Skip to main content

Full text of "The life of Edward Montagu, first Earl of Sandwich, 1625-1672"

See other formats






? co 




(1625 1672) 





























3 OI 

3 06 









INDEX - - - . - 342 





By Sir Peter Lely. This portrait has been engraved by James 
Thomson and other engravers, but has not previously been 
photographed for publication. 

CHARLES II., KING OF SPAIN - to face p. 36 

By Sebastian Herrera, a pupil of Velasquez. This and the 
portrait succeeding were presented to Lord Sandwich by the 

Queen Regent (see p. 150). 



By Sebastian Herrera. 


SANDWICH - - to face p. 90 

By Samuel Cooper. These miniatures are framed with the 
ribbon of the Garter, and a beautiful compass found on Lord 
Sandwich's body. 

EDWARD, EARL OF SANDWICH .. - to face p. 142 

By Feliciano (see p. 141). So far no information about the 
painter has been forthcoming. 

JEMIMA, COUNTESS OF SANDWICH - - to face p. 162 

By Adrian Hanneman. This portrait was probably painted 
during a visit to England, as Hanneman 's residence here was at 
an earlier date (see the Dictionary of National Biography}. 


SANDWICH - to face p. 174 

By Sir Peter Lely. A fine duplicate of this portrait, with a 
slight difference in the drapery, is in the possession of Mr. J. 
Horace Round. 



ANNE, LADY HINCHINGBROOKE - - to face p. 180 

After Sir Peter Lely. The Director of the National Portrait 
Gallery ascribes this picture to Lely's studio, though not to 
Lely's hand. 

THE HON. SYDNEY MOUNTAGU - - to face p. 234 

In the Hinchingbrooke Catalogue this portrait is attributed 
to Lely. A more probable attribution is to Michael Wright. 
Another expert suggests Sir John Baptist Medina, " the Kneller 
of the North." 

THE BATTLE OF SOLEBAY, MAY 28, 1672 - to face p. 276 

By Willem Van de Velde. Sandwich's flagship is shown here 
at the moment of her destruction by a Dutch fireship. The 
picture was probably painted for the family after the battle. It 
passed into the hands of a Captain Smith, who received his first 
commission from John, fourth Earl of Sandwich. Smith intended 
to leave the picture to the Hinchingbrooke Collection, but, out 
of gratitude to the family, he presented it in 1838 to John William, 
the seventh Earl. 




' ' This self- same instant Month, and the third day, 
False-hearted Holland, England took away, 
Eight ships, Two Hundred Guns ; since many more, 
And Fourteen Hundred Prisoners brought to shore ; 
Rejoyce, O England, Dance for Joy and Sing, 
That's an ill Wind which none doth profit bring." 1 

THE return of Sandwich with his great capture was 
well received. The Duke of York wrote to Arlington 
that there was general rejoicing over the victory ; 
what was done was much beyond expectation, the 
fleet being so slenderly victualled. 2 But the prizes 
thus taken did Sandwich an infinite amount of harm. 
Among the captured vessels were two great East 
Indiamen, the Phcenix and the Slothony. They were 
laden with cargoes such as roused the envy of many 
a marauder. The ships were crammed with silks and 
spices and the spoils of the Far East, a large propor- 
tion of the supply of Central Europe. In the ordinary 
course of commerce these goods were sent by road 

1 The Dutch Storm ; or, Ifs an ill wind that blows nobody profit. Being 
a perfect relation of eighteen ships, great and small, taken from the Hogen 
Mogen Stats Van Hollandt, September 3, 1665, by the truly valiant Earl of 
Sandwich (Brit. Mus. : Luttrell Collection, vol. iii., f. 87). 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., September 18. 



and river to Vienna, to Prague, to Dresden, even as 
far as Rome and Moscow. The pepper and cloves, 
cinnamon, mace and nutmegs, enabled food to be 
stored for the winter, and provided variety for a 
monotonous diet. In England such spices were used 
in every still-room, seasoned the game -pies, and 
flavoured the mulled claret and the spiced ale. What 
a prospect of delight they threw out to a man like 
Pepys ! When he saw the cargoes he was amazed. 
He relates in a few clear strokes the story of his visit 
to the vessels, with the Commissioners. 

They " there did show me the greatest wealth lie in 
confusion that a man can see in the world. Pepper 
scattered through every chink, you trod upon it ; and 
in cloves and nutmegs 1 walked above the knees, whole 
rooms full. And silks in bales, and boxes of copper- 
plate, one of which I saw opened." 1 

The value of this splendid haul was considerable. 
The cargo of the thirteen ships cost nearly half a 
million sterling, reckoned in the money of that day. 
Translated into our currency, the estimate would run 
into millions. Pepys, who in the light of events had 
every reason to underrate the worth of the goods, 
wrote to Sandwich as follows : 

11 1 have made enquiry what the value of the ships is 
reckoned to have been in India, and doe finde (and by 
such authority as your Lordship if necessary may make 
use of it) that the Cargoes of all the 13 ships cost not 
above 350,000 at most under ^4oo,ooo." 2 

The right course to adopt with these prizes was laid 
down by regulation. The holds should have been 
spiked up, and the ships delivered to a set of officials 
who guarded the goods, arranged for their sale to 

1 Pepys's Diary, November 16, 1665. 

2 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, vol. i., f. 77. 


merchants, and transmitted the money to the Treasury. 
But in all cases there was room for uncertainty, since 
custom, reinforced by a royal order, had given to the 
seamen all merchandise which lay between decks. 
Never was a prize taken but there was a scuffle among 
the sailors, and a general scramble for the goods. 

This Elizabethan right of the seamen was not shared 
by the commanders, 1 and their envy was roused by 
the sight of the sailors helping themselves. Why, 
indeed, should the men go off with a little fortune, 
while the masters awaited all the formalities of com- 
missioners and proportions ? It appears that a proper 
observance of these forms was at first intended, since 
Sandwich issued instructions for Sir John Harman 
to "deliver the prizes to the Commissioners, either 
at Harwich or Ipswich." 2 Suddenly this plan was 
changed, and it was decided to take the whole of the 
vessels to the Nore. During their journey it appears 
that someone beguiled Sandwich, and he fell. There 
was a council upon the procedure, and certain of the 
flag-officers were opposed to tampering with the prizes. 
Those, however, who clamoured for an instant distri- 
bution carried the day, and of all those Penn was the 
noisiest ; he claimed that the King and Duke intended 
him a particular favour, and then asked for the goods. 3 
Sandwich was not the man to resist such a scheme. 
He was in some respects of an easy good-nature, 
never prone to say no. Questions of money and 
goods he despised ; he had an aristocratic carelessness 
of accounts and prices. Ever reckless in his money 
matters, the distribution was but of a piece with all 
his actions. After all, as he told Pepys, "it was a 

1 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, vol. i., f. 67. This is expressed 
in the warrant for distribution. 

2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 354. The instructions are dated September 12. 

3 Rawlinson MSS., A 468. 


good way to get money, and afterwards to get the 
King's allowance thereof, it being easier to keepe 
money when got of the King than to get it when it 
is too late." 1 Such a speech reeks of imprudence, but 
there is sound sense in the sailor's attitude that a cargo 
in the hand was worth two warrants. The Navy Office 
was much behind in its payments; it is said that on 
Penn's death the nation owed him ;i2,ooo. 2 No doubt 
both Admirals felt that their experience justified a lax 
interpretation of the prize-laws. 

In such a case, most of the flag-officers resolved to 
take a share in the prize. The sailors had not waited, 
but had stripped the vessels of everything of value 
which lay between decks, and more besides. " Great 
spoil, I hear," says Pepys, " there hath been of the two 
East India ships." 3 The vessels were shamelessly 
ransacked by the seamen, and it was reported that 
they swam five feet lighter. The Commissioners of 
Prizes viewed this so seriously that they thought of 
abolishing the system of giving the seamen the goods 
between decks, and substituting a fifth part of the 
profits. 4 The flag-officers, who were willing to par- 
ticipate, did their share in no more dignified a way. 

"They did toss and tumble, and spoil and breake 
things in hold to a great losse and shame to come 
at the fine goods, and did take a man that knows 
where the fine goods were, and did this over and over 
again for many days, Sir W. Berkeley being the chief 
hand that did it, but others did the like at other times." 6 

Because of their expenses of entertainment, and 
upon their good conduct in attending to the business 

1 Pepys's Diary , September 23. 

2 Granville Penn, Memorials of Sir W. Penn, ii. 492. 

3 Pepys's Diary, September 18. 

4 Carte MSS., 34, f. 440: Southwell to Ormond, October 16. He says 
that the seamen's goods were worth ; 100,000. 

5 Pepys's Diary, October 12. 

i66 5 ] THE WARRANTS 5 

of fighting rather than of plunder, Sandwich assigned 
to the flag-officers a proportion of the silks and spices 
which were in the holds of the Phoenix and Slothony. 
Many a sailor has built the family fortune upon the 
goods seized at sea ; but Sandwich made the greatest 
mistake of his life in allowing these goods to be ear- 
marked for distribution before any warrants were 
issued. He allotted so much to Penn, so much to him- 
self, and so much to each flag-officer. Their shares were 
worth the having. Any one of them could command 
goods to the value of 2,000, and Sandwich and Penn 
took an amount worth nearer 4,000. After the allot- 
ment of the shares, arrangements were made for the 
care of the still huge residue. On September 18 there 
was a council of war on board the Prince. It was 
resolved that the prize-ships be sent to Erith, and 
Jordan and Kempthorne were commanded to see them 
safely up the river, " taking an especial care to preserve 
the Goods in the East Indiamen from all manner of 
embezzlement." 1 The officers of the Customs were 
permitted to come on board, the hatches were nailed 
down, and three days later the vessels sailed. Sand- 
wich wrote, in artless fashion, to the King : 

"Wee have desired my Lord Brouncker and Sir 
Jo: Mennes to goe and remain on board the East 
Indiamen and see the goods delivered into warehouses : 
men of small credit as under-officers and waiters are, 
will waste more than they preserve." 2 

This time the danger came from the men who 
should have been of greater credit. In addition to 
Sandwich, the officers concerned were eleven in 
number Penn, Allin, Cuttance, Teddiman, Myngs, 
Jordan, Harman, Spragge, Berkeley, Jeremy Smith, 

1 Carte MSS., 75, ff. 361, 367. 

2 Sandwich to the King in S. P., Dom., cxxxiii., f. 27. 


and Ayscue. A long list, but one of interest, for all did 
not share the spoil, and the inclusion of some caused 
jealousy in the breasts of the others. Cuttance, Spragge, 
and Smith, were not flag-officers, but commanders, and 
it was a mistake to give them a full share. Pepys 
speaks of my Lord's folly " in permitting himself to 
be governed by Cuttance, to the displeasing of all the 
Commanders almost of the fleet, and thence we may 
conceive indeed the rise of all my Lord's misfortunes 
of late." 1 The rest of the commanders were left in 
the cold, and they murmured. Spragge and Smith 
were loyal to their own rank, and repudiated the 
distribution, or the form of distribution. They were 
supported by Berkeley and Ayscue; the latter "did 
from the beginning declare against these goods, and 
would not receive his dividend." 

These four men refused the warrants for distribu- 
tion ; the papers, signed by Sandwich, allotting them 
their nutmegs, mace, and cinnamon, remain at Hinch- 
ingbrooke, as silent witnesses to the caution of a few. 
And four unsigned receipts are there as well ; the 
remainder testify to those who showed less caution 
and integrity. 2 In the end Smith certainly obtained 
500 from the prize-money as a free gift for service 
during the war, but obtained it in proper form. 3 As 
for Penn, he seems to have taken considerable licence; 
his list of goods is made out in his own hand, and 
signed by him ; and the goods he chose are certainly 
sufficient. In sending his receipt he takes a share of 
the blame, making it out " for the goods your Lordship 
allotted me at my proposition." And he added that, if 
the receipt were not in due form, he would write one 

1 Pepys's Diary, January 22, 1666. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, vol. L, ff. 69-72 and 87-94. 

3 The warrant is in S. P., >om., November 15, 1665. 


such as Sandwich desired. 1 The receipts were dated 
September 23, and handed in to Sandwich. They 
should have been preceded by the King's warrant for 
the distribution. Apparently on September 21 Sand- 
wich issued a warrant, but entirely upon his own 
responsibility. 2 

As soon as the distribution was arranged he had 
certain qualms. He discussed the matter with Penn, 
who assured him of the King's approval ; but in order 
to obtain this Sandwich wrote to Oxford, where the 
Court then was, and received an assurance, coupled 
with a warning. His letter was addressed to Carteret, 
and was shown to Coventry, who said at once, "Heere 
my Lord Sandwich has done what I durst not have 
done." 3 The remark was ominous, and Carteret took 
it to heart. The King and Duke, he wrote " both 
aprouve exceedingly well what your Lordship hath 
done therein. But I thinke it will not be amisse, 
before those officers dispossess of the goods, that your 
Lordship have the King's order in writing for it." 4 

Unfortunately for Sandwich, he did not take this 
advice. The distribution went gaily on, and as yet no 
warrant had arrived. "All was done publicly," said 
Brouncker, "and with such a seeming authority, that 
I am sometimes apt to think they had private orders 
for it, either from His Majesty or His Royal Highness 
for some emergent occasions that would not admit 
delay." 5 The officers bundled their shares ashore, 
but goods of such bulk could not be removed with- 
out exciting notice. The spoils were measured in 

1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 391, November 2, 1665. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., f. 26. Penn also speaks of warrants 
dated September 15 and 21. 

8 Marquess of Bath's papers ; Coventry MSS., xcv., f. 157. 
4 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 51, September 28. 
8 Coventry MSS., xcv., f. 161. 


tons, and came ashore in waggon-loads. The story of 
the great wealth to be seen in the river spread along 
its banks, and attracted every gossip and tide-waiter 
in the neighbourhood of Erith. Crowds stood agape 
to see the riches of the East. Seamen were selling 
their share in the streets and alehouses, and every 
waterman knew where bargains in spices might be 
bought from the poor half-famished wretches. 1 Men 
were prepared to purchase large or small amounts, 
and talked of profits of 500 or 600 over their con- 
signments. Some of the goods were brought out and 
safely housed ; " would the rest of them were so too !" 
said Pepys. 2 He and his friend, Captain Cocke, had 
bought over a thousand pounds' worth from the flag- 
officers, and were concerned for the security of their 

There was, indeed, no little cause for fear, and Pepys, 
with his usual adroitness, set about getting a pass for 
his goods. He drew up an order for signature, and 
sent it to Sandwich, who attested that Mr. Samuel 
Pepys should quietly enjoy and dispose of the said 
silks and spices. 3 But Mr. Pepys was not allowed to 
do this. Early in October the Custom-house officers 
were warned by the Commissioners of Prizes not 
to pass any goods without the King's warrant, and 
this was not yet obtained. " We know not how to 
distinguish the Staffe-Officers' Goodes from others," 
wrote Albemarle. 4 So Pepys and his partner, Captain 
Cocke, found themselves engaged in a battle with the 
customs. The Transire was useless, and only produced 
some hot and angry words. The goods were seized, 
and locked up, and the key was given to the constable. 

1 Pepys's Diary, September 24. 2 Ibid., September 27. 

3 Rawlinson MSS., A 174, f. 305, October I. 

4 Carte MSS., 75, f. 373 : Albemarle to Sandwich. 

i66 5 ] PEPYS'S SHARE 9 

" But, Lord !" Pepys relates, " to think how the poor 
constable come to me in the dark going home ; ' Sir/ 
says he, ' I have the key, and if you would have me do 
any service for you, send for me betimes to-morrow 
morning, and I will do what you would have me.' 
Whether the fellow do this out of kindness or knavery," 
he adds, " I cannot tell ; but it is pretty to observe.' l 

By this time the officers were burning with duty, 
and nothing could escape them. To Pepys came a 
hurried message from his partner that four more wag- 
gons had been stopped. And then, into the streets 
of Erith, out he rushed, and hard by the church found 
the waggons, and a crowd of some hundred idlers 
gazing. " I did give them good words," said he, " and 
made modest desires of carrying the goods to Captain 
Cocke's ;" but the customers insisted on taking them 
elsewhere, and the spices and silks were laid out in a 
barn near at hand. 2 

Samuel Pepys was now seriously alarmed, for the 
matter was causing no small stir. Sir Christopher 
Myngs and Sir George Ayscue were spreading their 
stories broadcast, Myngs telling how Sandwich had 
kept him waiting three or four hours for an audience ; 
Ayscue stating "that hee did from the beginning 
oppose the taking out of any goods, and resolves not 
to receive any of them otherwise than to deliver them 
to the King's officers." 3 All the blame was heaped on 
Sandwich ; those who had received benefits stated that 
his lordship's back was broad enough to bear the 
trouble. Pepys then begged his patron for some 
instructions how to carry himself, and received in 
reply a letter in which Sandwich stated that the King 
had confirmed the distribution ; and he bade Pepys 

1 Pepys's Diary, October 7. 2 Ibid., October 10. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 63. Myngs had already been in trouble for 
plundering ships. See Cat, S. P. Col. (1675) Addenda, 315-316. 


own his goods with confidence. " Carry it high," he 
wrote, " and owne nothing of basenesse or dishonour, 
but rather intimate that I shall know who have done 
mee indignities." 1 

Sandwich had put his trust in princes, and there 
was no help in them. He had been promised an order 
to justify the distribution, and had been assured that 
his action was approved at Court. He told Pepys of 
this, and, with a light heart, prepared to own what he 
had done. An order had been sent to Albemarle " for 
having all respect paid to the Earl of Sandwich and 
his goods." 2 And my Lord, in his faith and belief, 
endorsed Carteret's letter, " King's approbation of the 
distribution." 3 But the official order was delayed. 
When the story of the prize-goods had been spread 
far and wide, and every man's hand was against 
Sandwich, the document came. It had all the panoply 
of royal seals and signatures, yet the date, October 17, 
was too late to render it of any service. The document 
is among the papers at Hinchingbrooke, and has one 
curious feature. A close examination shows that 
the day was inserted in another and not a clerical 
hand. A much earlier day of October might have 
been entered, but evidently some check was kept, 
for the draft in the King's entry book bears the same 
figure. 4 The date was not falsified ; but why should it 
have been left, presumably to Sandwich, for insertion ? 

During the interval, in which the document was 
promised and delayed, other forces began to work. 
At the outset the hopes of the Council of State had 
been fixed upon the prizes, and there was every reason 
to think that by these great riches the country's credit 

1 Rawlinson MSS., A 174, f. 303. The letter is printed twice in Gran- 
ville Penn's Memorials of Penn, and in Pepys's Memoirs. 

2 Pepys's Diary, October I and 12. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 53. 4 Cal. S. P., Dom., October 17. 


could be restored. Arlington, whose business was to 
justify the Government in its conduct of the war, saw 
in the capture a source of congratulation. " If we 
must have war," he wrote, "may the next be as pros- 
perous." Sandwich, he thought, had furnished him 
with a good story to carry to the Parliament. 1 The 
Duke of York added his thanks for the treasure : " Con- 
sidering with how little loss it hath been acquired, is 
sufficient ground to give God thanks for his goodness 
to us, and under him to you for your care in this 
action." 2 But Clarendon knew that the Duke had 
taken umbrage at the distribution, and was offended 
in the highest degree, in that it should be done 
without his advice. 3 

That was really the key to the trouble. The old 
jealousies sprang up again. The Duke as Lord High 
Admiral, and the members of the Council, regarded 
themselves as the proper fountain of benevolence, 
and, although gratified, they had no desire to be 
cheated of their expectations of a great return. Albe- 
marle wrote to Sandwich on September 19 a long and 
very insistent letter, urging that every precaution 
should be taken against embezzlement, since the Court 
was put to great shifts for money. 4 Of this letter, 
Sandwich foolishly took no heed. A few days later 
he and Evelyn were with Albemarle, when Albemarle 
outlined his plan for the disposal of the prizes. 5 He 
desired instantly to realize them, and proceeded to 
strike a bargain with the East India Company. The 
goods were such as the company bought and sold, 
and they were fearful lest the dispersal of such com- 
modities should lower their markets. Coventry had 

1 Carte MSS., 46, ff. 205-207, and 223, f. 291. 

2 Ibid., 75, f. 359. 3 Clarendon, Life, iii. 574. 

4 Carte MSS., 75, f. 363. 6 Evelyn's Diary, September 25. 


suggested a deal. 1 The company took it up, nego- 
tiated with Albemarle, agreed to an advance upon the 
value of the goods, and made themselves accountable, 
not to the Exchequer, but to the said Duke, or whom- 
ever the King should appoint. The arrangements 
occupied about a month, and on November 14 a con- 
tract between Albemarle and the company was ready 
for signature. The King, pressed for a speedy supply, 
desired the money to be raised with all expedition, 
and 100,000 was speedily allotted for the use of the 
navy and the expenses of Tangier. 2 The care of the 
prize-goods was made a public affair. 

It was a misfortune that the incident occurred at a 
time when opinion was inflamed. Finance was in a 
muddle ; the whole country seemed crumbling to ruin. 
The meshes of discontent and disaster were widely 
spread, and the state of affairs was deplorable. The 
ravages of the plague were seen on every hand. To 
the sober-minded it looked as though the time of retri- 
bution had come. To the sterner Puritan, disease sat in 
judgment upon a people steeped in iniquity ; London 
was likened to a city of confusion, where every house 
was shut up that no man might come in. In the 
alleys and corners, " the sluttish parts," the plague 
increased. The streets were empty save for " poor 
sick people, full of sores." The awful calamity which 
had befallen the nation was a terrible contrast to the 
perpetual scandals which issued from the Court. The 
evidence of a callous government was shown in 
the mismanagement of the war, " nobody minding the 
public, but everybody himself and his lusts." Any 
man with a spark of sense and sympathy was appalled 
at the sick seamen who perished daily in the streets 

1 CaL S. P., Dom.> September 16. 

'" Ibid., October 10, November 3, n, 14, 15. 

i66 5 ] THE DUTCH AT SEA 13 

for want of quarters. 1 Misery was coupled with 
sedition. The fanatics were said to be busy and full 
of high hopes. Folk talked of plots hatched in the 
conventicles by those who were stretching out their 
hands to the Dutch. 

These alarms gained credence through the high- 
handed action of the enemy. The Dutch " were so 
pleasant as to say, The English nation is now brought 
so low with the Plague, that a man may run them 
down with his finger." 2 During the whole of October 
they were upon our coast, and caused a natural 
though insensate panic. They sailed in search of the 
English fleet, and it looked as though an invasion 
were intended. Beacons were lit along the coasts ; 
warnings were sent to the Lord-Lieutenants that the 
militia might be made ready to repel a landing. The 
lights which ordinarily guarded mariners were re- 
moved, for it was feared that the Dutch might sail up 
the Thames, and fire our ships which lay in the river. 
These were only " Presbyterian reports " ; but for 
weeks the Dutch were in sight, now off the Foreland, 
now peeping at Solebay, now off Harwich. They 
wished " it might at least be said they had made a face 
at us." 3 At length the tempest was too strong for 
them, and they were driven back into their own 
harbours. The expedition turned out mere bravado 
an attempt to regain the reputation lost in the summer. 4 

As long as our fleet was afloat, whether in the 
river or at Harwich, the Dutch could not guarantee 
their communications nor guard their trade. They 
may have hoped to tempt us out and try the issue of 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., September 21 ; Pepys's and Evelyn's Diaries ; The 
Intelligencer, August 5. 

2 The Intelligencer, September 18. 3 The Newes, October 9. 

4 Cal. S. P., Dom., September n ; see also October 23, November I ; 
and Carte MSS., 75, ff. 375, 380. 


another battle. Our caution disappointed them. But 
the tattler of the coffee-houses had his own conception 
of strategy, and his word carried weight. He 

"sett all men's toungs agoeing upon the small precede 
of all our prizes, and that it had been better they had 
been sunken then for theyre sakes and theyre plunder 
the whole Fleete should be brought in and leave the 
Dutch Maisters of the Sea." 1 

The whole blame was laid upon Sandwich, because 
he had not gained a decisive victory and swept the 
enemy into their harbours. In such desperate straits 
men were scarce likely to be lenient over the prizes. 
It was a further misfortune for Sandwich that the 
fleet could not put to sea, for to the people and 
Parliament the withdrawal of our ships seemed an act 
dictated by diffidence and greed. But Sandwich knew 
the difficulties by which he was faced, and acted with 
deliberation. He sought advice from Charles, and 
the King, one of the best judges of his time, was in 
the main satisfied. Though he would have had the 
Dutch soundly beaten, he recognized that the weather 
was against us, and that a cruise too near the enemy's 
coast would have endangered our vessels. Charles 
therefore acquiesced in the return, and as to getting the 
fleet out again, he left Sandwich to make such arrange- 
ments as he would. 2 

It was unfortunate for the Admiral that he had a 
nautical conscience, and that he had no desire to go 
to sea with a covey of lame ducks. The King had 
expressed a desire to keep the officers and men on 
board "till wee see with certainty what the enemy will 
doe, whether lay up their ships or come out againe, if 
but to make a Bravado, and do some mischiefe upon 

1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 59 : Pepys to Sandwich. 

2 Ibid., i. 44, September 16 ; Carte MSS., 75, f. 365. 


the coast." But Charles took no count of our pro- 
visions a matter into which Sandwich made inquiry. 
Another campaign was to him at least hazardous, if 
not impossible. " It had beene," wrote Pepys, " to 
have discovered too much of our nakednesse ; for after 
all, a Fleete could not have beene gott out, nor kept 
out." 1 There was a great deficiency of men ; sickness 
had lain heavily upon them, and most of the sailors 
had been twelve months at sea. The autumnal gales 
were exceptionally severe, and the vessels could only 
keep the sea at great risk. They were ill-provided and 
ill-repaired. 2 Some were leaky, others wanted a bow- 
sprit or a mainmast, and neither masts nor tackle were 
of the strength required for the strain of a tempestuous 
month. Sandwich held a council of war in order to 
consider the expediency of bringing in the great ships. 
The next year's campaign was to be provided for, and 
on this count it was resolved not to put the great 
ships to sea during that winter. 3 

It was a misfortune for Sandwich that he agreed 
to this decision. For though it was in accordance 
with the usual practice of the time, and with the letter 
of the instructions which he received from Oxford, 
it was not in harmony with the spirit. The King's 
advisers were divided in opinion, and their counsels 
swayed this way and that. Every man in the cabal 
knew that the fleet was ill-provisioned, yet each had 
an indeterminate and vain wish to make a show upon 
the sea. Coventry was particularly eager and incon- 
sistent, for he knew that only necessity had driven 
us home. For weeks there had been a fear that 
the French might join the Dutch and do us some 

1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 59. 

2 Carte MSS. , 74, f. 234. An exact list is given of the deficiencies. This 
would provide Sandwich with a basis for decision. 

3 Ibid., 75, f. 371, October i. 


mischief. 1 In order to prevent this, the great ships 
were desired in commission. 

" Upon which point," wrote Coventry, " I beseech 
your Lordship to consult the ablest Commanders with 
regard to the Season of the Yeare, which I should 
thinke very hazardous for greate ships, but that the 
Dutch seem to intend the staying with the biggest 
they have." 2 

The answer to this letter was given by the council 
of war. Their decision was not unreasonable. To 
have met the Dutch would have meant an engagement 
under the most unfavourable conditions. According 
to the commanders, not more than four ships were 
capable of putting to sea. 3 To stay out was impos- 
sible ; to risk next year's vessels was an act of 
madness. But the policy of caution did not pay, for 
others opposed it. James had urged " making a show," 
but without any belief that it was seasonable to bring 
out the great ships. He believed in fitting out a 
squadron of frigates which might do service, and 
draw the Dutch from our coast. 4 It was a mistake of 
Sandwich not to keep up some pretence. Instead of 
that, once the matter of laying up the great ships was 
decided, he left the fleet at the Nore, started for Oxford, 
and arrived there on October 7. 

There was abundant reason for his going there, but 
the matter was left by the King and Duke to his own 
discretion. And now not only had he the matter of 
the prize-goods to cause him anxiety, but he deemed 
that the North Sea campaigns were ended. Other plans 
were on the anvil. The letters sent by Coventry con- 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., September 8 and II ; Coventry and York to Arlington. 
3 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 49. 

3 Pepys's Diary, October 25 ; Carte MSS., 74, f. 234. 

4 Brit. Mus.y Add. MSS., 32,094, f. 65 : The Duke of York to Penn, 
October 8. 


cerned schemes for scattering the fleet. There was 
a talk of secret expeditions to Guinea and the Straits, 
and Sandwich had been invited to Oxford in order to 
consult upon their expediency. 1 

But Sandwich did not order his goings with any 
subtlety, and his presence at Oxford only made 
for his undoing. It was unlucky for him that he went 
there at that very time, when the enemy again appeared 
in our waters. With regard to his movements, Sand- 
wich was never heard in his own defence, nor did the 
people know how impossible he thought a campaign. 
He was censured by appearances, and by the gossip 
which simmered in a plague-ridden country. There 
came hints that the Admiral's proper place was on 
board the Prince, and that he put his own interest 
before that of the navy. Albemarle, on whom had 
fallen the whole administration of the war, was highly 
indignant, and blustered about in London, saying 
" that if my Lord Sandwich do not come to towne, he 
do resolve to go with the fleete to sea himself." His 
friends, who were bearing with him the heat and 
burden of the plague, cried that the fleet should be 
hurried out. 2 It was not a time for calm consideration. 
The people took the key from Albemarle, and sang in 
the same strain. They were alarmed at the action of 
the enemy. It was opportune, wrote Coventry, that 
money was voted just before the Dutch came full sail 
on to our coast, and, he adds, that the council of war 
was over-confident, on sending in the great ships, that 
this would not come about. 3 

For the decision of the Council, Sandwich had to 
take the blame. He felt the keen tooth of ingratitude ; 

1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 49. 

2 Pepys's Diary, October 9 and 16 ; see also Sandwich MSS. Letters, 
i- 59- 

3 Carte MSS., 47, f. 428 : Coventry to Ormond. 

VOL. II. 2 


he regarded " his ill usage about the first fight, wherein 
he had no right done him," as the source of his trouble. 
The neglect of his name in the reports of the battle of 
Lowestoft had done him a bad turn ; for this he was con- 
vinced that he had to thank Coventry, and none could 
assure him otherwise. 1 Not much was said about the 
failure at Bergen, though it was suggested that there 
would have been a great clamour if a lord of the 
King's party had had no better success than an old 
seaman such as Teddiman. 2 Such blame as there was 
fastened upon Sandwich. He was no great courtier, 
he was not one of the first favourites of the King, and 
he did not obtain much support from that quarter. 
He was allowed to be a target for the people. " What- 
ever the satisfaction he may have given to the King 
and Council, the general voyce of the town is very 
smart upon him," wrote a Court gossip. 3 Not only 
was he censured over the prize-goods, but the conduct 
of the campaign was called in question. The people 
rebuked him as Samuel rebuked Saul. They had 
expected him to fight until the Dutch were consumed, 
and they made out that he had but flown upon the 
spoil. 4 

Partly from excess of caution, partly from a convic- 
tion that the prizes were his best object, Sandwich had 
fallen into a temptation which overcame many another 

1 Pepys's Diary, October 25. 

2 Cal S. P., Dom., August 18 : Peterborough to Williamson. 

3 Carte MSS., 215, f. 214: Brodrick to Ormond, October 8. 

4 " But Sandwich fears for Merchants to mistake 
A Man of War, and among Flow'rs a Snake. 
Two Indian Ships pregnant with Eastern Pearl, 
And Diamonds, sate the Officers and Earl : 
Then warning of our Fleet, he it divides 
Into the Ports, and so to Oxford rides. 
Meanwhile the Dutch, uniting to our Shames, 
Ride all insulting o'er the Downs and Thames !" 

DEN HAM : Directions to a Painter. 

i66 5 ] HIS ANXIETY 19 

famous Admiral. But the world did not see eye to eye 
with him. His misdeeds were taken up by Parliament. 
His enemies might have been silenced had it not been 
for the prize-goods ; for had he brought back the vessels 
intact, his victory would have been applauded. Though 
Sandwich and his officers obtained less than one- 
twentieth of the spoil, the outcry over the division 
caused the successes of his expedition to be over- 
looked. Parliament brought in a Bill "calculated to 
his case," and made it a felony to break bulk. 1 Over 
this Sandwich and Pepys made mighty merry ; my 
Lord said : " They will make that no prizes shall be 
taken, or if taken, shall be sunk after plundering." 2 
Though the resolutions gave them cause for mirth, 
it was the forced mirth of an uneasy conscience, and 
the temper of Parliament was dangerous. Some hot- 
heads would have voted a great sum to the Duke, 
10,000 to Rupert, and half a crown to Sandwich. 3 
Nothing came of this studied insult, and possibly my 
Lord never knew of it, though a disagreeable story 
rarely lacks a friend to bring it round. As the autumn 
wore on, envy and malice had full scope, and he "re- 
ceived still worse and worse usage from some base 
people about the Court." 4 If every allowance is made 
for his egotism and imagination, he had good cause 
to feel himself bespattered. 

"He underwent the blame," says Evelyn, "and it 
created him enemies, and prepossessed the Lord 
General, for he spake to me of it with much zeal and 
concern, and I believe laid load enough on Lord Sand- 
wich at Oxford." 

For popular condemnation Sandwich cared not one 
farthing, but that of the Court was another matter. 

1 Commons' Journals, October 13-21. 3 Pepys's Diary, October 25. 

3 Ibid., November 6. * Ibid., November 27. 


He could see that he was in danger, and that intrigue 
was afoot. At a critical juncture his friends were few, 
and seemed to him lukewarm. He heard the Chan- 
cellor's opening speech to Parliament, and felt that 
even Clarendon was cold in doing him right. 1 He 
could test the temper of the House, for he took his 
place in the Lords and sat upon one or two Com- 
mittees. 2 When it was too late, he realized that his 
presence in Oxford was a mistake, and rejoined the 
fleet. On October 23 he received news from Penn 
that thirty Dutch ships were off the Gunfleet, and 
threatened to block up the Channel. 8 Hopeless as 
Sandwich was over the business of the navy, he re- 
turned next day to London, consulted the victuallers 
and certain captains, and several ships were made 
ready to fall down to the Nore. 4 His business, as 
he told Pepys, was to get out a few vessels to drive 
away the Dutch ; but only about four were really fit 
for service the remainder had scarcely a biscuit on 
board. A squadron so equipped was not fit to keep 
the sea, and useless in fighting. No one could have 
a stout heart under such circumstances, and Sandwich 
did not believe anything effective could be done. 
However, he returned to his post, and on October 29 
was again off the Nore. He found little to do, except 
to play upon his guitar, which he commended " above 
all musique in the world." The weather had come 
to our rescue. The month ended with a tempest, 
sufficient to scatter the Dutch and to drive them back 
to harbour. Then they sailed for the coast of Holland, 

1 Pepys's Diary, October 25. 

2 Lords' Journals. Sandwich was on the Committee to consider "Bills 
for uniting Churches in Cities" and "An Act of Distresse and Avowries for 

3 Carte MSS., 75, ft. 375, 380. 

4 Cal. S. /*., Dom.) October 24 ; Sandwich to Arlington. 

i66 5 ] LEAVES THE FLEET 21 

and nothing more was heard of them during that 

With an end to any possible campaigning, little work 
remained to be done. " All our business now," wrote 
Coventry, " is to do the Dutch what mischief we can, 
both to merchandise and fishing vessels, and to prepare 
for next year." 1 From time to time the flag-officers 
met in council. They sent the great ships, first and 
second rates, to the dockyards at Sheerness and 
Chatham, and made out a roll of the seamen " in a 
book, fair- written." 2 A convoy was provided for the 
Hamburg merchants, for Albemarle considered it of 
moment that those who dealt in cloth might be free 
to trade, and thus have money for their taxes. 3 The 
last work w r hich Sandwich did was the preparation 
of the necessary squadron. 4 On November 18 he 
received permission to leave the fleet; 5 two days later 
he presided at a final council of war. Then his 
employment at sea came to an end ; he gave up the 
command, and repaired once more to Oxford. 

For some weeks he had been ready to lay down his 
commission. His first visit to Court had shown him 
the uncertainty of the national temper. The daring 
of the Dutch had scared the nation, and the alarm 
which was caused made thefpeople shout for some head 
upon a charger. Why was the Admiral of the Fleet 
at Oxford, at Court? It was useless arguing about 
lack of provisions or the wisdom of the decision of the 
council of war; the Admiral's ill-timed visit rankled 
in men's minds. Months later the action was brought 

1 Carte MSS. t 75, f. 387, November 2. 

2 Ibid., 75, f. 395. The seamen were classified : able and ordinary 
seamen ; serviceable and unserviceable watermen ; old, new-raised, and sick- 
ashore soldiers. 

3 Carte MSS., 75, ff. 401-413. 

4 Cal. S. P., Dom., November 15. 5 Carte MSS., 75, f. 399. 


up in Parliament, and considered as one of the mis- 
carriages of the late war. 1 Sandwich was aware of 
the hubbub he had raised, and became doubtful of his 
position. Like all seamen in similar circumstances, 
he deemed himself unjustly treated and the sport of 
faction. A change of Admirals was common talk. One 
of the tale-bearers and busybodies about town wrote 
of the uncertainty which prevailed as to that winter's 
command, "none amongst us daring to conjecture." 2 
Sandwich saw the way the wind shifted, and wished 
himself quit of the service. When he returned to the 
Nore, and dangled about near a half-victualled fleet, 
his interest was lessened ; he felt that nobody minded 
him or his condition. He was sure that even the King 
would sacrifice him, nor perhaps feel himself safe till 
Sandwich had gone. 3 He talked it over with Pepys, 
who advised him to be quit of the sea-employment, and 
that fell in with his lordship's wishes. 

It was true, as he said, that his enemies were pre- 
paring to oust him from the fleet. Not only in the 
coffee-houses, but in the Cockpit, where Albemarle 
and his Duchess held Court, there grew up a party 
which criticized the conduct of the war. Men did not 
scruple to say that the security of the plunder had been 
more to Sandwich and to Penn than the security of 
the country. Their words took wings, and rumour 
quickly became confirmed. Albemarle was determined 
to have done with the late leaders of the fleet. He 
" did speake very broad that my Lord Sandwich and 
Penn should do what they would, and answer for 
themselves." 4 Pepys says that he was agog to go 
to sea himself the next year. The old antagonism 

1 Grey, Debates \ February 15, 1668 (i. 77). 

2 Carte MSS. y 34, f. 448, October 22 : Brodrick to Ormond. 

3 Pepys's Diary, October 22 this refers to the prizes. 

4 Ibid., November 27. 


between the land admiral and the sailor broke out 
afresh. Albemarle hated the old school of seamen, 
and, in order to bring the war more quickly to a close, 
he moved the King and Duke to entertain all gentle- 
men volunteers, and to bestow commands on all who 
have deserved, " that the Crown of England may not 
depend upon tarpaulins, as he calls them," 1 To get 
rid of Penn was a matter of no great difficulty, since 
he could excuse him because of his frequent attacks 
of gout, and appoint him a Naval Commissioner. 2 To 
get rid of Sandwich, the Vice- Admiral, was less easy ; 
the King knew enough of naval affairs to appreciate 
the Admiral's work and ability, though at the same 
time he realized his error of policy in the last campaign. 

This alone did not provide a sufficient indictment 
against Sandwich, but when backstairs influence got 
to work he was superseded. His enemies had one 
strong card to play the necessity for an inquiry over 
the prize-goods. If this had been held, not only would 
Lord Sandwich have been convicted of irregularity, 
but the King and the Duke must have shared the 
blame. They had issued contrary orders, and had 
done their best to cover the follies that were com- 
mitted. Had they disapproved of the distribution, it 
could have been in part prevented, but the word for 
their approval was given, and some of the blame was 

They avoided an inquiry, and Sandwich was not 
wholly sacrificed. An important piece of diplomatic 
business was entrusted to his care. Hard upon 
this announcement came the arrangements for the 
next campaign. Albemarle, at Oxford, "was received 

1 Carte MSS., 34, f. 488 : Brodrick to Ormond, November 18. 

2 Penn was kept at work in the Navy Office. He gives the date of his 
leaving the Royal Charles as Christmas, 1665 (Penn, Memorials^ ii. 516). 


by His Majesty with all the demonstrations of joy 
one friend could give to another, hugging and kissing." 1 
At the same time it was publicly declared that he and 
Rupert were to command next summer's fleet. 

The change in command must be considered in two 
aspects. The blunder over the distribution of the 
prize-goods remains indefensible, and it has, unfortu- 
nately, tarnished the Admiral's reputation. His great 
work in the battle of Lowestoft was ignored ; in common 
with his colleagues, he shared the blame of Brouncker's 
failure in pursuit. He bore the weight of the failure at 
Bergen. Then he was expected to do weeks of wonder 
on a few days' rations. He set out, and brought back 
a prize worth millions. This was his undoing; he 
could hardly have expected that the plunder of the 
Phoenix and the conduct of the campaign would not 
be mixed up by his critics. But he had no one to 
speak for him. Even the Chancellor was out of 
countenance for seeming to excuse him. The general 
discourse was that Clarendon, "as first Minister, 
thought it not decent, a Minister of so great conse- 
quence as my Lord Sandwich, should be run down 
by common voyces, whilst His Majesty thought not 
fitt to question his actions publiquely." 2 

An inquiry was what Sandwich desired. Had it 
not wholly cleared him, he would at least have gained 
a hearing for the good work he had done. And in 
preparation for an inquiry, either then or at a later 
date, Sandwich prepared his case. This is now in the 
Bodleian Library. It is a thin folio volume, written 
by the hand of Pepys. The defence deals mainly with 
the prize-goods and the movements of the fleet after 
the engagement of September 9. He had then to 

1 Carte MSS., 34, f. 498, December 2. 

2 Ibid., 34, f. 485 : Brodrick to Ormond, November II. 

i66 5 ] HIS DEFENCE 25 

decide between bringing in safely the prizes which 
he had already obtained, or taking further risks, partly 
in the hope of greater spoil, and partly in order to do 
further harm to the Dutch. 

It has already been seen that he chose the more 
cautious policy. His action was of a piece with all his 
work at sea, and he was prepared to defend it. After 
the brush with Banckers' squadron, the English fleet 
was approaching the Texel ; the logs of some six 
vessels show that they were dangerously near. 1 It 
had been decided at a council of war, held on 
August 28, that the fleet should not go too near the 
Dutch shoals, and thus endanger the great ships, 
merchantmen, and heavier sail, which, " if they bee 
putt from their Topsayles always fall in at least two 
points towards a lee shore." And Sandwich continues 
his defence by pointing out that the enemy was fully 
two leagues ahead, and that before they could be 
caught, darkness would have overtaken the English. 
Then neither friend nor foe could be distinguished, 
there would have been confusion, "lights extraordinary 
abroad, and guns alwaies going." If a storm arose, 
neither anchor nor cable could have held the fleet, and 
to tack at night was too risky a business. The Dutch 
had fifty sail a few leagues to the south, and therefore 
the separation of our ships would have been fatal. 
The prizes might have been lost ; and in the event of 
an engagement, those who manned them would have 
been perforce withdrawn, and the prizes destroyed. 
Had a real gain been certain, Sandwich suggests that 
he might have controverted the council of war, but 
preferred to bring His Majesty a great return. No 
man, he added, could say that he avoided battle on 

1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 247 : The logs of the Rainbow, Unicom., Rubye, Old 
James, Revenge, and Royal Katherine. 


the score of personal danger, for he had adventured 
greater things. 

" I also hope," he says, " the world believes me 
guilty of some noble ambition : would not I have 
been desirous to increase my victories ? to return 
home with sixty prizes rather than thirty, to have 
escaped the calumnies of ignorant enemies (whereof I 
find some store)." 1 

There was yet another way in which the Admiral 
had offended, and as to this he was again prepared to 
defend himself. On one particular point Sandwich 
and Penn were agreed. Neither was for a dissipation 
of the main force. 

" Here it is publiquely talked," wrote Brodrick, 
"with new imputations to my Lord Sandwich, and 
Sir William Penn ; who they say, would never suffer 
considerable convoyes or squadrons to part from the 
Mayne Fleete, lest the Dutch should be superior in 
number, resolvinge neverthelesse, not to fight, if it 
were possible to avoyd it ; by which means the hopes 
of all sober Men are eluded, the Treasury of the 
kingdom uselessly expended, themselves enriched 
with the late plunder, and the nation disgraced as 
outwitted by the Dutch." 2 

The enemy had suffered from their own disregard 
of this principle ; they had lost largely because their 
vessels were scattered. On this point Sandwich 
was rigid. Among the Carte papers is a letter which 
deserves more than a footnote. It is a formal apology 
to the Admiral from the Merchant Adventurers, in 
respect to this. 

" The Company," says the writer, " know very well 
that his Majesty's fleet have been Masters of the Sea 

1 Rawlinson MSS. , A 468. In composing the defence Sandwich made full 
use of his journal. 

2 Carte MSS., 34, f. 484, November II. 

i66 5 ] HIS GOODS 27 

this whole summer, and could not well have been so, 
if they had been carved into squadrons for the convoy 
of trade." 1 

But his enemies were not so much concerned with 
strategical points, for they were hot upon another 
trail. The question of the prizes gave a better line 
of attack than did the strategy. Albemarle was blus- 
tering and conscientious, and never rested until some 
sort of an inquiry about the spices was set on foot. 2 
Pepys, who had fine opportunity for observing por- 
tents, set to work to rid himself of his goods. " I am 
afeard we shall hereafter have trouble," he writes ; 
" therefore I will get myself free of them as soon as 
I can, and my money paid." By the time he cast up 
his accounts for the year, he had obtained most of the 
money, to his great content and joy. 3 He had managed 
it most adroitly. The inquiry revealed widespread 
annexations : not only silks and spices, but powder, 
brandy, anchors, and tackle a wholesale raid on our 
naval stores. All along the coast, from Rochester 
to Harwich, embezzled goods were brought to light. 
There exists a long list of Mayors and officials who 
were detected in possession of plunder, but for the 
name of Samuel Pepys one may search in vain. 4 

Sandwich was less crafty than Pepys, and much 
tumult and excitement arose around his goods. As the 
clamour over the prizes waxed more insistent, he had 
not only to defend his honour, but his possessions. 
In the division of the spoil he had taken a share with 
the rest of the flag-officers, and firmly believed in his 

1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 411, November 17. 

