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THE LIFE OF EDWARD MOUNTAGU, K.G.,
FIRST EARL OF SANDWICH
THE LIFE OF
EDWARD MOUNT AGU, K.G
FIRST EARL OF SANDWICH
(1625 1672)
BY F. R. HARRIS
NEW COLLEGE, OXFORD
WITH PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II
I
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1912
CONTENTS OF VOL. II
CHAPTER
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS -
IX. THE PRIZE-GOODS -
X. THE EMBASSY TO MADRID:
I. OUR RELATIONS WITH SPAIN
II. THE OPENING OF NEGOTIATIONS
XI. MADRID TO LISBON :
I. THE COMMERCIAL TREATY
II. THE PEACE OF LISBON
XII. THE MISSION TO TANGIER -
XIII. POLITICAL LIFE -
XIV. THE COUNCIL OF PLANTATIONS
XV. THE THIRD DUTCH WAR I
I. THE PREPARATIONS -
II. THE BATTLE OF SOUTHWOLD BAY -
XVI. THE FUNERAL AND AN EPILOGUE -
PAGE
vii
33
62
84
109
140
170
205
237
260
279
APPENDICES.
A. NOTE ON THE "SANDWICH MSS."
B. INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COUNCELL OF TRADE -
C. MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL OF PLANTATIONS -
D. DEBATE UPON PRIVILEGE -
3 OI
305
3 06
307
vi CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PAGE
E. DEBATE UPON THE INTEREST OF MONEY - 309
F. THE PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT - - 3! I
G. LORD SANDWICH'S LETTER UPON PARTIES - - 313
H. THE ROOS DIVORCE: SECOND READING - - 318
I. THE ROOS CASE : THIRD READING - 324
J. THE DISPUTE BETWEEN THE HOUSES - 333
K. COMMENTS UPON NEW ENGLAND - - 337
INDEX - - - . - 342
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. II.
EDWARD MOUNTAGU,
WICH
K.G., FIRST EARL
OF SAND-
Frontispiece
By Sir Peter Lely. This portrait has been engraved by James
Thomson and other engravers, but has not previously been
photographed for publication.
CHARLES II., KING OF SPAIN - to face p. 36
By Sebastian Herrera, a pupil of Velasquez. This and the
portrait succeeding were presented to Lord Sandwich by the
Queen Regent (see p. 150).
i
MARIA ANNA, QUEEN REGENT OF SPAIN - to face p. 64
By Sebastian Herrera.
EDWARD, EARL OF SANDWICH, AND JEMIMA, COUNTESS OF
SANDWICH - - to face p. 90
By Samuel Cooper. These miniatures are framed with the
ribbon of the Garter, and a beautiful compass found on Lord
Sandwich's body.
EDWARD, EARL OF SANDWICH .. - to face p. 142
By Feliciano (see p. 141). So far no information about the
painter has been forthcoming.
JEMIMA, COUNTESS OF SANDWICH - - to face p. 162
By Adrian Hanneman. This portrait was probably painted
during a visit to England, as Hanneman 's residence here was at
an earlier date (see the Dictionary of National Biography}.
EDWARD, VISCOUNT HINCHINGBROOKE, SECOND EARL OF
SANDWICH - to face p. 174
By Sir Peter Lely. A fine duplicate of this portrait, with a
slight difference in the drapery, is in the possession of Mr. J.
Horace Round.
vii
viii ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. II.
ANNE, LADY HINCHINGBROOKE - - to face p. 180
After Sir Peter Lely. The Director of the National Portrait
Gallery ascribes this picture to Lely's studio, though not to
Lely's hand.
THE HON. SYDNEY MOUNTAGU - - to face p. 234
In the Hinchingbrooke Catalogue this portrait is attributed
to Lely. A more probable attribution is to Michael Wright.
Another expert suggests Sir John Baptist Medina, " the Kneller
of the North."
THE BATTLE OF SOLEBAY, MAY 28, 1672 - to face p. 276
By Willem Van de Velde. Sandwich's flagship is shown here
at the moment of her destruction by a Dutch fireship. The
picture was probably painted for the family after the battle. It
passed into the hands of a Captain Smith, who received his first
commission from John, fourth Earl of Sandwich. Smith intended
to leave the picture to the Hinchingbrooke Collection, but, out
of gratitude to the family, he presented it in 1838 to John William,
the seventh Earl.
THE LIFE OF THE FIRST
EARL OF SANDWICH
CHAPTER IX
THE PRIZE-GOODS
' ' This self- same instant Month, and the third day,
False-hearted Holland, England took away,
Eight ships, Two Hundred Guns ; since many more,
And Fourteen Hundred Prisoners brought to shore ;
Rejoyce, O England, Dance for Joy and Sing,
That's an ill Wind which none doth profit bring." 1
THE return of Sandwich with his great capture was
well received. The Duke of York wrote to Arlington
that there was general rejoicing over the victory ;
what was done was much beyond expectation, the
fleet being so slenderly victualled. 2 But the prizes
thus taken did Sandwich an infinite amount of harm.
Among the captured vessels were two great East
Indiamen, the Phcenix and the Slothony. They were
laden with cargoes such as roused the envy of many
a marauder. The ships were crammed with silks and
spices and the spoils of the Far East, a large propor-
tion of the supply of Central Europe. In the ordinary
course of commerce these goods were sent by road
1 The Dutch Storm ; or, Ifs an ill wind that blows nobody profit. Being
a perfect relation of eighteen ships, great and small, taken from the Hogen
Mogen Stats Van Hollandt, September 3, 1665, by the truly valiant Earl of
Sandwich (Brit. Mus. : Luttrell Collection, vol. iii., f. 87).
2 Cal. S. P., Dom., September 18.
VOL. II. I
2 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
and river to Vienna, to Prague, to Dresden, even as
far as Rome and Moscow. The pepper and cloves,
cinnamon, mace and nutmegs, enabled food to be
stored for the winter, and provided variety for a
monotonous diet. In England such spices were used
in every still-room, seasoned the game -pies, and
flavoured the mulled claret and the spiced ale. What
a prospect of delight they threw out to a man like
Pepys ! When he saw the cargoes he was amazed.
He relates in a few clear strokes the story of his visit
to the vessels, with the Commissioners.
They " there did show me the greatest wealth lie in
confusion that a man can see in the world. Pepper
scattered through every chink, you trod upon it ; and
in cloves and nutmegs 1 walked above the knees, whole
rooms full. And silks in bales, and boxes of copper-
plate, one of which I saw opened." 1
The value of this splendid haul was considerable.
The cargo of the thirteen ships cost nearly half a
million sterling, reckoned in the money of that day.
Translated into our currency, the estimate would run
into millions. Pepys, who in the light of events had
every reason to underrate the worth of the goods,
wrote to Sandwich as follows :
11 1 have made enquiry what the value of the ships is
reckoned to have been in India, and doe finde (and by
such authority as your Lordship if necessary may make
use of it) that the Cargoes of all the 13 ships cost not
above 350,000 at most under ^4oo,ooo." 2
The right course to adopt with these prizes was laid
down by regulation. The holds should have been
spiked up, and the ships delivered to a set of officials
who guarded the goods, arranged for their sale to
1 Pepys's Diary, November 16, 1665.
2 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, vol. i., f. 77.
i66 5 ] THE DISTRIBUTION 3
merchants, and transmitted the money to the Treasury.
But in all cases there was room for uncertainty, since
custom, reinforced by a royal order, had given to the
seamen all merchandise which lay between decks.
Never was a prize taken but there was a scuffle among
the sailors, and a general scramble for the goods.
This Elizabethan right of the seamen was not shared
by the commanders, 1 and their envy was roused by
the sight of the sailors helping themselves. Why,
indeed, should the men go off with a little fortune,
while the masters awaited all the formalities of com-
missioners and proportions ? It appears that a proper
observance of these forms was at first intended, since
Sandwich issued instructions for Sir John Harman
to "deliver the prizes to the Commissioners, either
at Harwich or Ipswich." 2 Suddenly this plan was
changed, and it was decided to take the whole of the
vessels to the Nore. During their journey it appears
that someone beguiled Sandwich, and he fell. There
was a council upon the procedure, and certain of the
flag-officers were opposed to tampering with the prizes.
Those, however, who clamoured for an instant distri-
bution carried the day, and of all those Penn was the
noisiest ; he claimed that the King and Duke intended
him a particular favour, and then asked for the goods. 3
Sandwich was not the man to resist such a scheme.
He was in some respects of an easy good-nature,
never prone to say no. Questions of money and
goods he despised ; he had an aristocratic carelessness
of accounts and prices. Ever reckless in his money
matters, the distribution was but of a piece with all
his actions. After all, as he told Pepys, "it was a
1 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, vol. i., f. 67. This is expressed
in the warrant for distribution.
2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 354. The instructions are dated September 12.
3 Rawlinson MSS., A 468.
4 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
good way to get money, and afterwards to get the
King's allowance thereof, it being easier to keepe
money when got of the King than to get it when it
is too late." 1 Such a speech reeks of imprudence, but
there is sound sense in the sailor's attitude that a cargo
in the hand was worth two warrants. The Navy Office
was much behind in its payments; it is said that on
Penn's death the nation owed him ;i2,ooo. 2 No doubt
both Admirals felt that their experience justified a lax
interpretation of the prize-laws.
In such a case, most of the flag-officers resolved to
take a share in the prize. The sailors had not waited,
but had stripped the vessels of everything of value
which lay between decks, and more besides. " Great
spoil, I hear," says Pepys, " there hath been of the two
East India ships." 3 The vessels were shamelessly
ransacked by the seamen, and it was reported that
they swam five feet lighter. The Commissioners of
Prizes viewed this so seriously that they thought of
abolishing the system of giving the seamen the goods
between decks, and substituting a fifth part of the
profits. 4 The flag-officers, who were willing to par-
ticipate, did their share in no more dignified a way.
"They did toss and tumble, and spoil and breake
things in hold to a great losse and shame to come
at the fine goods, and did take a man that knows
where the fine goods were, and did this over and over
again for many days, Sir W. Berkeley being the chief
hand that did it, but others did the like at other times." 6
Because of their expenses of entertainment, and
upon their good conduct in attending to the business
1 Pepys's Diary , September 23.
2 Granville Penn, Memorials of Sir W. Penn, ii. 492.
3 Pepys's Diary, September 18.
4 Carte MSS., 34, f. 440: Southwell to Ormond, October 16. He says
that the seamen's goods were worth ; 100,000.
5 Pepys's Diary, October 12.
i66 5 ] THE WARRANTS 5
of fighting rather than of plunder, Sandwich assigned
to the flag-officers a proportion of the silks and spices
which were in the holds of the Phoenix and Slothony.
Many a sailor has built the family fortune upon the
goods seized at sea ; but Sandwich made the greatest
mistake of his life in allowing these goods to be ear-
marked for distribution before any warrants were
issued. He allotted so much to Penn, so much to him-
self, and so much to each flag-officer. Their shares were
worth the having. Any one of them could command
goods to the value of 2,000, and Sandwich and Penn
took an amount worth nearer 4,000. After the allot-
ment of the shares, arrangements were made for the
care of the still huge residue. On September 18 there
was a council of war on board the Prince. It was
resolved that the prize-ships be sent to Erith, and
Jordan and Kempthorne were commanded to see them
safely up the river, " taking an especial care to preserve
the Goods in the East Indiamen from all manner of
embezzlement." 1 The officers of the Customs were
permitted to come on board, the hatches were nailed
down, and three days later the vessels sailed. Sand-
wich wrote, in artless fashion, to the King :
"Wee have desired my Lord Brouncker and Sir
Jo: Mennes to goe and remain on board the East
Indiamen and see the goods delivered into warehouses :
men of small credit as under-officers and waiters are,
will waste more than they preserve." 2
This time the danger came from the men who
should have been of greater credit. In addition to
Sandwich, the officers concerned were eleven in
number Penn, Allin, Cuttance, Teddiman, Myngs,
Jordan, Harman, Spragge, Berkeley, Jeremy Smith,
1 Carte MSS., 75, ff. 361, 367.
2 Sandwich to the King in S. P., Dom., cxxxiii., f. 27.
6 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
and Ayscue. A long list, but one of interest, for all did
not share the spoil, and the inclusion of some caused
jealousy in the breasts of the others. Cuttance, Spragge,
and Smith, were not flag-officers, but commanders, and
it was a mistake to give them a full share. Pepys
speaks of my Lord's folly " in permitting himself to
be governed by Cuttance, to the displeasing of all the
Commanders almost of the fleet, and thence we may
conceive indeed the rise of all my Lord's misfortunes
of late." 1 The rest of the commanders were left in
the cold, and they murmured. Spragge and Smith
were loyal to their own rank, and repudiated the
distribution, or the form of distribution. They were
supported by Berkeley and Ayscue; the latter "did
from the beginning declare against these goods, and
would not receive his dividend."
These four men refused the warrants for distribu-
tion ; the papers, signed by Sandwich, allotting them
their nutmegs, mace, and cinnamon, remain at Hinch-
ingbrooke, as silent witnesses to the caution of a few.
And four unsigned receipts are there as well ; the
remainder testify to those who showed less caution
and integrity. 2 In the end Smith certainly obtained
500 from the prize-money as a free gift for service
during the war, but obtained it in proper form. 3 As
for Penn, he seems to have taken considerable licence;
his list of goods is made out in his own hand, and
signed by him ; and the goods he chose are certainly
sufficient. In sending his receipt he takes a share of
the blame, making it out " for the goods your Lordship
allotted me at my proposition." And he added that, if
the receipt were not in due form, he would write one
1 Pepys's Diary, January 22, 1666.
2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, vol. L, ff. 69-72 and 87-94.
3 The warrant is in S. P., >om., November 15, 1665.
i66 5 ] THE GOODS REMOVED 7
such as Sandwich desired. 1 The receipts were dated
September 23, and handed in to Sandwich. They
should have been preceded by the King's warrant for
the distribution. Apparently on September 21 Sand-
wich issued a warrant, but entirely upon his own
responsibility. 2
As soon as the distribution was arranged he had
certain qualms. He discussed the matter with Penn,
who assured him of the King's approval ; but in order
to obtain this Sandwich wrote to Oxford, where the
Court then was, and received an assurance, coupled
with a warning. His letter was addressed to Carteret,
and was shown to Coventry, who said at once, "Heere
my Lord Sandwich has done what I durst not have
done." 3 The remark was ominous, and Carteret took
it to heart. The King and Duke, he wrote " both
aprouve exceedingly well what your Lordship hath
done therein. But I thinke it will not be amisse,
before those officers dispossess of the goods, that your
Lordship have the King's order in writing for it." 4
Unfortunately for Sandwich, he did not take this
advice. The distribution went gaily on, and as yet no
warrant had arrived. "All was done publicly," said
Brouncker, "and with such a seeming authority, that
I am sometimes apt to think they had private orders
for it, either from His Majesty or His Royal Highness
for some emergent occasions that would not admit
delay." 5 The officers bundled their shares ashore,
but goods of such bulk could not be removed with-
out exciting notice. The spoils were measured in
1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 391, November 2, 1665.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., f. 26. Penn also speaks of warrants
dated September 15 and 21.
8 Marquess of Bath's papers ; Coventry MSS., xcv., f. 157.
4 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 51, September 28.
8 Coventry MSS., xcv., f. 161.
8 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
tons, and came ashore in waggon-loads. The story of
the great wealth to be seen in the river spread along
its banks, and attracted every gossip and tide-waiter
in the neighbourhood of Erith. Crowds stood agape
to see the riches of the East. Seamen were selling
their share in the streets and alehouses, and every
waterman knew where bargains in spices might be
bought from the poor half-famished wretches. 1 Men
were prepared to purchase large or small amounts,
and talked of profits of 500 or 600 over their con-
signments. Some of the goods were brought out and
safely housed ; " would the rest of them were so too !"
said Pepys. 2 He and his friend, Captain Cocke, had
bought over a thousand pounds' worth from the flag-
officers, and were concerned for the security of their
transaction.
There was, indeed, no little cause for fear, and Pepys,
with his usual adroitness, set about getting a pass for
his goods. He drew up an order for signature, and
sent it to Sandwich, who attested that Mr. Samuel
Pepys should quietly enjoy and dispose of the said
silks and spices. 3 But Mr. Pepys was not allowed to
do this. Early in October the Custom-house officers
were warned by the Commissioners of Prizes not
to pass any goods without the King's warrant, and
this was not yet obtained. " We know not how to
distinguish the Staffe-Officers' Goodes from others,"
wrote Albemarle. 4 So Pepys and his partner, Captain
Cocke, found themselves engaged in a battle with the
customs. The Transire was useless, and only produced
some hot and angry words. The goods were seized,
and locked up, and the key was given to the constable.
1 Pepys's Diary, September 24. 2 Ibid., September 27.
3 Rawlinson MSS., A 174, f. 305, October I.
4 Carte MSS., 75, f. 373 : Albemarle to Sandwich.
i66 5 ] PEPYS'S SHARE 9
" But, Lord !" Pepys relates, " to think how the poor
constable come to me in the dark going home ; ' Sir/
says he, ' I have the key, and if you would have me do
any service for you, send for me betimes to-morrow
morning, and I will do what you would have me.'
Whether the fellow do this out of kindness or knavery,"
he adds, " I cannot tell ; but it is pretty to observe.' l
By this time the officers were burning with duty,
and nothing could escape them. To Pepys came a
hurried message from his partner that four more wag-
gons had been stopped. And then, into the streets
of Erith, out he rushed, and hard by the church found
the waggons, and a crowd of some hundred idlers
gazing. " I did give them good words," said he, " and
made modest desires of carrying the goods to Captain
Cocke's ;" but the customers insisted on taking them
elsewhere, and the spices and silks were laid out in a
barn near at hand. 2
Samuel Pepys was now seriously alarmed, for the
matter was causing no small stir. Sir Christopher
Myngs and Sir George Ayscue were spreading their
stories broadcast, Myngs telling how Sandwich had
kept him waiting three or four hours for an audience ;
Ayscue stating "that hee did from the beginning
oppose the taking out of any goods, and resolves not
to receive any of them otherwise than to deliver them
to the King's officers." 3 All the blame was heaped on
Sandwich ; those who had received benefits stated that
his lordship's back was broad enough to bear the
trouble. Pepys then begged his patron for some
instructions how to carry himself, and received in
reply a letter in which Sandwich stated that the King
had confirmed the distribution ; and he bade Pepys
1 Pepys's Diary, October 7. 2 Ibid., October 10.
3 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 63. Myngs had already been in trouble for
plundering ships. See Cat, S. P. Col. (1675) Addenda, 315-316.
io THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
own his goods with confidence. " Carry it high," he
wrote, " and owne nothing of basenesse or dishonour,
but rather intimate that I shall know who have done
mee indignities." 1
Sandwich had put his trust in princes, and there
was no help in them. He had been promised an order
to justify the distribution, and had been assured that
his action was approved at Court. He told Pepys of
this, and, with a light heart, prepared to own what he
had done. An order had been sent to Albemarle " for
having all respect paid to the Earl of Sandwich and
his goods." 2 And my Lord, in his faith and belief,
endorsed Carteret's letter, " King's approbation of the
distribution." 3 But the official order was delayed.
When the story of the prize-goods had been spread
far and wide, and every man's hand was against
Sandwich, the document came. It had all the panoply
of royal seals and signatures, yet the date, October 17,
was too late to render it of any service. The document
is among the papers at Hinchingbrooke, and has one
curious feature. A close examination shows that
the day was inserted in another and not a clerical
hand. A much earlier day of October might have
been entered, but evidently some check was kept,
for the draft in the King's entry book bears the same
figure. 4 The date was not falsified ; but why should it
have been left, presumably to Sandwich, for insertion ?
During the interval, in which the document was
promised and delayed, other forces began to work.
At the outset the hopes of the Council of State had
been fixed upon the prizes, and there was every reason
to think that by these great riches the country's credit
1 Rawlinson MSS., A 174, f. 303. The letter is printed twice in Gran-
ville Penn's Memorials of Penn, and in Pepys's Memoirs.
2 Pepys's Diary, October I and 12.
3 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 53. 4 Cal. S. P., Dom., October 17.
1665] JEALOUSIES ARISE 11
could be restored. Arlington, whose business was to
justify the Government in its conduct of the war, saw
in the capture a source of congratulation. " If we
must have war," he wrote, "may the next be as pros-
perous." Sandwich, he thought, had furnished him
with a good story to carry to the Parliament. 1 The
Duke of York added his thanks for the treasure : " Con-
sidering with how little loss it hath been acquired, is
sufficient ground to give God thanks for his goodness
to us, and under him to you for your care in this
action." 2 But Clarendon knew that the Duke had
taken umbrage at the distribution, and was offended
in the highest degree, in that it should be done
without his advice. 3
That was really the key to the trouble. The old
jealousies sprang up again. The Duke as Lord High
Admiral, and the members of the Council, regarded
themselves as the proper fountain of benevolence,
and, although gratified, they had no desire to be
cheated of their expectations of a great return. Albe-
marle wrote to Sandwich on September 19 a long and
very insistent letter, urging that every precaution
should be taken against embezzlement, since the Court
was put to great shifts for money. 4 Of this letter,
Sandwich foolishly took no heed. A few days later
he and Evelyn were with Albemarle, when Albemarle
outlined his plan for the disposal of the prizes. 5 He
desired instantly to realize them, and proceeded to
strike a bargain with the East India Company. The
goods were such as the company bought and sold,
and they were fearful lest the dispersal of such com-
modities should lower their markets. Coventry had
1 Carte MSS., 46, ff. 205-207, and 223, f. 291.
2 Ibid., 75, f. 359. 3 Clarendon, Life, iii. 574.
4 Carte MSS., 75, f. 363. 6 Evelyn's Diary, September 25.
12 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
suggested a deal. 1 The company took it up, nego-
tiated with Albemarle, agreed to an advance upon the
value of the goods, and made themselves accountable,
not to the Exchequer, but to the said Duke, or whom-
ever the King should appoint. The arrangements
occupied about a month, and on November 14 a con-
tract between Albemarle and the company was ready
for signature. The King, pressed for a speedy supply,
desired the money to be raised with all expedition,
and 100,000 was speedily allotted for the use of the
navy and the expenses of Tangier. 2 The care of the
prize-goods was made a public affair.
It was a misfortune that the incident occurred at a
time when opinion was inflamed. Finance was in a
muddle ; the whole country seemed crumbling to ruin.
The meshes of discontent and disaster were widely
spread, and the state of affairs was deplorable. The
ravages of the plague were seen on every hand. To
the sober-minded it looked as though the time of retri-
bution had come. To the sterner Puritan, disease sat in
judgment upon a people steeped in iniquity ; London
was likened to a city of confusion, where every house
was shut up that no man might come in. In the
alleys and corners, " the sluttish parts," the plague
increased. The streets were empty save for " poor
sick people, full of sores." The awful calamity which
had befallen the nation was a terrible contrast to the
perpetual scandals which issued from the Court. The
evidence of a callous government was shown in
the mismanagement of the war, " nobody minding the
public, but everybody himself and his lusts." Any
man with a spark of sense and sympathy was appalled
at the sick seamen who perished daily in the streets
1 CaL S. P., Dom.> September 16.
'" Ibid., October 10, November 3, n, 14, 15.
i66 5 ] THE DUTCH AT SEA 13
for want of quarters. 1 Misery was coupled with
sedition. The fanatics were said to be busy and full
of high hopes. Folk talked of plots hatched in the
conventicles by those who were stretching out their
hands to the Dutch.
These alarms gained credence through the high-
handed action of the enemy. The Dutch " were so
pleasant as to say, The English nation is now brought
so low with the Plague, that a man may run them
down with his finger." 2 During the whole of October
they were upon our coast, and caused a natural
though insensate panic. They sailed in search of the
English fleet, and it looked as though an invasion
were intended. Beacons were lit along the coasts ;
warnings were sent to the Lord-Lieutenants that the
militia might be made ready to repel a landing. The
lights which ordinarily guarded mariners were re-
moved, for it was feared that the Dutch might sail up
the Thames, and fire our ships which lay in the river.
These were only " Presbyterian reports " ; but for
weeks the Dutch were in sight, now off the Foreland,
now peeping at Solebay, now off Harwich. They
wished " it might at least be said they had made a face
at us." 3 At length the tempest was too strong for
them, and they were driven back into their own
harbours. The expedition turned out mere bravado
an attempt to regain the reputation lost in the summer. 4
As long as our fleet was afloat, whether in the
river or at Harwich, the Dutch could not guarantee
their communications nor guard their trade. They
may have hoped to tempt us out and try the issue of
1 Cal. S. P., Dom., September 21 ; Pepys's and Evelyn's Diaries ; The
Intelligencer, August 5.
2 The Intelligencer, September 18. 3 The Newes, October 9.
4 Cal. S. P., Dom., September n ; see also October 23, November I ;
and Carte MSS., 75, ff. 375, 380.
14 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
another battle. Our caution disappointed them. But
the tattler of the coffee-houses had his own conception
of strategy, and his word carried weight. He
"sett all men's toungs agoeing upon the small precede
of all our prizes, and that it had been better they had
been sunken then for theyre sakes and theyre plunder
the whole Fleete should be brought in and leave the
Dutch Maisters of the Sea." 1
The whole blame was laid upon Sandwich, because
he had not gained a decisive victory and swept the
enemy into their harbours. In such desperate straits
men were scarce likely to be lenient over the prizes.
It was a further misfortune for Sandwich that the
fleet could not put to sea, for to the people and
Parliament the withdrawal of our ships seemed an act
dictated by diffidence and greed. But Sandwich knew
the difficulties by which he was faced, and acted with
deliberation. He sought advice from Charles, and
the King, one of the best judges of his time, was in
the main satisfied. Though he would have had the
Dutch soundly beaten, he recognized that the weather
was against us, and that a cruise too near the enemy's
coast would have endangered our vessels. Charles
therefore acquiesced in the return, and as to getting the
fleet out again, he left Sandwich to make such arrange-
ments as he would. 2
It was unfortunate for the Admiral that he had a
nautical conscience, and that he had no desire to go
to sea with a covey of lame ducks. The King had
expressed a desire to keep the officers and men on
board "till wee see with certainty what the enemy will
doe, whether lay up their ships or come out againe, if
but to make a Bravado, and do some mischiefe upon
1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 59 : Pepys to Sandwich.
2 Ibid., i. 44, September 16 ; Carte MSS., 75, f. 365.
1665] OUR FLEET LAID UP 15
the coast." But Charles took no count of our pro-
visions a matter into which Sandwich made inquiry.
Another campaign was to him at least hazardous, if
not impossible. " It had beene," wrote Pepys, " to
have discovered too much of our nakednesse ; for after
all, a Fleete could not have beene gott out, nor kept
out." 1 There was a great deficiency of men ; sickness
had lain heavily upon them, and most of the sailors
had been twelve months at sea. The autumnal gales
were exceptionally severe, and the vessels could only
keep the sea at great risk. They were ill-provided and
ill-repaired. 2 Some were leaky, others wanted a bow-
sprit or a mainmast, and neither masts nor tackle were
of the strength required for the strain of a tempestuous
month. Sandwich held a council of war in order to
consider the expediency of bringing in the great ships.
The next year's campaign was to be provided for, and
on this count it was resolved not to put the great
ships to sea during that winter. 3
It was a misfortune for Sandwich that he agreed
to this decision. For though it was in accordance
with the usual practice of the time, and with the letter
of the instructions which he received from Oxford,
it was not in harmony with the spirit. The King's
advisers were divided in opinion, and their counsels
swayed this way and that. Every man in the cabal
knew that the fleet was ill-provisioned, yet each had
an indeterminate and vain wish to make a show upon
the sea. Coventry was particularly eager and incon-
sistent, for he knew that only necessity had driven
us home. For weeks there had been a fear that
the French might join the Dutch and do us some
1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 59.
2 Carte MSS. , 74, f. 234. An exact list is given of the deficiencies. This
would provide Sandwich with a basis for decision.
3 Ibid., 75, f. 371, October i.
16 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
mischief. 1 In order to prevent this, the great ships
were desired in commission.
" Upon which point," wrote Coventry, " I beseech
your Lordship to consult the ablest Commanders with
regard to the Season of the Yeare, which I should
thinke very hazardous for greate ships, but that the
Dutch seem to intend the staying with the biggest
they have." 2
The answer to this letter was given by the council
of war. Their decision was not unreasonable. To
have met the Dutch would have meant an engagement
under the most unfavourable conditions. According
to the commanders, not more than four ships were
capable of putting to sea. 3 To stay out was impos-
sible ; to risk next year's vessels was an act of
madness. But the policy of caution did not pay, for
others opposed it. James had urged " making a show,"
but without any belief that it was seasonable to bring
out the great ships. He believed in fitting out a
squadron of frigates which might do service, and
draw the Dutch from our coast. 4 It was a mistake of
Sandwich not to keep up some pretence. Instead of
that, once the matter of laying up the great ships was
decided, he left the fleet at the Nore, started for Oxford,
and arrived there on October 7.
There was abundant reason for his going there, but
the matter was left by the King and Duke to his own
discretion. And now not only had he the matter of
the prize-goods to cause him anxiety, but he deemed
that the North Sea campaigns were ended. Other plans
were on the anvil. The letters sent by Coventry con-
1 Cal. S. P., Dom., September 8 and II ; Coventry and York to Arlington.
3 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 49.
3 Pepys's Diary, October 25 ; Carte MSS., 74, f. 234.
4 Brit. Mus.y Add. MSS., 32,094, f. 65 : The Duke of York to Penn,
October 8.
i66 5 ] SANDWICH AT OXFORD 17
cerned schemes for scattering the fleet. There was
a talk of secret expeditions to Guinea and the Straits,
and Sandwich had been invited to Oxford in order to
consult upon their expediency. 1
But Sandwich did not order his goings with any
subtlety, and his presence at Oxford only made
for his undoing. It was unlucky for him that he went
there at that very time, when the enemy again appeared
in our waters. With regard to his movements, Sand-
wich was never heard in his own defence, nor did the
people know how impossible he thought a campaign.
He was censured by appearances, and by the gossip
which simmered in a plague-ridden country. There
came hints that the Admiral's proper place was on
board the Prince, and that he put his own interest
before that of the navy. Albemarle, on whom had
fallen the whole administration of the war, was highly
indignant, and blustered about in London, saying
" that if my Lord Sandwich do not come to towne, he
do resolve to go with the fleete to sea himself." His
friends, who were bearing with him the heat and
burden of the plague, cried that the fleet should be
hurried out. 2 It was not a time for calm consideration.
The people took the key from Albemarle, and sang in
the same strain. They were alarmed at the action of
the enemy. It was opportune, wrote Coventry, that
money was voted just before the Dutch came full sail
on to our coast, and, he adds, that the council of war
was over-confident, on sending in the great ships, that
this would not come about. 3
For the decision of the Council, Sandwich had to
take the blame. He felt the keen tooth of ingratitude ;
1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 49.
2 Pepys's Diary, October 9 and 16 ; see also Sandwich MSS. Letters,
i- 59-
3 Carte MSS., 47, f. 428 : Coventry to Ormond.
VOL. II. 2
i8 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
he regarded " his ill usage about the first fight, wherein
he had no right done him," as the source of his trouble.
The neglect of his name in the reports of the battle of
Lowestoft had done him a bad turn ; for this he was con-
vinced that he had to thank Coventry, and none could
assure him otherwise. 1 Not much was said about the
failure at Bergen, though it was suggested that there
would have been a great clamour if a lord of the
King's party had had no better success than an old
seaman such as Teddiman. 2 Such blame as there was
fastened upon Sandwich. He was no great courtier,
he was not one of the first favourites of the King, and
he did not obtain much support from that quarter.
He was allowed to be a target for the people. " What-
ever the satisfaction he may have given to the King
and Council, the general voyce of the town is very
smart upon him," wrote a Court gossip. 3 Not only
was he censured over the prize-goods, but the conduct
of the campaign was called in question. The people
rebuked him as Samuel rebuked Saul. They had
expected him to fight until the Dutch were consumed,
and they made out that he had but flown upon the
spoil. 4
Partly from excess of caution, partly from a convic-
tion that the prizes were his best object, Sandwich had
fallen into a temptation which overcame many another
1 Pepys's Diary, October 25.
2 Cal S. P., Dom., August 18 : Peterborough to Williamson.
3 Carte MSS., 215, f. 214: Brodrick to Ormond, October 8.
4 " But Sandwich fears for Merchants to mistake
A Man of War, and among Flow'rs a Snake.
Two Indian Ships pregnant with Eastern Pearl,
And Diamonds, sate the Officers and Earl :
Then warning of our Fleet, he it divides
Into the Ports, and so to Oxford rides.
Meanwhile the Dutch, uniting to our Shames,
Ride all insulting o'er the Downs and Thames !"
DEN HAM : Directions to a Painter.
i66 5 ] HIS ANXIETY 19
famous Admiral. But the world did not see eye to eye
with him. His misdeeds were taken up by Parliament.
His enemies might have been silenced had it not been
for the prize-goods ; for had he brought back the vessels
intact, his victory would have been applauded. Though
Sandwich and his officers obtained less than one-
twentieth of the spoil, the outcry over the division
caused the successes of his expedition to be over-
looked. Parliament brought in a Bill "calculated to
his case," and made it a felony to break bulk. 1 Over
this Sandwich and Pepys made mighty merry ; my
Lord said : " They will make that no prizes shall be
taken, or if taken, shall be sunk after plundering." 2
Though the resolutions gave them cause for mirth,
it was the forced mirth of an uneasy conscience, and
the temper of Parliament was dangerous. Some hot-
heads would have voted a great sum to the Duke,
10,000 to Rupert, and half a crown to Sandwich. 3
Nothing came of this studied insult, and possibly my
Lord never knew of it, though a disagreeable story
rarely lacks a friend to bring it round. As the autumn
wore on, envy and malice had full scope, and he "re-
ceived still worse and worse usage from some base
people about the Court." 4 If every allowance is made
for his egotism and imagination, he had good cause
to feel himself bespattered.
"He underwent the blame," says Evelyn, "and it
created him enemies, and prepossessed the Lord
General, for he spake to me of it with much zeal and
concern, and I believe laid load enough on Lord Sand-
wich at Oxford."
For popular condemnation Sandwich cared not one
farthing, but that of the Court was another matter.
1 Commons' Journals, October 13-21. 3 Pepys's Diary, October 25.
3 Ibid., November 6. * Ibid., November 27.
20 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
He could see that he was in danger, and that intrigue
was afoot. At a critical juncture his friends were few,
and seemed to him lukewarm. He heard the Chan-
cellor's opening speech to Parliament, and felt that
even Clarendon was cold in doing him right. 1 He
could test the temper of the House, for he took his
place in the Lords and sat upon one or two Com-
mittees. 2 When it was too late, he realized that his
presence in Oxford was a mistake, and rejoined the
fleet. On October 23 he received news from Penn
that thirty Dutch ships were off the Gunfleet, and
threatened to block up the Channel. 8 Hopeless as
Sandwich was over the business of the navy, he re-
turned next day to London, consulted the victuallers
and certain captains, and several ships were made
ready to fall down to the Nore. 4 His business, as
he told Pepys, was to get out a few vessels to drive
away the Dutch ; but only about four were really fit
for service the remainder had scarcely a biscuit on
board. A squadron so equipped was not fit to keep
the sea, and useless in fighting. No one could have
a stout heart under such circumstances, and Sandwich
did not believe anything effective could be done.
However, he returned to his post, and on October 29
was again off the Nore. He found little to do, except
to play upon his guitar, which he commended " above
all musique in the world." The weather had come
to our rescue. The month ended with a tempest,
sufficient to scatter the Dutch and to drive them back
to harbour. Then they sailed for the coast of Holland,
1 Pepys's Diary, October 25.
2 Lords' Journals. Sandwich was on the Committee to consider "Bills
for uniting Churches in Cities" and "An Act of Distresse and Avowries for
Rent."
3 Carte MSS., 75, ft. 375, 380.
4 Cal. S. /*., Dom.) October 24 ; Sandwich to Arlington.
i66 5 ] LEAVES THE FLEET 21
and nothing more was heard of them during that
winter.
With an end to any possible campaigning, little work
remained to be done. " All our business now," wrote
Coventry, " is to do the Dutch what mischief we can,
both to merchandise and fishing vessels, and to prepare
for next year." 1 From time to time the flag-officers
met in council. They sent the great ships, first and
second rates, to the dockyards at Sheerness and
Chatham, and made out a roll of the seamen " in a
book, fair- written." 2 A convoy was provided for the
Hamburg merchants, for Albemarle considered it of
moment that those who dealt in cloth might be free
to trade, and thus have money for their taxes. 3 The
last work w r hich Sandwich did was the preparation
of the necessary squadron. 4 On November 18 he
received permission to leave the fleet; 5 two days later
he presided at a final council of war. Then his
employment at sea came to an end ; he gave up the
command, and repaired once more to Oxford.
For some weeks he had been ready to lay down his
commission. His first visit to Court had shown him
the uncertainty of the national temper. The daring
of the Dutch had scared the nation, and the alarm
which was caused made thefpeople shout for some head
upon a charger. Why was the Admiral of the Fleet
at Oxford, at Court? It was useless arguing about
lack of provisions or the wisdom of the decision of the
council of war; the Admiral's ill-timed visit rankled
in men's minds. Months later the action was brought
1 Carte MSS. t 75, f. 387, November 2.
2 Ibid., 75, f. 395. The seamen were classified : able and ordinary
seamen ; serviceable and unserviceable watermen ; old, new-raised, and sick-
ashore soldiers.
3 Carte MSS., 75, ff. 401-413.
4 Cal. S. P., Dom., November 15. 5 Carte MSS., 75, f. 399.
22 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
up in Parliament, and considered as one of the mis-
carriages of the late war. 1 Sandwich was aware of
the hubbub he had raised, and became doubtful of his
position. Like all seamen in similar circumstances,
he deemed himself unjustly treated and the sport of
faction. A change of Admirals was common talk. One
of the tale-bearers and busybodies about town wrote
of the uncertainty which prevailed as to that winter's
command, "none amongst us daring to conjecture." 2
Sandwich saw the way the wind shifted, and wished
himself quit of the service. When he returned to the
Nore, and dangled about near a half-victualled fleet,
his interest was lessened ; he felt that nobody minded
him or his condition. He was sure that even the King
would sacrifice him, nor perhaps feel himself safe till
Sandwich had gone. 3 He talked it over with Pepys,
who advised him to be quit of the sea-employment, and
that fell in with his lordship's wishes.
It was true, as he said, that his enemies were pre-
paring to oust him from the fleet. Not only in the
coffee-houses, but in the Cockpit, where Albemarle
and his Duchess held Court, there grew up a party
which criticized the conduct of the war. Men did not
scruple to say that the security of the plunder had been
more to Sandwich and to Penn than the security of
the country. Their words took wings, and rumour
quickly became confirmed. Albemarle was determined
to have done with the late leaders of the fleet. He
" did speake very broad that my Lord Sandwich and
Penn should do what they would, and answer for
themselves." 4 Pepys says that he was agog to go
to sea himself the next year. The old antagonism
1 Grey, Debates \ February 15, 1668 (i. 77).
2 Carte MSS. y 34, f. 448, October 22 : Brodrick to Ormond.
3 Pepys's Diary, October 22 this refers to the prizes.
4 Ibid., November 27.
i66 5 ] SANDWICH SUPERSEDED 23
between the land admiral and the sailor broke out
afresh. Albemarle hated the old school of seamen,
and, in order to bring the war more quickly to a close,
he moved the King and Duke to entertain all gentle-
men volunteers, and to bestow commands on all who
have deserved, " that the Crown of England may not
depend upon tarpaulins, as he calls them," 1 To get
rid of Penn was a matter of no great difficulty, since
he could excuse him because of his frequent attacks
of gout, and appoint him a Naval Commissioner. 2 To
get rid of Sandwich, the Vice- Admiral, was less easy ;
the King knew enough of naval affairs to appreciate
the Admiral's work and ability, though at the same
time he realized his error of policy in the last campaign.
This alone did not provide a sufficient indictment
against Sandwich, but when backstairs influence got
to work he was superseded. His enemies had one
strong card to play the necessity for an inquiry over
the prize-goods. If this had been held, not only would
Lord Sandwich have been convicted of irregularity,
but the King and the Duke must have shared the
blame. They had issued contrary orders, and had
done their best to cover the follies that were com-
mitted. Had they disapproved of the distribution, it
could have been in part prevented, but the word for
their approval was given, and some of the blame was
theirs.
They avoided an inquiry, and Sandwich was not
wholly sacrificed. An important piece of diplomatic
business was entrusted to his care. Hard upon
this announcement came the arrangements for the
next campaign. Albemarle, at Oxford, "was received
1 Carte MSS., 34, f. 488 : Brodrick to Ormond, November 18.
2 Penn was kept at work in the Navy Office. He gives the date of his
leaving the Royal Charles as Christmas, 1665 (Penn, Memorials^ ii. 516).
24 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
by His Majesty with all the demonstrations of joy
one friend could give to another, hugging and kissing." 1
At the same time it was publicly declared that he and
Rupert were to command next summer's fleet.
The change in command must be considered in two
aspects. The blunder over the distribution of the
prize-goods remains indefensible, and it has, unfortu-
nately, tarnished the Admiral's reputation. His great
work in the battle of Lowestoft was ignored ; in common
with his colleagues, he shared the blame of Brouncker's
failure in pursuit. He bore the weight of the failure at
Bergen. Then he was expected to do weeks of wonder
on a few days' rations. He set out, and brought back
a prize worth millions. This was his undoing; he
could hardly have expected that the plunder of the
Phoenix and the conduct of the campaign would not
be mixed up by his critics. But he had no one to
speak for him. Even the Chancellor was out of
countenance for seeming to excuse him. The general
discourse was that Clarendon, "as first Minister,
thought it not decent, a Minister of so great conse-
quence as my Lord Sandwich, should be run down
by common voyces, whilst His Majesty thought not
fitt to question his actions publiquely." 2
An inquiry was what Sandwich desired. Had it
not wholly cleared him, he would at least have gained
a hearing for the good work he had done. And in
preparation for an inquiry, either then or at a later
date, Sandwich prepared his case. This is now in the
Bodleian Library. It is a thin folio volume, written
by the hand of Pepys. The defence deals mainly with
the prize-goods and the movements of the fleet after
the engagement of September 9. He had then to
1 Carte MSS., 34, f. 498, December 2.
2 Ibid., 34, f. 485 : Brodrick to Ormond, November II.
i66 5 ] HIS DEFENCE 25
decide between bringing in safely the prizes which
he had already obtained, or taking further risks, partly
in the hope of greater spoil, and partly in order to do
further harm to the Dutch.
It has already been seen that he chose the more
cautious policy. His action was of a piece with all his
work at sea, and he was prepared to defend it. After
the brush with Banckers' squadron, the English fleet
was approaching the Texel ; the logs of some six
vessels show that they were dangerously near. 1 It
had been decided at a council of war, held on
August 28, that the fleet should not go too near the
Dutch shoals, and thus endanger the great ships,
merchantmen, and heavier sail, which, " if they bee
putt from their Topsayles always fall in at least two
points towards a lee shore." And Sandwich continues
his defence by pointing out that the enemy was fully
two leagues ahead, and that before they could be
caught, darkness would have overtaken the English.
Then neither friend nor foe could be distinguished,
there would have been confusion, "lights extraordinary
abroad, and guns alwaies going." If a storm arose,
neither anchor nor cable could have held the fleet, and
to tack at night was too risky a business. The Dutch
had fifty sail a few leagues to the south, and therefore
the separation of our ships would have been fatal.
The prizes might have been lost ; and in the event of
an engagement, those who manned them would have
been perforce withdrawn, and the prizes destroyed.
Had a real gain been certain, Sandwich suggests that
he might have controverted the council of war, but
preferred to bring His Majesty a great return. No
man, he added, could say that he avoided battle on
1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 247 : The logs of the Rainbow, Unicom., Rubye, Old
James, Revenge, and Royal Katherine.
26 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
the score of personal danger, for he had adventured
greater things.
" I also hope," he says, " the world believes me
guilty of some noble ambition : would not I have
been desirous to increase my victories ? to return
home with sixty prizes rather than thirty, to have
escaped the calumnies of ignorant enemies (whereof I
find some store)." 1
There was yet another way in which the Admiral
had offended, and as to this he was again prepared to
defend himself. On one particular point Sandwich
and Penn were agreed. Neither was for a dissipation
of the main force.
" Here it is publiquely talked," wrote Brodrick,
"with new imputations to my Lord Sandwich, and
Sir William Penn ; who they say, would never suffer
considerable convoyes or squadrons to part from the
Mayne Fleete, lest the Dutch should be superior in
number, resolvinge neverthelesse, not to fight, if it
were possible to avoyd it ; by which means the hopes
of all sober Men are eluded, the Treasury of the
kingdom uselessly expended, themselves enriched
with the late plunder, and the nation disgraced as
outwitted by the Dutch." 2
The enemy had suffered from their own disregard
of this principle ; they had lost largely because their
vessels were scattered. On this point Sandwich
was rigid. Among the Carte papers is a letter which
deserves more than a footnote. It is a formal apology
to the Admiral from the Merchant Adventurers, in
respect to this.
" The Company," says the writer, " know very well
that his Majesty's fleet have been Masters of the Sea
1 Rawlinson MSS. , A 468. In composing the defence Sandwich made full
use of his journal.
2 Carte MSS., 34, f. 484, November II.
i66 5 ] HIS GOODS 27
this whole summer, and could not well have been so,
if they had been carved into squadrons for the convoy
of trade." 1
But his enemies were not so much concerned with
strategical points, for they were hot upon another
trail. The question of the prizes gave a better line
of attack than did the strategy. Albemarle was blus-
tering and conscientious, and never rested until some
sort of an inquiry about the spices was set on foot. 2
Pepys, who had fine opportunity for observing por-
tents, set to work to rid himself of his goods. " I am
afeard we shall hereafter have trouble," he writes ;
" therefore I will get myself free of them as soon as
I can, and my money paid." By the time he cast up
his accounts for the year, he had obtained most of the
money, to his great content and joy. 3 He had managed
it most adroitly. The inquiry revealed widespread
annexations : not only silks and spices, but powder,
brandy, anchors, and tackle a wholesale raid on our
naval stores. All along the coast, from Rochester
to Harwich, embezzled goods were brought to light.
There exists a long list of Mayors and officials who
were detected in possession of plunder, but for the
name of Samuel Pepys one may search in vain. 4
Sandwich was less crafty than Pepys, and much
tumult and excitement arose around his goods. As the
clamour over the prizes waxed more insistent, he had
not only to defend his honour, but his possessions.
In the division of the spoil he had taken a share with
the rest of the flag-officers, and firmly believed in his
1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 411, November 17.
2 Cal S. P., Dom., November 16.
3 Pepys's Diary, November 29, December 13 and 30.
4 S. P., Dom. : Charles //., cxlix., f. 89, etc. The report was issued or
pigeon-holed in February, 1666. Pepys's Journal of my Proceedings in the
Business of the Prize- Goods is printed in his Life, edited bv Rev. John Smith
(London, 1841).
28 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
right to do so. He had over two tons of spices and
nearly a ton of raw silk. These were sold in London,
and fetched something near ^ooo. 1 A few spices
remained, and Sandwich sent them to Hinchingbrooke.
Mixed with them were " two scriptores large," some
Indian gowns, a box of china, some music-books, and
other odds and ends. All these were packed into
the Roe, a small ketch, and sent on their roundabout
journey, down the east coast as far as the Wash,
where they were to enter the Ouse, and be taken on
from Lynn to Huntingdon.
No sooner did the ketch arrive at Lynn, than she
was seized by the Customs officers; her goods were
unloaded and thrown into the storehouse. The
orders were sent down by Albemarle and Lord
Townshend, a Commissioner of Prizes 2 Shepley, the
steward at Hinchingbrooke, rushed up to Lynn and
tried to rescue the goods. The matter made a great
noise, and became the talk of the town, whether in
Lynn, London, or Oxford.
" A vessel of his Lordship's," wrote a courtier, " said
to be full of plunder put into Lynn, which my Lord
Townsend hath seized, and is preparing an inventory
for the King. How farr the House of Commons will
be restrained from enquiry, I know not ; but it is the
publique discourse of all persons, in all places ; and
my Lord General openly advises all the Officers, who
have Orders, Warrants or Discharges, under my Lord
Sandwich his Hand, for any prize goods, to keep them
safe against the Day of Examination, which early or
late, will inevitably come." 3
As soon as Sandwich heard of the pother at Lynn,
he obtained a warrant which franked certain goods,
and which permitted him to summon Godfrey, the
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 234. 2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 100.
3 Carte llfSS., 34, f. 512 : Brodrick to Ormond, December 16.
i66 5 ] TROUBLE AT LYNN 29
most active of the Customs officers. 1 Further than
this, when he recognized that a faction was against
him, he began his suit for a pardon under the Great
Seal ; but this Albemarle resolutely opposed. 2 Sand-
wich endeavoured to balance his opposition by the
interest of Clarendon and Manchester. He begged
the Chancellor to see him righted, though this was a
matter of some difficulty, since there was a further
dispute over the warrant. Those goods on which his
lordship had offered to pay custom were to be delivered
"without any lett." Sandwich's servants would not
receive a portion of the goods, but demanded the
whole a far greater quantity than was mentioned in
the paper. Another quarrel ensued. Sandwich rode
his high horse, and demanded the punishment of
Townshend and Godfrey, but since these men had
only obeyed Albemarle's letter, which had left them
no alternative, Manchester and Clarendon decided
not to send Godfrey for examination, but to await
Sandwich's instructions. 3
His answer, full of spirit, was sent the next day. 4
" It is scarce possible," he wrote, " to tell you the
publique scandall and wound I have received." He
had sent his wearing apparel " and some other house-
hold stuffe " to Lynn.
" In these parcells," he continued, " I suppose there
may be some very inconsiderable presents made mee
by some captaines, (for I have not a sixpence by my
owne authority and connivance), perhaps three or four
1 Cal. S. P., D0m., December 14.
2 Carte MSS., 34, f. 514 : Brodrick to Ormond, December 23. " Lord
Sandwich has very prudently sued out his pardon under the great seal ; which
is endeavoured by some of the other officers, but opposed by Albemarle."
There is some ambiguity about Brodrick's statement.
3 Carte MSS., 75, f. 419: Manchester and Clarendon to Sandwich,
December 28.
4 Ibid., 75, f. 422. It is the most spirited letter Sandwich ever wrote.
30 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
Indian gownes, a little chocolatte, a scritore or two,
three or four china dishes; all I boldly affirme not
worth 100."
Such parcels had been sent before, and should have
passed this time, though he had told his servants to
open them, if called upon to do so. These presents
Sandwich distinguished from the spices and silks given
him by the King. The stay of his goods, he thought,
was due to the bad offices of Townshend, and he denied
that Albemarle had given any orders to delay them.
Not only that, but he was assured that Townshend had
worked against him at Oxford. And, to crown all,
one of the customers' wives made off with a silver
warming-pan, and there was no linen left him for his
expected journey. He felt himself sullied over this
affair, and regarded high and public satisfaction needed
for the injury.
At length his protests were heard. Arlington took
up his cause, and was loyal to his colleague. His
letters to the King affirmed that His Majesty owed
the Earl protection and vindication, according to his
quality and rank, and should see him righted with
as much noise as he was wronged. Sandwich also
offered to open the goods restored to him, in the
presence of the Customs officers or other unsus-
pected persons. 1 This was done, and three gentle-
men of Huntingdon Lionel Walden, John Heron, and
Jasper Trice examined the baggage at Lynn. The
goods were divided, custom was paid, and they were
passed. 2 Then a privy seal was drafted for the pardon
of the officers who had taken part in the distribution.
1 Cal. S. P., Dom., December 29 : Arlington to the King. It is probable
that Arlington was at first lukewarm in the matter, because Sandwich had not
asked his advice as well as the King's (Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 53).
2 Cal. S. P. Dom., January 5, 1666.
i66 5 ] MY LORD PARDONED 31
The wording of the privy seal was unsatisfactory
and offensive to Sandwich. He wrote an indignant
letter of protest against a preface " which hath in it
a passage very scandalous to persons of great reputa-
tion." The goods were spoken of as " embezzled."
"The truth is," said he, "not one jot of the dividend
was distributed nor my order made (as appears by the
date of it) until His Majesty and His Royal Highness
had been acquainted with the separation of those goods,
and approved thereof."
No count was taken of the special dividend to Penn
or to himself, and it was insinuated that the goods
sold to Captain Cocke were worth 12,000 instead of
only 5,000. Some of the charges Sandwich regarded
"as studdied false slander." 1
His vigorous protest was heard, and an order
was issued more in accordance with his desire. On
January 24 the various officers of the Exchequer,
Customs, and Prizes, were bidden to discharge Edward,
Earl of Sandwich, and the flag-officers of the fleet, from
all inconveniences, fines, and forfeitures. The King
took upon himself the burden of the distribution, "the
said goods having been bestowed on them by the King
to encourage them in their services." 2 The remainder
were sold with the ordinary East Indian goods, and for
a time nothing more was heard about the prizes. 3
Thus ended the most unfortunate episode of a year
which began with great promise. The turmoil about
the prize-goods stood out in chequered relief, and Sand-
wich found that his own heedlessness and neglect had
besmirched his reputation. The friends on whom he
counted in a fickle Court had manifested their fickle-
ness. His hopes were centred on his journey to
1 S. P., Dom. : Charles II. , cxlvi., f. 22.
2 Cal. S. P., Dom., January 24, 1666. 3 Ibid., March 8, 1 666.
32 THE PRIZE-GOODS [CHAP, ix
Spain, and the chance of recovery which it brought
him. The past was full of bitterness.
" The great evil of this year," said Pepys, " and the
only one indeed, is the fall of my Lord Sandwich, whose
mistake about the prizes hath undone him . . . indeed,
his miscarriage about the prize-goods is not to be
excused, to suffer a company of rogues to go away
with ten times as much as himself, and the blame of
all to be deservedly laid upon him." 1
1 Pepys's Diary, December 31, 1665.
CHAPTER X
THE EMBASSY TO MADRID *
I. OUR RELATIONS WITH SPAIN.
" La surete du reste de la terre
Depend de la."
LA FONTAINE : Les Vautours et Us Pigeons.
AT the time Sandwich went to Spain he was in his
forty-first year. The good-natured, somewhat heavy
face was too gross for a man of his age, and tempest,
ill-health, disappointment, and worry, had left their
mark. Though of mature appearance, he was young
in spirit, and he prepared for his new life with con-
siderable zest and satisfaction. In service and experi-
ence he was one of the more prominent men at the
Stewart Court, and he was confident of his own powers.
When he exchanged the rude life of the seaman for
1 Authorities : Sandwich MSS. Journal, volumes ii. to viii. Sandwich's
structions, and several letters relating to the embassy, are in the Carte MSS.
ther letters are in the Public Record Office in State Papers, Foreign (Spain) ;
are uncalendared, but some have been printed in A Secret Collection of
Affairs of Spain ; the Letters of Lord Sandwich and Others (London, 1720).
r he Treaty Papers and Portugal bundles, also in the Record Office, yielded
mch information.
For printed sources : Mignet, Negotiations relatives a la Succession
^Espagne ; Recueil des Instructions donntes aux Ambassadeurs (Spain ed.
A. Morel Fatio ; Portugal by Saint Aymour) ; Sir R. Fanshaw, Original
ttters (London, 1702); Lord Arlington's Letters (London, 1701); Lady
? anshaw, Memoirs (ed. H. C. F.) ; T. H. Lister, Life of Clarendon. Other
authorities are mentioned in the notes, but to the MS. sources used there
should be added the Archives des Affaires Etrangeres, Paris: Corr. Angle-
terre ; and some transcripts from the MSS. at Simancas.
VOL. II. 33 3
34 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
the craft of diplomacy, he was engaged in work of
which he had already acquired a knowledge. As
matters stood, he welcomed a change of life and scene.
For six months he had endured the buffets of ingrati-
tude and ill-fortune, and the embassy to Madrid
brought him a chance of justifying himself in the eyes
of his King and country.
During his stay in Oxford, Sandwich had been able
to unravel the threads of his work. Since the Dutch
were still at war with us, and France was on the verge
of joining them, we had need of a new ally. We were
not secure of the Spaniard, " or indeed of any other
friend abroad," * but the Spaniard might be had at a
price. Our merchants desired better relations, for
Spain was a good customer, and a commercial treaty
would serve at once to enrich us and to bind the two
countries more closely together. France was the
enemy of both, and Spain desired a league against her.
There was in addition a work of mediation to be done
in the Peninsula, for Spain and Portugal were still at
war over their old quarrel ; towns and villages were
laid waste, crops were devastated, and insecurity was
prolonged from year to year.
The struggle of Portugal for independence was one
of which the new Ambassador knew all the bearings.
He was a boy of fifteen when, by a brief and success-
ful revolution, John, Duke of Braganca, asserted his
claim to the Portuguese throne and ended the sixty
years' captivity. Sandwich had played an actual part
in the struggle when France entered the lists, and had
shared in the campaigns by which Dunkirk and
Mardyk were wrested from the Spanish, crown.
When he was in Lisbon in 1662 he went as an ally;
he talked with nobles who remembered the revolt,
1 Carte MSS., 221, f. 98 : Arlington to Ormond.
i66 5 ] SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 35
and heard from them how Portugal had found herself
the vassal of a monarchy which was rapidly losing-
prestige, and how she had thus suffered great material
loss : the positions of profit both in Church and
State were then filled by Spaniards, and Portu-
guese money, stamped with the Castilian arms, was
taken to Madrid in order to pay for schemes which
concerned only Castile.
Successful as the revolution had been, the blind-
ness and arrogance of the Spaniard refused to recog-
nize the change ; and when Sandwich went to Spain
the war was more than a quarter of a century old.
The Portuguese revolt afforded a wide and profitable
field for intrigue, and France continuously and re-
morselessly hampered the common enemy. She used
both combatants for her own ends, and even held out
hopes of intervention. 1 Spain was lulled to sleep,
"and France helped to rock the cradle." 2 The
marriage of Louis XIV. to the Infanta Maria Theresa
had opened up great possibilities for the French
crown, despite the Infanta's renunciation of her
Spanish possessions. By the year 1666 France was
playing a bold game, and the mesh of the Spanish
succession was already woven into the diplomacy of
the period.
It was on such a promising stage, and amid a
network of intrigue, that Lord Sandwich was sent to
represent our interests in Madrid, and to combat the
Ambassador of Louis XIV. He had to cope with the
best-instructed diplomatists of his day, and, in his
stolid and unimaginative manner, he held his own
against the subtlety of the French. His mission was
of international importance, for if Portugal were
1 Recueil des Instructions : Spain, pp. 18, 47.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 2.
36 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
appeased a league could be formed between Spain and
England, in which the Austrian Court was prepared to
join, and this triple alliance would have been strong
enough to prevent France dismembering the Habsburg
dominions by an attack upon the Spanish Netherlands.
The results of the work which he was set to do
were awaited with as great eagerness in Vienna as
they were at St. Germain. 1
In order to gain a right understanding of his mission,
it will be necessary to review the state of affairs in the
year immediately preceding his embassy. 2 The power
of Spain was upon the decline. Her king, Philip IV.,
was in uncertain health. He began life with a consti-
tution sadly weakened by the Habsburg craze for
intermarriage, and his dissolute habits had further
enfeebled his frame. The child of his first wife was
the consort of Louis XIV., and Philip's hopes of a
successor depended upon the issue of Maria Anna, at
once his wife, his niece, and a Habsburg. Of this
second alliance only two children survived a daughter
of twelve, just preparing for a further intermarriage; 5
and a son, born in 1661, who had inherited every
possible weakness ; whose life was with difficulty
preserved, who was scrofulous, and unable to walk
with safety or to articulate with clearness. On this
child hung all the future hopes of Spain, and the
actuarial value of his life was of decided interest to
Louis XIV.
The decadence of the reigning family was matched
by that of the country. Spain was in need of regener-
ation. 4 Her geographical isolation, standing as she
1 CarU MSS., 215, 220.
* Rental des Instructions: Spain, pp. vii, xiii.
3 In 1666 the Infanta of Spain, Margarita Theresa, married the Emperor
Leopold I.
* Mignet, N<gKU*i**s, L, p. miL
CHARLES II., KING OF SPAIN
From a portrait by H err era
To faceup. 36 of Vol. II
i66 5 ] ENGLAND AND SPAIN 37
does, thrust out from Europe, had rendered her insen-
sible to the march of events. Her rulers were unable
to use the strength of absolutism, and failed to foster
the forces of freedom. The Spaniard still looked upon
himself as destined only for warfare and conquest. His
indolence afforded little hope of economic success, even
had the government given aid to the merchant, but
the people were oppressed by heavy and ridiculous
taxes, and the foreigner engrossed in his factory most
of their surplus wealth. The value of money varied
from day to day ; the finances were in the greatest
disorder, and proved unequal to the payment of Maria
Theresa's dowry.
The economic stagnation of the country was empha-
sized by loss of prestige and decrease of territory. Where
Spain had claimed a monopoly, the rising naval powers
of England and Holland contested her favours. Jamaica
had been won by Cromwell, and the Dutch infested
the Indies. Our Ambassadors were instructed to extend
English commerce in Spanish waters. We coveted the
profitable trade in slaves a trade which the Duke of
York " was pleased in a most peculiar manner to sup-
port." 1 We bargained for a monopoly in the logwood
of Campeachy. And not only in the colonies, but
nearer home, was the glory of Spain fast growing
dim. She was harassed by the French " laying about
them all ways at once." The Peace of the Pyrenees
was virtually set aside, and the French only officially
abandoned their allies. Their help to Portugal was
undisguised. It was the French who encouraged the
match between Charles II. and Catherine of Braganca ;
and when the marriage treaty was signed, Mazarin
sent his general to lead the British soldiers. By
means of English men and French subsidies Portugal
1 Fanshaw, Letters, pp. 60, 167.
3 8 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
defended her independence, and by a series of victories
Schomberg broke up the Spanish forces.
At length twenty-three years of intermittent warfare
brought about a possibility of peace. The Spaniards
were exhausted ; the Portuguese fought only by fits
and starts, and were eager to enjoy their hard-won
independence. There was opportunity for a mediator.
French sympathies were too patent. The English
influence in Portugal was considerable, and our
interests attracted us to Spain. Opportunity for
mediation came when the war with Holland gave
us need for allies, and our Ambassadors were sent
to sound the Courts at Vienna, Copenhagen, Stock-
holm, and Madrid. 1
Before Sandwich went out, the conduct of affairs in
Spain was entrusted to Sir Richard Fanshaw. He
was one of those Royalists who had shared with
Charles a penurious and romantic career. Previous
experience in Portugal, and a thorough acquaintance
with the languages of the Peninsula, marked him out
for the task. He had translated a Spanish play and
a Portuguese epic. He was a man of great personal
charm, and unharmed by the corruption of the Court. 2
He was delightful as a father, irreproachable as a
husband. Lady Fanshaw accompanied him to Madrid.
She was a w r orthy mate for such a man, brave and
large-hearted, but indiscreet and impulsive. 3 Neither
husband nor wife did really well in Spain. Lady
Fanshaw verified Clarendon's prediction, " that woman
1 Mignet, Negotiations) i., pp. 421, 422.
2 For an appreciation of Fanshaw, see J. W. Mackail, Mac mi Han's
Magazine, December, 1888. Professor Mackail also lectured on Fanshaw
before the English Association in June, 1908.
3 She was at one time a great friend o* my Lady Sandwich, who, in
writing to her husband, says that her chief friends are Lady Carteret and
Lady Fanshaw, "which are most excellent wifes that you may know I keep
good company" (Carte MSS., 74, f. 366).
i66 5 ] THE FANSHAWS 39
will undoe him." 1 Her open joy at the good fortune
of their position led to an accusation of rapacity. It
was spread abroad that the Fanshaws affirmed they
" came to Madrid to get an estate." 2 Another report
was that Fanshaw refused to go to Portugal without
an agreement that he should be well paid if he effected
the peace, and that the bargain was made at Lady
Fanshaw's instigation. 3 Indiscretion did not end here.
Their friendships were too close, their sympathies too
open, for the world of diplomacy. An appeal by Lady
Fanshaw for the release of a prisoner brought her
a delicately veiled reproof. 4 Her husband lacked
patience. " My complaints to this Court," he writes,
" continue almost as constant as the occasions they
give for them." Haste was abhorrent to the Spaniard,
and nothing could be gained by murmuring at his
dilatory methods.
To fulfil his mission, Fanshaw left England in
January, 1664. He received every mark of favour
befitting one who had won the blue ribbon of diplo-
macy. He was sworn of the Privy Council, and re-
ceived from the King a chain of gold and His Majesty's
picture richly set with diamonds. 5 His journey to
Madrid is set forth in his letters and in the memoirs of
his wife. They arrived there in June, 1664. Fanshaw
was quickly involved in the troublesome question of
ambassadorial receptions, and after a year's sojourn
found himself " still entangled in the disputes of his
Privileges." 6 As to the minor matters, which form the
appendices to ambassadorial work, he was sufficiently
active. He interested himself in the troubles of our
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Marquess of Bath's MSS., ii. 89.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 239.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 400 : Father Duffi to Sandwich.
4 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Heathcote MSS., pp. 199-203.
5 Carte MSS., 222, f. 30. 6 Arlington, Letters, ii. 103.
40 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
consuls and the wrongs of our merchants, he busied
himself over the provision of materials for the fortifica-
tions of Tangier, but as to the main points of his
mission little headway was made. He had been
instructed to adjust a commercial treaty, to obtain for
us the position of mediator between Spain and
Portugal, and to form an alliance with Spain.
Months passed, but he had nothing to show and no
progress to report. For this Fanshaw was not entirely
at fault. It was no easy matter to compass friendship
while our troops assisted Spain's enemies. The un-
certainty of Philip's health and the natural temper of
the Spaniard were contributory causes, but Fanshaw
bore the blame. Lord Arlington regarded the Ambas-
sador as unbusiness-like in the conduct of arrange-
ments. This he doubtless was. There were com-
plaints of his mismanagement of the cipher, which
implied carelessness in its use, and caused irritation
and delay. 1 One of Fanshaw's letters to Ormond
speaks of an important paper as enclosed, which he
cannot now find. " I conclude it must have been left
behind in my study at London," he writes. " I have
sent now to see if it can be found." 2
During the whole of 1665 dissatisfaction was ex-
pressed with the steps already taken, and with Fan-
shaw's inclination to act without sufficient advice or
warning. The Council was kept in the dark, which
put them in a distraction of mind. 3 Before long they
had come to regard " the whole negotiation at a stand." 4
The Court blamed Fanshaw for overdoing a threat of
return, which had caused consternation among our
merchants. In May, 1665, after eleven months had
passed, Arlington again wrote that upon conferring
1 Arlington, Letters, ii. 27, 32. 2 Carte MSS., 34, f. 239.
3 Arlington, Letters, ii. 67, 69. 4 Ibid., ii. 72.
i66 5 ] FANSHAW'S NEGOTIATIONS 41
with Clarendon, and giving an account of all Fan-
shaw's recent letters to His Majesty, the King was sur-
prised "to see so fair and hopeful a beginning have
so ordinary a progress." 1
The negotiations for a treaty had begun, though in
a slow and unsatisfactory manner. It was a difficult
business to adjust the commercial relations of the two
countries. The jealousy of our colonial expansion was
a stumbling-block, but Fanshaw had arranged certain
preliminaries with the Duke of Medina de las Torres,
and their draft proposals were sent to England in July
and considered in the Council. Ill-fortune hampered
the work. The raging of the plague, and the prevalent
alarm in England, dislocated government, and com-
pelled the Court to move from town to town, so that
consideration of the treaty was perforce irregular.
The Spaniard also had a period of trouble and mourn-
ing. The war with Portugal again blazed out; in June
Schomberg attacked the Spanish army at Montes Claros
and annihilated their whole force. The blow crushed
Philip IV. ; he fell sick, and on September 7 he
died.
But his death quickened rather than interrupted
the agreement, and forced haste upon the negotiators.
The new sovereign, Charles II., was a minor, and the
conduct of affairs passed into the hands of the Council.
Medina pressed a protocol upon Fanshaw, which the
latter virtually accepted as a final settlement, despite
the omission of certain of his demands. A provision
was made that the treaty should be void if not signed
by a given date. The home government regarded this
:lause as derogatory, and looked askance upon the
whole affair. On October 22 Fanshaw dispatched a
1 Arlington, Letters, ii. 77.
2 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 428 et seqq.
42 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
draft of the articles. 1 These were acknowledged by
Arlington on November 14 not as a draft treaty, but
as " papers which will be of use to us, in this very
instant that there is a new Body of Articles preparing
to present the Spanish Ambassador." 2 He further in-
timated that Fanshaw was to await their consideration
by the Spanish Court. His next letter showed that he
and Clarendon were perplexed, because in a matter 01
importance only a verbal agreement had been obtained,
and that but indefinitely. There is, indeed, abundant
proof that the whole affair was worked on a mis-
understanding, and that Fanshaw was a disappoint-
ment. " Both the Court of Spain, and ours also," said
a writer of credit, " think his management and Pro-
ceedings there, very odd, and he is much clouded
thereby." 3 The Ambassador was pledged to an agree-
ment, while the Council was preparing a " new project
of the Treaty of Commerce," based in part upon
material furnished by Fanshaw. 4 In this tentative and
unsatisfactory state matters stood at the end of 1665.
The doubts of the Council had by then caused the
consideration of further steps. The death of Philip IV.
necessitated new credentials being sent to Fanshaw,
and led to a review of the situation. The negotiations
were widened, and became more international in
character, and more promising. Arlington regarded
the Spanish Government as stronger than before the
King's death, and their Council as more united. 6 Our
Court had been urged to make common cause with
Spain. The war with Holland was drifting on, and
England was threatened with diplomatic isolation.
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Heathcote MSS., p. 255. Before his draft was
received, the Council was preparing new instructions and credentials (Carte
MSS., 34, f. 452).
2 Arlington, Letters, ii. 101. 3 Carte MSS., 34, f. 537.
4 Arlington, Letters, ii. 103. 5 Carte MSS., 46, f. 209.
i66 5 ] A CHANGE NEEDED 43
"If we cannot have what alliances we would," wrote
Coventry, " lett us have what we can, and make some
use of them." 1 The increased activity of French
diplomacy was alarming. Expectant of fresh trouble
from France, Spain likewise looked about for allies. 2
She had sent to us an Ambassador Extraordinary, the
Conde de Molina ; and his second, Patricio de Muledi,
had just left our shores with every sign of good-will. 3
Both countries seemed anxious for a speedy agreement.
It was desirable, then, at such a juncture that our
embassy should have fresh life, and that the work
should be in hands more imposing, and more con-
sonant with the Castilian love of dignity and display. 4
The Council chose Lord Sandwich. For such a
charge as Ambassador Extraordinary he was eminently
fitted. His rank and dignities were considerable ; and,
though he had represented England at a Court hostile
to the Spaniard, the importance of his work there formed
a sufficient introduction to another and greater mission. 5
But in England the news of the appointment was
received with some misgiving. The importance of the
work and the credit of the Ambassador were alike
forgotten. The public mind was obsessed with other
matters. The mistake over the distribution of the
prize-goods bade fair to become more than inconvenient
to the King and his brother, to the Chancellor and
Sandwich. Withdrawal was politic, and foreign em-
ployment was timely. 6 At all costs an inquiry was to
1 Carte MSB., 47, f. 424. 2 Ibid., 72, f. 64.
3 Arlington, Letters, ii. 103. * Ibid., ii. 104.
5 The Conde de Molina told his Government that Lord Sandwich was more
fitted than any other man in England to conclude the treaty with dispatch
brevidad y facilidad (Simancas transcripts}.
6 Paris: Archives des Affaires trangeres, Corr. Angkterre, Ixxxvii. 113:
M. de Vernueil a M. de Lionne (December 13, 1665). As Sandwich regarded
himself employed from November onwards (see p. 45), it seems reasonable to
infer that he was appointed between October 24 and November I.
44 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
be avoided, and for this there was the clamour of
many tongues. The projected embassy deferred a
commission, banished the chief offender, and enabled
him to retire with honour. At the beginning of Decem-
ber the appointment was announced ; and Albemarle
brought the news to Pepys, who was surprised and
"heartily glad of it. ... The King hath done my
Lord Sandwich all the right imaginable," he wrote,
" by showing him his countenance before all the world
on every occasion, to remove thoughts of discontent. . . .
His enemies have done him as much good as he could
wish." 1 Despite Sandwich being in high favour with
Charles, his enemies gave no consideration to his
fitness for the post. The Duchess of Albemarle, who
began life as a farrier's daughter, was most malicious.
Twice she offended Pepys by her untoward spite,
and even imputed cowardice to Sandwich. 2 Her
gossip was spread broadcast. Her great grievance
was that Albemarle succeeded to the command of
the fleet, " which," said a newsletter, " occasions his
Lady to give all the Court to a bad keeper to keep
them." 3
The jealousy and ill-feeling engendered by such
talk overshadowed the political side of the appoint-
ment. Someone was needed in Madrid. Doubt as to
Fanshaw had been expressed from time to time, and
the discontent in Arlington's letters foretold a change
of policy. 4 There are, unfortunately, neither minutes
nor documents to illustrate the considerations of
1 Pepys's Diary, December 6 and 7, 1665.
2 Ibid., December 9, 1665, January 10, 1666.
3 Hist. MSS. Comm., Report vi., p. 336.
4 Carte MSS., 34, f. 452, October 24, 1665: "Perhaps Sir Richard
Fanshaw has not the fortune to prevail with them, unto whom new instructions
and credentials are now sending" (Southwell to Ormond). See also Paris,
Archives des Affaires Etrangeres, Corr. Angleterre, Ixxxvii. 128 : M. Courtin
a M. de Lionne.
i66 5 ] SANDWICH APPOINTED 45
the Council. Sandwich rarely kept a journal unless
actively engaged, and he records nothing between his
return with the Dutch prizes and his actual departure
for Spain. In writing later from Madrid he dates
his appointment from November, and says that even
then the embassy was putting him to considerable
expense. 1 During November he was frequently at
Court, as though something were afoot. Albemarle
says nothing of the matter. Clarendon contributes
certain evidence, though his account of the affair con-
tains many discrepancies, and his biographer assumes
that the appointment of an Ambassador Extraordinary
was made in order to shield a culprit. 2 However,
Clarendon himself roundly asserts that the work
would hardly have been " assigned to any man who
was in disgrace." 3 A recent writer has amplified this,
and adds that Madrid was not the only place in the
world for honourable banishment. 4 There is the
fact that the embassy was considered of decided im-
portance not merely a mission patched up for the
transfer of a failure. Even if the Government thought
the new appointment convenient to the Court, they
regarded it necessary to send someone of repute.
Had Fanshaw's work been satisfactory, assistance
would have been an insult, and supersession an
impossibility.
That there was real dissatisfaction, and real work
to be done, is shown by the instructions given to
Sandwich. These were drawn up at different dates :
first, as supplementary to Fanshaw's ; secondly, with
some additional paragraphs, which the changed cir-
1 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 257.
2 T. H. Lister, Life of Clarendon. Sir Henry Craik's recent biography of
the statesman does not deal with the appointment.
3 Clarendon, Life, iii. 582 et seqq.
4 Hist. MSS. Comm.: Heathcote MSS., p. xvi.
46 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
cumstances demanded. 1 Sandwich was bidden to
obtain a full account of Fanshaw's proceedings, and
then to take over the work with his predecessor's
assistance. After the usual compliments and the
necessary visit of condolence, he was to emphasize
the probable shortness of his stay, and the benefits
of English and Spanish friendship. He was to offer
mediation between Spain and Portugal. He was given
power to rectify the commercial clauses of Fanshaw's
treaty, and to incorporate the corrections in his subse-
quent work. He was bidden to consult mainly with
Medina de las Torres, but to allow the advances to
come from the Spaniard. Sweden and Holland were
suggested as possible partners in a quadruple alliance.
Tangier and Jamaica were kept outside discussion,
except for a suggestion that, if Spain wished to buy
the former, hints of a better customer might be thrown
out. 2 An exchange would be considered ; but if a
league matured, Spain would also have the advantage
of Tangier as a naval base. Free-trade in the West
Indies was much to be desired as the foundation of a
lasting peace. On this point the Spaniard was likely
to be obdurate, but we needed some reward for our
risk, and could play off against them an alliance with
France. Sandwich was also to endeavour to obtain a
monopoly of the Spanish wool trade, and to offer in
exchange a monopoly of tin. 3 The additional instruc-
tions were compiled after the receipt of Fanshaw's
treaty, wherein " many things were very inconvenient
and perplext, and others impossible to be ratified in
the manner they are transmitted." 4
1 The originals are in the Carte MS 'S., vol. 274, ff. 5 et seqq., and a copy is
in vol. 103, ff. 331-346. The date is February 22, i66f. After the first
eleven paragraphs, a twelfth begins : "The whole state of affairs having been
changed."
2 Instructions, 7. 3 Ibid., 11. 4 Ibid., 12.
1666]
FANSHAW'S TREATY
47
In January there came a packet from Madrid which
justified the appointment of an Ambassador Extra-
ordinary. Fanshaw sent a further instalment of
suggestions, and these were such as to increase
Arlington's uneasiness ; he "not finding them so exact
in all the points relating to the great Trade of that
Kingdom as were to be wished." 1 The Council de-
sired the negotiations to be suspended. They were
framing new projects and receiving suggestions. 2
Unfortunately they did not understand how far Fan-
shaw had gone. While they were handing over their
proposals to Sandwich, a treaty was signed in Spain.
On December 7 the drafts were embodied in a docu-
ment, signed by Fanshaw and Medina, dispatched to
England for the King's ratification, and received here
within six weeks. Fanshaw had worked in the dark
and without full knowledge. An important letter
from Arlington had miscarried, the letter which em-
bodied his latest instructions, 3 but for one mistake
Fanshaw alone was to blame. In his eagerness he had
allowed the treaty to be drawn up in English and
Spanish instead of in Latin, at that time the language
of diplomacy.
The Council refused to sign a treaty which they
considered would make the Spaniard arbitrator in a
dispute. 4 They also took exception to two clauses,
and decided that Fanshaw had laid aside the Naviga-
tion Act, or at least had given Spain a loophole by
which to evade it; and they deemed that the phrase
" lawful ships " gave opportunity for the carrying
trade of Holland to flourish at our expense. 6 It was
thereupon decided to repudiate Fanshaw's work. The
1 Arlington, Letters, ii. 106.
2 Cal. S. P., Dom. t December 23, 1665.
3 Arlington, Letters, ii. 107 ; Brit. Mus. : Harleian MSS., 7010, f. 555.
4 Instructions, 5. 5 Ibid., 16.
48 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
death of Philip IV., and the consequent lapse of
Fanshaw's powers, gave one excuse ; the signature in
Spanish afforded another. The instructions drawn
up for Sandwich were amplified so as to include the
new points, and a letter of revocation was prepared
for Fanshaw. At the same time he, sanguine and full
of hope, and in no doubt about the success of his
treaty, was preparing to set out for Lisbon, there to
adjust the affairs of Spain and Portugal.
Meanwhile Lord Sandwich prepared for his journey.
The selection of a retinue was no inconsiderable
matter ; mourning had to be prepared, and the various
appendages of an embassy collected. The weeks pre-
ceding departure were spent in London, in Oxford,
and at Hinchingbrooke. The time was particularly
trying for the Ambassador and his friends. " My Lord
should sue out a pardon for his business of the prizes,"
said Pepys, " as also for Bergen, and all he hath done
this year past, before he begins his Embassy to Spayne.
For it is to be feared that the Parliament will fly out
against him and particular men, the next Session." 1
The Court blew hot and cold. At times Sandwich
was in full favour, at times he was slighted. The King
alone was consistently his friend. York took his cue
from Albemarle, and did nothing to temper the ill-
fortune of his late colleague. The intrigues for an
inquiry into the business of the prizes were kept alive
by Coventry. In the Navy Office, Pepys endeavoured
not to offend either side ; " a very hard game to play,"
as he said ; but he succeeded with his usual tact, and
Sandwich appreciated his difficulties and success.
There was a typical scene when " my Lord " walked
into the Council, " and sat at the lower end, just as he
came, no room being made for him, only I did give him
1 Pepys's Diary ) January 17, 1666.
1666] SANDWICH LEAVES LONDON 49
my stoole," says Pepys, " and another was reached
me." There is no doubt that Sandwich felt some
uncertainty concerning his position ; his despondency
was indicated by a melancholy face, and he suffered
his beard to grow on his upper lip more than usual.
He tried to drive away depression by " minding his
pleasures too much," but this phase was only
temporary, and up to the time of his departure matters
gradually mended. Sandwich was then in London
with the King and Duke, and in very good humour. 1
The business of the prizes was condoned by a privy
seal for the distribution. 2 A grant of 6,000 was made
for the transport to Madrid, but it was no easy task
to get together the amount, and Sandwich had to draw
upon his own resources. Though on paper his fortune
was considerable, the payment of money was un-
certain, and matters were made worse by indiscretion
in the management of his own affairs. He suffered
from the most wearing and troublesome of the worries
which beset a man, and, harassed as he was, the
embassy seemed to cut a knot, and came to him as
a relief.
The preparations for leaving London were at length
complete, and, following the custom of Ambassadors,
Sandwich held a " rendezvous " at his house in
Lincoln's Inn Fields. 3 Thither came many leave-
takers, some for friendship's sake, some for courtship.
From London he journeyed to Windsor, and spent
two or three days at Cranborne Lodge, in Windsor
Forest. There Carteret had assembled an house-
party, including Lord Hinchingbrooke and Sydney
Mountagu. On February 25 Pepys arrived, and had
his farewell conversations with the Ambassador.
1 Pepys's Diary, January 22, 25, 28, February 2, 14.
2 Cal. S. P., Dom., January 24. 3 Pepys's Diary, February 23
VOL. II. 4
50 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
The latter seemed easier in mind as to the prize-goods,
relying on the King's friendship and the good-will of
a small party in both Houses. He still feared that
the Bergen affair would make a pardon necessary, and
was apprehensive as to the result of an inquiry into
the sale of Dunkirk. This and other discourse they
had, walking together in the park, and Pepys con-
tinues : " Then in-a doors, and to talke with all and with
my Lady Carteret, and I with the young ladies and
gentlemen, who played on theguittar, and mighty merry,
and anon to supper, and then my Lord going away to
write, the young gentlemen to flinging of cushions, and
other mad sports; at this late till towards twelve at
night, and then being sleepy I and my wife in a passage
room to bed, and slept not very well because of noise." l
The morning after this scene of gaiety Sandwich
set out for Portsmouth, in order to meet his retinue,
and to make the final arrangements for his embarka-
tion. At Portsmouth three ships were provided, the
Resolution, the Foresight, and the Oxford, " to assist in
transportation and defence," 2 but Sandwich was
delayed, " finding not his affaires in the readiness he
expected." 3 The naval stores were unable to satisfy
the needs of his men, and his captain lacked the proper
complement of sailors. 4 Most of the effects were put
on board in London. There is a list among the manu-
scripts at Hinchingbrooke, with many additions and
corrections in Pepys's hand. The fardel comprised gun-
cases, books, bundles of bedding, sweetmeats, strong
waters, two iron money-chests, a kettle compass, a
theorbo lute, and " the Crymson Damask Estate with
the Chayre and Stoole and all other things thereunto
1 Pepys's Diary, February 25. 2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 6.
3 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 112.
