his closet ; and, the duke of York being only pre- 

" to be treasurer, and therefore resolved, as he had 
" long done, to put that office into commission ;'' 
and then asked, " who should be commissioners :" to 
which he answered, " the business would be much 
" better done by a single officer, if he could think 
" of a fit one ; for commissioners never had, never 
" would do, that business well." The duke of York 
said, " that he believed it would be best done by 
" commission ; it had been so managed during all 
" the ill times," (for from the beginning of the trou- 
bles there had been no treasurer :) " and he had ob- 
" served, (and the king found the benefit of it,) that 
" though sir William Compton was an extraordinary 
" person, and better qualified than most men for 
" that charge, yet since his decease, that his majesty 


" had put the office of the ordnance under the go- 1 667. 
" vernment of commissioners, it was in much better ~ 
" order, and the king was better served there than 
" he had ever been ; and he believed he would be 
" so likewise in the office of the treasury, if fit per- 
" sons were chosen for it, who might have nothing 
" else to do." And the king seemed to be of the 
same mind. 

The chancellor replied, " that he was very sorry, The chan- 
" that they were both so much delighted with the vLsViiu 
" function of commissioners, which were more suit- a * 8inst 
" able to the modelling a commonwealth, than for 
" the support of monarchy : that during the late 
" troubles, whilst the parliament exercised the go- 
" vernment, they reduced it as fast as they could to 
" the form of a commonwealth ; and then no ques- 
" tion the putting the treasury into the hands of 
" commissioners was much more suitable to the rest 
" of the model, than it could be under a single per- 
" son. Besides, having no revenue of their own, but 
" being to raise one according to their inventions 
" and proportionable to their own occasions, it could 
" never be well collected or ordered by old officers, 
" who were obliged to forms which would not be 
" agreeable to their necessary transactions : so that 
" new ministers were to be made for new employ- 
" merits, who might be obliged punctually to observe 
" their new orders, without any superiority over 
" each other, but a joint obedience to the supreme 
" authority. But when Cromwell assumed the en- 
" tire government into his own hands, he cancelled 
" all those republican rules and forms, and appointed 
" inferior persons to several functions, and reserved 
" the whole disposition to himself, and was his own 



Ifi67. " high treasurer: and it was well known that he 

~~ " resolved, as soon as he should be able to reduce 

" things to the forms he intended, to cancel all those 

" commissions, and invest single persons in the go- 

" vernment of those provinces." 

He said, " he would not take upon him to say 
" any thing of the office of the ordnance, where the 
" commissioners were his friends ; only he might 
' say, that that kind of administration had not been 
" yet long enough known to have a good judgment 
" made of it : however, that it was of so different a 
" nature from the office of the treasury, that no ob- 
" servation of the one could be applied to the other. 
" The ordnance was conversant only with smiths 
" and carpenters, and other artificers and handi- 
" craftsmen, with whom all their transactions were : 
" whereas the treasury had much to do with the no- 
" bility and chief gentry of the kingdom ; must have 
" often recourse to the king himself for his parti- 
" cular directions, to the privy-council for their as- 
" sistance and advice, to the judges for their reso- 
" lutions in matters of difficulty ; and if the ministers 
" of it were not of that quality and degree, that 
" they might have free recourse to all those, and find 
" respect from them, his majesty's service would 
" notoriously suffer. And that the white staff itself, 
" in the hands of a person esteemed, did more to 
" the bringing in several branches of the revenue, 
" by the obedience and reverence all officers paid to 
" it, than any orders from commissioners could do : 
" and that how mean an opinion soever some men 
" had of the faculties of the late excellent officer for 
(t that administration, his majesty would find by ex- 
" perience, that the -vast sums of money, which he 


"had borrowed in these late years, had been in 
" a great measure procured upon the general confi- 
" dence all men had in the honour and justice of 
** the treasurer ; and that the credit of commission- 
" ers would never be able to supply such necessi- 
" ties." 

The king said, " he was not at all of his opinion, 
" and doubted not his business would be much bet- 
" ter done by commissioners ; and therefore he 
" should speak to the nomination of those, since he 
" was sure he could propose no single person fit for 
" it." To which the chancellor answered, " that he 
" thought it much harder to find a worthy man, who 
" would be persuaded to accept it in the disorder in 
" which his affairs were, than a man who might be 
" very fit for it : and that if that subject who had 
" the greatest fortune in England and the most ge- 
" neral reputation would receive it, his majesty 
" would be no loser in conferring it on such a one ; 
" and till such a one might be found, he might put 
" it into commission. But," he said, " he perceived 
" well, that he would not approve the old course in 
" the choice of commissioners ; who had always 
" been the keeper of the great seal, and the two se- 
" cretaries of state, and two other of the principal 
" persons of the council, besides the chancellor of 
" the exchequer, who used to be the sole person of 
" the quorum." 

Neither n the king nor duke seemed to like any of 
those ; and the chancellor plainly discerned from 
the beginning that they were resolved upon the 
persons, though his opinion was asked : and the 

11 Neither] Not in MS. 
R 2 


1667. king said, "he would choose such persons, whether 
" privy counsellors or not, who might have nothing 
" else to do, and were rough and ill-natured men, 
" not to be moved with civilities or importunities 
" in the payment of money ; but would apply it all 
" to his present necessities, till some new supplies 
*' might be gotten for the payment of those debts, 
" which were first necessary to be paid. That he, 
" the chancellor, had so much business already upon 
" his hands, that he could not attend this other ; 
" and the secretaries had enough to do : so he 
" would have none of those." And then he named 
sir Thomas Clifford, who was newly of the council 
and controller of the house, and sir William Coven- 
try ; and said, " he did not think there should IK? 
" many :" and the duke then named sir John Dun- 
combe, as a man of whom he had heard well, and 
every body knew he was intimate with sir William 
Coventry. The king said, "he thought they three 
" would be enough, and that a greater number 
" would but make the despatch of all business the 
" more slow." 

The chancellor said, " he doubted those persons 
" would not have credit and authority enough to go 
" through the necessary affairs of that province ; 
" that for his own part, he was not desirous to med- 
" die in it ; he had indeed too much business to do : 
" that he had no objection P to the three persons 
" named, but that he thought them not known and 
" esteemed enough for that employment ; and that 
" it would be very incongruous to bring sir John 
" Buncombe, who was a private country gentleman, 

would] Not in MS. P objection] exception 


" and utterly unacquainted with business of that 16*57. 

" nature, to sit in equal authority with privy coun- 

" sellers, and in affairs which would be often de- 

" bated at the council-table, where he could not be 

" present." And he put his majesty in mind% that 

" he must put the lord Ashley out of his office of 

" chancellor of the exchequer, if he did not make him 

" commissioner of the treasury, and of the quorum :" 

and concluded, " that if he did not name the 

" general, and some other person that might give 

" some lustre to the others, the work would not be 

" done as it ought to be ; for many persons would 

" be sometimes obliged to attend upon the treasury, 

" who would not think those gentlemen enough su- 

" perior to them, how qualified soever." 

The king said, " he could easily provide against 
" the exception to sit John Duncombe, by making 
" him a privy counsellor ; and he did not care if he 
" added the general to them." The lord Ashley 
gave him some trouble, and he said enough to make 
it manifest that he thought him not fit to be amongst 
them : yet he knew not how to put him out of his 
place ; but gave direction for preparing the commis- commis- 
sion for the treasury to the persons named before, the t^asur 
and made the lord Ashley only one of the commis- Rppomted< 
sioners, and a major part to make a quorum ; which 
would quickly bring the government of the whole 
business into the hands of those three who were de- 
signed for it. And Ashley rather chose to be de- 
graded, than to dispute it. 

The king expected, that as soon as the ambassa- Negotia- 
dors should meet at the Hague, a cessation would B?" d s a at 

q in mind] Omitted in MS. 
11 3 


16<>". be the first thing that would be agreed upon: and 
"the French ambassadors did in the first place pro- 
pose it, and in such a manner, as made it evident 
that they depended upon it as a thing resolved 
upon ; and their master had with their consent dis- 
missed his own fleet, and theirs was yet in their 
ports. Nor did the Dutch seem to refuse it ; but 
The Dutch answered, " that the adjusting all things in order 
fnlr'toT"" " to a cessation would require as much time as 
cessation. would serve to finish the treaty, considering all 
" material points were upon the matter already 
" stated and agreed upon, the king having already 
'* chosen the alternative :" and notwithstanding all 
the earnestness used by the French ambassadors, no 
other answer could be obtained as to a cessation ; 
which, together with the supercilious behaviour of 
the commissioners from Holland, made it apparent, 
that they had no other mind at that time to peace, 
than as they were compelled to it by France, that 
was impatient to have it concluded. They would 
not hear any mention for the redelivery of Pole- 
roone, " which," they said, " the king of France had 
" promised should not be demanded ;" and as little 
for any recompense in money ; nor would suffer the 
merchant-deputies from the English company to go 
to Amsterdam, to confer with the East India com- 
pany there for any composition. It quickly appear- 
ed, that they had revenge in their hearts for their 
last year's affront and damage at the Flie ; and De 
Wit had often said, " that before any peace they 
" would leave some such mark of their having been 
" upon the English coast, as the English had left 
" of their having been upon that of Holland." 

After the treaty was entered into, about the be- 


ginning of June, De Ruyter came with the fleet 1667. 
out of the Wierings, and joining with the rest from The . it 
the Texel sailed for the coast of England : and hav- tem P ts of 

the Dutch 

ing a fair wind, stood for the river of Thames ; up 
which put the county of Kent into such an alarm, and cilat- 
that all near the sea left their houses and fled into ld 
the country. The earl of Winchelsea, who was 
lord lieutenant of that county, was at that time am- 
bassador at Constantinople, and the deputy lieute- 
nants had all equal authority : so that no man had 
power to command in that large county in so gene- 
ral a distraction. Hereupon the king sent down 
lieutenant general Middleton with commission to 
draw all the train bands together, and to command 
all the forces that could be raised : and he immedi- 
ately went thither, and was very well obeyed, and 
quickly drew all the train bands of horse and foot 
to Rochester ; and other troops resorted to him 
from the neighbour counties, all the people ex- 
pressing a great alacrity in being commanded by 

There had been enough discourse all that year of 
erecting a fort at Sheerness for the defence of the 
river : and the king had made two journeys thither 
in the winter, and had given such orders to the 
commissioners of the ordnance for the overseeing 
and finishing the fortifications, that every body be- 
lieved that work done ; it having been the principal 
defence and provision directed and depended upon, 
(as hath been said before,) when the resolution had 
been taken for the standing only upon the defence 
for this summer. But whatever had been thought 
or directed, very little had been done. There were 
a company or two of very good soldiers there under 

n 4 


JM7. excellent officers; but the fortifications were r so 
weak and unfinished, and all other provisions so en- 
tirely wanting, that the Dutch fleet no sooner ap- 
proached within a distance, but with their cannon 
they beat all the works flat, and drove all the men 
from the ground : which as soon as they had done, 
with their boats they landed men, and seemed re- 
solved to fortify and keep it. 

This put the country into a flame, and the news 
of it exceedingly disturbed the king. He knew the 
consequence of the place, and how easily it might 
have been secured, and was the more troubled that 
it had been neglected : and with what loss soever, 
it must be presently recovered out of those hands. 
The general was immediately ordered to march to 
Chatham, for the security of the navy, with such 
troops of horse and foot as could be presently drawn 
together out of the guards and from the neighbour 
counties; and the city appeared very forward to 
send such regiments of their train bands as should 
be required. When the general came to Chatham, 
he found Middleton in so good a posture, and so 
good a body of men, that he had no apprehension 
of any attempt the Dutch could make at land ; and 
he writ very cheerful and confident letters to the 
king and the duke, " that if the enemy should make 
" any attempt, which he believed they durst not do, 
" they would repent it. That he had put a chain 
" over the river, which would hinder them from 
" coming up : and if they should adventure to land 
" any where, he would quickly beat them to their 
" ships ;" as no doubt he had been very well able to 
have done. 

1 were] Nut in MS. 


There was indeed no danger of their landing, and 
they were too wise to think of it: their business 
was in an element they had more confidence in and 
more power upon. They had good intelligence how 
loosely all things were left in the river : and there- 
fore, as soon as the tide came to help them, they 
stood full up s the river, without any consideration 
of the chain, which their ships immediately brake 
in pieces, and passed without the least pause ; there 
being either no such device to be made that can ob- 
struct such an enterprise, or that which was made 
was so weak, that it was of no signification, but to 
raise an unseasonable confidence in unskilful men, 
that being disappointed must increase the confusion, 
as it did. For all men were so confounded to see 
the Dutch fleet advance over the chain, which they 
looked upon as a wall of brass, that they knew not 
what they were to do. 

The general was of a constitution and temper so 
void of fear, that there could appear no signs of 
distraction in him : yet it was plain enough that he 
knew not what orders to give. There were two or 
three ships of the royal navy negligently, if not 
treacherously, left in the river, which might have 
been very easily drawn into safety, and could be of 
no imaginable use in the place where they then were: 
into one of those the general put himself, and in- 
vited the young gentlemen who were volunteers to 
accompany him ; which they readily did in great 
numbers, only with pikes in their hands. But some 
of his friends whispered to him, " how unadvised 
" that resolution was, and how desperate, without 

5 up] Omitted in MS. 


liif>7. " possibility of success, the whole fleet of the enemy 
~ *' approaching as fast as the tide would enable them.'' 
And so he was prevailed with to put himself again 
on shore : which except he had done, both himself 
and two or three hundred gentlemen of the nobility 
and prime gentry of the kingdom had inevitably pe- 
rished ; for all those ships, and some merchantmen 
laden and ready to put to sea, were presently in a 
flame ; the Dutch, knowing that they could not 
carry them off, giving order to burn them, the ge- 
neral standing upon the shore, and not knowing what 
remedy to apply to all this mischief. The people 
of Chatham, which is naturally an army of seamen 
and officers of the navy, who might and ought to 
have secured all those ships, which they had time 
enough to have done, were in distraction ; their chief 
officers having applied all those boats and lighter 
vessels which should have towed up the ships, to 
carry away their own goods and household stuff, and 
given l what they left behind for lost. And without 
doubt, if the Dutch had prosecuted the present ad- 
vantage they had, with that circumspection and cou- 
rage that was necessary, they might have fired the 
royal navy at Chatham, and taken or. destroyed all 
the ships which lay higher in the river, and so fully 
revenged themselves for what they had suffered at 
the Flie : but they thought they had done enough, 
and so made use of the ebb to carry them back 
Great am- But the noise of this, and the flame of the ships 

sternation i i M i i* i i 

in the city which were burned, made it easily believed in the 
city of London, that the enemy had done all that 

1 given] gave 


they conceived they might have done : they thought 1667, 
that they were landed in many places, and that their 
fleet was come up as far as Greenwich. Nor was 
the confusion there greater than it was in the court 
itself: where they who had most advanced the war, 
and reproached all them who had been or were 
thought to be against it, " as men who had no pub- 
" lie spirits, and were not solicitous for the honour 
" and glory of the nation ;" and who had never spoken 
of the Dutch but with scorn and contempt, as a na- 
tion rather worthy to be cudgelled than fought with ; 
were now the most dejected men that can be ima- 
gined, railed very bitterly at those who had advised 
the king to enter into that war, " which had already 
" consumed so many gallant men, and would pro- 
" bably ruin the kingdom," and wished " that a 
" peace, as the only hope, were made upon any 
" terms." In a word, the distraction and consterna- 
tion was so great in court and city, as if the Dutch 
had not been only masters of the river, but had really 
landed an army of one hundred thousand men. 

They who remember that conjuncture, and were 
then present in the galleries and privy lodgings at 
Whitehall, whither all the world flocked with equal 
liberty, can easily call to mind many instances of 
such wild despair and even ridiculous apprehensions, 
that I am willing to forget, and would not that the 
least mention of them should remain : and if the 
king's and duke's personal composure had not re- 
strained men from expressing their fears, there 
wanted not some who would have advised them to 
have left the city. And there was a lord, who 
would be thought one of the greatest soldiers in 
Europe, to whom the custody of the Tower was com- 


1667. mitted, who lodging there only one night, declared, 
~" that it was not tenable," and desired not to be 
charged with it : and thereupon many, who had car- 
ried their money and goods thither, removed them 
from thence that they might be further from the 
river. Nor did this unreasonable distemper pass 
away, when it was known that the Dutch fleet had 
not only left the river, but had taken away all their 
men from Sheerness, which was a manifestation 
very sufficient that they had no design upon the 
land : but there remained still such a chagrin in the 
minds of many, as if they would return again ; in 
which they were confirmed, when they heard that 
they were still upon the coasts, and gave the same 
alarm now to Essex and Suffolk, as they had done 
to Kent, not without making a show as if they 
meant to attempt Harwich and Landguard v Point ; 
which drew all the train bands of those counties to 
the sea-side, and the duke of York went thither to 
conduct them, if there should be occasion. 

The king In this perplexity the king was not at ease, and 
the less that every man took upon him to discourse 
* ^ m ^ * ne distemper of the people generally over 

prorogation. t ne kingdom, and to give him counsel what was to 
be done : and some men had advised him to call the 
parliament, which at the last session had been pro- 
rogued to the 20th of October ; and it was now the 
middle of June. And surely most discerning men 
thought such a conjuncture so unseasonable for the 
council of a parliament, that if it had been then sit- 
ting, the most wholesome advice that could be given 
would be to separate them, till that occasion should 
be over, which could be best provided for by a more 
v Landguard] Lunghorn 


contracted council: however, not knowing else what lGf>7. 
to do disposed the king to incline to that remedy. 
And it being a current opinion, or rather an un- 
questioned certainty, that upon a prorogation a par- 
liament cannot be convened before the day, though 
upon an adjournment it may ; they had brought Mr. 
Prynne privately to the king to satisfy him, " that 
" upon an extraordinary occasion he might do it ;" 
and his judgment, which in all other cases he did 
enough undervalue, very much confirmed him in 
what he had a mind to. 

In the beginning of the summer, when he had 
resolved to have no fleet at sea, there were many 
reasons which induced him to increase his forces at 
land. And that he might do it without jealousy of 
the people, he gave commission to three or four per- 
sons of the nobility, of great fortunes and good 
names, to raise regiments of foot, and to others for 
troops of horse ; which was done at their own charge, 
and with wonderful expedition : and upon their first 
musters they all received one month's pay. Of 
these levies some were sent to repossess Sheerness, 
and extraordinary care was taken for the better ad- 
vancement of those fortifications ; and others were 
disposed to other posts upon the coast : but it was 
in view, that upon the expiration of that month, 
there must be new pay provided for those regiments 
and troops. Then the train bands, which had been 
drawn together, had continued for one month, which 
was as long as the law required : and now they re- 
quired, or were said to require, to be relieved or 
dismissed, or that they might receive pay. There 
were discontents and emulations upon command ; 
and they who had usually professed, " that they 


16C7. " would willingly serve the king in the offices of cor- 
~" porals or sergeants, whatever command they for- 
" merly had," now disputed all the punctilios, and 
would not receive orders from any who had been 
formerly in inferior offices". And all these way- 
wardnesses were brought to the king, as matters of 
the highest consequence, who found difficulty enough 
in determining points of more importance. 
The privy. They who for their own private designs desired 

council con- 
sulted about that the parliament might meet, and cared not in 

the reas- ... 

g what humour they met, urged the king very impor- 
" tunately, " that he would issue out a proclamation 
" to summon them, as the only expedient to give 
" himself ease, and to provide for all that was to be 
" done :" and his majesty was most inclined to it, 
and in truth resolved it ; though knowing that it 
was contrary to the sense of many, he resolved to 
debate it at the council. And there he told them, 
" that they all saw the straits that he was in, the in- 
" solence of the enemy, and the general distemper of 
" the nation, which made it manifest that it was ne- 
" cessary for him to have an army, that might be 
" ready against any thing that might fall out. That 
" he had no money, nor knew where to get any ; 
" nor could imagine any other way to provide 
" against the mischiefs which were in view, than by 
" calling the parliament to come together, of which 
" or any other expedient he was willing to receive 
" their advice;" expressing so much of his own 
sense, that it was plain enough that he thought that 
remedy the best that could be applied. Three or 
four of those who sat at the lower end of the board, 

11 offices] office 


and who were well enough known to have given 1667. 
the counsel, and to be industrious that it might be 
followed, enlarged themselves in the debate, " that 
" the soldiers could not be kept together without 
" money ; and they could not advise any other way 
** to get money but by the convening the parliament, 
" which they were confident might justly and regu- 
" larly be done :" and they desired, " that they who 
" were of another opinion would propose some other 
" way how the king might get money." 

The chancellor discerned that the matter was 
already concluded, what advice soever should be 
given ; and that the three new commissioners of the 
treasury, since they could find no way to procure 
money, had been very importunate with the king to 
try that expedient, and the more, because they well 
knew that he was against it, he having not been at 
all reserved upon several occasions in private dis- 
courses, when they were present, to give many rea- 
sons against it : and he knew as well, that they 
would gladly make any use of any expressions which 
might fall from him x , when the remembrance might 
be applied to his prejudice. Yet his natural unwa- 
riness in such cases with reference to himself, when 
he thought his majesty's service concerned, to which 
he did really believe the present advice would produce 
much prejudice, prevailed with him to dissuade it. 

He said, " he knew well upon what disadvantage The 

5 cellor op- 

" he spake, and how unpopular a thing it was to poses it. 
" speak against the convening the parliament in 
" those straits, which seemed to be capable of no 
" other remedy : yet since he thought the remedy 

* from him] from them 


16G7. " neither proper to the disease, nor that it could be 
~ " applied in time, he could not concur with those 
" who advised it. That most men who had any 
" knowledge in the law did confess, that when the 
" parliament stood prorogued to a certain day, the 
" convening them upon a sooner day was very 
doubtful ; and to him, upon all the disquisition he 
" could make, it was very clear that it could not be 
" done : and therefore he desired the judges might 
" be consulted in that point, before any resolution 
" should be taken. That the temper of both houses 
" was well known ; and that it could not but be 
" presumed, that when they came together, the first 
" debate they would fall upon would be of the man- 
" ner of their coming together, and whether they 
" were in a capacity to act : and he doubted there 
" would be very few who would be forward to pass 
" an act in a season, when the validity of it might 
" be questioned by those who had no mind to pay 
" any obedience to it. And then if their meeting 
" were only to confer together upon all occurrences, 
" and they might presume of liberty to say what 
" they had a mind to say, without power to conclude 
" any thing ; it was well worth the considering, whe- 
" ther, in so general a distemper such an assembly 
' might not interrupt all other consultations and 
" expedients, and yet propose none, and so increase 
" the confusion. If the necessities were so urgent, 
" that it was absolutely necessary that a parliament 
" should be convened, and that which stood pro- 
" rogued could not lawfully reassemble till the 20th 
" of October, as he was confident it could not ; 
" there was no question to be made, but that the 
" king might lawfully by his proclamation presently 


" dissolve the prorogued parliament, and send out 1667. 
" his writs to have a new parliament, which might 
" regularly meet a month before the prorogued par- 
" liament could come together." And many of the 
council were of opinion, that it would most conduce 
to his majesty's service to dissolve the one, and to 
call another parliament. 

This was an advice they believed no man had the 
courage to make, and were sorry to find so many of 
the opinion, which they had rather should have ap- 
peared to be single. Many very warmly opposed 
this expedient, magnified the affections and inclina- 
tions of both houses : " and though there appeared 
" some ill humour in them at their last being to- 
" gether, and aversion to give any money for the 
" present ; yet in the main their affections were 
" very right for church and state. And that the 
" king was never to hope to see a parliament better 
" constituted for his service, or so many of the mem- 
" bers at his disposal : but that he must expect that 
" the presbyterians would be chosen in all places, 
" and that they who were most eminent now for op- 
" posing all that he desired would be chosen, and all 
" they who were most zealous for his service would 
" be carefully excluded ;" which was a fancy that 
sunk very deep in the minds of the bishops, though 
their best friends thought them like to find more 
friends and a stronger support in any, than they would 
have in that parliament. But the king quickly de- 
clared his confidence in the parliament that was 
prorogued, and his resolution not to dissolve it ; 
which put an end to that debate. And the other 
was again resumed, " what the king was to do to- 
" wards the raising money ; or how he should be 



1 6(?7. " able to maintain his army, if he should defer call- 

" ing the parliament till the day upon which they 

" were to assemble by the prorogation :" and all men 
were to restrain their discourse to that point. 

The old argumerit, " that there could be no other 
*' way found out," was renewed, and urged with more 
earnestness and confidence ; and that they who were 
against it might be obliged to offer their advice 
what other course should be taken : and this was 
often demanded, in a manner not usual in that 
place, as a reproach to the persons. His majesty 
himself with some quickness was pleased to ask the 
chancellor, " what he did advise." To which he re- 
plied, " that if in truth what was proposed was in 
" the nature of it not practicable, or being practised 
" could not attain the effect proposed, it ought to 
** be laid aside, that men might unbiassed apply 
" their thoughts to find out some other expedient. 
" That he thought it very clear that the parlia- 
" ment could not assemble, though the proclamation 
" should issue out that very hour, within less than 
" twenty days ; and that if they were met, and be- 
" lieved themselves lawfully qualified to grant a 
" supply of money, all men knew the formality of 
" that transaction would require so much time, that 
" money could not be raised time enough to raise an 
" army, or to maintain that part of it that was 
" raised, to prevent the landing of an enemy that 
" was already upon the coast, and (as many thought 
" or seemed to think) ready every day to make 
" their descent : and yet the sending out a procla- 
" niation for reassembling the parliament would in- 
" evitably put an end to all other counsels. That 
" for his part he did believe, that the Dutch had al- 


" ready satisfied themselves in the affront they had? 1667. 

" given, and could not be in any condition to pur- 

" sue it, or have men enough on board to make a 

" descent, without the king's having notice of it ; 

" and that the Dutch, without a conjunction with 

" the French, had not strength for such an under- 

" taking : and that the French had no such purpose 

" his majesty had all the assurance possible, and that 

" their fleet was gone far from the coast of Eng- 

" land. And his majesty had reason to believe, that 

" the present treaty would put an end to this war in 

" a short time, though the power and artifice of De 

" Wit had prevented a cessation. 

" However, for the present support of those 
" troops which were necessary to guard the coasts, 
" since money could not be found for their present 
" constant pay, without which free quarter could 
*' not be avoided ; the only way that appeared to 
" him to be practicable, and to avoid the last evil, 
" would be, to write letters to the lieutenants and 
" deputy lieutenants of those counties where the 
" troops were obliged to remain, that they would 
" cause provisions of all kinds to be brought into 
" those quarters, that so the soldiers might not be 
" compelled to straggle abroad to provide their own 
" victual, which would end in the worst kind of 
" free quarter : and that the like letters might be 
" written to the neighbour counties, wherein no 
" soldiers were quartered, to raise money by way of 
" contribution or loan, which should be abated out 
" of the next impositions, that so the troops might 
" be enabled to stay and continue in their z posts 

> had] had already z their] the 

S 2 


1 667. " where they were, for defence of the kingdom ; in 

"" " which those other counties had their share in the 

" benefit, and without which they must themselves 

" be exposed to the disorder of the soldiers, and 

" possibly to the invasion of the enemy." 

It is very probable, that in the earnestness of this 
debate, and the frequent interruptions which were 
given, he might use that expression, (which was 
afterwards objected against him,) " of raising con- 
" tribution as had been in the late civil war.*' 
Whatever it was he said, it was evident at the time 
that some men were well pleased with it, as somewhat 
they meant to make use of hereafter, in which his 
innocence made him little concerned. 

Thepariia- The conclusion was, though many of the lords 
moned 8 " spake against it, and much the major part thought 
it not counsellable ; that a proclamation should 
forthwith issue out, to require all the members of 
parliament to meet upon a day appointed in the be- 
ginning of August, to consult upon the great affairs 
of the kingdom : and this proclamation was pre- 
sently issued accordingly. 

The treaty All this time the treaty proceeded at Breda, as 
fast as the insolent humour of the Dutch would suf- 
fer it. The French king declared himself much of- 
fended with their proceedings at sea : and his am- 
bassadors spake so loud, that the States gave order 
to their deputies to bring the treaty to a conclusion ; 
and sent such orders to De Ruyter, that there was 
no more hostility of any moment ; only the fleet re- 
mained at sea, that it might appear they were mas- 
ters of it. It cannot be denied that the French am- 
bassadors, except in what referred to Poleroone, be- 
haved themselves as candidly as could be wished: 


and it is probable, that the same reason which 1667. 
moved the French to use all possible diligence to~ 
bring the treaty to an end, prevailed likewise with 
the Dutch to use all the delays they could, that it 
might be prolonged. 

Though there was no war- declared, it had been 
long notorious that Flanders would be invaded: 
and it was as notorious, that there was no provision 
made there towards a resistance or defence ; the 
marquis of Castelle Roderigo, who came governor 
thither with a great reputation, not making good 
the expectation in the sagacity he was famed for, 
nor offering at any levies of men, or mending fortifi- 
cations, until the French army was upon the bor- 
ders. Then he sent into England to press the king 
to assist him with an army of horse and foot ; and 
it easily appeared the nation would gladly have en- 
gaged in that war, not being willing that Flanders 
should be in the possession of France : but the king 
was engaged not to give any assistance to the ene- 
mies of France until the treaty should be ended, 
which yet it was not. However, he suffered the 
earl of Castlehaven, under pretence of recruiting a 
regiment in Flanders which he had formerly, to 
raise a body of one thousand foot, which he quickly 
transported to Ostend. 

The king of France a was impatient to march, 
and yet desired the treaty might be first concluded, 
that both himself and the king of England might be 
at liberty to enter into such an alliance as they 
should think proper for their interest : and the 
Dutch, who had no mind that the expedition should 

a of France] Not in MS. 
s 3 


1667. be prosecuted, and as much feared the consequence 
""of such an alliance, though they were not wise 
enough to consider the right means to prevent it, 
desired that the treaty might not be concluded till 
The French the winter drew nearer. But the French quickly 
Filnder.. put an end to that their hope by marching into the 
heart of Flanders, and so giving them new matter 
for their present consultations ; not without intima- 
tion, " that if they would not finish the treaty, that 
" king would conclude for what concerned himself:" 
and this put an end to it. Yet there were some al- 
terations of small importance in some articles of the 
former treaty, besides that of Poleroone, which the 
ambassadors would not consent to without further 
knowledge of the king's pleasure: and so. one of 
them (Mr. Henry Coventry) came to attend his ma 
jesty, to give him an account of all particulars, and 
receive his own final determination. 

The king in the first place sent for the East India 
company, and let them know, " that the Dutch 
" would not consent to the former article for the re- 
" delivery of Poleroone, nor give any recompense 
" for it ; and that he was resolved not to depart 
" from them b , and so release their right without 
" their consent : and therefore that they should con* 
" sider what would be for their good." They an- 
The East swered, " that they thought a peace to be so neces- 
pan'y give" " sary for the kingdom, that they would not that 
"hum to PO- " anv particular interest of theirs should give any in- 
teiTuption to it :" and they acknowledged, " that 
" if the war continued, they should in many respects 
" be greater losers, than the redelivery of Poleroone 

b them] him 


" would repair; and that they would gladly sacrifice 1667. 
" that pretence to the public peace." 

Upon which answer the ambassador made his re- 
port of all the particulars which were consented to 
on both sides in the treaty, and what remained yet 
in suspense ; and made answer to all questions which 
any of the council thought fit to ask. And the king 
requiring him to deliver his own opinion upon his 
observation, and " whether he believed, that if his 
" majesty should positively insist upon what they 
" had hitherto refused to consent to, the Dutch 
" would choose to continue the war ; and whether 
" the French would join with them in it :" he an- 
swered, " that it was very evident that the Dutch 
" did not at present desire the peace, otherwise than 
" to comply with France and for fear of it ; and 
" that France was obliged not to abandon them in 
" the point of Poleroone, which the other would 
" never part with, nor give any recompense for, 
" though the French ambassadors had used all the 
" arguments to persuade them to it. But if that 
" were agreed, he was confident they would be com- 
" pelled to consent to whatsoever was else of mo- 
" ment. And that the French had used some 
" threatening expressions, upon some insolent pro- 
" positions made by the Dane, which they thought 
" proceeded from the instigation of Holland. And 
" that at his coming away, the French ambassadors 
" had used great freedom with him, and advised in 
<* what particulars which were yet unagreed they 
" wished his majesty would not consent, and in 
' which they could not serve him, but believed a 
" time would come, in which he would be repaired 
*' for those condescensions: in other particulars he 

s 4 


1667. " should positively insist, at least with some little 
- *' variation of expression ; in which he expressed 
" both his own and the opinion of the other ambas- 
" sador." 

And the whole being in this manner clearly 
stated, the king required all the lords severally to 
deliver their judgment what he was to do ; and 
every man did deliver his opinion in more or fewer 
words. And it may be truly said, that, though one 
or two adorned their passion with some expressions 
of indignation against the Dutch for their presump- 
tion, and as if they c did believe that the parliament 
would concur with the king in all things which 
might vindicate his honour from their insolent de- 
mands, the advice was upon the matter unanimous, 
The privy- * that the ambassadors should immediately return, 

council ad- 

vises the " and conclude the peace upon those conditions 

cuKhe " " which were stated at the board." And he did 

treaty. presently return : and all matters were, within few 

days after his arrival, adjusted, and put into proper 

ministerial hands for engrossment, and all forms and 

The peace circumstances agreed upon for the proclamation of 

the peace, and the day appointed for the proclaiming 

thereof; and such forms of passes as should be given 

on all sides to merchants' ships, (which would be im- 

patient for trade before the days could be expired,) 

in which all ships of war should be obliged to 

take notice that the peace was proclaimed. 

Tbe par- All this was done before the day of the parlia- 

1 iament f 

. t 

ment's convening upon the king's proclamation: so 
diateiy pro- that there being now no use of an army, and reason 
ro$ued. enou gh to disband those regiments which had been 

c they] he 


raised towards it, his majesty thought it not reason- 1667. 
able that they should enter upon the debate of any ~~ 
business, but be continued under the former proro- 
gation to the day appointed ; and in this there ap- 
peared not one person of a different opinion. And 
so, upon the day, the king went to the house, and 
told them, " that since the condition of his affairs 
" was not so full of difficulty as it had been when 
" he sent out his proclamation, and since many 
" were of opinion, that there might be doubts arise 
" upon the regualrity of their meeting ; he was con- 
" tent to dismiss them till the 20th of October :" 
and so they separated without any debate. 

The public no sooner entered into this repose, The storm 
than the storm began to arise that destroyed all the ^ ns to 
prosperity, ruined the fortune, and shipwrecked all a & a i i ns e t n th r e 
the hopes, of the chancellor, who had been the prin- 
cipal instrument in the providing that repose. The 
parliament, that had been so unseasonably called to- 
gether from their business and recreations, in a sea- 
son of the year that they most desired to be vacant, 
were not pleased to be so soon dismissed : and very 
great pains were taken by those, who were thought 
to be able to do him the least harm, because they 
were known to be his enemies, to persuade the 
members of parliament, " that it was the chancellor 
" only who had hindered their continuing together, 
" and that he had advised the king to dissolve 
" them ;" which exceedingly inflamed them. 

And sir William Coventry was so far from being sir wiiiiam 
reserved in his malice, that the very day that the i n clnse7thc 
parliament was dismissed, after he had incensed "J e e l " 1 b e u r s s e of 
them against the chancellor, in the presence of six of commons 


or seven of the members, who were not all of the him. 


1667. same mind, he declared, "that if at their next meet- 
~" ing, which would be within little more than two 
" months, they had a mind to remove the chancellor 
" from the court, they should easily bring it to 
" pass :" of all which he had quickly information, 
and had several other advertisements from persons 
of honour, " that there was a strong combination 
" entered into against him ;" and they d mentioned 
some particulars to have been told the king concern- 
ing him, which had exceedingly offended his majesty. 
Ail which particulars, being without any colour or 
ground of truth, he believed were inventions (though 
not from those who informed him) only to amuse 

Yet he took an opportunity to acquaint the king 
with it, who, with the same openness he had always 
used, conferred with him about his present business, 
but only of the business. He besought his majesty 
to let him know, " whether he had received any in- 
" formation that he had done or said such and such 
" things," which he made appear to him to be in 
themselves so incredible and improbable, that it 
could hardly be in his majesty's power to believe 
them 6 ; to which the king answered, ** that nobody 
" had told him any such thing." To which the 
other replied, "that he did really think they had 
" not, though he knew that they had bragged they 
" had done so, and thereby incensed his majesty 
" against him ; which they desired should be gene- 
" rally believed." 

The truth is ; the chancellor was guilty of that 
himself which he had used to accuse the archbishop 

ttwjy] Omitted in MS. them] it 


Laud of, that he was too proud of a good conscience. 1 667. 

He knew his own innocence, and had no kind of ap- ' 

prehension of being publicly charged with any 
crime. He knew well he had many enemies who 
had credit with the king, and that they did him all 
the ill offices they could : and he knew that the 
lady's power and credit increased, and that she de- 
sired nothing more than to remove him from his 
majesty's confidence ; in which he never thought 
her to blame, since she well knew that he employed 
all the credit he had to remove her from the court. 
But he thought himself very secure in the king's 
justice : and though his kindness was much lessened, 
he was confident his majesty would protect him 
from being oppressed, since he knew his integrity ; 
and never suspected that he would consent to his 
ruin. He was in truth weary of the condition he 
was in, and had in the last year undergone much 
mortification ; and desired nothing more, than to be 
divested of all other trusts and employments than 
what concerned the chancery only, in which he 
could have no rival, and in the administration 
whereof he had not heard of any complaint : and 
this he thought might have satisfied all parties ; 
and had sometimes desired the king, " that he 
" might retire from all other business, than that of 
" the judicatory," for he plainly discerned he was 
not able to contend with other struggles. 

I cannot avoid in this place mentioning an acci- A P ar- 

i i r- 11 i ' 11 ticuiar re- 

dent that fell out in this time, and enlarge upon alljatingto 

the circumstances thereof, which might otherwise Bucking 
be passed over, but that it had an immediate JB" ^enl'the 
fluence on the fate of the person who is so near his fate of thc 


fall. The king had been very much offended with the 


1667. duke of Buckingham, who had behaved himself 
"much worse towards him than could be expected 
from his obligations and discretion, and had been in 
truth the original cause of all the ill humour which 
had been in both houses of parliament in the last 
session ; after the end of which he went into the 
country without taking his leave of the king, and 
in several places spake with greater license of the 
court and government, and of the person of the 
king, than any other person presumed to do ; of all 
which his majesty had intelligence and information, 
and was at that time without doubt more offended 
with him than with any man in England, and had 
really great provocation to jealousy of his fidelity, 
as well as of his respect and affection. The lord 
Arlington, as secretary of state, had received several 
informations of dangerous words spoken by him 
against the king, and of his correspondencies with 
persons the most suspected for seditious inclinations, 
the duke having made himself very popular amongst 
the levellers, and amongst them who clamoured for 
liberty of conscience, which pretence he seemed very 
much to cherish. 

An account The king was very much awakened to be jealous 
be- ^ ^* m besides his behaviour in the parliament, by 
r. some informations he received from his own servants. 
There was one Braythwaite, a citizen, who had 
been a great confident of Cromwell and of the coun- 
cil of state, a man of parts, and looked upon as hav- 
ing a greater interest with the discontented party 
than any man of the city. Upon the king's return 
this man fled beyond the seas, and after near a 
year's stay there came again to London, but re- 
mained there as incognito, came not upon the ex- 


change, nor was seen in public, and returned again 1667. 
into Holland; and so made frequent journeys back-"" 
ward and forward for several months, and then 
came and resided publicly in the city. This being 
taken notice of by sir Richard Browne, who was 
major general of the city, upon whose vigilance the 
king very much and very justly depended, and the 
man being well known to him, he had long endea- 
voured to apprehend him f , till he understood that 
he was a servant to the duke of Buckingham, and 
in great trust with him, as he was ; for the duke 
had committed the whole managery of his estate to 
him, and upon his recommendation had received 
many other inferior servants to be employed under 
him, all of the same leaven with him, and all noto- 
rious for their disaffection to the church and state. 
The major general, being one day to give the king 
an account of some business, told him likewise of 
this man, " as one as worthy to be suspected for all 
" disloyal purposes, and as like to bring them to 
" pass, as any 'man of that condition in England;" 
and seemed to wonder, " that the duke would en- 
" tertain such a person in his service." 

At that time the duke had by his diligence, and 
those faculties towards mirth in which he excelled, 
made himself very acceptable to the king ; though 
many wondered that he could be so, considering 
what the king himself knew of him : insomuch that 
his majesty told him what he had been informed of 
his steward, and how much he suffered in his repu- 
tation for entertaining such servants. The duke 
received the animadversion with all possible submis- 

f him] Omitted in MS, 


1G67. v "' n am ' acknowledgment of the obligation, and 

then enlarged upon the commendation of the man, 

" of his great abilities, and the benefit he received 
" by his service ;" and besought his majesty, '* that 
" he would vouchsafe to hear him, for he believed 
" he would give an account of the state of the city, 
" and of many particulars which related to his ma- 
jesty's service, better than most men could do." 
And the king shortly after supping at the duke's 
house, he found an opportunity to present Mr. 
Braythwaite to him, who was a man of a very good 
aspect, which that people used not to have, and of 
notable insinuation. He made the king a narration 
of the whole course of his life, in which he did not 
endeavour to make himself appear a better man 
than he had been reported to be ; which kind of in- 
genuity, as men call it, is a wonderful approach to- 
wards being believed. He related " by what degrees, 
" and in what method of conviction, he had expli- 
" cated himself from all those ill principles in which 
" he had been entangled : and that it had been a 
" principal motive to him to embrace the opportunity 
" of serving the duke, that he might totally retire 
" from that company and conversation to which he 
" had been most accustomed. And yet he thought 
" he had so much credit with the chief of them, that 
" they could never enter into any active combina- 
'* tion, but he should have notice of it : and assured 
" his majesty that nothing should pass of moment 
" amongst that people, but his majesty should have 
" very seasonable information of it, and that he 
" would always serve him with great fidelity." In 
fine, the king was well satisfied with his discourse, 
and often afterwards upon the like opportunities 


conferred with him, and believed him to be well ]G67. 
disposed to do him any service. 

During the last session of parliament, in which 
the duke carried himself so disrespectfully to the 
king, this man found an opportunity to get access 
to his majesty, which he was willing to give him ; 
when he said, " that he thought it his duty, and ac- 
" cording to his obligation, to give his majesty an 
" account of what he had lately observed, and of his 
" own resolutions." He told him, " that his lord 
" was of late very much altered, and was fallen into 
" the acquaintance and conversation of some men 
" of very mean condition, but of very desperate in- 
" tendons ; with whom he used to meet at unseason- 
" able hours, and in obscure places, where persons 
" of quality did not use to resort ; and that he 
" frequently received letters from them : all which 
" made him apprehend that there was a design on 
" foot, which, how unreasonable soever, the duke 
" might be engaged in. And for these and other 
" reasons, and the irregular course of his life, he was 
" resolved to withdraw himself from his service : 
" and that he hoped, into what extravagancies so- 
" ever the duke should cast himself, his majesty 
" would retain a good opinion of him, who would 
" never swerve from his affection and duty." 

The information and testimony, which the lord Ar- 
lington brought to the king shortly after this adver- 
tisement, made the greater impression ; and there 
were many particulars in the informations that could 
not be suspected to be forged. And it appeared that 
there was a poor fellow, who had a poorer lodging 
about Tower-hill, and professed skill in horoscopes, 
to whom the duke often repaired in disguise in the 


1 667. night : and the lord Arlington had caused that fel- 
low to be apprehended, and his pockets and his 
chamber to be searched ; where were found several 
letters to the duke of Buckingham, one or two 
whereof were in his pocket sealed and not sent, 
and the rest copies, and one original letter from the 
duke to him, in all which there were many unusual 
expressions, which were capable of a very ill inter- 
pretation, and could not bear a good one. This 
man and some others were sent close prisoners to 
the Tower, where the lord Arlington and two other 
privy counsellors, by the king's order, took their se- 
veral examinations, and confronted them with those 
witnesses, who accused them and justified their ac- 
cusations ; all which were brought to the king. 

And then his majesty was pleased to acquaint the 
chancellor with all that had passed, who to that 
minute had not the least imagination of any parti- 
cular relating to it : nor had he any other prejudice 
to the person of the duke, (for he behaved himself 
towards him with more than ordinary civility,) than 
what was necessary for any man to have upon ac- 
count of the extravagancy of his life ; and which he 
could not be without, upon what he had often re- 
ceived from the duke himself upon his own know- 
ledge. The king now shewed him all those examin- 
ations and depositions which had been taken ; and 
that letter to the fellow, " which," his majesty said, 
" he knew to be every word the duke's own hand ;" 
and the letters to the duke from the fellow, which 
still gave him the style of prince, and mentioned 
what great things his stars promised to him, and 
that he was the darling of the people, who had set 
their hearts and affections and all their hopes upon 


his highness, with many other foolish and some fus- ice/. 
tian expressions. His majesty told him in what" 
places the duke had been since he left London ; 
" that he stayed few days in any place ; and that he 
" intended on such a day, that was to come, to be in 
" Staffordshire at the house of sir Charles Wolsely," 
a gentleman who had been of great eminency in 
Cromwell's council, and one of those who had been 
sent by the house of commons to persuade him to 
accept the crown with the title of king. Upon the 
whole matter his majesty asked him, " what way 
" he was to proceed against him :" to which he an- 
swered, " that he was first to be apprehended ; and 
" when he should be in custody and examined, his 
" majesty would better judge which way he was to 
" proceed against him." 

Upon further consideration with the chancellor The kins 

. _ , MI issues out 

and lord Arlington and others ot the council, the his warrant 
king sent a sergeant at arms, with a warrant under |, e nd Wm. 
his sign manual, " to apprehend the duke of Buck- 
" ingham, and to bring him before one of the secre- 
" taries of state, to answer to such crimes as should 
" be objected against him ;" or to that purpose. The 
sergeant made a journey into Northamptonshire, 
where he was informed the duke was&: but still, 
when he came to the house where he was said to 
be, it was pretended that he was gone from thence 
some hours before ; by which he found that he had 
notice of his business. And therefore he concealed 
himself, and appointed some men to watch and inform 
themselves of his motions, it being generally reported 
that he would be at the house of the earl of Exeter 

K was] Omitted in MS. 


1667. at such a time. And notice was given him, that he 
~ was then in a coach with ladies going to that house : 
upon which he made so good haste, that he was in 
view of the coach, and saw the duke alight out of 
the coach, and lead a lady into the house ; upon 
which the door of the court was shut before he 
could get to it. He knocked loudly at that and 
other doors that were all shut ; so that he could not 
get into the house, though it were some hours be- 
fore sunset in the month of May. After some hours' 
attendance, one Mr. Fairfax, who waited upon the 
duke of Buckingham, came to the door, and without 
opening it asked him, " what he would have :" and 
he answered, " that he had a message to the duke 
" from the king, and that he must speak with him ;" 
to which he replied, " that he was not there, and 
" that he should seek for him in some other place." 
The sergeant told him, " that he saw him go into 
" the house ; and that if he might not be admitted 
" to speak with him, he would require the sheriff 
" of the county to give him his assistance :" upon 
which the gentleman went away, and about half an 
hour after returned again, and threatened the ser- 
geant so much, after he had opened the door, that 
the poor man had not the courage to stay longer ; 
but returned to the court, and gave a full relation 
in writing to the secretary of the endeavours he had 
used, and the affronts he had received. 
He is re- Why all the particular circumstances of this af- 

iimvcii from * 

an hi* em- fair are so punctually related will appear anon. The 


king was so exceedingly offended at this carriage 
and behaviour of the duke, that he made relation of 
it to the council-board, and publicly declared, " that 
" he was no longer of that number," and caused his 


name to be left out in the list of the counsellors, and icG7. 
" that he was no longer a gentleman of his bed- 
" chamber," and put the earl of Rochester to wait 
in his place. His majesty likewise revoked that 
commission by which he was constituted lord lieu- 
tenant of the east riding in Yorkshire, and granted 
that commission to the earl of Burlington : so that 
it was not possible for his majesty to give more 
lively instances of his displeasure against any man, 
than he had done against the duke. And at theAprocia- 
same time, with the advice of the board, a pro- apprehend- 
clamation issued out for his apprehension, and in- inghun ' 
hibiting all persons to entertain, receive, or conceal 
him. Upon which he thought it fit to leave the 
country, and that he should be less discovered in 
London, whither he resorted, and had many lodg- 
ings in several quarters of the city. And though 
his majesty had frequent intelligence where he was, 
and continued advertisements of the liberty he took in 
his discourses of his own person, and of some others, 
of which he was no less sensible ; yet when the ser- 
geant at arms, and others employed for his appre- 
hension, came where he was known to have been 
but an hour before, he was gone from thence, or so 
concealed there that he could not be found : and in 
this manner he continued sleeping all the day, and 
walking from place to place in the night, for the 
space of some months. 

At last, being advertised of renewed instances of 
the king's displeasure, and that it every day in- 
creased upon new intelligence that he received of 
his behaviour, he grew weary of the posture he was 
in, and employed several persons to move the king 
on his behalf; for he was informed that the king 

T 2 


1667. resolved to proceed against him for his life, and 
The duke that his estate was begged and given. Upon this 
r one n ight he sent his secretary, Mr. Clifford, to the 

to interpose chancellor, with whom he had never entered into 

in his be- . 

hmif. any dispute, with some compliments and expressions 
of confidence in his friendship. He professed "great 
" innocence and integrity in all his actions with re- 
" ference to the king, though he might have been 
" passionate and indiscreet in his words ; that there 
" was a conspiracy against his life, and that his es- 
" tate was granted or promised to persons who had 
" begged it :" and in conclusion he desired " that he 
" would send him his advice what he should do, but 
" rather, that he would permit him to come to him 
" in the evening to his house, that he might confer 
" with him." 

The chsn- '. The chancellor answered his secretary, who was 
. wel1 known to him, " that he might not confer with 
" him till he rendered himself to the king ; that he 
" was confident, having seen testimony enough to 
" convince him, that the duke was not innocent ; 
" and that he had much to answer for disrespectful 
" mention of the king, which would require much 
" acknowledgment and submission : but that he did 
" not know that his crimes were of that magnitude 
" as would put his life into danger ; and that he 
" was most confident that there was no conspiracy 
" to take that from him, except his faults were of 
" another nature than they yet appeared to be ; 
" and which no conspiracy, which he need not fear, 
" could deprive him of. And he did not believe 
" that there had been any attempt to beg his estate : 
" but he was sure there had not been, nor could 
" be, any grant of it to any man, which must have 


" passed by the great seal." He did advise him, 1667. 
and desired him to follow his advice, " that if he did ~~ 
" know himself innocent as to unlawful actions and 
" designs, and that his fault consisted only in indis- 
" creet words, as he seemed to confess ; he would 
" no longer aggravate his offence by contemning 
" his warrants, which he would not be long able to 
" avoid, but deliver himself into the custody of the 
" lieutenant of the Tower, which he was at liberty 
" by the proclamation to do, and send then a petition 
" to the king, that he might be heard: and that when 
" he had done this, he would be ready and willing 
" to do him all the offices which would consist with 
" his duty." 

And the next day he gave his majesty a particu- 
lar account of the message which he had received, 
and of the answer which he had returned ; which 
his majesty approved, and shewed him a letter that 
he had received from the duke that morning, which 
seemed to have been written after his secretary 
had returned from the chancellor. The letter con- 
tained a large profession of his innocence, and 
complaint of the power of his enemies, and a very 
earnest desire " that his majesty would give him 
" leave to speak with him, and then dispose of 
" him as he pleased ;" to which his majesty had 
answered to the person who brought the letter, 
who, as I remember, was sir Robert Howard, " that 
" the duke need not fear the power of any ene- 
" mies, but would be sure to have justice, if he 
" would submit to it." 

But his majesty in his discourse seemed to be as The king 
weary of the prosecution, as the duke was of thefy 7thc 
concealing himself to avoid it, and to have much P rosecutlon - 

T 3 


l<>67. apprehension of his interest and power in the parlia- 
~~ ment ; and to be troubled that the principal witness, 
upon whose testimony he relied, was at that h time 
sick of the smallpox, and in danger of death, and 
that another retracted part of that evidence that he 
had given. In a word, his majesty appeared less 
angry than he had been, and willing that an end 
should be put to the business without any public 
prosecution. To which the chancellor made no 
other answer, than " that no advice could be given 
" with preservation of his majesty's dignity, till the 
" duke rendered himself into the hand of justice :" 
which he was very unwilling to do, and sent again 
to the chancellor by sir Robert Howard, to press 
him, " that he might be admitted first to the king's 
" presence, and then sent to the Tower." The 
other told him, " that if the king were inclined to 
" admit him in that manner, he would dissuade him 
" from it, as a thing dishonourable to him after ^so 
" long a contest ;" and repeated the same to him 
that he said formerly to Mr. Clifford : nor could he 
be persuaded by any others (for others did speak to 
him to the same purpose) to recede a tittle from 
what he had insisted upon, " that he should put 
" himself in the Tower." In 1 all which he still gave 
the king a faithful account of every word that pass- 
ed: for he knew well that the lord Arlington endea- 
voured to persuade the king, " that the chancellor 
" favoured the duke, and desired that he should be 
" at liberty ;" when at the same time he used all 
the ways he could to have it insinuated to the duke's 
friends, " that he knew nothing of the business, but 

11 that] Omitted in MS. j In] Of 


" that the whole prosecution was made by the infor- 1 667. 
" mation and advice of the chancellor." 

In the end, the duke was persuaded to render The duke 
himself to the Tower: and from thence he sent a ? { en 
petition to the king, who presently appeared very 
well k inclined to give over any further prosecution ; 
which alteration all men wondered at, nor could 
any man imagine the ground or reason of it. For 
though the principal witness was dead, as the lord 
Arlington declared he was, and that so much could 
not be proved as at the first discovery was reason- 
ably suspected ; yet the meanness and vileness of 
the persons with whom he kept so familiar corre- 
spondence, the letters between them which were 
ready to be produced, the disrespectful and scandal- 
ous discourses which he often held concerning the 
king's person, and many other particulars which had 
most inflamed the king, and which might fully have 
been proved, would have manifested so much vanity 
and presumption in the duke, as must have lessen- 
ed his credit and reputation with all serious men, 
and made him worthy of severe censure. But whe- 
ther the king thought not fit to proceed upon the 
words and scandalous discourses, which he thought 
would more disperse and publish the scandals ; or 
whether he did really believe that it would disturb 
and obstruct all his business in parliament ; or what 
other reason soever prevailed with his majesty, as 
without doubt some other there were : his majesty 1 
was very impatient to be rid of the business, and 
would have been easily persuaded to have given pre- 

k well] Not In MS. ' liis majesty] but his majesty 

T 4 

1667. sent order for setting the duke at liberty, and so to 

silence all further discourse. But he was persuaded, 
" that that would most reflect upon his own honour, 
" by making it believed, that there had been in truth 
" a foul conspiracy against the person of the duke, 
" which would give him more credit in the parlia- 
" ment and every where else ;" for the king had not 
yet, with all his indulgence, a better opinion of his 
affection and fidelity than he had before. 
He is ex- i n conclusion ; it was resolved, " that the lieute- 

amined at 

the couucii- " nant of the Tower should bring the duke of Buck- 
" ingham to the council chamber, his majesty being 
" present ; and there the attorney and solicitor gene- 
" ral should open the charge that was against him, 
" and read all the examinations which had been 
" taken, and the letters which had passed between 
" them :" all which was done. And the duke deny- 
ing " that he had ever written to that fellow, though 
" he knew him well, and used to make himself merry 
" with him," the letter was produced (which the 
king and the lord Arlington, who both knew his 
hand well, made no doubt to be his hand) and de- 
livered to the duke ; who, as soon as he cast his eye 
upon it, said, " it was not his hand, but he well 
" knew whose it was." And being asked whose 
hand it was, he said, " it was his sister's, the duchess 
" of Richmond, with whom," he said, " it was known 
" that he had no correspondence." Whereupon the 
king called for the letter, and, having looked upon 
it, he said, " he had been mistaken," and confessed 
" that it was the duchess's hand ;" and seemed much 
out of countenance upon the mistake: though the 
letter gave still as much cause of suspicion, for it 


was as strange that she should write to such a fel- 1667. 
low in a style very obliging, and in answer 1 to a let-~ 
ter ; so that it seemed very reasonable still to be- 
lieve, that she might have written it upon his desire 
and dictating. 