2 Cal S. P., Dom., November 16. 

3 Pepys's Diary, November 29, December 13 and 30. 

4 S. P., Dom. : Charles //., cxlix., f. 89, etc. The report was issued or 
pigeon-holed in February, 1666. Pepys's Journal of my Proceedings in the 
Business of the Prize- Goods is printed in his Life, edited bv Rev. John Smith 
(London, 1841). 


right to do so. He had over two tons of spices and 
nearly a ton of raw silk. These were sold in London, 
and fetched something near ^ooo. 1 A few spices 
remained, and Sandwich sent them to Hinchingbrooke. 
Mixed with them were " two scriptores large," some 
Indian gowns, a box of china, some music-books, and 
other odds and ends. All these were packed into 
the Roe, a small ketch, and sent on their roundabout 
journey, down the east coast as far as the Wash, 
where they were to enter the Ouse, and be taken on 
from Lynn to Huntingdon. 

No sooner did the ketch arrive at Lynn, than she 
was seized by the Customs officers; her goods were 
unloaded and thrown into the storehouse. The 
orders were sent down by Albemarle and Lord 
Townshend, a Commissioner of Prizes 2 Shepley, the 
steward at Hinchingbrooke, rushed up to Lynn and 
tried to rescue the goods. The matter made a great 
noise, and became the talk of the town, whether in 
Lynn, London, or Oxford. 

" A vessel of his Lordship's," wrote a courtier, " said 
to be full of plunder put into Lynn, which my Lord 
Townsend hath seized, and is preparing an inventory 
for the King. How farr the House of Commons will 
be restrained from enquiry, I know not ; but it is the 
publique discourse of all persons, in all places ; and 
my Lord General openly advises all the Officers, who 
have Orders, Warrants or Discharges, under my Lord 
Sandwich his Hand, for any prize goods, to keep them 
safe against the Day of Examination, which early or 
late, will inevitably come." 3 

As soon as Sandwich heard of the pother at Lynn, 
he obtained a warrant which franked certain goods, 
and which permitted him to summon Godfrey, the 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 234. 2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 100. 

3 Carte llfSS., 34, f. 512 : Brodrick to Ormond, December 16. 

i66 5 ] TROUBLE AT LYNN 29 

most active of the Customs officers. 1 Further than 
this, when he recognized that a faction was against 
him, he began his suit for a pardon under the Great 
Seal ; but this Albemarle resolutely opposed. 2 Sand- 
wich endeavoured to balance his opposition by the 
interest of Clarendon and Manchester. He begged 
the Chancellor to see him righted, though this was a 
matter of some difficulty, since there was a further 
dispute over the warrant. Those goods on which his 
lordship had offered to pay custom were to be delivered 
"without any lett." Sandwich's servants would not 
receive a portion of the goods, but demanded the 
whole a far greater quantity than was mentioned in 
the paper. Another quarrel ensued. Sandwich rode 
his high horse, and demanded the punishment of 
Townshend and Godfrey, but since these men had 
only obeyed Albemarle's letter, which had left them 
no alternative, Manchester and Clarendon decided 
not to send Godfrey for examination, but to await 
Sandwich's instructions. 3 

His answer, full of spirit, was sent the next day. 4 
" It is scarce possible," he wrote, " to tell you the 
publique scandall and wound I have received." He 
had sent his wearing apparel " and some other house- 
hold stuffe " to Lynn. 

" In these parcells," he continued, " I suppose there 
may be some very inconsiderable presents made mee 
by some captaines, (for I have not a sixpence by my 
owne authority and connivance), perhaps three or four 

1 Cal. S. P., D0m., December 14. 

2 Carte MSS., 34, f. 514 : Brodrick to Ormond, December 23. " Lord 
Sandwich has very prudently sued out his pardon under the great seal ; which 
is endeavoured by some of the other officers, but opposed by Albemarle." 
There is some ambiguity about Brodrick's statement. 

3 Carte MSS., 75, f. 419: Manchester and Clarendon to Sandwich, 
December 28. 

4 Ibid., 75, f. 422. It is the most spirited letter Sandwich ever wrote. 


Indian gownes, a little chocolatte, a scritore or two, 
three or four china dishes; all I boldly affirme not 
worth 100." 

Such parcels had been sent before, and should have 
passed this time, though he had told his servants to 
open them, if called upon to do so. These presents 
Sandwich distinguished from the spices and silks given 
him by the King. The stay of his goods, he thought, 
was due to the bad offices of Townshend, and he denied 
that Albemarle had given any orders to delay them. 
Not only that, but he was assured that Townshend had 
worked against him at Oxford. And, to crown all, 
one of the customers' wives made off with a silver 
warming-pan, and there was no linen left him for his 
expected journey. He felt himself sullied over this 
affair, and regarded high and public satisfaction needed 
for the injury. 

At length his protests were heard. Arlington took 
up his cause, and was loyal to his colleague. His 
letters to the King affirmed that His Majesty owed 
the Earl protection and vindication, according to his 
quality and rank, and should see him righted with 
as much noise as he was wronged. Sandwich also 
offered to open the goods restored to him, in the 
presence of the Customs officers or other unsus- 
pected persons. 1 This was done, and three gentle- 
men of Huntingdon Lionel Walden, John Heron, and 
Jasper Trice examined the baggage at Lynn. The 
goods were divided, custom was paid, and they were 
passed. 2 Then a privy seal was drafted for the pardon 
of the officers who had taken part in the distribution. 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., December 29 : Arlington to the King. It is probable 
that Arlington was at first lukewarm in the matter, because Sandwich had not 
asked his advice as well as the King's (Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 53). 

2 Cal. S. P. Dom., January 5, 1666. 

i66 5 ] MY LORD PARDONED 31 

The wording of the privy seal was unsatisfactory 
and offensive to Sandwich. He wrote an indignant 
letter of protest against a preface " which hath in it 
a passage very scandalous to persons of great reputa- 
tion." The goods were spoken of as " embezzled." 

"The truth is," said he, "not one jot of the dividend 
was distributed nor my order made (as appears by the 
date of it) until His Majesty and His Royal Highness 
had been acquainted with the separation of those goods, 
and approved thereof." 

No count was taken of the special dividend to Penn 
or to himself, and it was insinuated that the goods 
sold to Captain Cocke were worth 12,000 instead of 
only 5,000. Some of the charges Sandwich regarded 
"as studdied false slander." 1 

His vigorous protest was heard, and an order 
was issued more in accordance with his desire. On 
January 24 the various officers of the Exchequer, 
Customs, and Prizes, were bidden to discharge Edward, 
Earl of Sandwich, and the flag-officers of the fleet, from 
all inconveniences, fines, and forfeitures. The King 
took upon himself the burden of the distribution, "the 
said goods having been bestowed on them by the King 
to encourage them in their services." 2 The remainder 
were sold with the ordinary East Indian goods, and for 
a time nothing more was heard about the prizes. 3 

Thus ended the most unfortunate episode of a year 
which began with great promise. The turmoil about 
the prize-goods stood out in chequered relief, and Sand- 
wich found that his own heedlessness and neglect had 
besmirched his reputation. The friends on whom he 
counted in a fickle Court had manifested their fickle- 
ness. His hopes were centred on his journey to 

1 S. P., Dom. : Charles II. , cxlvi., f. 22. 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., January 24, 1666. 3 Ibid., March 8, 1 666. 


Spain, and the chance of recovery which it brought 
him. The past was full of bitterness. 

" The great evil of this year," said Pepys, " and the 
only one indeed, is the fall of my Lord Sandwich, whose 
mistake about the prizes hath undone him . . . indeed, 
his miscarriage about the prize-goods is not to be 
excused, to suffer a company of rogues to go away 
with ten times as much as himself, and the blame of 
all to be deservedly laid upon him." 1 

1 Pepys's Diary, December 31, 1665. 




" La surete du reste de la terre 
Depend de la." 

LA FONTAINE : Les Vautours et Us Pigeons. 

AT the time Sandwich went to Spain he was in his 
forty-first year. The good-natured, somewhat heavy 
face was too gross for a man of his age, and tempest, 
ill-health, disappointment, and worry, had left their 
mark. Though of mature appearance, he was young 
in spirit, and he prepared for his new life with con- 
siderable zest and satisfaction. In service and experi- 
ence he was one of the more prominent men at the 
Stewart Court, and he was confident of his own powers. 
When he exchanged the rude life of the seaman for 

1 Authorities : Sandwich MSS. Journal, volumes ii. to viii. Sandwich's 
structions, and several letters relating to the embassy, are in the Carte MSS. 
ther letters are in the Public Record Office in State Papers, Foreign (Spain) ; 
are uncalendared, but some have been printed in A Secret Collection of 
Affairs of Spain ; the Letters of Lord Sandwich and Others (London, 1720). 
r he Treaty Papers and Portugal bundles, also in the Record Office, yielded 
mch information. 

For printed sources : Mignet, Negotiations relatives a la Succession 
^Espagne ; Recueil des Instructions donntes aux Ambassadeurs (Spain ed. 
A. Morel Fatio ; Portugal by Saint Aymour) ; Sir R. Fanshaw, Original 
ttters (London, 1702); Lord Arlington's Letters (London, 1701); Lady 
? anshaw, Memoirs (ed. H. C. F.) ; T. H. Lister, Life of Clarendon. Other 
authorities are mentioned in the notes, but to the MS. sources used there 
should be added the Archives des Affaires Etrangeres, Paris: Corr. Angle- 
terre ; and some transcripts from the MSS. at Simancas. 

VOL. II. 33 3 


the craft of diplomacy, he was engaged in work of 
which he had already acquired a knowledge. As 
matters stood, he welcomed a change of life and scene. 
For six months he had endured the buffets of ingrati- 
tude and ill-fortune, and the embassy to Madrid 
brought him a chance of justifying himself in the eyes 
of his King and country. 

During his stay in Oxford, Sandwich had been able 
to unravel the threads of his work. Since the Dutch 
were still at war with us, and France was on the verge 
of joining them, we had need of a new ally. We were 
not secure of the Spaniard, " or indeed of any other 
friend abroad," * but the Spaniard might be had at a 
price. Our merchants desired better relations, for 
Spain was a good customer, and a commercial treaty 
would serve at once to enrich us and to bind the two 
countries more closely together. France was the 
enemy of both, and Spain desired a league against her. 
There was in addition a work of mediation to be done 
in the Peninsula, for Spain and Portugal were still at 
war over their old quarrel ; towns and villages were 
laid waste, crops were devastated, and insecurity was 
prolonged from year to year. 

The struggle of Portugal for independence was one 
of which the new Ambassador knew all the bearings. 
He was a boy of fifteen when, by a brief and success- 
ful revolution, John, Duke of Braganca, asserted his 
claim to the Portuguese throne and ended the sixty 
years' captivity. Sandwich had played an actual part 
in the struggle when France entered the lists, and had 
shared in the campaigns by which Dunkirk and 
Mardyk were wrested from the Spanish, crown. 
When he was in Lisbon in 1662 he went as an ally; 
he talked with nobles who remembered the revolt, 

1 Carte MSS., 221, f. 98 : Arlington to Ormond. 


and heard from them how Portugal had found herself 
the vassal of a monarchy which was rapidly losing- 
prestige, and how she had thus suffered great material 
loss : the positions of profit both in Church and 
State were then filled by Spaniards, and Portu- 
guese money, stamped with the Castilian arms, was 
taken to Madrid in order to pay for schemes which 
concerned only Castile. 

Successful as the revolution had been, the blind- 
ness and arrogance of the Spaniard refused to recog- 
nize the change ; and when Sandwich went to Spain 
the war was more than a quarter of a century old. 
The Portuguese revolt afforded a wide and profitable 
field for intrigue, and France continuously and re- 
morselessly hampered the common enemy. She used 
both combatants for her own ends, and even held out 
hopes of intervention. 1 Spain was lulled to sleep, 
"and France helped to rock the cradle." 2 The 
marriage of Louis XIV. to the Infanta Maria Theresa 
had opened up great possibilities for the French 
crown, despite the Infanta's renunciation of her 
Spanish possessions. By the year 1666 France was 
playing a bold game, and the mesh of the Spanish 
succession was already woven into the diplomacy of 
the period. 

It was on such a promising stage, and amid a 
network of intrigue, that Lord Sandwich was sent to 
represent our interests in Madrid, and to combat the 
Ambassador of Louis XIV. He had to cope with the 
best-instructed diplomatists of his day, and, in his 
stolid and unimaginative manner, he held his own 
against the subtlety of the French. His mission was 
of international importance, for if Portugal were 

1 Recueil des Instructions : Spain, pp. 18, 47. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 2. 


appeased a league could be formed between Spain and 
England, in which the Austrian Court was prepared to 
join, and this triple alliance would have been strong 
enough to prevent France dismembering the Habsburg 
dominions by an attack upon the Spanish Netherlands. 
The results of the work which he was set to do 
were awaited with as great eagerness in Vienna as 
they were at St. Germain. 1 

In order to gain a right understanding of his mission, 
it will be necessary to review the state of affairs in the 
year immediately preceding his embassy. 2 The power 
of Spain was upon the decline. Her king, Philip IV., 
was in uncertain health. He began life with a consti- 
tution sadly weakened by the Habsburg craze for 
intermarriage, and his dissolute habits had further 
enfeebled his frame. The child of his first wife was 
the consort of Louis XIV., and Philip's hopes of a 
successor depended upon the issue of Maria Anna, at 
once his wife, his niece, and a Habsburg. Of this 
second alliance only two children survived a daughter 
of twelve, just preparing for a further intermarriage; 5 
and a son, born in 1661, who had inherited every 
possible weakness ; whose life was with difficulty 
preserved, who was scrofulous, and unable to walk 
with safety or to articulate with clearness. On this 
child hung all the future hopes of Spain, and the 
actuarial value of his life was of decided interest to 
Louis XIV. 

The decadence of the reigning family was matched 
by that of the country. Spain was in need of regener- 
ation. 4 Her geographical isolation, standing as she 

1 CarU MSS., 215, 220. 

* Rental des Instructions: Spain, pp. vii, xiii. 

3 In 1666 the Infanta of Spain, Margarita Theresa, married the Emperor 
Leopold I. 

* Mignet, N<gKU*i**s, L, p. miL 

From a portrait by H err era 

To faceup. 36 of Vol. II 


does, thrust out from Europe, had rendered her insen- 
sible to the march of events. Her rulers were unable 
to use the strength of absolutism, and failed to foster 
the forces of freedom. The Spaniard still looked upon 
himself as destined only for warfare and conquest. His 
indolence afforded little hope of economic success, even 
had the government given aid to the merchant, but 
the people were oppressed by heavy and ridiculous 
taxes, and the foreigner engrossed in his factory most 
of their surplus wealth. The value of money varied 
from day to day ; the finances were in the greatest 
disorder, and proved unequal to the payment of Maria 
Theresa's dowry. 

The economic stagnation of the country was empha- 
sized by loss of prestige and decrease of territory. Where 
Spain had claimed a monopoly, the rising naval powers 
of England and Holland contested her favours. Jamaica 
had been won by Cromwell, and the Dutch infested 
the Indies. Our Ambassadors were instructed to extend 
English commerce in Spanish waters. We coveted the 
profitable trade in slaves a trade which the Duke of 
York " was pleased in a most peculiar manner to sup- 
port." 1 We bargained for a monopoly in the logwood 
of Campeachy. And not only in the colonies, but 
nearer home, was the glory of Spain fast growing 
dim. She was harassed by the French " laying about 
them all ways at once." The Peace of the Pyrenees 
was virtually set aside, and the French only officially 
abandoned their allies. Their help to Portugal was 
undisguised. It was the French who encouraged the 
match between Charles II. and Catherine of Braganca ; 
and when the marriage treaty was signed, Mazarin 
sent his general to lead the British soldiers. By 
means of English men and French subsidies Portugal 

1 Fanshaw, Letters, pp. 60, 167. 


defended her independence, and by a series of victories 
Schomberg broke up the Spanish forces. 

At length twenty-three years of intermittent warfare 
brought about a possibility of peace. The Spaniards 
were exhausted ; the Portuguese fought only by fits 
and starts, and were eager to enjoy their hard-won 
independence. There was opportunity for a mediator. 
French sympathies were too patent. The English 
influence in Portugal was considerable, and our 
interests attracted us to Spain. Opportunity for 
mediation came when the war with Holland gave 
us need for allies, and our Ambassadors were sent 
to sound the Courts at Vienna, Copenhagen, Stock- 
holm, and Madrid. 1 

Before Sandwich went out, the conduct of affairs in 
Spain was entrusted to Sir Richard Fanshaw. He 
was one of those Royalists who had shared with 
Charles a penurious and romantic career. Previous 
experience in Portugal, and a thorough acquaintance 
with the languages of the Peninsula, marked him out 
for the task. He had translated a Spanish play and 
a Portuguese epic. He was a man of great personal 
charm, and unharmed by the corruption of the Court. 2 
He was delightful as a father, irreproachable as a 
husband. Lady Fanshaw accompanied him to Madrid. 
She was a w r orthy mate for such a man, brave and 
large-hearted, but indiscreet and impulsive. 3 Neither 
husband nor wife did really well in Spain. Lady 
Fanshaw verified Clarendon's prediction, " that woman 

1 Mignet, Negotiations) i., pp. 421, 422. 

2 For an appreciation of Fanshaw, see J. W. Mackail, Mac mi Han's 
Magazine, December, 1888. Professor Mackail also lectured on Fanshaw 
before the English Association in June, 1908. 

3 She was at one time a great friend o* my Lady Sandwich, who, in 
writing to her husband, says that her chief friends are Lady Carteret and 
Lady Fanshaw, "which are most excellent wifes that you may know I keep 
good company" (Carte MSS., 74, f. 366). 

i66 5 ] THE FANSHAWS 39 

will undoe him." 1 Her open joy at the good fortune 
of their position led to an accusation of rapacity. It 
was spread abroad that the Fanshaws affirmed they 
" came to Madrid to get an estate." 2 Another report 
was that Fanshaw refused to go to Portugal without 
an agreement that he should be well paid if he effected 
the peace, and that the bargain was made at Lady 
Fanshaw's instigation. 3 Indiscretion did not end here. 
Their friendships were too close, their sympathies too 
open, for the world of diplomacy. An appeal by Lady 
Fanshaw for the release of a prisoner brought her 
a delicately veiled reproof. 4 Her husband lacked 
patience. " My complaints to this Court," he writes, 
" continue almost as constant as the occasions they 
give for them." Haste was abhorrent to the Spaniard, 
and nothing could be gained by murmuring at his 
dilatory methods. 

To fulfil his mission, Fanshaw left England in 
January, 1664. He received every mark of favour 
befitting one who had won the blue ribbon of diplo- 
macy. He was sworn of the Privy Council, and re- 
ceived from the King a chain of gold and His Majesty's 
picture richly set with diamonds. 5 His journey to 
Madrid is set forth in his letters and in the memoirs of 
his wife. They arrived there in June, 1664. Fanshaw 
was quickly involved in the troublesome question of 
ambassadorial receptions, and after a year's sojourn 
found himself " still entangled in the disputes of his 
Privileges." 6 As to the minor matters, which form the 
appendices to ambassadorial work, he was sufficiently 
active. He interested himself in the troubles of our 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Marquess of Bath's MSS., ii. 89. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 239. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 400 : Father Duffi to Sandwich. 

4 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Heathcote MSS., pp. 199-203. 

5 Carte MSS., 222, f. 30. 6 Arlington, Letters, ii. 103. 


consuls and the wrongs of our merchants, he busied 
himself over the provision of materials for the fortifica- 
tions of Tangier, but as to the main points of his 
mission little headway was made. He had been 
instructed to adjust a commercial treaty, to obtain for 
us the position of mediator between Spain and 
Portugal, and to form an alliance with Spain. 

Months passed, but he had nothing to show and no 
progress to report. For this Fanshaw was not entirely 
at fault. It was no easy matter to compass friendship 
while our troops assisted Spain's enemies. The un- 
certainty of Philip's health and the natural temper of 
the Spaniard were contributory causes, but Fanshaw 
bore the blame. Lord Arlington regarded the Ambas- 
sador as unbusiness-like in the conduct of arrange- 
ments. This he doubtless was. There were com- 
plaints of his mismanagement of the cipher, which 
implied carelessness in its use, and caused irritation 
and delay. 1 One of Fanshaw's letters to Ormond 
speaks of an important paper as enclosed, which he 
cannot now find. " I conclude it must have been left 
behind in my study at London," he writes. " I have 
sent now to see if it can be found." 2 

During the whole of 1665 dissatisfaction was ex- 
pressed with the steps already taken, and with Fan- 
shaw's inclination to act without sufficient advice or 
warning. The Council was kept in the dark, which 
put them in a distraction of mind. 3 Before long they 
had come to regard " the whole negotiation at a stand." 4 
The Court blamed Fanshaw for overdoing a threat of 
return, which had caused consternation among our 
merchants. In May, 1665, after eleven months had 
passed, Arlington again wrote that upon conferring 

1 Arlington, Letters, ii. 27, 32. 2 Carte MSS., 34, f. 239. 

3 Arlington, Letters, ii. 67, 69. 4 Ibid., ii. 72. 


with Clarendon, and giving an account of all Fan- 
shaw's recent letters to His Majesty, the King was sur- 
prised "to see so fair and hopeful a beginning have 
so ordinary a progress." 1 

The negotiations for a treaty had begun, though in 
a slow and unsatisfactory manner. It was a difficult 
business to adjust the commercial relations of the two 
countries. The jealousy of our colonial expansion was 
a stumbling-block, but Fanshaw had arranged certain 
preliminaries with the Duke of Medina de las Torres, 
and their draft proposals were sent to England in July 
and considered in the Council. Ill-fortune hampered 
the work. The raging of the plague, and the prevalent 
alarm in England, dislocated government, and com- 
pelled the Court to move from town to town, so that 
consideration of the treaty was perforce irregular. 
The Spaniard also had a period of trouble and mourn- 
ing. The war with Portugal again blazed out; in June 
Schomberg attacked the Spanish army at Montes Claros 
and annihilated their whole force. The blow crushed 
Philip IV. ; he fell sick, and on September 7 he 

But his death quickened rather than interrupted 
the agreement, and forced haste upon the negotiators. 
The new sovereign, Charles II., was a minor, and the 
conduct of affairs passed into the hands of the Council. 
Medina pressed a protocol upon Fanshaw, which the 
latter virtually accepted as a final settlement, despite 
the omission of certain of his demands. A provision 
was made that the treaty should be void if not signed 
by a given date. The home government regarded this 
:lause as derogatory, and looked askance upon the 
whole affair. On October 22 Fanshaw dispatched a 

1 Arlington, Letters, ii. 77. 

2 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 428 et seqq. 


draft of the articles. 1 These were acknowledged by 
Arlington on November 14 not as a draft treaty, but 
as " papers which will be of use to us, in this very 
instant that there is a new Body of Articles preparing 
to present the Spanish Ambassador." 2 He further in- 
timated that Fanshaw was to await their consideration 
by the Spanish Court. His next letter showed that he 
and Clarendon were perplexed, because in a matter 01 
importance only a verbal agreement had been obtained, 
and that but indefinitely. There is, indeed, abundant 
proof that the whole affair was worked on a mis- 
understanding, and that Fanshaw was a disappoint- 
ment. " Both the Court of Spain, and ours also," said 
a writer of credit, " think his management and Pro- 
ceedings there, very odd, and he is much clouded 
thereby." 3 The Ambassador was pledged to an agree- 
ment, while the Council was preparing a " new project 
of the Treaty of Commerce," based in part upon 
material furnished by Fanshaw. 4 In this tentative and 
unsatisfactory state matters stood at the end of 1665. 

The doubts of the Council had by then caused the 
consideration of further steps. The death of Philip IV. 
necessitated new credentials being sent to Fanshaw, 
and led to a review of the situation. The negotiations 
were widened, and became more international in 
character, and more promising. Arlington regarded 
the Spanish Government as stronger than before the 
King's death, and their Council as more united. 6 Our 
Court had been urged to make common cause with 
Spain. The war with Holland was drifting on, and 
England was threatened with diplomatic isolation. 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Heathcote MSS., p. 255. Before his draft was 
received, the Council was preparing new instructions and credentials (Carte 
MSS., 34, f. 452). 

2 Arlington, Letters, ii. 101. 3 Carte MSS., 34, f. 537. 
4 Arlington, Letters, ii. 103. 5 Carte MSS., 46, f. 209. 

i66 5 ] A CHANGE NEEDED 43 

"If we cannot have what alliances we would," wrote 
Coventry, " lett us have what we can, and make some 
use of them." 1 The increased activity of French 
diplomacy was alarming. Expectant of fresh trouble 
from France, Spain likewise looked about for allies. 2 
She had sent to us an Ambassador Extraordinary, the 
Conde de Molina ; and his second, Patricio de Muledi, 
had just left our shores with every sign of good-will. 3 
Both countries seemed anxious for a speedy agreement. 
It was desirable, then, at such a juncture that our 
embassy should have fresh life, and that the work 
should be in hands more imposing, and more con- 
sonant with the Castilian love of dignity and display. 4 
The Council chose Lord Sandwich. For such a 
charge as Ambassador Extraordinary he was eminently 
fitted. His rank and dignities were considerable ; and, 
though he had represented England at a Court hostile 
to the Spaniard, the importance of his work there formed 
a sufficient introduction to another and greater mission. 5 
But in England the news of the appointment was 
received with some misgiving. The importance of the 
work and the credit of the Ambassador were alike 
forgotten. The public mind was obsessed with other 
matters. The mistake over the distribution of the 
prize-goods bade fair to become more than inconvenient 
to the King and his brother, to the Chancellor and 
Sandwich. Withdrawal was politic, and foreign em- 
ployment was timely. 6 At all costs an inquiry was to 

1 Carte MSB., 47, f. 424. 2 Ibid., 72, f. 64. 

3 Arlington, Letters, ii. 103. * Ibid., ii. 104. 

5 The Conde de Molina told his Government that Lord Sandwich was more 
fitted than any other man in England to conclude the treaty with dispatch 
brevidad y facilidad (Simancas transcripts}. 

6 Paris: Archives des Affaires trangeres, Corr. Angkterre, Ixxxvii. 113: 
M. de Vernueil a M. de Lionne (December 13, 1665). As Sandwich regarded 
himself employed from November onwards (see p. 45), it seems reasonable to 
infer that he was appointed between October 24 and November I. 


be avoided, and for this there was the clamour of 
many tongues. The projected embassy deferred a 
commission, banished the chief offender, and enabled 
him to retire with honour. At the beginning of Decem- 
ber the appointment was announced ; and Albemarle 
brought the news to Pepys, who was surprised and 
"heartily glad of it. ... The King hath done my 
Lord Sandwich all the right imaginable," he wrote, 
" by showing him his countenance before all the world 
on every occasion, to remove thoughts of discontent. . . . 
His enemies have done him as much good as he could 
wish." 1 Despite Sandwich being in high favour with 
Charles, his enemies gave no consideration to his 
fitness for the post. The Duchess of Albemarle, who 
began life as a farrier's daughter, was most malicious. 
Twice she offended Pepys by her untoward spite, 
and even imputed cowardice to Sandwich. 2 Her 
gossip was spread broadcast. Her great grievance 
was that Albemarle succeeded to the command of 
the fleet, " which," said a newsletter, " occasions his 
Lady to give all the Court to a bad keeper to keep 
them." 3 

The jealousy and ill-feeling engendered by such 
talk overshadowed the political side of the appoint- 
ment. Someone was needed in Madrid. Doubt as to 
Fanshaw had been expressed from time to time, and 
the discontent in Arlington's letters foretold a change 
of policy. 4 There are, unfortunately, neither minutes 
nor documents to illustrate the considerations of 

1 Pepys's Diary, December 6 and 7, 1665. 

2 Ibid., December 9, 1665, January 10, 1666. 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm., Report vi., p. 336. 

4 Carte MSS., 34, f. 452, October 24, 1665: "Perhaps Sir Richard 
Fanshaw has not the fortune to prevail with them, unto whom new instructions 
and credentials are now sending" (Southwell to Ormond). See also Paris, 
Archives des Affaires Etrangeres, Corr. Angleterre, Ixxxvii. 128 : M. Courtin 
a M. de Lionne. 


the Council. Sandwich rarely kept a journal unless 
actively engaged, and he records nothing between his 
return with the Dutch prizes and his actual departure 
for Spain. In writing later from Madrid he dates 
his appointment from November, and says that even 
then the embassy was putting him to considerable 
expense. 1 During November he was frequently at 
Court, as though something were afoot. Albemarle 
says nothing of the matter. Clarendon contributes 
certain evidence, though his account of the affair con- 
tains many discrepancies, and his biographer assumes 
that the appointment of an Ambassador Extraordinary 
was made in order to shield a culprit. 2 However, 
Clarendon himself roundly asserts that the work 
would hardly have been " assigned to any man who 
was in disgrace." 3 A recent writer has amplified this, 
and adds that Madrid was not the only place in the 
world for honourable banishment. 4 There is the 
fact that the embassy was considered of decided im- 
portance not merely a mission patched up for the 
transfer of a failure. Even if the Government thought 
the new appointment convenient to the Court, they 
regarded it necessary to send someone of repute. 
Had Fanshaw's work been satisfactory, assistance 
would have been an insult, and supersession an 

That there was real dissatisfaction, and real work 
to be done, is shown by the instructions given to 
Sandwich. These were drawn up at different dates : 
first, as supplementary to Fanshaw's ; secondly, with 
some additional paragraphs, which the changed cir- 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 257. 

2 T. H. Lister, Life of Clarendon. Sir Henry Craik's recent biography of 
the statesman does not deal with the appointment. 

3 Clarendon, Life, iii. 582 et seqq. 

4 Hist. MSS. Comm.: Heathcote MSS., p. xvi. 


cumstances demanded. 1 Sandwich was bidden to 
obtain a full account of Fanshaw's proceedings, and 
then to take over the work with his predecessor's 
assistance. After the usual compliments and the 
necessary visit of condolence, he was to emphasize 
the probable shortness of his stay, and the benefits 
of English and Spanish friendship. He was to offer 
mediation between Spain and Portugal. He was given 
power to rectify the commercial clauses of Fanshaw's 
treaty, and to incorporate the corrections in his subse- 
quent work. He was bidden to consult mainly with 
Medina de las Torres, but to allow the advances to 
come from the Spaniard. Sweden and Holland were 
suggested as possible partners in a quadruple alliance. 
Tangier and Jamaica were kept outside discussion, 
except for a suggestion that, if Spain wished to buy 
the former, hints of a better customer might be thrown 
out. 2 An exchange would be considered ; but if a 
league matured, Spain would also have the advantage 
of Tangier as a naval base. Free-trade in the West 
Indies was much to be desired as the foundation of a 
lasting peace. On this point the Spaniard was likely 
to be obdurate, but we needed some reward for our 
risk, and could play off against them an alliance with 
France. Sandwich was also to endeavour to obtain a 
monopoly of the Spanish wool trade, and to offer in 
exchange a monopoly of tin. 3 The additional instruc- 
tions were compiled after the receipt of Fanshaw's 
treaty, wherein " many things were very inconvenient 
and perplext, and others impossible to be ratified in 
the manner they are transmitted." 4 

1 The originals are in the Carte MS 'S., vol. 274, ff. 5 et seqq., and a copy is 
in vol. 103, ff. 331-346. The date is February 22, i66f. After the first 
eleven paragraphs, a twelfth begins : "The whole state of affairs having been 

2 Instructions, 7. 3 Ibid., 11. 4 Ibid., 12. 




In January there came a packet from Madrid which 
justified the appointment of an Ambassador Extra- 
ordinary. Fanshaw sent a further instalment of 
suggestions, and these were such as to increase 
Arlington's uneasiness ; he "not finding them so exact 
in all the points relating to the great Trade of that 
Kingdom as were to be wished." 1 The Council de- 
sired the negotiations to be suspended. They were 
framing new projects and receiving suggestions. 2 
Unfortunately they did not understand how far Fan- 
shaw had gone. While they were handing over their 
proposals to Sandwich, a treaty was signed in Spain. 
On December 7 the drafts were embodied in a docu- 
ment, signed by Fanshaw and Medina, dispatched to 
England for the King's ratification, and received here 
within six weeks. Fanshaw had worked in the dark 
and without full knowledge. An important letter 
from Arlington had miscarried, the letter which em- 
bodied his latest instructions, 3 but for one mistake 
Fanshaw alone was to blame. In his eagerness he had 
allowed the treaty to be drawn up in English and 
Spanish instead of in Latin, at that time the language 
of diplomacy. 

The Council refused to sign a treaty which they 
considered would make the Spaniard arbitrator in a 
dispute. 4 They also took exception to two clauses, 
and decided that Fanshaw had laid aside the Naviga- 
tion Act, or at least had given Spain a loophole by 
which to evade it; and they deemed that the phrase 
" lawful ships " gave opportunity for the carrying 
trade of Holland to flourish at our expense. 6 It was 
thereupon decided to repudiate Fanshaw's work. The 

1 Arlington, Letters, ii. 106. 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom. t December 23, 1665. 

3 Arlington, Letters, ii. 107 ; Brit. Mus. : Harleian MSS., 7010, f. 555. 

4 Instructions, 5. 5 Ibid., 16. 


death of Philip IV., and the consequent lapse of 
Fanshaw's powers, gave one excuse ; the signature in 
Spanish afforded another. The instructions drawn 
up for Sandwich were amplified so as to include the 
new points, and a letter of revocation was prepared 
for Fanshaw. At the same time he, sanguine and full 
of hope, and in no doubt about the success of his 
treaty, was preparing to set out for Lisbon, there to 
adjust the affairs of Spain and Portugal. 

Meanwhile Lord Sandwich prepared for his journey. 
The selection of a retinue was no inconsiderable 
matter ; mourning had to be prepared, and the various 
appendages of an embassy collected. The weeks pre- 
ceding departure were spent in London, in Oxford, 
and at Hinchingbrooke. The time was particularly 
trying for the Ambassador and his friends. " My Lord 
should sue out a pardon for his business of the prizes," 
said Pepys, " as also for Bergen, and all he hath done 
this year past, before he begins his Embassy to Spayne. 
For it is to be feared that the Parliament will fly out 
against him and particular men, the next Session." 1 
The Court blew hot and cold. At times Sandwich 
was in full favour, at times he was slighted. The King 
alone was consistently his friend. York took his cue 
from Albemarle, and did nothing to temper the ill- 
fortune of his late colleague. The intrigues for an 
inquiry into the business of the prizes were kept alive 
by Coventry. In the Navy Office, Pepys endeavoured 
not to offend either side ; " a very hard game to play," 
as he said ; but he succeeded with his usual tact, and 
Sandwich appreciated his difficulties and success. 

There was a typical scene when " my Lord " walked 
into the Council, " and sat at the lower end, just as he 
came, no room being made for him, only I did give him 

1 Pepys's Diary ) January 17, 1666. 


my stoole," says Pepys, " and another was reached 
me." There is no doubt that Sandwich felt some 
uncertainty concerning his position ; his despondency 
was indicated by a melancholy face, and he suffered 
his beard to grow on his upper lip more than usual. 
He tried to drive away depression by " minding his 
pleasures too much," but this phase was only 
temporary, and up to the time of his departure matters 
gradually mended. Sandwich was then in London 
with the King and Duke, and in very good humour. 1 
The business of the prizes was condoned by a privy 
seal for the distribution. 2 A grant of 6,000 was made 
for the transport to Madrid, but it was no easy task 
to get together the amount, and Sandwich had to draw 
upon his own resources. Though on paper his fortune 
was considerable, the payment of money was un- 
certain, and matters were made worse by indiscretion 
in the management of his own affairs. He suffered 
from the most wearing and troublesome of the worries 
which beset a man, and, harassed as he was, the 
embassy seemed to cut a knot, and came to him as 
a relief. 

The preparations for leaving London were at length 
complete, and, following the custom of Ambassadors, 
Sandwich held a " rendezvous " at his house in 
Lincoln's Inn Fields. 3 Thither came many leave- 
takers, some for friendship's sake, some for courtship. 
From London he journeyed to Windsor, and spent 
two or three days at Cranborne Lodge, in Windsor 
Forest. There Carteret had assembled an house- 
party, including Lord Hinchingbrooke and Sydney 
Mountagu. On February 25 Pepys arrived, and had 
his farewell conversations with the Ambassador. 

1 Pepys's Diary, January 22, 25, 28, February 2, 14. 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., January 24. 3 Pepys's Diary, February 23 

VOL. II. 4 


The latter seemed easier in mind as to the prize-goods, 
relying on the King's friendship and the good-will of 
a small party in both Houses. He still feared that 
the Bergen affair would make a pardon necessary, and 
was apprehensive as to the result of an inquiry into 
the sale of Dunkirk. This and other discourse they 
had, walking together in the park, and Pepys con- 
tinues : " Then in-a doors, and to talke with all and with 
my Lady Carteret, and I with the young ladies and 
gentlemen, who played on theguittar, and mighty merry, 
and anon to supper, and then my Lord going away to 
write, the young gentlemen to flinging of cushions, and 
other mad sports; at this late till towards twelve at 
night, and then being sleepy I and my wife in a passage 
room to bed, and slept not very well because of noise." l 
The morning after this scene of gaiety Sandwich 
set out for Portsmouth, in order to meet his retinue, 
and to make the final arrangements for his embarka- 
tion. At Portsmouth three ships were provided, the 
Resolution, the Foresight, and the Oxford, " to assist in 
transportation and defence," 2 but Sandwich was 
delayed, " finding not his affaires in the readiness he 
expected." 3 The naval stores were unable to satisfy 
the needs of his men, and his captain lacked the proper 
complement of sailors. 4 Most of the effects were put 
on board in London. There is a list among the manu- 
scripts at Hinchingbrooke, with many additions and 
corrections in Pepys's hand. The fardel comprised gun- 
cases, books, bundles of bedding, sweetmeats, strong 
waters, two iron money-chests, a kettle compass, a 
theorbo lute, and " the Crymson Damask Estate with 
the Chayre and Stoole and all other things thereunto 

1 Pepys's Diary, February 25. 2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 6. 
3 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 112. 
* Cal S. P., Dom., February 17, 25. 

i666] THE RETINUE 51 

belonginge." 1 As for the retinue, the Ambassador's 
train amounted to sixty-six persons. He was accom- 
panied by his son Sydney and three young courtiers, 
with whom he quickly made friends Charles Har- 
bord, John Werden, and William Godolphin. A list 
drawn up in Spanish gives to these the precedence of 
messing at the Ambassador's table, and accords a like 
privilege to the interpreter, chaplain, and private 
secretary. The gentlemen of the horse, the surgeon, 
the major-domo, and some others, formed a second 
table ; and three other tables were allotted to the pages, 
trumpeter, butler, confectioner, and cooks. 2 

Of the retinue, William Godolphin was the most 
noteworthy. 3 He was sent by Arlington as Secretary 
to the Embassy, and proved an invaluable ally. At 
first he found Sandwich reserved and reticent, family 
characteristics which served him well in diplomacy. 
Of Godolphin he asked but one question whether the 
Council had seen Fanshaw's letters of revocation. 4 
For the rest, their conversation was " wholly of the 
Winds and Seas," a slow beginning for a friendship 
which became close and enduring, but as Sandwich 
discovered the worth of the man, so he expanded. 
Before the journey was well over, Godolphin was able 
to write that the Ambassador " hath shew'd me great 
Civilyties, and made me happy by his friendship and 
freedome of Conversation." 5 Sandwich was no less 
generous, and wrote of Godolphin's friendship and 
assistance in the warmest terms. 6 

The arrangements for the journey occupied several 

1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, ff. 80, 97. 2 Ibid., Appendix, ff. 83, 84. 

3 William Godolphin, educated at Westminster and Christ Church, Oxford, 
M.A., D.C.L. ; knighted in 1668, after the embassy; succeeded Sandwich 
in Madrid, 1669. 

* S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 107. 

5 Ibid., 50, f. 138. 6 Ibid., 50, f. 257. 


days, and not until March 2 could the Embassy set 
sail. From that day until the conclusion of his work, 
two and a half years in all, the Ambassador's journal 
contains a minute record of all news and negotiations, 
set down by Sandwich or one of his secretaries. The 
Spanish period requires seven stout volumes of manu- 
script, and Sandwich has begun them with a motto : 

" Fue el veneer cosa laudabile, 
Vencas por fortuna o por ingenio." 1 

The voyage lasted ten days ; a fair wind was followed 
by a calm ; and then came a storm, " which hindred us 
from seizinge St. Andero, and was large enough for us 
to putt into the Corunna." This Sandwich thought 
" better to doe, than to busque up and down in the 
sea." 2 On March 12, at two in the afternoon, the 
Resolution and her little convoy were at anchor in the 
harbour known to sailors the world over as " the 
Groyne." Their greeting was scarcely cordial. The 
English salute of twenty-one guns was answered by a 
paltry three ; and after this interchange ot courtesies 
there began the troubles of quarantine. The story 
of the plague was known throughout Europe, and 
foreigners were shy of anybody or anything coming 
from England. Sailors were requested to spring 
out their arms and legs, cut capers, and drum upon 
their bellies. 3 " This Divell or Scar-Crow of the 
Plague," said one, was meant to shut the ports to 
England, and open them to all her enemies. 4 When 
Sandwich arrived, he found that the Governor of 
Galicia was like to detain the embassy for the full 

1 " To gain is virtue, and to lose is sin ; 

Then win, by judgment or by luck but win !" 

A. C. B. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 131. 3 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, i. 34. 

* S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 157. 


forty days. Because a sailor on board the Resolution 
died of excessive drinking, some of the men feared that 
the ship was really plague-stricken, but apparently the 
misfortune was concealed. 1 

After three days' delay, Sandwich was informed that 
a quinta a country-house was provided for him at 
some distance from the town. As the Ambassador 
landed, an adequate salute was given, for a company of 
foot gave him several volleys, some recompense for the 
former ill reception. The residence provided proved 
somewhat mean, and the Ambassador desired a lodging 
in the Governor's house. This would have been only 
in accordance with precedent, but Sandwich did not 
press the point. Instead, he made the best of his 
quinta, where " there was but one great roome above 
staires, in it three alcoves for beds, and two or three 
small alcoves more and a kitchen ; ill staires and floores, 
a garden of oranges and lemons and good springe 
water." 2 His train lodged in the little village of 
Burgos, of which the journal contains a neat drawing 
in pen and ink. 3 

The stay near Corunna was not without incident. 
Part of the retinue had been detained on board the 
ships, despite the Ambassador's protests and his 
assurance that the vessels were needed for our fleet. 4 
While delayed off Corunna the ships managed to 
take part in the minor warfare of the time. The Fore- 
sight captured a vessel laden with salt, which Sandwich 
hoped would prove Dutch property and a fair prize. 
A Spanish protest overrode the rules of war, and 
application was made for the restitution of the vessel. 5 
The English pleaded contraband, but after much dis- 
pute and correspondence the Ambassador gave way, 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 14. 2 Ibid., ii. 1 6. 

3 Ibid., ii. 41. 4 Ibid., ii. 32. 6 Ibid., ii. 30. 


"to demonstrate our kindnesse," as he said, and the 
salt was sold to the Customs officers. Two more 
prizes were taken, and one contained above 300 pipes 
of canary, a welcome addition to the stores. 

While confined at Burgos, Sandwich addressed him- 
self to the business of the embassy, and sent Werden 
post to Madrid. The messenger was stopped three 
leagues outside the town ; he was duly fumigated and 
kept under observation, and an attempt was made 
to obtain his letters. 1 He was able, however, to see 
Fanshaw, and on April 7 he returned to Corunna. 
He brought with him numerous papers, and the un- 
welcome and unexpected news that the Ambassador 
was to provide both the mules and provisions for his 
retinue. 2 This new charge was expensive, and lacked 
precedent. The treatment was an aggravation, for 
both King and Ministers had assured Sandwich that 
the expense would be defrayed. " I doe not find 
myself used according to the Queen's expression for 
me," he wrote to Clarendon, " that as much should be 
done to mee as to the embassadours of the greatest 
princes." 3 A litter, a coach, and two saddle mules, 
were provided by the Queen, and on April 17 these 
arrived. 4 They were of course insufficient, but to 
await more pack animals would have meant at least 
a month's delay. 6 The Spaniards would have argued 
and dallied, and the Ambassador would have borne the 
blame. Mindful of his predecessor's troubles, Sand- 
wich was content with a formal protest, and made his 
own arrangements for transport. 6 Two days later, 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 157. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 40. 

3 Bodleian Library: Clarendon MSS., 84, f. 144. 

* Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 48 ', S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 179. 

5 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 213. 

6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 44, 50. 




however, 100 mules were sent from Madrid, and 
the matter was settled. A further trouble was the 
task of finding money. In a corner of the country 
where commerce was inconsiderable, the necessary 
3,000 pistoles were hardly to be got. Barter was 
impossible without goods, and Sandwich had not 
prepared for such transactions. Some days were 
needed to overcome this trouble, but on April 27 the 
whole caravan of some fourscore persons set out for 

The road led through Astorga and Valladolid, and 
Sandwich enjoyed his novel experience. Sometimes 
he journeyed through the mountains on a mule, some- 
times he rode in a coach or litter. At the entrance to 
the towns he was welcomed by the magistrates in 
their long black cloaks, and with maces in their hands. 
At one monastery where he stayed he was treated by 
the monks with trout, sweetmeats, and wine, and he 
inspected jewels and robes, or relics such as the little 
phial which contained the Sacrament turned into flesh 
and blood. A Bishop sent him " partridges, henns, 
bacon and kidds." At a convent he was entertained 
by the nuns with "wine, snowed sweetmeats and 
musique"; on another day he and his suite dined 
under the trees "in the highway by a spring-side." 
Sometimes the country reminded him of Northamp- 
tonshire with its "little hills, well cultivated"; at 
another stretch it was barren and precipitous, at 
another flat, like the fens. He passed the great flocks 
of sheep, whose wool was so much prized in England, 
and saw the town of Rio Seco, which supplied the 
inland parts of Spain with English cloth. As he 
passed along he noted the characteristic buildings, 
inspected several rich collections of pictures, saw the 
Escurial near by, and was tempted to turn aside and 


visit the archives of Simancas, but he put his busi- 
ness first, and hurried on. As he neared his destina- 
tion he was met by the royal coach, drawn by six 
mules, and in this he concluded his journey. On 
May 17 Madrid was in sight, and on the following 
day Sandwich reached El Pardo, the King's country 
residence, a place frequently pictured on the canvas of 
Velasquez. Here he was received by the Master of 
the Ceremonies, many of the merchants and members 
of the English colony, and by Sir Richard Fanshaw. 1 

From his colleague the Ambassador Extraordinary 
learned all that had taken place during the early 
months of the year. While Sandwich was completing 
his arrangements and making the journey, Fanshaw 
engaged in an unfortunate negotiation. It was decided 
that he should attempt the settlement of a thirty years' 
truce between Spain and Portugal. A form of treaty 
was prepared for presentation to the Portuguese 
Crown. On January 6 Fanshaw put this in his 
pouch, and left Madrid. He was buoyed up by the 
fancied success of his commercial treaty, little knowing 
that it had been repudiated in England. Sanguine he 
set out, and saw favourable omen in the Spanish desire 
for peace ; 2 for he was "entertained with an abundance 
of good words and prayers which their owne interest 
suggested." 3 He was misled by the Spaniards' vanity, 
which made them expect that the Portuguese would 
accept any terms that were offered. The journey was 

1 The account of the journey is in the Sandwich MSB. Journal, vol. ii., 
and short accounts are in the Carte MSS., 75, ff. 432, 439. The originals 
form interesting reading side by side with the memoirs of Lady Fanshaw, 
Bonnecasse, Aarsens van Sommerdijk, and Madame d'Aulnoy. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Heathcote MSS., 233. The date given here is in 
the English style. It was January 16 in the New Style. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 253-275 : Parry's narrative, a very valuable 
document for the embassy, for Parry was the secretary who accompanied the 


to be " but a riding in triumph," and Fanshaw relied 
overmuch upon his previous favour at the Portuguese 

France had sent thither a formidable rival, the 
Marquis de St. Romain, whose business was to nullify 
all possible negotiations of the English. 1 At first the 
people cursed the Frenchman's coming, " having gott 
it among them that it is to foment the warr, and they 
doe as much cry up the King of England, who 
endeavours to procure them Peace "; but they desired 
peace with honour, " though they should perpetrate a 
warre till they eate their flesh, and the stones they 
walked on." 2 They did not wish for a truce, which 
would effeminate their soldiers, and be " but a taking 
of breath to fight the point over again." They hoped 
for a lasting peace, and for their Sovereign the title of 
King. When Fanshaw came, he brought them neither. 
His address was to the " Crown of Portugal," and his 
mediation a thirty years' truce. His journey ended 
on January 27, when he arrived near the Portuguese 
Court, at the hunting-box of Benavente. 3 

There Fanshaw found reinforcement. The English 
Government had sent Sir Robert Southwell as special 
envoy to " mediate the peace " in Portugal. 4 He was 
a young man of good address, proud of his work, and 
distinctly able. He had all the enthusiasm needed, 
but was not so sanguine as Fanshaw. Southwell 
arrived at Salvaterra four days before his colleague. 6 
Negotiations were then set on foot. The Portuguese 
entrusted their case to the Conde de Castel Melhor 

1 Recueil des Instructions : Portugal. 

2 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, ff. 34, 43. 