* Cal S. P., Dom., February 17, 25.
i666] THE RETINUE 51
belonginge." 1 As for the retinue, the Ambassador's
train amounted to sixty-six persons. He was accom-
panied by his son Sydney and three young courtiers,
with whom he quickly made friends Charles Har-
bord, John Werden, and William Godolphin. A list
drawn up in Spanish gives to these the precedence of
messing at the Ambassador's table, and accords a like
privilege to the interpreter, chaplain, and private
secretary. The gentlemen of the horse, the surgeon,
the major-domo, and some others, formed a second
table ; and three other tables were allotted to the pages,
trumpeter, butler, confectioner, and cooks. 2
Of the retinue, William Godolphin was the most
noteworthy. 3 He was sent by Arlington as Secretary
to the Embassy, and proved an invaluable ally. At
first he found Sandwich reserved and reticent, family
characteristics which served him well in diplomacy.
Of Godolphin he asked but one question whether the
Council had seen Fanshaw's letters of revocation. 4
For the rest, their conversation was " wholly of the
Winds and Seas," a slow beginning for a friendship
which became close and enduring, but as Sandwich
discovered the worth of the man, so he expanded.
Before the journey was well over, Godolphin was able
to write that the Ambassador " hath shew'd me great
Civilyties, and made me happy by his friendship and
freedome of Conversation." 5 Sandwich was no less
generous, and wrote of Godolphin's friendship and
assistance in the warmest terms. 6
The arrangements for the journey occupied several
1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, ff. 80, 97. 2 Ibid., Appendix, ff. 83, 84.
3 William Godolphin, educated at Westminster and Christ Church, Oxford,
M.A., D.C.L. ; knighted in 1668, after the embassy; succeeded Sandwich
in Madrid, 1669.
* S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 107.
5 Ibid., 50, f. 138. 6 Ibid., 50, f. 257.
52 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
days, and not until March 2 could the Embassy set
sail. From that day until the conclusion of his work,
two and a half years in all, the Ambassador's journal
contains a minute record of all news and negotiations,
set down by Sandwich or one of his secretaries. The
Spanish period requires seven stout volumes of manu-
script, and Sandwich has begun them with a motto :
" Fue el veneer cosa laudabile,
Vencas por fortuna o por ingenio." 1
The voyage lasted ten days ; a fair wind was followed
by a calm ; and then came a storm, " which hindred us
from seizinge St. Andero, and was large enough for us
to putt into the Corunna." This Sandwich thought
" better to doe, than to busque up and down in the
sea." 2 On March 12, at two in the afternoon, the
Resolution and her little convoy were at anchor in the
harbour known to sailors the world over as " the
Groyne." Their greeting was scarcely cordial. The
English salute of twenty-one guns was answered by a
paltry three ; and after this interchange ot courtesies
there began the troubles of quarantine. The story
of the plague was known throughout Europe, and
foreigners were shy of anybody or anything coming
from England. Sailors were requested to spring
out their arms and legs, cut capers, and drum upon
their bellies. 3 " This Divell or Scar-Crow of the
Plague," said one, was meant to shut the ports to
England, and open them to all her enemies. 4 When
Sandwich arrived, he found that the Governor of
Galicia was like to detain the embassy for the full
1 " To gain is virtue, and to lose is sin ;
Then win, by judgment or by luck but win !"
A. C. B.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 131. 3 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, i. 34.
* S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 157.
1666] ARRIVAL IN SPAIN 53
forty days. Because a sailor on board the Resolution
died of excessive drinking, some of the men feared that
the ship was really plague-stricken, but apparently the
misfortune was concealed. 1
After three days' delay, Sandwich was informed that
a quinta a country-house was provided for him at
some distance from the town. As the Ambassador
landed, an adequate salute was given, for a company of
foot gave him several volleys, some recompense for the
former ill reception. The residence provided proved
somewhat mean, and the Ambassador desired a lodging
in the Governor's house. This would have been only
in accordance with precedent, but Sandwich did not
press the point. Instead, he made the best of his
quinta, where " there was but one great roome above
staires, in it three alcoves for beds, and two or three
small alcoves more and a kitchen ; ill staires and floores,
a garden of oranges and lemons and good springe
water." 2 His train lodged in the little village of
Burgos, of which the journal contains a neat drawing
in pen and ink. 3
The stay near Corunna was not without incident.
Part of the retinue had been detained on board the
ships, despite the Ambassador's protests and his
assurance that the vessels were needed for our fleet. 4
While delayed off Corunna the ships managed to
take part in the minor warfare of the time. The Fore-
sight captured a vessel laden with salt, which Sandwich
hoped would prove Dutch property and a fair prize.
A Spanish protest overrode the rules of war, and
application was made for the restitution of the vessel. 5
The English pleaded contraband, but after much dis-
pute and correspondence the Ambassador gave way,
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 14. 2 Ibid., ii. 1 6.
3 Ibid., ii. 41. 4 Ibid., ii. 32. 6 Ibid., ii. 30.
54 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
"to demonstrate our kindnesse," as he said, and the
salt was sold to the Customs officers. Two more
prizes were taken, and one contained above 300 pipes
of canary, a welcome addition to the stores.
While confined at Burgos, Sandwich addressed him-
self to the business of the embassy, and sent Werden
post to Madrid. The messenger was stopped three
leagues outside the town ; he was duly fumigated and
kept under observation, and an attempt was made
to obtain his letters. 1 He was able, however, to see
Fanshaw, and on April 7 he returned to Corunna.
He brought with him numerous papers, and the un-
welcome and unexpected news that the Ambassador
was to provide both the mules and provisions for his
retinue. 2 This new charge was expensive, and lacked
precedent. The treatment was an aggravation, for
both King and Ministers had assured Sandwich that
the expense would be defrayed. " I doe not find
myself used according to the Queen's expression for
me," he wrote to Clarendon, " that as much should be
done to mee as to the embassadours of the greatest
princes." 3 A litter, a coach, and two saddle mules,
were provided by the Queen, and on April 17 these
arrived. 4 They were of course insufficient, but to
await more pack animals would have meant at least
a month's delay. 6 The Spaniards would have argued
and dallied, and the Ambassador would have borne the
blame. Mindful of his predecessor's troubles, Sand-
wich was content with a formal protest, and made his
own arrangements for transport. 6 Two days later,
1 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 157.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 40.
3 Bodleian Library: Clarendon MSS., 84, f. 144.
* Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 48 ', S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 179.
5 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 213.
6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 44, 50.
i666]
JOURNEY TO MADRID
55
however, 100 mules were sent from Madrid, and
the matter was settled. A further trouble was the
task of finding money. In a corner of the country
where commerce was inconsiderable, the necessary
3,000 pistoles were hardly to be got. Barter was
impossible without goods, and Sandwich had not
prepared for such transactions. Some days were
needed to overcome this trouble, but on April 27 the
whole caravan of some fourscore persons set out for
Madrid.
The road led through Astorga and Valladolid, and
Sandwich enjoyed his novel experience. Sometimes
he journeyed through the mountains on a mule, some-
times he rode in a coach or litter. At the entrance to
the towns he was welcomed by the magistrates in
their long black cloaks, and with maces in their hands.
At one monastery where he stayed he was treated by
the monks with trout, sweetmeats, and wine, and he
inspected jewels and robes, or relics such as the little
phial which contained the Sacrament turned into flesh
and blood. A Bishop sent him " partridges, henns,
bacon and kidds." At a convent he was entertained
by the nuns with "wine, snowed sweetmeats and
musique"; on another day he and his suite dined
under the trees "in the highway by a spring-side."
Sometimes the country reminded him of Northamp-
tonshire with its "little hills, well cultivated"; at
another stretch it was barren and precipitous, at
another flat, like the fens. He passed the great flocks
of sheep, whose wool was so much prized in England,
and saw the town of Rio Seco, which supplied the
inland parts of Spain with English cloth. As he
passed along he noted the characteristic buildings,
inspected several rich collections of pictures, saw the
Escurial near by, and was tempted to turn aside and
56 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
visit the archives of Simancas, but he put his busi-
ness first, and hurried on. As he neared his destina-
tion he was met by the royal coach, drawn by six
mules, and in this he concluded his journey. On
May 17 Madrid was in sight, and on the following
day Sandwich reached El Pardo, the King's country
residence, a place frequently pictured on the canvas of
Velasquez. Here he was received by the Master of
the Ceremonies, many of the merchants and members
of the English colony, and by Sir Richard Fanshaw. 1
From his colleague the Ambassador Extraordinary
learned all that had taken place during the early
months of the year. While Sandwich was completing
his arrangements and making the journey, Fanshaw
engaged in an unfortunate negotiation. It was decided
that he should attempt the settlement of a thirty years'
truce between Spain and Portugal. A form of treaty
was prepared for presentation to the Portuguese
Crown. On January 6 Fanshaw put this in his
pouch, and left Madrid. He was buoyed up by the
fancied success of his commercial treaty, little knowing
that it had been repudiated in England. Sanguine he
set out, and saw favourable omen in the Spanish desire
for peace ; 2 for he was "entertained with an abundance
of good words and prayers which their owne interest
suggested." 3 He was misled by the Spaniards' vanity,
which made them expect that the Portuguese would
accept any terms that were offered. The journey was
1 The account of the journey is in the Sandwich MSB. Journal, vol. ii.,
and short accounts are in the Carte MSS., 75, ff. 432, 439. The originals
form interesting reading side by side with the memoirs of Lady Fanshaw,
Bonnecasse, Aarsens van Sommerdijk, and Madame d'Aulnoy.
2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Heathcote MSS., 233. The date given here is in
the English style. It was January 16 in the New Style.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 253-275 : Parry's narrative, a very valuable
document for the embassy, for Parry was the secretary who accompanied the
Envoy.
i666] FANSHAW IN PORTUGAL 57
to be " but a riding in triumph," and Fanshaw relied
overmuch upon his previous favour at the Portuguese
Court.
France had sent thither a formidable rival, the
Marquis de St. Romain, whose business was to nullify
all possible negotiations of the English. 1 At first the
people cursed the Frenchman's coming, " having gott
it among them that it is to foment the warr, and they
doe as much cry up the King of England, who
endeavours to procure them Peace "; but they desired
peace with honour, " though they should perpetrate a
warre till they eate their flesh, and the stones they
walked on." 2 They did not wish for a truce, which
would effeminate their soldiers, and be " but a taking
of breath to fight the point over again." They hoped
for a lasting peace, and for their Sovereign the title of
King. When Fanshaw came, he brought them neither.
His address was to the " Crown of Portugal," and his
mediation a thirty years' truce. His journey ended
on January 27, when he arrived near the Portuguese
Court, at the hunting-box of Benavente. 3
There Fanshaw found reinforcement. The English
Government had sent Sir Robert Southwell as special
envoy to " mediate the peace " in Portugal. 4 He was
a young man of good address, proud of his work, and
distinctly able. He had all the enthusiasm needed,
but was not so sanguine as Fanshaw. Southwell
arrived at Salvaterra four days before his colleague. 6
Negotiations were then set on foot. The Portuguese
entrusted their case to the Conde de Castel Melhor
1 Recueil des Instructions : Portugal.
2 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, ff. 34, 43.
3 The Court was at Salvaterra, about two leagues away.
4 Sir Robert Southwell (1635-1702), B.A., Queen's College, Oxford;
Lincoln's Inn ; Commissioner of Prizes. Knighted 1665 ; Envoy to Portugal
1665.
5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. iii. : Parry's narrative.
58 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
and Antonio de Sousa, Secretary of State. The French
Ambassador was for a time ignored, because the Portu-
guese imagined that Fanshaw brought the title of King.
Immediately it was realized that this was wanting, the
slight "put them all into a high mutiny"; overtures
were " flatly denied," and for five days nothing could
be done. Southwell was received as Envoy, but the
Ambassador could not obtain an audience. The story
of his mission spread abroad ; the common people
complained that such conditions as were offered
" would ruin them and their posterities," and strange
expressions were thrown out against him. 1 The
Portuguese were elated with victory, and in no mood
to treat with a man who wished them to compromise
upon its fruits. 2 They had their own ideas as to terms,
and Castel Melhor formulated a draft of their proposals,
which included a recognition of the title, the liberty of
all prisoners, the restitution of forfeited estates, and
retention of the captured cities. 3 He added a promise
to keep free from negotiations with the French until
the end of March. 4 On February 1 1 the project was
signed by Castel Melhor, Fanshaw, and Southwell, and
two days later the Englishmen set out for Spain, in
order to lay the demands of Portugal before the Council.
They arrived in Madrid on February 26. The story
of their ill-success had reached the town, and South-
well found "the whole Court like men disappointed of
their expectations, some blaming his Excellency, others
the Duke of Medina." The project received short
shrift. On March 2 it was presented to the Council,
who " imitated the proceedings of Portugal by sending
back the same immediately." The proposals were re-
1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, f. 58.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 140.
3 Ibid., 50, f. 237. An original is in Treaty Papers: Spain, 66, f. 55.
4 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 140.
1666] FAN SHAW'S FAILURE 59
garded as extravagant and impossible, and the Spaniards
pretended wonder at their being offered. 1 Causes of
indignation were multiplied. So confident had been
the expectation of a peace that the preparations for
war had been proportionately slackened. Barely 5,000
men were under arms, and Portugal could muster five
times that number. The Spaniard, in a sudden fear,
began the speedy raising both of horse and foot. 2 The
blame of all this expense was laid on Fanshaw. 3 " He
lies under a cloud," wrote Godolphin, "and the Spaniards
are generally displeased with him even in this remote
corner." 4 Southwell reported that Fanshaw and the
Ministers had fallen out. 6 Sir Richard himself re-
garded Spain as " highly incensed and scarce likely
to listen to reason." 6 Day by day he withdrew more
from affairs, and cast more work upon Southwell. 7
The whole mission had proved a failure, and the
journey to Portugal had served to increase the legacy of
difficulties which Fanshaw bequeathed to his successor.
It was during this ill-fated journey that the news
of Sandwich's appointment reached Spain, and his
coming allowed the Spaniard time for protraction and
delay. The appointment was a bitter blow to Fan-
shaw the knell of all his hopes. He heard the news
while at Benavente. Disappointed as he was, Fan-
shaw behaved with the utmost chivalry, courtesy, and
loyalty. He wrote, " I cannot count it bad news," and
assured the Spaniards that the new Ambassador's
talents and rank made probable some fresh negotia-
tions of importance. 8 Lady Fanshaw behaved far
1 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 116. 2 Ibid ^ 5O} f. II7>
3 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Heathcote MSS., 239.
4 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 278. 5 Ibid., 50, f. 215.
6 Ibid., f. 1 68. 7 Ibid ^ 5I> f . 2 6 9 ,
8 Hist. MSS. Comm.: Heathcote MSS., 236; Brit. Mus. : Harleian
MSS., 7010, f. 561.
6o THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
otherwise. She was furious, and expressed herself
in no measured terms. Her letters burn with anger
against Arlington and his canting language sending
his cast general to reap the fruit her husband had
sown. 1 She displayed the greatest indignation against
all who had any hand in the Extraordinary's appoint-
ment, for she deemed her husband foiled unjustly in
his most conspicuous endeavour. In addition she
asserted the change unwelcome at the Spanish Court. 2
Her husband was outwardly unmoved ; he under-
took to predispose the Court in his successor's favour,
and his successor appreciated his "civill and friendly
expressions." 3 When Sandwich arrived at the Groyne,
correspondence began, and continued until Fanshaw
received him on his arrival in Madrid.
On May 18 Sandwich entered the city, and was
lodged in the house of one of the grandees. 4 He at
once took up the business of his embassy. He went
over the commercial treaty with Fanshaw, ran through
the exceptions, and heard Fanshaw's answers. 5 Sir
Richard withdrew, for the Spaniards made the new
Ambassador's arrival an excuse to vent their indig-
nation on him, so he " kept home, and forbore all
negotiating to his dying day." 6 His predecessor thus
discredited, Sandwich quickly determined to take over
the work, unhampered by advice and unprejudiced
in Spanish eyes. Gossip had spread that he carried
letters of revocation, and Fanshaw's secretary sought
to have this confirmed. Gossip was right. Two days
after his arrival the Ambassador delivered the letters. 7
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Heathcote MSS., 225. 2 Ibid., 229.
3 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 137 ; Clarendon MSS., 84, f. 144.
* Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 115; S. P., For.: Spain, 51, f. 36. One
authority says the Marques de Colaris, another Santa Cruz.
5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 118; Brit. Mus. : Harkian MSS., 7010,
f. 605.
6 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 269. 7 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 120.
1666]
FANSHAW'S DEATH
61
From this time Fanshaw's sun rapidly set. On him
fell the formal work of presenting the new Ambassador
to the Queen-Regent, 1 which was done at a private
audience on May 27, when the new Ambassador pre-
sented his letters and credentials, and made a speech
of condolence upon the King's death. Two days later
Sandwich wrote : " Beinge the Kinge my master's
birthday my Lord Embassador Fanshaw gave me and
all my comrades, the Marquesse of Baijdes and the
Master of the Ceremonyes, Don Patricio de Muledi,
and many of the English merchants a noble treate and
collation at 6 a clocke in the eveninge." 2
This was Fanshaw's last public act. On June 6 he
fell sick, " beinge strucke with a cold ayre as he slept
after Dinner." 3 Ten days later the physicians despaired
of his life. 4 Sandwich went to him and embraced
him, " when his hands were cold, and life hastening
to expire, yet had hee perfect sence." 5 The dying man
was surrounded by grandees ; one Duchess " brought
with her reliques which she beleeved to have done
greate Miracles and layd them upon the Pillow by
him out of goodwill." Even Lady Fanshaw's protests
could not obtain for him a peaceful end. He was
sorely troubled by the importunities of the priests :
not until he declared his strict adherence to the
Church of England was he left alone. 6 He died on
the night of June 16. Worry had aggravated his ill-
ness, and rendered him incapable of a rally.
To his wife the blow was terrible, the more so if she
ever heard how some laid his ill-success at her door.
" Sure I am," wrote Colston to Williamson, " that
Woman's Councell is scarce ever good in matters of
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 126.
3 Ibid., ii. 150.
6 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 150.
6 Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 172.
2 Ibid., ii. 134.
4 Ibid., ii. 1 68.
62 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
State, and in Public Imploymente the Princes and
Countrey's good must bee the Only Marke." 1 Poor
Lady Fanshaw was full of affection and ambition.
The object of both had gone, and she found herself in
a strange land, sole guardian of several young children.
Her husband's moneys were unpaid, and she was
compelled to join the band of petitioners to the
King. 2 From the Queen of Spain she received a
present of some 2, coo pistoles in place of the ambassa-
dorial jewel which would have been presented to her
husband. Her coach and horses, and lumber, she
sold to Sandwich, and her plate was dispersed. 3 With
the money thus gained she set out for England. Her
husband's body was embalmed and sent to Bilbao,
where she took charge of it. " Their entrance into
Spaine and departure from it doe lively represent the
greatnesse and glory of this world, never any Embas-
sador, wife and childeren came hither with greater
Content, and never any did depart with lesse ; God
comfort the afflicted." 4
II. THE OPENING OF NEGOTIATIONS.
" Every one of them eyther is of him selfe so wise in dede, that he nedeth
not, or elles he thinketh himself so wise, that he wil not allowe another mans
counsel." MORE : Utopia.
Before Fanshaw's death Southwell left Madrid. 6
His presence there was superfluous, and Sandwich
wished to use him in Lisbon ; " to watch and hinder
the French overtures from taking place, and to dispose
1 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 222.
2 Cal S. P. : Dom., February 7-15, 1667.
3 Lady Fanshaw, Memoirs, p. 198.
4 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 220. See also f. 71, which
asserts that she was "uncivilly treated" on the journey.
5 He left on June 12. The Queen gave him a jewel valued at 355.
1666] SANDWICH BEGINS WORK 63
them to agree to a Truce with the Title of King." l
When he had thus established relations with Portugal,
the new Ambassador began his work. On June 20 he
had his public audience. He was conducted to the
palace by several officials of the Court. The Queen
sent her coaches, and three of Lady Fanshaw's were
used. Horses from the royal stables were provided
for the train, and " the audience of condolence was
done with great dignity, which pleased the Spaniards,
who said it excelled anything they had seen." 2
"About 12 o'clocke at Noone," writes Sandwich, " I
gott upon horsebacke and rode alonge the Streetes to
the Palace within the Gate, where we alighted and
went up to the Presence of the young Kinge ... I
gave him the compliment of the Pessame from the
Kinge my master. He is a very fine child about four
yeares of age. The multitude of company in the room
discomposed him that he cried and said ' que se vayan,
que se vayan Todos' From him we went to the Queen's
Presence."
There the Ambassador made a complimentary speech
through his interpreter, and presented his credentials.
" Then," Sandwich adds, " my sonn Sydney and all
my Comerades passed before the Queene and made her
reverence. After which I tooke my leave and was
conducted alonge the Side of the roome by all the
Ladyes of Honor to whom wee payed respects and soe
were Conducted downe againe by the Same persons,
and returned home in a Coach of the Queenes with
four Horses (the Course which is used in this Court to
all Embassadors whatsoever)." 3
The embassy was now formally launched, and, after
assuring himself as to precedence and etiquette, Sand-
wich visited various members of the Council, and
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 146.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 158.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 176-190.
64 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
arranged to confer with them. From the Council was
chosen a Junta, or Committee, to treat with the English
Ambassador. It was composed of three members, the
Duke of Medina de las Torres, the Conde de Penaranda,
and an Austrian, Everard Nithard. " This election is
very good," wrote Southwell, " being indeed the floure
of what they could choose . . . and what these can be
brought to, there is not much danger it will be con-
trolled." 1 Medina, a typical grandee, acted as first
minister of the Crown. The negotiations afforded him
a chance of regaining his prestige, impaired as it was
by his part in Fanshaw's failure. Penaranda had
gained his diplomatic experience at Munster, amid the
negotiations of 1648. His sympathies were considered
strongly French, and he was credited with being in the
pay of Louis XIV. Of " choleric and hasty temper,"
he was intensely jealous of his colleagues. 2 Nithard
was the Queen's confessor one of those ecclesiastics
who used his place to further his political position.
He began life as a cornet of horse, and he was said to
be a brother of the Emperor's valet de chambre? To
the Spanish grandees he was nothing but an upstart.
His sympathies were entirely Habsburg, and he exer-
cised considerable influence over the Queen-Regent,
who was a woman of sluggish temperament, devoted
to religion and the pleasures of the table. Nithard
absolutely governed her mind, though he was deemed
" of small skill in politics, and sillogistical in argu-
ment." 4 By intrigue and influence he attained the
post of Inquisitor-General ; he was supported in his
quest by Medina, and opposed by Penaranda. 6 His
position was a strong one, owing to the Regent, and he
1 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 118.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 142.
3 Ibid., iv. 87. * Ibid., v. 144. 5 Ibid., ii. 404.
MARIA ANNA, QUEEN REGENT OF SPAIN
From a portrait by Herrera
To face p. 64 of Vol. II
i666] THE JUNTA 63
had the better of the exchanges during a minority
which gave ample scope for distrust and intrigue.
The three members of the Junta were eternally
jealous, "all factions and blind conceit," and Sandwich
had no easy course to steer. If he applied to one, the
others were up in arms. Each desired the whole
management of the treaty ; each paid him secret
visits or sent their emissaries. Of these the chief
was a creature of Medina's, Patricio de Muledi, to
whom the Junta entrusted the opening of the negotia-
tions. 1
The proposal put forward by the Spaniards was the
formation of an offensive and defensive league, incident
to the immediate ratification of Fanshaw's treaty;
their obvious anxiety to sign this, drew attention to the
place it held in their favour. Their excuse to Sand-
wich, he says, was " that they would be in doubt how
to proceed at all with mee in any Treaty when my
Master had not ratified a Treaty concluded by his
embassador armed with full Authority for the same,
which was a violation of the law of Nations." At first
they held stiffly to this attitude, and at the end of two
months' bargaining it still appeared that progress was
impossible, unless Fanshaw's treaty were formally
ratified. 2
Medina was most active in urging this course.
On June 24, the day following a Council, he made
Sandwich a visit "with all manner of splendor"; he
was generally gorgeous with a " chain of diamonds
athwart his body ; a mighty rich diamond hatband, and
a chain of diamonds wherein hung his order." The
1 Sandwich MSB. Journal, ii. 139-141. Muledi, or Omuledi, was of Irish
extraction, and had been in England upon a special mission. He was said to
have bought a house in Kent with the money given him to bribe an English
party at Charles II. 's Court.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, ff. 232, 257.
VOL. II. 5
66 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID (CHAP. X
two men conferred upon public affairs. 1 The English
Ambassador was quick to assert that Fanshaw's powers
were broken by Philip's death, and that the King was
not pledged to any treaty. Medina stoutly maintained
the contrary ; " in fine," says Sandwich, " the Duke
told mee his opinion that if I begann the Conference
upon this point and the reason given him it would
overthrow my whole negotiation." 2 But Sandwich
was immovable, and undisturbed by reiteration. He
had witnessed in England the review of Fanshaw's
work and the dissatisfaction of the Council. His
business was to correct, not to confirm, and he politely
refused to go beyond his instructions. How far these
went the Spaniards were not clear. They had hoped
much from the coming of a new Ambassador, and
exaggerated his discretionary powers. Their faith in
his free hand was a continual difficulty during the
negotiations. 3 They imagined in turn that Sandwich
had powers to confirm Fanshaw's treaty, to patch up a
peace on any terms, or to suggest a favourable league.
Their ideas came out at the first conference with the
Commissioners, which was held on June 29 in a private
room of the Royal Palace. The selection of this room
appeared to the French Ambassador to bode a lengthy
and insincere negotiation. 4 Most of the conferences
were held here, and Sandwich describes it as looking
over Madrid, with a view of town and river, " the
pleasantest visto . . . both wayes that ever I saw : in
view of the Escuriall . . . and many lovely fields and
villages, and the mountains of Guadarama." The
room was carpeted with velvet, and hung round with
pictures after Rubens. The Spaniards sat at one side
of a long table, the English at the other. The con-
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 202. 2 Ibid., ii. 204.
3 Ibid., iv. 102. * Mignet, Negotiations , i. 466.
1666] THE FIRST MEETING 67
ference was a babel of tongues, Medina talked in
Spanish ; Sandwich talked at first a mixture of French,
Latin, and Spanish, but before he left Spain he always
spoke and wrote in the language of the country.
Penaranda, Nithard, and Godolphin, spoke in Latin,
the Confessor speaking with great purity and elegance. 1
An interpreter was kept within call, and the Secretary
of State, Don Pedro Fernando del Campo, was also
present, and, like Godolphin, " sate covered."
At this first conference Sandwich delivered a sketch
of his mission, which embraced a league for mutual
aid and defence, a business which his master had in-
structed him to press on as rapidly as might be. 2 This,
he stated, was " the principal end of his negotiation."
He next pointed out the impossibility of ratifying
Fanshaw's treaty, especially in the Spanish tongue :
the Junta maintained that Fanshaw brought them
the treaty in Spanish, and in his own hand. 3 Some
discussion was given to the affair of Portugal, but
without any result or forecast. 4 Thus the meeting
ended. The news letters reported that Sandwich and
Godolphin " keep all close, but looke very merrily on
it, and understanding Spaniards say their necessity
will oblige them to close with England." 6
Such news was premature, for the difficulties were
many. Not only was the Spaniard hard to cajole, but
the rivalry of the French Ambassador gave Sandwich
ample cause for anxiety. Georges d'Aubusson de la
Feuillade, Archbishop of Embrun, was an important
personage. For four years he had represented his
country in Madrid, and under Louis' guidance was
plied with instructions, the while " French money
1 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 191.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 214.
3 Ibid., ii. 226. * Ibid., ii. 220-228.
5 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 220.
68
THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
walked up and down." 1 He had watched with satis-
faction the failure of Fanshaw's schemes ; and when
Sandwich arrived, the Archbishop was ordered " to
traverse his negotiation." 2 Proposals for mediation
were put forward by the French. The Queen had
refused them in March, 3 but subsequently there was
an apparent reaction in their favour. 4 Their Ambas-
sador was informed, however, that it was necessary
Sandwich should be heard. The offers of mediation
were suspended, and the Frenchman could only en-
deavour to influence the trend of Spanish thought.
He was able to make out a case. In conversation
with Medina he pointed to the Peace of the Pyrenees.
This, he maintained, had settled all outstanding differ-
ences between France and Spain, while with England
the Spaniards were still disputing over the Indies and
their commerce. He represented England as working
for her own ends, and as an unsuitable mediator, both
by reason of her interests and her faith. The appoint-
ment of a Junta to treat with Sandwich led to a request
on the Archbishop's part for a similar privilege.
Medina played with the probability of a rival conclave,
and the Archbishop for a time regarded him as hot in
the French interest. 6 While he was writing thus to
Louis, the Spaniards furthered their negotiations with
Sandwich.
The offers of France, sincere or not, provided the
Junta with a foil to those of England. On July 7
Muledi was sent to Sandwich, bewailing the industry
of the French Ambassador. 6 He affirmed that the
1 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 149.
2 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 468.
3 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 133.
* S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 322.
5 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 464-476.
6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 250.
i666] DIFFICULTIES 69
Council of State had voted for the end of all negotia-
tions with England. Then he emphasized Medina's
friendship, and endeavoured to sow distrust of his
colleagues. He declared that only Medina was to
be trusted, and that Penaranda and Nithard were
"absolute Hollanders." 1 A week later he said to
rodolphin :
"The Councell of State had resolved to Treate with
he French and to delay and Postpone the Treaty with
England, reproachinge our King with breach of faith
in not ratifienge ; vilifienge his marriage with Portugal
callinge it marrienge the daughter of a rebell (in
:ontradiction to the argument my Master uses of his
larrienge the daughter of a Kinge and therefore could
lot judge it unfitt that he should insist on the Title of
i Kinge) which they agravate in respect K. CH. ist
suffered by the hands of rebells." 2
In addition to threats of an agreement with France,
^uledi made capital of our political situation. He
imented the ill news of revolts in Ireland and Scot-
ind, and predicted a revolution so considerable as to
jmbroil the whole of our islands. Of our influence in
'ortugal he was frankly contemptuous, especially since
:he Due de Beaufort had been off Lisbon, dazzling the
'ortuguese with naval demonstrations. 3 And to pile
:hreat upon discouragement, Muledi went so far as to
irm " that France will make a league for 20 years
r ith Spayne, and give in Garrantie all his allies
[Swede included), that he and they will bend theire
>rces against England, and all the rest against such
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 256. 2 Ibid. , ii. 300.
3 Paris, Archives des Affaires Etrangeres : Corr. Portugal, v. 151.
Remain, writing to de Lionne (June 13, 1666), states that the arrival of
ich vessels will persuade the Portuguese that the English are not effectively
of the sea, as they wished to make all believe ; and this will be
set-back to the great respect which Portugal has hitherto displayed for
lland.
70 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
of their allies as shall at any tyme fall off and join with
England." 1
Despite these veiled threats and the pessimism of
Muledi, Sandwich went quietly about his business,
recording in his journal the events of the day ; com-
menting but little, and settling down to forward a
successful conclusion to the embassy. The report
sent to Louis of his speedy recall was contradicted in
fact, when on July 16 Sandwich took over Fanshaw's
old house, and moved to the Siete Chimeneas. 2 This
was a permanent residence for Ambassadors, and the
move foreshadowed lengthy negotiation.
The negotiations were indeed lengthy, and for a
time very tedious. Those undertaken during 1666
divide naturally into two well-defined periods. The
first of these ended in August; the second period
began in September, and lasted until the close of the
year. The procedure for business must be borne in
mind. A suggestion made by Sandwich was first dis-
cussed by \}\Q Junta : Medina, Penaranda, and Nithard.
They in turn reported upon the business to the
Council of State, the administrative power during the
minority of the King. The Council debated the point
under discussion, and summed it up in a decree. 3 The
decree was announced to the Junta, the more easily
as its members were also members of the Council.
They then informed Sandwich of the progress made.
During 1666 several conferences took place between
the Commissioners and the Ambassador, and the
results were discussed at about a dozen meetings of
the full Council. 4
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 304.
2 Ibid., ii. 308.
3 Simancas Archives : England, Legajo 2538.
* The Archives at Simancas do not always give the number of the Council,
but that held on November \\ is numbered viii.
1666] MEDIATION 71
During the first of these periods little could be done.
Sandwich laid most stress on the question of mediation.
This was not an easy matter. Portugal had not with-
drawn her demands for an unqualified peace and the
title of King. She would only treat de Rey al Rey.
Spain cried out against these demands, and declared
England bound to force Fanshaw's proposals on the
Portuguese. 1 Such an attitude was overbearing, and
frankly impossible. The Ambassador recognized this,
and waited for some moderation, some advances from
Spain. On July 8 Medina broached the subject, desir-
ing a relaxation of the Portuguese demands, but
Sandwich disclaimed power " either to temper or
mitigate the title." Instead of a peace, the Duke pro-
posed a truce for thirty years, with the King of
England as security, " both sides enjoyinge what they
have at present." 2
Any hope of an agreement was made doubly
difficult by the King's minority. It was claimed that
the cession of the title would create a mutiny, the
Queen would be clapped in a convent, and the Council
torn in pieces. 3 The Junta feared to do it, " lest they
should lose their heads when the young King comes
of age." 4 The Queen-Regent refused responsibility;
"as tutoresse she gives what is not her own." 5 The
Council and the Church also advised against the con-
cession, and inclined to a league with France, through
which the desired accommodation might be brought
about. 6 The Spanish had offered to treat with " the
present government of Portugal," and insisted that the
word " King " was mere obstinate vanity, since it was
* S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 237 ; Simancas Archives : England, Legajo
2538, f. 144.
2 Sandwich MSS, Journal, ii. 270. 3 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 68.
4 S. P., For. : Spain News Letters, 91, f. 320.
5 S. P., For. . Spain, 50, f. 174. 6 Ibid., 51, f. 257.
72 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
implied in the address. They argued that the full title
needed no mediator. If Spain were to concede the
whole of a major point, then arbitration was a farce,
and the country might as well have the full credit
her generosity afforded. Such was the Spanish attitude,
and a grandee was told off to expound it to Sandwich.
But the English Ambassador adopted an uncompro-
mising and haughty tone. He replied that, in any
arrangement, " Portugal durst not concur without us,
for if they should displease England our power at sea
would ruin them, since theire country depended upon
Commerce both of Europe and the Indies." 1
When the Spaniards saw that Sandwich insisted on
proper consideration, they shifted their ground, and
attempted to divorce him from Portuguese interests.
They suggested separate consideration of the com-
mercial and Portuguese questions. If an agreement
were made upon the first, they hoped for a league
with England, subtly framed, in order to involve the
English in hostilities against Portugal. Their scheme
was brought forward at the Junta of July 3O, 2 but
Sandwich had studied his instructions, and profited
by Fanshaw's failure. He was determined not to
make any engagement which should tie his hands as
to Portugal. An equitable settlement was to be the
crown of his work, and he regarded the kingly title
as essential. The question of a truce between Spain
and Portugal was another matter. Muledi argued
that a truce for a definite number of years was more
secure than a peace, because the latter carried no
guarantee that war might not at any time break out.
To set Portugal free was dangerous, on account of
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 342. See also Clarendon MSS., 85, f. 3.
Sandwich thought that the Spanish Crown would labour under extreme
dangers if the title were ceded.
2 Simancas Archives : England, Legajo 2538, f. 144.
1666] A PAMPHLET 73
her proximity and her possible pretensions to the
Crown of Spain. 1 It was said that such a concession
was the forerunner of a general dissolution of the
kingdom into provinces. Difficulties were thus multi-
plied, and complexities clouded the work; but Sandwich
was not deterred by the coldness of the Junta, and
demanded their suggestions in writing, while, in their
turn, they refused to commit themselves to any definite
policy. 2 Indeed, they differed among themselves as to
the sense of the articles proposed.
During these tedious negotiations, while the fencers
feinted and parried, the diplomatic world was stirred
by a pamphlet controversy. On August 7 "a paper
was spread abroad in the Court by the Abbott Arnol-
phin, comparing the utility and honour of Spayne
havinge a league with England or France, and pre-
ferring that of the latter." 3 Pamphlets were by no
means uncommon in Madrid, but generally related to
private matters, and scandals concerning the Queen
and her confessor. Arnolphin's pamphlet was of con-
siderable length, and weighed the political advantages
to be gained from either of Spain's suitors. 4 The
work was fiercely debated at Court, where counsels
were divided. Medina represented the English side,
and Penaranda the French. The pamphlet called
forth at least two answers. One, Sandwich judged,
came from Medina, and was in favour of an English
league. 6 A second suggested Spain as looker-on, no
league with either England or France. The original
pamphlet led to Arnolphin's punishment, and the Queen
imprisoned him ; but he was soon released " upon a
Petition of his disclaiminge the libell, and saying he
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 356. 2 Ibid., ii. 366-368.
3 Ibid., ii. 382. 4 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 491.
5 Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 440, 479.
74 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
was falsely accused and his name counterfeited and
that he had noe hand in makinge the said libell." 1
The excuse was partially true, for rumour had it that
Arnolphin was not alone, and that some of the Council,
including Penaranda, were suspiciously active in dis-
persing the tract. The whole of the paper and the
answers were transcribed in the Ambassador's journal,
and copies were sent to England. 2 There the matter
created some little sensation, and Sandwich was in-
structed to protest against the " base libel."
Any ill effect which this pamphlet may have had
was balanced by the progress of our war against the
Dutch. Success improved England's prestige, brought
joy to the Ambassador's heart, and " warmed it more
than all the suns of Spain." Above all, Sandwich was
enabled to meet the Commissioners in an increasingly
strong position. 3 To weaken Holland was to diminish
the naval advantage of her ally, France. The indecisive
battle fought off the North Foreland on four days in
June was duly celebrated on July i, and Sandwich
records :
11 Att nine at night wee made fires of joy upon
30 poles in the streete and 2 flamboes in every balcone
(which were about 12) with many rocketts, squibbs
and fireworks, for the victory obtained by our Fleete
upon the Dutch." 4
Since the engagement was indecisive, the rival
diplomatists had also their celebrations. Some won-
dered that the Dutch and French should dare to
make bonfires, for they had often done so, when
defeated.
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 448.
2 Ibid., ii. 199-221, 381-411, 479-493-
3 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 151.
4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 240.
1666]
GOOD NEWS
75
" Therefore their fires were applauded only by their
owne, whereas those of the English embassador were
applauded againe and againe by severall outcries of
all the people with Victor Inglaterra" 1
However, in August came the news of an English
victory. Albemarle had defeated De Ruyter, and
Sandwich was able to rejoice alone :
" Neither French nor Dutch nor Danes embassadors
made any rejoicinge this time as they did at the newes
of the other former battell." 2 . . . "The Hollanders,
who have got many friends in this Court, are lying
about it ; the French interest (bought by money) have
not received it well. . . . His Excellency suspendeth
his triumphant fires and fireworks untill the receipt of
the certaine Newes of all from England, but will then
shew his gallantry in this, as he doth in all other occa-
sions to his King's and Countrey's eternall glory. It
hath happened in an excellent time for my Lord to doe
his business ; since the newes of it came first to towne,
my Lord hath beene much visited and courted by the
great ones of this Court, and 'tis hoped things will go
well." 3
As our success at sea impressed the people of Madrid,
Spain grew more desirous of a league ; but here came
in the difficulty of Portugal at once the friend of Eng-
land and the enemy of Spain. With the Portuguese
we had no quarrel : yet England, leagued with Spain,
would be involved in the peninsular war ; for war still
flared and flickered, and frontier raids were of frequent
occurrence. 4 Spain wished for vessels in order to
blockade Lisbon, which the French fleet furnished
with supplies of corn. 5 To use our navy in that way
was impossible. We could only consent to a league
1 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters , 91, f. 220.
* Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 414.
3 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, ff. 61, 320.
4 S. P., For. : News Letters, 91, f. 244 ; Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 372.
5 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 195.
76 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
which should not bind us against Portugal, and there-
fore Portugal must either be excluded from Spain's
enemies, or a peace must first be made, which should
satisfy the Councils both of Madrid and Lisbon. But
the Portuguese had ceased to seek terms : their attitude
was obstinate, and it was patent that their statesmen
held the key of the situation. They could not see how
anyone could offer a compromise by touching upon the
string that was so fatal to Fanshaw. 1
The French thought the same, and spared no pains
to foment the war. The whole business was com-
plicated by wider issues. Louis did not wish peace to
be made with Spain before his contemplated attack on
the Spanish Netherlands. His resident at Lisbon, the
Marquis de St. Romain, had very definite instructions.
He was sent to thwart any agreement between Spain
and Portugal, particularly one framed by England. He
inflamed the pride of the Portuguese, and extolled the
magnitude of their victories. In particular, he was
bidden to encourage their insistence on the title of
King, while with equal vehemence he opposed a
truce, as a loophole for eventual reconquest. He was
enabled to ply the Portuguese with money, and assist-
ance in their war, 2 but France did not rely upon a
single Ambassador. The King of Portugal married a
French wife. She arrived at Lisbon in August, and
was accompanied by the Marquis de Ruvigny, a diplo-
matist of some note. The arrival of the French vessels
was made a demonstration of naval power; the
escort was numerous, and designed to persuade the
Portuguese that the English were not entirely masters
of the sea. 3 English overtures were rendered un-
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 486.
2 Recueil des Instructions : Portugal, p. 90.
3 Paris, Archives des affaires ttrangeres ; Corr. : Portugal, 5, f. 151.
1666] LISBON'S ATTITUDE 77
popular, and for a time the French interest was
supreme. Matters looked ripe for an agreement
between the two countries, since the Portuguese were
already in debt to England, and needed money from a
fresh source. 1 Their Ministers talked of trying a league
with France, who had proffered money, and they ex-
pressed the hope that England would not take this ill. 2
In Lisbon, so near did an alliance seem that South-
well was full of alarm. He hunted up instructions
and made various offers to the Court. He promised
peace if Portugal would waive the title, but the sugges-
tion " was received with flat denial and resentment." 3
He then wrote to Madrid for advice, suggested a
journey to Spain, and, acting upon his own initiative,
arrived in Madrid on September 17. The previous
day Sandwich recorded an attempt "to gett a passe
for a servant to goe to Lisbon to hinder or stopp
Sir R.'s journey if it were possible." 4 For Southwell's
appearance at Madrid was inconvenient, and made the
negotiations look as though they lagged. 6 The terms
he brought were unsatisfactory ; they included the
cession of the title within thirty days (to which ten
days of grace were added) ; if that failed, the Portuguese
threatened a rupture of all negotiations, and a definite
treaty with France.
The Envoy's presence was turned to account by the
Spaniards, and they declaimed violently against the
unreasoning attitude of Lisbon. The Queen tried to
force the Ambassador's hand. A league was suggested
in haste, by which England would have found herself
fighting side by side with Spain. Not only the Queen,
but her mouthpiece, Nithard, complained of the slow-
1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, ff. 172, 205.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 91. 3 Ibid.
* Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 498. 5 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 502.
78 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
ness of the business, an ironical attitude for the
Spaniard. 1 Sandwich was not to be outwitted. He
knew that the Council was acting on guesswork.
He refused to commit himself, and declined an
audience on the ground " of distemper of body and
taking Physicke for remedye," and pleaded " the
divers considerations occasioned by the Prescence of
Sir R. Southwell." 2 Before making a league, he
looked for security, and for some evidence of good-
will The English merchants were still suffering
from exactions ; and though Sandwich had improved
their condition and received their thanks, he was not
fully assured of the good faith of the Spaniard. 3 No
treaty had been framed such as he could reasonably
sign. Hasty overtures were useless. The cause of
Southwell's presence was kept a secret, and he saw
none but Godolphin and Sandwich. 4 The latter's first
care was to get him back to Lisbon. There were
many grounds for this. An attempt " to know the
last mind of Spain " was unreasonable, when there
was no guarantee that Portugal would accept the
Spanish terms. 6 The presence of Southwell might be
regarded as a slight on the Ambassador's position and
credentials ; and Sandwich regarded personal ambition
as partly responsible for the move. He looked on
Southwell as youthful, " hot in his pursuits, and of
little experience." 6 Above all he thought that the
Portuguese encouraged Southwell's absence, for
Lisbon was thereby laid open to the machinations of
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 516. 2 Ibid., ii. 514.
3 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. II ; Carte MSS., 75, f. 485.
* S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 52.
6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 8. Sandwich was at the time inclined to
follow the precedent of 1659, and force peace upon the combatants (S. P., For. :
Spain, 52, f. 81).
6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 10.
PATIENCE NEEDED 79
Ruvigny and St. Remain, and want of success would
warrant the Portuguese proceeding with France. 1
On September 24 Sandwich sent Southwell back to
Portugal, with letters to the King and Castel Melhor.
Despite the unbending attitude of Lisbon, some
" temperament " was suggested, and patience was
urged. 2 A few days later came a fresh batch of lengthy
instructions from the King and Arlington, which
left a gap for discretionary work. 8 Fortified by his
new instructions, Sandwich sounded Medina as to the
proposals for a compromise. 4 On October 23 he pre-
sented a scheme in which a truce for sixty years
between Spain and Portugal was substituted for a
peace, and the title was drafted as Corona Portugallice
and Lusitanica Majestas. In addition, Sandwich deter-
mined to send a messenger to Lisbon with similar
proposals. He had no more faith in this offer than
in that of Fanshaw. But he hoped to husband time,
and to avoid giving Spain new occasion for jealousy
by presenting any scheme to which Portugal had not
agreed. 6 Medina raised objections. He conceived
consultation with Portugal as fruitless, for he thought
that Sandwich had no more rope than his pre-
decessor.
For once Sandwich was impatient, and answered
"with some passion." He declared that the English
had both arms open to embrace Spanish friendship;
and if they disputed matters of small importance, or
spun out time in delays, he would advertise Charles
"what he had to trust to." 6 He took no heed of their
objections, but on November 6 sent Werden post to
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 8-12.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 100.
3 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, i. 168-189.
4 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 135.
5 Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 138. 6 Ibid., iii. 148.
8o THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
Lisbon. 1 The messenger took with him letters of in-
struction for Southwell, and propositions to be laid
before the King. The style of " Crown " was proposed,
together with a truce of sixty years, "a considerable
space of Tyme in the mutabilitye of humane affairs/' 2
In addition, Spain was to renounce any right to the
resumption of her claims. The mission had no success ;
on November 22 Werden returned with an unfavour-
able report. 3
Whilst Werden journeyed to Lisbon, matters were
debated in Madrid. Anticipating the result of the
mission, Medina begged Sandwich to desert Portugal,
and confine himself to framing a league with Spain. 4
The English Ambassador suspected insincerity, and
a desire to change the course of the work. He
was disappointed, as he said, that the whole of his
task should be undone, and "we begin again." He
"appeared vigorously resolute"; he sent Godolphin
to the Duke, and suggested the expedient which was
eventually adopted : the immediate signature of an
Anglo-Spanish commercial treaty, and the postpone-
ment of the Portuguese question. 6 To take one thing
at a time was the right course. Sandwich had sug-
gested a practical line. He had already rectified the
treaty of commerce, rendered it complete, and in-
serted the clauses which Fanshaw had omitted. 6 The
Duke then suggested various amendments which
caused frequent delay, and the business was hedged
in by formalities. There were many threads to
untwine and difficulties to overcome.
1 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 203.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 152.
3 Ibid., iii. 252-268. Werden kept a journal which was there copied
out.
1 Ibid., iii. 170 et seq.
5 Ibid., iii. 174, 180-184. 6 Ibid., iii. 155.
1666] MORE DIFFERENCES 81
"Our Lord Embassador is so close in what he
treateth, that only himselfe and the Secretary of the
Embassie know it ; Spaniards will persuade us that all
goeth ill, and that his Excellency is told he may be
gone, for they will not hear him a word more about
Portugall ; this is said but cannot tell with what truth,
for my Lord is pleasant and merry, and treateth as
much with the three appointed him as ever." 1
During the whole of November, Sandwich was
especially active ; he paid private visits to the members
of the Junta, and meetings took place nearly every
day. At each the Commissioners had some new
difficulty, and a succession of minor differences were
brought in to obscure the issue. If an Anglo-Spanish
league were framed, what would be done with the
English contingent fighting for Portugal? and Sand-
wich could only promise their help to Spain against
any other nation but Portugal. 2 He was taunted, too,
with the gossip concerning the King and Catherine of
Braganca. Talk of a separation had reached the
Spanish Court, and engendered a hope that Anglo-
Portuguese relations would be severely strained. A
report came that both our Houses were preparing a
Bill to make severer penal laws against the Papists,
and Sandwich was compelled to visit the Queen in
order to correct any bad impressions this had made. 3
Medina made capital out of the disturbances in Scot-
land, and predicted the renewal of a Franco-Scottish
alliance. The rumours of Clarendon's approaching
downfall were used as a text for preaching on the
uncertainties of foreign policy, and Medina talked of
an anti-Spanish party at the English Court. He urged
the return of Jamaica, and his secretary discoursed on
Spanish grievances in the West Indies. He tried to
1 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 186.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 180.
3 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 244.
VOL. II. 6
82 THE EMBASSY TO MADRID [CHAP, x
purchase Tangier, but Sandwich regarded it as useful
for protection of our commerce; and when Medina
offered the use of Cadiz or Gibraltar for the same
purpose, Sandwich replied dryly that " neverthelesse
a place of our owne was not amisse." 1
These minor difficulties which hampered an agree-
ment were made more formidable by the result of
Werden's mission. A distinct set-back was apparent
when Sandwich met the Junta on November 28. 2 Spain
resumed relations with the French Ambassador, who
had obtained the ear of the Queen and her confessor,
and repeated his suggestion for a rival commission. 3
Now that the overtures to Portugal had apparently
failed, the Archbishop obtained from the Queen com-
pliance with his request, and she and Nithard were
inclined to allow him a Junta. 4 But at one point the
English possessed an advantage ; both Sandwich and
Southwell were prepared to put forward written pro-
posals, and both really meant business. French policy
meant nothing of the kind. Plans were maturing for
an attack on Spain, and Louis' instructions kept his
Ambassador partially in the dark as to the real drift
of affairs ; he was prohibited from putting down a
single word in writing. He lamented this to Louis,
and the more so because Spain asked for a definite
agreement. 5 The King of France wished to gain time.
He desired to see Spain without a single ally ; and she
accorded him his desire, for she adopted a negative
policy of peace with everybody. 6
Since Spain was lulled to inactivity, and Portugal
had refused the suggested terms, Sandwich could
make little progress. He was discontented for a time,
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 204-206, 230-232, 376-380, 404-454.
2 Ibid., iii. 296^^. 3 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 506, 507.
* Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 372.
6 Mignet, Negotiations , i. 512. 6 Ibid., i. 513.
i666] THE YEAR ENDS 83
but tenacious. Penaranda urged him again and again
to "lett Portugall go to the Divell." 1 The Junta had
agreed to a sixty years' truce, but now began to higgle,
and clamour for fifty. They thus reopened a question
which had been definitely settled, and Sandwich
justly protested. 2 The Christmas festival next served
as an excuse for further delay. Then at the new year
things began to look better. On January 3 Muledi
brought congratulations to Sandwich on the arrange-
ment of a treaty. The next day an important meeting
was held, and it was agreed that a Spanish-Portuguese
treaty should be drafted. Apparently Spain was
willing to concede the title, if the truce were abated
to fifty years. It seemed as though the old quarrel
were patched up, and Sandwich wrote most hopefully
to Arlington. 3
Suddenly there came an unexpected check. The
Spaniard chose to regard Sandwich's commercial
treaty as "wholly new." The secretary, del Campo,
brought Godolphin a draft, "involvinge us in all
the old difficulties of deserting Portugall, confirming
the Treaty of 1630 ; obliginge particularly anew my
Master not to assist any of their enemyes ; and con-
nectinge the Treatie of Commerce and Truce, so as
neither to be ratified unlesse my Master brought Por-
tugall to consent therein, or, if not, deserted them." 4
Such propositions were impossible, and could not be
entertained ; they cancelled the work already done,
and threw the negotiations into utter confusion.
For a time there was nothing but tedious bargaining,
and the prospect of agreement looked almost hope-
less. " Since they will walk their own pace," said
Sandwich, " let them take their fortune with it."
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 328. 2 Ibid., iii. 360.
3 Ibid., iii. 430-436. * Ibid., iii. 444.
CHAPTER XI
MADRID TO LISBON i
I. THE COMMERCIAL TREATY.
"In all Negociations of Difficultie, a Man may not looke to So we and
Reape at once ; but must Prepare Businesse, and so Ripen it by Degrees."
BACON : Of Negotiating,
WHEN the new year opened the negotiations were at
a stand. The diplomatists displayed their wares,
haggled and huckstered, asked fancy prices or made
the meanest offers. Spain repudiated her bargain ;
she had promised to consider separately the two im-
portant questions a commercial treaty with England,
and the peace with Portugal. Now she brought for-
ward for signature a treaty framed in a manner that
would bind England to transfer her aid from Portugal
to Spain. This was presented by Muledi, who, with
sanguine insistence, tried to force the English Ambas-
sador's hand ; " temptinge mee," said Sandwich, " to
compliance in this matter, but I continued still resolute
in noe sort to admitt such a manner of signinge the
Treatyse." 2 And while Spain thus dallied, France
1 Authorities : Those in the last chapter. See also H. Schafer, Geschichte
von Portugal. A. F. Pribram, Privatbriefe Kaiser Leopold I. an den Grafen
F. E. von Poetting. These letters show the international importance of
Sandwich's embassy. A. F. Pribram, Lisola und die Politik seiner Zeit.
An Account of the Court of Portugal under Dom Pedro //., part ii. (London,
1700) ; T. Carte, History of the Revolutions of Portugal^ with Sir R.
Southwell's Letters (London, 1740).
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 482.
84
1667] LIFE IN MADRID 85
was making headway with the Portuguese, and it
looked as though she might obtain an alliance. But
the more Portugal leaned towards the French, the
easier it became for England to arrive at the under-
standing she desired. In less than six months Sand-
wich, by patience and perseverance, had completed
the first part of his work, and signed the commercial
treaty with Spain.
Before agreement came about there were long
delays, during which he preserved an even front and
let matters take their own course. His discontent at
Spain's dilatory attitude was kept for the pages of his
journal, and he filled some forty of these with reflec-
tions on his ill-luck. 1 The enforced cessation from
work was occupied with other matters. He was
keenly interested in astronomy, and recorded regular
observations of the sun, moon, and stars. The lull
also gave him leisure to see the ordinary life of
the country. As it chanced to be the festival of
St. Blaize (February 3), he joined the crowd of
holiday-makers who poured out from Madrid, and
thus describes the scene :
" In the afternoone I went abroad in my Coach to
see the manner of this people, who account this the
first day of the Springe, and making themselves fine,
goe all abroad into the fields towards St. Blasque's
Chappell, which is J mile out of the Towne betweene
it and the Atoche, and abundance of Coaches, I believe
about 500 of best qualitie in Towne, soe that the
Streets were soe clogged that I could not gett backe
untill 8 at night ; in the stoppe, beinge over against a
coach with Ladyes in it they opened the Curtaine and
with a Squirte threw Sweete water upon our faces, a
custome amongst them (they say) although they be
vertuous people." 2
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 480 et seqq.
2 Ibid., iii. 490.
86 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
Again at carnival time he writes :
" All the people are full of liberty and extravagance,
throwinge eggs at one another in the streetes, and
weomen of the best quality and virtue walking up and
down, but being tapada, and noe body must take notice
of the person, though he know who it is. And in pri-
vate conversation, free to an excesse, admitting all
manner of jollity ; among the rest, they suffer the men
to thrust small Caraway Comfitts downe theire breasts
and backes in great quantity ; and sprinkle one another
with Squirtes of sweet water, and multitude of such
playes."
Accounts of these holidays are not the only passages
which lend colour to the journal, for the daily life of
the embassy afforded its particular distractions. The
English Ambassador and his suite formed a little town-
ship in the heart of Madrid. The residence of this
colony included the Siete Chimeneas, and houses for
the suite and servants. The precincts were privileged,
and were supposed to form part of the country which
the Ambassador represented, guarded by the flag like
a ship at sea. The royal arms were set up over the
great house, and the chair of state stood for the royal
presence. The family, servants, and retinue, were
immune from taxes; they could not be sued in the
courts, and could exercise their own religion. The
Spanish officers of justice, the alguazils as Sandwich
calls them, lowered their staffs as they passed through
the barriers, and any omission of this token of respect
led to a street skirmish between the Spaniards and
English. Sandwich relates that one of his men was
killed by a shot from their guns ; " my footman rudely
pursuing four alguazils through the streets upon a
rumour that they came through our barriers with their
rodds exalted, which by custom they ought not to doe."
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 16.
i66 7 ] PRECEDENCE 87
Another alguazil entered without leave into a house
within his barriers, and served a process upon the
woman of the house ; yet he was only reprimanded,
" whereas," says Sandwich, " I justly expected they
should have cashiered him, and sent him to begg
mercy at my feet." 1
The quarrels over such questions were not confined
to the Spaniard, but spread sometimes to the rival
diplomatists. A good deal of clandestine information
had to be obtained ; and money was spent in creating
a party favourable to the particular interests of one's
country. Continual warfare was waged under a cloak
of courtesy. On the arrival of an Ambassador he was
accorded a public audience, and a solemn entry to the
city ; he was greeted by the Master of the Ceremonies,
and feasted at the expense of the Crown. His rivals
swelled his train, and the receptions afforded them an
opportunity for emulation. It was their business to
render the entry less imposing, and to catch the eye
by the splendour of their own retinue. Matters of
display and precedence were of great moment to the
French ; they were ready to assert their claims by force.
At the public reception of a Venetian Ambassador, the
French lackeys came with firearms concealed under
their coats, and a scuffle for the most prominent place
was only averted because Sandwich failed to send a
coach, and declined to take part in the pageant. 2
The precincts of the Ambassador's house afforded a
refuge to good and bad alike ; the homeless claimed
hospitality, and the criminal endeavoured to escape
arrest. Malefactors tried to live secretly in the streets
of His Excellency's jurisdiction ; and when Sandwich
first took over the house, six coach-loads of criminals
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 678.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 99.
88 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
were evicted and imprisoned. 1 But to the political
prisoner, or to certain fugitives from justice, sanctuary
was permitted. At Medina's request, Sandwich gave
house-room to three Italians, " to preserve them from
being notified of a sentence of banishment." 2 They
proved " ingenious men of learninge and mathematicall."
Their discourse beguiled an enforced holiday; they
told the Ambassador stories of Sicily, some sufficiently
incredible, but faithfully recorded in the journal.
In addition to these hospitalities, Sandwich was also
asked to recommend for particular posts : the testimony
of an Ambassador was highly esteemed, as being of
weight and impartial. "Several Grandees, having
been to marry a daughter, have wrote letters to my
Lord to give him notice, and out of the greatness of
his wisdom to desire his advice, though people he
never saw; and then my Lord he answers by com-
mending the greatness of his discretion in making so
good an alliance, and so ends." 3
Among the nobles who sought his good offices,
Sandwich appears to have been distinctly popular.
The hospitality of the embassy was lavish and most
expensive ; the Ambassador " keeping a very splendid
table for all that came, and giving to dine daily to about
sixty poor people." 4 On great occasions his illumina-
tions outdid those of the other Ambassadors, " much to
the King's honour, excelling far the rest. You cannot
imagine," wrote Godolphin, " how much these things
please in this country." 6 On the King's birthday,
for example, Sandwich celebrated the festival with
bonfires, illuminations, and fireworks, " performed by
1 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 62.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 447.
3 Pepys's Diary, September 27, 1667.
4 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. n.
5 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 191.
1667] ENTERTAINMENTS 89
an Artist of this place," says the same writer, " in the
rarest manner I have ever seen."
" His Excellency had then a Feast, many of the
chiefest quality here, and some Publique Ministers of
Forraigne Princes and States being present, besides a
great confluence of other People, who were afterwards
entertained with a Spanish Comedy and Entremeses,
and in conclusion of all a Noble banquet, with such a
multitude of healths to the King, Royall family, and
afterwards to all Our friends in England, that Scarce
anybody remembers what followed." 1
Of the plays which were performed at such times
of rejoicing, Sandwich tells us something. His com-
rades, as he calls them, and some of his servants,
acted Shirley's ' Impostor ,' and it was received with
great applause by the several grandees. 2 A few nights
later, by order of the Conde de Molina, there was a
return visit.
" I had presented mee entremeses by the Comedians
of Madrid," wrote the Ambassador, " the choicest
thinges of all their Comedies, and the best actors,
men and women out of their companies joyned together.
There was a great deal of Company at my house of
great qualitie : the son of the Amirante de Castile,
the Amirante de Arragone, and divers earles and
marquesses." 3
What most struck Lord Sandwich was the light
way in which religion was handled. The Marquess of
Baides, once the Ambassador's prisoner, presented a
comedy of his own writing, in which, to my Lord's
amazement, the chief part was the preaching of a pre-
tended Jesuit, but the matter was " amorous, jocose,
and ridiculous," and led to the actor's incarceration by
1 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 319.
2 Sandwich MSS. Toumal, iii. 186.
3 Ibid.) iii. 390. On the next night Sandwich's comrades acted "The
Gentlemen of Venice."
90 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
the Inquisition. 1 On a later occasion Sandwich tells
of a comedy " wherein there was represented a Crucifix
as bigg as life and Holy actions performed, and after-
wards a representation of Jesus by a child, and such
actions religious, done and said, as one would have
thought better became one of their Churches than the
stage." 2
The tone of levity which Sandwich deplored in the
Spaniards' theatre spread also to their music.
"They love such tunes as the Trumpetts, but es-
pecially the ordinary tunes of Spayn as a mariona,
Chicona, or passacalle," he writes ; and adds, " I have
heard a story of a rare forreign musitian that played
(upon the lute I suppose) with his utmost skill unto
some persons, (noblewomen) of the best quality in
Madrid, and when he had done they desired him to
play alguna cosa de buena ; whereat the man was
displeased exceedingly and said he thought he had
played that which was good already, and had done his
best; they replied, Si, si,pero toco alguna cosa de bueno^
coma un chicona, mariana, o passa calleo. They love
the regall stopp of the organs in theire chappells, and
play such light tunes upon it as John come kisse mee
now" But "to speake the truth," he said, " their
manner of playing and singing is very agreable, soft
and passionate." 3
Plays and music helped the Ambassador to while
away the winter months, and in the heat of summer
he frequently left Madrid. Part of his time was
spent at Sarcuela, a counts-house of the King's : " a
very pretty place, fine gardens, lovely elm trees about
it, and a warren well stored with rabbits." 4 There
the Ambassador followed outdoor pursuits. The chief
of these was bathing, which he said made his spirits
much lighter and more pleasant. The Manzanares
was only ankle-deep, so Sandwich bathed from a
* Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 556. 2 Ibid., v. 190.
3 Ibid,, iii. 123, 129. 4 Ibid., iv. 116, v. 444.
EDWARD, EARL OF SANDWICH
By Samuel Cooler
JEMIMA, COUNTESS OF SANDWICH
By Samuel Cooper
From miniatures at Hinchingbrooke
To face p. 90 of Vol. II
1667] WORK RENEWED 91
hole dug in the sand, and a small tent was pitched
to defend him from the sun, and for privacy. Crowds
were doing the like ; " they digg holes in the Sande,"
he says, " as deepe as will cover the body, and then
lie naked all alonge in that hole and bathe, both men
and women publiquely, and in the more private places
the best people of Spayn." When the evening drew
on, people left their bathing-places, and supped upon
the grass by the river-side, making fires and dancing ;
" which is very fresh and pleasant," says the journal.
" Theire dancing is very proud and active both of
men and weomen, and they much delight in using the
Castoneetes which they use very dextrously and
stick them in exact tyme with the tune they dance
unto." During the intense heat of July the whole of
fashionable Madrid was at the river-side, and on the
last night of the bathing season as many as 500 coaches
were out. There were sports of all kinds, and coaches
in which were harnessed six mules raced along the
river-side. 1 With various visits to country-houses,
and to the fairs and sights of Madrid, time passed
pleasantly enough.
These different diversions filled up the Ambassador's
idle hours. Shortly after he had entertained the
grandees with English plays, the Spaniards renewed
definite work. A Junta was held on January 30, and
then Sandwich heard the reasons for the abrupt close
of the negotiations. Spain regarded it as unreasonable
that the treaty should be separated from the truce ; for
the refusal of the latter by Portugal would only com-
plicate affairs. England might be rewarded by a
commercial treaty, although her efforts at mediation
should prove a failure. In any case the Spaniards
maintained that her sincerity should be shown by the
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 129, iv. 294, 316, 348, v. 206.
92 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
withdrawal of her troops from the Portuguese army.
Penaranda was especially insistent on " the incon-
gruity of a Mediator fighting against one of the partyes ;
at the same instant when he is mediatinge." The Junta
offered anew three expedients : first, a confirmation of
the treaty of 1630; secondly, a secret article whereby
the King of England would " undertake for Portugall
or desert them," and lastly, the sending an express to
England for the King's approval of their suggestions.
Sandwich dealt fully with their plans ; as for the King's
assisting Portugal, he pointed to the Swiss mercenaries
in both the French and Spanish armies. He waved
aside all conditional treating, and the waste of time
that fresh embassies would cause. 1 Nothing was
settled, and he went about his work with increased
caution. 2 Medina suggested that Sandwich should
consult the Queen directly, but lest blame should fall
on him for " misleading her judgement," he declined
this expedient, especially as it would certainly have
involved him in the distrust of a section of the
Ministers. 3
He could afford silence, for he was well aware of
a cleavage in the Spanish counsels. The Queen and
her confessor, together with the Emperor's Ambas-
sador, made up a small cabal. Concerned for the
integrity of the Habsburg dominions, they possessed
perhaps a wider outlook on politics than the purely
Spanish Ministers, and hoped to stir these from their
lethargy. They distrusted France, knowing as they
did that she was prepared to swoop down upon
Flanders, tear up the marriage settlement, and diminish
the family territory of the Habsburgs. Sandwich saw
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 510-518.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 39.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 522.
i66 7 ] SIGNS OF PROMISE 93
that the partition was near at hand, and waited for the
Queen's party to bring the danger home to Spain.
They were active in an attempt to do so. The Emperor's
Ambassador, Franz Eusebius von Poetting, visited
Sandwich with suggestions which Habsburg policy
inspired, and which Nithard had framed. The latter
ceased his opposition to an Anglo-Spanish league, and
only desired that England should deny her help to
Portugal in return for commercial advantage. 1 Sand-
wich gave no pledge, nor wavered in his demands ; for
he felt that when he was courted by the Queen's party
a settlement could not long be deferred.
These signs of promise were coincident with much
that was tedious. Godolphin was kept going to and
fro, interviewing now Nithard, now Medina. At length
the Spanish Council addressed themselves to a review
of the whole affair. On February 21 they held an
important meeting. 2 The business was then discussed.
Of this Council the Archbishop of Embrun and Lord
Sandwich give very different impressions. The former
describes the Council as divided, and states that the
idea of any further negotiation with England was
defeated by two voices to one. A treaty with us was
said to be impossible, as we were bound to Portugal ;
and English mediation was not of sufficient weight to
end the war. An Anglo-Spanish league was opposed
by the peace party, as likely to involve Spain in dis-
agreement with her neighbour. 3 But the real com-
plexion of the Council was very different, and Sandwich
was quickly advised of this. The meeting lasted from
four in the afternoon till two the following morning.
The Council debated "upon some very great affairs
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 536-552.
2 The date given in Mignet is March 6 (i.e., February 24 O.S.). See also
Poetting, Privatbriefe, March 6, 1667.
3 D' Embrun to Louis XIV. (quoted by Mignet, i. 518).
94 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
judged to be my negotiation," writes Sandwich ;
11 quickened thereunto by newes from France of the
greate preparations there and designs." 1
Report made out that the factions were irrecon-
cilable and the counsels varied, but the immediate
result was satisfactory enough. The next day Medina
sent a message to His Excellency, " pressinge me
earnestly to find out some expedient in our affair that
we may speedily conclude, and that in a way of love
and amicableness." Sandwich only waited for assur-
ance that the Junta " had concluded in favour of his
business," and then made an appointment with Medina.
Though their conversation circled round forms and
details, Sandwich felt the strength of his position, and
kept himself, as he said, " close in discourse ... to
make them the seekers of mee, apprehendinge that to
be more graceful for mee : havinge heard by all hands
that they had resolved in favour of my negotiation and
were pushed forward by their owne interest." 2
Thus there was no need to press matters. Arlington
likewise counselled hesitation ; peace was possible
between England and Holland, and protraction was
desirable until the upshot of the negotiations became
apparent. 3 So Sandwich met dalliance with delay,
and paid the Spaniard in his own coin. He was
summoned to a Junta with much officiousness on
Medina's part. When in his coach, bound for the
palace, he was turned back, and given for excuse the
Confessor's indisposition. He repaid them in their
own coin. Summoned to a Junta two days later,
he sent a message to the effect that he " had taken
Physicke and could not goe." 4
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 588.
2 Ibid., iii. 591. 3 Arlington, Letters, ii. 219.
4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 664.
i66 7 ] FRANCE ACTIVE 95
Following these pleasantries the negotiations
slackened down, while Spain scanned the horizon.
The survey was sufficient to cause her disquiet. The
Archbishop of Embrun was alarmed lest the signs
and portents should cause a rupture between the two
nations, and Louis advised him to dally a while
longer. Small affairs roused Spanish suspicion.
Their dispatches were opened at Bayonne, and even
an incident as ordinary as this sufficed to get Sand-
wich a better hearing. 1 Some, he writes, " talke hotly
of a breach beginninge with France ; and grow jealous
of the greate numbers of French that inhabite in this
town and many parts of Spain." Yet most Spaniards
were blind to the threatened danger. From the
Marquess of Baides Sandwich learned that the Council
of February 26 had been faced by a French demand for
Brabant, 2 but the Marquess chose to regard this as
a move against England. It was, he said, on a par
with the rumour of war preparations in France, and
only aimed at an Anglo-Spanish league. Neither did
the Marquess of Caracena allow Sandwich to think that
the preparations boded ill. 3 Campaigns were annually
threatened. Why should the French drive Spain into
the arms of England ? Muledi also tried to persuade
the Ambassador that the designs of France were in
reality directed against us.
" The warr with Holland," he said, " was at first
encouraged and scince fomented by the French, out of
a designe to dispute the Dominion of the Sea with
England, and that France was soe bent upon it that
they would never suffer the warr to cease between
any of them (if they could helpe it) untill they had
gamed some bounds in the sea from the English, or
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 574-
2 Ibid., iii. 594.
3 Ibid. , iii. 608 et seq.
96 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
some declaration of sharinge the dominion thereof.
And that hereupon they secured themselves that
France would not make warr with them." l
Sandwich ignored all such explanations, whether
evolved in ignorance or initiated by craft. He was
well posted in the news from Flanders. Either to him
or to Godolphin, Sir William Temple wrote numerous
letters. Moreover Arlington instructed him to use
caution, and to keep the treaty of commerce and the
truce with Portugal strictly divided ; though as to the
assistance of enemies, a secret article might be allowed. 2
At a lengthy meeting held on March 18, every side of
the negotiation was again discussed, and arrangements
were made for an agreement to be drafted. 3 The
work only needed outside impulse, and this came in
due course. The goad which quickened the Spaniard's
paces was the long-threatened league between France
and Portugal.
The news of such a treaty arrived as a rumour, but
was quickly confirmed. The agreement was a great
step in the diplomatic isolation of Spain. The negotia-
tion had been entrusted by Louis XIV. to Melchior de
Harod de Senevas, Marquis de St. Romain. 4 He was
one of the best diplomatists of the century, a man of
extensive experience. He was furnished with the
most complete instructions, and was empowered to
offer Portugal money for her war. He was told to
create a breach between France and Spain if the
latter should accept the terms offered by Sandwich.
His work was not free from difficulties. The money
he offered was insufficient, and he could not prevail
upon Portugal to abstain from negotiations with her
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 732.
2 Ibid., iii. 755. 3 Ibid., iii. 670-680.
4 Recueil des Instructions : Portugal, pp. 88 et seq.
i66 7 ] FRANCE AND PORTUGAL 97
neighbour. Above all, he had to obtain a league before
the French rupture with Spain, lest Portugal should
allow peace to come by a natural process, for war
between France and Spain would undoubtedly bring it
about. 1 So ill did his work appear to prosper that
within a week of the treaty Southwell wrote to Sand-
wich : " There is not to this day any one proposition
of the said treaty yet laid, and the time is apparently
spun out in beliefe that they need not much apprehend
Spaine in this next Campania, to the great mortifica-
tion of Monsieur St. Romain." 2
At the moment when Southwell wrote, a vessel
from France brought new instructions for their
Ambassador. He need not fail in landing his fish for
want of a choicer fly. The country which had Colbert
at the head of her finances was rarely stinted for
money, and St. Romain was empowered to enlarge
his offers. Money was Portugal's greatest need. As
the spring approached, her fancy turned towards
renewal of the campaign. The Queen, a daughter of
France, threw her influence on St. Romain's side.
The negotiations took on an appearance of haste, and
for six days the Commissioners met continually. The
news of their conferences roused Southwell to vigorous
protest ; he petitioned the Council in person, the King
in writing. 3 He demanded a clause by which Portugal
should receive peace whenever it was offered, but
his clamour fell on deaf ears. An offensive and de-
fensive league was signed on March 21, and French
money and ships were placed at Portugal's disposal.
The treaty was a virtual declaration of war with
1 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 537.
2 Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 723 : Southwell to Sandwich, March 14.
3 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 541 : Southwell to Sandwich ; Sandwich MSS.
Journal, iii. 758 et seqq.
VOL. II. 7
98 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
Spain. 1 The articles of the treaty were few, and
only one affected the English negotiations. This was
the seventh article, which forbade either France or
Portugal to make any peace or truce within the next
ten years without the other's express consent. 2
The provisions of the treaty were at once announced
to Southwell, and he sent the news to Madrid. 3 Spain
found her strongest enemies firmly leagued. She did
her best to assure Sandwich of the falsity of the news,
and Medina flatly denied it. 4 Sandwich was unruffled,
for the news made him hopeful. So far the treaty
between Spain and Portugal had been thwarted by
obstinacy, but now there came a chance that Spain
might concede the title, and treat de Rey al Rey. The
league, too, made an alliance with England doubly
valuable, and circumstances drove the Spaniards into
her arms. Sandwich had rightly made them " seekers."
Henceforward his business prospered. The com-
mercial treaty was kept clear of the Portuguese affair.
On April 19 Sandwich presented to the Junta the frame
of a secret article concerning the assistance of enemies. 5
At the same time the commercial treaty was made
ready for signature, the transcription was hastened,
and was completed in ten days. 6 The translation into
1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 515.
2 The treaty is printed in Dumont, Corps diplomatique.
3 His letters are copied into the Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 758, 827, 847.
* Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 766.
5 Ibid., iii. 776-787. "I proposed to the Lords to change the appella-
tion of Truce for Portugal and not call them secrett Articles. And
also to divide them totally from the Treaty of Commerce, and not number
them forward in consecution of the others as they were in my Lord Fanshaw's
and as they stand now in my Project. To which they assented and said,
Havinge satisfaction in that Secrett Article (which was the originall difficulty
for which the Truce with Portugall was excogitated by the Duke and Sir R. F.
as a remedie) it was of noe importance how the truce was disposed, and that
I might putt the Treaty in 2 or 3 or 4 parts if I would."
6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 818.
i66 7 ] SANDWICH SUCCEEDS 99
Latin was prepared by Godolphin, and on May i
Sandwich met the Commissioners, " and adjusted every
point in difference, and every word of the treaty, Truce
and Secrett Article, and gave direction for the writinge
6 faire Coppies ... 3 for each party, one of them to
send into England, one other for the Court of Spaine,
and one other to interchange betweene mee and the
Commissioners." * That night he wrote and informed
Arlington that the first part of his work was done. 2
Such a treaty had long been needed. During the
war of 1656 between Spain and the Commonwealth,
commercial relations had been broken off, and were
only resumed in a haphazard manner, and at great risk.
To British commerce this was a real disaster, for the
trade done with Spain was of remarkable dimen-
sions, and highly esteemed by the protectionists of the
time. They found that we exported more than we
imported, and obtained a balance in gold and silver,
the bullion with which we carried on our East Indian
trade. In addition, Spain sent us raw material. In
return for our woollen goods, our fish, lead, tin, butter,
and leather, we imported iron, oil, wool, salt, gold and
silver. This was a commerce too profitable to disturb
by continued warfare. The merchants had petitioned
Cromwell for peace with Spain, for three parts of our
fish were sold in Spanish dominions. The gravity of
disturbing this trade lay in the fact that our fishing-
smacks were looked upon as training vessels for the
navy, and it was our policy to encourage the trade by
every possible device, even to an extra fast -day in
each week of the year. 3 Such a policy augmented
ships and mariners, " the walls and bulwarks of this
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 840.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 138.
3 Latimer, Annals of Bristol, p. 305.
ioo MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
island," built up a naval reserve, and was held to in-
crease employment for the poor of the realm. 1 Ten
years of uncertainty and loss had emphasized the need
for a commercial readjustment, and this made the
treaty of Madrid a work of real importance.
When, after the Stewart Restoration, affairs settled
down, the grievances of our merchants were duly
set out, and sent to the Council for consideration. 2
Unfortunately the petition is undated and unendorsed.
The merchants claimed that at least a million sterling
of our money was invested in Spain, exclusive of
shipping interests ; whereas the Spaniards in England
risked an infinitely smaller sum, so that reprisals fell
more heavily upon us. Various exactions had cost
our people a million and a half sterling. The ship-
ping industry suffered unduly. If war broke out,
no notice was given before the English vessels were
seized. If stress of weather sent a boat into Spanish
harbours, she was laid open to plunder. The judges
of contraband were " troublesomely nice and dilatory
in visiting our ships, causing heavy charges," and
the Inquisition examined bales, trunks, and fardels,
"under pretence of seeking after hereticall books or
pictures." Spanish justices " stinted the prices " of
such wares as corn and fish, or hindered the sale until
the cargo was spoiled. A question especially urgent
was that of re-export, a privilege of the greatest con-
cern to the English carrying trade. Huge fines had
been levied on re-exportation, and old laws were dis-
interred for its prevention. Admittedly, the law had
been reasonable in time of scarcity, but when plenty
reigned it was purely an exaction. In cases of in-
1 Thurloe, State Papers, iv. 135-137.
2 S. P. , For. : Spain, Treaty Papers, 66, f. 99. The petition was probably
presented to the Council of Trade soon after the Restoration. By internal
evidence it was presented between 1660 and 1664.
i66 7 ] THE COMMERCIAL TREATY 101
testacy the Court of the Cruzada meddled, "and
outed many men of their just rights, for this Court
seldom or never parts with anything of what once
they get into possession." Litigation was always
costly, but rarely fruitful, and the advocates were
liable to intimidation. Religious oppression formed a
flaming grievance. Graves were desecrated, and at
times the corpse was disinterred "in a very bar-
barous manner." Such were the most vivid com-
plaints, and they were all mitigated by the Treaty of
Madrid.
The treaty consists of forty articles relating to
commerce. A firm peace was assured between the
subjects of England and Spain, and proper provision
made for its establishment ; all letters of marque and
reprisal were suspended. Uniform tolls were to be
settled, and customary dues published and posted.
The right of search was regulated, and undue exac-
tions were prevented. If a few prohibited goods were
found, the whole cargo was not forfeit. Contraband
was defined, and did not include wheat, nor "what-
soever belongs to the sustaining and nourishing of
life." Eight warships at a time were free to careen,
and a storm-bound vessel was permitted to put out
from harbour without being subjected to the customs.
Many outstanding matters were settled, such as the
provision of decent burial-places for the English
colony, security for their heirs, and a certain amount
of freedom for their religion. All English merchants
were accorded the privileges formerly reserved for
those in Andalusia. On payment of the lawful
customs, freedom of trade was granted in all kinds of
merchandise, "saving to either side the laws and
ordinances of their country." The East India Com-
pany were allowed to vend their goods in Spanish
102 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
dominions, as freely as were their Dutch rivals, and
our wool trade with Flanders was resumed. 1
The advantages of the treaty were considerable, and
sufficient to merit its favourable reception. Sandwich
himself wrote : " The success in relation to our com-
merce is as good as my understanding can enable me
to wish it." 2 Of chief importance were the provisions
which helped us in our rivalry with the Dutch. We
appreciated the value of a carrying trade, and knew
Spain as a profitable customer. " The Spaniards are
a stately people," says one of our earlier economists,
" not much given to trade." 3 The huge galleons which
landed colonial products at Cadiz saw their mer-
chandise distributed round the coast of Europe in
Dutch bottoms. The English coveted a share of this
trade, and Sandwich obtained it. By the new treaty,
goods imported into Spain by English merchants, as
long as they had paid the proper customs, could be
re-exported without any further extortion of customs
dues. Our merchants were thus enabled to seek out
the best markets, whether in Spain or abroad, and
they were defended from exactions. The privilege
enabled us to use the Spanish ports as an entrepot, and
to build up a carrying trade with the Mediterranean
and the Levant. The clause was new, and proved of
inestimable service. It struck a more severe blow at
the Dutch carrying trade than the Act of 1651 had
done, and tended to the revival of English commerce
from its long depression. 4 Coupled with another
1 The treaty of 1667 has been frequently printed, and formed the basis for ail
subsequent commercial relations with Spain. See Gaston de Bernhardt, Hand-
book of Treaties (London, 1908) ; G. Chalmers, Treaties, vol. ii. (London, 1790).
2 Clarendon MSS., 85, f. 275. The letter is printed in Lister, Life
Clarendon, iii. 465.
3 Gary, An Essay on Trade (1695), p. 115.
* Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, ii. 197 (edition
of 1904).
iG67] OUR MARKETS 103
clause, it placed our trade upon a secure looting. The
latter article gave us a most-favoured-nation treat-
ment, decreeing that in all places whatsoever the
same privileges shall be granted to England as to the
Dutch, the Hansa towns, or any other kingdom or
state. 1
That the clause was of real service is proved by the
Ambassador's papers. A year after the treaty was
signed, the East India Company congratulated Sand-
wich on his work, and affirmed that the certificates
given by them for their East India commodities were
enabled to pass with freedom in the Spanish ports.