The duke denied most of the particulars con- 
tained in the examinations : and for the other let- 
ters which had been written to him by the fellow 
who was in the Tower, (whereof one was found in 
his pocket sealed to be sent to the duke, and the 
others were copies of others which had been sent ; 
and the witness who was dead had delivered one of 
them into the duke's own hand, and related at large 
the kindness he expressed towards the man, and the 
message he sent to him by him,) he denied that he 
had ever received those letters ; but acknowledged, 
" that the man came often to him, and pretended 
" skill in horoscopes, but more in distillations, 
" in which the duke delighted and exercised him- 
" self, but looked upon the fellow as cracked in his 
" brain, and fit only to be laughed at." When the The king 
duke was withdrawn, the king declared, " that hej"^^ 
" had been deceived in being confident that the let- his defence - 
" ter had been written by the duke, which he now 
" discerned not to be his hand, and he knew as well 
" to have been written by the duchess ;" and there- 
upon seemed to think that there was nothing else 
worth the examining : and so order was given to set 
the duke at liberty, who immediately went to his 
own house, and went not in some days afterwards to 
the court. 

About this time, or in a few days afterwards, a 

1 in answer] being in answer 


1 667. great affliction befell the chancellor in his domestics, 
The chan- wn ' c ^ prepared him to bear all the unexpected acci- 
bis'wife *" dents * na * suddenly succeeded that more insupport- 
able misfortune. His wife, the mother of all his 
children, and his companion in all hjs banishment, 
and who had made all his former calamities less 
grievous by her company and courage, having made 
a journey to Tunbridge for her health, returned 
from thence without the benefit she expected, yet 
without being thought by the physicians to be in 
any danger ; and within less than three days died : 
which was so sudden, unexpected, and irreparable a 
loss, that he had not courage to support ; which no- 
body wondered at who knew the mutual satisfac- 
tion and comfort they had in each other. And he 
might possibly have sunk under it, if his enemies 
had not found out a new kind of consolation to 
him, which his friends could never have thought 

Within few days after his wife's death, the king 

vouchsafed to come to his house to condole with him, 

The duke and used many gracious expressions to him : yet 

bythek!ng within less than a fortnight the duke (who was sel- 

a ^ay without doing him the honour to see 
to resign, him) came to him, and with very much trouble told 
him, " that such a day, that was past, walking with 
" the king in the park, his majesty asked him how 
" the chancellor did : to which his highness had 
" made answer, that he was the most m disconsolate 
" person he ever saw n ; and that he had lamented 
" himself to him not only upon the loss of his wife, 
" but out of apprehension that his majesty had of late 

m most] Omitted in MS. " saw] Omitted in MS. 

"withdrawn his countenance from him: to which 1667. 

" his majesty replied, that he wondered he should" 
" think so, but that he would speak more to him of 
" that subject the next day. And that that morn- 
" ing his majesty had held a long discourse with 
" him, in which he told him, that he had received 
" very particular and certain intelligence, that when 
" the parliament should meet again, they were re- 
" solved to impeach the chancellor, who was grown 
" very odious to them , not only for his having op- 
" posed them in all those things upon which they 
" had set their hearts, but that they had been in- 
" formed that he had proposed and advised their dis- 
" solution ; which had enraged them to that degree, 
" that they had taken a resolution as soon as they 
" came together again to send up an impeachment 
" against him ; which would be a great dishonour 
" to his majesty, and obstruct all his affairs, nor 
" should he be able to protect him or divert them : 
" and therefore that it would be necessary for his 
" service, and likewise for the preservation of the 
" chancellor, that he should deliver up the seal to 
" him. All which he desired the duke" (who con- 
fessed that he had likewise received the same adver- 
tisement) " to inform him of : and that the chancel- 
" lor himself should choose the way and the manner 
" of delivering up the seal, whether he would wait 
" upon the king and give it into his own hand, or 
" whether the king should send a secretary or a 
" privy counsellor for it." When the duke had said 
all that the king had given him in charge, he de- 
clared himself "to be much unsatisfied with the 

" them] linu 


1 667. " king's resolution ; and that : ' though he had re- 

~ " ceived the same advertisement, and believed that 

there was a real combination and conspiracy 

" against him, yet he knew the chancellor's inno- 

" cence would not be frighted with it." 

The chancellor was indeed as much surprised 
with this relation, as he could have been at the 
sight of a warrant for his execution. He told the 
duke, " that he did not wonder that the king and 
" his highness had been informed of such a resolu- 
" tion ; for that they who had contrived the conspi- 
" racy, and done all they could to make it prevalent, 
" could best inform his majesty and his highness of 
" what would probably fall out." And thereupon 
he informed the duke " of what had passed at the 
" day of the last prorogation, and the discourse and 
" promise sir William Coventry had made to them, 
" if they had a mind to be rid of the chancellor : 
" but," he said, " that which only afflicted him was, 
" that the king should have no better opinion of his 
", innocence and integrity, than to conclude that 
such a combination must ruin him. And he was 
" more troubled to find, that the king himself had so 
" terrible an apprehension of their 1 power and their 1 " 
u purposes, as if they might do any thing they had 
" a mind to do. He did not believe that he was so 
" odious to the parliament as he was reported to 
" be ; if he were, it was only for his zeal to his ma- 
" jesty's service, and his insisting upon what his ma-. 
" jesty had resolved : but he was confident that 
" when his enemies had done all that their malice 
" could suggest against him, it would appear that 

' that] Not in MS. 1 their] the r their] the 


" the parliament was not of their mind. He wished i G67. 
" that he might have the honour to speak with the" 
" king, before he returned any answer to his com- 
" mands." The duke was pleased graciously to re- 
ply, " that it was the advice he intended to give 
" him, that he should desire it ; and that he doubted 
" not but that he should easily prevail with the king 
" to come to his house, whither he had used so fre- 
" quently to come, and where he had been so few 
" days before :" and at this time the chancellor was 
not well able s to walk ; besides that it was against 
the common rules of decency to go so soon out of 
his house. When the duke desired the king, that 
he would vouchsafe to go to Clarendon-house, his 
majesty very readily consented to it ; and said, " he 
" would go thither the next day." But that and 
more days passed ; and then he told the duke, " that 
" since he resolved to take the seal, it would riot be 
" so fit for him to go thither ; but he would send 
" for the chancellor to come to his own chamber in 
" Whitehall, and he would go thither to him." 

In the mean time it began to be the discourse of 
the court : and the duchess, from whom the duke 
had yet concealed it, came to be informed of it ; 
who presently went to the king with some passion ; 
and the archbishop of Canterbury and the general Man x i' er - 


accompanied her, who all besought the king not to nence in- 
take such a resolution. And many other of the hls'behaif. 
privy-council, with none of whom the chancellor had 
spoken, taking notice of the rumour, attended the 
king with the same suit and advice. To all whom 
his majesty answered, " that what he intended was 

s not well able] not only not well able 


1067. " for his good, and the only way to preserve him." 
~ He held longer discourse to the general, " that he 
" did believe by what his brother had told him, of 
" the extreme agony the chancellor was in upon the 
" death of his wife, that he had himself desired to 
" be dismissed from his office ;" and bade the general 
" go to him, and bid him come the next morning 
" to his own chamber at Whitehall, and the king 
" would come thither to him." And the general 
came to him with great professions of kindness, 
which he had well deserved from him, gave him 
a relation of all that had passed with the king, and 
concluded, " that what had been done had been 
" upon mistake ; and he doubted not, but that upon 
" conference with his majesty all things would be 
" well settled again to his content ;" which no doubt 
he did at that time believe as well as wish. 
The chan- Upon Monday, the 26th of August, about ten of 
tends the the clock in the morning, the chancellor went to his 
Whitehall, chamber in Whitehall, where he had not been many 
minutes, before the king and duke by themselves 
came into the room. His majesty looked very gra- 
ciously upon him, and made him sit down ; when 
conference the other acknowledged " the honour his majesty 
them?" " had done him, in admitting him into his presence 
" before he executed a resolution he had taken." 
He said, " that he had no suit to make to him, nor 
" the least thought to dispute with him, or to divert 
" him from the resolution he had taken ; but only 
" to receive his determination from himself, and 
" most humbly to beseech him to let him know 
" what fault he had committed, that had drawn this 
" severity upon him from his majesty." The king 
told him, " he had not any thing to object against 


" him ; but must always acknowledge, that he had 1 667. 
" always served him honestly and faithfully, and ~ 
" that he did believe that never king had a better 
" servant, and that he had taken this resolution for 
" his good and preservation, as well as for his own 
" convenience and security ; and that he had verily 
" believed that it had been upon his consent and 
" desire." And thereupon his majesty entered upon 
a relation of all that had passed between him and 
the duke, and " that he really thought his brother 
" had concurred with him in his opinion, as the 
" only way to preserve him." In that discourse the 
duke sometimes positively denied to have said some- 
what, and explained other things as not said to the 
purpose his majesty understood, or that he ever im- 
plied that himself thought it fit. 

The sum of what his majesty said was, " that he 
" was most assured by information that could not 
" deceive him, that the parliament was resolved, as 
" soon as they should come together again, to im- 
" peach the chancellor ; and then that his innocence 
" would no more defend and secure him against 
" their power, than the earl of Strafford had de- 
" fended himself against them : and," he said, " he 
" was as sure, that his taking the seal from him at this 
" time would so well please the parliament, that his 
" majesty should thereby be able to preserve him, 
" and to provide for the passage of his own business, 
" and the obtaining all that he desired." He said, 
" he was sorry that the business had taken so much 
" air, and was so publicly spoken of, that he knew 
" not how to change his purpose ;" which he seemed 
to impute to the passion of the duchess, that had 
divulged it. 


Ifi67. The chancellor told him, " that he had not con- 
""" tributed to the noise, nor had imparted it to his 
" own children, till they with great trouble informed 
" him, that they heard it from such and such per- 
" sons," whom they named, " with some complaint 
" that it was concealed from them : nor did he then 
" come in hope to divert him from the resolution he 
" had taken in the matter itself." He said, " he had 
" but two things to trouble him with. The first, 
" that he would by no means suffer it to be believed 
" that he himself was willing to deliver up the seal ; 
" and that he should not think himself a gentleman, 
" if he were willing to depart and withdraw himself 
" from the office, in a time when he thought his 
" majesty would have need of all honest men, and 
" in which he thought he might be able to do him 
" some service. The second, that he could not ac- 
" knowledge this deprivation to be done in his fa- 
" vour, or in order to do him good ; but on the con- 
" trary, that he looked upon it as the greatest ruin 
" he could undergo, by his majesty's own declaring 
" his judgment upon him, which would amount to 
" little less than a confirmation of those many lil>el- 
" lous discourses which had been raised, and would 
" upon the matter expose him to the rage and fury 
" of the people, who had been with great artifice and 
" industry persuaded to believe, that he had been 
" the cause and the counsellor of all that they liked 
" not. That he was so far from fearing the justice 
" of the parliament, that he renounced his majesty's 
" protection or interposition towards his preserva- 
" tion : and that though the earl of Strafford had 
" undergone a sentence he did* not deserve, yet he 
" could not acknowledge their cases to be parallel. 


" That though that great person had never com- 1CG7. 

" mitted any offence that could amount to treason, ~ 

" yet he had done many things which he could not jus- 

" tify, and which were transgressions against the law: 

" whereas he was not guilty of any action, whereof 

" he did not desire the law might be the judge. 

" And if his majesty himself should discover all that 

" he had said to him in secret, he feared not any 

" censure that should attend it : if any body could 

" charge him with any crime or offence, he would 

" most willingly undergo the punishment that be- 

" longed to it. 

" But," he said, " he doubted very much, that the 
" throwing off an old servant, who had served the 
" crown in some trust near thirty years, (who had 
" the honour by the command of his blessed father, 
" who had left good evidence of the esteem he had 
" of his fidelity, to wait upon his majesty when he 
" went out of the kingdom, and by the great bless- 
" ing of God had the honour to return with him 
" again ; which no other counsellor alive could say,) 
" on the sudden f , without any suggestion of a crime, 
u nay, with a declaration of innocence, would call 
" his majesty's justice and good-nature into ques- 
" tion ; and men would not know how securely to 
" serve him, when they should see it was in the 
" power of three or four persons who had never 
" done him any notable service, nor were in the 
" opinion of those who knew them best like to do, 
" to dispose him to so ungracious an act." 

The king seemed very much troubled and irre- 
solute ; then repeated " the great power of the par- 

1 on the sudden] should on a sudden 


1667. " liament, and the clear information he had of their 

" " purposes, which they were resolved to go through 

" with, right or wrong ; and that his own condition 

" was such, that he could not dispute with them, 

" but was upon the matter at their mercy." 

The chancellor told him, " it was not possible for 
" his majesty to have any probable assurance what 
" the parliament would do. And though he knew 
" he had offended some of the house of commons, in 
" opposing their desires in such particulars as his 
" majesty thought were prejudicial to his service ; 
" yet he did not doubt but his reputation was much 
" greater in both houses, than either of theirs who 
" were known to be his enemies, and to have this 
" influence upon his majesty, who were all known 
" to be guilty of some transgressions, which they 
" would have been called in question for in parlia- 
" ment, if he had not very industriously, out of the 
" tenderness he had for his majesty's honour and 
" service, prevented it ; somewhat whereof was not 
" unknown to his majesty." He concluded " with 
" beseeching him, whatever resolution he took in 
" his particular, not to suffer his spirits to fall, nor 
" himself to be dejected with the apprehension of 
" the formidable power of the parliament, which 
" was more or less or nothing, as he pleased to make 
" it : that it was yet in his own power to govern 
" them; but if they found it was in theirs to go- 
" vern him, nobody knew what the end would be." 
And thereupon he made him a short relation of the 
method that was used in the time of Richard the 
Second, " when they terrified the king with the 
" power and the purposes of the parliament, till they 
" brought him to consent to that from which he 


" could not redeem himself, and without which they 1667. 
" could have done him no harm." And in the 
warmth of this relation he found a seasonable op- 
portunity to mention the lady with some reflections 
and cautions, which he might more advisedly have 

After two hours' discourse, the king rose without The king 
saying any thing, but appeared not well pleased i n dispie'a? 
with all that had been said ; and the duke of York sure ' 
found he was offended with the last part of it. The 
garden, that used to be private, had now many in 
it to observe the countenance of the king when he 
came out of the room : and when the chancellor re- 
turned, the lady, the lord Arlington, and Mr. May, 
looked together out of her open window with great 
gaiety and triumph, which all people observed. 

Four or five days passed without any further pro- 
ceedings, or the king's declaring his resolution : and 
in that time the chancellor's concern was the only 
argument of the court. Many of the council, and 
other persons of honour and interest, presumed to 
speak with the king, and to give a very good testi- 
mony of him, of his unquestionable integrity, and of 
his parts, and credit with the sober part of the na- 
tion : and to those his majesty always commended 
him, with professions of much kindness ; but said, 
" he had made himself odious to the parliament, 
" and so was no more capable to do him service." 
On the other side, the lady and lord Arlington, and 
sir William Coventry, exceedingly triumphed, the 
last of which openly and without reserve declared, 
" that he had given the king advice to remove him 
f( as a man odious to the parliament, and that the 
" king would be ruined if he did it not ; that he 

u 2 

1667. " was so imperious, that he would endure no con- 
~* " tradiction ;" with many other reproaches to that 
purpose. But except those three, and Mr. May and 
Mr. Brounker, there seemed none of name in the 
court who wished that the resolution should be 

The duke The duke of York concerned himself wonderfully 
teresuh!m-on the chancellor's behalf, and with as much warmth 

as anv private gentleman could express on the be- 
behaif. half O f jjjg f r i en d. He had great indignation at the 
behaviour of sir William Coventry and Mr. Brounker, 
that being his servants they should presume to shew 
so much malice towards a person they knew he had 
kindness for. And the former had so much sense 
of it, that he resolved to quit the relation by which 
he had got vast wealth, and came to him, and told 
him, " that since he was commissioner for the trea- 
" sury, he found he should not be able to attend his 
" service so diligently as he ought to do ; and there- 
" fore desired his highness's favour in l)is dismission, 
" and that he would give him leave to commend an 
" honest man to succeed him in his service:" to 
which his highness shortly answered, " that he 
" might dispose himself as he would, with which 
" he was well content ; and that he would choose 
" another secretary for himself without his recom- 
" mendation." And his highness presently went to 
the chancellor, and informed him of it, with displea- 
sure enough towards the man, and much satisfaction 
that he was rid of him ; and asked him " whom he 
" would recommend to him for a secretary." He 
told his highness, " that if he would trust his judg- 
" ment, he would recommend a person to him, who 
" he beb'eved was not unknown to him, and for 


" whose parts and fidelity he would pass his word, 1667. 
" having had good experience of both in his having ~ 
" served him as a secretary for the space of above 
" seven years ;" and named Mr. Wren. The duke 
said, " he knew him well, being a member of the 
" Royal Company, where he often heard him speak 
" very intelligently, and discerned him to be a man 
" of very good parts, and therefore he would very 
" willingly receive him ; and the rather, that he 
" knew it would be looked upon as an evidence of 
" his kindness to him, which he would always own 
" and testify to all the world :" and within two days 
after, he received him into his service with the 
king's approbation, the gentleman's abilities being 
very well known, and his person much loved. 

In this suspension, the common argument was, 
" that it was not now the question whether the 
" chancellor was innocent ; but whether, when the 
" king had so long resolved to remove him, and had 
" now proceeded so far towards it, he should retract 
" his resolution, and be governed by his brother : it 
" was enough that he was not beloved, and that the 
" court wished him removed." And Mr. Brounker 
openly declared, " that the resolution had been taken 
" above two months before ; and that it would not 
" consist with his majesty's honour to. be hectored 
" out of it by his brother, who was wrought upon 
" by his wife's crying." And this kind of argu- 
mentation was every moment inculcated by the lady 
and her party : insomuch as when the duke made 
his instances with all the importunity he could use, 
and put his majesty in mind " of many discourses 
" his majesty had formerly held with him, of the 
" chancellor's honesty and discretion, conjuring him 

u 3 


1667. " to love and esteem him accordingly, when his 

~~ " highness had not so good an opinion of him ;" and 

complained u , " that now he had found by good ex- 

" perience that he deserved that character, his ma- 

" jesty would withdraw his kindness from him, and 

" rather believe others, who he knew were his ene- 

" mies x , than his own judgment :" the king gave 

no other answer, than " that he had proceeded too 

" far to retire ; and that he should be looked upon 

" as a child, if he receded from his purpose." 

uiiSkea ^ nc * so being reconfirmed, upon the 30th of 

from the August in the year 1667 he sent secretary Morrice, 


who had no mind to the employment, with a war- 
rant under the sign manual, to require and receive 
the great seal; which the chancellor immediately 
delivered to him with all the expressions of duty to 
the king. And as soon as the secretary had deli- 
vered it to the king in his closet, Mr. May went 
into the closet, and fell upon his knees, and kissed 
his majesty's hand, telling him " that he was now 
" king, which he had never been before." 

The chancellor believed that the storm had been 
now over ; for he had not the least apprehension of 
the displeasure of the parliament, or of any thing they 
could say or do against him : yet he resolved to stay 
at his house till it should meet, (without going thi- 
ther, which he was informed would be ill taken,) 
that he might not be thought to be afraid of being 
questioned ; and then to retire into the country, and 
to live there very privately. And there was a re- 
port raised without any ground, that he intended to 
go to the house of peers, and take his precedence as 

u complaiqed] Not in MS. * his enemies] in his enemies. 


chancellor, with which the king was much offended: 16<>7. 
but as soon as he heard of it, he desired the lord ~ 
chamberlain to assure his majesty, " that he never 
" intended any such thing, nor would ever do any 
" thing that he believed would displease him ;" with 
which he seemed well satisfied. 

However, a new tempest was quickly raised 
against him. Many persons of honour and quality 
came every day to visit him with many expressions 
of affection and esteem ; and most of the king's 
servants, except only those few who had declared 
themselves his enemies, still frequented his house 
with the same kindness they had always professed : 
but they were looked upon quickly with a very ill 
countenance by the other party, and were plainly 
told, " that the king would take it ill from all his 
" servants who visited the chancellor ;" though when 
some of them asked his majesty ; " whether their vi- 
" siting him, to whom they had been formerly much 
" beholden, would offend his majesty ;" he answer- 
ed, " No, he had not forbid any man to visit him." 
Yet it appeared more every day, that they were best 
looked on who forebore going to him, and the other 
found themselves upon much disadvantage; by 
which however many were not discouraged. 

The chief prosecutors behaved themselves with 
more insolence than was agreeable to their dis- 
cretion : and the lord Arlington, who had long before 
behaved himself with very little courtesy towards 
all persons whom he believed to be well affected to 
the chancellor, even towards ambassadors and other 
foreign ministers, now when any of his friends came 
to him for the despatch of business in his office, 
asked them " when they saw the chancellor," and 

u 4 


1667. bade them "go to him to put their business into a 
" method." The duke of Buckingham, who had 
after his enlargement visited the chancellor, and 
acknowledged the civilities he had received from 
him, came now again to the court, and was received 
with extraordinary grace by the king, and restored 
The duke of to all the honours and offices of which he was de- 
ham r* prived ; and was informed and assured, " that all 
the proceedings which had been against him were 
U p On the information and advice of the chan- 
" cellor :" and whatever he had spoken in council 
was told him in that manner (and without the true 
circumstances) that might make most impression 
on him. 

One day whilst that matter was depending, 
(which is not mentioned before,) the lord Arlington, 
after he found the king had acquainted the chancel- 
lor with the business, and shewed him the informa- 
tion and examinations which had been taken, pro- 
posed, there being more or the same witnesses to be 
further examined, " that the chancellor might be 
" present with the rest who had been formerly 
" employed at their examining :" which the king 
seeming to consent to, the other desired to be ex- 
cused, " for that the office he held never used to be 
" subject to those employments ;" and in the debate 
added, " that if the testimony of witnesses made 
" good all that was suggested, and the duke should 
" be brought to a trial, it might probably fall out, 
" that the king might command him to execute the 
" office of high steward, as he had lately done in 
" the trial of the lord Morley ; and in that respect 
" it would be very incongruous for him to be 
" present at the examinations." The duke was now 


informed, without any of the circumstances, that the 1 C67. 
chancellor had said that he was to be high steward He is in _ 
at the trial of the duke. flamed t 

against the 

The duke, who always believed, and could not cliancellor 5 
but upon the matter know, that the lord Arlington 
(with whom he had enmity) had been very solicit- 
ous in his prosecution, had, after his having visited 
the chancellor, sent a friend, whom he thought he 
would trust, to him, " to desire him to deal freely 
" with him concerning the lord Arlington, whom he 
" knew to be an enemy to both of them ; and that 
" he must have him examined upon that conspiracy, 
" which he hoped he would not take ill :" to which 
he answered, "that he neither would nor could be 
" examined concerning any thing that had been 
" said or done in council ; but that he would, as his 
" friend, and to prevent his exposing himself to any 
" new inconvenience, very freely and faithfully as- 
" sure him, that he did not believe that there had 
" been any conspiracy against him, nor did know 
" that the lord Arlington had done any thing in the 
" prosecution, but what was according to the obli- 
' gation and duty of his office ; which testimony," 
he said, " could proceed only from justice, since he 
" well knew that lord did not wish him well." 
This answer, it seems, or the despair of drawing 
any other from him to his purpose, disposed him to 
give entire credit to the other information ; and the 
king took great pains to reconcile him to the lord 
Arlington, who made many vows to him of his fu- 
ture service, and desired his protection: and here- Ami in- 
upon the duke openly professed his resolution of J^ r * n 
revenge, and frankly entered into the combination f]'J 1)rosecu ~ 


1667. with the lord Arlington and sir William Coventry 
~~ against the chancellor. 

But the knowledge of all this did not give him 
much trouble, (so much confidence he had in his 
own innocence, and so little esteem of the credit and 
interest of his enemies,) until he heard that the king 

The king himself expressed great displeasure towards him, 
and declared, " that he had misbehaved himself 
" towards his majesty, and that he was so imperious 

chancellor. that he wou \^ endure no contradiction ; that he 
" had a faction in the house of commons, that op- 
** posed every thing that concerned his majesty's 
" service, if it were not recommended to them by 
" him ; and that he had given him very ill advice 
" concerning the parliament, which offended him 
" most :" all which they to whom his majesty said 
it divulged to others, that they might thereby 
lessen the chancellor's credit and interest. It is very 
true, they who had taken all advantages to alienate 
the king's affections from him, had at first only pro- 
posed his removal, " as a person odious to the parlia- 
" ment, and whom they were resolved to impeach, 
" which would put his majesty into a strait, either 
" to renounce and ? desert an old servant, which 
" would not be for his honour, or, by protecting 
" him, to deprive himself of all those benefits which 
" he expected from the parliament ; whereas the re- 
" moving him would so gratify the houses, that 
" they would deny nothing that his majesty should 
** demand of them ;" and his majesty did believe it 
the only way to preserve him. But when they 

y and] or 


had prevailed so far, and rendered themselves more 1667. 
necessary to him, they prosecuted what they had 
begun with more visible animosity, and told him, 
" that if the parliament suspected that his majesty 
" retained still any kindness towards him,, they 
" would not be satisfied with his removal, but 
" apprehend that he would be again received into 
" his favour ; and he would in the mean time have 
" so much credit in both houses, especially if he sat 
" in the house of peers," which they undertook to 
know he intended to do, " that he would be able to 
" obstruct whatsoever his majesty desired : and 
" therefore it was necessary that his majesty should 
" upon all occasions declare, and that it should be 
" believed, that he had so full a prejudice against 
" him, that nobody should have cause to fear, that 
" he would ever again be received into any trust." 
And this disposed his majesty to discourse to many 
in that manner that is before set down. 

And when the duke of York lamented to his 
majesty the reports which were generally spread 
abroad, of the discourses which he made to many 
persons of the chancellor's misbehaviour towards 
himself, and his own displeasure against him ; the 
king denied many of the particulars, as that con- 
cerning his ill counsel against the parliament, which 
he denied to have spoken : but said withal, " that if 
" the chancellor had done as he advised him, and 
" delivered up the seal to him as of his own inclina- 
" tion, all would have been quiet. But since he in- 
" sisted so much upon it, arid compelled him to send 
" for it in that manner, he was obliged in the vindi- 
" cation of his honour to give some reasons for 
" what he had done, when other men took upon 

1667. " them so loudly to commend the chancellor, and to 

" justify his innocence, not without some reflection 
" upon his own honour and justice, which he could 
* not but take very ill : but he should not suffer," 
he said, ." for what other men did, and that he 
" would use his two sons as kindly as ever he had 
" done." And it must be always acknowledged, 
that though great importunity was used to his ma- 
jesty, to discharge his two sons from his service, as 
a thing necessary by all the rules of policy, not to 
suffer the sons to remain so near his person, when 
their father lay under so notorious a brand of his 
displeasure, (in which they believed they had so far 
prevailed, that they took upon them to promise 
their places to other men :) yet z the king positively 
refused to yield to them, and continued his favour 
still to them both in the same manner he had done. 
And though he was long after persuaded to suspend 
his eldest son from waiting, under which cloud he 
continued for many months, yet at last he was re- 
stored to his place with circumstances of extra- 
ordinary favour and grace : nor did his majesty 
afterwards recede from his goodness towards either 
of them, notwithstanding all the attempts which 
were made. 

The pariiii- The parliament met upon the 10th of October, 
mt: the when the king in a short speech told them, "that 
kiog reflects there had been some former miscarriages, which 

on the 

chancellor, tt had occasioned some differences between him and 
" them : but that he had now altered his counsels, 
" and made no question but that they should hence- 
M forward agree, for he was resolved to give them 

yet] but 


" all satisfaction; and did not doubt but that they 1GG7. 
" would supply his necessities, and provide for the ~~ 
" payment of his debts ;" with an insinuation, " that 
" what had been formerly done amiss had been by 
" the advice of the person whom he had removed 
" from his counsels, and with whom he should not 
" hereafter advise." 

When the house of commons came together, one unfair me- 

m i r> M -i ^thods used 

1 omkins, a man of very contemptible parts and of to induce 
worse manners, (who used to be encouraged by mento^^ 8 * 1 
of design to set some motion on foot, which they the kmg for 

J removing 

thought not fit to appear in themselves till they dis- hinl - 
cerned how it would take,) moved the house, " that 
" they might send a message of thanks to the king 
" for his gracious expressions, and for the many 
" good things which he had done, and particularly 
" for his removing the chancellor ;" which was se- 
conded by two or three, but rejected by the house 
as a thing unreasonable for them who knew not the 
motives which had disposed his majesty : and so a 
committee was appointed to prepare such a message 
as might be fit for them to send. And the house 
of lords a the same day sent to the king, without con- 
sulting with the house of commons, to give his ma- 
jesty thanks for the speech he had made to them in 
the morning, which commonly used to be done. 
The king declared himself very much offended that 
the proposition in the house of commons for return- 
ing thanks to him had not succeeded, and more that 
it had been opposed by many of his own servants ; 
and commanded them " to press and renew the mo- 
" tion : that his honour was concerned in it ; and 

a lords] commons by mistake in MS. 


1GG7. " therefore he would expect thanks, and would take 
" it very ill of any of his own servants who refused 
" to concur in it." Hereupon it was again moved : 
but notwithstanding all the labour that had been 
used contrary to all custom and privilege of par- 
liament, the question held six hours' debate, very 
many speaking against the injustice and irregularity 
of it ; they on th6 other side urging the king's ex- 
pectation of it. In the end, the question being put, 
it was believed the noes were b the greater number : 
but the division of the house was not urged for 
many reasons ; and so the vote was sent to the 
house of lords, who were desired to concur with 

But it had there a greater contradiction. They had 
already returned their thanks to the king ; and now 
to send again, and to add any particular to it, would 
be very incongruous and without any precedent : 
and therefore they would not concur in it. This 
obstinacy very much displeased the king: and he 
was persuaded by those who had hitherto prevailed 
with him, to believe that this contradiction, if he 
did not master it, would run through all his busi- 
ness that should be brought into that house. Where- 
upon his majesty reproached many of the lords for 
presuming to oppose and cross what was so abso- 
lutely necessary for his service : and sent to the 
archbishop of Canterbury, " that he should in his 
" majesty's name command all the bishops' bench to 
" concur in it ; and if they should refuse it, he would 
" make them repent it ;" with many other very se- 
vere reprehensions and animadversions. This being 

b were] to be 


done in so extraordinary a manner, the duke of 1GG7. 
York told his majesty, " how much it was spoken of" 
" and wondered at :" to which his majesty replied, 
" that his honour was engaged, and that he w r ould 
" not be satisfied, if thanks were not returned to 
" him by both houses ; and that it should go the 
" worse for the chancellor if his friends opposed it." 
And he commanded his royal highness that he 
should not cross it, but was contented to dispense 
with his attendance, and gave him leave to be ab- 
sent from the debate ; which liberty many others 
likewise took : and so when it was again moved, 
though it was still confidently opposed, it was car- 
ried by a major part, many c being absent. 

And so both houses attended the king and gave 
him thanks, which his majesty graciously received 
as a boon he looked for, and said somewhat that im- 
plied that he was much displeased with the chancel- 
lor ; of which some men thought they were to make 
the best use they could. And therefore, after the 
king's answer was reported to the house of peers, as 
of course whatsoever the king says upon any mes- 
sage is always reported, it was proposed, " that the 
" king's answer might be entered into the Journal 
" Book ;" which was rejected, as not usual, even 
when the king himself spoke to both houses : nor 
was what he now said entered in the house of com- 
mons. However, when they had consulted to- 
gether, finding d that they had not yet so particular 
a record of the displeasure against the chancellor, 
as what he had said upon this message did amount 
unto, they moved the house again, " that it might 

c many] and many d finding] they found 


C67. " be entered in the book :" and it was again reject- 
ed. All which would not serve the turn ; but the 
duke of Buckingham a third time moved it, as 
a tiling the king expected : and thereupon it was 

And his majesty now declared to his brother and 
to many of the lords, " that he had now all he de- 
*' sired, and that there should be no more done to 
" the chancellor." And without doubt the king 
had not at this time a purpose to give any further 
countenance to the animosity of his enemies, who 
thought that what was already done was too easy 
a composition, and told his majesty, " that, if he 
" were not prosecuted further, he would gain repu- 
" tation by it : for that the manner in which all 
" votes had been yet carried was rather a vindication 
" than censure of him ; and he would shortly come 
" to the house with more credit to do mischief, and 
" to obstruct whatsoever related to his service. 
" But that such things would be found against him, 
" as soon as men were satisfied that his majesty 
" had totally deserted him, (which yet they were 
" not,) that he would have no more credit to do 
Persons " good or harm." Hereupon there were several ca- 
entered into, who invited and sent for persons 

matter of Q f a jj conditions, who had had any business depend- 

iin peach- 

ment n- ing before the chancellor, or charters passed the 

gainst him. . 

seal ; and examined them whether he had not re- 
ceived money from them, or they were otherwise 
grieved by him, promising that they should receive 
ample reparation. 

The duke of Buckingham, and some others with 
him, sent for sir Robert Harlow, who had the year 
before gone to the Barbadoes with the lord Wil- 


loughby, who had much friendship for him ; yet J667. 
after they came thither, they grew unsatisfied with 
each other to that degree, that the lord Willoughby, 
who was governor of those islands, removed him 
from the office he had conferred on him, and sent 
him by the next shipping into England ; where he 
arrived full of vexation for the treatment he had re- 
ceived, and willing to embrace any opportunity to 
be revenged on the governor. Him the duke of 
Buckingham sent for, who he knew was privy to all 
the lord Willoughby 's counsels, and asked him, 
" what money the lord Willoughby had given the 
" chancellor for that government," (for it was well 
known that the chancellor had been his chief friend 
in procuring that government for him, and in dis- 
countenancing and suppressing those who in Eng- 
land or in the islands had complained of him,) " and 
" what money he had received from those islands ; 
" and that it was probable that he had some in- 
" fluence upon the lord Willoughby towards the dis- 
" grace himself had undergone :" and added, " that 
" he would do the king a very acceptable service, in 
" discovering any thing of the chancellor's miscar- 
" riages, of which his majesty himself knew so 
" much." To which the gentleman answered, "that 
" he had no obligation to the chancellor that would 
" restrain him from declaring any thing that might 
" be to his prejudice ; but that he was not able to 
" do it : nor did he believe that he had ever receiv- 
" ed any money from the lord Willoughby or from 
" the islands." And this kind of artifice and inqui- 
sition was used to examine all his actions ; and they 
who were known to be any way offended with him, 
or disobliged by him, were most welcome to them. 
VOL. in. x 


1667. After many days spent in such close contrivances 
Mr. sey-' an d combinations, Mr. Seymour, a young man of 
mour ac- great confidence and boldness, stood up in the house 

cuses him 

of high of commons, and spake long and with great bitter- 
treason in 
the bouse ness against the chancellor, and " of his great cor- 

mom " ruption in many particulars, by which," he said, 
" he had gotten a vast estate. That he had receiv- 
" ed great sums of money from Ireland, for making 
" a settlement that every body complained of, and 
" that left that kingdom in as great distraction as 
" ever it had been. That he had gotten great sums 
" of money indirectly and corruptly from the planta- 
" tions, the governments whereof he had disposed ; 
" by preferments in the law and in the church ; 
" and for the passing of charters : and that he had 
" received four thousand pounds from the Canary 
" company for the establishing that company, which 
" was so great and general a grievance to the king- 
" dom. And, which was above all this, that he 
*' had traitorously persuaded, or endeavoured to 
" persuade, the king to dissolve the parliament, and 
" to govern by a standing army ; and that he had 
" said, that four hundred country gentlemen were 
" only fit to give money, and did not understand 
" how an invasion was to be resisted." He men- 
tioned many other odious particulars, " which," he 
said, "he would prove," and therefore proposed, 
" that they would presently send up to the lords 
" to accuse him of high treason, and require that 
" his person might be secured." Some others se- 
conded him with very bitter invectives : and as 
many gave another kind of testimony, and many 
reasons which made it improbable that he could be 
guilty of so many heinous crimes ; and " that it 


" would be unreasonable that he should be accused 1 667. 
** of high treason by the house, before such proofs 
" should be presented to them of crimes, that they 
" had reason to believe him guilty." And so after 
many hours' debate, what they proposed for the 
present accusing him was rejected, arid a committee 
appointed to consider of all particulars which should 
be presented against him ; " upon reporting whereof 
*' to the house, it would give such further order as 
" should be just." 

The confident averment of so many particulars, 
and the so positively naming the particular sums of 
money which he had received, with circumstances 
not likely to be feigned ; and especially the mention- 
ing of many things spoken in council, "which," they 
said, " would be proved by privy counsellors ;" and 
other particular advices given in private to the king 
himself, " which," they implied, and confidently af- 
firmed in private, "the king himself would acknow- 
" ledge ;" made that impression upon many who 
had no ill opinion of the chancellor, and upon others 
who had always thought well of him, and had in 
truth kindness for him, that of both sorts several 
messages of advice were secretly sent to him, "thatManyad- 
" he would preserve his life by making an escape, make'hu 
" and transporting himself into foreign parts; f O r esca i >( ' 
" that it was not probable there could be so extreme 
" and violent a prosecution, if they had not such 
" evidence against him as would compass their 
" ends." To all which he answered. " that he winch he 
" would not give his enemies that advantage as to 0i " M 
" fly from them : and in the mean time desired his 
" friends to retain the good opinion they had always 
" had of him, until they heard somewhat proved 

x 2 


1667. " that would make him unworthy of it; and then 
""" he would be well contented they should withdraw 
" it." And it appeared afterwards, that though 
some of his good friends had advised that he should 
secure himself by flight, it proceeded from the ad- 
vertisements that they had received through other 
hands, which came originally from his chiefest ene- 
mies, who desired that he might appear to be guilty 
by avoiding a trial ; and who confidently informed 
many men, " that the impeachment was ready, and 
" had been perused by the king, and that his ma- 
" jesty had with his hand struck out an article 
" which related to the queen's marriage, and another 
" that concerned the marriage of the duke ; but that 
" there was enough left to do the business; and that 
" the duke of Buckingham should be made high 
" steward for the trial." 

These reports, being spread abroad, wrought 
- upon the duke to desire the king, " that he would 
in " " let him know what he did intend ; and whether 


" he desired to have the chancellor's life, or that he 
" should be condemned to perpetual imprisonment :" 
to which his majesty protested, " that he would 
" have neither, but was well satisfied ; and that he 
" was resolved to stop all further prosecution 
" against him," which his majesty likewise said to 
many others. The duke then asked the king, 
" whether the chancellor had ever given him coun- 
" sel to govern by an army, or any thing like it ; 
" which," he said, " was so contrary to his humour, 
" and to the professions which he had always made, 
" and the advices he had given him, that if he were 
" guilty of it, he should doubt his sincerity in all 
" other things :" to which his majesty answered, 


" that he had never given him such counsel in his 1667. 
" life; but, on the contrary, his fault was, that he~~ 
" always insisted too much upon the law." Where- 
upon his royal highness asked him, " whether he 
" would give him leave to say so to others;" and his 
majesty replied, " with all his heart." 

The duke then told it to his secretary Mr. Wren, 
and to many other persons, and wished them to 
publish it upon any occasion : upon which it was 
spread abroad, and Mr. Wren informed many of the 
members of the house of commons of all that had 
passed between the king and the duke in that dis- 
course ; which so much disheartened the violent 
prosecutors, that when the committee met that was 
to present the heads of a charge against him to the 
house, nobody appeared to give any evidence, so that 
they adjourned without doing any thing. Here- 
upon sir Thomas Osborne, a dependant and creature 
of the duke of Buckingham, and who had told 
many persons in the country before the parliament 
met, " that the chancellor would be accused of high 
" treason ; and if he were not hanged, he would be 
" hanged himself;" this gentleman went to the king, 
and informed him what Mr. Wren confidently re- 
ported in all places, " which very much dissatisfied 
" that party that desired to do him service ; so that 
" they knew not how to behave themselves :" to 
which his majesty answered, " that Wren was a which he 
" lying fellow, and that he had never held any such 
" discourse with his brother." This gave them 
new courage, and they resolved to call Mr. Wren to 
an account for traducing the king. And his majesty 
expostulated with the duke for what Mr. Wren had 
so publicly discoursed : and his highness declared, 

x 3 


1667. " that Mr. Wren had pursued his order, his majesty 
" having not only said all that was reported, but 
" having 6 given him leave to divulge it ;** to which 
the king made no other answer, "but that he 
** should be hereafter more careful of f what he said 
" to him." 

All this begat new pauses, and no advance was K 
made in many days ; so that it was generally l>eliev- 
ed that there would be no further prosecution : but 
the old argument, that they were gone too far to re- 
tire, had now more force, because many members of 
both houses were now joined to the party in declar- 
ing against the chancellor, who would think them- 
selves to be betrayed and deserted, if no more 
should be done against him. And hereupon the 
committee was again revived, that was appointed to 
prepare heads for a charge, which sat many days, 
there being little debate upon the matter ; for such 
of the committee, who knew him well, were so well 
pleased to find him accused of nothing but what all 
the world did believe him not guilty of, that they h 
thought they could not do him more right, than to 
suffer all that was offered to pass, since there 
appeared no person that offered to make proof of 
any particular that was suggested. But three or 
four members of the house brought several papers, 
containing particulars, " which," they said, " would 
" be proved :" all which they reported to the 

The heads were ; 

I. " That the chancellor had traitorously, about 

e having] had s was] Not in MS. 

' of] Not in MS. h that they] Not in MS. 


" the month of June last, advised the king to dis- 1667. 
" solve the parliament, and said there could be no Arlides of 
" further use of parliaments; that it was a foolish the . clm . r ? e 

against him. 

" constitution, and not fit to govern by ; and that it 
" could not be imagined, that three or four hundred 
" country gentlemen could be either prudent men 
" or statesmen : and that it would be best for the 
" king to raise a standing army, arid to govern by 
" that ; whereupon it being demanded how that 
" army should be maintained, he answered, by con- 
" tribution and free quarter, as the last king main- 
" tained his army in the war. 

II. " That he had, in the hearing of several per- 
" sons, reported, that the king was a papist in his 
" heart, or popishly affected, or had used words to 
" that effect. 

III. " That he had advised the king to grant 
" a charter to the Canary company, for which he 
" had received great sums of money. 

IV. " That he had raised great sums of money 
" by the sale of offices which ought not to be sold, 
" and granted injunctions to stop proceedings at 
" law, and dissolved them afterwards for money. 

V. " That he had introduced an arbitrary go- 
" vernment into his majesty's several plantations, 
" and had caused such as had complained to his 
" majesty and privy-council of it to be imprisoned 
" long for their presumption ; and that he had frus- 
<f trated and rejected a proposition that had been 
" made for the preservation of Nevis and St. Chris- 
" topher's, and for the reducing the French planta- 
" tions to his majesty's obedience. 

VI. " That he had caused quo warrantos to be 
" issued out against most corporations in England, 

x 4 


1607. " although the charters were newly confirmed by 
~ " act of parliament, till they paid him good sums of 
" money, and then the quo warrantor were dis- 
" charged. 

VII. " That he had received great sums of mo- 
" ney for the settlement of Ireland. 

VIII. " That he had deluded the king and be- 
" trayed the nation in all foreign treaties and nego- 
" tiations, especially concerning the late war. 

IX. " That he had procured his majesty's customs 
" to be farmed at underrates, knowing them to be 
" so ; and caused many pretended debts to be paid 
" by his majesty, to the payment whereof his ma- 
" jesty was not in strictness bound ; for all which 
" he had received great sums of money. 

X. " That he had received bribes from the com- 
'* pany of vintners, that they might continue the 
" prices of their wines, and might be freed from the 
" penalties which they were liable to. 

XI. " That he had raised in a short time a 
" greater estate than could be lawfully got ; and 
" that he had gotten the grant of several of the 
" crown lands contrary to his duty. 

XII. " That he had advised and effected the 
" sale of Dunkirk to the French king, for less 
" money than the ammunition, artillery, and stores 
" were worth. 

XIII. " That he had caused the king's letters 
" under the great seal to one Dr. Crowther to 
** be altered, and the enrolment thereof to be 
" rased. 

XIV. " That he had in an arbitrary way ex- 
" amined and drawn into question divers of his ma- 
" jesty 's subjects concerning their lands and proper- 


" ties, and determined thereof at the council-table, 1667. 
" and stopped the proceedings at law, anid threatened ~~ 
" some that pleaded the statute of 17 Car. 

XV. " That he was a principal author of that 
" fatal counsel of dividing the fleet in June 1666." 

The committee reported another article for his 
charge, which was, " that he had kept corre- 
" spondence with Cromwell during the time of the 
" king's being beyond the seas, and had sent over 
" his secretary to him, who was shut up with him 
*" for -many hours :" but there were many members 
of the house, who wished it had been true, knew 
well enough that foolish calumny had been examined 
at Paris during the time that his majesty resided 
there, when persons of the highest degree were very 
desirous to have kindled a jealousy in the king of 
the chancellor's fidelity ; and that the scandal ap- 
peared so gross and impossible, that his majesty had 
then published a full vindication of his innocence ; 
with a further declaration, " that when it should 
" please God to restore him to his own dominions, 
" he should receive such further justice and repara- 
" tion, as the laws would enable him to procure." 
And it was well known to divers of the members 
present, that the persons who were suborned in that 
conspiracy had acknowledged it since the king's re- 
turn ; and the persons themselves who had suborned 
them had confessed it, and begged the chancellor's 
pardon : of all which his majesty had been particu- 
larly and fully informed. And that it might be no 
more ripped up or looked into, they seemed to reject 
it as being included under the act of indemnity, 
which they would have left him to have pleaded for 


1667. the infamy of it, if they had not very well known 
~ the grossness of the scandal. 

Though the fierceness of the malice that was con- 
tracted against him was enough known and taken 
notice of, yet the heads for the charge, which upon 
so much deliberation were prepared and offered to 
the house against him, were of such a nature, that 
all men present did in their own conscience acquit 
him : and therefore it was generally believed the 
prosecutors would rather have acquiesced with what 
they had done to blast his reputation, than have 
proceeded further, to bring him to answer for him- 
self. But they had gone too far to retire. And 
they who had first wrought upon the king, only by 
persuading him, " that there was so universal a 
" hatred against the chancellor, that the parliament 
" would the first day accuse him of high treason ; 
" and that the removing him from his office was the 
" only way to preserve him, except he would in 
" such a conjuncture, and when he had so much 
" need of the parliament, sacrifice all his interest 
" for the protection of the chancellor," (and this was 
the sole motive that had prevailed with him, as his 
majesty not only assured him the last time he spake 
with him, with many gracious expressions, but at 
large expressed it to very many persons of honour, 
who endeavoured to dissuade him from pursuing 
that counsel, " that it was the only expedient for 
" the chancellor's preservation," with as great a 
testimony of his integrity and the services he had 
done him as could be given :) the same men now 
The kmg importuned him, " to prosecute with all his power, 
an( j to j et those of his servants and others who 

to encou- 


" regarded his commands know, that they could not 1667. 
" serve him and the chancellor together ; and that ra ,, e the 
" he should look upon their adhering to him as the P rosecutlon - 
" abandoning his majesty's service. That the chan- 
" cellor had so great a faction in both houses, that 
" no proposition on his majesty's behalf would have 
" effect ; and that he would shortly come to the 
" house of peers, and obstruct all proceedings there." 

This prevailed so far, that they resumed their proceedings 
former courage, and pressed " that he might be ac- f t f t 
' cused by the house of commons of high treason : [ c n s m ~ 
" upon which the lords would presently commit him 
" to the Tower : and then nobody would have any 
" longer apprehension of his power to do hurt." 
Hereupon they resolved again to consider the several 
heads of the charge they had provided, to see if 
they could find any one upon which they could 
ground an accusation of high treason. They spent 
a whole day upon the first head, which they thought 
contained enough to do their work, it containing 
the most unpopular and ungracious reproach that 
any man could lie under ; " that he had designed a 
" standing army to be raised, and to govern the 
" kingdom thereby ; he advised the king to dissolve 
" the present parliament, to lay aside all thoughts of 
" parliaments for the future, to govern by military 
" power, and to maintain the same by free quarter 
" and contribution." 

The chancellor had been bred of the gown ; and 
in the first war, in which the last king had been in- 
volved by a powerful rebellion, was known always to 
have advanced and embraced all overtures towards 
peace. Since the king's return he laboured nothing 
more, than that his majesty might enter into a firm 


1667. peace with all his neighbours, as most necessary for 
""the reducing his own dominions into that temper of 
subjection and obedience, as they ought to be in. It 
was notorious to all men, that he had most passion- 
ately dissuaded the war with Holland, with much 
disadvantage to himself; and that no man had taken 
so much pains as he to bring the present peace to 
pass, which at that time was grateful to all degrees 
of men : and, in a word, that he had no manner of 
interest or credit with the soldiers ; but was looked 
upon by them all, as an enemy to the privileges 
which they required, of being exempted from the 
ordinary rules of justice, in which he always op- 
posed them. 

But let the improbability of this charge be what 
it would, there were persons of the "house who pre- 
tended that it should be fully proved ; and so the 
question was only, " whether upon it they should 
" charge him with an accusation of treason :" and 
after a debate of eight hours, it was declared by all 
the lawyers of the house, " that how foul soever the 
" charge seemed to be, yet it contained no high 
" treason ;" and in that conclusion they at last con- 
curred who were most relied upon to support the 
accusation. But when the speaker directed the 
order to be drawn, " that the earl of Clarendon 
" should not be accused of high treason," it was al- 
leged, that the order was only to relate to that first 
head ; some men declaring, " that though that ar- 
" tide had missed him, yet there were others which 
" would hit him :" and so the night being come, the 
farther debate was adjourned to another day. 

When the day appointed came, (in which interval 
all imaginable pains and arts were used, by threats 


and promises, to allure and terrify as many as could J667. 
be wrought upon, either to be against the chancel- ~ 
lor, or to be absent at the next debate that con- 
cerned him,) upon reading the several other heads 
as they had been presented from the committee, it 
appeared to all men, that though all that was alleged 
were proved, the whole would not amount to make 
him guilty of high treason. And they got no ground 
by throwing aspersions upon him upon the several 
arguments, which they did with extraordinary li- 
cense who were known to be his enemies ; for there- 
by other men of much better reputations, and who 
had no relation to the chancellor, took occasion to 
answer and contradict their calumnies, and to give 
him such a testimony, as made him another man 
than they would have him understood to be ; and 
their testimony had more credit : so that they de- 
clined the pursuit of that license, and intended 
wholly the discovery of the treason, since no other 
accusation would serve their turn. 

When they had examined all their store, they 
pitched at last upon that head, " that he had de- 
" luded and betrayed his majesty and the nation in 
" all foreign treaties and negotiations relating to the 
" late war :" which when read and considered, it was 
said, " that in those general expressions there was 
" not enough contained upon which they could ac- 
" cuse him of high treason, except it were added, 
" that being a privy counsellor, he had discovered 
" the king's secret counsels to the enemy." Which 
was no sooner said, than a young confident man, 
the lord Vaughan, son to the earl of Carbery, a per- 
son of as ill a face as fame, his looks and his man- 
ners both extreme bad, asked for the paper that had 


lfiG7. been presented from the committee, and with his 

""own hand entered into that place those words, " that 

" being a privy counsellor he had discovered the 

" king's secrets to the enemy," which he said he 

would prove ; whilst many others whispered into the 

ears of those who sat next to them, " that he had 

" discovered all the secret resolutions to the king of 

" France, which," they said, " was the ground of 

" the king's displeasure towards him." Upon ' this 

confident insinuation from persons who were near 

the person of his majesty, and known to have much 

credit with him ; and the positive averment by a 

member, " that the disclosing the king's secrets to the 

" enemy," which nobody could deny to be treason, 

" would be positively and fully proved against him," 

and the rather because no man believed it to be 

true; it was voted, " that they should impeach 

" him of high treason in the usual manner to the 

Mr. Sey- " house of peers." Whereupon Mr. Seymour, who 

CUSM MM had appeared very violent against him, was sent up 

treuwi at to tne l r ds ; and at the bar he accused Edward earl 

the bar of of Clarendon of high treason and other crimes and 

the house 

of lords, misdemeanours, and desired " that he might be se- 

" questered from that house, and his person secured." 

Debate* in And as soon as he was withdrawn, some of the 

that house i i 

concerning lords moved, " that he might be sent for : and now 
the warmth that had been so long within the walls 
of the house of commons appeared in the house of 
peers. Many of the lords, who were not thought 
much inclined to the person of the chancellor, re- 
presented, " that k the consequence of such a pro- 
" ceeding would reflect to the prejudice of every one 

' Upon] Omitted in MS. *> that] Not in JI/.9. 


" of the peers. If upon a general accusation from 1 667. 
" the house of commons of high treason, without ~ 
" mentioning any particular, they should be obliged 
" to commit any peer ; any member that house should 
" be offended with, how unjustly soever, might be 
" removed from the body : which would be a greater 
" disadvantage than the members of the house of 
" commons were liable to." And therefore they ad- 
vised, " that they should for answer let the house 
" of commons know, that they would not commit 
" the earl of Clarendon until some particular charge 
" was exhibited against him." 

On the other side, it was urged with much pas- 
sion, " that they ought to comply with the house of 
" commons in satisfying their requests, according to 
" former precedents :" and the case of the earl of 
Strafford, and some other cases in that parliament, 
were cited ; which gave those who were of another 
mind opportunity to inveigh against that time, and 
the accursed precedents thereof, which had produced 
so many and great mischiefs to the kingdom. They 
put them in mind, " that they had committed eleven 
" bishops at one time for high treason, only that 
" they might be removed from the house, whilst a 
" bill passed against their having votes any more in 
" that house, which was no sooner passed than they 
" were set at liberty ; which had brought great 
" scandal and l great reproach upon the honour and 
" justice of the parliament : and that both those bills, 
" for the attainder of the earl of Strafford and for the 
" excluding the bishops out of the house of peers, 
" stand at present repealed by the wisdom and an- 

1 and] and brought 


1667. " thority of this parliament." In a word, after many 
hours' debate with much passion, either side ad- 
hering obstinately to their opinion, no resolution 
was taken ; but the house adjourned, without so 
much as putting the question, to the next day. 

From the time of the parliament's coming together, 
and after the king's displeasure was generally taken 
notice of, many of the chancellor's friends advised 
him to withdraw, and transport himself into foreign 
parts ; and some very near the king, and who were 
witnesses of the very great displeasure his majesty 
every day expressed towards him, were of the same 
opinion : but he positively refused so to do, and re- 
solved to trust to his innocence, which he was sure 
must appear. 

Differences The debate continued still between the two houses, 
the houses, which would entertain no other business : the house 
of commons in frequent conferences demanding the 
commitment of the chancellor ; and the major part 
of the house of peers, notwithstanding all the indi- 
rect prosecution and interposition from the court, 
remaining as resolved not to commit him. In this 
unhappy conjuncture, the duke of York, who ex- 
pressed great affection and concernment for the 
chancellor, fell sick of the smallpox ; which proved 
of great disadvantage to him. For not only many 
of the peers who were before restrained by their re- 
spect to him, and supported by his countenance in 
the debates, either' changed their minds, or absented 
themselves from the house; but the general, who 
had always professed great friendship to the chan- 
cellor, who had deserved very well from him, and 
had endeavoured to dissuade the king from with- 
drawing his favour from him with all possible im- 


portunity, was now changed by the unruly humour 
of his wife, and the frequent instances of the king; 
and made it his business to solicit and dispose the 
members of both houses, with many of whom he had 
great credit, "no longer to adhere to the chancellor, 
" since the king resolved to ruin him, and would 
" look upon all who were his friends as enemies to 
" his majesty." Notwithstanding all which, the 
major part by much of the house of peers continued 
still firm against his commitment : with which the 
king was so offended, that there were secret con- 
sultations of sending a guard of soldiers, by the ge- 
neral's authority, to take the chancellor out of his 
house, and to send him to the Tower ; whither di- 
rections were already sent what lodging he should 
have, and caution given to the lieutenant of the 
Tower, who was thought to have too much respect 
for the chancellor, " that he should not treat him 
" with more civility than he did other prisoners." 

He had many friends of the council and near the The 
king, who advertised him of those and all other in- ag ain ad. 
trigues, and thereupon renewed their importunity 
that he would make his escape ; and some of them 
undertook to know, and without question did be- 
lieve, " that his withdrawing would be grateful to 
" the king," who every day grew more incensed 
against him, for the obstinacy his friends in both 
houses expressed on his behalf. They urged " the 
" ill condition he must in a short time be reduced 
" to, wherein his innocence would not secure him ; 
" for it was evident that his enemies had no purpose 
" or thought of bringing him to a trial, but to keep 
" him always -in prison, which they would in the 
" end one way or other bring to pass : whereas he 



1667. " might now easily transport himself, and avoid all 
""" the other inconveniences." And they undertook 
to know, " that if he were gone, there would be no 
" further proceeding against him." 

There could not be a more terrifying or prevalent 
argument used towards his withdrawing, than that 
of a prison ; the thought and apprehension where- 
of was more grievous to him than of death itself, 
which he was confident would quickly be the effect 
But refuse*, of the other. However, he very resolutely refused 
to follow their advice ; and urged to them '" the ad- 
" vantage he should give his enemies, and the dis- 
" honour he should bring upon himself, by flying, in 
" having his integrity condemned, if he had not the 
" confidence to defend it." He said, " he could now 
" appear, wherever 'he should be required, with an 
" honest countenance, and the courage of an inno- 
" cent man : but if he should be apprehended in a 
" disguise running away, which he could not but 
" expect by the vigilance of his enemies, (since he 
" could not make any journey by land, being at that 
" time very weak and infirm,) he should be very 
k * much out of countenance, and should be exposed 
" to public scorn and contempt. And if he should 
" make his escape into foreign parts, it would not 
" be reasonable to expect or imagine that his ene- 
" mies, who had so far aliened the king's affection 
" from him, and in spite of his innocence prevailed 
" thus far, would want power to prosecute the ad- 
" vantage they should get by his flight, which would 
" be interpreted as a confession of his guilt ; and 
" thereupon they would procure such proceedings 
" in the parliament, as might ruin both his fortune 
" and his fame." 