3 The Court was at Salvaterra, about two leagues away. 

4 Sir Robert Southwell (1635-1702), B.A., Queen's College, Oxford; 
Lincoln's Inn ; Commissioner of Prizes. Knighted 1665 ; Envoy to Portugal 

5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. iii. : Parry's narrative. 


and Antonio de Sousa, Secretary of State. The French 
Ambassador was for a time ignored, because the Portu- 
guese imagined that Fanshaw brought the title of King. 
Immediately it was realized that this was wanting, the 
slight "put them all into a high mutiny"; overtures 
were " flatly denied," and for five days nothing could 
be done. Southwell was received as Envoy, but the 
Ambassador could not obtain an audience. The story 
of his mission spread abroad ; the common people 
complained that such conditions as were offered 
" would ruin them and their posterities," and strange 
expressions were thrown out against him. 1 The 
Portuguese were elated with victory, and in no mood 
to treat with a man who wished them to compromise 
upon its fruits. 2 They had their own ideas as to terms, 
and Castel Melhor formulated a draft of their proposals, 
which included a recognition of the title, the liberty of 
all prisoners, the restitution of forfeited estates, and 
retention of the captured cities. 3 He added a promise 
to keep free from negotiations with the French until 
the end of March. 4 On February 1 1 the project was 
signed by Castel Melhor, Fanshaw, and Southwell, and 
two days later the Englishmen set out for Spain, in 
order to lay the demands of Portugal before the Council. 
They arrived in Madrid on February 26. The story 
of their ill-success had reached the town, and South- 
well found "the whole Court like men disappointed of 
their expectations, some blaming his Excellency, others 
the Duke of Medina." The project received short 
shrift. On March 2 it was presented to the Council, 
who " imitated the proceedings of Portugal by sending 
back the same immediately." The proposals were re- 

1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, f. 58. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 140. 

3 Ibid., 50, f. 237. An original is in Treaty Papers: Spain, 66, f. 55. 

4 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 140. 


garded as extravagant and impossible, and the Spaniards 
pretended wonder at their being offered. 1 Causes of 
indignation were multiplied. So confident had been 
the expectation of a peace that the preparations for 
war had been proportionately slackened. Barely 5,000 
men were under arms, and Portugal could muster five 
times that number. The Spaniard, in a sudden fear, 
began the speedy raising both of horse and foot. 2 The 
blame of all this expense was laid on Fanshaw. 3 " He 
lies under a cloud," wrote Godolphin, "and the Spaniards 
are generally displeased with him even in this remote 
corner." 4 Southwell reported that Fanshaw and the 
Ministers had fallen out. 6 Sir Richard himself re- 
garded Spain as " highly incensed and scarce likely 
to listen to reason." 6 Day by day he withdrew more 
from affairs, and cast more work upon Southwell. 7 
The whole mission had proved a failure, and the 
journey to Portugal had served to increase the legacy of 
difficulties which Fanshaw bequeathed to his successor. 
It was during this ill-fated journey that the news 
of Sandwich's appointment reached Spain, and his 
coming allowed the Spaniard time for protraction and 
delay. The appointment was a bitter blow to Fan- 
shaw the knell of all his hopes. He heard the news 
while at Benavente. Disappointed as he was, Fan- 
shaw behaved with the utmost chivalry, courtesy, and 
loyalty. He wrote, " I cannot count it bad news," and 
assured the Spaniards that the new Ambassador's 
talents and rank made probable some fresh negotia- 
tions of importance. 8 Lady Fanshaw behaved far 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 116. 2 Ibid ^ 5O} f. II7> 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Heathcote MSS., 239. 

4 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 278. 5 Ibid., 50, f. 215. 
6 Ibid., f. 1 68. 7 Ibid ^ 5I> f . 2 6 9 , 

8 Hist. MSS. Comm.: Heathcote MSS., 236; Brit. Mus. : Harleian 
MSS., 7010, f. 561. 


otherwise. She was furious, and expressed herself 
in no measured terms. Her letters burn with anger 
against Arlington and his canting language sending 
his cast general to reap the fruit her husband had 
sown. 1 She displayed the greatest indignation against 
all who had any hand in the Extraordinary's appoint- 
ment, for she deemed her husband foiled unjustly in 
his most conspicuous endeavour. In addition she 
asserted the change unwelcome at the Spanish Court. 2 
Her husband was outwardly unmoved ; he under- 
took to predispose the Court in his successor's favour, 
and his successor appreciated his "civill and friendly 
expressions." 3 When Sandwich arrived at the Groyne, 
correspondence began, and continued until Fanshaw 
received him on his arrival in Madrid. 

On May 18 Sandwich entered the city, and was 
lodged in the house of one of the grandees. 4 He at 
once took up the business of his embassy. He went 
over the commercial treaty with Fanshaw, ran through 
the exceptions, and heard Fanshaw's answers. 5 Sir 
Richard withdrew, for the Spaniards made the new 
Ambassador's arrival an excuse to vent their indig- 
nation on him, so he " kept home, and forbore all 
negotiating to his dying day." 6 His predecessor thus 
discredited, Sandwich quickly determined to take over 
the work, unhampered by advice and unprejudiced 
in Spanish eyes. Gossip had spread that he carried 
letters of revocation, and Fanshaw's secretary sought 
to have this confirmed. Gossip was right. Two days 
after his arrival the Ambassador delivered the letters. 7 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Heathcote MSS., 225. 2 Ibid., 229. 

3 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 137 ; Clarendon MSS., 84, f. 144. 
* Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 115; S. P., For.: Spain, 51, f. 36. One 
authority says the Marques de Colaris, another Santa Cruz. 

5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 118; Brit. Mus. : Harkian MSS., 7010, 
f. 605. 

6 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 269. 7 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 120. 




From this time Fanshaw's sun rapidly set. On him 
fell the formal work of presenting the new Ambassador 
to the Queen-Regent, 1 which was done at a private 
audience on May 27, when the new Ambassador pre- 
sented his letters and credentials, and made a speech 
of condolence upon the King's death. Two days later 
Sandwich wrote : " Beinge the Kinge my master's 
birthday my Lord Embassador Fanshaw gave me and 
all my comrades, the Marquesse of Baijdes and the 
Master of the Ceremonyes, Don Patricio de Muledi, 
and many of the English merchants a noble treate and 
collation at 6 a clocke in the eveninge." 2 

This was Fanshaw's last public act. On June 6 he 
fell sick, " beinge strucke with a cold ayre as he slept 
after Dinner." 3 Ten days later the physicians despaired 
of his life. 4 Sandwich went to him and embraced 
him, " when his hands were cold, and life hastening 
to expire, yet had hee perfect sence." 5 The dying man 
was surrounded by grandees ; one Duchess " brought 
with her reliques which she beleeved to have done 
greate Miracles and layd them upon the Pillow by 
him out of goodwill." Even Lady Fanshaw's protests 
could not obtain for him a peaceful end. He was 
sorely troubled by the importunities of the priests : 
not until he declared his strict adherence to the 
Church of England was he left alone. 6 He died on 
the night of June 16. Worry had aggravated his ill- 
ness, and rendered him incapable of a rally. 

To his wife the blow was terrible, the more so if she 
ever heard how some laid his ill-success at her door. 
" Sure I am," wrote Colston to Williamson, " that 
Woman's Councell is scarce ever good in matters of 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 126. 
3 Ibid., ii. 150. 

6 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 150. 
6 Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 172. 

2 Ibid., ii. 134. 
4 Ibid., ii. 1 68. 


State, and in Public Imploymente the Princes and 
Countrey's good must bee the Only Marke." 1 Poor 
Lady Fanshaw was full of affection and ambition. 
The object of both had gone, and she found herself in 
a strange land, sole guardian of several young children. 
Her husband's moneys were unpaid, and she was 
compelled to join the band of petitioners to the 
King. 2 From the Queen of Spain she received a 
present of some 2, coo pistoles in place of the ambassa- 
dorial jewel which would have been presented to her 
husband. Her coach and horses, and lumber, she 
sold to Sandwich, and her plate was dispersed. 3 With 
the money thus gained she set out for England. Her 
husband's body was embalmed and sent to Bilbao, 
where she took charge of it. " Their entrance into 
Spaine and departure from it doe lively represent the 
greatnesse and glory of this world, never any Embas- 
sador, wife and childeren came hither with greater 
Content, and never any did depart with lesse ; God 
comfort the afflicted." 4 


" Every one of them eyther is of him selfe so wise in dede, that he nedeth 
not, or elles he thinketh himself so wise, that he wil not allowe another mans 
counsel." MORE : Utopia. 

Before Fanshaw's death Southwell left Madrid. 6 
His presence there was superfluous, and Sandwich 
wished to use him in Lisbon ; " to watch and hinder 
the French overtures from taking place, and to dispose 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 222. 

2 Cal S. P. : Dom., February 7-15, 1667. 

3 Lady Fanshaw, Memoirs, p. 198. 

4 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 220. See also f. 71, which 
asserts that she was "uncivilly treated" on the journey. 

5 He left on June 12. The Queen gave him a jewel valued at 355. 


them to agree to a Truce with the Title of King." l 
When he had thus established relations with Portugal, 
the new Ambassador began his work. On June 20 he 
had his public audience. He was conducted to the 
palace by several officials of the Court. The Queen 
sent her coaches, and three of Lady Fanshaw's were 
used. Horses from the royal stables were provided 
for the train, and " the audience of condolence was 
done with great dignity, which pleased the Spaniards, 
who said it excelled anything they had seen." 2 

"About 12 o'clocke at Noone," writes Sandwich, " I 
gott upon horsebacke and rode alonge the Streetes to 
the Palace within the Gate, where we alighted and 
went up to the Presence of the young Kinge ... I 
gave him the compliment of the Pessame from the 
Kinge my master. He is a very fine child about four 
yeares of age. The multitude of company in the room 
discomposed him that he cried and said ' que se vayan, 
que se vayan Todos' From him we went to the Queen's 

There the Ambassador made a complimentary speech 
through his interpreter, and presented his credentials. 

" Then," Sandwich adds, " my sonn Sydney and all 
my Comerades passed before the Queene and made her 
reverence. After which I tooke my leave and was 
conducted alonge the Side of the roome by all the 
Ladyes of Honor to whom wee payed respects and soe 
were Conducted downe againe by the Same persons, 
and returned home in a Coach of the Queenes with 
four Horses (the Course which is used in this Court to 
all Embassadors whatsoever)." 3 

The embassy was now formally launched, and, after 
assuring himself as to precedence and etiquette, Sand- 
wich visited various members of the Council, and 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 146. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 158. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 176-190. 


arranged to confer with them. From the Council was 
chosen a Junta, or Committee, to treat with the English 
Ambassador. It was composed of three members, the 
Duke of Medina de las Torres, the Conde de Penaranda, 
and an Austrian, Everard Nithard. " This election is 
very good," wrote Southwell, " being indeed the floure 
of what they could choose . . . and what these can be 
brought to, there is not much danger it will be con- 
trolled." 1 Medina, a typical grandee, acted as first 
minister of the Crown. The negotiations afforded him 
a chance of regaining his prestige, impaired as it was 
by his part in Fanshaw's failure. Penaranda had 
gained his diplomatic experience at Munster, amid the 
negotiations of 1648. His sympathies were considered 
strongly French, and he was credited with being in the 
pay of Louis XIV. Of " choleric and hasty temper," 
he was intensely jealous of his colleagues. 2 Nithard 
was the Queen's confessor one of those ecclesiastics 
who used his place to further his political position. 
He began life as a cornet of horse, and he was said to 
be a brother of the Emperor's valet de chambre? To 
the Spanish grandees he was nothing but an upstart. 
His sympathies were entirely Habsburg, and he exer- 
cised considerable influence over the Queen-Regent, 
who was a woman of sluggish temperament, devoted 
to religion and the pleasures of the table. Nithard 
absolutely governed her mind, though he was deemed 
" of small skill in politics, and sillogistical in argu- 
ment." 4 By intrigue and influence he attained the 
post of Inquisitor-General ; he was supported in his 
quest by Medina, and opposed by Penaranda. 6 His 
position was a strong one, owing to the Regent, and he 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 118. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 142. 

3 Ibid., iv. 87. * Ibid., v. 144. 5 Ibid., ii. 404. 


From a portrait by Herrera 

To face p. 64 of Vol. II 

i666] THE JUNTA 63 

had the better of the exchanges during a minority 
which gave ample scope for distrust and intrigue. 

The three members of the Junta were eternally 
jealous, "all factions and blind conceit," and Sandwich 
had no easy course to steer. If he applied to one, the 
others were up in arms. Each desired the whole 
management of the treaty ; each paid him secret 
visits or sent their emissaries. Of these the chief 
was a creature of Medina's, Patricio de Muledi, to 
whom the Junta entrusted the opening of the negotia- 
tions. 1 

The proposal put forward by the Spaniards was the 
formation of an offensive and defensive league, incident 
to the immediate ratification of Fanshaw's treaty; 
their obvious anxiety to sign this, drew attention to the 
place it held in their favour. Their excuse to Sand- 
wich, he says, was " that they would be in doubt how 
to proceed at all with mee in any Treaty when my 
Master had not ratified a Treaty concluded by his 
embassador armed with full Authority for the same, 
which was a violation of the law of Nations." At first 
they held stiffly to this attitude, and at the end of two 
months' bargaining it still appeared that progress was 
impossible, unless Fanshaw's treaty were formally 
ratified. 2 

Medina was most active in urging this course. 
On June 24, the day following a Council, he made 
Sandwich a visit "with all manner of splendor"; he 
was generally gorgeous with a " chain of diamonds 
athwart his body ; a mighty rich diamond hatband, and 
a chain of diamonds wherein hung his order." The 

1 Sandwich MSB. Journal, ii. 139-141. Muledi, or Omuledi, was of Irish 
extraction, and had been in England upon a special mission. He was said to 
have bought a house in Kent with the money given him to bribe an English 
party at Charles II. 's Court. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, ff. 232, 257. 

VOL. II. 5 


two men conferred upon public affairs. 1 The English 
Ambassador was quick to assert that Fanshaw's powers 
were broken by Philip's death, and that the King was 
not pledged to any treaty. Medina stoutly maintained 
the contrary ; " in fine," says Sandwich, " the Duke 
told mee his opinion that if I begann the Conference 
upon this point and the reason given him it would 
overthrow my whole negotiation." 2 But Sandwich 
was immovable, and undisturbed by reiteration. He 
had witnessed in England the review of Fanshaw's 
work and the dissatisfaction of the Council. His 
business was to correct, not to confirm, and he politely 
refused to go beyond his instructions. How far these 
went the Spaniards were not clear. They had hoped 
much from the coming of a new Ambassador, and 
exaggerated his discretionary powers. Their faith in 
his free hand was a continual difficulty during the 
negotiations. 3 They imagined in turn that Sandwich 
had powers to confirm Fanshaw's treaty, to patch up a 
peace on any terms, or to suggest a favourable league. 
Their ideas came out at the first conference with the 
Commissioners, which was held on June 29 in a private 
room of the Royal Palace. The selection of this room 
appeared to the French Ambassador to bode a lengthy 
and insincere negotiation. 4 Most of the conferences 
were held here, and Sandwich describes it as looking 
over Madrid, with a view of town and river, " the 
pleasantest visto . . . both wayes that ever I saw : in 
view of the Escuriall . . . and many lovely fields and 
villages, and the mountains of Guadarama." The 
room was carpeted with velvet, and hung round with 
pictures after Rubens. The Spaniards sat at one side 
of a long table, the English at the other. The con- 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 202. 2 Ibid., ii. 204. 

3 Ibid., iv. 102. * Mignet, Negotiations , i. 466. 


ference was a babel of tongues, Medina talked in 
Spanish ; Sandwich talked at first a mixture of French, 
Latin, and Spanish, but before he left Spain he always 
spoke and wrote in the language of the country. 
Penaranda, Nithard, and Godolphin, spoke in Latin, 
the Confessor speaking with great purity and elegance. 1 
An interpreter was kept within call, and the Secretary 
of State, Don Pedro Fernando del Campo, was also 
present, and, like Godolphin, " sate covered." 

At this first conference Sandwich delivered a sketch 
of his mission, which embraced a league for mutual 
aid and defence, a business which his master had in- 
structed him to press on as rapidly as might be. 2 This, 
he stated, was " the principal end of his negotiation." 
He next pointed out the impossibility of ratifying 
Fanshaw's treaty, especially in the Spanish tongue : 
the Junta maintained that Fanshaw brought them 
the treaty in Spanish, and in his own hand. 3 Some 
discussion was given to the affair of Portugal, but 
without any result or forecast. 4 Thus the meeting 
ended. The news letters reported that Sandwich and 
Godolphin " keep all close, but looke very merrily on 
it, and understanding Spaniards say their necessity 
will oblige them to close with England." 6 

Such news was premature, for the difficulties were 
many. Not only was the Spaniard hard to cajole, but 
the rivalry of the French Ambassador gave Sandwich 
ample cause for anxiety. Georges d'Aubusson de la 
Feuillade, Archbishop of Embrun, was an important 
personage. For four years he had represented his 
country in Madrid, and under Louis' guidance was 
plied with instructions, the while " French money 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 191. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 214. 

3 Ibid., ii. 226. * Ibid., ii. 220-228. 
5 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 220. 



walked up and down." 1 He had watched with satis- 
faction the failure of Fanshaw's schemes ; and when 
Sandwich arrived, the Archbishop was ordered " to 
traverse his negotiation." 2 Proposals for mediation 
were put forward by the French. The Queen had 
refused them in March, 3 but subsequently there was 
an apparent reaction in their favour. 4 Their Ambas- 
sador was informed, however, that it was necessary 
Sandwich should be heard. The offers of mediation 
were suspended, and the Frenchman could only en- 
deavour to influence the trend of Spanish thought. 
He was able to make out a case. In conversation 
with Medina he pointed to the Peace of the Pyrenees. 
This, he maintained, had settled all outstanding differ- 
ences between France and Spain, while with England 
the Spaniards were still disputing over the Indies and 
their commerce. He represented England as working 
for her own ends, and as an unsuitable mediator, both 
by reason of her interests and her faith. The appoint- 
ment of a Junta to treat with Sandwich led to a request 
on the Archbishop's part for a similar privilege. 
Medina played with the probability of a rival conclave, 
and the Archbishop for a time regarded him as hot in 
the French interest. 6 While he was writing thus to 
Louis, the Spaniards furthered their negotiations with 

The offers of France, sincere or not, provided the 
Junta with a foil to those of England. On July 7 
Muledi was sent to Sandwich, bewailing the industry 
of the French Ambassador. 6 He affirmed that the 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 149. 

2 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 468. 

3 S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 133. 

* S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 322. 

5 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 464-476. 

6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 250. 


Council of State had voted for the end of all negotia- 
tions with England. Then he emphasized Medina's 
friendship, and endeavoured to sow distrust of his 
colleagues. He declared that only Medina was to 
be trusted, and that Penaranda and Nithard were 
"absolute Hollanders." 1 A week later he said to 
rodolphin : 

"The Councell of State had resolved to Treate with 
he French and to delay and Postpone the Treaty with 
England, reproachinge our King with breach of faith 
in not ratifienge ; vilifienge his marriage with Portugal 
callinge it marrienge the daughter of a rebell (in 
:ontradiction to the argument my Master uses of his 
larrienge the daughter of a Kinge and therefore could 
lot judge it unfitt that he should insist on the Title of 
i Kinge) which they agravate in respect K. CH. ist 
suffered by the hands of rebells." 2 

In addition to threats of an agreement with France, 
^uledi made capital of our political situation. He 
imented the ill news of revolts in Ireland and Scot- 
ind, and predicted a revolution so considerable as to 

jmbroil the whole of our islands. Of our influence in 
'ortugal he was frankly contemptuous, especially since 

:he Due de Beaufort had been off Lisbon, dazzling the 
'ortuguese with naval demonstrations. 3 And to pile 

:hreat upon discouragement, Muledi went so far as to 
irm " that France will make a league for 20 years 
r ith Spayne, and give in Garrantie all his allies 

[Swede included), that he and they will bend theire 
>rces against England, and all the rest against such 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 256. 2 Ibid. , ii. 300. 

3 Paris, Archives des Affaires Etrangeres : Corr. Portugal, v. 151. 
Remain, writing to de Lionne (June 13, 1666), states that the arrival of 
ich vessels will persuade the Portuguese that the English are not effectively 
of the sea, as they wished to make all believe ; and this will be 

set-back to the great respect which Portugal has hitherto displayed for 


of their allies as shall at any tyme fall off and join with 
England." 1 

Despite these veiled threats and the pessimism of 
Muledi, Sandwich went quietly about his business, 
recording in his journal the events of the day ; com- 
menting but little, and settling down to forward a 
successful conclusion to the embassy. The report 
sent to Louis of his speedy recall was contradicted in 
fact, when on July 16 Sandwich took over Fanshaw's 
old house, and moved to the Siete Chimeneas. 2 This 
was a permanent residence for Ambassadors, and the 
move foreshadowed lengthy negotiation. 

The negotiations were indeed lengthy, and for a 
time very tedious. Those undertaken during 1666 
divide naturally into two well-defined periods. The 
first of these ended in August; the second period 
began in September, and lasted until the close of the 
year. The procedure for business must be borne in 
mind. A suggestion made by Sandwich was first dis- 
cussed by \}\Q Junta : Medina, Penaranda, and Nithard. 
They in turn reported upon the business to the 
Council of State, the administrative power during the 
minority of the King. The Council debated the point 
under discussion, and summed it up in a decree. 3 The 
decree was announced to the Junta, the more easily 
as its members were also members of the Council. 
They then informed Sandwich of the progress made. 
During 1666 several conferences took place between 
the Commissioners and the Ambassador, and the 
results were discussed at about a dozen meetings of 
the full Council. 4 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 304. 

2 Ibid., ii. 308. 

3 Simancas Archives : England, Legajo 2538. 

* The Archives at Simancas do not always give the number of the Council, 
but that held on November \\ is numbered viii. 

1666] MEDIATION 71 

During the first of these periods little could be done. 
Sandwich laid most stress on the question of mediation. 
This was not an easy matter. Portugal had not with- 
drawn her demands for an unqualified peace and the 
title of King. She would only treat de Rey al Rey. 
Spain cried out against these demands, and declared 
England bound to force Fanshaw's proposals on the 
Portuguese. 1 Such an attitude was overbearing, and 
frankly impossible. The Ambassador recognized this, 
and waited for some moderation, some advances from 
Spain. On July 8 Medina broached the subject, desir- 
ing a relaxation of the Portuguese demands, but 
Sandwich disclaimed power " either to temper or 
mitigate the title." Instead of a peace, the Duke pro- 
posed a truce for thirty years, with the King of 
England as security, " both sides enjoyinge what they 
have at present." 2 

Any hope of an agreement was made doubly 
difficult by the King's minority. It was claimed that 
the cession of the title would create a mutiny, the 
Queen would be clapped in a convent, and the Council 
torn in pieces. 3 The Junta feared to do it, " lest they 
should lose their heads when the young King comes 
of age." 4 The Queen-Regent refused responsibility; 
"as tutoresse she gives what is not her own." 5 The 
Council and the Church also advised against the con- 
cession, and inclined to a league with France, through 
which the desired accommodation might be brought 
about. 6 The Spanish had offered to treat with " the 
present government of Portugal," and insisted that the 
word " King " was mere obstinate vanity, since it was 

* S. P., For. : Spain, 50, f. 237 ; Simancas Archives : England, Legajo 
2538, f. 144. 
2 Sandwich MSS, Journal, ii. 270. 3 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 68. 

4 S. P., For. : Spain News Letters, 91, f. 320. 

5 S. P., For. . Spain, 50, f. 174. 6 Ibid., 51, f. 257. 


implied in the address. They argued that the full title 
needed no mediator. If Spain were to concede the 
whole of a major point, then arbitration was a farce, 
and the country might as well have the full credit 
her generosity afforded. Such was the Spanish attitude, 
and a grandee was told off to expound it to Sandwich. 
But the English Ambassador adopted an uncompro- 
mising and haughty tone. He replied that, in any 
arrangement, " Portugal durst not concur without us, 
for if they should displease England our power at sea 
would ruin them, since theire country depended upon 
Commerce both of Europe and the Indies." 1 

When the Spaniards saw that Sandwich insisted on 
proper consideration, they shifted their ground, and 
attempted to divorce him from Portuguese interests. 
They suggested separate consideration of the com- 
mercial and Portuguese questions. If an agreement 
were made upon the first, they hoped for a league 
with England, subtly framed, in order to involve the 
English in hostilities against Portugal. Their scheme 
was brought forward at the Junta of July 3O, 2 but 
Sandwich had studied his instructions, and profited 
by Fanshaw's failure. He was determined not to 
make any engagement which should tie his hands as 
to Portugal. An equitable settlement was to be the 
crown of his work, and he regarded the kingly title 
as essential. The question of a truce between Spain 
and Portugal was another matter. Muledi argued 
that a truce for a definite number of years was more 
secure than a peace, because the latter carried no 
guarantee that war might not at any time break out. 
To set Portugal free was dangerous, on account of 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 342. See also Clarendon MSS., 85, f. 3. 
Sandwich thought that the Spanish Crown would labour under extreme 
dangers if the title were ceded. 

2 Simancas Archives : England, Legajo 2538, f. 144. 

1666] A PAMPHLET 73 

her proximity and her possible pretensions to the 
Crown of Spain. 1 It was said that such a concession 
was the forerunner of a general dissolution of the 
kingdom into provinces. Difficulties were thus multi- 
plied, and complexities clouded the work; but Sandwich 
was not deterred by the coldness of the Junta, and 
demanded their suggestions in writing, while, in their 
turn, they refused to commit themselves to any definite 
policy. 2 Indeed, they differed among themselves as to 
the sense of the articles proposed. 

During these tedious negotiations, while the fencers 
feinted and parried, the diplomatic world was stirred 
by a pamphlet controversy. On August 7 "a paper 
was spread abroad in the Court by the Abbott Arnol- 
phin, comparing the utility and honour of Spayne 
havinge a league with England or France, and pre- 
ferring that of the latter." 3 Pamphlets were by no 
means uncommon in Madrid, but generally related to 
private matters, and scandals concerning the Queen 
and her confessor. Arnolphin's pamphlet was of con- 
siderable length, and weighed the political advantages 
to be gained from either of Spain's suitors. 4 The 
work was fiercely debated at Court, where counsels 
were divided. Medina represented the English side, 
and Penaranda the French. The pamphlet called 
forth at least two answers. One, Sandwich judged, 
came from Medina, and was in favour of an English 
league. 6 A second suggested Spain as looker-on, no 
league with either England or France. The original 
pamphlet led to Arnolphin's punishment, and the Queen 
imprisoned him ; but he was soon released " upon a 
Petition of his disclaiminge the libell, and saying he 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 356. 2 Ibid., ii. 366-368. 

3 Ibid., ii. 382. 4 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 491. 

5 Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 440, 479. 


was falsely accused and his name counterfeited and 
that he had noe hand in makinge the said libell." 1 
The excuse was partially true, for rumour had it that 
Arnolphin was not alone, and that some of the Council, 
including Penaranda, were suspiciously active in dis- 
persing the tract. The whole of the paper and the 
answers were transcribed in the Ambassador's journal, 
and copies were sent to England. 2 There the matter 
created some little sensation, and Sandwich was in- 
structed to protest against the " base libel." 

Any ill effect which this pamphlet may have had 
was balanced by the progress of our war against the 
Dutch. Success improved England's prestige, brought 
joy to the Ambassador's heart, and " warmed it more 
than all the suns of Spain." Above all, Sandwich was 
enabled to meet the Commissioners in an increasingly 
strong position. 3 To weaken Holland was to diminish 
the naval advantage of her ally, France. The indecisive 
battle fought off the North Foreland on four days in 
June was duly celebrated on July i, and Sandwich 
records : 

11 Att nine at night wee made fires of joy upon 
30 poles in the streete and 2 flamboes in every balcone 
(which were about 12) with many rocketts, squibbs 
and fireworks, for the victory obtained by our Fleete 
upon the Dutch." 4 

Since the engagement was indecisive, the rival 
diplomatists had also their celebrations. Some won- 
dered that the Dutch and French should dare to 
make bonfires, for they had often done so, when 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 448. 

2 Ibid., ii. 199-221, 381-411, 479-493- 

3 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 151. 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 240. 




" Therefore their fires were applauded only by their 
owne, whereas those of the English embassador were 
applauded againe and againe by severall outcries of 
all the people with Victor Inglaterra" 1 

However, in August came the news of an English 
victory. Albemarle had defeated De Ruyter, and 
Sandwich was able to rejoice alone : 

" Neither French nor Dutch nor Danes embassadors 
made any rejoicinge this time as they did at the newes 
of the other former battell." 2 . . . "The Hollanders, 
who have got many friends in this Court, are lying 
about it ; the French interest (bought by money) have 
not received it well. . . . His Excellency suspendeth 
his triumphant fires and fireworks untill the receipt of 
the certaine Newes of all from England, but will then 
shew his gallantry in this, as he doth in all other occa- 
sions to his King's and Countrey's eternall glory. It 
hath happened in an excellent time for my Lord to doe 
his business ; since the newes of it came first to towne, 
my Lord hath beene much visited and courted by the 
great ones of this Court, and 'tis hoped things will go 
well." 3 

As our success at sea impressed the people of Madrid, 
Spain grew more desirous of a league ; but here came 
in the difficulty of Portugal at once the friend of Eng- 
land and the enemy of Spain. With the Portuguese 
we had no quarrel : yet England, leagued with Spain, 
would be involved in the peninsular war ; for war still 
flared and flickered, and frontier raids were of frequent 
occurrence. 4 Spain wished for vessels in order to 
blockade Lisbon, which the French fleet furnished 
with supplies of corn. 5 To use our navy in that way 
was impossible. We could only consent to a league 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters , 91, f. 220. 
* Sandwich MS S. Journal, ii. 414. 

3 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, ff. 61, 320. 

4 S. P., For. : News Letters, 91, f. 244 ; Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 372. 

5 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 195. 


which should not bind us against Portugal, and there- 
fore Portugal must either be excluded from Spain's 
enemies, or a peace must first be made, which should 
satisfy the Councils both of Madrid and Lisbon. But 
the Portuguese had ceased to seek terms : their attitude 
was obstinate, and it was patent that their statesmen 
held the key of the situation. They could not see how 
anyone could offer a compromise by touching upon the 
string that was so fatal to Fanshaw. 1 

The French thought the same, and spared no pains 
to foment the war. The whole business was com- 
plicated by wider issues. Louis did not wish peace to 
be made with Spain before his contemplated attack on 
the Spanish Netherlands. His resident at Lisbon, the 
Marquis de St. Romain, had very definite instructions. 
He was sent to thwart any agreement between Spain 
and Portugal, particularly one framed by England. He 
inflamed the pride of the Portuguese, and extolled the 
magnitude of their victories. In particular, he was 
bidden to encourage their insistence on the title of 
King, while with equal vehemence he opposed a 
truce, as a loophole for eventual reconquest. He was 
enabled to ply the Portuguese with money, and assist- 
ance in their war, 2 but France did not rely upon a 
single Ambassador. The King of Portugal married a 
French wife. She arrived at Lisbon in August, and 
was accompanied by the Marquis de Ruvigny, a diplo- 
matist of some note. The arrival of the French vessels 
was made a demonstration of naval power; the 
escort was numerous, and designed to persuade the 
Portuguese that the English were not entirely masters 
of the sea. 3 English overtures were rendered un- 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 486. 

2 Recueil des Instructions : Portugal, p. 90. 

3 Paris, Archives des affaires ttrangeres ; Corr. : Portugal, 5, f. 151. 


popular, and for a time the French interest was 
supreme. Matters looked ripe for an agreement 
between the two countries, since the Portuguese were 
already in debt to England, and needed money from a 
fresh source. 1 Their Ministers talked of trying a league 
with France, who had proffered money, and they ex- 
pressed the hope that England would not take this ill. 2 

In Lisbon, so near did an alliance seem that South- 
well was full of alarm. He hunted up instructions 
and made various offers to the Court. He promised 
peace if Portugal would waive the title, but the sugges- 
tion " was received with flat denial and resentment." 3 
He then wrote to Madrid for advice, suggested a 
journey to Spain, and, acting upon his own initiative, 
arrived in Madrid on September 17. The previous 
day Sandwich recorded an attempt "to gett a passe 
for a servant to goe to Lisbon to hinder or stopp 
Sir R.'s journey if it were possible." 4 For Southwell's 
appearance at Madrid was inconvenient, and made the 
negotiations look as though they lagged. 6 The terms 
he brought were unsatisfactory ; they included the 
cession of the title within thirty days (to which ten 
days of grace were added) ; if that failed, the Portuguese 
threatened a rupture of all negotiations, and a definite 
treaty with France. 

The Envoy's presence was turned to account by the 
Spaniards, and they declaimed violently against the 
unreasoning attitude of Lisbon. The Queen tried to 
force the Ambassador's hand. A league was suggested 
in haste, by which England would have found herself 
fighting side by side with Spain. Not only the Queen, 
but her mouthpiece, Nithard, complained of the slow- 

1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, ff. 172, 205. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 91. 3 Ibid. 

* Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 498. 5 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 502. 


ness of the business, an ironical attitude for the 
Spaniard. 1 Sandwich was not to be outwitted. He 
knew that the Council was acting on guesswork. 
He refused to commit himself, and declined an 
audience on the ground " of distemper of body and 
taking Physicke for remedye," and pleaded " the 
divers considerations occasioned by the Prescence of 
Sir R. Southwell." 2 Before making a league, he 
looked for security, and for some evidence of good- 
will The English merchants were still suffering 
from exactions ; and though Sandwich had improved 
their condition and received their thanks, he was not 
fully assured of the good faith of the Spaniard. 3 No 
treaty had been framed such as he could reasonably 
sign. Hasty overtures were useless. The cause of 
Southwell's presence was kept a secret, and he saw 
none but Godolphin and Sandwich. 4 The latter's first 
care was to get him back to Lisbon. There were 
many grounds for this. An attempt " to know the 
last mind of Spain " was unreasonable, when there 
was no guarantee that Portugal would accept the 
Spanish terms. 6 The presence of Southwell might be 
regarded as a slight on the Ambassador's position and 
credentials ; and Sandwich regarded personal ambition 
as partly responsible for the move. He looked on 
Southwell as youthful, " hot in his pursuits, and of 
little experience." 6 Above all he thought that the 
Portuguese encouraged Southwell's absence, for 
Lisbon was thereby laid open to the machinations of 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ii. 516. 2 Ibid., ii. 514. 

3 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. II ; Carte MSS., 75, f. 485. 

* S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 52. 

6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 8. Sandwich was at the time inclined to 
follow the precedent of 1659, and force peace upon the combatants (S. P., For. : 
Spain, 52, f. 81). 

6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 10. 


Ruvigny and St. Remain, and want of success would 
warrant the Portuguese proceeding with France. 1 

On September 24 Sandwich sent Southwell back to 
Portugal, with letters to the King and Castel Melhor. 
Despite the unbending attitude of Lisbon, some 
" temperament " was suggested, and patience was 
urged. 2 A few days later came a fresh batch of lengthy 
instructions from the King and Arlington, which 
left a gap for discretionary work. 8 Fortified by his 
new instructions, Sandwich sounded Medina as to the 
proposals for a compromise. 4 On October 23 he pre- 
sented a scheme in which a truce for sixty years 
between Spain and Portugal was substituted for a 
peace, and the title was drafted as Corona Portugallice 
and Lusitanica Majestas. In addition, Sandwich deter- 
mined to send a messenger to Lisbon with similar 
proposals. He had no more faith in this offer than 
in that of Fanshaw. But he hoped to husband time, 
and to avoid giving Spain new occasion for jealousy 
by presenting any scheme to which Portugal had not 
agreed. 6 Medina raised objections. He conceived 
consultation with Portugal as fruitless, for he thought 
that Sandwich had no more rope than his pre- 

For once Sandwich was impatient, and answered 
"with some passion." He declared that the English 
had both arms open to embrace Spanish friendship; 
and if they disputed matters of small importance, or 
spun out time in delays, he would advertise Charles 
"what he had to trust to." 6 He took no heed of their 
objections, but on November 6 sent Werden post to 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 8-12. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 100. 

3 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, i. 168-189. 

4 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 135. 

5 Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 138. 6 Ibid., iii. 148. 


Lisbon. 1 The messenger took with him letters of in- 
struction for Southwell, and propositions to be laid 
before the King. The style of " Crown " was proposed, 
together with a truce of sixty years, "a considerable 
space of Tyme in the mutabilitye of humane affairs/' 2 
In addition, Spain was to renounce any right to the 
resumption of her claims. The mission had no success ; 
on November 22 Werden returned with an unfavour- 
able report. 3 

Whilst Werden journeyed to Lisbon, matters were 
debated in Madrid. Anticipating the result of the 
mission, Medina begged Sandwich to desert Portugal, 
and confine himself to framing a league with Spain. 4 
The English Ambassador suspected insincerity, and 
a desire to change the course of the work. He 
was disappointed, as he said, that the whole of his 
task should be undone, and "we begin again." He 
"appeared vigorously resolute"; he sent Godolphin 
to the Duke, and suggested the expedient which was 
eventually adopted : the immediate signature of an 
Anglo-Spanish commercial treaty, and the postpone- 
ment of the Portuguese question. 6 To take one thing 
at a time was the right course. Sandwich had sug- 
gested a practical line. He had already rectified the 
treaty of commerce, rendered it complete, and in- 
serted the clauses which Fanshaw had omitted. 6 The 
Duke then suggested various amendments which 
caused frequent delay, and the business was hedged 
in by formalities. There were many threads to 
untwine and difficulties to overcome. 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 203. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 152. 

3 Ibid., iii. 252-268. Werden kept a journal which was there copied 

1 Ibid., iii. 170 et seq. 

5 Ibid., iii. 174, 180-184. 6 Ibid., iii. 155. 


"Our Lord Embassador is so close in what he 
treateth, that only himselfe and the Secretary of the 
Embassie know it ; Spaniards will persuade us that all 
goeth ill, and that his Excellency is told he may be 
gone, for they will not hear him a word more about 
Portugall ; this is said but cannot tell with what truth, 
for my Lord is pleasant and merry, and treateth as 
much with the three appointed him as ever." 1 

During the whole of November, Sandwich was 
especially active ; he paid private visits to the members 
of the Junta, and meetings took place nearly every 
day. At each the Commissioners had some new 
difficulty, and a succession of minor differences were 
brought in to obscure the issue. If an Anglo-Spanish 
league were framed, what would be done with the 
English contingent fighting for Portugal? and Sand- 
wich could only promise their help to Spain against 
any other nation but Portugal. 2 He was taunted, too, 
with the gossip concerning the King and Catherine of 
Braganca. Talk of a separation had reached the 
Spanish Court, and engendered a hope that Anglo- 
Portuguese relations would be severely strained. A 
report came that both our Houses were preparing a 
Bill to make severer penal laws against the Papists, 
and Sandwich was compelled to visit the Queen in 
order to correct any bad impressions this had made. 3 
Medina made capital out of the disturbances in Scot- 
land, and predicted the renewal of a Franco-Scottish 
alliance. The rumours of Clarendon's approaching 
downfall were used as a text for preaching on the 
uncertainties of foreign policy, and Medina talked of 
an anti-Spanish party at the English Court. He urged 
the return of Jamaica, and his secretary discoursed on 
Spanish grievances in the West Indies. He tried to 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 186. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 180. 

3 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 244. 
VOL. II. 6 


purchase Tangier, but Sandwich regarded it as useful 
for protection of our commerce; and when Medina 
offered the use of Cadiz or Gibraltar for the same 
purpose, Sandwich replied dryly that " neverthelesse 
a place of our owne was not amisse." 1 

These minor difficulties which hampered an agree- 
ment were made more formidable by the result of 
Werden's mission. A distinct set-back was apparent 
when Sandwich met the Junta on November 28. 2 Spain 
resumed relations with the French Ambassador, who 
had obtained the ear of the Queen and her confessor, 
and repeated his suggestion for a rival commission. 3 
Now that the overtures to Portugal had apparently 
failed, the Archbishop obtained from the Queen com- 
pliance with his request, and she and Nithard were 
inclined to allow him a Junta. 4 But at one point the 
English possessed an advantage ; both Sandwich and 
Southwell were prepared to put forward written pro- 
posals, and both really meant business. French policy 
meant nothing of the kind. Plans were maturing for 
an attack on Spain, and Louis' instructions kept his 
Ambassador partially in the dark as to the real drift 
of affairs ; he was prohibited from putting down a 
single word in writing. He lamented this to Louis, 
and the more so because Spain asked for a definite 
agreement. 5 The King of France wished to gain time. 
He desired to see Spain without a single ally ; and she 
accorded him his desire, for she adopted a negative 
policy of peace with everybody. 6 

Since Spain was lulled to inactivity, and Portugal 
had refused the suggested terms, Sandwich could 
make little progress. He was discontented for a time, 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 204-206, 230-232, 376-380, 404-454. 

2 Ibid., iii. 296^^. 3 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 506, 507. 
* Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 372. 

6 Mignet, Negotiations , i. 512. 6 Ibid., i. 513. 

i666] THE YEAR ENDS 83 

but tenacious. Penaranda urged him again and again 
to "lett Portugall go to the Divell." 1 The Junta had 
agreed to a sixty years' truce, but now began to higgle, 
and clamour for fifty. They thus reopened a question 
which had been definitely settled, and Sandwich 
justly protested. 2 The Christmas festival next served 
as an excuse for further delay. Then at the new year 
things began to look better. On January 3 Muledi 
brought congratulations to Sandwich on the arrange- 
ment of a treaty. The next day an important meeting 
was held, and it was agreed that a Spanish-Portuguese 
treaty should be drafted. Apparently Spain was 
willing to concede the title, if the truce were abated 
to fifty years. It seemed as though the old quarrel 
were patched up, and Sandwich wrote most hopefully 
to Arlington. 3 

Suddenly there came an unexpected check. The 
Spaniard chose to regard Sandwich's commercial 
treaty as "wholly new." The secretary, del Campo, 
brought Godolphin a draft, "involvinge us in all 
the old difficulties of deserting Portugall, confirming 
the Treaty of 1630 ; obliginge particularly anew my 
Master not to assist any of their enemyes ; and con- 
nectinge the Treatie of Commerce and Truce, so as 
neither to be ratified unlesse my Master brought Por- 
tugall to consent therein, or, if not, deserted them." 4 
Such propositions were impossible, and could not be 
entertained ; they cancelled the work already done, 
and threw the negotiations into utter confusion. 
For a time there was nothing but tedious bargaining, 
and the prospect of agreement looked almost hope- 
less. " Since they will walk their own pace," said 
Sandwich, " let them take their fortune with it." 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 328. 2 Ibid., iii. 360. 

3 Ibid., iii. 430-436. * Ibid., iii. 444. 




"In all Negociations of Difficultie, a Man may not looke to So we and 
Reape at once ; but must Prepare Businesse, and so Ripen it by Degrees." 
BACON : Of Negotiating, 

WHEN the new year opened the negotiations were at 
a stand. The diplomatists displayed their wares, 
haggled and huckstered, asked fancy prices or made 
the meanest offers. Spain repudiated her bargain ; 
she had promised to consider separately the two im- 
portant questions a commercial treaty with England, 
and the peace with Portugal. Now she brought for- 
ward for signature a treaty framed in a manner that 
would bind England to transfer her aid from Portugal 
to Spain. This was presented by Muledi, who, with 
sanguine insistence, tried to force the English Ambas- 
sador's hand ; " temptinge mee," said Sandwich, " to 
compliance in this matter, but I continued still resolute 
in noe sort to admitt such a manner of signinge the 
Treatyse." 2 And while Spain thus dallied, France 

1 Authorities : Those in the last chapter. See also H. Schafer, Geschichte 
von Portugal. A. F. Pribram, Privatbriefe Kaiser Leopold I. an den Grafen 
F. E. von Poetting. These letters show the international importance of 
Sandwich's embassy. A. F. Pribram, Lisola und die Politik seiner Zeit. 
An Account of the Court of Portugal under Dom Pedro //., part ii. (London, 
1700) ; T. Carte, History of the Revolutions of Portugal^ with Sir R. 
Southwell's Letters (London, 1740). 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 482. 


1667] LIFE IN MADRID 85 

was making headway with the Portuguese, and it 
looked as though she might obtain an alliance. But 
the more Portugal leaned towards the French, the 
easier it became for England to arrive at the under- 
standing she desired. In less than six months Sand- 
wich, by patience and perseverance, had completed 
the first part of his work, and signed the commercial 
treaty with Spain. 