Owing to his assistance, they found themselves on
equal terms with the Dutch. They asked him to
obtain further concessions, and he obtained for them
liberty to take in victuals and water at the Philippines,
and thus gave them a halfway house for their Far
Eastern trade. 2
The carrying trade was not of less importance than
the woollen trade. To enable this to thrive, good
relations with Spain were most desirable. The finest
wool came thence as a raw material, and was worked
up at home for re - exportation to Spain, and for
exportation to France, Holland, and Germany. When
finished, our cloth was of acknowledged superiority to
all others. Uncertain commercial relations weakened
our sources of supply and disabled our markets.
During the Cromwellian wars Spain began to make
her own baize, though it was doubtful if she could
compete with the English in time of peace. 3 She now
showed signs of developing these manufactures by
adventitious aid. Three thousand workmen had been
sent into Spain from Flanders, to begin working up
1 Article xxxviii. 2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 104, 108, 147.
3 Thurloe, State Papers, iv. 135, etc.
104
MADRID TO LISBON
[CHAP, xi
the wool. They were able to undersell the English,
seeing that they paid neither customs nor excise.
Even while Sandwich was in Spain, the Venetians
were threatening competition. 1 They had addressed
themselves to the manufacture of a finer cloth, and
were negotiating for the purchase of the finest kinds
of wool. They were rivals who could not be ignored.
More formidable competitors were the merchant
clothiers from Holland and from Hamburg. The raw
material was sold to them, and they were enabled
to engross the manufacture of cloth for the Central
European market. The business had been in the
hands of our Merchant Adventurers, but the uncer-
tainties of warfare with Spain and Holland had
crippled the Hamburg traffic, and denuded our mer-
chants of their convoys. Our rivals, on the other
hand, had developed their cloth manufacture and
penetrated one of our richest markets.
The English determined to re-establish the wool
trade and set it upon a securer base. To this end the
Council suggested a monopoly of Spanish wool, and
instructed Sandwich to obtain the sole merchandise in
return for a monopoly of our tin. Such an offer shows
how greatly they prized the grant : tin was a most
saleable product, desired in every European country,
and one of the only possible exports to the East Indies.
Sandwich deputed Godolphin to investigate the question,
but his report was unfavourable. 2 The stock of wool
was too large and too costly for us to take the risk of
keeping it on hand. From an output of some 40,000 bags,
our need was under 10,000, and the surplus was greater
than we could by any means use. The disposal of the
1 A Secret Collection, p. 109 (A Discourse by Sir W. Godolphin touching
the Wools in Spain}.
2 A Secret Collection, p. 106.
i66 7 J THE WOOL TRADE 105
stock would have been our affair, and very uncertain.
So Sandwich abandoned the idea of a monopoly, and
was content with a clause which re-opened our trade
with Flanders. 1 There much of our wool was dyed
and finished. Ten years of warfare had disorganized
the trade, and the market had to be regained. The
provision which Sandwich obtained in the Treaty of
Madrid was of the greatest value both as regards an
important article of commerce and its shipment, and
was the first step in the revival of a staple trade.
The assistance thus afforded to two great industries
serves to mark off the treaty signed by Sandwich from
that proposed by his predecessor. Other points of
difference will bear examination. Fanshaw omitted
a clause to ward off molestation on account of religion.
In Spain a system of religious espionage was made an
excuse for commercial inquisition. 2 The merchants
had appealed for redress, and they now received
privileges which Cromwell had been unable to exact. 3
Again, Fanshaw had neglected to secure the goods of
merchants who died intestate. The importance of
such a provision was rendered greater because of a
condition of the times. The merchant firms were fre-
quently composed of brothers, and family interests
were at stake in a question of intestacy. Such firms
were the Houblons and the Hills, friends of Samuel
Pepys, of whom one or another drove the trade in
various countries, and proper provision in case of
death was a necessity. The omissions which affected
them were rectified by Sandwich. 4 He also obtained
permission for warships to careen, and settled a
grievance which was emphasized in the merchants'
petition : the right to six months' grace upon the out-
1 Article xx. 2 S. P. , For. : Spain, Treaty Papers, 66, f. 99.
3 Article xxviii. 4 Articles xxxiii., xxxiv.
106 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
break of war. 1 All these provisions had been suggested
by Fanshaw, but he had omitted them from his treaty. 2
One year he sent home a draft which threw out high
hopes and formed a worthy basis for procedure, and
the next year he sent home a treaty which fell far
short of his own demands and desires.
It is true that Fanshaw's omissions might have been
rectified by the article which provided for an extension
of the treaty ; 3 but they had been offered by him, and
rejected. Why should he expect their restoration ?
More than that, Fanshaw lingered on the treaty of
1630, a treaty which Clarendon had instructed him to
ignore, 4 and which Sandwich avoided. Its continuance
would have denied our rights to Jamaica, and the
Government of Charles II. was determined in pre-
serving the conquests of Cromwell ; there should be no
loophole for ambiguity. In addition to actual omis-
sions in the treaty, Fanshaw irritated the Council by
his hasty signature. He signed in Spanish, and defined
the time in which Charles should ratify. His want of
prudence was his undoing ; the merits of his work
were overlooked. As his treaty never became law, the
merchants had no chance of judging whether it could
be worked in a satisfactory manner. But Fanshaw did
not understand trade questions, nor was he interested
in them. On the other hand, Lord Sandwich had
experience of such matters. Under successive dynas-
ties he had been a member of the Council for Trade, a
Commissioner of the Treasury, and a Councillor of
State. He had the practical knowledge of administra-
tion which Fanshaw lacked, and was well acquainted
with those commercial questions which were of inter-
1 Article xxxvi.
2 Lady Fanshaw, Memoirs, Appendix, p. 247,
3 Fanshaw's treaty, Article xxxi. 4 Fanshaw, Letters, p. 213.
i66 7 ] THE TREATY SIGNED 107
national importance. He was careful to avoid offence,
and to supplement his own steps with advice from
home. His treaty was in Latin, and its signature in
proper form, which helped it to a due meed of praise
and consideration. 1
The signature is simply detailed by Sandwich in his
journal :
"May 13. At 6 in the afternoon we had a Junto at
the Palace and signed enterchangeably the treaty es of
Commerce, and that of Portugall and the Secrett
Article. All in the Latin Tounge."
" May 14. 1 had an audience of the Queen at 5 o'clock
in the Afternoone to give her Majesty the Para Bien
of the conclusion of the peace. The Kinge beinge
newly recovered of the measills did not as yet permitt
any visites." 2
The treaty was dispatched immediately, and on a
hazardous journey. One copy was sent by a vessel
41 which had the ill fortune at the entry to the English
channel to be boarded by a French man of war, where-
upon the messenger flung the packet overboard." 3
Another packet, " made up in Seare cloth and corded,"
was dispatched from Cadiz, but apparently never
reached England. 4 In the end Sandwich sent the
treaty from Corunna to Kinsale, and then on to Milford
Haven, by a " trusty and ingenious " messenger, Henry
Sheres. He arrived in September, and on the 9th the
treaty was read in Council, with " universal applause
and approbation," and every sign of favour. 5 It was
1 Some of the merchants were willing to see Fanshaw's treaty ratified early
in 1666, most probably because they were anxious to resume trade, and did
not wish any further delay. "Lord Sandwich and Mr. Godolphin for the
Honour of their owne negotiation press hard to make voyd the old and insist
on the new" (Carte MSS., 215, f. 250).
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 890.
3 Carte MSS., 35, f. 562 : Sandwich to Ormond.
4 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 327. 5 Arlington, Letters, ii. 235.
i o8 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
looked upon as " very advantageous . . . for us ; many
things graunted for our merchants that were not so
much as asked before." 1 And Pepys said :
" The peace made with Spain is now printed here,
and is acknowledged by all the merchants to be the
best peace that England ever had with them. . . .
This I am mighty glad of, and is the first or only piece
of good news, or thing fit to be owned, that this nation
hath done several years." 2
The treaty was speedily ratified, and Sheres left
England on October 15, arriving in Madrid early in
November. 3 There the work was equally welcome,
and Muledi wrote to Ormond, "The treaty between
the two monarchies ... is considered as an infallible
omen of lasting happiness," and added that no public
concernment of this nature had he ever heard more
applauded. Sandwich and Godolphin, by their prudent
and solid comportment, had gained the honourable
style of great Ministers. 4 The treaty arrived in two
parchment books with silk and silver strings, and the
Great Seals of England placed in silver boxes, graven
with the royal arms. It was printed in Spanish, and
on November 30 it was publicly celebrated, with all
manner of festivities, bonfires, illuminations, and
dancings. 5
1 Carte MSS., 215, f. 382 : Clifford to Ormond.
2 Pepys's Diary, September 27. The King expressed his great satisfaction
by a message sent through Arlington (Carte MSS., 75, f. 540).
3 Arlington, Letters, ii. 262.
4 Carte MSS., 35, f. 584.
5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 524 ; S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91,
ff. 138, 153-
i66 7 ] A LEAGUE NECESSARY 109
II. THE PEACE OF LISBON.
"Although Fortune is fickle, she smiles on work."
Spanish Proverb.
The signature of the commercial treaty was hastened
by outside pressure, since the negotiations became
more and more closely involved in the question of the
Spanish Succession. By the marriage contract of
Louis XIV., his wife had renounced her claim to any
portion of the dominions of the Spanish Crown. Yet
on the death of his father-in-law, Philip IV., Louis had
torn the contract in pieces. He put forward Maria
Theresa's claim to the province of Brabant, and
determined to add this to the French dominions in
virtue of his wife. The Spanish lawyers appealed
to the clause of renunciation, but this had been con-
ditional on Maria Theresa's dowry being fully paid.
Spain had not paid the dowry, and Louis and his
Ministers did not wish that it should be forthcoming. 1
The great stroke of the French lawyers was the
use of the law of devolution. By this law, which
was purely local, land in Brabant passed to the
eldest child, male or female, of a first marriage. Had
it been the question of a farm or a few houses, the
inheritance would have assumed less importance ;
but customary law was used to effect the balance of
power, to transfer a whole province from one Crown to
another, and to enlarge the boundaries of France. For
three years the jurists had debated the question ; but
while Spain discussed legal niceties, Louis prepared
to enforce his claim by occupation. He signed a
secret treaty with the King of England. He kept his
Ambassador partially in the dark, and took every
1 Legrelle, La Diplomatic Fran$aise et la Succession cPEspagne, i. 25, 30, 63.
no MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
precaution to hush the Spaniard. The state of war
which Europe had foreseen found Spain unready.
Her ministers continued so blind to the French inten-
tions that Temple wrote : " I know no way for them
but to go to the Hotel des Incurables." 1
Their awakening was rude. Louis massed his
troops upon the frontier of the Netherlands. In May
he began operations, and town after town fell into
French hands. The demands which he formulated
were sent to the Archbishop of Embrun, and were
presented to the Queen of Spain on May ?. 2 The
immediate effect of this ultimatum was the signature
of the Anglo-Spanish treaty of commerce, followed by
the rupture of diplomatic relations between France
and Spain. This was of the deepest interest to Sand-
wich, and placed him in a most favourable position.
His greatest rival was withdrawn, for d'Embrun left
Madrid on July 27, amid the execration of the Spaniards,
and in danger of outrage. 3 The path was thus clear
for further work, and Sandwich addressed himself
to the consideration of an offensive and defensive
alliance.
For this he demanded a price : not only commercial
good faith, but advantages which his treaty left un-
touched ; he showed a real knowledge of mercantile
privileges, and presented questions in their first stage,
which required many decades for their solution. The
journals contain ample evidence of the interest which
he took in his country's commerce. He collected
statistics on the Spanish wool trade, and made sugges-
tions for a possible monopoly of Campeachy logwood. 4
1 Carte MSS., 35, f. 392.
2 Sandwich MS S. Journal, Hi. 878, 882, iv. 32.
3 Ibid., iv. 309, 316.
4 A Secret Collection, pp. 93-105. This is the Ambassador's summary of
his opinions. See also Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 88.
i66 7 J SANDWICH'S DEMANDS in
For this the Dutch were said to have bidden a million
and a half of money. 1 Above all Sandwich aimed
at further concessions in the West Indies. The
Spanish Main was a theatre of adventure and romance,
and the Spanish possessions still had the glamour
of untold riches. The English Ambassador looked
with envy on the richly-laden galleons; eight royal
ships were in constant service to the Indies, and four
or five licensed vessels went in their company ; their
departure was marked by religious ceremonial, their
return was a national event. However ill-distributed
the wealth, there was no doubt of its magnitude. It
roused in Sandwich just that curiosity and covetous-
ness which had given excitement to the Elizabethan
seamen. For months he sought concessions, but as hotly
as he demanded entry, so did the patriotic Spaniard
stoutly resist him as " a thing which could never
be granted, and . . . the same to them as to lose the
Indies." a But in this matter Sandwich was persistent.
During the six months which covered the negotiations
for an Anglo-Spanish league he urged concessions in
the Indies, first to Medina, and later to Don Juan, who
became a friend of the Ambassador. 3
Don Juan was a natural son of Philip IV., and,
as he was an active and fairly popular man, intrigue
dogged his footsteps. The Queen feared his influence,
and made him unwelcome at Madrid, but when Sand-
wich knew him, he was in temporary favour, and was
housed in the Buen Retiro. There the Ambassador
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 50.
2 Ibid., vi. 50.
3 Sandwich was at the same time anxious that we should keep faith with
the Spaniards, and urged Clarendon "to suppress the piracies and depre-
dations the English have exercised upon them in the Indies and elsewhere "
(Clarendon MSS., 85, f. 275). See also his letter in A Secret Collection,
P- IS-
ii2 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
paid his court, and spent a musical afternoon, in order
to hear Don Juan play.
"When I came in," Sandwich writes, "he would
needs have mee play my part also, soe his Highness
playd upon a treble violl with seven strings (the
smallest whereoff is an addition of his owne to play
lessons that rise much in alto, without the difficulty
and uncertainty of stopping with one's fingers very
low on the finger board and beneath all the fretts) and
another upper bridge (some two inches on the finger
board beneath the usuall one that soe the smallest
string might hold the better). Don Juan tells me also
that an Italian in towne plays on the violin with five
strings for the same reason.
" I played at first on the Bass violl. The first
musique wee played was the ist and 2nd suite of
Mr. W. Lawes his Royall Consort. The next were
short light ayres composed in Flanders. The last was
a composition of two trebles and a Bass, by Mr.
Gregoryes, when his Highnesse played on the Base
violl, and I on the treble violin.
" His Highnesse plays a sure part of the Treble and
base violl, theorbo, and Harpsicall from a ground. He
plays (and will have others doe soe too) very soft ;
loves light ayres best, and goes still forward on, never
playes the same thinge twice." 1
It was to Don Juan that Sandwich put forward the
concessions which England would require, before
entering upon an offensive and defensive league. 2 That
he did not urge : " I shall keep myself passive," he
wrote. 3 He was full of schemes, which he had evolved
during a long residence in Madrid, and which tended
materially to our advantage. 4 He desired a consider-
able subsidy in exchange for the help of our ships. In
the case of war with France, some loss of commerce was
expected. This Sandwich proposed to balance by an
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 262.
2 S. P., For. : Spain, 53, f. 53 : Sandwich to Arlington.
3 Clarendon MSS., 85, f. 275.
4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 184-198.
1667]
A LEAGUE DISCUSSED
assiento ; he suggested that Spain should give us
liberty to send one ship yearly to the Philippines,
three vessels to Buenos Ayres, two with the galleons,
and two to New Spain, there to enjoy freedom of com-
merce. 1 He also asked security for any conquests
made in America or Africa, and the acknowledgment
of lawful right and possession, if made from the
enemies of Spain. And if Spain made new conquests,
the English there were to have a grant of equal privi-
leges. Little wonder that Don Juan thought the con-
cessions too great : that the ships would yield immense
profits, and destroy Spain's West Indian trade. 2 But
Sandwich insisted that his propositions were not
extravagant, that England must have some compensa-
tion for losing the French trade, and that Spanish
commerce frequently suffered from want of merchants.
He purposely undervalued the trade of Buenos Ayres,
in secret thinking it a most valuable privilege. 3
The time was not ripe for such an intervention in
Spanish preserves, and Sandwich pressed in vain for
the privileges which England afterwards obtained.
His demands appeared at the time so exacting that one
of the grandees said, " If a man were to have his cloak
taken, it was not much matter whether it was his friend
or his enemy that took it."
Extravagant as seemed the concessions which Sand-
wich asked, a league would have been of very real use
to Spain. Some of the Spaniards hoped to see an
English fleet riding outside Lisbon, and the troops
under Schomberg turned against the Portuguese.
1 A Secret Collection, pp. 98-101.
2 See Georges Scelles, La Traitt Negriere aux hides de Castille, i. 524-529.
M. Scelles treats the commercial difficulties very fully.
3 An account of this conversation is in the Lansdowne MSS. , at Lansdowne
House (Ixxv. 231). The writer is indebted to the Marquess of Lansdowne for
permission to see the volume.
VOL. II.
8
Yi 4 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
Spain could then concentrate her whole attention upon
Flanders and the war of devolution. 1 The more san-
guine of the Spaniards dreamed of a triple alliance
which would include Portugal, detach her from France,
and throw the Portuguese troops into Flanders. 2 While
a league was under discussion, Spain outlined her
demands. The chief of these was for the assistance of
our navy. The Spaniards hoped that twenty good
ships would be available for their use, and desired that
England should declare an open and aggressive war
on France. To subsidize our ships, they suggested a
loan of 100,000. 3 Sandwich was ready to respond to
"invitations and benefits," and regarded it possible
that English interests might be served by such a war, 4
but he awaited commercial concessions, in addition to
the subsidy. The negotiations dallied, for neither
side was fully in earnest. The secret agreements of
Louis XIV. and Charles II. influenced the instruc-
tions sent to the Ambassador. 6 From home came
advice to temporize, and the coming of peace in Europe
rendered a league less urgent. The negotiations
gradually dwindled into discussions over liberty of
commerce, the abolition of unnecessary quarantine,
and the better security of our merchants. 8 And a
league was difficult to frame owing to innate Spanish
pride. The danger of a refusal was more than Spanish
dignity could brook; their diplomatists were unwill-
ing to make the first propositions, " as a thinge that
would disgust the ministers of this Court." 7
The pride which hampered the propositions for a
league hampered the more essential question of a
peace with Portugal. " The great objection was that
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 31. 2 Ibid., iv. 92.
3 Ibid., iv. 43. * Ibid., vi. 184 et seq.
5 The secret treaty was signed in 1667.
6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 98, 376. 7 Ibid., iv. 48.
1667] MORE DIFFICULTIES 115
Spayn should not have the dishonour to offer Condi-
tions before they knew whether Portugal would accept
or noe." 1 Thus many months were occupied in ten-
tative discussions, and more than a volume of the
Ambassador's journal contains little of moment. In
England bribery was at work in acquiring sympathy
for Spain. 2 The one thing needful was some sort of
concession to Portugal. This was admitted by the
Inquisitor-General, 3 but the proposals of one Minister
were immediately traversed by the next. Continued
factions divided the Council ; to humour one grandee
was but to offend another. Each in turn wanted the
credit for any chance results : first it was Nithard who
called Sandwich to a secret consultation ; then Medina;
then Penaranda. When the Ambassador had seen
Nithard, a secret message would come from the Duke,
counselling him to " use juntoes," and not to make
others jealous by " too much application to the Inqui-
sidor Generall," with a warning, says Sandwich, " not
to discourse unto the Inquisidor anythinge of that that
had passed betweene mee and the Duke in the last
visite he gave mee." 4 Then Don Juan of Austria
regarded any concessions as a certain loss of reputa-
tion, and wished Sandwich to communicate privately
with Portugal. 6 Like the rest of the Spaniards, he
rejected any undue haste, and was typical of Spain
and its delays.
Amid such discussions Sandwich turned neither to
the right nor left. He feared lest any promise on his
part should be taken as favouring the Spaniards and
neglecting the Portuguese. His speech bore what the
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 1 34.
2 Ibid., iv. 92. The name of the receiver of these bribes is carefully
omitted. Only a line is put, indicating that Sandwich knew the name.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 98.
4 Ibid., iv. 120. 5 Ibid., iv. 208.
ii6 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
Spaniards called an appearance of dryness. 1 He was
patient, stolid, and impassioned, and refused to be any-
thing but an impartial mediator. All he desired and
determined to know was the amount Spain would
concede. 2
Thus, in the business of Portugal, Sandwich felt his
way. The aggression of France, and her continued
success in Flanders, gave him better hopes of a settle-
ment. But the Spaniards found it unseemly to agree
with a Court which had gone over to the French
interest, and recurred to a form of league between
England and Spain, which Portugal should join, or be
prosecuted as a common enemy ; at the same time
they hinted that if Portugal came in the title of King
might be accorded. 3 Their temper was inclined to a
truce rather than a peace. The distinction was im-
portant. By the first they did not resign, but only
suspended their claim to suzerainty; by the second
they ceded a claim to sovereign rights, and that during a
minority. Their attitude was such, that if a truce could
be obtained the title of King would be acknowledged.
This had been in part agreed by a secret article, pendent
to the commercial treaty. The question was discussed
at a series of conferences during May and June. 4
From the first Sandwich urged the change of style
from Corona to Rex, and after some days' debate Medina
hinted that his wish might be granted. And as Spain
inclined to concession, and appeared more gracious,
the English Ambassador took advantage of her atti-
tude. Before her heart was hardened he wrote to the
Inquisitor-General, and emphasized the need for an
agreement. 6
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 388. 2 Ibid., iv. 102.
3 Ibid., iv. 62. 4 A Secret Collection, p. 33.
5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 143.
1667] FRANCE THREATENING 117
At length an attempt was made to test the pulse of
Lisbon. 1 A messenger who had come from Southwell
John Sampson was dispatched with papers. He
bore the offer of a truce for forty-five years, which
Spain thought enough, " considering also the goodness
and security of it for Portugal, and the deceitfulness
of the French for Portugal to relie upon." 2 He had
instructions from Sandwich to linger on the way, in
case more concessions should be obtained. 3 On July 6
he arrived in Lisbon and delivered his packet to South-
well. 4 The news of the commercial treaty, destined
to include Portugal, was well received, but the other
papers were rejected on the ground of their super-
scription. This ran from Crown to Crown instead of
from King to King. The appearance of indignity
offended both rich and poor, and it was obvious that
the title was the stumbling-block. The failure had
little effect at Madrid. The Junta hoped for resent-
ment on Sandwich's part at the want of grace with
which his mediation was received ; but he said little,
and Medina again deplored the Ambassador's dryness
of discourse. He threatened to make use of other
mediators, but Sandwich wrote and assured him of his
unbroken interest in the affair. His letter had an
excellent effect, and the Duke told him it " had wrought
wonders in the Councell of State, and prevented much
danger."
Once more the unwillingness of the Spaniard was
moved by outside events. On July 21 was signed
the Treaty of Breda, which ended our naval war with
the Dutch and their nominal ally, France. Coupled
with the obvious determination of France to annex
part of Flanders, the treaty was sufficiently alarming.
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 222. 2 A Secret Collection, p. 33.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 249. 4 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 177.
u8 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
Not only did it wipe out our quarrel with the French,
but it set them free to prosecute the war against
Spain.
On August 14 news of the treaty came to Madrid,
and two days later Medina informed Sandwich that
the Queen had decided to grant Portugal the title
of King, to make a perpetual peace, and " settle unto
them the rights belonging unto the Church ; the prin-
cipal things . . . that Portugal can in reason insist
upon or hope for." 1 From that moment Sandwich de-
termined to pin down the basket, though he knew that
a verbal promise was a different thing from a written
mandate. He saw that Spain had perhaps offered
more than she could concede ; but he used the offer as
a point from which to bargain. He took the utmost
precaution to separate the question of Portugal from
that of the league, and was blamed for insisting on a
several settlement. His insistence paid. He was able
to keep the question clearly before the Councils, and
in a month's time Poetting, the Emperor's Ambas-
sador, informed him :
" There is no doubt but these ministers now cor-
dially desire the peace of Portugall, at any Prise ; But
this is the point they sticke at not to declare them-
selves before they are sure Portugal will accept, least
upon the refusal of Portugal in that case they should
undergoe soe greate an affront in the eyes of the
world." 2
The caution of the Spaniards kept the negotiations
long drawn out. While they reiterated their desire for
peace, they cavilled at any dictation as to the manner by
which it should come about. On September 9 Sand-
wich suggested settlement on an old basis, the project
offered by Fanshaw in 1666, which was indeed much
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 28. 2 Ibid., v. 140.
i66 7 ] HOPEFUL SIGNS 119
the same project as the Queen was now prepared to
offer, apart from the concession of the title.
Penaranda " argued against it as a greate indecency
for this Crowne, and wanting President for one part
to signe a Project about which they had had noe
treaty nor Conference with the other party. For that
of having not treated with the other party, I told him,"
says Sandwich, " I had a treaty by mee made at Sal-
vatierra by my Lord Fanshaw, whereunto the Conde
Castel Melhor had by order sett his hand ; and for the
acceptance of which by the King of Portugall wee had
had security from him the last winter, soe that wee
had reason to thinke the matter of that project would
please now." 1
Sandwich thus obtained an examination of a scheme
which the Spaniards had formerly rejected. In it they
found " some impertinencyes," especially as to the
exemptions from pardon and the restoration of
estates. 2 But the Queen had declared her decision to
treat " de Rey a Rey and in form of a peace " and now
Sandwich saw that he could insist upon concessions.
Though negotiations were again protracted, there was
more than a glimmer of hope.
The necessity for peace was immediate. The war
still dragged on, though the two years since the battle
of Montes Claros had not been marked by any im-
portant engagement. The combatants kept up their
armies, and were at considerable expense, Portugal
maintaining some 8,000 horse and 18,000 foot. During
the summer of 1667 they were inactive " all quiet in
this Kingdom and little appearance of any war ;" 3 but
in October " the Portuguese fell on Galicia : cut off
three hundred Spaniards, tooke as many Horse, a
hundred Prisoners ; ten Officers, three of them persons
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 154. 2 Ibid., v. 212-214.
3 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 168.
120 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
of quallity, besides eight hundred Oxen, six thousand
Sheepe, three thousand Hoggs, a great company of
Mares, and a vast Booty to the Souldiers." 1
Such events made it necessary for Spain " to plucke
out of theire Sides that thorne of the warr of Portugal!,"
and by concessions to detach Portugal from France.
Negotiation was the more easy, in that there were
signs that Portugal was none too satisfied with her
ally. France afforded little active help, for it was not
her policy to do so. Her objective was Flanders ; and
as long as Spain was harassed, France gained her ends.
While she won Brabant, the summer brought little
success to Portugal. She had expected more from
the promises of St. Romain more ships, more sailors,
and more money. Instead, France had so worked
" upon the necessities of Portugal, and obtruded con-
ditions soe exorbitant, that it is apparent they have
hereby imposed rather the bonds of servitude, than
offered those of friendship." 2 Given the title, peace
with Spain would follow. The French were aware of
this, and again promised to send more money. Mean
while the possibilities of a settlement were profoundly
influenced by events in Lisbon.
While Sandwich pressed the Spaniards for con-
cession, strange news from Portugal filtered over the
frontier. The troubles at Court were detailed by
Southwell in a series of admirable letters. The trend
of events provided him with vivid material, for Portugal
was in the travail of revolution. When John IV. died
in 1656, he left his crown to a son, Affonso, then
thirteen years of age. The boy grew up under the
care of his mother, but caused her bitter disappoint-
ment, for his youth was marked by every inclination
1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 256.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 385.
1667] NEWS FROM LISBON 121
towards degeneracy and profligacy. 1 He developed
characteristics of the worst type. He was weak,
immoral, greedy, and drunken. 2 He took little or no
exercise, and adopted grotesque methods of dress
which only served to exaggerate his eccentricities of
limb. He was timid, yet violent, and when his
passions were aroused he became a real danger to
those about him. Affonso VI. had a brother, Dom
Pedro, who appeared by contrast as if endowed with
all the virtues. Writers extolled his robust constitu-
tion, his wonderful strength, and great activity of
body. He was temperate, though not chaste, and
" vain, trifling, weak, and arrogant, but preserving an
exterior air of gravity, which suited the Portuguese."
Beside these two brothers stood the Queen. In
1666 Affonso married Mary Frances Elizabeth of Savoy,
Duchess of Nemours. She was young and ambitious,
and worked hard for the completion of the French
alliance. Her passion for intrigue brought her the
distrust of Affonso, and their married life was marked
by much unhappiness. Queen Mary, so Poetting told
Sandwich, would reply sharply to Affonso if he pro-
tested against her interference in politics, and give
him "four words for one." 3 There came a rapid
estrangement, and a consequent dissolution of the
Court into rival factions. Intrigue flourished, con-
fusion increased, and ill-feeling was fostered by gossip.
Within a few months of her marriage the Queen pro-
claimed the impotence of her husband, stating that
she was wife and no wife that " she had not altered
her state of virginity." 4
The blame for Affonso's neglect was foisted by
1 Carte, Revolutions of Portugal, p. 177.
2 Mignet, Negotiations, ii. 565. 3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 56.
* S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 250.
122 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
Mary Frances on to the King's chief Minister. For
five years the affairs of Portugal had been guided
by Luis de Vasconcellos de Sousa, Conde de Castel
Melhor. There is little doubt of his efficiency and in-
tegrity, but he failed to gain the sympathies of a fickle
people, and shared the unpopularity of his master.
He was blamed for delaying the agreement with
France, and equally for the delay of the peace with
Spain. He was the political scapegoat. He, too, had
his hatreds. Above all, he disliked the Queen as
much as she disliked him. He was jealous of her
influence. He found occasion to complain that an
audience had been delayed because of an unduly long
interview between Mary Frances and her secretary. 1
The innuendo caused the bitterest offence, which was
redoubled when a creature of Castel Melhor's implied
in Council that the Queen was an enemy to Portugal
a mere servant of France. 2 From that moment the
Court was rent in twain. On the one side stood the
King and his Minister, on the other the Queen and
Dom Pedro.
The quarrel rapidly developed, and the solution was
foreshadowed. At a Council held in August it was
announced that the Queen was not with child. At
the same Council it was decided that Dom Pedro ought
to marry. 3 Popular feeling rallied round the Queen
and the Infante ; public opinion pointed to a possible
match. The constitution of Lisbon admitted a tribune
of the people, the ]uiz do Povo. At this time he was a
litter-maker. With his red wand as badge of office,
he played the part of governor, agitator, and spokes-
man of the discontented. He could wield a strange
influence with the mob, unsteady in action, and de-
1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 67.
2 Ibid., 8, ff. 203, 386. 3 Ibid., 8, f. 165.
i66 7 ] ALFONSO DEPOSED 123
pendent upon the passions of the moment. He and
his followers turned towards Dom Pedro, and chose to
make his grievances their own. They regarded his
life as endangered by a plot to poison him, which they
said was planned by Castel Melhor. They extolled
Dom Pedro as the defender of their liberties. He
played on their enthusiasm, and threatened with-
drawal from the kingdom unless Castel Melhor were
removed. Fantastic methods men dressed as ghosts
of the dead were devised in order to purge the
King's party and drive them out of Lisbon. 1 As the
nobles were divided, a faction turned the scale, and
Castel Melhor wisely withdrew.
The withdrawal of the minister was followed by
strange events. While confusion was at its height the
Queen retired to a convent, and issued a manifesto
against her unnatural marriage. The King was furious ;
he went to the convent, and attempted to break down
the gates. Such sacrilege enraged priests and people
beyond endurance. Their temper alarmed Affonso,
and he threatened flight. Thereupon the Infante
represented the forces of order, restrained the people,
and kept his brother in the capital. 2 The popular will
made Pedro Regent, and on November 13 Affonso was
deposed. Report made out that he had resigned, but
in order to secure his person, writes Southwell, " all
the doores about him are walled upp but one. And
this is by the Warlike Cherubims soe guarded, that
what is wanting of the flameing Sword, is made up
with Indignation and Gunpowder." 3 The King once
secured, the people cried out for a Parliament, and
the assembly of the Cortes was fixed for January,
1668.
1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 242.
2 Schafer, Gcschichte von Portugal, iv. 630.
3 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 313.
124 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
The series of events was eagerly watched in Madrid.
The relations of the King and Queen had long been
known, and the downfall of the Minister was of real
importance to Sandwich. Our consul wrote that Dom
Pedro was " a prince of greate partes and resolution,
and one who expresses abundance of kindnesse to
our nation." 1 This promised well for a change of
policy. The French alliance had been the work of
Castel Melhor, and had been ratified by Affonso.
Now that his reign was ended, the French alliance
would doubtless give way. An English party came
to the front. The Queen and Dom Pedro were forced
to choose between France and power. They were
taken unawares, and had no time for subtle diplomacy.
Certain of the grandees were scandalized by the
Infante's high action. 2 His security came only from
a faction of the nobles, and his popularity from the
people. He knew their fickleness, their fondness for
the kingly title, and feared that, once rid of the Conde,
they would desert him. 3 He had one strong card to
play which would enable him to keep the popular
support. He could end the war. " The people chose
peace rather than to be dragged at the heels of
France." 4 " The commonalty admitted of no argument
against the peace." 5 The news letters reiterated the
desire in Portugal for a termination of the struggle.
The clergy and the merchants soon joined the peace-
makers ; the army alone was for further fighting. 6
One by one the hindrances to settlement were re-
moved. With the Marquess of Sande's murder, the
French lost one of the nobles most active in their
1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, f. 179.
2 Ibid., 8, f. 305. 3 Ibid., 8, f. 13.
4 The Portugal History [by S. P.].
5 S. P., For. : Portugal, 9, f. 22 ; Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 80.
6 Schafer, iv. 678. Compare also Sandwich MS S. Journal, iv. in.
1667] SANDWICH AS MEDIATOR 125
interest, and most lukewarm towards the English. 1
The order lapsed which prohibited ministers from
crossing the frontier. Settlement with Spain became
a policy, the only one for the man who sought to rule
Portugal. To Dom Pedro it was a question of accept-
ing terms, or facing popular discontent at the very
outset of his rule. 2 By December 3 he had made his
choice, and Southwell intimated to Arlington that
" peace would infallibly be embraced at the meeting
of the Cortes." 3
The combination of affairs in Spain and Portugal
gave Sandwich opportunity to round off his mission,
and to become the peacemaker. He could work not
only upon the changes at Lisbon, but the attitude of
France was decidedly threatening, and Spain was
like to lose further territory. Even then it was not
possible that the peace could be arranged without
trouble as to matters of form. Two months were
occupied in the prelude, and many pages of the
journal are filled with wearing disputes about eti-
quette and expedients. At first it was decided to
send Godolphin in company with a Spaniard, who
should carry terms, 4 but as the mediator, being only
an envoy, would thus be pushed into the background,
Sandwich decided to go to Lisbon in person. 5 To that
the Spaniards objected, lest such an effort should alarm
the French, but eventually they agreed. They wished
to grant Sandwich limited powers, and to put the
matter in the hands of the Marquess of Carpio, then a
prisoner in Lisbon, but Sandwich objected. As he
said, the Marquess " may die, before I come there, and
1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 330.
2 Antonio Caetano de Sousa, Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portugucza,
vii. 465.
3 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 360.
4 Sandwich MS S. Journal, v. 368. 5 Ibid., v. 406.
126 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
then the power is abated." 1 He demanded a full
commission to treat on definite terms, but these he
promised to keep secret, lest he should be faced with a
refusal. On November 3 he received 4,000 pistoles for
his journey. 2 He was then delayed by a refusal of
the Spaniards to hand him full powers, and by endless
debate on the question as to whether he should have
them. During no period of his career did he show
more determination and more common-sense. At the
risk of seeming cold and unwilling, he refused to move
without a free hand and full powers to treat; he
rejected ambiguity, and stood firm. At length, on
November 25, after nearly a month's wrangling on the
part of Spain, he had his way, and the papers were
given him in the proper form the powers to the
Marquess, his own commission, and the thirteen
articles of peace. 3
Not until the end of the year could Sandwich get
away from Madrid. On December 26 he took coach
for Portugal. " Never was anyone accompanied with
more good wishes," said a news letter. 4 Again the
journal contains a hundred pages devoted to the
journey. In his descriptions Sandwich used nautical
terms, and left this town on the beam, that on the
starboard side. He was frequently entertained ; his
hosts delighted in showing him Roman remains and the
sights of the towns, and he was highly pleased with
a book of Latin antiquities presented to him by the
Governor of Merida. As he neared his destination he
was afraid that he might be stopped on the frontier,
but the changes in Portugal ensured him a welcome ;
he was greeted with volleys from the trainband, and
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 420.
2 Ibid., v. 490. 3 Ibid., v. 496.
* S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 7.
1668] ARRIVES IN LISBON 127
given a guard of horse. At Badajoz he was accorded
a splendid reception ; and at Estremos he was enter-
tained in Schomberg's quarters, and escorted there by
Portuguese troops and some English battalions, who,
he says, cheered him in the English fashion. 1
On January 12 he arrived in Lisbon. 2 The people
were celebrating the feast of St. Vincent, the patron
saint of the city, and the place was alive with bustle
and gaiety. Crowds turned out to meet him, and he
found two of the King's barges in waiting for the
passage of the Tagus.
" At the shore-side," wrote Sandwich, " Sr. Don
Lucar the master of Ceremonyes (the same that was
in the place when I was here before, Embassador to
conduct the Queen for England) attended to receive
me with six coaches, and soe we passed on through
the streete untill wee came neere in sight of the
Palace, and soe up the Towne, through the Placa
Mayor unto the house of the Duke of Aveiro called
St. Sebastian de Pedrero, very nobly furnisht for mee,
and very noble entertainment provided for mee at the
King's chardge." 3
The visit to Lisbon was a welcome change after two
years in Madrid. From endless argument Sandwich
passed to action. His journal takes on a tone of
interest and enthusiasm. The Ambassador had pleasant
recollections of his former visit, and found that his old
friends had not forgotten him. His diary tells us
"The Conde de Pontevell (who together with his
lady had heretofore gone along in my Shipp with the
Queene for England) made mee a visit. . . . Count
Shomberg (General of the stranger forces in Portugal)
and allied to mee by his mother, came and visited
me." 4
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 240-340.
2 The date is in the old style, which Sandwich always uses.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 356. * Ibid. t vi. 364, 400.
128 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xl
The Swedish Resident assured Sandwich that his
coming was welcome, and that Sweden would stand
neuter and assist in composing the differences between
France and Spain. 1 He also received encouragement
from a number of the Portuguese nobles. 2
The one jarring note came from the French Resi-
dent, the Marquis de St. Romain, who entered a vain
protest.
" He said," wrote Sandwich, " he heard from Monsr.
Leon that Monsr. Ruvigny had offered a treaty in
England to make a League with the King my master
against Spain and Holland too, in case they should
attempt to relieve Flanders. And said that he had
heard it was in a good forwardnesse, and likely to
succeed ; and said it would be ill resented by the King
his master that the King of England in the mean tyme
should be inviting his allyes to breake theire league
with him, a league whereunto the King my Master
had consented." 3
Sandwich paid no regard to the protest, but set
matters in train. Minor difficulties hindered the
beginning of the work. The position of the Marquess
of Carpio and his fellow-prisoners was delicate and
peculiar ; and tact was needed to keep the affair from
disaster upon this quicksand. The Marquess, who had
been captured at Amegial, was a prisoner of war, but
the commission from Madrid armed him with plenary
powers. When he received his credentials he was
neither Ambassador nor public Minister, and he could
no longer be a prisoner. 4 The Portuguese at length
consented to his liberation on the English Ambas-
sador's parole, and the first difficulty was settled. 5
More trouble was occasioned by Southwell's attitude.
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 398. 2 Ibid., vi. 418-420.
3 Ibid., vi. 440.
4 Wicquefort, The Rights of Ambassadors, p. 211 (edition of 1740).
5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 441.
i668] SOUTHWELL'S ATTITUDE 129
The arrival of Sandwich had pushed him into the
second place. 1 He had already been negotiating with
Carpio, and the two men wished for all the credit.
Southwell was proud of " the friends and party " to
the peace that he claimed to have made, and he wrote
to Sandwich saying that he was in hopes not to leave
the kingdom without partaking in the conclusion of
the work. 2 The Marquess desired Southwell's admis-
sion to the meetings, and this Sandwich refused.
" I saw no good pretence for it," he writes, " he
havinge nothinge to doe in the affaire, the Commission
from the King of Portugall being to those Lords to
treate with mee and the Marquis of Carpio, and no
mention of Sir Robert's name ; spe that I believe the
Lords would have refused to admitt him, and the letter
from the Secretary yesterday intimates the same.
Besides his qualitie is soe much inferior to every one
there, that it would have been hard to adjust a place
for him amongst us, where he should sitt. Moreover
I conceive it against practise, and not honourable for
mee to admitt it." 3
This attitude brought forth expostulations from
Southwell, both verbal and written, and matters grew
somewhat bitter ; but Sandwich kept to his point,
and laid much stress on the difference between an
ambassador and an envoy. The commissions were
separate. There was "no precedent for an envoyes
joining with an extraordinary ambassador," and Sand-
wich refused to "innovate in this case." 4 He had had
no such claim from Meadows in Denmark nor from
Godolphin in Spain. He was dealing with a people
peculiarly punctilious, and felt it necessary to exercise
every caution. His attitude was correct, but it exas-
perated Southwell, and the Envoy threatened instant
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vi. 356, 368. 2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 575.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 428. 4 Ibid. , vi. 436.
VOL. II. 9
130 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xt
departure for England. This, said Sandwich, was
indiscreet; "because if I should have been disabled
or dead before the signing he might have supplied my
place ; and if noe other had been upon the place, the
Treaty must have beene suspended until new orders
from England, which had beene the losse of this great
affaire." 1
Despite these trivial hindrances the great affair
prospered, and the pleasures of success overshadowed
all jealousies. Formal recognition of the embassy was
undertaken by the Secretary of State, Pierre Vieira
da Silva, who visited Sandwich on January 13. He
arranged an audience with the King, and advised
Sandwich to visit the Queen, " and seeke her further-
ance of the peace." 2 The following day Sandwich
had an audience of the King and Dom Pedro. He
describes the audience as carried out in a private
manner :
"That is to say with only two coaches and two
litters to carry my company, and noe noblemen to
conduct mee; but att the Palace greate guards, and
abundance of Company, and of the Grandees present.
I contrived my address to be in writing, directed in
the Style of the King Alfonso's name, and a short
speech to Don Pedro who stood at the right hand
of the Cloth of State, and received mee in the same
manner as his Brother." 3
The Ambassador delivered the formal papers as
to his mission, and was entertained by the King at
supper. Two days later Sandwich concluded the
formalities of introduction by an interview with the
Queen "a very beautiful, proper lady."
These complimentary interviews preceded the open-
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 435.
2 Ibid., vi. 364. 3 Ibid., vi. 368.
1668]
THE CORTES OPENED
ing of the Portuguese Cortes, at which the Ambassador
was present. On January 17 he writes :
" This day at 3 in the afternoone I went to the
Pallace to a box prepared for mee, where I saw the
first Assembly of the Cortes, Don Pedro sittinge in
the chaire of State (as Governor of the Kingdome
under his Brother). The Abbott of Palmelo made the
first Speech in praise of Don Pedro, and the happi-
nesse of the Kingdome in that the King had chosen
him to manage the Government. A second speech
had a passage in it of hopes under Don Pedro's
Government that they should have a peace. The
Bishop of Targa, the only Bishop in Portugal, a man
of neere ninety years of age, came forth of his place
and went to a seate with a bench covered with cloth
of gold, before it on the left hand below the Steppes of
the Throne, and there he layd the Crosse and uospell
before him and read a paper publiquely aloud, which
was the words of the oath of recognition and fealty
unto Don Pedro as Governor of the Kingdome, which
all the estates of the Kingdome were to sweare ; the
Marquesse Nizza was the first man that swore, and
after arose and went to the Throne, and putt his Head
to Don Pedro's Knees, and then Kissed his hand and
went away : in like manner did all the Nobles, and
greate Officers of the Armye, and then all the proc-
urators for the Cities, and the last Person of all the
Nobles the Duke of Cadaval (who bare the Sword)
with the Sword in his hand erected." 1
The Cortes voiced the general disposition to peace,
and the actual negotiations, once begun, were quickly
ended. On January 25 Lord Sandwich took the
work in hand, and, with the Marquess of Carpio, met
the commissioners at the Convent of St. Eloi. 2 The
powers and credentials were approved, and the
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 390.
2 The Hospital or Convent of St. Eloi was in the Largo dos Loyos, near
the castle. The Portuguese were represented by the Duke of Cadaval, the
Marquess of Nizza, the Marquess of Govea, the Marquess of Marialva, the
Conde de Miranda, and the Secretary, Pierre Vieira da Silva (Journal,
vi. 428).
i 3 2 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
articles of peace brought forward, in form sub-
stantially the same as those offered by Fanshaw
and Southwell two years earlier. There was, how-
ever, one all - important difference, for Sandwich
brought the title of King. The first meeting was
adjourned for consideration of the whole matter, and a
few days' delay occurred, at which Sandwich protested.
His protest resulted in consecutive conferences, held
on January 29 and the three following days, and on
February i the treaty was concluded and the articles
were engrossed.
The difficulties in the way of peace were slight, and
related to two clauses, the restitution of towns and
the restitution of estates. Spain had captured six
towns and Portugal had taken seven. 1 Pending com-
pensation, it was arranged that they should be restored
to their former owners, with a single exception on
either side. Each power retained one of the captured
towns until the amount of compensation was arranged. 2
Some difficulty was caused by the question of Ceuta,
the key to the Straits, a town claimed by both com-
batants, but eventually left to Spain owing to the
arbitration and persuasion of Sandwich. 3
In the matter of the estates, the experience of the
English Ambassador proved of value, for the situation
resembled that in England after the Civil War. Many
confiscated demesnes had changed hands. Several
Portuguese nobles held land in Spain, and Spanish
grandees held land in Portugal. Ties of property
which cut across ties of race were not infrequent.
Eventually an agreement was made, by which the con-
fiscated estates were restored, and any consequent suits
1 Sandwich MSB. journal, vii. 35. 2 Ibid., vii. 36.
3 Ibid. , vii. 38, 40, 54. He may have preferred its being left to Spain, for
in case of war with them he wished us to occupy the place, add it to Tangier,
and give the law to the Straits (Brit. Mus. : Sloane MSS. , 3509, f. 26).
i668J THE PEACE SIGNED 133
at law were to be terminated as speedily as possible,
while the ordinary law secured the estates against
private damage. At the same time the Portuguese
wished to except six nobles from the general pardon,
but Sandwich, who had experienced forgiveness, would
have no such blot upon a glorious peace. 1
The chief stumbling-blocks were thus removed.
One minor matter, but a typical one, called for a
display of tact. There was a dispute over the formal
signatures. The Duke of Cadaval was the only man
of his rank in Portugal, and wished therefore to sign
simply " O Duque," without adding his proper name.
To this the Spaniards took exception. The quarrel
for a time was like to break the treaty, but Sandwich
" put an end to the dispute by persuadinge them to
sign their names." His tact was timely, says the
chronicler, and adds : " Here are great expressions of
Joy : all crying out, God blesse the King of Create
Britaine, and his Ambassador, the Authores of our
happinesse." 2
Thus the work was concluded, and the Treaty of
Lisbon was signed on February 3. The form of
peace ran simply. The contents were drawn up in
thirteen articles, and the ratification was completed
with all possible speed. The old relations were re-
sumed. Hostilities ceased, and prisoners of war were
liberated. Portugal was once more recognized as an
independent State. She was included in the commercial
treaty of 1667, and entered all the alliances and leagues
of the other signatories. The two Kings gave their
subjects free trade to their seas and rivers, and
promised a combined effort to exterminate pirates. 3
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 430.
2 S. P., For. : Portugal, 9, f. 24.
3 The peace is printed in Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, vol. vii.
134 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
A duplicate of the treaty is in the Public Record
Office, and is a document well worth handling. 1 It is
bound in crimson velvet, and the arms of Portugal are
embossed in silver upon the cover. From a tassel of
green and silver depends the royal seal. The treaty
is drafted on parchment, and illuminated in gold. The
signatures and seals of arms are nearly perfect, though
close on 250 years old. The ratifications were speedily
accomplished, and were exchanged on February 23. 2
Six days later Sandwich writes :
"This night was luminarios and fireworks, and
dancing all over Lisbon and the country adjacent for
the Proclamation of the Peace, which was done with
all possible Ceremony of Alcades, Alguazils, Heralds
in their Coates, Drums, Trumpetts, and Dances
throughout this Citty. At four of the clocke in the
Afternoon, the ordinance at the Castle of George were
all fired, and the Shipps in the river and Castles and
Forts fired their Gunns." 3
A war which had lasted twenty-six years was at an
end : the combatants were tired of the contest, and
throughout both Spain and Portugal the people gave
themselves over to thanksgiving and rejoicings.
The signature of the treaty had a different effect
upon the French faction. St. Remain sent a formal
protest to Dom Pedro, and thereby roused the anger of
the people. 4 He was warned by ihejuiz do Povo that
they were getting beyond restraint, and he was then
fain to acquiesce. But he again protested that, as
England and France were so near a league, it was
hard that Sandwich should come to Lisbon and tamper
with France's allies. Schomberg regarded the peace,
from the military point of view, " as the worst thing
1 S. P., For. : Treaty Papers, Portugal, 38.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 130. 3 Ibid., vii. 144.
* Ibid., vi. 416; Schafer, Geschichte von Portugal, iv. 673,
i668] FRANCE PROTESTS 135
that could have befallen France;" for it enabled the
Spaniard to concentrate on Flanders, and encouraged
combination against the aggressions of Louis XIV. 1
It was a revenge for the French neglect of Portugal in
i659. 2 It was a reversal of policy as sudden as it was
complete. Some of the Portuguese nobles condemned
the betrayal, and one of them declared that the Secretary
of State " deserved to be burnt alive for makinge this
peace against the Interest of Portugal soe infamously
and undecently towards the Kinge of France without
soe much as sending a message to him." 3 Certain
wayside critics regarded the cession of Ceuta as an
indignity, and others looked on Spain's position as so
despicable that any future pretensions to Portugal
should have been categorically renounced. 4 The
Queen was in a difficult position : her sympathies with
France were strong ; her policy forced her to deny
them. She became an apologist for the peace, and
wrote to Louis XIV. in explanation of her attitude. 5
Nevertheless she received congratulations from Sand-
wich at the gate of her convent. 6 In order to keep her
crown, she was compelled to cry with the crowd.
The disappointment of the French faction was
matched by that of Southwell. He resented his
omission from the Councils, and entered a vigorous
protest. 1 He maintained that he had been commis-
sioned by Charles "to fiance any adjustment which
should be concluded." Yet there was some doubt in
his own mind as to his position, and he had written
home hastily, begging that fuller powers should be
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 102.
2 Recueil dcs Instructions : Portugal, p. xxxix.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 73. 4 Ibid., vii. 90.
6 Recueil des Instructions : Portugal, p. 92.
6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 84
7 Ibid., vi. 442,
136 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
contrived for him * He saw that ambassadorial eti-
quette was to be strictly preserved. Sandwich may
have stretched punctilio too far, but he repeated
again and again that Southwell's character as Envoy
did not warrant a conjunction with an Extraordinary
Ambassador. Nor, said he, was Southwell " furnished
with any notices of the mind of Spain . . . necessary
to enable him to concurr in the treaty " 2
The summons from the Secretary of State had been
made direct to Sandwich, and had not included South-
well, nor had any message been sent to him inviting
his co-operation. 3 His attendance would have been at
the Ambassador's request, and Sandwich thought that
an endeavour to introduce any other person would
have been indiscreet, and perhaps unsuccessful. He
told Southwell that "a refusal would have been a
greater discredit than any want of respect which you
now imagine " 4 Though Southwell appealed through
Carpio and Guzman, another Spanish prisoner, and
dragged up a precedent from the Treaty of Munster,
Sandwich refused to give way, " much ashamed to
see their Excellencies troubled with our Domesticall
affairs" 5
The upshot of it all was that Southwell decided to
go home, and on February 9 he left Lisbon in the
same frigate which carried the treaty. On his arrival
he endeavoured to take all the credit to himself, but
lost in the endeavour. His actions were petty. He
asked his secretary to write a history of the whole
affair, in which the name of Sandwich is not even
mentioned. 6 He was full of complaints, to which
1 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 35,099, ff. 54, 61, 63, 65.
2 Sandwich MSS. Joiirnal, vi. 436.
3 Ibid., vi. 422, 445.
* Ibid., vi. 445. 5 Ibid., vii. 19.
6 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 35,099, f. 127.
1668] SOUTHWELL'S INTRIGUES 137
Arlington not only refused to listen, but about which
he advised a discreet silence. 1 He tried to make
mischief, and engaged Godolphin in argument, but in
the whole matter " held the wrong end of the staff."
Lord Arlington, indeed, denied that the King would
allow Southwell to sign jointly, and a gentle rebuke
was sent to him for such a pretension. 2
By his persistent advertisement Southwell obtained
a full share of the credit, and certain printed sources
have done him more than justice. Undoubtedly the
popular predisposition to peace was influenced by his
persuasion. He had helped forward the peace in two
ways : he had familiarized the people with the idea
of English intervention, and accustomed them to look
upon the Spanish prisoners as possible representa-
tives. The formal negotiations were entrusted to the
Marquess of Carpio and his fellow-prisoners. This
was to Southwell's advantage, for he had lost no
chance of cultivating their friendship. He had sup-
plicated continually for their release, and obtained a
lenience of their confinement. It was he who "got
them out of prison to see the shows of the King's
marriage." 3
On the other hand, he relied overmuch upon
transient public opinion, and upon the strength of the
people, whose power he decidedly overrated. 4 They
engineered the revolution, but not the peace. That
needed the support of several nobles. Spain made
no move until they were informed that "the Councill
of war in Portugall, and the Tribune of the People,
and Don Pedro, the King's Brother, and many of the
nobles were disposed to accept a peace with the title
1 Carte MSS., 36, f. 183. 2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 39.
3 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, f. 154.
* Carte, Revolutions^ etc., pp. 206, 207.
1 38 MADRID TO LISBON [CHAP, xi
of King." 1 The Court veered round, and the people
at once became followers rather than leaders.
Southwell himself was satisfied as to the importance
of his work. In July he wrote : " I made myself so
intimate with the factions, and soe disposed matters,
as notwithstanding the avertion and dilligence of the
Court to the Contrary, yett I little doubted the
successe of soe welcome a thing, and what the people
doe so generally breathe after." 2 He was not always
sanguine that peace would come, 3 but when the people
called for it he was all anxiety that the favourable
moment should be seized. 4 His direct application to
the Mayor of Lisbon did not escape criticism, and
Schomberg called it a thing unfitting and irregular. 6
Southwell, said he, was credited as " overbusye in
dealing with the Juiz do Povo, unbefittinge his place,
to stirr up mutinye in the people, for which he re-
ceived a checke from the Secretary of State, by order
of the Court." 6 And the integrity of the Juiz do Povo
was a matter of question. His ardour might have been
tempered by a bribe, and in a contest of purses the
money was heavier for a French alliance.
It is not easy to apportion the credit for the work,
nor would the task be necessary, only the credit has
never been fairly divided. Southwell deserves his
share, and that a considerable one, though he did his
best to destroy any favourable impression by his action
towards Sandwich. It was neither wise nor neces-
sary to hasten to England in an attempt to obtain all
the credit, and to belittle the Ambassador's work.
Sandwich was, after all, the signatory of the peace,
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 152.
2 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 179.
3 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 35,099, f. 45.
4 Carte, Revolutions, p. 338.
8 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 400. 6 Ibid., vii. 92.
1668] SANDWICH'S SUCCESS 139
and insisted on some meed of praise. He came in at
an opportune moment. He disposed Spain to grant
all which Portugal demanded, and did not set out for
the frontier until certain of success. He recognized
that work which was of such great importance in the
Peninsula could never have been concluded by one of
lesser rank. He used dignity and display to further
his objects. He gave reality to the negotiations, and
completed them with dispatch. He composed the
differences over the signatures. His contemporaries
commend his prudent management of the business, 1
and in Portuguese history his name is connected with
the struggle for independence, while other actors are
forgotten. 2 The news of his success was well re-
ceived in London, and particularly in the House of
Commons. " In the with-drawing roome, throughout
the whole Court," wrote Godolphin, " I never in my
life saw so great contentment ; everybody addressing
themselves to give the Queen the Enora buena, and
Her Majesty the most pleased in the world (as you
may imagine shee had reason) giving your Excellency
the praise." 3
1 An Account of the Court of Portugal, p. 166.
2 Antonio Caetano de Sousa, Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portugueza,
vii. 465.
3 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 37.
CHAPTER XII
THE MISSION TO TANGIER 1
" Now with a general peace the world was blest"
DRYDEN : Astraa Redux.
" Summa salus populis. Comes o celeberrime cunctis,
Angligenumque decus, pacifer Orbis eris !
Neptunus Thetin Duce te iam subdidit Anglis :
Dum pacem his prsefers, te venerantur, amant.
Victor et Hector eras, paci vis ponere morem ;
Instar Mercurijes Regibus Hesperijs !
Caelum et terra favent tibi cum bona tanta tulisti,
Hesperiae, et patrise, pauperibusque faves."
An Acrostic on " Sandvich" printed in
Lisbon, 1668.
THE end of more than twenty- five years' warfare
between Spain and Portugal was brought about by
the Peace of Lisbon, and thus Sandwich completed the
second part of his mission ; it was a work which his
friends hoped would bring him honour, and which
undoubtedly raised him in the esteem of his con-
temporaries.
For some weeks he remained in Portugal, and re-
ceived the congratulations of the grandees and of the
people. "This morning," runs his journal, "the Juez
de Povo (with his red barr in his hand) and his escri-
vano came to mee in the name of the People of Lisbon,
giving mee extraordinary thankes for my labours in
1 Authorities : Sandwich MSS. Journal and Letters from Foreign Ministers.
To the authorities quoted in Chapter V. must be added Colonel John Davis,
Historical Records of the Queen's Royal Regiment, and Miss E. M. G. Routh's
various studies on Tangier, to which the writer has had access.
140
1668] FAREWELL TO LISBON 141
this Adjustment wherewith they were exceedingly
rejoiced and contented." 1 He had an audience of Dom
Pedro, and made him a speech of congratulation, 2 and
shortly afterwards the Prince sent him a handsome
present. 3 To the Convent of St. Eloi, where the
peace was signed, Sandwich presented his portrait.
He sat to one, Feligiano, and there is a duplicate of
the painting at Hinchingbrooke. He thus describes
it : "A picture to the knees in a vest (the then habit
of England), and the hatt in the right hand hanging
straight downe. It was an extraordinary like picture." 4
Before Sandwich left Lisbon, he visited a nun with
whom he corresponded at great length, and whom he
had met upon a previous visit. 5 The lady was Donna
Maria, known as Soror Maria de la Cruz, daughter of
the Duke of Medina Sidonia. It was she who told
him that his cousin, Edward Mountagu, was a Roman
Catholic from the time he was eighteen years of age,
and had leave from the Pope to conceal his religion.
Sandwich also visited Schomberg, and the great
General gossiped of his wish to buy Dudley Castle,
" which belonged to his mother's family anciently,"
and told Sandwich that he estimated Wrangel a better
general than either Turenne or Conde. 6 He also re-
lated how near he had been to taking a part in the
Restoration. Schomberg's story was that he bribed
some of the officers to let him surprise Dunkirk with
French forces, and take it from the Cromwellians as a
stronghold for Charles ; but the King, who was then
at Breda, wisely dissuaded him, for such an action
would have made the royalist cause unpopular ; it
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vii. 70. 2 Ibid,, vii. 82.
3 Ibid., vii. 152. It amounted to ,4,000. 4 Ibid., vii. 136.
5 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Foreign Ministers. The last batch of
letters is from Donna Maria.
8 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 100, 134.
142 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
was a course with which Sandwich had no sympathy,
for he was one who had urged a restoration by the
people of England. 1
Besides almost daily intercourse with men of note,
Sandwich had other distractions. He witnessed an
auto-da-fe ', and saw two men and a woman burned in
the public square. 2 But he made no comment upon
the scene ; he rarely spoke of his impressions, and
simply jotted down a bare record of his life from day
to day. He was preparing for his departure, and sent off
several presents to his family. One was " a chest with
two pots of silk flowers, very curious " ; another, a
chest of Pujera earthenware and sweetmeats. He
sent books to some friends, wine to others. On
March 5 he began the return journey ; he was accom-
panied by the Consul and all the English merchants
to the banks of the Tagus, and there he said farewell
to them and to Lisbon.
The journey was a veritable triumph, and Sandwich
thus describes the scene at Montemore :
11 The people received mee with demonstrations of
joy : the governor mett mee with a Troope of horse
two miles before I came to the town, at the townes
end the Hoboyes and Sackbuts of the Towne played to
us, and the Castle shott off the greate gunns.' 3
Another city gave the Ambassador a handsome
present of six sheep, a hundred hens, fish, sweetmeats,
and half a pipe of wine.
" The ordinance of the towne," says he, " fired at
my reception and parting, and all the towne enter-
tained mee with excessive demonstrations of joy, by
Dancing in mascarade all along the towne as I went
to my lodginge, every house hanging out carpetts and
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 138. See Guizot's Richard Cromwell, and
p. 206 post.
2 Ibid., vii. 144. 3 Ibid., vii. 158.
EDWARD, EARL OF SANDWICH
From a 'portrait by Felifiano
To face p. 142 of Vol. II
i668] RETURN TO MADRID 143
Tapestry, strikinge of the Bells, Riding up and Downe
the towne in mascarade, and in my yard doing feates
on horsebacke like the Moores ; dancing in my house
(the better sort of them) after supper, and all night
longe dancing about the Streetes and making acclama-
tions of joy and good wishes." 1
Similar scenes were enacted all along the route
through Portugal ; merry-makers danced on each side
of the coach, soldiers offered their escort, and the
various castles fired off their cannon. In Spain the
people were equally demonstrative, and the Ambassador
had a rare welcome ; again the women and children
pirouetted before him, and saluted him with vivas.
On Easter Sunday, March 22, Sandwich reached
Madrid, and his journey was at an end.
He had every reason to be satisfied, for he found
that his reputation was decidedly enhanced The
Spaniards were overjoyed at the peace : the war
being ended, said the news letters, we hope to deal
well enough with the French. Sandwich was spoken
of in the warmest terms. His old antagonist, Muledi,
wrote to Ormond :
" All affairs concerning this and that Monarchy were
most happily advanced by the Earle of Sandwich's
great wisdome and experience, whose esteeme, and
the opinion of these ministers on him is beyond ex-
pression, and now haveing gott the plause of haveing
concluded the Portuguese Peace, he is takeing his
leave of this Court." 2
Still better evidence of the esteem in which he was
held was the fact that Spain welcomed his assistance
in the delicate negotiations which were then engaging
the diplomatists. He was authorized by the home
government to offer the King's mediation upon the
points of difference between Spain and France, or to
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 166.
2 Carte MSS., 43, f. 661 : May 12, 1668.
144 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
assist during their solution. 1 After his success in
Lisbon, he was eminently fitted to do so, for his work
had an international bearing. The peace he had made
was more than a peninsular affair : it was of interest
to every capital in Europe. The continent was like
a lake, in which every pebble of diplomacy made a
splash, and every ring of ripples met its fellow ; the
surface was ruffled, but a calm looked near at hand.
By the time Sandwich returned to Madrid, pros-
pects of a settlement had advanced. The truce, begun
in the autumn of 1667, appeared likely to lead to a
peace, but Spain dallied with France until she saw
whether the Treaty of Lisbon meant for her the help
of Schomberg and his soldiers. Meanwhile the truce
expired, and Louis XIV. resumed his aggressions.
He bribed the Emperor by a promised partition of the
Spanish dominions. He refused a further suspension
of arms, and before the winter came to an end the
French troops overran Franche Comte. In a single
fortnight the rich province was securely occupied ;
once again Louis stayed his hand, and a second cessa-
tion of arms was arranged.
During this interval the diplomatists were sedulous
on Spain's behalf. England, Holland, and Sweden,
threatened France by their Triple Alliance ; Sand-
wich made the Treaty of Lisbon. The only obstacle
to a general peace lay in Spain's attitude of sloth, and
the Ambassador was instructed to wring from the
Court some decision as to terms. For weeks his cor-
respondence turned upon this subject, for Spain was
obdurate. Nothing could stir her; it seemed impos-
sible for her to realize a crisis ; she was the despair
of the peacemakers. Her policy was governed by the
1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 559: Arlington to Sandwich. See also Temple to
the same (75, f. 585).
1668] MORE WORK DONE 145
hope that impatience would cause Louis to put himself
in the wrong", and that the mediators would intervene.
Temple from Brussels and Trevor from Paris begged
Sandwich to quicken Spain's councils. 1 She had the
choice of certain alternatives, and had chosen to give
up the places conquered in the last campaign ; but
her plenipotentiary in Flanders, Castel Rodrigo, sent
in an acceptance which appeared neither valid nor
regular. The business urged upon Sandwich was to
obtain "a full and clear concession," together with
" full powers beyond all exceptions." 2 An urgent
letter was sent for him to deliver to the Queen. The
mediators wished all to be in due form, lest the truce
should end before the work was concluded.
The attitude of France was impatient, and gave the
mediators some anxiety, for her demands were elastic.
As Temple said, the case was like that of the Sibyl's
books, " which are necessary to be had, but every
time they are refused growe less, and yett must bee
sold at a higher price." 3 As a mediator England was
deeply engaged, and delay could do little but involve
the powers in a universal war. Charles again wrote
to the Queen, " conjuring her not to dishonour him
by refusing to avow and ratify what the Marquis
Castel Roderigo having declared, his Majesty is fiador
of." Peace was only guaranteed until the end of May,
though the plenipotentiaries had obtained a private
article from Louis which admitted extension for a
further week. 4 This was kept secret, lest Spain
should be encouraged in her dalliance.
In order to bring about a settlement, no stone was
left unturned. Before all the letters of complaint
1 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Foreign Ministers, ff. 4, 6, 8.
2 Ibid., f. 1 8. 3 Ibid., f. 6.
4 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 63, 65.
VOL. II. 10
146 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
could reach Madrid, new and full powers were sent to
the envoys, and the Queen approved of the alternative
selected that is, the cession of the conquered towns.
On March 25 Sandwich wrote to Trevor that he judged
the powers sent were " reasonable and sufficient to
conclude the businesse, and soe needed not to make
any instance to the Queen in this matter." 1 He main-
tained this attitude because he thought that Spain had
given pledges enough. Once satisfied, he refused to
go beyond the letter of his instructions. He declined
to press upon the Queen further demands from Louis,
and withdrew his name from a memorial which urged
an additional concession, and which was sent to her
by the Dutch Ambassador. 2 At the same time Lord
Sandwich joined in pressing the legitimate demands
upon the Council of Spain, " to see that the King my
master in this affaire kept pace with the States of
Holland." By April 20 Spain had conceded all that
was asked ; a blank treaty was drawn up " in case any
alterations should be agreed upon," and the necessary
papers were dispatched. By the same packet Sand-
wich felt justified in congratulating Trevor upon the
turn of affairs, and Trevor, in acknowledgment, wrote
to England an account of His Excellency's services,
which he said had materially helped the treaty. 3
Except for some slight delay over formalities the
work was done, and before the end of April, France
and Spain made their peace at Aachen.
For his share in this great work, Sandwich rightly
expected further laurels, but it was brought home
to him that no man may be a prophet in his own
country. To his cares over private matters, the wish
to see his family, and the need for funds, there was
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vii. 200. 2 Ibid., vii. 238.
3 Ibid. , vii. 300 ; Letters from Foreign Ministers, f. 20.
i668] PRECEDENCE 147
added the trying anxiety that the conduct of his late
embassy was called in question. At that time
European diplomatists were enamoured of the niceties
of precedence, and aped Louis XIV. in their strife
over etiquette. Charles was not to be left behind.
Unfortunately, Sandwich had placed his signature to
the Treaty of Lisbon below that of the Marquess of
Carpio, and he had, for courtesy's sake, frequently
given the position of honour in coach and litter to the
Spaniard.
His kindly action created no small stir at Court, and,
instead of receiving unstinted thanks for his treaties,
he found himself on the defensive over a troublesome
business. He was genuinely distressed at the ingrati-
tude with which the Council had received his work,
and had ignored its importance while they strained at
a matter of punctilio. Sandwich had received a letter
of thanks from the Duke of York, which assured him
that the peace was a very considerable service to the
King. 1 In the same packet there came a letter from
Arlington, which contained scarcely a word of con-
gratulation. 2 Instead of that, Arlington stated that
the Council took great offence at the sight of the
treaty, with Carpio's signature above that of Sandwich.
They debated whether such a treaty could be ratified,
and named a committee to investigate precedents.
Finding none at Westminster, they then searched
among the Rolls at Chancery Lane, and at length a draft
of the treaty was made with the names transferred.
Arlington frankly admitted that the flame was fanned
by Ruvigny, who asserted that Sandwich always gave
the right-hand place to the Marquess, " for which,"
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 274. The letter, which is pasted into the
journal, bears a very beautiful seal and silk, absolutely fresh and unharmed.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 282.
148 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
added Arlington, " you must not take it ill if I tell you,
you will bee chidden when you come home."
This was no idle threat, since Charles had taken his
cue from the French Ambassador, and the Princess
Henrietta had also incited him to anger against her
old friend. On May 7 the King wrote to his sister :
" Ruvigny did tell me some days since of that matter
concerning my Lord Sandwich, which I can say nothing
to, till I hear from thence ; only, if he has done what
you are informed of, I am sure he is inexcusable, and
shall answer for it severely when he comes home, for
I never did, nor never will permitt my ambassador
to give the place to any whatsoever." 1
Little wonder that Sandwich was alarmed at his
position. He felt that the alterations could have been
made without unnecessary talk ; not, said he, so as to
" expose my reputation unto the world as a man that
had given up my Master's honor," with a warning that
" it was resolved to chastise mee for it when I came
home." He knew that Ruvigny had done him the
mischief, and objected to the credit given to the
Frenchman's word, when it was well known what a
blow the Peace of Lisbon was to France. He looked
upon the affair as a last endeavour to upset the treaty.
Since St. Remain had suggested assassination as the
only means to hinder the peace, and Sandwich had
gone to Lisbon in peril of his life, he was of opinion
that the English Government should have estimated the
wiles of the Frenchman at their true value. He main-
tained, too, that on public occasions he always took
precedence of the Marquess, and that at the auto-da-fe
he sat in the place of honour, " on the upper hand,"
above Carpio, where all might see. He admitted that
1 Julia Cartwright, Madame, p. 263. In Cal. S. P., Dom. (June 25), there
is a long letter from Dr. Jenkins to Williamson, endorsed "Precedency,"
which evidently refers to Sandwich.
i668] PRECEDENCE SETTLED 149
while the Marquess was a prisoner he took him in
his litter, and showed him the ordinary courtesy due
to a guest. It was justified, he said, since Carpio had
at the time no character as Ambassador, and in an
Ambassador's own house there could be no pretence
of competition. 1
Both right and reason were on the side of His
Excellency, and they prevailed. The letter of ex-
planation which Sandwich sent was shown to the
King ; and since his enemies were possessed of an
opinion that he had really " given the place " to Carpio,
the letter was read at a full Council board, the King
and Duke present. It was then registered, and put in
the Paper Office. That disposed of the Carpio affair.
A few of the Council asked whether His Excellency
had explained the place of his signature on the treaty
itself; but Godolphin, who stood by Sandwich, ex-
pounded to them "the unreasonableness of this
Exception." 2 It was discovered that the right form
had been observed, and that, in signing a treaty of
peace, the signature of the fiador, or trustee, should
come last. 3 Though the matter was thus cleared up,
it was a further vexation to Sandwich when he heard
that Southwell's hand was in the business. 4
His only compensation for this ingratitude was the
esteem shown for him in Spain, and the pleasures he
had there during the remainder of his stay. He spent
some time on a visit to the Escurial, and went abroad
into the mountains, where he shot " fallow and red
deere (very large ones)." The King's keeper gave
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 294-300. See also draft of a letter to
Godolphin : Journal, viii. 553. The original of this is in the S. P., For. :
Spain, 53, f. 88. A letter of explanation from Sandwich to Arlington is in
S. P., For. : Spain, 53, f. 117.
2 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, ii. 140.
3 Ibid., ii. 118 : Memorandum by Godolphin.
4 Sandwich MSS. : Letters f rom Foreign Ministers, f. 56.
i5o THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
him a book on hunting. Of the place itself he says :
" Truly it did excell the expectation I had of it, both
for magnificence, elegancy and cost. I certainly be-
lieve the whole world hath nothing that comes neere
to equall it." 1
When Sandwich returned from the Escurial, he
prepared to leave Madrid. Since peace was general,
there was no need for a league between England and
Spain, and his mission was completed. On April 23
he took a formal farewell of the King and Queen, and
made a long valedictory speech in Spanish. 2 A few
days later there came to him a present of the two
pictures now at Hinchingbrooke.
" The Queen of Spayn," he says, " by the hands of
her chiefe Painter, sent me the King's and her owne
picture as bigg as the life, and very like ; done by the
said Painter, whose name is Don Sebastian Herera ;
in requitall of this I sent the Painter a silver wrought
bason with Portugall ware of earth in it, all to the
value of about 30 pistoles." 3
Other presents followed : for Lady Sandwich the
Queen sent a magnificent jewel of Brazilian diamonds,
valued at 2,480 ; 4 the Duchess of Aveiro, to whom
Sandwich had paid much attention, sent " an enamelled
chain of gold with christall flowers in a curious
Philligrane box, and that againe placed in a Curious
Dish of the same Philligrane silver " ; and the Mar-
quess of Carpio sent "a present of perfumed skins
and gloves very rich, served in a fine silver Basin of
embossed work." 5
Although Sandwich was pleased with his presents,
he was dissatisfied with his monetary rewards. The
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 274-282.
2 Ibid., vii. 314. 3 Ibid., vii. 389.
4 Ibid. , viii. 87. There is a beautiful pen-and-ink drawing of the ewel.
6 Ibid., viii. 178.
i668] SANDWICH REWARDED 151
small sums which had been given to him on his
journey to Lisbon seemed but a slender requital for
his service. He knew that Fanshaw had been prom-
ised a considerable amount of money if he succeeded
in making peace ; so Sandwich ruminated, as he says,
upon the matter, and at length decided to lodge a
protest with Penaranda. 1 He then discovered that
the Spaniards had determined to assure him of 70,000
pieces of eight, and had intended to give Godolphin
the sum of 30,000.* How much Sandwich actually
obtained is not clear, but he was awarded a liberal
sum, and, in addition to the pendant given to Lady
Sandwich, the Earl was presented with a jewel of
equal value. 3 He had need of funds, since for two
years his supplies had been negligible, and the ex-
penses of his household had been conducted on a
scale which left him wellnigh penniless.
It was not, however, solely with his own affairs that
Sandwich was occupied during the last weeks in
Madrid. He endeavoured to make matters easier for
our merchants ; " to gett an answere from this Crowne
touching the Swedish money;" and to arrange for the
repurchase of some of Charles I.'s pictures, which had
been bought by the Spanish Ambassador after the
King's death. The last matter was almost hopeless,
the others were easier, and in the matter of trade
Sandwich again had some success. On July 7 he met
the Council, and was informed that an order was
granted him for the Philippines, " to treat our nation
courteously." 4 Spain then lodged a counter-complaint
against the Governor of Jamaica for piracy, "very
grievous and barbarous such as is not heard of in
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 34.
2 Ibid., viii. 46 i.e., about ,15,000 and ^"6,000 respectively.
3 Ibid., viii. Si. 4 Ibid., viii. 160.
152 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
Christian nations." 1 Sandwich promised to remedy
this when he came to England, and was rewarded
by a letter to the Governor of the Philippines which
allowed more equitable treatment to our nation,
and ensured the East India Company liberty to
take in victuals and water. 2 But in the remoter
seas the old rivalry was too fierce for any man to
guarantee security of trade ; reprisals went on, though
with a somewhat reduced vigour. 3
One more piece of work was given to Sandwich
before his actual return home. He was commanded
to visit Tangier, there to inspect the garrison, and to
make a full report upon the place. 4 The instructions
of the Commissioners were enclosed, and His Excel-
lency was bidden to supplement them as he thought
fit, in order that the account might be as perfect
as possible, both as regards the present and the
future. 5
Sandwich had always advocated a great effort being
made for the improvement of Tangier a place which
would "keepe all Europe in awe." 6 He was pleased
with this new command, and gladly set out to fulfil it.
On July 10 he gave over the charge of affairs to John
Werden, and left Madrid, "having the esteem," said
the news letters, " of every worthy person." 7 In two
and a half years he had seen great changes. Of his
comrades and servants nine had died, and were buried
in the garden of the Siete Chimeneas ; his comrade,
Mr. Clercke, his chaplain, and his interpreter, were
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, viii. 162.
2 Ibid., viii. 176; Letters from Ministers, ii. 147.
3 Acts of the Privy Council (Colonial], vol. L, 970.
4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 278.
6 Ibid., viii. 286. The instructions are signed by Rupert, Albemarle,
Peterborow, J. Belasyse, and Jo. Berkeley.
6 See his "Discourse of Barbary" (Brit. Mus. : Sloane MSS., 3509, f. 26).
7 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 108.
i668] ARRIVAL IN TANGIER 153
among them. As Sandwich details his loss, the
journal seems more vivid, and mingled with the
sorrow awakened by such reflections there is a tone
of relief as he departs from Madrid. He travelled
towards Cadiz, and again wrote accounts of his
journey ; he studied the Spaniards' method of har-
vesting, jotted down notes from wine-growers, took
stock of the game, watched the making of bullets,
surveyed lead-mines, and set Harbord to draw him a
picture of a new machine for winding silk.
Thus he beguiled the hours of travel. On August 4
he approached Cadiz. Several leagues from the city
he was met by the English residents, who conducted
the ten coaches of his retinue to the gates. He was
lodged in the Consul's house, and sumptuously enter-
tained at the expense of the English merchants. 1 For
some days he remained there in order to recruit his
health. He had grown very stout, and the heat
affected him to such an extent that, though only forty-
three years of age, he already writes like an old man,
and states that he was compelled to receive visitors in
bed, " as indeed I had reason for my greate infirmities." 2
On August 1 1 he was sufficiently recovered to embark
in the Greenwich frigate. Once again the guns of the
castle fired their farewell salutes, and on August 14
Sandwich arrived at Tangier. He was received by
the Lieutenant-Governor, Colonel Norwood, and ex-
pressed himself much gratified by his reception.
" Towards evening," he wrote, " we went ashore
together, when he saluted me with all the gunns of
the Towne, and all the soldiers and Townesmen
drawne out, and fireworks at night ; and lodged mee
at his owne house, and provided all sort of good enter-
tainment for mee."
1 Sandwich MSS, Journal^ viii. 342. 2 Ibid. , viii. 368.
154 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
Then began a further spell of work and investiga-
tion. It is evident, from the range of the instructions
issued to Sandwich, that the Committee for the affairs
of Tangier had gained an increased impression of its
importance, and determined to make the place a per-
manent outpost of our growing Empire. The queries
covered both civil and military matters in particular
the defences of the town and harbour. The mole was
to be measured, and an estimate made of its strength
and cost ; the walls and forts were to be surveyed.
Military knowledge could be brought into play upon
the numbers of guards which were needed, and upon
the staff of officers required. The commission in-
cluded a census of the military and civil inhabitants,
and an inquiry into the state of trade. The possi-
bilities of brewing, baking, and fishing, the building
of mills, the licensing of tap-houses and victualling-
houses, were brought under review. The erection of
a hospital and the health of the inhabitants were
both to be considered. Finally the inquiry was to
deal with the relations of England and the Moorish
Princes. 1
During his brief stay Sandwich showed considerable
activity, and filled his journal with lengthy notes and
comments. He had soon acquired much information
about the mole, the first great w r ork of the kind under-
taken by the English. In this he had always taken
the keenest interest, and was responsible for the
soundings which preceded the work. Progress had
been very slow, not for lack of zeal, but because both
project and contract had been contrived upon experi-
mental lines. The model was framed and perfected
"in fewer weeks than others have spent years," 2 and
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 290.
2 Ibid., viii. 376 : Cholmley to Sandwich.
i668] SURVEYS THE MOLE 155
the Committee for Tangier blissfully sat in judgment
upon a contract which Pepys says " none of us that
were there understood." 1 During six years the work
had been superintended by Sir Hugh Cholmley, but
shortness of money, attacks by the Moors, the want of
skilled workmen, the displacements caused by terrible
storms, and a change in the methods of construction,
hardly made for speed. 2 Sandwich secured measure-
ments of the mole, saw that a plan of its condition
was drawn, and discussed all the difficulties with
Major Taylor, who was then in charge.
The survey of the mole was succeeded by an inquiry
into civic affairs, and Sandwich interviewed townsfolk
and soldiers, Englishmen and Portuguese. He had to
play the part of peacemaker, for matters were very
bitter between the civil and military government. A
small pamphlet had been circulated in England to
show how much the soldiers and traders were at
variance. " The unreasonableness of both, unwilling
to comply with one another . . . discourageth all
wealthy persons from inhabiting there, because they
are not countenanced, nor have those liberties which
it hath pleased his Majesty to grant them." 3 Com-
plaints of their quarrels were so frequent that, in an
endeavour to compose matters, the home government
had based the internal affairs of Tangier upon a new
charter, which had been sent out a few weeks before
Sandwich arrived. He found that the place seethed
with differences : the soldiers declared that the charter
had been procured by a faction, and Sandwich saw
1 Pepys's Diary, February 6, 1663.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 376 : Cholmley to Sandwich. The letter
gives a very good picture of the difficulties of the work and the progress
made. See also A Short Account of the Progress of the Mole, etc., by
Sir H. Cholmley.
3 The. Present Interest of Tangier (London, 1664).
1 56 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
that they and some of the merchants were doing their
best to prevent its proclamation. 1
There was need of some arrangement, for since the
acquisition of Tangier the factions had been at variance.
The soldiers held the reins, and the whole city was at
their mercy. Until a civil court was established, all
jurisdiction was in their hands, and the town was
governed under permanent martial law. They were
free from prosecution, and took full advantage of their
immunity. Their debts were unpaid, and the civilian
could obtain no redress. They trenched upon his rights
in all directions. The liquor trade was controlled by
the garrison, and they appointed their own sutlers
without obtaining a licence from the townsfolk. The
watercourses were carefully guarded, and in times of
drought the civilians were debarred from fetching
water. The soul of the citizen was no freer than his
body. Though clergy were paid by the King, the
garrison monopolized their offices, the townsmen
were crowded out of the church, and the Corporation
were fain to "sit among the vulgar." The trainband
was denied the right of keeping watch and ward, and
its officers complained that they had not full freedom
upon the day of election.
Such were some of the complaints which greeted
Sandwich. They were poured out by the Mayor,
John Bland, a prosperous merchant. Long before this
he had told Pepys that the place was never likely to
come to anything while the soldiers governed all. 2
He was full of indignation at his treatment by
the Lieutenant -Governor, Colonel Henry Norwood.