His friends, how unsatisfied soever with his reso- 1667. 
lution, acquiesced for the present, after having first" 
prevailed with him to write himself to the king; 
which he did, though without any hope that it 
would make any impression upon him. He could 
not comprehend or imagine from what fountain, ex- 
cept the power of the great lady with the conjunc- 
tion of his known enemies, which had been long 
without that effect, that fierceness of his majesty's 
displeasure could proceed. He had, before this Thekin s 

1 . offended 

storm fell upon him, been informed by a person of with him 
honour who knew the truth of it, " that some per- duke of >e 

" sons had persuaded the king, that the 
" lor had a principal hand in the marriage of 
" the duke of Richmond, with which his majesty 
" was offended in the highest degree : and the 
" lord Berkley had reported it with all confi- 
" dence." Whereupon the chancellor had expostu- 
lated with the lord Berkley, whom he knew to be 
his secret enemy, though no man made more out- 
ward professions to him : but he denied he had re- 
ported any such thing. And then he took notice to 
the king himself of the discourse, and desired to 
know, " whether any such story had been represent- 
" ed to his majesty, since there was not the least 
" shadow of truth in it :" to which the king an- 
swered with some dryness, " that no such thing had 
" been told to him." Yet now he was assured, 
"that that business 'stuck most with his majesty, 
" and that from that suggestion his enemies had 
" gotten credit to do him the worst offices ; and his 
" majesty complained much of the insolence with 
" which he used to treat him in the agitation and 
" debate of business, if he differed from him in 

Y 2 


1667. " opinion.*' Upon these reasons he writ this letter 
- in his own hand to the king, which was delivered to 
him by the lord keeper, who was willing to perform 
that office. The letter was in these words. 

" May it please your majesty m , 

His letter to " I am so broken under the daily insupport- 
ufat " able instances of your majesty's terrible displea- 

" wish. The crimes which are objected against me, 
" how passionately soever pursued, and with cir- 
" cumstances very unusual, do not in the least de- 
" gree fright me. God knows I am innocent in 
" every particular as I ought to be ; and I hope 
" your majesty knows enough of me to believe that 
" I had never a violent appetite for money, that 
" could corrupt me. But, alas ! your majesty's de- 
" clared anger and indignation deprives me of the 
" comfort and support even of my own innocence, 
" and exposes me to the rage and fury of those who 
" have some excuse for being my enemies ; whom I 
" have sometimes displeased, when (and only then) 
" your majesty believed them not to be your friends. 
" I hope they may be changed ; I am sure I am 
" not, but have the same duty, passion, and affection 
" for you, that I had when you thought it most un- 
" questionable, and which was and is as great as 
" ever man had for any mortal creature. I should 
" die in peace, (and truly I do heartily wish that 
" God Almighty would free you from further trou- 

m May it please your ma- Laurence first earl of Roches- 
jesty, &c.] This letter is in the ter. 
handwriting of his lordship's son 


" ble, by taking me to himself,) if I could know or 
" guess at the ground of your displeasure, which I 
" am sure must proceed from your believing, that I 
" have said or done somewhat I have neither said 
tf nor n done. If it be for any thing my lord Berkley 
" hath reported, which I know he hath said to many, 
" though being charged with it by me he did as po- 
" sitively disclaim it; I am as innocent in that whole 
" affair, and gave no more advice or counsel or coun- 
" tenance in it, than the child that is not born : 
" which your majesty seemed once to believe, when I 
" took notice to you of the report, and when you con- 
" sidered how totally I was a stranger to the persons 
" mentioned, to either of whom I never spake word, 
" or received message from either in my life. And 
" this I protest to your majesty is true, as I have 
" hope in heaven : and that I have never wilfully 
" offended your majesty in my life, and do upon my 
" knees beg your pardon for any over-bold or saucy 
" expressions I have ever used to you ; which, being 
" a natural disease in old servants who have received 
" too much countenance, I am sure hath always pro- 
" ceeded from the zeal and warmth of the most sin- 
" cere affection and duty. 

" I hope your majesty believes, that the sharp 
" chastisement I have received from the best-na- 
" tured and most bountiful master in the world, and 
" whose kindness alone made my condition these 
" many years supportable, hath enough mortified me 
" as to this world; and that I have not the presump- 
" tion or the madness to imagine or desire ever to 

n nor] or not] now 

Y 3 


1667. " be admitted to any employment or trust again. 
~~" But I do most humbly beseech your majesty, by 
" the memory of your father, who recommended me 
" to you with some testimony, and by your own gra- 
" cious reflection upon some one service I may have 
" performed in my life, that hath been acceptable to 
" you ; that you will by your royal power and in- 
" terposition put a stop to this severe prosecution 
" against me, and that my concernment may give 
" no longer interruption to the great affairs of the 
" kingdom ; but that I may spend the small remain- 
" der of my life, which cannot hold long, in some 
" parts beyond the seas, never to return ; where 
" I will pray for your majesty, and never suffer 
" the least diminution in the duty and obedience 


" May it please your majesty, 
" Your majesty's 

" Most humble and most 

" Obedient subject and servant, 

From my house " CLARENDON." 

" this IGth of November r 

The king was in his cabinet when the letter was 

delivered to him ; which as soon as he had read, he 

burned in a candle that was on the table, and only 

The king said, " that there was somewhat in it that he did 

Sethis " not understand, but that he wondered that the 

wuhdraw. tt chancellor did not withdraw himself:" of which 

the keeper presently advertised him, with his earnest 

advice that he would be gone. 

The king's discourse was according to the persons 
with whom he conferred. To those who were engaged 


in the violent prosecution he spake with great bit- 1667. 
terness of him, repeating many particular passages," 
in which he had shewed much passion because his 
majesty did not concur with him in what he ad- 
vised. To those who he knew were his friends he 
mentioned him without any bitterness, and with 
some testimony of his having served him long and 
usefully, and as if he had pity and compassion for 
him : yet " that he wondered that he did not absent 
" himself, since it could not but be very manifest to 
" him and to all his friends, that it was not in his 
" majesty's power to protect him against the preju- 
" dice that was against him in both houses; which," 
he said, " could not but be increased by the obstruc- 
" tion his particular concernment gave to all public 
" affairs in this conjuncture ; in which," he said, 
" he was sure he would prevail at last." All these 
advertisements could not prevail over the chancellor, 
for the reasons mentioned before ; though he was 
very much afflicted at the division between the two 
houses, the evil consequence whereof he well un- 
derstood, and could have been well content that 
the lords would have consented to his imprison- 

The bishop of Hereford, who had been very much The bishop 
obliged to the chancellor, and throughout this whole sen t to ad- 
affair had behaved himself with very signal ingrati- JjJ^iJe* 
tude to him, and thereby got much credit in the kin & dom : 
court, went to the bishop of Winchester, who was 
known to be a fast and unshaken friend to the 
chancellor ; and made him a long discourse of what 
the king had said to him, and desired him " that he 
" would go with him to his house ;" which he pre- 
sently did, and, leaving him in a room, went himself 

y 4 


1667. to the chancellor/ and told him what had passed 
~ from the bishop of Hereford, " who was in the next 
" room to speak with him, but would not in direct 
" words to him acknowledge that he spake by the 
" king's order or approbation ; but that he had con- 
" fessed so much to him with many circumstances, 
" and that the lord Arlington and Mr. Coventry had 
" been present." The chancellor had no mind to 
see or speak with the bishop, who had carried him- 
self so unworthily towards him, and might probably 
misreport any thing he should say : but he was over- 
ruled by the other bishop, and so they went both 
into the next room to him. 

The bishop of Hereford in some disorder, as a 
man conscious to himself of some want of sincerity 
towards him, desired " that he would believe that he 
" would not at that time have come to him, with 
" whom he knew he was in some umbrage, if it 
" were not with a desire to do him service, and 
" if he had not a full authority for whatsoever 
" he said to him." Then he enlarged himself in 
discourse more involved and perplexed, without 
any mention of the king, or the authority he had 
for what he should say ; the care to avoid which 
was evidently the cause of the want of clearness in 
all he said. But the bishop of Winchester supplied 
it by relating all that he had said to him : with 
which though he was not pleased, because the king 
and others were named, yet he did not contradict 
it ; but said, " he did not say that he was sent by 
" the king or spake by his direction, only that he 
" could not be so mad as to interpose in such an af- 
" fair without full authority to make good all that 
" he should promise." The sum of all was, " that if 


" the chancellor would withdraw himself into any 1667. 
" parts beyond the seas, to prevent the mischiefs" 
" that must befall the kingdom by the division and 
" difference between the two houses ; he would un- 
" dertake upon his salvation," which was the ex- 
pression he used more than once, " that he should 
" not be interrupted in his journey ; and that after 
" he should be gone, he should not be in any degree 
" prosecuted, or suffer in his honour or fortune by 
" his absence." 

The chancellor told him, " that he well under- which he 

. refuses to do 

" stood what he must suffer by withdrawing himself, without re- 

" and so declining the trial, in which his innocence command 

" would secure him, and in the mean time preserve f hlsma ~ 

" him from being terrified with the threats and ma- 

" lice of his enemies : however, he would expose 

" himself to that disadvantage, if he received His 

" majesty's commands to that purpose, or if he had 

" but a clear evidence that his majesty did wish it, 

" as a thing that he thought might advance his 

" service. But without that assurance, which he 

" might receive many ways which could not be 

" taken notice of, he could not with his honour or 

" discretion give his implacable enemies that advan- 

" tage against him, when his friends should be able 

" to allege nothing in his defence." 

The bishop replied, " that he was not allowed to 
" say that his majesty required or wished it, but 
" that he could not be so mad as to undertake what 
" he had promised, without sufficient warrant ;" 
and repeated again what he had formerly said. 
To which the other answered, " that the vigilance 
" and power of his enemies was well known : and 
" that though the king might in truth wish that he 


1667. " were safe on the other side of the sea, and give no 
""" direction to interrupt or trouble him in his jour- 
" ney ; yet that it was liable to many accidents in 
" respect of his weakness and infirmity," which was 
so great at that time, that he could not walk with- 
out being supported by one or two ; so that he 
could not be disguised to any body that had ever 
known him. Besides that the pain he was already 
in, and the season of the year, made him appre- 
hend, that the gout might so seize upon him with- 
in two or three days, that he might not be able to 
move : and so the malice of those who wished his 
destruction might very probably find an opportunity, 
without or against the king's consent, to apprehend 
and cast him into prison, as a fugitive from the 
hand of justice. For the prevention of all which, 
which no man could blame him for apprehending, 
he proposed, " that he might have a pass from the 
" king, which he would not produce but in such an 
" exigent : and would use all the providence he 
" could, to proceed with that secrecy that his 
" departure should not be taken notice of; but if it 
" were, he must not be without such a protection, 
" to preserve him from the present indignities to 
" which he must be liable, though possibly it would 
" not protect him from the displeasure of the parlia- 
" ment." The bishop thought this proposition to be 
reasonable, and seemed confident that he should 
procure the pass : and so that conference ended. 

The next day the bishop sent word, " that the 
" king could not grant the pass, because if it should 
" be known, by what accident soever, it would much 
" incense the parliament : but that he might as se- 
" curely go as if he had a pass ;" which moved no 


further with him, than his former undertaking had 1667. 
done. Nor could the importunity of his children, or~ 
the advice of his friends, persuade him to depart 
from his resolution. 

About the time of the chancellor's disgrace, mon- Tlie French 


sieur Ruvigny arrived at London as envoy extraor- urges him 
dinary from the French king, and came the next France: 
day after the seal was taken from him. He was a 
person well known in the court, and particularly to 
the chancellor, with whom he had been formerly as- 
signed to treat upon affairs of moment, being of the 
religion and very nearly allied to the late earl of 
Southampton. And as these considerations were 
the chief motives that he was made choice of for the 
present employment, so the chief part of his instruc- 
tions was to apply himself to the chancellor, through 
whose hands it was known that the whole treaty 
that was now happily concluded, and all the pre- 
liminaries with France, had entirely passed. When 
he found that the conduct of affairs was quite 
changed, and that the chancellor came not to the 
court, he knew not what to do, but immediately 
despatched an express to France for further instruc- 
tions. He desired to speak with the chancellor ; 
which he refused, and likewise to receive the letters 
which he had brought for him and offered to send 
to him, all which he desired might be delivered to 
the king. When the proceedings in parliament 
went so high, Ruvigny, who had at all hours admis- 
sion to the king, and intimate conversation with the 
lord Arlington, and so easily discovered the extreme 
prejudice and malice that was contracted against the 
chancellor, sent him frequent advertisements of 
what was necessary for him to know, and with all 


1667. possible earnestness advised him, when the divisions 

"grew so high in the houses, " that he would with- 

" draw and retire into France, where," -he assured 

which he him, " he would find himself very welcome." All 
which prevailed no more with him than the rest. 
And so another week passed after the bishop's pro- 
position, with the same passion in the houses : and 
endeavours were used to incense the people, as if 
the lords obstructed the proceeding of justice against 
the chancellor by refusing to commit him ; and Mr. 
Seymour told the lord Ashley, " that the people 
" would pull down the chancellor's house first, and 
" then those of all the lords who adhered to him." 

At length By this time the duke of York recovered so fast, 
that the king, being assured by the physicians that 
there would be no danger of infection, went on Sa- 
turday ntorning, the 29th of November, to visit him : 
and being alone together, his majesty bade him 
" advise the chancellor to be gone," and blamed him 
that he had not given credit to what the bishop of 
Hereford had said to him. The king had no sooner 
left the duke, but his highness sent for the bishop 
of Winchester, and bade him tell the chancellor 
from him, " that it was absolutely necessary for him 
" speedily to be gone, and that he had the king's 
" word for all that had been undertaken by the 
" bishop of Hereford." 

Heunwm- As soon as the chancellor received this advice 

and heaves*' and command, he resolved with great reluctancy to 
n kmg ~ obey, and to be gone that very night : and having, 
by the friendship of sir John Wolstenholme, caused 
the farmers' boat to wait for him at Erith, as soon 
as it was dark he took coach at his house Saturday 
night, the 29th of November 1667, with two servants 


only. And being accompanied with his two sons 
and two or three other friends on horseback as far" 
as Erith, he found the boat ready ; and so embarked 
about eleven of the clock that night, the wind indif- 
ferently good : but before midnight it changed, and 
carried him back almost as far as he had advanced. 
And in this perplexity he remained three days and He lands at 

O til tii s, 

nights before he arrived at Calais, which was not a 
port chosen by him, all places out of England being 
indifferent, and France not being in his inclination, 
because of the reproach and calumny that was cast 
upon him : but since it was the first that offered 
itself, and it was not seasonable to affect another, 
he was very glad to disembark there, and to find 
himself safe on shore. 

All these particulars, of which many may seem 
too trivial to be remembered, have been thought ne- 
cessary to be related, it being a principal part of his 
vindication for going away, and not insisting upon 
his innocence ; which at that time made a greater 
impression upon many worthy persons to his disad- 
vantage, than any particular that was contained in 
the charge that had been offered to the house. And 
therefore though he forebore, when all the promises 
were broken which had been made to him, and his 
enemies' malice and insolence increased by his ab- 
sence, to publish or in the least degree to communi- 
cate the true ground and reasons of absenting him- 
self, to avoid any inconvenience that in so captious 
a season might thereby have befallen the king's serv- 
ice ; yet it cannot be thought unreasonable to pre- 
serve this memorial of all the circumstances, as well 
as the substantial reasons, which disposed him to 
make that flight, for the clear information of those, 


1667. who in a fit season may understand his innocence 
~ without any inconvenience to his majesty, of whose 
goodness and honour and justice it may be hoped, 
that his majesty himself will give his own testimony, 
both of this particular of his withdrawing, and a vin- 
dication of his innocence from all the other re- 
proaches with which it was aspersed. 

An instance I w ill not omit one other particular, for the ma- 
be- nifestation of the inequality that was between the 
. nature of the chancellor and of his enemies, and 
upon what disadvantage he was to contend with 
them. Before the meeting of the parliament, when 
it was well known that the combination was entered 
into by the lord Arlington and sir William Coventry 
against the chancellor, several members of the house 
informed him of what they did and what they said, 
and told him, " that there was but one way to pre- 
** vent the prejudice intended towards him, which 
" was by falling first upon them ; which they would 
" cause to be done, if he would assist them with 
" such information as it could not but be in his 
" power to do. That they were both very odious 
" generally : the one for his insolent carriage towards 
" all men, and for the manner of his getting in to 
" that office by dispossessing an old faithful servant, 
" who was forced to part with it for a very good 
" recompense of ten thousand pounds in money and 
" other releases and grants, which was paid and 
" made by the king to introduce a secretary of very 
" mean parts, and without industry to improve them, 
" and one who was generally suspected to be a pa- 
" pist, or without any religion at all ; it being gene- 
" rally taken notice of, that he was rarely seen in a 
" church, and never known to receive the commu- 


" nion. The other was known by his corrupt be- 16C>7. 
" haviour, and selling all the offices in the fleet and "~ 
" navy for incredible suras of money, and thereby 
" introducing men, who had been most employed 
" and trusted by Cromwell, into the several offices ; 
" whilst loyal and faithful seamen who had always 
" adhered to the king, and many of them continued 
" in his service abroad and till his return into Eng- 
" land, could not be admitted into any employment : 
" the ill consequence of which to the king's service 
" was very notorious, by the daily manifest stealing 
" and embezzling the stores of ammunition, cord- 
" age, sails, and other tackling, which Were com- 
" monly sold again to the king at great prices. 
" And when the persons guilty of this were taken 
" notice of and apprehended, they talked loudly of 
'* the sums they had paid for their offices, which 
" obliged them to those frauds : and that it might 
" not be more notorious, they were, by sir William 
" Coventry's great power and interest, never pro- 
rt ceeded against, or removed from their offices and 
*' employments." 

They told him, " that he never said or did any 
u thing in the most secret council, where they two 
" were always present, and where there were fre- 
" quent occasions of mentioning the proceedings of 
" both houses, and the behaviour of several mem- 
" bers in both, but those gentlemen declared the 
" same, and all that he said or did, to those who 
" would be most offended and incensed by it, and 
" who were like in some conjuncture to be able to 
" do him most mischief i and by those ill arts they 
" had irreconciled many persons to him. And that 
" if he would now, without its being possible to be 


1667. " taken notice of, give them such information and 
light into the proceedings of those gentlemen, they 
" would undertake to divert the storm that threat- 
" ened him, and cause it to fall upon the others." 
And this was with much earnestness pressed to him, 
not only before the meeting of the parliament, and 
when he was fully informed of the ill arts and un- 
gentlemanly practice those two persons were engaged 
in to do him hurt, but after the house of commons 
was incensed against him ; with a full assurance, 
" that they were much inclined to have accused the 
" other two, if the least occasion was given for it." 

But the chancellor would not be prevailed with, 
saying, " that no p provocation or example should 
" dispose him to do any thing that would not be- 
*' come him : that they were both privy counsellors, 
" and trusted by the king in his most weighty af- 
" fairs ; and if he discerned any thing amiss in them, 
" he could inform the king of it. But the aspersing 
" or accusing them any where else was not his part 
" to do, nor could it be done by any without some 
" reflection upon the king and duke, who would be 
" much offended at it : and therefore he advised 
" them in no degree to make any such attempt on 
" his behalf; but to leave him to the protection of 
" his own innocence and of God's good pleasure, and 
" those gentlemen to their own fate, which at some 
" time would humble them." And it is known to 
many persons, and possibly to the king himself, for 
whose service only that office was performed, that 
one or both those persons had before that time been 
impeached, if the chancellor's sole industry and in- 
terest had not diverted and prevented it. 
P no] Omitted in MS. 


When the chancellor found it necessary, for the 1607. 

reasons aforesaid, to withdraw himself, he thought 

it as necessary to leave some address to the house 
of peers, and to make as good an excuse as he could 
for his absence without asking their leave ; which 
should be delivered to them by some member of 
their body, (there being many of them ready to per- 
form that civil office for him,) when his absence 
should be known, or some evidence that he was 
safely arrived on the other side of the sea. And 
that time being come, (for the packet boat was 
ready to depart when the chancellor landed at Ca- 
lais,) the earl of Denbigh said, " he had an address 
" to the house from the earl of Clarendon, which 
" he desired might be read ;" which contained these 

" To the right honourable the lords spiritual and'^^ clian - 

7 7 . 77777 cellor'sapo- 

" temporal in parliament assembled; the hum- io gy to the 
" Me petition and address of Edward earl of i^ for 
" Clarendon. ^ hdraw - 

" May it please your lordships, 

" I cannot express the insupportable trouble and 
" grief of mind I sustain, under the apprehension of 
" being misrepresented to your lordships ; and when 
" I hear how much of your lordships' time hath been 
" spent upon my poor concern, (though it be of no 
" less than of my life and fortune,) and of the dif- 
" ferences in opinion which have already or may 
" probably arise between your lordships and the ho- 
" nourable house of commons ; whereby the great and 
" weighty affairs of the kingdom may be obstructed 
" in a time of so general a dissatisfaction. 



1667. ** I am very unfortunate to find myself to suffer so 
~~ " much under two very disadvantageous reflections, 
" which are in no degree applicable to me : the first, 
" from the greatness of my estate and fortune, col- 
" lected and made in so few years ; which, if it be 
" proportionable to what is reported, may very rea- 
" sonably cause my integrity to be suspected. The 
" second, that I have been the sole manager and 
" chief minister in all the transactions of state since 
" the king's return into England to August last ; 
" and therefore that all miscarriages and misfor- 
" tunes ought to be imputed to me, and to my 
" counsels. 

" Concerning my estate, your lordships will not 
" believe, that after malice and envy hath been so 
" inquisitive, and is so sharpsighted, I will offer any 
" thing to your lordships but what is exactly true : 
" and I do assure your lordships in the first place, 
" that, excepting from the king's bounty, I have 
" never received or taken one penny, but what was 
" generally understood to be the just and lawful 
" perquisites of my office by the constant practice of 
" the best times, which I did in my own judgment 
" conceive to be that of my lord Coventry and my 
" lord Ellesmere, the practice of which I constantly 
" observed ; although the office in both their times 
" was lawfully worth double to what it was to me, 
" and I believe now is. 

" That all the courtesies and favours, which I 
" have been able to obtain from the king for other 
" persons in church or state or in Westminster-hall, 
" have never been worth me five pound : so that 
" your lordships may be confident I am as innocent 
" from corruption, as from any disloyal thought ; 


" which, after near thirty years' service of, the crown 1 667. 
" in some difficulties and distresses, I did never sus-~" 
" pect would have been objected to me in my age. 

" That I am at present indebted about three or 
" four and twenty thousand pounds, for which I pay 
" interest ; the particulars whereof I shall be ready 
" to offer to your lordships, and for which I have 
" assigned lands and leases to be sold, though at 
" present nobody will buy or sell with me. That 
" I am so far from having money, that from the 
" time the seal was taken from me I have lived upon 
" the coining some small parcels of plate, which 
" have sustained me and my family, all my rents 
" being withheld from me. 

" That my estate, my debts being paid, will not 
" yield me two thousand pounds per annum, for the 
" support of myself, and providing for two young 
rt children, who have nothing : and that all I have 
" is not worth what the king in his bounty hath 
" bestowed upon me, his majesty having out of his 
" royal bounty, within few months after his coming 
" into England, at one time bestowed upon me 
'.' twenty thousand pounds in ready money, without 
" the least motion or imagination of mine ; and, 
" shortly after, another sum of money, amounting to 
" six thousand pounds or thereabouts, out of Ireland, 
" which ought to have amounted to a much greater 
" proportion, and of which I never heard word, till 
" notice was given me by the earl of Orrery that 
" there was such a sum of money for me. His ma- 
" jesty likewise assigned me, after the first year of 
" his return, an annual supply towards my support, 
" which did but defray my expenses, the certain 
" profits of my office not amounting to above two 

z 2 


Ifi67. " thousand pounds a year or thereabouts, and the 
"~ '* perquisites not very considerable and very uncer- 
" tain : so that the said several sums of money, and 
" some parcels of land his majesty bestowed upon 
" me, are worth more than all I have amounts to. 
" So far I am from advancing my estate by any indi- 
" rect means. And though this bounty of his majesty 
" hath very far exceeded my merit or my expecta- 
" tion ; yet some others have been as fortunate at 
" least in the same bounty, who had as small pre- 
" tences to it, and have no great reason to envy my 
" good fortune. 

" Concerning the other imputation, of the credit 
" and power of being chief minister, and so causing 
" all to be done that I had a mind to ; I have no 
" more to say, than that I had the good fortune to 
" serve a master of a very great judgment and im- 
" derstanding, and to be always joined with persons 
" of great ability and experience, without whose ad- 
" vice and concurrence never any thing hath been 
" done. Before his majesty's coming into England, 
" he was constantly attended by the then marquis 
" of Ormond, the late lord Colepepper, and Mr. Se- 
" cretary Nicholas ; who were equally trusted with 
" myself, and without whose joint advice and eon- 
" currence, when they were all present, (as some of 
" them always were,) I never gave any counsel. 

" As soon as it pleased God to bring his majesty 
" into England, he established his privy-council, and 
" shortly out of them a number of honourable per- 
" sons of great reputation, who for the most part 
" are still alive, as a committee for foreign affairs, 
" and consideration of such things as in the nature 
" of them required much secrecy ; and with these 


" persons he vouchsafed to join me. And I am con- 1667. 
" fident this committee never transacted any thing 
" of moment, his majesty being always present, 
" without presenting the same first to the council- 
" board : and I must appeal to them concerning 
" my carriage, and whether we were not all of one 
" rnind in all matters of importance. For more 
" than two years I never knew any difference in the 
-" councils, or that there were any complaints in the 
" kingdom ; which I wholly impute to his majesty's 
" great wisdom, and the entire concurrence of his 
" council, without the vanity of assuming any thing 
" to myself: and therefore I hope I shall not be 
" singly charged with any thing that hath since 
" fallen out amiss. But from the time that Mr. 
" Secretary Nicholas was removed from his place, 
" there were great alterations ; and whosoever knows 
" any thing of the court or councils, knows well how 
" much my credit since that time hath been dimi- 
" nished, though his majesty graciously vouchsafed 
" still to hear my advice in most of his affairs. Nor 
" hath there been, from that time to this, above one 
" or two persons brought to the council, or preferred 
" to any considerable office in the court, who have 
" been of my intimate acquaintance, or suspected to 
( ' have any kindness for me ; and many of them no- 
" toriously known to have been very long my ene- 
" Hues, and of different judgment and principles 
" from me both in church and state, and who have 
" taken all opportunities to lessen my credit to the 
" king, and with all other persons, by misrepresent- 
" ing and misreporting all that I said or did, and 
" persuading men that I had done them some pre- 
judice with his majesty, or crossed them in some 

z 3 


1667. " of their pretences; though his majesty's goodness 
""" and justice was such, that it made little impres- 
" sion upon him. 

" In my humble opinion, the great misfortunes of 
" the kingdom have proceeded from the war, to 
" which it is notoriously known that I was always 
" averse ; and may without vanity say, I did not only 
44 foresee, hut did declare the mischiefs we should 
" run into, by entering into a war before any alli- 
44 ance made with the neighbour princes. And that 
" it may not be imputed to his majesty's want of 
44 care, or the negligence of his counsellors, that no 
** such alliances were entered into ; I must take the 
" boldness to say, that his majesty left nothing un- 
44 attempted in order thereunto : and knowing very 
44 well, that France resolved to begin a war upon 
** Spain, as soon as his catholic majesty should de- 
" part this world, (which being much sooner expected 
44 by them, they had two winters before been at great 
" charge in providing plentiful magazines of all pro- 
" visions upon the frontiers, that they might be 
" ready for the war,) his majesty used all possible 
" means to prepare and dispose the Spaniard to that 
" apprehension, offering his friendship to that de- 
" gree, as might be for the security and benefit of 
" both crowns. But Spain flattering itself with an 
44 opinion that France would not break with them, 
'* at least, that they would not give them any cause 
44 by administering matter of jealousy to them, never 
44 made any real approach towards a friendship with 
44 his majesty ; but Ixrth by their ambassador here, 
44 and to his majesty's ambassador at Madrid, always 
44 insisted, as preliminaries, upon the giving up of 
44 Dunkirk, Tangier, and Jamaica. 


" Though France had an ambassador here, to 1667. 
" whom a project for a treaty was offered, and the ~ 
" lord Hollis, his majesty's ambassador at Paris, used 
" all endeavours to promote and prosecute the said 
'* treaty : yet it was quickly discerned, that the 
'* principal design of France was to draw his ma- 
" jesty into such a nearer alliance as might advance 
" their designs ; without which they had no mind 
<( to enter into the treaty proposed. And this was 
" the state of affairs when the war was entered into 
" with the Dutch, from which time neither crown 
" much considered their making an alliance with 
" England. 

" As I did from my soul abhor the entering into 
** this war, so I never presumed to give any advice 
" or counsel for the way of managing it, but by 
" opposing many propositions which seemed to the 
" late lord treasurer and myself to be unreasonable; 
*' as the payment of the seamen by tickets, and many 
" other particulars which added to the expense. 
" My enemies took all occasions to inveigh against 
" me : and making friendship with others out of the 
** council of more licentious principles, and who knew 
*' well enough how much I disliked and complained 
" of the liberty they took to themselves of reviling 
" all councils and counsellors, and turning all things 
" serious and sacred into ridicule ; they took all 
" ways imaginable to render me ingrateful to all 
" sorts of men, (whom I shall be compelled to name 
" in my own defence,) persuading those who mis- 
" carried in any of their designs, that it was the 
" chancellor's doing ; whereof I never knew any 
" thing. However, they could not withdraw the 
" king's favour from me, who was still pleased to 

z 4 


1 667. " use my service with others ; nor was there ever 
" any thing done but upon the joint advice of at 
" least the major part of those who were consulted 
" with. And as his majesty commanded my ser- 
" vice in the late treaties, so I never gave the least 
" advice in private, nor writ one letter to any per- 
" son in either of those negotiations, but upon the 
" advice of the council, and after it was read in 
" council, or at least by the king himself and some 
" others : and if I prepared any instructions or me- 
" morials, it was by the king's command, and the 
" request of the secretaries, who desired my assist- 
" ance. Nor was it any wish of my own, that any 
" ambassadors should give me an account of the 
" transactions, but to the secretaries, with whom I 
" was always ready to advise ; nor am I conscious 
" to myself of having ever given advice that hath 
" proved mischievous or inconvenient to his majesty. 
" And I have been so far from being the sole man- 
" ager of affairs, that I have not in the whole last 
" year been above twice with his majesty in any 
" room alone, and very seldom in the two or three 
" years preceding. And since the parliament at 
" Oxford, it hath been very visible that my credit 
" hath been very little, and that very few things 
" have been hearkened to which have been proposed 
" by me, but contradicted eo nomine, because pro- 
" posed by me. 

** I most humbly beseech your lordships to re- 
" member the office and trust I had for seven years ; 
" in which, in discharge of my duty, I was obliged 
" to stop and obstruct many men's pretences, and to 
" refuse to set the seal to many pardons and other 
" grants, which would have been profitable to those 


" who procured them, and many whereof, upon my \6t\7. 
" representation to his majesty, were for ever" 
" stopped ; which naturally have raised many ene- 
" mies to me. And my frequent concurring with 
" the late lord treasurer, with whom I had the ho- 
" nour to have a long and a fast friendship to his 
" death, in representing several excesses and exor- 
" bitances, (the yearly issues so far exceeding the 
" revenue,) provoked many persons concerned, of 
" great power and credit, to do me all the ill offices 
" they could. And yet I may faithfully say, that I 
" never meddled with any part of the revenue or 
" the administration of it, but when I was desired 
" by the late lord treasurer to give him my assist- 
" ance and advice, (having had the honour formerly to 
" serve the crown as chancellor of the exchequer,) 
" which was for the most part in his majesty's pre- 
" sence : nor have I ever been in the least degree 
" concerned in point of profit in the letting any part 
" of his majesty's revenue, nor have ever treated or 
" debated it but in his majesty's presence : in which, 
" my opinion concurred always with the major part 
" of the counsellors who were present. All which, 
" upon examination, will be made manifest to your 
" lordships, how much soever my integrity is blasted 
" by the malice of those, who I am confident do not 
" believe themselves. Nor have I in my life, upon 
" all the treaties or otherwise, received the value of 
" one shilling from all the kings and princes in the 
" world, (except the books of the Louvre print sent 
" me by the chancellor of France by that king's di- 
" rection,) but from my own master ; to whose entire 
" service, and to the good and welfare of my coun- 
" try, no man's heart was ever more devoted. 


1667. " This being my present condition, I do most 

" humbly beseech your lordships to retain a favour- 

" able opinion of me, and to believe me to be inno- 
" cent from those foul aspersions, until the contrary 
" shall be proved ; which I am sure can never be by 
" any man worthy to be believed. And since the 
" distemper of the time, and the difference between 
" the two houses in the present debate, with the 
" power and malice of my enemies, who give out, 
" that I shall prevail with his majesty to prorogue 
" or dissolve this parliament in displeasure, and 
" threaten to expose me to the rage and fury of the 
" people, may make me looked upon as the cause 
" which obstructs the king's service, and the unity 
" and peace of the kingdom ; I must humbly be- 
" seech your lordships, that I may not forfeit your 
" lordships' favour and protection, by withdrawing 
" myself from so powerful a persecution ; in hopes 
" I may be able, by such withdrawing, hereafter to 
" appear, and make my defence ; when his majesty's 
" justice, to which I shall always submit, may not 
" be obstructed nor controlled by the power and 
" malice of those who have sworn my destruction." 

The chancellor knew very well, that there were 
members enough in both houses who would be very 
glad to take any advantage of his words and expres- 
sions : and therefore as he weighed them the best 
he could himself in the short time from which he 
took his resolution to be gone ; so he consulted with 
as iriany friends as that time would allow, to the end 
that their jealousy and wariness might better watch, 
that no expression might be liable to a sinister inter- 
pretation, than his own passion and indisposition 


could provide. And as they all thought it necessary 16G7. 
that he should leave somewhat behind him, that" 
might offer an excuse for his absence ; so they did 
not conceive, that the words before mentioned could 
give any offence to equal judges. But the least va- 
riety or change of wind moved those waters to won- 
derful distempers and tempests. 

This address was no sooner read, by which they 
perceived he was gone, but they who had contributed 
most to the absenting himself, and were privy to all 
the promises which had invited him to it, seemed 
much troubled that he had escaped their justice ; 
and moved, " that orders might be forthwith sent to 
'* stop the ports, that so he might be apprehended ;" 
when they well knew that he was landed at Calais. 
Others took exceptions at some expressions,"which," 
they said, " reflected upon the king's honour and jus- 
" tice :" others moved, " that it might be entered in 
" their Journal Book, to the end that they might 
" further consider of it when they should think fit ;" 
and this was ordered. 

The houses till this time had continued obstinate 
in their several resolutions ; the commons every 
day pressing, " that he might be committed upon 
" their general accusation of treason," (for though 
they had amongst themselves and from their com- 
mittee offered those particulars which are mentioned 
before, yet they presented none to the house of 
peers ;) and the lords as positively refusing to com- 
mit him, till some charge should he presented against 
him that amounted to treason. But now all that 
debate was at an end by his being out of their 
reach, so that they pursued that point no further ; 
which, being matter of privilege, should have been. 


1667. determined as necessarily as before, for the preven- 
~~ tion of the like disputes hereafter. But the com- 
mons wisely declined that contention, well knowing 
that their party in the house, that was very pas- 
sionate for the commitment of the chancellor, would 
I if as much against the general order as any of the 
rest had been : and the lords satisfied themselves 
with sending a message to the house of commons, 
" that they found by the address which they had 
" received that morning, and which they likewise 
" imparted to them, that the earl of Clarendon had 
" withdrawn himself; and so there was no further 
** occasion of debate upon that point." 

capoio- The address was no sooner read in that house, 

by onk'of but tne y wno ^d industriously promoted the for- 
b th mer resolution 1 were inflamed, as if this very instru- 


ment would contribute enough to any thing that 
was wanting ; and they severally arraigned it, and 
inveighed against the person who had sent it with 
all imaginable bitterness and insolence: whilst others, 
who could not in the hearing it read observe that ma- 
lignity that it was accused of, sat still and silent, as if 
they suspected that somewhat had escaped their ob- 
servations and discovery, that so much transported 
other men ; or because they were well pleased that 
a person, against whom there was so much malice 
and fury professed, was got out of their reach. In 
conclusion, after long debate it was concluded, 
*' that the paper contained much untruth and scan- 
" dal and sedition in it, and that it should be pub- 
* " licly burned by the hand of the hangman ;" which 
vote they presently sent to the lords for their con- 

i resolution] reason 


currence, who, though they had not observed any 1GG7. 
such guilt in it before, would maintain no further"*" 
contests with them, and so concurred in the sen- 
tence : and the poor paper was accordingly with so- 
lemnity executed by the appointed officer, which made 
the more people inquisitive into the contents of it ; 
and having gotten copies of it, they took upon them 
to censure the thing and the person with much more 
clemency and compassion, and thought he had done 
well to decline such angry judges. 

When the chancellor found himself at Calais, he 
was unresolved how to dispose of himself, only that 
he would not go to Paris, against which he was able 
to make many objections : and in this irresolution 
he knew not how to send any directions to his chil- 
dren in England, to what place they should send his 
servants and such other accommodations as he should 
want ; and therefore stayed there till he might be 
better informed, and know somewhat of the temper 
of the parliament. In the mean time he writ let- 
ters to the earl of St. Alban's at Paris, from whose 
very late professions he had reason to expect civility, 
and that was all he did expect ; never imagining 
that he should receive any grace from the queen, or 
that it was fit for him to cast himself at her feet, 
whilst he was in his majesty's displeasure. Only he 
desired to know, " whether there would be any ob-The 
" jection against his coming to Roan," and desiring, tothV"' 
' if there were no objection against it, that a coach f^for 
" might be hired to meet him on such a day at Ab- leave to re - 

move to 

" beville." The lieutenant governor of Calais had, Roan : 
upon his first arrival there, given advertisement to 
the court of it : and by the same post that he re- 
ceived a very dry letter from the earl of St. Alban's, 


I6G7. in which he said, " he thought that court would ap- 
""" prove of his coming to Roan ;" he received like- 
wise a letter of great civility from the count de 
Louvois, secretary of state, in which he congratu- 
lated his safe arrival in France, and told him, " that 


" his majesty was well pleased with it, and with his 
" purpose of coming to Roan, where he should find 
" himself very welcome." At the same time letters 
were sent to the lieutenant governor of Calais, Bou- 
logne, and Montrevil, "to treat him as a person of 
" whom the king had esteem, and to give him such 
" an escort as might make his journey secure ;" of 
all which he received advertisement, and, " that a 
" coach would be ready at Abbeville to wait for him 
" at the day he had appointed." 

He begins And now he thought he might well take his reso- 
hw journey : j ut j on . an( j thereupon gave direction, " that such of 
" his family, whose attendance he could not be well 
" without, might with all expedition be with him at 
" Roan ; and such monies might be likewise return- 
" ed thither for him, as were necessary," for he had 
not brought with him supply enough for long time. 
And so he provided to leave Calais, that he might 
be warm in his winter-quarters as soon as might be, 
which both the season of the year, it being now 
within few days of Christmas, and his expectation 
of a speedy defluxion of the gout, made very requi- 
site. When he came to Boulogne, he found orders 
from the marshal D'Aumont to his lieutenant for a 
guard to Montrevil, the Spanish garrisons making 
frequent incursions into those quarters : and at 
Montrevil the duke D'Elboeuf visited him, and 
invited him to supper, which the chancellor was so 
much tired with his journey that he accepted not ; 


but was not suffered to refuse his coach the next IGG7. 
day to Abbeville, where he found a coach from"" 
Paris ready to carry him to Roan. 

It was Christmas-eve when he came to Dieppe, 
and it was a long journey the next day to Roan ; 
which made him send to the governor, to desire that 
the ports might be open much sooner than their 
hour, which was granted: so that he came to a very 
ill inn, well known at Tostes, near the middle way 
to Roan, about noon. And when he was within 
view of that place, a gentleman, passing by in a 
good gallop with a couple of servants, asked, " whe- 
" ther the chancellor of England was in that 
" coach ;" and being answered, " that he was," he 
alighted at the coach-side, and gave him a letter 
from the king, which contained only credit to what 
that gentleman, monsieur le Fonde, his servant in 
ordinary, should say to him from his majesty. The 
gentleman, after some expressions of his majesty's 
grace and good opinion, told him, " that the king But receives 
" had lately received advertisement from his envoy o" d er S e t T y 
" in England, that the parliament there was so !^ ace 
" much incensed against him, the chancellor, that if 
" he should be suffered to stay in France, it would 
" be so prejudicial to the affairs of his Christian ma- 
" jesty, (to whom he was confident the chancellor 
" wished well,) that it might make a breach between 
" the two crowns ; and therefore he desired him to 
" make what speed he could out of his dominions ; 
" and that he might want no accommodation for his 
" journey, that gentleman was to accompany him, 
" till he saw him out of France." 

He was marvellously struck with this encounter, 
which he looked not for, nor could resolve what to 


If,(i7. do, being at lilxjrty to make his journey which way 
~~he would so he rested not, which was the only 
thing he desired : so he desired the gentleman (for 
all this conversation was in the highway) " to come 
" into the coach, and to accompany him to Roan, 
" where they would confer further." The gentle- 
man, though he was a very civil person, seemed to 
think that it would be better to return to Dieppe, 
and so to Calais, as the shortest way out of France : 
but he had no commission to urge that, and so con- 
descended to go that night to Roan ; with a decla- 
ration, "that it was necessary for him to be the 
" next day very early in the coach, which way 
" soever he intended to make his journey." 

It was late in the night before they reached 
Roan : and the coach was overthrown three times 
in the gentleman's sight, who chose to ride his 
horse ; so that the chancellor was really hurt and 
bruised, and scarce able to set his foot to the 
ground. And therefore he told the gentleman 
HC rrpr*- plainly* " that he could not make any journey the 

luteof""' " next da y : but that ne would presently write to 
health to p ar i s to a friend, who should inform the king of 

the court. 

" the ill condition he was in, and desire some time 
" of rest ; and that as soon as he had finished his 
" letter, he would send an express with it, who 
" should make all possible haste in going and com- 
" ing." Monsieur le Fonde assured him, " the mat- 
" ter was so fully resolved, that no writing would 
" procure any time to stay in France ; and therefore 
" desired him to hasten his journey, which way so- 
*' ever he intended it." But when he saw there 
was no remedy, he likewise writ to the court, and 
the chancellor to the earl of St. Alban's, from whom 


he thought he should receive offices of humanity, 1667. 
and to another friend, upon whose affection he more ~~ 
depended : and with those letters the express was 

They who had prevailed so far against him in The cca- 

J . sionofhis 

England were not yet satisfied, but contrived those m treat- 
ways to disquiet him as much in France, by telling 
monsieur Ruvigny, (who was too easily disposed to 
believe them,) "that the parliament was so much of- 
" fended with the chancellor, that it would never 
" consent that the king should enter into a close 
" and firm alliance with France," which it was his 
business to solicit, " whilst he should be permitted 
" to stay within that kingdom :" when in truth all 
the malice against him was contained within the 
breasts of few men, who by incensing the king, and 
infusing many false and groundless relations into 
him, drew such a numerous party to contribute to 
their ends. 

When he was now gone, they observed to the 

i i r> r. i 

king, " what a great faction there was in both hi 
" houses that adhered to the chancellor," who were 
called Clarendonians ; and when any opposition was 
made to any thing that was proposed, as frequently 
there was, " it was always done by the Clarendon- 
" ians :" whose condition they thought was not de- 
sperate enough, except they proceeded further than 
.was yet done. They laboured with all their power, 
that he might be attainted of high treason by act of 
parliament, and that both his sons might be remov- 
ed from the court : both which, notwithstanding all 
their importunity, his majesty positively refused to 
consent to. Then they told him, "that the chancel- 
" lor only waited the season that the parliament 
VOL. nr. A a 

im i 


1667. " should be confirmed in ill humour, to which they 
" " were inclined ; and then he would return and sit 
" in the house to disturb all their counsels, and 
" obstruct all his service : and therefore they pro- 
" posed, since he had fled from the hand of jus- 
" tice, that there could be no more prosecution for 
" his guilt," (which was untrue, for they might as 
well have proceeded and proved the crimes objected 
against him if they could,) " a bill of banishment," 
which they had prepared, " might be brought in 
" against him ;" which his majesty consented to, 
notwithstanding all that the duke of York urged to 
the contrary upon the king's promise to him, and 
which had only betrayed the chancellor to making 
his escape. But the king alleged, " that the conde- 
" scension was necessary for his good, and to com- 
" pound with those who would else press that which 
" would be more mischievous to him." 
A bill of Whereupon a bill for his banishment was prefer- 

banishment . ji'-i i 

pawed a- red, only upon his having declined the proceeding or 
justice by his flight, without so much as endeavouring 
to prove one of the crimes they had charged upon 
him : and this bill was passed by the two houses, 
and confirmed by the king ; of whom they had yet 
so much jealousy,, that they left it not in his power 
to pardon him without the consent of the two houses 
of parliament. And this act was to be absolute, 
" except by a day appointed," (which was so short, 
that it was hardly possible for him to comply with 
it, except he could have rode post,) " he should ap- 
" pear before one of the secretaries of state, or deli- 
" ver himself to the lieutenant of the Tower, who 
" was to detain him in custody till he had acquaint- 
" ed the parliament with it : in the mean time no 


" person was to presume to hold any correspondence ]6(J7. 
" with him, or to write to him, except his own chil-~ 
" dren or his menial servants, who were obliged to 
" shew the letters which they sent or received to 
" one of the secretaries of state," 

The express that had been sent to Paris return- He receives 

orders a se- 
ed with reiterated orders to monsieur le Fonde to tend time 

hasten the chancellor's journey, and not to suffer him France, 
to remain there ; who executed the commands he 
had received with great punctuality and importunity. 
The earl of St. Alban's did not vouchsafe to return 
any answer to his letter, or to interpose on his be- 
half, that he might rest till he might securely enter 
upon his journey : only abbot Mountague writ very 
obligingly to him, and offered all the offices could be 
in his power to perform, and excused the rigour of 
the court's proceedings, as the effect of such reason of 
state, as would not permit any alteration whilst they 
had that apprehension of the parliament; and there- 
fore advised hint " to comply with their wishes, 
" and make no longer stay in Roan, which would 
" not be permitted." But the general indisposition 
of his body, the fatigue of his journey, and the 
bruises he had received by the falls and overturnings 
of the coach, made him not able to rise out of his 
bed; and the physicians, who had taken much 
blood from him, exceedingly dissuaded it. All 
which, how visible soever, prevailed not with his 
French conductor to lessen his importunity that he 
would go, though it was evident he could not easily 
stand ; of which no doubt he gave true and faithful 
advertisement to the court, though the jealousy of 
being not thought active enough in his trust made 

A a 2 


1667. his behaviour much less civil, than is agreeable to 
"the custom of that nation. 

He gin However, the chancellor, hardened by the inhu- 
SMuJlte manity of his treatment, writ such a letter in Latin 
the b Ftonch to monsieur de Lionne, by whose hand all the un- 
court; gentle orders to monsieur le Fonde had been trans- 
mitted, as expressed the condition he was in, and 
his disability to comply with his majesty's com- 
mands, until he could recover more strength ; not 
without complaint of the little civility he had re- 
ceived in France. And he writ likewise to the ab- 
bot Mountague, " to use his credit with monsieur de 
" Tellier," upon whose humanity he more depended, 
" to interpose with his Christian majesty, that he 
" might not be pressed beyond what his health 
" would bear." And since at that time he resolved 
to make his journey to Avignon, that he might be 
out of the dominions of France, he desired, " that he 
" might have liberty to rest some days at Orleans, 
" until his servants who were upon the sea, and 
" brought with them many things which he wanted, 
" might come to him ; and that he might after- 
" wards, in so long a journey in the worst season of 
" the year, have liberty to take such repose as his 
" health would require ; in which he could not af- 
" feet unnecessary delay, for the great charge and 
" expense it must be accompanied with." 

1668. The answer he received from monsieur de Lionne 
was tne renewing the king's commands for his speedy 

e Departure, " as a thing absolutely necessary to his af- 
" fairs, and which must not be disputed." But 
that which affected him the more tenderly, was the 
sight of a billet which abbot Mountague sent to him, 


that he had received from monsieur de Tellier, in 1668. 
which he said, "that he had, according to his desire, ~ 
" moved his Christian majesty concerning the chan- 
" cellor of England ; and that his majesty was much 
" displeased that he made not more haste to comply 
" with what was most necessary for his affairs, and 
" that it must be no longer delayed ; and that if he 
" chose to pass to Avignon, he might rest one day in 
" ten, which was all his majesty would allow." 

This unexpected determination, without the least 
ceremony or circumstance of remorse,, signified by a 
person who 'he was well assured was well inclined 
to have returned a more grateful answer, in the in- 
stant suppressed all hopes of finding any humanity 
in France, arid raised a resolution in him to get out 
of those dominions with all the expedition that was 
possible : which his French conductor urged with 
new and importunate instance ; insomuch as though 
there was sure information, that the ship, in which 
the chancellor's servants and goods were embarked, 
was arrived at the mouth of the river, and only kept 
by the cross wind from coming up to the town ; he 
would by no means consent to the delay 1 " of one day 
in expectation of it, or that his servants might come 
to him by land, as he had sent to them to do. 

At this very time arrived an express, a servant of 
his, sent by his children, with a particular account 
of all the transactions in parliament, and of the bill 
of banishment ; of nothing of which he had before 
heard, and upon which the duke of York, who 
looked upon himself as ill used by that prosecution, 
was of opinion, "that the chancellor should make all 

r delay] stay 

A a 3 


l(j68. possible haste, and appear by the day appointed, 
" and undergo the trial, in which he knew his inno- 
** oence would justify him." This advice, with a 
little indignation at the discourtesy of the court of 
France, diverted him from any further thought of 
Avignon. And though he did not imagine that his 
strength would be sufficient to perform the journey 
by the day assigned, (for the gout had already seiz- 
ed upon both his feet,) nor did the arguments for his 
return satisfy him ; and the breach of all the pro- 
mises which had been made was no sign that they 
meant speedily to bring him to trial, towards which 
they had not yet made any preparation : yet he 
resolved to make all possible haste to Calais, that it 
might be in his power to proceed according to such 
directions as he might reasonably expect to receive 
there from his friends from England, and from 
whence he might quickly remove into the Spanish 
dominions ; though the climate of Flanders, well 
known to him, terrified him in respect of the season 
and his approaching gout. And with this resolution 
he despatched the express again for England ; and 
left order with a merchant at Roan, " to receive his 
" goods when the ship should arrive, and detain 
" both them and his servants till he should send fur- 
" ther orders from Calais:" and at the same time he 
writ to a friend in Flanders, to speak to the marquis 
of Carracena, with whom he had formerly held a 
fair correspondence, " to send him a pass to go 
" through that country to what place he should 
" think fit." And having thus provided for his 
journey, he departed from Roan, after he had re- 
mained there about twenty days. 

In lm\v ill a condition of health soever he was to 

to Calais; 


travel, when the days were at shortest, he resolv- i(>68. 
ed to make no stay till he should reach Calais, to 
the end, that if he met with no advice there to 
the contrary, he might be at London by the day li- 
mited by the proclamation, which was the first of 
February that style : and it was the last of January where he is 
the French style when he arrived at Calais, sobbed by a 
broken with the fatigue of the journey and the de- utS 
fluxion of the gout, that he could not move but as he 
was carried, and was so put into a bed ; and the 
next morning the physicians found him in a fever, 
and thought it necessary to open a vein, which they 
presently did. But the pains in all his limbs so in- 
creased, that he was not able to turn in his bed ; 
nor for many nights closed his eyes. Many letters 
he found there from England, but was not in a con- 
dition to read them, nor in truth could speak and 
discourse with any body. Monsieur le Fonde, out 
of pure compassion, suffered him to remain some 
days without his vexation, until he received fresh 
orders from Paris, " that the chancellor might not, 
" in what case soever, be suffered to remain in Ca- 
" lais :" and then he renewed his importunity, Yet he is re- 

quired to re- 

" that he would the next day leave the town, and tire out of 
" either by sea or land, if he thought it not fit to territories. 
" pass for England, put himself into the Spanish 
" dominions, which he might do in few hours." 

He was so confounded with the barbarity, that he 
had no mind to give him any answer ; nor could he 
suddenly find words, their conversation being in La- 
tin, to express the passion he was in. At last he 
told him, " that he must bring orders from God Al- 
" mighty as well as from the king, before he could 
" obey : that he saw the condition he was in, and 

A a 4 


1668. " conferred every day with his physicians, by which 
~ " he could not but know, that he could neither help 
" himself, nor endure the being carried out of that 
" chamber, if the house were in a flame ; and there- 
" fore that he did not use him like a gentleman, in 
" adding his unreasonable importunities to the vex- 
" ation he suffered by pain and sickness. That he 
" might be very confident, his treatment had not 
" been so obliging to make him stay one hour in 
" France, after he should be able to go out of it : 
" but he would not willingly endanger himself by 
" sea to fall into the hands of his enemies. That 
" he knew" (for he had shewed him his letter) 
" that he had written into Flanders for a pass, 
" which was not yet come : as soon as it did, if he 
" could procure a litter and endure the motion of it, 
" he would remove to St.Omer's or Newport, which 
*' were the nearest places 'under the Spanish govern- 
" ment." 

To all which he replied with no excess of courtesy, 
" that he must and would obey his orders as he -had 
" done ; and that he had no power to judge of his 
" disability to remove, or of the pain he under- 
" went." And there is no doubt the gentleman, 
who was well bred, and in his nature very civil, was 
not pleased with his province, and much troubled 
that he could not avoid the delivery of the orders 
he received : and the conjuncture of their affairs 
was such, with reference to the designs then on foot, 
that every post brought reiterated commands for 
the chancellor's remove ; which grew every day 
more impossible, by the access of new pain to the 
weakness he was in for want of sleep without any 
kind of sustenance. 


Notwithstanding which, within few days after 1668. 
the last encounter, upon fresh letters from monsieur" 
de Lionne, the gentleman came again to him, told 
him what orders he had received, and again pro- 
posed, " that he would either make use of a boat to 
" Newport or Ostend, or a brancard to St. Omer's ; 
" either of which he would cause to be provided 
" against the next morning, for the king's service 
" was exceedingly concerned in the expedition." 
And when he saw the other was not moved with 
what he said, nor gave him any answer, he told 
him plainly, " that the king would be obeyed in his 
" own dominions ; and if he would not choose to do 
" that which the king had required, he must go to 
" the governor, who had authority and power to 
" compel him, which he durst not but do." Upon 
which, with the supply of spirit that choler adminis- 
tered to him, he told him, " that though the king . 
" was a very great and powerful prince, he was not 
" yet so omnipotent, as to make a dying man strong 
" enough to undertake a journey. That he was at 
" the king's mercy, and would endure what he 
" should exact from him as well as he was able : it 
"was in his majesty's power to send him a prisoner 
" into England, or to cause him to be carried dead 
" or alive into the Spanish territories ; but he would 
" not be felo de se, by willingly attempting to do 
" what he and all who saw him knew was not possi- 
" ble for him to perform." And in this passion he 
added some words of reproach to le Fonde, which 
were more due to monsieur de Lionne, who in truth 
had not behaved himself with any civility: where- 
upon he withdrew in the like disorder, and for 


1668. some days forbore so much as to see him, in which 
he had never before failed a day. 