Before agreement came about there were long 
delays, during which he preserved an even front and 
let matters take their own course. His discontent at 
Spain's dilatory attitude was kept for the pages of his 
journal, and he filled some forty of these with reflec- 
tions on his ill-luck. 1 The enforced cessation from 
work was occupied with other matters. He was 
keenly interested in astronomy, and recorded regular 
observations of the sun, moon, and stars. The lull 
also gave him leisure to see the ordinary life of 
the country. As it chanced to be the festival of 
St. Blaize (February 3), he joined the crowd of 
holiday-makers who poured out from Madrid, and 
thus describes the scene : 

" In the afternoone I went abroad in my Coach to 
see the manner of this people, who account this the 
first day of the Springe, and making themselves fine, 
goe all abroad into the fields towards St. Blasque's 
Chappell, which is J mile out of the Towne betweene 
it and the Atoche, and abundance of Coaches, I believe 
about 500 of best qualitie in Towne, soe that the 
Streets were soe clogged that I could not gett backe 
untill 8 at night ; in the stoppe, beinge over against a 
coach with Ladyes in it they opened the Curtaine and 
with a Squirte threw Sweete water upon our faces, a 
custome amongst them (they say) although they be 
vertuous people." 2 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 480 et seqq. 

2 Ibid., iii. 490. 


Again at carnival time he writes : 

" All the people are full of liberty and extravagance, 
throwinge eggs at one another in the streetes, and 
weomen of the best quality and virtue walking up and 
down, but being tapada, and noe body must take notice 
of the person, though he know who it is. And in pri- 
vate conversation, free to an excesse, admitting all 
manner of jollity ; among the rest, they suffer the men 
to thrust small Caraway Comfitts downe theire breasts 
and backes in great quantity ; and sprinkle one another 
with Squirtes of sweet water, and multitude of such 

Accounts of these holidays are not the only passages 
which lend colour to the journal, for the daily life of 
the embassy afforded its particular distractions. The 
English Ambassador and his suite formed a little town- 
ship in the heart of Madrid. The residence of this 
colony included the Siete Chimeneas, and houses for 
the suite and servants. The precincts were privileged, 
and were supposed to form part of the country which 
the Ambassador represented, guarded by the flag like 
a ship at sea. The royal arms were set up over the 
great house, and the chair of state stood for the royal 
presence. The family, servants, and retinue, were 
immune from taxes; they could not be sued in the 
courts, and could exercise their own religion. The 
Spanish officers of justice, the alguazils as Sandwich 
calls them, lowered their staffs as they passed through 
the barriers, and any omission of this token of respect 
led to a street skirmish between the Spaniards and 
English. Sandwich relates that one of his men was 
killed by a shot from their guns ; " my footman rudely 
pursuing four alguazils through the streets upon a 
rumour that they came through our barriers with their 
rodds exalted, which by custom they ought not to doe." 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 16. 

i66 7 ] PRECEDENCE 87 

Another alguazil entered without leave into a house 
within his barriers, and served a process upon the 
woman of the house ; yet he was only reprimanded, 
" whereas," says Sandwich, " I justly expected they 
should have cashiered him, and sent him to begg 
mercy at my feet." 1 

The quarrels over such questions were not confined 
to the Spaniard, but spread sometimes to the rival 
diplomatists. A good deal of clandestine information 
had to be obtained ; and money was spent in creating 
a party favourable to the particular interests of one's 
country. Continual warfare was waged under a cloak 
of courtesy. On the arrival of an Ambassador he was 
accorded a public audience, and a solemn entry to the 
city ; he was greeted by the Master of the Ceremonies, 
and feasted at the expense of the Crown. His rivals 
swelled his train, and the receptions afforded them an 
opportunity for emulation. It was their business to 
render the entry less imposing, and to catch the eye 
by the splendour of their own retinue. Matters of 
display and precedence were of great moment to the 
French ; they were ready to assert their claims by force. 
At the public reception of a Venetian Ambassador, the 
French lackeys came with firearms concealed under 
their coats, and a scuffle for the most prominent place 
was only averted because Sandwich failed to send a 
coach, and declined to take part in the pageant. 2 

The precincts of the Ambassador's house afforded a 
refuge to good and bad alike ; the homeless claimed 
hospitality, and the criminal endeavoured to escape 
arrest. Malefactors tried to live secretly in the streets 
of His Excellency's jurisdiction ; and when Sandwich 
first took over the house, six coach-loads of criminals 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 678. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 99. 


were evicted and imprisoned. 1 But to the political 
prisoner, or to certain fugitives from justice, sanctuary 
was permitted. At Medina's request, Sandwich gave 
house-room to three Italians, " to preserve them from 
being notified of a sentence of banishment." 2 They 
proved " ingenious men of learninge and mathematicall." 
Their discourse beguiled an enforced holiday; they 
told the Ambassador stories of Sicily, some sufficiently 
incredible, but faithfully recorded in the journal. 

In addition to these hospitalities, Sandwich was also 
asked to recommend for particular posts : the testimony 
of an Ambassador was highly esteemed, as being of 
weight and impartial. "Several Grandees, having 
been to marry a daughter, have wrote letters to my 
Lord to give him notice, and out of the greatness of 
his wisdom to desire his advice, though people he 
never saw; and then my Lord he answers by com- 
mending the greatness of his discretion in making so 
good an alliance, and so ends." 3 

Among the nobles who sought his good offices, 
Sandwich appears to have been distinctly popular. 
The hospitality of the embassy was lavish and most 
expensive ; the Ambassador " keeping a very splendid 
table for all that came, and giving to dine daily to about 
sixty poor people." 4 On great occasions his illumina- 
tions outdid those of the other Ambassadors, " much to 
the King's honour, excelling far the rest. You cannot 
imagine," wrote Godolphin, " how much these things 
please in this country." 6 On the King's birthday, 
for example, Sandwich celebrated the festival with 
bonfires, illuminations, and fireworks, " performed by 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 62. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 447. 

3 Pepys's Diary, September 27, 1667. 

4 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. n. 

5 S. P., For. : Spain, 51, f. 191. 


an Artist of this place," says the same writer, " in the 
rarest manner I have ever seen." 

" His Excellency had then a Feast, many of the 
chiefest quality here, and some Publique Ministers of 
Forraigne Princes and States being present, besides a 
great confluence of other People, who were afterwards 
entertained with a Spanish Comedy and Entremeses, 
and in conclusion of all a Noble banquet, with such a 
multitude of healths to the King, Royall family, and 
afterwards to all Our friends in England, that Scarce 
anybody remembers what followed." 1 

Of the plays which were performed at such times 
of rejoicing, Sandwich tells us something. His com- 
rades, as he calls them, and some of his servants, 
acted Shirley's ' Impostor ,' and it was received with 
great applause by the several grandees. 2 A few nights 
later, by order of the Conde de Molina, there was a 
return visit. 

" I had presented mee entremeses by the Comedians 
of Madrid," wrote the Ambassador, " the choicest 
thinges of all their Comedies, and the best actors, 
men and women out of their companies joyned together. 
There was a great deal of Company at my house of 
great qualitie : the son of the Amirante de Castile, 
the Amirante de Arragone, and divers earles and 
marquesses." 3 

What most struck Lord Sandwich was the light 
way in which religion was handled. The Marquess of 
Baides, once the Ambassador's prisoner, presented a 
comedy of his own writing, in which, to my Lord's 
amazement, the chief part was the preaching of a pre- 
tended Jesuit, but the matter was " amorous, jocose, 
and ridiculous," and led to the actor's incarceration by 

1 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 319. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Toumal, iii. 186. 

3 Ibid.) iii. 390. On the next night Sandwich's comrades acted "The 
Gentlemen of Venice." 


the Inquisition. 1 On a later occasion Sandwich tells 
of a comedy " wherein there was represented a Crucifix 
as bigg as life and Holy actions performed, and after- 
wards a representation of Jesus by a child, and such 
actions religious, done and said, as one would have 
thought better became one of their Churches than the 
stage." 2 

The tone of levity which Sandwich deplored in the 
Spaniards' theatre spread also to their music. 

"They love such tunes as the Trumpetts, but es- 
pecially the ordinary tunes of Spayn as a mariona, 
Chicona, or passacalle," he writes ; and adds, " I have 
heard a story of a rare forreign musitian that played 
(upon the lute I suppose) with his utmost skill unto 
some persons, (noblewomen) of the best quality in 
Madrid, and when he had done they desired him to 
play alguna cosa de buena ; whereat the man was 
displeased exceedingly and said he thought he had 
played that which was good already, and had done his 
best; they replied, Si, si,pero toco alguna cosa de bueno^ 
coma un chicona, mariana, o passa calleo. They love 
the regall stopp of the organs in theire chappells, and 
play such light tunes upon it as John come kisse mee 
now" But "to speake the truth," he said, " their 
manner of playing and singing is very agreable, soft 
and passionate." 3 

Plays and music helped the Ambassador to while 
away the winter months, and in the heat of summer 
he frequently left Madrid. Part of his time was 
spent at Sarcuela, a counts-house of the King's : " a 
very pretty place, fine gardens, lovely elm trees about 
it, and a warren well stored with rabbits." 4 There 
the Ambassador followed outdoor pursuits. The chief 
of these was bathing, which he said made his spirits 
much lighter and more pleasant. The Manzanares 
was only ankle-deep, so Sandwich bathed from a 

* Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 556. 2 Ibid., v. 190. 

3 Ibid,, iii. 123, 129. 4 Ibid., iv. 116, v. 444. 

By Samuel Cooler 


By Samuel Cooper 
From miniatures at Hinchingbrooke 

To face p. 90 of Vol. II 

1667] WORK RENEWED 91 

hole dug in the sand, and a small tent was pitched 
to defend him from the sun, and for privacy. Crowds 
were doing the like ; " they digg holes in the Sande," 
he says, " as deepe as will cover the body, and then 
lie naked all alonge in that hole and bathe, both men 
and women publiquely, and in the more private places 
the best people of Spayn." When the evening drew 
on, people left their bathing-places, and supped upon 
the grass by the river-side, making fires and dancing ; 
" which is very fresh and pleasant," says the journal. 
" Theire dancing is very proud and active both of 
men and weomen, and they much delight in using the 
Castoneetes which they use very dextrously and 
stick them in exact tyme with the tune they dance 
unto." During the intense heat of July the whole of 
fashionable Madrid was at the river-side, and on the 
last night of the bathing season as many as 500 coaches 
were out. There were sports of all kinds, and coaches 
in which were harnessed six mules raced along the 
river-side. 1 With various visits to country-houses, 
and to the fairs and sights of Madrid, time passed 
pleasantly enough. 

These different diversions filled up the Ambassador's 
idle hours. Shortly after he had entertained the 
grandees with English plays, the Spaniards renewed 
definite work. A Junta was held on January 30, and 
then Sandwich heard the reasons for the abrupt close 
of the negotiations. Spain regarded it as unreasonable 
that the treaty should be separated from the truce ; for 
the refusal of the latter by Portugal would only com- 
plicate affairs. England might be rewarded by a 
commercial treaty, although her efforts at mediation 
should prove a failure. In any case the Spaniards 
maintained that her sincerity should be shown by the 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 129, iv. 294, 316, 348, v. 206. 


withdrawal of her troops from the Portuguese army. 
Penaranda was especially insistent on " the incon- 
gruity of a Mediator fighting against one of the partyes ; 
at the same instant when he is mediatinge." The Junta 
offered anew three expedients : first, a confirmation of 
the treaty of 1630; secondly, a secret article whereby 
the King of England would " undertake for Portugall 
or desert them," and lastly, the sending an express to 
England for the King's approval of their suggestions. 
Sandwich dealt fully with their plans ; as for the King's 
assisting Portugal, he pointed to the Swiss mercenaries 
in both the French and Spanish armies. He waved 
aside all conditional treating, and the waste of time 
that fresh embassies would cause. 1 Nothing was 
settled, and he went about his work with increased 
caution. 2 Medina suggested that Sandwich should 
consult the Queen directly, but lest blame should fall 
on him for " misleading her judgement," he declined 
this expedient, especially as it would certainly have 
involved him in the distrust of a section of the 
Ministers. 3 

He could afford silence, for he was well aware of 
a cleavage in the Spanish counsels. The Queen and 
her confessor, together with the Emperor's Ambas- 
sador, made up a small cabal. Concerned for the 
integrity of the Habsburg dominions, they possessed 
perhaps a wider outlook on politics than the purely 
Spanish Ministers, and hoped to stir these from their 
lethargy. They distrusted France, knowing as they 
did that she was prepared to swoop down upon 
Flanders, tear up the marriage settlement, and diminish 
the family territory of the Habsburgs. Sandwich saw 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 510-518. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 39. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 522. 

i66 7 ] SIGNS OF PROMISE 93 

that the partition was near at hand, and waited for the 
Queen's party to bring the danger home to Spain. 
They were active in an attempt to do so. The Emperor's 
Ambassador, Franz Eusebius von Poetting, visited 
Sandwich with suggestions which Habsburg policy 
inspired, and which Nithard had framed. The latter 
ceased his opposition to an Anglo-Spanish league, and 
only desired that England should deny her help to 
Portugal in return for commercial advantage. 1 Sand- 
wich gave no pledge, nor wavered in his demands ; for 
he felt that when he was courted by the Queen's party 
a settlement could not long be deferred. 

These signs of promise were coincident with much 
that was tedious. Godolphin was kept going to and 
fro, interviewing now Nithard, now Medina. At length 
the Spanish Council addressed themselves to a review 
of the whole affair. On February 21 they held an 
important meeting. 2 The business was then discussed. 
Of this Council the Archbishop of Embrun and Lord 
Sandwich give very different impressions. The former 
describes the Council as divided, and states that the 
idea of any further negotiation with England was 
defeated by two voices to one. A treaty with us was 
said to be impossible, as we were bound to Portugal ; 
and English mediation was not of sufficient weight to 
end the war. An Anglo-Spanish league was opposed 
by the peace party, as likely to involve Spain in dis- 
agreement with her neighbour. 3 But the real com- 
plexion of the Council was very different, and Sandwich 
was quickly advised of this. The meeting lasted from 
four in the afternoon till two the following morning. 
The Council debated "upon some very great affairs 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 536-552. 

2 The date given in Mignet is March 6 (i.e., February 24 O.S.). See also 
Poetting, Privatbriefe, March 6, 1667. 

3 D' Embrun to Louis XIV. (quoted by Mignet, i. 518). 


judged to be my negotiation," writes Sandwich ; 
11 quickened thereunto by newes from France of the 
greate preparations there and designs." 1 

Report made out that the factions were irrecon- 
cilable and the counsels varied, but the immediate 
result was satisfactory enough. The next day Medina 
sent a message to His Excellency, " pressinge me 
earnestly to find out some expedient in our affair that 
we may speedily conclude, and that in a way of love 
and amicableness." Sandwich only waited for assur- 
ance that the Junta " had concluded in favour of his 
business," and then made an appointment with Medina. 
Though their conversation circled round forms and 
details, Sandwich felt the strength of his position, and 
kept himself, as he said, " close in discourse ... to 
make them the seekers of mee, apprehendinge that to 
be more graceful for mee : havinge heard by all hands 
that they had resolved in favour of my negotiation and 
were pushed forward by their owne interest." 2 

Thus there was no need to press matters. Arlington 
likewise counselled hesitation ; peace was possible 
between England and Holland, and protraction was 
desirable until the upshot of the negotiations became 
apparent. 3 So Sandwich met dalliance with delay, 
and paid the Spaniard in his own coin. He was 
summoned to a Junta with much officiousness on 
Medina's part. When in his coach, bound for the 
palace, he was turned back, and given for excuse the 
Confessor's indisposition. He repaid them in their 
own coin. Summoned to a Junta two days later, 
he sent a message to the effect that he " had taken 
Physicke and could not goe." 4 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 588. 

2 Ibid., iii. 591. 3 Arlington, Letters, ii. 219. 
4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 664. 

i66 7 ] FRANCE ACTIVE 95 

Following these pleasantries the negotiations 
slackened down, while Spain scanned the horizon. 
The survey was sufficient to cause her disquiet. The 
Archbishop of Embrun was alarmed lest the signs 
and portents should cause a rupture between the two 
nations, and Louis advised him to dally a while 
longer. Small affairs roused Spanish suspicion. 
Their dispatches were opened at Bayonne, and even 
an incident as ordinary as this sufficed to get Sand- 
wich a better hearing. 1 Some, he writes, " talke hotly 
of a breach beginninge with France ; and grow jealous 
of the greate numbers of French that inhabite in this 
town and many parts of Spain." Yet most Spaniards 
were blind to the threatened danger. From the 
Marquess of Baides Sandwich learned that the Council 
of February 26 had been faced by a French demand for 
Brabant, 2 but the Marquess chose to regard this as 
a move against England. It was, he said, on a par 
with the rumour of war preparations in France, and 
only aimed at an Anglo-Spanish league. Neither did 
the Marquess of Caracena allow Sandwich to think that 
the preparations boded ill. 3 Campaigns were annually 
threatened. Why should the French drive Spain into 
the arms of England ? Muledi also tried to persuade 
the Ambassador that the designs of France were in 
reality directed against us. 

" The warr with Holland," he said, " was at first 
encouraged and scince fomented by the French, out of 
a designe to dispute the Dominion of the Sea with 
England, and that France was soe bent upon it that 
they would never suffer the warr to cease between 
any of them (if they could helpe it) untill they had 
gamed some bounds in the sea from the English, or 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 574- 

2 Ibid., iii. 594. 

3 Ibid. , iii. 608 et seq. 


some declaration of sharinge the dominion thereof. 
And that hereupon they secured themselves that 
France would not make warr with them." l 

Sandwich ignored all such explanations, whether 
evolved in ignorance or initiated by craft. He was 
well posted in the news from Flanders. Either to him 
or to Godolphin, Sir William Temple wrote numerous 
letters. Moreover Arlington instructed him to use 
caution, and to keep the treaty of commerce and the 
truce with Portugal strictly divided ; though as to the 
assistance of enemies, a secret article might be allowed. 2 
At a lengthy meeting held on March 18, every side of 
the negotiation was again discussed, and arrangements 
were made for an agreement to be drafted. 3 The 
work only needed outside impulse, and this came in 
due course. The goad which quickened the Spaniard's 
paces was the long-threatened league between France 
and Portugal. 

The news of such a treaty arrived as a rumour, but 
was quickly confirmed. The agreement was a great 
step in the diplomatic isolation of Spain. The negotia- 
tion had been entrusted by Louis XIV. to Melchior de 
Harod de Senevas, Marquis de St. Romain. 4 He was 
one of the best diplomatists of the century, a man of 
extensive experience. He was furnished with the 
most complete instructions, and was empowered to 
offer Portugal money for her war. He was told to 
create a breach between France and Spain if the 
latter should accept the terms offered by Sandwich. 
His work was not free from difficulties. The money 
he offered was insufficient, and he could not prevail 
upon Portugal to abstain from negotiations with her 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 732. 

2 Ibid., iii. 755. 3 Ibid., iii. 670-680. 
4 Recueil des Instructions : Portugal, pp. 88 et seq. 


neighbour. Above all, he had to obtain a league before 
the French rupture with Spain, lest Portugal should 
allow peace to come by a natural process, for war 
between France and Spain would undoubtedly bring it 
about. 1 So ill did his work appear to prosper that 
within a week of the treaty Southwell wrote to Sand- 
wich : " There is not to this day any one proposition 
of the said treaty yet laid, and the time is apparently 
spun out in beliefe that they need not much apprehend 
Spaine in this next Campania, to the great mortifica- 
tion of Monsieur St. Romain." 2 

At the moment when Southwell wrote, a vessel 
from France brought new instructions for their 
Ambassador. He need not fail in landing his fish for 
want of a choicer fly. The country which had Colbert 
at the head of her finances was rarely stinted for 
money, and St. Romain was empowered to enlarge 
his offers. Money was Portugal's greatest need. As 
the spring approached, her fancy turned towards 
renewal of the campaign. The Queen, a daughter of 
France, threw her influence on St. Romain's side. 
The negotiations took on an appearance of haste, and 
for six days the Commissioners met continually. The 
news of their conferences roused Southwell to vigorous 
protest ; he petitioned the Council in person, the King 
in writing. 3 He demanded a clause by which Portugal 
should receive peace whenever it was offered, but 
his clamour fell on deaf ears. An offensive and de- 
fensive league was signed on March 21, and French 
money and ships were placed at Portugal's disposal. 
The treaty was a virtual declaration of war with 

1 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 537. 

2 Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 723 : Southwell to Sandwich, March 14. 

3 Mignet, Negotiations, i. 541 : Southwell to Sandwich ; Sandwich MSS. 
Journal, iii. 758 et seqq. 

VOL. II. 7 


Spain. 1 The articles of the treaty were few, and 
only one affected the English negotiations. This was 
the seventh article, which forbade either France or 
Portugal to make any peace or truce within the next 
ten years without the other's express consent. 2 

The provisions of the treaty were at once announced 
to Southwell, and he sent the news to Madrid. 3 Spain 
found her strongest enemies firmly leagued. She did 
her best to assure Sandwich of the falsity of the news, 
and Medina flatly denied it. 4 Sandwich was unruffled, 
for the news made him hopeful. So far the treaty 
between Spain and Portugal had been thwarted by 
obstinacy, but now there came a chance that Spain 
might concede the title, and treat de Rey al Rey. The 
league, too, made an alliance with England doubly 
valuable, and circumstances drove the Spaniards into 
her arms. Sandwich had rightly made them " seekers." 
Henceforward his business prospered. The com- 
mercial treaty was kept clear of the Portuguese affair. 
On April 19 Sandwich presented to the Junta the frame 
of a secret article concerning the assistance of enemies. 5 
At the same time the commercial treaty was made 
ready for signature, the transcription was hastened, 
and was completed in ten days. 6 The translation into 

1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 515. 

2 The treaty is printed in Dumont, Corps diplomatique. 

3 His letters are copied into the Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 758, 827, 847. 
* Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 766. 

5 Ibid., iii. 776-787. "I proposed to the Lords to change the appella- 
tion of Truce for Portugal and not call them secrett Articles. And 
also to divide them totally from the Treaty of Commerce, and not number 
them forward in consecution of the others as they were in my Lord Fanshaw's 
and as they stand now in my Project. To which they assented and said, 
Havinge satisfaction in that Secrett Article (which was the originall difficulty 
for which the Truce with Portugall was excogitated by the Duke and Sir R. F. 
as a remedie) it was of noe importance how the truce was disposed, and that 
I might putt the Treaty in 2 or 3 or 4 parts if I would." 

6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 818. 


Latin was prepared by Godolphin, and on May i 
Sandwich met the Commissioners, " and adjusted every 
point in difference, and every word of the treaty, Truce 
and Secrett Article, and gave direction for the writinge 
6 faire Coppies ... 3 for each party, one of them to 
send into England, one other for the Court of Spaine, 
and one other to interchange betweene mee and the 
Commissioners." * That night he wrote and informed 
Arlington that the first part of his work was done. 2 

Such a treaty had long been needed. During the 
war of 1656 between Spain and the Commonwealth, 
commercial relations had been broken off, and were 
only resumed in a haphazard manner, and at great risk. 
To British commerce this was a real disaster, for the 
trade done with Spain was of remarkable dimen- 
sions, and highly esteemed by the protectionists of the 
time. They found that we exported more than we 
imported, and obtained a balance in gold and silver, 
the bullion with which we carried on our East Indian 
trade. In addition, Spain sent us raw material. In 
return for our woollen goods, our fish, lead, tin, butter, 
and leather, we imported iron, oil, wool, salt, gold and 
silver. This was a commerce too profitable to disturb 
by continued warfare. The merchants had petitioned 
Cromwell for peace with Spain, for three parts of our 
fish were sold in Spanish dominions. The gravity of 
disturbing this trade lay in the fact that our fishing- 
smacks were looked upon as training vessels for the 
navy, and it was our policy to encourage the trade by 
every possible device, even to an extra fast -day in 
each week of the year. 3 Such a policy augmented 
ships and mariners, " the walls and bulwarks of this 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, iii. 840. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 138. 

3 Latimer, Annals of Bristol, p. 305. 


island," built up a naval reserve, and was held to in- 
crease employment for the poor of the realm. 1 Ten 
years of uncertainty and loss had emphasized the need 
for a commercial readjustment, and this made the 
treaty of Madrid a work of real importance. 

When, after the Stewart Restoration, affairs settled 
down, the grievances of our merchants were duly 
set out, and sent to the Council for consideration. 2 
Unfortunately the petition is undated and unendorsed. 
The merchants claimed that at least a million sterling 
of our money was invested in Spain, exclusive of 
shipping interests ; whereas the Spaniards in England 
risked an infinitely smaller sum, so that reprisals fell 
more heavily upon us. Various exactions had cost 
our people a million and a half sterling. The ship- 
ping industry suffered unduly. If war broke out, 
no notice was given before the English vessels were 
seized. If stress of weather sent a boat into Spanish 
harbours, she was laid open to plunder. The judges 
of contraband were " troublesomely nice and dilatory 
in visiting our ships, causing heavy charges," and 
the Inquisition examined bales, trunks, and fardels, 
"under pretence of seeking after hereticall books or 
pictures." Spanish justices " stinted the prices " of 
such wares as corn and fish, or hindered the sale until 
the cargo was spoiled. A question especially urgent 
was that of re-export, a privilege of the greatest con- 
cern to the English carrying trade. Huge fines had 
been levied on re-exportation, and old laws were dis- 
interred for its prevention. Admittedly, the law had 
been reasonable in time of scarcity, but when plenty 
reigned it was purely an exaction. In cases of in- 

1 Thurloe, State Papers, iv. 135-137. 

2 S. P. , For. : Spain, Treaty Papers, 66, f. 99. The petition was probably 
presented to the Council of Trade soon after the Restoration. By internal 
evidence it was presented between 1660 and 1664. 


testacy the Court of the Cruzada meddled, "and 
outed many men of their just rights, for this Court 
seldom or never parts with anything of what once 
they get into possession." Litigation was always 
costly, but rarely fruitful, and the advocates were 
liable to intimidation. Religious oppression formed a 
flaming grievance. Graves were desecrated, and at 
times the corpse was disinterred "in a very bar- 
barous manner." Such were the most vivid com- 
plaints, and they were all mitigated by the Treaty of 

The treaty consists of forty articles relating to 
commerce. A firm peace was assured between the 
subjects of England and Spain, and proper provision 
made for its establishment ; all letters of marque and 
reprisal were suspended. Uniform tolls were to be 
settled, and customary dues published and posted. 
The right of search was regulated, and undue exac- 
tions were prevented. If a few prohibited goods were 
found, the whole cargo was not forfeit. Contraband 
was defined, and did not include wheat, nor "what- 
soever belongs to the sustaining and nourishing of 
life." Eight warships at a time were free to careen, 
and a storm-bound vessel was permitted to put out 
from harbour without being subjected to the customs. 
Many outstanding matters were settled, such as the 
provision of decent burial-places for the English 
colony, security for their heirs, and a certain amount 
of freedom for their religion. All English merchants 
were accorded the privileges formerly reserved for 
those in Andalusia. On payment of the lawful 
customs, freedom of trade was granted in all kinds of 
merchandise, "saving to either side the laws and 
ordinances of their country." The East India Com- 
pany were allowed to vend their goods in Spanish 


dominions, as freely as were their Dutch rivals, and 
our wool trade with Flanders was resumed. 1 

The advantages of the treaty were considerable, and 
sufficient to merit its favourable reception. Sandwich 
himself wrote : " The success in relation to our com- 
merce is as good as my understanding can enable me 
to wish it." 2 Of chief importance were the provisions 
which helped us in our rivalry with the Dutch. We 
appreciated the value of a carrying trade, and knew 
Spain as a profitable customer. " The Spaniards are 
a stately people," says one of our earlier economists, 
" not much given to trade." 3 The huge galleons which 
landed colonial products at Cadiz saw their mer- 
chandise distributed round the coast of Europe in 
Dutch bottoms. The English coveted a share of this 
trade, and Sandwich obtained it. By the new treaty, 
goods imported into Spain by English merchants, as 
long as they had paid the proper customs, could be 
re-exported without any further extortion of customs 
dues. Our merchants were thus enabled to seek out 
the best markets, whether in Spain or abroad, and 
they were defended from exactions. The privilege 
enabled us to use the Spanish ports as an entrepot, and 
to build up a carrying trade with the Mediterranean 
and the Levant. The clause was new, and proved of 
inestimable service. It struck a more severe blow at 
the Dutch carrying trade than the Act of 1651 had 
done, and tended to the revival of English commerce 
from its long depression. 4 Coupled with another 

1 The treaty of 1667 has been frequently printed, and formed the basis for ail 
subsequent commercial relations with Spain. See Gaston de Bernhardt, Hand- 
book of Treaties (London, 1908) ; G. Chalmers, Treaties, vol. ii. (London, 1790). 

2 Clarendon MSS., 85, f. 275. The letter is printed in Lister, Life 
Clarendon, iii. 465. 

3 Gary, An Essay on Trade (1695), p. 115. 

* Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, ii. 197 (edition 
of 1904). 

iG67] OUR MARKETS 103 

clause, it placed our trade upon a secure looting. The 
latter article gave us a most-favoured-nation treat- 
ment, decreeing that in all places whatsoever the 
same privileges shall be granted to England as to the 
Dutch, the Hansa towns, or any other kingdom or 
state. 1 

That the clause was of real service is proved by the 
Ambassador's papers. A year after the treaty was 
signed, the East India Company congratulated Sand- 
wich on his work, and affirmed that the certificates 
given by them for their East India commodities were 
enabled to pass with freedom in the Spanish ports. 
Owing to his assistance, they found themselves on 
equal terms with the Dutch. They asked him to 
obtain further concessions, and he obtained for them 
liberty to take in victuals and water at the Philippines, 
and thus gave them a halfway house for their Far 
Eastern trade. 2 

The carrying trade was not of less importance than 
the woollen trade. To enable this to thrive, good 
relations with Spain were most desirable. The finest 
wool came thence as a raw material, and was worked 
up at home for re - exportation to Spain, and for 
exportation to France, Holland, and Germany. When 
finished, our cloth was of acknowledged superiority to 
all others. Uncertain commercial relations weakened 
our sources of supply and disabled our markets. 
During the Cromwellian wars Spain began to make 
her own baize, though it was doubtful if she could 
compete with the English in time of peace. 3 She now 
showed signs of developing these manufactures by 
adventitious aid. Three thousand workmen had been 
sent into Spain from Flanders, to begin working up 

1 Article xxxviii. 2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 104, 108, 147. 

3 Thurloe, State Papers, iv. 135, etc. 



[CHAP, xi 

the wool. They were able to undersell the English, 
seeing that they paid neither customs nor excise. 
Even while Sandwich was in Spain, the Venetians 
were threatening competition. 1 They had addressed 
themselves to the manufacture of a finer cloth, and 
were negotiating for the purchase of the finest kinds 
of wool. They were rivals who could not be ignored. 
More formidable competitors were the merchant 
clothiers from Holland and from Hamburg. The raw 
material was sold to them, and they were enabled 
to engross the manufacture of cloth for the Central 
European market. The business had been in the 
hands of our Merchant Adventurers, but the uncer- 
tainties of warfare with Spain and Holland had 
crippled the Hamburg traffic, and denuded our mer- 
chants of their convoys. Our rivals, on the other 
hand, had developed their cloth manufacture and 
penetrated one of our richest markets. 

The English determined to re-establish the wool 
trade and set it upon a securer base. To this end the 
Council suggested a monopoly of Spanish wool, and 
instructed Sandwich to obtain the sole merchandise in 
return for a monopoly of our tin. Such an offer shows 
how greatly they prized the grant : tin was a most 
saleable product, desired in every European country, 
and one of the only possible exports to the East Indies. 
Sandwich deputed Godolphin to investigate the question, 
but his report was unfavourable. 2 The stock of wool 
was too large and too costly for us to take the risk of 
keeping it on hand. From an output of some 40,000 bags, 
our need was under 10,000, and the surplus was greater 
than we could by any means use. The disposal of the 

1 A Secret Collection, p. 109 (A Discourse by Sir W. Godolphin touching 
the Wools in Spain}. 

2 A Secret Collection, p. 106. 

i66 7 J THE WOOL TRADE 105 

stock would have been our affair, and very uncertain. 
So Sandwich abandoned the idea of a monopoly, and 
was content with a clause which re-opened our trade 
with Flanders. 1 There much of our wool was dyed 
and finished. Ten years of warfare had disorganized 
the trade, and the market had to be regained. The 
provision which Sandwich obtained in the Treaty of 
Madrid was of the greatest value both as regards an 
important article of commerce and its shipment, and 
was the first step in the revival of a staple trade. 

The assistance thus afforded to two great industries 
serves to mark off the treaty signed by Sandwich from 
that proposed by his predecessor. Other points of 
difference will bear examination. Fanshaw omitted 
a clause to ward off molestation on account of religion. 
In Spain a system of religious espionage was made an 
excuse for commercial inquisition. 2 The merchants 
had appealed for redress, and they now received 
privileges which Cromwell had been unable to exact. 3 
Again, Fanshaw had neglected to secure the goods of 
merchants who died intestate. The importance of 
such a provision was rendered greater because of a 
condition of the times. The merchant firms were fre- 
quently composed of brothers, and family interests 
were at stake in a question of intestacy. Such firms 
were the Houblons and the Hills, friends of Samuel 
Pepys, of whom one or another drove the trade in 
various countries, and proper provision in case of 
death was a necessity. The omissions which affected 
them were rectified by Sandwich. 4 He also obtained 
permission for warships to careen, and settled a 
grievance which was emphasized in the merchants' 
petition : the right to six months' grace upon the out- 

1 Article xx. 2 S. P. , For. : Spain, Treaty Papers, 66, f. 99. 

3 Article xxviii. 4 Articles xxxiii., xxxiv. 


break of war. 1 All these provisions had been suggested 
by Fanshaw, but he had omitted them from his treaty. 2 
One year he sent home a draft which threw out high 
hopes and formed a worthy basis for procedure, and 
the next year he sent home a treaty which fell far 
short of his own demands and desires. 

It is true that Fanshaw's omissions might have been 
rectified by the article which provided for an extension 
of the treaty ; 3 but they had been offered by him, and 
rejected. Why should he expect their restoration ? 
More than that, Fanshaw lingered on the treaty of 
1630, a treaty which Clarendon had instructed him to 
ignore, 4 and which Sandwich avoided. Its continuance 
would have denied our rights to Jamaica, and the 
Government of Charles II. was determined in pre- 
serving the conquests of Cromwell ; there should be no 
loophole for ambiguity. In addition to actual omis- 
sions in the treaty, Fanshaw irritated the Council by 
his hasty signature. He signed in Spanish, and defined 
the time in which Charles should ratify. His want of 
prudence was his undoing ; the merits of his work 
were overlooked. As his treaty never became law, the 
merchants had no chance of judging whether it could 
be worked in a satisfactory manner. But Fanshaw did 
not understand trade questions, nor was he interested 
in them. On the other hand, Lord Sandwich had 
experience of such matters. Under successive dynas- 
ties he had been a member of the Council for Trade, a 
Commissioner of the Treasury, and a Councillor of 
State. He had the practical knowledge of administra- 
tion which Fanshaw lacked, and was well acquainted 
with those commercial questions which were of inter- 

1 Article xxxvi. 

2 Lady Fanshaw, Memoirs, Appendix, p. 247, 

3 Fanshaw's treaty, Article xxxi. 4 Fanshaw, Letters, p. 213. 

i66 7 ] THE TREATY SIGNED 107 

national importance. He was careful to avoid offence, 
and to supplement his own steps with advice from 
home. His treaty was in Latin, and its signature in 
proper form, which helped it to a due meed of praise 
and consideration. 1 

The signature is simply detailed by Sandwich in his 
journal : 

"May 13. At 6 in the afternoon we had a Junto at 
the Palace and signed enterchangeably the treaty es of 
Commerce, and that of Portugall and the Secrett 
Article. All in the Latin Tounge." 

" May 14. 1 had an audience of the Queen at 5 o'clock 
in the Afternoone to give her Majesty the Para Bien 
of the conclusion of the peace. The Kinge beinge 
newly recovered of the measills did not as yet permitt 
any visites." 2 

The treaty was dispatched immediately, and on a 
hazardous journey. One copy was sent by a vessel 
41 which had the ill fortune at the entry to the English 
channel to be boarded by a French man of war, where- 
upon the messenger flung the packet overboard." 3 
Another packet, " made up in Seare cloth and corded," 
was dispatched from Cadiz, but apparently never 
reached England. 4 In the end Sandwich sent the 
treaty from Corunna to Kinsale, and then on to Milford 
Haven, by a " trusty and ingenious " messenger, Henry 
Sheres. He arrived in September, and on the 9th the 
treaty was read in Council, with " universal applause 
and approbation," and every sign of favour. 5 It was 

1 Some of the merchants were willing to see Fanshaw's treaty ratified early 
in 1666, most probably because they were anxious to resume trade, and did 
not wish any further delay. "Lord Sandwich and Mr. Godolphin for the 
Honour of their owne negotiation press hard to make voyd the old and insist 
on the new" (Carte MSS., 215, f. 250). 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iii. 890. 

3 Carte MSS., 35, f. 562 : Sandwich to Ormond. 

4 S. P., For. : Spain, 52, f. 327. 5 Arlington, Letters, ii. 235. 


looked upon as " very advantageous . . . for us ; many 
things graunted for our merchants that were not so 
much as asked before." 1 And Pepys said : 

" The peace made with Spain is now printed here, 
and is acknowledged by all the merchants to be the 
best peace that England ever had with them. . . . 
This I am mighty glad of, and is the first or only piece 
of good news, or thing fit to be owned, that this nation 
hath done several years." 2 

The treaty was speedily ratified, and Sheres left 
England on October 15, arriving in Madrid early in 
November. 3 There the work was equally welcome, 
and Muledi wrote to Ormond, "The treaty between 
the two monarchies ... is considered as an infallible 
omen of lasting happiness," and added that no public 
concernment of this nature had he ever heard more 
applauded. Sandwich and Godolphin, by their prudent 
and solid comportment, had gained the honourable 
style of great Ministers. 4 The treaty arrived in two 
parchment books with silk and silver strings, and the 
Great Seals of England placed in silver boxes, graven 
with the royal arms. It was printed in Spanish, and 
on November 30 it was publicly celebrated, with all 
manner of festivities, bonfires, illuminations, and 
dancings. 5 

1 Carte MSS., 215, f. 382 : Clifford to Ormond. 

2 Pepys's Diary, September 27. The King expressed his great satisfaction 
by a message sent through Arlington (Carte MSS., 75, f. 540). 

3 Arlington, Letters, ii. 262. 

4 Carte MSS., 35, f. 584. 

5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 524 ; S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, 
ff. 138, 153- 



"Although Fortune is fickle, she smiles on work." 

Spanish Proverb. 

The signature of the commercial treaty was hastened 
by outside pressure, since the negotiations became 
more and more closely involved in the question of the 
Spanish Succession. By the marriage contract of 
Louis XIV., his wife had renounced her claim to any 
portion of the dominions of the Spanish Crown. Yet 
on the death of his father-in-law, Philip IV., Louis had 
torn the contract in pieces. He put forward Maria 
Theresa's claim to the province of Brabant, and 
determined to add this to the French dominions in 
virtue of his wife. The Spanish lawyers appealed 
to the clause of renunciation, but this had been con- 
ditional on Maria Theresa's dowry being fully paid. 
Spain had not paid the dowry, and Louis and his 
Ministers did not wish that it should be forthcoming. 1 

The great stroke of the French lawyers was the 
use of the law of devolution. By this law, which 
was purely local, land in Brabant passed to the 
eldest child, male or female, of a first marriage. Had 
it been the question of a farm or a few houses, the 
inheritance would have assumed less importance ; 
but customary law was used to effect the balance of 
power, to transfer a whole province from one Crown to 
another, and to enlarge the boundaries of France. For 
three years the jurists had debated the question ; but 
while Spain discussed legal niceties, Louis prepared 
to enforce his claim by occupation. He signed a 
secret treaty with the King of England. He kept his 
Ambassador partially in the dark, and took every 

1 Legrelle, La Diplomatic Fran$aise et la Succession cPEspagne, i. 25, 30, 63. 


precaution to hush the Spaniard. The state of war 
which Europe had foreseen found Spain unready. 
Her ministers continued so blind to the French inten- 
tions that Temple wrote : " I know no way for them 
but to go to the Hotel des Incurables." 1 

Their awakening was rude. Louis massed his 
troops upon the frontier of the Netherlands. In May 
he began operations, and town after town fell into 
French hands. The demands which he formulated 
were sent to the Archbishop of Embrun, and were 
presented to the Queen of Spain on May ?. 2 The 
immediate effect of this ultimatum was the signature 
of the Anglo-Spanish treaty of commerce, followed by 
the rupture of diplomatic relations between France 
and Spain. This was of the deepest interest to Sand- 
wich, and placed him in a most favourable position. 
His greatest rival was withdrawn, for d'Embrun left 
Madrid on July 27, amid the execration of the Spaniards, 
and in danger of outrage. 3 The path was thus clear 
for further work, and Sandwich addressed himself 
to the consideration of an offensive and defensive 

For this he demanded a price : not only commercial 
good faith, but advantages which his treaty left un- 
touched ; he showed a real knowledge of mercantile 
privileges, and presented questions in their first stage, 
which required many decades for their solution. The 
journals contain ample evidence of the interest which 
he took in his country's commerce. He collected 
statistics on the Spanish wool trade, and made sugges- 
tions for a possible monopoly of Campeachy logwood. 4 

1 Carte MSS., 35, f. 392. 

2 Sandwich MS S. Journal, Hi. 878, 882, iv. 32. 

3 Ibid., iv. 309, 316. 

4 A Secret Collection, pp. 93-105. This is the Ambassador's summary of 
his opinions. See also Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 88. 


For this the Dutch were said to have bidden a million 
and a half of money. 1 Above all Sandwich aimed 
at further concessions in the West Indies. The 
Spanish Main was a theatre of adventure and romance, 
and the Spanish possessions still had the glamour 
of untold riches. The English Ambassador looked 
with envy on the richly-laden galleons; eight royal 
ships were in constant service to the Indies, and four 
or five licensed vessels went in their company ; their 
departure was marked by religious ceremonial, their 
return was a national event. However ill-distributed 
the wealth, there was no doubt of its magnitude. It 
roused in Sandwich just that curiosity and covetous- 
ness which had given excitement to the Elizabethan 
seamen. For months he sought concessions, but as hotly 
as he demanded entry, so did the patriotic Spaniard 
stoutly resist him as " a thing which could never 
be granted, and . . . the same to them as to lose the 
Indies." a But in this matter Sandwich was persistent. 
During the six months which covered the negotiations 
for an Anglo-Spanish league he urged concessions in 
the Indies, first to Medina, and later to Don Juan, who 
became a friend of the Ambassador. 3 

Don Juan was a natural son of Philip IV., and, 
as he was an active and fairly popular man, intrigue 
dogged his footsteps. The Queen feared his influence, 
and made him unwelcome at Madrid, but when Sand- 
wich knew him, he was in temporary favour, and was 
housed in the Buen Retiro. There the Ambassador 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 50. 

2 Ibid., vi. 50. 

3 Sandwich was at the same time anxious that we should keep faith with 
the Spaniards, and urged Clarendon "to suppress the piracies and depre- 
dations the English have exercised upon them in the Indies and elsewhere " 
(Clarendon MSS., 85, f. 275). See also his letter in A Secret Collection, 
P- IS- 


paid his court, and spent a musical afternoon, in order 
to hear Don Juan play. 

"When I came in," Sandwich writes, "he would 
needs have mee play my part also, soe his Highness 
playd upon a treble violl with seven strings (the 
smallest whereoff is an addition of his owne to play 
lessons that rise much in alto, without the difficulty 
and uncertainty of stopping with one's fingers very 
low on the finger board and beneath all the fretts) and 
another upper bridge (some two inches on the finger 
board beneath the usuall one that soe the smallest 
string might hold the better). Don Juan tells me also 
that an Italian in towne plays on the violin with five 
strings for the same reason. 

" I played at first on the Bass violl. The first 
musique wee played was the ist and 2nd suite of 
Mr. W. Lawes his Royall Consort. The next were 
short light ayres composed in Flanders. The last was 
a composition of two trebles and a Bass, by Mr. 
Gregoryes, when his Highnesse played on the Base 
violl, and I on the treble violin. 

" His Highnesse plays a sure part of the Treble and 
base violl, theorbo, and Harpsicall from a ground. He 
plays (and will have others doe soe too) very soft ; 
loves light ayres best, and goes still forward on, never 
playes the same thinge twice." 1 

It was to Don Juan that Sandwich put forward the 
concessions which England would require, before 
entering upon an offensive and defensive league. 2 That 
he did not urge : " I shall keep myself passive," he 
wrote. 3 He was full of schemes, which he had evolved 
during a long residence in Madrid, and which tended 
materially to our advantage. 4 He desired a consider- 
able subsidy in exchange for the help of our ships. In 
the case of war with France, some loss of commerce was 
expected. This Sandwich proposed to balance by an 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 262. 

2 S. P., For. : Spain, 53, f. 53 : Sandwich to Arlington. 

3 Clarendon MSS., 85, f. 275. 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 184-198. 



assiento ; he suggested that Spain should give us 
liberty to send one ship yearly to the Philippines, 
three vessels to Buenos Ayres, two with the galleons, 
and two to New Spain, there to enjoy freedom of com- 
merce. 1 He also asked security for any conquests 
made in America or Africa, and the acknowledgment 
of lawful right and possession, if made from the 
enemies of Spain. And if Spain made new conquests, 
the English there were to have a grant of equal privi- 
leges. Little wonder that Don Juan thought the con- 
cessions too great : that the ships would yield immense 
profits, and destroy Spain's West Indian trade. 2 But 
Sandwich insisted that his propositions were not 
extravagant, that England must have some compensa- 
tion for losing the French trade, and that Spanish 
commerce frequently suffered from want of merchants. 
He purposely undervalued the trade of Buenos Ayres, 
in secret thinking it a most valuable privilege. 3 
The time was not ripe for such an intervention in 
Spanish preserves, and Sandwich pressed in vain for 
the privileges which England afterwards obtained. 
His demands appeared at the time so exacting that one 
of the grandees said, " If a man were to have his cloak 
taken, it was not much matter whether it was his friend 
or his enemy that took it." 

Extravagant as seemed the concessions which Sand- 
wich asked, a league would have been of very real use 
to Spain. Some of the Spaniards hoped to see an 
English fleet riding outside Lisbon, and the troops 
under Schomberg turned against the Portuguese. 