The civilians were divided ; some supported Bland,
others were for the old rule of the garrison and
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 395.
2 Pepys's Diary, April 24, 1666.
1668] THE CHARTER 157
Colonel Norwood. They looked to profits and per-
quisites rather than to forms of government. If the
garrison provided profitable custom, why trouble
over a few trivialities of oppression ? And this fac-
tion objected to civil government on the ground of
additional expense ; baubles were needed a town-
hall, an officer for the records, a mace and a sword
They grudged the salaries of officials and the cost of
municipal feasts; they were incapable, they said, of
supporting any change. 1
But the paramount cause of their opposition seemed
to be a hatred of Bland.
" He is a merchant that has built more than any of
them and lives in better port," said Sandwich. " I
found them all as one man pursuing him in their owne
Court for the fayler of payment in England of a bill
of Exchange whereunto his hand was. . . . The day
before the Governor's power to swear the Corporation
expired, he called the old Court together, and tried
the Cause, and adjudged it against Mr. Bland."
The trial, of which Sandwich obtained an account,
was stifled by prejudice and conducted with unseemly
haste, but when the opponents of Bland found that
Sandwich saw through them, and showed "a resent-
ment of their severity and passion, and was like to
represent these animosities to be the cause of laying
aside the King's Charter ; theire stomachs came downe,
and notwithstanding the Petition here entered they
tooke up theire severall places in the Corporation and
were sworn." 2
By the new charter, which was designed to heal
these differences, Tangier was made a free city,
and the inhabitants thereof " a body politique and
1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, ; f. 44, and the JtnirnaL
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 397-399, 457.
158 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
corporate." 1 The presence of the Ambassador lent
weight to the incorporation, and Sandwich delighted
the eyes of the townsfolk by his Garter robes and the
dignity of his presence. The ceremony took place on
August 21 ; the charter was publicly read, and the
Mayor and Aldermen were sworn. 2 A commission
under the Great Seal established a new Court
merchant. On the same day Sandwich held a review
of all men in Tangier "fitt for service of any kind." 3
Three days later a great feast was given by the Mayor,
at which His Excellency was present, together with
the Governor and officers of the garrison, the Aldermen
and the Common Council. 4 " The gunns of the Towne
and Castle were shott off for the solemnity," and a
brief reign of peace between townsfolk and soldiers
was inaugurated. But it promised little permanence,
since the Mayor-elect was the unpopular John Bland,
and four out of the six Aldermen had signed a petition
to Sandwich praying for the postponement of the
charter.
A few days after the great ceremony, Sandwich
examined the accounts of the town, and overhauled
the register of the imports and exports, which he
found was "kept in no good forme." The value of
goods was not entered, nor were the sums paid in
duties properly specified, and the registrar was thus
enabled to falsify his entries. In another register the
same officer entered all the customs for goods brought
to Tangier by English ships from the plantations.
Sandwich thought that all such duties should be
1 A copy of the charter is in the Public Record Office, under the Privy Seal
of April, 1668.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 408.
3 The total was 1,756, mostly soldiers. The workers on the mole num-
bered 159, the city trainband no, and "strangers" 63.
4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 412.
i668] LEAVES TANGIER 159
collected by the farmers of the customs; and if that
were not possible, he considered that the King should
appoint a more responsible person to the post of
registrar. He also thought that the liberty allowed
to the man was most prejudicial to the King's affairs,
and suggested that all consuls at foreign ports should
send a half-yearly list to the English Custom-house,
with a certificate of all ships which laded or unloaded
at the various ports, together with an account of their
cargo. 1 He saw that the corruption was widespread.
" The book that is kept of the King's revenue," he
wrote, " I find it kept only in general termes." As to
land valuation, the houses were mentioned, but not
the quantity of ground upon which they stood, nor was
" unbuilt ground " noticed in the survey. He advised
"that each house, and also the ruins and ground
unbuilt, be exactly surveyed, and that it be entered in
the booke, how many foote of ground each house,
garden or ruins contains." 2
For more than a fortnight Sandwich remained in
Tangier to collect his material. Both factions tried
to gain his ear : one day he was compelled to listen to
Eland's grievances ; another day the soldiers brought
him a relation of the good proceedings of Colonel
Norwood, which he endorsed " with Colonel Nor-
wood's privity without question." He went calmly
on with his inquiry, held the scales evenly, and left
Tangier with the good wishes of both factions, and to
both he left their particular hopes and fears.
On August 29 he boarded the Greenwich, and set
sail for England. After a journey of three weeks the
frigate came to an anchor in Mount's Bay. Fog and a
contrary wind delayed the vessel while off the Cornish
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 454.
2 Ibid., viii. 458.
i6o THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
coast, but Seymour and Sydney Mountagu went
ashore to herald the arrival.
Sydney Mountagu's first business in London was to
see Samuel Pepys and obtain supplies. " Sidney is
mightily grown," says Pepys, " and I am glad I am
here to see him at his first coming, though it cost me
dear, for here I come to be necessitated to supply
them with 500 for my Lord. . . . However," he
adds, " I think it becomes my duty to my Lord to do
something extraordinary in this, and the rather because
I have been remiss in writing to him during this
voyage, more than ever I did in my life, and more
indeed than was fit for me." 1 He deplored, too, that
Sydney did not at once visit Arlington, who com-
mented upon his want of courtesy : " this remissness
in affairs do continue in my Lord's managements
still, which I am sorry for." Sydney was forgiven at
Whitehall ; for when he went to kiss the Queen's
hand, Catherine was kind to him, her ladies " looked
mightily on him," and the King came in, and asked
for news of Lord Sandwich and his doings.
While Pepys and Sydney Mountagu were looking
after his concerns, Sandwich remained in Cornwall, and
enjoyed a scene of English country life such as he had
not witnessed for nearly three years. He saw a
hurling match between the men of Penzance and
Helston.
" There was 100 chosen men of each towne," he
writes, " clad all in white (stripped), who mett in the
halfe way betweene both townes, when a silver ball,
gilt, of about three inch diameter (filled within with
Corke) was throwne up amongst them. Whereupon
they presently mett together to catch the ball, and
Pepys's Diary , September 28. The statement of accounts for the ^"500
is in Rawlinson MSS., A. 174, f. 437.
i668] HOME AGAIN 161
runn away with it to one of the two townes, and the
towne that it is brought into gaines the victorie. The
hurlers make any play ; cuffinge one the other on the
face, or kicking or wrastling, although they be five or
six at once upon one man ; or throwinge men downe
the cliffs, or downe Tynn pitts ; not valuinge any mis-
chiefe that ensues, soe they obtaine the victory ; and
in their greatest disorder noe gentleman of the country
dares come in to rule or part them, for then both
sydes will joyne together, and beate them, without
respect to any quality. The hurlers, when they have
brought the ball home, present it to some Church, or
rather to some greate gentleman, that gives them
drinckes or money for it. There is greate concourse
of people and gentry. About 2000 were present at
this." 1
A few days later Sandwich left Mount's Bay, and
on September 28, " a day of delicate sunshine, and
fine gentle breezes," he landed at Spithead. He was
welcomed by Colonel Norton, a son-in-law of his old
colleague, Sir John Lawson, who invited him to his
house at Southwick. He remained there for two or
three days, enjoying the gardens and the familiar life
and surroundings. There he was joined by young
Lord Hinchingbrooke, Sydney Mountagu, John Sey-
mour, and Samuel Pepys. 2 They came with two
coaches and six horses, and escorted Sandwich to
London. The King was then staying in the eastern
counties, and on October n Sandwich went down to
Audley End, and was there received by His Majesty,
the Queen, and the Duke of York, who each showed
him every possible mark of favour. Sandwich was
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 540.
2 Ibid. , viii. 546. This note of Sandwich's gives the clue to Pepys's move-
ments during the fortnight's gap in the diary. Lord Braybrooke assumed
that Pepys was in the eastern counties, but it is probable that when Pepys
returned to London, with Sandwich, the pressure of business prevented his
writing up the journal for some days. He resumed it upon the day on which
my Lord left London for Audley End.
VOL, II. II
1 62 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
delighted, for he had some misgivings about his re-
ception ; he feared lest the trouble over Carpio should
be revived and brought up against him, but Charles
had accepted his explanation, and the courtiers were
satisfied. Even Buckingham had upbraided the noise
raised against Sandwich, " sayinge that all the clamour
was come to this ; that the King had sent a gentleman
his Ambassador, and he had beene civill, and if the
King had sent a clown probably some rudenesse or
other would have beene done." 1 So at least one
storm had blown over, and Sandwich became more
easy in his mind. He remained two days at Audley
End, and then made for home. On October 13 he
wrote in his journal :
"I went to my owne house, to Hinchingbrooke,
accompanied by Sir William Godolphin, Sir Charles
Harbord, and my son Sydney. Wee found all my
family in good health. Blessed be Almighty God for
his extraordinary mercye and period of soe important
an embassye, and so greate labours and hazards." 2
But his troubles were not yet at an end. Once
more his easy good-nature over money matters in-
volved him in disputes, and the consideration of his
accounts gave him the impression that all men were
against him. He had conducted his embassy in the
most lavish way in order not to be outdone by the
French Ambassador, who was well supplied with
funds. His father-in-law and Lady Sandwich were
both anxious over his expenses. "I. hope," said his
lady, " that it will not be thought you have spent more
then what hath bene for the honour of the King and
Kingdome." 3 Unfortunately Sandwich was left con-
tinually short of money: he had been compelled to
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 547. 2 Ibid. t viii. 550.
3 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, ff. 126, 1 60.
JEMIMA, COUNTESS OF SANDWICH
From a portrait by Adrian Hanneman
To face p. 16? of Vol. II
i668] THE ACCOUNTS 163
borrow at a high rate of interest, and all his own
rewards, and most of his private income, had been
expended on the upkeep of his house, on the pay
of his retinue, on numerous journeys, and on bon-
fires, banquets, and the necessary entertainments of
grandees. He had, as he said, grudged no charge
upon his own estate, and his family suffered by this.
In all he had spent close on 38,000, and prepared
an account which showed that the Government was
nearly 20,000 in his debt. 1 Some of the money which
he was supposed to have had was ear-marked " due in
about three years, because of orders which precede
it " ; the remainder had come to him through the un-
certain medium of the hearth-tax, or through melting
down both gold and silver plate.
There was at the time no proper system of regular
payment, and no arrangement for the supervision of
accounts by the Exchequer. The account which
Sandwich rendered stuck long, as he said, in the
hands of the Junta, or the Lords of the Committee of
Foreign Affairs, to whom it was referred by the
King. 2 The Lords objected to His Excellency's de-
mand of 133 a week for his allowances, and tried to
cut down the 6,000 which had been estimated for
equipage and transportation. Sandwich had based
his calculations on precedent : the former Ambassador
to Spain had always had one-third more than the
Ambassador to Paris ; and since the latter was given
1 The accounts of the embassy are in Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 566,
567. They also appear in Cal. S. P., Dom., November 6, 1668, February n,
1669.' The amounts expended^were (a) for equipage t and transport 6,000 ;
(6) ordinary expenses for 143 weeks, at 133 6s. 8d. per week, 19,066;
(r) extraordinary charges, such as presents, etc., .6,587; (^interest on the
ready money, bills of exchange, and so forth, raised by Sandwich, about
4,000.
2 The Committee consisted of Lord Ashley, Sir Thomas Clifford, and
Sir William Ashley (Cal. S. P., Dom^ February n, 1669).
i6 4 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
100 a week, Sandwich considered himself empowered
to ask the larger sum.
" Besides," he added, " I thought my quality of an
Extraordinary Embassador, an Earle, Knight of the
Garter, and the greate successe I had in both my
embassyes, my greate Hazards and personall labours,
and also that I had in truth expended ,4000 more
than was in either of the accounts, I say I thought
these considerations might well merit an allowance
more than ordinary." 1
Sandwich was in some doubt over the speedy
dispatch of his affairs, although he thought that the
King was inclined to favour him. 2 The matter of
money was a serious one to a man with a large family,
and continual calls upon him. At times his high spirits
allowed him to forget his anxieties ; at other times he
was moped and miserable. For months the discussion
over his accounts dragged on ; even the money allotted
for his equipage was reduced, and this he resented,
since to honour his King and country he had taken
" a splendid train both of Comerades and Servants."
" But the truth of my case," he says, " and the hard-
shipp of it, is beinge kept off from touchinge any
money for soe many months ; as I believe indeed very
neare two yeare ; soe that my Debts and Interest still
consume and destroy mee: which I remonstrated to
them and beseeched that the King my master would
please himselfe and reduce what he thought fitt, soe
that some money might be speedily and effectually
paid mee." 3
He had in the end to submit to the reductions ; his
allowance was brought down to 100 a week, the cost
of equipage to 4,000 ; the interest was reduced in pro-
portion, and allowed only on the condition that it was
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 568.
2 Pepys's Diary, October 26, December 7. ' ,
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 572.
i668] THE REPORT 165
not made a precedent for other Ambassadors. 1 Even
then six months elapsed before the accounts were
passed.
The business of the money may have possibly been
influenced by the reception of his report on Tangier.
The gratitude of the Government was short-lived, and
when Sandwich returned, the commercial treaty with
Spain and the Peace of Lisbon soon passed into the
shade of deeds forgotten. He had, however, an oppor-
tunity for renown in rendering his report, and for this
he had collected the most ample material.
Upon his homeward journey Sandwich set down
his reflections upon Tangier, " Arising to my contem-
placion," says he, " from what I have now heard and
seene upon the place." He believed first and fore-
most that it should be " indubitably preserved in the
power of the English nation." A vigorous civil and
military jurisdiction was needed. He desired that
the Governor should be an Englishman, not Irish nor
Scottish, and that the officers should be Protestant.
He was opposed to the residence there of too many
foreigners, and saw danger both in an increase of
Irish Roman Catholics and of Scottish Presbyterians.
He would have had all Barbary Jews banished, for
they spied, they betrayed the prices of our commodi-
ties, and " they are beggars, and sucke the monye out
of the inhabitants' purses." Sandwich believed in the
new charter, which somewhat suppressed the garrison,
but he also wanted the soldier to be satisfied, so that
it should come to be a desirable thing to serve one's
country in Tangier. He would have had the soldier
admitted to the freedom of the town. Supply should
be regular, he said, without defalcations ; and the
garrison's victuals should be in full proportion, good,
1 Cal S. P., Dom.y August 19, 1669.
1 66 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
and justly delivered. He also supported an increase
of pay ; he thought that it was justified by the
absence from friends, the hard duty, and the dearness
of commodities. " And I am of opinion for encrease
of pay," he added, " because I am against the Governor's
or any officer's making one farthing of Perquisites,
upon the severest penalties."
For the improvement and security of trade he de-
sired two fourth -rate or two fifth -rate frigates to
convoy merchants from England "a perpetuall bridle
in the teeth of all nations " ; but he feared lest the
captains should use the frigates as traders, and he
wished for severe penalties as a check upon such
designs. He wanted freedom for the Moors to bring
in their cattle and goods for sale, and would have a
peace obtained with the Princes of the surrounding
country either by gifts or by the perpetual presence
of a strong naval force. He was not averse to Dutch
aid, in order to ensure freedom of commerce in the
Straits. He considered that the city and environs
might be made Crown land :
"The annexation of Tangier to the Crowne," he
wrote, " would encourage men much to build, and lay
out their estates there ; but this is a greate Point of
State ; how farr it is good in order to Preserve the
Crown upon the Head of my master and his family to
part with Regalities ; and whether emergencies may
not happen, wherein it may be of great use to his
Majesty to have such a place in his owne personall
power. Moreover it is to be considered the Temper
of the House of Commons, when such a consideration
is exposed ; for if it should prove that then they have
ill impressions and disesteeme of the place, instead of
annexation it may proove the discouragement of the
place." 1
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, viii. 512 et seqq. He wished the Customs dues
at Tangier to be only 8 per cent., and at Tetuan and the other towns 10 per
cent. (Sloane MSS., 3509, f. 26). The idea that Tangier should be annexed
to the Crown was not discussed in Parliament until 1679.
i668] EFFECTS OF THE REPORT 167
Such were what Sandwich called his cogitations
upon Tangier. In their essence they were sound.
The encouragement of the garrison, by regular pay
and good provisions, would have done away with dis-
content and exaction. Sandwich also emphasized the
need for an incorrupt administration. He did not
undervalue the civil power, and saw that it was as
necessary to content the civilian as well as the soldier,
though he sympathized with the grievances of the
latter. He realized the importance of security of
trade, and wished that it should be conducted in a
regular manner. Immediately he returned to England
the Council took up this point, and endeavoured to
reform it. 1 They further considered the question of
the freedom of Tangier to our West Indian trade, and
they adopted the suggestion that a tighter hold should
be kept upon the farming and administration of the
Customs. 2 Within a few months matters between
the soldiers and civilians were placed upon a better
footing: their jurisdictions were defined, places in
church were duly allotted, and strangers were en-
couraged to settle in the town. 3
Although the visit to Tangier had some immediate
effect, this was due to private conversations which
Sandwich had in Council, rather than to his formal
report. The anxiety which beset him over money
matters, and his general sense that his work was ill
appreciated, had their effect. When the report was
completed, it was poorly composed. Had Sandwich
asked Pepys's advice before writing it, he might have
made the work more acceptable to the Council ; but his
extant letters show him to have been the most prolix
1 Acts of the Privy Council (Colonial}, vol. i., 802.
2 Ibid., vol. i.,826, 827.
3 Public Record Office: Colonial Papers , 279, Bundle 12, ff. \ 163-1 66.
See also Miss Routh's Tangier.
168 THE MISSION TO TANGIER [CHAP, xn
of writers, and he was evidently a poor speaker. He
was crushed by the weight of his material. A day
was appointed for him to give his account of Tangier,
says Pepys ; " and what he did, and found there, which
though he had admirable matter for it, and his doings
there were good, and would have afforded a noble
account, yet he did it with a mind so low and mean,
and delivered in so poor a manner, that it appeared
nothing at all, nor anybody seemed to value it ;
whereas, he might have shown himself to have merited
extraordinary thanks, and been held to have done a
very great service ; whereas now, all that cost the
King hath been at for his journey through Spain
thither, seems to be almost lost." 1
This was indeed a most unfortunate termination to
the embassy, for it made men forget for a moment the
great work already done. It can hardly be denied that
Sandwich took considerable pains over the business.
He was industrious over Tangier and its affairs, but
his industry was, in a sense, his undoing. His work
lacked clearness, the main points and the lesser were
made equal in importance. He omitted nothing a
great mistake when one's audience consisted of such
men as Charles and Arlington, Bristol and Buckingham.
He had not the needed lightness of touch, and his
friends were left to bemoan the weak report he had
made out of his abundance of good matter.
On the other hand, he had gained great respect in
Tangier. True, the charter, of which so much had
been hoped, led to renewed quarrels between Bland
and Norwood, but that could not be laid at His
Excellency's door. While he was in the town Sand-
wich had inaugurated a brief reign of peace, and upon
his return home he did much to ensure its continuance.
1 Pepys' s Diary, November 9.
1668] AN APPRECIATION 169
When disputes broke out, both sides, civil and military,
appealed to him as to a just judge. 1 There was some
talk of his returning to Tangier as Governor. 2 Had he
wished again to go abroad, his experience and powers
of administration would have made the appointment
an admirable one ; and his capacity and keen interest
might well have prevented the loss of our African
outpost. The report of his coming was received in
Tangier with great joy, but it proved premature, and
for the remainder of his life Sandwich served his
country at home.
1 A considerable portion of a volume of the Sandwich MSS. (Letters from
Foreign Ministers) contains letters from Norwood, Bland, and others, upon
Tangier affairs. See also Brit. Mus. : Shane MSS., 3509, ff. 262-269,
3510, ff. 35, 40.
2 Pepys's Diary ) December 7.
CHAPTER XIII
POLITICAL LIFE*
" Last night was one of their cabal nights ; they have 'em three times a
week. . . . You and I are excluded. "-CONGREVE: The Way of the World,
Act I., Scene I.
AFTER his return from Madrid, Sandwich could look
back with satisfaction upon the results of his embassy,
and he began to find that in another field he was
accorded tardy recognition. The world had looked
somewhat coldly upon success achieved abroad, but
opinion was veering round to the view that, when
Sandwich was sent to Spain, England had exiled one
of her soundest seamen. " Should he return to-
morrow," wrote Pepys in 1667, "his Lordship would
find the world give him another look than when he
left us, the last year's work having sufficiently dis-
tinguished between man and man." 2 The combination
of Rupert and Albemarle in 1666 had been by no means
a success. This could hardly be laid at Albemarle's
door; but he must have regretted his condemnation
of the " tarpaulins," for he found that his new officers
were of the poorest courage, and could not behave
1 Authorities : Sandwich MSS. Journal, vols. ix. , x. , and Letters, particu-
larly the Appendix ; Carte MSS. ; Calendar of Treasury Books (edited by
W. A. Shaw) ; Anchitell Grey, Debates of the House of Commons (1667-1694) ;
Lords' Jottrnals ; Commons' Journals ; Pepys's Life, Journals, and Corre-
spondence (edited by J. Smith).
2 Pepys's Life, etc., i. 116. See also Teddiman's opinion of Sandwich;
Pepys's Diary, October 29, 1666.
170
I668J INCREASED IMPORTANCE 171
like men. 1 Then came the fatal laying up of the fleet,
and the Dutch raid in the Medway. Again Albemarle
was not responsible ; he did all he could do " stout
and honest to his country." 2 But the people were
dissatisfied, and the names of Sandwich and Penn
were passed from mouth to mouth. Sandwich as
Admiral was more desirable than Rupert ; he at least
would have opposed the division of the fleet which
caused the first disaster. Rumour had it that he was
to be sent for to take over the command, 3 and it was
said that the King, a good judge of naval affairs, was
actually prepared to recall him from Spain and give
him the naval conduct. 4 James, who had quarrelled
with Coventry, began to cast aside his jealousy, and
spoke more kindly of his lordship. 6 This reached the
Ambassador's ears, and he returned home with the
satisfaction of knowing that he had recovered his
position, and that, if war broke out again, he would be
certain to serve. He could thus look to the future
with some increase of confidence.
He was altogether a more important personage than
had left England in 1666, and he was conscious of the
fact. He had changed much in appearance. He had
grown exceedingly stout and unwieldy, and was far
heavier than any of his suite. His face had become
redder, but his brown hair was as yet untinged with
grey. He wore his beard in the Spanish manner, and
had adopted the plainer Spanish dress. There was
about him something of the grandee. He could speak
fluent Spanish, and had stored his mind with the
customs and curiosities of the country. His lengthy
1 Pepys's Life, etc., i. no. 2 Pepys's Diary, October 23, 1667.
3 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Le Fleming MSS., p. 45.
4 Carte MSS., 223, f. 305; Pepys's Diary, December 9, 1667, and
February 13, 1668.
c Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 157.
172 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xin
residence in Madrid had left its mark. He extolled
Spanish music and dancing, and brought home a youth,
the best dancer in Spain, to dance for him. He lent
to his friends the journal of his embassy, packed with
rich details and pictures. He had collected curious
anecdotes and local legends. He gossiped about Kings
and Queens, wonderful buildings, and quaint sports.
He brought back some coins and curiosities, told the
ladies of the family the most modern way in which to
perfume their gloves, and enriched their dishes with
recipes. He had transcribed Spanish songs, which
he sang to the guitar. For men like Evelyn, to whom
he had already sent some of his harvest, he had his
excellent drawings of gardens, fountains, and the like,
done by the skilful hand of Charles Harbord or
William Ferrers.
To none was the Ambassador's gossip more wel-
come than to Lady Sandwich. She had long desired
his return, for many changes had taken place, and she
had been overwhelmed with anxiety; but she never
succumbed ; she proved herself a trustworthy guardian,
and " the same most excellent, good, and discreet lady
that ever she was." She had been left at home with
her many small children, and was in continual straits
for money, notwithstanding that " all within doores,"
said her lawyer, " is ordered with the utmost frugality
and prudence can be contrived." 1
" Besides the want of your good company," wrote
my Lady to her husband, " I fear your estat will be
much spoild if you doe not sone return. ... I hope
the first work you doe as to your estat will be to get us
clear if it is possible. I hear of soe many undone by
continuing in great deapts. Pardon my medeling in
those affairs, you know whats best." 2
1 Carte MSS. y 75, f. 477. 2 Ibid., 223, f. 155.
I663J MY LADY'S TROUBLES 173
Sandwich could give his lady little or no relief,
for he had not the money to supply his own needs.
So during his prolonged absence Lady Sandwich was
fain to economize in every way. She gave up her
season in town. She sold a large amount of her
cherished plate all, indeed, that she could spare and
parted with a suite of beautiful hangings, for, said she,
money seemed possible no other way. 1 She had to
dismiss the boys' governor, Monsieur de Prata, though
she was cut to the heart, and told him of her decision
through a friend. 2
" I did till very lattly defer the taking of a capline," 3
she wrote to Sandwich, " in hops of your sone return,
but hearing your coming was deleayed I have now
spock to Mr. Jervice Fullwood to come at Lady Day." 4
With all her economies matters grew little better,
and the continued postponement of her husband's
return was a great blow.
Just as Sandwich left Madrid she wrote once more :
"I weare in great straiths for money, my son soe
deply sharing with us hear, and can get none from
Mr. More, and therfor am forsed to borow of my cosen
Pepys, a 100 pound, which I doubt will not serve till
you com. I pray God send us a happy and spedy
meeting, if it be his wille. Hinchbrok much want your
selfe allthough it now is plesent. I pray God of heaven
send you a good voiage to Tanger wher I hear the
King hath commanded you to goe. Your frends are
of opinion that in all respects it would be best for you
to be att home. I am sure your Estat is much out of
order by these times, things bearing noe Price, but
now we have peace I hope all things will be better
and I fear ther will be a great distance betwene Shep-
1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 139. 2 Ibid., 223, f. 102.
3 I.e., chaplain.
4 Sandwich. MSS., Appendix, f. 127. See Pepys's Diary, May 24, 1668,
when he says that Fulwood preached "a very good and seraphic kind of
sermon, too good for an ordinary congregation."
174 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xin
ley and us in our reckoning besids the heviy burdon
that lies upon Mr. Moore, and rents are very ill paied
but I thank God for the hops of your coming amongst
us again, and now will cast off all trouble if we have
but your company. ... I assure you I live as low as
I know posiblely how to doe for meat, drink and
cloathes, but soe great a familey as ours will ask much
to manetane it." 1
Nevertheless the good lady struggled on. An estate
of 500 a year fell to her husband through the death of
Robert Payn of St. Neots. 2 Aided by this, she kept
the home together, and completed a transaction which
was of great importance in the family, the marriage
of the eldest son, Viscount Hinchingbrooke.
The earliest suggestion as to a match for young
Edward was made when he was barely ten years of
age. The match-makers then were Monck and Moun-
tagu, who were apparently on friendly terms long
before the Restoration. From Dalkeith, Monck wrote
as follows :
"There is a Lady of a good fortune married to a
Man of a small Estate (though of the name of Scott)
but she is sicklie, and it is probable will have no
Children; but there is another Daughter, the Lady
Anne Scott, that is very ingenious, and but nine years
of age, and in case the other failes she is to have the
Estate, however she is to have 6000 for her portion
if the other lives. And if your Lordship pleases to
inquire of any Lawiers whether by the Act, that tooke
away the wardshippes in England, the wardshippes in
Scotland are also cut off which I believe they are not,
if youre Lordship thinke fitt to gett the Wardshippe of
this Younge Lady which is unmarried, I believe you
might match her to one of your Sonnes. And if the
Estate does fall to her (which is likely) she will have
1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix ; f. 130.
2 Sandwich MSS. Jottrnal, iii. 94. For this estate see Carte MSS. , 74>
f. 35. Previously Sandwich derived from his rents about ,5,700 a year, which
came from other lands round St. Neots, Eynesbury, Lyveden, and his fee
farm rents (Carte MSS., 74, f. 34 3).
EDWARD, VISCOUNT HINCHINGBROOKE
St-XOND KARL OK SANDWICH
From a portrait by Sir Peter Lely
To face p. 174 of Vol. II
i668] LORD HINCHINGBROOKE 175
7000 a yeare, but if it does not she will have 6000 to
her portion. This is my opinion of this businesse, butt
you had neede to use some diligence in itt, for there is
a person of Qualitie in this Country goes uppe on
purpose to get this from his Highness." 1
Shortly afterwards Monck wrote again to say that,
by the Act of Union, the wardship was " taken off from
this Country," and at the same time he affirmed that
the estate was worth ^"9,000 a year; he added, "the
Lady that is now married is very weake, and I believe
she will either have no children, or not live longe." 2
Monck was right: the elder daughter died, but the
match between Lady Anne Scott and Edward Moun-
tagu was never made, and the little heiress eventually
married the handsome son of Charles II. and Lucy
Walters, and became Duchess of Monmouth.
When his son was of marriageable age, Sandwich
endeavoured to betroth him to the great heiress of the
day, Mistress Mallett, who had a fortune of several
thousands. 3 In December, 1664, Sandwich received a
letter from Court in answer to his inquiries about
her:
"My Lord John Butler was first named for her, but
his father gave way to my Lord of Desmonde's sonne's
pretention to her which is supported by all the recom-
mendations of Somerset House. Notwithstanding
which my Lady Castlemain hath rigged the King, who
is also seconded in it by my Lord Chancellor, to
recommende my Lord of Rochester. Now these
personages being with soe much advantage and prefer-
ence upon the stage, I feare now noe other can with
any probability of succeeding enter ; what I further
1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 11, February, 1658. Clarendon asserts that
Monck desired the heiress for his own son (Life, ii. 392).
2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 13. The "first refusal" of her hand was
promised to the Mountagus (Carte MSS., 73, f. 218).
3 Cal. S. P., Dom., December 5, 1664; Pepys's Diary -, May 28, 1665.
Her fortune was ^2,500 a year.
176 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xin
heare of the Lady is that Shee declares shee will
choose for herselfe. If shee hold to it, the game is
upon equal terms at least." 1
A few days later Sandwich received a letter from
Elizabeth Mallett's guardian, who could not then, he
said, entertain his lordship's proposals. 2 My Lord
therefore gave up the quest for a time, saying that he
would suppress any thought that might deviate from
the King's pleasure. 3
The suitor of whom Elizabeth's guardians most
approved was Lord John Butler, and the young lady
feigned to encourage his wooing, for her grandfather,
her father, and even her mother, had inveigled her into
a promise not to marry without their consent. But
she saw that they were ready to "make a prey of
her ": her timber was cut down, her estate was lessened.
Elizabeth was amused at the negotiations which went
on in her presence. She dissembled her love, and, in
her high-spirited and wayward way, she gave her
suitor hope. She drank Butler's health "in a pretty
big glasse halfe full of Clarett . . . more than ever
shee did in her life." 4 And all the time she had her
own views; a year later the Mountagu affair was
again upon the carpet, and Sandwich told Pepys " that
an overture had been made to him by a servant of
hers, to compass the thing without consent of friends,
she herself having a respect to my Lord's family, but
my Lord will not listen to it but in a way of honour." 5
The romance of Mistress Mallett's life was shared with
1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 39 : Henry Bennet (Lord Arlington) to
Lord Sandwich.
2 Ibid., i. 107. 3 CaL S. P., Dom., December 18, 1664.
* Carte MSS. , 34, f. 349 : Henry Nicholls to Orraond.
5 Pepys's Diary, February 25, 1666. Sandwich was then probably con-
sidering Lord Banbury's daughter, who had ,10,000 and Newport House
(Carte MSS.> 75, f, 301).
1668] A MATCH ARRANGED 17;
Lord Rochester, the most notorious profligate of his
time. He began by her abduction, and carried her off in
a coach, for which he was sent to the Tower. " Here-
upon," says Pepys, "my Lady Sandwich did confess
to me, as a great secret, her being concerned in this
story. For if this match breaks between my Lord
Rochester and her, then, by the consent of all her
friends, my Lord Hinchingbrooke stands fair, and is
invited for her." x Though for many months the
Mountagu-Mallett match was discussed, it never came
to anything. Carteret, who conducted the negotia-
tions, found the lady's guardians very unreasonable. 2
But a meeting was arranged between the two young
people. Lord Hinchingbrooke saw Mistress Mallett
at Tunbridge Wells, and thought her beautiful, though
he was not fully pleased " with the vanity and liberty
of her carriage." 3 He surmised, too, that she had
affection for someone else. 4 She in her turn thought
him indifferent, for when she had proposed to compass
the match " without consent of friends," the Mountagus
had refused, unless with honour. So she turned again
to Rochester, and she and her thousands fell to him.
It was left to the children to unite the two families,
and in after years Lord Hinchingbrooke's eldest son
married Elizabeth Mallett's daughter. 6
At length, in 1667, Lord Hinchingbrooke found an
heiress. The bride-elect was Lady Anne Boyle,
daughter of Lord Burlington; "a great alliance," says
Pepys, "10,000 portion." 6 The match was kept
secret from the young people, and arranged chiefly by
1 Pepys's Diary, May 28, 1665.
2 Carte MSS., 75, f- 435, and 223, f. 303.
3 Pepys's Diary, August 26, 1666. * Carte MSS., 223, ff. 131, 132.
6 The third Countess of Sandwich was Lady Elizabeth Wilmot, daughter
of the Earl of Rochester.
8 Pepys's Diary, April 29, 1667.
VOL. II. 13
i;8 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xm
Lord Crew and Sir George Carteret. The latter
strongly advised Sandwich to give his consent ; " your
Lordship," he wrote, " knows what worthy people they
are in that familly, and how they are allyd with many
of the best famallys in England ... as for the Lady
she is a most accomplished person." * "I hope shee
will bring as great a blessing to your Lordship's
house," said Carteret again, " as that Deare Daughter
of your Lordship hath brought to Myne." 2 So Sand-
wich took Carteret's advice, the negotiations proceeded
without any hitch, and Carteret again wrote to
announce that Lord Burlington accepted Edward as
his son-in-law " with all imaginable joy and satis-
faction." 3 At the same time Lady Sandwich was told
of the match, and did " mightily please herself with
it." 4
The marriage, which took place in January, 1668,
was delayed in the hope that Sandwich might have
returned. The Duke and Duchess of York were
present, and " did come to see them in their bed
together on their wedding night." 5 Lady Sandwich,
in writing about the wedding, says to her Lord :
" I hope you have or will heare before this corns to
you of your son's being married to my Lady Ann Boile ;
I think much to both ther great contentments by what
I hear from others, and by what they both expres to
me. He writs me very submisive, good and kind
Letters. I think in the World againe he could not a
bene soe fited with wif, father and mother-in-law, who
are extordanary kind to him, very fond of them both,
and truly if they had not much kindnes for him and us
the discourses that have bene made might a made them
fall off. They are very good condition, wise and
Chearfull people. I have extorordanry kind Letters
1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix y f. 151.
2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 35. 3 Carte MSS., 75, f. 523.
* Pepys's Diary > May 15, 1667. 5 Ibid.* February 5, 1668.
i668] THE WEDDING 179
from my Lady and your Daughter and have had one
from my Lord, and soe has Pall and Nan from ther
Sister H. She hath a very fine, free kind way of
writing soe have they all, somthing Mr. Boiles styll.
I need not tell you what a great wedding ther was and
what great company. I beleve your daughter Cart or
some of your frends at London will tell you those
things. Mr. Cook that is Neds man writs to
Mrs. Ellton that my Lord Bur. gave his daughter
800 pound to buy weeding cloathes and sence my Lady
her mother hath given her 120 pound of plate for her
dresing table. If pleas God to continew our estat, I
hope it will be a very happy match ; however I hope
they will not be surprised with the worst that can
come ; but all things are well with us at the present,
and I beleve like to hold soe if wee keep our lat land ;
I doe much hope the best, but it is good to think of the
worst." 1
Lady Sandwich had every reason to be pleased with
her son and daughter-in-law, for they made a fine
couple. Lord Hinchingbrooke was tall, like his father,
but a much slimmer man, without any tendency to
stoutness. He was fairer in appearance, and favoured
his mother's family rather than the Mountagus. He
was a man of " sobriety and few words," perhaps
rather countrified. He did not at first take any
prominent part in politics or dance attendance on the
King. At the time of his marriage he was only twenty,
and had not led a varied life like his father's to render
him mature. After the grand tour he had settled
down at Hinchingbrooke, and helped his mother to
keep the estate in order. He saw to the planting of
trees and the building of the ice-house. While Sand-
wich was in Spain, his son Ned, as Lord Hinching-
brooke was called, had charge of the Wardrobe money.
"Account this affaire of greate importance to yours
and my safety as well as Profitt," wrote the Earl, " there-
1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 126.
iSo POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xm
fore you cannot take paines in a thing of more moment
and besides give you a handsome introduction some-
tymes to be knowne to the Kinge." 1
The introduction served, and the King encouraged
him; for Lord Hinchingbrooke soon prepared to go
into Parliament, and became Colonel of the county
militia. 2 He appears to have been delicate, since he
spent much of his time up at Knaresborough. His
young wife writes to Sandwich :
" My Lord is at this present in Yorkshire drinking
the waters there, which he doth with so good advice
of the best doctors that tho' in my owne minde I am
little a friend to any kinde of phisick but in cases of
absolute necessity, I am sattisned which they say is
the most likely to remove that inward heate my Lord is
continually troubled with, and I have the greater hopes
that they will have that Good Effect, having from him
the assurance that the waters agree with him and he
very well in the drinking of them." 3
Lady Hinchingbrooke, from the tone of her letters,
was evidently a girl of sense. She was of a middle
height, fair and graceful ; she had a long cval face, a
small mouth, high-caste nostrils, and a demure expres-
sion. Pepys thought her neither a beauty nor ugly,
and found her "a very sweet-natured and well-disposed
lady, a lover of books and pictures, and of good under-
standing." 4 Her marriage was happy, and she was
welcomed by the family. Lady Sandwich spoke of
her in the warmest terms, as most desirous to please
her new relations. On a visit to Hinchingbrooke, the
bride brought all her brothers and sisters " fine tokens."
So the good Lady Sandwich must needs not be outdone
in generosity, and gave her a skin and gloves sent
from Spain.
1 Carte MSS., 223, .133. 2 Ibid., 74, f. 195.
3 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 145.
* Pepys's Diary, March 14, 1668.
ANNE, LADY HINCHINGBROOKE
From a portrait after Sir Peter Lely
To face p. 180 of Vol. II
1668] LADY JEMIMA 181
" I have persuaded Pall and Nan," she writes to her
husband, "to be contented with one skin and each of
them apare of glovs, becaus I might give ther sister
one. They are as good Gurls as I can wish them, and
I have keep the marked skin to myself, for which I
hartily thank you." 1
Although she welcomed her new daughter, the
marriage brought to Lady Sandwich additional anxiety
on account of the money, which she generously shared
with her son and his bride. Lord Hinchingbrooke, so
she told her husband, had half the estate, "which I
beleve he find little enough to," she adds, " rents being
ill paied, and taxces being soe high." 2
My Lady kept watch upon another young couple : the
eldest daughter, Lady Jemima, and her husband, Philip
Carteret, who had settled down to country life. The
two families had combined to buy an estate worth about
25,000, and early in 1667 they purchased Haynes, in
Bedfordshire, from Sir Samuel Luke. 3 The house was
a good one, part of it had been designed by Inigo
Jones, and until recently it contained many portraits,
including one of the Earl of Sandwich. 4 From this
house Lady Jemima's son, George, took his title of
Baron Carteret of Hawnes. The boy was born at
Hinchingbrooke in 1667, and was the first grandchild
Sandwich had. The father, Philip Carteret, lived a
quiet, uneventful life, though he was "very busy and
industrious " in county affairs. 6 Like many men of his
time, he was ingenious in trifles, such as in painting,
drawing, and the making of watches, and he was a
member of the Royal Society. 6 He and his wife found
1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 128. 2 Ibid., f. 131.
3 Carte MSS., 75, f. 523 ; Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 178.
4 In December, 1910, a portrait of Lord Sandwich which may have come
from Haynes was sold at Christie's.
5 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 92.
6 Pepys's Diary, March I, 1665, and March 8, 1668.
182 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xin
Haynes a place rather beyond their means ; and this
troubled dear Lady Sandwich, whose own experiences
were none too good.
" I hear my son Carteret oweth Mr. Wallden
100 pound," she wrote; "'I hop it is only forgotten,
or else it would be paid, and tis not for us to medle in
it. I wish Mr. Moore or some of our friends that she
would take it well of, would advise her [Lady Jemima]
to have noe hand in boroing money for him. She
knoweth not the trouble it will be to her, if it come to
be more than they can pay." 1
At home my Lady Sandwich had the care of her five
younger children, who were then growing up. They
were Lady Anne and Lady Catherine, John and Oliver
and Charles. Poor Catherine was troubled with sore
eyes.
" I have sent little Kat to London," writes Lady
Sandwich, " to Mr. Pers the Serg. that belongs to the
Duke, ther being they say the famostes Doer, in ling-
land for sore eies ; he did a mirackeulus cure on the
Dutches daughter, the Lady Ann, and now cam up to
the Dutches of Richmon, who by the smale pox had
one of her eies much hurt. 2
Pepys, too, tells of the little girl's coming to town ;
"they think the King's evil, poor pretty lady." 3
The twins, John and Oliver, were sent to the
grammar-school at Huntingdon, under a Mr. Taylor.
Their cousin, Sam Pepys, on a visit to Hinchingbrooke,
was much impressed by their promise.
" I took them into the garden," he says, " and there,
in one of the summer houses, did examine them, and
do find them so well advanced in their learning, that I
was amazed at it : they repeating a whole ode without
1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 139: Lady Sandwich to Lord Hinchingbrooke,
December 2, 1667.
2 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 130.
3 Pepys's Diary, May 30, 1668.
1668] THE SONS 183
book out of Horace, and did give me a very good
account of anything almost, and did make me very
readily very good Latin, and did give me good account
of their Greek grammar, beyond all possible expecta-
tion ; and so grave and manly as I never saw, I con-
fess, nor could have believed, so that they will be fit
to go to Cambridge in two years at most. They are
both little, but very like one another, and well-looked
children." 1
Lady Sandwich also says they did well at their
books, and tells her husband how they spent their
Christmas at Boughton, with their cousins and the
children of the Lord Chancellor. Both were boys
of ability. Their brothers' old master, de Prata,
proffered his services for their education, that he
might " become lesse unusefull to the family." " The
young students at Huntingdon," he wrote, "beginn to
rayse their spirits and understandings to some higher
degree then perhaps the Schoole can lead them to." 2
They were shortly sent to Westminster. Their father
has preserved some Latin verses which they there
made, and which are not without merit. 3 Thence the
lads and their younger brother Charles went up to
Cambridge.
It was thus a somewhat changed family which
greeted Sandwich on his arrival. His eldest son was
married, his daughter Jemima had made him a grand-
father, and the twins, Oliver and John, were ready for
a public school. Charles was a boy of ten, little
Catherine was seven, and James, the sixth son, was
only four years of age. My Lord was young enough
to enjoy their lively companionship, and entered into
their sports and pastimes. But the family circle
was soon broken. A few months after Sandwich
1 Pepys's Diary, October 10, 1667.
2 Carte MSS., 223, f. 102. 3 Sandwich MS S. Journal, x. 283.
1 84 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xm
came home he lost his daughter, Lady Paulina, an
" eminently virtuous " girl, just turned twenty. She
was never married, though she had been courted by
the eldest son of Sir Robert Houghton. 1 She took
after her grandfather, Sir Sydney, in her love of
religion, and, like him, wrote many pious notes and
homilies in her own hand. She was nervous and
highly strung, and her illness made her appear some-
what peevish. Her father was very fond of her, if his
letters are any index to his feelings.
" Deare Paulina," he once wrote from Madrid, " I
am heartily glad of thy letter . . . and the goode
newes of thy health and vertue. I pray God continue
and encrease it. Commend me kindly to deare Nan
and Catharine and your Brothers. The God of
Heaven blesse you, and send us a good meetinge, which
is the greatest joy I can have in this world ; being,
Deare hart, thy most affectionate father."
And at her death he wrote in his journal :
"February 28, 1669. This morninge about 9 of the
clocke it pleased God to take unto himselfe my deare,
sweete daughter Paulina in her 2oth yeare of age,, being
yet unmarried. At the upper Chelsey at Mrs. Beck's
house."
The loss was a great blow to his lordship. He was
"shut up with sorrow, and so not to be spoken with."
Thus wrote Samuel Pepys ; and though it was an
occasion when Sandwich might well refuse to see him,
there is no doubt that matters had cooled between the
two men. At the outset of the famous diary, Sandwich
appears on nearly every page ; when the diary is
drawing to a close, references to him are but few.
The change came during the embassy to Madrid.
1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 415, and 223, f. 157. See also Sandwich MSS. t
Appendix, f. 149. Her hand was asked by Stephen Anderson on his son's
behalf.
i668] PEPYS AGAIN 185
Pepys, as he himself confesses, rarely wrote to his
patron, though he urged upon himself the duty of
so doing, and upbraided himself with his remissness ;
Sandwich, too, had taken notice of it, " but yet gently." 1
Money matters were in the charge of Henry Moore,
and, though Pepys was always in favour with Lady
Sandwich, he saw less and less of my Lord. His
place as confidant was taken by Charles Harbord and
Clem Cotterell, who for three years had been Sand-
wich's constant companions. Pepys thought very
little of them, and was somewhat piqued. " I to
Whitehall," he writes, "and there waited on Lord
Sandwich, which I have little encouragement to do,
because of the difficulty of seeing him, and the little he
hath to say to me when I do see him, or to any body
else, but his own idle people about him, Sir Charles
Harbord, etc." 2
It was this same Harbord whom Sandwich designed
to make Paymaster of Tangier, without consulting
Pepys. But when he came to move this at the Board
of Tangier, the Duke of York took up the cudgels on
Pepys's behalf, and would have him consulted.
" This my Lord in great confidence tells me," says
Pepys, "that he do take very ill from the Duke of
York, though nobody knew the meaning of these
words but him ; and that he did take no notice of
them ; but bit his lip, being satisfied that the Duke of
York's care of me was as desirable to him, as it could
be to have Sir Charles Harbord : and did seem
industrious to let me see that he was glad that the
Duke of York and he might come to contend who
shall be the kindest to me, which I owned as his great
love, and so I hope and believe it is, though my Lord
did go a little too far in this business, to move it so
far, without consulting me." 3
1 Pepys's Diary, May 29, 1668.
2 Jbid. t November 25, 1668, 3 Ibid., January 18, 1669.
1 86
POLITICAL LIFE
[CHAP, xin
The brief conversation shows that there was some
estrangement, and this was one of the few occasions
upon which Pepys and his patron talked about
business. For though Pepys made up his mind to
proffer Sandwich advice on monetary affairs, he
thought better of it. However, he determined to
entertain His Excellency, who had so far never
broken bread in Pepys's house. On January 23, 1669,
the dinner took place. In addition to Lord Sandwich,
Pepys entertained Lord Peterborough and Sir Charles
Harbord, Sir William Godolphin, Lord Hinching-
brooke, and Sydney Mountagu. He was delighted
over the accessories : the skilful man who folded
napkins, the variety and excellence of the wine, the
dinner brought up, one dish after another a great
contrast to the ruder feasts of his early life. And
after dinner my Lords played cards, and the rest of
the company turned over Pepys's books, or looked at
his pictures and at his wife's drawings. " And
mighty merry all day long, with exceeding great
content, and so till seven at night ; and so took their
leaves, it being dark and foul weather. Thus was
this entertainment over, the best of its kind, and the
fullest of honour and content to me, that ever I had in
my life: and shall not easily have so good again." 1
But the old terms of cordial friendship were never
resumed. When Sandwich, a few months later, made
his will, he did not place Pepys among his executors,
nor did he leave him any remembrance. 2 Shortly
afterwards they adjusted their accounts, and Pepys
had no further anxieties upon that score. 3
The estrangement from Pepys was one of many
1 Pepys's Diary, January 23, 1669.
2 Somerset House : Wills in the Eure Collection.
3 Raivlinson MSS., A. 174, f. 437. Pepys charged his lordship 6 per
cent. The quittance is dated June 15, 1670.
1668] MANY CHANGES 187
changes which took place in my Lord's life, and which
extended to his surroundings. The house " at the
Porch," in Lincoln's Inn Fields, was passed on to
Sir George Carteret, and Sandwich apparently leased a
house at Hampstead. 1 His old home at the Wardrobe
had been destroyed by the Great Fire, and it was with
difficulty that the iron chest, containing his plate, was
saved from destruction. 2 The office of the Wardrobe
was moved to the Savoy, but there was, apparently, no
residence attached, though the Master had the right
for his lifetime to a house and grounds. 3 Thus one of
the chief attractions of the office was removed, and
Sandwich found his position lessening in value.
During his absence in Spain the Great Wardrobe had
been re-organized. For some five years the King had
considered retrenchment. 4 In 1668 the perquisites of
the Master were cut down, and, instead of an appro-
priation of the surplus, he was given a salary of
2,200, in compensation of all other ancient fees and
allowances. 5 Much of the business passed into the
hands of a comptroller and a surveyor. 6 To Lord
Sandwich the Wardrobe had never been a very profit-
able affair. In a given year only about one-fifth of the
necessary money was provided in actual cash ; the
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. viii. ; and x. 290.
2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 477.
8 Cal. S. P.) Dom., February 13, 1671. The new house had been
Lord Lumley's.
4 Cal. S. P., Dom., October 15, 1663. Pepys estimates the profits at less
than ,1,000 a year (Diary, September 2, 1667).
5 Chamberlayne, Anglice Notitia, 1671 ; Cal. S. P., Dom., November 21,
1669.
6 The Comptroller was Andrew Newport, and the Surveyor was Bullen
Reymes. Their apologetic letters on the appointment are in the Sandwich
MSS. Letters, ii. 138, 142. The yearly expense was not to exceed
;i6,ooo (Cal. S. P., Dom., March 16, 1668). From June 24, 1660, to
Michaelmas, 1666, the expenditure was ^238,615, exclusive of ^33,000
spent on the coronation and certain funerals, which exceeds 45,000 a year
(Carte MSS., 74, f. 249).
188 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xin
remainder was assigned upon some fund which fre-
quently had no balance in the Exchequer. 1 The
tallies would not pass, even at an abatement, and
interest had to be paid upon them. 2 During my Lord's
absence in Spain it was difficult to collect a penny.
So the re-organization provided an excuse, and within
two years Sandwich, tired of the new arrange-
ment, sold the office of Master to his cousin, Ralph
Mountagu. 3
Sandwich had not been long at home before certain
troubles, of which he had had many warnings, surged
round him, and in order to understand the uncertain-
ties of his position a considerable retrospect is
necessary.
While he was still abroad, England was in an uneasy
state. The outburst of unconditional loyalty, which
threw a glamour over the Restoration, passed away,
and in its place there arose a perverse and uncom-
promising spirit of dissatisfaction ; the people remem-
bered Oliver Cromwell, " what brave things he did,"
and contrasted his rule with that of Charles. 4 The
uneasiness was increased by events which Sandwich
had not witnessed, such as the Fire of London and the
Dutch attack upon Sheerness. Parliament voiced the
discontent, and began an inquiry. " I hope our heates
will decrease before you can be here," wrote one of
the Ambassador's friends ; " otherwise they will burst
out into flames that will devoure great distances, and
none can tell who will be spared." 6
At the same time Lord Sandwich was affected by
1 Calendar of Treasury Books, vol. ii., pp. xv, Ixv.
2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 299. Moore complains that he cannot pass the tallies
even at an abatement of 30 per cent. They can hardly be paid in three years,
and at 6 per cent, the loss on ^100 was 18.
3 Cal. S. P., Dom., August 6, 1671. * Pepys's Diary, July 12, 1667.
5 Carte MSS.. 223, f. 323 : Henry Howard to Sandwich.
i668] POLITICS 189
the changed complexion of the Court. His old friend
Clarendon had withdrawn. Determination to uphold
the Code which bore his name, and an outspoken
disapproval of the King's amours, had been the
Chancellor's undoing. His fall, which Medina had
predicted, was accomplished by the end of 1667 ; and
the great man, who had done so much for Charles
Stewart, was now an exile. Albemarle had virtually
retired ; he was sixty years of age, infirm and dropsical,
and too sincere to become first favourite. He had laid
down the rod of power, and with his retirement the
influence of the older Royalists was again supreme ;
those who compassed the Restoration were supplanted
by the Cavaliers, and George Villiers, second Duke of
Buckingham, seized the reins.
Upon the Chancellor's fall, his rival, Lord Arlington,
hoped for the reward of several years' intriguing, but
Buckingham contested the position. In assurance,
though not in place, the Duke had the advantage.
Arlington was at this time a man of fifty. His know-
ledge of foreign affairs made him supreme in that
department; his knowledge of tongues, his good
breeding and courtly manners, impressed the foreigner.
But in political intrigue he met his match, at least for
a time, in Buckingham a man as comely in person as
he was witty of tongue, and a thorough-going rake.
By skilful intrigue, bribery, and the like, Buckingham
built up a small party in the House of Commons. He
saw an opening in the championship of toleration.
Though he lacked religious feeling, he and his
followers were determined to set aside the work of
Clarendon, and to fight against the Clarendon Code.
Again, since Clarendon had opposed the examination
of accounts as derogatory to the Sovereign, the new
party determined upon a change of policy, and brought
IQO POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xm
about a public audit. The uneasiness over the nation's
debts had lasted since the outbreak of the first Dutch
War, and in 1667 a Commission was formed to consider
the nation's accounts. But it was too varied in its
constitution; the machinery was inadequate, the
system of finance was hopeless. Parliament had made
no provision for the King's debts, and their promises
to the Crown were unfulfilled. The Commission was
set to minimize a muddle which was partly of its own
making. As Pepys predicted, it came to nothing. 1
Late in 1667 a new Commission was formed, which
was in its constitution a forerunner of the Royal
Commissions of to-day. The Parliament, egged on by
Buckingham, again showed a determination to handle
the money matters of the kingdom, though they were
blind as to the complication of accounts, and factious
and niggardly in all their dealings. They attempted
too much, and the second Commission was the evidence
of their attempt. The members sat at Brooke House,
off Holborn, and, armed with full powers, they set
themselves to make an exhaustive and business-like
inquiry. The men who composed this Commission
made a queer mixture. Sir George Savile, whom the
King tried to buy with a peerage, and who became
Lord Halifax, represented moderation, and was joined
with one or two courtiers. The detached party was
represented by William Pierrepont, who refused to
take his seat until the prorogation, as he declared that
the Commission had no power to act until Parliament
was prorogued. 2 Lord Brereton, an Irish peer, was a
1 Pepys's Diary, June 5, 1667.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ix. 119. The clause to which Pierrepont
objected was " This act as to the powers of taking and examining of accounts
and administring of Oaths to endure for the space of three years from the end
of this session of Parliament next ensuing and no longer." The Judges tacitly
decided that he was right, and therefore the session of the Commission was
premature.
1668] BROOKE HOUSE 191
man of integrity, and free from bias. On the other
hand, George Thomson, a sectary and fanatic, was
one of those who had formerly declared for " King
Jesus "; he entered upon his work with zeal, and in a
vindictive manner ; he was ready to pursue his quarry
to the death. 1
The members of the Commission worked in sedulous
fashion, sitting all day, content with " a bit of bread
at noon, and a glass of wine." They examined wit-
nesses, and on March 14, 1668, they reported progress
to the House of Commons. 2 The Buckingham party,
their ardour inflamed, proceeded with an inquiry into
the miscarriages of the late Dutch War. They had
already attacked Albemarle and Rupert for the
division of the fleet in 1666, and had turned on
Sandwich over the affair of Bergen, and his absence
from the fleet during the weeks which followed Ted-
diman's failure. 3 But the Commons, led by Secretary
Morrice, once the Earl's friend, reserved their most
bitter discussions for the old question of the prize-
goods. Not only did they drag that to light, but they
particularly denied the power of the pardons which
had been issued under the Privy Seal. To them the
King's interference was a bar to impeachment, and
several members were determined to keep their hold
upon the. hilt of this, the keenest of constitutional
swords.
The renewed attacks were at first directed against
Sir William Penn, partly, so said rumour, because he
had recently been put in command of the fleet. 4 The
appointment had enraged Rupert, and the Prince in-
1 The remaining members were Giles Dunster, John Gregory, Sir James
Langham, Colonel Henry Osborne, and Sir William Turner (Calendar of
Treasury Books, vol. ii., pp. li-liv).
2 Grey's Debates, i. 116. * Ibid., i. 77.
* Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 8l.
192 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xm
trigued by way of revenge. 1 His followers attacked
Penn, and joined the Buckingham party. They gos-
siped about the fortune Penn had made, and the
large estate which he had settled upon his daughter. 2
The Admiral, who was a member of the House, had
to listen while the question of the breaking of bulk
was discussed, and in his own defence he denied that
he touched or sold any goods until Lord Sandwich
gave him the King's warrant. 3 Beyond that, Penn let
nothing fall that was of any prejudice to his chief. 4
Before the debate ended, Penn was requested to with-
draw, and on April 16, 1668, he appeared in his place
to answer the charge. 5 It was then asked whether,
since Sandwich gave the order, anything could be
done until the Ambassador came home. " Shall we
try the accessory before the principal be present?"
cried Morrice, and an endeavour was made to include
Sandwich in the impeachment. John Vaughan, one of
the best lawyers of the time, stood up for the Earl,
and would not have him included without hearing
him first. 6 The defence sufficed. But Penn was
suspended from sitting, and on April 24 he was im-
peached. 7
This all took place while Sandwich was in Madrid.
The debates alarmed the Ambassador's friends, and
Sandwich received a budget of letters calling for his
speedy return. The earliest warning came from his
friend, Henry Howard.
1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. no; Pepys's Diary, November 15, 1667.
3 Pepys's Diary, April 20, 1668.
3 Grey's Debates, \. 134.
4 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 83; Pepys's Diary, December n, 1667,
and February 14, 1668.
6 Grey's Debates, i. 136.
6 Ibid., i. 141 ; Pepys's Diary, February 23.
7 Grey's Debates, i. 143, 146 ; Lords' Journals, April 24. According to the
Common? Journals a resolution referring to Sandwich was adjourned,
1668] SANDWICH ATTACKED 193
" I must confesse," he wrote to my Lord, " I am
sometimes in doubt whether to wish you heere or not ;
our heates and humours are stirred some days soe
malitious and with such severity, that nothing seemes
to satisfy them, but the totall destruction of some,
whose meritts the King was pleased out of his justice
to reward ; in which number your Lordshipp being
most notoriously eminent, gives me cause to appre-
hend your danger."
Howard then goes on to speak of the " undertakers,"
who " promised to doe greater matters in Parliament
then upon triall they can, who have soe offended and
angered the moderate party of the House of Commons,
that there is a great scrutiny into their actions and
miscarriages, which is the businesse now in agita-
tion." 1 Others wrote to Sandwich in the same strain.
" You have many friends," said Lord Crew, " and
you have need of them." 2 The house was " mighty
vehement," led by the Earl's particular enemies,
William and Henry Coventry. 3
For during Sandwich's absence Coventry had
changed sides. He had angered James by the
insistence with which he had attacked Clarendon, the
Duke's father-in-law, and now Coventry's interest in
the navy was on the side of Rupert, and against the
" tarpaulins." He attacked Sandwich as well as Penn.
Clifford, the Ambassador's colleague at Bergen, warned
him that " two brothers and one or two more reflected
on him as if it were fit he were sent for home ;" 4 and
during the debates Clifford spoke "very handsomely
and justly" for his lordship. 5 Peterborough told
Sandwich that his name had been " much upon the
carpet" in the House of Commons, but mainly by
1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 153. 2 Ibid., f. 160.
3 Pepys's Diary, February 29, April 16, 1 668.
* Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 81.
8 Sandwich MSS. i Appendix^ f. 157,
VOL. II, 13
I 9 4 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xin
means of men who " endeavour their justification by
shifting thayr own faults upon another." 1 The prize
matter once upon the stage, said Creed, was made
opportunity for Lord Sandwich's enemies to compass
his mischief. They banded together to get His Excel-
lency recalled in disgrace, his pardon made void, and
his lands resumed. Malice, he continued, was a more
active principle than love and friendship. In the
Commons some were false, divers lukewarm and
useless, but several careful and cordial, especially
Mr. John Vaughan. Like everyone else, Creed
advised an immediate return, as the best way "to
scatter all clouds." 2 Lady Sandwich, too, was urgent.
"Your enimies cannot soe much desire your coming
as your friends doe," she wrote ; and she proceeded,
in her quaintly-spelled letter, to tell her husband those
in whom he might trust. 3
Before the time of his arrival, the Ambassador's
friends were examined over " the damned business of
the prizes," and Pepys and Moore prepared the defence. 4
Sandwich had not to face the Commissioners for some
months, but in the summer of 1669 they asked for his
explanation. He was then conscious of having played
so good a part, and was so well treated by the King
and the Duke of York, that he looked upon the matter
with a certain amount of " security and neglect." 5 His
unconcerned attitude may have been due in part to
a knowledge of prize-law. Under no circumstances
did the prize-money form any part of parliamentary
supplies, nor could it be appropriated ; any distribu-
1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 94.
2 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 136; Letters, ii. no, 122.
3 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 130.
4 Pepys's Diary, October 23, 1667. Pepys's own defence is in Rawlinsott
MSS., A. 174, f. 301.
8 Pepys's Diary \ November 16, 1668.
1669] THE PRIZE-GOODS 195
tion was based on prize-law, and upon the will of the
executive. 1 Such accounts did not by rights come
under the control of Parliament, but in this case the
net was widely spread, and forms were overridden.
Although Sandwich went about the business with
apparent security and neglect, he was not wholly care-
less. That he accounted his case of moment may be
seen by anyone who turns over his journal. Every
question which came from Brooke House was noted
down. The Commissioners, armed as they were with
considerable authority, asked for his papers ; they
cross-questioned and bullied his servants, and for
some months gave my Lord an anxious time. Pepys
cast the blame upon Sir Roger Cuttance, whom he
thought had mismanaged the whole affair. 2 Cuttance
wrote to Sandwich and begged him to speak on his
behalf, but Sandwich was himself one of the accused.
He showed a right understanding of those answerable
for the intrigue, since he advised Cuttance to ask the
help of Buckingham and his friends. 3
A few weeks later he had to answer for himself.
On June 16 he received a letter asking for full parti-
culars as to the goods which were taken from the
Phoenix and the Slothony, the people who took them,
and the permission he issued. 4 At first Sandwich
sheltered himself behind the King's warrant, and dis-
claimed any accurate remembrance " of a transaction
soe longe ago passed." 5 But the Commissioners were
insistent, and demanded his papers. Sandwich ex-
cused himself for a time, since by the advice of his
physician he was going to Epsom to drink the waters.
Again on August 10 he was urged by the Commis-
1 Calendar of Treasury Books, vol. ii., p. Ixii.
2 Pepys's Diary, December 27, 1668.
3 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 52-56.
4 Ibid., ii. 162. 5 Ibid., ii. 164.
196 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xm
sioners to send particulars ; and the whole case, which
had given him such trouble four years previously, was
once more opened. The Commissioners asserted that
my Lord's warrant had allowed the officers freedom
to take what they would ; that spices had by his com-
mand been carried on board the Prince ; that he did
not give any orders to check the embezzlement ; and
that he anticipated the King's permission for the dis-
tribution. 1
Before replying Lord Sandwich consulted the
Solicitor- General, Sir Heneage Finch, and Finch
advised him to demand copies of the warrants which the
Commission said they had. 2 But the Commissioners
refused this, " as contrary to the rule of their pro-
ceedings," and Sandwich had to draw up his defence
as best he could. He added nothing to the statements
which he had made four years before. He had sanc-
tioned the distribution, so he said, because of the
expenses to which the flag-officers had been put, and
as a reward for their good conduct. He looked upon
his own share as a gift from the Crown, and justified
it by the scantiness of his pay, the expenses of enter-
tainment which his rank involved, and the fact that he
was " not a saver by anything he had relating to the
sea," but was actually out of pocket. He admitted
that Howe, his clerk of the kitchen, had brought some
spice on board for the cook's use, "when wee had
great expense and much company from shore." That
Howe brought too much spice Sandwich also ad-
mitted, " whereat I was displeased," he adds, " but it
being on board and in my store room (as they said), I
included that also in the proportion in the King's
letter." 3 In short, Sandwich had the same old diffi-
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal^ x. 22-28.
3 Ibid., x, 30. 3 Ibid., x. 38-54.
1669] MY LORD'S DEFENCE 197
culty in excusing himself, and could only do so on the
grounds of His Majesty's " good liking " and the King's
warrant. He mentioned none and blamed none, and
though he was resentful of the annoyance to which he
was subjected, he took the burden on his own shoulders.
Like most men who are careless and inexact over
money matters, he replied in a manner which satisfied
himself, but not the Commission.
He sent in his answer on September 10 by his
servant, William Ferrers, who thus describes its re-
ception :
" I carryed a letter to the Commissioners at Brooke
House, and when they heard I was there they called
for me in, so I deliver'd them the letter : after delivery
they desir'd mee to withdraw, till they had perus'd it.
After perrusall they call'd for mee againe, and in a
formal! manner putting off their hatts, the Chairman
after two or three lofty looks, and wallowings in his
Chair began thus. Sir, you are one of my Lord's
gentlemen. I replyed yes. Then I speake to you in
the name of the Commissioners, to tell my Lord Sand-
wich that these papers did not answer what their letter
requir'd, which his Lordship upon second perrusall
would easily see, and further, they expected your
Lordship should comply with the promise your Lord-
ship made them, which was to send them the copies
of your Lordship's Certificates. And after this the
Chairman look'd upon the rest of the Commissioners
and said, Gentlemen, have you anything more you
would have me say; they answered No. Pray Sir
(said the Chairman) doe not fail to tell my Lord what
we have said. Answer. I shall not." 1
This was the last time that Sandwich sent in any
papers. The Buckingham faction attacked him,
Arlington, and others, in a pamphlet called The Alarum,
which was scattered among the members on the
benches at Westminster, but he had no real need for
1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 168.
198 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xm
anxiety as to his position. On October 27, before
Parliament was again prorogued, the Commissioners
issued their report, part of which concerned the prize-
goods, and it was stated that the evidence was not yet
completed. 1 Sandwich heard the report when it was
read in the House of Lords, and he, together with
Buckingham, was placed on the Committee of that
House told off to consider the accounts. 2 For a time
attention was diverted to Sir George Carteret and the
accounts of the navy, and Charles decided to hear
Carteret at the Council Board. 3 In the following Feb-
ruary Sandwich was again pressed for his warrants,
which he said were at Hinchingbrooke. He sent in
reply a note of all his goods, and the customs cer-
tificate relating to the goods seized at Lynn. 4 The
warrants, he said, were mislaid, and he was unable to
put his hand upon them. Had he wished to destroy
them he could have done so, but he evidently had no
thought of so doing, for they are still among his papers.
He may have seen that delay would serve. Before
the warrants were found, the Commission, born not of
the nation, but of faction, was disbanded, and nothing
further was heard about the prize-goods.
As far as Lord Sandwich was concerned, the business
opened his eyes, and thenceforth he carried himself
warily. Though Buckingham had had the grace to
speak for him over the matter of precedence, Sandwich
thoroughly mistrusted the Duke, for there had been
" a wild motion made in the House of Lords by the Duke
of Buckingham for all men that had cheated the King
to be declared traitors and felons, and my Lord Sand-
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 64. The official date is October 26 (Hist.
MSS. Comm.: House of Lords MSS., Report VI 1 1., p. 129).
2 Lords' Journals, November 6.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 98.
* Ibid., x. 208, 230-234.
1669] FACTIONS 199
wich was named." 1 He was aware, too, that Bucking-
ham was the main agitator over the prize affair, and
he resented the attacks upon his connexion, Sir George
Carteret. He hated Buckingham's party, which in-
cluded his enemy, Prince Rupert, and one of its
members, Sir Robert Howard, had been most vehement
in his declarations against Sandwich. 2
Besides the mere personal question, he abhorred
that artifice of toleration which Buckingham pre-
scribed for others the free-thought acceptable to a
free-liver. Such dissent was purely destructive and
solvent. To Sandwich conformity meant political
security ; Church and State composed his creed. He
feared lest the England, to which he had helped to bring
a lasting peace, would be rent by differences. He
regarded the country as united ; he had disliked the
Clarendon Code, but now that it was working he
dreaded a resettlement.
In this he was not alone. James supported con-
formity in preference to dissent, and opposed toleration.
And other questions were involved. Buckingham
and his friend Lord Orrery the Broghill of Crom-
well's day were laying about them in all directions.
They attacked the Duke of Ormond, a man whose
great physical strength and dignified appearance were
true indices to his character. He made a fine target
for the debauchees ; they attempted his impeachment
and his life, and ousted him from the Lord Lieutenancy
of Ireland.
Round Ormond there clustered a party, composed
of the Duke of York and his friends the Churchmen,
who objected to Buckingham's attempts at toleration,
the older Cavaliers, and the Clarendonians. These
1 Pepys's Diary, October 5, 1666.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal^ x. 88, See Appendix F,
200 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xin
are the names with which Sandwich labels them, and
he gives their tenets :
"(i) That the present Church Government should
be stucke close unto : fii) That the Cavalier Interest
should be upheld, (iii) That in order thereunto quali-
fications should be made that none but such be capable
of elections to Parliament or to any places of trust.
(iv) To adhere to the Duke of Ormond against all
opposition, (v) To prosecute Lord Orrerye as an
enimye to the principles aforesaid." 1
It was this party which Sandwich favoured, though
he took no active part in their campaigns, and in
adopting a neutral attitude he did not displease the
King. Since Clarendon's departure Charles had had
a freer hand. He was increasing in political power and
subtlety, and treated politics with unrivalled cynicism
and persistence. For him the Buckingham faction
was inclined to go too fast, and Charles had no great
opinion of the Duke. He had supported Sandwich
over the Dutch War, and shielded him from Bucking-
ham's insults. Sandwich frequently saw him some-
times in private while they discussed remedies, pregnant
with " good Bordeaux Clarett wine," and morning
draughts of usquebaugh; 2 sometimes at the Council
table; sometimes in the House of Peers, for the King
watched every move in the game. The two men had
much in common their love of the sea, their interest
in questions of trade. Charles appreciated the Earl's
placid good-humour and occasional drollery. 3 He had
forgiven the tedium of the report on Tangier, and
when occasion offered he made use of my Lord. For,
without exception, Sandwich had at this time as good
a record as anyone about the Court. He had done
solid work, and earned as statesman a niche in political
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 86. 2 Ibid., ix. 44.
3 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. i6j.
1669] LORDS AND COMMONS 201
places. Yet, owing to his inflexible views upon Church
matters, Charles could not closet him with the Cabal.
Matters then hatching were secret, and the King
realized that Sandwich was too honest for political
intrigue. So, despite his position, the Earl was
excluded from the innermost counsels.
In reality this exclusion fell in with his tastes.
He had no stomach for intrigue, and realized how
soon an over-indulgence in party politics unsettled the
country. He kept clear of any factious band, and
became a spectator. From time to time he jotted
down observations in his journals ; and though he
only touched the work with an occasional hand, he
left a few comments which aid a proper understanding
of the period.
Most of these comments relate to the winter session
of 1669-70. Sandwich was at the time regular in
his attendance at the House of Lords, and had been
placed on the Committee which sat to consider the
burning question of privilege. 1 He was in part
responsible for framing a Bill by which privilege was
to be defined ; the Bill originated with the Lords on
constitutional grounds, and as a rival to a resolution,
curtailing privilege, which the Commons had framed
and presented.
Relations between the two Houses had long been
strained over the famous case of Skinner v. the East
India Company, in which the Lords had claimed
original jurisdiction, a right to take upon themselves
the functions of a Court of Law : to try causes direct,
rather than to exercise their proper function as a
Court of Appeal. In November, 1669, when Sandwich
was present, the Commons sent up a Bill defining
privilege, and Sandwich describes its reception.
1 Lords' Journals, October 19, 1669.
202 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xin
" The Lords house," he says, " upon the first reading
cast it out, countinge the whole bill derogatory to
theire dignity, and liked it the worse for beinge almost the
same in words as the %th Article of the humble petition and
advice to Cromwell ; but cleerely counting it a breach of
their Priviledges to have a law for the alteration of
theire owne Priviledges to beginn any where but in
theire owne house ; Priviledge and Judicature beinge
a more inherent Priviledge of theires then granting of
money is to the house of Commons." l
During the remainder of the session the House of
Commons debated the matter of privilege almost
daily ; but on December 1 1 there came an unexpected
message from the King, that Parliament was prorogued
until February. When the Houses again assembled,
Charles endeavoured to bring about a truce between
the two, and appealed for unity and moderation. On
February 22 he summoned both Lords and Commons
to Whitehall, and made them an address. It was
suggested that the records of the quarrel should be
erased from the Journals of both Houses ; and peace
was restored. 2
" Immediately both houses returned to their seates,"
says Sandwich, " and the house of Commons presently
concurred with his Majesties desire and voted a razure
of all former proceedinges in that businesse (but still
preserve the Kinge's speech and the vote of razure
upon theire Journall). And forthwith the same
morninge went with theire Speaker before them, on
foote through all Westminster to Whitehall to present
theire vote unto the Kinge with humble thankes for
his soe gracious finding out a way of composinge that
occasion of difference. And after they had delivered
themselves as aforesaid, the Treasurer of the King's
household went with them into the King's cellar,
where they dranke healths to the good Correspond-
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, x. 91 (Appendix G).
2 Common? Journals, February 14 and 22,
i6 7 o] A RECONCILIATION 203
But the Lords were gloomy, and in their Journals
the story is told by rows of asterisks. Sandwich, how-
ever, has left a vivid picture of their dissatisfaction.
"The house of Peeres at their returne," he says,
" shewed more discontent in theire faces then has
ordinarily beene seene. Besides the dishonor of
theire retracting theire judgements, and also the
doubtfulnesse whether this dishonorable action of the
Peeres would cure the contention betweene the two
houses because it was but the vacating one particular
judgement, whereas the H. of Commons insisted upon
an act of Parliament to declare against our jurisdiction
in Originall Causes."
He proceeds to discuss the legal aspect of the
erasure, on which the House went into "a grand
Committee," in order " that every man might have his
full freedome of speech."
"There it was said that the house of Peeres had a
double capacitye; viz : i. Supreme Judges in civill and
criminall, 2. Create Councellors of the Kinge.
11 That therefore as greate Councellors wee should
prefer the peace of the Kingdome and its welfare, before
law and method, and be governed by Prudence. ( Under
this consideration came in the Terror of the house of
Commons beinge determined to see this priviledge of
ours declared against and the common people also
shrewdly entered into the same account. The hard
Game wee should have to assert our owne authority
whilst the Kinge remained Indifferent betweene us
and much greater difficultyes if wee should disoblidge
the Kinge after he had advised us unto this and
desired it from us for publique good.")
After a lengthy discussion the Lords voted for the
erasure. Then Sandwich continues :
11 The common people in London expressed joy at
this union (as they call it of the houses) by Bonnenres
at night.
" Next morninge the Committee of Lords for inspec-
tion and correcting of the Journall did the execution of
204 POLITICAL LIFE [CHAP, xin
razure upon all that might continue the memory of
Skinner's businesse.
" But the house was much discontented to heare the
house of Commons continued the King's speech and
vote of razure upon theire bookes, whereby the
memprye of this unkindnesse and dishonor would
remaine to Posteritye, and some would have sent to
the house of Commons to have expunged them also.
But it was resolved to take [? no] notice of theire
actions upon the Ground that their Journalls are no
records. To remoove this Jealousye the house of
Commons have razed it also from theire Journall,
voluntarily " 1
The settlement of the quarrel lasted for a time, and
Sandwich turned to matters other than politics. He
contented himself, in the main, with recording certain
debates in the House of Lords. 2 The comments which
he made are important, but they are fragmentary, and
do not indicate that he took any particular share in
party work. He was an administrator and a diplomatist
rather than a politician. He was unsuited to intrigue,
and from 1670 until his death he held a position well
suited to his temperament and abilities.
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 196-204. (His statement that the House
of Commons erased the speech is not correct. )
2 See Appendices to this volume.
CHAPTER XIV
THE COUNCIL OF PLANTATIONS 1
" Gave I good counsel, wouldst thou welcome it ?"
EURIPIDES : Hippolyttis.
THE tenth volume of my Lord's journal, on which this
chapter is based, contains ample matter, but of all the
volumes it is the least orderly. The material, how-
ever, can be arranged under well-defined heads : the
first, political and personal ; the second, that relating to
the colonies ; and the third, the renewal of the disputes
between the Lords and Commons. The volume is of
remarkable interest, for during the last two years of
his life Sandwich held a position of great importance,
which enabled him to serve his country upon a straight
road, and only upon a single occasion was he forced
into the paths of political controversy.
The first of the personal notes in this volume relates
to one who had been to Sandwich both colleague and
1 Authorities : Sandwich MS S. Journal, vols. ix., x., contain a large amount
of original and collected matter relating to the colonies ; Carte MSS. ; The
Calendar of State Papers ( Colonial) ; The Acts of the Privy Council, vol. i.
(Colonial series), edited by W. L. Grant and James Munro ; John Evelyn's
Diary ; C. M. Andrews, British Committees, Commissions, and Councils of
Trade ; P. L. Kaye, Colonial Administration under Clarendon ; H. L. Osgood,
The American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century ; J. A. Doyle, The English
in America ; J. G. Palfrey, History of New England ; W. D. Christie, Life
of Shaftesbury ; G. L. Beer, Early English Colonial Movement (Political
Science Quarterly, 1908); The Commercial Policy of England, etc. (Columbia
College Studies, vol. iii. ) ; Journals of the House of Lords ; Journals of the
Commons* Other authorities are mentioned in the footnotes.
206 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
opponent. The entry of a new year, 1670, was marked
by the death of the Duke of Albemarle, and a few
weeks later his wife died also.
" It is certaine," says Sandwich, " that she had
another husband livinge when she married the Duke
of Albemarle in the Tower, and [that he] continued
alive after her death, and I am told they gave him two
or three hundred pounds a year to stop his mouth
from clamour. The present Duke was begotten before
wedlocke with the Duke."
Albemarle, he adds, left a large fortune in lands,
13,000 a year, 90,000 in ready money, 50,000 in
jewels, and the Duchess had, "unknowne to him,"
another 50,000. "The Kinge resolved to bury him
magnificently at his owne chardge, Cost, 6,000." l
In May of the same year Sandwich went over to
Dunkirk, and thence brought Madame, the King's
sister, with the Treaty of Dover safely stowed away
in her satchel. With Sandwich there went Lord St.
Albans, and the talk of the two men turned upon the
days which preceded the Restoration. St. Albans
told Sandwich how Mazarin had intended, through
Richard Cromwell, to bribe the garrison of Dunkirk,
to offer Mountagu money and ports, and to buy over
Henry Cromwell, and how Hyde objected to a restora-
tion brought about by French aid and by the help of
the Queen-mother. Such conversations served to
while away the brief journey, and on May 14 Sandwich
writes :
" After sunsett, Madam arrived in Duynkirke and
her Traine. I persuaded her to lett her Traine
embarque all night after three o'clocke (when the tyde
served) and her selfe in person to be on board the
Yaght, in the Splinter roade, at 7 the next morninge,
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal^ x. 99, 100 ; and see p. 141, attie*
i67o] THE DOVER TREATY 207
which was accordingly performed. Madam with some
sixty of her traine came aboard the Ann Yaght where
I and my Lord of St. Albans went also ; Monsieur de
Plessis le Marishall and his people had the Merlin
Yaght and the Avise in the road had neere 100 persons
in her passengers, and the Guernsey eighty. Wee
presently weighed ancor and sayled, and with the
Help of Towinge of boates and other advantages we
ott cleere of the Splinter that tide, the wind being
.W. Sunday 15. By Breake of day wee were
betweene Dover and the lights a league off shore,
where the Kinge my master came on board us and
carried Madam ashore to Dover." 1
On this voyage, Edward Mountagu, Earl of Sand-
wich, Knight of the Garter, Vice-Admiral of England,
and Admiral of the Narrow Seas, was in distinguished
company. He conversed with the Marshal du Plessis,
the famous Count Gramont and his wife, the Bishop of
Tournai, and a train of nobles such as have rarely
landed in England. On Whit-Sunday the King and
all the Knights of the Garter, clad in their picturesque
robes, attended the parish church at Dover. Only
James, Duke of York, was absent. He had gone " post
to London to assist the Mayor there against the
fanatics if there should be occasion, this being the
second Sunday after puttinge in execution the act
against them." 2 On June 2 Sandwich again took ship,
and escorted Madame back to France. She gave him
as a parting gift two magnificent diamond rings, and
distributed a largesse of gold among the captains and
men of his fleet. Within three weeks he heard of
her tragic death.
Of the treaty she had brought with her, Sandwich
knew nothing. Yet while in Spain he had obtained
a hint of the true state of the relations between
1 Sandwich MSS* Journal, x. 274.
2 Ibid., x. 276.
208 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
Charles II. and Louis XIV., for on April 25, 1668, the
following entry occurs in his journal :
" About this time here hath runn a report (which I
believe not to be true) that the King of England
should be going about to master his parliament and
make himselfe absolute by force of Armes, and that
England should againe embrace the Roman Catholique
religion. That the King of France should help the
King of England with an army, and that the Pope
gives the third part of the ecclesiastical revenues of
France to the French King to contribute towards the
charge." 1
Sandwich disbelieved the Spaniards' gossip. He had
no suspicion of political intrigue averse to the nation.
He could never have realized that Charles had agreed
to avow his conversion to the Romish Church, and
that Louis was to provide the means. And my Lord
was not the only one who was hoodwinked. Bucking-
ham was equally in the dark ; it was in part the
Duke's interference with accounts, and the parsimony
of Parliament, which had forced Charles to betray his
country. Meanwhile Buckingham was allowed to
play at treaty-making with France, a toy designed to
amuse him while the real agreement was framed. 2 Not
until two years had elapsed were the eyes of our
statesmen open to the import of the Treaty of Dover.
A few weeks after his return from this voyage of
escort, Sandwich at length found a post which fell in
with his liking and ability, and was the direct outcome
of some work he had been doing since his return from
Madrid. Though he was not one of the inner ring of
advisers, he was frequently called to the Privy Council.
At that time the work imposed upon the Councillors
was of importance ; they had more to do than to don a
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 326.
2 Mignet, Negotiations^ etc., iii. 51.
i6 7 o] THE NEW COUNCILS 209
uniform at an accession or a coronation. They were
called upon to repair the ravages of war, plague, and
fire. Committees, each consisting of about a dozen
members, were formed to deal with matters as diverse
as foreign affairs and the rebuilding of London. 1 In
1668 the Committee for the Business of Trade and
Plantations was reorganized and enlarged ; new
instructions were issued on October 20, a date
coincident with the return of Sandwich from Spain.