And the chancellor, who really did believe that 
some force and violence would be used towards him, 
presently Sent to desire the chief magistrates of the 
town and the lieutenant governor to come to him ; 
and then told them all the treatment he had receiv- 
ed from monsieur le Fonde, and appealed to them, 
" whether they thought him in a condition to per- 
" form any journey." And the physicians being 
likewise present, he required them to sign such a 
certificate and testimony of his sickness as they 
thought their duty, which they readily performed ; 
very fully declaring under their hands, "that he 
" could not be removed out of the chamber in which 
" he lay, without manifest danger of his life." And 
the lieutenant governor and the president of justice 
seemed much scandalized at what had been so much 
pressed, of which they had taken notice many days : 
and the one of them wrote to the count of Charrou, 
governor of the town and then at court, and the 
other to monsieur de Lionne, what they thought 
fit ; and the certificate of the physicians was en- 
closed to the abbot Mountague, with a full relation 
of what had passed. And it was never doubted, but 
that monsieur le Fonde himself made a very faithful 
relation of the impossibility that the chancellor 
could comply with what was required, in the state 
of sickness and pain that he was in at present. 
The French By this time the French court discovered, that 
deDiy*aUen<they were prevented of entering into that strait al- 

they hoped with England, (and for obtaining 
whereof they had gratified the proud and malicious 


humours of the duke of Buckingham and lord Ar- 1668. 
lington in the treatment of the chancellor,) by the~~ 
triple league, which they had used all those com- 
pliances to prevent : so that by the next post after 
the receipt of the certificate from the physicians, 
monsieur de Lionne writ a very civil letter to the 
chancellor, in which he protested, " that he had the 
" same respect for him which he had always pro- 
" fessed to have in his greatest fortune, and that it 
" was never in the purpose of his Christian majesty 
" to endanger his health by making any journey that 
" he could not well endure ; and therefore that it , He ll!is 

leave to 

" was left entirely to himself to remove from Calais reside in 
" when he thought fit, and to go to what place he 
*' would." And monsieur le Fonde came now again 
to visit him with another countenance, by which a 
man could not but discern, that he was much better 
pleased with the commission he had received last, 
than with the former ; and told him, " that he was 
" now to receive no orders but from himself, which 
" he would gladly obey." 

This gave him some little ease in the agony he 
was in, for his pains increased to an intolerable de- 
gree, insomuch that he could not rise out of his bed 
in six weeks. And it was the more welcome to 
him, because at the same time he received an ac- 
count from his friend in Flanders, " that the marquis 
" of Castille Roderigo, with as much regret as a 
" civil man could express, protested, that the fear he 
" had of offending the parliament at that time would 
" not permit him to grant a pass : but if he would 
" come to Newport, he should find the governor 
" there well prepared and disposed to shew him all 
" possible respect, and to accommodate him in his 


1668. " passage throughout the country, where it would 
~~ " not l>e convenient for him to make any stay : and 
" that he looked upon it as a great misfortune to 
" himself, that he might not wait upon him in his 
" passage." This made it easy for him to discern, 
that his enemies would not give him any rest in 
any place where their malice could reach him : and 
since they were so terrible that the marquis of 
Castille Roderigo durst not grant him a pass, he 
thought it would be no hard matter for them to 
cause some affront to be put on him when he should 
be without any pass ; though he had not the least 
suspicion of the marquis's failing in point of honour 
or courtesy. 

At the same time he received advice from his 
friends in England, " that the storm from France 
" was over, and that he might be permitted to stay 
"in any part thereof; and for the present they 
" wished that he would repair to the waters of Bour- 
" bon for his health, and then choose such a place 
" to reside in, as upon inquiry he should judge most 
" proper." But he was not yet so far reconciled to 
that court, though he liked the climate well, as to 
depend upon its protection : and therefore he re- 
sumed his former purpose of going to Avignon, and, 
if he could recover strength for the journey before 
the season should be expired for drinking the waters 
of Bourbon to pass that way. And to that purpose 
he sent to the court " for a pass to Avignon, with 
" liberty to stay some days at Roan," where his goods 
and his monies were, (for his servants had come ' 
from thence to him to Calais,) " and to use the wa- 
" tors of Bourlxm in his way :" all which was readily 


It was the third of April, before he recovered 1668. 
strength enough to endure a coach : and then, having "~ 
bought a large and easy coach of the president of 
Calais, he hired horses there. And so he begun his He returns 
journey for Roan, being still so lame and weak that 
he could not go without being supported : and the 
first day had a very ill omen by the negligence of 
the coachman, who passing upon the sands between 
Calais and Boulogne, when the sea was flowing, 
drove so unadvisedly, (which he might have avoided, 
as the horsemen and another coach did,) that the 
sea came over the boot of the coach, to the middle 
of all those who sat in it ; and a minute's pause 
more had inevitably overthrown the coach, (the 
weight whereof only then prevented it,) and they had 
been all covered with the sea. And two days after, 
by the change of the coachman for a worse, he was 
overthrown in a place almost as bad, into a deep 
and dirty water, from whence he was with difficulty 
and some hurt drawn out. Both which wonderful 
deliverances were comfortable instances that God 
would protect him, of which he had within few days 
a fresh and extraordinary evidence. 

When he came to Roan, he received all those or- 
ders he had desired from the court. And a letter 
from abbot Mountague assured him, " that he need 
" no more apprehend any discommodity from orders 
" of the court, but might be confident of the con- 
" trary, and of all respect that could be shewed him 
" from thence : that he might stay at Roan as long 
." as his indisposition required; and when he had 
" made use of the waters of Bourbon, he might re- 
" tire to any place he would choose to reside in." 
Monsieur le Fonde had orders, " after he had ac- 


1 668. " companied the chancellor two or three days' jour- 
~~" ney towards Bourbon, except he desired his com- 
" pany longer, to return to the court." Only mon- 
sieur de Lionne desired, " that he would not in 
" his journey come nearer Paris than the direct 
" way required him to do, because the emperor's 
" agent at London, the baron of Isola, had con- 
" fidently averred, that the king had one day gone 
" incognito from the Bois de Vincennes to meet the 
" chancellor, and had a long private conference with 
From When he had stayed as long at Roan as was ne- 

whence he ' 1*1 

begins his cessary for the taking a little physic and recovering 
A*Tgnon. a little strength, the season required his making 
haste to Bourbon : and so on the 23d of April he 
began his journey from thence ; and that he might 
comply with the directions of monsieur de Lionne, 
he chose to go by the way of Eureux, and to lodge 
there that night. And because he was unable to 
go up a pair of stairs, he sent a servant before, as 
he had always done, to choose an inn where there 
was some ground-lodging, which often was attended 
with discommodity enough, and now (besides being 
forced to go through the city into the suburbs) was 
like to cost him very dear. 
He is great- There happened to be at that time quartered 

ly abused 

by some there a foot company of English seamen, who had 
* been raised and were entertained to serve the French 
in attending upon their artillery, some of them being 
gunners ; and none of them had the language, but 
were attended by a Dutch conductor, who spake ill 
English, for their interpreter. Their behaviour 
there was so rude and barbarous, in l>eing always 
drunk, and quarrelling and fighting with the towns- 


men who would not give them any thing they de- 1668. 
manded, that the city had sent to the court their" 
complaints, and expected orders that night for their 
remove. They quickly heard of the chancellor's being 
come to the town ; and calling their company toge- 
ther declared, " that there were many months' pay 
" due to them in England, and that they would 
" make him pay it before he got out of the town." 

He was scarce gotten into his ill ground-lodging, 
when many of them flocked about the house : upon 
which the gates of the inn were shut, they making 
a great noise, and swearing they would speak with 
the chancellor ; and, being about the number of fifty, 
they threatened to break open the gate or pull down 
the house. The mutiny was notorious to all the 
street ; but they had not courage to appear against 
them : the magistrates were sent to ; but there was 
a difference between them upon the point of juris- 
diction, this uproar being in the suburbs. In short, 
they broke open the door of the inn : and when 
they were entered into the court, they quickly found 
which was the chancellor's chamber. And the door 
being barricadoed with such things as were in the 
room, they first discharged their pistols into the 
window, with which they hurt some of the servants, 
and monsieur le Fonde, who with his sword kept 
them from entering in at the window with great 
courage, until he was shot with a brace of bullets 
in the head, with which he fell : and then another 
of the servants being hurt, they entered in at the 
window, and opened the door for the rest of their 
company, which quickly filled the chamber. 

The chancellor was in his gown, sitting upon the 
bed, being not able to stand ; upon whom they all 


1 668. came with their swords drawn : and one of them 
~ gave him a blow with a great broadsword upon the 
head, which if it had fallen upon the edge must have 
cleft his head; but it turned in his hand, and so 
struck him with the flat, with which he fell back- 
ward on the bed. They gave him many ill words, 
called him " traitor," and swore, " before he should 
" get out of their hands he should lay down all their 
" arrears of pay." They differed amongst them- 
selves what they should do with him, some cry- 
ing, " that they would kill him," others, " that they 
" would carry him into England :" some had their 
hands in his pockets, and pillaged him of his money 
and some other things of value ; others broke up his 
trunks and plundered his goods. When himself 
recovered out of the trance in which he was stunned 
by the blow, they took him by the hand who spake 
of carrying him into England, and told him, " it 
" was the wisest thing they could do to carry him 
" thither, where they would be well rewarded :" 
another swore, " that they should be better rewarded 
" for killing him there." And in this confusion, the 
room being full, and all speaking together, the fel- 
low who had given him the blow, whose name was 
Howard, a very lusty strong man, took him by the 
hand, and swore, " they should hurt one another if 
" they killed him there ; and therefore they would 
" take him into the court, and despatch him where 
" there was more room." And thereupon others 
laid their hands upon him and pulled him to the 
ground, and then dragged him into the court, being- 
in the same instant ready to run their swords into 
him together : when in the moment their ensign, 
and some of the magistrates with a guard, came 


into the court, the gate being broken ; and so he 1 668. 
was rescued out of their bloody hands, and carried ~ 
back into his chamber. 

Howard and many of the other, some whereof 
had been hurt with swords as they entered at the 
window, were taken and carried to prison, and the 
rest dispersed, vowing revenge when they should 
get the rest of their company together : and it can- 
not be expressed with how much fear the magistrates, 
and the poor guard that attended them, apprehended 
their coming upon them together again. 

The chancellor himself had the hurt before men- 
tioned in his head, which was a contusion, and al- 
ready swollen to a great bigness ; monsieur le Fonde 
was shot into the head with a brace of bullets, and 
bled much, but seemed not to think himself in dan- 
ger ; two of the chancellor's servants were hurt with 
swords, and lost much blood : so that they all de- 
sired to be in some secure place, that physicians and 
surgeons might visit them. And by this time many 
persons of quality of the town, both men and wo- 
men, filled the little chamber; bitterly inveighing 
against the villany of the attempt, but renewing the 
dispute of their jurisdiction. And the provost, who 
out of the city was the greater officer, would pro- 
vide an accommodation for them in his own house 
in the city, and appoint a guard for them ; which the 
magistrates of the city would not consent to, nor he 
to the expedient proposed by them. And this dis- 
pute with animosity and very ill words continued 
in the chamber till twelve of the clock at night, the 
hurt persons being in the mean time without any 
remedy or ease : so that the magistrates, though they 
were not so dangerous, were as troublesome as the 

VOL. III. B b 


1668. eamen, against whom they were not yet secure 
upon a second attempt. 

In the end, monsieur le Fonde was forced to raise 
his voice louder than was agreeable to the state he 
was in, to threaten to complain of them to the king, 
for their neglect before and after the mischief was 
done : by wliich they were much moved, and pre- 
sently sent to the governor of the duke of Bouillon's 
castle, (which is a good and noble house in the 
town,) " that he would receive the chancellor and 
" monsieur le Fonde, with such servants as were 
" necessary for their attendance ;" which he did with 
great courtesy, and gave them such accommodation 
as in an unfurnished house could on the sudden be 
expected. And so physicians and surgeons visited 
their wounds, and applied such present remedies as 
were necessary, till upon some repose they might 
. make a better judgment. 

The same night there were expresses despatched 
to the court to give advertisement of the outrage, 
and to Roan to inform the intendant in whose pro- 
vince it was committed : and he the next day with a 
good guard of horse arrived at Eureux. After he 
had visited the chancellor, with the just sense of the 
insolence he had undergone, and of the indignity 
that the king and his government had sustained ; 
he proceeded in the court of justice to examine the 
whole proceedings, and much blamed the magistrates 
on all sides for their negligence and remissness. 
Upon the whole examination there appeared no 
cause to believe, that there was any formed design 
in which any others had concurred than they who 
appeared in the execution, who defended themselves 
by being drunk, which did not appear in any other 


thing than in the barbarity of the action. Yet it 1G68. 
was confessed, that upon their first arrival at Dieppe, ~~ 
and whilst they were quartered there, the chancellor 
then passing by between Roan and Calais, they had 
a resolution to have robbed or killed him, if they 
had not been prevented by his getting the gates 
opened, and so going away before the usual hour. 

The surgeons found monsieur le Fonde's wound 
to be more dangerous than they had apprehended, 
and that at least one of the bullets remained still in 
the wound, and doubted that it might have hurt the 
scull, in which case trepanning would be necessary ; 
which made him resolve, though he was feverish, 
presently to have a brancard made, and to be put 
into it in his bed, and so with expedition to be car- 
ried to Paris, where he was sure to find better 
operators, besides the benefit and convenience of his 
own house and family. And so the third day after 
his misadventure, and after he had given his testi- 
mony to the intendant, he was in that manner, and 
attended by a surgeon, conveyed to Paris ; and, by 
the blessing of God, recovered without the remedy 
that had been proposed. 

The chancellor, after he had been r bled once or 
twice, found himself only in pain with the blow, 
without any other symptoms which frequently attend 
great contusions ; and therefore he positively rejected 
the proposition of trepanning, which had been like- 
wise earnestly urged by the surgeons : and upon 
application of such plasters and ointments as were 
prescribed, he found both the pain and swelling 
lessen by degrees, though the memory of the blow 
lasted long ; so that he thought himself fit enough 

r been] Not in MS. 
B b 2 


1 G68. for his journey, and was impatient to be out of that 
~~ unlucky town ; and his servants, having only flesh- 
hurts, could endure the coach as well as he. The 
intendant, who knew his desire, and was willing to 
defer his judgment till he was gone from thence, 
He remove* was very well content that he should proceed in his 

toitourbSrj ourne y an d sent his sons w i tn n ^ s own troop to 
convoy him two or three leagues out of the town ; 
and appointed the provost with his troop of horse to 
attend him to his lodging that night, and farther if 
he desired it. And the next day he condemned 
Howard and two others, an Englishman, a Scotch- 
man, and an Irishman, (for the company consisted 
of the three nations,) to be broken upon the wheel ; 
which was executed accordingly. And shortly after 
his arrival at Bourbon, monsieur de Lionne writ a 
very civil letter to the chancellor, " of the trouble 
" the king sustained for the affront and danger he 
" had undergone ; and that his majesty was very ill 
" satisfied, that so few as three had been sacrificed 
" to justice for so barbarous a crime." 

And from When he had stayed as long at Bourbon in the 
Avignon, use of the waters, as the physicians prescribed, (in 
which time he foun'd a good recovery of his strength, 
save that the weakness of his feet still continued in 
an uneasy degree ;) and had 8 received great civili- 
ties during his abode there from all the French of 
quality, men and women, who came thither for the 
same remedies, and with whom the town then 
abounded ; he prosecuted his journey to Avignon : 
and having stayed a week at Lyons, without any 
new ill accident he arrived about the middle of 
June there, by the pleasant passage of the Rhone. 

had] having 


Though he desired to make his journey as pri- 

vately as he could, and had no more servants in his 

train than was necessary to the state of health he 
was in ; yet he was known in most places by the 
presence of English, or by some other accident. 
And some friends at Paris had given such adver- His good 
tisement to Avignon, that when he arrived there, there/ ' 
he had no sooner entered into a private lodging, 
which he procured the next day, but the vice-legate 
came to visit him in great state and with much ci- 
vility, offering all the commodities of that place, if 
he would reside there. The archbishop, a very re- 
verend and learned prelate, a Genoese, as the vice- 
legate likewise was, performed the same ceremony 
to him ; and afterwards the consuls and magistrates 
of the city in a body, (who made a speech to him in 
Latin, as all the rest treated him in that language,) 
and all the principal officers of the court : so that 
he could not receive more civility and respect in any 
place ; which, together with the cheapness and con- 
venience of living, and the pleasantness of the coun- 
try about it, might have inclined him to reside there. 
Yet the ill savour of the streets by the multitude of 
dyers and of the silk-manufactures, and the worse 
smell of the Jews, made him doubt that it could be 
no pleasant place to make an abode in during the 
heat of summer : and therefore receiving new con- 
firmation by letters from Paris, " that he was en- 
" tirely at liberty to reside where he would in 
" France," he resolved to take a view of some places 
before he would conclude where to fix ; and the fame 
of Montpelier, that was within two little days' jour- 
ney, invited him thither. And so after a week's He goes to 


stay at Avignon, and after having returned all the 

Bb 3 


1668. visits he had received, he went from thence, and 

~" came to Montpelier in the beginning of July. 
where he It was his very good fortune, that an English lady 

receives . . 

Kreat civiii- of eminent virtue, and merit, the lady viscountess 
the lady' Mordaunt, who had in the beginning of the winter 

j n as gr ea t weakness of body as nature can 
subsist with, transported herself thither, remained 
still at Montpelier ; where she had miraculously, by 
"the benefit of that air, recovered a comfortable de- 
gree of health : and the news of her being still there 
\Vas a great motive to his journey from Avignon thi- 
ther. The chancellor had no mind to be taken no- 
tice of; but some relations which that lady made to 
his advantage, and the great esteem that city had 
of her, made his reception there more formal and 
ceremonious than he desired. 

Great re- The marquis de Castro, governor of the city and 
tEliiiM* 1 castle, visited him, and welcomed him to the town, 
though he had not so much as a pass to come thi- 
ther. The premier president, and all the other 
courts, and the consul and other magistrates of the 
city, visited him in their several bodies, and enter- 
tained him in Latin. It is true, that some days 
after, the intendant of the province (who was not 
then in the town) came thither ; and he had received 
orders from the court, as soon as it was known that 
the chancellor was in Montpelier, " that he should 
" be looked upon and treated as a person of whom 
" the most Christian king had a good esteem :" and 
so, as soon as he came to the town, he visited him 
with much ceremony, and told him, " that he had 
" received a particular command from the king to 
" do him all the services he could in that city, and 
" in the province of Languedoc." And it must be 


confessed, that during his residence in Montpelier, 1668. 
which was not above one or two months less than ~ 
three years, he did receive as much civility and 
formal courtesy from all persons of all conditions in 
that place, or who occasionally resorted thither, as 
could have been performed towards him, if he had 
been sent thither as a public person. And when 
the duke of Vernueil (who was governor of the pro- 
vince, and used to convene the States thither every 
year) came to Montpelier, as he did three times in 
those three years, he always visited the chancellor, 
and shewed a very great respect to him : which was 
as great a countenance as he could receive. 
' Yet he did always acknowledge, that he owed all Which he 

. . imputes to 

the civilities which he received at his first coming the friend- 
thither, and which were upon the matter the first w 
civilities he had received in France, purely to the 
friendship of the lady Mordaunt, and to the great 
credit she had there : and for which, and the con- 
solation he received from her during the time of her 
stay there, he had ever a great respect for her and 
her husband ; who, coming likewise thither, when 
he received information from England of a design 
to assassinate him by some Irish, manifested a noble 
affection for him, and stayed some months longer 
than he intended to have done, that he might see 
the issue of that design. Of which he had a just 
sense, and transmitted the information of it to his 
children, to the end that they and his friends might, 
upon all opportunities, acknowledge it to them both. 
And in truth the great respect the place had for 
him was notorious, when l any English came thither, 

f when] in that when 
B I) 4 


1668. and forbore to pay any respect to the chancellor; 
~~ as only one gentleman did, sir Richard Temple, who 
publicly declared, " that he would not visit him,'* 
and dissuaded others from doing it, as a matter the 
parliament would punish them for, and shewed much 
vanity and insolence in his discourses concerning 
him: but" he found so little countenance from any 
person of condition, though he called himself " the 
" premier president of the parliament of England," 
and such a general aversion towards him ; that as 
they who came with him, and his other friends, de- 
serted him and paid their civilities to the chancellor, 
so himself grew so ridiculous, that he left the town 
sooner than he intended, and left the reputation be- 
hind him of a very vain, humorous, and sordid per- 

And having thus accompanied the chancellor 
through all his ill treatments and misadventures to 
Montpelier, where he resolved to stay, it will be to 
no purpose further to continue this relation ; other- 
wise than as himself afterwards communicated his 
private thoughts and reflections to his friends. 

When he found himself at this ease, and with 
those convenient accommodations, that he might rea- 
sonably believe he should be no more exposed to the 
troubles and distresses which he had passed through ; 
he began to think of composing his mind to his for- 
tune, and of regulating and governing his own 
thoughts and affections towards such a tranquillity, 
as the sickness of mind and body, and the continued 
sharp fatigue in the six or seven precedent months, 
had not suffered to enter into any formed delibera- 

" but] Not in MS. 


tion. And it pleased God in a short time, after '668. 
some recollections, and upon his entire confidence in 
him, to restore him to that serenity of mind, and re- 
signation of himself to the disposal and good pleasure 
of God, that they who conversed most with him 
could not discover the least murmur or impatience 
in him, or any unevenness in his conversations. 
He resolved to improve his understanding of the 
French language, not towards speaking it, the defect 
of which he found many conveniences in, but for 
the reading any books ; and to learn the Italian : 
towards both which he made a competent progress, 
and had opportunity" to buy or borrow any good 
books he desired to peruse. 

But in the first place he thought he was indebted He writes a 

i t i i' i e> i r> vindication 

to his own reputation, and obliged x for the informa- of himself. 
tion of his children and other friends, to vindicate 
himself from those aspersions and reproaches which 
the malice of his enemies had cast upon him in the 
parliament ; which, though never reduced into any 
formal or legal charge, nor offered to be proved 
by any one witness, were yet maliciously scattered 
abroad and divulged to take away his credit. And 
the performance of this work, that was so necessarily 
incumbent to him, was the more difficult, by his 
constant and uninterrupted fidelity and zeal for the 
king's service, and his resolution to say nothing on 
his own behalf and for his own vindication, that 
might in the least degree reflect upon his majesty ; 
which consideration had before kept him from 
charging those who persecuted him, with such indi- 
rect and naughty proceedings as might have put an 

^ \ 

x obliged] Not in MS. 


1668. en d to their power. Nor did he think fit in that 
"conjuncture, when his majesty had not yet met 
with that compliance and submission from the par- 
liament since the chancellor's remove, as had been 
promised to him as the effect of that counsel, to 
publish, that his coming away (which was the 
greatest blot upon his reputation) was with the 
king's privity, and at least with his approbation. 
However, he was resolved to commit into the cus- 
tody of his children, who he knew could never com- 
mit a fault against his majesty, such a plain, parti- 
cular defence of his innocence upon every one of the 
reproaches he had been charged with, that them- 
selves might infallibly know his uprightness and in- 
tegrity in all his ministry, which they observed and 
knew too much of to suspect ; and might likewise 
manifestly convince other men, who were willing to 
be undeceived : but the manner of doing it, in re- 
spect of the former consideration, he left to their 
discretion. And having prepared this, and caused 
it to be fairly transcribed, before the lord and lady 
Mordaunt returned for England; he committed it to 
their care, who delivered it safely to the hands of 
his sons. 

They were themselves upon that disadvantage 
under the reproach of their relation, that the eldest 
of them was removed from his attendance upon the 
queen for many months, without the allegation of 
any crime ; and the other was retained only by the 
goodness of the king, against the greatest importu- 
nity that could be applied : and therefore it con- 
cerned them to be very wary in giving any offence, 
of which their adversaries might take any ad- 
vantage. Besides, they observed that they, whose 


credit and interest had done all the mischief to their l G68. 
father, were now fallen out amongst themselves with ~" 
equal animosity, and had all carried themselves so 
ill with reference to the public, and so loosely and 
licentiously in order to a good name, that their 
being enemies brought little prejudice to any man's 
reputation ; and many of those, who had been made 
instruments to deprave the chancellor, were not 
scrupulous in declaring how they had been cozened, 
and how unjustly he had been traduced and ac- 
cused : so that they made no other use of the an- 
swer and vindication they had received, than to be 
thereby enabled to make a perfect relation of some 
particular matters of fact which were variously re- 
ported, and could not be understood by any but 
those who had been conversant in the transactions. 

It will be therefore necessary in this place, since 
there hath been before so methodical an account of 
all that the committee brought into the house of 
commons against him, and never after mentioned 
when they had once accused him, to insert such a 
short answer and defence to all that was alleged, 
out of that vindication which he sent from Montpe- 
lier, that nothing may remain in the possible 
thoughts of any worthy and uncorrupted man that 
may reflect upon his sincerity, or leave any taint 
upon his memory ; the preservation of which from 
being sullied by the misfortunes which befell him, is 
the only end of this discourse, never to be communi- 
cated or perused by any but his nearest relations ; 
who, by the blessing of God, can never but retain 
that affection and duty to the crown and for the 
royal family, that by the laws of God and man is 
due to it and them, and without which they can 


1 668. never expect God's blessing in this or the world to 
come. And in this I shall observe the order I used 
* before in the mention of the several allegations, 

of the omitting upon any particular the repetition of what 
him. hath been at large already said in this discourse, 

which shall be referred to for answer. 

rst ar- 

The first ar- To t j ie first then> That he had designed a stand- 

" ing army, and to govern the kingdom there- 
" by ; advised the king to dissolve the present 
" parliament, and to lay aside all thoughts of 
" future parliaments ; to govern by military 
" power, and to maintain the same by free 
".quarter and contribution," (which, if true, 
whether it was treason or no, must worthily 
have made him odious to all honest men.) 
His answer. The answer which he then made, and which was 
dated at Montpelier upon the 24th of July 1668, 
within few days after his arrival there and resolution 
to stay there, was in these words. He said, as no- 
thing could be more surprising to him, nor he 
thought to any man else, than to find himself, after 
near thirty years' service of the crown in the highest 
trust ; after having passed all the time of his ma- 
jesty's exile with him beyond the seas and in his 
service, and in which the indefatigable pains he took 
was notorious to many nations ; and after he had 
the honour and happiness to return again with his 
majesty into England, and to receive from him so 
many eminent marks of his favour,' and to serve him 
near eight years after his return in the place of the 
greatest trust, without ever having discovered that 
his majesty was offended with him, or in truth that 
he had ever the least ill success from any counsel he 
had ever given him ; or that any persons of honour 


and reputation, or interest in the nation, had ever 1668. 
made the least complaint against him, or had any"" 
thought that the miscarriages (for miscarriages were 
enough spoken of) had proceeded from him, or from 
any advice of his : he said, that as after all this he 
could not but be exceedingly surprised to find him- 
self on a sudden, when he had not the least imagina- 
tion of it, bereft of the king's favour, and fallen so 
far from his kindness, even within three or four 
days after his majesty had vouchsafed to condole 
with him in his house for the death of his wife, that 
he resolved to take the great seal from him ; so it 
was no small comfort to him to see and know, that 
very few men of honour and reputation approved or 
liked what was done ; but that the same was con- 
trived, pursued, and brought to pass by men and 
women of no credit in the nation ; by men, who had 
never served his majesty or his blessed father emi- 
nently or usefully, but most of them of trust and 
credit under Cromwell, or never of credit to do the 
king the least service ; and who were only angry 
with him for not being pleased with their vicious 
and debauched lives, or for opposing and dissuading 
their loose and unreasonable counsels, which they 
were every day audaciously administering in matters 
of the highest moment, with great license and pre- 

But above all, he said, it was of the highest con- 
solation to him, when it was publicly and indus- 
triously declared, " that the king was firmly resolv- 
" ed to destroy him, and would take it very well 
" from all men who would contribute thereunto, 
" by bringing in any charge or accusation against 
" him ;" when the most notorious enemies he had 


ICC8. were the only persons trusted in employment, men 
~~ who had most eminently disserved and maliciously 
traduced the king, and had been to that time looked 
upon as such by his majesty ; and when all, who 
were believed to have any kindness for the chancel- 
lor, were discountenanced and ill looked upon ; 
when men of all conditions and degrees were daily 
solicited and importuned, by promises and threats, 
to declare themselves against him, at least if they 
would not be wrought over to do any thing against 
their conscience, that they would absent themselves 
from those debates : that all this malice and conspi- 
racy, with so long Deliberation and consultation, 
should not be able at last to produce and exhibit 
any other charge and accusation against him, but 
such a one as most men who knew him, or who had 
any trust or employment in the public affairs, were 
well able to vindicate him from the guilt of, and 
even his enemies themselves did not believe. The 
particulars whereof, he said, as far as he could take 
notice of them/ they having not been to that day re- 
duced into any form, so much as in the house of 
commons itself, he would then examine : and if he 
should appear too tedious in the examination and 
disquisition of them, and to say more than was ne- 
cessary in his own defence, and to mention many 
particular persons in another manner than is usual 
upon occasions of this kind ; he desired it might be 
remembered and considered, that this was not writ- 
ten as a formal answer to an impeachment, nor like 
to be published in his lifetime, a judgment of banish- 
ment being passed against him (without the least 
proof made or offered for the making good any one 
article of treason or misdemeanour) by act of parlia- 


ment ; but that it was a debt due to his children 1 668. 
and posterity, that they might know (how much" 
soever they were involved or might be in the effects 
of the sharp malice against him) how far he was 
from any guilt of those odious crimes which had 
been so odiously laid to his charge. 

And that being his end, he might be excused if 
he did so far enlarge upon all particulars, that it 
might be manifest unto them how far he had been 
from treading in those paths, or having been acces- 
sory to those counsels, which had been the source 
from whence all those bitter waters had flowed, that 
had corrupted the taste even almost of the whole 
nation. And in order to that so necessary discourse 
and vindication of his integrity and honour, he could 
only take notice of the printed paper of those 
heads for a charge, that had been reported from the 
committee to the house; all correspondence and com- 
munication being so strictly inhibited to all kind of 
men to hold any kind of commerce with him, ex- 
cept his children and menial servants, who only had 
liberty to write unto him of his own domestic af- 
fairs ; and the letters which they should write or re- 
ceive were to be first communicated to one of the 
secretaries of state. 

To the charge of the first article itself he said ; it 
was no great vanity to believe, that there was not 
one person in England of any quality to whom he 
was in any degree known, who believed him guilty 
of that charge : and that he wanted not a cloud of 
witnesses (besides the testimony that he hoped his 
majesty himself would vouchsafe to give him in that 
particular) who, from all that they had heard him 
say in council and in conversation, could vindicate 


1668. him from having that odious opinion. Having had 
the honour, by the special command of his late ma- 
jesty of blessed memory, to attend the prince, his 
now majesty, into the parts beyond the seas, and to 
be always with him and in his service those many 
years of his exile, and till his happy return ; he had 
always endeavoured to imprint in his majesty's 
mind an affection, esteem, and reverence for the 
laws of the land ; " without the trampling of which 
" under foot," he told him, " that himself could not 
" have been oppressed ; and that by the vindication 
" and support of them, he could only hope and ex- 
" pect honour and security to the crown." Upon 
that foundation and declared judgment, he said, he 
came into the service of the king his father, by op- 
posing all irregular and illegal proceedings in par- 
liament ; and that he had never swerved from that 
rule in any advice and counsel he had given to him 
or to his son. 

From the time of his majesty's happy return from 
beyond the seas, he had taken nothing so much to 
heart, as the establishment of the due administration 
of justice throughout the kingdom according to the 
known laws of the land, as the best expedient he 
could think of for the composing the general dis- 
tempers of the nation, and uniting the hearts of the 
people in a true obedience unto, and reverence for, 
his majesty's person and government. And with 
what success he had served his majesty in that pro- 
vince, (which he had been pleased principally to 
commit to his care and trust,) he did appeal to the 
whole nation ; and whether the oldest man could 
remember, that in the best times justice was ever 
more equally administered, and with less complaint 


and murmur; which had been frequently acknow- 1GG8. 
ledged from all the parts of the kingdom, and had~ 
been often taken notice of by the king himself with 
great approbation, and confessed by most of the no- 
bility upon several occasions. He said, he had often 
declared in parliament the king's affection and re- 
verence for the laws, and his resolution neither to 
swerve from them himself, nor to suffer any body 
else to do so : and upon the public occasions of 
swearing the judges in any courts, he had always 
enjoined them " to be very strict and precise in the 
" administration of justice according to law, with all 
" equality, and without respect of persons, which 
" the king expected from them ; and that as his ma- 
" jesty resolved never to interpose by message or 
" letter for the advancement or favour of any man's 
" right or title, so he would take it very ill, if any 
" subject (how great soever) should be able to 
" pervert them." And he did believe there had 
never passed so many years together in any age, 
in which the crown had not in the least degree in- 
terposed in any cause or title depending in West- 
minster-hall, to incline the court to this or that side ; 
or in which the crown itself -hath had so many 
causes judged against it in several courts : at least 
in which former practice and usage on the behalf 
of the crown hath been less followed. And no- 
thing is more known, than that from the time of 
the king's blessed return into England, even to the 
preparation of that charge against him, he had been 
reproached with nothing so much as his too much 
adhering to the law, and subjecting all persons to 
it : and this reproach had not been cast upon him 
so bitterly and so maliciously by any, and in places 



1668. where they thought it might produce most prejudice 
~~to him, as by those who now contrived that charge, 
and who had been always great enemies to the law. 

All this, and much more of the same kind, he 
said, was manifest to all the world : and therefore he 
needed not more to labour in that vindication. Yet 
he could not but observe, that there was not in all 
the king's forces, nor was when his forces were much 
greater than they were at that present, one officer 
recommended by him : and most of them were such 
who professed publicly a great animosity against 
him, having been, by the malice of some men, very 
unreasonably persuaded that the chancellor was 
their enemy ; that he desired that they might be 
disbanded, or at least so obliged to the rules of the 
law, that they should be every day cast into prison. 
And they had indeed found, that in some insolencics 
which the soldiers had committed contrary to the 
law, and some pretences which they made to pri- 
vileges against arrests, and the like, he had always 
opposed their desires with more warmth than other 
men had done ; as believing it might be the cause 
of notable disorders, and more alienate the affection 
of the people from the soldiers : so that it could not 
be thought probable, that he should contribute his 
advice for the raising a standing army, and that the 
kingdom should be governed thereby ; when there 
were very few men so like to be destroyed by that 
army as himself, who was so industriously rendered 
to be odious to it. 

To the other part of that first article, " that he 
" did advise the king to dissolve the present parlia- 
" ment, and to lay aside all thoughts of parliaments 
" for the future," &c. which it was said two privy 


counsellors were ready to prove ; he made a relation l GGS. 
of all that had passed in that consternation when" 
the Dutch fleet came into the river as far as Chat- 
ham, and when the debate was in council upon the 
reconvening the parliament in August, when it 
stood prorogued till October, which the chancellor 
affirmed could not legally be done ; all which is more 
at large related in this discourse y of the time when 
those transactions passed, and so need not to be re- 
peated in this place. 

The second article was, " That he had, in the The second 
" hearing of many of his majesty's subjects, ar 
" falsely and maliciously said, that the king 
*' was in his heart a papist, popishly affected, 
" or words to that effect." 

He said, that he had occasion too often, through- His 
out the whole charge, to acknowledge and magnify 
the great goodness of God Almighty, that, since he 
thought not fit (for his greater humiliation, and 
it may be to correct the pride of a good conscience) 
to preserve him entirely from those aspersions of 
infamy, and those flagella lingua, those strokes of 
the tongue, which always leave some mark or scar 
in the reputation they desire to wound ; he had yet 
infused into the hearts of his enemies, who had sug- 
gested and contrived this persecution against him, 
to lay such crimes to his charge as his nature is 
known most to abhor, and which cannot only not 
be believed, but must be contradicted, and a vindi- 
cation of him from that guilt must be made, by all 
men who know him to any degree, or who have been 
much in his company. And as justice would have 

y Page 247. &c. of this volume. 
c c 2 


1668. required it, so the usual form in cases of this nature 
"doth exact, that in so general a charge they should 
have named one single person of those many, in 
whose hearing lie had laid that odious imputation 
upon the king: and every man will presume, that 
one such person would have been named, if he could 
have been found. 

There was no man then alive, he said, who had 
had the honour to be so many years about or near 
the person of the king as he had been : no man, who 
knew more of the temptation his majesty had un- 
dergone, and the assaults he had sustained, in the 
matter of religion, during the whole time of his 
exile; when almost a total despair possessed the 
spirits of most men of his own religion, that he 
would recover his regality ; and the hopes and pro- 
mises and assurances were so pregnant of very many 
of all conditions, that he would suddenly recover it 
if he would change it. No man knew so well, with 
what Christian courage his majesty had repelled 
those assaults, or with what pious contempt and in- 
dignation he resisted and rejected those temptations. 
Nor had any man, he thought, held so many dis- 
courses with his majesty concerning religion as he 
had done; and sooner and more clearly discerned 
the reproaches he would 'undergo from that innate 
candour in his princely nature, which disposed him 
to receive any addresses, or to hear any discourses, 
which those of several factions in religion with great 
presumption have used to present to him : whilst his 
majesty hath, with equal temper and singular be- 
nignity, heard all ; and, pitying their errors, disr 
missed them with evidence, that their arguments 
were too weak to make impression upon his judg- 


ment. Which though they knew well, yet either 
party, out of the vanity of their hearts, used all the 
endeavours they could to get it believed, that the 
king was propitious to them and their party. And 
the papists, being most presumptuous in particular, 
and in their dark walks in several counties making 
it a special argument to their proselytes, and those 
they endeavoured to make so, that the king favoured 
them, and was of their religion in his heart, (of 
which, and the great prejudice it brought upon his 
majesty, he frequently received advertisements from 
many persons of honour, and of warm affections to 
the government ;) of which he had always informed 
the king, who was exceedingly offended at their 
folly and presumption, and wished " that some of 
" them might be apprehended, and prosecuted with 
" the utmost rigour ; and that some such prosecution 
" might be made against all the Roman catholics, 
" and that they might be convicted ;" which he al- 
ways gave in charge to the judges accordingly. 
And upon that and the like occasions he had a just 
and necessary opportunity to enlarge, in the pre- 
sence of many persons of honour and interest in the 
kingdom, upon the sincerity of the king's religion, 
and his constant exercise of it when he suffered by 
it; giving such instances of many particulars as were 
pertinent to the discourse : of which endeavours of 
his, and of some fruit thereof, he doubted not but 
that many of as considerable persons as are in Eng- 
land would be ready to give him their testimony. 
And, he said, he might without vanity say, that he 
had more than an ordinary part in the framing and 
promoting that act of parliament, that hath made 
those seditious discourses, " of the king's being a 

c c 3 

J 668. papist in his heart, or popishly affected,*' so very 

penal as they are*: and therefore there would be 
need of an undoubted and uncontrollable evidence, 
that he had so soon run into that crime himself. 
Which was all he would for the present say upon 
that second article. 
The third The third article was, " That he had received 


" great sums of money for passing the Canary 
" patent, and other illegal patents ; and granted 
" several injunctions to stop proceedings at law 
" against them, and other illegal patents for- 
" merly granted." 

His answer. TO which he said, that he had presumed in his 
humble address to the house of peers to assure their 
lordships, *' that he had never received one penny 
" over and above the just perquisites of his office, 
" according to the precedents and practice of the 
" best times, which he conceived to be those of the 
" lord Coventry and the lord Ellesmere ; and which 
" he had made his rule in all that he had receiv- 
" ed, excepting only what he had from the imme- 
" diate bounty of the king." And as he had always 
done all that was in his power to prevent and stop 
all illegal patents, so he did believe that there would 
be more patents then found in the office, which had 
been stopped by him, than by any of his predeces- 
sors in so short a time. He never granted any in- 
junctions in the cases mentioned in the charge, nor 
in any case, where, by the course of the court and 
the rules of justice, it was not warranted. And for 
the Canary patent, and the original, and all the pro- 
ceedings thereupon, so much is said in the body of 

1 they are] it is 


this discourse, according to the time it was trans- ltiC8. 
acted in a , that there needs no repetition of it in this 

The fourth article was, " That he had advised The fourth 


" and procured divers of his majesty's sub- 
" jects to be imprisoned against law in remote 
" islands, garrisons, and other places ; thereby 
" to prevent them from the benefit of the law, 
" and to introduce precedents for imprison - 
" ing of other of his majesty's subjects in like 
" manner." 

To which he said, he knew not what answer to His 
make to that article, it being so general, and no 
particular person being named : but, he said, it was 
generally known, that he had never taken it upon 
him to commit any man to prison, but such who, 
by the course of the chancery, for matters of con- 
tempt are justly and necessarily to be committed. It 
was probable that he had been present at the coun- 
cil-board, when many persons had been ordered to 
be committed, and whose commitment hath by the 
wisdom of that board been thought just and neces- 
sary ; and therefore he was not to answer apart for 
any thing done by them. Only he might say, that 
he was frequently of opinion that the commitments 
were very necessary : and it was notoriously known, 
that by such commitments some rebellions or insur- 
rections had been prevented ; and that other per- 
sons, who were afterwards attainted and executed 
for high treason, had upon their examinations and 
at their death confessed, that their purpose had been 
to rise in arms at such and such times, if their 

a Vol. ii. p. 362. &c. 
c c 4 


1(568. friends upon whom they had principally relied had 
~~ not been then committed to prison. And, he said, 
he did well remember, that it was thought fit that 
most of the persons who stand attainted for the 
murder of the late king, his majesty's royal father, 
should be removed out of the Tower, and dispersed 
into several islands and garrisons : and if any other 
persons had been likewise sent thither, he presumed 
it was upon such reasons, as upon a due examination 
thereof would make it appear to be very just. 
The fifth ar- The fifth article was, " That he had corruptly 

" sold several offices contrary to law." 
His answer. This he positively denied. 

The sixth The sixth was, " That he had procured his ma- 
" jesty's customs to be farmed at underrates, 
" knowing the same ; and great pretended 
" debts to be paid by his majesty, to the pay- 
" ment whereof his majesty was not in strict- 
" ness bound ; and that he had received great 
" sums of money for procuring the same." 
Hi answer. To this he said, he had never had any thing to 
do in the disposing his majesty's customs or any other 
part of his revenue, except for some short time 
after his majesty's first arrival in England ; when 
he, amongst others of the lords of the council, was a 
commissioner for the treasury : during which time 
there was no farm let of any of the revenue, and the 
customs were put into the hand of commissioners, to 
the end that a computation might be made as near 
as was possible of the full value of them, before that 
it should be put into a farm, which every man con- 
ceived would be fit to be done as soon as might be. 
The white staff was shortly after given to the earl 
of Southampton, (to whom his majesty had de- 


signed it before he returned,) and the chancellorship 1 668. 
of the exchequer to the lord Ashley, the lord chan- 
cellor having resigned it into his majesty's hands, 
which he had been possessed of for many years in 
the time of the late king, and retained it till after 
his majesty's return : and from the time that those 
two officers of the revenue were made, which deter- 
mined the former commission, he never intermeddled 
in the customs, or in any other branch of the re- 
venue ; except when the king commanded him to 
be present in some consultations which he had with 
the lord treasurer, and when there were other lords 
of the council present. That excellent person, the 
lord treasurer, always resorted to the king for his di- 
rection, in all matters of the least difficulty which 
occurred to him in the administration of his office ; 
and frequently did desire to confer with the chancel- 
lor (with whom he was known to have held a long 
and a fast friendship) upon many particulars of his 
office, believing that he was not altogether ignorant 
in that administration, with which he had been for- 
merly so well acquainted. And that he conceived 
might be the reason, why he did oftentimes procure 
him to be joined with him in .references from the 
king, upon matters wholly relating to his own 
office. But the chancellor did never then suffer 
any particular application to be made to him in 
those cases, nor had ever secret conferences with 
any persons who were concerned in those preten- 

What was meant " by his having procured his 
" majesty's customs to be farmed at underrates, 
" knowing the same ; and great pretended debts to 
" be paid by his majesty, to the payment whereof 


1068. " his majesty was not in strictness bound ;" he said, 
he could not imagine, except it did relate to the 
payment of a debt due from his late majesty to 
some of the fanners. In which though he had no 
more to do, than in giving information and his par- 
ticular advice to his majesty, in the presence of the 
lord treasurer, the chancellor of the exchequer, and 
other of the lords, and so was not himself respons- 
ible for what his majesty did thereupon ; yet he 
thought himself obliged upon this particular, which 
so much concerned the honour and justice of the 
late king and of his present majesty, to enlarge, and 
relate all he knew of what their majesties did, and 
what induced his present majesty to do his part in 

He said, it was notoriously known, that before 
the late troubles, and in the very first entrance into 
them, his majesty was necessitated to borrow very 
great sums of money from his then farmers of his 
customs, and to oblige them to stand personally 
bound for many other great sums of money, which 
other men lent to his majesty upon their security. 
That thereupon^ and for the repayment of those 
sums which the farmers had advanced, and for 
securing them from any damage for those monies 
which others had lent upon their obligations, his 
late majesty, with the advice of the then lord trea- 
surer and the chancellor of the exchequer, had grant- 
ed a further lease of his customs to those farmers for 
three or four years to come, after the expiration of 
their former lease ; with a covenant on his majesty's 
part, to pay the just interest for all such monies as 
were advanced by them, or for which they stood 
bound ; and likewise that they should, out of their 


growing rent, deduct such sums of money by the 1668. 
year, as they had lent or been bound for, according" 
to such proportions yearly as was agreed upon. 
That it was as well known, that shortly after the 
beginning of the parliament in 1640, and before the 
commencement of the second lease, the house of 
commons did not only force the said farmers to pay 
a very great sum of money for their presumption in 
receiving customs and impositions upon merchandise 
in the former years, when they pretended such pay- 
ments were not due ; but took also from them their 
new lease granted to them by the king, and so left 
them without any capacity of reimbursing them- 
selves of the money they had lent, and likewise at 
the mercy of their creditors to whom they stood 
bound ; many of whom quickly began to exercise 
that severity towards them, that many of the poor 
gentlemen had their estates extended upon judg- 
ments and recognisances, and their persons taken in 
execution and committed to prison ; where some of 
them who had been known to have great estates, as 
sir Paul Pindar and others, were forced to end their 

There were very few circumstances in the late 
king's misfortunes, which gave him more trouble, or 
so much afflicted him as the sense he had of the hor- 
rid and unjust sufferings those poor gentlemen un- 
derwent for him, and their affection for his service ; 
which he often publicly mentioned, and as often de- 
clared, " that he held himself obliged to make them 
" full reparation as soon as God should enable him." 
And he frequently spake to the chancellor, who was 
then chancellor of the exchequer, of that affair ; of 
the good opinion he had of the men, and of the great 


1668. services they had done for his majesty; and com- 
~~ manded him expressly, when it should fall within 
his power, he should do them all the right he could. 
And of this he had often informed his majesty dur- 
ing the time he was abroad, and after his return, 
without any other motive than his father's command 
and his own honour, having himself never had any 
degree of friendship with any of the persons con- 
cerned, and a very ordinary acquaintance with 
some of them. Upon his majesty's happy return, 
those gentlemen who were alive of the old farmers, 
who were sir John Jacob, sir Job Harby, sir Ni- 
cholas Crispe, and sir John Harrison, applied them- 
selves to the king, having lain several years and at 
that time remaining in execution in several prisons, 
and having had their estates sold, upon the prosecu- 
tion of those creditors to whom they were bound for 
money lent to his majesty. 

As soon as measures were taken for collecting the 
revenue, those four gentlemen named before, and 
two others who had served his majesty very well, 
were appointed his commissioners for the collecting 
the customs and duties upon trade ; in which collec- 
tion they continued a year or thereabouts ; during 
which time many of their creditors, who had gene- 
rously forbore to prosecute them whilst they were 
in prison and undone, begun now to commence their 
actions against them, presuming they were then or 
would shortly be able to satisfy them. Whereupon 
the king commanded the lord treasurer and the 
chancellor, with some other lords, to send for those 
creditors, and to declare to them, " that his majesty 
" would in a short time enable his farmers to pay 
" their just debts, which he well knew were con- 


" tracted for his service ; and that he would take it 1G68. 
<c very well from them, if they would for the present 
" give no obstruction to his service, by the prosecu- 
" tion of those persons at law, whose time was 
" solely taken up in the necessary service of his ma- 
" jesty." Whereupon they willingly desisted from 
that prosecution ; and many of them finding now, 
that by his majesty's favour they were like to re- 
cover their debts they before thought to be despe- 
rate, they frankly remitted the whole or part of 
the interest, that in strictness of law was still due 
to them. 

His majesty shortly after, finding it best for his 
profit to determine the collection by commission, 
and to let the whole to farm, gave direction to the 
lord treasurer to confer and treat with any fit per- 
sons who desired to contract for the same. Many 
overtures were made by several persons, and some 
applied themselves directly to his majesty. Upon 
which, and after a competent time in considering all 
that had been proposed, the king appointed a day, 
when he would be attended by the lord treasurer 
and other of the lords, and when all the pretenders 
should likewise be present, and he would then and 
there declare his own judgment ; having first de- 
clared to the commissioners, whereof four were the 
old farmers to whom so much money was due, " that 
" whosoever should take the farm, they should be 
" obliged to pay them their just debt at such times, 
" and by such proportions, as their service could 
" bear. But as to the letting the farm itself, he 
" would neither consider the debt he owed them, 
" nor the sufferings they had undergone, but only 
." the rent they should offer ; which if as much as 


1668. " any Ixxly else would give, he would prefer their 
~~ " persons taforc others ; but if any other fit men 
" would offer more than they thought fit to give, 
" they should be his farmers : and therefore wished 
" them well to consider what they would propose to 
" him." 

After two days spent by his majesty with the se- 
veral pretenders apart, and finding that the proposi- 
tions made to him by the old farmers, with whom 
the other two were to be joined who had served 
with them as commissioners, were at least as much 
if not more for his profit than any that had been 
made by any of the rest ; he did declare, that the 
farm should be let to those who had been his com- 
missioners : which at that time was understood to 
be so far from being a good bargain, that the two 
commissioners, who were not concerned in the great 
debt, utterly refused to meddle with the farm at so 
great a rent ; the other four publicly declaring at 
the same time, " that they would not give the rent 
" but in contemplation of their debt, which they 
" thought they should sooner and better receive, 
" when it should be assigned upon their own collec- 
" tions, than when it should be charged upon new 
" farmers." But they were suitors to his majesty, 
" that he would oblige the other two (sir John Wol- 
'* stenholme and sir John Shaw) to be joint farmers 
" with them ;" which his majesty did, by making 
a gracious promise to them, " that if they should be 
" losers, he would repair them :" and thereupon di- 
rections were given to Mr. Attorney General to pre- 
pare a grant accordingly. And, he said, he did not 
know that there was one dissenting voice from what 
his majesty inclined to do upon the whole matter, 


the same appearing to every man to be most just 1G68. 
and reasonable. 

The farm being thus settled, the old farmers were 
directed " to bring their accounts to the lord trea- 
" surer and chancellor of the exchequer, by which it 
" should manifestly appear how much the king was 
" justly and truly indebted to them, and how the 
" debts were incurred ; that so upon a just compu- 
" tation such satisfaction might be made to them, as 
" was consistent with the present state of his ma- 
" jesty's affairs and occasions." Many months, if 
not a whole year, were spent in the examination of 
those accounts before the auditors : who, besides the 
exceptions they took for want of some formalities in 
the proof of some money paid, which after twenty 
years of license (in which all their books and papers 
had been taken, their houses plundered, and their 
persons imprisoned ; and in which so many persons 
employed by the king to receive and by them to 
pay money were dead) could hardly be made with 
the usual exactness ; made likewise several certifi- 
cates of particular cases, which required further di- 
rections. And the lord treasurer would never take 
upon himself to give those directions, only declaring 
to them, as he had frequently done, " that in regard 
" his majesty was not strictly bound in justice to 
" pay that debt due from his father, but that his 
" present majesty's generous and royal disposition 
" had prevailed with him to pay that just debt, 
" whereby they might be preserved from ruin, in 
" which," he said, " he had fully concurred with his 
" majesty ; but that he would never advise him, on 
" the contrary he would always dissuade his majesty 
" from paying or allowing any interest, though paid 


1G68. " by them, which would swell the debt to such a 
~ " pro}>ortion, that his majesty could never undertake 
" the payment of it." Which determination, how 
great soever their loss appeared to be, seemed to be 
so just, at least so necessary for the king, that they 
wholly referred it to his majesty ; hoping that it 
might prevail with many of their creditors not to 
exact it from them, though the sale of their whole 
estates had made satisfaction to others for the whole 
interest, as well as for the principal. 

When the auditors' certificate was ready, and all 
the doubts and questions that did arise thereupon 
were clearly stated, his majesty vouchsafed again to 
be present with the other lords, who. had from the 
beginning assisted in the examination of that busi- 
ness : and then the lord treasurer declared to his 
majesty, what he had before said to the persons 
concerned, " that b though he willingly approved his 
" majesty's goodness in taking upon himself that 
" great debt, yet that he would by no means give 
" his advice or consent that he should pay or allow 
" any interest for it." 

Upon the whole matter, and upon all the doubts 
stated to his majesty, and after the rejection of se- 
veral of the sums of money which were demanded 
by them, and for the payment whereof such direct 
proof is not made as is required by the course of the 
exchequer, (though, he said, he thought most per- 
sons who were present were in their private con- 
sciences well satisfied, that those sums had been in 
truth paid to his majesty's use, as had been alleged;) 
there appeared to his majesty to be justly due to 

l> that] and 


them the sum of two hundred thousand pounds, 1GG8. 
principal-money, for almost twenty years, and for 
which they had paid the interest for many years 
out of their own estates. And his majesty thought 
it very just ; and, with many gracious expressions 
of his purpose and resolution further to repair them 
as he should be able, gave order to the lord trea- 
surer, " that the said debt of two hundred thousand 
" pounds should be paid to them in five years, that 
" is, by forty thousand pounds for every year, out 
" of the rent of the farm ; and that all instruments 
" necessary for their satisfaction and security should 
" be presently given to them, whereby they might 
" be able to comply with their creditors, and avoid 
" their importunity," wherewith his majesty begun 
to be troubled as much as themselves. 

He did confess himself to have been present at 
those agitations, and to have contributed his humble 
advice and opinion to his majesty that he should 
pay this debt ; which he thought himself obliged to 
da, as well as a faithful counsellor to his present 
majesty, as in discharge of his duty and obligation 
to his father. And, he said, he had very good rea- 
son to believe, that if that two hundred thousand 
pounds be paid according to his majesty's direction, 
and of which the heirs and executors of those farm- 
ers who are dead, as well as the four present farmers, 
have their equal proportions ; the said persons have 
not at this day half the estates they had in the year 
1640, when they entered into those engagements 
for his majesty. Nor was there any one person pre- 
sent at the agitation of this affair, who seemed in 
the least degree to differ in the opinion, or to dis- 

VOL. in. D d 


1668. suade his majesty from giving that satisfaction for 
~ that debt. 

He said, he did likewise very willingly confess, 
that he had in the manner aforesaid, and being 
called to advise, given his opinion for the payment 
of many other considerable debts incurred by his 
late majesty, and for which many persons of honour, 
who adhered to him during that war, were person- 
ally bound for him, and whose estates had been ex- 
tended and their persons imprisoned for the same; 
many of whom were in execution and in prison for 
the same when his majesty returned, and others 
were then sued in Westminster-hall, in his ma- 
jesty's own courts. His late majesty having granted 
under his great seal of England, to several persons 
intrusted for the rest, many of his forests, parks, and 
other lands, for their security and indemnity who 
were or should stand bound for him, for money that 
was then borrowed for and applied to the necessary 
support of himself and his army, and to no other 
purpose ; in c that grant he had been particularly 
trusted, as well by the desire of the persons parti- 
cularly concerned, as by his majesty's command to 
be solicitous for their satisfaction. And he did not 
deny, that he was never more glad d , than when he 
was able to procure satisfaction for those persons 
who were so bound and so secured ; nor more trou- 
bled, than that he could do no more, than that there 
remained still so many unsatisfied, and almost un- 
done, for those debts so contracted ; of which num- 
ber he believed there were still too many. 

c in] and in d never more glad] very glad 


But having made those clear confessions of what 1 608. 
was truth, and what he did do in those transactions, ~~ 
he said, he must as positively deny, that ever he 
procured or advised the letting his majesty's cus- 
toms, or any other part of his revenue, at underrates: 
on the contrary, that he used all the ways he could 
to advance the rents, without respect of persons; 
and that he was never present at the letting any 
farm that any men would have given more for, than 
they did to whom it was let, what offers soever 
were made afterwards, when his majesty himself 
had made a contract, and when a grant was issued 
accordingly under the great seal of England. And 
he did as positively deny, that ever he received or 
expected the least sum of money, or money-worth, 
for any lease made by his majesty of his customs, or 
any other part of his revenue ; or for the payment 
of any one debt made by his majesty, to which he 
was or was not bound : he having, he said, never 
had any other motive for the performance of those 
offices, but the pure and entire consideration of his 
majesty's honour, justice, and profit, and his own in- 
clination to gratify worthy persons, who in justice 
ought to be or might with justice be gratified and 
obliged, and who had commonly been such persons 
to whom he had had no kind of obligation. 

The seventh article was, " That he had received The seventh 


" great sums of money from the company of 
" vintners, or some of them or their agents, for 
" enhancing the prices of wines, and for free- 
" ing them from the payment of legal penalties 
" which they had incurred." 