1 A Secret Collection, pp. 98-101. 

2 See Georges Scelles, La Traitt Negriere aux hides de Castille, i. 524-529. 
M. Scelles treats the commercial difficulties very fully. 

3 An account of this conversation is in the Lansdowne MSS. , at Lansdowne 
House (Ixxv. 231). The writer is indebted to the Marquess of Lansdowne for 
permission to see the volume. 




Spain could then concentrate her whole attention upon 
Flanders and the war of devolution. 1 The more san- 
guine of the Spaniards dreamed of a triple alliance 
which would include Portugal, detach her from France, 
and throw the Portuguese troops into Flanders. 2 While 
a league was under discussion, Spain outlined her 
demands. The chief of these was for the assistance of 
our navy. The Spaniards hoped that twenty good 
ships would be available for their use, and desired that 
England should declare an open and aggressive war 
on France. To subsidize our ships, they suggested a 
loan of 100,000. 3 Sandwich was ready to respond to 
"invitations and benefits," and regarded it possible 
that English interests might be served by such a war, 4 
but he awaited commercial concessions, in addition to 
the subsidy. The negotiations dallied, for neither 
side was fully in earnest. The secret agreements of 
Louis XIV. and Charles II. influenced the instruc- 
tions sent to the Ambassador. 6 From home came 
advice to temporize, and the coming of peace in Europe 
rendered a league less urgent. The negotiations 
gradually dwindled into discussions over liberty of 
commerce, the abolition of unnecessary quarantine, 
and the better security of our merchants. 8 And a 
league was difficult to frame owing to innate Spanish 
pride. The danger of a refusal was more than Spanish 
dignity could brook; their diplomatists were unwill- 
ing to make the first propositions, " as a thinge that 
would disgust the ministers of this Court." 7 

The pride which hampered the propositions for a 
league hampered the more essential question of a 
peace with Portugal. " The great objection was that 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 31. 2 Ibid., iv. 92. 

3 Ibid., iv. 43. * Ibid., vi. 184 et seq. 

5 The secret treaty was signed in 1667. 

6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 98, 376. 7 Ibid., iv. 48. 


Spayn should not have the dishonour to offer Condi- 
tions before they knew whether Portugal would accept 
or noe." 1 Thus many months were occupied in ten- 
tative discussions, and more than a volume of the 
Ambassador's journal contains little of moment. In 
England bribery was at work in acquiring sympathy 
for Spain. 2 The one thing needful was some sort of 
concession to Portugal. This was admitted by the 
Inquisitor-General, 3 but the proposals of one Minister 
were immediately traversed by the next. Continued 
factions divided the Council ; to humour one grandee 
was but to offend another. Each in turn wanted the 
credit for any chance results : first it was Nithard who 
called Sandwich to a secret consultation ; then Medina; 
then Penaranda. When the Ambassador had seen 
Nithard, a secret message would come from the Duke, 
counselling him to " use juntoes," and not to make 
others jealous by " too much application to the Inqui- 
sidor Generall," with a warning, says Sandwich, " not 
to discourse unto the Inquisidor anythinge of that that 
had passed betweene mee and the Duke in the last 
visite he gave mee." 4 Then Don Juan of Austria 
regarded any concessions as a certain loss of reputa- 
tion, and wished Sandwich to communicate privately 
with Portugal. 6 Like the rest of the Spaniards, he 
rejected any undue haste, and was typical of Spain 
and its delays. 

Amid such discussions Sandwich turned neither to 
the right nor left. He feared lest any promise on his 
part should be taken as favouring the Spaniards and 
neglecting the Portuguese. His speech bore what the 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 1 34. 

2 Ibid., iv. 92. The name of the receiver of these bribes is carefully 
omitted. Only a line is put, indicating that Sandwich knew the name. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 98. 

4 Ibid., iv. 120. 5 Ibid., iv. 208. 


Spaniards called an appearance of dryness. 1 He was 
patient, stolid, and impassioned, and refused to be any- 
thing but an impartial mediator. All he desired and 
determined to know was the amount Spain would 
concede. 2 

Thus, in the business of Portugal, Sandwich felt his 
way. The aggression of France, and her continued 
success in Flanders, gave him better hopes of a settle- 
ment. But the Spaniards found it unseemly to agree 
with a Court which had gone over to the French 
interest, and recurred to a form of league between 
England and Spain, which Portugal should join, or be 
prosecuted as a common enemy ; at the same time 
they hinted that if Portugal came in the title of King 
might be accorded. 3 Their temper was inclined to a 
truce rather than a peace. The distinction was im- 
portant. By the first they did not resign, but only 
suspended their claim to suzerainty; by the second 
they ceded a claim to sovereign rights, and that during a 
minority. Their attitude was such, that if a truce could 
be obtained the title of King would be acknowledged. 
This had been in part agreed by a secret article, pendent 
to the commercial treaty. The question was discussed 
at a series of conferences during May and June. 4 
From the first Sandwich urged the change of style 
from Corona to Rex, and after some days' debate Medina 
hinted that his wish might be granted. And as Spain 
inclined to concession, and appeared more gracious, 
the English Ambassador took advantage of her atti- 
tude. Before her heart was hardened he wrote to the 
Inquisitor-General, and emphasized the need for an 
agreement. 6 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 388. 2 Ibid., iv. 102. 

3 Ibid., iv. 62. 4 A Secret Collection, p. 33. 

5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 143. 


At length an attempt was made to test the pulse of 
Lisbon. 1 A messenger who had come from Southwell 
John Sampson was dispatched with papers. He 
bore the offer of a truce for forty-five years, which 
Spain thought enough, " considering also the goodness 
and security of it for Portugal, and the deceitfulness 
of the French for Portugal to relie upon." 2 He had 
instructions from Sandwich to linger on the way, in 
case more concessions should be obtained. 3 On July 6 
he arrived in Lisbon and delivered his packet to South- 
well. 4 The news of the commercial treaty, destined 
to include Portugal, was well received, but the other 
papers were rejected on the ground of their super- 
scription. This ran from Crown to Crown instead of 
from King to King. The appearance of indignity 
offended both rich and poor, and it was obvious that 
the title was the stumbling-block. The failure had 
little effect at Madrid. The Junta hoped for resent- 
ment on Sandwich's part at the want of grace with 
which his mediation was received ; but he said little, 
and Medina again deplored the Ambassador's dryness 
of discourse. He threatened to make use of other 
mediators, but Sandwich wrote and assured him of his 
unbroken interest in the affair. His letter had an 
excellent effect, and the Duke told him it " had wrought 
wonders in the Councell of State, and prevented much 

Once more the unwillingness of the Spaniard was 
moved by outside events. On July 21 was signed 
the Treaty of Breda, which ended our naval war with 
the Dutch and their nominal ally, France. Coupled 
with the obvious determination of France to annex 
part of Flanders, the treaty was sufficiently alarming. 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 222. 2 A Secret Collection, p. 33. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 249. 4 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 177. 


Not only did it wipe out our quarrel with the French, 
but it set them free to prosecute the war against 

On August 14 news of the treaty came to Madrid, 
and two days later Medina informed Sandwich that 
the Queen had decided to grant Portugal the title 
of King, to make a perpetual peace, and " settle unto 
them the rights belonging unto the Church ; the prin- 
cipal things . . . that Portugal can in reason insist 
upon or hope for." 1 From that moment Sandwich de- 
termined to pin down the basket, though he knew that 
a verbal promise was a different thing from a written 
mandate. He saw that Spain had perhaps offered 
more than she could concede ; but he used the offer as 
a point from which to bargain. He took the utmost 
precaution to separate the question of Portugal from 
that of the league, and was blamed for insisting on a 
several settlement. His insistence paid. He was able 
to keep the question clearly before the Councils, and 
in a month's time Poetting, the Emperor's Ambas- 
sador, informed him : 

" There is no doubt but these ministers now cor- 
dially desire the peace of Portugall, at any Prise ; But 
this is the point they sticke at not to declare them- 
selves before they are sure Portugal will accept, least 
upon the refusal of Portugal in that case they should 
undergoe soe greate an affront in the eyes of the 
world." 2 

The caution of the Spaniards kept the negotiations 
long drawn out. While they reiterated their desire for 
peace, they cavilled at any dictation as to the manner by 
which it should come about. On September 9 Sand- 
wich suggested settlement on an old basis, the project 
offered by Fanshaw in 1666, which was indeed much 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 28. 2 Ibid., v. 140. 

i66 7 ] HOPEFUL SIGNS 119 

the same project as the Queen was now prepared to 
offer, apart from the concession of the title. 

Penaranda " argued against it as a greate indecency 
for this Crowne, and wanting President for one part 
to signe a Project about which they had had noe 
treaty nor Conference with the other party. For that 
of having not treated with the other party, I told him," 
says Sandwich, " I had a treaty by mee made at Sal- 
vatierra by my Lord Fanshaw, whereunto the Conde 
Castel Melhor had by order sett his hand ; and for the 
acceptance of which by the King of Portugall wee had 
had security from him the last winter, soe that wee 
had reason to thinke the matter of that project would 
please now." 1 

Sandwich thus obtained an examination of a scheme 
which the Spaniards had formerly rejected. In it they 
found " some impertinencyes," especially as to the 
exemptions from pardon and the restoration of 
estates. 2 But the Queen had declared her decision to 
treat " de Rey a Rey and in form of a peace " and now 
Sandwich saw that he could insist upon concessions. 
Though negotiations were again protracted, there was 
more than a glimmer of hope. 

The necessity for peace was immediate. The war 
still dragged on, though the two years since the battle 
of Montes Claros had not been marked by any im- 
portant engagement. The combatants kept up their 
armies, and were at considerable expense, Portugal 
maintaining some 8,000 horse and 18,000 foot. During 
the summer of 1667 they were inactive " all quiet in 
this Kingdom and little appearance of any war ;" 3 but 
in October " the Portuguese fell on Galicia : cut off 
three hundred Spaniards, tooke as many Horse, a 
hundred Prisoners ; ten Officers, three of them persons 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 154. 2 Ibid., v. 212-214. 

3 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 168. 


of quallity, besides eight hundred Oxen, six thousand 
Sheepe, three thousand Hoggs, a great company of 
Mares, and a vast Booty to the Souldiers." 1 

Such events made it necessary for Spain " to plucke 
out of theire Sides that thorne of the warr of Portugal!," 
and by concessions to detach Portugal from France. 
Negotiation was the more easy, in that there were 
signs that Portugal was none too satisfied with her 
ally. France afforded little active help, for it was not 
her policy to do so. Her objective was Flanders ; and 
as long as Spain was harassed, France gained her ends. 
While she won Brabant, the summer brought little 
success to Portugal. She had expected more from 
the promises of St. Romain more ships, more sailors, 
and more money. Instead, France had so worked 
" upon the necessities of Portugal, and obtruded con- 
ditions soe exorbitant, that it is apparent they have 
hereby imposed rather the bonds of servitude, than 
offered those of friendship." 2 Given the title, peace 
with Spain would follow. The French were aware of 
this, and again promised to send more money. Mean 
while the possibilities of a settlement were profoundly 
influenced by events in Lisbon. 

While Sandwich pressed the Spaniards for con- 
cession, strange news from Portugal filtered over the 
frontier. The troubles at Court were detailed by 
Southwell in a series of admirable letters. The trend 
of events provided him with vivid material, for Portugal 
was in the travail of revolution. When John IV. died 
in 1656, he left his crown to a son, Affonso, then 
thirteen years of age. The boy grew up under the 
care of his mother, but caused her bitter disappoint- 
ment, for his youth was marked by every inclination 

1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 256. 
2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 385. 


towards degeneracy and profligacy. 1 He developed 
characteristics of the worst type. He was weak, 
immoral, greedy, and drunken. 2 He took little or no 
exercise, and adopted grotesque methods of dress 
which only served to exaggerate his eccentricities of 
limb. He was timid, yet violent, and when his 
passions were aroused he became a real danger to 
those about him. Affonso VI. had a brother, Dom 
Pedro, who appeared by contrast as if endowed with 
all the virtues. Writers extolled his robust constitu- 
tion, his wonderful strength, and great activity of 
body. He was temperate, though not chaste, and 
" vain, trifling, weak, and arrogant, but preserving an 
exterior air of gravity, which suited the Portuguese." 

Beside these two brothers stood the Queen. In 
1666 Affonso married Mary Frances Elizabeth of Savoy, 
Duchess of Nemours. She was young and ambitious, 
and worked hard for the completion of the French 
alliance. Her passion for intrigue brought her the 
distrust of Affonso, and their married life was marked 
by much unhappiness. Queen Mary, so Poetting told 
Sandwich, would reply sharply to Affonso if he pro- 
tested against her interference in politics, and give 
him "four words for one." 3 There came a rapid 
estrangement, and a consequent dissolution of the 
Court into rival factions. Intrigue flourished, con- 
fusion increased, and ill-feeling was fostered by gossip. 
Within a few months of her marriage the Queen pro- 
claimed the impotence of her husband, stating that 
she was wife and no wife that " she had not altered 
her state of virginity." 4 

The blame for Affonso's neglect was foisted by 

1 Carte, Revolutions of Portugal, p. 177. 

2 Mignet, Negotiations, ii. 565. 3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 56. 
* S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 250. 


Mary Frances on to the King's chief Minister. For 
five years the affairs of Portugal had been guided 
by Luis de Vasconcellos de Sousa, Conde de Castel 
Melhor. There is little doubt of his efficiency and in- 
tegrity, but he failed to gain the sympathies of a fickle 
people, and shared the unpopularity of his master. 
He was blamed for delaying the agreement with 
France, and equally for the delay of the peace with 
Spain. He was the political scapegoat. He, too, had 
his hatreds. Above all, he disliked the Queen as 
much as she disliked him. He was jealous of her 
influence. He found occasion to complain that an 
audience had been delayed because of an unduly long 
interview between Mary Frances and her secretary. 1 
The innuendo caused the bitterest offence, which was 
redoubled when a creature of Castel Melhor's implied 
in Council that the Queen was an enemy to Portugal 
a mere servant of France. 2 From that moment the 
Court was rent in twain. On the one side stood the 
King and his Minister, on the other the Queen and 
Dom Pedro. 

The quarrel rapidly developed, and the solution was 
foreshadowed. At a Council held in August it was 
announced that the Queen was not with child. At 
the same Council it was decided that Dom Pedro ought 
to marry. 3 Popular feeling rallied round the Queen 
and the Infante ; public opinion pointed to a possible 
match. The constitution of Lisbon admitted a tribune 
of the people, the ]uiz do Povo. At this time he was a 
litter-maker. With his red wand as badge of office, 
he played the part of governor, agitator, and spokes- 
man of the discontented. He could wield a strange 
influence with the mob, unsteady in action, and de- 

1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 67. 

2 Ibid., 8, ff. 203, 386. 3 Ibid., 8, f. 165. 

i66 7 ] ALFONSO DEPOSED 123 

pendent upon the passions of the moment. He and 
his followers turned towards Dom Pedro, and chose to 
make his grievances their own. They regarded his 
life as endangered by a plot to poison him, which they 
said was planned by Castel Melhor. They extolled 
Dom Pedro as the defender of their liberties. He 
played on their enthusiasm, and threatened with- 
drawal from the kingdom unless Castel Melhor were 
removed. Fantastic methods men dressed as ghosts 
of the dead were devised in order to purge the 
King's party and drive them out of Lisbon. 1 As the 
nobles were divided, a faction turned the scale, and 
Castel Melhor wisely withdrew. 

The withdrawal of the minister was followed by 
strange events. While confusion was at its height the 
Queen retired to a convent, and issued a manifesto 
against her unnatural marriage. The King was furious ; 
he went to the convent, and attempted to break down 
the gates. Such sacrilege enraged priests and people 
beyond endurance. Their temper alarmed Affonso, 
and he threatened flight. Thereupon the Infante 
represented the forces of order, restrained the people, 
and kept his brother in the capital. 2 The popular will 
made Pedro Regent, and on November 13 Affonso was 
deposed. Report made out that he had resigned, but 
in order to secure his person, writes Southwell, " all 
the doores about him are walled upp but one. And 
this is by the Warlike Cherubims soe guarded, that 
what is wanting of the flameing Sword, is made up 
with Indignation and Gunpowder." 3 The King once 
secured, the people cried out for a Parliament, and 
the assembly of the Cortes was fixed for January, 

1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 242. 

2 Schafer, Gcschichte von Portugal, iv. 630. 

3 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 313. 


The series of events was eagerly watched in Madrid. 
The relations of the King and Queen had long been 
known, and the downfall of the Minister was of real 
importance to Sandwich. Our consul wrote that Dom 
Pedro was " a prince of greate partes and resolution, 
and one who expresses abundance of kindnesse to 
our nation." 1 This promised well for a change of 
policy. The French alliance had been the work of 
Castel Melhor, and had been ratified by Affonso. 
Now that his reign was ended, the French alliance 
would doubtless give way. An English party came 
to the front. The Queen and Dom Pedro were forced 
to choose between France and power. They were 
taken unawares, and had no time for subtle diplomacy. 
Certain of the grandees were scandalized by the 
Infante's high action. 2 His security came only from 
a faction of the nobles, and his popularity from the 
people. He knew their fickleness, their fondness for 
the kingly title, and feared that, once rid of the Conde, 
they would desert him. 3 He had one strong card to 
play which would enable him to keep the popular 
support. He could end the war. " The people chose 
peace rather than to be dragged at the heels of 
France." 4 " The commonalty admitted of no argument 
against the peace." 5 The news letters reiterated the 
desire in Portugal for a termination of the struggle. 
The clergy and the merchants soon joined the peace- 
makers ; the army alone was for further fighting. 6 

One by one the hindrances to settlement were re- 
moved. With the Marquess of Sande's murder, the 
French lost one of the nobles most active in their 

1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, f. 179. 

2 Ibid., 8, f. 305. 3 Ibid., 8, f. 13. 

4 The Portugal History [by S. P.]. 

5 S. P., For. : Portugal, 9, f. 22 ; Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 80. 

6 Schafer, iv. 678. Compare also Sandwich MS S. Journal, iv. in. 


interest, and most lukewarm towards the English. 1 
The order lapsed which prohibited ministers from 
crossing the frontier. Settlement with Spain became 
a policy, the only one for the man who sought to rule 
Portugal. To Dom Pedro it was a question of accept- 
ing terms, or facing popular discontent at the very 
outset of his rule. 2 By December 3 he had made his 
choice, and Southwell intimated to Arlington that 
" peace would infallibly be embraced at the meeting 
of the Cortes." 3 

The combination of affairs in Spain and Portugal 
gave Sandwich opportunity to round off his mission, 
and to become the peacemaker. He could work not 
only upon the changes at Lisbon, but the attitude of 
France was decidedly threatening, and Spain was 
like to lose further territory. Even then it was not 
possible that the peace could be arranged without 
trouble as to matters of form. Two months were 
occupied in the prelude, and many pages of the 
journal are filled with wearing disputes about eti- 
quette and expedients. At first it was decided to 
send Godolphin in company with a Spaniard, who 
should carry terms, 4 but as the mediator, being only 
an envoy, would thus be pushed into the background, 
Sandwich decided to go to Lisbon in person. 5 To that 
the Spaniards objected, lest such an effort should alarm 
the French, but eventually they agreed. They wished 
to grant Sandwich limited powers, and to put the 
matter in the hands of the Marquess of Carpio, then a 
prisoner in Lisbon, but Sandwich objected. As he 
said, the Marquess " may die, before I come there, and 

1 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 330. 

2 Antonio Caetano de Sousa, Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portugucza, 
vii. 465. 

3 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 360. 

4 Sandwich MS S. Journal, v. 368. 5 Ibid., v. 406. 


then the power is abated." 1 He demanded a full 
commission to treat on definite terms, but these he 
promised to keep secret, lest he should be faced with a 
refusal. On November 3 he received 4,000 pistoles for 
his journey. 2 He was then delayed by a refusal of 
the Spaniards to hand him full powers, and by endless 
debate on the question as to whether he should have 
them. During no period of his career did he show 
more determination and more common-sense. At the 
risk of seeming cold and unwilling, he refused to move 
without a free hand and full powers to treat; he 
rejected ambiguity, and stood firm. At length, on 
November 25, after nearly a month's wrangling on the 
part of Spain, he had his way, and the papers were 
given him in the proper form the powers to the 
Marquess, his own commission, and the thirteen 
articles of peace. 3 

Not until the end of the year could Sandwich get 
away from Madrid. On December 26 he took coach 
for Portugal. " Never was anyone accompanied with 
more good wishes," said a news letter. 4 Again the 
journal contains a hundred pages devoted to the 
journey. In his descriptions Sandwich used nautical 
terms, and left this town on the beam, that on the 
starboard side. He was frequently entertained ; his 
hosts delighted in showing him Roman remains and the 
sights of the towns, and he was highly pleased with 
a book of Latin antiquities presented to him by the 
Governor of Merida. As he neared his destination he 
was afraid that he might be stopped on the frontier, 
but the changes in Portugal ensured him a welcome ; 
he was greeted with volleys from the trainband, and 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 420. 

2 Ibid., v. 490. 3 Ibid., v. 496. 
* S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 7. 


given a guard of horse. At Badajoz he was accorded 
a splendid reception ; and at Estremos he was enter- 
tained in Schomberg's quarters, and escorted there by 
Portuguese troops and some English battalions, who, 
he says, cheered him in the English fashion. 1 

On January 12 he arrived in Lisbon. 2 The people 
were celebrating the feast of St. Vincent, the patron 
saint of the city, and the place was alive with bustle 
and gaiety. Crowds turned out to meet him, and he 
found two of the King's barges in waiting for the 
passage of the Tagus. 

" At the shore-side," wrote Sandwich, " Sr. Don 
Lucar the master of Ceremonyes (the same that was 
in the place when I was here before, Embassador to 
conduct the Queen for England) attended to receive 
me with six coaches, and soe we passed on through 
the streete untill wee came neere in sight of the 
Palace, and soe up the Towne, through the Placa 
Mayor unto the house of the Duke of Aveiro called 
St. Sebastian de Pedrero, very nobly furnisht for mee, 
and very noble entertainment provided for mee at the 
King's chardge." 3 

The visit to Lisbon was a welcome change after two 
years in Madrid. From endless argument Sandwich 
passed to action. His journal takes on a tone of 
interest and enthusiasm. The Ambassador had pleasant 
recollections of his former visit, and found that his old 
friends had not forgotten him. His diary tells us 

"The Conde de Pontevell (who together with his 
lady had heretofore gone along in my Shipp with the 
Queene for England) made mee a visit. . . . Count 
Shomberg (General of the stranger forces in Portugal) 
and allied to mee by his mother, came and visited 

me." 4 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 240-340. 

2 The date is in the old style, which Sandwich always uses. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 356. * Ibid. t vi. 364, 400. 


The Swedish Resident assured Sandwich that his 
coming was welcome, and that Sweden would stand 
neuter and assist in composing the differences between 
France and Spain. 1 He also received encouragement 
from a number of the Portuguese nobles. 2 

The one jarring note came from the French Resi- 
dent, the Marquis de St. Romain, who entered a vain 

" He said," wrote Sandwich, " he heard from Monsr. 
Leon that Monsr. Ruvigny had offered a treaty in 
England to make a League with the King my master 
against Spain and Holland too, in case they should 
attempt to relieve Flanders. And said that he had 
heard it was in a good forwardnesse, and likely to 
succeed ; and said it would be ill resented by the King 
his master that the King of England in the mean tyme 
should be inviting his allyes to breake theire league 
with him, a league whereunto the King my Master 
had consented." 3 

Sandwich paid no regard to the protest, but set 
matters in train. Minor difficulties hindered the 
beginning of the work. The position of the Marquess 
of Carpio and his fellow-prisoners was delicate and 
peculiar ; and tact was needed to keep the affair from 
disaster upon this quicksand. The Marquess, who had 
been captured at Amegial, was a prisoner of war, but 
the commission from Madrid armed him with plenary 
powers. When he received his credentials he was 
neither Ambassador nor public Minister, and he could 
no longer be a prisoner. 4 The Portuguese at length 
consented to his liberation on the English Ambas- 
sador's parole, and the first difficulty was settled. 5 

More trouble was occasioned by Southwell's attitude. 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 398. 2 Ibid., vi. 418-420. 

3 Ibid., vi. 440. 

4 Wicquefort, The Rights of Ambassadors, p. 211 (edition of 1740). 

5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 441. 


The arrival of Sandwich had pushed him into the 
second place. 1 He had already been negotiating with 
Carpio, and the two men wished for all the credit. 
Southwell was proud of " the friends and party " to 
the peace that he claimed to have made, and he wrote 
to Sandwich saying that he was in hopes not to leave 
the kingdom without partaking in the conclusion of 
the work. 2 The Marquess desired Southwell's admis- 
sion to the meetings, and this Sandwich refused. 

" I saw no good pretence for it," he writes, " he 
havinge nothinge to doe in the affaire, the Commission 
from the King of Portugall being to those Lords to 
treate with mee and the Marquis of Carpio, and no 
mention of Sir Robert's name ; spe that I believe the 
Lords would have refused to admitt him, and the letter 
from the Secretary yesterday intimates the same. 
Besides his qualitie is soe much inferior to every one 
there, that it would have been hard to adjust a place 
for him amongst us, where he should sitt. Moreover 
I conceive it against practise, and not honourable for 
mee to admitt it." 3 

This attitude brought forth expostulations from 
Southwell, both verbal and written, and matters grew 
somewhat bitter ; but Sandwich kept to his point, 
and laid much stress on the difference between an 
ambassador and an envoy. The commissions were 
separate. There was "no precedent for an envoyes 
joining with an extraordinary ambassador," and Sand- 
wich refused to "innovate in this case." 4 He had had 
no such claim from Meadows in Denmark nor from 
Godolphin in Spain. He was dealing with a people 
peculiarly punctilious, and felt it necessary to exercise 
every caution. His attitude was correct, but it exas- 
perated Southwell, and the Envoy threatened instant 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vi. 356, 368. 2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 575. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 428. 4 Ibid. , vi. 436. 

VOL. II. 9 


departure for England. This, said Sandwich, was 
indiscreet; "because if I should have been disabled 
or dead before the signing he might have supplied my 
place ; and if noe other had been upon the place, the 
Treaty must have beene suspended until new orders 
from England, which had beene the losse of this great 
affaire." 1 

Despite these trivial hindrances the great affair 
prospered, and the pleasures of success overshadowed 
all jealousies. Formal recognition of the embassy was 
undertaken by the Secretary of State, Pierre Vieira 
da Silva, who visited Sandwich on January 13. He 
arranged an audience with the King, and advised 
Sandwich to visit the Queen, " and seeke her further- 
ance of the peace." 2 The following day Sandwich 
had an audience of the King and Dom Pedro. He 
describes the audience as carried out in a private 
manner : 

"That is to say with only two coaches and two 
litters to carry my company, and noe noblemen to 
conduct mee; but att the Palace greate guards, and 
abundance of Company, and of the Grandees present. 
I contrived my address to be in writing, directed in 
the Style of the King Alfonso's name, and a short 
speech to Don Pedro who stood at the right hand 
of the Cloth of State, and received mee in the same 
manner as his Brother." 3 

The Ambassador delivered the formal papers as 
to his mission, and was entertained by the King at 
supper. Two days later Sandwich concluded the 
formalities of introduction by an interview with the 
Queen "a very beautiful, proper lady." 

These complimentary interviews preceded the open- 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 435. 

2 Ibid., vi. 364. 3 Ibid., vi. 368. 



ing of the Portuguese Cortes, at which the Ambassador 
was present. On January 17 he writes : 

" This day at 3 in the afternoone I went to the 
Pallace to a box prepared for mee, where I saw the 
first Assembly of the Cortes, Don Pedro sittinge in 
the chaire of State (as Governor of the Kingdome 
under his Brother). The Abbott of Palmelo made the 
first Speech in praise of Don Pedro, and the happi- 
nesse of the Kingdome in that the King had chosen 
him to manage the Government. A second speech 
had a passage in it of hopes under Don Pedro's 
Government that they should have a peace. The 
Bishop of Targa, the only Bishop in Portugal, a man 
of neere ninety years of age, came forth of his place 
and went to a seate with a bench covered with cloth 
of gold, before it on the left hand below the Steppes of 
the Throne, and there he layd the Crosse and uospell 
before him and read a paper publiquely aloud, which 
was the words of the oath of recognition and fealty 
unto Don Pedro as Governor of the Kingdome, which 
all the estates of the Kingdome were to sweare ; the 
Marquesse Nizza was the first man that swore, and 
after arose and went to the Throne, and putt his Head 
to Don Pedro's Knees, and then Kissed his hand and 
went away : in like manner did all the Nobles, and 
greate Officers of the Armye, and then all the proc- 
urators for the Cities, and the last Person of all the 
Nobles the Duke of Cadaval (who bare the Sword) 
with the Sword in his hand erected." 1 

The Cortes voiced the general disposition to peace, 
and the actual negotiations, once begun, were quickly 
ended. On January 25 Lord Sandwich took the 
work in hand, and, with the Marquess of Carpio, met 
the commissioners at the Convent of St. Eloi. 2 The 
powers and credentials were approved, and the 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 390. 

2 The Hospital or Convent of St. Eloi was in the Largo dos Loyos, near 
the castle. The Portuguese were represented by the Duke of Cadaval, the 
Marquess of Nizza, the Marquess of Govea, the Marquess of Marialva, the 
Conde de Miranda, and the Secretary, Pierre Vieira da Silva (Journal, 
vi. 428). 


articles of peace brought forward, in form sub- 
stantially the same as those offered by Fanshaw 
and Southwell two years earlier. There was, how- 
ever, one all - important difference, for Sandwich 
brought the title of King. The first meeting was 
adjourned for consideration of the whole matter, and a 
few days' delay occurred, at which Sandwich protested. 
His protest resulted in consecutive conferences, held 
on January 29 and the three following days, and on 
February i the treaty was concluded and the articles 
were engrossed. 

The difficulties in the way of peace were slight, and 
related to two clauses, the restitution of towns and 
the restitution of estates. Spain had captured six 
towns and Portugal had taken seven. 1 Pending com- 
pensation, it was arranged that they should be restored 
to their former owners, with a single exception on 
either side. Each power retained one of the captured 
towns until the amount of compensation was arranged. 2 
Some difficulty was caused by the question of Ceuta, 
the key to the Straits, a town claimed by both com- 
batants, but eventually left to Spain owing to the 
arbitration and persuasion of Sandwich. 3 

In the matter of the estates, the experience of the 
English Ambassador proved of value, for the situation 
resembled that in England after the Civil War. Many 
confiscated demesnes had changed hands. Several 
Portuguese nobles held land in Spain, and Spanish 
grandees held land in Portugal. Ties of property 
which cut across ties of race were not infrequent. 
Eventually an agreement was made, by which the con- 
fiscated estates were restored, and any consequent suits 

1 Sandwich MSB. journal, vii. 35. 2 Ibid., vii. 36. 

3 Ibid. , vii. 38, 40, 54. He may have preferred its being left to Spain, for 
in case of war with them he wished us to occupy the place, add it to Tangier, 
and give the law to the Straits (Brit. Mus. : Sloane MSS. , 3509, f. 26). 


at law were to be terminated as speedily as possible, 
while the ordinary law secured the estates against 
private damage. At the same time the Portuguese 
wished to except six nobles from the general pardon, 
but Sandwich, who had experienced forgiveness, would 
have no such blot upon a glorious peace. 1 

The chief stumbling-blocks were thus removed. 
One minor matter, but a typical one, called for a 
display of tact. There was a dispute over the formal 
signatures. The Duke of Cadaval was the only man 
of his rank in Portugal, and wished therefore to sign 
simply " O Duque," without adding his proper name. 
To this the Spaniards took exception. The quarrel 
for a time was like to break the treaty, but Sandwich 
" put an end to the dispute by persuadinge them to 
sign their names." His tact was timely, says the 
chronicler, and adds : " Here are great expressions of 
Joy : all crying out, God blesse the King of Create 
Britaine, and his Ambassador, the Authores of our 
happinesse." 2 

Thus the work was concluded, and the Treaty of 
Lisbon was signed on February 3. The form of 
peace ran simply. The contents were drawn up in 
thirteen articles, and the ratification was completed 
with all possible speed. The old relations were re- 
sumed. Hostilities ceased, and prisoners of war were 
liberated. Portugal was once more recognized as an 
independent State. She was included in the commercial 
treaty of 1667, and entered all the alliances and leagues 
of the other signatories. The two Kings gave their 
subjects free trade to their seas and rivers, and 
promised a combined effort to exterminate pirates. 3 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 430. 

2 S. P., For. : Portugal, 9, f. 24. 

3 The peace is printed in Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, vol. vii. 


A duplicate of the treaty is in the Public Record 
Office, and is a document well worth handling. 1 It is 
bound in crimson velvet, and the arms of Portugal are 
embossed in silver upon the cover. From a tassel of 
green and silver depends the royal seal. The treaty 
is drafted on parchment, and illuminated in gold. The 
signatures and seals of arms are nearly perfect, though 
close on 250 years old. The ratifications were speedily 
accomplished, and were exchanged on February 23. 2 
Six days later Sandwich writes : 

"This night was luminarios and fireworks, and 
dancing all over Lisbon and the country adjacent for 
the Proclamation of the Peace, which was done with 
all possible Ceremony of Alcades, Alguazils, Heralds 
in their Coates, Drums, Trumpetts, and Dances 
throughout this Citty. At four of the clocke in the 
Afternoon, the ordinance at the Castle of George were 
all fired, and the Shipps in the river and Castles and 
Forts fired their Gunns." 3 

A war which had lasted twenty-six years was at an 
end : the combatants were tired of the contest, and 
throughout both Spain and Portugal the people gave 
themselves over to thanksgiving and rejoicings. 

The signature of the treaty had a different effect 
upon the French faction. St. Remain sent a formal 
protest to Dom Pedro, and thereby roused the anger of 
the people. 4 He was warned by ihejuiz do Povo that 
they were getting beyond restraint, and he was then 
fain to acquiesce. But he again protested that, as 
England and France were so near a league, it was 
hard that Sandwich should come to Lisbon and tamper 
with France's allies. Schomberg regarded the peace, 
from the military point of view, " as the worst thing 

1 S. P., For. : Treaty Papers, Portugal, 38. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 130. 3 Ibid., vii. 144. 
* Ibid., vi. 416; Schafer, Geschichte von Portugal, iv. 673, 


that could have befallen France;" for it enabled the 
Spaniard to concentrate on Flanders, and encouraged 
combination against the aggressions of Louis XIV. 1 
It was a revenge for the French neglect of Portugal in 
i659. 2 It was a reversal of policy as sudden as it was 
complete. Some of the Portuguese nobles condemned 
the betrayal, and one of them declared that the Secretary 
of State " deserved to be burnt alive for makinge this 
peace against the Interest of Portugal soe infamously 
and undecently towards the Kinge of France without 
soe much as sending a message to him." 3 Certain 
wayside critics regarded the cession of Ceuta as an 
indignity, and others looked on Spain's position as so 
despicable that any future pretensions to Portugal 
should have been categorically renounced. 4 The 
Queen was in a difficult position : her sympathies with 
France were strong ; her policy forced her to deny 
them. She became an apologist for the peace, and 
wrote to Louis XIV. in explanation of her attitude. 5 
Nevertheless she received congratulations from Sand- 
wich at the gate of her convent. 6 In order to keep her 
crown, she was compelled to cry with the crowd. 

The disappointment of the French faction was 
matched by that of Southwell. He resented his 
omission from the Councils, and entered a vigorous 
protest. 1 He maintained that he had been commis- 
sioned by Charles "to fiance any adjustment which 
should be concluded." Yet there was some doubt in 
his own mind as to his position, and he had written 
home hastily, begging that fuller powers should be 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 102. 

2 Recueil dcs Instructions : Portugal, p. xxxix. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 73. 4 Ibid., vii. 90. 
6 Recueil des Instructions : Portugal, p. 92. 

6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 84 

7 Ibid., vi. 442, 


contrived for him * He saw that ambassadorial eti- 
quette was to be strictly preserved. Sandwich may 
have stretched punctilio too far, but he repeated 
again and again that Southwell's character as Envoy 
did not warrant a conjunction with an Extraordinary 
Ambassador. Nor, said he, was Southwell " furnished 
with any notices of the mind of Spain . . . necessary 
to enable him to concurr in the treaty " 2 

The summons from the Secretary of State had been 
made direct to Sandwich, and had not included South- 
well, nor had any message been sent to him inviting 
his co-operation. 3 His attendance would have been at 
the Ambassador's request, and Sandwich thought that 
an endeavour to introduce any other person would 
have been indiscreet, and perhaps unsuccessful. He 
told Southwell that "a refusal would have been a 
greater discredit than any want of respect which you 
now imagine " 4 Though Southwell appealed through 
Carpio and Guzman, another Spanish prisoner, and 
dragged up a precedent from the Treaty of Munster, 
Sandwich refused to give way, " much ashamed to 
see their Excellencies troubled with our Domesticall 
affairs" 5 

The upshot of it all was that Southwell decided to 
go home, and on February 9 he left Lisbon in the 
same frigate which carried the treaty. On his arrival 
he endeavoured to take all the credit to himself, but 
lost in the endeavour. His actions were petty. He 
asked his secretary to write a history of the whole 
affair, in which the name of Sandwich is not even 
mentioned. 6 He was full of complaints, to which 

1 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 35,099, ff. 54, 61, 63, 65. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Joiirnal, vi. 436. 

3 Ibid., vi. 422, 445. 

* Ibid., vi. 445. 5 Ibid., vii. 19. 

6 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 35,099, f. 127. 


Arlington not only refused to listen, but about which 
he advised a discreet silence. 1 He tried to make 
mischief, and engaged Godolphin in argument, but in 
the whole matter " held the wrong end of the staff." 
Lord Arlington, indeed, denied that the King would 
allow Southwell to sign jointly, and a gentle rebuke 
was sent to him for such a pretension. 2 

By his persistent advertisement Southwell obtained 
a full share of the credit, and certain printed sources 
have done him more than justice. Undoubtedly the 
popular predisposition to peace was influenced by his 
persuasion. He had helped forward the peace in two 
ways : he had familiarized the people with the idea 
of English intervention, and accustomed them to look 
upon the Spanish prisoners as possible representa- 
tives. The formal negotiations were entrusted to the 
Marquess of Carpio and his fellow-prisoners. This 
was to Southwell's advantage, for he had lost no 
chance of cultivating their friendship. He had sup- 
plicated continually for their release, and obtained a 
lenience of their confinement. It was he who "got 
them out of prison to see the shows of the King's 
marriage." 3 

On the other hand, he relied overmuch upon 
transient public opinion, and upon the strength of the 
people, whose power he decidedly overrated. 4 They 
engineered the revolution, but not the peace. That 
needed the support of several nobles. Spain made 
no move until they were informed that "the Councill 
of war in Portugall, and the Tribune of the People, 
and Don Pedro, the King's Brother, and many of the 
nobles were disposed to accept a peace with the title 

1 Carte MSS., 36, f. 183. 2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 39. 

3 S. P., For. : Portugal, 7, f. 154. 

* Carte, Revolutions^ etc., pp. 206, 207. 


of King." 1 The Court veered round, and the people 
at once became followers rather than leaders. 

Southwell himself was satisfied as to the importance 
of his work. In July he wrote : " I made myself so 
intimate with the factions, and soe disposed matters, 
as notwithstanding the avertion and dilligence of the 
Court to the Contrary, yett I little doubted the 
successe of soe welcome a thing, and what the people 
doe so generally breathe after." 2 He was not always 
sanguine that peace would come, 3 but when the people 
called for it he was all anxiety that the favourable 
moment should be seized. 4 His direct application to 
the Mayor of Lisbon did not escape criticism, and 
Schomberg called it a thing unfitting and irregular. 6 
Southwell, said he, was credited as " overbusye in 
dealing with the Juiz do Povo, unbefittinge his place, 
to stirr up mutinye in the people, for which he re- 
ceived a checke from the Secretary of State, by order 
of the Court." 6 And the integrity of the Juiz do Povo 
was a matter of question. His ardour might have been 
tempered by a bribe, and in a contest of purses the 
money was heavier for a French alliance. 

It is not easy to apportion the credit for the work, 
nor would the task be necessary, only the credit has 
never been fairly divided. Southwell deserves his 
share, and that a considerable one, though he did his 
best to destroy any favourable impression by his action 
towards Sandwich. It was neither wise nor neces- 
sary to hasten to England in an attempt to obtain all 
the credit, and to belittle the Ambassador's work. 
Sandwich was, after all, the signatory of the peace, 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, v. 152. 

2 S. P., For. : Portugal, 8, f. 179. 

3 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 35,099, f. 45. 

4 Carte, Revolutions, p. 338. 

8 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vi. 400. 6 Ibid., vii. 92. 


and insisted on some meed of praise. He came in at 
an opportune moment. He disposed Spain to grant 
all which Portugal demanded, and did not set out for 
the frontier until certain of success. He recognized 
that work which was of such great importance in the 
Peninsula could never have been concluded by one of 
lesser rank. He used dignity and display to further 
his objects. He gave reality to the negotiations, and 
completed them with dispatch. He composed the 
differences over the signatures. His contemporaries 
commend his prudent management of the business, 1 
and in Portuguese history his name is connected with 
the struggle for independence, while other actors are 
forgotten. 2 The news of his success was well re- 
ceived in London, and particularly in the House of 
Commons. " In the with-drawing roome, throughout 
the whole Court," wrote Godolphin, " I never in my 
life saw so great contentment ; everybody addressing 
themselves to give the Queen the Enora buena, and 
Her Majesty the most pleased in the world (as you 
may imagine shee had reason) giving your Excellency 
the praise." 3 

1 An Account of the Court of Portugal, p. 166. 

2 Antonio Caetano de Sousa, Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portugueza, 
vii. 465. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 37. 



" Now with a general peace the world was blest" 

DRYDEN : Astraa Redux. 

" Summa salus populis. Comes o celeberrime cunctis, 
Angligenumque decus, pacifer Orbis eris ! 
Neptunus Thetin Duce te iam subdidit Anglis : 
Dum pacem his prsefers, te venerantur, amant. 
Victor et Hector eras, paci vis ponere morem ; 
Instar Mercurijes Regibus Hesperijs ! 
Caelum et terra favent tibi cum bona tanta tulisti, 
Hesperiae, et patrise, pauperibusque faves." 

An Acrostic on " Sandvich" printed in 
Lisbon, 1668. 

THE end of more than twenty- five years' warfare 
between Spain and Portugal was brought about by 
the Peace of Lisbon, and thus Sandwich completed the 
second part of his mission ; it was a work which his 
friends hoped would bring him honour, and which 
undoubtedly raised him in the esteem of his con- 

For some weeks he remained in Portugal, and re- 
ceived the congratulations of the grandees and of the 
people. "This morning," runs his journal, "the Juez 
de Povo (with his red barr in his hand) and his escri- 
vano came to mee in the name of the People of Lisbon, 
giving mee extraordinary thankes for my labours in 

1 Authorities : Sandwich MSS. Journal and Letters from Foreign Ministers. 
To the authorities quoted in Chapter V. must be added Colonel John Davis, 
Historical Records of the Queen's Royal Regiment, and Miss E. M. G. Routh's 
various studies on Tangier, to which the writer has had access. 



this Adjustment wherewith they were exceedingly 
rejoiced and contented." 1 He had an audience of Dom 
Pedro, and made him a speech of congratulation, 2 and 
shortly afterwards the Prince sent him a handsome 
present. 3 To the Convent of St. Eloi, where the 
peace was signed, Sandwich presented his portrait. 
He sat to one, Feligiano, and there is a duplicate of 
the painting at Hinchingbrooke. He thus describes 
it : "A picture to the knees in a vest (the then habit 
of England), and the hatt in the right hand hanging 
straight downe. It was an extraordinary like picture." 4 
Before Sandwich left Lisbon, he visited a nun with 
whom he corresponded at great length, and whom he 
had met upon a previous visit. 5 The lady was Donna 
Maria, known as Soror Maria de la Cruz, daughter of 
the Duke of Medina Sidonia. It was she who told 
him that his cousin, Edward Mountagu, was a Roman 
Catholic from the time he was eighteen years of age, 
and had leave from the Pope to conceal his religion. 
Sandwich also visited Schomberg, and the great 
General gossiped of his wish to buy Dudley Castle, 
" which belonged to his mother's family anciently," 
and told Sandwich that he estimated Wrangel a better 
general than either Turenne or Conde. 6 He also re- 
lated how near he had been to taking a part in the 
Restoration. Schomberg's story was that he bribed 
some of the officers to let him surprise Dunkirk with 
French forces, and take it from the Cromwellians as a 
stronghold for Charles ; but the King, who was then 
at Breda, wisely dissuaded him, for such an action 
would have made the royalist cause unpopular ; it 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vii. 70. 2 Ibid,, vii. 82. 

3 Ibid., vii. 152. It amounted to ,4,000. 4 Ibid., vii. 136. 

5 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Foreign Ministers. The last batch of 
letters is from Donna Maria. 
8 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 100, 134. 


was a course with which Sandwich had no sympathy, 
for he was one who had urged a restoration by the 
people of England. 1 

Besides almost daily intercourse with men of note, 
Sandwich had other distractions. He witnessed an 
auto-da-fe ', and saw two men and a woman burned in 
the public square. 2 But he made no comment upon 
the scene ; he rarely spoke of his impressions, and 
simply jotted down a bare record of his life from day 
to day. He was preparing for his departure, and sent off 
several presents to his family. One was " a chest with 
two pots of silk flowers, very curious " ; another, a 
chest of Pujera earthenware and sweetmeats. He 
sent books to some friends, wine to others. On 
March 5 he began the return journey ; he was accom- 
panied by the Consul and all the English merchants 
to the banks of the Tagus, and there he said farewell 
to them and to Lisbon. 

The journey was a veritable triumph, and Sandwich 
thus describes the scene at Montemore : 

11 The people received mee with demonstrations of 
joy : the governor mett mee with a Troope of horse 
two miles before I came to the town, at the townes 
end the Hoboyes and Sackbuts of the Towne played to 
us, and the Castle shott off the greate gunns.' 3 

Another city gave the Ambassador a handsome 
present of six sheep, a hundred hens, fish, sweetmeats, 
and half a pipe of wine. 

" The ordinance of the towne," says he, " fired at 
my reception and parting, and all the towne enter- 
tained mee with excessive demonstrations of joy, by 
Dancing in mascarade all along the towne as I went 
to my lodginge, every house hanging out carpetts and 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 138. See Guizot's Richard Cromwell, and 
p. 206 post. 