His name was soon added. The official date of his
patent is March 5, 1669 ; 2 but his papers show that he
attended the Committee for Trade at least two months
earlier.
Since most of the proceedings have been lost or
purloined, in common with many State papers, there is
cause for gratitude to Sandwich in that he kept even
an intermittent record. The full instructions of the
reconstituted Council have hitherto eluded historians,
but Sandwich obtained an abstract, and kept it among
his papers. 3
Of the meetings held by the Council, Sandwich gives
a few particulars. He was present on January 1 5, 1669,
when a treaty with Savoy was discussed; but the
Committee for Trade reported upon this in a lukewarm
fashion ; they preferred to dwell upon the strategical
advantages of Leghorn, a place " convenient for us in
case of warr," and to consider the treaty rather on this
account. 4 Sandwich also took part in discussions upon
a matter which more nearly concerned him, because of
1 The list of the Commissioners is printed by Professor Andrews from the
Egerton MSS., 2543, f. 205. In the Carte MSS., 72, f. 615, there is
another list of these Standing Committees of the Council, which contains some
important variations from that in the Egerton MSS.
2 Cal S. P., Dom. y March 5, 1669.
3 Sandwich MSS. : Collection of Treaties, f. 93. The abstract is printed
as an appendix to this volume (Appendix B).
4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ix. 90.
VOL. II. 14
2io THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
his work in Spain. The buccaneers of Hispaniola had
been particularly active against the Spaniard, and the
Governor of Jamaica, Modyford, armed " with power
to grant commissions to private men of warr," connived
at their piracies and encouraged them. 1 Jamaica was
their refuge. The gains were sent to Modyford's
partners, " whereof the Duke of Albemarle is said to
be a chief one."
" This sweete Trade of Privateering " was at its
height while Sandwich was in Spain; he had im-
plored the home government that it should not be
countenanced, but neither the Duke of York nor
Albemarle took any heed of his request. When the
Treaty of Madrid was made, Sandwich was naturally
keen on its observance, and desirous that the terms
should be carried out. He maintained that the treaty
was universal, and that the West Indies were not
excepted. He had obtained a clause to that effect by his
"owne choise and dexterity," and had persuaded the
Spaniards to acknowledge our rights over Jamaica. 2
Some of the Council argued that a series of depre-
dations, of which both sides were equally guilty, had
not been made a cause of war; and that from the time
of Elizabeth onwards, the English had regarded the
Indies as fair-play, upon the principle that " where no
commerce is, there is warr." At first Sandwich did not
get his way, but in the next commercial treaty with
Spain an appendix to the Treaty of Madrid the
Indies were at length included in the peace. 3
The large and intermixed Council for Trade and
Plantations was too unwieldy, and an important
change was made. Charles II. had inherited a proper
1 For Modyford's explanation see Cal. S. P., Col. (1669-1674), 103, 276.
2 Sandwich. MSS. Journal, ix. 98-104.
3 The treaty was signed on July 18, 1670, and was framed by Sandwich's
friend and successor in Madrid, Sir William Godolphin.
i6 7 o] SANDWICH AS PRESIDENT 211
respect for affairs of trade, and he had as his adviser
Anthony Ashley Cooper, now Lord Ashley. This
man took more than a passing interest in colonial
affairs, and he had the inestimable advice of John
Locke. Ashley was one of the owners of the Bahamas,
he was concerned in the Company of Royal Adven-
turers, and was an original shareholder in the Royal
Mines. 1 To him trade was more than a mere political
plaything. He brought forward a scheme for the
establishment of a Select Council for Foreign Planta-
tions. The Instructions and Commissions were issued
on July 30, 1670, and a further set was added some
days later. 2 The system of voluntary service came
to an end, and salaries, which set up a new standard
of industry, were given as compensation for the
frequent sittings.
The choice of a President for the new Council fell
upon Lord Sandwich, who was admirably fitted for the
post. He had, like Ashley, a share in the Cardigan
Mines, an interest in the Guinea Company and in the
Company of Merchant Adventurers. His knowledge
of colonial affairs and administration extended over
fifteen years. During the Protectorate he was an
active member of Cromwell's Commission for Affairs
of Trade, and thus became accustomed to deal with
colonial administration. 3 At the Restoration he was
placed on the Committee of Plantations, and on the
Commission which dealt with the Newfoundland
Fisheries. 4 For the past eighteen months he had been
a prominent member of the Committee of Plantations,
and he sat upon another Committee, appointed by the
1 Sandwich MSB., Appendix, ff. 57, 70.
2 Andrews, British Committees, p. 117, where the Instructions are printed
in full.
3 Carte MSS., 74, f. 9; Cal. S, P., Col., passim.
4 Ads of the Privy Council (Colonial], 491, 572, 610.
212 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
Lords, to consider the decay of trade. 1 His experi-
ence was extensive, and he was the one statesman who,
in recent times, had negotiated a commercial treaty.
His work at Madrid gave him an insight into colonial
affairs, and disputes over shipping, such as no other
Councillor could command. He had had two years of
bargaining over international rivalries, and returned to
England with a reputation for industry and knowledge.
He made an admirable chairman. He had chaffered
with the leading diplomatists of his day, and knew how
to command attention. He was dignified in appearance,
weighty in manner, precise irj the conduct of business.
The Commissioners joined with him included
Richard, Lord Gorges, the heir of Ferdinando Gorges,
proprietor of Maine ; Lord Alington ; Thomas Grey of
Werke ; and Edmund Waller, the poet. A few months
later John Evelyn was added to the board, and the
Duke of York, Prince Rupert, and a few figure-heads,
were thrown in. 2
The first meeting took place on August 3, at Essex
House, Temple Bar. There Sandwich swore the oath
of fidelity and secrecy, and administered it to the
various members present. At first the sittings of the
Council were held there, and at Stafford House, but
in 1671 a move was made to the Earl of Bristol's
House in Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields. The
place was fitted with all the panoply of a government
office. The Council " had a formal Board with Green
Cloth and Standishes, Clerks good store, a tall Porter
and Staff, and fitting Attendance below, and a huge
1 Lords' Journals, October 25, 1669; Hist. MSS. Comm., Report viii.,
P- 133-
2 The list is given in Andrews, British Committees, pp. 97, 98, but some
names are omitted (see Appendix C). The salary of the President was
;7OO per annum, and the rest of the paid members received ^500 ( Treasury
Books, January 23, 1671). Sandwich retained in addition his salary of ,500
as Admiral of the Narrow Seas.
1670] THE INSTRUCTIONS 213
Luminary at the Door. And in Winter Time, when
the Board met, as was two or three Times a Week, or
oftener, all the Rooms were lighted, Coaches at the
Door, and great passing in and out." 1 The rooms
were furnished with rich hangings which belonged to
the King ; atlases, maps, charts, and globes, were placed
ready for use. 2 Every facility was given to the Coun-
cil, and business was conducted in a proper fashion.
From the time of the first meeting, the Council had
abundance of work in hand. Their instructions were
comprehensive, asserting in the first place the pro-
motion of colonial welfare, and the necessity for the
protection and defence of the colonies. It was the
business of the Council to set on foot an inquiry as to
colonial administration, especially with regard to the
behaviour of the various Governors. The proper
treatment of the natives was considered. Manufac-
tures, farming, and cattle-breeding, all received atten-
tion. The growing of naval stores, hemp and flax, the
cutting of masts, the production of pitch and tar, came
under their control. The colonies needed servants and
slaves, but it was affirmed that no British subject was
to be transported. The effects of the Navigation Act
were weighed. Charters and laws were examined ;
maps of the country and charts of the coast were
registered and kept. Pious and learned ministers
were bidden to propagate the Gospel, preach to the
Indians, and reform the debaucheries of planters and
servants alike.
1 Roger North, Exainen, p. 461. Since the house mentioned is in Queen
Street, this description may serve for the Council of 1670, to which it not
improbably alludes.
2 Evelyn's Diary, May 26, 1671. But see Andrews, Committees, p. 98.
He mentions the absence of maps, but Sandwich certainly had some. He
says, " I have traced out the bounds of the Province of Mayne, of Mason's
patent, and of the Massachusetts in my Italian maps of the Duke of
Northumberland's " (Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 383).
2i 4 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
This wide field is by no means covered either by
the presidency of Sandwich or by the papers in his
journal. The Council at first took soundings ; infor-
mation was collected, but little administration was
done. The new President's tenure of office lasted less
than two years. During that time he was assiduous
in his attention to colonial affairs. He collected papers,
obtained evidence, studied maps and boundaries, and
transcribed abundance of matter into his journals.
He was always at pains to inform himself of the true
state of affairs. But his administration of the colonies
was incipient. He had to pick up the skeins as they
lay in the loom, and did not see the tapestry woven.
He left a few notes on questions, then unsolved, and
the casts of a few opinions.
Of the difficulties which attended the colonial prob-
lem Sandwich was well aware. He was steeped in
the theory of mercantilism, and was prepared to up-
hold the Navigation Act. Our rivals were excluded
from our colonial trade, and such industries as clashed
with the mother-country were rigidly suppressed.
But we gave the colonies something in return. Whilst
we encouraged the growth of tobacco in Virginia, we
sent troops of horse to trample down the tobacco
harvest in Gloucestershire and Kent. 1 The Commons
brought in a Bill " to prevent the planting Tobacco in
England and Ireland, and for encouragement of the
English plantations." 2 The ruling theory of colonial
trade was an actual exchange of the commodities best
fitted, but the mother-country dictated both the com-
modities and the terms. It was one of the " maxims "
observed by the Council of Trade, " that whatsoever
contributes to the exporting thinges of English growth
1 Acts of the Privy Council (Colonial), p. xxiii.
2 Commons' Journals i March 7 1671.
1670] SANDWICH'S POLICY 215
or manufacture in greatest quantity is best for Eng-
land." 1 Living at the time he did, Sandwich could
hardly be a great reformer, but there are indications
that his outlook was more liberal than that of many
of his contemporaries. He proposed more subtle
methods of contenting the colonists, and objected to
the use of force.
The severe and maternal attitude of England was
not incomprehensible, since the plantations were
regarded as Crown property. The Crown possessed
their lands, and granted leases to companies or
persons ; but the rights of the Crown were vague,
and extended to interference rather than supervision.
Under such conditions fitful complaints were sometimes
heard. There was an uneasy feeling on either side the
Atlantic that all was not well. The mother-country
had an inkling that her authority was strained ; the
colonies sought precision in the statement of their
rights : yet in the later seventeenth century the
shackles of mercantilism were still accepted, and
neither side wished to sever the links which bound
Old and New England.
That which made the colonial problem one needing
a careful hand was the temper of the colonists them-
selves. Independence was the reason of their exist-
ence. As each State was constituted, it had a charter
which gave a monopoly of trade, security against
foreigners, and kept for England a vague right of
intervention. Each colony had its own Governor, its
own Council and Directors. They ruled, made laws,
levied fines, and imprisoned ; in some cases martial
law was theirs, and the power of life and death. The
Pilgrim Fathers, who had endured exile for conscience'
sake, had handed on a great tradition. Their descen-
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ix. 138.
2i6 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
dants were as men who wore the breastplate of
righteousness, and whose feet were shod with the
preparation of the gospel of peace. Blasphemy,
Sabbath-breaking, and the drinking of healths, were
punished by law ; dicing and dancing were a disgrace.
The franchise was frequently founded upon a religious
test. This brought about some disagreement, and,
since each Government was mightily jealous of its
neighbours, the Council of Plantations had no easy
task in balancing the scales of justice.
The chief trouble lay in the attitude of Massachu-
setts. By virtue of seniority she took the lead. Her
power was considerable. She had waged war against
aggressive natives, and in time of danger the smaller
States looked to her for protection. It was in Massa-
chusetts that the first signs of independence were
made manifest. It was in the town of Salem that the
cross of St. George, a relic of Antichrist, had been
effaced from the British flag. It was in Boston that
the first coins were minted, and a royal prerogative was
thus infringed. It was Massachusetts who continually
asserted her charter rights. The fugitive regicides
had found safety within her borders ; and her enemies
reported that it would prove a hard task for England
to reconcile this independence with the newly restored
monarchy. 1
The final volume of his journal shows that Sandwich
had a full appreciation of the difficulties which
surrounded colonial government. His papers deal at
some length with a commission which had been sent
out within recent years. The Restoration was marked
by a revived attention to colonial affairs, and the calm
which New England had enjoyed, while Cavalier and
Roundhead settled their differences, came to an end.
1 Cal. S. P., Co/.> March 11, 1661, 45.
i67o] AN EARLIER COMMISSION 217
As soon as opportunity served, Clarendon drew the
colonies into the scope of his administration. 1 In
particular he turned his attention to Massachusetts,
the revision of her boundaries, her political rights, her
laws, and her militia. In 1664 he sent out Com-
missioners to urge toleration towards certain sects,
and to see that the Act of Navigation was punctually
observed. 2 A secret set of instructions bade the
Commissioners try to bring about greater loyalty of
feeling. Such service demanded infinite tact and
delicacy, and the men chosen for the mission were not
such as commended them to their Puritan cousins :
" though very worthy and able, and faithfull servants
of his Majesty," says Sandwich, "yet were diametrically
opposite to the Temper of that people." 3 One was
deficient in tact, another an avowed opponent of
Massachusetts, a third scandalized the New Englanders
by his open debauchery. 4 One man, Richard Nicolls,
was acceptable, but he alone could not suffice to give
dignity and authority to the commission, which the
people of Massachusetts considered "would end in
the subversion of all."
Such an obdurate attitude on the part of the colonists
boded trouble. When the Commissioners came to
Boston, they met with neglect which bordered on
hostility. Over the boundary question, said Nicolls
to Sandwich, the colonists were " not over stiffe " ;
but when it came to the Commissioners hearing an
appeal, " the Government of New England caused a
publique proclamation to be made in the towne, and
before the place they sate in, that noe person should
1 P. L. Kaye, Colonial Administration under Clarendon.
2 Cal. S. P., Col., April 23, 1664, 705-727.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 436.
* The Commissioners were George Cartwright, Samuel Maverick, Sir Robert
Carr, and Richard Nicolls.
2i8 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
dare to appeare, or to come before them. And soe the
Commissioners and the Government broke one with
the other, and they went away from Boston to other
Colonyes." 1 Their work was futile, and they left
behind them a legacy of irritation.
The Commissioners returned to England in 1665.
For a time the Dutch War, the Plague, and the Great
Fire, diverted the attention of the Government from
colonial matters. But the reconstituted Council of
Plantations was soon concerned with New England.
They were alarmed at the strength of Massachusetts
and its signs of independence. His Majesty, says
Evelyn, " commended this affair more expressly. We,
therefore, thought fit, in the first place, to acquaint
ourselves as well as we could of the state of that place,
by some whom we heard of that were newly come
from thence." 2
The matter which most prominently engaged the
attention of the Council was the aggressive attitude
of Massachusetts with regard to the extent of her
boundaries and jurisdiction. Away to the north-east
of New England lay the province of Maine, which had
been granted by royal charter to Ferdinando Gorges
and his heirs for ever. In the years of civil war the
royalist interest had taken Gorges to England, and
there he died. His colony fell into disorder, and, in
the cause of good government, Massachusetts assumed
authority; but at the Restoration the rightful heir
petitioned the Crown, and proprietary government
was restored. The same thing happened in New
Hampshire, where Massachusetts had infringed the
patent of Robert Mason. During the years which
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 422.
2 Evelyn's Diary, May 26, 1671. Those who gave information were
Major Rainsborough, Colonel Nicolls, Mr. Phillips, Colonel Cartwright,
Colonel Middleton, and Major Scott (Sandwich MSS.}.
i6 7 o] NEW INVESTIGATIONS 219
elapsed between the commission of 1664 and the
formation of the new Council, Massachusetts had once
more overridden proprietary rights. In 1668 she was
again paramount. Upon petition of a section of the
inhabitants of Maine, she resumed her jurisdiction,
and appeared about to annex her smaller neighbours.
As soon as the Council of Plantations got to work,
Gorges and Mason resumed their petitions. The
Council took up their appeals and prepared to deal
with them. In order to do this efficiently, several
meetings were occupied in taking evidence, and on
July 12 a report was prepared for the King, suggesting
that the boundary question needed investigation. 1 A
few days later Sandwich received a paper from one,
Mr. Phillips, of the province of Maine, which indicated
a possible line of solution. 2 It was suggested that the
proprietary patents should be united and placed under
royal authority, the Crown thus gaining from their
trade in fish, timber, furs, minerals, and naval stores.
The land tenure should be simplified, and the land
held from the Crown. As for Gorges and Mason, they
could be reasonably compensated. Major Rains-
borough, in a lengthy private conversation with Lord
Sandwich, gave similar advice. The King, said he,
should take up an interest in the colony, provide it
with a Governor, and share the profits with Gorges.
" The people of Mayn," he added, " would acquiesce
also in it, and be very willing to be parted from the
Boston Government, and have one of theire owne." 3
The sympathy extended to Gorges and his claim
was in reality an attempt to check the growing power
of Massachusetts. It was part of a scheme by which
1 Cal S. P., Col (1669-1674), 150, 439, 593, etc.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 386.
3 Ibid. , x. 408 ; see also Evelyn's Diary , July 4.
220 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
the colony should be " streightened and environed on
all sides with a loyall people." 1 They were too strong
for coercion, and Sandwich, in considering the situa-
tion, trusted to prevent their growing power " by
Policye and faire meanes." He desired that their
patent should be defined ; " to confine and retrench
those unlimited bounds they have sett unto them-
selves by the extravagant interpretation of words in
theire pattent whereby they fetch in all the country to
the Norwards as farr as Nova Scotia, and cutt off
New Albany from the Duke of Yorke's country to the
Southward." 2 He also desired that the private patents,
Mason's, Gorges', and the Duke's, should be vested in
the King under a Governor or Commissioner. Not
only did he desire this upon the grounds of policy, but
because the King would thereby obtain a land, rich
in naval stores, and extensive mining interests.
" There may in tyme," he said, " also be raised some
revenue out of vacant grounds and woods, and the
ground rent of saw mills . . . and some duty might
hereafter be raised also out of the fishing trade." 3
Such were the opinions which Sandwich set down
in his journal. When he deemed that sufficient in-
formation had been collected, he drew up his thoughts
upon the whole business. He felt that the people of
New England were "likely (if civil warrs or other
accidents prevent them not) to be mighty rich and
powerful and not at all carefull of theire dependance
upon old England." He then dwelt upon the incon-
veniences of independence. He feared the growth of
colonial manufacture, lest a market for cloth and com-
modities should be lost, and because of the rivalry
of America in our other markets. Particularly was
1 Sandwich MSS. Joiirnal^ x. 408.
2 Ibid., x. 432. 3 Ibid., x. 434.
i6 7 o] SANDWICH'S OPINIONS 221
Sandwich jealous of American trade in the Caribbees
and in Jamaica. For, said he, " New England serves
them with provisions and all wooden utensills, much
cheaper than any others can." He saw that the time
would come when our colonies would rival us in every
branch of manufacture. 1
" I conceive it impossible," he writes, " to prevent
wholly their encrease and arrivall at this power,
neverthelesse I thinke it were advisable to hinder
theire growth as much as can be." He then set down
the methods which he proposed to use. In the first
place he would have endeavoured to check the move-
ment, now known as the " export of human capital."
He would have had a law passed by which emigration
was dependent upon royal licence. And, further, he
wished to depopulate New England, and encourage
the people to migrate thence to the southern planta-
tions, "where the produce of theire labours will not
be commodities of the same nature with old England
to out trade us withall." 2
The author of these proposals was conscious of
their difficulty. " I take the way of roughnesse and
peremptory orders, with force to backe them, to be
utterly unadviseable," he says. Evelyn tells us how,
when Middleton assured the Council that Massachu-
setts might be curbed by a few of His Majesty's first-
rate frigates, " my Lord President was not satisfied." 3
Truth to tell, Sandwich confessed them already too
strong to be compelled ; " if wee use severity towards
them in their Government, civill or religious, they will
(being made desperate) sett up for themselves and
1 Sandwich MSS, Journal, x. 430. He owed some of his ideas to
Benjamin Worsley {Sandwich MSS. : Treaty Papers, f. 87), but he is not the
only Minister who was indebted to his subordinates.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 430. (See Appendix K.)
3 Evelyn's Diary, August 3, 1671.
222 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
reject us." 1 He preferred more subtle influences.
"The well ordering of the printing- presse," he
suggested, " and dispersing orthodox bookes, poetry
and common Ballads might be of good use in New
England." 2
For the furtherance of their plans, the Council
determined to begin with a commission, and the
entries in his journal indicate that Sandwich ordained
the line which the Commissioners should take up. In
contrast to the commission sent out in 1664, only two
men were to be selected at home, " to joyne with two
more chosen out of New England." Their powers
were not discretionary, their instructions were not
elaborate. Their only ostensible business was the
settlement of the boundaries of Maine. " Other private
directions they might have, to guide their deportment
for the King's service in the matter of religion, and
admission of persons to the freedome of the Countrye ;"
they could also strengthen the adherence to the
Navigation Act, encourage the loyalty of Rhode Island
and Connecticut, and thus balance the power of
Massachusetts. On one point Sandwich was insistent :
he affirmed that the Commissioners should possess the
qualifications of fidelity to their " ends and designe " ;
and be men of " prudence and sobrietye, such as may
be of esteeme in that countrye and by no means averse
to them." From such men he hoped much, and not a
mere repetition of the blunders of 1664. Men well
informed of the nature of New England affairs could
give the Council, as he said, " a better ground to
proceed upon than anything wee have now before us." 3
The sending of a commission was planned in July,
1671 ; " the case of New England," wrote Sandwich,
1 Sandivich MSS. Journal, x. 432.
2 Ibid., x. 408. 3 Ibid., x. 436.
i6 7 i] LORDS AND COMMONS 223
" admitts of noe delayer temporizing without applieng
this kind of remedie." Shortly afterwards the business
was discussed at a full meeting of the Council. 1 Some
were for rash action, and it was then that Sandwich
exhibited his conciliatory attitude towards New Eng-
land. His counsel was good, his moderation well
advised. He was obstinate as well as prudent, and
could keep the hot-heads of the Board in their
proper place. He prevented the idea of curbing New
England by frigates ; and when the plan of the com-
mission was drafted, the temperate tone was no doubt
due to his endeavours. 2 But the Commissioners were
not dispatched during his lifetime, and his administra-
tion remains incomplete. Had he been spared, he
would doubtless have done much to alleviate colonial
differences, for under him the Council of Plantations
was industrious, sensible, and efficient. 3
This connexion with plantation affairs forced Sand-
wich into the quarrel between the Lords and the
Commons which broke out in 1671. The two Houses
had barely compromised over the question of privilege,
before they were divided over the more troublesome
problem of finance.
The proposed taxes, "towards His Majesty's supply,"
were brought in during November, 1670.* A long list
of impositions was suggested, upon articles as varied
as salt and silks, prunes and German calicoes, mum
and foreign soap. Most of these duties were passed
by both Houses, but to one in particular an objection
was lodged by the Lords. This was the rate of
1 Evelyn's Diary, August 3, 1671. Unfortunately, Sandwich concludes the
tenth volume of his journal in July, and the eleventh volume was lost at the
time of his death.
2 Cal S. P., Col. : America, etc. (1669-1674), 598.
3 See Andrews, British Committees, etc., p. 97.
* Common? Joiirnals, November 26, 1670.
224 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
imposition upon white sugars, which seemed to press
unduly upon the planters. They had lately taken to
refining their own sugars, and were endeavouring to
nurse an infant industry. The Lords therefore " voted
ease to white sugars of our owne plantations as also to
those of Portugall." 1 The subsidy Bill thus amended
was returned to the House of Commons. Instantly a
dispute began, not upon the expediency of the tax, but
upon the right of the Lords to meddle with matters of
finance.
The plan for amendment was largely the work of
Sandwich, though he acted in consultation with
Ashley. Directly the Commons imposed a heavier
tax upon white sugar than upon brown, the planters
were up in arms. They began by a petition to the
Council of Plantations, which came before Sandwich
as President. " But wee of that Councill," he says,
" were cautious not to meddle with a matter depend-
inge in Parliament, and therefore left the Petitioners
to complaine and shew their grievances to the Parlia-
ment." 2 At the same time Sandwich applied himself
to the " studdy and canvassinge of the matter." First
he consulted the King, " because his Majestie's revenue
was concerned in the case." The King expressed a
desire that the plantations should not be prejudiced,
and gave Sandwich permission to review the business.
To Sandwich the welfare of the plantations was of
the greatest moment; he ignored the constitutional
question, and, as he said, " went with full sayle
accordinge to my Master's service and the leave he
had given mee." 8
The management of this question was an addition to
a heavy burden of work. During the early months of
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 352.
2 Ibid., x. 358, 3 Ibid., x. 360.
1671] A MONEY BILL 225
the year Sandwich was most assiduous in his attend-
ance at the House, and he was frequently to be seen
hurrying along the corridors. He was on various Com-
mittees, such as those which sat upon the questions of
certain Crown Lands, the Growth of Popery, the Ex-
portation of Wool, and the Bill for the Better Regulating
of Workhouses. 1 When the Subsidy Bill came up to
the Lords he was present at most of the discussions.
On March 27 the Commons sent up a list of imposts on
foreign commodities, and for the encouragement of the
manufactures of this kingdom, " to which their Lord-
ships' concurrence was desired." This was the Bill
round which gathered the cloud between the Houses.
At the second reading, two days later, Sandwich was
placed upon the Committee to consider the Bill, and to
draft any necessary amendments. The case of the
imposition upon sugar was fully discussed. Both the
planters and refiners were heard, and numbers of
papers were laid before the House. 2 After a week's
work the Committee resolved upon a fractional reduc-
tion of the tax levied on white sugar. Sandwich was
then asked to draw up their reasons for the amend-
ment. 3
From the economic point of view, he took up an
attitude consonant with the ideas of the times and with
his presidential position. He inclined towards the
planters. He was supported in this by Benjamin
Worsley, the adviser to the Council of Plantations.
Worsley's paper of information for Sandwich is headed,
1 Lords' Journals ; February to April, 1671.
2 The papers were both written and printed. Several are in the Sandwich
MSS. Jottrnal, vol. x. Those in the various State Papers are numerous.
Cp. Cal. S. P., Dom., 1671, p. 117; Cal S. P., Col., 1671, 519, 520;
Lords' Journals ; Commons' Journals ; Hist. MSS. Comm. , Report IX. ,
part ii. , pp. 8 et seqq.
3 His original papers are in his Journal, x. 377-380.
VOL. II. 15
226 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
" The True State of the Manufacture of Sugar within
our Plantations, which requires all Manner of In-
couragement." 1 The reasons which Sandwich gave
for reducing the tax are naturally steeped in mercan-
tilism, above all things in a hope that the English
should beat " all other nations out of this commodity,"
and " become the sole or principal sellers of it in
Europe." 2 The encouragement of the planters to
refine the sugar "improvinge Browne sugar to
White" was opposed by our own refiners, but
Sandwich regarded theirs as a minor interest, one
which contributed little to the country either in
revenue or employment. 3 He considered the House
of Commons distinctly partial to them ; " for that there
were eight or ten refiners of sugar, members of the
House of Commons ; and it is moreover talked that the
refiners had given greate bribes." 4
Not only were the lobbies used to further a particular
interest, but party spirit went to work with an utter
disregard of economic questions. The rivalry of
Buckingham and Arlington for the King's ear was
mirrored in the attitude of parties. The Court party,
governed by Arlington and Clifford, wished to lay the
blame for the loss of the bill upon Buckingham, and,
as Sandwich puts it, " chardge the hindrance of it upon
the House of Peeres . . . and affirme the losse of
that bill ... to import the King a million of
money." 5 Over a question of finance the Country
party, says Sandwich, usually followed Buckingham,
who in this case " stood up highly for the privilege of
the house of Peeres "; but this time " the Country
party, finding a difference at Court, were glad to blow
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 498. Worsley's paper deals with the matter
entirely from a national standpoint.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 377. 3 Ibid., x. 379.
4 Ibid., x. 358. 6 Ibid., x. 86, 355, 356.
i6 7 i] PRIVILEGE 227
the Coale," and abandoned their leader. On the ques-
tion of privilege Courtier and Countryman alike united,
and pressed for a quarrel with the Lords. Only an
occasional voice, such as Orrery's, the friend of
Buckingham, was raised against a breach. 1
In the breach over privilege, commercial matters
were more and more deeply buried. Lord Sandwich
studied only one side of the business, and utterly dis-
regarded the party question. He says that " as to the
greate point whether the Lords should make any
abatement or noe to the bill sent up, I never had a
thought exercised thereupon ; and if the King or my
Lord Arlington had forbidden mee to meddle therein,
I should never have mentioned the particular of the
>ugar." 2 He regarded the alterations of the impost as
reasonable one, if alteration were permitted. His
amendments were brought before the Peers, and his
recommendations with regard to the reduction of the
sugar-tax were formally adopted by the House of
Lords. 3
Two days later the Bill was read there for the third
time, and was returned " with amendments and pro-
visos," to the Commons. 4 At the same time the Lords
asked for a conference, the general method of pro-
cedure during a dispute. 5 They included in the
business the proposal for an address to the Crown.
The object of the address was not specified, but soon
1 Grey's Debates, i. 425.
2 Sandwich MS S. Journal, x. 360. 3 Lords' Journals, April 8.
4 The Commons had already rejected an amendment: "in Breach of the
Privilege of this House, where all Impositions on the People ought to begin "
{Gammons' Journals, March 24).
5 These conferences were very frequent. This particular conference was
managed by the following members of the Upper House : The Lord
Chamberlain, the Bishop of Rochester, the Earls of Bridgewater, Berkshire,
Sandwich, Essex, and Anglesey, Viscount Halifax, Lords Willoughby and
Ashley (Lords' Journals, April 10).
228
THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
leaked out. It was to be an appeal for the encourage-
ment of our home manufactures, a request to the King
that he would be graciously pleased by his own
example to encourage the constant wearing of the
manufactures of his own kingdoms and dominions,
and discountenance such persons (men or women at
Court) as shall wear the manufactures of foreign coun-
tries. To the Commons this looked like a bid for
popularity, and the initiative offended them. They
accepted the conference upon the sugar-tax ; but as to
the address, they resolved to " send an answer by mes-
sengers of their own." l The Lords looked upon this
as unparliamentary " a denial in the roughest manner
that can be " and delayed the conference while they
discussed a reply. The deputation from the Com-
mons was already in waiting, and the members cooled
their heels for an hour and a half. Then, in high
dudgeon, they departed, and the conference was held
over until the following day.
By that time the tension had grown, and the Com-
mons were showing an imperious spirit. Several
conferences were held, only to reveal that the Lower
House was obsessed with the one point of privilege.
Their debates were full of this business. Heneage
Finch, the Attorney-General, declared himself the last
man who would ever yield that the Lords have power
to lower impositions. Henry Coventry denied the
right of the Lords to debate a quantum, but granted
them "a negative voice; they may reject the whole."
" If the Lords would ease the people, and we will not
let them, it is the way to make the people fall upoi
us," said another. And Sir Richard Temple advised
the House to assert their privilege, lest, said he, " th<
Lords tell the world they are fitter judges what th<
1 Lords' Journals , April 9-11.
i6 7 i] CONFERENCES 229
people may give than we." All were determined that
the Lords should not go away with the popularity of
the thing ; else, said they, we lose our reputation in
the country. 1 It was then resolved (none contradict-
ing) "that Impositions made by the Commons are not
to be altered by the Lords." 2 Sandwich had prepared
a further report, which the Lords approved, and agreed
that the same be made use of at the conference. 3 Again
Sandwich emphasized the national aspect of the ques-
tion, but in the quarrel over privilege the expediency
of the tax was ignored and sugar was forgotten.
On April 15 another conference was held. The
Commons prepared for it by discussion, and instructed
their managers to hold to the one question. Sir John
Birkenhead's advice to the House was, " Make your-
selves as small a mark for the Lords to hit as you can.
Why should we hold a flag to fight in all propositions,
whereas we have but one to maintain ?" 4 And on this
ground Finch was put to state the case. There was
no compromise in his speech. " Mr. Attorney
Generall began the conference," says Sandwich, " and
highly provoked the House of Peeres with satiricall
invectives." 5 It was no conciliatory voice which cried,
" Books of Rates have been kept from you, lest you
should enquire into them."
Such words had an ill effect. " Nothing so dangerous
as differences," cried Finch, "nothing so unpar-
liamentary. My Lords, pray let nothing be done
unparliamentary." And Howard declared : " Your
Lordships cannot believe that we, in the same barque,
should desire storms. . . . We labour for accommoda-
tion." 6 But the Lords refused to see eye to eye with
1 Grey's Debates, i. 435 et seqq., April 13.
2 Commons'' Journals, April 14. 3 Lords' Journals, April 12.
4 Grey's Debates, i. 444. 6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 354
8 Lords' Journals , April 17.
2 3 o THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
the Commons upon this new assertion. They asked
their Committee to report on privilege, to prepare
reasons and precedents for their attitude, and they set
Sandwich to draw up a final paper concerning their
motives for abating the tax. 1 Though they waived
certain of their recommendations, they insisted on the
amendments. They also definitely asserted their right
to revise a money Bill. Their precedents were dis-
cussed and presented to the Commons. The Lords
denied that which the Commons demanded as a right,
and claimed the power to amend as "a fundamental,
inherent and undoubted Right of the House of Peers."
Their writs, said they, bore witness that " the Lords
are excluded from none of the great and arduous
affairs of the Kingdom." 2 Words were bandied about,
and long lists of precedents sent up from the Lower
House. Every side of this burning question was
passed in review. The struggle grew more bitter,
and compromise looked impossible. Messages went
from chamber to chamber. The Lords reasserted their
right to amend a money Bill, and voted that the list of
precedents was unsatisfactory. 3 The Commons pre-
pared an answer, and concluded by saying that in
constitutional matters "they resolve ever to observe
the Modesty of their Ancestors ; and doubt not, but
your Lordships will also follow the Wisdom of yours." 4
That was the last shot in the locker. The shadow
of prorogation had long hung over them. The King
had attended numbers of the debates and watched the
progress of the quarrel. He was tired of faction, and
disliked the trouble of settling another dispute. The
crisis was an awkward one, where a primitive judg-
1 Sandwich MS 'S. Journal, x. 372 ; Lords' Journals, April 15.
2 Com mom* Journals, April 20.
3 Lords'' Journals, April 17 and 22. 4 Commons' Journals, April 22.
i6 7 i] THE DISPUTE ENDED 231
ment such as Solomon's would not suffice. Prorogation
afforded a respite while other schemes were set afoot.
Above all, the Treaty of Dover had filled the King's
purse, and he could afford to dispense with his faithful
Commons. On April 22, while conferences were still
pending, Charles prorogued the Parliament, " without
a Speech, or any expression of Thanks for the Aids it
had produced." 1 The constitutional question remained
unsettled ; neither side gave way. The disability of the
Lords to amend a money Bill was not formally admitted,
and the definition of their rights has been left to recent
times. But that peer was a shrewd prophet who said
that " by this way the Commons might annex things
of foreign nature to Bills of Money and make a new
Magna Carta."
During the quarrel Sandwich worked hard, and
regretted the failure of the conference. He had pre-
pared one more paper which was never given in, for
before the prorogation the Lords stood upon their
dignity. " They thought it most honourable," he says,
" to breake off upon the greate point, and give noe
other particular reasons untill after a satisfaction had
in that." 2
That was his last experience of party politics,
and he turned with pleasure to the more serene
atmosphere of the Council of Plantations, where he
resumed his investigation of colonial affairs. Since
his work was arduous, and lay in London, he
sought recreation in scientific pursuits. He had been
for some years a Fellow of the Royal Society, and
was in 1668 upon the council of that body. 3 He
1 Grey's Debates, i. 467.
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 376.
3 Birch, History of the Royal Society ; Chamberlayne, Anglitz Notitia.
Sandwich was elected on February 13, 1661 (Birch, ii. 119), and added to the
council on November 30, 1668 (Birch, ii. 331).
232 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
frequently joined the curious crowd who watched
experiments with new-fangled glasses and blowpipes,
or gazed upon ligations and dissections. He had some
scientific knowledge ; his surveys and drawings of
harbours and coastlines were correct, and those which
he made on his voyages to the Straits were communi-
cated to the society. He took an interest in engraving,
and acquired some skill in the art. 1 Many pages of
his journals are filled with calculations upon the
altitude of the moon and observations on the stars.
While he was in Spain he sent to the society a paper
of observations upon an eclipse of the moon, and
received the thanks of his colleagues. He also wrote
upon a solar eclipse, he corrected the accepted latitude
of Madrid, and added some notes upon the immersion
of the satellites of Jupiter. 2 He presented John Evelyn
with a sembrador, " an engine for plowing, equal sowing,
and harrowing at once," and Evelyn was highly im-
pressed by the excellence of the records made in
Madrid. 3 At the same time the Earl translated a
Spanish work upon the Art of Metals 4 When Blome's
Geography was in manuscript, the King referred it to
Lord Sandwich, and the publication was undertaken
upon his lordship's advice. 5 Sandwich studied per-
spective, kept up his mathematics, and was to the
end of his life something of a student, one of the fore-
runners of the dilettanti of the eighteenth century.
Of his family affairs little can be said. On May 5,
1671, he heard of the death of his cousin, Edward, Earl
1 Philosophical Transactions, i. 106, 108 ; Evelyn's Sculptura and Pepys's
Diary.
2 Philosophical Transactions, i. 296, 390. His letters are in the Mis-
cellaneous MSS. in the possession of the Royal Society, Nos. 3397-3401.
3 Evelyn's Diary, November 25, 1668.
4 Albaro Alonso Barba, The Art of Metals, etc
5 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 160; Cal S. F. Dorn., July 10, 1669.
i6 7 i] FAMILY AFFAIRS 233
of Manchester, who was sixty-nine years of age. The
following entry occurs in the journal :
" Next morninge I attended the King (by desire of
the present Earle of Manchester) to know what houre
his Majesty should be attended with the Collar, and
George, and Garter. His Majesty appointed after
dinner, when I waited on his Majesty, and on my
knees (by command of the present Earl) presented the
King, the Collar, George, and Garter with most humble
Thankes for the Honor done to the deceased Lord
Chamberlain and the family, the King being then
Graciously pleased to expresse much Kindnesse both
to the deceased, the present Earle, my selfe and our
familye.
11 1 did beforehand begg his Majesty's direction
whether the white staff should be presented his
Majesty, in regard it is to be carried with the deceased
to his grave. Besides that the diett and entertainment
of Lord Chamberlayn is continued untill the Buriall
(though it should be prolonged many weekes), and his
Majesty was pleased to thinke that not necessary and
soe noe white staffe was presented." 1
Sandwich of course attended his cousin's funeral.
The body was embalmed in London, near Whitehall,
where Manchester died, and lay for a time at Warwick
House, Holborn, but not in state.
" Thence," says Sandwich, " attended by noble men
and theire coaches (some thirty they say with six
horses) out of Towne on Friday, the 12 of May in the
morninge. I had a blacke coach and six horses ; went
alonge with them to Kimbolton and in it my sonn
Sydney, and my cosens Edward and Sydney, sonns
of my Cosen George Mountagu ; my cosens Edward,
Henry, Charles and Sydney, sonns to deceased Earle,
came along to Kimbolton with two mourninge Coaches
and six horses. At Staughton Greene on Satterday 13,
I from Hinchingbrooke, my Ld. Mountagu from
Boughton, and some of the Countrey Gentlemen mett
the Herse, and some 10 coaches in all, went with it
streight to the Church at Kimbolton where the Church
1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 394-396,
234 THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
was hunge with one breadth of Bayes and Scutcheons.
Mr. Gall preached a sermon, and afterward the body
was Interred." 1
The death of Lord Manchester left Sandwich as
guardian of Sir Francis Wortley's natural daughter, a
considerable heiress. 2 She was intended as wife for
Lord Manchester's son, Edward, and Sandwich placed
her under the care of my Lady Erwin, and handed her
trust deeds to one of the Harbords. A few days later
he writes :
" May 29, 1671, I beinge this day oblidged to waite
upon the Kinge my Master to Windsor, at the Cere-
monye of St. George's Feaste to be held there on
Monday next, tooke into consideration the Hazard
Mrs. Wortley might be in at my Lady Erwinn's of
Havinge violence used to gett her into possession of
others whilest the Court and my selfe were out of
Tpwne, beinge not out of feare also lest my owne
Kindred to secure theire pretensions to her might not
unknowne to mee remove her to some obscure place
out of my pov/er, in which case I should have suffered
deeply in my reputation in the world, as havinge
placed her at my Lady Erwin's out of my power, or in
order to comply with my Kindred in the stealinge
of her. And hereupon I tooke the advise of greate
Lawiers and my best friends, and upon the whole
matter resolved to send her downe to my house at
Hinchingbrooke, which accordingly was executed this
day, my Cosens, Mr. Edward and Mr. Charles Moun-
tagu went downe alonge with her, and Mr. Wm.
Harbord and my cosen my Lady Lucy Mountagu also
to stay with her and keepe her company ; she was well
guarded downe and order given to lodge her in the
securest part of my house, and people neere to de-
1 Satidwick MSS. Journal, x. 399. At the funeral Sandwich was given
a wild story about a feared insurrection of the Papists aided by the French,
which he transmitted to Court, probably to the King's amusement (Cal. S. P.,
Dom., May 14).
2 Sandwich was one of the executors of Sir F. Wortley's will, and Wortley
left him 500 (Carte MSS., 75, f. 452).
THE HON. SYDNEY MOUNTAGU
From a portrait by Michael Wright
To face p. 234 of Vol. II
i6 7 i] MOUNTAGU MARRIAGE 235
fend her from attempts. And on Sunday night they
gott thither by the way of Bishopp Starford and
Cambridge." 1
In the end Mistress Wortley and her fortune fell to
Sydney Mountagu, second son of Lord Sandwich, but
the marriage did not take place for some years. Sydney
was his father's favourite, and Sandwich speaks of
him as one who " had more liberal breeding than the
rest of my younger sons." Accompanied by young
Clem Cotterell, Sydney had just completed the grand
tour. Pepys tells us how he entertained him before
he left for Flanders and Italy, " and had a good dinner,
and very merry with us all the afternoon." 2 He re-
turned on January 30, 1671, after nearly two years'
absence in Germany, Italy, and France. 3
In his journal, Sandwich has recorded one or two
other events of purely family interest. On April 23,
1670, he writes :
" My Lord Burlington and I were Godfathers and
my Lady Orrery Godmother at the Christeninge of
my Grandson, Edward Mountagu, in my Lord Bur-
lington's house. The child was borne there on
Sunday, Aprill roth about one o'clocke in the After-
noone." 4
Again, on January 5, 1671, comes the entry :
"My Daughter, Anne Mountagu, being 18 yeares of
age was married to Sir Richd. Edgecumbe, Knt. of the
Bath, of Mount Edgecumbe, by Plimouth in Devon-
shire ; his estate full 3000 per ann ; her portion
5000 paid downe, and 1000 expended in weddinge,
feastinge, and other preparations thereunto." 5
Other family records are of little moment, for Lord
Sandwich rarely went to Hinchingbrooke. He found
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, x. 400. 2 Pepys's Diary, May 13, 1669.
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 340. * Ibid. , x. 266.
5 Ibid. t x. 330. The correct date of her birth is April 12, 1653.
236
THE PLANTATIONS [CHAP, xiv
his time occupied by the Council of Plantations, and
by attendance on various Committees of the House of
Lords. His roll of achievement and titles is a long
one. He was on the Privy Council, and was one of
the "twelve persons of dignity" who composed the
Council of the Queen. 1 He served on the council of
the Royal Society, he was an Elder Brother of Trinity
House, and a member of the Honourable Artillery
Company. 2 In his own county he acted as Lord
Lieutenant. His interests were many, and brought
him into contact with the best-known men of the time.
He was not only a statesman and a seaman, but he
was well known in scientific and musical circles ; in
every way he had scope for varied activity, and the
opportunity of living a full life. But in the heyday of
his power, when everything seemed to be going well
with him, and he had found a useful sphere of action,
his life came to an end.
1 Chamberlayne, Anglice Notitia, 1671.
2 G. A. Raikes, History of the H.A.C.
CHAPTER XV
THE THIRD DUTCH WAR*
I. THE PREPARATIONS.
"This declaration, as that of the former war, was founded upon generals
and affected pretences. This is always the case when war is first resolved,
and reasons or pretences are afterwards sought." RAPIN DE THOYRAS :
History of England.
OF the differences and disputes which led up to the third
Dutch War, Sandwich knew little. At a time when
the Roman Catholic religion and secret relations with
the French Court formed the keys to the King's
confidence, he was condemned to ignorance. The
Cabal ruled all, and with only two of the five men who
composed it had he ever a word; but even from
Ashley and Arlington he could not learn anything of
moment, for their tongues were tied. Busied as
Sandwich was with the Council of Plantations, there
was neither time nor opportunity for reflection; he
1 Authorities : Since Sandwich's journal was probably lost with his ship, we
have no record of the strategy such as he gave us in the previous war. Most
of this chapter is done from the State Papers, Domestic and Foreign, and
The Mount Edgcumbe MSS. In the Admiralty Library is Narborough's
Journal (MS.}.
The printed sources include Henry Savile, True Relation of the Battle of
Southwold Bay ; J. S. Corbett, Notes on the Battle of Solebay (Navy Records
Society) ; The Drawings of Van de Welde (which accompany the notes) ;
J. S. Clarke, Life of James II. ; De Jonge, Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche
Zeewesen ; Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmoiith MSS. ; Basnage, Annales des
Provinces Unies (1726) ; A. T. Mahan, Influence of Sea- Power on History ;
John Evelyn's Diary. Other authorities are mentioned in the footnotes.
237
238 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
lacked knowledge, and was destined to lose his life in a
quarrel of which he did not approve. It was a strange
stroke of fate that sent him to bring over the provisions
of the Treaty of Dover.
The third Dutch War was the outcome of this
infamous pact between two sovereigns ; it was waged
neither for trade nor for expansion, but was a contest
made by Kings. No government at the beginning of a
war ever stood in more strongly marked antagonism
to the nation and Parliament than did the English
government at this crisis. The people were as one in
their suspicion of France, and the combination by
which the contest was to be carried on made the war
look like an attack upon their laws, ordinances, and
institutions. 1
The war was, on Louis' part, largely one of revenge.
He had not forgiven the slight of the Triple Alliance,
and the consequent check upon his policy. Nor had
he forgotten the reprisals upon French goods. By his
side was a Minister of Finance who was prepared to
bring questions of trade to the ordeal of the sword.
So vindictive was Louis that the Dutch knew that
defeat meant the virtual extinction of their country,
and at the time of crisis they were assailed by a
second enemy. Charles was firm in the French
interest, one which agreed with his own policy. He
drew the country into war in order to gratify a
personal desire for revenge. Except for a few
imagined insults, of as little importance as the
continental caricature of to-day, the King of England
had no real grievance against the States ; but he hated
the puritanism of their religion, and looked askance
upon their republican form of government. He had
not forgotten the daring raid upon the Medway, the
1 Von Ranke, History of England, iii. 522, 527.
1672] THE KING'S POLICY 239
capture of the ship which bore his name, and the
booming of the Dutch cannon within a few miles of
Whitehall. Louis XIV. offered him the opportunity
for revenge, and it was for France, for Louis, for
Colbert and his colleagues, that we fought the battle
of Southwold Bay.
At the opening of this war, one which might well
be called " the King's war," Charles made choice
of his Admirals, and the King was no mean judge of
naval affairs. He remembered the battle of Lowes-
toft, and Sandwich was called upon to serve his
country. The Earl was regarded as the ablest seaman
of his day. He was the keeper of the old traditions,
the most prominent sailor who represented the school
of Blake and the Commonwealth. When from time to
time the commands had changed, his name was always
brought forward. He came into a position of com-
mand, not by favour, but by right ; not simply because
he was Vice-Admiral of England, but because his sea-
manship was proved.
Though Sandwich was called to active service, he
had no great love for his cause. Among the many
who opposed the war must be reckoned the Earl. He
knew no more than did the people of the schemes
which underlay the machinations of Charles ; over the
Catholic plot he was entirely in the dark. Membership
of the Privy Council carried with it no right of
summons, and through no other channel could he
enter even a vain protest. Of the secret intrigues
Sandwich knew nothing, since he stood outside the
circle of the King's advisers ; when he ceased to be
Master of the Wardrobe he severed the one link which
bound him to the Court, and, like many another
Mountagu, he went his own political way. He could
judge the war on its merits. Concerning his prefer-
240 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
ence for French or Dutch he had long since made up
his mind. He had met the one in honest warfare, the
other in diplomatic by-paths. He had not forgotten
the intrigues over precedence, nor the threat of
assassination thrown out by St. Romain. He had in
him more of the Dutch temperament than the French,
so that his sympathies were governed rather by his
friend Sir William Temple than by a hot-head like
Downing. Above all, he soon determined that the war
was inexpedient, and for him that was sufficient.
Within the past few months he had been discussing
a plan by which " the Dutch and wee in true interest
ought to divide the trade of the world betweene us."
His adviser had proposed that the two countries
should come to an agreement upon their spheres of
influence, both in America and the Indies. " But," he
added, " if the Dutch were soe selfe seekinge as that
they would not consent to equall termes of Trading,
yett that wee should trade, though but in a middelinge
proportion without quarrellinge them, and never joyne
with France against them, but in case of absolute
desperation." 1
During the autumn and winter which preceded
hostilities, Sandwich was simply an observer. He
looked on, while the King sought out some pretexts,
and invoked a party in favour of his policy. Charles
had virtually deposed Parliament, and could count on a
section of the merchants, encouraged by Lord Ashley,
^who saw prosperity in the ruin of a powerful rival.
He exchanged his Ambassadors, and Downing was
sent to the Hague, the King " finding by a long
experience, that a rougher hand than Sir William
Temple's must get him right of the States." 2 An
1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, x., ff. 266-268.
2 Arlingtgn, Letter s> \\< 337.
i6 7 2] PRETEXTS 241
incident which arose out of the exchange was magni-
fied into an insult. The yacht, Merlin, was sent to
bring back Lady Temple, and in passing through the
Dutch fleet the captain demanded a salute. The
Dutch Admiral ignored a demand which meant that he
was bound to strike to any ship carrying English
colours, "of what rate or bigness soever." Charles
was determined to be affronted, and resolved to make
Holland the aggressor as soon as the time came to
show his hand. Meanwhile he proceeded to line his
purse. On January 2 came the "stop of the Ex-
chequer." A simple proclamation paralyzed finance.
The State repudiated its debts. Bankers and mer-
chants, large and small investors, were involved in
ruin ; their gilt-edged securities became waste-paper,
and the ready money of the State was used for the war.
The next step which Charles took was one which
Sandwich would have opposed, had it been in his
power to do so. For Sandwich believed in uniformity
and the Common Prayer Book ; but the King, obsessed
with Roman Catholicism, endeavoured to loosen some
of the shackles which bound his favourite Church, and
in order to justify his policy he gave temporary relief
to all his faithful subjects. He had not forgotten the
danger from the Dissenters which had shadowed him
in 1665. Their Dutch sympathies were patent; they
needed a sop to soothe them, and on March 15 the sop
was forthcoming. Charles issued a Declaration of In-
dulgence. The Nonconformists and recusants were
licensed to assemble after their own fashion for public
worship and devotion, and to preach in their own
conventicles. The laws which had made their religion
a hole-and-corner affair were suspended. Side by
side with the debauchery and licence of the Court, the
stern countenance of Puritanism was unveiled. Its
VOL. II. 16
242 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
votaries purchased toleration with neutrality, and
pra}^ed " that the refreshing streams of his Majesty's
clemency might return to his royal bosom with in-
creasing peace and honour." 1
Whilst the King defrauded merchants and suspended
laws, the Dutch, who had foreseen the contest, did
everything they could to prevent it. Their feeling at
first was in the main against the French, whom they
regarded as the real mischief-makers. The sailors
who had offered their services seemed disheartened
when they heard that the English also were against
them. 2 Even after Downing had done his work, and
left the Dutch to ponder over his insults, they hoped
that England might be deterred from war. They
worked hard to conciliate Charles, and during the
spring numerous notes were exchanged. " The
neutrality of England," said one, " would cause the
Dutch to fear the French not at all." 3 But this
neutrality could neither be wooed nor purchased.
"The malicious phanatick party," said another,
11 report that the Dutch offer to subscribe to all his
Majesty's demands, and that nothing will satisfy but a
warr and Dutch ruine." 4 The fanatics were right.
Charles and his advisers were obdurate. Their im-
placable attitude turned the stream of Dutch hatred
more and more against England, and fortified them in
their preparations.
When the Dutch were actually face to face with
invasion they worked hard. It would have been diffi-
cult to realize that factions " boiled high," and that
they were divided into supporters of William of Orange
and Johan De Witt, of monarchy and republicanism.
For De Witt made a great attempt to steer his country
1 Cal. S. P., Dom., April 2. 2 Ibid., March 27 and April 8.
3 Ibid., February 6. 4 Ibid., February 18.
i6 7 2] WAR IMMINENT 243
safely through the crisis ; the people appeared as if
"acted by a single spirit," and his " venom appeared
through it all." 1 Yet he had suffered from the
jealousies which beset a federation, and was stinted
at a time when successful diplomacy was a matter of
largesse. A few years of peace had brought pros-
perity to the Dutch, and with it a false security. The
awakening only came when " a potent enemy was
against them by sea, and another by land." The boors
were called upon to defend the coast, and to plough
up their corn, that they might not help to feed the
enemy. Those who refused were like " to have their
houses fired about their eares." 2 National feeling was
aroused, and anxiety abated. When March came, the
States had some four thousand seamen in pay, and
about that number of marines to add to them; "nay,"
says the writer, " since they offer such great wages as
even tempt the English, Scotch and Irish into their
service, certainly it must allure their own." 3 Every
encouragement was given to make an engagement
profitable to the sailors. They were offered all the
ships they took from the English and French; and,
over and above, a reward of 50,000 gulden for every
Admiral, and 30,000 for a Vice-Admiral. 4 Tempted
by such rewards, seamen joined the fleet in numbers.
Above all, the Dutch had De Ruyter, the greatest
Admiral of the time, to inspire their efforts. He ad-
vised the States as to the order of equipment, and
detailed the ships he required. 5 By the end of March
he had a powerful fleet ready to take the sea.
1 Cal. S. P., Dom.y February 3.
2 S. P., For. : Holland, clxxxviii., 89-213. This bundle of papers con
tains many of great interest in considering the preparations.
3 Cal. S. P., Dom. t March 26.
4 S. P., For. : Holland, clxxxviii. 89.
6 Brandt, Vie du FAmiraldc Ruiter (1678), pp. 462-464.
244 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
In the matter of preparation the Dutch outstripped
us. During this third war the Navy Office did most
of the preparatory work, and Sandwich scarcely ap-
peared. The State papers contain few records of his
movements. There were none of the sailing-trials
and work upon the winter-guard which preceded the
war of 1665. For a time he was down at Portsmouth,
but on no great business. Though in February he
was aware that his service was required, he was
given little preparatory work to do, and cannot
be held responsible for the defects of the administra-
tion.
Our experience in the last war had taught us little.
Certain changes had been made ; the single victualler
was replaced by a commission, but three men found it
just as hard to get money for the service as one had
done. 1 Their credit was exhausted, and they were
helpless.
The want of money was no less pronounced than
the want of men ; " only if the King could pay well
and hang well would he be better served." 2 As soon
as war was expected, merchant vessels were fitted for
far-away expeditions, that the men might evade the
press. Several sailors " left their abodes and removed
to obscure places in the inland counties." The old
story was repeated : recruits were sent, "cordwainers
and the like, none of them seamen, so ragged that they
were utterly refused, fearing they would taint the
sound seamen." Those who came from Cambridge,
Huntingdon, and the Isle of Ely, were but a poor lot ;
not seven could be picked fit for service, said the press
officer, "and all have mouths, and clamour for meat
and money." In the more remote corners of England
1 J. R. Tanner, Pepysian MSS. (Navy Records Society), i. 156.
2 CaL S. P., Do in. > February 9.
i6 7 2] THE DUTCH ATTACKED 245
the press was stoutly resisted ; in Cornwall the warrant
officer was set upon, his servant's head was broken,
and the man was thrown over a cliff and taken up
for dead. Not one could be pressed by the constables
for fear of a mutiny. The vessels in the Thames were
short-handed ; their captains went ashore and scoured
the country for men, beating their drums in the villages,
but none hearkened. The call of the sea was in vain.
When April came there were few ships " manned fit
to engage an enemy." And had the men come forward,
the ships were not prepared to receive them. Equip-
ment was lacking ; even on the brink of war there was
a cry for masts and spars, yards, fire-booms, and scup-
per-shoots; when the fleet was called upon to sail,
number of vessels were left idle in the Thames,
unmanned and unequipped. 1
While both sides were busied with their prep-
arations, actual warfare began. Long before any
declaration was made, the Dutch merchant shipping
was called upon to pay toll. Their captains who put
into English ports were ill at ease. They feared an
attack upon their cargoes, and remained on guard,
"with matches lighted and in a fighting posture." 2
An embargo was issued on their ships; all men-of-
war which were in readiness were commanded to
seize and bring into port any vessels of the States-
General they met with, and to destroy any that
resisted. 3 This was a momentous though ill-judged
decision on the part of the Government it was
made only upon the advice of a section of the
seamen, and it met with emphatic disapproval from
Lord Sandwich, but on the day it was issued, he
could not raise his voice in protest. He was then at
1 Cal S. P., Dom., January 24 to April 25.
2 Ibid., February 2. 3 Ibid., March 5,
246 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
Portsmouth inspecting some ships, and returned to
London a few days later. 1
The decision of the Council probably crossed him
on the way, and before he could be heard the English
seized their opportunity. On March 13 the Dutch
Smyrna fleet attempted to go home through the Channel.
The vessels were richly laden with the usual cargoes
of silk, cochineal, gums, and spices. There were fifty
merchantmen, stout and strong, convoyed by eight
men-of-war. An old enemy, Robert Holmes, attacked
them with seven or eight lusty ships. The advantage
was with him, for the Dutch had their cargo to save ;
their vessels were foul after the long journey, and
ours were newly fitted out and clean. But the Dutch
were desperate, their men were inured to the sea, and
everyone was concerned in some venture or other on
board the merchantmen. They fought a good fight ;
" the engagement was hot and brave ; as hot as ever
they knew any engagement in the late Dutch war."
Our ships lost heavily ; their spars were broken, their
shrouds and sails were torn in pieces. The Diamond
had never a mast standing, and the York was so
maimed that she could hardly sail. The Dutch were
chased for a whole day and night, and Holmes brought
in a few inconsiderable prizes. 2
This unwarranted attack upon the Smyrna fleet in-
creased the resentment in Holland. The people were
full of bitterness, since we began the war so un-
expectedly and captured their merchant ships. 3 It
became dangerous for an Englishman to be seen in
the streets of a Dutch town. " The women and
children are so exasperated against us," said a sailor,
1 CaL S. P., Dam., March 7. His last signature as a Councillor is dated
April 14, 1672 (Brit. Mus. : Stowe MSS., 142, f. 86).
2 CaL S. P., Dotn., March 13-15.
3 S. P., For. : Holland, clxxxviii. 12.
1672] DUTCH INDIGNATION 247
" that they show their knives with railing foul
speeches." 1 As in most similar attempts to strike
before a declaration of war, the moral effect was evil,
and greatly outweighed any advantage that we de-
rived from sudden action. Holmes had opened the
war as badly as could be; he had done all that was
needed to reawaken in the Dutch the old dormant
spirit of fierce hostility and to fill them with an in-
domitable lust for revenge, which was felt like a fire
in the coming day of battle. It was rightly predicted
that when the day came rivers of blood would be
shed. 2
The indignation, once kindled, was fanned into
further fury by the terms of the declaration of war.
These were set out in a pamphlet which declared that
nothing but inevitable necessity forced England to
take up arms, for the Dutch had broken faith with us
and supplanted our trade. 3 The incident of the Merlin
was taken as an insult to the nation. The caricatures
played their part : " In Holland there is scarce a town
that is not filled with abusive pictures, and false
historical medals and pillars." But the Dutch affirmed
that only one medal was known, and of that the mould
had been destroyed. Their protests went unheeded ;
the declaration was printed on March 17, and pub-
lished with all the usual solemnities by the heralds.
The French declaration followed a few days later. A
fast was proclaimed for our success. The outbreak of
war was reported to give general satisfaction, despite
its prejudicial effects on trade ; 4 but, on the other hand,
the French Ambassador declared that scarcely a voice
was raised in commendation. 6 It was a quarrel,
1 Cal. S. P., Dom., March 27.
2 S. P., For, : Holland, clxxxviii. 198.
3 A printed copy is in S. P., Dom. : Charles //., ccciv. 21.
4 Cal. S. P., Dom., March 24. 5 Mignet, Negotiations, iii. 703.
248 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
" slenderly grounded," says Evelyn, " and not be-
coming Christian neighbours."
Sandwich certainly was opposed to the action of the
King and his advisers, and had no conviction of its
justice. With regard to the pretext of the salute, he
had been jealous for the honour of the English flag, but
careful of the courtesies which attended its usage. 1 The
incident of the Merlin was not to his liking. His friend,
John Evelyn, affirms that " he was utterly against this
war from the beginning, and abhorred the attacking
of the Smyrna fleet." The diarist saw Sandwich
shortly before the Admiral went down to the Nore.
" Going to Whitehall," he says, " to take leave of his
lordship, who had his lodgings in the Privy Garden,
shaking me by the hand he bid me good-bye, and said
he thought he should see me no more, and I saw to my
thinking something boding in his countenance. * No/
says he, ' they will not have me live. Had I lost a
fleet ' (meaning on his return from Bergen when
he took the East India prize) ' I should have fared
better ; but be as it pleases God, I must do something,
I know not what, to save my reputation.' " 2
It might seem, since Evelyn wrote after Sandwich
had lost his life, that these ideas took shape from the
event; but it is curious that a man like the Admiral
was for some weeks haunted by a sense of fatality,
and predicted his own death. At the last he seemed
to throw off his unimaginative self, and to ponder over
his future. Evelyn's story is borne out by another
witness. Just before going to sea, Sandwich was a
guest at Lord Burlington's, and there, in the garden,
talked with the younger Hyde and some of his friends.
11 Their discourse turning upon the preparations for
that summer's campaign and what was to be expected
1 T. Wemyss Fulton, The Sovereignty of the Seas, pp. 463, 472, 482 ; Cat.
S. P. Dom., June 14, 1669.
2 Evelyn's Diary, May 31, 1672.
i6 7 2] SANDWICH AT SEA 249
from it, his Lordship then walking with his hands one
upon the shoulder of Charles Harbord and the other
upon Clem Cotterel's (for his greater ease being then
grown somewhat goutish and otherwise unwieldy) told
the Company by way of reflection upon the then
management of our Sea affairs that though he was
then Vice-Admiral of England, and Admiral of the
Narrow Seas, yet he knew no more of what was to be
done that summer than any one of them, or any other
that knew nothing of it ; ' This only I know/ he said,
' that I will die and these two boys (meaning Harbord
and Cotterel) will die with me.' " x
In such a mood the Admiral went down to join the
fleet. When he reached the vessels he was received,
not in silence, but in triumph. His men gave him
three great huzzas. This was not a mere formal
welcome. The influence of the Commonwealth navy
was personified in Sandwich. Strict as was his
discipline, he knew how to treat his men ; instead of
calling them "damned dogs" and the like, he called
them by more kindly names, and no tradition of his
life is better established than the esteem in which he
was held by the real old salts. 2 By the younger officers
he was equally respected.
" Sir," he said to one who had displayed conspicuous
bravery, " you are a person whom I am glad to see,
and must be better acquainted with you, upon the
account which Captain Brooke gave mee of you. I
must encourage such persons, and give them their
due, which will stand so firmely and courageously
unto it upon extremities wherein true valour is best
discovered. Hee told mee you were the only man
that stuck closely and boldly to him unto the last, and
1 The letter is a copy from the Pepysian MSS. ; it is endorsed No. 1 38,
and is dated April 27, 1694. It will be found fastened to the fly-leaf of
vol. x. of the Sandwich Journals.
2 See Charnock, Biographia Navalis, i. 42 ; Campbell, Lives of the
Admirals, ii. 233 ; Remarks upon the Navy, ii. 14 (1700), etc.
250 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
that after so many of his men and his lieutenant was
slayne, hee could not have well knowne what to have
done without you." x
The affection of his officers and seamen was some
compensation to Sandwich for his dislike of the war.
However sad his forebodings may have been, the
cheers of the sailors and his love of the sea made
him glad once again to stride the decks. On April 20
he supped on board the Duke's flagship, and on the
following day his own flag was hoisted in the Royal
James. There he entertained the King and the Duke
of York. 2 For a few days the fleet remained in the
river, a review took place, and the preparations were
completed. The English ships formed two of the
three squadrons of the fleet, and the French were to
make up the third. The command of the combined
fleet was given to James, Duke of York, and Sandwich*
his Vice-Admiral, took command of the Blue. Several
councils of war were held, at which Charles was
present, and my Lord had at length an opportunity of
learning what was to be done at sea. If he followed
his custom during the former war, and wrote down the
details of the councils, his journal would have proved
more than valuable. He had concluded his book for
1671, and that which he wrote during the last few
weeks of his life has perished with him.
Until Sandwich came on board his flagship he was
in complete ignorance of the plan of campaign, but he
now learned it from the King's lips. Charles and his
advisers had formulated a general scheme, to be
carried out in concert with the French. This com-
prised an invasion of the United Provinces by the
1 Sir Thomas Browne, Works, i. 149. The hero was Lieutenant Browne
of the Foresight, then at Bergen.
i6 7 2] OUR STRATEGY 251
French army, and a simultaneous attack by the com-
bined French and English fleets upon that of the
Dutch. It was not our object, said Charles to the
French Admiral, to take two or three vessels, but to
ruin the enemy's force. 1 Since the allied fleets were
of considerable strength, it was hoped that the com-
mand of the North Sea would pass into our hands ;
the Dutch trade could then be cut off, and the English
might seize their northern ports, and drive home the
blow by landing troops in Holland. Counsel was
taken as to " the fittest place to land our forces, if God
should give us victory at sea." Zeeland was chosen
for a raid, as a state where the Orange interest was
strong, and where, " if they should overcome us, we
can for a farewell pour in the whole ocean upon
them." 2 Such a course depended upon a decisive
victory by the fleet, and chance might not grant it.
But less would have contented us. If the Dutch could
be contained, and forced to keep at bay, there would
be opportunity for the movement of the French troops,
and the enemy would be compelled to a continual
expenditure, both of men and material.
These plans were foreseen by De Witt, and he had
hoped to thwart them by two rapid strokes. He would
first have surprised Neuss, the town which Louis had
chosen for his base, and would thus have held the
key to the French advance. He proposed also to take
advantage of the enemy's unreadiness, and to attack
the French fleet before they could get to sea. 3 But an
excess of caution seized the Dutch, and the jealousies
of the various States hindered the necessary prepara-
tions. At length the Council resolved on a stroke
1 Eugene Sue, Histoire de la Marine Fran$aise, ii. 355.
2 CaL S. /". , Dom. , April 22 : Kinnoul to Lauderdale.
3 De Jonge, Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Zeewesen, vol. iii., part i.,
p. 72 et seq. See also Lefevre-Pontalis, Life of Johan De Witt t ii. 245-247.
252
THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
which closely followed the lines indicated by De Witt.
An endeavour was made to get the fleet in order before
the junction of the Duke of York and the Comte
d'Estrees. The sea was cleared of Dutch shipping,
their merchantmen lay idle in the rivers, and advice
boats were sent out to warn their East Indiamen that
war was imminent. 1
Our ships meanwhile had assembled near the
mouth of the Thames ; and the French squadron lay
in the harbour of Brest. The Dutch hoped to prevent
a junction of the allies, by attacking one or the other.
They determined upon a sudden onslaught at the Nore,
and a repetition of the insolencies of 1667. Success
would have emboldened them and paralyzed our
preparations ; and a second blow could then have
been delivered at our allies. For a time we dreaded
some such scheme, for frequent warnings were received
that the enemy was active. 2
On April 17 the United Provinces resolved to send
out their fleet, but the jealousies of the various states
overset the plan. On April 29 De Ruyter left the
Texel, and prepared to pick up the Zeeland squadron,
which was then in the Vlie. Their Admiral, Banckers,
had received orders which forbade him to leave the
river until he caught sight of De Ruyter, and he
remained at anchor while his colleague worked round
the coast. A report sent to England spoke of the
Dutch as merely " shifting up and down," and as they
did so the quarry slipped away. 3
The slowness of the enemy meant that we could
carry out the plan of joining our allies west of the
Straits of Dover, and it was fortunate for us that the
1 Cal S. P., Dom., April 2 and 8.
2 Ibid., April 9. See also J. S. Corbett's Note on the Battle of Solebay.
3 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 2.
i6 7 2] BOTH FLEETS OUT 253
Channel was still clear. The moment had been a
dangerous one for England. On May i our fleet lay
at the Nore, and still only half prepared. The French
fleet was hardly under way from its own coasts. The
wind was easterly, and favourable to the enemy, whose
fleet was daily expected off the Thames. For the
English to remain there was to court disaster. Accord-
ing to d'Estrees, the commander of the French fleet,
some of our flag-officers opposed a move. But a
forward policy prevailed partly because of the neces-
sity for a junction with our allies, partly in the hope
that a move might draw the Dutch into the Channel.
On May 2, therefore, the Red and Blue squadrons,
about forty " stout men-of-war," sailed out of the river
and round the Kentish coast. 1 They were seen by the
enemy's scouts, with whom the Antelope exchanged
several guns, before the Dutchmen bore away for the
Texel, to carry the news to De Ruyter. 2 The same
day Charles and his Ministers decided on a course
which justified the movement, " it being not advisable
to fight with the Dutch fleet, before the conjunction of
the French squadron, if it can be avoyded, except upon
some great and manifest advantage." The actual place
in which to await the French was left to the Duke " to
be debated and resolved with the Flag-officers." It
was suggested that Dungeness was better than the
Downs ; 3 Portsmouth was better still ; for the farther
south our fleet, the more " encouragement for the
French squadron to advance more readily into the
Channel." At the same time it was hoped that the
enemy would follow us, and thus the proposed junction
wore an important strategical aspect.
1 Hist. MSS. Comni. : Dartmouth MSS. , p. 6.
2 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 3.
3 Ibid. , May 2 : Resolution of the Council.
254 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
The wind was favourable when, on May 2, while
the Dutch were still on their own coasts, our fleet left
the Thames, and sent out scouts in order to get in
touch with our allies. 1 The French fleet was then
outside Hurst Castle, and approaching Portsmouth
from the west. The Admiral, Comte d'Estrees, com-
manded thirty-two men-of-war, eight fire-ships, and a
number of victualling ships and ketches. 2 On his
arrival at Portsmouth, d'Estrees found the garrison
under arms, and the King ready to receive him. He
saluted the town with nine guns, and was answered
with the like number. On May 5 Charles and some
of his courtiers visited the French ships. They were
saluted by the whole fleet, went on board the Saint
Philippe, the Terrible, and the Superbe, and made a
thorough inspection of the vessels, guns, and men. 3
There was much to interest a seaman, such as the
King. The French vessels differed from ours in their
construction they were lower in the water, shorter in
proportion, and with a greater draught. " They have
not a cabin standing between decks for gentleman or
any other," said a seaman, " so that in time of service
they will be very clean ships." They were well
officered and well manned, but the discipline was less
exacting than in the English vessels. The inspection
ended, Charles went ashore in his yacht, and with
him the Comte d'Estrees and several of the French
nobles, to be entertained by Lord Arlington. 4
The royal visit was effectively timed. About five
in the afternoon, " as the King was standing on the
battery little expecting it," our fleet appeared. 6 The
junction of the allies was thus made at the very hour
1 CaL S. P., Dom., May 3. 2 Ibid., May 5.
3 Ibid., May 5. See also Eugene Sue, Histoire de la Marine Francaise.
* CaL S. P., Dom., May 5. 5 Ibid., May 6.
1672] AN ENGAGEMENT POSSIBLE 255
when De Ruyter approached Dover. The gale which
brought him thither still swept along the Channel ; for
days the weather was bad, and the allies were unable
to get to sea. At length, on May 9 about noon, the
wind came southerly ; the allied squadrons weighed
anchor, and before nightfall they were out of sight to
the eastward. 1 The Duke was aware of the presence
of the Dutch off Folkestone, and resolved to stand over
towards the middle of the Channel, away from the
Sussex coast, and nearer France. For with a southerly
wind the English would have the weather-gauge, and
hoped to come suddenly upon the enemy, while on
the western side of the Straits. " We use all manner
of diligence to get up to them," says a writer, " and
bring them to an engagement west of Dover." 2
There was still some chance that such an engage-
ment might be possible, if the enemy could be tempted
farther along the coast towards Portsmouth. It
looked as though some such design would succeed.
On May 5, the day on which the allies joined forces,
the Dutch fleet was visible from the North Foreland.
Fear of invasion spread over the southern counties,
for the raid upon the Medway was fresh in every
man's memory. All round the shores men were stirred
to vigilance. On the Foreland was a beacon built of
brick, " having on the top a cradle of iron, in which a
man attends a great sea-coal fire." 3 Similar lights
were set up from the South Foreland to Sheerness,
and from Orford Ness to Lee. 4 Sentries were posted
on the church steeples ; troops of horse were set to
watch the motions of the Dutch, and stood on the
headlands ready to give warning when invasion
threatened. The trainbands were called out. People
1 Cat. S. P., Doin., May 9. 2 Ibid., May IO.
3 Evelyn's Diary, May 14. 4 Cal S. P., DOM., April 10.
256 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
flocked from far and near to look at the enemy's fleet ;
even the Queen was drawn by curiosity to view the
naval pageant. 1 The Dutch vessels made a brave show
with the May sunshine glinting on sail and gun. At
times they came within a cannon-shot of Dover Castle.
Our shipping was scared ; small boats set all sail, and
darted to the nearest harbour, a Dutchman or so in
pursuit ; chases were continual, a capture occasional,
escapes many and exciting. Precautions were taken
to guard the river. Our fleet was so far westward that
the nakedness of Sheerness became a matter of the
greatest concern. A ship was not allowed to pass into
the Swale, nor to lie near in the night, nor to pass up
the river by day, without examination of all she had
on board. At length foul weather came to the rescue
and saved the Londoner any further anxiety. For
some days a strong gale blew from the north-east, the
Dutch cables gave way, and the wind threatened their
power of retreat. On May 9 they set sail again, and
disappeared towards the east, leaving only a few scouts
in the Channel to warn them of the approach of the
allies. 2
De Ruyter was by then aware that the English and
French had joined, and he moved away from the
Channel to the back of the Goodwin Sands. 3 The
enemy came no nearer, " lest they should be beaten,
and the wind continue easterly," says a writer, " they
have never a shore nor a harbour to friend, and to keep
where they are is great reason, for, if the Duke turn
up, they can keep to windward and engage at their
pleasure ; if the wind wester, they can engage as near
as they please to their own coast." 4 For several days
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Le Fleming MSS. , p. 92.
2 Cat. S. P., Dow., May 5, 6, and 9.
3 Ibid.y May 10. 4 Ibid. : Anthony Deane to Arlington.
i6 7 2] THE ALLIES 257
the Dutch played hide-and-seek with the allied fleets.
The wind favoured them, and remained north-easterly,
so that the allies could make little headway, and de-
spaired of an engagement in the Channel. For a few
days De Ruyter was free to threaten the Thames. He
detached a squadron, which nearly captured some of
our reinforcements as they attempted to leave the
river. 1 The enemy's squadron moved along the coast,
off Longsand Head, or within a cannon-shot of Sheer-
ness ; they even came to an anchor, and so close that
at low-tide a Vice-Admiral's ship went aground, but
" she gott off the next day by a spring tide, and gott
up to the rest of their fleet." 2
Meanwhile the English and French were " forced to
tyde it up to Dover," and as they approached, De
Ruyter disappeared to the northward. The allies
beat slowly along the Channel in the teeth of a strong
breeze. At length, on May 16, they were off the
North Foreland. That same evening some Dutch
scouts appeared, and exchanged shots with the Prince,
but did not come within reach of her guns. 3
The appearance of the enemy's frigates caused some
consternation. The Duke was uncertain of the Dutch
movements and of the station of their fleet. He was
in a position unfavourable to action, riding off the
North Foreland, " in the Narrow among the sands."
He called a council of war to consider the situation.
The discussion was lengthy and important ; the
missing journal alone could tell the story, but there
is a brief account of the council by Francis Digby.
Inference shows the trend of the discussion. There
must have been a strong party among the flag-officers
1 Cat. S. P., Dom., May 14; Hatton Correspondence (Camden Society),
i. 85.
2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Marquess of Bath's MSS., Report IV., p. 228.
3 CaL S. P., Dom., May 17.
VOL. II. 17
258 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
who wished to await the enemy and to guard the
Thames. They relied upon mere bravado to counter-
act engaging upon a manifest disadvantage. " In this
occasion," says the writer, " Lord Sandwich has given
such advice as became a wise and gallant seaman, and
perhaps has hindered us from running into a thousand
inconveniences, which domestic advisers are always
ready by an appearance of courage to draw us into." 1
He said that fighting the Dutch upon their own coasts
was a course which the sane sailor avoided ; to fight
them near the Goodwins was no less dangerous.
Despite those who were ready to run this risk, the
Vice-Admiral's counsel was taken, and that same after-
noon the fleet sailed eastward, and thus compelled the
enemy to draw into the open sea. 2
The advice which Sandwich gave was sound and
seaman-like, and decidedly in accord with the strategy
of the campaign. The King had written an outline of
his plans, which he further communicated to the flag-
officers at Portsmouth. The letter has not come to
light, but the French Admiral has given the gist of
the King's conversation. After some comments, evi-
dently intended for a warning to d'Estrees, Charles
expounded his scheme. Every attempt was to be
made to deny to the Dutch the advantage of fighting
on their own coasts, where they were familiar with
every shoal and every channel, and where they had
removed all their buoys and landmarks. 3 Bestride
their communications, and they were forced to give
battle or to suffer great loss of trade. The English
fleet, provisioned for two months, was to anchor upon
1 Cal. S. /., Dow., May 17. The original is in S. P., Dom. : Charles II. ,
ccviii. 204. Sandwich's captain also says that we judged the Dutch design
was to engage us among the sands. "Possibly," he adds, "they may be
deceived in their expectations" (Brif. Mus. : Egerton MSS., 2521, f. 23).
2 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 17. 3 Ibid., April 28.
1672]
OUR PLANS
259
the Dogger Bank, and there await the Dutch East
Indiamen. If this tempted the enemy from their
harbours, an engagement would be fought in the
open sea; and if the Dutch adopted a defensive policy,
their richest fleet of merchantmen was doomed to
capture. As in 1665, the coasts of Holland were to
be avoided, for there a decisive action was impossible ; if
the battle proved unfavourable to the enemy, they had
a sure retreat the moment fortune turned against
them. 1 Our strategy was sound, but we were not
fully prepared for its execution.
1 Eugene Sue, Histoire de la Marine Fran^aiss, ii. 355. There is (in
S. P., Dom., May 2) a memorandum from Philip Holland to the King which
sets out the strategy almost exactly. He dwells upon the need of having good
scouts, and the necessity of a speedy junction with the French. An engage-
ment should only be undertaken when we were at a great advantage, for it
was De Ruyter's policy to fight us at a distance, spoil our men, and destroy
our masts and rigging. He advised our fleet to await the motions of the
enemy, and to avoid engaging in the narrow seas. The Dutch had been at
great expense to set out their fleet, and waiting would wear them out ; their
weariness would be doubled if the French were successful on land. Philip
Holland was one of the old school, a friend of Pepys and of Cuttance. He
had at one time served under Sandwich (see Pepys's Diary, June 3, 1660).
On April 20, 1672, he was called from Flanders to give the King intelligence.
Eight days later a warrant was issued for his arrest, as one who served the
Dutch during the late war. He was a Dissenter (Pepys's Diary, April 24,
1663), and when his conscience was satisfied by the Declaration of Indulgence
he may have condoned his former lapse of loyalty, and obtained his release by
providing Charles with a valuable memorandum, based on experience.
260 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
II. THE BATTLE OF SOUTH WOLD BAY.
" To the honour of God omnipotent, and in memorial of the blessed
Martyr St. George, tye about thy leg for thy renown this Noble Garter ;
wear it as the symbol of the Most Illustrious Order, never to be forgotten or
laid aside, that thereby thou mays't be admonished to be courageous, and
having undertaken a just war in which thou shalt be engaged, thou mays't
stand firm, valiantly fight, and successfully conquer." Admonition at the
Investiture of the Garter.
Now that an engagement was imminent, the allied
fleets sailed in order of battle. The French had the
van, and formed the White Squadron, with the
Comte d'Estrees as Admiral, and Du Quesne and
de Rabesnieres as his seconds. The centre, or Red
Squadron, was commanded by the Duke of York in
the Royal Prince; his Vice-Admiral was Sir Edward
Spragge, his Rear-Admiral Sir John Harman. The
Blue Squadron was commanded by the Earl of Sand-
wich, with his flag in the Royal James ; his Vice-
Admiral, Sir John Kempthorne, sailed in the St.
Andrew, and his Rear-Admiral, Sir Joseph Jordan,
was in the Sovereign. On May 18 the combined fleets
numbered about seventy ships, but within the next ten
days this number was gradually increased.
For some days the Dutch fleet had been lying out
beyond Orford Ness, well in sight of land. Their
scouts had advised them of the English movements,
and during the night of May 18 they stole away.
When the day came, only the hindmost of their ships
could be seen from the coast. Meanwhile a fresh
westerly gale brought our ships along, heading for
the open sea, and on the look-out for the enemy. The
French were in the van, Sandwich and his squadron
in the rear. Our fleet was reinforced by the Gloucester
and her companions, free at length to leave the river, 1
1 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 19.
1672] WE GIVE CHASE 261
The wind was still favourable, the sea was smooth.
Chests and hammocks were put in the hold ; cabins,
tables, and all such " trumpery," were thrown over-
board, and the decks cleared for action. The men
were cheerful, and of a temper which gave great
assurance of success. 1 We had the weather-gauge,
and nightfall found us within three miles of the enemy,
"our van against their van, and our body against their
body." 2 The Dutch tacked ; we tacked and stood
along with them, fearing the White Banks of Flanders,
and yet unwilling to lose the chance of an engagement.
The night was all confusion. Yachts were sent
ahead to sound and make signals ; both sides burned
false fires, and the blue flames shot up in the darkness
to lure and bewilder the opponent. Bullets from the
Dutch guns sang as they passed through our rigging.