He said, if he had been in the least degree guilty His answer. 
of that charge, it would very easily have been 

D d 2 


1668. proved; and the vintners would very gladly have 
~~ helped them in it, being persons who never thought 
themselves beholden to him, and so not obliged to 
conceal any of his corruptions. They well knew, 
that he could never be prevailed with to consent to 
the enhancing the prices of their wines, and that 
he never had received from them the least sum of 
money, or other gratuity from them, in his life. 
He said, he did remember, that at a time when his 
majesty had refused to grant all their other petitions, 
the company of vintners did complain, " that there 
" were so many informations against them prose- 
" cuted by informers in the exchequer, that they 
** must give over their trades, and be likewise un- 
" done, if they, should be severely pursued for what 
" was past:" and therefore they besought his ma- 
jesty in council, " that he would pardon what was 
" past ; and that for the future they would trespass 
" no more." Whereupon his majesty thought it 
worthy of his mercy to shelter them for the present 
from that prosecution ; and thereupon commanded 
his attorney general " to call the informers before 
" him, and to appoint the vintners to pay them such 
" reasonable rewards for their pains as he thought 
" fit ; and thereupon he should enter a noli prose- 
" qui :" but his majesty charged them " for the fu- 
" ture not to run into the same danger." And as 
this grace from his majesty was not upon his pro- 
motion, but purely from his own bounty and good- 
ness, from which nobody dissuaded him ; so he never 
received the least profit from the same. 
The eighth The eighth is, " That he had in a short time 


" gained to himself a far greater estate than 
" can be imagined to be lawfully gained in so 


"short a time; and contrary to his oath he 1668. 
" had procured several grants under the great *~ 
" seal from his majesty, to himself and to his 
" relations, of several of his majesty's lands, he- 
" reditaments, and leases, to the disprofit of 
" his majesty." 

To this he said, that he wished with all his heart His answer. 
that the truth of that article (which he presumed 
had drawn on all the rest) were clearly known to 
all the world : and that they, who in truth do be- 
lieve that he hath so great an estate, were well in- 
formed what it is ; and they would then clearly 
discern that he needed not be ashamed of having 
gotten such an estate, nor that he needed to have 
any recourse to any ill arts or means for the obtain- 
ing thereof. They would know, that he had been 
so far from " procuring several grants under the 
" great seal of England from his majesty, to himself 
" and his relations, of several of his majesty's lands, 
" hereditaments, and leases, to the disprofit of his 
" majesty ;" that he never moved his majesty in his 
life for any one grant to himself or any of his rela- 
tions. If his majesty's royal bounty had disposed 
him to confer somewhat of benefit and advantage 
upon an old servant, who had waited upon his father 
and himself near thirty years in some trust and em- 
ployment ; he said, he hoped it should not be im- 
puted as a crime in him to receive his favours. He 
was far from believing or imagining, that the poor 
services he had ever done, or could do, were in any 
degree proportionable to his majesty's bounty : yet 
since his majesty's goodness had thought him fit for 
it, he hoped many others would think so too; at 
least as fit as some men, who had received greater 

D d 3 


1668. marks and proportions of it than he had done, and 
~~ who, though they might serve much better, had not 
served so long. 

He said, he forbore to enlarge upon that charge, 
because he conceived that it was now evident to 
many, who had been wrought upon by those who 
did not believe it themselves, to think his estate to 
be very great, that the information they received 
was without ground : and whoever considers, that 
the first year after the king's return yielded justly 
more profit to the great seal than he ever received 
in all the years following, and some particular acts 
of bounty conferred on him by his majesty, without 
the least suit from him, and unthought of by him, 
will believe that his fault was greater in having no 
better an estate, than that what he hath hath been 
gotten by corruption. He said, he hath none of his 
majesty's lands, but what he had bought, for as much 
as any body would pay for it, of those who had the 
same granted to them by his majesty's bounty, and 
that grant confirmed to them by act of parliament. 
And he presumed that it could not have fallen from 
his majesty's memory, and was sure was well known 
to some persons of honour yet alive, that when his 
majesty was graciously pleased, upon his first coming 
over, to offer him some land that had never yielded 
any thing to the crown, he absolutely refused to re- 
ceive it, because it was generally thought to be of 
great value ; and therefore he would not expose him- 
self to the envy which naturally attends those dona- 
tions, having in truth never had an immoderate 
appetite to make haste to be rich ; and had as much 
apprehended the being accused of witchcraft or bur- 
glary, as of bribery and corruption. 


In a word; he did declare, that, his debts being 1668. 
discharged, for which he paid interest, all his estate" 
was not worth, being sold, the money that he had 
received from his majesty's own royal bounty, and 
far from being suitable to the quality he yet held, 
and which was never obtained by his own ambition, 
as many persons of honour could testify. 

The ninth article was, " That he had introduced The ninth 

... _ article. 

" an arbitrary government in his majesty s to* 
" reign plantations ; and had caused such as 
" complained thereof before his majesty and 
" his council, to be long imprisoned for so 
" doing." 

To this he said, that though he could not possibly HIS answei 
comprehend the full meaning of that article, yet 
because he had heard of many discourses made of 
the authority that he assumed to himself over the 
plantations, and the great advantage and benefit 
that he had drawn to himself from thence, he was 
very willing to take that occasion to relate all that 
he knew, and all that he had done, with reference 
to any of his majesty's plantations ; declaring in the 
first place, that at his majesty's return, and before, 
he had used all the endeavours he could to prepare 
and dispose the king to a great esteem of his planta- 
tions, and to encourage the improvement of them 
by all the ways that could reasonably be proposed 
to him. And he had been confirmed in that opinion 
and desire, as soon as he had a view of the entries 
in the custom-house ; by which lie found what a 
great revenue accrued to the king from those planta- 
tions, insomuch as the receipts from thence had 
upon the matter repaired the decrease and diminu- 
tion of the customs, which the late troubles had 

D d 4 


1668. brought upon other parts of trade, from what it had 
~ formerly yielded. 

The first consideration that offered itself before 
the king that related to the plantations, was con- 
cerning the Barbadoes ; which having been most 
discoursed of since, and, as he had heard, with some 
reflections upon him of partiality and injustice, he 
said, he would in the first place set down all he 
knew in that affair, and how he came to meddle 

in it. 

Before the beginning of the late troubles, the king 
had granted the island of the Barbadoes to the earl 
of Carlisle and his heirs for ever, upon a supposition 
that it had been first discovered, possessed, and 
planted at his charge : and the said earl sent a go- 
vernor and people thither, and enjoyed it to his 
death ; and by his will settled it for the payment of 
his debts, which were very great. The troubles fall- 
ing out in a short time after, little or no profit had 
been drawn from thence towards the satisfaction of 
those debts ; and the executors and trustees totally 
neglected the taking care of it, or prosecuting the 
plantation. But in and after the war many citi- 
zens, merchants, and gentlemen, who were willing 
or forced to withdraw themselves from England, 
transported themselves thither, and planted without 
asking any body's leave, and without being opposed 
or contradicted by any body. 

About the year 1647, or thereabouts, the late 
earl of Carlisle, son and heir of the former earl 
to whom the inheritance of that island belonged, 
treated with the late lord Willoughby of Parham, 
how that island might be so husbanded, that the 
plantation might be advanced, and profit made by 


it; which would at last redound to himself, when 1668. 
the debt should be paid. The late king was then ~~ 
in the hands of the army : and with his majesty's 
approbation and consent, it was agreed between the 
said earl and the said lord, " that a lease should be 
" made by the earl of Carlisle to the lord Willough- 
" by, of all the profits which should arise out of that 
" plantation, for the term of twenty-one years or 
" thereabouts ; a moiety of the whole profits to be 
" received by the lord Willoughby himself for his 
" own use, in recompense for his pains and charge. 
" And he was likewise to receive a commission from 
" the said earl, to be governor of that and the rest 
" of the Caribbee islands," (all which were compre- 
hended in the charter granted by the king to the 
earl of Carlisle;) "and that a commission should be 
" likewise procured from the king or the prince of 
" Wales, by which the lord Willoughby was to be 
" constituted governor of the said islands." 

About that time the fleet in the Downs returned 
to their obedience to the king, withdrawing them- 
selves to the coast of Holland to offer their service 
to the prince of Wales, his majesty that now is ; the 
lord Willoughby then likewise coming over to him, 
to serve him in any condition his highness would 
employ him in. That summer being passed without 
any good success, the lord Willoughby then inform- 
ed the prince of what had passed between the earl 
of Carlisle and him with the king his father's con- 
sent ; which his highness had likewise received 
from his majesty himself, with much recommenda- 
tion of the lord Willoughby. He said, he was then 
attending upon the prince in Holland, as one of the 
king's council assigned by his majesty for that ser- 


1668. vice. Upon the understanding this whole case, the 
" prince, upon the unanimous advice of the council, 
thought fit to grant such a commission of governor 
of the Barbadoes and the other islands, as he de- 
sired : and he had the more reason to desire it, (not- 
withstanding the earl of Carlisle's grant and commis- 
sion,) because the principal planters upon the Barlm- 
does had been officers in the king's army, or of ma- 
nifest affections to him, and always looked upon as 
of his party. 

With this commission the lord Willoughby had, 
at his great charge and expense, transported him- 
self to the Barbadoes, and was there received as go- 
vernor ; and made a contract with the planters, 
" that so much should be paid upon the hundred to 
" the earl of Carlisle," to whom the propriety of the 
whole belonged. But before this agreement could 
be well executed, or any profit drawn from thence, 
the island was reduced to the obedience of the par- 
liament and of Cromwell, and a governor appointed 
by them ; the lord Willoughby being sent into Eng- 
land, where he remained till the king's return, and 
had given unquestionable evidence of his affection 
to the king's service, for which he had often been 
committed to prison before and after Cromwell's 

As soon as the king returned, the lord Willoughby 
(who had then eight or nine years to come of his 
lease formerly granted to him by the earl of Carlisle, 
who was then likewise living, and ready to do any 
other act to the lord Willoughby's advantage) re- 
solved to return himself to the Barbadoes, and de- 
sired the king to renew his commission to him for 
the government ; which his majesty was very will- 


ing to do, as to a person he esteemed very much, 1668. 
and who had spent very much of his own fortune, as ~ 
was notoriously known, in that service. But the 
Barbadoes and all those other islands were now be- 
come of another consideration and value, than they 
had been of before the troubles : the Barbadoes it- 
self was (by that confluence and resort thither as 
was mentioned before) so fully planted, that there 
was no room for new comers, and they had sent 
very many of their people to the other islands to 
plant ; many citizens of London had raised very 
great estates there, and every year received a very 
great revenue from thence ; and e the king's customs 
from that one island came to a very great sum of 
money yearly. 

All these men, who f had entered upon that plant- 
ation as a waste place, and had with great charge 
brought it to that perfection, and with great trouble, 
begun now to apprehend, that they must depend 
upon the good-will of the earl of Carlisle and lord 
Willoughby for the enjoyment of their estates there, 
which they had hitherto looked upon as their own. 
All these men joined together in an appeal to the 
king, arid humbly prayed " his protection, and that 
" they might not be oppressed by those two lords." 
They pleaded, " that they were the king's subjects ; 
" that they had repaired thither as to a desolate 
" place, and had by their industry obtained a liveli- 
" hood there, when they could not with a good con- 
" science stay in England. That if they should be 
*' now left to those lords to ransom themselves and 
" compound for their estates, they must leave the 

e and] Not in MS. f who] Not in MS. 


1668. "country; and the plantation would be destroyed, 
~" which yielded his majesty so good a revenue. 
** That they could defend themselves by law against 
** the earl of Carlisle's title, if his majesty did not 
" countenance it by a new grant of the government 
" to the lord Willoughby : and therefore they were 
" suitors to his majesty, that he would not s destroy 
" them by that countenance." 

At the same time, the creditors of the late earl 
of Carlisle (whose debts were to be satisfied by the 
profits of that plantation, by the will and settlement 
of the said earl) petitioned the king, " that they 
" might be in the first place provided for : their 
" principal-money due to them at the death of the 
" earl amounted to no less than fifty thousand 
" pounds, of which they had never yet received one 
" penny; and therefore that the profits which should 
" arise ought in the first place to be applied to them, 
" there having been many families utterly ruined for 
" want of their monies so due to them." The king 
appointed to hear all their several pretences at the 
council-board, where they all attended with their 
council : and after his majesty had spent three or four 
days himself in hearing the several allegations, find- 
ing 11 new pretences and difficulties every day to arise, 
(which shall be mentioned anon,) the king appointed 
several of the lords of the council " to consider of 
" the whole matter, and to confer with the several 
" parties, and, if it were possible, to make an end 
" between them by their own consent ; otherwise 
" to report the several titles to his majesty, with 
" such expedients as in their judgments they thought 

not] Omitted in MS. h finding] and finding 


" most like to produce a general satisfaction, with- 
" out endangering the plantation," the preservation 
whereof .his majesty took to heart. The chancellor 
was one of that committee, and took very much 
pains in reading the charters, grants, and leases, and 
many other papers and despatches which concerned 
that affair ; and conferred with several of the per- 
sons interested ; to the end that he might the bet- 
ter discern what could be done, having never under- 
stood or heard any thing of the matter, or that con- 
cerned that plantation, otherwise than what he hath 
before set down upon the despatch of the lord Wil- 
loughby to ' Holland ; nor had he the least k inclina- 
tion or bias to any party. Upon the hearing all the 
allegations before the lords, the several pretences 
and titles appeared to them to be these ; which they 
afterwards reported to the king. 

The lord Willoughby demanded nothing from the 
king, but his commission to be governor for the re- 
mainder of the years which had been granted to 
him by the earl of Carlisle ; to the end that he 
might receive one moiety of those profits which 
should arise to the earl, and which had been assign- 
ed to him with the consent and approbation of the 
late king, and of his majesty that now is ; upon 
which he had undertaken that voyage, and spent so 
much of his estate. 

The earl of Carlisle, whilst this contention was 
depending, died, and by his will devised his interest 
in the Barbadoes to the earl of Kinnoul, who like- 
wise petitioned the king for the preservation of his 
right : but neither he, nor the person under whom 

1 to] in k least] Not in MS. 


1 668. he claimed, had any pretence till all the debts should 
be satisfied ; nor did the earl of Kinnoul demand 
any thing till then, but believed the profit would 
arise yearly to so much, that the debts would 
quickly be satisfied, and then the whole was to come 
to him. 

There was another title that preceded the earl of 
Carlisle's, which was that of the earl of Marlbo- 
rough, who alleged, and proved it to be true, rt that 
" the Barbadoes and those adjacent islands were 
" first granted by the king to his grandfather the 
" earl of Marlborough, who was then lord high 
" treasurer of England, before the earl of Carlisle 
" had any pretence thereunto ; and that the lord 
" treasurer had afterwards consented that the same 
" should be granted to the earl of Carlisle, upon a 
" full contract, that he should first receive for ever 
" the sum of three hundred pounds by the year out 
" of the first profits of the plantations ; which sum 
" of three hundred pounds had never been yet paid : 
" and therefore the earl of Marlborough desired, as 
" heir to his grandfather, to have satisfaction for the 
" arrears, and that the growing rent might be se- 
" cured to him." 

The creditors were of two kinds : the first, and 
who had first petitioned the king, as was said be- 
fore, had an assignment made to them by the execu- 
tors and trustees of the earl of Carlisle upon his will, 
and who at his death owed them the full sum of 
fifty thousand pounds or thereabouts. The other 
creditors consisted of several tradesmen and ar- 
tificers, to whom the said earl was indebted for 
wares and goods which they had delivered for his 
use; and of several servants for their arrears of 


wages : and all those had, during the late troubles, 1 668. 
exhibited their bill in chancery against the executors 
and overseers of the late earl, and had obtained a 
decree in that court for their satisfaction out of the 
profits of those plantations, (which decree stood con- 
firmed by the late act of judicial proceedings ;) and, 
as he remembered, their debts amounted to thirty 
thousand pounds or thereabout. None of the cre- 
ditors in general, of one or the other sort, had ever 
received one shilling from the time that the earl had 
first assigned it. 

The planters insisted positively, "that the char- 
" ter granted to the earl of Carlisle by the king was 
" void in point of law :" for which their council al- 
leged many reasons. And having spent much time 
upon that argumentation, they concluded with two 
humble propositions to the king. 1. " That his ma- 
" jesty would give them leave to prosecute in his 
" name in the exchequer, and at their own charge, 
" to repeal that grant to the earl of Carlisle ; by 
" which they should be freed from the arbitrary 
" power and oppression which would be exercised 
" upon them under the colour of that charter, and 
" his majesty might receive a great benefit to him- 
" self, by taking the sovereignty into his own hands, 
" to which it belonged. And in that case they of- 
" fered in their own names, and for the rest of the 
" planters who were in the island, to consent to an 
" imposition of so much in the hundred, which they 
" confidently averred would amount in the year to 
" ten thousand pounds at the least ; out of which his 
" majesty's governor might be well supported, and 
" his majesty dispose of the overplus as he should 
" think fit." 2. " If his majesty would not suffer 



1668. " the charter to be repealed, that he would leave 
"" " those who claimed under the earl of Carlisle's pa- 
" tent to their remedy at law, and leave the planters 
" to their own defence ; which they hoped in justice 
" could not be denied to them, since they alone had 
" been at the charge to settle the plantation, which 
" brought every year so great a revenue to the 
" crown, when the earl had not been at the least ex- 
" pense thereupon : and if his majesty should not 1 
" assist their pretences with his royal authority, 
" they must all quit the plantation." 

These being the several pretences of the several 
persons, and nothing being to be done by agreement 
between themselves, their interests being so distinct 
and inconsistent with each other ; his majesty 
thought fit, in the first place, to refer the considera- 
tion of the validity and legality of the patent to his 
council at law; who, upon full deliberation and 
after the hearing of all parties, returned their opin- 
ion, " that their patent was void, and that his ma- 
" jesty might take the same into his own power." 
This report was no sooner made to his majesty, but 
that he very graciously declared, "that he would 
" not receive from hence any benefit or advantage 
" to himself, until all their pretences had received 
" satisfaction ; and that he would make no further 
" use of avoiding the said charter, than to dispose 
" the profits of the plantation to those, who in jus- 
" tice had any pretence in law or equity to receive 
" the same : and therefore that the lord Willoughby 
" should proceed in his voyage to the Barbadoes, 
" and should receive according to his bargain a 

1 not] now 


"moiety of the profits; and that the other part 10(58. 
" should he disposed of for the satisfaction of the 
" debts and other incumbrances." In order to 
which, his majesty appointed the same committee of 
the lords to meet again, and to adjust the several 

When they met again, they had all the persons 
concerned with them, or ready to be called in upon 
any occasion ; and they all appeared very glad that 
the king had taken the care and protection of the 
plantation upon himself, which was all the security 
the planters had or could desire. And the lords' 
first care was, to make some computation that 
might be depended upon, as the yearly revenue that 
would arise upon the imposition within the island. 
But the planters would not be drawn to any parti- 
cular agreement in that point, not so much as to 
consent to what should be imposed upon every hun- 
dred ; but on the contrary declared, " that too much 
" had been undertaken in that kind by one of their 
" own number, Mr. Kendall, in his discourse before 
" the king in the council," and declared, " that the 
" plantation could not bear the imposition he had 
" mentioned. That whatsoever was to be done of 
" that nature was to be transacted by an assembly 
" in the island : and that all that they could pro- 
" mise for themselves was, that they would use 
" their utmost endeavours with their friends in the 
" island, that when the lord Willoughby should ar- 
" rive there and call an assembly, they should cou- 
" sent to as great an imposition as the 'plantation 
" would bear : by which," they said, " a good reve- 
" nue would arise to the king for the purposes afore- 
" said." 

VOL. III. E e 


1 668. The creditors had great reason to be glad of the 
~ resolution his majesty had taken : for though it 
would be a long time before they could be fully sa- 
tisfied out of a moiety of the profits, though it 
should arise to the highest computation, yet in time 
they should receive all, and should every year re- 
ceive some ; which would lessen their debt, and re- 
lieve those who were in the highest necessities, of 
which there was a great number. Whereas they 
had hitherto in so many years received not one 
penny : and it was evident, that without his ma- 
jesty's authority they never should, since the planters 
were resolved never to consent to any imposition, 
nor submit to "any authority that should be exer- 
cised under the earl of Carlisle's patent, without a 
due course of law ; the way to obtain which would 
be very difficult to find out. And they understood 
well enough, that, without his majesty's grace and 
bounty to them, the repeal or avoiding the earl of 
Carlisle's patent would put a quick end to all their 

The greatest difficulty that did arise was from 
the earl of Kinnoul, to whom the last earl of Carlisle 
had devised these islands by his will : and he had a 
great mind to go thither himself, and take posses- 
sion of his right ; and his council had persuaded 
him, " that the king's charter granted to the first 
" earl of Carlisle was good and valid in law, and 
" that they believed they could defend and maintain 
" it in any court of justice." Then his own estate 
in Scotland was so totally lost by the iniquity of the 
time, and his father's having so frankly declared 
himself for the king, when very few of that nation 
lost any thing for their loyalty, that he had very lit- 


tie left to support himself; and therefore was willing 1GG8. 
to retire into any place abroad, where he might find" 
but a bare subsistence. But when he considered 
again, that he could have no pretence to any thing- 
till after the creditors were fully satisfied, and how 
long it was like to be before they could be satisfied, 
there remaining still due to the creditors of both 
kinds no less than fourscore thousand pounds, prin- 
cipal-money ; he did not believe that his insisting 
upon the patent would be worth the charge and ha- 
zard he must inevitably be put to : and therefore, 
upon further deliberation with his friends, he will- 
ingly referred himself and all his interest to the 
king's gracious determination, as all the rest of the 
pretenders and interested persons had done. 

The case being thus fully stated to the lords, and 
every man's interest and pretence clearly appearing 
before them, they considered seriously amongst 
themselves what they might reasonably propose to 
the several persons, in order to their agreement 
amongst themselves ; or, that proving ineffectual, 
what advice they might reasonably give his ma- 
jesty. They were unanimously of opinion, " not to 
" advise his majesty to cause the patent to be called 
" in question : for though they doubted not, upon 
" the opinion of his learned council, that the same 
" would be judged void and illegal ; yet they did 
" not think it a seasonable time, when the nation 
" was so active and industrious in foreign plant - 
" ations, that they should see a charter or patent 
" questioned and avoided, after it hath been so 
" many years allowed and countenanced, and under 
" which it hath m so long flourished, and was almost 

111 hath] had 

E e 2 


1668. " grown to perfection. And that since his majesty 
""" had declared, that, notwithstanding any right of 
" his own, all possible care should be taken for the 
" satisfaction of the creditors, as well as for the pre- 
" servation and support of the plantation ; it would 
" be equally equitable and honourable in his ma- 
" jesty, not to leave the earl of Kinnoul the only 
" person unconsidered, and bereaved of all his pre- 
" tence. But that they would humbly move his 
" majesty, that he would graciously vouchsafe to as- 
" sign some present maintenance to the said earl, 
" which his unhappy condition required, out of the 
" revenue that should be there settled, and until the 
" debts should be paid ; and that after that time 
" such an augmentation might be made to him, as 
" his majesty in his royal bounty should think fit : 
" in consideration whereof, the earl should procure 
" the patent to be brought in and surrendered ;" 
which he promised should be done accordingly, as 
soon as the settlement should be made of that pro- 
portion which should be assigned to him. 

" That the lord Willoughby should enjoy the be- 
" nefit of his former contract with the earl of Car- 
" lisle, and approved by his majesty, during the re- 
" mainder of those years which are not yet expired ; 
" that he should make what haste he could thither, 
" and call an assembly, to the end that such an im- 
" position might be agreed upon to be paid to his 
" majesty as should be reasonable, in consideration 
" of the great benefit they had already and should 
" still enjoy, in being continued and secured in their 
" several plantations, in which as yet they were as it 
" were but tenants at will, having no other pretence 
" of right but the possession : and therefore, that 


" those merchants and planters who had petitioned ]6fi8. 

" the king should, according to their obligation and 

" promise made by them to his majesty, use all their 

" credit with those in the island, that the imposition 

" might arise to such a proportion, that the revenue 

" might answer the ends proposed ; and that one 

" moiety of that revenue should be enjoyed by the 

" lord Willoughby for his term. 

" That the annuity of three hundred pounds by 
" the year should be paid to the earl of Marl- 
" borough, according to the original contract men- 
" tioned before ; and that the assignment, that his 
" majesty would likewise be pleased to make to the 
" earl of Kinnoul, should be first paid : and then 
" that the remainder of that moiety should be re- 
" ceived to the use of the creditors. And that 
" when the lord Willoughby's term should be ex- 
" pired, his majesty should be desired, after the re- 
" servation of so milch as he should think fit for the 
" support of his governor, that all the remainder 
" might be continued towards the creditors, until 
" their just debts should be paid." 

These particulars appearing reasonable to the 
lords, all persons concerned were called, and the 
same communicated to them, who appeared all well 
contented : and thereupon the lords resolved to pre- 
sent the same to his majesty, which they did accord- 
ingly at the board ; and his majesty with a full ap- 
probation and advice of the whole council ratified 
the same. Whereupon that order was made by the 
king in council, which comprehends all the par- 
ticulars mentioned before ; which was delivered to 
the lord Willoughby, with his majesty's express 
command, " that he should see it punctually and 

E e 3 


1 668. " precisely executed ;" and the like order was deli- 
vered by the clerk of the council to every other per- 
son mentioned, who desired the same: to which order 
he did for the more certainty refer himself, being 
in no degree confident (having then no other help 
than his memory) that all was set down with that 
exactness as it ought to be. And, he said, as he 
had throughout the whole affair taken very great 
pains to reduce it to that agreement, which at that 
time seemed to be satisfactory to all the persons 
concerned, so he had not the least temptation of par- 
ticular benefit to himself; and he did still believe it 
to be very just, reasonable, and agreeable to his ma- 
jesty's justice and goodness, all circumstances being 
considered. And though it may be, in strictness of 
law, and by the avoiding the grant made to the earl 
of Carlisle, his majesty might have possessed him- 
self of the whole island, without any tender consider- 
ation of the planters or the creditors ; he said, he 
was not ashamed that he had never given his ma- 
jesty that or the like counsel, in that or any other 
matter of the like nature ; and if he had, he was 
confident his majesty would have abhorred it, and 
not have thought the better of him for giving it. 

The other part of that article, " That he had 
** caused such as complained of the arbitrary govern- 
" ment in the plantations before the king and coun- 
" cil, to be long imprisoned for so doing," did refer, 
he supposed, to the commitment of one Farmer ; 
who, being sent over a prisoner by the lord Wil- 
loughby in a ship that came from thence, made his 
appearance at Oxford, his majesty being then there 
in the sickness time, which, he said, was the first 
moment that he had ever heard of the man or the 


matter. And at the same time one of the secreta- 16C8. 
lies of state received a letter from the lord Wil- 
loughby, which was sent by the same ship, in which 
his lordship had sent a direct, full charge of mutiny, 
sedition, and treason against the said Farmer ; and 
by his letter informed the secretary of all his beha- 
viour and carriage, with all the circumstances there- 
of; and " that he had, by his seditious practices, 
" prevailed so far upon a disaffected party in that 
" island, that the lord Willoughby found himself 
" obliged in the instant to send him on board the 
" ship, without which he did apprehend a general 
" revolt in the island from his majesty's obedience :" 
and he did therefore desire, " that Farmer might not 
" be suffered to return thither before the island 
" should be reduced to a better temper." The man 
was called in before the king and council, and the 
charge that the lord Willoughby had sent read to 
him, the greatest part whereof he could not deny ; 
and in his discourse upon it he behaved himself so 
peremptorily and insolently before the king, that his 
majesty thought it very necessary to commit him ; 
nor did any one counsellor then present appear to 
think otherwise. 

And he did confess, that the discharging him 
from his imprisonment was some time afterwards 
moved, and that he was always against his dis- 
charge ; being of opinion that it would be impossible 
for the lord Willoughby, or any other governor in 
any of the plantations, to preserve his majesty's 
right and to support the government, if he should 
be so far discountenanced, that a man, being sent 
over by him as a prisoner under so particular and 
heinous a charge, should be upon his appearance 

E e 4 


1668. here set at liberty. But his opinion was, " that he 
~~ " should be sent back a prisoner thither, that he 
" might be tried by the law and justice of the 
" island, and receive condign punishment for his 
" offence :" and, he said, he could not deny but that 
he was still of the same opinion ; and, if it were an 
error, it proceeded from the weakness of his under- 
standing, which was not in his power to reform. 

He said, what he had here set down was all that 
occurred to his memory with reference to the island 
of the Barbadoes, which being not particularly men- 
tioned in the article, but comprehended under the 
general expression of his majesty's foreign plant- 
ations, and secretly and maliciously insinuated in 
private discourses, he took himself to be obliged to 
give some answer to what, how generally soever, 
had been charged. And he hoped it would not be 
imputed as a crime to him, if he had taken more 
pains than other men in that important service of 
his majesty concerning his foreign plantations, which 
he did not think had been enough taken to heart : 
and if his desire and readiness to take any pains, or 
give any assistance to the advancement of that ser- 
vice, had induced many persons to apply themselves 
to him on those occasions, he hoped it should not be 
charged upon him as over-activity, or ambition to 
engross more business into his hands than he was 
entitled to ; for which he had this excuse to make 
for himself, that he found the pains he took to be 
acceptable to his majesty. And he was so far from 
having any particular design of advantage to him- 
self, that he did profess and declare, that from all or 
any of his majesty's plantations he never had the 
least reward, or least present made to him ; except 

that the now lord Willoughby once told him, "that 1668. 

" his brother had sent over some pieces of the speck- 
" led wood which grows in Surinam, with direction, 
" that if he liked it, he might have what he would 
" of it ;" whereupon he had some pieces of it, which 
he thought might have been applied to the making 
of cabinets or the adorning of wainscot, (but as they 
were very small, so the middle of every piece was 
wind-shaken and rotten, that they could not be ap- 
plied to any considerable use ;) and except some 
blocks of walnut-tree which the governor of Virginia 
sent to him, and of which he made some table boards 
and frames for chairs ; the workmanship whereof 
cost much more than the wood was worth. And 
these two particulars contained all the rewards and 
presents or profit, that ever he received from all his 
majesty's plantations, or any body to his use. 

The tenth article was, " That he did reject and Thetenth 

J article. 

" frustrate a proposal and undertaking approved 
" by his majesty, for the preservation of Nevis 
" and St. Christopher's, and reducing the French 
" plantations to his majesty's obedience, after 
" the commissions were drawn for that pur- 
" pose ; which was the occasion of such great 
" losses and damages in those parts." 
To which he answered, that he never did reject His answer. 
or frustrate any such proposal or undertaking, never 
taking upon him in the least degree to make a judg- 
ment of enterprises of that nature ; nor was ever 
any such proposition made to him. But he did 
very well remember, that his majesty himself did 
once deliver to the council a paper, which he said 
one of his servants (Mr. Marsh) had presented to 
him, containing some propositions for ships and men 


1668. to be sent by his majesty for the recovery of St. 
"~ Christopher's, which had been newly taken by the 
French. Upon the reading which paper and pro- 
positions, the same were referred to the considera- 
tion of the general, one of the secretaries of state, 
and to the vice-chamberlain, who were to confer 
with Mr. Marsh, and such others as joined with 
him. And they were at the same time appointed 
to consider of another proposition delivered in writ- 
ing by the now lord Willoughby, and some mer- 
chants of London who were planters in the Barba- 
does, for the supplying and better securing that 
island, and the rest of those Caribbee islands ; and 
for the reducing and recovering any of them which 
were or might be taken by the enemy. Upon the 
latter of which somewhat was afterwards done : and 
if the other concerning Nevis and St. Christopher's 
was rejected, of which, he said, he knew nothing, 
he presumed it was, because it either appeared un- 
practicable, or not consistent with his majesty's 
other affairs. 

Theeie- The eleventh article was, " That he advised and 
tide. " effected the sale of Dunkirk to the French 

" king, being part of his majesty's dominions, 
" together with the ammunition, artillery, and 
" all sorts of stores there ; and for no greater 
" value than the said ammunition, artillery, 
" and stores were worth." 

This whole transaction of the sale of Dunkirk, 
with all the circumstances, is so fully related in this 
discourse, in the place and at the time when" this af- 
fair was transacted n , that any repetition here is to 

" Vol. ii. p. 242, &c. 


no purpose : and whosoever turns back and reads it 1668. 
will clearly see, that he had no hand in the counsel ; ~~ 
though he is far from condemning it, or believing 
that it was not necessary, as his majesty's affairs at 
that time stood. To which may be added, that the 
treatment he received after his coming into France 
was an unquestionable evidence, that that king did 
never take himself to be beholden to him for that or 
any other service ; as in truth he never was. 

The twelfth article was, " That he did unduly The twelfth 

. , article. 

" cause his majesty s letters patents under the 
" great seal of England to one Dr. Crowther 
" to be altered, and the enrolment thereof to 
" be unduly razed." 

To which he said, that when he heard of this His answer, 
charge, he could not comprehend what the meaning 
thereof was, being most assured that he had never 
*' caused any alteration to be made in any of his 
" majesty's letters patents under the great seal, or 
*' the enrolment thereof to be razed." But upon 
inquiry he was informed, that Dr. Crowther, who 
was chaplain to his royal highness the duke of York, 
and had attended upon his person during the whole 
time that his highness was beyond the seas, upon 
his majesty's return into England, had obtained from 
the king his royal presentation to the parsonage of 
Treddington in the county of Worcester ; which 
presentation, according to course, passed under the 
great seal of England. That when he brought his 
action against the intruder, who refused to give 
him possession, and the record was carried down to 
the assizes in the county ; when the doctor's coun- 

county] country 


1 668. cil were P to open his title, and thereupon to produce 
~ the king's presentation, they found, upon perusal 
thereof, that either by misinformation or negligence 
of the clerk, instead of the county of Worcester, 
where the rectory was, the county of Warwick was 
inserted : upon which mistake the doctor was ne- 
cessitated to be nonsuited. And thereupon he forth- 
with made a journey to London to advise with his 
council, and the most experienced clerks, how to re- 
cover the misfortune that had befallen him, and that 
his majesty's right might not be destroyed by such 
an oversight in the clerk. And it seems he was by 
them advised, as the usual way in cases of that na- 
ture, to petition the king, " that in his majesty's 
" presence the presentation might be mended, and 
*' Worcester inserted instead of Warwick, and that 
" thereupon the great seal might be again affixed to 
" it ;" all which was done accordingly, as in such 
cases is usual. 

The thir- The thirteenth article was, " That he had in an 
tide. " arbitrary way examined and drawn into 

" question divers of his majesty's subjects con- 
" cerning their lands, tenements, goods and 
" chattels, and properties ; determined thereof 
" at the council-table, and stopped proceedings 
" at law, and threatened some that pleaded the 
" statute of 17 Car." 

Hi. answer. To this he said, he must here again lament his 
own misfortunes, that he was exposed to public re- 
proach under a general odious charge, without in- 
serting any one particular to which he might make 
his defence. He had therefore no more to say, but 

i 1 were] was 


that he was very innocent as to any crime laid to 1668. 
his charge in that article : and that he had been so ~ 
far from " examining and drawing into question any 
" of his majesty's subjects concerning their lands, 
" tenements, goods and chattels, and properties, and 
" determining the same at the council-table, and 
" stopping proceedings at law ;" that he did not 
know or believe, that any one case of that nature 
had been ever determined there, at least when he had 
been present. That he had always discountenanced 
such addresses, and procured all petitions of that 
kind to be rejected as often as they have been ten- 
dered : and, he said, he took himself obliged to say, 
for the vindication of his majesty's honour and jus- 
tice, that there had not been so many years passed, 
since the erection of the council-table, with so little 
disturbance or disquiet to the subjects concerning 
their lands, tenements, goods, and properties, as 
have i been since his majesty's happy return ; nor 
hath the ordinary course of proceedings at law been 
less obstructed. 

The fourteenth article was, " That he had caused'^'* four - 

teenth ar- 

" quo warrantos to be issued out against most tide. 
" of the corporations in England, to the intent 
" that he might receive great sums of money 
" from them for renewing their charters ; which 
" when they complied withal, he caused the 
" said quo warrantos to be discharged, and 
" prosecution thereon to cease." 

To this he answered, that he never caused any His answer. 
quo warranto to issue out against any one corpora- 
tion in England, but by his majesty's express com- 

". have] hath 


i nani I , or by order of the board ; which was always 
upon some miscarriage or misbehaviour in the cor- 
poration : and that lie did not remember that he had 
ever moved the king against any particular corj>ora- 
tion, but that of Woodstock ; and which his duty to 
his majesty had obliged him to do, being intrusted 
by his majesty with the command of his house and 
park there, and being his majesty's steward of his 
majesty's honour and manor of Woodstock, upon 
which that borough had always depended. 

He said, his majesty having conferred that charge 
upon him, he was no sooner possessed of it by the 
death of the late earl of Lindsey, who enjoyed that 
place before, than he received a petition from several 
inhabitants and burgesses of the borough of Wood- 
stock, who complained, " that the mayor and jus- 
" tices had lately procured their charter to be re- 
" newed, without the privity or consent of the bo- 
" rough ; and that under pretence of renewing it, 
" they had procured many new clauses to be in- 
" serted, and thereby reduced much of the govern- 
" ment, which before depended on the whole cor- 
" poration, into their own hands ; and had thereby 
" likewise procured a piece of ground, the benefit 
" whereof did formerly belong to all the burgesses, 
" and was usually applied to the relief of such of 
" them who were decayed in their estates, to be 
" now granted to the mayor and a select number of 
" the justices, and the profits thereof to be at their 
" disposal, to the great prejudice of the borough and 
" the inhabitants thereof." He referred this peti- 
tion to Mr. Justice Morton, who lived within four 
or five miles thereof, and desired him to examine 
the truth of those allegations, and to certify him 


whether the complaints were just and reasonable. 1668. 
Whereupon he took the pains to go to the town," 
and to confer with the mayor and justices, and heard 
the allegations of the petitioners ; and upon the 
whole matter certified, " that he found several im- 
" portant alterations in the new charter from what 
" had been in the old, and some new concessions." 

And at the same time sir William Fleetwood, who 
was ranger of the parks, certified him, " that since 
" the renewing their charter, the mayor and justices 
" were not so good neighbours to his majesty's game 
" as they had formerly been, and had withdrawn 
" many of those services which they had used to 
" perform : and that when any trespasses were com- 
" mitted by those of the borough upon his majesty's 
" woods or game, which happened very frequently, 
" and complaint was thereof made 'to the mayor 
" and justices, who had the sole jurisdiction within 
" the borough ; there was so slight and perfunctory 
" examination thereof, that the prosecutors were 
" wearied out, and no justice could be obtained." 

That it was his duty to inform the king of those 
proceedings, who was much offended thereat, and 
thereupon gave his direction to his attorney general 
to bring a quo warranto, and to repeal the charter 
which had been so unduly procured, and in which 
his majesty had been so grossly deceived and abused : 
and he did believe that there was the less vigour 
used in the prosecution of that quo warranto be- 
cause the mayor and justices for some time had pre- 
tended that they would surrender the said charter, 
and receive a new one in such a manner as his ma- 
jesty thought fit, though they afterwards changed 

1668. their mind. And this was the only charter, he said, 

which he gave direction for the prosecution of. 

Nor did he ever give order, upon the receipt of 
any money, to discharge any quo warranto, or cause 
the prosecution thereupon to cease : nor did he ever 
receive the least sum of money for the granting or 
renewing any charter, other than the usual fees 
received for the same by the clerk of the hanaper, 
and accounted to the seal ; which fee, as he did re- 
member, did amount to thirteen shillings and four- 
pence, or thereabouts. 
The fif- The fifteenth article was, " That he procured the 

teenth ar- 

ticle. " bills of settlement for Ireland, and received 

" great sums of money for the same, in a most 
" corrupt and unlawful manner." 

His answer. To this article there needs no other answer than 
what is contained in two r several places of this dis- 
course, in which so full a relation is made of the 
whole settlement of Ireland, with all the circum- 
stances that accompanied it, that it would be to no 
purpose to repeat it in this place. And therein it 
appears what money the chancellor received from 
Ireland, and how he came to receive 8 any, and by 
what injustice he came to receive no more ; all which 
was not only well known to the king himself, but to 
very many of those, who promoted the accusation 
directly contrary to what they knew to be true. 
The six. The sixteenth article was, " That he had deluded 
" and betrayed his majesty and the nation in 
" all foreign treaties and negotiations relating 
" to the late war," 

r Vol. i. p. 441 . &c. and vol. ii. to receive] Omitted in MS. 
p. 17. &r. 


To which he said, that he did heartily wish that 1668. 
those particular treaties, and the particulars in those Ul3 atlswe 
treaties, had been mentioned, wherein it was con- 
ceived that he had deluded and betrayed his ma- 
jesty, that he might at large have set down what- 
soever he had known or done in those treaties ; and 
then it would easily have been made appear, how 
far he had been from betraying or deluding him. 
That it was never any ambition of his own that 
brought him to have a part in any treaty : he said, 
God knew, that he heartily wished to have meddled 
in nothing, but the administration of that great office 
the king had thought fit to have trusted him with. 
But his majesty had then so good an opinion of him, 
that he required and commanded his service in many 
of those treaties : and therefore it would be neces- 
sary for him, according to the method he had hi- 
therto used, to mention every particular treaty that 
had been entered into since the time of his majesty's 
return into England, and the part that he had in it ; 
being as willing to be called to the strictest account 
for any other treaty he had been engaged in when 
he had been abroad, or for any counsel he had ever 
given in his life, public or private ; wherein, he 
doubted not, he should be found to have behaved 
himself (according to the weak abilities God had 
given him) with fidelity to his master, and with all 
imaginable affection to his country, how unhappily 
soever he had been represented. 

The first treaty, he said, was with the crown of 
Portugal ; in which he was none of the commis- 
sioners who treated, and was only present when any 
report was made by the commissioners to the king, 

VOL. III. F f 


1668. or to the council-board, where all the articles were 
~~ debated ; and he did not remember that there had 
been any difference of opinion upon any of them : 
and that treaty had been generally held the best 
that hath been made with any crown, the merchants 
having thereby greater advantages in trade than 
they have in any other place, besides many other 
great benefits, with a great enlargement of his ma- 
jesty's empire. 

The second treaty was with the States of the 
United Provinces ; in which likewise he was none 
of the commissioners who treated : but all that was 
by them transacted was still brought to the council- 
board, and debated there in his majesty's presence ; 
in which the rule by which his majesty guided him- 
self was, that he would not remit any of those con- 
cessions which had been formerly made by them in 
their last treaty with Cromwell ; and their unwill- 
ingness to consent to that was the reason that their 
ambassadors proceeded so slowly. And his majesty 
had the less reason to be solicitous for expedition, 
because the king of France had given his royal word, 
and proposed it himself, " that the two crowns might 
" proceed in the several treaties with the Dutch to- 
" gether, that so they might be brought to those 
" good conditions, that they might live like good 
" neighbours with both the crowns, which," he ob- 
served, " they were not naturally inclined to do ;" 
and promised positively, " that for his part he would 
" not conclude any thing with the Dutch, before 
" he had entirely communicated the same to his 
" majesty." Notwithstanding which engagement, 
France entered into and finished their treaty ; and 


in it made that secret article, which they declared 1668. 
afterwards to be the ground of c their obligation to"" 
assist the Dutch in the ensuing war. However, his 
majesty proceeded not, till the Holland ambassadors 
consented to all that had been before granted to 
Cromwell : which being done, the peace was made 
and ratified on both sides ; and without doubt was 
with more advantage and honour to the English, 
than ever had been provided by any former treaty 
between the crown of England and those States. 

From the two crowns of Sweden and Denmark 
ambassadors extraordinary arrived at London shortly 
after the king's return, and the several treaties were 
made with both those crowns before the departure 
of the ambassadors : in neither of which treaties the 
chancellor was a commissioner, nor knew any thing 
that passed in either, but as it was represented at 
the council-board, and debated in his majesty's pre- 
sence ; nor did he ever hear that either of them was 
reckoned a disadvantageous treaty, both of them 
containing as much benefit to the English as any 
treaties which had been made before with those 
crowns. He said, it was very true, that there were 
some unusual expressions of kindness and friend- 
ship in the treaty with Denmark ; which, in respect 
of that king's being at that time in a very low con- 
dition, under the disadvantageous conditions of the 
treaty at Copenhagen newly submitted to, and under 
almost as ill a treaty extorted from that crown by 
the Dutch, and yet being in terrible apprehension of 
some new oppression from the one and from the 
other, the ambassador did very earnestly solicit to 

* of] and 
F f 2 


1C68. have inserted; and which were upon great deli- 
beration allowed and inserted by his majesty's own 
particular direction, in consideration of the near al- 
liance in blood between his majesty and that king, 
and the civilities and obligations his majesty had 
received from Denmark, during his being in Holland 
after the murder of his father, and during his being 
in Scotland, when the king of Denmark sent him 
horses, arms, and ammunition. Of which his ma- 
jesty had so great a sense, that he was often heard 
to say, " that if it had pleased God to have brought 
" him home before that disadvantageous peace at 
" Copenhagen had been made," (which had been 
done by the countenance of the English ships, and 
the threats of those who were then ambassadors from 
the governing power in England,) " he would have 
" done the best he could to have defended and pro- 
" tected him :" and therefore he did very readily yield 
to that article drawn by the ambassador ; his majesty 
declaring at the same time, " that he was very will- 
" ing that those princes, who were neighbours to Den- 
" mark, and from whom that kingdom apprehended 
" new oppressions, should know his majesty's reso- 
" lutions to support that king, and to defend him 
" from new injuries ;" to which the policy of his go- 
vernment, as well as his friendship, inclined and 
obliged him ; though it is very true, the king of 
Denmark did shortly after make very ill returns to 
his majesty for that his so signal affection. 

These were all the treaties made by the king be- 
fore the war with the Dutch, (for there was very 
little progress made either with France or Spain, for 
the reasons mentioned before,) except only a short 
treaty with the elector of Brandenburgh ; which 


treaty was, for the most part, particular with refer- 
ence only to the prince of Orange, his majesty's ne- 
phew, and for the better ordering his affairs. In 
which treaty his majesty likewise employed five or 
six of his council : and the few articles between his 
majesty and that elector in point of state were like- 
wise transacted by them, and debated and considered 
at the council-board, and in which all things were 
inserted for his majesty's benefit and service ; and if 
they had not been afterwards violated by the elector, 
the king would have reaped much fruit and advan- 
tage even from that treaty. 

After the war was entered into with Holland, his 
majesty sent Mr. Coventry to Sweden, and sir Gil- 
bert Talbot to Denmark, to dispose those two crowns 
to a confidence in each other, and then to dispose 
them both to adhere to his majesty, or at least not 
to assist or favour the Dutch. The treaty with 
Sweden succeeded to his majesty's wish, and was 
concluded in a league defensive, very much to the 
king's satisfaction, and with the full approbation of 
the whole board ; that crown having manifested so 
much affection, and such an inclination to an entire 
conjunction with him, that upon very reasonable 
conditions they would have been induced to have 
entered into a league offensive, and even into the 
present war against the Dutch : in order to which, 
they sent their ambassadors to the king at the same 
time when Mr. Coventry returned, and they became 
the mediators for the peace ; having first declared 
to his majesty, " that if the treaty should prove in- 
" effectual, the crown of Sweden would immediately 
" join with his majesty against the Dutch." What 
became of the other treaty with Denmark is publicly 

F f 3 


1668. known, his majesty having declared to all the world 
~" how perfidiously he was treated by the Dane. 

There remains only one other treaty to be men- 
tioned, which is the last with the Dutch, upon which 
the peace was made : and therefore it will be neces- 
sary to set down the inducements to that treaty, the 
whole progress and conclusion of it ; by all which it 
will easily appear that his majesty was neither be- 
trayed nor deluded in it, or, if he were, that it was 
not done by him. 

After so many encounters and various successes 
in the war, which had been carried on with a much 
greater expense than his majesty at his first en- 
trance into it was persuaded it would cost him ; 
when he saw the strength and power of the Dutch 
so much increased by the conjunction of France and 
Denmark, who supplied them with money, ships, 
and, what they more wanted, with men as many as 
they desired ; and that all the propositions he could 
make to Spain could not induce them to enter into 
such an alliance with him, as might embark them 
against France, notwithstanding it was evident to 
all but themselves, that the French resolved to break 
the peace with them, having at that time published 
those declarations which they afterwards made the 
ground of the war: his majesty clearly discerned, 
that the Dutch grew less weary of the war than 
they had before seemed to have been ; and that they 
would be able, with that assistance and conjunction, 
to continue the war with less inconvenience than 
his majesty was like to do. 

He had found it necessary for straitening the trade 
of the enemy, (the depriving them of which could 
only induce them to desire a peace, and which he 


could not do by the strength of his own ships, IfiGS. 
which were still kept together to encounter their" 
fleet,) to grant commissions upon letters of marque 
to as many private men of war as desired the same, 
and with such strict orders and limitations as are 
necessary in those cases ; and he found indeed the 
advantage very great, in the damage those men of 
war did to the enemy, which was considerable, and 
gave them great trouble. On the other side, the 
common seamen chose much rather to go on board 
those men of war, where their profit out of their 
shares of the booty was greater, and their hazards 
much less, than in the king's ships, where they got 
only blows without booty, though their pay and pro- 
visions were much greater than they had been in 
any former time : so that when the royal fleet was 
to be set out, there was greater difficulty in procur- 
ing seamen and mariners to man it. 

And then, whereas the advancement of trade was 
made the great end of the war, it was now found 
necessary to suppress all trade, that there might be 
mariners enough to furnish the ships for the carry- 
ing on the war. And this inconvenience produced 
another mischief: for by the great diminution and 
even suppression of trade, there was likewise so great 
a fall in the customs, excise, and all other branches 
of the king's revenue, that it was evident enough 
that his majesty would have little to carry on the 
war, but what should arise by imposition in parlia- 
ment upon the people; who already complained 
loudly of the decay of their rents, of the small and 
low prices which their commodities yielded by the 
cessation of trade, and especially by the carrying all 
the money in specie from the several counties to 

F f 4 


1 668. London for the carrying on the war. And the par- 
liament itself appeared so weary of it, that, instead 
of granting a new supply proportionable to the 
charge, they fell upon expedients to raise money by 
the sale of part of the king's revenue, which was al- 
ready too small to support the ordinary and necessary 
expense of the crown. 

But above all, his majesty was most discouraged 
by the extreme license of the seamen in general ; 
but especially of those who were called privateers, 
set out in the particular ships of war upon adven- 
ture, who made no distinction between friends and 
foes; but, as if the sea had been their own quar- 
ters, they seized upon all ships which passed within 
their view, and either pillaged them entirely, and so 
dismissed them, (which they usually did to those 
which they foresaw would be delivered by the course 
of justice,) or else brought them into the harbours, 
after they had taken from them what they best 
liked. And then the formal proceedings in the 
court of admiralty were so dilatory, and involved in 
so many appeals,that the prosecution of justice for in- 
juries received grew as grievous as the injury itself; 
which drew an universal clamour from all nations, 
" that without being parties to the war they were 
" all treated as enemies." 

France had made the damage they had this way 
received, and the interruption of their trade, a great 
part of their quarrel, and one ground of their con- 
junction with the Dutch. From Spain, which really 
wished better to us than to our enemies, the com- 
plaints were as great ; " that their whole trade was 
" destroyed ; their ships of Flanders,, which supplied 
" Spain with what they wanted for themselves, and 


" with what was necessary for their trade and inter- 1668. 
" course with the Indies, were all taken as Dutch," 
" because it was very hard to distinguish them by 
" their language :" which was likewise the case of 
all the Hanse-towns, which made grievous com- 
plaints, and had without doubt received great da- 
mage. Those princes of Italy whose dominions 
reached to the sea, as the two republics of Venice 
and Genoa, and the duke of Florence, expostulated 
very grievously for their ships taken by those free- 
booters of Scotland and of Ireland, both which na- 
tions enriched themselves very much upon such de- 
predations. And how much soever the royal navy 
was weakened every day, the number of those men 
of war wonderfully increased ; so that those kind of 
ships, of England, Scotland, and Ireland, covered the 
whole ocean : and of those ships which were taken 
and carried into Scotland or Ireland, (in England 
there were many redeliveries,) it was observed, 
that there were vestigia nulla retrorsum. Even 
Sweden itself, with whom a new stricter alliance 
was entered into at that time, with as severe restric- 
tions to that license of the men of war as could be 
contrived for the liberty and security of the trade of 
that crown, complained exceedingly of the violation 
of all those concessions and provisions, and that their 
ships were every day taken and plundered. And 
this universal complaint began to awaken all princes 
to a jealousy, that the English endeavoured to re- 
strain all trade, till they could make themselves the 
entire masters of it, and by their naval power put 
some imposition upon the whole traffick of Europe. 
It is very true, at the first entrance into the war 
there had been many unskilful expressions even in 


1668. the parliament itself, as well as in the frequent dis- 
~~ courses of parliament-men, " that by this war, and 
" by suppressing the power of the Dutch at sea," 
(of which they made not the least doubt,) " the king 
" would be able to give the law to all the trade of 
" the world, and that no ships should pass the sea 
" without paying some tribute to England :" which 
liberty and rashness of discourse made great impres- 
sion upon those who wished mischief enough to the 
Dutch, till they saw what danger might ensue to 
themselves by the success of the English ; and 
thereupon wished that they might break themselves 
upon each other, without advantage to either party. 
And this general distemper and complaint made 
the deeper impression upon the king, by his dis- 
cerning an extreme difficulty, if not an impossi- 
bility, to give any just remedy to it ; and conse- 
quently, that he should be shortly looked upon as 
a common enemy. 

He had taken very great pains, upon deliberate 
consultations, to suppress that odious irregularity 
and destructive license that was practised amongst 
the seamen, and had in many particular cases him- 
self examined the excess, and caused exemplary jus- 
tice to be done upon the offenders, and restitution 
to be made of what had been taken, at least of what 
was left ; for no justice could preserve the injured 
persons from being losers. He had granted such 
rules and privileges and protection to the ports in 
Flanders, and to others of his allies, as themselves 
desired, and looked upon as full security ; but then 
he quickly found, that from those very ports and in 
those very ships which enjoyed those privileges, the 
trade of the Dutch was driven on : so that it was 


evident that by that liberty, which other nations 1668. 
thought themselves in justice entitled to, if not re- 
strained, the Hollanders themselves would be easily 
able to carry on their whole trade in the ships of 
Flanders, Hamburgh, and the other free towns, or 
in their own ships owned by the other ; and that 
the restraint would likewise be impossible, without 
a total suppression of those men of war, and a revo- 
cation of all commissions granted to them or any of 
them, which would likewise be attended with the 
freedom and security of trade to all his majesty's 

In the last encounter at sea, the Prince Royal, 
and three other of his majesty's navy, had been 
lost ; and another, the London, had been burned in 
the river by the negligence of the seamen ; for there 
was never any discovery made, that there was any 
purpose or malice in it. The French had obliged 
themselves, that the duke of Beaufort, admiral of 
France, should, with the whole fleet under his com- 
mand, amounting to eighteen good ships, join with 
the Dutch ; and the king of Denmark was likewise 
engaged to send all his great ships, which were ten 
or a dozen, in order to the like conjunction : so that 
it was evident to his majesty, that the enemy would 
be much superior to him in strength and power, 
though he had been able to have manned and set 
out all his royal navy ; which he well foresaw he 
should not be able to do, both for want of money 
and want of seamen, who were already in great dis- 
order and mutiny for want of their pay, of which 
there was indeed a great arrear due to them. And, 
which was worse, there was grown such an ani- 
mosity amongst the principal officers of the fleet be- 


1668. tween themselves, that the whole discipline was 
"" corrupted ; so that it was hard to resolve into what 
hands to put the government thereof, if it could 
have been made ready. 

Upon which, and the whole state of affairs, and 
upon deliberation and frequent consultation with 
the principal officers of the sea, and such others 
whose experience in such matters rendered them 
most capable to give advice, the king found it most 
counsellable to resolve to make a defensive war the 
next year, and to lay up all his great ships, and to 
have some squadrons of the lighter vessels to con- 
tinue in several quarters assigned to them, which 
should be ready to take all advantages which should 
be offered ; and that there should be likewise ready 
in the river another good squadron of ships against 
the end of the summer, which being ready to join 
with those which lay out, when the enemy was 
weary and their ships foul, would be able to take 
many notable advantages upon them ; of which they 
who advised it were so confident, that they did be- 
lieve this defensive way thus ordered and prosecut- 
ed would prove a greater damage to the enemy in 
their trade, and all other respects, than they had 
ever undergone. And in all this counsel and reso- 
lution the chancellor had no other part than being 
present ; and, not understanding the subject-matter 
of debate, could not be able to answer any of the 
reasons that had been alleged. 