2 Ibid., vii. 144. 3 Ibid., vii. 158. 

From a 'portrait by Felifiano 

To face p. 142 of Vol. II 


Tapestry, strikinge of the Bells, Riding up and Downe 
the towne in mascarade, and in my yard doing feates 
on horsebacke like the Moores ; dancing in my house 
(the better sort of them) after supper, and all night 
longe dancing about the Streetes and making acclama- 
tions of joy and good wishes." 1 

Similar scenes were enacted all along the route 
through Portugal ; merry-makers danced on each side 
of the coach, soldiers offered their escort, and the 
various castles fired off their cannon. In Spain the 
people were equally demonstrative, and the Ambassador 
had a rare welcome ; again the women and children 
pirouetted before him, and saluted him with vivas. 
On Easter Sunday, March 22, Sandwich reached 
Madrid, and his journey was at an end. 

He had every reason to be satisfied, for he found 
that his reputation was decidedly enhanced The 
Spaniards were overjoyed at the peace : the war 
being ended, said the news letters, we hope to deal 
well enough with the French. Sandwich was spoken 
of in the warmest terms. His old antagonist, Muledi, 
wrote to Ormond : 

" All affairs concerning this and that Monarchy were 
most happily advanced by the Earle of Sandwich's 
great wisdome and experience, whose esteeme, and 
the opinion of these ministers on him is beyond ex- 
pression, and now haveing gott the plause of haveing 
concluded the Portuguese Peace, he is takeing his 
leave of this Court." 2 

Still better evidence of the esteem in which he was 
held was the fact that Spain welcomed his assistance 
in the delicate negotiations which were then engaging 
the diplomatists. He was authorized by the home 
government to offer the King's mediation upon the 
points of difference between Spain and France, or to 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 166. 

2 Carte MSS., 43, f. 661 : May 12, 1668. 


assist during their solution. 1 After his success in 
Lisbon, he was eminently fitted to do so, for his work 
had an international bearing. The peace he had made 
was more than a peninsular affair : it was of interest 
to every capital in Europe. The continent was like 
a lake, in which every pebble of diplomacy made a 
splash, and every ring of ripples met its fellow ; the 
surface was ruffled, but a calm looked near at hand. 

By the time Sandwich returned to Madrid, pros- 
pects of a settlement had advanced. The truce, begun 
in the autumn of 1667, appeared likely to lead to a 
peace, but Spain dallied with France until she saw 
whether the Treaty of Lisbon meant for her the help 
of Schomberg and his soldiers. Meanwhile the truce 
expired, and Louis XIV. resumed his aggressions. 
He bribed the Emperor by a promised partition of the 
Spanish dominions. He refused a further suspension 
of arms, and before the winter came to an end the 
French troops overran Franche Comte. In a single 
fortnight the rich province was securely occupied ; 
once again Louis stayed his hand, and a second cessa- 
tion of arms was arranged. 

During this interval the diplomatists were sedulous 
on Spain's behalf. England, Holland, and Sweden, 
threatened France by their Triple Alliance ; Sand- 
wich made the Treaty of Lisbon. The only obstacle 
to a general peace lay in Spain's attitude of sloth, and 
the Ambassador was instructed to wring from the 
Court some decision as to terms. For weeks his cor- 
respondence turned upon this subject, for Spain was 
obdurate. Nothing could stir her; it seemed impos- 
sible for her to realize a crisis ; she was the despair 
of the peacemakers. Her policy was governed by the 

1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 559: Arlington to Sandwich. See also Temple to 
the same (75, f. 585). 

1668] MORE WORK DONE 145 

hope that impatience would cause Louis to put himself 
in the wrong", and that the mediators would intervene. 
Temple from Brussels and Trevor from Paris begged 
Sandwich to quicken Spain's councils. 1 She had the 
choice of certain alternatives, and had chosen to give 
up the places conquered in the last campaign ; but 
her plenipotentiary in Flanders, Castel Rodrigo, sent 
in an acceptance which appeared neither valid nor 
regular. The business urged upon Sandwich was to 
obtain "a full and clear concession," together with 
" full powers beyond all exceptions." 2 An urgent 
letter was sent for him to deliver to the Queen. The 
mediators wished all to be in due form, lest the truce 
should end before the work was concluded. 

The attitude of France was impatient, and gave the 
mediators some anxiety, for her demands were elastic. 
As Temple said, the case was like that of the Sibyl's 
books, " which are necessary to be had, but every 
time they are refused growe less, and yett must bee 
sold at a higher price." 3 As a mediator England was 
deeply engaged, and delay could do little but involve 
the powers in a universal war. Charles again wrote 
to the Queen, " conjuring her not to dishonour him 
by refusing to avow and ratify what the Marquis 
Castel Roderigo having declared, his Majesty is fiador 
of." Peace was only guaranteed until the end of May, 
though the plenipotentiaries had obtained a private 
article from Louis which admitted extension for a 
further week. 4 This was kept secret, lest Spain 
should be encouraged in her dalliance. 

In order to bring about a settlement, no stone was 
left unturned. Before all the letters of complaint 

1 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Foreign Ministers, ff. 4, 6, 8. 

2 Ibid., f. 1 8. 3 Ibid., f. 6. 
4 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 63, 65. 

VOL. II. 10 


could reach Madrid, new and full powers were sent to 
the envoys, and the Queen approved of the alternative 
selected that is, the cession of the conquered towns. 
On March 25 Sandwich wrote to Trevor that he judged 
the powers sent were " reasonable and sufficient to 
conclude the businesse, and soe needed not to make 
any instance to the Queen in this matter." 1 He main- 
tained this attitude because he thought that Spain had 
given pledges enough. Once satisfied, he refused to 
go beyond the letter of his instructions. He declined 
to press upon the Queen further demands from Louis, 
and withdrew his name from a memorial which urged 
an additional concession, and which was sent to her 
by the Dutch Ambassador. 2 At the same time Lord 
Sandwich joined in pressing the legitimate demands 
upon the Council of Spain, " to see that the King my 
master in this affaire kept pace with the States of 
Holland." By April 20 Spain had conceded all that 
was asked ; a blank treaty was drawn up " in case any 
alterations should be agreed upon," and the necessary 
papers were dispatched. By the same packet Sand- 
wich felt justified in congratulating Trevor upon the 
turn of affairs, and Trevor, in acknowledgment, wrote 
to England an account of His Excellency's services, 
which he said had materially helped the treaty. 3 
Except for some slight delay over formalities the 
work was done, and before the end of April, France 
and Spain made their peace at Aachen. 

For his share in this great work, Sandwich rightly 
expected further laurels, but it was brought home 
to him that no man may be a prophet in his own 
country. To his cares over private matters, the wish 
to see his family, and the need for funds, there was 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vii. 200. 2 Ibid., vii. 238. 

3 Ibid. , vii. 300 ; Letters from Foreign Ministers, f. 20. 

i668] PRECEDENCE 147 

added the trying anxiety that the conduct of his late 
embassy was called in question. At that time 
European diplomatists were enamoured of the niceties 
of precedence, and aped Louis XIV. in their strife 
over etiquette. Charles was not to be left behind. 
Unfortunately, Sandwich had placed his signature to 
the Treaty of Lisbon below that of the Marquess of 
Carpio, and he had, for courtesy's sake, frequently 
given the position of honour in coach and litter to the 

His kindly action created no small stir at Court, and, 
instead of receiving unstinted thanks for his treaties, 
he found himself on the defensive over a troublesome 
business. He was genuinely distressed at the ingrati- 
tude with which the Council had received his work, 
and had ignored its importance while they strained at 
a matter of punctilio. Sandwich had received a letter 
of thanks from the Duke of York, which assured him 
that the peace was a very considerable service to the 
King. 1 In the same packet there came a letter from 
Arlington, which contained scarcely a word of con- 
gratulation. 2 Instead of that, Arlington stated that 
the Council took great offence at the sight of the 
treaty, with Carpio's signature above that of Sandwich. 
They debated whether such a treaty could be ratified, 
and named a committee to investigate precedents. 
Finding none at Westminster, they then searched 
among the Rolls at Chancery Lane, and at length a draft 
of the treaty was made with the names transferred. 
Arlington frankly admitted that the flame was fanned 
by Ruvigny, who asserted that Sandwich always gave 
the right-hand place to the Marquess, " for which," 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 274. The letter, which is pasted into the 
journal, bears a very beautiful seal and silk, absolutely fresh and unharmed. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 282. 


added Arlington, " you must not take it ill if I tell you, 
you will bee chidden when you come home." 

This was no idle threat, since Charles had taken his 
cue from the French Ambassador, and the Princess 
Henrietta had also incited him to anger against her 
old friend. On May 7 the King wrote to his sister : 

" Ruvigny did tell me some days since of that matter 
concerning my Lord Sandwich, which I can say nothing 
to, till I hear from thence ; only, if he has done what 
you are informed of, I am sure he is inexcusable, and 
shall answer for it severely when he comes home, for 
I never did, nor never will permitt my ambassador 
to give the place to any whatsoever." 1 

Little wonder that Sandwich was alarmed at his 
position. He felt that the alterations could have been 
made without unnecessary talk ; not, said he, so as to 
" expose my reputation unto the world as a man that 
had given up my Master's honor," with a warning that 
" it was resolved to chastise mee for it when I came 
home." He knew that Ruvigny had done him the 
mischief, and objected to the credit given to the 
Frenchman's word, when it was well known what a 
blow the Peace of Lisbon was to France. He looked 
upon the affair as a last endeavour to upset the treaty. 
Since St. Remain had suggested assassination as the 
only means to hinder the peace, and Sandwich had 
gone to Lisbon in peril of his life, he was of opinion 
that the English Government should have estimated the 
wiles of the Frenchman at their true value. He main- 
tained, too, that on public occasions he always took 
precedence of the Marquess, and that at the auto-da-fe 
he sat in the place of honour, " on the upper hand," 
above Carpio, where all might see. He admitted that 

1 Julia Cartwright, Madame, p. 263. In Cal. S. P., Dom. (June 25), there 
is a long letter from Dr. Jenkins to Williamson, endorsed "Precedency," 
which evidently refers to Sandwich. 


while the Marquess was a prisoner he took him in 
his litter, and showed him the ordinary courtesy due 
to a guest. It was justified, he said, since Carpio had 
at the time no character as Ambassador, and in an 
Ambassador's own house there could be no pretence 
of competition. 1 

Both right and reason were on the side of His 
Excellency, and they prevailed. The letter of ex- 
planation which Sandwich sent was shown to the 
King ; and since his enemies were possessed of an 
opinion that he had really " given the place " to Carpio, 
the letter was read at a full Council board, the King 
and Duke present. It was then registered, and put in 
the Paper Office. That disposed of the Carpio affair. 
A few of the Council asked whether His Excellency 
had explained the place of his signature on the treaty 
itself; but Godolphin, who stood by Sandwich, ex- 
pounded to them "the unreasonableness of this 
Exception." 2 It was discovered that the right form 
had been observed, and that, in signing a treaty of 
peace, the signature of the fiador, or trustee, should 
come last. 3 Though the matter was thus cleared up, 
it was a further vexation to Sandwich when he heard 
that Southwell's hand was in the business. 4 

His only compensation for this ingratitude was the 
esteem shown for him in Spain, and the pleasures he 
had there during the remainder of his stay. He spent 
some time on a visit to the Escurial, and went abroad 
into the mountains, where he shot " fallow and red 
deere (very large ones)." The King's keeper gave 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 294-300. See also draft of a letter to 
Godolphin : Journal, viii. 553. The original of this is in the S. P., For. : 
Spain, 53, f. 88. A letter of explanation from Sandwich to Arlington is in 
S. P., For. : Spain, 53, f. 117. 

2 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, ii. 140. 

3 Ibid., ii. 118 : Memorandum by Godolphin. 

4 Sandwich MSS. : Letters f rom Foreign Ministers, f. 56. 


him a book on hunting. Of the place itself he says : 
" Truly it did excell the expectation I had of it, both 
for magnificence, elegancy and cost. I certainly be- 
lieve the whole world hath nothing that comes neere 
to equall it." 1 

When Sandwich returned from the Escurial, he 
prepared to leave Madrid. Since peace was general, 
there was no need for a league between England and 
Spain, and his mission was completed. On April 23 
he took a formal farewell of the King and Queen, and 
made a long valedictory speech in Spanish. 2 A few 
days later there came to him a present of the two 
pictures now at Hinchingbrooke. 

" The Queen of Spayn," he says, " by the hands of 
her chiefe Painter, sent me the King's and her owne 
picture as bigg as the life, and very like ; done by the 
said Painter, whose name is Don Sebastian Herera ; 
in requitall of this I sent the Painter a silver wrought 
bason with Portugall ware of earth in it, all to the 
value of about 30 pistoles." 3 

Other presents followed : for Lady Sandwich the 
Queen sent a magnificent jewel of Brazilian diamonds, 
valued at 2,480 ; 4 the Duchess of Aveiro, to whom 
Sandwich had paid much attention, sent " an enamelled 
chain of gold with christall flowers in a curious 
Philligrane box, and that againe placed in a Curious 
Dish of the same Philligrane silver " ; and the Mar- 
quess of Carpio sent "a present of perfumed skins 
and gloves very rich, served in a fine silver Basin of 
embossed work." 5 

Although Sandwich was pleased with his presents, 
he was dissatisfied with his monetary rewards. The 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 274-282. 

2 Ibid., vii. 314. 3 Ibid., vii. 389. 

4 Ibid. , viii. 87. There is a beautiful pen-and-ink drawing of the ewel. 
6 Ibid., viii. 178. 


small sums which had been given to him on his 
journey to Lisbon seemed but a slender requital for 
his service. He knew that Fanshaw had been prom- 
ised a considerable amount of money if he succeeded 
in making peace ; so Sandwich ruminated, as he says, 
upon the matter, and at length decided to lodge a 
protest with Penaranda. 1 He then discovered that 
the Spaniards had determined to assure him of 70,000 
pieces of eight, and had intended to give Godolphin 
the sum of 30,000.* How much Sandwich actually 
obtained is not clear, but he was awarded a liberal 
sum, and, in addition to the pendant given to Lady 
Sandwich, the Earl was presented with a jewel of 
equal value. 3 He had need of funds, since for two 
years his supplies had been negligible, and the ex- 
penses of his household had been conducted on a 
scale which left him wellnigh penniless. 

It was not, however, solely with his own affairs that 
Sandwich was occupied during the last weeks in 
Madrid. He endeavoured to make matters easier for 
our merchants ; " to gett an answere from this Crowne 
touching the Swedish money;" and to arrange for the 
repurchase of some of Charles I.'s pictures, which had 
been bought by the Spanish Ambassador after the 
King's death. The last matter was almost hopeless, 
the others were easier, and in the matter of trade 
Sandwich again had some success. On July 7 he met 
the Council, and was informed that an order was 
granted him for the Philippines, " to treat our nation 
courteously." 4 Spain then lodged a counter-complaint 
against the Governor of Jamaica for piracy, "very 
grievous and barbarous such as is not heard of in 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 34. 

2 Ibid., viii. 46 i.e., about ,15,000 and ^"6,000 respectively. 

3 Ibid., viii. Si. 4 Ibid., viii. 160. 


Christian nations." 1 Sandwich promised to remedy 
this when he came to England, and was rewarded 
by a letter to the Governor of the Philippines which 
allowed more equitable treatment to our nation, 
and ensured the East India Company liberty to 
take in victuals and water. 2 But in the remoter 
seas the old rivalry was too fierce for any man to 
guarantee security of trade ; reprisals went on, though 
with a somewhat reduced vigour. 3 

One more piece of work was given to Sandwich 
before his actual return home. He was commanded 
to visit Tangier, there to inspect the garrison, and to 
make a full report upon the place. 4 The instructions 
of the Commissioners were enclosed, and His Excel- 
lency was bidden to supplement them as he thought 
fit, in order that the account might be as perfect 
as possible, both as regards the present and the 
future. 5 

Sandwich had always advocated a great effort being 
made for the improvement of Tangier a place which 
would "keepe all Europe in awe." 6 He was pleased 
with this new command, and gladly set out to fulfil it. 
On July 10 he gave over the charge of affairs to John 
Werden, and left Madrid, "having the esteem," said 
the news letters, " of every worthy person." 7 In two 
and a half years he had seen great changes. Of his 
comrades and servants nine had died, and were buried 
in the garden of the Siete Chimeneas ; his comrade, 
Mr. Clercke, his chaplain, and his interpreter, were 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, viii. 162. 

2 Ibid., viii. 176; Letters from Ministers, ii. 147. 

3 Acts of the Privy Council (Colonial], vol. L, 970. 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 278. 

6 Ibid., viii. 286. The instructions are signed by Rupert, Albemarle, 
Peterborow, J. Belasyse, and Jo. Berkeley. 

6 See his "Discourse of Barbary" (Brit. Mus. : Sloane MSS., 3509, f. 26). 

7 S. P., For. : Spain, News Letters, 91, f. 108. 


among them. As Sandwich details his loss, the 
journal seems more vivid, and mingled with the 
sorrow awakened by such reflections there is a tone 
of relief as he departs from Madrid. He travelled 
towards Cadiz, and again wrote accounts of his 
journey ; he studied the Spaniards' method of har- 
vesting, jotted down notes from wine-growers, took 
stock of the game, watched the making of bullets, 
surveyed lead-mines, and set Harbord to draw him a 
picture of a new machine for winding silk. 

Thus he beguiled the hours of travel. On August 4 
he approached Cadiz. Several leagues from the city 
he was met by the English residents, who conducted 
the ten coaches of his retinue to the gates. He was 
lodged in the Consul's house, and sumptuously enter- 
tained at the expense of the English merchants. 1 For 
some days he remained there in order to recruit his 
health. He had grown very stout, and the heat 
affected him to such an extent that, though only forty- 
three years of age, he already writes like an old man, 
and states that he was compelled to receive visitors in 
bed, " as indeed I had reason for my greate infirmities." 2 
On August 1 1 he was sufficiently recovered to embark 
in the Greenwich frigate. Once again the guns of the 
castle fired their farewell salutes, and on August 14 
Sandwich arrived at Tangier. He was received by 
the Lieutenant-Governor, Colonel Norwood, and ex- 
pressed himself much gratified by his reception. 

" Towards evening," he wrote, " we went ashore 
together, when he saluted me with all the gunns of 
the Towne, and all the soldiers and Townesmen 
drawne out, and fireworks at night ; and lodged mee 
at his owne house, and provided all sort of good enter- 
tainment for mee." 

1 Sandwich MSS, Journal^ viii. 342. 2 Ibid. , viii. 368. 


Then began a further spell of work and investiga- 
tion. It is evident, from the range of the instructions 
issued to Sandwich, that the Committee for the affairs 
of Tangier had gained an increased impression of its 
importance, and determined to make the place a per- 
manent outpost of our growing Empire. The queries 
covered both civil and military matters in particular 
the defences of the town and harbour. The mole was 
to be measured, and an estimate made of its strength 
and cost ; the walls and forts were to be surveyed. 
Military knowledge could be brought into play upon 
the numbers of guards which were needed, and upon 
the staff of officers required. The commission in- 
cluded a census of the military and civil inhabitants, 
and an inquiry into the state of trade. The possi- 
bilities of brewing, baking, and fishing, the building 
of mills, the licensing of tap-houses and victualling- 
houses, were brought under review. The erection of 
a hospital and the health of the inhabitants were 
both to be considered. Finally the inquiry was to 
deal with the relations of England and the Moorish 
Princes. 1 

During his brief stay Sandwich showed considerable 
activity, and filled his journal with lengthy notes and 
comments. He had soon acquired much information 
about the mole, the first great w r ork of the kind under- 
taken by the English. In this he had always taken 
the keenest interest, and was responsible for the 
soundings which preceded the work. Progress had 
been very slow, not for lack of zeal, but because both 
project and contract had been contrived upon experi- 
mental lines. The model was framed and perfected 
"in fewer weeks than others have spent years," 2 and 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 290. 

2 Ibid., viii. 376 : Cholmley to Sandwich. 


the Committee for Tangier blissfully sat in judgment 
upon a contract which Pepys says " none of us that 
were there understood." 1 During six years the work 
had been superintended by Sir Hugh Cholmley, but 
shortness of money, attacks by the Moors, the want of 
skilled workmen, the displacements caused by terrible 
storms, and a change in the methods of construction, 
hardly made for speed. 2 Sandwich secured measure- 
ments of the mole, saw that a plan of its condition 
was drawn, and discussed all the difficulties with 
Major Taylor, who was then in charge. 

The survey of the mole was succeeded by an inquiry 
into civic affairs, and Sandwich interviewed townsfolk 
and soldiers, Englishmen and Portuguese. He had to 
play the part of peacemaker, for matters were very 
bitter between the civil and military government. A 
small pamphlet had been circulated in England to 
show how much the soldiers and traders were at 
variance. " The unreasonableness of both, unwilling 
to comply with one another . . . discourageth all 
wealthy persons from inhabiting there, because they 
are not countenanced, nor have those liberties which 
it hath pleased his Majesty to grant them." 3 Com- 
plaints of their quarrels were so frequent that, in an 
endeavour to compose matters, the home government 
had based the internal affairs of Tangier upon a new 
charter, which had been sent out a few weeks before 
Sandwich arrived. He found that the place seethed 
with differences : the soldiers declared that the charter 
had been procured by a faction, and Sandwich saw 

1 Pepys's Diary, February 6, 1663. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 376 : Cholmley to Sandwich. The letter 
gives a very good picture of the difficulties of the work and the progress 
made. See also A Short Account of the Progress of the Mole, etc., by 
Sir H. Cholmley. 

3 The. Present Interest of Tangier (London, 1664). 


that they and some of the merchants were doing their 
best to prevent its proclamation. 1 

There was need of some arrangement, for since the 
acquisition of Tangier the factions had been at variance. 
The soldiers held the reins, and the whole city was at 
their mercy. Until a civil court was established, all 
jurisdiction was in their hands, and the town was 
governed under permanent martial law. They were 
free from prosecution, and took full advantage of their 
immunity. Their debts were unpaid, and the civilian 
could obtain no redress. They trenched upon his rights 
in all directions. The liquor trade was controlled by 
the garrison, and they appointed their own sutlers 
without obtaining a licence from the townsfolk. The 
watercourses were carefully guarded, and in times of 
drought the civilians were debarred from fetching 
water. The soul of the citizen was no freer than his 
body. Though clergy were paid by the King, the 
garrison monopolized their offices, the townsmen 
were crowded out of the church, and the Corporation 
were fain to "sit among the vulgar." The trainband 
was denied the right of keeping watch and ward, and 
its officers complained that they had not full freedom 
upon the day of election. 

Such were some of the complaints which greeted 
Sandwich. They were poured out by the Mayor, 
John Bland, a prosperous merchant. Long before this 
he had told Pepys that the place was never likely to 
come to anything while the soldiers governed all. 2 
He was full of indignation at his treatment by 
the Lieutenant -Governor, Colonel Henry Norwood. 
The civilians were divided ; some supported Bland, 
others were for the old rule of the garrison and 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 395. 

2 Pepys's Diary, April 24, 1666. 

1668] THE CHARTER 157 

Colonel Norwood. They looked to profits and per- 
quisites rather than to forms of government. If the 
garrison provided profitable custom, why trouble 
over a few trivialities of oppression ? And this fac- 
tion objected to civil government on the ground of 
additional expense ; baubles were needed a town- 
hall, an officer for the records, a mace and a sword 
They grudged the salaries of officials and the cost of 
municipal feasts; they were incapable, they said, of 
supporting any change. 1 

But the paramount cause of their opposition seemed 
to be a hatred of Bland. 

" He is a merchant that has built more than any of 
them and lives in better port," said Sandwich. " I 
found them all as one man pursuing him in their owne 
Court for the fayler of payment in England of a bill 
of Exchange whereunto his hand was. . . . The day 
before the Governor's power to swear the Corporation 
expired, he called the old Court together, and tried 
the Cause, and adjudged it against Mr. Bland." 

The trial, of which Sandwich obtained an account, 
was stifled by prejudice and conducted with unseemly 
haste, but when the opponents of Bland found that 
Sandwich saw through them, and showed "a resent- 
ment of their severity and passion, and was like to 
represent these animosities to be the cause of laying 
aside the King's Charter ; theire stomachs came downe, 
and notwithstanding the Petition here entered they 
tooke up theire severall places in the Corporation and 
were sworn." 2 

By the new charter, which was designed to heal 
these differences, Tangier was made a free city, 
and the inhabitants thereof " a body politique and 

1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, ; f. 44, and the JtnirnaL 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 397-399, 457. 


corporate." 1 The presence of the Ambassador lent 
weight to the incorporation, and Sandwich delighted 
the eyes of the townsfolk by his Garter robes and the 
dignity of his presence. The ceremony took place on 
August 21 ; the charter was publicly read, and the 
Mayor and Aldermen were sworn. 2 A commission 
under the Great Seal established a new Court 
merchant. On the same day Sandwich held a review 
of all men in Tangier "fitt for service of any kind." 3 
Three days later a great feast was given by the Mayor, 
at which His Excellency was present, together with 
the Governor and officers of the garrison, the Aldermen 
and the Common Council. 4 " The gunns of the Towne 
and Castle were shott off for the solemnity," and a 
brief reign of peace between townsfolk and soldiers 
was inaugurated. But it promised little permanence, 
since the Mayor-elect was the unpopular John Bland, 
and four out of the six Aldermen had signed a petition 
to Sandwich praying for the postponement of the 

A few days after the great ceremony, Sandwich 
examined the accounts of the town, and overhauled 
the register of the imports and exports, which he 
found was "kept in no good forme." The value of 
goods was not entered, nor were the sums paid in 
duties properly specified, and the registrar was thus 
enabled to falsify his entries. In another register the 
same officer entered all the customs for goods brought 
to Tangier by English ships from the plantations. 
Sandwich thought that all such duties should be 

1 A copy of the charter is in the Public Record Office, under the Privy Seal 
of April, 1668. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 408. 

3 The total was 1,756, mostly soldiers. The workers on the mole num- 
bered 159, the city trainband no, and "strangers" 63. 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 412. 


collected by the farmers of the customs; and if that 
were not possible, he considered that the King should 
appoint a more responsible person to the post of 
registrar. He also thought that the liberty allowed 
to the man was most prejudicial to the King's affairs, 
and suggested that all consuls at foreign ports should 
send a half-yearly list to the English Custom-house, 
with a certificate of all ships which laded or unloaded 
at the various ports, together with an account of their 
cargo. 1 He saw that the corruption was widespread. 
" The book that is kept of the King's revenue," he 
wrote, " I find it kept only in general termes." As to 
land valuation, the houses were mentioned, but not 
the quantity of ground upon which they stood, nor was 
" unbuilt ground " noticed in the survey. He advised 
"that each house, and also the ruins and ground 
unbuilt, be exactly surveyed, and that it be entered in 
the booke, how many foote of ground each house, 
garden or ruins contains." 2 

For more than a fortnight Sandwich remained in 
Tangier to collect his material. Both factions tried 
to gain his ear : one day he was compelled to listen to 
Eland's grievances ; another day the soldiers brought 
him a relation of the good proceedings of Colonel 
Norwood, which he endorsed " with Colonel Nor- 
wood's privity without question." He went calmly 
on with his inquiry, held the scales evenly, and left 
Tangier with the good wishes of both factions, and to 
both he left their particular hopes and fears. 

On August 29 he boarded the Greenwich, and set 
sail for England. After a journey of three weeks the 
frigate came to an anchor in Mount's Bay. Fog and a 
contrary wind delayed the vessel while off the Cornish 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 454. 

2 Ibid., viii. 458. 


coast, but Seymour and Sydney Mountagu went 
ashore to herald the arrival. 

Sydney Mountagu's first business in London was to 
see Samuel Pepys and obtain supplies. " Sidney is 
mightily grown," says Pepys, " and I am glad I am 
here to see him at his first coming, though it cost me 
dear, for here I come to be necessitated to supply 
them with 500 for my Lord. . . . However," he 
adds, " I think it becomes my duty to my Lord to do 
something extraordinary in this, and the rather because 
I have been remiss in writing to him during this 
voyage, more than ever I did in my life, and more 
indeed than was fit for me." 1 He deplored, too, that 
Sydney did not at once visit Arlington, who com- 
mented upon his want of courtesy : " this remissness 
in affairs do continue in my Lord's managements 
still, which I am sorry for." Sydney was forgiven at 
Whitehall ; for when he went to kiss the Queen's 
hand, Catherine was kind to him, her ladies " looked 
mightily on him," and the King came in, and asked 
for news of Lord Sandwich and his doings. 

While Pepys and Sydney Mountagu were looking 
after his concerns, Sandwich remained in Cornwall, and 
enjoyed a scene of English country life such as he had 
not witnessed for nearly three years. He saw a 
hurling match between the men of Penzance and 

" There was 100 chosen men of each towne," he 
writes, " clad all in white (stripped), who mett in the 
halfe way betweene both townes, when a silver ball, 
gilt, of about three inch diameter (filled within with 
Corke) was throwne up amongst them. Whereupon 
they presently mett together to catch the ball, and 

Pepys's Diary , September 28. The statement of accounts for the ^"500 
is in Rawlinson MSS., A. 174, f. 437. 

i668] HOME AGAIN 161 

runn away with it to one of the two townes, and the 
towne that it is brought into gaines the victorie. The 
hurlers make any play ; cuffinge one the other on the 
face, or kicking or wrastling, although they be five or 
six at once upon one man ; or throwinge men downe 
the cliffs, or downe Tynn pitts ; not valuinge any mis- 
chiefe that ensues, soe they obtaine the victory ; and 
in their greatest disorder noe gentleman of the country 
dares come in to rule or part them, for then both 
sydes will joyne together, and beate them, without 
respect to any quality. The hurlers, when they have 
brought the ball home, present it to some Church, or 
rather to some greate gentleman, that gives them 
drinckes or money for it. There is greate concourse 
of people and gentry. About 2000 were present at 
this." 1 

A few days later Sandwich left Mount's Bay, and 
on September 28, " a day of delicate sunshine, and 
fine gentle breezes," he landed at Spithead. He was 
welcomed by Colonel Norton, a son-in-law of his old 
colleague, Sir John Lawson, who invited him to his 
house at Southwick. He remained there for two or 
three days, enjoying the gardens and the familiar life 
and surroundings. There he was joined by young 
Lord Hinchingbrooke, Sydney Mountagu, John Sey- 
mour, and Samuel Pepys. 2 They came with two 
coaches and six horses, and escorted Sandwich to 
London. The King was then staying in the eastern 
counties, and on October n Sandwich went down to 
Audley End, and was there received by His Majesty, 
the Queen, and the Duke of York, who each showed 
him every possible mark of favour. Sandwich was 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 540. 

2 Ibid. , viii. 546. This note of Sandwich's gives the clue to Pepys's move- 
ments during the fortnight's gap in the diary. Lord Braybrooke assumed 
that Pepys was in the eastern counties, but it is probable that when Pepys 
returned to London, with Sandwich, the pressure of business prevented his 
writing up the journal for some days. He resumed it upon the day on which 
my Lord left London for Audley End. 



delighted, for he had some misgivings about his re- 
ception ; he feared lest the trouble over Carpio should 
be revived and brought up against him, but Charles 
had accepted his explanation, and the courtiers were 
satisfied. Even Buckingham had upbraided the noise 
raised against Sandwich, " sayinge that all the clamour 
was come to this ; that the King had sent a gentleman 
his Ambassador, and he had beene civill, and if the 
King had sent a clown probably some rudenesse or 
other would have beene done." 1 So at least one 
storm had blown over, and Sandwich became more 
easy in his mind. He remained two days at Audley 
End, and then made for home. On October 13 he 
wrote in his journal : 

"I went to my owne house, to Hinchingbrooke, 
accompanied by Sir William Godolphin, Sir Charles 
Harbord, and my son Sydney. Wee found all my 
family in good health. Blessed be Almighty God for 
his extraordinary mercye and period of soe important 
an embassye, and so greate labours and hazards." 2 

But his troubles were not yet at an end. Once 
more his easy good-nature over money matters in- 
volved him in disputes, and the consideration of his 
accounts gave him the impression that all men were 
against him. He had conducted his embassy in the 
most lavish way in order not to be outdone by the 
French Ambassador, who was well supplied with 
funds. His father-in-law and Lady Sandwich were 
both anxious over his expenses. "I. hope," said his 
lady, " that it will not be thought you have spent more 
then what hath bene for the honour of the King and 
Kingdome." 3 Unfortunately Sandwich was left con- 
tinually short of money: he had been compelled to 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 547. 2 Ibid. t viii. 550. 

3 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, ff. 126, 1 60. 

From a portrait by Adrian Hanneman 

To face p. 16? of Vol. II 

i668] THE ACCOUNTS 163 

borrow at a high rate of interest, and all his own 
rewards, and most of his private income, had been 
expended on the upkeep of his house, on the pay 
of his retinue, on numerous journeys, and on bon- 
fires, banquets, and the necessary entertainments of 
grandees. He had, as he said, grudged no charge 
upon his own estate, and his family suffered by this. 
In all he had spent close on 38,000, and prepared 
an account which showed that the Government was 
nearly 20,000 in his debt. 1 Some of the money which 
he was supposed to have had was ear-marked " due in 
about three years, because of orders which precede 
it " ; the remainder had come to him through the un- 
certain medium of the hearth-tax, or through melting 
down both gold and silver plate. 

There was at the time no proper system of regular 
payment, and no arrangement for the supervision of 
accounts by the Exchequer. The account which 
Sandwich rendered stuck long, as he said, in the 
hands of the Junta, or the Lords of the Committee of 
Foreign Affairs, to whom it was referred by the 
King. 2 The Lords objected to His Excellency's de- 
mand of 133 a week for his allowances, and tried to 
cut down the 6,000 which had been estimated for 
equipage and transportation. Sandwich had based 
his calculations on precedent : the former Ambassador 
to Spain had always had one-third more than the 
Ambassador to Paris ; and since the latter was given 

1 The accounts of the embassy are in Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 566, 
567. They also appear in Cal. S. P., Dom., November 6, 1668, February n, 
1669.' The amounts expended^were (a) for equipage t and transport 6,000 ; 
(6) ordinary expenses for 143 weeks, at 133 6s. 8d. per week, 19,066; 
(r) extraordinary charges, such as presents, etc., .6,587; (^interest on the 
ready money, bills of exchange, and so forth, raised by Sandwich, about 

2 The Committee consisted of Lord Ashley, Sir Thomas Clifford, and 
Sir William Ashley (Cal. S. P., Dom^ February n, 1669). 


100 a week, Sandwich considered himself empowered 
to ask the larger sum. 

" Besides," he added, " I thought my quality of an 
Extraordinary Embassador, an Earle, Knight of the 
Garter, and the greate successe I had in both my 
embassyes, my greate Hazards and personall labours, 
and also that I had in truth expended ,4000 more 
than was in either of the accounts, I say I thought 
these considerations might well merit an allowance 
more than ordinary." 1 

Sandwich was in some doubt over the speedy 
dispatch of his affairs, although he thought that the 
King was inclined to favour him. 2 The matter of 
money was a serious one to a man with a large family, 
and continual calls upon him. At times his high spirits 
allowed him to forget his anxieties ; at other times he 
was moped and miserable. For months the discussion 
over his accounts dragged on ; even the money allotted 
for his equipage was reduced, and this he resented, 
since to honour his King and country he had taken 
" a splendid train both of Comerades and Servants." 

" But the truth of my case," he says, " and the hard- 
shipp of it, is beinge kept off from touchinge any 
money for soe many months ; as I believe indeed very 
neare two yeare ; soe that my Debts and Interest still 
consume and destroy mee: which I remonstrated to 
them and beseeched that the King my master would 
please himselfe and reduce what he thought fitt, soe 
that some money might be speedily and effectually 
paid mee." 3 

He had in the end to submit to the reductions ; his 
allowance was brought down to 100 a week, the cost 
of equipage to 4,000 ; the interest was reduced in pro- 
portion, and allowed only on the condition that it was 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 568. 

2 Pepys's Diary, October 26, December 7. ' , 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, viii. 572. 

i668] THE REPORT 165 

not made a precedent for other Ambassadors. 1 Even 
then six months elapsed before the accounts were 

The business of the money may have possibly been 
influenced by the reception of his report on Tangier. 
The gratitude of the Government was short-lived, and 
when Sandwich returned, the commercial treaty with 
Spain and the Peace of Lisbon soon passed into the 
shade of deeds forgotten. He had, however, an oppor- 
tunity for renown in rendering his report, and for this 
he had collected the most ample material. 

Upon his homeward journey Sandwich set down 
his reflections upon Tangier, " Arising to my contem- 
placion," says he, " from what I have now heard and 
seene upon the place." He believed first and fore- 
most that it should be " indubitably preserved in the 
power of the English nation." A vigorous civil and 
military jurisdiction was needed. He desired that 
the Governor should be an Englishman, not Irish nor 
Scottish, and that the officers should be Protestant. 
He was opposed to the residence there of too many 
foreigners, and saw danger both in an increase of 
Irish Roman Catholics and of Scottish Presbyterians. 
He would have had all Barbary Jews banished, for 
they spied, they betrayed the prices of our commodi- 
ties, and " they are beggars, and sucke the monye out 
of the inhabitants' purses." Sandwich believed in the 
new charter, which somewhat suppressed the garrison, 
but he also wanted the soldier to be satisfied, so that 
it should come to be a desirable thing to serve one's 
country in Tangier. He would have had the soldier 
admitted to the freedom of the town. Supply should 
be regular, he said, without defalcations ; and the 
garrison's victuals should be in full proportion, good, 

1 Cal S. P., Dom.y August 19, 1669. 


and justly delivered. He also supported an increase 
of pay ; he thought that it was justified by the 
absence from friends, the hard duty, and the dearness 
of commodities. " And I am of opinion for encrease 
of pay," he added, " because I am against the Governor's 
or any officer's making one farthing of Perquisites, 
upon the severest penalties." 

For the improvement and security of trade he de- 
sired two fourth -rate or two fifth -rate frigates to 
convoy merchants from England "a perpetuall bridle 
in the teeth of all nations " ; but he feared lest the 
captains should use the frigates as traders, and he 
wished for severe penalties as a check upon such 
designs. He wanted freedom for the Moors to bring 
in their cattle and goods for sale, and would have a 
peace obtained with the Princes of the surrounding 
country either by gifts or by the perpetual presence 
of a strong naval force. He was not averse to Dutch 
aid, in order to ensure freedom of commerce in the 
Straits. He considered that the city and environs 
might be made Crown land : 

"The annexation of Tangier to the Crowne," he 
wrote, " would encourage men much to build, and lay 
out their estates there ; but this is a greate Point of 
State ; how farr it is good in order to Preserve the 
Crown upon the Head of my master and his family to 
part with Regalities ; and whether emergencies may 
not happen, wherein it may be of great use to his 
Majesty to have such a place in his owne personall 
power. Moreover it is to be considered the Temper 
of the House of Commons, when such a consideration 
is exposed ; for if it should prove that then they have 
ill impressions and disesteeme of the place, instead of 
annexation it may proove the discouragement of the 
place." 1 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, viii. 512 et seqq. He wished the Customs dues 
at Tangier to be only 8 per cent., and at Tetuan and the other towns 10 per 
cent. (Sloane MSS., 3509, f. 26). The idea that Tangier should be annexed 
to the Crown was not discussed in Parliament until 1679. 


Such were what Sandwich called his cogitations 
upon Tangier. In their essence they were sound. 
The encouragement of the garrison, by regular pay 
and good provisions, would have done away with dis- 
content and exaction. Sandwich also emphasized the 
need for an incorrupt administration. He did not 
undervalue the civil power, and saw that it was as 
necessary to content the civilian as well as the soldier, 
though he sympathized with the grievances of the 
latter. He realized the importance of security of 
trade, and wished that it should be conducted in a 
regular manner. Immediately he returned to England 
the Council took up this point, and endeavoured to 
reform it. 1 They further considered the question of 
the freedom of Tangier to our West Indian trade, and 
they adopted the suggestion that a tighter hold should 
be kept upon the farming and administration of the 
Customs. 2 Within a few months matters between 
the soldiers and civilians were placed upon a better 
footing: their jurisdictions were defined, places in 
church were duly allotted, and strangers were en- 
couraged to settle in the town. 3 

Although the visit to Tangier had some immediate 
effect, this was due to private conversations which 
Sandwich had in Council, rather than to his formal 
report. The anxiety which beset him over money 
matters, and his general sense that his work was ill 
appreciated, had their effect. When the report was 
completed, it was poorly composed. Had Sandwich 
asked Pepys's advice before writing it, he might have 
made the work more acceptable to the Council ; but his 
extant letters show him to have been the most prolix 

1 Acts of the Privy Council (Colonial}, vol. i., 802. 

2 Ibid., vol. i.,826, 827. 

3 Public Record Office: Colonial Papers , 279, Bundle 12, ff. \ 163-1 66. 
See also Miss Routh's Tangier. 


of writers, and he was evidently a poor speaker. He 
was crushed by the weight of his material. A day 
was appointed for him to give his account of Tangier, 
says Pepys ; " and what he did, and found there, which 
though he had admirable matter for it, and his doings 
there were good, and would have afforded a noble 
account, yet he did it with a mind so low and mean, 
and delivered in so poor a manner, that it appeared 
nothing at all, nor anybody seemed to value it ; 
whereas, he might have shown himself to have merited 
extraordinary thanks, and been held to have done a 
very great service ; whereas now, all that cost the 
King hath been at for his journey through Spain 
thither, seems to be almost lost." 1 

This was indeed a most unfortunate termination to 
the embassy, for it made men forget for a moment the 
great work already done. It can hardly be denied that 
Sandwich took considerable pains over the business. 
He was industrious over Tangier and its affairs, but 
his industry was, in a sense, his undoing. His work 
lacked clearness, the main points and the lesser were 
made equal in importance. He omitted nothing a 
great mistake when one's audience consisted of such 
men as Charles and Arlington, Bristol and Buckingham. 
He had not the needed lightness of touch, and his 
friends were left to bemoan the weak report he had 
made out of his abundance of good matter. 

On the other hand, he had gained great respect in 
Tangier. True, the charter, of which so much had 
been hoped, led to renewed quarrels between Bland 
and Norwood, but that could not be laid at His 
Excellency's door. While he was in the town Sand- 
wich had inaugurated a brief reign of peace, and upon 
his return home he did much to ensure its continuance. 

1 Pepys' s Diary, November 9. 


When disputes broke out, both sides, civil and military, 
appealed to him as to a just judge. 1 There was some 
talk of his returning to Tangier as Governor. 2 Had he 
wished again to go abroad, his experience and powers 
of administration would have made the appointment 
an admirable one ; and his capacity and keen interest 
might well have prevented the loss of our African 
outpost. The report of his coming was received in 
Tangier with great joy, but it proved premature, and 
for the remainder of his life Sandwich served his 
country at home. 

1 A considerable portion of a volume of the Sandwich MSS. (Letters from 
Foreign Ministers) contains letters from Norwood, Bland, and others, upon 
Tangier affairs. See also Brit. Mus. : Shane MSS., 3509, ff. 262-269, 
3510, ff. 35, 40. 

2 Pepys's Diary ) December 7. 



" Last night was one of their cabal nights ; they have 'em three times a 
week. . . . You and I are excluded. "-CONGREVE: The Way of the World, 
Act I., Scene I. 

AFTER his return from Madrid, Sandwich could look 
back with satisfaction upon the results of his embassy, 
and he began to find that in another field he was 
accorded tardy recognition. The world had looked 
somewhat coldly upon success achieved abroad, but 
opinion was veering round to the view that, when 
Sandwich was sent to Spain, England had exiled one 
of her soundest seamen. " Should he return to- 
morrow," wrote Pepys in 1667, "his Lordship would 
find the world give him another look than when he 
left us, the last year's work having sufficiently dis- 
tinguished between man and man." 2 The combination 
of Rupert and Albemarle in 1666 had been by no means 
a success. This could hardly be laid at Albemarle's 
door; but he must have regretted his condemnation 
of the " tarpaulins," for he found that his new officers 
were of the poorest courage, and could not behave 

1 Authorities : Sandwich MSS. Journal, vols. ix. , x. , and Letters, particu- 
larly the Appendix ; Carte MSS. ; Calendar of Treasury Books (edited by 
W. A. Shaw) ; Anchitell Grey, Debates of the House of Commons (1667-1694) ; 
Lords' Jottrnals ; Commons' Journals ; Pepys's Life, Journals, and Corre- 
spondence (edited by J. Smith). 

2 Pepys's Life, etc., i. 116. See also Teddiman's opinion of Sandwich; 
Pepys's Diary, October 29, 1666. 



like men. 1 Then came the fatal laying up of the fleet, 
and the Dutch raid in the Medway. Again Albemarle 
was not responsible ; he did all he could do " stout 
and honest to his country." 2 But the people were 
dissatisfied, and the names of Sandwich and Penn 
were passed from mouth to mouth. Sandwich as 
Admiral was more desirable than Rupert ; he at least 
would have opposed the division of the fleet which 
caused the first disaster. Rumour had it that he was 
to be sent for to take over the command, 3 and it was 
said that the King, a good judge of naval affairs, was 
actually prepared to recall him from Spain and give 
him the naval conduct. 4 James, who had quarrelled 
with Coventry, began to cast aside his jealousy, and 
spoke more kindly of his lordship. 6 This reached the 
Ambassador's ears, and he returned home with the 
satisfaction of knowing that he had recovered his 
position, and that, if war broke out again, he would be 
certain to serve. He could thus look to the future 
with some increase of confidence. 

He was altogether a more important personage than 
had left England in 1666, and he was conscious of the 
fact. He had changed much in appearance. He had 
grown exceedingly stout and unwieldy, and was far 
heavier than any of his suite. His face had become 
redder, but his brown hair was as yet untinged with 
grey. He wore his beard in the Spanish manner, and 
had adopted the plainer Spanish dress. There was 
about him something of the grandee. He could speak 
fluent Spanish, and had stored his mind with the 
customs and curiosities of the country. His lengthy 

1 Pepys's Life, etc., i. no. 2 Pepys's Diary, October 23, 1667. 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Le Fleming MSS., p. 45. 

4 Carte MSS., 223, f. 305; Pepys's Diary, December 9, 1667, and 
February 13, 1668. 

c Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 157. 


residence in Madrid had left its mark. He extolled 
Spanish music and dancing, and brought home a youth, 
the best dancer in Spain, to dance for him. He lent 
to his friends the journal of his embassy, packed with 
rich details and pictures. He had collected curious 
anecdotes and local legends. He gossiped about Kings 
and Queens, wonderful buildings, and quaint sports. 
He brought back some coins and curiosities, told the 
ladies of the family the most modern way in which to 
perfume their gloves, and enriched their dishes with 
recipes. He had transcribed Spanish songs, which 
he sang to the guitar. For men like Evelyn, to whom 
he had already sent some of his harvest, he had his 
excellent drawings of gardens, fountains, and the like, 
done by the skilful hand of Charles Harbord or 
William Ferrers. 