Day dawned, the wind south-westerly, and with it a
thick fog. The ships were invisible to one another,
and the line was preserved by the glare of lights ;
muskets were fired, bells were rung, and drums beaten. 3
About nine in the morning May 20 the wind
changed, and blew fiercely from the north-west. The
mist was dispersed, and the Dutch fleet could be seen
about three leagues astern. The English tacked again
and stood with them, but wind and sea prevented an
engagement ; the waves were so high that steady
shooting was impossible. 4 The westerly breeze
favoured the enemy, and they made for the shoals
of Holland, in the vain hope that we might be drawn
foul of their banks. But the old thoroughness of the
Commonwealth navy prevented disaster. On the
previous day Sandwich and his captain had advertised
1 Cal S. P., Dom., May 21.
2 Nar borough's Journal. 3 Ibid,
* S. 2\, Dom. : Charles //., cccix. 91.
262 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
the Duke of certain dangers, especially of a sand
" known by few of our pilots ... it being out of
the Tradeway for the English." A master-gunner on
board the Prince was able to confirm the warning, and
caution prevailed. 1 A watch was kept on the Dutch
fleet, and when their ships drew nearer and nearer to
the coast the allies put about and set sail. The hurried
preparations had given little time for proper victualling,
and it was necessary, if an engagement were delayed,
to take in a further stock of provisions. So on May 21
the allied fleets dropped anchor in Southwold Bay. 2
At least a month's victuals were needed, before we
took up our station upon the Dogger Bank to command
the approaches to Holland and to force De Ruyter out
to sea. A great attempt was made to remedy the de-
ficiencies. The vessels took in water and food, signals
arid colours. Several ships still lacked their full com-
plement of men, and the press sent down more recruits.
Pilots were needed for the French. The time for equip-
ment was short enough, for the report soon came that
De Ruyter was out once more. On May 24 he was
seen off the North Foreland, sailing towards the Kentish
Knock, and two vessels, the Falcon and Phoenix, were
actually chased. Our merchantmen in the Channel
were warned to return to Portsmouth. There was
real danger, for, since the wind was easterly, the Dutch
had a mind to attack us, and bore north-eastwards
towards the Maas, while they sent out scouts in order
to ascertain our position. 3
1 J. S. Clarke, Life of James II. , i. 459.
2 Cat. S. P., Dom., May 21 : Log of the Prince. In Laird Clowes's
Royal Navy, ii. 302, it is stated that De Ruyter was anxious to engage the
allies, and that the Duke anchored in Solebay instead of following up the
enemy. The refusal of the Duke to attack close to the Dutch coast was in
accordance with the plan of campaign, for an engagement was desired either
in the Channel or well out in the North Sea.
3 Cal S. P., Dom.> May 24 and 25.
1672]
RETURN TO SOLEBAY
263
Their movements deceived the English ; Haddock,
who was captain of the Royal James, wrote on May 25
saying that we were "very near ready," and expected
to stay some days longer off Southwold, till the prep-
arations were complete. 1 Sandwich, his Admiral, had
already given a general warning against the danger of
our being caught among the shoals and sands, but his
warning was gradually neglected. Our scouting was
defective, and hampered by contrary winds, while
De Ruyter's scouts were highly efficient. For two
days the Dutch vanished, and during those two days
the English vessels rode unmoored, and kept watch in
case of surprise. 2 Then came the fatal lapse. It was
reported that the Dutch were riding near their own
coast. 3 Caution was thrown to the winds. Faith in
the inaction of the enemy percolated through the fleet :
many " had soe little expectation of, or preparation for
fighting, that my Lord Howard, who had been on
board and intended to be in at fighting, and several
other Lords, English and some French officers went to
Harwich to receive a treat there made." 4 But here, if
De Ruyter intended to attack, were the very conditions
which we should have foreseen. The wind was varied,
but " hanging northerly "; and our ships were crowded
together. It was a time to weigh anchor and to get
well outside the bay.
Instead of the fleet moving towards a better position,
an irreparable mistake was made. The blame for this
lies less upon the shoulders of James than of his
captain, Sir John Cox ; and Cox in his turn was
misled by the inaccuracies of our scouts. The Duke
had declared for getting out to sea, and had ordered
1 Brit. Mus. : Egerton MSS., 2521, f. 27.
3 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 27 : Wickens to Hicks.
4 Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letter 148.
264 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
that no collier nor trading-ship should be permitted to
go round the fleet, lest the enemy should be advertised
of our anchorage ; but a collier slipped by us in the
night, and was captured by the Dutch, who thus
obtained the information they required. A story no
less fatal to the English was brought by a packet-boat ;
the master declared that the Dutch were off Goree,
and engaged in taking in supplies. One of our cruiser
captains, Finch, came in and brought no news of the
enemy. 1 For the past two days James had opposed
the mooring of the fleet, and kept a good watch. 2 But
on May 27 he allowed himself to be overruled ; the
fleet was delayed for another twenty-four hours, and
the Prince herself put on the careen. 3
Against this heedless action Sandwich possibly en-
tered a protest. The evidence varies in regard to the
manner and the matter. D'Estrees speaks of his protest
at a council of war, 4 but the log-books and journals do
not mention one being held upon that particular day.
Round the story of a council there has been woven a
tapestry of detail, in which Sandwich is pictured as the
advocate of a cautious policy, and James as stating that
such counsel was born of fear rather than of prudence.
The evidence for all this is of the slightest. 5 The
1 J. Macpherson, Memoirs relating to the Life of James //., i. 61. These
contain a series of memoirs drawn up from the papers left by James.
2 Narborough'sy0#r;m/, which in the main corroborates the above.
3 Ibid. To careen, the ship was heaved down on one side by arranging
the ballast, etc., for purposes of cleaning or repair. See Smyth's Sailor's
Word-Book.
4 Sue, Histoire de la Marine Fran$aise. Sue's long conversations are purely
imaginary ; his documents are valuable.
5 See Sir John Laughton's article on Sandwich in the Diet. Nat. Biog.
The story owes its currency to Burnet (Hist, of His Own 7'zme), and has
been charily repeated by many historians e.g., Samuel Colliber, Columna
Rostrata, p. 217. It is not in the least consistent with the general behaviour
of Sandwich, nor does any evidence bear Burnet out. The statement that
Sandwich suggested as an alternative " drawing nearer the shore " deprives
Burnet's story of all credit.
1672] SANDWICH'S WARNING 265
council In question was probably that which took
place ten days before; another council would hardly
have been held at such a juncture, after the mischief
was done. The action of Cox was in direct defiance
of the general strategy and conduct laid down, and was
opposed to the advice given by Sandwich, and this
must have discontented and disturbed him. He may
have made an informal expostulation, and probably
did so. His attitude was grave. " He dined in
Mr. Digby's ship," says a witness, " the day before the
battle, when nobody dreamt of fighting, and showed a
gloomy discontent so contrary to his usual cheerful
humour, that we even then all took notice of it, but
much more afterwards." 1 And truly Sandwich had
good cause for his despondency. Within a few
hours of his return to the Royal James his fears were
justified.
At early dawn the fleet was aroused by the news
that the enemy was at hand. Sandwich, after a rest-
less night, sprang up upon the first alarm. He dressed
with the greatest care, and put on the trappings of
a Knight of the Garter, but without the mantle. His
sword was at his side, his hair was tied back with
ribbon, and on his head was a large black plumed hat.
He carried a jewelled watch, and wore several rings :
two were of sapphires, richly set; and there was
a quaint seaman-like ring which contained a small
compass. Round him was the rich blue ribbon of the
Order; the star was fastened upon his breast; the
jewelled collar and the George were about his neck.
As his secretary, Valevin, affixed the insignia, Sandwich
complained that he had been charged with a want of
1 John Sheffield, Earl of Mulgrave, and later, Duke of Buckingham,
Memoirs, p. 13. He served in the Dutch wars, and was present at the
Battle of Solebay ; his memoirs contain a description of the fight.
266 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
courage, and that he was determined that day to wipe
off such a stain. As he left the cabin, he turned and
said : " Now, Val, I must be sacrificed." 1
He had at least a position in which to vindicate his
honour. His vessels lay to the north, nearest the
enemy ; the Red Squadron was in the centre, and to
the south lay D'Estrees with the White. 2 On May 28,
some hours before dawn, the Dutch sailed slowly to
the attack. A French frigate discovered them, and
fired off her guns to give the alarm. 3 The bulk of the
allied fleet was unready, the Duke's flagship still
getting her "pair of boot-hose tops." 4 In the dark-
ness we were caught napping, and when the sun rose
the Dutch were already on the horizon, with the wind
in their favour. At five o'clock the Duke gave the
1 The anecdote will be found in the Naval Chronicle, xxii. 23. The
charge of cowardice had been brought against him by Albemarle. See
Evelyn's Diary, May 31.
2 Mr. Julian Corbett estimates the strength of the English fleet at seventy -
one ships of over forty guns. There were several late arrivals, and the order
does not seem to have been so well settled as in 1665. The Dutch had sixty-
one battle units and various auxiliaries.
Lists of our fleet are numerous. Narborough's Journal, L 88, gives the
fleet in squadrons. See also Cal. S. P., Dom., April 15, 1672. In the
Mount Edgcumbe MSS. there are some variations, and a list of the fire-ships
which accompanied the fleet. The Red Squadron had the Supply, the Arzicot,
the Castk, the Bantam, Nightingale, Fan/an, the Anna and Christopher,
and the Portsmouth sloop. The Blue had the Francis, Mermaid, Enisworth,
the Alice and Francis, the Rachel, the Holmes, the Suffolk, and the Pearl.
This list is dated April 30, before the junction with the French. At that
time the Red Squadron had the van, and Sandwich "the battalion." The
list is said to be drawn up "in the order the ships are to fight in," and the
order of the Blue Squadron is reversed. Jordan's division is in the van,
Kempthorne's in the rear. The Holmes was not in time for the action
of May 28. See Cal. S. P., Dom., May 28: Perriman to the Navy
Commissioners.
3 Narborough's Journal. According to the Hampton Court tapestry, she
used her long-distance signal for the enemy's fleet, and showed their bearing.
* A hurried cleaning of the sides of the vessels, "scraping off the grass,
slime, shells, etc., which adhere to the bottom, near the surface of the water,
and daubing it over with a mixture of tallow, sulphur, and resin, as a
temporary protection against worms " (Smyth, Sailor's Word-Book},
i6 7 2] THE ENEMY'S APPROACH 267
signal to weigh, and half an hour later the fleet was
under sail, the Blue Squadron as the van, and the
French in the rear.
For a time all was haste and confusion. Most of
the fire-ships and smaller craft were riding near the
shore. Numbers of the seamen were still in South-
wold, enjoying a carouse, and a bailiff was sent round
"to see them put out of all ale houses and tippling
houses." The laggards were commanded, on pain of
death, to be gone, for the enemy was almost up with
their ships. Several skulked away and hid about the
town; the rest obeyed the beating of the drums,
tumbled into the boats, rowed hard towards the fleet,
and clambered on board their vessels. The shrill
whistle of the boatswain piped the orders ; sailors
hoisted the sails and heaved up the anchors. When
the fight began, some vessels were scarcely clear, but
others succeeded in getting under way without either
slipping or cutting their cables. 1
Owing to this unreadiness the whole order was
reversed, and the van of each squadron became the
rear. They were penned up close to their own coast,
and some of the vessels stood with their heads to the
shore. 2 They lacked room to manoeuvre with any
freedom, and, throughout the day, so light was the
wind that our ships could not work. 3 The French
mistook the signals, and went away to the south ; the
Duke's squadron worked towards the north. Sand-
wich endeavoured to get clear away upon the starboard
1 Cal. S. P., Dam., May 28. Sir R. Gary, who saw the beginning of the
action, stated that the Blue Squadron was in line. Other accounts contradict
this.
Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS.> p. 6. It has been suggested that
James reversed the line at the last moment in order not to give the French
the honour of leading. See also Mr. Corbett's Note on Solebay.
3 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 29.
268 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
tack, also in a northerly direction ; since the line was
reversed, his Rear- Admiral, Jordan, was ahead, and
his Vice-Admiral, Kempthorne, was astern. The Blue
Squadron was in some sort of order ; and the Admiral's
flagship, the Royal James, was one of those nearest
the enemy. 1 Thus it chanced that Sandwich and his
seconds bore the brunt of the first onslaught.
While the allies endeavoured to form the line of
battle, De Ruyter bore down upon them " like a tor-
rent." His three squadrons were in line abreast,
the wind and the sun fair behind them. 2 Van Ghent
was on the right, De Ruyter in the centre, and
Banckers on the left. In the van of each of the squad-
rons were three frigates and three " most perilous
fire-ships," the size of our fourth and fifth rate frigates.
Each division of the squadrons was preceded by a
" forlorn " of two ships of war and two fire-ships, whose
business it was to throw the enemy's line into con-
fusion. 3 The sailors who manned them were bribed
by rewards for any mischief done to an Admiral,
and their temper was sharpened by instructions,
" minatory in case of slothful action." 4 To emphasize
the importance of the contest, Johan De Witt was in
De Ruyter's flagship, whence he could watch the
fortunes of the day. The representative of the civil
power was guarded by halberdiers in uniforms of red
and yellow, and his green velvet chair of state was
placed upon the poop. As De Ruyter came upon the
English he again exhorted his men to deeds of valour,
and drew lurid pictures of the fate of the defeated.
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., p. 14 (Sir R. Haddock's account
of the battle). The account is also printed in Archceokgia, vol. xvii., with
certain variants.
2 The wind was N.E., but later shifted E. or E. by S.
3 J. S. Corbett, Note on Sokbay.
* Cal. S. P., Do in., April 16 and May 13.
1672] DE RUYTER ATTACKS 269
He had instructed his captains to concentrate on a
definite opponent ; and the feeling that every man, as
well as every vessel, had his particular enemy gave
the battle singular determination. From the first pos-
sible moment a desperately close attack was made ;
there was a brief prelude by the great guns, and the
battle was joined.
The line was so ordered that as the fleets engaged
Banckers turned southward to watch the French ; Van
Ghent attacked the Blue, and De Ruyter bore down
upon the Red Squadron. As the Zeven Provinzien
approached the English, De Ruyter commanded his
pilot to lay him alongside the Royal Prince. The Duke's
ship was then working into the line. When the enemy
was signalled she was quickly righted, and now sailed
slowly on, her head towards the north-east. It was
about eight o'clock when De Ruyter and his seconds
came upon her. Astern of the Prince was the Victory,
and the Bantam and St. Michael supported her. De
Ruyter and Van Nes brought to, with their starboard
tacks on board, came within musket-shot, and stood
with the flagship. At first the English expected the
enemy to board, but it was soon seen that it was his
intention to disable the Prince, and then to set her on
fire. About half-past eight two fire-ships were sighted
coming through the smoke. They had boats ahead to
tow them along ; when it was calm, " one of them
rowed with oars also to endeavour to lay us on board." 1
The first of the fire-ships was quickly sunk, the other
driven off. But nothing could stay the Dutch attack,
and the Royal Prince suffered severely. Bullets, balls,
and chain-shot, cut the rigging and swept over her
decks. A shot whizzed close to the Duke, killed his
captain, and a volunteer who was standing by. An
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS. t pp. 20, 21.
270 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
hour of close fighting gradually disabled the vessel,
and before eleven o'clock her main topmast was shot
by the board, her shrouds, her rigging, and her sails,
were torn to pieces, and she had lost 200 men. 1
By this time the vessel was so damaged that James
decided to quit her, in order that she might be taken
out of the line and refit. He and some of his staff
slipped into a yacht, sailed to the St. Michael, and
there hoisted the standard. In the dense smoke the
change was unperceived; the Red Squadron still looked
towards the Royal Prince, and the enemy still sur-
rounded her. By good fortune the wind dropped, and
for a time the attack was less severe. At length the
Dutch caught sight of the standard, and turned upon
the St. Michael. She was in but twelve fathoms of
water, and near the Red Sand. The Duke's pilot had
hardly ordered the vessel to tack, when a shot killed
him. Then Sir Robert Holmes's pilot took the ship
in hand. She was put about, and stood away towards
the south. 2 A pinnace was sent round in order to
collect the stragglers and tell them of the change of
flag. The St. Michael was in good condition, and
gradually overhauled the Dutch ; she stood in between
the enemy's ships in an effort to divide them ; on the
leeward was De Ruyter's squadron, on the windward
were some of the vessels from Van Ghent's. Neither
the Duke nor his opponents had much semblance of a
line, and the struggle soon resolved itself into a melee.
It was then close on noon, and the enemy were
working towards their own coasts. About ten miles
of sea, between Southwold and Lowestoft, had been
covered during the engagement ; at first the battle
1 J. S. Clarke, Life of James II. , i. 466.
2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., p. 21. There are many incon-
sistencies in the accounts.
i672] THE BLUE SQUADRON 271
had moved towards the north, but now the vessels
had put about, and most of them were heading south-
ward. As they endeavoured to regain their respective
lines, there was a brief interval in the firing, and this
afforded a few moments in which the scene could be
surveyed. When the smoke rolled away, Sandwich's
flagship, the Royal James, could be discerned lying to
the northward of the main battle. It was evident that
the day had gone hardly with her, for the whole vessel
was ablaze, and the sea was covered with her men.
James ordered the Dartmouth to stand by, and pick up
the wretches who were trying to save themselves by
swimming, or were clinging to the broken spars and
pieces of timber. From some of those who survived,
the Duke learned the fate of the Blue Squadron.
The story which he heard was one of gallantry, for
the Blue had endured the fiercest onslaught. When
the battle began, Van Ghent bore down upon Sand-
wich and Kempthorne, and allowed Jordan and his
division to slip away towards the north. As early
as six o'clock two hours before the Red Squadron
engaged the combatants were but a league apart, and
about a quarter to seven the battle began in earnest.
Van Ghent had placed his squadron within musket-
shot, turned the heads of his vessels towards the north,
and brought his broadsides to bear on the Blue. The
Royal James, the Henry, and another of Sandwich's
seconds, sustained the first shock of the Dutch fleet. 1
The flagship was marked out for a concentrated attack.
She was a fine vessel of 100 guns, and carried nearly
ten times that number of seamen. Since Sandwich
1 In the Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letter 148, the vessel is said to have
been the Royal Katherine, but in Van de Velde's drawing she is shown
among the Red Squadron. In the same MSS., Letter 155, mention is made
of the Richmond (a fifth-rate) as helping Sandwich. See also Dartmouth MSS. ,
p. 22, where some confusion is shown.
272 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
was prepared to sell his life dearly, he and his men
fought a desperate fight.
For the first hour and a half the vessel was hotly
engaged by Van Ghent. The struggle was terrific.
The whole country-side was covered with smoke and
steeped in the stench of powder. The windows in
Southwold and Aldeburgh were shaken by the con-
tinued cannonade ; the guns were heard at Sheer-ness,
and on the packet which plied between Dover and
Calais. The sea, said one, "was as calm as a milk-
bowl." " When the wind sometimes blew away the
smoke, it was so clear a sun-shiny day," said another
eyewitness, " that we could easily perceive the bullets
(that were half spent) fall in the water, and from
thence bound up again among us." 1 But the lulls
were very brief. The great guns were rested from
time to time ; the smaller kept up a continuous
thunder. Van Ghent assailed the Royal James with
two of his vessels, the " forlorns," and then sent two
fire-ships down upon her. They were met by a terrible
cannonade : the first was fired before she could do
any damage; the second had her yards shot away,
and drifted harmlessly aside.
While the flagship parried this attack, the Henry
was taken. Numbers of fire-ships had been sent upon
her, but without effect. At length the Dutch boarded.
Digby, the captain, was slain just as he was dashing
to the bowsprit in order to repel the enemy. His
vessel was for a time in Dutch hands, but the bravery
and courage of the surviving officers enabled her to
be retaken. 2 Her capture was a serious blow to
Sandwich, who watched it from the poop of his ship.
Deprived of the help of his second ahead, he was more
and more at the mercy of Van Ghent. His vessel was
1 Sheffield, Memoirs, p. 15. 2 Cal S. P., Dom., May 28 to 31.
1672] VAN BRAKEL 273
so deep into the Dutch fleet " that she never had less
than three or four of their stoutest ships on her," and
so severe were the odds that he sent to inquire why
he was not supported. He succeeded in putting off a
barge with a message for Jordan, telling him to tack
and weather the Dutch, and try to beat them to lee-
ward of the flagship. At the same time a pinnace was
sent to command those ships which were astern to
come to the Admiral's assistance, but the pinnace
was either taken or sunk, and Kempthorne never re-
ceived the message. Earlier in the day he had seen
the Royal James with a vessel close upon her ; but,
blinded by the smoke, he concluded that the smaller
vessel was one of our own line. He thought that
something might be amiss, for at the same time he
commanded the boatswain of the Mary Rose " to row
on board my Lord of Sandwich to see what the matter
was, and give him his assistance, we standing away
with an easy sail." 1
It was about nine o'clock when Sandwich dispatched
his message. The first stage of the attack was over,
and now the flagship was faced by a more determined
enemy. In Van Ghent's squadron was Captain Van
Brakel, hero of the raid on Chatham. Ignoring the
protests of his Admiral, he broke out of the Dutch line,
and steered his ship, the Groot Hollandia, a second-rate,
down upon the Royal James? The Dutchman came
with a crash athwart her hawse ; in a few moments the
rigging of both vessels became inextricably entangled.
Sandwich and his captain endeavoured to prevent this
b}' wearing two or three points from the wind, but the
strong flood-tide jammed the enemy right under the
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., p. 19.
2 De Jonge (op. cit.) says that Van Brakel's attack was " meer aan zijne
onbeperkte stoutheid den aan de regelen der krijgstucht gehoor gevende."
VOL. II. l8
274 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
figure-head of the flagship. The smaller vessel raked
the Admiral from stem to stern, and lay in a cranny,
so that Sandwich could only make use of his lower
tier of guns ; but he received the enemy with such a
hail of musket-shot that the falling bullets, said a
witness, made the sea boil as though filled with
whales. Flame and fire were on all hands ; the James
was so enveloped in smoke that nothing but her flag
was visible. 1 Every attempt was made to part the
vessels, but the smaller one clung with the tenacity of
a weasel. Our sailors hacked at the spars and rig-
ging, but the tangle held. Man after man fell from the
yards ; man after man dropped dead near the guns.
The wounded writhed upon the slippery decks ; their
blood poured down the scuppers and stained the sea.
So desperate was the case that Sandwich was for
boarding the enemy ; he was ready to offer ;io a man
to those who would enter her, but his captain dis-
suaded him. 2 The loss of life was already great, he
said ; 300 men were slain or disabled, and the attempt
would have cost 100 more. Had their fire slackened,
the enemy would have been encouraged to attack with
redoubled vigour. " My Lord was satisfied with my
reasons," said Haddock, " and resolved we should cuff
it out to the last man."
So far Sandwich had not ceased to hope for the
assistance which he so sadly needed. He had fought
the Groot Hollandia for upwards of an hour, but then
Van Ghent reinforced Van Brakel, and came up in his
own vessel. He ranged himself on the starboard side
of the Royal James, swept her decks with a volley of
small shot, and then poured in a broadside. So many
seamen were slain that the upper tier of guns was
1 Brandt, Viede Ruyter, p. 479; Cal S. P., Dom., May 29: Lucas to Herne,
2 Cal. 6'. P., Dom^ May 31 : Lyttleton to Williamson, etc.
1672] SANDWICH'S RESISTANCE 275
silenced, but the flagship made shift to reply, and
paid the Dutchman with her middle and lower tiers.
The Dutchman then passed ahead, came to leeward,
and began again. By this time the Royal James was
in a desperate plight. Her losses were terrible, and,
to crown her misfortunes, Captain Haddock was
wounded by a chance bullet fired from the maintop of
Van Ghent's vessel.
After this disaster there came a momentary gleam of
hope, for Jordan and his squadron were seen ap-
proaching. But the hope was short-lived. The mes-
sage which Sandwich sent had not miscarried, and an
endeavour was made to get the wind of the enemy ;
but " in the smoke and hurry," says Jordan, "we could
not well discern what was done to leeward." The
very moment he was needed, Jordan tacked, in order
to weather the enemy. His course led him near the
Royal James, and about eleven o'clock he passed her,
some little distance away, and on his starboard side.
The constant flashes and great clouds of smoke
hindered his view. He saw some ships on fire, and
some sinking ; these he judged were the enemy's, and
so sailed on. 1 His movements were observed from
the Royal James, and it seemed to Haddock that he
passed by them "very unkindly." His disappearance
was indeed a sad blow. Sandwich, who had seen Jordan
come close and then disappear, turned to his captain
and said quietly: "We must do our best to defend
ourselves alone."
Once all hope of assistance had gone, there was
nothing left but a hand-to-hand struggle. The con-
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., pp. 17, 18. This is Jordan's
own account, but it is not a satisfactory defence of his action. A discussion of
the matter will be found in Charnock, Biographia Navalis, i. no. Haddock
thought that Jordan had made his first care the safety of the Duke of York,
and had therefore neglected his own Admiral.
276 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
fusion, fire, and smoke, made signals impossible ; some
of the boats belonging to the Royal James were still
ashore, and those which had been sent off with
messages had not returned. The Admiral's difficulties
were increased, for Haddock was obliged to go below
in order that his wound might be dressed, and the
conduct of the ship was given to Lieutenant Mayo.
With his officers one by one put out of action, Sand-
wich continued to " knock it out " by himself. Then
came a moment of success, for one of the shots from the
Royal James killed Van Ghent, and temporarily checked
his vessel ; but the Groot Hollandia was still entangled
in the rigging, and still raking Sandwich at close
quarters. At length Haddock sent up a message that
the flood-tide was spent, and told the Earl to cast out
an anchor. It was impossible to do this except at the
stern, and a small anchor was dropped, " one fixed for
such accidents out of the gunroom." 1 The great
vessel began to shake herself free, but the shrouds
were still entangled, and sailors were sent aloft to
hack at the Dutchman. Carrying their knives and
pistols, they boarded her, cut clear the rigging, and
then escaped. Three men, more daring than the rest,
tore down the enemy's flag just as the vessels parted,
and the sailors were left prisoners. 2 They had done
their work ; their heroism extorted applause from the
Dutch, and proved serviceable to the English. Sand-
wich ordered the mainsail to be loosened and the
cable cut ; he prepared to get clear of his enemy and
to gain more room for his fire.
1 Macpherson, Memoirs of James 77. , i. 64. The Duke points out that by
coming to anchor the Royal James was held, while her squadron drove
farther away and the enemy came nearer to her.
2 S. P., For. : Holland, clxxxviii., f. 270. One of the seamen took the
flag ; the captain did not do them any harm, but said he would reward them
with 100 ducats to encourage his own men.
THE FLAGSHIP BURNED 277
He then sent down a message to Haddock saying
that the Royal James might yet be saved. But the
vessel was not even the button upon Fortune's cap ;
at the moment she was released from the grip of the
Groot Hollandia^ a sailor quartered on the maintop
warned Sandwich of a new danger. Coming up in the
smoke of another vessel, a fire-ship was upon them
before they were aware of her. The fire-ship was
commanded by Van de Rijn, who had cut the chain at
Chatham. An endeavour was made to bear up, but
the Royal James was so disabled that she could not
escape. In a few moments the fire-ship had grappled
her, and the flagship was in a blaze. Nothing could
be done. The light breeze fanned the flames, which
licked along the woodwork. Out of a thousand men,
only about a hundred were left unharmed, and these
were insufficient to cope with a further onslaught.
Sandwich, wounded by splinters in his thigh and arm,
stood upon the quarter-deck and surveyed the ruin
of his splendid ship. By him stood young Charles
Harbord, Clem Cotterell, and three or four more.
They entreated him, while there was yet time, to leave
the vessel ; but he stood firm, and ordered the men to
save themselves as best they could. Many leaped
overboard ; some clambered into a barge which sank
with their weight. 1 Haddock crept out of a port-hole,
and swam for two miles before an English ship took
him in. Another survivor, once a page to my Lord,
swam for miles. " He said that he stayed aboard
while the ship was burning, and there were but ten
besides my Lord. He moved my Lord to leap into the
sea, knowing he could swim ; but my Lord ciistcustin^
himself by reason of his fatness and unwieldiness said
He would stay somewhat longer ; but bad him to take
1 Cal S. P., Dom., May 31.
278 THE THIRD DUTCH WAR [CHAP, xv
care of himself . . . and soon kissed him and bad him
farewell." 1 About twelve o'clock the ship was un-
tenable. She and her gallant Admiral had done their
work ; their initial resistance had demoralized Van
Ghent's squadron, afforded a breathing-space to the
Duke, and enabled the English fleet to attain some
semblance of order.
The Royal James and her commander were at length
alone. All day long, from the cliffs above Southwold
and Dunwich, little knots of people watched the fires
of the great vessel. At two o'clock in the afternoon
she was a mass of flame, at four o'clock she was burned
to the hull, at six o'clock only her woodwork was
aglow. When the calm May night settled down in
silence and covered the scene of the battle, a few
embers flickered like a dying beacon, and lit up the
wreckage scattered around the ruin. The watchers
turned silently homewards, and awaited such news as
the day would bring them.
1 Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letter 148.
CHAPTER XVI
THE FUNERAL AND AN EPILOGUE
" Sleepe after toyle, port after stormie seas,
Ease after warre, death after life does greatly please."
SPENSER : Faerie Queene, Book I., Canto 9.
THE battle of Southwold Bay did not run into a
second span. After the loss of the Royal James the
fleets drifted from the coast. The sound of the firing
died away in the distance, and it was some time before
the result was known and the story of the battle could
be pieced together. It ran thus.
By midday the line was lost and all was confusion.
For the remainder of the fight friend and foe
were intermingled, and battered each other for the
whole afternoon. The vessels were in batches of twos
and threes. The St. Michael, the Duke's flagship, had
a troublous time; for several hours she was busy
warding off a succession of attacks which threatened
her destruction. Gradually the Red Squadron re-
formed; the Fairfax and the Victory came astern,
and there was hot work with musket, cannon, and fire-
ship. 1 Then the Cambridge and Resolution got ahead
of the St. Michael, and the line slowly came together ;
but the vessels were in such a parlous state, short of
cartridges, and with leaking holds, that it looked as
though the ships must needs give way. About five
o'clock Sir Edward Spragge came to the rescue, and his
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., p. 22.
279
280 THE FUNERAL [CHAP, xvi
squadron stretched ahead of the S/. Michael. Her masts
and rigging were in splinters, and she had five feet of
water in the hold. She was compelled to bear out of
the line in order to stop her leaks and to refit; the
Duke transferred his flag to the London, and remained
there during the rest of the engagement.
From that time onwards the fight gradually slackened.
The fleets were then not far from the place where they
first engaged, but wind and tide were bringing them
slowly southwards within sight of Aldeburgh. 1 De
Ruyter had already put out a signal, upon which all
his squadron bore down to join the Zeelanders. 2 At
the same time the Duke made an attempt to come in
touch with d'Estrees. As the combatants got farther
and farther apart, a desultory cannonade was kept up,
which continued until nightfall. Those upon the shore
heard the sound receding towards the enemy's coast.
The Dutch ships stood for Holland, and the Duke,
with about thirty sail, kept sight of their lights during
the whole night. When day dawned it was thought
that the engagement would be renewed.
The French, untouched and unharmed, then came
up and joined their allies. About two o'clock on the
Wednesday afternoon the Duke had the wind-gauge,
and hoisted the red flag, the signal for an engagement.
But a heavy fog came on, and the ships were only kept
together by the continual firing of muskets, sounding
of trumpets, and beating of drums. The wind which
cleared away the mist was boisterous, and a further
engagement was impossible. 3
Despite the heavy losses of the English, the battle
remained indecisive, with the balance in favour of the
1 Cal S. P., Dom., May 28 : Chaplin to Williamson.
2 Savile's Relation.
3 Qal. S. P., Dom.f June I : Sir Jeremy Smyth's relation.
1672] OUR LOSSES 281
Dutch. The English had succeeded in drawing the
enemy away from their coasts, but had been compelled
themselves to fight at a disadvantage, and had not
gained the desired victory. Although the French re-
mained unharmed for they had taken but little part
in the fighting the English were so damaged that the
allied fleet was robbed of half its power. The allies
were unable to hinder Dutch trade, and the scheme for
pouring troops into Holland by sea was rendered im-
practicable.
The battle of Solebay will live in history as one of
the fiercest in our annals. De Ruyter testified to the
warmth of the engagement. Old seamen who had
witnessed many a fight concluded that there was
never so sharp a bout. 1 "'Tis generally said all
former fighting on the part of the Dutch was but
trifling in respect of this. They fought as if their
country, liberty, and all were at stake." 2 The course
of the battle made it peculiarly sanguinary. It was an
affair of squadrons rather than of a line, and of single
vessels rather than of squadrons. The English
suffered most severely. The Royal James alone was a
great loss, and three parts of her men were killed or
drowned. Other vessels were battered in no ordinary
degree. The Henry and the Katherine had scarcely a
whole rope in them. " I find such a spectacle for
damage of masts, yards and rigging," says a ship-
builder, "as I never yet saw so bad." 8 The Victory
had her shrouds " miserably cut," her masts shot down,
her sails shot through and through ; " and so payed
away with shot in our hull, that we had near seven
feet of water in the hold." The Dover and Success
1 Cat. S. P. , Dom. , May 28 : Taylor to Williamson.
2 Mount Edgciimbe MSS., Letter 148.
3 CaL S. P., Dom. t May 30 : Deane to Williamson.
282 THE FUNERAL [CHAP, xvi
were both disabled ; " their masts and all their rigging
being torn to pieces, and the Success so leaky they are
continually pumping to make her swim." The Rain-
bow was in a similar plight. For weeks the dockyards
were busied with repairs. 1
The Dutch had no loss so severe as that of the Blue
flagship. A Dutch prize, brought in by the Greenwich,
was much disabled ; her masts were shot overboard,
and her hull much shattered. 2 Several other vessels
suffered damage. Eleven fire-ships were burned or
destroyed. 3 The Staveren was taken, thejozua sunk,
and another vessel was blown up. In men the Dutch
losses were not considerable. Van Ghent was slain,
and a captain died of his wounds. De Ruyter's son
was also wounded, and a few officers, but none
seriously. On the flagships the Dutch losses only
averaged from thirty to forty men. The Groot
Hollandia alone suffered heavily, in her duel with the
Royal James. Jan van Brakel was wounded, his two
lieutenants were killed, and about half of his three
hundred sailors. 4 The English losses were infinitely
heavier. The Royal James alone accounts for perhaps
eight hundred. The officers and volunteers who were
slain included Sir John Cox, Francis Digby, and
Frescheville Holies. Above all came the loss of Lord
Sandwich, which, as it was said, was enough almost
to style it a victory for the Dutch. 5
When the accounts of the battle were received, the
news that Sandwich was dead became generally
known. At first his friends had great hope that he
had escaped. Some said that he was alive and on
board the London. The same sailor who told the
1 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 29-31. 2 Ibid., May 29.
3 De Jonge, Geschiedenis, etc., vol. iii., part i., p. 138.
4 De Jonge, Geschiedenis, etc., vol. iii., part i., p. 140.
6 Sheffield, Memoirs, p. 13.
1672] SANDWICH'S DEATH 283
story of the battle testified that he had seen the
Admiral and his officers in the barge of the Royal
James. Another sailor thought that he had seen Lord
Sandwich in the water, but not moving. 1 Ten days
after the battle came a report that he was a prisoner in
Holland. " There is some small hopes of my Lord
Sandwich yet being alive," wrote Philip Edgcumbe.
" I wish my next may be the certain messenger of that
news; though the condition of a prisoner (and
especially of his quality) is sad, yet it were more com-
fortable than to be utterly deprived of him." 2 The
survivors of the Royal James never imagined that
the Earl was alive. Some had caught sight of him
while the ship was ablaze, and seven or eight with
him. ^11 agreed that Sandwich was the last man seen
on bgard^TiTwas known that his captain and his two
pages saved themselves by swimming, and got on
board some vessel, but nothing further was seen of
the Earl. How he actually came by his death none
ever knew.
There is little doubt that his end was embittered by
a sense of desertion, and he said so to those about
him. 3 Jordan's action in passing by the Royal James
had rankled. To some who saw the Rear-Admiral's
conduct, it looked as though he were inactive. " I
wished myself on him to have saved that brave
Mountagu," said an eyewitness, "for he was in the wind
of him, and might have come down to him. I saw the
whole business, and was so near as I saw almost every
broadside, and was in hearing and whistling of the
shot." 4 The story of Jordan's conduct got abroad.
Philip Edgcumbe said that Sandwich was " most
1 Cal .9. P., Dom., May 30 to June i.
2 Mount Edgcumbe MSS. t Letter 145. 3 Ibid., Letter 148.
4 Cal. S. P. , Dom. , May 29 : Lucas to Herne.
284 THE FUNERAL [CHAP, xvi
unworthily deserted by Jordan and others, which I
had confirmed by some captains of ships this day at
the Navy Office. I am sorry that a person of his merit
and value should be so deserted and betrayed." 1
How Lord Sandwich died is a matter of conjecture.
It appears, however, that he waited until the vessfiH yras
nearly burned out, and tfien threwliimself into the sea.
Some "say-ttere^veTeTio boats at hand; others, that he
was in a barge which sank by the weight of men who
scrambled in. But some boats did get off. An
Aldeburgh man who was in the Royal James escaped,
and fourteen others with him. The hull of the flagship
burned down to the sea ; there was no explosion, for
her powder was mostly spent, and that left in the hold
was rendered damp by the water which poured in.
Perhaps the Admiral waited until the flames made it
impossible to stay longer, and then leaped overboard.
He was a good swimmer, but his fatness made him
scant and short of breath, and the waves must soon
have mastered him. Whatever his end, he had, as he
determined, vindicated his courage.
For many days his family was fed on rumour and
kept in suspense. Lady Sandwich was at Hinching-
brooke in a turmoil of doubt and grief. Her sister,
Lady Wright, went down to do what she could to
comfort her. At length one of my Lord's pages was
able to take her definite news. On June 10 her
husband's corpse was found off Harwich, some thirty
miles from the scene of battle. A ketch, sweeping to
recover the anchors which the Gloucester had left upon
a sand, chanced upon the body. 2 The dead man
was in appearance somewhat swollen, and the face
1 Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letter 149. See also Evelyn's Diary, May 31,
and Penn's Memorials, ii. 5 22 -
2 CaL S. P., Dom., June 10-15.
i6 7 2] THE BODY FOUND 285
was crushed ; but there was no sign of fire ; he was
neither singed nor scorched. The ribbon of the
Garter was round his body, and the jewel and the
star were upon his breast. The glorious blue sapphire
and the rest of the rings were in his pocket. 1
The body was carried to Landguard Fort, embalmed,
and laid in the chapel. A covering was made of black
baize, and some scutcheons bearing an Earl's coronet,
and his arms, were hastily hung round the walls.
The building was modestly decorated and draped in
black. On June 19 the remains were prepared for
their removal to London, and placed on board the
Fanfan. The Mayor of Harwich, the magistrates,
many of the principal townsfolk, and the county gentle-
men, attended the ceremony. The procession from
the chapel to the waterside led through a lane of
musketeers and pikemen. 2 As the boat containing the
body moved away, three volleys were fired, and twenty-
one great guns from the fort "in thunder rang his
departing knell." A stiff breeze delayed the vessel,
and it was not until June 22 that the cortege left
Harwich.
For a few days the coffin lay at Deptford in prepa-
ration for the funeral, which took place upon July 3.
The Thames made a fitting highway for a magnificent
pageant. The procession passed through the reaches
of the river from one village to another, where crowds
of sight-seers lined the banks. London Bridge was
thronged, and spectators peeped from the windows
of its quaint houses. Slowly the barges came past
Somerset House, past the palaces of the Savoy, and
the beautiful water-gates fashioned by Inigo Jones.
The procession was headed by a barge, draped in
1 Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letter 148 ; Hat ton Correspondence, i. 89,
3 Cal, S. /*., Dom., June 2o; Hatton Correspondence ', i. 90.
286 THE FUNERAL [CHAP, xvi
black, with the standard at the head and the guidon
at the door. In this barge were some of Sandwich's
servants, two pursuivants of arms, the drum-major, and
fifers and trumpeters, who played a solemn dirge. In
the second barge were the heralds ; a great banner was
at the head, and trophies were fastened upon the sides.
The third barge contained the body. The vessel was
draped in velvet, and at the head was the flag of the
Union. Six trumpeters were placed in the steerage,
three bannerols were on each side of the corpse. The
coffin was covered with a velvet pall ; the scutcheons
of arms were placed upon it, and at the head of the
coffin the Earl's coronet lay upon a cushion, and was
attended by Clarenceux King-at-Arms. Next came a
fourth barge covered with cloth, and in it there stood
the chief mourner and his assistants. Then came the
royal barges the King's, the Queen's, and the Duke
of York's each with its rich gilt draped in sombre
shades of velvet. Last of all came the great barge of
the Lord Mayor of London, accompanied by several
barges of the City Companies. 1
When the procession reached the steps at West-
minster, the body was disembarked and carried into
the great Hall. There a second procession was formed,
more splendid than the first. After the marshals walked
fifty poor men in black gowns, and several water-
men in their picturesque coats. The drums and fifes
and trumpets followed, and then came the pursuivant-
at-arms. The standard was borne by a young Mountagu.
Numbers of servants, esquires, and knights, preceded
the coffin ; among them were the deceased's chaplains
and officers of his household, and Valevin and Cordall,
1 Carte MSS., 109, f. 368 ; Rawlinson MSS., B. 138, f. 58. The list of
mourners, also from the Bodleian Library, is printed in H. B. Wheatley's
Pepysiana*
i6 7 2] THEBURIAL 287
both of whom had been in the Royal James. The Bishop
of Oxford, as Chaplain of the Order of the Garter, was
followed by six trumpeters ; and the flag of the Union
and a great banner were borne by a Mountagu and a
Pickering. They were attended by the choir of West-
minster Abbey, and after them the various Kings-at-
Arms bore the insignia of the Garter the spurs and
the helmet, the shield and the gauntlets. A coronet
and the collar of the Order were carried upon a velvet
cushion. There were four supporters of the pall, and
by the side of the coffin the bannerols of Mountagu,
Dudley, Crew, and Harrington, were carried by friends
like Sir Charles Cotterell, Sir Charles Harbord, and
Samuel Pepys. The Garter King-at-Arms was supported
by two gentlemen ushers, who carried half-white staves.
Then came the Earl of Manchester as chief mourner,
and with him walked the Earls of Suffolk and St.
Albans ; Northampton and Bridgewater ; Anglesey
and Essex; Shaftesbury and Bath. A long train of
nobles closed the procession as it moved from the
Hall to the Abbey. 1 There, in Henry VII.'s Chapel,
amid great pomp and ceremony, Edward Mountagu,
first Earl of Sandwich, was laid to rest. A simple
stone on the north side of the chapel marks the place
of his interment.
At the time of his death Lord Sandwich was in his
forty-seventh year. His will was proved in Septem-
ber, 1672. There was some speculation in the family
as to its contents ; the document was opened imme-
diately, sealed up again, and secrecy was enjoined. 2
1 Carte MS 'S., 109, ff. 368-370.
2 Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letters 148, 156, 158, 161. Sir Richard
Edgcumbe was, of course, interested because of his wife's portion. The will
was dated August 20, 1669.
288 AN EPILOGUE [CHAP, xvi
In about three months the contents were known.
Lord Sandwich had already settled a large amount
upon his eldest son, and now made him the residuary
legatee. Several fee farm rents and copyhold lands
round Eynsbury were left in trust for his debts, and
portions for his children. He left to each daughter
3,000, and to each son 2,000. The Lyveden and
Oundle estates went to Sydney, my Lord's favourite ;
and as certain suits over these lands were impending,
Sydney had the reversion of 6,000, paid out of
trust funds, in case the suits should miscarry. The
value of the personal estate was lessened by over
4,000, owing to the plate, jewels, and other goods,
which were lost in the Royal James. 1 To his executors
Sandwich left his adventure in the Guinea Company,
and the jewels which the Queen of Spain had presented
to him and to Lady Sandwich. "For my dear and
loving wife (to whom I cannot express kindness enough,
nor our Children reverence and respect equal to their
duty and her desert)," Lord Sandwich provided well.
He added to her marriage settlements the Manor of
Brampton, and left her all the jewels and plate
in her chamber, in addition to the jewel set with
diamonds and a picture, given to him by Charles X. of
Sweden.
Lady Sandwich did not long survive her Lord.
She left Huntingdon shortly after his death, and spent
the rest of her life near her daughter, Lady Anne
Edgcumbe. She died at Cotehele in 1674, and was
buried at Calstock. The great loss she sustained on
her husband's decease was preceded by the sorrow
which came upon her at the death of her daughter-in-
law. Lady Hinchingbrooke's health had caused much
anxiety in the family, and she died on September 14,
1 Calendar of Treasury Books , December 20, 1672,
i6 7 2] THE FAMILY 289
167 1. 1 Her husband, the second Earl of Sandwich,
ceased to be member for Dover when he took his seat
in the House of Lords. His quiet character and con-
tinued ill-health prevented his taking any great part in
public life, though in 1678 he was sent as Ambassador
to Portugal. He died in 1688, and was buried beside
his wife at Barnwell.
Sydney Mountagu the second son outlived most
of the family. In 1675 he became an Ensign in the
Guards, 2 but soon laid down his commission. He was
member for Huntingdon in i679. 3 Later he retired to
country life. He took his wife's name, and was known
as Wortley-Montagu. He lived on his wife's property
at Wharncliffe Lodge, and allowed Wortley Hall to
fall into decay. His granddaughter remembered him
as a large rough-looking man, " with a huge flapped
hat, seated majestically in his elbow chair, talking very
loud and swearing boisterously at the servants." 4
" Beside him," says the same writer, "sat a venerable
figure, meek and benign in aspect, with silver locks,
overshadowed by a black velvet cap." This was his
brother John, who was first a Fellow and then Master
of Trinity College, Cambridge, and who became Dean
of Durham. 5 John's twin brother, Oliver, was the most
promising of the sons, and worked hard in the legal
profession. He was a King's Counsel, a Bencher of
the Middle Temple, and was made Treasurer in 1686.
He was also Solicitor-General to Queen Mary. 6
Charles, the fifth son, had a career of no particular
1 See Carte MSS., 223, ff. 159, 163.
2 Cal. S. P., Dom., February 28, 1675. 3 Collins's Peerage.
4 Lady Bute's letters, quoted by George Paston (Lady Mary Wortley
Montagu and her Times}.
6 Cal. S. P., Dom., September 26, 1674; John Smith, Life of Pepys,
i- I 53- I 5^; Dictionary of National Biography.
6 Middle Temple Records.
VOL. II. 19
290 AN EPILOGUE [CHAP, xvi
distinction. He was Member of Parliament for
Durham, and became Chancellor of the diocese and
Sheriff of the county. The other brother, James, and
the three daughters, call for little mention. Lady
Jemima Carteret lost her husband at Southwold Bay ;
Lady Anne was married first to Sir Richard Edgcumbe,
and secondly to her cousin, Christopher Montagu.
The delicate little Catherine married twice, survived
all her brothers and sisters, and died within four years
of her century.
There remain a few words to be added upon the
hero of this biography. The interest of Lord Sand-
wich's life lies in achievement rather than in character,
but some fragments of evidence may be collected to
show what manner of man he was. 1
Enough has already been said of his careless manner
and jovial humour. From time to time he suffered from
changes of mood ; he was peculiarly sanguine when
matters went well, and equally depressed when they
went ill ; his depression was, however, generally short-
lived, and concealed from most of his companions. To
them he was naturally cheerful, and agreeable in con-
versation ; " we have never been heartily merry since
you went away," wrote one of his friends. 2 He was
excellent company, even for the King; though he
made no epigrams like Buckingham or Rochester, he
could deliver himself of an occasional droll remark,
which balanced the want of a ready and scintillating
wit. He was tolerant in opinion. There are in
existence two petitions which point to the trust
people had in his sense and judgment. One man says,
that as God has given the Earl of Sandwich two ears,
1 Harleian MSS., 1625. This is a lengthy character of Lord Sandwich,
written at Bourg-Charente in 1684, in a handwriting not unlike that of the
Duke of York.
2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 471.
1672] SANDWICH'S POLITICS 291
he heard his case fairly, and reinstated the defendant. 1
Another petitioner begs that a friend's plea may go
before Lord Sandwich and certain other Lords, and
not before any Bishops or Churchmen. 2
For political intrigue he had no relish. His lonely
youth gave him a certain detachment of opinion, and
an independence of judgment, which made him appear
a trimmer. In reality he lacked finesse ; he put his
country first, and followed whom he liked ; he put
principles before persons. He hated disorder, and
he hated persecution. Three times he chose his path,
and each time for security and good government. He
left Manchester, who was weak, for Cromwell, who
was strong ; he left Cromwell when the law was out-
raged; he left Richard when he felt that Richard
was incapable. His passion for order made him a
monarchist ; it mattered little whether Cromwell or
Charles Stewart were King. And since he saw that the
Stewart monarchy was bound up with settled law and
an established Church, he favoured uniformity. Dis-
sent spelt difference, and to Sandwich a settled horizon
was all that mattered. He had been in England
throughout all her troubles, and detested those who
bade fair to shake the settlement.
To his friends he was kindly and affectionate, not
one of those who, in a fickle time, rejoicetfover the mis-
fortunes of others. 3 He bore no malice, and forgave
as he had been forgiven. One of his first acts after
the Restoration was to add an old republican enemy
to the lieutenancy of his county. 4 In Spain he en-
deavoured to let down Fanshaw as lightly as possible,
and the tone of his letters shows how unwillingly he
1 Cal S. P., Dom., February 6, 1661.
2 Ibid., December 9, 1668. 3 Harleian MSS. t 1625, f. 3.
4 Carte MSS., 223, f. 337. The name is added in his own hand.
292 AN EPILOGUE [CHAP, xvi
handed over the order for revocation. 1 Whenever op-
portunity served he spoke most warmly of Godolphin,
an understudy of whose ability Sandwich might easily
have been jealous. 2 Lady Lawson asked him to an-
nounce to his old enemy, Sir John, the death of their
eldest daughter, and to break the sad news with
" lenifying preparations." 3
His friends were young and well-informed, and were
not chosen for their political influence. Sandwich was
as happy with John Evelyn, Sam Pepys, Clem Cot-
terell, or Charles Harbord, as he was with the most
influential statesman. Any estrangement that came
between Sandwich and Pepys was not due only to
my Lord ; and, if Evelyn may be trusted, Cotterell
and Harbord were extraordinarily devoted followers.
The politician whom Sandwich best knew was Lord
Clarendon, and everywhere in Clarendon's writings
Sandwich is spoken of with the greatest warmth, and
not as one who had ever acted the part of an enemy ;
if at anytime resentment possessed Clarendon's mind,
his reminiscences gave him ample opportunity even
for tempered revenge.
The Spaniards appreciated my Lord's reserved but
reliable character. At first he seemed to them rather
rough. Medina spoke of him as a man poco tosco
(un pen rude), 4 ' but this turned out to be merely the
bluff good-nature and lack of ceremony inherent in
the seaman, and there is ample evidence for the esteem
in which he was afterwards held. 6 He soon showed
himself a shrewd combatant, with a grasp of economic
questions which inspired respect. His scientific know-
ledge and interests were eminent in so busy a man ; in
1 Clarendon MSS., 84, f. 160.
2 Carte MSS., 75, if. 528, 591, 593. 3 Ibid . t 73, f. 567.
4 Mignet Negotiations , i. 472. 5 Carte MSS. , 75,
1672] HIS CHARACTER 293
times of recreation music was his chief delight. He
was one of those who advised Richard Cromwell to
grant a constitution to Durham University, but during
England's disorders the work was shelved. 1 He had
no great love for literature; his contemporaries pass
unnoticed.
It is a pity that he was careless over money matters,
but it was a carelessness which quickly brought its
own punishment, and for which he suffered and paid.
One creditor speaks of the " noble terms " my Lord
offered him as interest, and goes on to admit that if
he were dealing for himself he would not drive so
hard a bargain. 2 The mistake over the prize-goods
came of this flaw in Sandwich's character, and can be
excused upon no other grounds.
Kind as a father, affectionate as a husband, it would
scarcely be necessary to touch upon my Lord's moral
character were it not that he is the victim of an un-
fortunate mistake. The indictment brought against
him, that he was " of a committee with somebody else
for the getting of Mrs. Stewart for the King," does
not refer to Lord Sandwich, and the indictment breaks
down. 3 Pepys, in addition to the Becke incident, gives
some gossip about Lady Castlemaine, but in no case
has he anything to offer worthy of credence. In my
Lord's own journal he shows decided disapproval of
Lady Shrewsbury's attack upon Henry Killigrew, and
stigmatizes it as " a riot of a nature heinous to all
good government." 4 As has already been said, Evelyn
1 See J. B. Mullinger, History of the University of Cambridge, Hi. 522.
Carte MSS., 223, f. 172.
3 The charge was brought by Mr. H. B. Wheatley in Samuel Pepys and
the World he lived in, p. 175 ; but I have already pointed out to Mr. Wheatley
that the "he" refers to Edward Mountagu, Sandwich's cousin (see Pepys's
Diary, November 6, 1663).
4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ix. 136.
294 AN EPILOGUE [CHAP, xvi
speaks of Sandwich as sober and chaste, while the
Puritans regarded him as one who could check the
spirit of profaneness then upon the nation. 1
To write warmly of Sandwich as a seaman does not
mean to detract from Albemarle, Penn, or any other
contemporary, but is rather an effort to put the Admiral
in his proper niche. His contemporaries have been
appreciated and forgiven ; none should grudge him his
turn. Albemarle was jealous, and thought him deficient
in courage, but Lincoln, Marston Moor, and Bristol,
form the best vindication of his gallantry. Evelyn says
that Albemarle was ambitious to outdo the Earl,
and that he spoke disparagingly of him. Sandwich
suffered from certain jealousies. William Coventry
was always at the back of his troubles, and was ready
to fan the flames over the prize-goods ; for as soon as
my Lord was out of the way Coventry's power in naval
affairs increased. 2 He discovered, too, that Sandwich
objected to favouritism, and was prepared to put a
stop to the wholesale system of bribery which Coventry
carried on. 3 After Sandwich's death, Coventry, by
some means or another, got hold of the journals, saw
the comments Sandwich had written, and harboured
resentment to the end of his days. 4 Southwell, another
enemy, outlived my Lord, and the busy tongues of
these two men lessened the esteem in which Sandwich
should have been held. Clarendon, again, speaks of the
enemies whom Sandwich had : some thought that he
was too expeditious in bringing over the King without
awaiting the Commissioners ; others, that Charles was
over-prodigal in his rewards. The prize-goods provided
1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 419.
2 Evelyn's Diary, June 6, 1 666.
3 See Sir Henry Craik's Life of Clarendon, ii. 235.
* Marquess of Bath's papers, Coventry MS S. y xcv. 155, 157.
i6 7 2] AN APPRECIATION 295
an excuse for revenge, and " upon this blast the wind
rose from all quarters." 1
The mists of enmity cannot obscure his ability as a
naval commander. He began his career at the age of
thirty, without any previous training ; he was conjoined
in the command with one of our greatest Admirals,
and proved a ready and an apt pupil, worthy of a
higher place than that allotted to him in the ranks
of our great seamen. His sailors appreciated, loved,
and revered him. His powers of discipline were at
once shown to be effective, though he never treated
the men with undue harshness. In later years he
was looked upon as rather too lenient to them, but
that was when actual cruelty was rife. 2 From the age
of eighteen he had been accustomed to leadership ; he
had the necessary sympathy and power, and his jovial
personality gave him the right temper for the work.
In the nurture of our naval traditions he can claim
a not undistinguished place. Although there was at
least one occasion when his strategy was unsound
judged by the riper knowledge of the following cen-
tury the gist of the matter was certainly in him, and
he cannot be denied a place as one of the harbingers
of a great age. His strategical perceptions and notes
come almost as a revelation in their modernity, and
display a purpose and method in the handling of
fleets of which we should know little but for the
matter in his journals. His unreadiness of speech,
and a certain diffidence of character, prevented him
from impressing his views upon his colleagues ; he
1 Clarendon, Rebellion, book xvi., 153, and Life, ii. 575. It is a curious
comment on the neglect which Sandwich suffered, that the Royal Society
apparently omitted to give him an obituary notice, as they did for all their
other Fellows.
2 Marquess of Bath's papers, Coventry MSS., xcv. 384. Coventry speaks
of the Duke's displeasure at a " too light sentence" on some runaways.
296 AN EPILOGUE [CHAP, xvi
lacked the enthusiasm necessary to a pioneer, and
seemed to be weighted by a measure of mistrust of
his past and of his own ability.
But for these defects his talents would have obtained
for him greater recognition. The genesis of a tactical
idea is seldom traceable to any one man, but no one
can follow Lord Sandwich's career without seeing
that he was caught in the ferment of ideas from which
the line of battle sprang ideas which were fixed by
Torrington, Tourville, and the famous treatise of Paul
Hoste. There is, indeed, more evidence for his in-
fluence on the tactical development of his time, than
there is for that of any of his contemporaries. 1
To state his exact contribution is impossible, but the
man who outmanoeuvred the Dutch in the Sound, who
anticipated the Vicomte de Morogues' idea of tactical
concentration, who led through the enemy's line off
Lowestoft, who drew up the instructions of 1665, and
who endeavoured to save our fleet from the errors
perpetrated in the third Dutch war, must be allowed
at least a flash of the genius which inspired the
greatest of his successors. In the end he showed that
he was of the stuff of which seamen are made. His
career was fitly crowned by the bravery of his last
fight : the way in which he bore the brunt of the battle,
and the manner of his death, are eloquent of his tenacity
and courage. He wiped out all stains, and the pageantry
of his funeral was a worthy memorial. In a con-
clave of seamen he need no longer sit below the salt.
1 It should be remarked that the writer of Sandwich's life in the Dictionary
of National Biography had not had access to the papers.
AN ELEGY
ON
THAT GREAT EXAMPLE OF HEROICK VALOUR
THE RIGHT HNOURABLE, EDWARD EARL OF SANDWICH. 1
SHall Mercenary Pens Prostitute Verse,
To Guild with Flatteries each Trivial Hearse ?
And strive in vain t'IMBALME some Silken Sot,
Whose Name deserves, soon as his Corps to Rot :
Shall useless men, whom Age or Surfeits Slay,
Or just deserv'd Diseases sweep away,
Have Gaudy Tombs, and Epitaphs, that rise
In strange Impert'nent Plaudits to the skies,
And Noble SANDWICH thus submit to Fate
Without a Muse, his FAME to Celebrate ;
Condoling in such Passionate Strains, till we
In our own Tears, be drown' d as well as HE.
He that in Honours Field, his Countries Cause
Did more, than Fancy can reach when it draws
The Acts of Hero's, and will henceforth shame
THe brightest Glories of the Roman Name :
Who stood the Shock of all the Mogan Fleet,
And almost Single durst their numbers meet :
'Gainst whom he long maintain'd a doutful fight,
Dispatching Hundreds to Eternal Night ;
(Whose base Lives yet no Recompence afford,
Their blood's so thick it Blots a Noble Sword ;)
Some Sunk to Rights, not able to abide
The fierce salutes He gave them each Broad-side :
Others stood off, their Hulks and Tackle tore,
And Decks o'reflow'd with Brandy & with Gore.
But Fate, that sometimes makes Vertue its slave,
And takes delight for to oppress the Brave,
1 London. Printed for Philip Brooksby, 1672.
297
298 AN ELEGY
Seeming at length with the Foe to Conspire,
Spight of Resistance, set his Ship on Fire :
Though he with Noble Resolution chose
Either to bring her Off, or his Life lose :
When thick as Attorns Cannon Bullets flew
And all his men were killed, or else withdrew :
When stoutest rocks, that Tempests did out-brave
Trembled for fear, and duckt under a Wave :
When certain mine on all sides drew near,
And Death in several Vizards did appear ;
The cruel Elements seeming at strife,
Which of them first should rob him of his Life :
Had you but seen how Unconcern' d he stood,
Flames over's Head, his Feet dabling in Blood ;
In what a fearless and compos' d Estate
He brav'd the approach of the severest Fate ;
And did at last from death to death Retire
Courting the Water, to avoid the Fire;
You would confess, such Courage ne'r can be
Enough bewail'd in griefs Hydrography.
And would you, Cruel Seas destroy Him there
Whom rageing Fire, & Cannon-shot did spare ?
By this Black deed henceforward you'l become
More odious far, than Mare Mortuum.
Kind Dolphines should methinks in Shoals appear
And on their Backs him above Water bear ;
Or some new Island in his Rescue peep,
Rather than he should Perish in the Deep :
Could not the Winds to Countermand his death,
With their whole Card of lungs, redeem his breath,
No tis decre'd, his Soul must leave her Clay,
And took at parting a contrary way
I' th Flames, Elias-like, that up ascends,
And to it every blessed Center tends :
Whilst Sea-Nimphs ne'r Enamour'd so before,
Doat on the Corps, and waft it to the Shore :
Knowing it ought, a Nobler Tomb to have,
Than the Imposthum'd Bubble of a Wave.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
4
NOTE ON THE "SANDWICH MSS."
THE papers here printed from those of the first Earl of
Sandwich have been taken with one exception from the tenth
volume of his journals. The choice, limited by the size of this
book, has fallen upon some miscellaneous matter, certain
debates in the House of Lords (which are unique), and Sand-
wich's own opinions upon politics and colonial affairs a small
selection from a wide field.
The volumes which compose the collection are about twenty
in number ; they are bound in calf and are beautifully lettered.
Despite many vicissitudes, they are exceedingly well preserved.
The binding has withstood all possible ravages ; the ink and
the seals are still fresh, the sand from the standishes glitters
upon the pages. They are family papers, and belong to the
house ; none of them have been purloined or what you will
from the State. In truth, the usual process has been inverted;
Hinchingbrooke has itself suffered, and in the course of their
history a valuable section of the papers has been removed
from their original home.
It was during the eighteenth century that curiosity about
the collection first awakened. The earliest historian who had
access to them was White Kennett, Bishop of Peterborough.
He was compiling the history of England known as Kennett's
Register and Chronicle, and for this work he made several copies
from the letters at Hinchingbrooke. He was permitted also
to examine the whole of Lord Sandwich's journal, and took
numerous and lengthy extracts, many of which were incor-
porated in his work. Several volumes of the original manu-
script bear Kennett's signature upon the fly-leaf " Wh.
Peterbro " in a very shaky hand ; and he has added the
301
302 APPENDIX A
date at which he finished his examination of the several
volumes. 1
About fifteen years after Kennett came the historian who
halved the collection. When Thomas Carte contemplated a
history of England, he had access to the manuscripts at
Hinchingbrooke. With careless generosity, the guardians of
the young Lord Sandwich, the fourth Earl, allowed Carte to
pick and choose his documents, and to remove them. No
wonder that a few years later he extolled the generosity of the
owners of manuscripts. For from the Hinchingbrooke papers
Carte selected with a lavish hand ; it is a marvel why he left
any behind him. He filled a trunk with valuable records, and
took them to Oxford. Perhaps his conscience pricked him,
for in writing a preface to the Ormond Papers he says that the
letters of Venables, Thurloe, and Richard Cromwell, sent to the
first Earl of Sandwich, " were by me rescued from the flames
to which they were destined, and which, I fear, consumed
the rest of that nobleman's papers." 2 Nothing of the kind
happened ; in the eighteenth century the historian was the
only danger. But he made little use of his prize ; before the
great day came on which the history was complete, death made
an end of Thomas Carte. 3 So the trunk of papers passed to
his widow ; she forgot Thomas, and married again. Her second
husband, one Nicholas Jernegan, survived her. The papers
were left to him for life, and he from time to time loaned them
out. Lord Hardwicke paid 200 for the loan of them, and
Macpherson paid ^"300. The Bodleian, to whom the papers
were willed on Jernegan's death, may have become anxious
about their safe custody. In 1778 they purchased Jernegan's
life interest for ^"50, and transferred them to the Bodleian.
Thus, for a mere song, Bodley's librarian acquired a treasure
which would fetch its hundreds at the present day. 4
The rest of the papers, the Sandwich MSS., as they are here
1 The extracts, mostly in Kennett's hand, are in the British Museum
(Lansdowne MSS., 1002-1010). He was working at Hinchingbrooke during
1723-
2 Ormond Papers, p. vi, edition of 1739.
3 Some of the letters are printed in Carte's Ormond Papers, ii. 96-208.
* See Madan, Catalogue of Western MSS., and Hardy and Brewer's
Report upon the Carte and Carew Papers.
NOTE ON THE "SANDWICH MSS." 303
called, were left in some room at their proper home. Muni-
ment-room there was none, but a fine library was ready to
contain them. The next worker in the field was Edward
Wortley, the eccentric son of an eccentric mother. About
1734 he determined to make use of them, and to write the story
of his great-grandfather's life. He began by making several
notes from the journals, from Whitelocke's Memorials, and
other books, and collected some facts about Sandwich from
Josiah Burchett, who was then at the Admiralty. 1 Young
Wortley numbered the pages of some of the journals in ink,
not in the modern manner, since an indelible style may not
now touch the margins. It was during Edward Wortley's time
that the letters were bound, but a minute examination sug-
gests that the journals were bound during the first Earl's life-
time. 2 In 1738 the letters lay loose, as they did until recently
at Oxford. Unfortunately, Wortley adopted a large octavo
size of binding, and folio letters have had to be folded over,
and in some cases the edges have suffered. The letters were
thus made uniform with most of the journals, only two of which
are folios.
Beyond caring for the books and making his few brief notes
Edward Wortley never went. Possibly he felt that the life of
his ancestor might be in better hands, and he made over the
journal to John Campbell. Between 1742 and 1744 Campbell
wrote his Lives of the Admirals, and made some use of the
Sandwich MSS. He says in a footnote concerning the temper
of the sailors at the Restoration : " The best account is in the
Earl of Sandwich's journal ; a MS. in the hands of the honour-
able Edward Wortley Mountagu, Esq." 3 But Campbell did
not draw largely upon the journal, and contented himself with
printed sources. A few years later Horace Walpole saw the
books ; his reference to them is of interest, but too lengthy for
quotation. 4
1 Josiah Burchett was Secretary. All these notes are now in the Sandwich
MSS., Appendix, ff. 179 et seqq.
2 The lettering of the volumes is not uniform : that of the journals looks
like seventeenth-century type; on the remaining volumes it is more like
eighteenth-century work.
3 Campbell, Lives of the Admirals, ii. 82.
4 Letters, April 20, 1762 (Toynbee's edition, v. 197).
304 APPENDIX A
Towards the end of the eighteenth century the papers at
Hinchingbrooke were enriched by those of John, fourth Earl of
Sandwich. He published a journal of his visit to the Mediter-
ranean ; and in a review of this work, in the Naval Ckronicl$ t
the reviewer again alludes to the papers of the first Earl. He
expresses the hope that the editor of the Voyage, " who seems
actuated by a friendly zeal for the name of Sandwich, will ere
long renew his labours, and favour the Public with a selection
from those valuable naval papers of the first Earl of Sandwich
which altogether form nearly forty folio volumes in manuscript
at Hinchingbrooke." 1 It is indeed to be hoped that the
number of volumes is exaggerated, and internal evidence
makes one think so. The journals are numbered, and all are
there, but some papers may have been lost. In 1830 there
was a fire at the house, and it is said that some of Admiral
Mountagu's manuscripts were burned. 2 The present Lord Sand-
wich says that some of the muniments were destroyed, but it
would be impossible without list or catalogue to say what papers
are missing. The collection seems fairly perfect ; before the
calendar is finally completed there is some hope that specula-
tion will give place to certainty.
Only on one or two further occasions have the papers been
touched. When Pepys's Diary was transcribed, the dowager
Lady Sandwich suggested to her son, the seventh Earl, that
Lord Braybrooke, the editor, would be an " excellent person
to look over the journal, if you ever thought of publishing
any part, which I wish you would ; not for general sale," she
adds, " but for private distribution, and therefore it would be
better not to allow any part to be transcribed for adding to
other works." Nothing came of that proposition ; however, in
1847 Carlyle copied a letter of Cromwell's, and made the
suggestion which is detailed in the preface.
Forty years were to elapse before the papers were again
turned over. The present Lord Sandwich then sent a volume
of the journal to Oxford, and permitted Dr. Gardiner to tran-
scribe certain passages. In 1907 the present work was begun,
and the Sandwich MSS. were examined, calendared and tran-
scribed for this purpose. The companion papers in Bodley's
1 Naval Chronicle, ii. 322.
2 Report on the Carte and Carew Papers, p. 10.
COUNCELL OF TRADE 305
Library the Cavte MSS. were bound between 1860 and
1870, and a manuscript calendar of fifty huge tomes was
industriously compiled. 1
APPENDIX B
INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COUNCELL OF TRADE
(Bv THE KING)
r To introduce new manufactures.
To improve the old & distribute it equally over the
Kingdoms,
restore decayed Ports & make more rivers navigable.
2. To Consider what Companys are good for Trade and
what to be abolished and what new to be erected.
3. To Consider the by-lawes made by any Companies, in
persuance of Statutes, & give opinion of the usefulnesse or
harme of such by-lawes.
4. To endeavor to prevent the Transportation of Wooll.
5 To improve the fishing Trade of the Nation.
6. To take into Consideration all the Plantations.
the value of the Trade of Them,
the encrease or decay thereoff.
how They may be improoved & planted with
new commodities fitt for the climate.
7. To endeavor to recover againe Trades that are lost and
decayed.
8. To Consider all our forreign Treaties, and to make use
of the priviledges Therein granted ; and to report any dis-
advantages in Them.
9. To Consider of free Ports.
10. To Consider what imposts are fitt to be upon Trade.
11. To endeavor to encrease of the Coyn and Bullion of the
nation.
12. To consider of the Interest of money.
1 Lord Sandwich's papers in the Bodleian are Carte MSS., vols. 73, 74, 75,
103, 223, and 274 (see Madan, Catalogue of Western MSS. in the Bodleian
Library i vol. iii.),
VOL. II. 20
306 APPENDIX C
13. To erect Bankes.
14. To Continue a method to have an accompt yeerely of the
import and export of the nation.
15. To have an accompt of the Shippes & vessels employed
in every Port, and to Consider Their encrease or decrease.
[Holograph. Endorsed by Sandwich : " An extract of the
Instructions to the Councell of Trade, October 20, 1668."]
(Sandwich MSS. Collection of Treaties, f. 93.)
APPENDIX C
MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL OF PLANTATIONS
AS GIVEN BY LORD SANDWICH
Wedensday, August 3, 1670. The Commission of Plantations
was opened at my L d Keeper's, who gave mee my oath of
fidelity and secrecye first and then I gave it him, and all the
rest then Present.
L d Sandwich, Presd 1 .
L d Gorge.
The names of this
Councell are
* T d A11 .
L Allmgton.
* M r Tho Grey, eld sfc sonn of the L d Grey
of Werke.
* M r Henry Brouncker.
* Coll. Titus.
M r Ed. Waller.
S r Humphry Winch.
S r Jo. Finch.
*M r Hen. Slingsby, M' of the Mint,
Secretary to the Councell.
* L d Keeper.
* L d Ashley.
* S r Tho. Clifford.
* M r Secretary Trevor.
L d Arlington.
S r Jo. Duncomb.
BILL CONCERNING PRIVILEGE 307
Present at first meetinge att Essex House and then sworne
(have the followinge marke *).
This Commission was afterward renewed (about the begin-
ninge of Aprill 1671) and the Followinge names added.
.His R 11 High 8 the D k of Yorke.
His High 8 Prince Rupert.
The D k of Buckingham.
The Duke of Ormond.
The Earle of Lautherdale.
The Lord Culpeper.
S r Geo. Carteret.
\M. r Eveling.
(Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., f. 286.)
APPENDIX D
DEBATE IN THE LORDS UPON A BILL
CONCERNING PRIVILEGE
Wedensday, November u, I66Q. 1 This day the Bill for takings
away the Lds. Priviledges to try causes originally and others
(sent up a weeke agoe by the house of Commons) was read
in the House of Peeres, where was expressed a Universal!
Indignation at it as being destructive to the Constitution of
this Government and infamous for us to passe givinge away
most considerable Priviledges left unto us by our ancestors
and by the lawes of the land. It was affirmed also that as the
House of Commons pretended it to be a priviledge of theires,
that noe thinge concerning monye should have its beginninge
any where else then in the house of Commons (Although
it was said many Presidents are for the Lds. giving money
alone, and that there was noe such thing as a House of
Commons untill Hen. 3 d ; And also that many tymes the
Lds. have begunn Bills for money in theire House and sent
them downe to the house of Commons and that noe longer agoe
then in Hen. 8's tyme ?). In like manner the House of
1 See Lords' Journals, November 10. The Bill was sent up on November 4.
308 APPENDIX D
Peeres assert it to be theire indisputable Priviledge that noe
law concerning there owne Priviledges or matter of Judicature
should beginn any where else then in the house of Peeres.
Ld. Pagett mooved for its readinge, and after for its being
immediately rejected, Ld. Denbigh made an eloquent speech to
the same purpose. Ld. Widdrington mooved to the same
effect, but also, that afterwards, wee should vote another Bill
to be brought in to regulate and assert our Priviledges as
should be found fittinge. But the house rann violently to the
rejection of the bill and the Question was puttinge when the
Duke of Buckingham came in and spoke shewinge reasons why
he would have the Bill retained and made such as might be
fittinge to passe, or if the forme it was in, was not sufferable,
then upon Castinge that out, a Committee might be named to
bringe in a bill to the effect of what my Ld. Widdrington had
moved ; his reasons were these :
1. To consider the Consequence of throwing out the Bill
without such caution, which might possibly be the dissolution
of this parliament. And then to consider whether the next
ensuing H. of Commons would not beginn to presse this with
more violence and whether wee were not better able to manage
a contest with this then with a future house of Commons.
2. To consider that in truth the Peeres had declined of late
tymes and had lesser power and Interest then formerly, and
that to prevent the plucking away of theire priviledges one by
one (which the house of Commons daily attempted and upon
every bill of money the Lds. were persuaded to yeeld rather
then the King should be unsupplied) it were good to have
them asserted by act of Parliament and to take the occasion
by mending of this act to doe it.
3. To consider another consequence, of disgustinge the
House of Commons, whose temper was likely to influence the
people of the Nation whose good opinion is also very necessary
for us.
4. That many of us did desire to have our power in originall
causes declared against as beinge for Publique good and
satisfaction of the Kingdome, who (now the question hath
beene stirred) have drunke in the opinion, that when a lord
has a mind to a man's land or spleene to his person, then he
may sue him originally where Lds. onely shall be his judges.
DEBATE UPON INTEREST OF MONEY 309
The exercise of this priviledge hath beene very rare and
therefore an unnecessary Priviledge may well be parted from,
for publique benefitt and to avoid the Calumny of Partiality.
Many Lds. and his Royall Highnesse also seconded the
Duke of Buckingham, and the scense of the whole house fell in
therewith soe the question was putt and the Bill was rejected
by every person except the Earle of Bristow and the Ld. George
Bercley of Berkeley. (Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., ff. 73-78.)
APPENDIX E
A DEBATE IN COMMITTEE UPON THE
INTEREST OF MONEY
Wedensday, November n, 1669. This Afternoone also the
Committee of Lds. considered the point of the Interest of
monyes and had many merchants and others to conferr with
all about it.
It was universally concluded that Interest was a burthen
upon money and men's stockes, and that noe merchandize,
trade or building or lettinge of houses but must be more
difficult and more easye as the Interest of monye was higher
or lower. And by Consequence low interest must be a general 1
good.
But it was doubted whether a law would remedie it, or were
good to be made for that purpose, or whether it were not
in truth governed by trade it selfe, as plenty of Coales or any
commoditie makes them cheape, and as the low Interest of
Holland is governed by the trade there and noe law is there
made in the case.
It was said that Holland and Italy who onely are lower then
us in interest of monyes ; the one (though they have noe law
made to compell private persons) yet they have power of the
Banke and consequently of all the monye in the countrey and
doe make rules that the Banke shall receive noe monye in, but
at 4 per cent. Italy is ruled herein by the Church lawes
which make it unlawfull in point of conscience to take more
interest than 4 per cent.
3io APPENDIX E
It was alledged against the loring of usury, also
1. The losse orphans would have whose monye is in publique
stocke.
2. The prejudice the Gentry will have who owe monye upon
mortgages which will be called in, and if they have not monye
readye, the land must be sold at any rate.
It seemed to mee to resolve principally into the knowledge
whether there were now at present monye enough in England
to carry on Trade and to spare for else, if forreigners call home
theire monyes, and angry usurers also, it may cause a decay
of trade for want of money to carry it on.
It seemed to be agreed by the merchants that at present the
Forreigner's monye in this Kingdome was not the sum of
20,000.
Neverthelesse scince I heare Aid. Backwell saies that he
hath ^"150,000 of Forreigne monye in his hands and others
speake of greate sums in theires.
Afterwards upon further examination I find that 2 or
^"300,000 hath some tymes beene putt to use in the nation
of forreigners monye, but at present I beleeve not ^"50,000.
Also there must be money enough now in the Kingdome
to satisfy the extraordinary occasions now at present upon
us such as the Greate Debts of the Kinge, and the buildinge
of the Cittye of London.
But it seemed to mee very hard to be ascertained of that.
And if there be not money enough then a present stopp of
lenders may make a greate inconvenience and I thought it
dangerous at this tyme to adventure upon notions onely, the
Hazard of adding or multiplieng diseases in the State to the
number of those greate ones wee have alreadye upon our
hands to cure.
Neverthelesse the Committee was of another opinion and
voted to report there scense to the house that it was fitt to
lore the Interest of money from 6 to 4 in the hundred.
Afterwards when the Committee made theire report to the
house of Peeres, it was carried in the Negative by neere 20
voices. ( Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., ff. 77-80.)
THE PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT 311
APPENDIX F
THE PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT
Saturday, December n, 1669. This morninge between 10 and
ii of the clocke the King by commission prorogued this
Parliament unto the i4th day of February next.
The house of Commons had also reconsidered the sentence
of the Lords upon the Petition of Skinner and had voted heads
whereupon to treate with the Lords at a Conference to raze
it out of theire bookes, and if that would not goe downe it was
reported that a clause for the rasinge that record should have
beene inserted into the money bill ; soe that both must have
passed or none.
The house of Commons had 3 or 4 dayes before voted that
the Kinge should be sent to, to command the Ld. Lieft. of
Ireland to give leave for any one to come over hither without
prejudice that was a wittnesse against my Ld. Orrerye, which
message the Kinge received and sent them word by Mr. Secre-
tary Trevor that it should be done accordingly. (I am told
the Witnesses against my Ld. Orrery are these viz : Sir
James Sheene, nephew to Ld. Orrerye ; my Ld Viscount
Anger ; my Ld. Collom (brother to the Earle of Mont Rath) ;
and 2 or 3 more privy Councellers.)
They had also voted that Sir George Carteret should be sus-
pended sitting in the house of Commons. They were in debate
as the blacke rod came for them for Prorogation, to advise the
Kinge not to employ Sir George in any place military or civill
in England or Ireland.
They had also voted to raise the ^"400,000 which they meant
to raise the Kinge, out of the Customes, which was in effect (as
some said) noe addition at all.
The Church and Cavaliere Party as I heard at a Private
meetinge, concluded among themselves :
1. That the present church Government should be stucke
close unto.
2. That the Cavaleer Interest should be upheld.
3. That in order thereunto qualifications should be made
312 APPENDIX F
that none but such be capable of elections to Parliament or to
any places of trust.
4. To adhere to the Duke of Ormond against all opposition.
5. To prosecute Lord Orrerye as an enimye to the prin-
ciples aforesaid.
BUCKINGHAM'S PARTY THAT APPEARED IN THIS SESSION.
The house of Commons. The house of Lords.
E. of Barkshire.
E. of Dover.
Ld. Widdrington.
E. of Bristow.
Ld. Buckhurst.
Sr. Tho. Osborn.
Ld. St. John.
Ld. Vaughan.
Sir Fretzvile Hollis.
Mr. Seymore.
Sir Rob. Howard.
Sir Rich. Temple.
The Prorogation of this Parliament was resolved at a meeting
of the King and Junto very late the night before, and was
carried by the Duke of Yorke, Ormond, Arlington, Prince
Rupert ; The Keeper, Secretary Trevor and Arlington declared
against it, and the Duke of Buckingham was not present.
It is thought the prime reason for there soe sudden Proroga-
tion was a resolution the house of Commons had to have
adjourned themselves that morning upon a supposition that in
a former message by Secretary Trevor the Kinge had given
them leave to adjourne when they would, which yet the Kinge
understood otherwise and therefore thought fitt by Proroginge
them to avoid such an affront as that they should adjourne
without having the King's direction for the particular tyme.
The Historye of this last Session of Parliament is best
collected from a letter to a freind which is inserted in this
place. The lines drawne underneath or through any part of it
are not to be considered to interrupt the scence, but it is to be
read all of it as if there were none such.
SANDWICH'S LETTER UPON PARTIES 313
APPENDIX G
LORD SANDWICH'S LETTER UPON PARTIES
I TROUBLED you with conjectures before the sitting of the
Parliament, scince that tyme they have mett and the House
of Commons began with a bill to take away the Priviledge of
the Lords in originall and other causes which having sent them
up they called for the report of Brooke house and Sir George
Carteret being placed in the front of the report they begann to
debate upon him with exceeding^ greate fury and severity,
which yet continues and it is thought must end in that house
either in an impeachment of misdemeanor to the Lords, or a
bill to punish him ; or (which is the newest invention) a Report
from the house of Commons to the King immediately (without
taking notice of the Lords) giving him theire scense, and
leavinge the recentment of it to his owne breast. In the
meane while the Lords examine the Account of Sir George,
but use him very fairely and civilly, allow him Councell, and
heare him and the Commissioners of Brooke house face to face,
and soe prepare themselves to be the readier to give theire
Judgment in any of the three wayes above mentioned, and by
what yet appeares before them Sir Geo. is not prooved to have
imbezilled one penny of the King's money, but all is layd out
in the King's service. He hath not bought one Tickett of the
Seamen, nor is found to have taken any bribe, but the Greatest
fault (if any be found) will be irregularities of payments not
punctually persuant to the Instructions of the Admirall, and
some miscarriages they find in his servants; but upon the
whole matter with the Lords and among the people, Sir George
hath gained much ground, and the Commissioners an ill
opinion of having proceeded with cruelty and injustice. And
however the house of Commons recent his affaire I beleeve the
Lords report will be with very much favor to him.