These considerations, upon a full survey of his ill 
condition at home and abroad, induced the king to 
wish that there were a good end of the war ; of 
which inclination his majesty vouchsafed to inform 
the chancellor, well knowing that he would be very 


glad to contribute all he could to it, as a thing he iocs. 

desired most in this world, and which he thought 

would prove the greatest benefit to the king and 
kingdom ; and his majesty likewise told him, " that 
" he found all those, who had been most forward 
" and impatient to enter into this war, were now 
" weary of it, and would be glad of a peace :" so 
that there remained now nothing to do, but for his 
majesty to advise with those whom he thought fit, 
(for there seemed many reasons to conceal both the 
inclination to peace, and the resolution not to set 
out a summer fleet, from being publicly known,) 
what method to observe, and what expedients to 
make use of, for the better procuring this wished 
for peace, without appearing to be too solicitous or 
importunate for it, or so weary of the war as in 
truth he was. And to this consultation the king 
was pleased to call together with his royal brother, 
prince Rupert, the chancellor, the general, the lord 
treasurer, and those other honourable persons with 
whom he used to advise in his most secret and most 
important affairs. 

That which occurred first to consider was, whe- 
ther there were any hope to divide the French from 
the Dutch ; upon which supposition the prospect 
was not unpleasant, the war with one of them being 
hopefully enough to be pursued ; the conjunction 
was only formidable. And to this purpose several 
attempts had been made both in France and in Hol- 
land ; both sides being equally resolved not to sepa- 
rate from each other, till a joint peace should be 
made with England, though they both owned a 
jealousy of each other : those of Holland having a 
terrible apprehension and foresight of the king of 


J668. France's designs upon Flanders, which would make 
his greatness too near a neighbour to their territo- 
ries ; besides that the logic of his demands upon the 
devolution and nullity of the treaty upon the mar- 
riage was equally applicable to their whole interest, 
as it was to their demands from the king of Spain. 
And France, upon all the attacks they had made 
both in France with the Dutch ambassador there, 
and in Holland by their own ambassador, found 
clearly, that they were to expect no assistance from 
the Dutch in their designs, and that at least they 
wished them ill success, and would probably contri- 
bute to it upon the first occasion : and this made 
them willing to put an end to their so strict alliance, 
which was already very chargeable to them, and not 
like to be attended with any notable advantage, ex- 
cept in weakening an ally from whom they might 
probably receive mucli more advantage. 

However, neither the one nor the other would be 
induced to enter into any treaty apart, though they 
both seemed willing and desirous of a peace; in 
order to which, the Dutch, through the Swedes am- 
bassadors' hands, had writ to the king, " to offer a 
" treaty in any such neutral place as his majesty 
" should make choice of;" professing, " that they 
" should make no scruple of sending their ambassa- 
" dors directly to his majesty, but that their con- 
" junction with the other two crowns, who required 
" a neutral place, would not admit that condescen- 
" sion." And at the same time they intimated to 
the Swedes ambassadors, " that the king of France 
" would not send his ambassadors into Flanders, or 
" any place of the king of Spain's dominions ;" and 
therefore wished, " that his majesty would make 


" choice of Dusseldorp, Cologne, Francfort, or Ham- 1668. 
" burgh, or any other place that his majesty should" 
" think more convenient than the other, under that 
" exception :" all which places, and in truth any 
other out of the king of Spain's dominions, were at 
such a distance, (the winter being now near over,) 
that there could be no reasonable expectation of the 
fruit of the treaty in time to prevent more acts of 

How the treaty came afterwards to be introduced 
by overtures from France, and what preliminaries 
were first proposed from thence by the earl of St. 
Alban's, and how agreed to by his majesty ; how 
the place of the treaty came to be adjusted, the am- 
bassadors chosen, and the whole progress thereupon, 
and the publication of the articles of the peace ; is 
so particularly set forth in this narrative before 11 , 
that it needs not to be repeated here. And one of 
the ambassadors repairing, as is there said, to the 
king, and giving him an account of all that had 
passed before any thing was concluded, and every 
particular having been debated at the council-board 
and consented to ; he said, he could not understand 
how his majesty could be deluded or betrayed in 
that treaty, which passed with such a full examina- 
tion and disquisition, and in all which debates his 
majesty himself had taken the pains to discourse 
more, and to enlarge in the answer to all objections 
which were foreseen, than he had been ever known 
to have done upon any other article. 

It is very true, that the chancellor had been com- 
manded by the king to write most of the letters 

11 Page 203, &c. and p. 260, &c. of this volume. 


1668. which had been sent to the earl of St.Alban's, from 
~" the time of his going over concerning the treaty, his 
lordship having likewise directed most of his letters 
to him ; and most of the despatches to the ambassa- 
dors were likewise prepared by him, they being by 
their instructions (without his desire or privity) to 
transmit all accounts to one of the secretaries or to 
himself. But, he said, it was as true, that he never 
received a letter from either of them, but it was 
read entirely, in his majesty's presence, to those 
lords of the council who were assigned for that 
service, where directions were given what answer 
should be returned ; and he never did return any 
answer to either of them, without having first read 
it to the council, or having first sent it to one of the 
secretaries, to be read to his majesty. And he did 
with a very good conscience protest to all the world, 
that he never did the least thing, or gave the least 
advice, relating to the war, or relating to the peace, 
which he would not have done, if he had been to 
expire the next minute, and to have given an ac- 
count thereof to God Almighty. 

And as his majesty prudently, piously, and pas- 
sionately desired to put an end to that war, so no 
man appeared more delighted with the peace when 
it was concluded, than his majesty himself did , 
though, he said, as far as he could make any judg- 
ment of public affairs, the publication of that peace 
was attended with the most universal joy and accla- 
mations of the whole nation, that can be imagined. 
Nor is it easy to forget the general consternation 
that the city and people of all conditions were in, 
when the Dutch came into the river as high as Chat- 
ham ; and when the distemper in the court itself 


was so great, that many persons of quality and title, lOfis. 
in the galleries and privy lodgings, very indecently 
every day vented their passions in bitter execrations 
against those who had first counselled and brought 
on the war, wishing x that an end were put to it by 
any peace ; some of which persons, within very few 
days after, as bitterly inveighed against the peace 
itself, and against the promoters of it. But, he 
said, he was yet so far from repenting or being 
ashamed of the part lie had in it, that he looked 
upon it as a great honour, that the last service he 
performed for his majesty was the sealing the pro- 
clamations, and other instructions, for the conclusion 
and perfection of that peace, the great seal of Eng- 
land being that very day sent for and taken from 

The seventeenth and last article was, " That he The sovcn- 
" was a principal author of that fatal counsel c ie." 
" of dividing the fleet about June 1666." 

For answer to this, he set down at large an ac-iiisanswo, 
count of all the agitation that was in council upon 
that affair, and that the dividing and separation of 
the fleet at that time was by the election and advice 
of the two generals, and not by the order or direc- 
tion of the council : all which hath been at large, in 
that part of this discourse which relates to the 
transactions of that time*', set down, and therefore 
needs not to be again inserted. 

He took notice of the prejudice that might befall 
him, in the opinion of good men, by his absenting 
himself, and thereby declining the full examination 
and trial which the public justice would have allow- 

x wishing] and wishing > P. 69, &c. of this volume. 

VOL. III. G g 


1 668. ed him ; which obliged him to set down all the par- 
~~ ticulars which passed from the taking the seal from 
him, the messages he had received by the bishop of 
Hereford, and finally the advice and command the 
bishop of Winchester brought him from the duke of 
York with the approbation of the king. Upon all 
which, and the great distemper that appeared in the 
two houses at that time, and which was pacified 
upon his withdrawing, he did hope, that all dispas- 
sioned men would believe that he had not deserted 
and betrayed his own innocence ; but on the con- 
trary, that he had complied with that obligation and 
duty which he had always paid to his majesty and 
to his service, in choosing at that time to sacrifice 
his own honour to the least intimation of his ma- 
jesty's pleasure, and when the least inconvenience 
might have befallen it by his obstinacy, though 
in his own defence : and concluded, that though 
his enemies, who had by all the evil arts imagin- 
able contrived his destruction, had yet the power 
and the credit to infuse into his majesty's ears 
stories of words spoken and things done by him, of 
all which he was as innocent as he was at the time 
of his birth, and other jealousies of a nature so 
odious, that themselves had not the confidence pub- 
licly to own ; yet, he said, notwithstanding all those 
disadvantages for the present, he did not despair, 
but that his majesty, in his goodness and justice, 
might in due time discover the foul artifices which 
had been used to gain credit with him, and would 
reflect graciously upon some poor services (how over- 
rewarded soever) heretofore performed by him, the 
memory whereof would prevail with him to think, 
that the banishing him out of his country, and fore- 


ing him to seek his bread in foreign parts at this 1668. 
age, is a very severe judgment. However, he was 
confident that posterity will clearly discern his inno- 
cence and integrity in all those particulars, which 
have been as untruly as maliciously laid to his charge 
by men who did nothing before, or have done any 
thing since, that will make them be thought to be 
wise or honest men ; and will believe his misfortunes 
to have been much greater than his faults. 

As soon as he had digested and transmitted this The chan - 

i . -,.-,.. . t i . cellorenjoys 

his answer and vindication to his children, which he great tra.r. 
did in a short time after his arrival at Montpelier, I'Liin his 
he appeared to all men who conversed with him to 
be entirely possessed of so much tranquillity of 
mind, and so unconcerned in all that had been done 
to him or said of him, that men believed the temper 
to be affected with much art ; and that it z could not 
be natural in a man, who was known to have so 
great an affection for his own country, the air and 
climate thereof; and to take so much delight and 
pleasure in his relations, from whom he was now ba- 
nished, and at such a distance, that he could not 
wish that they should undergo the inconveniences 
in many respects which were like to attend their 
making him many visits. But when there was vi- 
sibly always in him such a vivacity and cheerfulness 
as could not be counterfeited, that was not inter- 
rupted nor clouded upon such ill news as came 
every week out of England, of the improvement of 
the power and insolence of his enemies ; all men 
concluded, that he had somewhat about him above 
a good constitution, and prosecuted him with all the 

7 that it] Not in MS. 


1668. offices of civility and respect they could manifest to- 

wards a stranger. 

TWO appre- There were two inconveniences which he foresaw 
gfvTbim might happen, and could not but discompose the se- 

ZL ullca ~ renit r f his mind - The first and that which g ave 

' ' lhein - him least apprehension, though he could not avoid 


of ins for- the thinking of it. nor the trouble of those thoughts 


which could not be separated from it, was, how he 
should be able to draw as much money out of Eng- 
land as would support his expense ; which, though 
husbanded with as much frugality as could be used 
with any decency, he foresaw would amount to a 
greater proportion than he had proposed to himself. 
His indisposition and infirmity, which either kept 
him under the actual and sharp visitation of the 
gout, or, when the vigour of that was abated, in 
much weakness of his limbs when the pain was 
gone, were so great, that he could not be without 
the attendance of four servants about his own per- 
son ; having, in those seasons when he enjoyed most 
health and underwent least pain, his knees, legs, and 
feet so weak, that he could not walk, especially up 
or down stairs, without the help of two men ; and 
when he was seized upon by the gout, they were 
not able to perform the office of watching : so that 
to the English servants which he had brought with 
him, which with a cook, and a maid to wash his 
linen, amounted to six or seven, he was compelled 
to take four or five French servants for the mar- 
ket and other offices of the house ; and his lodg- 
Thi* soon ing cost him above two hundred pistoles. But all 

removed by . _ . . 

bis cons- the apprehensions of this kind were upon short re- 

flections composed, in the assurance he had of the 
children, affection and piety of his children, who he believed 


out of his and their own state would raise enough HJO'8. 
for his unavoidable disbursements. 

The other apprehension stuck closer to him, and ? The 
made him even tremble in the very reflection. He again perse" 
could not forget the treatment he had between Ca-j^j"' 
lais and Roan, and the strange violent importunity 
that was used to him to get out of the kingdom, 
when he had not strength to get out of his bed. 
And though he was now at ease from such inhuman 
pressures ; yet his enemies, who had even extorted 
that importunity from a people not inclined to such 
incivilities, had still the same power, and the same 
malice, and a froppish kind of insolence, that delight- 
ed to deprive him of any thing that pleased him, 
and manifestly pleased itself in vexing him. And 
if they should again prevail with the same ministers 
to remove him from his quiet, and oblige him to 
new journeys, the same spirit would chase him from 
place to place ; there being none in view like to be 
superior to their influence, when France had been 
subdued by it. So that besides the impossibility of 
preserving the peace and repose of his mind in so 
grievous a fatigue, and continual torture of his body, 
he saw no hope of rest but in his grave. And against 
this kind of tyranny he could by no reasonable dis- 
course with himself provide any security, or stock of 
courage to support it. 

His friend the abbot Mountague, who was the 
only advocate he had to that court, used all his 
powerful rhetoric to allay those fears, and to comfort 
him against those melancholic apprehensions, by as- 
suring him, " that the ministers were far from such 
" inclinations, and that nothing but reason of state 
" could dispose them to that severity :" yet he prc- 


1668. pared him not to think of removing from Montpe- 
~~lier, without first acquainting that court with it. 
And when afterwards he proposed to him, " that he 
" might have leave to reside in Orleans, or some 
" other city, at such a nearer distance from England, 
' that his children or friends might more easily repair 
" to him ;" the court a did not like the proposition, 
but proposed Moulins, whither they would not yet 
give him a pass, till first their ambassador in Eng- 
land should know that it would not be unacceptable 
to his majesty : so that he found himself upon the 
matter not only banished from his country, but con- 
fined to Montpelier, without any assurance that he 
should not be again shortly banished from thence. 
Tins re- However after he had revolved all the expedients 

moved by 

an entire that occurred to him for the prevention of such a 
to Provi- mischief, he concluded there was no other remedy 
to be applied to those contingencies, than in acqui- 
escing in the good pleasure of God, and depending 
upon him to enable him to bear what no discretion 
or foresight of his own could prevent. And in this 
composure of mind he betook himself to his books, 
and to the entertainment and exercise of such 
thoughts, as were most like to divert him from 
others which would be more unpleasant. 

blessed him very much in this composure 

served an j retreat. And the first consolation he adminis- 


tered to himself was from the reflection upon the 
wonderful and unusual proceedings and prosecution 
that had been against him, in another kind of man- 
ner, and after another measure, than used to be 
practised by the most bitter enemies, and than was 

a the court] but the court 


necessary to their ends and advantages who had 1668. 
contrived them : not to mention the malice and in-~ 
justice of their first design of removing him from 
the trust and credit he had with the king, and to 
alienate his majesty's affection and kindness from 
him, to which the corrupt hopes and expectation of 
benefit to themselves might incline them ; and then 
such unrighteous ends cannot naturally be prose- 
cuted but by as unrighteous means. When they 
were not only privy to but contrivers of his escape, 
which they looked upon as attended with more be- 
nefit to them than his imprisonment or the taking 
his life could have been ; when they were secure of 
his absence, and of no more being troubled or con- 
tradicted by him, by the bill of banishment, by 
which they broke their faith and promises to the 
king, and made him depart from his own resolu- 
tions : to what purpose was all their other prosecu- 
tion of him both at home and abroad, more deroga- 
tory to the king's honour, and that innate goodness 
of nature and clemency that all men know he 
abounds in, than mischievous to him ? why must he 
be absurdly charged with counsels and actions, of 
which he could never be suspected ? and why must 
his name be struck out of all books of council, and 
catalogues and lists of servants, that it might not 
appear that he had ever been a counsellor of state, 
or a magistrate of justice ; a method that was never 
practised towards the greatest malefactor? to what 
worthy or necessary end could that exorbitant de- 
mand be made and pursued in France, to expose 
him and the honour of that crown to the general 
reproach of all men, with such unparalleled circum- 
stances ? 

Gg 4 


1668. These very extraordinary attempts and unheard 
of devices seemed to all wise men but the last effort 

Which raise 

his cone- of vulgar spirited persons, and the faint grasping of 
God? " impotent malice ; and instead of depressing the spi- 
rits of him they hated, raised his confidence, that 
God would not permit such gross inventions of very 
ill and shortsighted men to triumph in the ruin of 
an honest man, whose heart was always fixed upon 
his protection, and whom he had so often preserved 
from more powerful stratagems : and he did really 
believe, that the divine justice would at some time 
expose the pride and ambition of those men to the 
infamy they deserved. 

He reflects To those persons with whom he did with the most 
duct from freedom communicate, he did often profess, that 
the ki^g^ upon the strictest inquisition he could make into all 
turn ' his actions from the time of the king's return, when 
his condition was generally thought to have been 
very prosperous, though at best it was exercised with 
many thorns which made it uneasy, he could not 
reflect upon any one thing he had done, (amongst 
many which he doubted not were justly liable to the 
reproach of weakness and vanity,) of which he was 
And blames so much ashamed, as he was of the vast expense he 
cSy'for had made in the building of his house ; which had 
idi" 5 ' more contributed to that gust of envy that had so 
violently shaken him, than any misdemeanour that 
he was thought to have been guilty of; and which 
had infinitely discomposed his whole affairs, and 
broken his estate. For all which he had no other 
excuse to make, than that he was necessitated to 
quit the habitation he was in at Worcester-house, 
which the owner required, and for which he had 
always paid five hundred pounds yearly rent, and 


could not find any convenient house to live in, ex- HJGS. 
cept he built one himself, (to which he was naturally 
too much inclined ;) and that he had so much en- 
couragement thereunto from the king himself, that 
his majesty vouchsafed to appoint the place upon 
which it should stand, and graciously to bestow the 
inheritance of the land upon him after a short term 
of years, which he purchased from the present pos- 
sessor : which approbation and bounty of his ma- 
jesty was his greatest encouragement. And his 
own unskilfulness in architecture, and the positive 
undertaking of a gentleman, (who had skill enough, 
and a good reward for his skill,) that the expense 
should not amount to a third part of what in truth 
it afterwards amounted to, which he could without 
eminent inconvenience have disbursed, involved him a 
in that rash enterprise, that proved so fatal and 
mischievous to him ; not only in the accumulation 
of envy and prejudice that it brought upon him, but 
in the entanglement of a great debt, that broke all 
his measures ; and, under the weight of his sudden, 
unexpected misfortune, made his condition very un- 
easy, and near insupportable. 

And this he took all occasions to confess, and to 
reproach himself with the folly of it. And yet, 
when his children and his nearest friends proposed 
and advised the sale of it in his banishment, for the 
payment of his debts, and making some provision 
for two younger children ; he remained still so much 
infatuated with the delight he had enjoyed, that, 
though he was deprived of it, he hearkened very 
unwillingly to the advice ; and expressly refused to 

1 him] Omitted in MS. 


1G68. approve it, until such a sum should be offered for it, 
~ as held some proportion to the money he had laid 
out ; and could not conceal some confidence he had, 
that he should live to be restored to it, and to be 
vindicated from the brand he suffered under, except 
his particular complete ruin were involved in the 
general distraction and confusion of his country, of 
which he had a more sensible and serious appre- 

His three He was wont to say, " that of the infinite bless- 
" ings which God had vouchsafed to confer upon 
.c " him almost from his cradle," amongst which he 

business, delighted in the reckoning up many signal instances, 
" he esteemed himself so happy in none as in his 
" three acquiescences," which he called " his three 
" vacations and retreats he had in his life enjoyed 
" from business of trouble and vexation ;" and in 
every of which God had given him grace and op- 
portunity to make full reflections upon his actions, 
and his observations upon what he had done him- 
self, and what he had seen others do and suffer ; to 
repair the breaches in his own mind, and to fortify 
himself with new resolutions against future encount- 
ers, in an entire resignation of all his thoughts and 
purposes into the disposal of God Almighty, and in 
a firm confidence of his protection and deliverance 
in all the difficulties he should be obliged to contend 
with ; towards b the obtaining whereof, he renewed 
those vows and promises of integrity and hearty en- 
deavour to perform his duty, which are the only 
means to procure the continuance of that protection 
and deliverance. 

b towards] and towards 


The first of these recesses or acquiescences was, 1668. 
his remaining and residing in Jersey, when the~ 
prince of Wales, his now majesty, first went into 
France upon the command of the queen his mother, 
contrary, as to the time, to the opinion of the coun- 
cil the king his father had directed him to govern 
himself by, and, as they conceived, contrary to his 
majesty's own judgment, the knowing whereof they 
only waited for; and his stay there, during that 
time that his highness first remained at Paris and 
St. Germain's, until his expedition afterwards to the 
fleet and in the Downs. His second was, when he 
was sent by his majesty as his ambassador, together 
with the lord Cottington, into Spain ; in which two 
full years were spent before he waited upon the king 
again. And the third was his last recess, by the 
disgrace he underwent, and by the act of banish- 
ment. In which three acquiescences, he had learned Tlie g reat 

benefits he 

more, knew himself and other men much better, received in 
and served God and his country with more devotion, 
and he hoped more effectually, than in all the other 
more active part of his life. 

He used to say, that he spent too much of his A summary 

. , . . , . recapitula- 

younger years in company and conversation, and too t i n of his 
little with books ; which was in some degree repair- llfe ' 
ed, by the greatest part of his conversation being 
with persons of very eminent parts of learning and 
virtue, and never with men of loose and debauched 
manners. And he took great pleasure frequently to 
remember and mention the names of those with 
whom he kept most company, when he first entered 
into the world ; many whereof lived to be very 
eminent in church and state : to whose informa- 
tion and example, and to the affection, awe, and 


1668. reverence, he had to their persons, he did acknow- 
~ ledge to owe all that was commendable in c him. 
He did very much affect to be loved and esteemed 
amongst men of good name and reputation, which 
made him warily avoid the company of loose and 
dissolute men, and to preserve himself from any 
notable scandal of any kind, and to live caute} if not 
caste. Nor was the conversation he lived in liable 
to any other exception, than that it was with men 
superior to him in their quality and their fortunes, 
which exposed him to greater expense, than his for- 
tune would warrant : and yet it pleased God to 
preserve him from ever undergoing any reproach or 

He accused himself of entering too soon out of a 
life of ease and pleasure and too much idleness, into 
a life of too much business, that required more la- 
bour and experience and knowledge than he was 
supplied for ; for he put on his gown as soon as he 
was called to the bar ; and, by the countenance of 
persons in place and authority, as soon engaged him- 
self in the business of the profession as he put on his 
gown, and to that degree in practice, that gave little 
time for study, that he had too much neglected be- 
fore ; besides that he still indulged to his beloved 
conversation. Few years passed before the troubles 
in Scotland appeared, and the little parliament was 
convened; which being dissolved and presently a 
new one called, he was a member in both, and 
wholly gave himself up to the public affairs agitated 
there, and where he was enough esteemed and em- 
ployed, till the spirit reigned there, and drove men 
of his principles from thence. 

1 in] l<> 


He was entirely and without reserve trusted, JGG8. 
with two other of his friends, in all the king's af-~~ 
fairs which related to the parliament, before the re- 
bellion appeared ; which brought him into prejudice 
and jealousy with many of both houses, who before 
were very kind to him. And in the beginning of 
the rebellion he was sworn of the privy-council and 
made chancellor of the exchequer : and from this 
time the pains he took, and the great fatigue lie 
underwent, were notorious to all men ; insomuch 
as, the refreshment of dinner excepted, for he never 
supped, he had very little of the day, and not much of 
the night, vacant from the most important business. 

When the prince was separated from his father, 
the king commanded him to attend his highness into 
the west, under more than a common trust : and' 1 
the inequality of humours amongst the counsellors, 
the wants and necessities of the prince's little court 
and family, the want of wisdom in his governor, 
that made him want that respect from the prince 
and all other people that was due to him, the faction 
amongst all the country gentlemen, and, above all, 
the ill success in the king's affairs, and the preva- 
lence of the parliament in all places, made the pro- 
vince he had very uncomfortable and uneasy. The 
unavoidable necessity of transporting the person of 
the prince out of the kingdom (which was intrusted 
only to four of the council by the king, and by his 
command reserved from his governor and another) 
when there should be apparent danger of his falling 
into the hands of the rebels, and the as necessary 
deferring it till that danger was even in view, and 

(l and] and by 


1668. the designs of some of the prince's servants with 

the county to obstruct and prevent it when it was 
in view ; the executing it in a seasonable article of 
time before or in the moment that it was suspected, 
and disguising it by a retreat to Scilly, and staying 
there till they could be provided for a farther voy- 
age ; and then the prince's remove from thence to 
Jersey, the contests which happened there between 
the counsellors upon the queen's commands for his 
highness's present repair into France, her majesty's 
declared displeasure, and the personal animosities 
which grew from thence between the persons in the 
greatest trust ; were all particulars of that weight 
and distraction, that made great impression upon 
his mind and faculties, which needed much reflection 
and contemplation to compose them. 
H.S first re- This first retreat gave him opportunity and leisure 

treat in the 

island of to call himself to a strict account for whatsoever he 
had done, upon revolving of all his particular actions, 
and the behaviour of other men ; and to compose 
those affections and allay those passions, which, in 
the warmth of perpetual actions and chafed by con- 
tinual contradictions, had need of rest, and cool c 
and deliberate cogitations. He had now time to 
mend his understanding, and to correct the defects 
and infirmities of his nature, by the observation of 
and reflection upon the grounds and successes of 
those counsels he had been privy to, upon the se- 
veral tempers and distempers of men employed both 
in the martial and civil affairs of the greatest im- 
portance, and upon the experience he had and the 
observation he had made in the three or four last 

e cool] rold 


years, where the part he had acted himself differed 
so much from all the former transactions and com- 
merce of his life. 

He had originally in his nature so great a tender- 
ness and love towards mankind, that he did not only 
detest all calumniating and detraction towards the 
lessening the credit or parts or reputation of any 
man, but did really believe that all men were such 
as they seemed or appeared to be ; that they had 
the same justice and candour and goodness in their 
nature, that they professed to have ; and thought no 
men to be wicked and dishonest and corrupt, but 
those who in their manners and lives gave unques- 
tionable evidence of it ; and even amongst those he 
did think most to err and do amiss, rather out of 
weakness and ignorance, for want of friends and 
good counsel, than out of the malice and wickedness 
of their natures. 

But now, upon the observation and experience 
he had in the parliament, (and he believed he could 
have made the discovery no where else, without 
doubt not so soon,) he reformed all those mistakes, 
and mended that easiness of his understanding. 
He had seen those there, upon whose ingenuity and 
probity he would willingly have deposited all his 
concernments of this world, behave themselves with 
that signal uningenuity and improbity that must 
pull up all confidence by the roots ; men of the most 
unsuspected integrity, and of the greatest eminence 
for their piety and devotion, most industrious to im- 
pose upon and to cozen men of weaker parts and 
understanding, upon the credit of their sincerity, to 
concur with them in mischievous opinions, which 
they did not comprehend, and which conduced to 


1668. dishonest actions they did not intend. He saw the 
~ most bloody and inhuman rebellion contrived by 
them who were generally believed to l>e the most 
solicitous and zealous for the peace and prosperity 
of the kingdom, with such art and subtilty, and so 
great pretences to religion, that it looked like ill- 
nature to believe that such sanctified persons could 
entertain any but holy purposes. In a word, religion 
was made a cloak to cover the most impious designs ; 
and reputation of honesty, a stratagem to deceive 
and cheat others who had no mind to be wicked. 
The court was f as full of murmuring, ingratitude, 
and treachery, and 6 as willing and ready to rebel 
against the best and most bountiful master in the 
world, as the country and the city. A barbarous 
and bloody fierceness and savageness had extin- 
guished all relations, hardened the hearts and bowels 
of all men ; and an universal malice and animosity 
had even covered the most innocent and best-na- 
tured people and nation upon the earth. 

These unavoidable reflections first made him dis- 
cern how weak and foolish all his former imaginations 
had been, and how blind a surveyor* he had been of 
the inclinations and affections of the heart of man ; 
and it made him likewise conclude from thence, 
how uncomfortable and vain the dependance must 
be upon any thing in this world, where whatsoever 
is good and desirable suddenly perisheth, and no- 
thing is lasting but the folly and wickedness of the 
inhabitants thereof. In this first vacation, he had 
leisure to read many learned and pious books ; and 
here he began to compose his Meditations upon the 

1 was] Not in MS. and] Not in MS. 


Psalms, by applying those devotions to the present 1668. 
afflictions and calamities of his king and country. He ~ 
began now; by the especial encouragement of the 
king, who was then a prisoner in the army, to write 
The History of the late Rebellion and Civil Wars, and 
finished the four first books thereof; and made an 
entry upon some exercises of devotion, which he 
lived to enlarge afterwards. 

When he had enjoyed, in that pleasant island of 
Jersey, full two years, in as great serenity of mind 
as the separation from country, wife, and children, 
can be imagined to admit, he received a command 
from the queen, then at St. Germain's, and an ex- 
press order from the king, upon which the other had 
been sent, his majesty being then prisoner in the 
Isle of Wight, that he should forthwith attend the 
person of the prince of Wales, who, upon the revolt 
of the ships under the command of the parliament 
in the Downs, and their profession of obedience to 
the king, was advised to make all possible haste to 
them ; and the chancellor was required to wait upon 
his highness at Roan upon a day assigned, which 
was past before the orders came to him. 

And then h without any delay he used all possible 
diligence to find the prince ; who with greater ex- 
pedition, without coming to Roan, passed to Calais, 
and from thence to Holland to possess the ships 
which he found there, and possessed with all that 
alacrity (which is always very loud) that seamen 
can express ; and by the assistance of the prince of 
Orange got more victual quickly on board, that he 
might be in the Downs with the fleet to second 

h then] though 
VOL. III. H h 


lf>68. some attempt which was already on foot in Kent, 
~" and others expected in several parts of the kingdom. 
And the chancellor having in his way called upon 
the lord Cottington at Roan, and together with him, 
and some other persons of honour and quality, made 
what haste they could to Dieppe, that they might 
there embark for any place where they should hear 
the prince to be ; there ' they were informed, that 
his highness was at the Brill in Holland. And 
thereupon they put themselves on board a French 
man of war, and upon the sea were taken prisoners 
by Ostenders, who, upon the advantage of being in 
the ship of an enemy, concluded them to be lawful 
prize, and treated them accordingly, with all the 
circumstances of barbarity ; and after having plun- 
dered them thoroughly of money and jewels of great 
value, and stripped most of their servants to their 
shirts, they carried them in great triumph to Ostend; 
where though their persons were used with civility 
and respect, and presently set at liberty, yet they 
were compelled to stay there many days, in hope to 
obtain the jewels and money of which they had 
been robbed, and, finding that not to be done, (those 
privateers being subject to no discipline, nor regard- 
ing the orders of the admiralty, or any other go- 
vernor,) to make such provision as was necessary for 
a further voyage. And at last they got from Ostend 
to Flushing, having found means to inform the 
prince of their misadventures, and of their readiness 
at Flushing to receive and obey his commands. 

The fleet was then in the Downs in so good a 
posture, by the access of other ships and vessels to 

1 there] and I here- 


it, and by some notable commotions on land, that 
the prospect was fair and hopeful. And the prince 
received the advertisement no sooner, than he was 
pleased to send a frigate to Flushing for those who 
had been so long expected. But the winds proved 
then so cross and tempestuous in the gentlest season 
of the year, that after several attempts at sea, they 
were so often driven back again into the harbour, 
sometimes by very dangerous storms, that in the end 
they received new directions to attend the prince at 
the Hague, the fleet being at the same time under 
sail for that coast. 

The earl of Lautherdale was at that time come 
to the fleet as commissioner from the kingdom of 
Scotland, to inform the prince, that duke Hamil- 
ton with a powerful army was already marched into 
England; and thereupon to invite his highness to 
make what haste he could, to put himself in the 
head of that army, according to a promise the king 
had made in some private treaty with the Scots ; 
and which the queen had sent very positive com- 
mands to be observed and obeyed. This was the 
reason, not without other more reasonable motives, 
so suddenly to quit the Downs, that he might get 
more victual for the fleet, and therewith sail to the 
north, and disembark in such a place as should be 
nearest to the Scots army, with which he doubted 
not to find a very considerable conjunction of the 
English ; since he knew that sir Marmaduke Lang- 
dale had possessed himself with a body of English 
officers and gentlemen, of Berwick, and sir Philip 
Musgrave had done the same with the like assist- 
ance, at Carlisle, before the Scots began their 

H h 2 


16fi8. The lord Cottington and the chancellor came to 
"the Hague the next day after the prince's arrival, 
and were very graciously received by his highness, 
and with a wonderful kindness by all the court, and 
all the gentlemen who had attended upon him ; not 
so much out of affection to them, as out of detesta- 
tion of one another, who had kept company for the 
space of two months last past. 

The prince had found the common seamen full of 
such a keen devotion for his service upon the true 
principles of the cause, and for the redemption of 
the king his father out of prison, and so full of in- 
dignation against those who had formerly misled 
them into rebellion, especially the presbyterians ; 
that as they had before the declaration set all those 
officers on shore by force, who were appointed by 
the parliament to command them, so now they 
thought the new ones, which they had chosen for 
themselves, not fierce and resolute enough for their 
purposes. The truth is ; there had been much un- 
skilful tampering amongst them by emissaries from 
Paris, and other attempts. And the duke of York, 
having made his escape very little time before, and 
being then at the Hague when the fleet came to 
Helvoetsluys, upon the first notice lost no time in 
making haste to them. It was generally known, 
that the king his father had long designed to make 
him high admiral of England ; and k the commission 
which had been formerly granted to the earl of 
Northumberland they ' all knew to be repealed and 
cancelled : so that he no sooner came to the fleet, 
but he was received with the usual acclamations of 

k and] and that ' they] and which they 


joy as their admiral, and he as cheerfully assumed 
the command. And his small family presently be- 
gan to propagate their several factions and animo- 
sities, with which they abounded, to make such par- 
ties amongst the seamen as might advance their 
several pretences. And in this posture the prince 
found the fleet when he came to it, and resolved to 
take the command immediately into his own hand, 
and that the duke should remain at the Hague with 
his sister, till that expedition were over ; and so he 
made haste with the fleet into the Downs, hoping 
that some present occasion would be the best expe- 
dient to extinguish that fire, and compose those dis- 
tempers, which he discerned already to be kindled 
amongst the seamen. 

The advice and instruction which were brought 
from Paris were grounded upon the treaty with 
Scotland, the marching of that army, and the ex- 
pectation of some notable attempt by the presbyterian 
party in London ; in order to which, all address 
was to be made to that city, and a declaration to be 
published to gratify that party. This secret was 
intrusted only to one of the council, and one other 
who was to be ministerial in whatsoever the other 
directed. And this temper was quickly discovered 
when they came into the Downs, by the great care m 
that was taken to give no offence or interruption to 
the trade of the city, which all men believed would 
be the best means to reduce it. Ships of return, 
richly laden, were suffered quietly to pass thither ; 
others coming from thence, very well freighted, were 
likewise quietly permitted to prosecute their voyage : 

1T1 care] Omittni in MS. 
H h 3 


1 668. all which was passionately opposed by prince Rupert 
"and all the rest of the council. And this contra- 
diction was quickly known to the lords of the bed- 
chamber, and others, who had no reverence for that 
council, and were now the more inflamed upon this 
division of opinion. And the seamen likewise com- 
ing to take notice of it, cried out, " the prince was 
" betrayed ;" and grew into such rage and fury, that 
they declared, " that they would throw those over- 
" board who gave the prince such evil counsel." 
Two or three unprosperous attempts at land, and 
then the lord Lautherdale's coming thither, and the 
order thereupon for the fleet to sail presently for 
Holland for the reasons aforesaid, kindled all those 
sparkles into a bright flame of dissension, so uni- 
versal, that there were very few who spake with any 
civility of one another, or without the highest ani- 
mosity that can be imagined. 

This was the distracted condition of affairs when 
the lord Cottington and the chancellor came to the 
Hague ; the council divided between themselves, 
and more offended with the court for presumption 
in making themselves of the council, and opposing 
whatsoever the other directed, by their private whis- 
pering to the prince in reproach of them, and their 
public murmurings against their persons for the 
counsel they gave, every man endeavouring to in- 
cense others against those who were not affected by 
him ; and this ill humour increased by such an uni- 
versal poverty, that very few knew where to find a 
subsistence for three months to come, or how to dis- 
pose of themselves. The clamour from the fleet was 
so high for new victual and for money, that there 
was apprehension just enough, tha,t they would pro- 


vide for themselves by returning to their old station ; 1 6(58. 
to which they had both opportunity and invitation, ~~ 
by the parliament's having set out another fleet su- 
perior in power to them, that were already at anchor 
in their view, under the command of the earl of 
Warwick, to block them up in that inconvenient 
harbour. The sudden news of the total defeat of 
the Scots army, and shortly after of the loss of Col- 
chester, and taking the persons of so many gallant 
gentlemen, and murdering some of them in cold 
blood ; the daily warm contests in council upon the 
insolent behaviour and the unreasonable demands of 
the lord Lautherdale, who as peremptorily insisted 
upon the prince's going immediately with the fleet 
into Scotland, as he had done before the total defeat 
of duke Hamilton, and without expecting to hear 
what alteration that fatal change had produced in 
that kingdom, which was very reasonable to appre- 
hend, and in truth had at that time really fallen out : 
these and many other ill presages made the chancellor 
quickly find, that in his two years' repose in Jersey 
he had not fortified himself enough against future 
assaults, nor laid in ballast to be prepared to ride 
out the storms and tempests that he was like to be 
engaged in. 

The preservation of the fleet was a consideration 
that would bear no delay ; and was in a short time, 
though with infinite difficulties and contests full of 
animosity, resolved to be by committing the charge 
of it to prince Rupert, who was to carry it into 
Ireland, where were many good ports in his majes- 
ty's obedience. But that was no sooner done, but 
the horrid murder of the king, and the formed dis- 
solution of the monarchy there, and erecting and 

Pi h 4- 


1 G68. establishing the government in that kingdom with a 
"seeming general consent, at least without any visible 
appearance or possibility of contradiction or oppo- 
sition ; the faint proclamation of the present king in 
Scotland, under the same conditions which they 
would have imposed, and with all the circumstances 
with which they had prosecuted the rebellion against 
his father; the resolution what was fit for the young 
king to undertake in his own person, and the dismal 
prospect, how all the neighbour princes were soli- 
citous not to pay him any such civilities, as might 
encourage him to expect any thing from them ; were 
all arguments of perplexity and consternation to all 
men, who had been moderately versed in the trans- 
action of affairs ; and were too many things to be 
looked upon at once, and yet could not be effectually 
looked upon but together. So that the chancellor 
used to say, " that all the business he had been 
" conversant in, from the beginning to his coming 
" to the Hague, had not administered half the diffi- 
" culties and disconsolation, had not half so much 
" disturbed and distracted his understanding, and 
" broken his mind, as the next six months from that 
" time had done." Nor coukl he see any light be- 
fore him to present a way to the king, by entering 
into which he might hopefully avoid the greatest 
misery that ever prince had been exposed to. His 
own particular condition (under so general a morti- 
fication) afflicted him very little, having long com- 
posed himself by a resolution, with God's blessing, 
to do his duty without hesitation, and to leave all 
the rest to the disposition of Providence. 

When the fleet was committed to the government 
of prince Rupert to embark for Ireland, it was 


enough foreseen by those who foresaw what natu- 
rally might fall out, that Ireland was probably like 
to be the place whither it might be the most coun- 
sellable for the prince himself to repair. But as it 
was not then seasonable in many respects to pub- 
lish such an imagination ; so it was not possible to 
keep the fleet where it then was, or in any port of 
the dominions of Holland, where the States were 
already perplexed what answer they should return 
if the new commonwealth should demand the ships, 
or whether they were not obliged to deliver them : 
and therefore no time was to be lost. Nor was the 
voyage itself like to be secure, but by the benefit of 
the winter season, and the unquiet seas they were 
to pass through ; which would have made it too 
dangerous a voyage for the person of the prince, 
who must find a shorter passage thither, when it 
should be necessary. 

When that inhuman impiety was acted at Lon- 
don, and the young king had in some degree reco- 
vered his spirits from the sudden astonishment, and 
had received the vile proclamation and propositions 
from Scotland, his majesty with those few who 
were of nearest trust concluded, " that it would be 
" shortly of necessity to transport himself into Ire- 
" land ;" which was to be the highest secret, that 
it might be equally unsuspected in England and in 
Scotland. " That he should incognito, or with a light 
" train, pass through France to Nantz, or some 
" other port of Bretagne, where two or three ships 
" of war, which he could not doubt of obtaining by 
" the favour of his brother the prince of Orange, 
" might attend him ; and from thence he might 


1668. " with least hazard embark for the nearest coast of 
" Ireland, where the marquis of Ormond might 
" meet him." 

This being concluded in that manner, the lord 
Cottington went in a morning to the king before 
he was dressed ; and desired, " that when he was 
" ready, he would give him a private audience in 
" his closet." He there told him, " that his majesty 
" had taken the most prudent resolution that his 
" condition would admit, for Ireland ; where there 
" remained yet some foundation for hope. That for 
" himself he was so old and infirm," (for to his seven- 
ty-five years, which was then his age, he had fre- 
quent and painful visitations of the gout and the 
stone,), "that his majesty could not expect his per- 
" sonal attendance in so many journeys by land as 
" he must he exposed to: yet haying served the crown 
" throughout the reign of his grandfather and his 
" father, he was very desirous to finish his life in his 
" majesty's service. 

" That he had reflected upon the woful condition 
" his affairs were in, not more by the power of his 
" rebels, than by being abandoned by all his neigh- 
" bour princes. That it was too apparent, that nei- 
" ther of them would embark themselves in his 
" quarrel ; so that the utmost he could hope from 
" them was, that in some secret manner they might 
" contribute such a supply and relief to him, as 
" might give him a subsistence, till some new acci- 
" dents and alterations at home or abroad might 
" produce a more seasonable conjuncture. That 
" even in that particular, he doubted the magna- 
" nimity or generosity of princes would not be very 


" conspicuous : however it being all his present de- 1668. 
" pendance, he must try all the ways he could to 
" provoke them to that disposition. 

" That lie knew the crown of Spain was so low 
" at that time, that whatever their inclinations 
" might be, they could neither supply him with 
" ships or men or money towards the raising or 
" supporting of an army : yet that he knew too, 
" that there is such a proportion of honour, and of a 
" generous compassion and bounty, that is insepa- 
" rable from that crown, and even runs through 
" that people, which other nations are not inspired 
" with. And he was confident, that if his majesty 
" sent an ambassador thither, how necessitous so- 
" ever that court might be, it would never refuse 
' to make such an assignment of money to him as 
" might, well husbanded, provide a decent support 
" for him in Ireland ; where likewise the king of 
" Spain had power to do his majesty more offices 
" than any other prince could do, or he any where 
" else, by the universal influence he had upon the 
" Irish nation. And general Owen O'Neile, who 
" was the only man that then obstructed the union 
" of that people in a submission to the king, had 
" been bred up in the court of Spain, and had spent 
" all his time in the service of that crown, and had 
" still his sole dependance upon it ; and therefore it 
" was to be presumed, that he might be induced by 
" direction from Madrid, to conform himself to a 
" conjunction with the marquis of Ormond, the 
" king's lieutenant there." He said, " that his ma- 
" jesty knew well that he had spent a great part of 
" his life in that court, in the service of his grand- 
'' father and father ; and he would be willing to 


1668. *' enc * his days there, if it were thought of use to 
" his affairs." 

The discourse was too reasonable not to make im- 
pression upon the king; which discovering in his 
countenance, the other desired him, " that he would 
" think that day upon all that he had said, without 
" communicating it to any body, till the next morn- 
" ing, when he would again wait on him, to know 
" his opinion upon the whole ; for if his majesty 
" should approve of what he proposed, he had an- 
" other particular to offer, before the matter should 
" be publicly debated." When he came the next 
morning, and found the king was n much pleas- 
ed with what he had before discoursed, and asked 
what the other particular was that he intended to 
offer ; the lord Cottington told him, " that he was 
" very glad his majesty was so well pleased with 
" what he had proposed, which he confessed the 
" more he had revolved himself, the more hopeful 
" the success appeared to him ; which made him 
" the more solicitous, that through any inadver- 
" tency such a design might not miscarry." 

He put him then in mind again " of his great 
" age, how unlike it was that he should be able to 
" hold out such a journey, or, if he did, the fatigue 
" thereof would probably cast him into a fit of the 
" gout or the stone, or both, which if he should out- 
" live, he should be long detained from the prosecu- 
" tion of his business, which the less vigorously pur- 
" sued would be more ineffectual ;" and therefore 
proposed, " that he might have a companion with 
** him, of more youth and a stronger constitution, 

11 was] Not in MS. 


" who would receive some benefit by the informa- 1668. 
" tion and advice he should be able to give him, the ~ 
" advantage whereof would redound for the present, 
" and might more in the future, to the king's ser- 
" vice ;" and in fine proposed, " that the chancellor 
" of the exchequer might be joined in the commis- 
" sion with him, and accompany him into Spain, 
" from whence if they made haste in their journey, 
" they might make such a progress in that court, 
" that he might be able to attend his majesty in 
" Ireland in a very short time after his arrival 
" there ; whilst himself remained still at Madrid, to 
" prosecute all further opportunities to advance his 
" service." 

The king was surprised with the overture ; and 
asked " whether the chancellor would be willing to 
" undertake the employment, and whether he had 
" spoken with him of it." To which the other pre- 
sently replied, " that he knew not, nor had ever 
" spoke to him of it, nor would do, till his majesty, 
" if he liked it, should first prepare him ; for he 
" knew well he would at first be startled at it, and it 
" may be might take it unkindly. That he knew well 
" how much of the weight of his business lay upon 
" the chancellor's shoulders, and in that respect that 
" many others would not be willing he should be ab- 
" sent : yet that there was a long vacation in view, 
" and there could be little to be done till the 
" king should come into Ireland ; and by that time 
" he might be with him again, with such a return 
" from Spain as might be welcome and convenient 
" to him. And therefore if his majesty would first 
" break the matter to him, he would then take the 
'* work upon him ; and he believed he should give 


IMS. " ^ im 8ucn reasons, since he could not suspect his 
" friendship," (which was very notorious, and they 
lived then together,) " as would dispose him to the 
" journey." 

When the king spake to him of it, as a thing that 
had resulted from his own thoughts ; " that he had 
" more hope to obtain some supply from Spain, than 
" from any other place ; that no man could be so fit 
" to solicit it as the lord Cottington, and nobody so 
" fit to accompany him as he, who might be with 
" him in Ireland in a short time ;" he said, " he had 
" spoken with lord Cottington to undertake the em- 
" ployment, to which he was not averse ; but he had 
" expressly refused to undertake it alone, and he 
" knew that no companion would-be so acceptable 
" to him as he would be." 

The chancellor did not at first dissemble the ap- 
prehension, that this device had been contrived at 
Paris, where he knew that neither of them were ac- 
ceptable, nor were wished to be about the king, or 
to have so much credit with him as they were both 
thought to have : but the king quickly expelled that 
jealousy. And he desired a short time to consider 
of it ; and received such reasons (besides kindness 
in the invitation) from the lord Cottington, that he 
did not submit only to the king's pleasure, but very 
willingly undertook the employment : and, though 
it was afterwards delayed by the importunity of 
many, and the queen's own advice, who thought the 
chancellor's attendance about the person of the king 
her son to be more useful to his service, than it was 
like to be in the other climate, the king was firm to 
his purpose ; and despatched them shortly after his 
coming into France, when he resolved and prepared 


for his own expedition into Ireland, in order to 16C8. 
which there were then some Dutch ships of war" 
that waited for him at St. Male's. 

This was the occasion and ground of his second His sec v ntl 

retreat in 

retreat and recess from a very uneasy condition, of Spain. 
which he was not more weary in respect of the diffi- 
culty and melancholy of the business, from which he 
could not entirely disentangle himself by absence, 
than in respect of the company he was to keep in 
the conducting it, who had humours and inclinations 
uneasy to him, irresolute in themselves, and contrary 
for the most part to his judgment. And he did still 
acknowledge, that he did receive much refreshment 
and benefit by that negotiation. For though the 
employment proved ineffectual to the purposes for 
which it was intended, by the king's finding it ne- 
cessary to divert his intended journey for Ireland, 
into that of Scotland ; yet he had vacancy to recol- 
lect and compose his broken thoughts ; and mended 
his understanding, in the observation and expe- 
rience of another kind of negotiation than he had 
formerly been acquainted with, under the assistance, 
advice, and friendship of the most able person, and 
the best acquainted with foreign negotiations and 
the general interests of the several kings and states 
in Christendom, of any statesman then alive in Eu- 
rope, and who delighted in giving him all the infor- 
mation he could. He was conversant in a court of 
another nature and humour, of another kind of 
grandeur and gravity, of another constitution and 
policy ; and where ambassadors are more esteemed 
and regarded, and live with more conversation and 
a better intelligence amongst themselves, than in 
any other court in the world. 


1668. The less of business he had, he was the more va- 
~~ cant to study the language and the manners and the 
government of that nation. He made a collection 
of and read many of the best books which are extant 
in that language, especially in the histories of their 
civil and ecclesiastical state. Upon the reading the 
Pontifical History written by Illescas in two volumes, 
and continued by one or two others in three other 
volumes, he begun there first his Animadversions 
upon the Superiority and Supremacy of the Pope, 
which he afterwards continued to a perfect work. 
Here he resumed the continuation of his Devotions 
on the Psalms, and other discourses of piety and de- 
votion, which he reviewed and enlarged in his later 
times of leisure. Though he underwent in this em- 
ployment many mortifications of several kinds, yet 
he still acknowledged that he learned much dur- 
ing the time of his being in Spain, from whence he 
returned a little before the battle of Worcester ; and 
after the king's miraculous escape into France, he 
quickly waited upon his majesty, and was never se- 
parated from his person, till sixteen or seventeen 
years after by his banishment. 

His third This he called his third and most blessed recess, 
his banish- in which God vouchsafed to exercise many of his 
mercies towards him. And though he entered into 
it with many very disconsolate circumstances ; yet 
in a short time, upon the recovery of a better state 
of health, and being remitted into a posture of ease 
and quietness, and secure from the power of his ene- 
mies, he recovered likewise a marvellous tranquil- 
lity and serenity of mind, by making a strict review 
and recollection into all the actions, all the faults 
and follies, committed by himself and others in his 


last continued fatigue of seventeen or eighteen 1668. 
years ; in which he had received very many signal 
instances of God's favour, and in which he had so 
behaved himself, that he had the good opinion and 
friendship of those of the best fame, reputation, and 
interest, and was generally believed to have deserved 
very well of the king and kingdom. 

In all this retirement he was very seldom vacant, 
and then only when he was under some sharp visita- 
tion of the gout, from reading excellent books, or 
writing some animadversions and exercitations of 
his own, as appears by the papers and notes which 
he left. He learned the Italian and French lan- 
guages, in which he read many of the choicest 
books. Now he finished the work which his heart 
was most set upon, the History of the late Civil 
Wars and Transactions to the Time of the King's 
Return in the Year 1660; of which he gave the 
king advertisement. He finished his Reflections 
and Devotions upon the Psalms of David, which he 
dedicated to his children ; which was ended at 
Montpelier before the death of the duchess. He 
wrote and finished his Answer to Mr. Hobbes's Le- 
viathan, to which he prefixed an epistle dedicatory 
to the king, if his majesty would permit it. He 
wrote a good volume of Essays, Divine, Moral, and 
Political, to which he was always adding. He pre- 
pared a Discourse Historical of the Pretence and 
Practice of the successive Popes from the Begin- 
ning of that Jurisdiction they assume ; in which he 
thought he had fully vindicated the power and au- 
thority of kings from that odious usurpation. He 
entered upon the forming a method for the better 
disposing the History of England, that it may be 
VOL. in. I i 


more profitably and exactly communicated than it 
hath yet been. He left so many papers of several 
kinds, and cut out so many pieces of work, that a 
man may conclude, that he never intended to be 

In a word, he did not only by all possible admi- 
nistrations subdue his affections and passions, to 
make his mind conformable to his present fortune ; 
but did all he could to lay in a stock of patience 
and provision, that might support him in any fu- 
ture exigent or calamity that might befall him : yet 
with a cheerful expectation, that God would deliver 
him from that powerful combination which then op- 
pressed him. 



I 1 2 


ABBOT, Geo. archbishop of Can- 
terbury, his behaviour, i. 73. 

Abbeville, iii. 350, 351. 

Acts, first act of settlement, ii. 
48. second act, 53. third act, 
90. act of indemnity, 99. of 
uniformity, 130. for liberty of 
conscience, iii. 348. 

Adventurers in Ireland send a 
committee to the king, i. 446. 
an account of them, ib. another 
class of adventurers appears, 
454. their answer to the de- 
mands of the Irish catholics, 
ii. 3 140. 

African company erected, ii. 232. 
a charter granted to them, 233. 

Albermarle, duke of, (see general 

Alcala, university of, i. 277. 

Allen, cardinal, protects the En- 
glish at Rome, i. 4. his kind- 
ness to Mr. Henry Hyde, ib. 

Antrim, marquis of, a statement 
of his case, ii. 75. 

Antwerp, i. 260, 283, 300. 

Argyle, earl of, i. 430. ii. 277. 
sent to the Tower, 430. his 
character, 43 1 . sent into Scot- 
land to be tried, 433. tried 
upon articles of treason and 
murder, is condemned and ex- 
ecuted, 266. 

Arlington, lord, (see sir H. Ben- 

Arminians, i. 56. 

Army, nature and inclination of 
it on the king's return, i. 333. 

Arundel, earl of, earl marshal, 
thanks Mr. Hyde for his treat- 

ment of him, i. 86. 

Arundel, Richard, created lord 
Arundel of Trerice, ii. 360. the 
eminent services of him and 
his family, ib. 

Arundel castle, i. 65. 

Ashburnham, Mr. i. 139, 145, 
199, 200, 227, 228. ii. 473. 
his friendship with sir John 
Colepepper, i. 1 06. invades the 
office of the chancellor of the 
exchequer, 196. his credit with 
the king, 225. the king's cha- 
racter of him, 227. 

Ashley, lord, commissioner of ap- 
peals, ii. 334. obtains a grant 
appointing him treasurer of 
prize-money, 337. favours the 
bill for liberty of conscience, 
342. speaks for it in the house 
of lords, 346. supports the bill 
for the preventing the importa- 
tion of Irish cattle, iii. 146. 

Avignon, iii. 356, 358, 366, 372. 

Aylesbury, sir Thomas, bart. mas- 
ter of requests to the king, i. 
17. marries his daughter to 
Edward Hyde, ib. 

Ayliffe, sir George, marries his 
daughter to Edward Hyde, i. 
13. she dies within six months, 

Ayliffe, John, i. 137. 

Ayscue, sir George, much con- 
sulted by the duke of York, ii. 



Bankers, a clamour raised against 
them, iii. 7. necessary to the 
king's affairs, 8. advantages 


arising from them in various 
ways, ib. the method of treat- 
ing with them, il>. 

Barbadoes, lord Willoughby the 
governor, iii. 305. 

Basadonna, Pietro, the ambassa- 
dor of Venice at Madrid, his 
character, i. 271. 

Batteville, the baron of, the 
Spanish ambassador, i. 503. 
some account of him, i>>. joins 
with the earl of Bristol in ob- 
structing the king's marriage 
with the infanta of Portugal, 
506. causes to be printed all 
the memorials he had present- 
ed on that affair, 515. for 
which he is ordered to leave 
the kingdom, H>. 

Baynard, Thomas, of Wanstrow, 
i. 2. marries Anne Hyde, il>. 

Beaufort, duke of, admiral of 
France, joins the French fleet 
at Brest, iii. 37. 

Benham, co. Berks, i. 3. 

Bennet, Mr. i. 289. 

Bennet, sir H. ii. 312, 334, his 
character, 197. ignorant of the 
constitution and laws of Eng- 
land, he still hoped to be able 
to govern it, 204. his intrigues 
against the chancellor, 206. an 
intrigue in the court to ad- 
vance him, 222. made secre- 
tary of state in the room of 
secretary Nicholas, 229. ca- 
joles sir R. Paston, who moves 
for a supply to the amount of 
two millions and an half, 309 
312. favourable to the bill for 
liberty of conscience, 342. is 
created lord Arlington, 358. 
joins with sir W. Coventry 
against the treasurer, iii. i. la- 
ments to the chancellor the 
king's course of life, 108. the 
chancellor repeats the conver- 
sation to the king, who had 
just entered the room, ib. lord 

Arlington puts it off with rail- 
ery, no. 

Bergen, a particular account of 
the attempt upon the Dutch 
there, ii. 415. the ill success 
of it, 420. lord Sandwich re- 
fuses to allow a second at- 
tempt, 423. lord Clarendon's 
reflection on this affair, 424. 

Berkley, sir Charles ii. 312, 313. 
traduces the duchess of York's 
reputation, i. 386. soon con- 
fesses the falsehood of the 
charge, 393. begs pardon of 
the duchess, 397. makes pro- 
fessions also to the chancellor, 
ib. is made privy purse, ii. 229. 
caresses and amuses sir R. 
Paston, 312. is created earl of 
Falmouth, 357. is killed in 
the first engagement with the 
Dutch, 389. 

Berkley, sir John, i. 289. 

Beverley, i. 153, 154, 156, 157, 


Bewett, Mr. of great weight in 
Holland, iii. 46. his character, 
47. endeavours to bring about 
a peace, 48. enters into a cor- 
respondence with the English 
court with De Wit's consent, 
50. suspects the sincerity of 
De Wit, 51. and resolves to 
make peace in opposition to 
him, ib. settles a secret corre- 
spondence with the English 
court, 52. which is accidental- 
ly discovered by De Wit, 57. 
his papers seized and ciphers 
detected, 58. he is executed, 
ib. all his friends obliged to 
fly, ib. 