To none was the Ambassador's gossip more wel- 
come than to Lady Sandwich. She had long desired 
his return, for many changes had taken place, and she 
had been overwhelmed with anxiety; but she never 
succumbed ; she proved herself a trustworthy guardian, 
and " the same most excellent, good, and discreet lady 
that ever she was." She had been left at home with 
her many small children, and was in continual straits 
for money, notwithstanding that " all within doores," 
said her lawyer, " is ordered with the utmost frugality 
and prudence can be contrived." 1 

" Besides the want of your good company," wrote 
my Lady to her husband, " I fear your estat will be 
much spoild if you doe not sone return. ... I hope 
the first work you doe as to your estat will be to get us 
clear if it is possible. I hear of soe many undone by 
continuing in great deapts. Pardon my medeling in 
those affairs, you know whats best." 2 

1 Carte MSS. y 75, f. 477. 2 Ibid., 223, f. 155. 


Sandwich could give his lady little or no relief, 
for he had not the money to supply his own needs. 
So during his prolonged absence Lady Sandwich was 
fain to economize in every way. She gave up her 
season in town. She sold a large amount of her 
cherished plate all, indeed, that she could spare and 
parted with a suite of beautiful hangings, for, said she, 
money seemed possible no other way. 1 She had to 
dismiss the boys' governor, Monsieur de Prata, though 
she was cut to the heart, and told him of her decision 
through a friend. 2 

" I did till very lattly defer the taking of a capline," 3 
she wrote to Sandwich, " in hops of your sone return, 
but hearing your coming was deleayed I have now 
spock to Mr. Jervice Fullwood to come at Lady Day." 4 

With all her economies matters grew little better, 
and the continued postponement of her husband's 
return was a great blow. 

Just as Sandwich left Madrid she wrote once more : 

"I weare in great straiths for money, my son soe 
deply sharing with us hear, and can get none from 
Mr. More, and therfor am forsed to borow of my cosen 
Pepys, a 100 pound, which I doubt will not serve till 
you com. I pray God send us a happy and spedy 
meeting, if it be his wille. Hinchbrok much want your 
selfe allthough it now is plesent. I pray God of heaven 
send you a good voiage to Tanger wher I hear the 
King hath commanded you to goe. Your frends are 
of opinion that in all respects it would be best for you 
to be att home. I am sure your Estat is much out of 
order by these times, things bearing noe Price, but 
now we have peace I hope all things will be better 
and I fear ther will be a great distance betwene Shep- 

1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 139. 2 Ibid., 223, f. 102. 

3 I.e., chaplain. 

4 Sandwich. MSS., Appendix, f. 127. See Pepys's Diary, May 24, 1668, 
when he says that Fulwood preached "a very good and seraphic kind of 
sermon, too good for an ordinary congregation." 


ley and us in our reckoning besids the heviy burdon 
that lies upon Mr. Moore, and rents are very ill paied 
but I thank God for the hops of your coming amongst 
us again, and now will cast off all trouble if we have 
but your company. ... I assure you I live as low as 
I know posiblely how to doe for meat, drink and 
cloathes, but soe great a familey as ours will ask much 
to manetane it." 1 

Nevertheless the good lady struggled on. An estate 
of 500 a year fell to her husband through the death of 
Robert Payn of St. Neots. 2 Aided by this, she kept 
the home together, and completed a transaction which 
was of great importance in the family, the marriage 
of the eldest son, Viscount Hinchingbrooke. 

The earliest suggestion as to a match for young 
Edward was made when he was barely ten years of 
age. The match-makers then were Monck and Moun- 
tagu, who were apparently on friendly terms long 
before the Restoration. From Dalkeith, Monck wrote 
as follows : 

"There is a Lady of a good fortune married to a 
Man of a small Estate (though of the name of Scott) 
but she is sicklie, and it is probable will have no 
Children; but there is another Daughter, the Lady 
Anne Scott, that is very ingenious, and but nine years 
of age, and in case the other failes she is to have the 
Estate, however she is to have 6000 for her portion 
if the other lives. And if your Lordship pleases to 
inquire of any Lawiers whether by the Act, that tooke 
away the wardshippes in England, the wardshippes in 
Scotland are also cut off which I believe they are not, 
if youre Lordship thinke fitt to gett the Wardshippe of 
this Younge Lady which is unmarried, I believe you 
might match her to one of your Sonnes. And if the 
Estate does fall to her (which is likely) she will have 

1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix ; f. 130. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Jottrnal, iii. 94. For this estate see Carte MSS. , 74> 
f. 35. Previously Sandwich derived from his rents about ,5,700 a year, which 
came from other lands round St. Neots, Eynesbury, Lyveden, and his fee 
farm rents (Carte MSS., 74, f. 34 3). 



From a portrait by Sir Peter Lely 

To face p. 174 of Vol. II 


7000 a yeare, but if it does not she will have 6000 to 
her portion. This is my opinion of this businesse, butt 
you had neede to use some diligence in itt, for there is 
a person of Qualitie in this Country goes uppe on 
purpose to get this from his Highness." 1 

Shortly afterwards Monck wrote again to say that, 
by the Act of Union, the wardship was " taken off from 
this Country," and at the same time he affirmed that 
the estate was worth ^"9,000 a year; he added, "the 
Lady that is now married is very weake, and I believe 
she will either have no children, or not live longe." 2 
Monck was right: the elder daughter died, but the 
match between Lady Anne Scott and Edward Moun- 
tagu was never made, and the little heiress eventually 
married the handsome son of Charles II. and Lucy 
Walters, and became Duchess of Monmouth. 

When his son was of marriageable age, Sandwich 
endeavoured to betroth him to the great heiress of the 
day, Mistress Mallett, who had a fortune of several 
thousands. 3 In December, 1664, Sandwich received a 
letter from Court in answer to his inquiries about 

"My Lord John Butler was first named for her, but 
his father gave way to my Lord of Desmonde's sonne's 
pretention to her which is supported by all the recom- 
mendations of Somerset House. Notwithstanding 
which my Lady Castlemain hath rigged the King, who 
is also seconded in it by my Lord Chancellor, to 
recommende my Lord of Rochester. Now these 
personages being with soe much advantage and prefer- 
ence upon the stage, I feare now noe other can with 
any probability of succeeding enter ; what I further 

1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 11, February, 1658. Clarendon asserts that 
Monck desired the heiress for his own son (Life, ii. 392). 

2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 13. The "first refusal" of her hand was 
promised to the Mountagus (Carte MSS., 73, f. 218). 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., December 5, 1664; Pepys's Diary -, May 28, 1665. 
Her fortune was ^2,500 a year. 


heare of the Lady is that Shee declares shee will 
choose for herselfe. If shee hold to it, the game is 
upon equal terms at least." 1 

A few days later Sandwich received a letter from 
Elizabeth Mallett's guardian, who could not then, he 
said, entertain his lordship's proposals. 2 My Lord 
therefore gave up the quest for a time, saying that he 
would suppress any thought that might deviate from 
the King's pleasure. 3 

The suitor of whom Elizabeth's guardians most 
approved was Lord John Butler, and the young lady 
feigned to encourage his wooing, for her grandfather, 
her father, and even her mother, had inveigled her into 
a promise not to marry without their consent. But 
she saw that they were ready to "make a prey of 
her ": her timber was cut down, her estate was lessened. 
Elizabeth was amused at the negotiations which went 
on in her presence. She dissembled her love, and, in 
her high-spirited and wayward way, she gave her 
suitor hope. She drank Butler's health "in a pretty 
big glasse halfe full of Clarett . . . more than ever 
shee did in her life." 4 And all the time she had her 
own views; a year later the Mountagu affair was 
again upon the carpet, and Sandwich told Pepys " that 
an overture had been made to him by a servant of 
hers, to compass the thing without consent of friends, 
she herself having a respect to my Lord's family, but 
my Lord will not listen to it but in a way of honour." 5 

The romance of Mistress Mallett's life was shared with 

1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 39 : Henry Bennet (Lord Arlington) to 
Lord Sandwich. 

2 Ibid., i. 107. 3 CaL S. P., Dom., December 18, 1664. 
* Carte MSS. , 34, f. 349 : Henry Nicholls to Orraond. 

5 Pepys's Diary, February 25, 1666. Sandwich was then probably con- 
sidering Lord Banbury's daughter, who had ,10,000 and Newport House 
(Carte MSS.> 75, f, 301). 


Lord Rochester, the most notorious profligate of his 
time. He began by her abduction, and carried her off in 
a coach, for which he was sent to the Tower. " Here- 
upon," says Pepys, "my Lady Sandwich did confess 
to me, as a great secret, her being concerned in this 
story. For if this match breaks between my Lord 
Rochester and her, then, by the consent of all her 
friends, my Lord Hinchingbrooke stands fair, and is 
invited for her." x Though for many months the 
Mountagu-Mallett match was discussed, it never came 
to anything. Carteret, who conducted the negotia- 
tions, found the lady's guardians very unreasonable. 2 
But a meeting was arranged between the two young 
people. Lord Hinchingbrooke saw Mistress Mallett 
at Tunbridge Wells, and thought her beautiful, though 
he was not fully pleased " with the vanity and liberty 
of her carriage." 3 He surmised, too, that she had 
affection for someone else. 4 She in her turn thought 
him indifferent, for when she had proposed to compass 
the match " without consent of friends," the Mountagus 
had refused, unless with honour. So she turned again 
to Rochester, and she and her thousands fell to him. 
It was left to the children to unite the two families, 
and in after years Lord Hinchingbrooke's eldest son 
married Elizabeth Mallett's daughter. 6 

At length, in 1667, Lord Hinchingbrooke found an 
heiress. The bride-elect was Lady Anne Boyle, 
daughter of Lord Burlington; "a great alliance," says 
Pepys, "10,000 portion." 6 The match was kept 
secret from the young people, and arranged chiefly by 

1 Pepys's Diary, May 28, 1665. 

2 Carte MSS., 75, f- 435, and 223, f. 303. 

3 Pepys's Diary, August 26, 1666. * Carte MSS., 223, ff. 131, 132. 
6 The third Countess of Sandwich was Lady Elizabeth Wilmot, daughter 

of the Earl of Rochester. 

8 Pepys's Diary, April 29, 1667. 
VOL. II. 13 


Lord Crew and Sir George Carteret. The latter 
strongly advised Sandwich to give his consent ; " your 
Lordship," he wrote, " knows what worthy people they 
are in that familly, and how they are allyd with many 
of the best famallys in England ... as for the Lady 
she is a most accomplished person." * "I hope shee 
will bring as great a blessing to your Lordship's 
house," said Carteret again, " as that Deare Daughter 
of your Lordship hath brought to Myne." 2 So Sand- 
wich took Carteret's advice, the negotiations proceeded 
without any hitch, and Carteret again wrote to 
announce that Lord Burlington accepted Edward as 
his son-in-law " with all imaginable joy and satis- 
faction." 3 At the same time Lady Sandwich was told 
of the match, and did " mightily please herself with 
it." 4 

The marriage, which took place in January, 1668, 
was delayed in the hope that Sandwich might have 
returned. The Duke and Duchess of York were 
present, and " did come to see them in their bed 
together on their wedding night." 5 Lady Sandwich, 
in writing about the wedding, says to her Lord : 

" I hope you have or will heare before this corns to 
you of your son's being married to my Lady Ann Boile ; 
I think much to both ther great contentments by what 
I hear from others, and by what they both expres to 
me. He writs me very submisive, good and kind 
Letters. I think in the World againe he could not a 
bene soe fited with wif, father and mother-in-law, who 
are extordanary kind to him, very fond of them both, 
and truly if they had not much kindnes for him and us 
the discourses that have bene made might a made them 
fall off. They are very good condition, wise and 
Chearfull people. I have extorordanry kind Letters 

1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix y f. 151. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 35. 3 Carte MSS., 75, f. 523. 
* Pepys's Diary > May 15, 1667. 5 Ibid.* February 5, 1668. 

i668] THE WEDDING 179 

from my Lady and your Daughter and have had one 
from my Lord, and soe has Pall and Nan from ther 
Sister H. She hath a very fine, free kind way of 
writing soe have they all, somthing Mr. Boiles styll. 
I need not tell you what a great wedding ther was and 
what great company. I beleve your daughter Cart or 
some of your frends at London will tell you those 
things. Mr. Cook that is Neds man writs to 
Mrs. Ellton that my Lord Bur. gave his daughter 
800 pound to buy weeding cloathes and sence my Lady 
her mother hath given her 120 pound of plate for her 
dresing table. If pleas God to continew our estat, I 
hope it will be a very happy match ; however I hope 
they will not be surprised with the worst that can 
come ; but all things are well with us at the present, 
and I beleve like to hold soe if wee keep our lat land ; 
I doe much hope the best, but it is good to think of the 
worst." 1 

Lady Sandwich had every reason to be pleased with 
her son and daughter-in-law, for they made a fine 
couple. Lord Hinchingbrooke was tall, like his father, 
but a much slimmer man, without any tendency to 
stoutness. He was fairer in appearance, and favoured 
his mother's family rather than the Mountagus. He 
was a man of " sobriety and few words," perhaps 
rather countrified. He did not at first take any 
prominent part in politics or dance attendance on the 
King. At the time of his marriage he was only twenty, 
and had not led a varied life like his father's to render 
him mature. After the grand tour he had settled 
down at Hinchingbrooke, and helped his mother to 
keep the estate in order. He saw to the planting of 
trees and the building of the ice-house. While Sand- 
wich was in Spain, his son Ned, as Lord Hinching- 
brooke was called, had charge of the Wardrobe money. 
"Account this affaire of greate importance to yours 
and my safety as well as Profitt," wrote the Earl, " there- 

1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 126. 


fore you cannot take paines in a thing of more moment 
and besides give you a handsome introduction some- 
tymes to be knowne to the Kinge." 1 

The introduction served, and the King encouraged 
him; for Lord Hinchingbrooke soon prepared to go 
into Parliament, and became Colonel of the county 
militia. 2 He appears to have been delicate, since he 
spent much of his time up at Knaresborough. His 
young wife writes to Sandwich : 

" My Lord is at this present in Yorkshire drinking 
the waters there, which he doth with so good advice 
of the best doctors that tho' in my owne minde I am 
little a friend to any kinde of phisick but in cases of 
absolute necessity, I am sattisned which they say is 
the most likely to remove that inward heate my Lord is 
continually troubled with, and I have the greater hopes 
that they will have that Good Effect, having from him 
the assurance that the waters agree with him and he 
very well in the drinking of them." 3 

Lady Hinchingbrooke, from the tone of her letters, 
was evidently a girl of sense. She was of a middle 
height, fair and graceful ; she had a long cval face, a 
small mouth, high-caste nostrils, and a demure expres- 
sion. Pepys thought her neither a beauty nor ugly, 
and found her "a very sweet-natured and well-disposed 
lady, a lover of books and pictures, and of good under- 
standing." 4 Her marriage was happy, and she was 
welcomed by the family. Lady Sandwich spoke of 
her in the warmest terms, as most desirous to please 
her new relations. On a visit to Hinchingbrooke, the 
bride brought all her brothers and sisters " fine tokens." 
So the good Lady Sandwich must needs not be outdone 
in generosity, and gave her a skin and gloves sent 
from Spain. 

1 Carte MSS., 223, .133. 2 Ibid., 74, f. 195. 

3 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 145. 
* Pepys's Diary, March 14, 1668. 


From a portrait after Sir Peter Lely 

To face p. 180 of Vol. II 

1668] LADY JEMIMA 181 

" I have persuaded Pall and Nan," she writes to her 
husband, "to be contented with one skin and each of 
them apare of glovs, becaus I might give ther sister 
one. They are as good Gurls as I can wish them, and 
I have keep the marked skin to myself, for which I 
hartily thank you." 1 

Although she welcomed her new daughter, the 
marriage brought to Lady Sandwich additional anxiety 
on account of the money, which she generously shared 
with her son and his bride. Lord Hinchingbrooke, so 
she told her husband, had half the estate, "which I 
beleve he find little enough to," she adds, " rents being 
ill paied, and taxces being soe high." 2 

My Lady kept watch upon another young couple : the 
eldest daughter, Lady Jemima, and her husband, Philip 
Carteret, who had settled down to country life. The 
two families had combined to buy an estate worth about 
25,000, and early in 1667 they purchased Haynes, in 
Bedfordshire, from Sir Samuel Luke. 3 The house was 
a good one, part of it had been designed by Inigo 
Jones, and until recently it contained many portraits, 
including one of the Earl of Sandwich. 4 From this 
house Lady Jemima's son, George, took his title of 
Baron Carteret of Hawnes. The boy was born at 
Hinchingbrooke in 1667, and was the first grandchild 
Sandwich had. The father, Philip Carteret, lived a 
quiet, uneventful life, though he was "very busy and 
industrious " in county affairs. 6 Like many men of his 
time, he was ingenious in trifles, such as in painting, 
drawing, and the making of watches, and he was a 
member of the Royal Society. 6 He and his wife found 

1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 128. 2 Ibid., f. 131. 

3 Carte MSS., 75, f. 523 ; Sandwich MSS. Journal, iv. 178. 

4 In December, 1910, a portrait of Lord Sandwich which may have come 
from Haynes was sold at Christie's. 

5 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 92. 

6 Pepys's Diary, March I, 1665, and March 8, 1668. 


Haynes a place rather beyond their means ; and this 
troubled dear Lady Sandwich, whose own experiences 
were none too good. 

" I hear my son Carteret oweth Mr. Wallden 
100 pound," she wrote; "'I hop it is only forgotten, 
or else it would be paid, and tis not for us to medle in 
it. I wish Mr. Moore or some of our friends that she 
would take it well of, would advise her [Lady Jemima] 
to have noe hand in boroing money for him. She 
knoweth not the trouble it will be to her, if it come to 
be more than they can pay." 1 

At home my Lady Sandwich had the care of her five 
younger children, who were then growing up. They 
were Lady Anne and Lady Catherine, John and Oliver 
and Charles. Poor Catherine was troubled with sore 

" I have sent little Kat to London," writes Lady 
Sandwich, " to Mr. Pers the Serg. that belongs to the 
Duke, ther being they say the famostes Doer, in ling- 
land for sore eies ; he did a mirackeulus cure on the 
Dutches daughter, the Lady Ann, and now cam up to 
the Dutches of Richmon, who by the smale pox had 
one of her eies much hurt. 2 

Pepys, too, tells of the little girl's coming to town ; 
"they think the King's evil, poor pretty lady." 3 

The twins, John and Oliver, were sent to the 
grammar-school at Huntingdon, under a Mr. Taylor. 
Their cousin, Sam Pepys, on a visit to Hinchingbrooke, 
was much impressed by their promise. 

" I took them into the garden," he says, " and there, 
in one of the summer houses, did examine them, and 
do find them so well advanced in their learning, that I 
was amazed at it : they repeating a whole ode without 

1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 139: Lady Sandwich to Lord Hinchingbrooke, 
December 2, 1667. 

2 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 130. 

3 Pepys's Diary, May 30, 1668. 

1668] THE SONS 183 

book out of Horace, and did give me a very good 
account of anything almost, and did make me very 
readily very good Latin, and did give me good account 
of their Greek grammar, beyond all possible expecta- 
tion ; and so grave and manly as I never saw, I con- 
fess, nor could have believed, so that they will be fit 
to go to Cambridge in two years at most. They are 
both little, but very like one another, and well-looked 
children." 1 

Lady Sandwich also says they did well at their 
books, and tells her husband how they spent their 
Christmas at Boughton, with their cousins and the 
children of the Lord Chancellor. Both were boys 
of ability. Their brothers' old master, de Prata, 
proffered his services for their education, that he 
might " become lesse unusefull to the family." " The 
young students at Huntingdon," he wrote, "beginn to 
rayse their spirits and understandings to some higher 
degree then perhaps the Schoole can lead them to." 2 
They were shortly sent to Westminster. Their father 
has preserved some Latin verses which they there 
made, and which are not without merit. 3 Thence the 
lads and their younger brother Charles went up to 

It was thus a somewhat changed family which 
greeted Sandwich on his arrival. His eldest son was 
married, his daughter Jemima had made him a grand- 
father, and the twins, Oliver and John, were ready for 
a public school. Charles was a boy of ten, little 
Catherine was seven, and James, the sixth son, was 
only four years of age. My Lord was young enough 
to enjoy their lively companionship, and entered into 
their sports and pastimes. But the family circle 
was soon broken. A few months after Sandwich 

1 Pepys's Diary, October 10, 1667. 

2 Carte MSS., 223, f. 102. 3 Sandwich MS S. Journal, x. 283. 


came home he lost his daughter, Lady Paulina, an 
" eminently virtuous " girl, just turned twenty. She 
was never married, though she had been courted by 
the eldest son of Sir Robert Houghton. 1 She took 
after her grandfather, Sir Sydney, in her love of 
religion, and, like him, wrote many pious notes and 
homilies in her own hand. She was nervous and 
highly strung, and her illness made her appear some- 
what peevish. Her father was very fond of her, if his 
letters are any index to his feelings. 

" Deare Paulina," he once wrote from Madrid, " I 
am heartily glad of thy letter . . . and the goode 
newes of thy health and vertue. I pray God continue 
and encrease it. Commend me kindly to deare Nan 
and Catharine and your Brothers. The God of 
Heaven blesse you, and send us a good meetinge, which 
is the greatest joy I can have in this world ; being, 
Deare hart, thy most affectionate father." 

And at her death he wrote in his journal : 

"February 28, 1669. This morninge about 9 of the 
clocke it pleased God to take unto himselfe my deare, 
sweete daughter Paulina in her 2oth yeare of age,, being 
yet unmarried. At the upper Chelsey at Mrs. Beck's 

The loss was a great blow to his lordship. He was 
"shut up with sorrow, and so not to be spoken with." 

Thus wrote Samuel Pepys ; and though it was an 
occasion when Sandwich might well refuse to see him, 
there is no doubt that matters had cooled between the 
two men. At the outset of the famous diary, Sandwich 
appears on nearly every page ; when the diary is 
drawing to a close, references to him are but few. 
The change came during the embassy to Madrid. 

1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 415, and 223, f. 157. See also Sandwich MSS. t 
Appendix, f. 149. Her hand was asked by Stephen Anderson on his son's 

i668] PEPYS AGAIN 185 

Pepys, as he himself confesses, rarely wrote to his 
patron, though he urged upon himself the duty of 
so doing, and upbraided himself with his remissness ; 
Sandwich, too, had taken notice of it, " but yet gently." 1 
Money matters were in the charge of Henry Moore, 
and, though Pepys was always in favour with Lady 
Sandwich, he saw less and less of my Lord. His 
place as confidant was taken by Charles Harbord and 
Clem Cotterell, who for three years had been Sand- 
wich's constant companions. Pepys thought very 
little of them, and was somewhat piqued. " I to 
Whitehall," he writes, "and there waited on Lord 
Sandwich, which I have little encouragement to do, 
because of the difficulty of seeing him, and the little he 
hath to say to me when I do see him, or to any body 
else, but his own idle people about him, Sir Charles 
Harbord, etc." 2 

It was this same Harbord whom Sandwich designed 
to make Paymaster of Tangier, without consulting 
Pepys. But when he came to move this at the Board 
of Tangier, the Duke of York took up the cudgels on 
Pepys's behalf, and would have him consulted. 

" This my Lord in great confidence tells me," says 
Pepys, "that he do take very ill from the Duke of 
York, though nobody knew the meaning of these 
words but him ; and that he did take no notice of 
them ; but bit his lip, being satisfied that the Duke of 
York's care of me was as desirable to him, as it could 
be to have Sir Charles Harbord : and did seem 
industrious to let me see that he was glad that the 
Duke of York and he might come to contend who 
shall be the kindest to me, which I owned as his great 
love, and so I hope and believe it is, though my Lord 
did go a little too far in this business, to move it so 
far, without consulting me." 3 

1 Pepys's Diary, May 29, 1668. 

2 Jbid. t November 25, 1668, 3 Ibid., January 18, 1669. 

1 86 


[CHAP, xin 

The brief conversation shows that there was some 
estrangement, and this was one of the few occasions 
upon which Pepys and his patron talked about 
business. For though Pepys made up his mind to 
proffer Sandwich advice on monetary affairs, he 
thought better of it. However, he determined to 
entertain His Excellency, who had so far never 
broken bread in Pepys's house. On January 23, 1669, 
the dinner took place. In addition to Lord Sandwich, 
Pepys entertained Lord Peterborough and Sir Charles 
Harbord, Sir William Godolphin, Lord Hinching- 
brooke, and Sydney Mountagu. He was delighted 
over the accessories : the skilful man who folded 
napkins, the variety and excellence of the wine, the 
dinner brought up, one dish after another a great 
contrast to the ruder feasts of his early life. And 
after dinner my Lords played cards, and the rest of 
the company turned over Pepys's books, or looked at 
his pictures and at his wife's drawings. " And 
mighty merry all day long, with exceeding great 
content, and so till seven at night ; and so took their 
leaves, it being dark and foul weather. Thus was 
this entertainment over, the best of its kind, and the 
fullest of honour and content to me, that ever I had in 
my life: and shall not easily have so good again." 1 
But the old terms of cordial friendship were never 
resumed. When Sandwich, a few months later, made 
his will, he did not place Pepys among his executors, 
nor did he leave him any remembrance. 2 Shortly 
afterwards they adjusted their accounts, and Pepys 
had no further anxieties upon that score. 3 

The estrangement from Pepys was one of many 

1 Pepys's Diary, January 23, 1669. 

2 Somerset House : Wills in the Eure Collection. 

3 Raivlinson MSS., A. 174, f. 437. Pepys charged his lordship 6 per 
cent. The quittance is dated June 15, 1670. 

1668] MANY CHANGES 187 

changes which took place in my Lord's life, and which 
extended to his surroundings. The house " at the 
Porch," in Lincoln's Inn Fields, was passed on to 
Sir George Carteret, and Sandwich apparently leased a 
house at Hampstead. 1 His old home at the Wardrobe 
had been destroyed by the Great Fire, and it was with 
difficulty that the iron chest, containing his plate, was 
saved from destruction. 2 The office of the Wardrobe 
was moved to the Savoy, but there was, apparently, no 
residence attached, though the Master had the right 
for his lifetime to a house and grounds. 3 Thus one of 
the chief attractions of the office was removed, and 
Sandwich found his position lessening in value. 
During his absence in Spain the Great Wardrobe had 
been re-organized. For some five years the King had 
considered retrenchment. 4 In 1668 the perquisites of 
the Master were cut down, and, instead of an appro- 
priation of the surplus, he was given a salary of 
2,200, in compensation of all other ancient fees and 
allowances. 5 Much of the business passed into the 
hands of a comptroller and a surveyor. 6 To Lord 
Sandwich the Wardrobe had never been a very profit- 
able affair. In a given year only about one-fifth of the 
necessary money was provided in actual cash ; the 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. viii. ; and x. 290. 

2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 477. 

8 Cal. S. P.) Dom., February 13, 1671. The new house had been 
Lord Lumley's. 

4 Cal. S. P., Dom., October 15, 1663. Pepys estimates the profits at less 
than ,1,000 a year (Diary, September 2, 1667). 

5 Chamberlayne, Anglice Notitia, 1671 ; Cal. S. P., Dom., November 21, 

6 The Comptroller was Andrew Newport, and the Surveyor was Bullen 
Reymes. Their apologetic letters on the appointment are in the Sandwich 
MSS. Letters, ii. 138, 142. The yearly expense was not to exceed 
;i6,ooo (Cal. S. P., Dom., March 16, 1668). From June 24, 1660, to 
Michaelmas, 1666, the expenditure was ^238,615, exclusive of ^33,000 
spent on the coronation and certain funerals, which exceeds 45,000 a year 
(Carte MSS., 74, f. 249). 


remainder was assigned upon some fund which fre- 
quently had no balance in the Exchequer. 1 The 
tallies would not pass, even at an abatement, and 
interest had to be paid upon them. 2 During my Lord's 
absence in Spain it was difficult to collect a penny. 
So the re-organization provided an excuse, and within 
two years Sandwich, tired of the new arrange- 
ment, sold the office of Master to his cousin, Ralph 
Mountagu. 3 

Sandwich had not been long at home before certain 
troubles, of which he had had many warnings, surged 
round him, and in order to understand the uncertain- 
ties of his position a considerable retrospect is 

While he was still abroad, England was in an uneasy 
state. The outburst of unconditional loyalty, which 
threw a glamour over the Restoration, passed away, 
and in its place there arose a perverse and uncom- 
promising spirit of dissatisfaction ; the people remem- 
bered Oliver Cromwell, " what brave things he did," 
and contrasted his rule with that of Charles. 4 The 
uneasiness was increased by events which Sandwich 
had not witnessed, such as the Fire of London and the 
Dutch attack upon Sheerness. Parliament voiced the 
discontent, and began an inquiry. " I hope our heates 
will decrease before you can be here," wrote one of 
the Ambassador's friends ; " otherwise they will burst 
out into flames that will devoure great distances, and 
none can tell who will be spared." 6 

At the same time Lord Sandwich was affected by 

1 Calendar of Treasury Books, vol. ii., pp. xv, Ixv. 

2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 299. Moore complains that he cannot pass the tallies 
even at an abatement of 30 per cent. They can hardly be paid in three years, 
and at 6 per cent, the loss on ^100 was 18. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., August 6, 1671. * Pepys's Diary, July 12, 1667. 
5 Carte MSS.. 223, f. 323 : Henry Howard to Sandwich. 

i668] POLITICS 189 

the changed complexion of the Court. His old friend 
Clarendon had withdrawn. Determination to uphold 
the Code which bore his name, and an outspoken 
disapproval of the King's amours, had been the 
Chancellor's undoing. His fall, which Medina had 
predicted, was accomplished by the end of 1667 ; and 
the great man, who had done so much for Charles 
Stewart, was now an exile. Albemarle had virtually 
retired ; he was sixty years of age, infirm and dropsical, 
and too sincere to become first favourite. He had laid 
down the rod of power, and with his retirement the 
influence of the older Royalists was again supreme ; 
those who compassed the Restoration were supplanted 
by the Cavaliers, and George Villiers, second Duke of 
Buckingham, seized the reins. 

Upon the Chancellor's fall, his rival, Lord Arlington, 
hoped for the reward of several years' intriguing, but 
Buckingham contested the position. In assurance, 
though not in place, the Duke had the advantage. 
Arlington was at this time a man of fifty. His know- 
ledge of foreign affairs made him supreme in that 
department; his knowledge of tongues, his good 
breeding and courtly manners, impressed the foreigner. 
But in political intrigue he met his match, at least for 
a time, in Buckingham a man as comely in person as 
he was witty of tongue, and a thorough-going rake. 

By skilful intrigue, bribery, and the like, Buckingham 
built up a small party in the House of Commons. He 
saw an opening in the championship of toleration. 
Though he lacked religious feeling, he and his 
followers were determined to set aside the work of 
Clarendon, and to fight against the Clarendon Code. 
Again, since Clarendon had opposed the examination 
of accounts as derogatory to the Sovereign, the new 
party determined upon a change of policy, and brought 


about a public audit. The uneasiness over the nation's 
debts had lasted since the outbreak of the first Dutch 
War, and in 1667 a Commission was formed to consider 
the nation's accounts. But it was too varied in its 
constitution; the machinery was inadequate, the 
system of finance was hopeless. Parliament had made 
no provision for the King's debts, and their promises 
to the Crown were unfulfilled. The Commission was 
set to minimize a muddle which was partly of its own 
making. As Pepys predicted, it came to nothing. 1 

Late in 1667 a new Commission was formed, which 
was in its constitution a forerunner of the Royal 
Commissions of to-day. The Parliament, egged on by 
Buckingham, again showed a determination to handle 
the money matters of the kingdom, though they were 
blind as to the complication of accounts, and factious 
and niggardly in all their dealings. They attempted 
too much, and the second Commission was the evidence 
of their attempt. The members sat at Brooke House, 
off Holborn, and, armed with full powers, they set 
themselves to make an exhaustive and business-like 
inquiry. The men who composed this Commission 
made a queer mixture. Sir George Savile, whom the 
King tried to buy with a peerage, and who became 
Lord Halifax, represented moderation, and was joined 
with one or two courtiers. The detached party was 
represented by William Pierrepont, who refused to 
take his seat until the prorogation, as he declared that 
the Commission had no power to act until Parliament 
was prorogued. 2 Lord Brereton, an Irish peer, was a 

1 Pepys's Diary, June 5, 1667. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ix. 119. The clause to which Pierrepont 
objected was " This act as to the powers of taking and examining of accounts 
and administring of Oaths to endure for the space of three years from the end 
of this session of Parliament next ensuing and no longer." The Judges tacitly 
decided that he was right, and therefore the session of the Commission was 

1668] BROOKE HOUSE 191 

man of integrity, and free from bias. On the other 
hand, George Thomson, a sectary and fanatic, was 
one of those who had formerly declared for " King 
Jesus "; he entered upon his work with zeal, and in a 
vindictive manner ; he was ready to pursue his quarry 
to the death. 1 

The members of the Commission worked in sedulous 
fashion, sitting all day, content with " a bit of bread 
at noon, and a glass of wine." They examined wit- 
nesses, and on March 14, 1668, they reported progress 
to the House of Commons. 2 The Buckingham party, 
their ardour inflamed, proceeded with an inquiry into 
the miscarriages of the late Dutch War. They had 
already attacked Albemarle and Rupert for the 
division of the fleet in 1666, and had turned on 
Sandwich over the affair of Bergen, and his absence 
from the fleet during the weeks which followed Ted- 
diman's failure. 3 But the Commons, led by Secretary 
Morrice, once the Earl's friend, reserved their most 
bitter discussions for the old question of the prize- 
goods. Not only did they drag that to light, but they 
particularly denied the power of the pardons which 
had been issued under the Privy Seal. To them the 
King's interference was a bar to impeachment, and 
several members were determined to keep their hold 
upon the. hilt of this, the keenest of constitutional 

The renewed attacks were at first directed against 
Sir William Penn, partly, so said rumour, because he 
had recently been put in command of the fleet. 4 The 
appointment had enraged Rupert, and the Prince in- 

1 The remaining members were Giles Dunster, John Gregory, Sir James 
Langham, Colonel Henry Osborne, and Sir William Turner (Calendar of 
Treasury Books, vol. ii., pp. li-liv). 

2 Grey's Debates, i. 116. * Ibid., i. 77. 

* Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 8l. 


trigued by way of revenge. 1 His followers attacked 
Penn, and joined the Buckingham party. They gos- 
siped about the fortune Penn had made, and the 
large estate which he had settled upon his daughter. 2 
The Admiral, who was a member of the House, had 
to listen while the question of the breaking of bulk 
was discussed, and in his own defence he denied that 
he touched or sold any goods until Lord Sandwich 
gave him the King's warrant. 3 Beyond that, Penn let 
nothing fall that was of any prejudice to his chief. 4 
Before the debate ended, Penn was requested to with- 
draw, and on April 16, 1668, he appeared in his place 
to answer the charge. 5 It was then asked whether, 
since Sandwich gave the order, anything could be 
done until the Ambassador came home. " Shall we 
try the accessory before the principal be present?" 
cried Morrice, and an endeavour was made to include 
Sandwich in the impeachment. John Vaughan, one of 
the best lawyers of the time, stood up for the Earl, 
and would not have him included without hearing 
him first. 6 The defence sufficed. But Penn was 
suspended from sitting, and on April 24 he was im- 
peached. 7 

This all took place while Sandwich was in Madrid. 
The debates alarmed the Ambassador's friends, and 
Sandwich received a budget of letters calling for his 
speedy return. The earliest warning came from his 
friend, Henry Howard. 

1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. no; Pepys's Diary, November 15, 1667. 
3 Pepys's Diary, April 20, 1668. 

3 Grey's Debates, \. 134. 

4 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 83; Pepys's Diary, December n, 1667, 
and February 14, 1668. 

6 Grey's Debates, i. 136. 

6 Ibid., i. 141 ; Pepys's Diary, February 23. 

7 Grey's Debates, i. 143, 146 ; Lords' Journals, April 24. According to the 
Common? Journals a resolution referring to Sandwich was adjourned, 


" I must confesse," he wrote to my Lord, " I am 
sometimes in doubt whether to wish you heere or not ; 
our heates and humours are stirred some days soe 
malitious and with such severity, that nothing seemes 
to satisfy them, but the totall destruction of some, 
whose meritts the King was pleased out of his justice 
to reward ; in which number your Lordshipp being 
most notoriously eminent, gives me cause to appre- 
hend your danger." 

Howard then goes on to speak of the " undertakers," 
who " promised to doe greater matters in Parliament 
then upon triall they can, who have soe offended and 
angered the moderate party of the House of Commons, 
that there is a great scrutiny into their actions and 
miscarriages, which is the businesse now in agita- 
tion." 1 Others wrote to Sandwich in the same strain. 
" You have many friends," said Lord Crew, " and 
you have need of them." 2 The house was " mighty 
vehement," led by the Earl's particular enemies, 
William and Henry Coventry. 3 

For during Sandwich's absence Coventry had 
changed sides. He had angered James by the 
insistence with which he had attacked Clarendon, the 
Duke's father-in-law, and now Coventry's interest in 
the navy was on the side of Rupert, and against the 
" tarpaulins." He attacked Sandwich as well as Penn. 
Clifford, the Ambassador's colleague at Bergen, warned 
him that " two brothers and one or two more reflected 
on him as if it were fit he were sent for home ;" 4 and 
during the debates Clifford spoke "very handsomely 
and justly" for his lordship. 5 Peterborough told 
Sandwich that his name had been " much upon the 
carpet" in the House of Commons, but mainly by 

1 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 153. 2 Ibid., f. 160. 

3 Pepys's Diary, February 29, April 16, 1 668. 
* Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 81. 
8 Sandwich MSS. i Appendix^ f. 157, 

VOL. II, 13 


means of men who " endeavour their justification by 
shifting thayr own faults upon another." 1 The prize 
matter once upon the stage, said Creed, was made 
opportunity for Lord Sandwich's enemies to compass 
his mischief. They banded together to get His Excel- 
lency recalled in disgrace, his pardon made void, and 
his lands resumed. Malice, he continued, was a more 
active principle than love and friendship. In the 
Commons some were false, divers lukewarm and 
useless, but several careful and cordial, especially 
Mr. John Vaughan. Like everyone else, Creed 
advised an immediate return, as the best way "to 
scatter all clouds." 2 Lady Sandwich, too, was urgent. 
"Your enimies cannot soe much desire your coming 
as your friends doe," she wrote ; and she proceeded, 
in her quaintly-spelled letter, to tell her husband those 
in whom he might trust. 3 

Before the time of his arrival, the Ambassador's 
friends were examined over " the damned business of 
the prizes," and Pepys and Moore prepared the defence. 4 
Sandwich had not to face the Commissioners for some 
months, but in the summer of 1669 they asked for his 
explanation. He was then conscious of having played 
so good a part, and was so well treated by the King 
and the Duke of York, that he looked upon the matter 
with a certain amount of " security and neglect." 5 His 
unconcerned attitude may have been due in part to 
a knowledge of prize-law. Under no circumstances 
did the prize-money form any part of parliamentary 
supplies, nor could it be appropriated ; any distribu- 

1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 94. 

2 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 136; Letters, ii. no, 122. 

3 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 130. 

4 Pepys's Diary, October 23, 1667. Pepys's own defence is in Rawlinsott 
MSS., A. 174, f. 301. 

8 Pepys's Diary \ November 16, 1668. 

1669] THE PRIZE-GOODS 195 

tion was based on prize-law, and upon the will of the 
executive. 1 Such accounts did not by rights come 
under the control of Parliament, but in this case the 
net was widely spread, and forms were overridden. 

Although Sandwich went about the business with 
apparent security and neglect, he was not wholly care- 
less. That he accounted his case of moment may be 
seen by anyone who turns over his journal. Every 
question which came from Brooke House was noted 
down. The Commissioners, armed as they were with 
considerable authority, asked for his papers ; they 
cross-questioned and bullied his servants, and for 
some months gave my Lord an anxious time. Pepys 
cast the blame upon Sir Roger Cuttance, whom he 
thought had mismanaged the whole affair. 2 Cuttance 
wrote to Sandwich and begged him to speak on his 
behalf, but Sandwich was himself one of the accused. 
He showed a right understanding of those answerable 
for the intrigue, since he advised Cuttance to ask the 
help of Buckingham and his friends. 3 

A few weeks later he had to answer for himself. 
On June 16 he received a letter asking for full parti- 
culars as to the goods which were taken from the 
Phoenix and the Slothony, the people who took them, 
and the permission he issued. 4 At first Sandwich 
sheltered himself behind the King's warrant, and dis- 
claimed any accurate remembrance " of a transaction 
soe longe ago passed." 5 But the Commissioners were 
insistent, and demanded his papers. Sandwich ex- 
cused himself for a time, since by the advice of his 
physician he was going to Epsom to drink the waters. 
Again on August 10 he was urged by the Commis- 

1 Calendar of Treasury Books, vol. ii., p. Ixii. 

2 Pepys's Diary, December 27, 1668. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 52-56. 

4 Ibid., ii. 162. 5 Ibid., ii. 164. 


sioners to send particulars ; and the whole case, which 
had given him such trouble four years previously, was 
once more opened. The Commissioners asserted that 
my Lord's warrant had allowed the officers freedom 
to take what they would ; that spices had by his com- 
mand been carried on board the Prince ; that he did 
not give any orders to check the embezzlement ; and 
that he anticipated the King's permission for the dis- 
tribution. 1 

Before replying Lord Sandwich consulted the 
Solicitor- General, Sir Heneage Finch, and Finch 
advised him to demand copies of the warrants which the 
Commission said they had. 2 But the Commissioners 
refused this, " as contrary to the rule of their pro- 
ceedings," and Sandwich had to draw up his defence 
as best he could. He added nothing to the statements 
which he had made four years before. He had sanc- 
tioned the distribution, so he said, because of the 
expenses to which the flag-officers had been put, and 
as a reward for their good conduct. He looked upon 
his own share as a gift from the Crown, and justified 
it by the scantiness of his pay, the expenses of enter- 
tainment which his rank involved, and the fact that he 
was " not a saver by anything he had relating to the 
sea," but was actually out of pocket. He admitted 
that Howe, his clerk of the kitchen, had brought some 
spice on board for the cook's use, "when wee had 
great expense and much company from shore." That 
Howe brought too much spice Sandwich also ad- 
mitted, " whereat I was displeased," he adds, " but it 
being on board and in my store room (as they said), I 
included that also in the proportion in the King's 
letter." 3 In short, Sandwich had the same old diffi- 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal^ x. 22-28. 

3 Ibid., x, 30. 3 Ibid., x. 38-54. 

1669] MY LORD'S DEFENCE 197 

culty in excusing himself, and could only do so on the 
grounds of His Majesty's " good liking " and the King's 
warrant. He mentioned none and blamed none, and 
though he was resentful of the annoyance to which he 
was subjected, he took the burden on his own shoulders. 
Like most men who are careless and inexact over 
money matters, he replied in a manner which satisfied 
himself, but not the Commission. 

He sent in his answer on September 10 by his 
servant, William Ferrers, who thus describes its re- 
ception : 

" I carryed a letter to the Commissioners at Brooke 
House, and when they heard I was there they called 
for me in, so I deliver'd them the letter : after delivery 
they desir'd mee to withdraw, till they had perus'd it. 
After perrusall they call'd for mee againe, and in a 
formal! manner putting off their hatts, the Chairman 
after two or three lofty looks, and wallowings in his 
Chair began thus. Sir, you are one of my Lord's 
gentlemen. I replyed yes. Then I speake to you in 
the name of the Commissioners, to tell my Lord Sand- 
wich that these papers did not answer what their letter 
requir'd, which his Lordship upon second perrusall 
would easily see, and further, they expected your 
Lordship should comply with the promise your Lord- 
ship made them, which was to send them the copies 
of your Lordship's Certificates. And after this the 
Chairman look'd upon the rest of the Commissioners 
and said, Gentlemen, have you anything more you 
would have me say; they answered No. Pray Sir 
(said the Chairman) doe not fail to tell my Lord what 
we have said. Answer. I shall not." 1 

This was the last time that Sandwich sent in any 
papers. The Buckingham faction attacked him, 
Arlington, and others, in a pamphlet called The Alarum, 
which was scattered among the members on the 
benches at Westminster, but he had no real need for 

1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 168. 


anxiety as to his position. On October 27, before 
Parliament was again prorogued, the Commissioners 
issued their report, part of which concerned the prize- 
goods, and it was stated that the evidence was not yet 
completed. 1 Sandwich heard the report when it was 
read in the House of Lords, and he, together with 
Buckingham, was placed on the Committee of that 
House told off to consider the accounts. 2 For a time 
attention was diverted to Sir George Carteret and the 
accounts of the navy, and Charles decided to hear 
Carteret at the Council Board. 3 In the following Feb- 
ruary Sandwich was again pressed for his warrants, 
which he said were at Hinchingbrooke. He sent in 
reply a note of all his goods, and the customs cer- 
tificate relating to the goods seized at Lynn. 4 The 
warrants, he said, were mislaid, and he was unable to 
put his hand upon them. Had he wished to destroy 
them he could have done so, but he evidently had no 
thought of so doing, for they are still among his papers. 
He may have seen that delay would serve. Before 
the warrants were found, the Commission, born not of 
the nation, but of faction, was disbanded, and nothing 
further was heard about the prize-goods. 

As far as Lord Sandwich was concerned, the business 
opened his eyes, and thenceforth he carried himself 
warily. Though Buckingham had had the grace to 
speak for him over the matter of precedence, Sandwich 
thoroughly mistrusted the Duke, for there had been 
" a wild motion made in the House of Lords by the Duke 
of Buckingham for all men that had cheated the King 
to be declared traitors and felons, and my Lord Sand- 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 64. The official date is October 26 (Hist. 
MSS. Comm.: House of Lords MSS., Report VI 1 1., p. 129). 

2 Lords' Journals, November 6. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 98. 
* Ibid., x. 208, 230-234. 

1669] FACTIONS 199 

wich was named." 1 He was aware, too, that Bucking- 
ham was the main agitator over the prize affair, and 
he resented the attacks upon his connexion, Sir George 
Carteret. He hated Buckingham's party, which in- 
cluded his enemy, Prince Rupert, and one of its 
members, Sir Robert Howard, had been most vehement 
in his declarations against Sandwich. 2 

Besides the mere personal question, he abhorred 
that artifice of toleration which Buckingham pre- 
scribed for others the free-thought acceptable to a 
free-liver. Such dissent was purely destructive and 
solvent. To Sandwich conformity meant political 
security ; Church and State composed his creed. He 
feared lest the England, to which he had helped to bring 
a lasting peace, would be rent by differences. He 
regarded the country as united ; he had disliked the 
Clarendon Code, but now that it was working he 
dreaded a resettlement. 