Touching the Bill for lessening the Priviledges of the Lords ;
the Lords house upon the first reading cast it out, countinge
the whole bill derogatory to theire dignity, and liked it the worse
314 APPENDIX G
for beinge almost the same in words as the 5th Article of the
humble Petition and Advise to Cromwell ; but cleerely counting
it a breach of theire Priviledges to have a law for the alteration
of theire owne Priviledges to beginn any where but in theire
owne house, Priviledge and Judicature beinge a more inherent
Priviledge of theires then granting of money is of the house of
Commons ; the being of the house of Commons not reaching
higher than Henry the 3rd's tyme and Presidents of bills for
money (even as low as Henry Sth's tyme) to be produced that
had theire beginning in the house of Peeres. And although
upon these grounds they rejected the bill of the Commons'
house yet they ordered theire owne members to draw a bill for
the takinge away the Priviledge of hearinge originall causes,
and having thereby parted with a greate priviledge of theire
owne for publique good, they thought also for the same publique
good to lead the Commons the way to take off all Priviledge
of Parliament from the servants and estates of the members of
either house (which also possibly might be a little picquant to
the House of Commons and make them unpopular if they
refused it and very uneasye if they passe it). Furthermore
reflectinge upon the partiall quicke trialls Peeres formerly have
beene subjected to by the Lord high Stewards Courte, where
twelve Lords may condemne a Peere and he shall have noe
challenge to any Peere of his Jurye though he be his knowne
enimye ; The Lords thought upon the occasion of this bill they
might seeke another new priviledge for theire owne security
and therefore were unanimously (almost) for providing that a
peere might challenge soe many persons of his Jury without
shewing cause (as a commoner may doe) or (as was at last
concluded) that the High Steward should at noe tyme proceed
to triall or sentence of a Peere without havinge 41 Peeres of
the Jury present, supposinge it impossible the Prince or
animosityes should sway the major part of soe greate a Jury
of Peeres. The house of Peeres, as I said before, was generally
for this and soe it passed in the bill, but to say truth the King
was not well pleased with this it beinge a diminution of his
prerogative and argued the Peeres distrust of him, and if the
two houses concurred in the bill, it might cast the rejecting of
SANDWICH'S LETTER UPON PARTIES 315
the bill (the ungracious part) upon the Kinge. But the bill
being thus finished was sent downe to the house of Commons,
who at the first reading also rejected it.
Our factions now have more plainly distinguished themselves
into that of Buckingham's and that of Ormond.
Buckingham's Party of it selfe is found not soe stronge in
the house of Commons as was supposed, and onely is stronge
when in point of accounts, liberty of conscience, or Trade, the
Countrey Gentlemen or the Presbiterians joyne with them but
they dare not undertake any thing alone. His interest in the
house of Peeres I take not to be greate. How it is with the
King his Master God knowes. My Lord Arlington beinge
joyned with Ormond, Buckingham's party thought it for theire
interest to gett him off unto them and accordingly a reconcilia-
tion was treated and commanded to be concluded by the Kinge,
whereupon it was accordingly professed by both of them and
my Lord Arlington went to Wallingford house to visite the
Duke ; where they mutually unfolded theire greevances.
Buckingham told Arlington that the greate exeption he had
to him was because he used not his freinds well, and instanced
in Sir Tho. Osborne and Sir Ellis Layton and that he was an
encourager of his enimies.
Arlington complained of Buckingham's countenancing his
mortall enimye the Earle of Orrery e, yet for all these com-
plaints for a few dayes they were said to be freinds, but
presently kindnesse vanished and the difference betweene
them is knowne to be certain and irreconciliable. 1
Ormond's party consists of the Duke of Yorkes freinds, the
Church, the old Cavaliers, and the Clarendonians.
These two partyes have levelled one at the other all this
while; Buckingham (whose greate engine hath beene the
Commissioners of Brooke house wherewith he hoped to crush
all that joyne not with him and to weaken the other party) to
make an essay of the strength of his party and to flesh them in
conqueringe, fell upon Sir G. Carteret hoping by his ruine to
have made way for that of Ormonds, in the meane while both
Parties readye with charges remained yet in peace one with
1 Under this word are the figures 2039, which looks as though Sandwich
had parts of this letter put into cipher, and many lines are crossed through,
like a letter is crossed when once ciphered.
APPENDIX G
the other by the King's command, who they say undertooke
for one to the other that they should not begin first but it soe
happened that last weeke my Lord of Meath (whom Bucking-
ham and Orrery disclaime havinge any power over) attended
the Committee of Greevances of the house of Commons with
a Petition against the Duke of Ormond, the chaire man received
it and looking on the Title findinge it directed to the house of
Commons, the Committee would not receive it, but said if he
pleased he might present it to the house of Commons. And
the greatest part of the Committee appearinge inclined to the
Duke of Ormond (in a manner) laughed the Petition from the
Committee. And Ormond's party imputinge this to Bucking-
ham's and Orrerye's artifice next morninge earely by Sam
Sands preferrs a Petition and Articles of high treason against
my Ld. Orrery, for which he stands committed in the Serjant's
hands and thinkes to appeare in the house of Commons on
Munday next. Reports goe that in a few dayes Articles will
come in against Ormond and Buckingham also and many
others.
The day followinge Orrerye's impeachment the house of
Commons voted the King a supply not exceeding ^"400,000
which is supposed to be to the intent to qualify the present
high proceedings that the King may not despaire of support
from them and soe dissolve them speedily.
All mens expectations are up to see what resolution the
King will take in this state of affaires, which is very hard
to guess at I thinke. Although I am (in secresy, and from
pretendinge knowers of it) told that the Kinge will certainly
soone dissolve this Parliament.
The House of Commons was divided upon the question of
Orreryes committment, and it was 148 for him and 192 against
him.
It was greately observed that all the Clarendonians (even
my Lord Cornburye himselfe) was against Orrerye, notwith-
standinge the Alliance of Mr. Hide with my Lord Burlington
and that Lord's freindly defendinge theire father in his adver-
sitye, upon this ground my Lord Cornbury loses creditt.
It was also observed that all the lawyers of the house was
against Orrerye except the Sollicitor Generall. Secretary
Trevor and Sir Tho. Clifford were for Orrerye.
SANDWICH'S LETTER UPON PARTIES 317
The house of Commons proceede to vote the placinge the
new monye to be raised out of the Customes, which some
affirmed was as good as nothing but a taking away from the
revenue with one hand and giving againe with the other.
They considered the matter of Skinner againe and voted
the Lords sentencinge of his Petition to be a libell, to be
a breach of Priviledge of Parliament and fitt to be rased out
of the records and intended a conference to the Lords for that
purpose and if the point had beene gained there, then to have
inserted a clause into the money bill to have the second rased ;
that soe both or neither might passe into a law.
They voted Sir George Carteret to be suspended sittinge in
the house.
They revived againe the businesse of my Ld. Orrery and
voted a message to be sent the Kinge to command that the
Leift. of Ireland give leave to all persons to come over with-
out Prejudice that wittnesse any of the Articles against my
Ld. Orrery, which message the King received and sent them
word by Secretary Trevor that it should be done accordingly.
They were upon Satterday morninge the nth of December
in debate upon Sir George Carteret, viz. to advise the King
not to employ him in any place military or civill in England or
Ireland when Sir John Eaton with his Blacke rod came for
them to come up to the house of Peeres where by Commission
from his Majesty they were prorogued untill the 14 day of
February next ensuinge.
The Church and Cavaleer party of the H. of Commons at a
private meetinge as is reported agreed.
1. To sticke unto the present church Government.
2. To uphold the Cavaleer party.
3. In order to the former to frame a test without which
none should be eligible to parliament or any place of trust.
4. To adhere to the Duke of Ormond against all opposition.
5. To prosecute Ld. Orrerye as an enimye to the principles
aforesaid. (Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., ff. 85-97.)
3i8 APPENDIX H
APPENDIX H
DEBATE ON THE SECOND READING FOR THE
DIVORCE OF LORD ROOS 1
Thursday, March 17, 1670. The Bill for authorisinge a second
marriage to the Lord Ross (his wife beinge divorced from him
for Adultery and a law made to illegitimate all her children in
beinge or that should be) was debated, whether it should have
a 2nd readinge or not in the house of Peeres.
(The divorced Lady Ross petitioned the house alledginge all
former proceedings both as to the divorce and the law also
to have beene done in her abscence unheard, prosecuted
maliciously by the Countesse of Rutland, prayes a Commission
of appeales wherein she hopes to make her innocence appeare
and that noe law might passe to the exclusion of her reconcilia-
tion to her husband or other prejudice of her or her issue in
the meanetyme.) The Lady Ross was called in to the Barr of
the Lord's House, and upon demand, she there owned and
justified her Petition, and thereupon the house retained the
Petition but deferred the consideration of itt untill they had
gone on with the other debate.
The Debate rann upon these followinge heads :
1. Whether after a Divorce for Adulterye, it were lawfull by
the law of God for the innocent person to marry againe, livinge
the nocent.
2. Whether allowinge marriage in that case, or not allowinge
it, be attended with most inconveniences.
The principall speakers were these that follow :
Pro. Contra.
Archbishops /of Canterbury
\of Yorke.
Bishops {Durham /-Winchester
I Chester. _. , , Salisbury
Blsh P sof London
^Rochester.
1 John Manners, Lord Roos, first Duke of Rutland. See also Anchitell
Grey, Debates ; i. 251 et seqq.
DIVORCE OF LORD ROOS 319
Pro. Contra.
- /Anglesey rBristow
\ Essex. Earles ] Bullingbrooke
I Northampton.
Viscounts. Viscount Hallifax.
Barons. Lord Ashley. Barons. Lucas.
The Arguments for it were first from Christ's words in the
Scripture and St. Paul's.
Our Saviour in Mat. 5 (these scriptures in the Mount are
affirmed not onely to be meant to the Jewes but to be the
height of Christian doctrine), wants that exeption of Adultery
which is mentioned in Matt. 19 which beinge the fuller place,
supplies and expounds the former, and does expresly argue the
lawfullnesse of 2nd marriage after divorce for adulterye. And
is a scripture not only intended for the Jewes apart, but to
Christ his disciples and theire followers in all ages. If in that
Scripture Christ did not intend should marry againe the
exeption in the text will seeme to want scense and meanes
nothinge, which is dishonor to Christ to imagine.
The Reformed writers are for it, though Bellarmine and the
Jesuites be against it, and what shall wee gaine by raising the
Creditt of the later above the former.
Theodosius, Bishopp of Canterbury, was for it.
Anciently Pennance was enjoyned for a man that did not
putt away an adulterous wife.
Imperiall and civill lawes not one against it.
For Canon Law (see Linnwood's constitutions) which was
reformed in Hen. 8. 25* i8 ch and in the 3rd and 4th of Ed. 6.
Integra persona transit ad novas nuptias.
Cum alter conjux dijudicatum etc.
5th of Ed. 6 is the confirmation of the Ld. Marques of
Northamptons remarriage with the Lady Cobham.
The Canons in present use, Chapter 8, allow the innocent
person to marry againe.
And these Canons were confirmed by King James.
It is true these Canons require a bond to be taken of the
Parties not to marry any other, but that is designed for a tyme
to see if the Parties can reconcile againe but not with respect
to the sinfullnesse of theire marriage if they doe marry againe.
320 APPENDIX H
Some of the Popish writers were not against it, as Cardinall
Cajetan and Erasmus.
Reformed writers are numerous in this case against the
Councell of Trent.
Butt 3 or 4 of the church of England are of another opinion
as Mr. Burrell, Bishopp Howsen. Howsen did it partially
not with his free judgement but to serve a turne.
St. Paul gives caution to men not to presume to seperate
whom God hath joyned; but those that the law of God
seperates, man does not seperate ; if the woman be an
adulteresse she seperates her selfe.
In the Romans where St. Paul saies the husband is bound
to the wife as longe as she liveth etc. This is onely to show
that the law of Moses is dead to us. Though one might say
the Adulteresse is as dead to her husband as that law is to us.
St. Paul allowes the wilfull running away of a wife to be a just
cause of divorce and saies that a man is noe longer bound in
that case (that is to say not by the bond of Matrimonye).
In another place he saies Art thou loose from a wife
(i.e. divorced from a wife) seeke not a wife. He that marryes
agaipe sinneth not in that case.
They affirme these 2 persons in question to be cosen
Germanes and soe the Popish Lords ought to looke upon the
marriage as a nullitie.
If it be unlawfull to allow the Innocent to marry, it is
equally unlawfull to justify him after marriage.
The case of the Marques of Northampton declares, the
opinion of that Parliament to be that the law of God was for it.
Dr. Hall, Dr. Reynolds, Dr. Hammond etc. over Ballance
Bishop Howsen's opinion.
In all the Old Testament or new, or ancient tymes noe such
distinction of divorces was ever heard of as that of a mensa et
thoro, a vinculo, it seemes to be a formall distinction without a
difference, an invention of the Canonists and Schoolemen to
sett up the Papall power 600 yeares after Christ.
The words of marriage in the Liturgye are I, Tho., take
thee, Mary, etc. to live together after Gods holy ordinance.
This is Vinculum, if therefore they be seperated a mensa et Tkoro
they are seperated a vinculo namely from the bond they
contracted in marriage.
DIVORCE OF LORD ROOS 321
To continue the innocent person and the Adulterous together
is tyeng together the livinge and the dead, to make a perpetuall
stench to poyson the innocent.
The Councells anciently allowed 2nd marriage after divorce
but the Canonists and Schoolemen oppose it (as hath been
said) yet they allow the vinculum broken when they have gotten
the party into a monastery.
St. Paul saies that if the Infidell husband departed from
a beleevinge wife (the woman was not bound) she might marry
againe, because she gave noe scandall in seekinge the sepera-
tion, but if the beleevinge were uneasye she might part from
her husband but not marry again. To avoid givinge scandall
that she might be thought to doe it for lust.
The Greeke church practises and marriage.
The Councell of Eliberis is for it.
Imperiall law is also for it. See Theodosius his Code.
The Arguments against the Bill were as followeth.
That Matt. 5.32 and Matt. 19, each place containeth 2
distinct sentences of our Saviour, the one touching the cause of
Divorce, the other the Practise after divorce and are soe
distinctly to be understood.
From the Beginninge it was not soe. That is then there
was divorce for noe cause whatsoever. God putt two onely
together and none can seperate then. Whence they inferr
marriage once lawfully made can never be undone for noe
cause. (It is objected to that why did not Laban and the
Patriarchs before the Leviticall law, understand the institution
of marriage to be soe, but practised Poligamy without reprehen-
sion. They putt away a wife for Hatred).
Principles obsta. He that makes the first breach into an
inconvenient liberty hath the most sinn. Therefore lett us take
heed of opening the first lawfulnesse of this practise.
The bond is not onely taken in the Spirituall Court to prevent
future marriage, but it is part of the Sentence of the Divorce.
And if the Ld. Ross would have advantage, it must not be
from a part of the sentence onely but consonant to the whole.
Common Lawiers distinguish divorce into
Divortwm ( Pr t Dictum ( mllitas mMmo or a
I impropvie I a thoro et mensa
VOL. II. 21
322 APPENDIX H
and this last is the divorce sentenced in the case of Adultery e.
Soe that the vincuhim remaines.
As Christ is Head of the church soe is the husband of the
wife (i.e. indissolubly).
There is noe place in the New Testament that speakes of
Divorce but speakes against the innocent parties marrienge
againe. And not a word in all the evangelists for it.
The Canons of Carthage and the Apostles are against it.
(Objected to that Canons governe onely the conveniencye or
inconveniencye of Practise but, make not lawf ull or unlawfull
as to sinn.)
The Church of England are against it who never departed
from the Church of Rome where it held Catholique doctrine.
Matt. 19 was spoken to the Jewes as an exeption to endure
only soe longe as theire oeconomye lasted. But that Govern-
ment is now expired and the rules of it abolished.
The Contract of marriage is untill death us do part, by the
liturgy which is the law of England and soe till then the
vinculum of marriage cannot be broke.
By the forequoted Scriptures the woman adulteresse can
never marry againe. Why then if the man may and noe roome
be left for reconciliation it seemes to want charity for the
woman, who whilst living may need marriage as much or
more then the man.
The Councell of Eliberis (as I take it) was quoted for
Canon law.
They suppose that some vulgar errors mislead those that are
for the bill viz.
1. Thinkinge that men have a greater pre-eminence then
woemen.
2. The confounding Seperation with Dissolution.
3. The involving the notion of permission with approbation.
Whereas all Christians hold all priviledges reciprocall
betweene the man and the weoman (though the Jewes did not
soe). And the best expositors say that the allowance was
onely to exempt from penalty but not to warrant it in
conscience, as Clavius (Clavius was granted by the other side,
but in all the rest it was affirmed they were misquoted and were
of a contrary opinion) Grotius, Erasmus, and Spanhemius 117
And that there is noe dissolution a vinculo. Two divorced
DIVORCE OF LORD ROOS
323
Parties may meete againe without new marriage. Joyne the
19 of Matt, to the 2nd of Genesis it shewes not onely a con-
junction but a coalition that can never be dissolved.
Divorce then must have its rise from the 24 of Deuteronomye
which all Drs. and our Saviour Christ himselfe was not a
command but a permission onely. To exempt from guilt
in foro curico but not from culp. in foro conscientia.
St. Augustine and Groetius beinge for the opinion makes
it probable not to be unlawfull but Quod duUtas ne feceris.
The Persian Magi could not be induced to pronounce the
Emperor's incestuous marriage, a lawfull case. But yet
politically said for publique good the Emperor in that case
might lawfully doe what he pleased.
The Debate held from 12 a clocke at Noone untill nine
at night. When the Question was putt and upon tellinge of
the House by the Duke of Ormond and the Earle of Anglesey,
Present Proxies
The not Contents were 42 6 c 48
The Contents were 41 15 / m a11 \ 56
Next Satterday was appointed for the 2nd reading of the
Bill when it was comitted
Contents 48 \
Proxies 16 /
/ Not Contents 44
Proxies 6
On Friday Morninge almost all the not contents entered
theire Protestation whose names follow :
Duke of Yorke.
A. Bpp. of Canterbury.
D. of Richmond.
E. of Manchester.
E. of Brecknock = L d
Ormond.
E. of Kent.
E. of Northampton.
E. of Norwich.
E. of Chesterfield.
Lord Mordant.
Lord Stafford (Vise).
E. of St. Albans.
E. of Craven.
E. of Bristow.
Lord Hatton.
E. of Peterburgh.
A. Bp. of York.
B. of London.
Peterburgh.
Winchester.
Lincolne.
Salisbury.
Exeter.
Rochester.
Bangor.
324 APPENDIX I
B. of Oxford.
,, Landaff.
Viscount Halifax.
Lord Audeley.
Lord Culpeper.
Lord Wotton.
Lord Howard of Escrige.
(Sandwich MSS. Joiivnal, x., ff. 213-228.)
APPENDIX I
THE ROOS CASE: THIRD READING
Monday, March 21, 1670. This morninge the King in person
with his ordinary attendance and habitt (i.e. without sword
etc. Robes Crowne or Regalioes or givinge any warninge)
came into the house of Peeres (who were then turned into a
grand Committee of the whole house my Ld. of Bridgewater
on the Wool Sacke) 1 and sate him downe in the chaire of
State and spake to the house to this effect, viz :
My Lords,
I am come amongst you to renew an ancient practise
of my Ancestors, which is to be present at your debates, and
therefore desire to give noe interruption to your proceedings
but that you would goe on in your businesse in the method I
found you. And I pray you all to sitt downe and putt on your
Hatts, and soe putting off his owne hatt the Lds. sate downe,
and as the Kinge covered soe did they.
This greate extraordinary thinge caused no little astonish-
ment. And therefore the True reason is worth the Knowledge,
which Breifly is thus.
Divers discourse that the King espoused this Case of my
Ld. Ross his not onely for the justice thereoff, but because
it was in his Intention to putt away the Queene for which
occasion this would be a profitable president. And on the
contrary the Qu[een] and Duke opposed it to the Highest as
tendinge to the separation of the one and cuttinge off the
succession of the other. The Duke therefore by all manner
1 The work in hand was the Bill to suppress Conventicles (see Lords'
Journals).
THE ROOS CASE : THIRD READING 325
of vigor, in the house of Peeres, speakinge agt. it, Brow-
beatinge the favorers of it and almost violently Halinge out
Lords upon the division of the house of peeres, brought it to
have one voice more of the Lds. present agt. it (though the
Proxies over balanced and carried it) and afterward the Duke
himself and all the Partie protested agt. it ; soe that the Kinge
to save the House from the Impetuousnesse of his brother and
to secure the businesse he wished might succeed and justly
ought to doe so, renewed the ancient practise of the Kings
beinge present at Debates.
Though some say it is dangerous and wants president onely
in cases Judiciall and that the house of Commons hath chal-
lenged the Lds. for breakinge the priviledge of Parliament, in
communicatinge the substance of a bill to the Kinge as it was
passinge and before it came to him for the Royall assent.
Friday, March 25. The House of Peeres in a body with
theire speaker came to the Banquetting house at Whitehall
to the Kinge and gave his Matie. thankes for the Honor of
his Prescence at the Debates of theire house.
Monday, March 28. My Lord Ross his Bill was read in
the house of Peeres (the Kinge beinge present) and debated
whether it should passe into a law or not. 1
The dispute held from 1 1 in the morninge untill past 6 at
night.
LORD BRISTOW. Spoke upon the 19 chap, of Matt, affirm -
inge that Scripture to containe 2 distinct propositions, and the
exeption there to belonge unto the first of them.
He said that if the words had beene placed thus (viz. who-
soever shall putt away his wife and marry another, except for
the Cause of Fornication) that then it had beene a cleare warrant
of 2nd marriage in this case.
He said the places in Marke and Luke and St. Paul are all
cleare and plaine places agt. it, and that there was but this
one doubtfull text that gives any pretention to the lawfullnesse
of it.
In doubtfull cases he said of necessity the church must be
judge (not only the church of Rome, but such church which
1 The Lords' Jotirnah simply say that "after a long debate" the Bill
passed.
326 APPENDIX I
the Disputants owne and deferr unto) unlesse wee be of the
Socinian opinion to determine all thinges by our reason, which
must suppose every man to be qualified with a sufficient pro-
portion of reason and parts to decide questions, the contrary
whereoff experience shews and indeed renders that a most
absurd and foolish opinion.
Then he alledged that the church of England was against
the bill. And that Groetius found it a doubtfull case and
determined that it was best to maintaine that side that favored
most the inviolable preservation of the strict bond of matri-
monye, and Mr. Selden De Uxove concludes that even scince
the reformation wee have practised in this case accordinge to
rules of the church of Rome.
He said he knew but 2 conveniences that were hoped for,
viz :
1. Christian and conscientious to prevent sinn in case my
Ld. Ross should be a wencher, upon which ground every
Brother in Christ that had the same fire, had the same pretence
to Indulgence.
2. Generosity and Kindnesse to soe noble a family to pro-
cure them succession, to satisfy which end he said there was
a way open better than this of a bill, viz. namely that in the
case of my Ld. Marquess of Northampton.
But the Inconveniences he said were many and of more
weight.
1. The President of doinge this by a bill a Priori, he said he
would willingly consent to a bill ex post factum, but not by a
law a priori to encourage one to steale his neighbor's mutton,
that is to establish wickednesse by a law.
2. What father can be secure for the settlement of his
Daughter if this be practised, the law is very tender and doth
allow the children of the wife if the husband was within the
compasse of the 4 Seas.
3. Domesticke peace would be destroyed by it in families
when a way should be opened to be unmarried againe. There
have beene examples in this nation of eminent qualitie that
a ladye to enjoy her love and be divorced hath beene content to
confesse adulterye, as the lawes now stand. What may wee
then expect when the law shall countenance it.
4. The exercise of Legislature in a private case, ought to be
THE ROOS CASE: THIRD READING 327
tenderly done, but never when the case stands in competition
with publique inconvenience.
5. An essentiall right of the Church of England is in danger
of being overthrowne by it, which is to determine in matters
ecclesiasticall. He advised us therefore not to passe it untill
wee had advised with the Convocation about it. And said
it would be a greefe unto him to see a bill of this nature pass
the Convocation unconsulted and all the B[ishops]Bench op-
posinge it.
LORD ESSEX. Said that the Councells and fathers disagreed
and therefore could be noe rule in such cases.
And if they were fitt to be heeded, he thought such councells
were most to be regarded that were held before marriage was
forbidden to the Preists. And such councells favor the bill.
He said the marriage bond was broken (like as peace
betweene Princes) not when the fact was committed, but when
the Injured party makes his claime to the Judge, who cannot
deny Justice being asked it.
Soe that the act of Adulterie does but putt the husband in
the advantage to take the forfeiture, if, and when, he pleases.
The Marquess of Northampton's case hath beene said to
justify a thinge done, but it is also plain that that act hath
a 'Prospect legitimatinge the children to be borne after the
divorce and that is the same case as the present one is.
That Parliament and age were for this opinion because in
that law they call the 2nd wife that VERTUOUS lady which
could not be if the bond stood.
The Inconveniences are cured when it shall be restrained to
the reliefe by Particular bill in a Parliament and noe generall
law made in the case.
And it is an act of Grace, which noe other person can
challenge ex debito justo. Favor is free.
It may prevent the growinge of the forreigne practise of
poysoninge and killinge wives.
LORD LUCAS. Alleages Inconveniences.
The same reason holds for a Generall Bill as for this which
will :
i. Encourage Adultery. A woman loves a man. She com-
mits adultery. If her husband say nothinge, she goes on freely
328
APPENDIX I
in her amour, if he putt her away, then she may marry her
lover or any body else, and it is but fornication, a small sinn
if any.
2. It will make feuds in family es when one family that is
greate marryes the divorced of another.
He said the greatest part of Christendome (the Romane
church) lies under this hardshipp without inconvenience and the
Pope may well be beleeved in this point against his interest
for if he gains by selling indulgences, to allow Indulgence in
this case would raise him a vast revenue.
LORD ANDOVER. As a Catholique professed the lawes of
Consanguinitye in this case were such as he held himselfe
bound in conscience to hold the marriage for a nullitye. (They
My Lord Ross and his Lady beinge cosen Germaines once
remooved.)
LORD BRISTOW. A Catholique also. Confesses accordinge
to the rules of the Romane church the marriage is null for con-
sanguinitye. But as a member of a Protestant Parliament,
and also because the matter of consanguinitye is not alledged
in the bill (which is the onely ground wee can goe upon) that
he would vote agt. the bill.
LORD BERKSHIRE. Mooved that the Lady Ross might
have some competent provision setled by the bill for her
rnainetenance.
DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM. Said Consensus facit matrimonium,
ecclesia sacvamentum ; out of Bellarmine. Wherefore he in-
ferred, that those churches that have it not for a sacrament
may admitt 2nd. marriage in this case.
That if this law did extend to the adulterye of the man as of
the woman yet it may be there was noe inconvenience thereby
but rather a better meanes to oblidge men as well as weomen to
live more vertuously.
LORD ASHLEY. Saies that before the Councell of Trent
mariage was a civill contract and managed by the civill
magistrate and in such cases it is sufficient that nothinge in
Scripture can be produced to the contrary, it is not necessary
to find out positive commands there, or else it would be of
evill consequence to many civill lawes and constitutions.
THE ROOS CASE: THIRD READING 329
The Councell of Antioch allowed 2nd marriage in this case
and divers others 436 yeeres after Christ and till it was made
a sacrament it was never taken wholly out of the hand of the
civill magistrate. And the church of Rome never left this case
desperate, but found place to releeve many greate and noble
familyes as there was occasion.
Linwood saies in case of either parties entering into a
monasterye both are dissolved a vinculo matrimonii.
The takinge security of the persons not to marry implies
the possibilitye and lawfullnesse thereoff.
Reconciliation is impossible in this case, the nocent party
havinge lived more filthily and scandalously scince the divorce
then before.
And if they could reconcile yet it were to noe purpose
because the last act of Parliament hath illegitimated all the
children that can hereafter be begotten of the body of the
Lady Ross.
LORD HALIFAX. Thinkes the church was a better judge in
this matter when the Preists were unmarried. For surely the
Generality of them are not to be supposed uncleane. And
therefore the argument of Preventing sinn cannot weigh much,
because a greate many live holily without marriage, and
prayer and fastinge and a good climate are good meanes to
keepe safe in that point.
He said Presidents of Parliament were not infallible, for it
may be the best thinges wee have done may have beene the
repeale of some acts of Parliament.
The Generall Practise hath beene against 2d. marriage and
therefore the Proofe should lie on the marriage side.
He told a story of a Traveler that visitinge a monasterye
and wonderinge at theire strictnesse and dutye, asked them
what would become of them if that they laboured after and
obeyed, were not true, to whom they replied what would become
of him if it were true. Which he applied what would become
of us if wee should make a law against the law of God.
This bill hath already done much hurt, it hath putt by many
Private bills, wherein men have wanted releefe as much as my
Lord Ross can want a wife. And it is likely these cases will
be more frequent hereafter and take up much of our tyme
330 APPENDIX I
He said he feared [? not] the Introduction of the Customes of
Poisoning and stabbinge wifes in this climate, but he feared
the great encouragement of Perjury e, when it shall have this
strong motive, viz. of beinge quit of a wife one is a weary off
and the hopes of obtaininge one one loves.
The inconvenience on the one hand is that if my Lady
Ross doe not dye in convenient tyme, my Lord Ross cannot
marry.
But on the other hand, there is a likelyhood of inconve-
niences, publique and eternall.
Whereas it is said Bishops [and] martyrs have beene for it.
That is noe good argument for they might have done ill before
that, as it was notorious Cranmer who once recanted, before he
was burnt.
LORD HOLLIS. Said he thought this case had beene releivable
in the Spirituall Courts and that the Lord Ross might have
married againe without need of a law ; but scince it is made
plaine that that cannot be, he confessed he was for the bill.
Touching God's law he said he walked by 2 rules.
1. That all texts of Scripture were of Equall authoritye and
therefore one scripture in a case is as authentique, as never soe
many, and a rule of our faith.
2. Whatever is more full in one place and scant in another,
the full place must explaine the scant and more concise.
Which 2 rules he applied to the Scriptures of Matt. 5 and 19
and the other Scriptures alledged.
Whereby the way he explained the scense of " From the
beginning it was not soe " to be meant of the State before the
fall.
In Marke and Luke the exeption in Matt, must be under-
stood or they are not true, for then divorce were not lawfull
for any cause, whereas it is plaine it is lawfull for one viz.
adultery.
To prohibite the innocent person from marrienge again he
said he held as unlawfull as the Celibate vow, wee beinge all
subject to that Iron law, of (who can take it) and he said he
doubted whether prayer and fastinge were sufficient to com-
passe it.
We have a penall statute for a man that shall marry 2 wifes
THE ROOS CASE: THIRD READING 331
and there are severall exeptions therefrom which shew the
opinion of that parliament viz.
i. Exept those that have beene absent 7 yeares. 2. Those
that are divorced by ecclesiastical censure. 3. Neerenesse of
blood. 4. Precontract. 5. Within age.
Our late canons allow the innocent person ad novas nuptias
Progredi.
BISHOP OF WINCHESTER. Denyes the rules delivered by
my Lord Hollis to be sound ones.
1. For instance, one place saies that the Theeves mocked
Christ when it is true of but one.
2. The same place confutes his 2d rule also, for the larger
place is untrue.
3. I will add other rules, as That obscure places are to be
interpreted by the plaine. Those of Matt, are obscure.
4. Places of Scripture are true in the latitude they are
spoken. Therefore universall and Generall places as Every-
one etc. give law to the others that are more particular.
5. Places of Scripture are true accordinge to the occasion,
distingue tempora; It was true that 2d marriage was lawfull
under the Mosaicall Policy ; but not true after Christ had
destroyed that.
In the 5th of Matt. Christ interpretts law and does not play
the part of a lawgiver. Noe new precept is there delivered
but such as can be shewen out of Moses doctrine before, and
this is not to lessen our Saviour and make him Moses his
vicar ; but it is to make the word of God the Interpreter of
the mind of God and who more fitt, or with office more
honorable.
The essence of marriage does not lie in the condition nor
are the words of the liturgy alwaies necessary ; I John, take
thee Joan, is enough.
It is an argument of the falsenesse of any doctrine to find
that the practise of it tends to confusion, and such would
be the consequence of such an universall practise as this
bill is.
And it is a greate argument of the truth of the Scriptures
that poore fishermen should deliver such doctrine which if it
were practised would putt the whole world at peace.
332 APPENDIX I
BISHOP OF CHESTER. Divorce for Adultery amonge the Jewes
had 3 severall trialls and 3 distinct punishments.
1. Prooved by 2 wittnesses.
2. The husband was jealous
of it.
3. The husbands personall
knowledge of it.
Punishment, Death.
The water of
Jealousye.
A bill of Divorce-
ment.
Turpitude in Deut. 24, is not meant of Adultery only but of
such nakednesse as wee would cover from the sight of man.
Dishonor. Immodesty. A woman goinge unveiled or bare
breasted.
In the place of Marke and Luke the exeption of Matt. 19
might as well be understood as the exeptions belonginge to the
morall lawes. viz. Thou shall not kill. Yet it is done for ones
owne defence or by command of the Magistrate etc.
Restrained places must not be interpreted by Generall places
of Scripture, for then all exeptions in restrained places signifies
nothinge.
It was urged that in Doubtfull cases one should vote the
safest way.
And it was replied unto that those which doubted should
rather withdraw and not vote at all.
At length my Lord Anglesey offered a proviso to allow the
Lady Ross ^"400 a yeare for mainetenance but because the bill
had beene 3 tymes read, it was against rule to admitt it, but
he and my Lord Ashley and my Lord of Rutland undertooke
the substance of the Provisoe should be made good to her.
And then the Question Beinge putt upon the whole Bill it
past in the affirmative.
The Contents were 42^ Proxies were not
The not contents 35 J called upon.
Thursday followinge upon a Create Debate which held untill
10 a clocke at night in the House of Commons, the Bill for my
Lord Ross past without any amendment.
The question for bringing in Candles was carried [by]
but one voice, but after that the main question by seven
voices.
THE DISPUTE BETWEEN THE HOUSES 333
Sir Wm Coventry, Sir Ph. Warwick and the Clarendonians
were the greate opposers, and all the Dukes party who upon
loss of the first question many of them in passion deserted the
house. 1 (Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., ff. 235-258.)
APPENDIX J
THE DISPUTE BETWEEN THE HOUSES
Satterday, Aprill 22, 1671. In the Afternoone the Kinge in
person in the house of Peeres passed such bills as were ready
for the Royall assent and Prorogued the Parliament untill the
1 6th of Aprill to come, anno Dom. 1672.2
This prorogation was hastened by a difference that fell out
betweene the 2 houses about a bill for forreigne excise, the
circumstances are well worth notice and are as folio weth, viz:
The House of Commons for an additionall supply to the
King's occasions framed a bill of excise upon forreigne com-
modities, whereoff sugars of our plantations, and tobacco and
silkes imported etc. were imposed upon. When the bill came
up to the house of Peeres, many of the subjects petitioned and
complained to the Lds. of greate damage to the Trade of the
Kingdome and to the plantations by the said imposition and
were heard at a Committee. The Committee voted ease to the
Tobacco and to white sugars of our owne plantations as also
to those of Portugall. But the house of Peeres did not agree
as to the Tobacco, but did agree to the abatement of the white
sugars aforesaid and havinge amended the bill accordingly they
delivered it to the house of Commons at a Conference with the
reasons which mooved theire Lordships to make the alterations.
The H. of Com. speedily voted theire owne priviledge
touchinge grantinge of money and all the Stepps belonging
thereunto and negatively as to the Lds. that they could not
alter any thinge of a subsidie granted by the Commons;
1 On page 290 Sandwich has a further note about the King's presence in the
Lords, "to continue a practice he began last Session in my Lord Ross his
cause ; that it might not seeme to have beene taken up out of partialitye."
2 See Lords' Journals.
334 APPENDIX J
Neverthelesse to take off a little of that hardnesse they resolved
at a conference with the Peeres to make mention onely of a
subsidie of Tonnage and poundage asserting theire priviledge
aforesaid as that from which they could never depart and then
ex dbundanti to offer reasons to the Lds. in answer to theires,
the which Conference was had and managed accordingly.
The preamble to all being the asserting that priviledge of
theires and that that notion was to be taken alonge with every
reason they had given.
The house of Peeres highly displeased with the assertion of
the Commons, voted in the like termes there owne priviledge
in abating subsidies of Tonnage and poundage and because the
Commons had linked their assertion with every reason, they
neglected to make answere to any other point but to that greate
assertion and at a conference to give reasons and Presidents
for theire vote, (the Presidents were chosen and managed by
the advise of the Ld. Cheife Justice Vaughan of the Common
pleas). The House of Commons at another Conference adhered
to theire former opinion and gave reasons and Presidents in
refutall of those of the Lds. Mr. Attorney Generall began the
Conference and highly provoked the House of Peeres with
satiricall invectives.
The house of Peeres would faine have replied at a free
Conference upon the last Conference of the house of Commons
but it seemes the King thought fitt to cutt short this dispute by
a Prorogation, which after it was made knowne to the Lords
soe that they saw there was not tyme sufficient to examine
what the Commons had delivered and to refell it, were forced
to save theire honors in the best manner and speedily to vote
the reasons given at the Conference unsatisfactory, and to
appoint a Committee of theire owne to prepare reasons and
replyes to them, which was the last thing ordered when the
Kinge came into the house to prorogue the Parliament.
The Country partye in the house of Commons were of
opinion with the reasons of the Lords and if the Courtiers
had not beene fierce against it in the house of Commons, it is
beleeved both houses had agreed and the bill not beene lost.
But the Court partie in the house of Commons (being of my
Lord Arlington's partie and contrary to the Duke of Bucking-
ham who stood up highly for the priviledge of the house of
THE DISPUTE BETWEEN THE HOUSES 335
Peeres) finding this a greate advantage to render the Duke of
Bucks ill with the King, to lay the blame of the losse of the
bill upon him, and the Country party, finding a difference at
Court, were glad to blow the Coale. Besides that magnifying
the house of Commons (whom Clifford and Arlington Governes)
did make those persons considerable and of greate power with
the King, which if the house of Peeres had beene suffered to
controle them, the Peerage would have lessened theire power
and interest, and Buckingham and Ashley and the nobles would
have growne most in the King's esteeme.
They all agreed to breake with the Lds. in this point. And
scince chardge the hindrance of it upon the House of
Peeres and particular Lords there, viz. L d Buckingham,
L d Ashley, L d Bp. of Rochester, L d Halifax and myselfe;
and affirme the losse of that bill for 9 yeeres to import the
Kinge a million of monye; Whereas it is certain the Court
party in the House of Commons were the losse of it, against
reason, onely for their owne designe, and very able merchants
thinke the Kinge has not lost a farthinge by losse of the bill ;
for in Cromwell's tyme the like bill made not above ^"160,000
per ann ; whereoff the wine was 80 or 90,000 [] which now is
a particular act. Oyles, and dienge Commodities were omitted
in this that were in the old one. High impost, (when stealinge
Custome was better than the Commerce) would have introduced
much deceipt ; the farmers of the Customs would have had
^"60,000 rebate upon pretence of the bill, and besides all this
the King's plantations would have beene ruined thereby.
The sugar businesse was the cheife abatement which caused
this quarrell, and that beinge principally carried out by mee
(though my Lord Ashley also was fully of the same mind and
did a good part therin) I shall shew the manner of that pro-
ceedinge and insert all the papers that passed betweene both
houses concerninge that affaire, and a discourse of my owne of
the reason of it.
When the house of Commons begann to frame this bill of
excise and determined to chardge the sugars of our owne
plantations, the Planters were alarmed at it, and presented a
petition to the Councell of Plantations, whereoff I am President,
shewing theire discouragement, if not ruine thereby. But wee
of that Councell were cautious not to meddle with a matter
336 APPENDIX J
dependinge in Parliament, and therefore left the Petitioners to
complaine and shew theire greevances to the Parliament,
which they did and all parties were heard by Committees. The
House of Commons were hard to the planters both in the
generall impost, but more especially in the proportion sett upon
Browne sugars and white, wherein it is said there was par-
tiality to the Refiners (for that there were 8 or 10 refiners of
sugar members of the House of Commons ; and it is moreover
talked that the refiners had given greate bribes).
When the Bill came up to the house of Lds. because my
place as Presdt. of the Councell of Plantations and the applica-
tion made there by the planters ; seemed to call mee to the
Studdy and canvasinge of that matter, I inclined to apply my
selfe thereunto, but before I tooke one stepp I went to the
King, because his Majestie's revenue was concerned in the
case, to Know his pleasure whether I should meddle in it or
noe ? The Kinge was graciously pleased to expresse to mee
his concernment that the plantations should not be prejudiced,
and his trust in my fidelity, and gave mee to exercise my
owne understandinge about it for his service ; whereupon
I francly entered into all the considerations and debates
about it and managed it at the Committees and in the house
of Peeres.
And the issue fell onely upon that one point of the proportion
betweene white and Browne sugar.
This I was active in accordinge to the best of my under-
standing, but as to the greate point whether the Lords should
make any abatement or noe to the bill sent up, I never had
a thought exercised thereupon ; and if the King or my Lord
Arlington had forbidden mee to meddle therein, I should never
have mentioned the particular of the sugar, but if any
alteration was made in the bill, then that there was reason
also to alter that of sugar I thought ; I went with full sayle
accordinge to my Master's service and the leave he had
given mee.
The Committee of the Lords (whereoff I was one) after a
full hearinge of all parties, resolvinge upon the abatement,
ordered mee to presente a paper I had drawne to the house of
peeres, as the reasons of theire opinion the which I did and the
house of Lords approved thereoff, and ordered it to be de-
COMMENTS UPON NEW ENGLAND 337
livered the house of Commons at the first Conference, which
was done (by mee also, beinge made one of the Managers) and
the very originall paper of my owne hand-writing is here
pasted in. 1 (Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., ff. 352-360.)
APPENDIX K
SANDWICH'S COMMENTS UPON NEW
ENGLAND
July 2, 1671. Upon all the informations I have gotten of
New England I make up in my owne opinion the result
followinge :
That they are att present a numerous and thrivinge people
and in 20 yeares more are likely (if civill warrs or other acci-
dents prevent them not) to be mighty rich and powerfull and
not at all carefull of theire dependance upon old England.
Whence wee are to feare the inconveniences followinge.
1. The want of vending our owne manufactures, now carried
thither (possibly to the value of ^"50,000 per ann). And
moreover theire servinge the Streights and other parts of the
world with cloth and the commodities wee serve them with
and soe our markets abroad will be spoiled both in prise and
quantity of vent.
2. The Dependance of our Islands of the Caribees and
Jamaica upon them. For New England serves them with
provisions and all wooden utensills, much cheaper then any
others can. And in likely hood will serve them all other
manufactures that wee doe. And consequently reape the
whole benefitt of those colonies.
3. They will be masters of the Trade of masts, pitch and
tarr and other beneficiall commodities in Pascatoway river and
all the northerne colonies.
I conceive it impossible to prevent wholly theire encrease
and arrivall at this power, neverthelesse I thinke it were
advisable to hinder theire growth as much as can be, in order
whereunto I can find but 2 meanes, viz :
1 The paper is printed in the Lords' Journals, April 12.
VOL. II. 22
338 APPENDIX K
1. A law in Parliament againest Transportinge English
families or persons to any plantations without license of the
King. At present 40 or 50 families or more goinge yearely
thither.
2. To remoove as many people from New England to our
southern plantations as may be, where the produce of theire
labours will not be commodities of the same nature with old
England to out-trade us withall.
Our principall care then must be to regulate this people
and gett as much hand in theire government as wee can,
to enable us to keepe off prejudice from us as long as
wee can.
I take the way of roughnesse and peremptory orders, with
force to backe them, to be utterly unadviseable. For they are
already too strong to be compelled. They have 50,000 trained
bands well armed and disciplined. They have shipps of
300 Tonns burdens and above 20 Gunns and can build halfe
a dozen men of warr yearely (if they will) and though I appre-
hend them yett not at that point to cast us off voluntarily and
of choise ; yett I beleeve if wee use severity towards them in
theire Government civill or religious, that they will (being made
desperate) sett up for themselves and reject us. (I confesse
as yet informed I doe not in the least apprehend theire need of,
or disposition to admitt the protection of any other Nation
either French or Dutch, but if any the French rather of
the 2, for the likelihood of better usage and power already in
America.)
The onely way that occurrs to mee for the King my Master
to have power amongst them is by Policye and faire meanes to
prevent the growing power of the Massachussett Colonye.
1. One meanes whereoff will be to confine and retrench
those unlimited bounds they have sett unto themselves by the
extravagant interpretation of words in theire pattent whereby
they fetch in all the country to the Norwards as farr as Nova
Scotia, and cutt off new Albany from the Duke of Yorke's
country to the Southward.
2. Another meanes by preservinge and encouraging the
other Colonies in power and greatnesse, to keepe up a divided
Interest, in order whereunto the difference betweene the
Colonies of Rhode Island and Connecticutt about bounds neere
COMMENTS UPON NEW ENGLAND 339
Pequit river, is to be adjudged to the advantage of Rhode
Island who else will not be able to subsist as a Colonie wanting
land upon the maine land, upon which to discharge themselves
of the numerous people they breed every yeare, and conse-
quently be lesse able to resist falling under the power and
Government of the Massachussett Colonye.
Also in order to this head, I wish Mason's Patent, Gorges'
Patent, and the Duke of Yorke's at Kinnebeg were united in
the Kinge as Proprietor and made a distinct Government
under a sole Governor, or else Commissioners some (or one)
from hence and another or more that have Interest upon the
place, and all these of qualifications by noe meanes greevous
to the Inhabitants.
Besides the politique end of this new Government I verily
beleeve by a prudent management the Kinge might herebye
benefitt himselfe above ^"10000 a yeare in masts and tymber
for his Navy ; and moreover there is in this province essayes
of Oare out of mines that 17 oz Thereoff yeilds 4 oz of lead
and i oz of silver. There may in tyme also be raised some
revenue out of vacant grounds and woods and the ground rent
of saw mills, whereoff there be 40 in Pascatoway river and
divers in the river of Saco and in other streames, and some
duty might hereafter be raised also out of the fishinge trade
(the principall or sole management whereoff is on the Coasts
of this new Province).
This project I verily beleeve the Massachusett Colonie
would not oppose ; for the matter of boundaryes is soe equit-
able and just to be decided by the King, theire Soveraigne and
Superior, and not fitt nor indeed possible to be setled by equalls
without warr betweene themselves (which they are almost ripe
for). And if the Massachusett were displeased, yet the others
would disgust them for it and be the more tractable to the
King's commands. Butt by all I have heard of New England
they agree that the King's authority in this would be obeyed
and that they are not ripe to oppose the King's pleasure in
a matter of this nature onely. It is true that formerly they
did oppose the proceedinges of the Kings Commissioners, but
it must be considered :
i. That the persons and qualifications of those Commis-
sioners (though very worthy and able and faithfull servants
340 APPENDIX K
of his Majesty) yet were diametrically opposite to the Temper
of that people.
2. Theire principall point of difference was, the Introducinge
of a new Court of Appeales in all Causes, and the Case of a
shipp in issue wherein divers of the principal Governors of the
Countrey were concerned, and the pretence of thereby losing
theire Privilege, by grant, to determine all civill causes within
theire Colonye.
3. That the Province of Mayn was pretended to by Mr.
Gorges, a Particular man, of noe greate substance, creditt
or contrivance to make considerable opposition, (which is a
principall reason why I insist upon the necessity of having
the Kinge Proprietor thereoff).
My opinion therefore is that 2 Commissioners should be sent
hence to joyne with 2 more chosen out of New England with
power onely to settle the matter of Boundaries and to have
private directions to doe in the manner abovesaid. Other
private directions they might have to guide theire deportment
for the King's service in the matter of religion and admission
of persons to the freedome of the Countrye, but cheifly to
enforme themselves well of the nature of affaires there and
advise what were most fitt to be done, which would be a
better ground to proceed upon (perhapps) then any thing wee
have now before us.
They should be directed also to preserve the observance of
the Act of Navigation there.
To introduce a Government of the King's into Rode Island.
To encourage the Connecticutt Colonye in theire good affec-
tion and obedience and power.
The Qualifications of these Commissioners to be :
1. Fidelitye to the ends and designe whereupon they are
sent.
2. Prudence and sobrietye, such as may be of esteeme in
that countrye and by noe meanes averse to them.
These Commissioners to be sent to Boston for residence.
A Government or other Commissioners to be sent to Governe
the province of Mayn, Mason's patent, and Kinnebeg.
I am also of opinion that the case of New England admitts
of noe delay or Temporizing without applieng this kind of
remedie, for they encrease fast every yeare both in people,
COMMENTS UPON NEW ENGLAND 341
Trade, riches, and multitude of shipps, and will be the apter
to disobey. Moreover they are now in Possession of those
northern Countreyes which wee designe to separate from them,
and they are encroachinge upon Rode Island and the other
Colonyes and in fine I feare in few yeares, if some prevention
be not applied, the Massachusetts Colonye will have mastered
all the rest and then all our policye will come too late to gett a
footinge in such a powerfull Commonwealth or Monarchy as
possibly that may be formed into. (Sandwich MSS. Journal,
vol. x., ff. 430-438.)
INDEX
*** In the Index the English proper names have cross references wherever necessary, but
will mostly be found under the name by which the man is generally known.
*** The proper names of foreigners are given under the most general forms.
** References to the footnotes are only given when they contain information which does
not appear in the text.
*** Names in the Appendices are not indexed, since most of them occur only in division
lists.
Aachen, Peace of, ii. 146
Accounts (Commission of). See
Brooke House
Act of Recognition, alluded to, i. 1 19
Admiralty, Mountagu as Commis-
sioner of, i. 171
Affonso VI. (King of Portugal) : re-
ceives Sandwich, i. 202, 211 ; bids
farewell to Catherine, i. 213 ; his
character, ii. 120; is deposed, ii.
123
African Company (the Royal), ham-
pered by the Dutch, i. 263
Agitators, the, obtain control of the
army, i. 73
Alarum, 7 he, alluded to, ii. 197
Albemarle, Duchess of (Anne Monck) :
imputes cowardice to Sandwich, ii.
44 ; her death and fortune, ii. 206
Albemarle, Duke of (George Monck) :
declines to help Richard Cromwell,
i. 130; suspected by Fleetwood,
i. 134 ; apparent submission to the
Commonwealth, i. 137 ; his charac-
ter and appearance, i. 161 ; enters
politics, i. 162 ; demands a free
Parliament, i. 163 ; defeats Lam-
bert, i. 168 ; deceives the Rump,
i. 169 ; supplants Fleetwood, i.
170; a General-at-Sea, i. 171 ;
suggested as Protector, i. 172 ; ap-
proached by the Royalists, i. 174 ;
supports Mountagu's work, i. 1 76 ;
dines at Skinners' Hall, i. 177 ;
anticipates Parliament, i. 183 ;
created Duke of Albemarle, i. 191 ;
supports the Portuguese match, i.
196 ; advocates sale of Dunkirk,
i. 219 ; as a seaman, i. 266 ; ob-
jects to the distribution of the
prize-goods, ii. 8 ; warns Sand-
wich, ii. ii ; sells the goods, ii.
13; criticizes Sandwich, ii. 17;
opens the Hamburg trade, ii. 21 ;
attacks Sandwich and Penn, ii. 22
et seqq. ; to go to sea, ii. 23 ; urges
an inquiry, ii. 27 ; his orders, ii.
28 ; opposes Sandwich's pardon,
ii. 29 ; tells Pepys of Sandwich's
appointment, ii. 44 ; his failure as
Admiral, ii. 170 et seq. ; suggests
a match for Hinchingbrooke, ii.
174; he retires, ii. 189; attacked
in Parliament, ii. 191 ; his death,
ii. 206 ; his interest in Jamaica,
ii. 210
Alconbury (Hunts), i. 7, 255
Aldeburgh, i. 298, ii. 272, 280
Algiers: nest of pirates, i. 198; bom-
bardment of, i. 200 ; treaty with,
i. 214
Alicante, i. 199
Allin, Thomas (Admiral) : commands
under Sandwich, i. 270; attacks
the Smyrna fleet, i. 272 ; com-
mands as Rear-Admiral, i. 320 et
seq. ; alluded to, ii. 5
Alured, Colonel John, takes over
Mountagu's regiment, i. 138
Amboyna, massacre at, alluded to,
i. 273
Amegial, Battle of, alluded to, ii.
128
342
INDEX
343
America. See under Plantations,
etc.
Anabaptists, dismissed their ships,
i- 175
Anglesey, Earl of (Arthur Annesley),
ii. 287
Anglicans, the, oppose toleration,
i. 244
Anjou, Duke of, i. 113
Anne of Austria (Queen-Mother of
France), i. 113
Antwerp, Mountagu hampers trade
of, i. 104
Arlington, Lord (Sir Henry Bennet) :
supplants Clarendon, i 259 ; al-
luded to, i. 268 ; negotiates with
De Witt, i. 272 ; alluded to, i.
321 ; congratulates Sandwich, ii.
1 1 ; supports him, ii. 30 ; his
opinion of Fanshaw, ii. 40 ; his
instructions to Fanshaw, ii. 42 ;
helps to oust him, ii. 44 ; instructs
Sandwich, ii. 94, 96 ; supports him
against Southwell, ii. 137 ; con-
cerned over precedence, ii. 147 ;
his rivalry with Buckingham, ii.
189 ; alluded to, ii. 212 ; leads the
Court party, ii. 226 ; entertains the
King, ii. 254
Army (see also under New Model,
etc.) : its republican tendencies,
i. 115 ; opposes hereditary Protect-
orate, i. 116; deposes Richard
Cromwell, i. 128 ; quarrels with
Parliament, i. 160 ; controlled by
Monck, i. 169 ; supports the "Good
old Cause," i. 174
Arnolphin, Abbot, his pamphlet, ii.
73 et seq.
Ash (or Ashe), Simeon, alluded to,
i. 61
Ashley, Lord. See Cooper, A. A.
Astorga, ii. 55
Audley End : compared with Hinch-
ingbrooke, i. 229; alluded to, ii.
161
Austria (see also Habsburg) interested
in Sandwich's mission, ii. 36
Aveiro, Duchess of, her presents to
Sandwich, ii. 150
Ayscue, George, Admiral, i. 301 ;
alluded to, ii. 6 ; disowns the prize
distribution, ii. 9
B
Badajoz, ii. 127
Badiley, Richard, seaman, i. 96
Bahamas, the, ii. 211
Baides, Marquess of: Mountagu's
prisoner, i. 98 et seq. ; alluded to,
ii. 6 1 ; his jocose play, ii. 89 ;
talks politics, ii. 95
Baltic Question (see also under Den-
mark, Sweden, etc.), i. 120 et
seqq. ; proposals for settlement of
recast, i. 141 ; Dutch fleet and,
i. 151
Banckers, Adriaen, Lieutenant -Ad-
miral : out with a squadron, i.
275 ; alluded to, ii. 25 ; remains in
the Vlie, ii. 252 ; contains the
French, ii. 268 et seqq.
Banda Islands. See Poleroon
Barbon, Praise-God, opposes Crom-
well, i. 8 1
Barbon or " Barebones " Parliament,
i. 79 et seqq.
Barnwell Castle, i. 76
Barnwell (Northants), i. 6 ; Moun-
tagus buried at, i. 18, ii. 289
Barnwell, Priory of (Co. Cambs),
i. 4
Barnwell, Robert, i. 226
Barwick, John, i. 158
Basing House, Mountagu's regiment
at, i. 72
Basingstoke, i. 50
Bath, Earl of. See Grenville, Sir
John
Beard, Thomas, i. 14
Beaufort, Duke of, off Lisbon, ii. 69
Becke, Betty: attracts Lord Sand-
wich, i. 245 et seqq. ;. is vindi-
cated, i. 250
Becke, Mr., i. 243
Becke, Mrs., i. 243
Bedford, i. 27
Bedminster, i. 66
Belem (Lisbon), i. 209
Belt, the, Dutch fleet in, i. 151
Belvoir, seat of the Rutlands, alluded
to, i. 88
Benavente, ii. 57, 59
Bennet, Sir Henry. See Arlington,
Lord
Bergen : suggested attack on, i. 321 ;
attacked, i. 327 et seqq. ; the affair
discussed, i. 330 ; its effect in Eng-
land, i. 337 ; Sandwich's anxiety
over, ii. 50
Berkeley, Sir William, i. 270, i. 301 ;
takes prize-goods, ii. 4 ; alluded to,
ii. 5 ; repudiates the distribution,
ii. 6
"Beverage wine," i. 295
Bigot, S. F. See Morogues
Bilbao, ii. 62
344
INDEX
Birch, John, opposes Cromwell, i. 85
Birkenhead, Sir John, ii. 229
" Bishops' War," the, i. 15
Blake, Robert : General-at-Sea, i. 90
et seqq. ; supports Meadows at
Lisbon, i. 94 ; sails for the Straits,
i. 95 ; in Oeiras Bay, i. 96 ; his
death, i. 104
Bland, John : his complaints of Nor-
wood, ii. 156 ; Mayor-elect of
Tangier, ii. 158 et seq.; his
quarrels, ii. 168
Blandford (Dorset), i. 61
Blome, Richard, geographer, ii. 232
Blount, Lady Anne, i. 83
Bodleian Library, Mountagu's papers
in, i. 86, ii. 24, 26
Bohemia, Elizabeth, Queen of, i. 185
Bolsover Castle, taken, i. 48
Bombay, cession of, i. 195, 268
Boone, Thomas, i. 143 ; supports
Mountagu, i. 149 ; his powers
questioned, i. 152
Booth, Sir George, his insurrection,
i. 155 ; is readmitted to Parlia-
ment, i. 170
Bordeaux, M., French ambassador,
i.8 5
Boscobel Oak, i. 133
Boston (Mass.), ii. 216 et seqq.
Bough ton House (Northants), i. 4 et
seqq. ; alluded to, ii. 183
Bougie. See Buzema
Boulogne, Royalists at, i. 155
Boyle, Lady Anne. See Hinching-
brooke, Lady
Boyle, Richard. See Burlington,
Lord
Boyle, Roger (first Earl of Orrery).
See Broghill
Brabant, law of devolution in, ii. 109
Brackley (Northants), i. ii
Brahe, Count, visits Mountagu, i. 126
Brampton (Hunts), i. 7; manor of,
i. 225, ii. 288
Brandenburg, involved in the Baltic
question, i. 125, i. 142
Bray, Temperance, i. 19
Breda, i. 177 ; declaration of, i. 179;
Treaty of, ii. 117
Brereton, Lord (William Brereton),
alluded to, ii. 191
Bressa Sound. See Shetland
Brest, ii. 252
Bridgewater, Earl of (John Egerton,
second Earl), ii. 287
Bridgewater (Somerset), i. 63 et seqq.
Bridlmgton Bay, i. 287
Brienne, or de Brienne, M., i. 85
Bristol, Earl of (George Digby), im-
peaches Clarendon, i. 251 et seq.
Bristol : importance of, in war, i.
61 ; siege of, i. 66 et seq.; well
fortified, i. 68 ; stormed, i. 69 et
seqq.
Brodrick, Alan, quoted, ii. 26
Broghill, Lord (Roger Boyle, first
Earl of Orrery) : is a "kingling,"
i. 101 ; his doubts of Cromwell's
policy, i. 107 ; alluded to, i. 135 ;
attacks Ormond, ii. 199 ; opposed
by the Clarendonians, ii. 200 ;
alluded to, ii. 227
Brooke, Captain, commended for gal-
lantry, ii. 249
Brooke House Commission, ii. 190
et seqq. ; a sitting described, ii. 197 ;
disbanded, ii. 198
Brouncker, Henry, checks pursuit of
the Dutch, i. 307 et seqq., ii. 24
Brouncker, William, Lord, Commis-
sioner of Prizes, ii. 5 et seqq.
Bruges, Royalists at, i. 133
Brussels, Royalists at, i. 133 et seq.
Brynkley, Anne, Prioress, i. 3
Buccleuch, Countess of. See Scott,
Lady Anne
Buckingham (George Villiers, second
Duke of) : quarrels with Sandwich,
i. 194 ; a volunteer, i. 284 ; alluded
to, i. 293 ; defends Sandwich over
precedence, ii. 162 ; supplants
Clarendon, ii. 189; attacks Sand-
wich, ii. 198 et seq. ; effect of his
policy, ii. 208 ; stands up for the
Peers, ii. 226
Buenos Ayres, trade desired with,
ii. 113
Buen Retire (Madrid), Don Juan
resides at, ii. 1 1 1
Burdon, Robert, i. 4
Burgos (near Corunna), ii. 54
Burlington, Lord (Richard Boyle) :
his daughter marries Lord Hinch-
ingbrooke, ii. 178 ; alluded to, ii.
235, 248
Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop, his com-
ments on Bergen, i. 332
Bury St. Edmunds, i. 22
Butler, James. See Ormond, Duke of
Butler, Lord John, courts Mistress
Mallett, ii. 175 et seqq.
Buzema (Bougie), Mountagu's inspec-
tion of, i. 95
Cabal, the. alluded to, ii. 236 et seqq.
Cadaval, Duke of, ii. 133
INDEX
345
Cadiz (or Gales) : Mountagu at, i. 92 ;
Stayner's success at, i. 96 ; our
frigates at, i. 207, ii. 107, 153
Calais : Mountagu entertained at, i.
113 ; Royalists at, i. 155
Calstock (Cornwall), ii. 288
Cambridge, University of : the Moun-
tagus educated at, i. 10 ; purged
by Manchester, i. 28 ; desires
Mountagu as member, i. 177
Cambridgeshire : soldiers drawn from,
i- 2 5 55 press-gang in, ii. 244
Campeachy, trade with, ii. 37, no
Campo, Fernando del, ii. 67, 83
Can wick (Lincoln), i. 30
Caracena, Marquess of, ii. 95
Cardigan, mines of, ii. 211
Caribees : alluded to, ii. 221
Carlisle, Earl of (Charles Howard),
i. 130
Carlos II. of Spain. See Charles II.
Carpio (Don Caspar de Haro), Mar-
ques del : a prisoner in Lisbon, ii.
125 ; his delicate position, ii. 128 ;
precedence of, ii. 149 ; his presents
to Sandwich, ii. 150
Carrying trade, importance of the,
ii. 1 02
Carter Lane, Wardrobe House in,
i. 241
Carteret, Sir George : marriage of his
son, i. 259 ; his warning to Sand-
wich, ii. 7 ; his house-party, ii. 49 ;
alluded to, ii. 81 ; acts as match-
maker, ii. 177 ; attacked over his
accounts, ii. 198
Carteret, Lady, alluded to, ii. 50
Carteret, Lady Jemima (nee Moun-
tagu), i. 77 n. ; her education, i.
2 3 2 > 2 39 ft seq.; her marriage, i.
259 et seqq. ; her married life, ii.
181 et seq.; alluded to, ii. 290
Carteret, Philip : his marriage, i. 259
et seqq. ; his character and pursuits,
ii. 181 ; his death, ii. 290
Castel Melhor, Conde de, ii. 57 ;
negotiates, ii. 58 ; quarrels with
his Queen, ii. 122 ; his withdrawal,
ii. 123
Castel Rodrigo, Marques de, Spanish
Envoy, ii. 145
Castlemaine, Lady (Barbara Villiers,
Duchess of Cleveland), i. 218 ;
alluded to, i. 252 ; a match-maker,
" 175
Catherine of Braganga (Queen of
Charles II.) : her marriage ar-
ranged, i. 195 ; receives Sandwich,
i. 202 ; impatient to leave Lisbon,
i. 210 ; says farewell, i. 211 ; her
embarkation, i. 212 ; her voyage,
i. 213 ; is unhappy, i. 215 ; alluded
to, i. 239 ; congratulates Sandwich
over peace, ii. 139 ; receives Sydney
Mountagu, ii. 160; welcomes Sand-
wich, ii. 161 ; her Council alluded
to, ii. 236 ; goes to see the enemy's
fleet, ii. 256
Cavaliers (see also Royalists) : plot
against Cromwell, i. 88 ; have a
majority in Parliament, i. 179 >
their later ascendancy, ii. 189 ;
support Ormond, ii. 199
Cave, Margaret, Prioress, i. 3.
Cavestam. See Claverham
Ceuta, preserved to Spain, ii. 132,
J 35
Chancery Lane, alluded to, i. 168
Charles I. : visits Hinchingbrooke,
i. 13 ; wars against the Scots, i. 15 ;
uses Irish soldiers, i. 26 ; his army
in Berkshire, i. 49 ; at Newbury,
i. 50 ; marches on Worcester, i. 56 ;
captures Leicester, i. 57 ; at Market
Harborough, i. 58 ; defeated at
Naseby, i. 60 ; hopes to relieve
Bristol, i. 66 ; exacts hospitality in
Huntingdon, i. 67 ; a captive at
Hinchingbrooke, i. 73 ; is executed,
i. 75 ; his pictures alluded to, ii.
J 5i
Charles II. : his adventures, i. 133 ;
writes to Mountagu, i. 134 ; offers
to embark in Mountagu's ship,
i. 139 ; has hopes of Mountagu,
i. 140 ; his offers to him, i. 141 ;
moves to Calais, i. 155 ; convinced
of Mountagu's loyalty, i. 158;
pamphlet in his favour, i. 159 ; his
restoration possible, i. 172 ; moves
to Breda, i. 177 ; his letters to
Mountagu, i. 178 ; signs the De-
claration, i. 179 ; further letters
from, i. 181 ; becomes impatient,
i. 182 ; moves to the Hague, i. 183 ;
goes on board the Naseby, i. 185 ;
is restored to England, i. 186 ; his
marriage arranged, i. 195 et seqq. ',
his courtship, i. 209 ; his marriage
unhappy, i. 215 ; his debts, i. 218 ;
his generosity, i. 257 ; angers the
Dutch, i. 264 ; his naval know-
ledge, i. 267 ; his strategical instruc-
tions, i. 282 ; appreciates Sandwich,
i. 310 ; plans the Bergen affair,
i. 319; acquiesces in laying up the
fleet, ii. 14 ; his orders, ii. 23 ; sup-
ports Sandwich, ii. 31, 44 et seqq. ;
346
INDEX
his secret treaty with Louis, ii. 109 ;
urges Spain to make peace at
Aachen, ii. 145 ; obsessed with
precedence, ii. 147 el seqq. ; seems
friendly to Sandwich, ii. 160 et seqq. ;
his political subtlety, ii. 200 ; com-
poses the difference between the
Houses, ii. 202 ; signs the Treaty of
Dover, ii. 208 ; his interest in trade,
ii. 210 ; his anti-Dutch policy,
ii. 238 et seqq. ; his strategical
advice, ii. 250 et seqq.
Charles II., of Spain : his ill-health,
Ii. 36 ; his accession, ii. 41 ; his
appearance, ii. 63
Charles X., of Sweden, i. 120; be-
sieges Copenhagen, i. 124 ; is
aggressive, i. 125 ; receives Moun-
tagu, i. 127 ; is troubled at Crom-
well's downfall, i. 130 ; his grati-
tude to Mountagu, i. 142 ; opposed
to the Commonwealth, i. 146 ; his
presents to Mountagu, i. 154
Chatham, fleet off, i. no; dockyards
at, ii. 21
Chelsea : Sandwich resides there, i.
243 et seqq. ; Lady Paulina's death
there, ii. 184
Chester, seized by Booth, i. 155
Cholmley, Sir Hugh, builds the mole
at Tangier, ii. 155
Christ's College, Cambridge, i. 10
Churchfield (near Oundle), lands at,
i. 225
Civil War : opening of, i. 26 et seqq. ;
, campaign of Naseby, i. 56 et seqq. ;
the first ends and second begins,
i. 74 et seq.
Clarendon, Earl of (Edward Hyde) :
his account of Mountagu, i. 20 ;
his loyalty to the Stewarts, i. 132 :
approaches Mountagu, i. 134 et
seqq. ; proposes to visit him, i. 141 ;
is assured of his help, i. 158, 173 ;
his friendship for Sandwich, i. 199 ;
negotiates the sale of Dunkirk,
i. 220 ; bears the blame, i. 221 ;
plans an ice-house at Hinching-
brooke, i. 230 ; represents uni-
formity of religion, i. 244 ; is un-
popular, i. 251 ; his comments on
the Bergen affair, i. 331 et seqq. ; is
colder to Sandwich, ii. 20 ; becomes
more friendly again, ii. 24, 29 ;
esteems him, ii. 45 ; his downfall
predicted, ii. 81 ; is a match-maker,
ii. 175 ; his downfall, ii. 189 ; al-
luded to, ii. 206 ; his colonial ad-
ministration, ii. 217 et seq.; his
opinion of Sandwich, ii. 292 et
seqq.
Clarendonians, the, alluded to, ii. 199
et seq.
Claverham (near Bristol), given in
Thomason Tracts as Cavestam,
i. 66
Claypole (or Claypoole), Elizabeth,
alluded to, i. 98
Clercke, Mr., his burial in Madrid,
ii. 152
Clifford, Sir Thomas : sails to Bergen,
i. 231 ; arrives there, i. 327 ; his
negotiations, i. 328 ; defends Sand-
wich, ii. 193 ; leads the Court
Party, ii. 226
Clifton, burned by Rupert, i. 66
Clubmen, i. 61 et seqq. ; subdued at
Sherborne, i. 65
Cocke, Captain George, purchases
prize-goods, ii. 8 ; their value, ii. 31
Cockpit (Whitehall), ii. 22
Colbert, Jean Baptiste (French finan-
cier), ii. 97, 238
Colliers, not to be pressed, i. 295
Cologne, Royalists at, i. 133
Colonies (see also Plantations), govern-
ment of, ii. 215
Colston, Henry, letter quoted, ii. 61
Commission upon Accounts. See
Brooke House Commission
Commissioners for Prizes, ii. 4 et seqq.
Committee of Both Kingdoms : has
charge of the war, i. 48, 49 ; gives
the conduct to Fairfax, i. 58
Committee of Safety, 1659 (see also
Republicans) : despair of Moun-
tagu, i. 140 ; wish for the fleet's
return, i. 147 ; denounce Moun-
tagu, i. 157
Commons, House of (see also Parlia-
ment) : their factious attitude, ii.
188 ; differences over privilege, ii.
202 ; Bill to prohibit growth of
home tobacco, ii. 214 ; their dispute
with the Lords, ii. 223 et seqq.
Commonwealth (1649), early diffi-
culties of, i. 78; (1659) policy
towards the Dutch, i. 147. See
also *' Rump "
Connecticut, ii. 222
Constitution (see also Parliament,
etc.) : to be an hereditary protec-
torate, i. 101 ; varieties of, in 1659,
i. 161 ; changed at the Restoration,
i. 190
Conventicle Act, i. 244
Cooke, Henry (musician), alluded to,
i. 244
INDEX
347
Cooper, Anthony Ashley (Lord Ash-
ley, and Earl of Shaftesbury) :
supports Cromwell, i. 81 ; Com-
missioner of the Treasury, i. 83 ;
his lodgings, i. 167 ; his letters to
Mountagu, i. 177 ; his interest in
trade, ii. 211, 224; supports the
King's policy, ii. 240 ; at Sand-
wich's funeral, ii. 287
Copenhagen : besieged by Charles X.,
i. 1 20 ; attempt to relieve the
place, i. 121 ; the siege continued,
i. 124 ; harbour cleared of com-
batants, i. 127 ; Mountagu's ad-
venture in, i. 144 ; alluded to, ii. 38
Cordall, or Cordell (Lowd), Sand-
wich's steward, ii. 286
Cornwall, press-gang in, ii. 245
Coronation of Charles II., i. 194
Cortenaar, Egbert Meussen (Dutch
Lieut.-Admiral), killed at Lowes-
toft, i. 305
Cortes (the Portuguese Assembly), ii.
123, 131
Corunna, ii. 52, 53, 107
Cotehele (Cornwall), ii. 288
Cotterell, Sir Charles, ii. 287
Cotterell, Clement, Sandwich's
friend, ii. 185, 235, 249, 277 et
seq., 292
Council for Trade, its maxims, ii. 214
Council of Officers, i. 79
Council of State (Cromwell's): governs
England, i. 82 ; delegates its power
to Monck, i. 163 ; supplants Com-
mittee of Safety, i. 170; approves
of certain captains, i. 176
Country party, ii. 226
Court party, ii. 226
Covenant (the National) imposed on
Cambridge, i. 28
Coventry, Henry, attacks Sandwich,
ii. 193 ; alluded to, ii. 228
Coventry, Sir William : on board the
Naseby, i. 184 ; intrigues against
Sandwich, i. 216, 265 et seq.;
issues naval orders, i. 275; active
over the Dutch war, i. 279 ; con-
siders our strategy, i. 282 et seq. ;
his amours, i. 294 ; outlines the
plan against Bergen, i. 319; de-
plores the lack of provisions, i. 338 ;
busied over the prize-goods, ii. 7 ;
advises setting out the fleet, ii. 15
et seq. ; suggests a squadron for
Guinea, ii. 16 ; criticizes Sandwich,
ii. 17 ; his orders, ii. 21 ; advocates
alliance with Spain, ii. 43 ; quarrels
with James, ii. 171 ; sides with
Rupert, ii. 193 ; attacks Sandwich,
ii. 193 ; his jealousy of Sandwich,
ii. 294
Cox, Sir John (seaman) : his error at
Solebay, ii. 263 ; alluded to, ii. 265 ;
his death, ii. 282
Coyet, Monsieur (Swedish envoy),
visits Mountagu, i. 126
Cranbourne Lodge, Cateret's resi-
dence, ii. 49
Crawford, Earl of. See Lindsay
Crawford, Lawrence : soldier in Man-
chester's army, i. 25 ; storms Hilles-
den, i. 29 ; fires a mine at York, i.
37 ; fights at Marston Moor, i. 40
et seqq. ; takes Sheffield, i. 47 ; his
difficulties with the Independents,
i. 49
Creed, John : with Mountagu in Den-
mark, i. 123 ; begs Mountagu to
return to politics, i. 164; "ser-
vant " to Sandwich, i. 226 ; looks
after the young ladies, i. 240 ;
visits Sandwich at Chelsea, i. 243 ;
gossips about him, i. 245 et seqq. ;
warns Sandwich of Parliament's
temper, ii. 194
Crew (or Crewe), family of, i. 19
Crew, Jemima. See Sandwich,
Countess of
Crew, John (afterwards Lord Crew
of Stene) : i. 19 ; influences Moun-
tagu, i. 20 ; has custody of
Charles I., i. 73; a secluded
member, i. 75 ; retires, i. 76 ;
refuses to sit among Cromwell's
Lords, i. 108 ; added to the new
Council, i. 171 ; his schemes at the
Restoration, i. 173 ; goes to the
Hague, i. 183 ; refuses to gossip
about Sandwich, i. 246 ; his anxiety
over him, ii. 162 ; arranges a
Mountagu marriage, ii. 178 ; his
warning to Sandwich, ii. 193
Crew, Lady, i. 259
Crew, Lord. See John Crew.
Crew, Sir Thomas (the elder), i. 19
Crew, Thomas, i. 77
Crisp, Laud, i. 226 ; alluded to, ii.
284
Cromwell, Sir Henry, "The Golden
Knight," i. 4
Cromwell, Sir Henry, alluded to, i. 8
Cromwell, Henry (son of Oliver) : on
the Council of State, i. 83 ; declares
against the Commonwealth, i. 136;
submits, i. 137 ; alluded to, ii. 206
Cromwell, Sir Oliver, sells Hinching-
brooke, i. 5
348
INDEX
Cromwell, Oliver (Lord Protector) :
legend concerning, i. 13 ; supports
burgesses of Huntingdon, i. 21 ;
influences Mountagu, i. 21 ; comes
to Huntingdon, i. 22 ; his choice
of officers, i. 25 ; wins Winceby, i.
27 ; at Lincoln, i. 32 ; at Marston
Moor, i. 40 et seqq. ; quarrels with
Manchester, i. 45 et seq. ; indicts
Manchester, i. 51 ; in the New
Model, i. 58 ; at Naseby, i. 58 et
seqq.; woos the Clubmen, i. 61 ;
at Bristol, i. 71 ; takes Basing, i.
72 ; his difficulties with the army,
i. 73 ; outwits the Scots, i. 73 ;
tries to court Mountagu, i. 77 ;
wins Dunbar and Worcester, i. 78 ;
nominates a Parliament, i. 79;
wins over Mountagu, and advances
him, i. 80 et seqq. ; endeavours to
propitiate Parliament, i. 81 ; dis-
solves it, i. 82 ; installed as Lord
Protector, i. 82; discontent with
his rule, i. 85 ; dissolves his second
Parliament, i. 86 ; threats against
him, i. 87 ; his foreign policy, i.
89 ; discusses Jamaica, i. 90 ;
desires Gibraltar, i. 92 ; sanctions
an attempt on the Brazil fleet, i. 94 ;
his orders to Blake, i. 97 ; his
kindness to a prisoner, i. 99 ; the
question of his kingship, i. 101 ;
his installation as hereditary Pro-
tector, i. 102 ; allies with France,
i. 103 ; supports Mountagu over the
right of search, i. 104 ; his Upper
House, i. 106 et seqq. ; dissolves
Parliament, i. no; obtains Dun-
kirk, i. in; his death, i. 114;
his funeral, i. 117 ; his Baltic
policy discussed, i. 121 ; his body
disinterred, i. 193 ; alluded to, ii.
1 88
Cromwell, Sir Richard (d. 1546),
owner of Hinchingbrooke, i. 4
Cromwell, Richard (Lord Protector) :
at his father's installation, i. 103 ;
succeeds Oliver, i. 114; his char-
acter, i. 115 ; strengthens his
Council, i. 118; his first Parlia-
ment, i. 119; his downfall, i. 128;
his downfall hastens the Restora-
tion, i. 133 ; retires to Hursley, i.
136; writes to Mountagu, i. 157;
his restoration suggested, i. 172
Crowland (or Croyland), taken by
Rupert, i. 29
Culpeper, Thomas (Royalist), has
hopes of Mountagu, i 136
Cuttance, Roger : Sandwich's captain,
i. 301 ; alluded to, ii. 5 ; his
influence over Sandwich, ii. 6 ;
mismanages the prize-goods affair,
ii. 195
Cutts, Sir John, woos Lady Jemima
Mountagu, i. 259
D
Dakings, Captain, dismissed from the
Worcester, i. 175
Dalkeith, alluded to, ii. 174
Daventry (Northants), Lambert de-
feated at, i. 177
Deal, rejoicings at, i. 177, 180
Declaration of Indulgence ', The, ii.
241
De Jacquidres, M. ; tutors Lord Sand-
wich's sons, i. 234
Delinquents, attacked by the Com-
monwealth, i. 80
Denmark, King of. See Frederick III.
Denmark : signs a treaty with Crom-
well, i. 90; relations with Sweden,
i. 1 20 ; her policy uncertain, i.
127 ; attempts to coerce her, i.
141 ; slow in treating, i. 154
De Praia, M. : tutors Lord Sandwich's
sons, i. 235 et seqq. ; his dismissal
discussed, ii. 173 ; alluded to, ii.
183
De Rabesnieres (Admiral), ii. 260
Derby, Countess of (Charlotte Stan-
ley), defends Lathom, i. 38; is a
delinquent, i. 80
De Ruyter (Michel, Dutch Admiral) :
approaches the Sound, i. 124;
proposes to join Opdam, i. 127 ;
arrives in the Sound, i. 142 ;
watches Sandwich off Algiers, i.
201 ; sails for Africa, i. 272 ; is
expected home, i. 288 ; attempts to
intercept him, i. 289 ; his return
imminent, i. 315 I his journey and
arrival, i. 323 et\seqq.; takes com-
mand of the fleet, i. 337 ; is at
Bergen, i. 340; commands in the
third war, ii. 243 ; leaves the Texel,
ii. 252, 255 et seqq. ; efficiency of
his scouts, ii. 263 ; fights us at
Solebay, ii. 268 et seqq. ; collects
his scattered fleet, ii. 280 ; his
opinion of the battle, ii. 281
Desborough. See Disbrowe
D'Estrades, Comte. See Estrades
D'Estrees (French Admiral), ii. 253
et seq., 260 ; his story of a Council,
ii. 264 ; his squadron, ii. 266 ;
INDEX
349
his part at Southwold Bay, ii.
280
Devizes, Royalists at, i. 6 1
Devolution, law of, ii. 109 ; war of,
ii. no; its effect on diplomacy,
ii. 116
De Witt, Johan (Grand Pensionary
of Holland), tries to conciliate
England, i. 272 ; inspires the
Dutch, i. 297 ; his joy over De
Ruyter's return, i. 325 ; re-estab-
lishes discipline, i. 337 ; sends for
the East fndiamen, i. 339 ; in-
spires the Dutch resistance, ii. 242
et seq. ; his strategical ideas, ii.
251 ; is present at Solebay, ii. 268
Digby, Hon. Francis, ii. 257 ; his
death, ii. 272, 282
Disbrowe (or Desborough or Des-
borow), John : on Cromwell's com-
mittees, i. 83 ; a "kingling," i.
101 ; opposes Richard Cromwell,
i. 115 ; forwards the "good old
Cause,"i. 116 ; quarrels with Moun-
tagu, i. 118; deposes Richard
Cromwell, i. 128, 135
Dissenters (see also Toleration,
Sects, etc.) : sympathize with the
Dutch, i. 274 ; pacified by the
Declaration of Indulgence, ii. 241
Dogger Bank, the, a strategical
position, i. 317, 321 et seq.; ii.
259, 262
Doncaster, regiments at, i. 34, 47
Don Juan (son of Philip IV.), ii. in ;
his music, ii. 112; his talk with
Sandwich, ii. 113 ; his policy un-
certain, ii. 115
Donnington Castle, relieved by
Royalists, i. 50
Dorset, Earl of (Charles Sackville),
his song alluded to, i. 294
Dover : Mountagu as freeman of, i.
177 ; scenes at the Restoration,
i. 1 86 ; Mountagu elected for, i.
192 ; Lord Hinchingbrooke mem-
ber for, ii. 289
Dover Castle, ii. 256
Dover, Treaty of, ii. 208
Downing, Sir George : on board the
Naseby, i. 184 ; protests against
piracies, i 263 ; exasperates the
Dutch, i. 272 ; proposes an attack
in the Texel, i. 291 ; advocates
ship-building, i. 297 ; his house
threatened, i. 307 ; alluded to, ii.
240, 242
Downs, the, fleets in, i. 104, 176;
". 253
Dresden, alluded to, ii. 2
Dunbar, Battle of, alluded to, i. 78
Dunes, Battle of, i. 1 1 1
Dungeness, ii. 253
Dunkirk : to be ceded to England,
i. 103 ; Mountagu hampers trade
there, i. 104; attacked and taken,
i. no; sale of, i. 218 et seqq.; the
sale causes discontent, i. 221 ;
Mountagu's opinion of the place,
i. 222 ; alluded to, ii. 50, 206
"Dunkirk House," i. 221
Dunwich, alluded to, i. 298 ; ii. 278
Du Plessis, M., the famous Academy
of, i. 234
Du Plessis, Marechal, ii. 207
Du Quesne, Abraham, French Ad-
miral, ii. 260
Durham, the Mountagus associated
with, ii. 289 et seq.