Bishops, bill against them passed 
by the king, i. 115. the effect 
of this on the several parties, 
1 1 6. new bishops appointed to 
vacant sees, ii. 6. a clamour 
raised against them* and the 
clergy by their tenants, 9. the 


injustice of it, 10. a bill passed 
for restoring them to their 
seats in parliament, 100. some 
of them are against all altera- 
tions in the liturgy, 119. others 
press earnestly both for altera- 
tions and additions, ib. new bi- 
shops appointed, iii. 6. state of 
the bishops in general, and 
their chapters, 7. a clamour 
raised against them by their 
tenants, 9. more passion than 
justice in it, ib. oppose the bill 
for liberty of conscience, 345, 
346. by which they incur the 
king's displeasure, 351. 

Bombay, i. 49 1 . 

Booth, sir George, ii. 117. 

Bourbon, iii. 372. 

Bourdeaux, i. 278. 

Bourdeaux, mons. ambassador 
from France to the Cromwells, 
485. has new credentials ready 
on the arrival of the king, ib. 
desires an audience, ib. com- 
manded to leave the kingdom, 

Boulogne, iii. 350. 

Boyle, Mr. Richard, son of the 
earl of Burlington, killed in 
the first engagement with the 
Dutch, ii. 390. 

Brecknock, earl of, ii. 13. 

Breda, i. 203, 301. appointed the 
place for treating, iii. 226. state 
of the negociations, 245. the 
treaty advanced, 260. con- 
cluded, and peace made, 264. 

Bridgman, sir Orlando, his cha- 
racter, i. 213. 

Bristol, i. 194, 195. 

Bristol, earl of, remains some 
days at Dieppe with the chan- 
cellor, i. 246. proceeds with 
him to join the prince, but is 
prevented, and arrives at the 
Hague, 257. an account of his 
behaviour abroad, 499. de- 
clares himself a Roman catho- 

lic, 500. accompanies the king 
to Fuentarabia, 502. devoted to 
the Spanish interest, 505. joins 
with the Spanish ambassador 
in obstructing the king's mar- 
riage with the infanta of Por- 
tugal, 506. speaks lightly to 
the king of the infanta's per- 
son, 508. is sent by the king 
to see some ladies in Italy, 511. 
raises objections against the bill 
for restoring the bishops to 
their seats in parliament, ii. 
100. some account of his ge- 
neral conduct, 256. his extra- 
vagant conduct to the king, 
258. accuses the chancellor of 
high treason, 259. absconds 
upon the king's warrant to ap- 
prehend him, 262. 
Broghill, the lord, one of the com- 
missioners from the state of 
Ireland, i. 443. his character, 
444. made earl of Orrery, ii. 


Broke, the lord, i. 161, 162, 163. 

Brown, sir Richard, lord mayor 
of London, i. 475. suppresses 
the insurrection of the fanatics 
in London, 476. 

Bruges, i. 254. 

Brussels, i. 282. 

Buccleugh, countess of, is con- 
tracted to Mr. Crofts, the na- 
tural son of the king, ii. 254. 

Buckingham, duke of, takes the 
lead in an opposition to the 
chancellor, iii. 133. his hatred 
to the duke of Ormond, 135. 
supports the bill for preventing 
the importation of Irish cattle, 
145. receives a challenge from 
the lord Ossory, 148. of which 
he informs the house of lords, 
149. the house, after consider- 
ing the affair, sends both to the 
Tower, 153. a scuffle between 
him and the marquis of Dor- 
chester, 153. both committed 


to the Tower, 1 54. he obstructs 
the bill for lord Roos's divorce, 
1 78. a particular relating to him 
which hastens the fall of the 
chancellor, 267. his behaviour 
towards the king, 268. a war- 
rant issued to apprehend him, 
273. is removed from all his 
employments, 274. a procla- 
mation issued for apprehend- 
ing him, 275. desires the chan- 
cellor to interpose in his be- 
half, 276. the chancellor's ad- 
vice to him, ib. he surrenders 
himself, 279. is examined at 
the council-board, 280. the 
king is satisfied with his de- 
fence, 281. after the dismissal 
of the chancellor he is restored 
to all his employments, 296. 
and is much inflamed against 
the chancellor, 297. and is in- 
duced to concur in the prose- 
cution, ib. sends for sir Robert 
Harlow in hopes of gaining 
some information against the 
chancellor, 304. 

Butler, James, marquis of Or- 
mond, i. 340, 346, 348. one of 
the king's council atthe restora- 
tion, i. 316. character of him, 
3 1 8. made lord steward of the 
household, 367. his courage 
and constancy in the king's 
service, ib. his friendship with 
the chancellor, it>. and 404. is 
sent by the king to inform the 
chancellor of his daughter's 
marriage with the duke of 
York, 377. made a duke, 414. 
urges the chancellor to resign 
his office, 415. and to wait 
wholly upon the person of the 
king, 416. appointed of the 
committee to enter into a treaty 
with the Portuguese ambassa- 
dor for the king's marriage with 
the infanta, 494. 

Butler, Dr. a physician at Cam- 

bridge, i. 1 1. 
Byron, sir John, i. 20 1. 
Byron, lord, i. 289. 


Cadiz, i. 75. 
Caen, i. 246. 
Caesar, sir Charles, master of the 

rolls, dies, i. 1 70. 
Calais, i. 246. iii. 333, 350, 358, 

359. 363- 

Calamy, Mr. his disingenuity re- 
specting the king's declaration 
concerning ecclesiastical af- 
fairs, i. 483. 

Calthurst, Anne, widow of Matt. 
Calthurst, marries Laurence 
Hyde, i. 2. 

Calthurst, Matthew, of Claverton 
near Bath, i. 2. 

Canaries patent, a particular re- 
lation of the passing of it, ii. 

Canary merchants ; the principal 
of them petition for a charter, 
ii. 370. the king approves of it, 
372. opposed by the city of 
London, 373. the chancellor 
refuses to put the seal till the 
merchants had satisfied the 
city, 375. some differences in 
the company after their incor- 
poration, 376. which are re- 
ferred to the king, 378. the 
king satisfies all parties, 380. 

Canterbury, the king's arrival 
there, i. 321. 

Capel, the lord, i. 235, 237, 239. 
his stay in Jersey, i. 239. by ad- 
vice of his friends in England, 
who wished to obtain permis- 
sion for him to return to Eng- 
land, he removes to Middle- 
burgh, 241. returns into Eng- 
land, 244. 

Castilian, Anne, of Benham. i. 3. 
marries Rob. Hyde, ib. 

Carey, sir Lucius, eldest son to 
the lord vise. Falkland, an in- 
timate friend of Edw. Hyde, 


i. 42. some account of his edu- 
cation, ib. his fortune, 44. cha- 
racter, ib. marries against his 
father's wishes, ib. goes to Hol- 
land with his wife, 45. returns 
to England, retiring to a coun- 
try life and his books, ib. his 
father's death calls him from 
his retirement, 46. returns to 
his studies, 47. mode of liv- 
ing, and his acquaintance, 48. 
his progress in learning, 48, 


Carew, Thomas, one of Edward 
Hyde's chief acquaintance, i. 
34. his character, 40. 

Carleton, sir Dudley, ambassador 
at the Hague, i. 58. 

Carteret, sir George, i. 235. ii. 
473. governor of Jersey, i. 240. 
receives the chancellor into his 
house, 242. 

Castro, the marquis de, iii. 374. 

Cavendish, sir Charles, i. 283. his 
character, 292. the chancellor 
persuades him to return into 
England, 294. 

Chaloner, Dr. principal of Alban 
hall, Oxford, i. 8. dies of the 
plague, ib. 

Charles I. calls a parliament upon 
the rebellion in Scotland, April, 
1640, i. 79. dissolves it in May, 
84. calls another in Novem- 
ber, ib. sends for Mr. Hyde, 
92. his discourse with him, 93. 
gets him to undertake the care 

, of episcopacy in parliament, 
till he goes to Scotland, ib. 
thanks him by secretary Nicho- 
las for his zeal in his service, 
94. offers him the place of so- 
licitor general, which he de- 
clines, 100. intrusts lord Falk- 
land, sir J. Colepepper, and 
Mr. Hyde with the conduct of 
his affairs in parliament, 102. 
passes the bill against the bi- 
shops, 115. accompanies the 

queen to Dover, 118. receives 
a message from the parliament 
respecting the removal of the 
prince of Wales from Rich- 
mond, 119. writes a sharp an- 
swer, 1 20. which Mr. Hyde 
prevails upon him to alter, 121. 
meets the prince at Greenwich, 
ib. his discourse with Mr. Hyde 
there, 122. directs him to pre- 
pare and send him answers to 
such declarations or messages 
as the parliament should send 
to him, 123. promises secrecy, 
and that he will himself tran- 
scribe all the answers, 123. is 
surprised in the midst of this 
discourse by the earls of Essex 
and Holland, 1 24. goes to The- 
obalds, 1 26. begins his pro- 
gress northward, 1 29. takes 
the prince with him, ib. the 
king's firmness discomposes 
his enemies, 130. n. sends for 
Mr. Hyde to attend him at 
York, 135. sends Mr. Ash- 
burnham to Mr. Hyde, with the 
declaration of the 26th of May, 
and wishes an answer to be 
prepared as soon as possible, 
139. displeased with the lord 
keeper, 142. is reconciled to 
him by Mr. Hyde, 148. goes 
to Beverley, 153. thence to 
Hull, ii. his progress into North- 
amptonshire and Leicester- 
shire, 157. returns to York, 
158. his wager with lord Falk- 
land concerning Mr. Hyde's 
style, 161. some of the king's 
movements, 163, n. deter- 
mines to make secretary Ni- 
cholas master of the wards, 
1 68. and Mr. Hyde secretary 
of state, ib. graciously receives 
the commissioners sent by the 
parliament to treat with him, 
175. complains that their pow- 
ers are so restrained, 176. is 


against a cessation of arms, 178. 
is urged by Mr. Pierrepoint to 
make the earl of Northumber- 
land lord high admiral of Eng- 
land, 1 79. which sir E. Hyde 
advises him to comply with, 
iSi. which the king refuses, 
185. the true cause of his re- 
jecting it, ib. description of his 
aifection for the queen, Hi. his 
promise to the queen that he 
would never make any peace 
but by her mediation, 187. dis- 
misses the Scottish commis- 
sioners, who attended him with 
a request to abolish episcopacy, 
193. is much troubled at the 
disunion between the princes 
Rupert and Maurice, 194. goes 
to Bristol, 195. his last con- 
ference with the chancellor, 
228. commands him to attend 
the prince into the west, 214. 
sends him two manuscripts con- 
taining all the passages in the 
years 1645, 1646. 243. much 
pleased with the chancellor's 
vindication of him in his an- 
swer to the parliament's decla- 
ration, 245. the removal and 
solemn interment of his body 
proposed, but his body not to 
be found, ii. 15. 

Charles, prince of Wales, (after- 
wards Charles II.) sent under 
his new governor the marquis 
of Hertford to Richmond, i. 
1 1 8. ordered to attend his ma- 
jesty at Greenwich, 119. meets 
the king there, 121. is sent by 
the king into the west, 230. 
goes thence to Scilly, 235. and 
afterwards to Jersey, 16. em- 
barks for France, 238. Charles 
II. receives the account of the 
murder of the king his father, 
258. sends the chancellor and 
lord Cottington ambassadors 
to Spain, 259. speaks to the 

chancellor respecting his daugh- 
ter's appointment as maid of 
honour to the princess royal, 
303. commands the chancellor 
to write an answer to Crom- 
well's declaration of decimating 
the king's party, 308. is re- 
stored to his kingdom, 313. 
his council at the restoration, 
316. mortified at the solicita- 
tions of some royalists ut Can- 
terbury, 321. more mortified 
at a list of privy-counsellors re- 
commended to him by general 
Monk, 322. is much displeas- 
ed, and gives the list to the 
chancellor, ib. desires him to 
discourse the matter with the 
general and Mr. Morrice, 324. 
is afterwards satisfied with 
Monk's explanation, 326. his 
triumphant entry into London, 
ib. is mortified at the disunion 
of his friends, 336. a review 
of the causes of this disunion, 
337. various instances of the 
unhappy constitution of the 
king's friends, 353-356. which 
much troubles the king, 357. 
neglecting business, he gives 
himself up to pleasure, 358. 
fills the courts of justice with 
grave and learned judges, 362. 
confirms the general in all the 
offices assigned him by the par- 
liament, 365. sends two of the 
chancellor's friends to inform 
him of his daughter's marriage 
with the duke of York, 377. 
his behaviour upon it towards 
the chancellor, 379. makes him 
a present of twenty thousand 
pounds, 385. creates him a ba- 
ron, 387. his satisfaction at 
seeing the change in the 
queen's behaviour towards the 
duke and duchess of York, 397. 
reproves the chancellor for not 
being pleased at it, 398. com- 


missioners sent to him from 
Scotland and Ireland, 423. dis- 
poses of several great offices of 
the kingdom of Scotland, 429. 
is inclined from lord Lauther- 
dale's discourse to delay the re- 
establishment of episcopacy in 
Scotland, 439. greatly per- 
plexed at the contradictory ad- 
dresses from Ireland, 460. he- 
sitates whom to send to Ire- 
land as his deputy, 463. fixes 
upon the lord Roberts, 467. 
is concerned at the delay in 
passing the bill of indemnity, 
471. interposes with parlia- 
ment respecting it, 471. at 
last gets it passed, 473. con- 
fers with the chancellor upon 
the proposal of marriage made 
to him by the Portuguese am- 
bassador, 489. is himself pleas- 
ed with it, 491. appoints a 
committee by the chancellor's 
advice to consider of it, 494. 
and to enter into a treaty with 
the ambassador, 495. refuses to 
enter into a war with Spain, 
498. writes to the king of Por- 
tugal, the queen regent, and 
the infanta, 499. appears much 
colder towards the treaty, 509. 
sends the earl of Bristol to see 
some ladies in Italy, 511. re- 
ceives the Portuguese ambas- 
sador coldly on his return, 512. 
by degrees returns to his old 
resolution, and receives him 
with his usual freedom, 514. 
is greatly incensed at the Span- 
ish ambassador's printing the 
memorials he had presented 
against the match, 515. re- 
quires him forthwith to depart 
the kingdom, ib. receives some 
particular overtures from the 
court of France respecting the 
treaty with Portugal, 517. 
lays the whole matter before 

his privy-council, 526. and is 
advised without more delay 
to conclude the treaty, 527. 
his speech to the new parlia- 
ment, ii. i. urges them to con- 
firm the act of indemnity, 2. 
imparts to them the news of 
his intended marriage, 4. his 
coronation, 23d of April, 10. 
proposes a solemn interment 
of his father, 15. whose body 
cannot be found, 16. appoints 
lord Roberts deputy of Ireland, 
1 8. offers him the privy seal, 
21. enters warmly into the af- 
fairs of Ireland, ib. hears all 
parties, 23. his friends restor- 
ed by act of parliament, 24. 
appears inclined to favour the 
Irish catholics, 26. is distress- 
ed with regard to the settle- 
ment in Ireland, 41. passes the 
first act of settlement, 48. ap- 
points three lords justices, 49. 
hears again the different par- 
ties, 51. passes the second act, 
53. hears the different parties 
a third time, 62. increases the 
difficulty of a settlement by some 
improvident acts of bounty, 86. 
allows an extraordinary clause 
to be inserted in the grant, ib. 
passes the third act of settle- 
ment, 90. after great persuasion 
prevails with the parliament to 
pass the bill of indemnity, 99. 
adjourns the parliament, 104. 
the true grounds of his favour 
to the Roman catholics, ib. his 
speech on the meeting of the 
parliament, 112. in which he 
complains to them of his debts, 
114. the reasons why those 
debts were so great, 115. sends 
for the house of commons to 
attend him at Whitehall, 125. 
his speech to them, ib. con- 
firms the act of uniformity, 
139. permits the presbyterian 


ministers to have too free ac- 
cess to him, 143. their impor- 
tunities disquiet him, 145. pro- 
mises them to suspend the act 
of uniformity, 146. endeavours 
to fulfil his promise, 148. de- 
mands the judgment of his 
lawyers, and finds it out of his 
power, 149. his speech to par- 
liament, 156. prorogues it, 161. 
receives the queen from Portu- 
gal at Portsmouth, 164. con- 
ducts her to Hampton-court, 
ib. endeavours are used to ali- 
enate his affections from her, 
165. some circumstances which 
contribute to a misunderstand- 
ing between them, ib. imparts 
all his troubles to the chancel- 
lor, 173. the chancellor en- 
deavours to reconcile the king 
and queen, 174 190. but is 
unsuccessful, 191. four subsi- 
dies granted to him, 212. his 
speech at the prorogation of 
the parliament, ib. has an in- 
tention of preparing against the 
next meeting of parliament two 
bills against the papists and 
sectaries, 214. designs to have 
the papists convicted, 215. 
measures taken to frustrate his 
design, 217. upon which he 
declines any further thought 
of the bill, 219. grants a char- 
ter to the African company, 
233. becomes an adventurer in 
it, 234. is not inclined to en- 
ter into a war with the Dutch, 
237. sells Dunkirk to France, 
246 250. consults the chan- 
cellor respecting his natural 
son, Mr. Crofts, 254. whom he 
publicly owns, and creates duke 
of Monmouth, 256. appoints 
Scotch bishops, 269. is favour- 
able to the petition of the 
Scotch for withdrawing the 
English garrisons, 273. his 

speech at the meeting of par- 
liament, 281. confirms several 
acts, 286. prorogues the. parlia- 
ment, 287. transmits the mer- 
chants' remonstrance against 
the Dutch to sir George Down- 
ing at the Hague, 289. takes 
measures to dispose parliament 
to grant supplies for a war, 303 . 
has a supply granted of two 
millions and an half, 310. which 
inclines him to engage in a war 
with the Dutch, 311. approves 
of the bishop of Munster's pro- 
posals for an alliance against 
the Dutch, 320 325. obliges 
the chancellor to seal a grant 
appoi n ti ng lord Ashley treasurer 
of prize-money, 340. measures 
taken to prejudice him against 
the chancellor, 341. a proposal 
made to the king for liberty of 
conscience, 342. which he ap- 
proves of, 343. is offended with 
the chancellor and treasurer for 
opposing it, 348. and also with 
the bishops, 351. he prorogues 
the parliament, 353. approves 
of the Canary merchants' pe- 
tition for a charter, 372. some 
differences in the company re- 
ferred to him, 378. he satisfies 
all parties, 380. greatly afflict- 
ed at the death of the earl of 
Falmouth, 395. removes to 
Hampton-Court on account of 
the plague, 404. removes to 
Salisbury, 407. removes with 
his court to Oxford, 425. his 
speech to both houses at Ox- 
ford, 428. anxious for peace, 
on the French ambassador's 
leaving the kingdom, 441. 
hopes to divide France and 
Holland, ib. is moved by the 
duke of York to make sir 
George Savile a viscount, 457. 
which the king will not con- 
sent to, 458. offended with the 


earl of Sandwich, 466. is at 
length satisfied with the apolo- 
gy the earl makes for his im- 
prudent conduct, 472. is per- 
suaded to remove lord Sand- 
wich from the command of the 
fleet, 474. but resolves to dis- 
miss him with honour, 475. 
thinks of appointing prince 
Rupert and the general joint 
admirals, 477. commands the 
solicitor general not to oppose 
the proviso offered by sir George 
Downing in the bill for a sup- 
ply, iii. 1 1. consults further the 
private committee upon it, 15. 
is much offended with the 
chancellor for his sharp reproof 
of sir G. Downing, 23. but is 
satisfied with the chancellor's 
explanation, 25. is persuaded to 
desire the treasurer would re- 
sign, 27. and wishes the chan- 
cellor to advise him to it, 29. 
the chancellor earnestly be- 
seeches him to reconsider it, 
31. he is prevailed upon to lay 
aside the intention, 32. re- 
moves from Oxford to Hamp- 
ton-Court, 34. the plague hav- 
ing decreased, he returns to 
Hampton-Court, 35. is desir- 
ous of uniting with Holland 
against France, 45. is prepos- 
sessed against the queen on her 
miscarriage, 60. allows great 
license in the court, 61. an 
attempt to raise jealousies in 
him of his brother, 62. his 
temper and disposition, 64. en- 
deavours used to lessen the 
king's esteem of the duchess 
of York, 65. much alarmed at 
the fire of London, 90. de- 
spairs of preserving Whitehall 
or Westminster-abbey, ib. he 
is seriously affected by that 
dreadful calamity, 101. mea- 
sures taken to efface such good 

impressions in him, ib. and to 
lessen his esteem of the privy- 
council, 1 02. complains to the 
chancellor of the liberties taken 
with his character, 1 1 1 . the 
chancellor seriously remon- 
strates with him, 112. his false 
reasoning, that princes have 
many liberties which private 
persons have not, &c. 1 15. his 
speech to the parliament, 124. 
begins now to understand the 
damage he had sustained by the 
plague and the fire, 126. con- 
sults his private committee 
upon the bill brought into the 
house of commons for exa- 
mining the public accounts, 
131. is against the bill prohibit- 
ing the importation of Irish 
cattle, 138. passes the Irish 
bill with a speech, 179. his 
speech at the prorogation of the 
parliament, 182. appoints com- 
missioners for inspecting the 
piiblic accounts, 184. is in- 
volved in great difficulties, par- 
ticularly with regard to the 
war with Holland, 186. con- 
sults the private committee in 
these straits, 187. takes a reso- 
lution to act on the defensive, 
1 8 8. strengthens various forts 
and places on the coast of Es- 
sex and Sussex, 189. inspects 
the fortifications of Sheerness, 
193. receives overtures from 
France, 209. which he approves 
of, 210. difficulties about set- 
tling a place for a treaty, ib. 
progress of the negociation, 
215 217. is highly offended 
with the breach of the over- 
tures made by France, 218. 
and resolves to continue the 
war, 220. receives new over- 
tures from France, ib. consults 
the East India company in re- 
lation to Poleroone, 223. con- 


suits the privy-council upon 
the overtures made by France, 
225. which advises him to en- 
ter upon the treaty, ib. agrees 
upon Breda as the place of 
treating, 226. appoints lord 
Hollis and Mr. 11. Coventry 
his plenipotentiaries, 227. upon 
the death of lord Southampton 
he resolves to put the trea- 
sury into commission, 240. the 
chancellor advises him against 
it, 241. commissioners ap- 
pointed, 245. in great perplex- 
ity at the attack upon Sheer- 
ness by the Dutch, 251. is ad- 
vised to convene parliament 
during the prorogation, 253. 
he consults the privy-council 
upon it, 254. is advised by the 
privy-council to conclude the 
treaty for peace, 264. issues 
a warrant to apprehend the 
duke of Buckingham, 273. 
grows weary of the prosecution, 
277. is satisfied with the duke's 
defence before the privy-coun- 
cil, 281 . sends the duke of York 
to the chancellor to desire him 
to resign, 282. his conference 
with the chancellor at White- 
hall, 286291. leaves him in 
displeasure, 291. sends secre- 
tary Morrice to demand the 
great seal of the chancellor, 
294. in his speech at the meet- 
ing of parliament he reflects 
on the chancellor, 300. is of- 
fended, because a motion for 
thanks to him for removing the 
chancellor was opposed in the 
commons, 301. declares his be- 
lief in the chancellor's inno- 
cence, 308. which he after- 
wards disowns, 309. is pre- 
vailed upon to encourage the 
prosecution of the chancellor, 
315. expresses a wish that he 
would withdraw, 326. sends to 

him to that effect by the bishop 
of Winchester, ib. 

Chatham , attempt made upon it 
by the Dutch, iii. 247. 

Chillingworth, Mr. William, one 
of Edward Hyde's intimate 
friends i. 42. wrote his excel- 
lent book aginst Mr. Nott the 
Jesuit at sir Lucius Carey's 
house, 48. spent all his younger 
time in disputation, 62. be- 
comes a sceptic in the great- 
est mysteries of faith, 63. falls 
off to the church of Rome, ib. 
goes to St. Omer's to perfect 
his conversion by the conversa- 
tion of the greatest men there, 
ib. finds no satisfaction, and re- 
turns with as much haste from 
them to the church of England, 
Hi. thought all war to be un- 
lawful, 65. shut up in Arundel- 
castle, ib. falls into the rebels' 
hands, ib. is cruelly treated by 
them, and dies shortly after in 
prison, 66. character, 62 66. 

Cholmondely, sir Hugh, i. 140. 
n. 149. 

Churchill, Mr. ii. 207, 208, 210. 

Cirencester taken by the king's 
forces, i. 172. 

Clarendon, earl of, v. E. Hyde. 

Claverton, near Bath, i. 2. 

Clergy, a clamour raised against 
them by their tenants, ii. 9. 
the injustice of it, 10. 

Clifford, Mr. ii. 207, 208, 210. 

( lot wort In, sir John, i. 445. one 
of the commissioners from the 
state of Ireland, 443. his ani- 
mosity against the bishops, the 
cross, and the surplice, 446. 

Colepepper, sir John, i. 103, 
104, no, 115, 121, 124, 133, 

154. J 55 f 5 6 7t !7i 334. 
236, 237. called to the privy- 
council, 100. is entrusted, to- 
gether with lord Falkland and 
Mr. Hyde, with the conduct of 


the king's affairs in parliament, 
102. his character, services, and 
principles, 1 06. friendship with 
Mr. Ashburnham, 108. advises 
the king to pass the bill against 
the bishops, 114. prevails by 
means of the queen, 115. 
watches the earls of Essex and 
Holland, 132. a design formed 
of sending him to the Tower, 
133. it is defeated, 134. he 
goes to York, 152. made mas- 
ter of the rolls, 170. unwil- 
lingly resigns the chancellor- 
ship of the exchequer, ib. is 
made one of the junto, 205. 

Colepepper, the lord, one of the 
king's council at the restoration, 
i. 316. character of him, 319. 
his great parts and present wit, 
ib. trusted by the late king to 
wait on the prince, ib. in good 
correspondence with the chan- 
cellor, ib. 

Comminge, monsieur, ambassa- 
dor from the French, in Eng- 
land, ii. 381. 

Commissioners of appeals ap- 
pointed, ii. 334. the injustice 
of their sentences, ib. 

Commissioners for inspecting the 
public accounts appointed, iii. 

Committee of the lords for relax- 
ing the penal laws against the 
Roman catholics, ii. 109. is 
discontinued, 1 1 1. 

Common Prayer, endeavours of 
the presbyterians to abolish it, 

i- 33- 

Commons, house of, (see Parlia- 

Compton, sir William, master of 
the ordnance, ii. 117. 

Convocation summoned, ii. 6. 

Conway, the lord, i. 77. repre- 
hends Dr. Langton for not giv- 
ing proper respect to king 
James's letter, 7. 

Cooper, sir Anthony Ashley, 
sworn of the king's council, i. 
326. made chancellor of the 
exchequer, 370. 

Coote, sir Charles, i. 442 .443. 
made earl of Montrath, ii. 49. 

Coronation of Charles II., ii. 10. 
the ceremony and expense at- 
tending it, ib. two unlucky ac- 
cidents which attended it, 12. 

Cosins, Dr. forbid by the queen 
to officiate to the protestants 
in her suit at Paris,' i. 279. 

Cottington, the lord, chancellor 
of the exchequer, i. 22. made 
one of the commissioners for 
managing the treasurer's office, 
ib. made one of the junto, 205. 
remains at Dieppe with the 
chancellor, 246. proceeds with 
him to join the prince, but was 
prevented arriving at the Hague, 


Cotton, Charles, one of Edward 
Hyde's chief acquaintance, i. 
34. his character, 36. 

Coventry, i. 138. 

Coventry, lord keeper, i. 55. one of 
the commissioners for manag- 
ing the treasurer's office, i. 22. 

Coventry, Harry, ii. 207. sent 
ambassador to Sweden, 317. 
success of his embassies there, 

Coventry, Mr. William, his cha- 
racter, ii. 200. great influence 
with the king, 204. his in- 
trigues against the Chancellor, 
206. admitted of the privy- 
council and the private council 
at the request of the duke of 
York, 460. where he constant- 
ly opposes the chancellor and 
the treasurer, 461. casts unjust 
reflection on lord Sandwich, 
464. joins with lord Arlington 
against the treasurer, iii. i. his 
malice against the chancellor, 
2. appointed a plenipotentiary 


to treat for a peace, 227. in- 
censes the house of commons 
against the chancellor, 265. 

Country, great discontents ex- 
pressed in the country upon the 
great taxes, &c. ii. 219. danger 
of an insurrection, 221. 

Court, the, great license in it, 
iii. 60. 

Cowley, the poet, his character, 

> 34- 

Coyet, a Swedish senator, sent 
ambassador into England, iii. 
195. his character, 197. 

Crane, Mr. an apothecary at Cam- 
bridge, i. 11. bred up under 
Dr. Butler, ib. 

Crawford, Lindsey, earl of, some 
account of him, i. 430. 

Crofts, Mr. a natural son of 
Charles II. brought into Eng- 
land by the queen mother, ii. 
252. he is contracted to the 
countess of Buccleugh, 254. is 
publicly owned by the king, 
and created duke of Monmouth, 

Crofts, the lord, ii. 252. 

Cromwell, Oliver, the first cause 
of his enmity to Mr. Hyde, i. 
88, 89. publishes a declaration 
justifying his order for deci- 
mating the king's party, 308. 

D'Aumont, marshal, iii. 350. 

D'Elbceuf, duke, iii. 350. 

Denmark very jealous of Sweden, 
ii. 414. connives at the attack 
upon the Dutch at Bergen, 
416. joins the Dutch, iii. 37. 

Derbyshire, i. 138. 

De Ruyter, the Dutch admiral, 
returns from Guinea, and thus 
increases the strength of the 
Dutch fleet, ii. 409. 

Descartes, i. 293. 

De Wit, the pensionary of Hol- 
land, persuades the Dutch to 
prepare another fleet, ii. 408. 

his malice against Van Trump, 
410. pretends to desire a peace, 
iii. 49. allows Mr. Bewett to en- 
ter into a correspondence with 
the English court, 50. a breach 
between him and Bewett, 51. 
detects Bewett's secret corre- 
spondence, 57. 

Dieppe, i. 246. 

Digby, sir Kenelm, oneot Edward 
Hyde's chief acquaintance, i. 
34. his character, 38. 

Digby, lord, i. 103, 235. his 
friendship with Mr. Hyde, 
97. reads Mr. Hyde's answer 
to the parliament's remon- 
strance, ill. reports it to the 
king, 98. made secretary of 
state, 204. his discourse with 
the chancellor concerning the 
prince's going to France, 215. 

I )i 1 1 1 ( in . in the county of Wilts, the 
birthplace of lord Clarendon, 
i. i. impropriate rectory of, 3. 

Dissenters, v. presbyterians. 

Disunion of the king's friends, i. 
336. a review of the causes of 
this disunion previous to the 
restoration, 337. 

Ditchley, i. 137. 

Dorchester, the marquis of, a 
scuffle between him and the 
duke of Buckingham, iii. 153. 
is sent to the Tower, 154. 

Dorset, earl of, i. 75, 77, 171. 

Dort, synod of, i. 59. 

Dover, i. 113, 1 18, 119. 

Downing, sir George, the king's 
resident in Holland ; his cha- 
racter, ii. 289. endeavours to 
bring about a war, 293. a short 
account of him, iii. 4. very 
grateful to lord Arlington and 
sir William Coventry, 5. his 
project to new-model the trea- 
sury, ib. offers a proviso in the 
bill for a supply, 10. which is 
passed, 22. is sharply repre- 
hended by the chancellor, 23. 


Drinking, many of the king's 
friends much addicted to it, 

' 353- 

Duck, Mr. pays down three thou- 
sand pound in part for the of- 
fice of master of the rolls, i. 
170. which is repaid to him, ib. 

Dunkirk, the sale of, with an ac- 
count of the whole proceeding, 
ii. 242. et seq. 

Dunsmore, the lord, i. 171. 

Durnford near Salisbury, i. 2. 

Dutch, the ; first rise of the war 
with them, ii. 231. the mer- 
chants desirous of it, 234. the 
duke of York for it, 236. the 
king against it, 237. it is also 
opposed by the chancellor, 238. 
the design for the present is 
dropped, 242. the merchants 
remonstrate to the king against 
the Dutch, 288. insolent be- 
haviour of the Dutch on the 
coast of Guinea, 294. one of 
their forts on the coast of 
Africa seized by an English 
captain, 295. they prepare a 
strong fleet for Guinea, 296. 
their treacherous behaviour, 
298. upon which their ships 
are seized, 300. they com- 
mence hostilities in Guinea, ib. 
refuse to redeliver, according 
to the treaty, the island of Po- 
leroone, 301. still disclaim all 
thought or purpose of war, 
302. and seem highly offended 
with their governor of Pole- 
roone, ib. their fleet puts to 
sea under Opdam, 386. the 
first general engagement, 387. 
advance with great courage 
and resolution, ib. many of 
their best ships burnt or taken, 
ib. the remainder of their fleet 
escapes by night, 388. their 
great loss, (eighteen ships,) 
389. persuaded by De Wit to 
prepare another fleet, 408 
VOL. in. 

make a reformation in their 
navy, 409. Denmark joins 
them, iii. 37. the bishop of 
Munster compelled by the 
French to make peace with 
them, 44. jealous of France, 
45. their fleet puts to sea, 73. 
the second general engage- 
ment, 74. which lasts four 
days, 71,. both sides claim the 
victory, 76. a third general en- 
gagement in which the Eng- 
lish are victorious, 77. their 
fleet puts to sea again, 81. 
France and Holland jealous of 
each other, 201. refuse to re- 
store Poleroone according to 
overtures made through France, 
214. in the negociations at 
Breda defer.agreeing to a ces- 
sation, 246. make an attempt 
upon Sheerness and -Chatham, 


Earles, Dr. John, one of Edward 
Hyde's intimate friends, i. 42. 
frequently staying with sir Lu- 
cius Carey, 48. his character, 


Earles, Mr. i. 58. 

Earl marshal's court ; Mr. Hyde's 
speech against it, i. 81. suc- 
ceeds in suppressing it, 85. 

East India company, counselled 
by the king in relation to Po- 
leroone, iii. 223. give up their 
claim to Poleroone, 262. 

East India prizes sold for the 
service of the war, ii. 472. 

Edge-hill- i. 160 165. 

Elizabeth, queen, animosity of 
pope Sixtus V. to her, i. 4. 

Elliot, Mr. i. 142, 143, 147. 

England in the enjoyment of the 
greatest measure of felicity that 
it had ever known, A. D. 1639. 
i. 78, 79, 80. the condition of 
it in respect to its neighbours 
in 1665. ii. 315. 



English, the, protected by cardi- 
nal Allen at Rome, i. 4. take 
a Dutch fort on the coast 
of Africa, ii. 295. prepare a 
strong fleet for the coast of 
Guinea, 297. seize the Dutch 
ships, 300. expedition used in 
getting ready a fleet, 355. it 
puts to sea, 356. many noble- 
men go in it as volunteers, 
il'. it engages and beats the 
Dutch, 387, 388. persons 
slain on the side of the Eng- 
lish, 389 391. reasons why 
the victory was no further im- 
proved, 396. the fleet again 
prepared, 401. which puts to 
sea under the command of the 
earl of Sandwich, 403. ill suc- 
cess at Bergen, 420. success 
after that attempt, 461. pre- 
parations for setting out the 
fleet again, iii. 36. it puts to 
sea under the command of 
prince Rupert and the general, 
69. second general engage- 
ment, 74. which lasts four 
days, 75. both sides claim the 
victory, 76. third general en- 
gagement, 77. the English vic- 
torious, Hi. make an attempt 
on the island of Schelling, 79. 
burn the chief town, and a 
large fleet of merchantmen, 80. 
the English fleet dispersed by 
a storm, 82. a resolution taken 
to act on the defensive, 188. 
great consternation throughout 
the kingdom in the attack of 
the Dutch upon Sheerness and 
Chatham, 250. 

Escalona, duke of, i. 277. 

Essex, earl of, i. 68, 132, 140, n. 
144, 200. surprises Mr. Hyde 
in conference with the king, 
124. his character, 125. 

Eureux, iii. 366. 

Europe, general state of, A. D. 
1639. i. 78. 

Eustace, sir Morrice, lord chan- 
cellor of Ireland, ii. 49. ap- 
pointed one of the lords jus- 
tices of Ireland, //. 

Fairfax, sir Thomas, son of lord 
Fairfax, i. 141, n. 145, n. 


Falkland, lord, i. 52, 55, 103, 
104, no, iii, 121, 124, 131, 

33. !36> 137. 4 *54. 
161, 162, 170, 171, 195. depu- 
ty of Ireland, 42. called to 
the privy-council, 100. is in- 
trusted, together with sir J. 
Colepepper and Mr. Hyde, with 
the conduct of the king's af- 
fairs in parliament, 102. some 
account of his temper and prin- 
ciples, 104. a design formed of 
sending him to the Tower, 133. 
it is defeated, 134. goes to York, 
152. prepares an answer to the 
nineteen propositions of par- 
liament, 153. his wager with 
the king respecting Mr. Hyde's 
style, 161. solicits the king to 
make Mr. Hyde chancellor of 
the exchequer, 169. attends 
the king to Bristol, 195. is 
killed in the battle at New- 
bury, 20 1. his character, 202. 

Falmouth, earl of, (see sir Charles 

Fanatics, the, defend the cause 
of the regicides, i. 474. cause 
their last speeches to be pub- 
lished, i!>. have a conference 
of assassinating the general, /'//. 
an insurrection of them raised 
by Venner in London, 475. for 
which he is executed with his 
associates, 477. 

Fanshaw, sir Richard, an account 
of his embassy into Spain, ii. 
476. from whence he is re- 
called, 479. 

Felton, John, kills the duke of 
Buckingham, i. la. 


Ferrers, lord viscount, attends 
the duke of York as a volun- 
teer, ii. 356. 

Fiennes, Nathaniel, his conversa- 
tion with Mr. Hyde, i. 91. 

Finch, the lord keeper, i. 87. 

Fleet prepared against the Dutch, 
ii. 353. again prepared, 401. 

Flemming, a Swedish senator, 
sent ambassador into England, 
iii. 195. his character, 197. 

Florence, the ambassador of, at 
Madrid, his character, i. 272. 

Flushing, i. 247, 254, 255, 256. 

Fonde, monsieur le, iii. 352, 355, 

365, 37o. 

Fouquet, monsieur, superintend- 
ant of the finances in France 
on the death of cardinal Ma- 
zarine, i. 516. makes some 
overtures to the chancellor 
concerning the treaty with Por- 
tugal, 517. 

France ; war with England, i. 9. 
worries Spain, 79. infests Italy, 

French, the, send ambassadors 
into England under pretence of 
mediation between the English 
and Dutch, ii. 382. prepare a 
fleet, iii. 37. negociations of 
the French at this time, 40. 
prevent the neighbouring 
states from assisting the bi- 
shop of Munster, 41. force 
him to make peace with the 
Dutch, 44. their fleet narrowly 
escape in a storm, 82. Holland 
and France jealous of each 
other, 20 1. make overtures, 
209. make new overtures, 220. 
invade Flanders, 262. French 
ambassador urges the chancel- 
lor to retire to France, 331. 
French ambassadors, the, neglect 
an opportunity of makingpeace, 
400. seem desirous of mediat- 
ing a peace, 411. a further 
negociation with them, 426. 

complain of the damage the 
subjects of France had sus- 
tained by the king's ships, and 
remonstrate warmly against 
the English, 433. have a con- 
ference with the English min- 
isters in consequence of their 
remonstrance, 435. receive 
their final answer and leave 
the kingdom, 440. 

Frescheville, Mr. created lord 
Frescheville, ii. 359. 

Fuy, sir George, of Kyneton, i. 

2. marries Susanna Hyde, ib. 


Gabell, chief minister of the king 
of Denmark, ii. 414. 

Garraway, Mr. iii. 133. 

Gassendas, i. 293. 

Germany, state of in 1639, i. 79. 

Gilaspy, a seditious preacher in 
Scotland, is executed, ii. 266. 

Glencarne, earl of, one of the 
Scotch commissioners, i. 426. 
his character and some account 
of him, 427. made chancellor 
of Scotland, 429. 

Gloucester, i. 200. 

Glyn, Mr. i. 136. 

Godolphin, Sidney, one of Ed- 
ward Hyde's intimate friends, 
i. 42. his character, 51. death, 


Goring, the lord, i. 233, 235. 

Gourny, alderman, lord mayor 
of London, his character, i. 
130, n. 

Grandison, William, viscount, i. 
14, 1 20, 121. sent express by 
Mr. Hyde with a letter to the 
king at Theobald's, 126. sur- 
prised by the parliament forces, 

Grana, the marquis of, the em- 
peror's ambassador at Madrid, 
his character, i. 271. 

Gravesend, i. 119. 

Greenvil, sir Richard, i. 233, 234. 

Greenwich, i. 119, 121, 122. 
K k 2 



Hague, the, i. 58, 257. 

Hales, John, of Eton, an intimate 
friend of Edward Hyde, i. 42. 
Greek professor in the univer- 
sity of Oxford, and fellow of 
Merton college, 58. assisted sir 
H. Saville in his edition of St. 
Chrysostom's works, ib. pre- 
sent at the consultations of the 
synod at Dort, 59. would never 
take any cure of souls, \\>. a 
great contemner of money, ib. 
interview with archbishop 
Laud, 61. his discourse on 
schism, U>. made prebend of 
Windsor, 62. his character, 

Hambden, Mr. i. 79, 103. 

Hamilton, the marquis of, i. 15. 
Edward Hyde introduced to 
him, ib. comes into the queen's 
confidence, 17. found early in 
private with the king, 132. 

Hammond, Dr. frequented the 
house of sir Lucius Carey, i. 

Hampton-Court, ii. 404. 

Harlow, sir Robert, sent for by 
the duke of Buckingham, and 
questioned as to the chancel- 
lor's conduct in appointing 
lord Willoughby governor of 
the Barbadoes, iii. 304. 

Harcourt, the count of, sent in an 
embassy from the court of 
France, i. 204. arrives in Lon- 
don, Hi. 

Haro, don Lewis de, waits upon 
the chancellor at Madrid, i. 


Harvey, Daniel, a merchant, com- 
plains to archbishop Laud of 
the earl of Portland, i. 24. 
mentions Mr. Hyde to the 
archbishop, 28. 

Harvey, Mr. Justice, one of the 
judges of the common pleas, i. 


Haslerig, sir Arthur, i. 79. 

Henderson, Alexander, the Scot- 
tish high priest, i. 189. 

Henrietta, Maria, queen to Charles 
1. takes the marquis of Hamil- 
ton into her confidence, i. 17. 
endeavours to persuade Mr. 
Hyde to accept the office of 
solicitor general, 100. resolves 
to go abroad, 112, n. prevails 
on the king to pass the bill 
against the bishops, 115. goes 
to Dover accompanied by the 
king, 1 1 8. puts to sea, 119. 
description of the king's affec- 
tion for her, 185. the king pro- 
mises not to make any peace 
but by her mediation, 1 87. lands 
in the north, ib. forms a de- 
sign of drawing the prince into 
France, 221. is displeased at 
the chancellor's going to 
Spain, 262. her strong opin- 
ion of his sincerity, 263. her 
reception of him on his return 
from Spain, 278. complains to 
him of the duke of York's con- 
duct, ib. is much offended with 
sir Edward Herbert and sir 
George Ratclift', Hi. sends Mr. 
William Mountague to confer 
with the chancellor, 281. greatly 
incensed at the duke of York's 
marriage, 384. congratulated 
by the privy-council on her re- 
turn, 388. receives the chan- 
cellor graciously, ib. greatly of- 
fended with the duke of York's 
behaviour towards the duchess, 
396. suddenly alters her be- 
haviour, 397. the reason of it, 
398. is reconciled to the duch- 
ess, 402. and to the chancel- 
lor, 403. brings a natural son 
of the king's into England, ii. 
252. leaves England, 384. pre- 
vents the duke of York's going 
to sea again, 399. endeavours 
to bring about a peace between 


England and France, iii. 203. 
sends the earl of St. Alban's 
into England for that purpose, 
204. forbids Dr. Cosins to offi- 
ciate to the protestants in ^her 
suite, 279. on which the chan- 
cellor remonstrates with her, 
ib. her majesty's answer, 280. 

Herbert, sir Edward, attorney 
general, advises the king to de- 
clare the parliament dissolved, 
i. 210. his character, 212. 

Hereford, bishop of, sent to the 
chancellor to persuade him to 
leave the kingdom, iii. 327. 

Hertford, marquis of, i. 323. ii. 
16, 17. governor to the prince 
of Wales, i. 118. has leave 
from Cromwell to attend the 
king's funeral, ii. 16. inserted 
in the list of privy counsellors 
recommended to the king by 
Monk, i. 323. 

Holland, i. 59, 79. 

Holland, earl of, i. 132, 154, 156, 
157, 158, 1 64, n. surprises Mr. 
Hyde in conference with the 
king, i. 124. his journey to Be- 
verley, 156. the king's reception 
of him, 157. 

Hollis, Mr. i. 136. 

Hollis, lord, appointed a pleni- 
potentiary to treat for peace, 
iii. 227. 

Hopton, sir Arthur, i. 242. 

Hopton, sir Ralph, i. 198, 199. 
committed by the commons to 
the Tower, i. 134. 

Hopton, the lord, i. 65, 234, 
235, 239. his stay in Jersey, 
239. leaves Jersey, 242. 

Howard, lord Edward, i. 140, n. 

Howard, sir Robert, iii. 133. 

Hubert, a Frenchman, makes a 
strange confession that he had 
caused the fire of London, and. 
had been hired in Paris a year 
before to do it, iii. 94. upon 

which he is executed, 96. 

Hull, i. 153, 154, 156, 158, 159. 

Humskerke, Laurence Van, ad- 
vises prince Rupert to make 
an attempt on the island of 
Schelling, iii. 79. 

Huntingdon, i. 131, n. 

Hussy, sir James, one of the 
masters in chancery, brings 
the plague to Oxford, 1625. i. 
8. dies in New college, ib. 

Hyde, Alice, aunt to lord Cla- 
rendon, i. 2. married to John 
St. Loe, ib. 

Hyde, Anne, aunt to lord Cla- 
rendon, i. 2. married to Tho- 
mas Baynard, ib. 

Hyde, Anne, daughter of the 
chancellor, appointed maid of 
honour to the princess royal, 
i. 303. is married to the duke 
of York, 372. her character 
traduced by sir Charles Berkley, 
387. upon which the duke re- 
solves to deny the marriage, ib. 
is delivered of a son, 389. ac- 
cepts sir Charles Berkley's sub- 
mission, 397. the queen mother 
is reconciled to her, 402. endea- 
vours used to lessen the king's 
esteem of her, iii. 65. 

Hyde, Edward, (afterwards earl 
of Clarendon,) born at Dinton, 
co. Wilts, i. i . third son of 
Henry Hyde, 6. born i8th of 
Feb. 1608. ib. educated by a. 
schoolmaster, to whom his fa- 
ther had given the vicarage of 
the parish, ib. sent to the uni- 
versity of Oxford at the age 
of thirteen, ib. designed to the 
clergy, ib. was to make his own 
fortune by his industry, 7. can- 
didate for a demi-ship of Mag- 
dalen college, ib. recommended 
by king James to Dr. Lang- 
ton, the president, ib. but was 
not chosen, ib. remains at Mag- 
dalen hall, ib. under the tuition 
K k 3 


of Mr. John Oliver, ib. chosen 
demy the following year, though 
there was no vacancy, Hi. upon 
the death of his elder brother 
Henry, is sent by his father to 
the inns of court, ib. enters at 
the Middle Temple, ib. in con- 
sequence of the plague did not 
go there till Michaelmas term, 
1625. 8. takes his degree of 
bachelor of arts, ib. character 
at that time, ib. arrives in Lon- 
don, i>i. seized with a quartan 
ague, 9. goes to Pirton, ib. re- 
covers, and returns to the'Mid- 
dle Temple, ib. gets acquainted 
with some officers, ib. retreats 
from their company without 
hurt or prejudice, 10. cannot 
bring himself to an industrious 
pursuit of the law study, ib. 
loved polite learning and Ro- 
man history, ib. goes the Nor- 
folk circuit in 1626. ill. arrives 
at Cambridge, and lodges in 
Trinity college, 1 1. seized with 
the small-pox, ib. put under 
the care of Mr. Crane, ib. in 
great danger, ib. recovers and 
goes to his father's house at 
Pirton, ib. receives the account 
of the death of the duke of 
Buckingham, 12. returns to his 
studies at the Middle Temple, 
i/i. loses his uncle and patron 
sir Nicholas Hyde, ib. marries 
the daughter of sir George 
Ayliffe, 13. loses his wife with- 
in less than six months from 
the small-pox, at Reading, ih. 
employed in a cause in the 
court, 14. the occasion of his 
introduction to the marquis 
of Hamilton, 15. marries the 
daughter of sir Thomas Ayles- 
bury, bait. 17. betakes himself 
seriously to his profession, 18. 
laments his father's death, 21. 
his name mentioned by Mr. 