Durham, University of, ii. 293
Dutch (United Provinces, Holland,
etc.) : our wars with, alluded to,
i. 89; they ignore neutrality, i. 104,
113; danger of war with, i. 114;
their Baltic policy, i. 121 et seqq.;
assist Denmark, i. 124; improved
relations with the Commonwealth,
i. 141 ; try to force peace, i. 145 ;
play for their own hand, i. 147 ;
decline to dismiss their ships, i.
151 ; hope to coerce Charles X.,
i. 154 ; object to Mountagu, i. 156;
jealous of England, i. 196 ; oppose
the cession of Tangier, i. 201 ; our
rivalry and war with, i. 262 et seqq.;
object to the salute, i. 269 ; put to
sea, i. 271 ; feeling against England,
i. 273 ; complain of the war, i. 275 ;
their fleet, i. 286 et seqq.; put to sea,
i. 297 ; are defeated off Lowestoft,
i. 301 et seqq.; welcome De Ruyter,
i. 324 ; threaten our coasts, ii. 13 ;
driven back by storms, ii. 20 ; their
gains from Spain, ii. 37 ; their carry-
ing trade, ii. 47 ; effect of our vic-
tories upon, ii. 74 ; our further
quarrels with, ii. 238 et seqq.; sug-
gested agreement with, ii. 240 ;
endeavour to appease Charles, ii.
242 ; prepare for war, ii. 243 ; their
vessels attacked, ii. 245 ; their in-
dignation, ii. 246 ; war declared,
ii. 247 ; propose a raid on the
Thames, ii. 251 el seq.; their fleet
off Kent, ii. 255; their movements,
ii. 261 ; fight the Battle of Sole-
bay, ii. 262 et seqq. ; their losses,
ii. 282
350
INDEX
East Anglia : civil war in, i. 26 ;
violent elections in, i. 84
East India Company: purchase prize-
goods, ii. ii ; advantages under
Sandwich's treaty, ii. 101 et seqq.;
his assistance to, ii. 152
East Indiamen, the Phanix and
Slothony, ii. 4 et seqq., 195 et seqq.
Eastern Association : its formation,
i. 21 ; in danger, i. 27 et seq.
Edgcumbe, Lady Anne (daughter of
Lord Sandwich), i. 232, 240; her
marriage, ii. 235, 290
Edgcumbe, Philip, his letters quoted,
ii. 283
Edgcumbe, Sir Richard, his marriage,
" 235
Elizabeth, Queen, visits Hinching-
brooke, i. 5
El Pardo, ii. 256
Elsinore : fleet at, i. 123 ; Commis-
sioners at, i. 144
Ely, i. 21 ; riotous elections at, i. 84
Embrun, Archbishop of: his policy,
ii. 67 et seq.; desires a Junta, ii. 82;
his alarm, ii. 95 ; leaves Madrid,
ii. no
England (see also under Constitution,
Parliament, etc.) : intervenes in the
Baltic, i. 120, 145 ; condition of, in
1659, i. 159; varied government
in, i. 161 ; rivalry with Holland,
i. 262 et seqq.; exacts salutes, i.
269; anti-Dutch feeling in, i. 273 ;
alarmed by the Dutch, ii. 21 ; rela-
tions of, with Spain, ii. 34 ; gains
from Spain, ii. 37 ; needs allies,
ii. 43 ; draft treaty with Spain, ii.
47 ; commercial policy of, ii. 113 ;
her attitude to the colonies, ii. 215 ;
her spheres of influence discussed,
ii. 240; declares war on Holland,
ii. 247
Epsom, alluded to, ii. 195
Erith, alluded to, i. 174 ; prize-goods
there, ii. 5, et seqq.
Erwin, Lady, alluded to, ii. 234
Escurial, the, ii. 55, 250
Essex, Earl of (Arthur Capel), ii, 287
Essex, Earl of (Robert Devereux):
commands Parliament's forces, i. 17 ;
defeated at Lostwithiel, i. 49 ; his
army merged in the new mode),
i- 54
Estrades, Comte d', negotiates the
sale of Dunkirk, i. 220, et seqq.
Estremos, ii. 127
Evelyn, John : on Sandwich's charac-
ter, i. 251 ; as Commissioner of
prizes, i. 315 ; Commissioner, ii. n ;
supports Sandwich, ii. 19 ; on the
Council of Plantations, ii. 212 ; his
farewell to Sandwich, ii. 248 ; his
opinion of Sandwich, ii. 293, et seq.
Evertzen, Jan, Dutch Vice-Admiral,
i. 306 et seq.
Eynsbury, or Eynesbury (Hunts),
i. 87, ii. 288
Fairfax, Ferdinando, Lord : joins the
Scots, i. 30 ; besieges York, i. 35 ;
holds Yorkshire, i. 44
Fairfax, Sir Thomas : at Marston
Moor, i. 40 et seqq. ; commands
the New Model, i. 55 ; takes the
field, i. 56 ; besieges Oxford, i. 57 ;
raises the siege, i. 58 ; defeats the
Royalists at Naseby, i. 58 et seqq. ;
marches on Taunton, i. 60 ; wins
over the Clubmen, i. 61 ; outwits
Goring, i. 62 ; besieges Bridgewater,
i. 63 et seqq.; garrisons the place,
i. 65 ; resolves to storm Bristol,
i. 66 ; demands its surrender, i. 69 ;
takes the place, i. 69 et seqq.
Falconberg, or Fauconberg, Lord
(Thomas Belasyse) : opposes the
Republicans, i. 118; alluded to,
i. 130
Falmouth, Earl of (Charles Berkeley) :
a volunteer, i. 293 ; his death alluded
to, i. 310 n.
Fanshaw, Anne (Lady Fanshaw) : her
character, ii. 38 ; indignant with
Sandwich, ii. 60 ; leaves Spain,
ii. 61
Fanshaw, Sir Richard : draws up
Sandwich's patent, i, 191 ; goes
to Lisbon, i. 202 ; his character,
ii. 38 ; sent to Madrid, ii. 39 ; his
work there, ii. 40 ; accepts a pro-
tocol, ii. 41 ; mismanages affairs,
ii. 42 et seqq. ; his treaty incon-
venient, ii. 46 ; signs the treaty,
ii. 47 ; his revocation proposed,
ii. 48 ; receives Sandwich, ii. 56 ;
his mission to Lisbon, ii. 57 et seq. ;
returns to Madrid, ii. 58 ; with-
draws, ii. 59 ; explains his treaty,
ii. 60 ; his death, ii. 61 ; his treaty
discussed, ii. 106
Federico of Antwerp, paintings by,
i. 242
Feli9iano, his portrait of Sandwich,
ii. 141
Feriers, Captain William : appreciates
INDEX
Sandwich's gallantry, i. 311 ; a
good draughtsman, ii. 172 ; his
description of the Brooke House
Commission, ii. 197
Fiennes, Nathaniel, supports Richard
Cromwell, i. 115
Fifth Monarchists, the : irreconcilable
to Cromwell, i. 81 ; their influence
in the army, i. 117
Finch, Captain, ii. 264
Finch, Sir Heneage, ii. 196 ; his in-
flammatory speech, ii. 228 et seq.
Five Mile Act, the, i. 244
Flag, the, salute of, i. 269, ii. 241,
248
Flamborough Head, i. 274, 336
Fleetwood, Charles : gives evidence
against Manchester, i. 51 ; a
colonel in the New Model, i. 55 ;
enters Parliament, i. 72 ; desires
a quiet settlement of the country,
i. 81 ; opposes Richard Cromwell,
i. 115; is appointed General, i.
116; quarrels with Mountagu, i.
118; outwits Richard, i. 128;
doubtful of Mountagu, i. 134 ; de-
poses Richard Cromwell, i. 135 ;
supports Lambert, i. 159; deprived
of his post, i. 161
Flekkero, i. 323
Flushing, i. 274 et seq.
Folkestone, ii. 255
France (see also Mazarin, Louis XIV.,
etc.) : allies with Cromwell, i. 90,
103 ; attacks Dunkirk, i. 1 10 ;
intervenes in the Baltic, i. 141 ;
prepares to aid the Royalists, i.
155 ; purchases Dunkirk, i. 219
et seqq. ; threatens alliance with
Holland, ii. 34 ; her policy in
Portugal, ii. 35 ; hampers Spain,
ii. 37 J hampers our negotiations
there, ii. 76 ; leagues with Portu-
gal, ii. 97 ; makes war on Spain,
ii. no ; her position in Lisbon
weakened, ii. 124; aggressive to-
wards Spain, ii. 144 ; her treaties
with England, ii. 207 et seq. ;
declares war on Holland, ii. 247 ;
her fleet does little at Southwold
Bay, ii. 280
Tranche Comte, taken from Spain,
ii. 144
Frederick III. (King of Denmark) :
opposes intervention in the Baltic,
i. 142 ; his policy, i. 154 et seqq. ;
agrees to help us at Bergen, i. 318
et seqq. ; his plan miscarries, i.
331 ; he plays us false, i. 334
Fuengirola Bay (or Fangerol Bay), i.
202
Fuller, Thomas, describes Hinching-
brooke, i. 228
Fuller, William, tutors Lord Hinch-
ingbrooke, i. 233
Fulwood, Jervis, chaplain at Hinch-
ingbrooke, ii. 173
Gainsborough, Manchester's army at,
i- 34
Galicia, Governor of, ii. 52
Geneva, Lord Hinchingbrooke at.
1.238
George Inn (Huntingdon), i. 14
Ghailan (a chieftain) opposes the
cession of Tangier, i. 206
Gibbons, Christopher, organist of
Westminster, i. 243
Gibraltar : Mountagu's survey of,
i. 92 ; his design rejected, i. 95
Gloucestershire, tobacco grown in,
ii. 214
Godfrey, Mr., Customs officer, ii. 28
et seq.
Godmanchester, i. 225
Godolphin, Sir William : Sandwich's
secretary in Madrid, ii. 51 ; present
at the conferences, ii. 67 ; is
industrious, ii. 93 ; "a great
Minister," ii. 108 ; defends Sand-
wich, ii. 149 ; visits Hinching-
brooke, ii. 162
Goodson (or Goodsonn), William :
Mountagu's Vice-Admiral, i. 123 ;
watches the Dutch, i. 124 ; is loyal
to Mountagu, i. 151, 156
Goodwin Sands, the, ii. 256, 258
Goree, alluded to, ii. 264
Gorges, Ferdinando, ii. 212, 218
Gorges, Richard, ii. 212, 219
Goring, George, Lord : at Marston
Moor, i. 39 et seq. ; hopes to pro-
tect Bristol, i. 62 ; defeated at Lang-
port, i. 63 ; to join the King, i. 66
Gramont (or Grammont), Comte de,
ii. 207
Grand Remonstrance, the, i. 16
Gravelines, to be taken by France,
i. 103
Gravesend, i. 174
Greenwich, i. 240
Gregory, Captain, alluded to, i. 306
Gregory, William (musician), suite of,
ii. 112
Grenville, Sir John (afterwards Earl
of Bath), i. 182, ii. 287
352
INDEX
Grey, Thomas, of Werke, ii. 212
Grime (or Grimes), Mark, Lieutenant-
Colonel, quells a mutiny at Hen-
le y i- 53
Guinea, alluded to, ii. 17
Guinea Company, ii. 211
Guldenlew, Baron de (Danish Am-
bassador), i. 332
Gunfleet Sand, i. 280, i. 293
Guzman. Don Anielo de (Marques de
Eliche), a Spanish prisoner, ii. 136
H
Habsburgs (see also Austria), in-
terested in Spanish affairs, ii. 36, 92
Haddock, Sir Richard (Sandwich's
captain), ii. 263, 274 et seqq.
Hague, The : Royalists at, i. 133, 183
Halifax, Viscount. See Savile, Sir
George
Hamburg, convoys for, ii. 21
Hammond, Colonel Robert: sup-
porter of Cromwell, i. 46; in the
New Model, i. 55 ; at Bridgewater,
i. 64; at the taking of Bristol,
i. 70 ; carries the news to Parlia-
ment, i. 71
Hampstead, Sandwich has a house
there, ii. 187
Hampton Court: alluded to, i. 114 ;
for sale, i. 136
Hanging Houghton (Northants), i. 6
Hannam, Captain, i. 285
Harbord, Sir Charles (the elder), at
Sandwich's funeral, ii. 287
Harbord, Sir Charles (the younger) :
is at Bergen, i. 327 ; in Sandwich's
retinue, ii. 51 ; visits Hinching-
brooke, ii. 162 ; his drawings al-
luded to, ii. 172; becomes Sand
wich's confidant, ii. 185 ; alluded
to, ii. 234, 249 ; his death, ii. 277
et seq.
Harman, Sir John (seaman), i. 301 ;
slackens his vessel, i. 307 et seq. ;
alluded to, ii. 3, 5, 260
Harrison, Thomas, Major : expels the
" Rump," i. 79 ; opposes Crom-
well, i. 81 ; is executed, i. 193
Harwich, alluded to, i. 293 ; ii. 27,
263, 284 et seqq.
Haselrig (or Hesilrige), Sir Arthur :
his evidence against Manchester,
i. 51 ; supports the Commonwealth,
i. 130 ; returns to politics, i. 160 ;
welcomes Monck, i. 169
Hatton, Christopher, a Royalist,
i. 132
Haynes, or Hawnes (Bedfordshire),
ii. 181
Helston (Cornwall), alluded to, ii.
1 60
Hemington (Northants), i. 6
Henley, Mountagu as Governor of,
i. 52 et seqq.
Henrietta Anne (Duchess of Orleans) :
in England, i. 193 ; receives Lord
Hinchingbrooke, i. 239 ; makes
mischief, ii. 148 ; brings over the
Treaty of Dover, ii. 206 ; her death
alluded to, ii. 207
Henrietta Maria (Queen of Charles I.) :
leaves England, i. 193 ; prevents a
duel, i. 194 ; returns to England,
i. 217 ; sails for France, i. 315 ;
alluded to, ii. 206
Henry, Duke of Gloucester, comes on
board the Naseby, i. 183
Herbert, James (Royalist), alluded
to, i. 137
Herbert, Sir Thomas, i. 73
Herefordshire, Royalist rising in,
i- J 55
Heron, John, ii. 30
Herrera, Sebastian, his pictures at
Hinchingbrooke, ii. 150
Herring Fisheries, Pepys on Com-
mittee of, i. 249
Hill, a merchant family, ii. 10
illesd
et seq
Hillesden House, storming
. 105
ing of, i.
28
Hinchingbrooke (Huntingdon), i. i ;
offered to James I., i. 5 ; bought by
the Mountagus, i. 12 ; James I. at,
i. 5 et seqq.; Charles I. at, i. 13
et seqq. ; he exacts hospitality there,
i. 67 ; is a prisoner there, i. 73 ;
Mountagu's retirement at, i. 106,
167 ; the preserves round, i. 225 ;
rebuilt by Sandwich, i. 226 et seqq. ;
terrace at, i. 229 ; house party at,
i. 253 ; expensive upkeep of, i. 255 ;
warrants at, ii. 10 ; prize-goods
sent there, ii. 28 ; portraits at,
ii. 150; Sandwich returns there,
ii. 162 ; Anne Wortley housed there,
ii. 234
Hinchingbrooke, Lady (Anne Boyle) :
her portion, ii. 177 ; her appearance
and character, ii. 180; her death,
ii. 288
Hinchingbrooke, Viscount (Edward
Mountagu, second Earl of Sand-
wich), i. 77 n. ; sees the Restora-
tion, i. 183 ; his education, i. 232
et seqq. ; makes the Grand Tour,
i. 238 et seq. ; received by Louis
INDEX
353
XIV., i. 239 ; at Cranbourne
Lodge, ii. 49 ; welcomes his father,
ii. 161 ; his courtships and marriage,
ii. 174 et seqq. ; his appearance and
character, ii. 179 et seq. ; his career
and death, ii. 289
Hispaniola, buccaneers of, alluded to,
ii. 210
Hodge, or Hodges, Thomas (Dean of
Hereford), i. 250
Holdenby House. See Holmby
House
Holland. See Dutch
Holland, Lord (Sir Henry Rich)
defeated at St. Neots, i. 75
Holies, Sir Frescheville, killed at
Solebay, ii. 282
Hollesley Bay, a rendezvous, i. 268,
309
Holmby House (Holdenby House),
i-73
Holmes, Sir Robert: attacks the
Dutch in Africa, i. 264 ; attacks
their Smyrna fleet, ii. 246
Honeywood, Robert : Commissioner
to Denmark, i. 143 ; supports
Mountagu, i. 149 ; his powers
questioned, i. 152
Honourable Artillery Company,
alluded to, ii. 236
Hope, the, vessels in, i. 175
Hoste, Paul (naval strategist), alluded
to, ii. 296
Houblons, the, a merchant family,
ii. 105
Howard, Henry (afterwards Baron
Howard, sixth Duke of Norfolk) :
his letters to Sandwich, ii. 192
et seq. ; alluded to, ii. 263
Howard, Sir Robert, ii. 199, 229
Howe, William : with Mountagu in
Denmark, i. 123 ; joins in some
music, i. 176 ; servant to Lord
Sandwich, i. 226 ; gossips about
him, i. 247 ; to blame over the
prize-goods, ii. 196.
Humble Petition and Advice, The,
i. 102
Huntingdon : grammar - school at,
i. 14 ; Manchester's army in, i. 49 ;
Mountagu's regiment at, i. 56 ;
raided by Royalists, i. 67 ; riotous
election at, i. 84 ; alluded to, i. 1 19 ;
lands near, i. 225 ; alluded to, ii. 28 ;
grammar-school at, ii. 182 ; alluded
to, ii. 244
Huntingdonshire : Royalist meetings
in, i. 74 ; anti-Cromwell feeling in,
i.8;
VOL. II.
" Hurling," a match described, ii-
1 60
Hursley, Richard Cromwell's home
at, i. 115, 136
Hurst Castle, I.W., ii. 254
Hyde, Edward. See Clarendon, Earl
of
Hyde, Lawrence, alluded to, ii. 248
"Impostor," the (Shirley's), played
by Sandwich's comrades, ii. 89
Independents : disagree with the
Scots, i. 45 ; desire vigorous war-
fare, i. 46 ; rejoice over a defeat,
i. 50 ; gain influence in Parliament,
1.72
Ingoldsby, Richard : quarrels with
Fleetwood, i. 118 ; alluded to, i.
130 ; defeats Lambert, i. 177
Instrument of Government, The, a
new constitution, i. 82, 84
Ireland, soldiers there declare for a
Parliament, i. 163
Ireton, Henry, Colonel, i. 55 ; at
Naseby, i. 58 et seqq. ; at Bristol,
i. 66 ; enters Parliament, i. 72
Ireton, John, opposes Cromwell, i. 81
Irish, Charles I.'s intrigues with, i. 60
Isham, family of, alluded to, i. 18
Isle of Ely : soldiers from, i. 25 ;
alluded to, ii. 244
Isle of Wight, in danger of a raid,
i.27i
I
Jamaica : expedition against, dis-
cussed, i. 90 ; effect of the capture
of, ii. 37 ; its repurchase discussed,
ii. 81 ; piracies in, ii. 151, 221
James I. visits Hinchingbrooke, i. 5
et seqq.
James, Duke of York (afterwards
James II.) : his adventures, i. 133 ;
at Boulogne, i. 155 ; on board the
Naseby, i. 183 ; welcomes Queen
Catherine, i. 214 ; is jealous of
Sandwich, i. 215 et seq. ; i. 264 et
seqq. ; advises Sandwich over the
salutes, i. 269 ; as Commander-in-
Chief, i. 271 ; composes differences
in the fleet, i. 285 ; his strategy,
i. 290 ; leaves a Court-martial, i.
296 ; his flagship, i. 301 ; com-
mands at Lowestoft, i. 302 et seqq. ;
resigns the command, i. 316 ; plans
the affair of Bergen, i. 319; pleased
with the prize-goods, ii. i ; be-
23
354
INDEX
comes jealous again, ii. II ; urges
a show at sea, ii. 16 ; avoids re-
sponsibility, ii. 23 ; interested in
the slave trade, ii. 37 ; slights
Sandwich, ii. 48 ; comes to ap-
preciate him, ii. 147 ; welcomes
him home, ii. 161 ; quarrels with
Coventry, ii. 171 ; is present at
Hinchingbrooke's marriage, ii. 178 ;
supports Pepys against Harbord,
ii. 185 ; his rupture with Coventry,
ii. 193 ; supports toleration, ii. 199 ;
watches the fanatics, ii. 207 ; his
interest in piracy, ii. 210; on the
Council for Plantations, ii. 212 ;
commands the fleet, ii. 250, 255 et
seqq. ; fights at Solebay, ii. 263 et
seqq. ; desires to resume the engage-
ment, ii. 280
Jenyns, Frances, visits the fleet, i.
294
Jettifiord, i. 329
John, King, benefactor to Hinching-
brooke, i. 2
John IV. (King of Portugal), i. 97,
ii- 34
John de Bokingham (Bishop of Lin-
coln), benefactor to Hinching-
brooke, i. 2
Jones, Inigo, alluded to, ii. 181, 285
Jones, Philip, supports Richard
Cromwell, i. 115
Jordan, Sir Joseph : alluded to, ii.
5, 260 ; his conduct at Solebay,
ii. 271 et seqq.; his conduct dis-
cussed, ii. 283
Joyce, Colonel George, removes the
King from Holmby, i. 73
Juiz do Povo, the (Mayor of Lisbon),
ii. 122; threatens St. Romain, ii.
134 ; his integrity questionable,
ii. 138 ; congratulates Sandwich,
ii. 140
Junta, the (Spanish Council), method
of business in, ii. 70
K
Kempthorne, Sir John : alluded to,
i. 301 ; ii. 5, 260 ; fights at Solebay,
ii. 271 et seqq.
Kennard, William, rebuilds Hinch-
ingbrooke, i. 227
Kensington, Lady Sandwich at, i. 250
Kent, tobacco grown in, ii. 214
Kentish Knock, the, ii. 262
Killigrew, Henry, alluded to, ii. 293
Kimbolton, Baron. See Earl of
1 Manchester
Kimbolton Castle (Co. Hunts) : seat
of the Manchesters, i. 7 ; Man-
chester retires there, i. 108 ; his
funeral there, ii. 233
Kings Cabinet opened^ The> referred
to, i. 60
King's Lynn. See Lynn
Kinsale, ii. 107
Knaresborough : Rupert advances on,
i. 38 ; Lord Hinchingbrooke takes
the waters there, ii. 180
Kronberg Castle, i. 127
Lambert, Captain, his death, i. 343]
Lambert, John, Colonel : takes over
Mountagu's regiment, i. 72 ; in the
Treasury, i. 83 ; opposes Cromwell
about Jamaica, i. 90 ; defeats Booth,
i. 155; his ambitions, i. 159; leads
a faction, i. 160 ; excludes the
" Rump," i. 161 ; defeated by
Monck, i. 168 ; dismissed, i. 169 ;
his last fight, i. 177
Lancaster, Duchy of, fee-farm rents
in, i. 225
Landguard Fort, ii. 285
Langhorne, Captain, i. 343
Langport, Battle of, i. 62 et seq.
Lathom House, i. 38
Lawes, William, his " Royal Con-
sort," ii. 112
Lawrence, Henry, supports Richard
Cromwell, i. 115
Lawson, Sir John, Admiral : disloyal
to Cromwell, i. 91 ; resigns, i. 92 ;
sent to the Sound, i. 138; super-
sedes Mountagu, i. 148, 164 ;
manifesto by, i. 166 ; is Mountagu's
Vice- Admiral, i. 174 ; becomes a
Royalist, i. 182 ; his opinion of
Tangier, i. 197 ; guards the Straits,
i. 20 1, 205 ; obtains peace with
Algiers, i. 214 et seq. ; his strategy,
i. 285, 290; his flagship, i. 301;
fights at Lowestoft, i. 303 ; alluded
to, ii. 161, 292
Lawson, Lady, alluded to, ii. 292
Lee (Essex), alluded to, ii. 255
Leghorn, alluded to, ii. 209
Leicester taken by the Royalists, i.
57 et seqq.
Lely, Sir Peter, certain portraits
alluded to, i. 24, 229
Leslie, David, at Marston Moor, i.
40 et seqq.
L'Estrange, Roger (journalist), i. 311
" Levellers," the : attack the Consti-
INDEX
355
tution, i. 73 ; their influence in the
army, i. 117
Leven, Earl of (Alexander Leslie),
besieges York, i. 35
Leyton Walks (Waltham Forest), i.
89
Lichfield, Earl of (Charles Stuart),
alluded to, i. 192
Lilburne, John : takes Tickhill, i. 47 ;
gives evidence against Manchester,
i- 51
Lincoln, Bishop of. See John de
Bokingham
Lincoln : taken by Manchester, i. 27 ;
retaken by the Royalists, i. 29;
attacked by Roundheads, i. 30 et
seqq. ; alluded to, i. 48
Lincoln's Inn Fields : houses in, i.
108, ii. 49 ; Sandwich gives up his
house there, ii. 187 ; Council for
Plantations meets there (in Queen
Street), ii. 212
Lincolnshire, its importance in the
Civil War, i. 27
Lindsay, John (Earl of Crawford) : at
Marston Moor, i. 42 ; precedence
of his son, i. 237
Lisbon, English fleet off, i. 93 et seq.,
96, 202 et seqq. ; Treaty of, ii. 133.
See also under Fanshaw, Meadows,
Sandwich, Southwell
Lisle, Lord Philip, third Earl of
Leicester, i. 102 ; supports Richard
Cromwell, i. 115
Lloyd, Griffith, Mountagu's confidant,
i. 164
Locke, John, alluded to, ii. 21 1
Locke, Mattnew (composer), alluded
to, i. 176
London : Royalist rising in, i. 155 ;
taxes exacted by Monck, i. 169 ;
the plague in, ii. 13
London Bridge alluded to, i. 240,
ii. 285
Long Marston (Yorks), forces at, i. 39
Longsand Head, ii. 257
Lords, House of: Cromwell's, i. 106
etseq.; debates on privilege, ii.
201 et seqq. ; their dispute with the
Commons, ii. 223 et seqq.
Lorraine, Charles I. intrigues with,
i. 60
Lostwithiel, Royalist victory at, i.
49
Louis XIV., King of France : Moun-
tagu presented to, i. in ; receives
Lord Hinchingbrooke, i. 239 ; his
marriage, ii. 35 ; his marriage con-
tract, ii. 109 ; makes war on Spain,
ii. no; his aggressive attitude, ii.
144 ; signs the Treaty of Dover,
ii. 208 ; attacks the Dutch, ii. 238
et seqq. ; declares war, ii. 247
Lower, Sir William: his "relation,"
i. 184
Lowestoft, Battle of, i. 300 et seqq. ;
alluded to, ii. 270
Lucar, Don, Master of Ceremonies in
Lisbon, ii. 127
Ludlow, Edmund (Republican), i. 160
Luiza, Queen-Mother of Portugal,
receives Sandwich, i. 202
Luke, Sir Samuel, sells Haynes, ii.
181
Lynn (or King's Lynn), ii. 28 et seqq.
Lyons, Lord Hinchingbrooke at, i.
23 >
Lyveden, Manor of, i. 225 ; left to
Sydney Mountagu, ii. 288
M
Maas, the, alluded to, ii. 262
Mackworth, Colonel George, on
Treasury Committee, i. 83
Madrid, customs in. See Spaniards ;
Treaty of, see Treaty of Madrid
Magna Carta alluded to, i. 170, ii.
231
Maine, boundaries of, ii. 218 et seq.
Maitland, Colonel, i. 42
Major-Generals (Cromwell's) : coun-
try governed by, i. 86
Malaga Road, i. 199
Mallett, Elizabeth (Lady Rochester),
proposed marriage for, ii. 175 et
seqq.
Manchester, Edward Mountagu (Vis-
count Mandeville), second Earl of :
musters forces in Huntingdon, i.
15; is impeached, i. 17; made a
General, i. 22 ; his army, i. 26 et
seqq. ; takes Lincoln, i. 27 ; quar-
rels with Willoughby, i. 28; re-
gains Lincoln, i. 30 et seqq. ; be-
sieges York, i. 34 et seqq. ; fights at
Marston Moor, i. 43 et seqq. ; is
diffident over the war, i. 45 et seqq. ;
accused by Cromwell, i. 51 ; rein-
states some mutineers, i. 52; his
army merged in the New Model,
i. 54 ; refuses to sit among Crom-
well's Lords, i. 108 ; welcomes
Charles II., i. 183; supports tolera-
tion, i. 244 ; his warning to Sand-
wich, i. 337 ; supports Sandwich
over the prize-goods, ii. 29 ; his
death and funeral, ii. 232 et seqq.
356
INDEX
Manchester, Robert Mountagu, third
Earl of, alluded to, ii. 287
Mandeville, Viscount. See Man-
chester, second Earl of
Mansell, Lieutenant, is court-mar-
tialled, i. 285
Mansfield, Viscount. See Newcastle,
Marquess of
Manzanares, the bathing in, ii. 90
Mardyk, i. 103 ; attacks on, i. 104 et
seqq.; 133
Margarita Theresa (Infanta of Spain),
ii. 36
Maria Anna (Queen-Regent of Spain),
ii- 36, 54; her character, ii. 64;
her difficulties, ii. 71 ; tries to force
Sandwich's hand, ii., 77 ; her policy,
ii. 92 ; is jealous of Don Juan, ii.
Hi; decides to grant Portugal the
title, i. 1 18 ; her presents to Sand-
wich, ii. 150 ; her present alluded
to, ii. 288
Maria de la Cruz, Sandwich corre-
sponds with, ii. 141
Maria Francesca (Mary Frances) :
Queen of Portugal, ii. 76 ; supports
France, ii. 97 ; her ambition, ii.
12 1 ; acquiesces in the Treaty of
Lisbon, ii. 135
Maria Theresa, wife of Louis XIV.,
ii. 35 ; her renunciation of the
Netherlands, ii. 109
Market Harborough, i. 58
Marlborough, third Earl of (James
Ley), i. 284
Marlborough, Roundheads at, i. 6 1
Marstock (Somerset), i. 63
Marston Moor, Battle of, i. 39 etseqq.
Mary Frances. See Maria Francesca
Mary, Princess Royal. See Orange,
Princess of
Mason, Robert, ii. 218 et seq.
Massachusetts, boundaries of, ii. 216
et seqq.
Massey, Sir Edward, i. 62 ; besieges
Bridge water, i. 64
Maurice, Prince of Nassau, i. 184
Mazarin, Cardinal : ally of Cromwell,
i. 103 ; his opinion of Mountagu,
i. 112; entertains him, i. 113; his
policy in the Baltic, i. 121 ; and
in Spain, ii. 37 ; alluded to, ii.
206
Meadows (or Meadowes), Philip:
envoy to Lisbon, i. 94; and to
Copenhagen, i. 126, 142
Medina de las Torres, Duke of:
negotiates with Fanshaw, ii. 41 ;
signs a treaty, ii. 47 ; is blamed for
Fanshaw's failure, ii. 58 ; nego-
tiates with Sandwich, ii. 64 ; visits
him, ii. 65 ; favours the English,
ii. 69; his policy, ii. 71 et seqq.;
his suggestions, ii. 92; urges haste,
ii. 94; has a consultation, ii. 115;
his opinion of Sandwich, ii. 292
Mennes, Sir John, i. 208, ii. 5
Merchant Adventurers, the : apolo-
gize to Sandwich, ii. 26 ; he has
shares in their company, ii. 2-11
Mercurius Britannicus quoted, i. 52
Mercurius Politicus quoted, i. 143
Merida, ii. 126
"Merry Devill of Edmuntun," i.
233
Middle Temple, the Mountagus study
at, i. n, 15, ii. 289
Middleton, John (?), ii. 221
Mignard, Pierre, his portraits alluded
to, i. 229
Milford Haven, i. 66, ii. 107
Moderate Intelligencer, The, quoted,
i. 67
Modyford, Sir Thomas, Governor of
Jamaica, ii. 210
Molina, Conde de, ii. 43 ; entertains
Sandwich, ii. 89
Monarchy : movement in favour of,
i. 136 ; safeguards proposed at the
Restoration, i. 170, 173
Monck, Anne (Anne Clarges). See
Albemarle, Duchess of
Monck, George. See Albemarle,
Duke of
Monmouth, Duke of (James Scott) :
with the fleet, i. 284 ; his marriage,
ii. 175
Montacute. See Montagu and Mon-
taigu
Montagu. See also Mountagu
Montagu, Christopher, his marriage,
ii. 290
Montagu, Montaigu, or Mountagu,
family of : their descent, i. 6 ;
lands of, i. 7, 225 ; arms of, i. 268
Montaigu, Dreu de (Drogo de
Monteacuto), i. 6
Montemore, ii. 142
Monies Claros, Battle of, ii. 41
Monthermer, family of, alluded to,
i. 6, 268
Moon, Mr. (Independent Chaplain),
i. 61
Moore, Henry : Sandwich's lawyer,
i. 226 ; is a gossip, i. 245 et seqq. ;
needs money, ii. 173 et seq. ; pre-
pares a defence over the prize-
goods, ii. 194
INDEX
357
Moors, the, oppose cession of
Tangier, i. 206
Morland, Samuel, i. 132 ; his char-
acter of Mountagu, i. 137
Morogues, Vicomte de (naval tac-
tician), alluded to, i. 299, ii. 296
Morrice, William, ii. 191 et seq.
Mother Shipton, prophecy by, i. 39
Mountagu, Lady Anne. See Edg-
cumbe, Lady Anne
Mountagu, Lady Catherine : her deli-
cacy, ii. 182 ; lives to a great age,
ii. 290
Mountagu, Hon. Charles (fifth son
of Lord Sandwich), ii. 234, 289
et seq.
Mountagu, Sir Edward (d. 1557),
Chief Justice, i. 6
Mountagu, Sir Edward (d. 1602),
father of Sir Sydney, i. 7
Mountagu, Sir Edward (d. 1644),
first Lord Mountagu of Bough ton,
i- 7
Mountagu, Edward, second Earl of
Manchester. See Manchester, Earls
of
Mountagu, Edward, first Earl of
Sandwich. See Sandwich, Earl of
Mountagu, Edward, second Earl of
Sandwich. See Hinchingbrooke,
Viscount
Mountagu, Edward, third Earl of
Sandwich. See Sandwich, Earls of
Mountagu, Edward (of Boughton) :
is at the Sound, i. 139; is ap-
proached by the Royalists, i. 141 ;
interviews Whetstone, i. 144 ;
assures the Royalists of his cousin's
loyalty, i. 158 ; acts as a messenger,
i. 179 ; at Bergen, i. 327 ; his death',
i. 329 ; is a Roman Catholic, ii.
141
Mountagu, Edward, son of the Earl
of Manchester, alluded to, ii. 234
Mountagu, Eliza (daughter of Sir
Sydney). See Pickering, Lady
Mountagu, Hon. George (son of the
first Earl of Manchester) : M.P.
for Dover, i. 192 ; takes care of
his cousins, i. 233
Mountagu, Sir Henry, afterwards first
Earl of Manchester, alluded to,
i- 7
Mountagu, Henry (son of Sir Sydney),
drowned, i. 12
Mountagu, James, Bishop : his pre-
ferments, i. 7 ; his friendship with
James I., i. 8 ; his will, i. 10
Mountagu, Hon. James (of Lackham,
Wilts, son of the first Earl of Man-
chester), i. 88
Mountagu, Hon. James (son of Lord
Sandwich), i. 259
Mountagu, Jemima. See Countess of
Sandwich
Mountagu, Lady Jemima. See
Carteret
Mountagu, Hon. John, ii. 182 et seq. ;
his career, ii. 289
Mountagu, Hon. Oliver : at school,
ii. 182 et seq. ; his career, ii.
289
Mountagu, Lady (Paulina Pepys) :
first wife of Sir Sydney, i. 12 ; her
death, i. 14
Mountagu, Lady (Ann Pey), second
wife of Sir Sydney, i. 18
Mountagu, Lady Lucy (daughter of
the Earl of Manchester), alluded
to, ii. 234
Mountagu, Lady Paulina, i. 77 . ;
her ill-health, i. 231 et seq. ; her
girlhood, i. 239 et seq. ; her char-
acter and death, ii. 184
Mountagu, Hon. Ralph (first Duke
of Montagu), purchases the Great
Wardrobe from Lord Sandwich, ii.
188
Mountagu, Sir Sydney, i. 7 : his
education, i. 10 ; his character and
career, i. ii et seq.; purchases
Hinchingbrooke, i. 12 ; refuses to
fight against Charles, i. 17 ; his
second marriage and death, i. 18 ;
alluded to, i. 226
Mountagu, Hon. Sydney : his birth, i.
77 n. ; his education, i. 232 et seqq. ;
with his father at Bergen, i. 327 ; at
Cranbourne Lodge, ii. 49 ; goes
with his father to Spain, ii. 51 ;
is presented at the Court, ii. 63 ;
his return to England, ii. 160 ; goes
to Hinchingbrooke, ii. 161 et seq.;
makes the Grand Tour, ii. 235 ; is
his father's favourite, ii. 288; his
career, ii. 289
Mountagu, Thomas (d. 1517), founder
of the Northamptonshire branches,
i. 6
Mountagu, Hon. Walter (Abbot of
Pontoise), i. 217, 234
Mounts Bay, ii. 159, 161
Muledi, Patricio de, ii. 43 ; enter-
tained by Fanshaw, ii. 61 ; opens
the negotiations, ii. 65 ; visits Sand-
wich, ii. 68 ; his arguments, ii. 72 ;
congratulates Sandwich prema-
turely, ii. 83 ; presses a new treaty,
358
INDEX
ii. 84; his conversation, ii. 95;
extols Sandwich, ii. 108, 143
Music : allusion to a song on the
" Rump," i. 176 ; a set of Locke's,
i. 176; Singleton's band, i. 182;
a fancy, i. 243 ; Sandwich com-
poses an anthem, i. 252; "To all
you ladies " alluded to, i. 294 ;
Sandwich commends the guitar,
ii. 20 ; the Spaniards' taste in,
ii. 90 ; Sandwich's musical after-
noon with Don Juan, ii. 112
Myngs, Sir Christopher, i. 301, ii.
5,9
N
Naseby, Battle of, i. 58 et seq.
Naseby, the. See under Ships
National Covenant, i. 15
Navigation Act, i. 263, ii. 47 ; effects
of, ii. 214, 217
Navy (see also under Blake, Sand-
wich, Ships, etc.) : declares for
Richard Cromwell,!. 117; reported
favourable to a republic, i. 129;
Royalist intrigues in, i. 139; de-
clares for Parliament, i. 163; de-
sires Mountagu's return, i. 165 ;
issues a republican declaration, i.
1 66 ; Mountagu returns to, i. 171 ;
disinclined for the Restoration, i.
175 ; converted by Mountagu, i.
176, 1 80; welcomes Charles, i. 185 ;
question of commands in, i. 216;
seamen admire Sandwich, i. 267 ;
sailing - trials in, i. 270; corrupt
administration of, i. 276 ; pressing
for, i. 277, ii. 244 et seq.; our
strategy, i. 280 et seqq.; jealousies
in, i. 285 ; battle order, i. 287, 301 ;
poor condition of, ii. 15 ; in the
third Dutch war, ii. 244 ; our
strategy, ii. 253 et seqq.; disposition
of our fleet, ii. 266
Naze of Norway, i. 322 et seq.
Neidhardt, Everard. See Nithard
Netherlands. See Spanish Nether-
lands, Brabant, etc.
Neuss, alluded to, ii. 251
Neville (Nevil or Nevill), Henry,
alluded to, i. 130
New Albany, ii. 220
Newark, i. 29, 49
Newbury, second battle of, i. 50
Newbury, Captain, opposes the Res-
toration, i. 176
Newcastle invested by the Scots, i. 44
Newcastle, Marquess of (William
Cavendish, Viscount Mansfield,
etc.) : defends York, i. 35 et seqq.;
at Marston Moor, i. 39 et seq.; is
a Royalist delinquent, i. 80
Newcomen, Anne. See Wortley
New England (see under Plantations,
etc.), signs of independence in, ii.
220
New Hampshire, ii. 218
Newmarket, alluded to, i. 73
New Model Army, the, i. 54 et seqq.
Newport Pagnell, i. 28 et seq.
News-letters, use of, in the Civil War,
i.45
Nicolls, Richard, Commissioner to
New England, ii. 217
Nightingale (a Royalist parson), i. 87
Nithard, Everard, ii. 64 ; speaks good
Latin, ii. 67 ; favours Holland, ii.
69 ; his policy, ii. 92, 115
Nixon, Captain, court-martialled, i.
295 et seq.
No King but the old King's son,
alluded to, i. 171
Nonconformists. See Dissenters,
Toleration, Sects, etc.
Nore, the, i. 309, 343, ii. 253
Northampton, Earl of (James Cornp-
ton), alluded to, i. 192, ii. 287
North Foreland, alluded to, ii. 255
et seqq.
North Foreland, Battle of, alluded to,
i. 74
North Sea, strategical aspect of, i.
280 et seqq., ii. 251
Norton, Colonel, Lawson's son-in-law,
ii. 161
Norton, Colonel Richard, i. 77
Norway (see also Bergen), i. 317 et
seqq.
Norwood, Colonel Henry, ii. 153,
156, 159; his quarrel with Bland,
ii. 168
Nottingham Castle, i. 26
Nova Scotia, ii. 220
Nuns' Bridge (Huntingdon), i. 2
O
Obdam. See Opdam
Oeiras, Bay of, i. 96, 202
Opdam (Lord of), Jacob van Was-
senaer : in the Sound, i. 124, 142 ;
on board the Naseby, i. 184 ; op-
poses De Witt, i. 297 ; commands
off Lowestoft, i. 302 ; is killed, i.
304
Orange (Mary), Princess of: on board
the Naseby , L 185 ; comes to
England, i. 193
INDEX
359
Orange (William), Prince of, i. 185 ;
ii. 242
Orford Ness, i. 288, 298; ii. 255,
260
Orleans, Duchess of. See Henrietta
Anne
Orleans, Duke of, receives Lord
Hinchingbrooke, i. 239
Ormond, or Ormonde, Duke of
(James Butler), i. 132 et seq., 268 ;
ousted by Buckingham, ii. 199
Orrery, Lady, ii. 235
Orrery, Lord. See Broghill, Lord
Oundle, the Tresham estate at, ii.
288
Ouse, River, alluded to, ii. 28
Oxford : headquarters of Charles I.,
i. 27, 56 ; besieged by Fairfax, i. 57
et seq. ; Charles II. 's Court at, ii.
7, 16, 21
Oxford University, alluded to, i.
"5
Packer, Philip, rebuilds Hinching-
brooke, i. 227
" Palace section," the, supporters of
Richard Cromwell, i. 115
Parliament (see also Lords, Commons,
Barebones, Rump, etc.) : sovereignty
of, i. 26 ; directs the war, i. 27 ;
quarrels with the army, i. 160 ;
free Parliaments demanded, i. 163,
170 ; attacks the breaking of
bulk, ii. 19 ; led by Buckingham,
ii. 190 ; the houses quarrel over
privilege, ii. 202 ; and over money
bills, ii. 223 et seqq. ; parties in,
226 et seqq. ; under Charles II., ii.
240
Parliament Scout, The, quoted, i. 50,
Payn, Robert, his estate, ii. 174
Pedro, Dom (Infante and later King
of Portugal), i. 211 ; his character,
ii. 121 ; his intrigues, ii. 122 et
seqq.
Penaranda, Conde de, ii. 64, 67 ;
favours our enemies, ii. 69, 74 ;
urges Sandwich to abandon Por-
tugal, ii. 83 ; discusses our media-
tion, ii. 92 ; consults Sandwich, ii.
115 ; opposes concessions, ii, 119
Penn, Sir William, i. 267 ; his stra^e-
gical ideas, i. 290 ; alluded to, i.
301 ; is Sandwich's Vice- Admiral,
i. 319, 322 ; advocates distribution
of the prize-goods, ii. 3 et seqq. ;
is ousted by Albemarle, ii. 23 ; his
tactical ideas, ii. 26 ; his goods, ii.
31 ; is appreciated as a seaman,
ii. 171 ; is impeached over the
prize-goods, ii. 191 et seq.
Penzance, alluded to, ii. 160
Pepys, Elizabeth (nte St. Michel),
i. 99, 226, 232 ; visits a flagship,
i. 280 ; alluded to, ii. 50 ; her
drawings exhibited, ii. 186
Pepys, Samuel : in Mountagu's house-
hold, i. 99 et seq. ; gives his patron
political news, i. 101 ; acts as
messenger, i. 130, 142 ; not in
Mountagu's confidence, i. 143 ;
keeps Mountagu well informed, i.
164; alluded to, 167, 174; on
board the Naseby, i. 176, 180 ;
witnesses the Restoration, i. 184 ;
obtains Pickering's pardon, i. 192 ;
alluded to, i. 226; his comments
on Hinchingbrooke, i. 227 et seq. ;
looks after Sandwich's children, i.
233, 240 ; visits my Lord at
Chelsea, i. 243 et seqq. ; his pro-
test against Betty Becke, i. 246 ;
arranges Lady Jem's marriage, i.
259 et seqq. ; arranges my Lord's
sea employment, i. 265 et seq. ;
his industry, i. 279, 337 et seq. ;
describes the prize-goods, ii. 2 ;
purchases some, ii. 8 et seqq. ; gets
rid of his goods, ii. 27 ; his tact,
ii. 48 ; his farewell to Sandwich,
ii. 49 et seq. ; provides money for
Sandwich, ii. 160; goes to meet
him, ii. 161 ; lends ^100 to Lady
Sandwich, ii. 173 ; loses his patron's
favour, ii. 184 ; but entertains him,
ii. 1 86 ; defends the sale of prize-
goods, ii. 194 ; alluded to, ii. 235,
287
Peterborough, Earl of (Henry Mor-
daunt): goes to Tangier as Governor,
i. 207 et seq. ; his friendly warning
to Sandwich, ii. 193
Peterborough, riotous elections at, i.
84
Peters, Hugh (Independent chaplain),
i. 61
Petition of Right, alluded to, i. 170
Pey, Ann. See Mountagu, Lady
Philip IV., King of Spain, ii. 36, 41
Philippines, our commerce in, ii. 113,
Phillips, Mr. (of Maine), ii. 219
Pickering, Edward, a gossip, i. 245
et seqq.
Pickering, Lady, Eliza or Elizabeth
(daughter of Sir Sydney Mountagu):
360
INDEX
birth, i. 13 ; her marriage, i. 14 ;
alluded to, i. 76, 88 ; letter from,
i. 96 ; looks after a young marquess,
i. 98 ; appeals for her husband's
pardon, i. 192
Pickering, Sir Gilbert : his marriage,
i. 14 ; influences Mountagu, i. 20 ;
a Cromwellian, i. 77, 81, 83 ; one
of Cromwell's Lords, i. no; op-
poses Richard Cromwell, i. 115;
is pardoned at the Restoration, i.
192
Pickering, Colonel John, i. 29 ; at
York, i. 36 ; at M arston Moor, i.
40 et seqq. ; his regiment refractory,
i. 48 et seq. ; opposes Manchester,
i. 51 ; in the New Model, i. 55;
at Naseby, i. 59 ; at Bridgewater,
i. 64 ; at Sherborne, i. 65 ; at
Bristol, i. 66 et seqq. ; commissioner
for surrender of, i. 70
Pierce, James (surgeon), i. 247, ii. 282
Pierrepont, William, a commissioner,
ii. 190
Plantations, council for, ii. 211 et
seqq. ; members of, ii. 212
Plessis. See Du Plessis
Poetting, Franz Eusebius (Austrian
Ambassador in Madrid), ii. 83,
92 et seq., 118
Poland, involved in the Baltic Ques-
tion, i. 120
Pole, arms of the family (de la Pole),
i. 268
Poleroon (Pulurun), Banda Islands.
i. 268
Pomfret, or Pontefract, i. 37
Pontevell, Conde de, ii. 127
Porter, Mary, nun at Hinching-
brooke, i. 3
Portsmouth, alluded to, i. 214, ii. 50,
246, 253 et seqq.
Portugal (see also Affonso VI.,
John IV.) : treaty with the Pro-
tector, i. 90 ; with Charles II.,
i. 195 ; Dutch jealousy against,
i. 201 ; her war with Spain, ii. 34
et seqq.; demands title of King,
ii. 71 et seqq. ; is uncompromising,
ii. 76, 79 ; her treaty with
France, ii. 96 et seq. ; awaits con-
cessions from Spain, ii. 115; re-
news the war, ii. 119; revolution
in, ii. 1 20 et seqq. ; inclines to
peace, ii. 124 ; makes peace with
Spain, ii. 132
Prague, alluded to ii. 2
Precedence, difficulties over, ii. 87,
147
Presbyterianism, i. 19, 45
Presbyterians, their influence in Par-
liament, i. 72, 179
Press-gang, i. 277, ii. 244
Pride, Colonel Thomas, i. 64 ; purges
the House, i. 75
Prioresses of Hinchingbrooke, i. 4 n.
Privilege, Bill concerning, ii. 202 et
seqq.
Privy Council : extensive functions
of, ii. 208 ; alluded to, ii. 239
Prize-law, ii. 194
Prize-ships. See East Indiamen
Protectorate : foreign policy of, i. 85 ;
question of heredity of, i. 101 ;
opposed by the army, i. 116
" Protectorians " desire a Crom-
well restoration, i. 173
Pyrenees, Peace of, 1659, ii. 37, 68
Quakers, increasing numbers of, in
Huntingdon, i. 88
Queen Street. See Lincoln's Inn
Fields
R
Rainsborough, Major Edward, his
colonial policy, ii. 219
Rainsborough (or Rainboro w) , Colonel
Thomas, i. 55 ; at Bridgewater, i.
64 ; at Bristol, i. 68 et seqq.
Ramsey (Hunts), i. 5
Regiments, constitution of, in Round-
head army, i. 25, 55
Republicans (see also Committee of
Safety, "Rump," etc.): depose
Richard Cromwell, i. 128 ; alienate
Mountagu, i. 138 ; their downfall,
i. 169 et seqq.
Restoration, the, i. 170 et seqq. ;
results of, i. 190 ; Schomberg's
stories of, ii. 141 ; alluded to, ii.
206
Rhode Island, ii. 222
Rich, Colonel Nathaniel, i. 65
Rio Seco, town of, ii. 55
Rochester, City of, alluded to, ii. 27
Rochester, Earl of (John Wilmot) :
a volunteer in the navy, i. 332 ; is
at Bergen, i. 327 ; marries Eliza-
beth Mallett, ii. 177
Rolling Grounds, the, an anchorage,
i. 309
Rome: Lord Hinchingbrooke there,
i. 238 ; alluded to, ii. 2
Roskilde, Treaty of, i. 121 ; guaran-
INDEX
361
teed by England, i. 125 ; the treaty
modified, i. 145
Rouse, Captain, causes mutiny at
Henley, i. 52
Royalists (see also Cavaliers, etc.) :
intrigue with Cromwell's seamen,
i. 91 ; welcome Richard's acces-
sion, i. 115; work at elections,
i. 119; their hopes of Mountagu,
i. 133 et seqq. ; risings of, i. 155 ;
assured of Mountagu, i. 158, 160,
172 ; approach Monck, i. 174
Royal mines, shareholders in, ii. 21 1
Royal Palace, Madrid, conferences
held there, ii. 66
Royal Society, ii. 231, 236, 295 n.
"Rump," the: expelled by Crom-
well, i. 79 ; recalled, i. 130 ; ex-
pelled by Lambert, i. 161 ; restored
by Monck, i. 163 ; unpopular, i.
1 68 ; votes its own dissolution,
i. 170
Rupert, Prince (Earl of Holderness
and Duke of Cumberland) : re-
lieves Lincoln, i. 29 et seq. ;
marches on York, i. 38 ; at Marston
Moor, i. 39 et seqq. ; at Naseby,
i. 58 et seqq. ; fails to hold Bristol,
i. 6 1 et seqq. ; his career as seaman,
i. 266 ; is made Admiral, i. 271 ;
his suggestions, i. 286, 291 ; leaves
a court-martial, i. 296 ; alluded
to, i. 299 ; his flagship, i. 301 ;
leads the van off Lowestoft, i. 303
et seqq. ; pursues the Dutch, i. 305
et seqq. ; decries a joint command,
i. 316 ; is to command with Albe-
marle, ii. 24 ; is a failure, ii. 170
et seq. ; attacked in Parliament, ii.
191 ; intrigues against Penn, ii.
192 ; joins Buckingham's faction,
ii. 199 ; is on the Council for Plan-
tations, ii. 212
Rushworth, John, historian, quoted,
i- 35
Russell, Colonel William, at Lin-
coln, i. 31 et seqq. ; at Marston
Moor, i. 40 et seqq.
Rutland, Lady (Frances), petition of,
i. 88
Ruvigny, Marquis de, ii. 76 ; alluded
to, ii. 147
Rye, alluded to, i. 233
St. Albans, Mountagu's recruits at,
i. 56
St. Albans, Earl of (Henry Jermyn) :
prevents a duel, i. 194 ; alluded to,
ii. 206, 287
St. Andero, ii. 52
St. Andrew's Hill, site of the ward-
robe, i. 241
St. Blaize (or Blasque), festival of,
ii. 85
St. Eloi, convent of (in Lisbon), ii.
131 ; Sandwich's portrait in, ii.
141
St. Helen's Road, a rendezvous, i.
268
St. Ives (Hunts), i. 21 ; disaffection
at, i. 87 et seq.
St. James's Park, alluded to, i. 169
St. John, Oliver, a " Protectorian,"
i- 173
St. Michael's Mount, i. 213
St. Neots (Hunts) : engagement at,
i. 75 ; lands at, ii. 174
St. Romain, Marquis de : represents
France in Lisbon, ii. 57, 76, 96 ;
his protest against the peace, ii.
128, 134, 148 ; alluded to, 240
Sailing trials, instituted by Sandwich,
i. 270
Salem (Mass.), ii. 216
Salutes, question of. See Flag
Salvaterra, ii. 57
Sampson, John, ii. 117
Sande, Marques de, i. 213, ii. 124
Sandwich (town of), i. 180
Sandwich (Edward Mountagu, first
Earl of) : birth, i. 13 ; education,
i. 14 ; a Parliamentarian, i. 19 ;
made a Deputy-Lieutenant, i. 22 ;
his appearance, i. 24 ; his regiment,
i. 25 ; joins Manchester's army,
i. 27
1644. Visits Cambridge, i. 28 ;
rights at Hillesden, i. 29 ; at Lin-
coln, i.^iet seqq. ; at York, i. 36 et
seqq. ; at Marston Moor, i. 40 et
seqq. ; Commissioner for the sur-
render of York, i. 44 ; under Crom-
well's influence, i. 46 ; his regiment
refractory, i. 49 ; opposes Manches-
ter, i. 51
1645. Governor of Henley, i. 52
et seqq.; joins the New Model, i. 55 ;
at Naseby, i. 58 et seqq. ; woos the
Clubmen, i. 61 ; acts as Major-
General, i. 63 ; at Bridgewater,
i. 64 ; and at Bristol, i. 66 et seqq. ;
his gallantry, i. 69 ; is in Parlia-
ment, i. 71 ; becomes less extreme,
i. 72
1646. Disbands a regiment, i.
74 ; suppresses Royalists, i. 74
362
INDEX
1647. Is made a prisoner by
Cavaliers, i. 75
1648. Is a secluded member,
i. 75, and retires
1651. Remains Commissioner
for Hunts, i. 77 ; his doubts, i. 78
1653. Is a member of the Bare-
bones Parliament, i. 80 ; his various
offices, i. 80 ; a Cromwellian, i. 81
1654. His rapid rise, i. 83 ;
supports Cromwell's finance, i. 85
1655. Has trouble in Hunting-
don, i. 87 ; his administrative work,
i. 88 ; further posts, i. 89
1656. Is a General-at-Sea, i. 90 ;
purges the fleet, i. 91 ; sails with
Blake, i. 92 ; surveys Gibraltar,
i. 93 ; his ardour, i. 94 ; in the
Straits, i. 95 ; gains experience,
i. 96 ; returns home with treasure,
i. 97 ; brings home a prisoner, i.
98 ; makes Pepys his secretary, i.
100
1657. Is a " kingling," i. 101 et
seq. ; present at Cromwell's instal-
lation, i. 102 ; commands off Mar-
dyk, i. 103 et seqq. ; is aggressive,
i. 104 ; visits Turenne, i. 105 ;
sworn of the new Privy Council,
i. 106 : retires to Hinchingbrooke,
i. 1 06 ; his doubts over the Upper
House, i. 107 ; created a Baron by
Cromwell, i. 109
1658. Aids in taking Dunkirk,
i. no ; entertains Mazarin, i. in ;
searches Dutch vessels, i. 113 ; his
grief over Cromwell's death,
i. 114; supports Richard, i. 115;
prepares the navy's address of
loyalty, i. 117; made a colonel of
horse, i. 118 ; quarrels with Fleet-
wood, i. 118 ; retires again, i.
119
1659. Goes to the Sound, i. 120 ;
his mission, i. 122 ; his instruc-
tions, i. 123 ; negotiates with
Charles X., i. 125 et seqq. ; troubled
at Richard's deposition, i. 129 ;
loyal to the Crom wells, i. 130 ;
opposes republicanism, i. 133 ; is
an unconscious Royalist, i. 134 ;
his secrecy, i. 135 ; ignores the Re-
publicans, i. 1 37 et seqq. ; deprived
of his regiment, i. 138 ; is watched,
i. 139; receives Royalist offers,
i. ,141 ; opposes the Dutch, i. 142 ;
no enemy to monarchy, i. 143 ; his
adventure with Whetstone, i. 144 ;
his reticence, i. 145 ; sympathetic :
to Sweden, i. 146 ; his quarrel with
Sydney, i. 147 et seqq.; decides to
return, i. 152 ; excuses his return,
i. 156 ; writes to Richard Cromwell,
i. 157 ; retires to Hinchingbrooke,
i. 159; an observer, i. 164; does
not declare himself, i. 165 ; dis-
trusts Lawson, i. 166
1660. Returns to the navy, i. 171 ;
his secrecy, i. 172 ; favours the
Stewarts, i. 173 et seq. ; with the
fleet, i. 174 ; composes differences,
i. 175 et seq. ; his music, i. 176 ;
elected for Weymouth, i. 177 ; his
letter to Charles, i. 178 ; the Re-
storation imminent, i. 180 et seqq. ;
sails for Holland, i. 182 ; receives
Charles, i. 185 ; is made a K.G.,
i. 187 ; his religious views, i. 190 ;
created an Earl, i. 191 ; obtains
Pickering's pardon, i. 192
1661. His voyages of escort, i.
193 ; quarrels with Buckingham, i.
194 ; his posts, i. 195 ; advocates
the Portuguese marriage, i. 196 ;
appointed to escort Catherine, i.
198 ; Master of Trinity House,
ibid. ; arrives off Algiers, i. 199 ;
bombards the town, i. 200 ; visits
Lisbon, i. 201 ; describes a bull-
fight, i. 203 ; goes to Tangier, i.
205
1662. Secures the place, i. 207 ;
purchases property there, i. 208 ;
returns to Lisbon, i. 209 ; the
Queen's dowry, i. 210; the mar-
riage ceremonies, i. 212 ; arrives
home, i. 214 ; his troubles, i. 215 ;
is in danger at sea, i. 217 ; advo-
cates sale of Dunkirk, i. 219 et
seqq.
1663. His estate and servants,
i. 225 ; travels in state, i. 226 ;
improves Hinchingbrooke, i. 227
et seqq. ; resides at the Wardrobe,
i. 241 ; lodges at Chelsea, i. 243 ;
dislikes politics, i. 244 ; the Becke
affair, i. 245 et seqq. ; shares
Clarendon's unpopularity, i. 251 ;
gossip about him, i. 252 ; his home
life, i. 253 ; his extravagance, i.
255 et seqq.
1664. Wishes to go to sea, i.
264 et seqq. ; his record as sailor,
i. 266 ; is made Vice- Admiral, i.
267 ; goes to sea, i. 268 ; his sail-
ing trials, i. 270 ; Admiral of the
Blue, i. 271 ; holds on for the
winter guard i. 274
INDEX
363
1665. His suggestions as to
victualling, i. 277; returns to
London, i. 279 ; joins the Prince
i. 280; his ideas - t on strategy, i
283 et seqq. ; his order of battle, i
287 ; his comments on strategy, i
289 et seqq. ; provisions his squad
ron, i. 295 ; presides at a court-
martial, i. 296 ; suggests strengthen-
ing the line, i. 298 et seq. ; fights
the Dutch off Lowestoft, i. 301 et
seqq. ; breaks their line, i. 304 ;
pursues them, i. 305 ; piqued over
neglect, i. 312 ; rejoins his vessel,
i- 315 .' commands in chief, i. 317 ;
sails, i. 320 ; his letter to Arling-
ton, i. 321 ; his Councils, i. 322^
seqq. ; hears news of De Ruyter,
i- 3 2 5 5 prepares the attack on
Bergen, i. 326; the Bergen affair
discussed, i. 330 et seqq. ; sails for
Shetland, i. 335 ; returns for
provisions, i. 338; refits his fleet,
i- 339 ; -issues new instructions, i.
340; takes several Dutchmen, i.
341 ; eludes De Ruyter, i. 342 ;
captures more prizes, i. 343 ; his
return, ii. i ; distributes the prize-
goods, ii. 3 ; his share, ii. 5 ; his
warrants, ii. 7 et seqq. ; lays up
the fleet, ii. 14 ; goes to Oxford, ii.
16 ; is censured, ii. 17 et seqq. ;
rejoins the fleet, ii. 20; decides to
quit the service, ii. 21 ; attacked
over the prize-goods, ii. 23 ; desires
an inquiry, ii. 24 ; his defence, ii.
25 et seq. ; his goods taken, ii. 27
et seqq. ; sues for pardon, ii. 29 ;
is pardoned, ii. 31
1666. Is sent as Ambassador to
Spain, ii. 43 et seqq. ; his instruc-
tions, ii. 45 ; prepares to start, ii.
48 ; his despondency, ii. 49 ; is
delayed, ii. 50 ; his journals, ii. 52 ;
lands at Corunna, ii. 53 ; his
journey to Madrid, ii. 54 et seqq. ;
arrives there, ii. 60 ; presents his
credentials, ii. 61 ; his public
audience, ii. 63 ; his work, ii. 66 et
seqq. ; moves his residence, ii. 70 ;
his caution, ii. 72; celebrates a
victory, ii. 74 et seq. ; objects to
Southwell's forwardness, ii. 77 et
seq. ; his care, ii. 78 ; receives new
instructions, ii. 79 ; suggests a
practical treaty, ii. 80 et seq.
1667. His hospitality, ii. 88 ;
his recreations, ii. 90 ; makes
Spain a " seeker," ii. 94; obtains
his treaty, ii. 98 et seq. ; his treaty
discussed, ii. 106 ; its reception, ii.
107 et seq. ; his knowledge of com-
merce, ii. 1 10 ; desires further con-
cessions, ii. in ; his music with
Don Juan, ii. 112; their conversa-
tion on trade, ii. 113 ; does further
work, ii. 117 et seq. ; decides to go
to Lisbon, ii. 125 ; his journey, ii.
126
1668. Arrives in Lisbon, ii.
127 ; quarrels with Southwell, ii. 129
et seqq. ; visits the King, ii. 130 ;
obtains the peace of Lisbon, ii. 132
et seqq. ; prepares to leave, ii. 141 ;
his journey, ii. 142 ; returns to
Madrid, ii. 143 ; effect of his
work, ii. 144 ; his further negotia-
tions, ii. 146 ; his worries over
precedence, ii. 147 et seqq. ; re-
ceives several presents, ii. 1 50 ;
disappointed over money, ii. 151 ;
is sent to Tangier, ii. 152 ; his
journey, ii. 153 ; his work there, ii.
154 etseqq. ; returns to England, ii.
1 60 ; goes to Audley End, ii. 161 ;
his money troubles, ii. 162 etseqq. ;
cost of his embassy, ii. 164 ; his
report on Tangier, ii. 165 et seqq. ;
rumour of his return there, ii. 169 ;
appreciated as a seaman, ii. 170
et seq. ; his appearance, ii. 171 ; his
journals, ii. 172
1669. Chooses new friends, ii.
185 ; adjusts his accounts with
Pepys, ii. 186 ; sells the Great
Wardrobe, ii. 188 ; attacked over
the prize-goods, ii. 191 et seq. ; his
papers demanded, ii. 195 ; on the
Committee of Accounts, ii. 198 ;
supports toleration, ii. 199 ; his
record, ii. 200
1670. His comments on politics,
ii. 201 et seqq. ; placed on the
Committee for Trade, ii. 209 ;
rounds off his commercial treaty,
ii. 210 ; is President of the Council
for Plantations, ii. 211 et seqq.
1671. His observations on New
England, ii. 220 et seqq. ; manages
the Money Bill for the Lords, ii.
224 et seqq. ; his scientific pursuits,
ii. 232 et seqq. ; is guardian of
Mistress Wortley, ii. 234
1672. His position as seaman,
ii. 239 ; his sympathy with the
Dutch, ii. 240 ; deplores the attack
on their fleet, ii. 245 ; his sense of
fatality, ii. 248 ; goes to sea in
3^4
INDEX
triumph, ii. 249 ; entertains the
King, ii. 250 ; his advice on
strategy, ii. 258 ; is Admiral of the
Blue, ii. 260 ; advises caution, ii.
261, 264 ; his forebodings, ii.
265 et seqq. ; his gallantry at South-
wold Bay, ii. 267 et seqq. ; his
death, ii. 282 et seqq. ; his body
found, ii. 284; his funeral, ii. 285
et seqq. ; his will, ii. 287 et seqq. ;
his character, ii. 290 et seqq. ; his
work as Admiral, ii. 295 et seq.
Sandwich (Edward Mountagu, second
Earl of). See Hinchingbrooke,
Viscount
Sandwich (Edward Mountagu, third
Earl of) : his marriage alluded to,
ii. 177 n. ; his birth, ii. 235
Sandwich, Countess of (Jemima
Crew) : her marriage, i. 19 ; enter-
tains Charles I., 1.73; has a French
maid, i. 226 ; superintends altera-
tions at Hinchingbrooke, i. 227 ;
her character and letters, i. 230
et seqq. ; makes a match for Lady
Jem, i. 259 ; is ill at Tonbridge,
i. 320 ; anxious over her husband's
money, ii. 162 ; her cares, ii. 172 ;
her economies, ii. 173 ; approves
of her son's marriage, ii. 178 ; her
generosity, ii. 180 ; hears of her
husband's death, ii. 284 ; her death,
ii. 288
Sansum, Robert, i. 301
Santa Cruz, engagement off, i. 97
Sarcuela, ii. 90
Saunders, Lieutenant, i. 33
Savile, Sir George (Lord Halifax),
ii. 190
Savoy, proposal treaty with, ii. 209
Savoy, the, palaces of, ii. 285
Scheveningen, i. 183
Schomberg, Duke of (Frederic Her-
man) : in Portuguese service, ii. 38,
41 ; entertains Sandwich, ii. 127 ;
his gossip, ii. 134, 141
Scotland, malcontents in, i. 273
Scots.: rise against Charles, i. 15 ;
join Fairfax, i. 30 ; besiege York,
i. 35 ; their political attitude, i. 36
et seq. ; their cruelty, i. 45 ; march
on Newcastle, i. 44 ; intrigue with
Charles, i. 60, 73
Scott, Anne (Countess of Buccleuch,
and Duchess of Monmouth), ii. 174
et seq.
Scott, Mr., famous surgeon, i. 239
Sects (see also under Dissenters,
Independents, etc.), i. 45, 190
Selby (Yorks), i. 34
Seymour, John, ii. 160 et seq.
Shaftesbury, Earl of. See Cooper,
Anthony Ashley
Sheerness, ii. 21, 255 et seq.
Sheffield, taken by ihe Roundheads,
i. 48
Sheldon, Gilbert, Archbishop, alluded
to, i. 268
Shepley, Edward (steward at Hin-
chingbrooke), i. 167, 226 ; his
accounts, i. 255 ; protects the
prize-goods, ii. 28 ; out in his
reckoning, ii. 173 et seq.
Sherborne, captured by Fairfax,
1.65
Sheres (or Sheeres), Henry, ii. 107
et seq.
Shetland, i. 336
Ships (those associated with Sand-
wich arranged in chronological
order) :
1656-1660. The Naseby, Blake
and Mountain's flagship, i. 92, 96,
et seq. ; off Mardyk, i. 103 (but
Mountagu uses The London, i. 104);
off Dunkirk, i. no et seqq. ; in the
Sound, i. 120 et seqq, ; at the Re-
storation, i. 176 et seqq. ; her name
changed to The Royal Charles
1660-1661. 754* Resolution, i.
193. The London, i. 193
1661-1662. The Royal James,
i. 199. The Royal Charles, i. 213
1664-1665. The London, i. 267,
271 ; loss of, i. 279. The Revenge,
i. 274. The Royal Prince, i.
279> 301, 3 11 et seqq., 320, ii. 5
1666. The Resolution, ii. 50 et
seqq.
1668. The Greenwich, ii. 153,
159
1672. The Royal James, ii. 250
et seqq.
See also East Indiamen (the
Phoenix and Slothony]
Shirley, James, his "Impostor"
acted, ii. 89
Shrewsbury, Lady (Buckingham's
mistress), alluded to, ii. 293
Sidney Sussex College (Cambridge),
i. 7
Siete Chimeneas (Sandwich's house in
Madrid , 70, 86, 152
Silva, Piciie\ ieirada, ii. 130
Simancas, archives of, alluded to,
ii. 56
Singleton, John, his music, i. 182
Skaw, the, English fleet off, i. 129
INDEX
365
Skinner v. the East India Co., ii.
201
Skippon, Philip, i. 25 ; commands
foot at Naseby, i. 58 et seqq. ; on
the Council of State, i. 83 ; opposes
Richard Cromwell, i. 115
Slave-trade, alluded to, ii. 37
Sleaford (Lines), i. 29
Slingeland (or Slingerland), H.,
Dutch Commissioner, i. 151
Smith, Sir Jeremy (seaman), alluded
to, ii. 5 et seq.
Smyrna fleet (Dutch) : attacked by
Allin, i. 272 ; alluded to, i. 297 ;
attacked by Holmes, ii. 246
Solebay. See South wold Bay
Somerset House, alluded to, i. 136,
240, ii. 285
Sound, the, tolls in, i. 120 et seqq.
Sousa, Antonio da, ii. 58
Southampton, Earl of (Thomas
Wriothesley), i. 218 et seq.
South Foreland, ii. 255
Southwell, Sir Robert : envoy to
Portugal, ii. 57 ; goes to Madrid,
ii. 58 ; does Fanshaw's work, ii.
59; returns to Lisbon, ii. 62;
alarmed over French intrigues, ii.
77 ; hurries to Madrid, ii. 78 ; fails
to outbid France, ii. 97 et seq. ;
predicts peace between Spain and
Portugal, ii. 125 ; is jealous of
Sandwich, ii. 128 et seqq. ; re-
turns home, ii. 136 ; alluded to,
ii. 149
Southwick (Hants), ii. 161
Southwold, or Southwold Bay (naval
rendezvous), i. 156, 268, 287, 298,
309, 336, ii. 262 ; battle of, ii.
266 et seqq.
Spain (see also Philip IV., Charles
II.) : Cromwell's natural enemy, i.
90 ; Blake's expedition against, i.
92 et seqq. ; attacked at Mardyk
i. 103 ; surrenders Dunkirk, i. in
proposed expedition against, i. 113
opposes the Braganc^. match, i. 196 .
our renewed relations with, ii. 34
her quarrels with Portugal and
France, ii. 34 et seqq. ; she looks
for allies, ii. 43 ; our draft treaty
with, ii. 47, 65 et seqq.; refuses
Portugal the title, ii. 71 et seqq. ;
desires our help, ii. 75 ; rejects a
league, ii. 93 ; her isolation, ii. 96
et seqq. ; attacked by France, ii.
no; desires a league, ii. 113 et
seqq. ; considers concessions to Por-
tugal, ii. 1 20 ; makes peace with
her, ii. 132 ; her sluggish attitude,
ii. 144
Spaniards : their festivals, ii. 85 et
seq. ; their plays, ii. 89 ; their
music, ii. 90 ; their recreation and
dancing, ii. 91
Spanish Netherlands: attacked by
France, ii. no
Spanish Succession Question, ii. 109
Spithead, ii. 161
Sport, Cromwell's attitude to, i. 86 ;
Sandwich's love for, i. 253. See
also "Hurling"
Spragge, Sir Edward (seaman) :
alluded to, ii. 5 etseq., 260 ; fights
at Solebay, ii. 279 et seqq.
Stafford House, meeting at, ii. 212
Star Chamber, alluded to, i. 16
Stayner, Sir Richard, i. 96 ; captures
some Spanish galleons, i. 97 et seq. ;
arrives at Tangier, i. 207
Stene (Northants), home of the Crews,
i. 19
Stewarts. See under Charles I. and
Charles II.
Stillingwerf, Augustus, Dutch Vice-
Admiral, i. 305
Stockholm, alluded to, ii. 38
"Stop of the Exchequer," the, ii.
241
Straits, the : importance of trade in,
i. 95 ; suggested cruise in, i. 104,
ii. 17
Strand, the, alluded to, i. 168
Strickland, Walter, i. 89 ; opposes
Richard Cromwell, i. 115
Stukeley (Hunts), lands at, i. 7,
225
Subsidy Bill, quarrels over, ii. 225
et seqq.
Suffolk, Earl of (James Howard),
alluded to, ii. 287
Sugar, constitutional dispute over, ii.
224 et seqq.
Sussex, Royalist rising in, i. 155
Swale, the, ii. 256
Sweden : allies with Cromwell, i. 90 ;
relations of, with Denmark, i. 120 ;
her attitude, i. 127 ; attempts made
to coerce her, i. 141
Sydenham, William, i. 72; opposes
Fifth Monarchists, i. 81 ; on the
Council of State, i. 83 ; opposes
Richard Cromwell, i. 115
Sydney, Algernon : Commissioner at
the Sound, i. 143 ; watches Moun-
tagu, i. 144 ; favours Holland, i.
145 ; offends Charles X., i. 146 ;
his quarrel with Mountagu, i. 148
366
INDEX
et seqq. ; accuses him of intrigue, i.
150 et seqq.; his protest against
him, i. 156
Talbot, Sir Gilbert : proposes attack
on Bergen, i. 318 et seqq. ; the
failure discussed, i. 330 et seqq,
Tangier : Mountagu's views on, i. 95,
197 ; its cession, i. 204 et seqq. ;
money for, ii. 13 ; not to be sold,
ii. 46, 82 ; Sandwich's inquiry
there, ii. 154 et seqq. ; factions in,
ii. 156 ; new charter for, ii. 157 et
seq. ; Sandwich's report on the
place, ii. 165 et seqq.
Taunton : besieged by Royalists, i.
60 ; the siege raised, i. 62
Taylor, Captain, causes a mutiny at
Henley, i. 52
Taylor, Major, ii. 155
Teddeman (or Teddiman), Sir Thomas,
i. 301 ; to attack Bergen, i. 326 ;
his plan, i. 328 ; is repulsed, i.
329 ; rejoins Sandwich, i. 336 ;
alluded to, ii. 5
Temple, Anne, visits the fleet, i.
294
Temple Bar, declaration of war at, i.
276
Temple, Dorothy, Lady, ii. 241
Temple, Sir Richard, ii. 228
Temple, Sir William : his letters, ii.
96, no, 145 ; alluded to, ii. 240
Tetuan, i. 95, 202
Texel, the, Channel off the Island,
i. 288 et seq., ii. 252
Thomson, George, Brooke House
Commissioner, ii. 191
Thurloe, John : letters alluded to, i.
94, 95, 105, 109; supports Richard
Cromwell, i. 115 ; elected for
Huntingdon, i. 119 ; alluded to, i.
135, 141 ; favours the Cromwells, i.
173 ; letter from, i. 180
Tickhill Castle, i. 47
Titus, Captain, i. 268
Tockwith (Yorks), forces at, i. 39
Toleration : question of, i. 45 ;
quarrels over, i. 244; Bucking-
ham's championship of, ii. 189,
199
Tonbridge, Royalist rising at, i. 155
Tor Bay, i. 214
Torksey (Lincolnshire), alluded to, i.
34
Torrington, Admiral Lord (Arthur
Herbert), alluded to, ii. 296
Toulon, i. 207
Tournai, Bishop of, ii. 207
Tourville, French Admiral, alluded
to, ii. 296
Townsend, Thomas, Deputy of the
Wardrobe, i. 257
Townshend, Lord (Sir -, Horatio
Townshend), Commissioner of
Prizes, ii. 28 et seqq.
Trade and Plantations, Committee
for, ii. 209 et seqq.
Treasury, Committee of, i. 83
Treaty of Dover : signed, ii. 207 ;
effects of, ii. 231, 238
Treaty of Lisbon, ii. 133
Treaty of Madrid, ii. 99 et seqq.;
ii. 107 et seq.; its observance, ii.
210
Treaty of Roskilde. See Roskilde
Tresham, family of, lands confiscated,
1.225
Trevor, Sir John, his letters to Sand-
wich, ii. 145 et seq.
Trice, Jasper, ii. 30
Trinity House : Sandwich Master of,
i. 198; and elder brother of, ii.
236
Triple Alliance, alluded to, ii. 144
Tromp, Cornelis Martenszoon, Dutch
Admiral, i. 306
Tunbridge Wells, alluded to, ii.
177
Turenne, Marshal: attacks Mardyk,
i. 104; takes Dunkirk, i. in
Turks, their piracies, i. 205
Tychemers, Joan, Prioress of Hinch-
ingbrooke, i. 3
U
" Undertakers," the, ii. 193
United Provinces, the. See Dutch
Unhappy Marksman, the, alluded to,
i- 159
Uniformity, Act of (see also Tolera-
ration), i. 244
Uniforms, in early Roundhead regi-
ments, i. 26
Valevin, John, Sandwich's secretary,
ii. 265, 286
Valladolid, ii. 55
Van Brakel, Jan, ii. 273 et seq.
Van de Rijn, Jan Danielszoon, ii.
277
INDEX
367
Van de Velde, Willem, paints battle
scenes, i. 300
Van Dyck, Sir Anthony, his paintings
at Hinchingbrooke, i. 229
Van Ghent, Willem Josef, Lieut. -
Admiral, ii. 268 et seqq.
Vane, Sir Harry (the younger), i.
130 ; reads a party, i. 159 et seq. ;
is dismissed, i. 169
Vaudois, the, Cromwell's aid to, i. 89
Vaughan, John (afterwards Chief
Justice), defends Sandwich over
the prizes, ii. 192 et seqq.
Velasquez, alluded to, ii. 56
Vienna, alluded to, ii. 2, 38
Villeroi, Marechal, entertained by
Mountagu, i. ill
Virginia, ii. 214
Vlie, the, Dutch anchorage, i. 288,
ii. 252
W
Walden, Captain, a Royalist, i. 87
Walden, Lionel, ii. 30
Wales, holds for the King, i. 56, 66
Walker, Robert, his paintings alluded
to, i. 229
Waller, Edmund, on the Council of
Plantations, ii. 212
Waller, Sir Hardress : at Naseby,
i. 59 ; at Bridgewater, i. 64 ; at
Bristol, i. 68 et seqq.; his trial,
i- 193
Waller, Sir William : Roundhead
general, i. 49 et seq. ; his army
merged in the New Model, i.
54
Walters, Lucy, mother of the Duke
of Monmouth, ii. 175
Waltham Forest, alluded to, i. 89
Walton, Valentine, enemy of Moun-
tagu, i. 84, 156
Wardrobe, the : constitution of, i.
242 ; accounts of, i. 256 et seq. ;
is reorganized, ii. 187
Wardrobe House, destroyed by the
fire, i. 243, ii. 187
Wardships, law of, in Scotland, ii.
174
Warwick (Sir Robert Rich, second
Earl of), at Cromwell's installation,
i. 102
Wash, the, alluded to, 28
Washingley House (Hunts), Moun-
tagu a prisoner at, i. 75
Welbeck Abbey, taken by the Round-
heads, i. 47
Welden (or Weldon), Ralph, com-
mands at Bristol, i. 68
Werden (or Worden), John : Sand-
wich's messenger, i. 325 ; joins his
retinue for Spain, ii. 51 ; is sent
forward to Madrid, ii. 54 ; his mis-
sion to Lisbon, ii. 79 et 3e( l;
takes charge of affairs in Madrid,
ii. 152
West Indies (see also Jamaica, etc.),
ii. 47, in ; piracy in, ii. 210
Westminster Abbey, ii. 287
Westminster Hall, i. 82, 102 ; ii.
286
Westminster School, Sandwich's sons
at, ii. 183
Weymouth, Mountagu Member for,
i. 177
Weyras Bay. See Oeiras Bay
Wharncliffe Lodge, alluded to, ii.
289
Wharton, Philip, Lord, i. 77
Whetstone, Thomas : Royalist envoy,
i. 139 ; sent to interview Moun-
tagu, i. 144 ; his want of tact,
i- 145
White Banks (off Flanders), ii. 261
Whitelocke, Bulstrode, i. 89, 102
Whitehall: Mountagu's lodgings at,
i. 80, 167, 243, 252 ; alluded to,
i. 114, 136, 169
Whittlesea Mere, i. 195
William (the Conqueror), i. 2 n,
Willoughby of Parham, Lord, is
inefficient, i. 28
Winceby, skirmish at, i. 27
Windham, John, a volunteer killed at
Bergen, i. 329
Wingfield Manor, i. 48
Witchcraft, story of, at Huntingdon,
i. 8
Wolsey (or Wolseley), Sir Charles,
supports Richard Cromwell, i. 115
Wool-trade, with Spain, ii. no et
seqq.
Worcester, Battle of, alluded to, i.
78
Worsley, Benjamin, ii. 225
Wortley, Anne (Anne Newcomen), a
great heiress, ii. 234 et seq.
Wortley Hall, ii. 289
Wortley, Sir Francis, alluded to, ii.
234
Wortley-Mountagu. See Hon. Sydney
Mountagu
Wrangel, esteemed a great General,
ii. 141
Wright, Anne, Lady, alluded to,
ii. 284
368
INDEX
Yarmouth, alluded to, i. 274, 343
York : city of, i. 27 ; besieged, i. 35
et seqq. ; relieved by Rupert, i. 39 ;
taken by the Roundheads, i. 44
York, Duchess of (Anne Hyde),
visits the fleet, i. 294
York, James, Duke of. See James,
Duke of York
i Zante, i. 207
f Zeeland, proposed raid on, ii. 251
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE. The sources used are fully indicated at the
heads of the chapters. With regard to the Stale Papers, Cal. S. P., Dom.
(Calendar of State Papers, Domestic} indicates that the calendar has been
referred to, and -5". P., Dom., or S. P., For. (Foreign), indicates reference to
the original document in the Public Record Office.
THE END
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