D. Harvey to abp. Laud, 78. 
is sent for by the archbishop, 

29. the conversation between 
them respecting the complaints 
against the earl of Portland as 
treasurer, ib. is taken particu- 
lar notice of by the archbishop, 

30. in consequence receives en- 
couragement in his profession, 

31. method of spending his 
time, H>. some account of his 
chief acquaintance, 34. of these 
he looked upon Mr. Selden 
with most affection and reve- 
rence, 41. afterwards he forms 
a more intimate friendship with 
others, whose characters are 
given, 41. fortunate in his ac- 
quaintance and friendships in 
his profession, 66. the counte- 
nance he received from certain 
great men made him looked 
upon by the judges in West- 
minster-hall with great con- 
descension, 68. reconciles abp. 
Laud to the earl of Hertford, 
69. his free expostulation with 
the archbishop, 70. his reve- 
rence for, and opinion of him, 
73. gives up his whole heart to 
his profession, 74. his family, 
three sons and a daughter, 75. 
reflections on the younger part 
of his life, ih. his own charac- 
ter, 76. chosen to serve for 
two places in the parliament 
of 1640, viz. Wotton-Basset 
and Shaftesbury, 80. chooses 
to serve for the former, ib. his 
first speech in the house against 
the earl marshal's court, &c. 
81. endeavours to prevail on 
abp. Laud to oppose the dis- 
solution of the parliament, 83. 
is chosen to serve in the second 
parliament of 1640. 84. the 
parliament prejudiced against 
him, ib. renews his motion for 
the suppression of the earl 


marshal's court, 85. succeeds 
in abolishing it, ib. receives the 
thanks of the earl marshal for 
his treatment of his person on 
that occasion, 86. lays aside 
his gown, and wholly gives 
himself up to public business, 
87. in the chair of the com- 
mittee against the court of 
York, ib. and of that against 
the judges, ib. and against the 
marshal's court, ib. and of that 
concerning the lord president 
and council of the marches of 
Wales, ib. and of many other 
committees, 88. particularly of 
an enclosure, in which arose 
the first cause of Oliver Crom- 
well's enmity to him, ib. in 
the chair in the grand com- 
mittee of the house for the 
extirpation of episcopacy, 90. 
the discontented party make 
great courtto him, ib. his conver- 
sation with Nathaniel Fiennes 
respecting his attachment to 
the church, 90. and with Harry 
Martin about the proceedings 
of the houses, 91. is sent for 
by the king, 92. their discourse, 
93. undertakes for the care of 
the church and episcopacy till 
the king goes for Scotland, ib. 
receives the king's thanks by 
secretary Nicholas, 94. draws 
up an answer to the parlia- 
ment's remonstrance, 97. reads 
it to Lord Digby, ib. refuses to 
have it communicated to the 
king, 98. the king hears of it, 
and sends for it, ib. it is read 
before the privy-council, 99. 
and is printed, ib. sent for by 
the king, who offers him the 
place of solicitor general,which 
he declines, 100. refuses an- 
other post, 101. is intrusted, 
jointly with lord Falkland and 
sir J. Colepepper, with the con- 

duct of the king's affairs in 
parliament, 102. account of his 
disposition and principles, 108. 
sent by the parliament to the 
king with a message respect- 
ing the removal of the prince 
of Wales from Richmond, 119. 
prevails with the king to alter 
his answer to the parliament, 
121. the king's discourse with 
him in the privy gallery at 
Greenwich, 122. is directed by 
the king to prepare answers 
for him to the parliament's de- 
claration and messages, 123. 
is surprised in the midst of his 
discourse by the earls of Es- 
sex and Holland, 124. sends 
the king an account of a mes- 
sage from parliament respect- 
ing their privileges, 126. his 
advice thereupon, 127. a de- 
sign formed to send him to 
the Tower, 133. it is defeated, 
134. required by his majesty 
to attend him at York, 135. 
disposes the lord keeper to 
send the great seal to the king, 
and himself attend the king, 
ib. begins his journey to York, 
136. stops at Ditchley, 137. 
stops at Nostall, 138. sends 
the king an answer to the decla- 
ration of the 1 9th of May, 139. 
receives from the king the de- 
claration of the 26th of May, 
and is desired to answer it 
speedily, ib. writes to the king 
from Nostall in favour of the 
lord keeper, 144. goes to York, 
145. his reception there, 146. 
he reconciles the king to the 
lord keeper, 148. is required 
by the committee from parlia- 
ment to attend the house, J 49. 
his answer, ib. advises the king 
not to publish the answer to 
the parliament's nineteen pro- 
positions, 155. lord Falkland's 
K k 4 


expostulation with him there- 
on, ill. his conversation with 
the earl of Holland, 156. is 
exempted from pardon by a 
vote of the houses, 157. his 
conversation with sir Edmund 
Varney, 159. laments the loss 
of many of his writings, 162. 
declines the office of secretary 
of state, 1 68. accepts the office 
of chancellor of the exchequer, 
(70. is sworn of the privy- 
council, and knighted, 171. 
advises the king to comply 
with Mr. Pierrepoint's proposal 
of making the earl of North- 
umberland lord- high admiral 
of England, 181. delivers his 
opinion on the Scottish com- 
missioners' request for the abo- 
lition of episcopacy, 191. at- 
tends the king to Bristol, 195. 
his office invaded by Mr. Ash- 
burnham, 196. loses his dear 
friend lord Falkland, 201. re- 
fuses the office of secretary of 
state a second time, 204. is 
made one of the junto, 205. 
dissuades the king from dis- 
solving the parliament, 207. 
is commanded to attend the 
prince into the west, 214. his 
conversation with lord Digby 
concerning the prince's going 
to France, 215. he endeavours 
to reconcile the king and the 
duke of Richmond, 225 227. 
without success, 228. his last 
conference with the king, 229. 
his promise to the king at part- 
ing, 230. sets out from Ox- 
ford, ih. arrives at Bath, where 
he has the first fit of the gout, 
231. arrives at Bristol, ib. goes 
to Scilly, 234. and from thence 
to Jersey, 235. receives the 
prince's permission to remain 
there, 238. remains there a- 
bout two years, in great inti- 

macy with sir George Carteret, 
239, 240. betakes himself to 
a continuance of the history 
begun at Scilly, ih. builds a 
lodging in Elizabeth castle, 
242. receives great assistance 
from the king, in information 
and documents, towards his 
History, 243. publishes an an- 
swer to the parliament's de- 
claration, that they would re- 
ceive no more addresses from 
the king, 244. leaves Jersey, 
and goes to Caen, thence to 
Rouen and to Dieppe, 246. 
whence he embarks for Dun- 
kirk, 247. and afterwards pro- 
ceeds to join the prince's fleet, 
249. but is taken by some fri- 
gates of Ostend, 250. plun- 
dered and carried into that 
port, ib. is set at liberty, and 
promised satisfaction, 251. but 
cannot obtain it, notwithstand- 
ing his repeated remonstrances, 
254. goes to Flushing, 255. 
from thence to Middleburgh, 

256. embarks aboard the Hind 
frigate to attend the prince in 
the river Thames, ib. is driven 
back, ib. arrives at the Hague, 

257. is appointed ambassador 
to the court of Spain, 259. 
which is much murmured at, 
i6. but is himself much pleased 
with the commission, 260. 
sends for lii> \vitc and children 
to Antwerp, 260. attends the 
masquerade at Madrid, 265. 
and the toros, 266. is visited 
by the other ambassadors at 
Madrid before his audience, 
270. demands his audience, 
273. prepares mourning for 
himself and train to appear in 
at the audience, ih. changes 
his purpose at the request of 
Don Lewis de Haro, 274. ap- 
plies himself to learning Spa- 


nish, 276. leaves Madrid, 277. 
attacked with the gout at Pam- 
peluna, 278. notwithstanding 
continues his journey, and ar- 
rives at Paris, ib. his reception 
by the queen mother, ib. speaks 
with her upon her forbidding 
Dr. Cosins to officiate to the 
protestants in her family, 279. 
her majesty's answer, 280. con- 
fers on the subject with sir 
Walter Mountague, 281. goes 
to Brussels, 282. has an au- 
dience with the archduke, 283. 
joins his family at Antwerp, ib. 
goes to the duke of York at 
Breda, ib. persuades him to re- 
turn to the queen mother, 281. 
remains with his family at Ant- 
werp, 292. his friendship with 
sir Charles Cavendish, ib. whom 
he persuades to go to England, 
294. gives an account of his 
proceedings to the king, 297. 
his answer to the queen, who 
endeavoured to attach him to 
her interest, 298. state of his 
family at Antwerp, 300. he 
removes with them to Breda, 
301. declines the offer made 
to his daughter by the princess 
royal, of the situation of a maid 
of honour, 302, 303. which 
his wife accepts, and he at 
length gives his consent, 307. 
answers Cromwell's declara- 
tion, 308. is one of the king's 
council at the restoration, 316. 
highest in office, and thought 
to be so also in trust, the reasons 
why, ib. his intimacy with the 
marquis of Ormond, 317. some 
intimations made to the king 
at the Hague of his being very 
much in the prejudice of the 
presbyterian party, with advice 
to leave him there till he him- 
self should be settled in Eng- 
land, which the king receives 

with indignation, ib. his re- 
quest to the king to decline 
giving him any protection, 318. 
his resolution of withdrawing 
himself, ib. receives from the 
king the list of privy counsel- 
lors recommended by Monk, 
324. by the king's desire has 
a conference with Morrice con- 
cerning this list, 325. takes his 
seat in the house of peers with 
a general acceptation and re- 
spect, 328. is thought to have 
most credit with the king, 363. 
all matters referred by the king 
to him, ib. resigns the office 
of chancellor of the exchequer, 

370. he foresees a storm of 
envy and malice against him, 

371. is informed by the king 
of his daughter's marriage with 
the duke of York, 377. is 
struck to the heart with the 
news, 378. and breaks out into 
violent passions, ib. acts se- 
verely towards his daughter, 
and orders her to keep her 
chamber, 381. his language 
upon this affair in the presence 
of the king, 379. the king pre- 
sents him with twenty thou- 
sand pounds, 385. and creates 
him a baron, 387. is well re- 
ceived by the queen mother on 
her return, 388. his conference 
with the duke of York, and an- 
swer to his highness's threats, 
390. absolutely refuses to make 
any application towards ap- 
peasing the queen's anger, 394. 
the queen suddenly alters her 
behaviour towards him, 395. 
the reason given him by abbot 
Mountague, 396. receives sir 
Charles Berkley's professions ci- 
villy, 397. his reply to the king's 
reproof, 398. desires leave to 
retire beyond the seas, 400. 
is introduced by the earl of 


St. Alban's to the queen mo- 
ther, 40 1 . who is reconciled to 
him, 403. not elated by the 
marriage of his daughter, 404. 
some instances of his disinter- 
estedness, 406. refuses an of- 
fer of crown lands, 407. de- 
clines being made a knight of 
the garter, 410. declines being 
also made an earl, 413. but 
finds he cannot prudently re- 
fuse it longer, 414. urged by 
the marquis of Ormond to re- 
sign his office of chancellor, 
415. and betake himself wholly 
to wait upon the king, 416. 
which he refuses, 418. anxious 
in council and in parliament 
to remove all obstructions in 
the way of the bill of indem- 
nity, 471. is consulted by the 
king concerning a treaty of 
marriage with the infanta of 
Portugal, 489. whom he de- 
sires to refer it to a commit- 
tee, 493. appointed of the com- 
mittee, 494. some overtures 
made to him by monsieur Fou- 
quet, the French minister, con- 
cerning the treaty with Portu- 
gal, 5 1 7. with which he acquaints 
the king, 519. his integrity in 
refusing money (ten thousand 
pounds) offered him by the 
French minister, 521. which 
he complains of to the king, 
but is desired by him to con- 
tinue his correspondence, 523, 
524. expresses himself warmly 
upon the duke of Ormond's 
being made lord lieutenant of 
Ireland, ii. 55. his vindication 
of himself with regard to Irish 
affairs, 92. his speech to par- 
liament previous to its being 
prorogued, 158. is hated by the 
1 1 in 'I'M, 172. the king imparts 
to him all his unquictness of 
mind respecting the queen, 173. 

endeavours to reconcile their 
majesties, 174 190. but is 
unsuccessful, 191. his interest 
declines on the appointments 
of sir Harry Bennett and sir 
Charles Berkley, 229. however 
he still retains the king's favour, 
230. opposes the war with the 
Dutch, 238. the duke offended 
with him for it, 240. be satisfies 
the duke, 241. a full statement, 
in vindication of himself, of the 
proceedings relative to the sale 
of Dunkirk, 242 251. his ad- 
vice to the king regarding his 
natural son Mr. Crofts, 254. is 
accused of high treason by the 
earl of Bristol, 259. who ab- 
sconds, 262. receives proposals 
from the bishop of Munster for 
an alliance against the Dutch, 
318. which he communicates 
to the king, 319. beseeches the 
king to reconsider his appoint- 
ment of lord Ashley to be trea- 
surer of the prize-money, 338. 
is obliged by the king to seal the 
grant, 340. measures taken to 
prejudice the king against him, 
341. opposes the bill for li- 
berty of conscience, 344. speaks 
against it in the house of lords, 
347. and drops some unguard- 
ed expressions, 348. the king 
offended with him upon it, 349. 
refuses to put the seal to the 
Canary merchants' charter till 
they had satisfied the city of 
London, 373. a vindication of 
the chancellor in this affair, 
380. his reflection upon the at- 
tempt made on the Dutch at 
Bergen, 424. substance of his 
speech to the parliament which 
met at Oxford, 430. prospect of 
his affairs about this time, 438. 
an attempt to make a breach 
between the chancellor and the 
treasurer, 443. the occasion of 


it, 444. is consulted by the duke 
of York respecting two suits he 
intended to make to the king, 
454. is against removing the 
earl of Sandwich from the com- 
mand of the fleet, 476. his con- 
ference with the earl, 480. the 
malice of lord Arlington and 
sir William Coventry against 
him, iii. 2. is desired by the 
king to persuade the treasurer 
to resign, 29. he earnestly en- 
treats the king against it, 30. 
and at length prevails, 32. his 
interest declines, while the 
courtiers affect to represent it 
at the highest, 1 06. repeats to 
the king the conversation which 
had passed between him and 
lord Arlington on the king's 
course of life, 108. he seriously 
remonstrates with the king, 
112. delivers his opinion very 
freely to the king in the pri- 
vate committee against the bill 
for examining the public ac- 
counts, 132. which is soon re- 
ported to his prejudice, ib. in 
the debate of the Irish cat- 
tle bill he defends the com- 
mons by desiring the peers to 
restrain their encroachments, 
163. he offends the lords by 
advising them not to insist un- 
reasonably upon privilege, 168. 
advises the king against putting 
the treasury into commission, 
241. is against the king con- 
vening the parliament during 
the prorogation, 255 259. 
the storm beginning to arise 
against him, 265. the house of 
commons incensed against him 
by the agency of Mr. William 
Coventry, ib. his fate hastened 
by the singular behaviour of 
the duke of Buckingham, 267. 
the chancellor's advice to the 
duke, who had requested him 

to interpose in his behalf with 
the king, 276. declines to give 
the king any advice as to stay- 
ing the prosecution, till the 
duke had surrendered himself, 
278. loses his wife, 282. the 
duke of York sent to him to 
desire him to resign, ib. many 
persons of eminence interpose 
in his behalf, 285. he attends 
the king at Whitehall, 286. the 
conference between them, 286 
290. the king leaves him in 
displeasure, 291. the duke of 
York interests himself in his be- 
half, 292. the great seal taken 
from him, 294. the duke of 
Buckingham is much inflamed 
against him, 297. and is per- 
suaded to concur in the prose- 
cution of him, ib. the king also 
expresses great displeasure a- 
gainst him, 298. and reflects 
upon him in his speech to the 
parliament, 300. one Tomkins 
moves the house to thank the 
king for removing him, 301. 
unfair methods used to induce 
the house to adopt that motion, 
ib. persons sought after to fur- 
nish matter of impeachment 
against him, 304. is accused of 
high treason by Mr. Seymour, 
306. many advise him to make 
his escape, 307. which he re- 
fuses to do, ib. the king declares 
his belief in his innocence, 308. 
which he afterwards disowns, 
309. articles of the charge 
against him, 311. proceedings 
against him in the house of 
commons, 315. Mr. Seymour 
accuses him of high treason at 
the bar of the house of lords, 
318. debates in that house con- 
cerning his commitment, ib. 
he is again advised to with- 
draw, 321. but refuses, 322. 
the king offended with him for 


the part he is re|M>rted to have 
taken with respect to the duke 
of Richmond's marriage, 323. 
his letter to the king upon that 
subject, 324. the king expresses 
a wish that he would withdraw, 
326. the bishop of Hereford 
sent to him to advise him to 
leave the kingdom, 327. which 
he refuses to do without re- 
ceiving a command from his 
majesty, 329. is urged by the 
French ambassador to retire to 
France, 331. but cannot be pre- 
vailed upon, 332. receives a 
notice from the king to with- 
draw, ib. he unwillingly obeys, 
and leaves the kingdom, ib. he 
lands at Calais, 333.. an in- 
stance of his generous beha- 
viour to his enemies, 334. his 
address to the house of lords 
on his withdrawing, 337. which 
is burned by order of both 
houses, 348. writes to the 
French court for leave to re- 
move to Roan, 349. which is 
granted to him, 350. on his 
journey he receives orders to 
leave France instantly, 351. 
appeals to that court in con- 
sequence of the ill state of his 
health, 3 5 2. the occasion of the 
ill treatment he meets with in 
France, 353. proceedings a- 
gainst him in England, H>. a 
bill of banishment passed 
against him, 354. receives re- 
iterated orders to quit France 
instantly, 355. again represents 
the ill state of his health to the 
French court, 356. the French 
king renews his commands for 
his speedy departure, ib. re- 
ceives an express, with a parti- 
cular account of all the trans- 
actions in parliament against 
him, 357. is advised by the 
duke of York to hasten his re- 

turn, and undergo his trial, 358. 
for that purpose he returns to 
Calais, Hi. where he is confined 
to his bed by a dangerous ill- 
ness, 359. is notwithstanding 
required to leave the place, and 
retire out of the French terri- 
tories, ib. the French court 
suddenly alters its behaviour 
towards him, 362. and permits 
him to go to what place he 
would, 363. which is a great 
relief and comfort to him, 364. 
he returns to Roan, 365. from 
thence proceeds towards Avi- 
gnon, 366. is greatly abused, 
and almost murdered by some 
English at Eureux, 367. re- 
moves from thence to Bourbon, 
372. and from thence to Avi- 
gnon, ib.' where he is received 
with the greatest kindness, 373. 
visits Montpelier, ib. where he 
receives great civilities and re- 
spect, especially from ladyMor- 
daunt, 374. he writes a vindi- 
cation of himself, 377. his an- 
swer to the several articles of 
the charge against him, 380 
45 1 . enjoys great tranquillity of 
mind, 451. two apprehensions 
discompose him, 452. first, the 
insufficiency of his fortune, ib. 
this was composed in the as- 
surance he had of the affection 
and piety of his children, ib. 
the second, the fear of being 
again persecuted in his banish- 
ment, 453. this removed by 
an entire acquiescence in the 
good pleasure of God, 454. re- 
flections on the wonderful and 
unusual proceedings and pro- 
secution against him, il>. which 
raise his confidence in God, 
456. his reflections on his con- 
duct from the time of the king's 
restoration, ib. blames himself 
for the vast expense he had 


made in the building of his 
house, ib. esteems himself most 
happy in what he calls his 
three acquiescences, or retreat 
from public business, 458. his 
first acquiescence was his re- 
sidence in Jersey ; his second 
was, when he was ambassador 
in Spain; and his third was his 
last recess, by the disgrace he 
underwent, and by the act of 
banishment, 459. in all these 
he had learned more, knew 
himself and others better, and 
served God and his country 
with more devotion, ib. a sum- 
mary recapitulation of his life, 
ib. his writings, 481. 

Hyde, Henry, father to lord Cla- 
rendon, i. i. of the Middle 
Temple, 3. master of arts in 
Oxford, ib. has an inclination 
to travel, ib. goes to the Spa for 
his health, 4. passes through 
Germany into Italy, to Flo- 
rence, Syena, and Rome, ib. 
averse to the Roman catholics, 
ib. protected at Rome by car- 
dinal Allen, ib. returns to Eng- 
land, ib. persuaded by his mo- 
ther to marry, ib. marries 
Mary, daughter of Edward 
Langford, 5. lives a private life 
at Dinton, ib. his character, ib. 
serves as burgess in several 
parliaments, ib. has four sons 
and five daughters, 6. removes 
to Pirton, 9. in a very danger- 
ous state of health, 18. removes 
to Salisbury, 19. dies suddenly 
aged sixty-nine, 20. character, 

Hyde, Henry, brother of lord 
Clarendon, i. 6. died aged 
twenty-six or twenty-seven, ib. 
was master of arts in the uni- 
versity of Oxford, ib. 

Hyde, Joanna, aunt to lord Cla- 
rendon, i. 2. married to Edward 

Younge, ib. 

Hyde, Laurence, of West- Hatch, 
grandfather to lord Clarendon, 
i. i. his education, 2. a clerk in 
one of the auditor's offices of 
the exchequer, ib. married Anne 
widow of Matthew Calthurst, 
ib. had four sons and four daugh- 
ters, ib. purchased the manor 
of West- Hatch, ib. where he 
died, ib. left the bulk of his es- 
tate to his eldest son Robert, 
ib. and the impropriate rectory 
of Denham to his second son 
Laurence, ib. 

Hyde, Laurence, uncle to lord 
Clarendon, i. 2. afterwards sir 
Laurence, and attorney general 
to queen Anne, 3. a lawyer of 
great name and practice, ib. 
possessed from his father the 
impropriate rectory of Dinton, 

Hyde, Laurence, brother of lord 
Clarendon, i. 6. died young, ib. 

Hyde, Nicholas, uncle to lord 
Clarendon, i. 2. treasurer of 
the Middle Temple, 7. after- 
wards lord ohief justice of the 
king's bench, 3, and 7. death 
and character, 12, 13. 

Hyde, Nicholas, brother of lord 
Clarendon, i. 6. died young, ib. 

Hyde, Robert, of Norbury, co. 
Chester, great grandfather to 
lord Clarendon, i. i. 

Hyde Robert, uncle to lord Cla- 
rendon, i. 2. married AnneCas- 
tilian, 3. 

Hyde, Susanna, aunt to lord Cla- 
rendon, i. 2. married to sir G. 
Fuy, ib. 


James I. recommends Edward 
Hyde to Dr. Langton, i. 7. 

Jermyn, Mr. Thomas, i. 236. 

Jermyn, Mr. master of the horse 
to the duke of York, ii. 12. 

Jersey, i. 235 245. 


Ignoto, the illegitimate son of 
lady H< ><>s, iii. 174. 

Indemnity, act of, transactions in 
parliamentconcerning it, i. 467. 
great delays respecting it, 47 1 . 
is at last passed, 473. 

Inspruck, the archduke of, cha- 
racter of his minister at Ma- 
drid, i. 272. 

Insurrection, danger of, ii. 221. 

Johnson, Ben, one of Edward 
Hyde's chief acquaintance, i. 
34. his character, ib. 

Ireland, i. 234, 236. commission- 
ers sent thence to the king, 
423. state of that kingdom, 

441. commissioners sent from 
different parts of the kingdom, 

442. commissioners from the 
state, 443. deputies from the 
bishops and clergy, 445. a 
committee deputed by the ad- 
venturers, 446. a committee 
from the army in present pay 
there, " for the arrears due to 
" them, "45 5. a committee from 
the officers who had served the 
king, 456. a committee for 
the Irish catholics, 458. Monk 
still continues lord lieutenant, 
463. lord Roberts made depu- 
ty, 467. affairs of, taken into 
consideration, ii. 18. church 
lands restored, and new bi- 
shops appointed, 25. the Irish 
catholics favoured by the king, 
26. the different pleas of the 
Irish, 27 40. a great number 
of the Irish catholics who had 
served the king restored, 41. 
the first act of settlement pass- 
ed, 48. three lords justices ap- 
pointed, 49. partiality of the 
commissioners appointed by 
the first act, 50. a second act 
of settlement transmitted to 
the king, 5 1. new commission- 
ers appointed to execute it, ib. 
second act passed, 53. they 

publish their intended method 
of proceeding, 59. their sen- 
tences and decrees favourable 
to the Irish, 60. reflections on 
their proceedings, 62. too 
many of the Irish rebels re- 
stored to their estate, 64. 
many who had served the king 
condemned by the commis- 
sioners, 65. many of their de- 
crees made upon settlements 
notoriously forged, 69. the de- 
fence of the commissioners on 
these proceedings, 70. their 
defence by no means satisfac- 
tory, 73. their decree in favour 
of the marquis of Antrim ex- 
tremely complained of, 74. the 
difficulties of a settlement in- 
creased, 85. by some acts of 
bounty from his majesty, ib. 
which are attributed to the 
earl of Orrery, 86. the differ- 
ent parties agree upon an ex- 
pedient for a settlement, 90. 
the third act passed, il>. the 
privy-council remonstrate a- 
gainst the bill prohibiting the 
importation of Irish cattle 
into England, iii. 137. 

Italy, infested by the arms of 
Spain and France, i. 79. 

Killigrew, Harry, i. 140, n. 

Killigrew, Mrs. one of the maids 
of honour to the princess royal, 
i. 302. dies of the small-pox, 

Kingston, co. Wilts, i. 2. 

Kyneton, co. Wilts, i. 2. 

Lambert, general, ii. 117. close 
prisoner in the Tower, i. 335. 
still has his faction at work, 

Lane, Mr. attorney to the prince 
of Wales, and afterwards chief 
baron of the exchequer, a friend 
of Edward Hyde's in his pro- 


fession, i. 67. upon the death 
of lord Littleton, is made keep- 
er of the great seal, ib. dies in 
banishment, ib. 

Langford, Edward, of Trow- 
bridge, i. 5. 

Langford, Mary, married to Henry 
Hyde, father of lord Clarendon, 

' 5- 

Langton, Dr. president of Mag- 
dalen college, Oxford, i. 7. king 
James recommends Edward 
Hyde to him, ib. pretends that 
the letter came too late, ib. 
receives reprehension from lord 
Conway for not giving more 
respect to the king's letter, ib. 

Laud, William, archbishop of 
Canterbury, i. 22. one of the 
commissioners for managing 
the treasurer's office, ib. cha- 
racter upon undertaking that 
duty, 22, 23. receives informa- 
tion and complaints from Mr. 
Harvey, 24 28. sends for Ed- 
ward Hyde, 29. is reconciled 
to the earl of Hertford through 
Mr. Hyde, 69. his greatest 
want, a true friend, ib. Mr. 
Hyde's free expostulation with 
him, 70. 

Lautherdale, earl of, one of the 
Scotch commissioners, i. 427. 
his character and some account 
of him, 428. is made secretary 
of state in Scotland, 429. op- 
poses the reestablishment of 
episcopacy in Scotland, 434. 
strives to get it delayed, 435. 
his discourse makes some im- 
pression on the king, 439. his 
design is discovered by the 
other commissioners, ib. and 
prevented, 440. 

Lawson, sir John, i. 494. much 
consulted by the duke of York, 
ii. 354. killed in the first en- 
gagement with the Dutch, 39 1 . 
his character, ib. 

Lee, the lady, (afterwards count- 
ess of Rochester,) i. 137. 

Leicester, earl of, i. 52. 

London, the plague there in 1625, 
i. 8. the small-pox rages there 
in 1628, 10. opposes the Ca- 
nary merchants' petition for a 
charter, ii. 373. a terrible fire 
breaks out Sept. 1. 1666. iii. 83. 
which continues four days, 90. 
it decreases, ib. various surmises 
and idle stories respecting it, 
94. the inestimable loss sus- 
tained by the fire, 97. 

Lopez, Dr. a learned Jew and 
physician, i. 278. 

Lords, house of, (see parlia- 

Lorn, lord, son of the marquis of 
Argyle, restored, and created 
earl of Argyle, ii. 277. 

London, earl of, i. 189. 

Low Countries, i. 52. 

Lumley, the lord, i. 75, 77. 

Lutterworth, i. 138. 

Lindsey, earl of, ii. 16 18. has 
Cromwell's leave to attend the 
king's funeral, 16. lord high 
chamberlain of England, i. 41 1. 
is created knight of the gar- 
ter by the chancellor's means, 

Lionne, monsieur de, iii. 356. se- 
cretary of state in France on 
the death of cardinal Mazarine 
i. 516. 

Littleton, lord keeper, prevail- 
ed upon by Mr. Hyde to send 
the great seal to the king 
at York, and attend himself 
upon his majesty, i. 135. out 
of favour at court, 142. Mr. 
Hyde reconciles the king to 
him, 148. 

Liturgy, an account of the revisal 
of it, ii. 1 1 8. some of the bi- 
shops are against all alterations 
in it, 119. others press both for 
alterations and additions, ib. 


inveighed against by all the 
factious preachers of all per- 
suasions, 123. presented to the 
house of lords with the king's 
confirmation, 1 28. consented 
to by them, 130. 

Madrid, i. 270. 

M altravers, the lord, i. 171. 

Manchester, the earl of, i. 68, 88, 
89. made lord chamberlain, 
367. one of the committee 
appointed to enter into a 
treaty with the Portuguese am- 
bassador concerning the king's 
marriage, 494. 

Mandevile, the lord, son of the 
earl of Manchester, i. 88, 89. 

Manly, sir Richard, i. 90. 

Marlborough, taken by the king's 
forces, i. 172. 

Marlborough, the earl of, killed 
in the first engagement with 
the Dutch, ii. 390. 

Martin, Harry, his conversation 
with Mr. Hyde, i. 91. owns 
himself a republican, 92. 

Martin, sir Henry, i. 87. 

Masquerade, the, at Madrid, de- 
scription of it, i. 265. 

Maurice, prince, disunion be- 
tween him and prince Rupert, 
i. 194. 

May, Thomas, one of Edward 
Hyde's chief acquaintance, i. 
34. his character, 39. 

May, Mr. presumes to speak 
lightly to the king of the fire 
of London, iii. 101. 

Maynard, John, a friend of Ed- 
ward Hyde's in his profession, 
i. 67. afterwards bowed his 
knee to Baal, and swerved from 
his allegiance, ///. 

Mazarine, cardinal, i. 516. 

Mervin, sir Audly, one of the 
commissioners from the state 
of Ireland, i. 443. 

Middleburgh, i. 256. 

Middleton, declared by the king 
one of the Scotch commission- 
ers, i. 429. created earl of Mid- 
dleton, 433. proposes the re- 
scinding the act of the cove- 
nant, and reestablishment of 
episcopacy in Scotland, 434. 
discovers Lautherdale's design 
of delaying it, 439. and pre- 
vents it, 440. the king's com- 
missioner in Scotland, ii. 263. 
is well received there, ib. 

Molina, the conde of, ambassa- 
dor from Spain to England, 
his character, iii. 200. endea- 
vours at a separate treaty with 
Holland, ib. 

Monk, general, recommends a list 
of privy counsellors to the king, 
i. 322. his reasons for doing so, 
324. is made knight of the gar- 
ter, and admitted of the council, 
Hi. is confirmed by the king in 
all the offices before assigned 
him by the parliament, 365. 
sworn also gentleman of the 
bedchamber, and master of the 
horse, 366. continues lord lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, 463. resigns 
that appointment when duke 
of Albemarle, 53. 

Monmouth, duke of, (see Crofts.) 

Montague, Mr. master of the 
horse to his majesty, dies, ii. 
443. his brother appointed in 
his room, 449. 

Montpelier, iii. 373, 374, 375, 


Montrath, earl of, one of the lords 
justices of England, ii. 49. his 
death, 53. 

Montrevil, iii. 350. 

Mordaunt, Mr. created a viscount, 
i. 356. unjustly censured and 
reproached, ib. a most zealous 
servant of the king, ib. 

Mordaunt, lady viscountess, her 
great civilities to the chancel- 
lor at Montpelier, iii. 374. 


Morley, Dr. (see bishop of Win- 
chester,) i. 137. one of Ed- 
ward Hyde's intimate friends, 
42. frequently staying with 
sir Lucius Carey, 48. his cha- 
racter, 55. preaches a sermon 
at the coronation, ii. 12. 

Morrice, Mr. a particular friend 
of general Monk's, i. 324. his 
conference with the chancellor 
on the list of privy counsellors 
given to the king by Monk, 
324. receives the signet from 
the king, and is sworn of the 
council and secretary of state, 
326. his character, ii. 224. 

Mountague, Abbot, iii. 356, 365, 
453- gives the chancellor a rea- 
son for the alteration of the 
queen's behaviour, i. 396. 

Mountague, sir Sydney, i. 140. n, 

Munster, the bishop of, makes 
proposals for an alliance against 
the Dutch, ii. 318. which the 
king approves of, 320. engages 
to invade the United Provinces, 
407. the French deter the 
neighbouring states from as- 
sisting the bishop, iii. 41. who 
notwithstanding remains firm 
to his engagements with Eng- 
land, 42. but is at length forced 
by the French to make peace 
with the Dutch, 44. 

Muskerry, the lord, killed in the 
first engagement with the 
Dutch, ii. 389. 

Navy, state of, from the king's 
restoration, ii. 326. state of it 
at the commencement of the 
Dutch war, 333. fleet prepared, 

^353- . , 

Naseby, i. 233. 
Newark, i. 236. 
Newbury, battle of, i. 201. 
Newcastle, i. 236, 237. 
Newcastle, the marquis of, i. 

Nicholas, secretary, desired by the 
king to thank Mr. Hyde for his 
zeal in his service, i. 94. the 
king's character of him, 1 23, 
169. is made master of the 
wards, 169. one of the king's 
council at the restoration, 316. 
character of him, 319. his re- 
putation, integrity, and expe- 
rience, ib. his trust with the 
late king, ib. his friendship 
with the chancellor, ib. ap- 
pointed one of the committee 
to enter into a treaty with the 
Portuguese ambassador relative 
to the king's marriage with the 
infanta, 494. his character, ii. 
223. resigns his office of secre- 
tary of state, 228. 

Norbury, in the county of Ches- 
ter, the family estate of the 
Hydes since the conquest, 
i. T. 

Northumberland, earl of, i. 131, 
n. 164, n. 179, 1 80, 183. 
ii. 13. proposes that the old 
Book of Common Prayer might 
be confirmed without any al- 
teration or addition, ii. 128. 
known to be of the presby- 
terian party, 1 29. 

Nott, Mr. the Jesuit, Mr. Chil- . 
lingworth's book against him, 
i. 48. 

Nostall, i. 138, 142. 

Oliver, John, fellow of Magdalen 
college, Oxford, i. 7. tutor to 
Edward Hyde, ib. 

Opdam, admiral, puts to sea with 
the Dutch fleet, ii. 386. en- 
gages the English, 387. pe- 
rishes in his ship, which is 
burnt, ib. 

Ordination, debates in the house 
of lords on the clause of the 
act of uniformity requiring 
episcopal ordination, ii. 131. 

Ormond, marquis of, i. 235. is 


restored to his estate, ii. 24. 
accepts the office of lord lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, when duke 
ofOrmond,54- upon the chan- 
cellor's regret at the appoint- 
ment, he states to him his rea- 
sons for accepting it, 56. sets 
out for Ireland with the com- 
missioners, 58. an attempt by 
Dick Tal hot to assassinate him, 
iii. 1 16. the duke of Buck- 
ingham's hatred to him, 135. 

Ormond, marchioness of, present 
at the duchess of York's de- 
livery, i. 389. 

Orrery, earl of, (see lord Brog- 
hill,) one of the lords justices 
of Ireland, ii. 49. the cause of 
some improvident acts of boun- 
ty in the king, 86. and this 
without the chancellor's know- 
ledge, 87. 

Ossory, lord, eldest son of the 
duke of Ormond, challenges 
the place before the lord Percy 
at the coronation, ii. 13. is or- 
dered by the king to desist 
from his pretence, 14. sends a 
challenge to the duke of Buck- 
ingham, 148. is sent to the 
Tower, 153. 

Ostend, i. 249, 250, 252. 

Oxford, i. 136, 138, 161, 164, n. 
165, n. 175, 188. 236. plague 
brought there by sir James 
Hussy, i. 8. 


Palmer, Geoffrey, attorney gene- 
ral, a friend of Edward Hyde's 
in his profession, i. 67. 

Pampeluna, i. 277. 

Papists, the king meditates two 
bills against them, ii. 214. their 
imprudent behaviour, ib. a de- 
sign formed to have them con- 
victed, 215. which they frus- 
trate, 217, 218, 219. 

Paris, i. 237, 238, 239. 

Parliament, the, in the year 1625, 

adjourned to Oxford in conse- 
quence of the plague, i. 8. call- 
ed by Charles I. upon the rebel- 
lion in Scotland, April, 1640, 
79. dissolved in May following, 
84. another called in Novem- 
ber, ib. temper and constitu- 
tion of it, ib. discovers a pre- 
judice against Mr. Hyde, i>>. 
make a recess during the king's 
absence in Scotland, 94. their 
remonstrance of the state of 
the nation, and its particular 
grievances, printed, 97. answer- 
ed by Mr. Hyde, ib. pass and 
send to the king the two bills 
for granting the militia, and 
the removing the bishops out 
of the house of peers, iii. 
112. the latter bill passed by 
the king, 115. sends Mr. Hyde 
with a message to the king re- 
specting the removal of the 
prince of Wales, 1 19. the king's 
answer delivered to the houses, 
125. send a committee to the 
king about violating their pri- 
vileges, 126. discomposed at 
the spirit and firmness of the 
king, 130, n. their conduct 
thereupon, ib. send commis- 
sioners to Oxford to treat with 
the king, 175. but with very 
restrained powers, 176. vote 
that no more addresses should 
be made to the king, 244. 
which is answered by the chan- 
cellor, //'. meeting of both 
houses after the restoration, 
328. character of the house of 
commons, t/>. and of the pres- 
byterian party in it, 329. trans- 
actions in it concerning the act 
of indemnity, 467. delays re- 
specting it, 47 1 . at last passes 
it, 473. is adjourned, ib. meet 
again, 483. raise several sums 
for the army and navy, 478. 
pass several acts for the set- 


tling a future revenue for the 
crown, ib. vote to raise that re- 
venue to twelve hundred thou- 
sand pounds, ib. give seventy 
thousand pounds towards the 
discharge of the coronation, ib. 
thank the king for his declara- 
tion concerning ecclesiastical 
affairs, 484. a new parliament 
summoned to meet, 484. it 
meets on the 8th of May, ii. i. 
the two houses express their 
joy at the king's intended mar- 
riage, 5. passes an act to re- 
store the king's friends, 24. en- 
ters with alacrity upon all af- 
fairs which refer to the king's 
honour, safety, or profit, 97. 
asserts the king's prerogative, 
ib. unwilling to confirm the 
act of indemnity, 98. prevailed 
upon by the king to do so, 99. 
commons pass a bill for restor- 
ing bishops to their seats in 
parliament, TOO. which is ob- 
jected to in the house of 
lords by the earl of Bristol, 
ib. but which is passed, 103. 
parliament is adjourned, 104. 
meets again on the 3oth of 
July, 1661, 112. pleased with 
the king's speech to them, 1 15. 
sent for to attend the king at 
Whitehall, 125. his speech to 
them, ib. house of lords con- 
sents to the Liturgy as pre- 
sented to them by the king, 
130. debates there upon the 
act of uniformity, ib. upon the 
clause requiring episcopal ordi- 
nation, 131. the lords pass the 
bill, 134. amendments made in 
it by the house of commons, 
ib. bill returned to the lords, 
135. debates upon the amend- 
ments made by the commons, 
ib. the lords agree to most of 
the amendments of the com- 
mons, 139. who submit to all 

the lords had done, ib. and so 
the king is obliged to confirm 
the bill, ib. great animosities 
in parliament about private 
bills, 152. their behaviour to- 
wards the king notwithstand- 
ing most respectful and duti- 
ful, 155. the king's speech to 
them, 156. Feb. 18, 1662, the 
parliament is prorogued, i6r. 
meets again, Feb. 18, 1663, 

195. state of the house, and 
character of the two leading 
men in the house of commons, 

196, 197. an alteration in the 
management of that house ow- 
ing to the intrigues of sir Harry 
Bennet and Mr. Coventry, 210. 
remarks on the proceedings in 
parliament, 211. it grants the 
king four subsidies, 212. is pro- 
rogued, 213. sends to the king 
the articles of high treason 
brought against the chancellor 
by the earl of Bristol, 260. 
favourable to the withdrawing 
of tlie English garrisons from 
Scotland, 275. meet again in 
March 1664, 279. the king's 
speech, 281. repeal the trien- 
nial bill, 285. passes several 
acts, 286. is prorogued, 287. 
meets again in November, 
1665, 297. measures taken to 
dispose parliament to grant 
supplies for a war, 303. they 
vote a supply of two millions 
and a half, 310. a bill pre- 
sented to the house of lords 
for liberty of conscien'.-e, 345. 
which is opposed by the trea- 
surer and bishops at its first 
reading, ib. also at its second 
reading, 346. the chancellor 
speaks against it, 347. the par- 
liament is prorogued, 353. ad- 
journed to Oxford on account 
of the plague, 405 . meets them, 
428. the king's speech to it, 


ib. grant a further supply, 432. 
pass an act for attainting the 
English who resided in Hol- 
land, or continued in the Dutch 
service, 432. short review of 
its proceedings, iii. i. a hill 
brought in for a supply, 10. sir 
George Downing offers a pro- 
viso, ib. which is opposed by 
the solicitor general, ib. the 
commons pass it, 13. some of 
the lords remonstrate against 
it, 15. at last is passed by the 
lords, 22. the parliament is 
prorogued, 23. meets again 
Sept. 21, 1666, 1 24. the king's 
speech, ib. discontents in the 
house of commons, 127. a com- 
mittee appointed to inquire into 
the cause of the fire, 128. a 
bill brought in for examining 
the public accounts, 129. an 
opposition in both houses, 132, 
133. a bill brought in against 
the importation of Irish cattle, 
136. the privy-council of Ire- 
land remonstrate against the 
bill, 137. and the privy-coun- 
cil of England divided in their 
opinions, 141. the bill, after 
great opposition, passed by the 
commons, 142. as also the bill 
for inspecting the public ac- 
counts, 143. the propriety of 
dissolving the parliament at 
this time considered, 143, 144. 
great animosities in the house 
of peers upon the bill against 
importing Irish cattle, 145. the 
house of lords send lord Ossory 
and the duke of Buckingham 
to the Tower, 153. sends him 
again to the Tower with the 
marquis of Dorchester, 154. 
arguments against the Irish 
bill in the house of lords, 155. 
particularly against clauses in 
it derogatory to the preroga- 
tive, 156. these clauses are a- 

mended by the lords, 157. the 
commons adhere to their bill, 
159. an instance of the violent 
passion of the house of com- 
mons in this affair, 160. it is 
at length consented to by the 
house of lords, 163. in the de- 
bates the chancellor defends 
the commons by desiring the 
peers to restrain their encroach- 
ments, ih. a bill of divorce for 
lord Roos brought into parlia- 
ment, 176. some of the lords 
against a precedent of this na- 
ture, 177. but it is at length 
passed, 179. the king passes 
the Irish bill, //,. a supply is 
granted, 182. parliament is pro- 
rogued with a speech, ib. is 
summoned to meet, 260. meets, 
and is immediately prorogued, 
264. at the meeting of parlia- 
ment the king in his speech re- 
flects on the chancellor, 306. 
both houses thank the king for 
his speech, and for removing 
the chancellor, 303. a charge 
of high treason brought against 
the chancellor in the house of 
commons by Mr. Seymour, 306. 
articles of the charge stated, 

311. proceedings thereupon, 

312. Mr. Seymour accuses the 
chancellor at the bar of the 
house of lords, 318. debates in 
that house concerning his com- 
mitment, ib. differences be- 
tween the houses, 320. the 
house of lords receives from 
the chancellor an address on 
his leaving the kingdom, 337. 
which is burned by order of 
both houses, 348. a bill of ba- 
nishment passed against the 
chancellor, 354. 

Paston, sir Robert, moves for a 
supply of two millions and a 
half, ii. 309. which is agreed 
to by the parliament, 310. he 


is caressed by sir Harry Ben- 
net and sir Charles Berkley, 

Peard, Mr. i. 141. 

Pembroke, earl of, i. 127, 161, 
163, 164. lord chamberlain of 
his majesty's household, 147. 

Pen, sir William, much consulted 
by the duke of York, ii. 354, 


Pendennis, i. 234, 235, 236. 

Pennington, sir John, i. 131. n. 

Percy, the lord, ii. 13. 

Peterborough, the earl of, attends 
the duke of York as a volun- 
teer, ii. 356. 

Piercy, Mr. sent by the king for 
Mr. Hyde, i. 92. 

Pierrepoint, Mr. sent by the par- 
liament to treat with the king, 
i. 175. proposes that the king 
should make the earl of North- 
umberland lord high admiral 
of England, 179. 

Pirton, in North Wiltshire, i. 9. 

Pistoja, i. 270. 

Plague at London, 1625. i. 8. ex- 
tends to Oxford, ib. breaks out 
1 666, ii. 352. increases in Lon- 
don, and spreads about the 
country, 404. it decreases, iii. 
34. the number supposed to 
have died of it, 35. 

Pollard, sir Hugh, ii. 209. 

Poland, i. 79. ambassador of, at 
Madrid, his character, i. 272. 

Portland, the earl of, killed in 
the first engagement with the 
Dutch, ii. 390. 

Portugal, defection of, from Spain, 
i. 79. the ambassador from that 
power to the Cromwells kindly 
received by the king, 487. pro- 
poses to the king a marriage 
with the infanta of Portugal, 
489. which is approved of by 
the king, 491. treaty of com- 
merce settled, 498. ambassador 
goes into Portugal for further 

powers, 499. on his return is 
received coldly by the king, 
512. measures in Portugal re- 
lative to the marriage, 524. 
not able to pay the queen's 
portion, ii. 163. permitted by 
the earl of Sandwich to send 
merchandise, &c. to England, 
by the sale of which the money 
might be raised, 164. 

Presbyterians ; their party in the 
house of commons after the 
restoration, i. 329. its charac- 
ter, ib. urges the settlement of 
ecclesiastical government ac- 
cording to the covenant, 331. 
two instances of the disingenu- 
ity of the presbyterian minis- 
ters, 481. the unhappy policy 
of making partial concessions 
to them, ii. 121. none of them 
gained by the concessions now 
made, 122. inveigh publicly in 
their pulpits against the Com- 
mon Prayer, 123. complain 
that the king had violated his 
declaration, 140. reflections on 
the behaviour of the presby- 
terian ministers, 142. who have 
too free access to the king, 143. 
their importunity distresses the 
king, 145. their great disinge- 
nuity, 150. endeavour to raise 
discontents among the people, 
ib. but most of them at length 
conform, 151. 

Privateers, too much encourage- 
ment given to them at the com- 
mencement of the Dutch war, 


Privy-council, advise the king to 
conclude the treaty with Por- 
tugal, i. 527. 

Pvm, Mr. recapitulates in the 
house the grievances, &c. in 
the state, i. 81. 

Queen from Portugal arrives at 
Portsmouth, ii. 164. endea- 


vours used to alienate the 
king's affections from her, 165. 
some circumstances which con- 
tribute towards a misunder- 
standing, ib. the chancellor en- 
deavours to reconcile the king 
and queen, 174 190. butJs 
unsuccessful, 191. the queen 
miscarries, iii. 60. 

Ramekins, fort of, i. 256. 

Ran/aw, marshal, i. 247. receives 
the chancellor with great civi- 
lity, 248. 

Ratcliff, sir George, i. 278, 285, 
289 291. 

Ree, Isle of, i. 9, 75. 

Regicides, the, tried and executed, 
i. 474. 

Rents, a sudden fall of, ii. 220. 

Resto ration, excessivejoy through- 
out the nation upon it, i. 328. 

Richmond, i. 1 18. 

Richmond, duke of, i. 120. 195. ii. 
16, 17. has Cromwell's leave to 
attend the king's funeral, ii. 16. 
made oneof the junto, i. 205 . the 
beginning of his friendship with 
the chancellor, 222. his cha- 
racter, 223. his coldness to- 
wards the king, and the cause 
of it, ib. 

Roan, iii. 351,355, 358, 365. 

Roberts, the lord, some account 
of him, i. 463. is made deputy 
of Ireland, 467. his character, 
ii. 19. is offered the privy seal, 
2 1. which he accepts, 23. 

Roman catholics, the true ground 
of the king's favour to them, ii. 
104. committee of the lords to 
relax the penal laws against 
them, 1 09. they disagree among 
themselves, ib. upon which the 
committee is discontinued, ib. 

Roman catholics of Ireland send 
a committee to the king, i. 

Rome, dangerous to all the Eng- 

lish nation who did not pro- 
fess themselves Roman catho- 
lics, i. 4. 

Roos, the lord, eldest son to the 
earl of Rutland, moves for a bill 
to set aside the issue of his lady, 
iii. 171. a bill brought in for 
this purpose, 176. some lords 
against a precedent of this na- 
ture, 177. the bill obstructed 
by the duke of Buckingham, 
178. but is at length passed, 

Rospigliosi, Julio, nuncio for the 
pope at Madrid, his character, 
i. 270. 

Rothes, the earl of, one of the 
Scotch commissioners, i. 429. 
made president of the council 
in Scotland, il>. 

Rupert, prince, disunion between 
him and prince Maurice, i. 
194. offers his services to the 
king to command a fleet against 
the Dutch, ii. 296, 297. expected 
to have been joined with the earl 
of Sandwich in 1665, to com- 
mand the fleet then sent out, 
402. heart-broken at being re- 
fused, 403. commands the fleet 
jointly with the general, iii. 69. 
desires to go himself with part 
to meet the duke of Beaufort, 
ib. a neglect in forwarding 
an order to him to rejoin the 
fleet, 72. he returns on the third 
day of a general engagement 
between the two fleets, 75. the 
engagement lasts another day, 
and both parties claim the vic- 
tory, 76. a third general engage- 
ment in which the English are 
victorious, 77. makes an at- 
tempt upon the island of Schel- 
ling, 79. 

Ruvigny, Mr. iii. 352. 

St. Alban's, earl of, introduces the 
chancellor to the queen mo- 


ther, i. 401. labours to prevail 
on the king to receive monsieur 
Bordeaux as ambassador from 
France, i. 486. sent into Eng- 
land by the queen mother in 
hopes of bringing about a peace 
between England and France, 
iii. 204. returns to France, 207. 

St. John, Mr. i. lot. 

St. Loe, John, of Kingston, co. 
Wilts, i. 2. marries Alice Hyde, 

Salisbury, i. i. ii. 407. . 

Salisbury, earl of, i. 164. n. 

Sandwich, earl of, i. 494. admi- 
ral of the fleet, made ambas- 
sador to Portugal, to receive 
the queen and conduct her to 
England, ii. 5. takes possession 
of Tangier, ii. 160. a design 
formed of not giving it up to 
him, 161. comes to Lisbon at 
a critical conjuncture, 162. 
finds the Portuguese unable to 
pay the queen's portion, 163. 
allows merchandise, &c. to be 
brought to England, by the 
sale of which the portion may 
be raised, 1 64. appointed to the 
command of the fleet which is 
sent out against the Dutch, 
403. declines making a second 
attempt upon the Dutch at 
Bergen, 423. success of the 
fleet after the attempt at Ber- 
gen, 461. not able to come to 
an engagement with De Ruy- 
ter, 462. but takes many of his 
ships. 463. sir William Coven- 
try's unjust reflections upon 
him, 464. his imprudent con- 
duct after his return in reward- 
ing his officers out of his prizes, 
465. the king is offended, with 
him, 466. the duke also highly 
offended, ib. his character, 467. 
is very injuriously treated, 468. 
clears himself fully of the charge 
of misconduct at sea, 470. but 

confesses he had been much to 
blame in distributing any part 
of his prizes, 471. with which 
the king is satisfied, 472. the 
king is persuaded to remove 
him from the command of the 
fleet, 474. but resolves to dis- 
miss him with honour, 475. a 
conference between him and 
the chancellor, 480. is sent 
ambassador extraordinary into 
Spain, 482. 

Savile, sir George, the duke of 
York moves the king to make 
him a viscount, ii. 457. 

Savile, sir Harry, i. 59. his edition 
of St. Chrysostom's works, 58. 
assisted in it by Mr. Hales, ib. 

Say, the lord, i. 167. 

Schelling, island of, an attempt 
made upon it by the English 
fleet under prince Rupert, iii. 
79. the chief town, and a large 
fleet of merchant ships burned, 

Scilly, isle of, i. 234, 235, 236. 

Scotch bishops consecrated, ii. 

Scotland, rebellion there in 1640, 
i. 8 1. state of affairs there 1663, 
ii. 262. Middleton the king's 
commissioner well received, ib. 
proceedings of the Scotch par- 
liament, 266. petition the king 
to restore episcopacy, 267. they 
prepare an abjuration of the co- 
venant, 268. settle a standing 
force, ib. upon which the com- 
missioner returns to London, 
ib. Scotch bishops consecrated, 
269. Scotch desire the English 
garrisons may be withdrawn, 
ib. the commissioner and bi- 
shops return to Scotland, 278. 

Scottish commissioners desire the 
abolition of episcopacy, i. 188. 
return to London with ma- 
nifest dissatisfaction against sir 
Edward Hyde for his advice to 


the king, 193. commissioners 
sent to the king, Charles 11.423. 
state of Scotland at that time, 
ib. some account of the Scotch 
commissioners, 426. they all, 
except Lautherdale, agree to 
the reestablishment of episco- 
pacy in Scotland, 434. 

Selden, John, one of Edward 
Hyde's chief acquaintance, i. 
34. his character, 35. looked 
upon with much affection and 
reverence by Mr. Hyde, 4 r . 

Selkirk, earl 'of, chief of the 
Scotch commissioners, i. 426. 
his character and some account 
of him, Hi. 

Seymour, Mr. accuses the chan- 
cellor of high treason in the 
house of commons, iii. 306. 
carries up the charge to the 
bar of the house of- lords, 318. 

Shaftesbury, Mr. Hyde returned 
to serve for it, i. 80. but de- 
clines, ib. 

Sheerness, the fortifications there 
inspected by the king, iii. 193. 
attempt made upon it by the 
Dutch, 247. 

Sheldon, Dr. Gilbert, one of Mr. 
Hyde's intimate friends, i. 42. 
his character, ib. frequently 
staid with sir Lucius Carey, 48. 
warden of All Souls' college, 
Oxford, 55. communicates the 
king's sentiments, to the chan- 
cellor at Derby, 243. 

Sixtus V. pope, has great animo- 
sity to queen Elizabeth, i. 4. 

Slanning, sir Nicholas, ii. 360. 

Small-pox rages in 1628 in Lon- 
don, i. 10. 

Soissons, the count of, sent by the 
French king as ambassador in 
the room of monsieurBordeaux, 
i. 486. 

Southampton, earl of, i. 323, 
326. ii. 16, 1 8. has Crom- 
well's leave to attend the king's 

funeral, ii. 16. is inserted in the 
list of privy counsellors re- 
commended by Monk to the 
king, i. 322. is made lord high 
treasurer, 370. is sent by the 
king to inform the chancellor 
of his daughter's marriage with 
the duke of York, 377. his 
friendship with the chancellor, 
404. one of the committee ap- 
pointed to enter into a treaty 
with the Portuguese ambassa- 
dor respecting the king's mar- 
riage, 494. opposes the bill for 
liberty of conscience, ii. 344. 
the king is displeased with him 
on that account, 349. an at- 
tempt to make a breach be- 
tween him and the chancellor, 
443. the occasion of it, 444. 
an attempt to remove him, iii. 
i. the king desires the chan- 
cellor to persuade him to re- 
sign, 29. the plan laid aside, 32. 
he dies, 228. his character, 229. 
and general review of his life, 
230, 239. 

Spa, the, i. 4. 

Spain, i. 259. war with England, 
9. worries France, 79. infests 
Italy, ib. state of that court, 
and of the different ambassadors 
resident there, 270, 271, 272. 
endeavours to obstruct the mar- 
riage of the king (Charles II.) 
with the infanta of Portugal, 
506. extravagant behaviour of 
the Spanish ambassador, 515. 
causes to be printed in English, 
copies of all the memorials 
which he had presented against 
that match, ib. for which he is 
desired to leave the kingdom, 

Spanish ambassador anxious to 
establish a peace between the 
English and the Dutch, ii. 442. 
and that they would join in a 
defensive alliance with Spain, 


ib. endeavours to make a sepa- 
rate treaty with Holland, ex- 
cluding France, iii. 200. 

Spencer, Mr. Robert, anxious to 
be appointed master of the 
horse to her majesty, ii. 445. 

Stapleton, sir John, i. 140. . 149. 

Steward, Dr. dean of the chapel 
to the king, his character, i. 288. 

Stuart family, their temper and 
disposition, iii. 63. 

Sunderland, countess of, present 
at the duchess of York's deli- 
very, i. 389. 

Sweden, i. 79. disposed to assist 
the English, iii. 195. sends am- 
bassadors into England, Flem- 
ming and Coyet, ib. is desirous 
of a separate treaty with Hol- 
land, 200. the Swedish ambas- 
sadors mediators at the treaty 
at Breda, 227. 

Talbot, Gilbert, called colonel 
Talbot, his character, iii. 1 18. 

Talbot, sir Gilbert, sent ambas- 
sador to Denmark, ii. 317. suc- 
cess of his embassy there, 414. 

Talbot, Richard, designs to as- 
sassinate the duke of Ormond, 
iii. 1 1 6. an account of his fa- 
mily, 117. the characters of the 
five brothers, 1 1 8, 119. he is 
sent to the Tower by the chan- 
cellor's advice, 122. but soon 
released by the artifice of the 
chancellor's enemies, 124. 

Talbot, sir Robert, his character, 
iii. 117. 

Talbot, Peter, a Jesuit, his cha- 
racter, iii. 117. 

Talbot, Thomas, a Franciscan 
friar, his character, iii. 119. 

Tangier, i. 491. taken possession 
of by the earl of Sandwich, ii. 
1 60. a design formed of not 
giving it up to him, 161. 

Tellier, John de, iii. 357. secre- 
tary of state in France on the 


death of cardinal Mazarine, i. 

Temple, sir Richard, iii. 133. 

Theobalds, i. 123, 124, 129. 

Thynne, sir John, the first of that 
name that was known, i. 2. left 
the house of Longleat to his 
heir, ib. 

Tomkins, Mr. moves the house 
of commons to thank the king 
for removing the chancellor, 
iii. 301. 

Toros the, description of, 5. 266. 

Treasurer, office of, given to com- 
missioners, i. 22. 

Treasury, the, a proposal of sir 
George Downing to remodel it, 
iii. 5. the king resolves, on the 
death of the earl of Southamp- 
ton, to put it into commission, 
240. commissioners appointed, 


Trovvbridge, co. of Wilts, i. 5. 

Tyrconnel, earl of, hardly dealt 
with by the Irish commission- 
ers, ii. 65. 


Van Trump, admiral, De Wit's 
malice against him, ii. 410. 

Varney, sir Edmund, his conver- 
sation with Mr. Hyde, i. 159. 
killed at Edge-hill, 160. 

Vavasour, col. William, 1.255,256. 

Vaughan, John, one of Edward 
Hyde's chief acquaintance, i. 
34. his character, 37. 

Venner, raises an insurrection of 
the fanatics in London, i. 475. 
for which he and several of his 
associates are executed, 477. 

Vic, sir Henry de, i. 289. 

Villiers, John, duke of Bucking- 
ham, killed by John Felton, 
i. 12. 


Uniformity, act of, debates upon 

it in the house of lords, ii. 130. 

a clamour raised about the 

clause of assent and consent, 

M m 


131. passed by the lords, 134. 
amendments made in it by the 
house of commons, ib. debates 
thereupon when the bill is re- 
turned to the lords, 135. con- 
firmed by the king, 139. is in 
general well received, 141. 

Waller, Edmund, one of Edward 
Hyde's intimate friends, i. 42. 
his character, 53. 

Wanstrow, co. Somerset, i. 2. 

Warwick, earl of, i. 131. n. 158. 
proposed by the parliament to 
succeed the earl of Northum- 
berland in the command of the 
fleet, i. 131, n. 

Wenman, sir Francis, one of Ed- 
ward Hyde's intimate friends, 
i. 42. his character, 50. 

Wenman, lord, i. 164, n. sent by 
the parliament to treat with 
the king, i. 175. 

West-Hatch, i. i. purchased by 
Lawrence Hyde, 2. 

Whitlock, liuls mule, i. 164, n. 
a friend of Edward Hyde's in 
his profession, 67. afterwards 
bowed his knee to Baal, and 
swerved from his allegiance ib. 
one of the commissioners sent 
by the parliament to treat with 
the king, 175. 

Williamson, Henrique, resident 
of Denmark at Madrid, his 
character, i. 272. 

Willoughby, the lord, appointed 
governor of the Barbadoes, iii. 


Winchester taken by the parlia- 
ment forces, i. 172. 

Winchester, bishop of, (see Dr. 
Morley,) attended at the duch- 
ess of York's delivery, i. 389. 
sent by the duke of York to 
the chancellor, to inform him 
of the king's wish that he would 
leave the kingdom, iii. 332. 

Windsor, i. 131, n. 132. 

Windsor, prebendary of, giren to 

Mr. Hales, i. 62. 
Winston, Dr. i. 141. 
Worcester, i. 236. 
Worstenholme, sir John, i. 138, 

Wotton- Basset, Mr. Hyde serves 

for it in parliament, i. 80. 
Wren, Mr. makes public the king's 
declaration of the chancellor's 
innocence, iii. 309. which much 
displeases the king, 310. 


Ximenes, cardinal, the college 
and other buildings erected by 
him at Alcala, i. 277. 


York, 5. 124, 135, 136, 138, 139, 

140, n. 141, n. 142, 145, 146, 

147, 149, 152, 154, 155, 159. 

York, court of, committee against 

it, i. 87. 

Yorkshire, an insurrection in- 
tended there, ii. 279. but is 
prevented 280. some of the 
rioters executed, ib. 
York, duke of, left by the king 
his father at Richmond, i. 129. 
sent for by the king, 130. his 
education neglected, 284. ac- 
count of his conduct to the 
queen mother, 285. cause of 
his leaving Paris, 286. returns 
to Paris, 292. marries the 
chancellor's daughter, 372. de- 
sires the chancellor not to be 
offended with his daughter, 
383. in consequence of sir 
Charles Berkley's insinuations 
against her, he resolves to 
deny the marriage, 387. is in- 
censed against the chancel- 
lor, 390. grows melancholy, 

392. is much pleased with sir 
Charles Berkley's confession 
of the falsehood of the charge 
he brought against the duchess, 

393. to whom he writ that he 
would speedily visit her, ib. 


pleased with the queen mo- 
ther's change of behaviour to- 
wards him, 397. proposes to 
the chancellor to accept of the 
garter, 410. is displeased at 
his refusal, 411. made gover- 
nor of the African company, 
ii. 233. procures a charter for 
it, ib. is in favour of a war 
with the Dutch, 236. endea- 
vours to persuade the king to 
engage in it, 238. is offended 
with the chancellor for oppos- 
ing it, 240. but satisfied by his 
explanation, ib. consults with 
three eminent sea-officers, (on 
the breaking out of the Dutch 
war,) 354. he puts to sea, 356. 
many noblemen attend him 
as volunteers, ib. continually 
sends for reinforcements, 384. 
returns to the English coast, 
385. engages the Dutch, and 
gains a signal victory, 387, 
388. the queen mother pre- 
vents his going to sea again, 
399. persuaded by Mr. Coven- 
try to spend the summer of 
1665 at York, 405. consults 
the chancellor about two suits 
which he intends to make 
to the king, 454. moves the 
king to make sir George Savile 
a viscount, 457. which is re- 

fused, 458. desires that his 
secretary, Mr. William Coven- 
try, may be admitted of the 
privy-council, 459. which is 
granted, 460. highly offended 
with the earl of Sandwich, 
466. an attempt to raise jea- 
lousies of him in the king, iii. 
62. his temper and disposition, 
66 is sent by the king to the 
chancellor to desire him to 
resign, 282. interests himself 
in behalf of the chancellor, 
292. asks the king whether he 
desires to have the chancellor's 
life, or that he should be con- 
demned to perpetual banish- 
ment, 308. continues his ser- 
vices in the chancellor's behalf, 
320. unfortunately falls sick 
of the small-pox, ib. receives 
from the king an intimation of 
his wish that the chancellor 
would withdraw, 332. which 
he communicates to him by the 
bishop of Winchester, ib. 

Young, Edward, of Durnford 
near Salisbury, i. 2. marries 
Joanna Hyde, ib. 

Zested, Hannibal, ambassador 
from Denmark to France, his 
conduct in England, ii. 316. 


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