In this he was not alone. James supported con- 
formity in preference to dissent, and opposed toleration. 
And other questions were involved. Buckingham 
and his friend Lord Orrery the Broghill of Crom- 
well's day were laying about them in all directions. 
They attacked the Duke of Ormond, a man whose 
great physical strength and dignified appearance were 
true indices to his character. He made a fine target 
for the debauchees ; they attempted his impeachment 
and his life, and ousted him from the Lord Lieutenancy 
of Ireland. 

Round Ormond there clustered a party, composed 
of the Duke of York and his friends the Churchmen, 
who objected to Buckingham's attempts at toleration, 
the older Cavaliers, and the Clarendonians. These 

1 Pepys's Diary, October 5, 1666. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal^ x. 88, See Appendix F, 


are the names with which Sandwich labels them, and 
he gives their tenets : 

"(i) That the present Church Government should 
be stucke close unto : fii) That the Cavalier Interest 
should be upheld, (iii) That in order thereunto quali- 
fications should be made that none but such be capable 
of elections to Parliament or to any places of trust. 
(iv) To adhere to the Duke of Ormond against all 
opposition, (v) To prosecute Lord Orrerye as an 
enimye to the principles aforesaid." 1 

It was this party which Sandwich favoured, though 
he took no active part in their campaigns, and in 
adopting a neutral attitude he did not displease the 
King. Since Clarendon's departure Charles had had 
a freer hand. He was increasing in political power and 
subtlety, and treated politics with unrivalled cynicism 
and persistence. For him the Buckingham faction 
was inclined to go too fast, and Charles had no great 
opinion of the Duke. He had supported Sandwich 
over the Dutch War, and shielded him from Bucking- 
ham's insults. Sandwich frequently saw him some- 
times in private while they discussed remedies, pregnant 
with " good Bordeaux Clarett wine," and morning 
draughts of usquebaugh; 2 sometimes at the Council 
table; sometimes in the House of Peers, for the King 
watched every move in the game. The two men had 
much in common their love of the sea, their interest 
in questions of trade. Charles appreciated the Earl's 
placid good-humour and occasional drollery. 3 He had 
forgiven the tedium of the report on Tangier, and 
when occasion offered he made use of my Lord. For, 
without exception, Sandwich had at this time as good 
a record as anyone about the Court. He had done 
solid work, and earned as statesman a niche in political 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 86. 2 Ibid., ix. 44. 

3 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. i6j. 


places. Yet, owing to his inflexible views upon Church 
matters, Charles could not closet him with the Cabal. 
Matters then hatching were secret, and the King 
realized that Sandwich was too honest for political 
intrigue. So, despite his position, the Earl was 
excluded from the innermost counsels. 

In reality this exclusion fell in with his tastes. 
He had no stomach for intrigue, and realized how 
soon an over-indulgence in party politics unsettled the 
country. He kept clear of any factious band, and 
became a spectator. From time to time he jotted 
down observations in his journals ; and though he 
only touched the work with an occasional hand, he 
left a few comments which aid a proper understanding 
of the period. 

Most of these comments relate to the winter session 
of 1669-70. Sandwich was at the time regular in 
his attendance at the House of Lords, and had been 
placed on the Committee which sat to consider the 
burning question of privilege. 1 He was in part 
responsible for framing a Bill by which privilege was 
to be defined ; the Bill originated with the Lords on 
constitutional grounds, and as a rival to a resolution, 
curtailing privilege, which the Commons had framed 
and presented. 

Relations between the two Houses had long been 
strained over the famous case of Skinner v. the East 
India Company, in which the Lords had claimed 
original jurisdiction, a right to take upon themselves 
the functions of a Court of Law : to try causes direct, 
rather than to exercise their proper function as a 
Court of Appeal. In November, 1669, when Sandwich 
was present, the Commons sent up a Bill defining 
privilege, and Sandwich describes its reception. 

1 Lords' Journals, October 19, 1669. 


" The Lords house," he says, " upon the first reading 
cast it out, countinge the whole bill derogatory to 
theire dignity, and liked it the worse for beinge almost the 
same in words as the %th Article of the humble petition and 
advice to Cromwell ; but cleerely counting it a breach of 
their Priviledges to have a law for the alteration of 
theire owne Priviledges to beginn any where but in 
theire owne house ; Priviledge and Judicature beinge 
a more inherent Priviledge of theires then granting of 
money is to the house of Commons." l 

During the remainder of the session the House of 
Commons debated the matter of privilege almost 
daily ; but on December 1 1 there came an unexpected 
message from the King, that Parliament was prorogued 
until February. When the Houses again assembled, 
Charles endeavoured to bring about a truce between 
the two, and appealed for unity and moderation. On 
February 22 he summoned both Lords and Commons 
to Whitehall, and made them an address. It was 
suggested that the records of the quarrel should be 
erased from the Journals of both Houses ; and peace 
was restored. 2 

" Immediately both houses returned to their seates," 
says Sandwich, " and the house of Commons presently 
concurred with his Majesties desire and voted a razure 
of all former proceedinges in that businesse (but still 
preserve the Kinge's speech and the vote of razure 
upon theire Journall). And forthwith the same 
morninge went with theire Speaker before them, on 
foote through all Westminster to Whitehall to present 
theire vote unto the Kinge with humble thankes for 
his soe gracious finding out a way of composinge that 
occasion of difference. And after they had delivered 
themselves as aforesaid, the Treasurer of the King's 
household went with them into the King's cellar, 
where they dranke healths to the good Correspond- 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, x. 91 (Appendix G). 

2 Common? Journals, February 14 and 22, 


But the Lords were gloomy, and in their Journals 
the story is told by rows of asterisks. Sandwich, how- 
ever, has left a vivid picture of their dissatisfaction. 

"The house of Peeres at their returne," he says, 
" shewed more discontent in theire faces then has 
ordinarily beene seene. Besides the dishonor of 
theire retracting theire judgements, and also the 
doubtfulnesse whether this dishonorable action of the 
Peeres would cure the contention betweene the two 
houses because it was but the vacating one particular 
judgement, whereas the H. of Commons insisted upon 
an act of Parliament to declare against our jurisdiction 
in Originall Causes." 

He proceeds to discuss the legal aspect of the 
erasure, on which the House went into "a grand 
Committee," in order " that every man might have his 
full freedome of speech." 

"There it was said that the house of Peeres had a 
double capacitye; viz : i. Supreme Judges in civill and 
criminall, 2. Create Councellors of the Kinge. 

11 That therefore as greate Councellors wee should 
prefer the peace of the Kingdome and its welfare, before 
law and method, and be governed by Prudence. ( Under 
this consideration came in the Terror of the house of 
Commons beinge determined to see this priviledge of 
ours declared against and the common people also 
shrewdly entered into the same account. The hard 
Game wee should have to assert our owne authority 
whilst the Kinge remained Indifferent betweene us 
and much greater difficultyes if wee should disoblidge 
the Kinge after he had advised us unto this and 
desired it from us for publique good.") 

After a lengthy discussion the Lords voted for the 
erasure. Then Sandwich continues : 

11 The common people in London expressed joy at 
this union (as they call it of the houses) by Bonnenres 
at night. 

" Next morninge the Committee of Lords for inspec- 
tion and correcting of the Journall did the execution of 


razure upon all that might continue the memory of 
Skinner's businesse. 

" But the house was much discontented to heare the 
house of Commons continued the King's speech and 
vote of razure upon theire bookes, whereby the 
memprye of this unkindnesse and dishonor would 
remaine to Posteritye, and some would have sent to 
the house of Commons to have expunged them also. 
But it was resolved to take [? no] notice of theire 
actions upon the Ground that their Journalls are no 
records. To remoove this Jealousye the house of 
Commons have razed it also from theire Journall, 
voluntarily " 1 

The settlement of the quarrel lasted for a time, and 
Sandwich turned to matters other than politics. He 
contented himself, in the main, with recording certain 
debates in the House of Lords. 2 The comments which 
he made are important, but they are fragmentary, and 
do not indicate that he took any particular share in 
party work. He was an administrator and a diplomatist 
rather than a politician. He was unsuited to intrigue, 
and from 1670 until his death he held a position well 
suited to his temperament and abilities. 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 196-204. (His statement that the House 
of Commons erased the speech is not correct. ) 

2 See Appendices to this volume. 



" Gave I good counsel, wouldst thou welcome it ?" 

EURIPIDES : Hippolyttis. 

THE tenth volume of my Lord's journal, on which this 
chapter is based, contains ample matter, but of all the 
volumes it is the least orderly. The material, how- 
ever, can be arranged under well-defined heads : the 
first, political and personal ; the second, that relating to 
the colonies ; and the third, the renewal of the disputes 
between the Lords and Commons. The volume is of 
remarkable interest, for during the last two years of 
his life Sandwich held a position of great importance, 
which enabled him to serve his country upon a straight 
road, and only upon a single occasion was he forced 
into the paths of political controversy. 

The first of the personal notes in this volume relates 
to one who had been to Sandwich both colleague and 

1 Authorities : Sandwich MS S. Journal, vols. ix., x., contain a large amount 
of original and collected matter relating to the colonies ; Carte MSS. ; The 
Calendar of State Papers ( Colonial) ; The Acts of the Privy Council, vol. i. 
(Colonial series), edited by W. L. Grant and James Munro ; John Evelyn's 
Diary ; C. M. Andrews, British Committees, Commissions, and Councils of 
Trade ; P. L. Kaye, Colonial Administration under Clarendon ; H. L. Osgood, 
The American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century ; J. A. Doyle, The English 
in America ; J. G. Palfrey, History of New England ; W. D. Christie, Life 
of Shaftesbury ; G. L. Beer, Early English Colonial Movement (Political 
Science Quarterly, 1908); The Commercial Policy of England, etc. (Columbia 
College Studies, vol. iii. ) ; Journals of the House of Lords ; Journals of the 
Commons* Other authorities are mentioned in the footnotes. 


opponent. The entry of a new year, 1670, was marked 
by the death of the Duke of Albemarle, and a few 
weeks later his wife died also. 

" It is certaine," says Sandwich, " that she had 
another husband livinge when she married the Duke 
of Albemarle in the Tower, and [that he] continued 
alive after her death, and I am told they gave him two 
or three hundred pounds a year to stop his mouth 
from clamour. The present Duke was begotten before 
wedlocke with the Duke." 

Albemarle, he adds, left a large fortune in lands, 
13,000 a year, 90,000 in ready money, 50,000 in 
jewels, and the Duchess had, "unknowne to him," 
another 50,000. "The Kinge resolved to bury him 
magnificently at his owne chardge, Cost, 6,000." l 

In May of the same year Sandwich went over to 
Dunkirk, and thence brought Madame, the King's 
sister, with the Treaty of Dover safely stowed away 
in her satchel. With Sandwich there went Lord St. 
Albans, and the talk of the two men turned upon the 
days which preceded the Restoration. St. Albans 
told Sandwich how Mazarin had intended, through 
Richard Cromwell, to bribe the garrison of Dunkirk, 
to offer Mountagu money and ports, and to buy over 
Henry Cromwell, and how Hyde objected to a restora- 
tion brought about by French aid and by the help of 
the Queen-mother. Such conversations served to 
while away the brief journey, and on May 14 Sandwich 
writes : 

" After sunsett, Madam arrived in Duynkirke and 
her Traine. I persuaded her to lett her Traine 
embarque all night after three o'clocke (when the tyde 
served) and her selfe in person to be on board the 
Yaght, in the Splinter roade, at 7 the next morninge, 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal^ x. 99, 100 ; and see p. 141, attie* 


which was accordingly performed. Madam with some 
sixty of her traine came aboard the Ann Yaght where 
I and my Lord of St. Albans went also ; Monsieur de 
Plessis le Marishall and his people had the Merlin 
Yaght and the Avise in the road had neere 100 persons 
in her passengers, and the Guernsey eighty. Wee 
presently weighed ancor and sayled, and with the 
Help of Towinge of boates and other advantages we 

ott cleere of the Splinter that tide, the wind being 
.W. Sunday 15. By Breake of day wee were 
betweene Dover and the lights a league off shore, 
where the Kinge my master came on board us and 
carried Madam ashore to Dover." 1 

On this voyage, Edward Mountagu, Earl of Sand- 
wich, Knight of the Garter, Vice-Admiral of England, 
and Admiral of the Narrow Seas, was in distinguished 
company. He conversed with the Marshal du Plessis, 
the famous Count Gramont and his wife, the Bishop of 
Tournai, and a train of nobles such as have rarely 
landed in England. On Whit-Sunday the King and 
all the Knights of the Garter, clad in their picturesque 
robes, attended the parish church at Dover. Only 
James, Duke of York, was absent. He had gone " post 
to London to assist the Mayor there against the 
fanatics if there should be occasion, this being the 
second Sunday after puttinge in execution the act 
against them." 2 On June 2 Sandwich again took ship, 
and escorted Madame back to France. She gave him 
as a parting gift two magnificent diamond rings, and 
distributed a largesse of gold among the captains and 
men of his fleet. Within three weeks he heard of 
her tragic death. 

Of the treaty she had brought with her, Sandwich 
knew nothing. Yet while in Spain he had obtained 
a hint of the true state of the relations between 

1 Sandwich MSS* Journal, x. 274. 

2 Ibid., x. 276. 


Charles II. and Louis XIV., for on April 25, 1668, the 
following entry occurs in his journal : 

" About this time here hath runn a report (which I 
believe not to be true) that the King of England 
should be going about to master his parliament and 
make himselfe absolute by force of Armes, and that 
England should againe embrace the Roman Catholique 
religion. That the King of France should help the 
King of England with an army, and that the Pope 
gives the third part of the ecclesiastical revenues of 
France to the French King to contribute towards the 
charge." 1 

Sandwich disbelieved the Spaniards' gossip. He had 
no suspicion of political intrigue averse to the nation. 
He could never have realized that Charles had agreed 
to avow his conversion to the Romish Church, and 
that Louis was to provide the means. And my Lord 
was not the only one who was hoodwinked. Bucking- 
ham was equally in the dark ; it was in part the 
Duke's interference with accounts, and the parsimony 
of Parliament, which had forced Charles to betray his 
country. Meanwhile Buckingham was allowed to 
play at treaty-making with France, a toy designed to 
amuse him while the real agreement was framed. 2 Not 
until two years had elapsed were the eyes of our 
statesmen open to the import of the Treaty of Dover. 

A few weeks after his return from this voyage of 
escort, Sandwich at length found a post which fell in 
with his liking and ability, and was the direct outcome 
of some work he had been doing since his return from 
Madrid. Though he was not one of the inner ring of 
advisers, he was frequently called to the Privy Council. 
At that time the work imposed upon the Councillors 
was of importance ; they had more to do than to don a 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vii. 326. 

2 Mignet, Negotiations^ etc., iii. 51. 

i6 7 o] THE NEW COUNCILS 209 

uniform at an accession or a coronation. They were 
called upon to repair the ravages of war, plague, and 
fire. Committees, each consisting of about a dozen 
members, were formed to deal with matters as diverse 
as foreign affairs and the rebuilding of London. 1 In 
1668 the Committee for the Business of Trade and 
Plantations was reorganized and enlarged ; new 
instructions were issued on October 20, a date 
coincident with the return of Sandwich from Spain. 
His name was soon added. The official date of his 
patent is March 5, 1669 ; 2 but his papers show that he 
attended the Committee for Trade at least two months 

Since most of the proceedings have been lost or 
purloined, in common with many State papers, there is 
cause for gratitude to Sandwich in that he kept even 
an intermittent record. The full instructions of the 
reconstituted Council have hitherto eluded historians, 
but Sandwich obtained an abstract, and kept it among 
his papers. 3 

Of the meetings held by the Council, Sandwich gives 
a few particulars. He was present on January 1 5, 1669, 
when a treaty with Savoy was discussed; but the 
Committee for Trade reported upon this in a lukewarm 
fashion ; they preferred to dwell upon the strategical 
advantages of Leghorn, a place " convenient for us in 
case of warr," and to consider the treaty rather on this 
account. 4 Sandwich also took part in discussions upon 
a matter which more nearly concerned him, because of 

1 The list of the Commissioners is printed by Professor Andrews from the 
Egerton MSS., 2543, f. 205. In the Carte MSS., 72, f. 615, there is 
another list of these Standing Committees of the Council, which contains some 
important variations from that in the Egerton MSS. 

2 Cal S. P., Dom. y March 5, 1669. 

3 Sandwich MSS. : Collection of Treaties, f. 93. The abstract is printed 
as an appendix to this volume (Appendix B). 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ix. 90. 

VOL. II. 14 


his work in Spain. The buccaneers of Hispaniola had 
been particularly active against the Spaniard, and the 
Governor of Jamaica, Modyford, armed " with power 
to grant commissions to private men of warr," connived 
at their piracies and encouraged them. 1 Jamaica was 
their refuge. The gains were sent to Modyford's 
partners, " whereof the Duke of Albemarle is said to 
be a chief one." 

" This sweete Trade of Privateering " was at its 
height while Sandwich was in Spain; he had im- 
plored the home government that it should not be 
countenanced, but neither the Duke of York nor 
Albemarle took any heed of his request. When the 
Treaty of Madrid was made, Sandwich was naturally 
keen on its observance, and desirous that the terms 
should be carried out. He maintained that the treaty 
was universal, and that the West Indies were not 
excepted. He had obtained a clause to that effect by his 
"owne choise and dexterity," and had persuaded the 
Spaniards to acknowledge our rights over Jamaica. 2 
Some of the Council argued that a series of depre- 
dations, of which both sides were equally guilty, had 
not been made a cause of war; and that from the time 
of Elizabeth onwards, the English had regarded the 
Indies as fair-play, upon the principle that " where no 
commerce is, there is warr." At first Sandwich did not 
get his way, but in the next commercial treaty with 
Spain an appendix to the Treaty of Madrid the 
Indies were at length included in the peace. 3 

The large and intermixed Council for Trade and 
Plantations was too unwieldy, and an important 
change was made. Charles II. had inherited a proper 

1 For Modyford's explanation see Cal. S. P., Col. (1669-1674), 103, 276. 

2 Sandwich. MSS. Journal, ix. 98-104. 

3 The treaty was signed on July 18, 1670, and was framed by Sandwich's 
friend and successor in Madrid, Sir William Godolphin. 


respect for affairs of trade, and he had as his adviser 
Anthony Ashley Cooper, now Lord Ashley. This 
man took more than a passing interest in colonial 
affairs, and he had the inestimable advice of John 
Locke. Ashley was one of the owners of the Bahamas, 
he was concerned in the Company of Royal Adven- 
turers, and was an original shareholder in the Royal 
Mines. 1 To him trade was more than a mere political 
plaything. He brought forward a scheme for the 
establishment of a Select Council for Foreign Planta- 
tions. The Instructions and Commissions were issued 
on July 30, 1670, and a further set was added some 
days later. 2 The system of voluntary service came 
to an end, and salaries, which set up a new standard 
of industry, were given as compensation for the 
frequent sittings. 

The choice of a President for the new Council fell 
upon Lord Sandwich, who was admirably fitted for the 
post. He had, like Ashley, a share in the Cardigan 
Mines, an interest in the Guinea Company and in the 
Company of Merchant Adventurers. His knowledge 
of colonial affairs and administration extended over 
fifteen years. During the Protectorate he was an 
active member of Cromwell's Commission for Affairs 
of Trade, and thus became accustomed to deal with 
colonial administration. 3 At the Restoration he was 
placed on the Committee of Plantations, and on the 
Commission which dealt with the Newfoundland 
Fisheries. 4 For the past eighteen months he had been 
a prominent member of the Committee of Plantations, 
and he sat upon another Committee, appointed by the 

1 Sandwich MSB., Appendix, ff. 57, 70. 

2 Andrews, British Committees, p. 117, where the Instructions are printed 
in full. 

3 Carte MSS., 74, f. 9; Cal. S, P., Col., passim. 

4 Ads of the Privy Council (Colonial], 491, 572, 610. 


Lords, to consider the decay of trade. 1 His experi- 
ence was extensive, and he was the one statesman who, 
in recent times, had negotiated a commercial treaty. 
His work at Madrid gave him an insight into colonial 
affairs, and disputes over shipping, such as no other 
Councillor could command. He had had two years of 
bargaining over international rivalries, and returned to 
England with a reputation for industry and knowledge. 
He made an admirable chairman. He had chaffered 
with the leading diplomatists of his day, and knew how 
to command attention. He was dignified in appearance, 
weighty in manner, precise irj the conduct of business. 

The Commissioners joined with him included 
Richard, Lord Gorges, the heir of Ferdinando Gorges, 
proprietor of Maine ; Lord Alington ; Thomas Grey of 
Werke ; and Edmund Waller, the poet. A few months 
later John Evelyn was added to the board, and the 
Duke of York, Prince Rupert, and a few figure-heads, 
were thrown in. 2 

The first meeting took place on August 3, at Essex 
House, Temple Bar. There Sandwich swore the oath 
of fidelity and secrecy, and administered it to the 
various members present. At first the sittings of the 
Council were held there, and at Stafford House, but 
in 1671 a move was made to the Earl of Bristol's 
House in Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields. The 
place was fitted with all the panoply of a government 
office. The Council " had a formal Board with Green 
Cloth and Standishes, Clerks good store, a tall Porter 
and Staff, and fitting Attendance below, and a huge 

1 Lords' Journals, October 25, 1669; Hist. MSS. Comm., Report viii., 

P- 133- 

2 The list is given in Andrews, British Committees, pp. 97, 98, but some 
names are omitted (see Appendix C). The salary of the President was 
;7OO per annum, and the rest of the paid members received ^500 ( Treasury 
Books, January 23, 1671). Sandwich retained in addition his salary of ,500 
as Admiral of the Narrow Seas. 


Luminary at the Door. And in Winter Time, when 
the Board met, as was two or three Times a Week, or 
oftener, all the Rooms were lighted, Coaches at the 
Door, and great passing in and out." 1 The rooms 
were furnished with rich hangings which belonged to 
the King ; atlases, maps, charts, and globes, were placed 
ready for use. 2 Every facility was given to the Coun- 
cil, and business was conducted in a proper fashion. 

From the time of the first meeting, the Council had 
abundance of work in hand. Their instructions were 
comprehensive, asserting in the first place the pro- 
motion of colonial welfare, and the necessity for the 
protection and defence of the colonies. It was the 
business of the Council to set on foot an inquiry as to 
colonial administration, especially with regard to the 
behaviour of the various Governors. The proper 
treatment of the natives was considered. Manufac- 
tures, farming, and cattle-breeding, all received atten- 
tion. The growing of naval stores, hemp and flax, the 
cutting of masts, the production of pitch and tar, came 
under their control. The colonies needed servants and 
slaves, but it was affirmed that no British subject was 
to be transported. The effects of the Navigation Act 
were weighed. Charters and laws were examined ; 
maps of the country and charts of the coast were 
registered and kept. Pious and learned ministers 
were bidden to propagate the Gospel, preach to the 
Indians, and reform the debaucheries of planters and 
servants alike. 

1 Roger North, Exainen, p. 461. Since the house mentioned is in Queen 
Street, this description may serve for the Council of 1670, to which it not 
improbably alludes. 

2 Evelyn's Diary, May 26, 1671. But see Andrews, Committees, p. 98. 
He mentions the absence of maps, but Sandwich certainly had some. He 
says, " I have traced out the bounds of the Province of Mayne, of Mason's 
patent, and of the Massachusetts in my Italian maps of the Duke of 
Northumberland's " (Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 383). 


This wide field is by no means covered either by 
the presidency of Sandwich or by the papers in his 
journal. The Council at first took soundings ; infor- 
mation was collected, but little administration was 
done. The new President's tenure of office lasted less 
than two years. During that time he was assiduous 
in his attention to colonial affairs. He collected papers, 
obtained evidence, studied maps and boundaries, and 
transcribed abundance of matter into his journals. 
He was always at pains to inform himself of the true 
state of affairs. But his administration of the colonies 
was incipient. He had to pick up the skeins as they 
lay in the loom, and did not see the tapestry woven. 
He left a few notes on questions, then unsolved, and 
the casts of a few opinions. 

Of the difficulties which attended the colonial prob- 
lem Sandwich was well aware. He was steeped in 
the theory of mercantilism, and was prepared to up- 
hold the Navigation Act. Our rivals were excluded 
from our colonial trade, and such industries as clashed 
with the mother-country were rigidly suppressed. 
But we gave the colonies something in return. Whilst 
we encouraged the growth of tobacco in Virginia, we 
sent troops of horse to trample down the tobacco 
harvest in Gloucestershire and Kent. 1 The Commons 
brought in a Bill " to prevent the planting Tobacco in 
England and Ireland, and for encouragement of the 
English plantations." 2 The ruling theory of colonial 
trade was an actual exchange of the commodities best 
fitted, but the mother-country dictated both the com- 
modities and the terms. It was one of the " maxims " 
observed by the Council of Trade, " that whatsoever 
contributes to the exporting thinges of English growth 

1 Acts of the Privy Council (Colonial), p. xxiii. 

2 Commons' Journals i March 7 1671. 


or manufacture in greatest quantity is best for Eng- 
land." 1 Living at the time he did, Sandwich could 
hardly be a great reformer, but there are indications 
that his outlook was more liberal than that of many 
of his contemporaries. He proposed more subtle 
methods of contenting the colonists, and objected to 
the use of force. 

The severe and maternal attitude of England was 
not incomprehensible, since the plantations were 
regarded as Crown property. The Crown possessed 
their lands, and granted leases to companies or 
persons ; but the rights of the Crown were vague, 
and extended to interference rather than supervision. 
Under such conditions fitful complaints were sometimes 
heard. There was an uneasy feeling on either side the 
Atlantic that all was not well. The mother-country 
had an inkling that her authority was strained ; the 
colonies sought precision in the statement of their 
rights : yet in the later seventeenth century the 
shackles of mercantilism were still accepted, and 
neither side wished to sever the links which bound 
Old and New England. 

That which made the colonial problem one needing 
a careful hand was the temper of the colonists them- 
selves. Independence was the reason of their exist- 
ence. As each State was constituted, it had a charter 
which gave a monopoly of trade, security against 
foreigners, and kept for England a vague right of 
intervention. Each colony had its own Governor, its 
own Council and Directors. They ruled, made laws, 
levied fines, and imprisoned ; in some cases martial 
law was theirs, and the power of life and death. The 
Pilgrim Fathers, who had endured exile for conscience' 
sake, had handed on a great tradition. Their descen- 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ix. 138. 


dants were as men who wore the breastplate of 
righteousness, and whose feet were shod with the 
preparation of the gospel of peace. Blasphemy, 
Sabbath-breaking, and the drinking of healths, were 
punished by law ; dicing and dancing were a disgrace. 
The franchise was frequently founded upon a religious 
test. This brought about some disagreement, and, 
since each Government was mightily jealous of its 
neighbours, the Council of Plantations had no easy 
task in balancing the scales of justice. 

The chief trouble lay in the attitude of Massachu- 
setts. By virtue of seniority she took the lead. Her 
power was considerable. She had waged war against 
aggressive natives, and in time of danger the smaller 
States looked to her for protection. It was in Massa- 
chusetts that the first signs of independence were 
made manifest. It was in the town of Salem that the 
cross of St. George, a relic of Antichrist, had been 
effaced from the British flag. It was in Boston that 
the first coins were minted, and a royal prerogative was 
thus infringed. It was Massachusetts who continually 
asserted her charter rights. The fugitive regicides 
had found safety within her borders ; and her enemies 
reported that it would prove a hard task for England 
to reconcile this independence with the newly restored 
monarchy. 1 

The final volume of his journal shows that Sandwich 
had a full appreciation of the difficulties which 
surrounded colonial government. His papers deal at 
some length with a commission which had been sent 
out within recent years. The Restoration was marked 
by a revived attention to colonial affairs, and the calm 
which New England had enjoyed, while Cavalier and 
Roundhead settled their differences, came to an end. 

1 Cal. S. P., Co/.> March 11, 1661, 45. 


As soon as opportunity served, Clarendon drew the 
colonies into the scope of his administration. 1 In 
particular he turned his attention to Massachusetts, 
the revision of her boundaries, her political rights, her 
laws, and her militia. In 1664 he sent out Com- 
missioners to urge toleration towards certain sects, 
and to see that the Act of Navigation was punctually 
observed. 2 A secret set of instructions bade the 
Commissioners try to bring about greater loyalty of 
feeling. Such service demanded infinite tact and 
delicacy, and the men chosen for the mission were not 
such as commended them to their Puritan cousins : 
" though very worthy and able, and faithfull servants 
of his Majesty," says Sandwich, "yet were diametrically 
opposite to the Temper of that people." 3 One was 
deficient in tact, another an avowed opponent of 
Massachusetts, a third scandalized the New Englanders 
by his open debauchery. 4 One man, Richard Nicolls, 
was acceptable, but he alone could not suffice to give 
dignity and authority to the commission, which the 
people of Massachusetts considered "would end in 
the subversion of all." 

Such an obdurate attitude on the part of the colonists 
boded trouble. When the Commissioners came to 
Boston, they met with neglect which bordered on 
hostility. Over the boundary question, said Nicolls 
to Sandwich, the colonists were " not over stiffe " ; 
but when it came to the Commissioners hearing an 
appeal, " the Government of New England caused a 
publique proclamation to be made in the towne, and 
before the place they sate in, that noe person should 

1 P. L. Kaye, Colonial Administration under Clarendon. 

2 Cal. S. P., Col., April 23, 1664, 705-727. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 436. 

* The Commissioners were George Cartwright, Samuel Maverick, Sir Robert 
Carr, and Richard Nicolls. 


dare to appeare, or to come before them. And soe the 
Commissioners and the Government broke one with 
the other, and they went away from Boston to other 
Colonyes." 1 Their work was futile, and they left 
behind them a legacy of irritation. 

The Commissioners returned to England in 1665. 
For a time the Dutch War, the Plague, and the Great 
Fire, diverted the attention of the Government from 
colonial matters. But the reconstituted Council of 
Plantations was soon concerned with New England. 
They were alarmed at the strength of Massachusetts 
and its signs of independence. His Majesty, says 
Evelyn, " commended this affair more expressly. We, 
therefore, thought fit, in the first place, to acquaint 
ourselves as well as we could of the state of that place, 
by some whom we heard of that were newly come 
from thence." 2 

The matter which most prominently engaged the 
attention of the Council was the aggressive attitude 
of Massachusetts with regard to the extent of her 
boundaries and jurisdiction. Away to the north-east 
of New England lay the province of Maine, which had 
been granted by royal charter to Ferdinando Gorges 
and his heirs for ever. In the years of civil war the 
royalist interest had taken Gorges to England, and 
there he died. His colony fell into disorder, and, in 
the cause of good government, Massachusetts assumed 
authority; but at the Restoration the rightful heir 
petitioned the Crown, and proprietary government 
was restored. The same thing happened in New 
Hampshire, where Massachusetts had infringed the 
patent of Robert Mason. During the years which 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 422. 

2 Evelyn's Diary, May 26, 1671. Those who gave information were 
Major Rainsborough, Colonel Nicolls, Mr. Phillips, Colonel Cartwright, 
Colonel Middleton, and Major Scott (Sandwich MSS.}. 


elapsed between the commission of 1664 and the 
formation of the new Council, Massachusetts had once 
more overridden proprietary rights. In 1668 she was 
again paramount. Upon petition of a section of the 
inhabitants of Maine, she resumed her jurisdiction, 
and appeared about to annex her smaller neighbours. 

As soon as the Council of Plantations got to work, 
Gorges and Mason resumed their petitions. The 
Council took up their appeals and prepared to deal 
with them. In order to do this efficiently, several 
meetings were occupied in taking evidence, and on 
July 12 a report was prepared for the King, suggesting 
that the boundary question needed investigation. 1 A 
few days later Sandwich received a paper from one, 
Mr. Phillips, of the province of Maine, which indicated 
a possible line of solution. 2 It was suggested that the 
proprietary patents should be united and placed under 
royal authority, the Crown thus gaining from their 
trade in fish, timber, furs, minerals, and naval stores. 
The land tenure should be simplified, and the land 
held from the Crown. As for Gorges and Mason, they 
could be reasonably compensated. Major Rains- 
borough, in a lengthy private conversation with Lord 
Sandwich, gave similar advice. The King, said he, 
should take up an interest in the colony, provide it 
with a Governor, and share the profits with Gorges. 
" The people of Mayn," he added, " would acquiesce 
also in it, and be very willing to be parted from the 
Boston Government, and have one of theire owne." 3 

The sympathy extended to Gorges and his claim 
was in reality an attempt to check the growing power 
of Massachusetts. It was part of a scheme by which 

1 Cal S. P., Col (1669-1674), 150, 439, 593, etc. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 386. 

3 Ibid. , x. 408 ; see also Evelyn's Diary , July 4. 


the colony should be " streightened and environed on 
all sides with a loyall people." 1 They were too strong 
for coercion, and Sandwich, in considering the situa- 
tion, trusted to prevent their growing power " by 
Policye and faire meanes." He desired that their 
patent should be defined ; " to confine and retrench 
those unlimited bounds they have sett unto them- 
selves by the extravagant interpretation of words in 
theire pattent whereby they fetch in all the country to 
the Norwards as farr as Nova Scotia, and cutt off 
New Albany from the Duke of Yorke's country to the 
Southward." 2 He also desired that the private patents, 
Mason's, Gorges', and the Duke's, should be vested in 
the King under a Governor or Commissioner. Not 
only did he desire this upon the grounds of policy, but 
because the King would thereby obtain a land, rich 
in naval stores, and extensive mining interests. 
" There may in tyme," he said, " also be raised some 
revenue out of vacant grounds and woods, and the 
ground rent of saw mills . . . and some duty might 
hereafter be raised also out of the fishing trade." 3 

Such were the opinions which Sandwich set down 
in his journal. When he deemed that sufficient in- 
formation had been collected, he drew up his thoughts 
upon the whole business. He felt that the people of 
New England were "likely (if civil warrs or other 
accidents prevent them not) to be mighty rich and 
powerful and not at all carefull of theire dependance 
upon old England." He then dwelt upon the incon- 
veniences of independence. He feared the growth of 
colonial manufacture, lest a market for cloth and com- 
modities should be lost, and because of the rivalry 
of America in our other markets. Particularly was 

1 Sandwich MSS. Joiirnal^ x. 408. 

2 Ibid., x. 432. 3 Ibid., x. 434. 


Sandwich jealous of American trade in the Caribbees 
and in Jamaica. For, said he, " New England serves 
them with provisions and all wooden utensills, much 
cheaper than any others can." He saw that the time 
would come when our colonies would rival us in every 
branch of manufacture. 1 

" I conceive it impossible," he writes, " to prevent 
wholly their encrease and arrivall at this power, 
neverthelesse I thinke it were advisable to hinder 
theire growth as much as can be." He then set down 
the methods which he proposed to use. In the first 
place he would have endeavoured to check the move- 
ment, now known as the " export of human capital." 
He would have had a law passed by which emigration 
was dependent upon royal licence. And, further, he 
wished to depopulate New England, and encourage 
the people to migrate thence to the southern planta- 
tions, "where the produce of theire labours will not 
be commodities of the same nature with old England 
to out trade us withall." 2 

The author of these proposals was conscious of 
their difficulty. " I take the way of roughnesse and 
peremptory orders, with force to backe them, to be 
utterly unadviseable," he says. Evelyn tells us how, 
when Middleton assured the Council that Massachu- 
setts might be curbed by a few of His Majesty's first- 
rate frigates, " my Lord President was not satisfied." 3 
Truth to tell, Sandwich confessed them already too 
strong to be compelled ; " if wee use severity towards 
them in their Government, civill or religious, they will 
(being made desperate) sett up for themselves and 

1 Sandwich MSS, Journal, x. 430. He owed some of his ideas to 
Benjamin Worsley {Sandwich MSS. : Treaty Papers, f. 87), but he is not the 
only Minister who was indebted to his subordinates. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 430. (See Appendix K.) 

3 Evelyn's Diary, August 3, 1671. 


reject us." 1 He preferred more subtle influences. 
"The well ordering of the printing- presse," he 
suggested, " and dispersing orthodox bookes, poetry 
and common Ballads might be of good use in New 
England." 2 

For the furtherance of their plans, the Council 
determined to begin with a commission, and the 
entries in his journal indicate that Sandwich ordained 
the line which the Commissioners should take up. In 
contrast to the commission sent out in 1664, only two 
men were to be selected at home, " to joyne with two 
more chosen out of New England." Their powers 
were not discretionary, their instructions were not 
elaborate. Their only ostensible business was the 
settlement of the boundaries of Maine. " Other private 
directions they might have, to guide their deportment 
for the King's service in the matter of religion, and 
admission of persons to the freedome of the Countrye ;" 
they could also strengthen the adherence to the 
Navigation Act, encourage the loyalty of Rhode Island 
and Connecticut, and thus balance the power of 
Massachusetts. On one point Sandwich was insistent : 
he affirmed that the Commissioners should possess the 
qualifications of fidelity to their " ends and designe " ; 
and be men of " prudence and sobrietye, such as may 
be of esteeme in that countrye and by no means averse 
to them." From such men he hoped much, and not a 
mere repetition of the blunders of 1664. Men well 
informed of the nature of New England affairs could 
give the Council, as he said, " a better ground to 
proceed upon than anything wee have now before us." 3 

The sending of a commission was planned in July, 
1671 ; " the case of New England," wrote Sandwich, 

1 Sandivich MSS. Journal, x. 432. 

2 Ibid., x. 408. 3 Ibid., x. 436. 

i6 7 i] LORDS AND COMMONS 223 

" admitts of noe delayer temporizing without applieng 
this kind of remedie." Shortly afterwards the business 
was discussed at a full meeting of the Council. 1 Some 
were for rash action, and it was then that Sandwich 
exhibited his conciliatory attitude towards New Eng- 
land. His counsel was good, his moderation well 
advised. He was obstinate as well as prudent, and 
could keep the hot-heads of the Board in their 
proper place. He prevented the idea of curbing New 
England by frigates ; and when the plan of the com- 
mission was drafted, the temperate tone was no doubt 
due to his endeavours. 2 But the Commissioners were 
not dispatched during his lifetime, and his administra- 
tion remains incomplete. Had he been spared, he 
would doubtless have done much to alleviate colonial 
differences, for under him the Council of Plantations 
was industrious, sensible, and efficient. 3 

This connexion with plantation affairs forced Sand- 
wich into the quarrel between the Lords and the 
Commons which broke out in 1671. The two Houses 
had barely compromised over the question of privilege, 
before they were divided over the more troublesome 
problem of finance. 

The proposed taxes, "towards His Majesty's supply," 
were brought in during November, 1670.* A long list 
of impositions was suggested, upon articles as varied 
as salt and silks, prunes and German calicoes, mum 
and foreign soap. Most of these duties were passed 
by both Houses, but to one in particular an objection 
was lodged by the Lords. This was the rate of 

1 Evelyn's Diary, August 3, 1671. Unfortunately, Sandwich concludes the 
tenth volume of his journal in July, and the eleventh volume was lost at the 
time of his death. 

2 Cal S. P., Col. : America, etc. (1669-1674), 598. 

3 See Andrews, British Committees, etc., p. 97. 
* Common? Joiirnals, November 26, 1670. 


imposition upon white sugars, which seemed to press 
unduly upon the planters. They had lately taken to 
refining their own sugars, and were endeavouring to 
nurse an infant industry. The Lords therefore " voted 
ease to white sugars of our owne plantations as also to 
those of Portugall." 1 The subsidy Bill thus amended 
was returned to the House of Commons. Instantly a 
dispute began, not upon the expediency of the tax, but 
upon the right of the Lords to meddle with matters of 

The plan for amendment was largely the work of 
Sandwich, though he acted in consultation with 
Ashley. Directly the Commons imposed a heavier 
tax upon white sugar than upon brown, the planters 
were up in arms. They began by a petition to the 
Council of Plantations, which came before Sandwich 
as President. " But wee of that Councill," he says, 
" were cautious not to meddle with a matter depend- 
inge in Parliament, and therefore left the Petitioners 
to complaine and shew their grievances to the Parlia- 
ment." 2 At the same time Sandwich applied himself 
to the " studdy and canvassinge of the matter." First 
he consulted the King, " because his Majestie's revenue 
was concerned in the case." The King expressed a 
desire that the plantations should not be prejudiced, 
and gave Sandwich permission to review the business. 
To Sandwich the welfare of the plantations was of 
the greatest moment; he ignored the constitutional 
question, and, as he said, " went with full sayle 
accordinge to my Master's service and the leave he 
had given mee." 8 

The management of this question was an addition to 
a heavy burden of work. During the early months of 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 352. 

2 Ibid., x. 358, 3 Ibid., x. 360. 

1671] A MONEY BILL 225 

the year Sandwich was most assiduous in his attend- 
ance at the House, and he was frequently to be seen 
hurrying along the corridors. He was on various Com- 
mittees, such as those which sat upon the questions of 
certain Crown Lands, the Growth of Popery, the Ex- 
portation of Wool, and the Bill for the Better Regulating 
of Workhouses. 1 When the Subsidy Bill came up to 
the Lords he was present at most of the discussions. 
On March 27 the Commons sent up a list of imposts on 
foreign commodities, and for the encouragement of the 
manufactures of this kingdom, " to which their Lord- 
ships' concurrence was desired." This was the Bill 
round which gathered the cloud between the Houses. 
At the second reading, two days later, Sandwich was 
placed upon the Committee to consider the Bill, and to 
draft any necessary amendments. The case of the 
imposition upon sugar was fully discussed. Both the 
planters and refiners were heard, and numbers of 
papers were laid before the House. 2 After a week's 
work the Committee resolved upon a fractional reduc- 
tion of the tax levied on white sugar. Sandwich was 
then asked to draw up their reasons for the amend- 
ment. 3 

From the economic point of view, he took up an 
attitude consonant with the ideas of the times and with 
his presidential position. He inclined towards the 
planters. He was supported in this by Benjamin 
Worsley, the adviser to the Council of Plantations. 
Worsley's paper of information for Sandwich is headed, 

1 Lords' Journals ; February to April, 1671. 

2 The papers were both written and printed. Several are in the Sandwich 
MSS. Jottrnal, vol. x. Those in the various State Papers are numerous. 
Cp. Cal. S. P., Dom., 1671, p. 117; Cal S. P., Col., 1671, 519, 520; 
Lords' Journals ; Commons' Journals ; Hist. MSS. Comm. , Report IX. , 
part ii. , pp. 8 et seqq. 

3 His original papers are in his Journal, x. 377-380. 

VOL. II. 15 


" The True State of the Manufacture of Sugar within 
our Plantations, which requires all Manner of In- 
couragement." 1 The reasons which Sandwich gave 
for reducing the tax are naturally steeped in mercan- 
tilism, above all things in a hope that the English 
should beat " all other nations out of this commodity," 
and " become the sole or principal sellers of it in 
Europe." 2 The encouragement of the planters to 
refine the sugar "improvinge Browne sugar to 
White" was opposed by our own refiners, but 
Sandwich regarded theirs as a minor interest, one 
which contributed little to the country either in 
revenue or employment. 3 He considered the House 
of Commons distinctly partial to them ; " for that there 
were eight or ten refiners of sugar, members of the 
House of Commons ; and it is moreover talked that the 
refiners had given greate bribes." 4 

Not only were the lobbies used to further a particular 
interest, but party spirit went to work with an utter 
disregard of economic questions. The rivalry of 
Buckingham and Arlington for the King's ear was 
mirrored in the attitude of parties. The Court party, 
governed by Arlington and Clifford, wished to lay the 
blame for the loss of the bill upon Buckingham, and, 
as Sandwich puts it, " chardge the hindrance of it upon 
the House of Peeres . . . and affirme the losse of 
that bill ... to import the King a million of 
money." 5 Over a question of finance the Country 
party, says Sandwich, usually followed Buckingham, 
who in this case " stood up highly for the privilege of 
the house of Peeres "; but this time " the Country 
party, finding a difference at Court, were glad to blow 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 498. Worsley's paper deals with the matter 
entirely from a national standpoint. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 377. 3 Ibid., x. 379. 

4 Ibid., x. 358. 6 Ibid., x. 86, 355, 356. 

i6 7 i] PRIVILEGE 227 

the Coale," and abandoned their leader. On the ques- 
tion of privilege Courtier and Countryman alike united, 
and pressed for a quarrel with the Lords. Only an 
occasional voice, such as Orrery's, the friend of 
Buckingham, was raised against a breach. 1 

In the breach over privilege, commercial matters 
were more and more deeply buried. Lord Sandwich 
studied only one side of the business, and utterly dis- 
regarded the party question. He says that " as to the 
greate point whether the Lords should make any 
abatement or noe to the bill sent up, I never had a 
thought exercised thereupon ; and if the King or my 
Lord Arlington had forbidden mee to meddle therein, 
I should never have mentioned the particular of the 
>ugar." 2 He regarded the alterations of the impost as 

reasonable one, if alteration were permitted. His 
amendments were brought before the Peers, and his 
recommendations with regard to the reduction of the 
sugar-tax were formally adopted by the House of 
Lords. 3 

Two days later the Bill was read there for the third 
time, and was returned " with amendments and pro- 
visos," to the Commons. 4 At the same time the Lords 
asked for a conference, the general method of pro- 
cedure during a dispute. 5 They included in the 
business the proposal for an address to the Crown. 
The object of the address was not specified, but soon 

1 Grey's Debates, i. 425. 

2 Sandwich MS S. Journal, x. 360. 3 Lords' Journals, April 8. 

4 The Commons had already rejected an amendment: "in Breach of the 
Privilege of this House, where all Impositions on the People ought to begin " 
{Gammons' Journals, March 24). 

5 These conferences were very frequent. This particular conference was 
managed by the following members of the Upper House : The Lord 
Chamberlain, the Bishop of Rochester, the Earls of Bridgewater, Berkshire, 
Sandwich, Essex, and Anglesey, Viscount Halifax, Lords Willoughby and 
Ashley (Lords' Journals, April 10). 



leaked out. It was to be an appeal for the encourage- 
ment of our home manufactures, a request to the King 
that he would be graciously pleased by his own 
example to encourage the constant wearing of the 
manufactures of his own kingdoms and dominions, 
and discountenance such persons (men or women at 
Court) as shall wear the manufactures of foreign coun- 
tries. To the Commons this looked like a bid for 
popularity, and the initiative offended them. They 
accepted the conference upon the sugar-tax ; but as to 
the address, they resolved to " send an answer by mes- 
sengers of their own." l The Lords looked upon this 
as unparliamentary " a denial in the roughest manner 
that can be " and delayed the conference while they 
discussed a reply. The deputation from the Com- 
mons was already in waiting, and the members cooled 
their heels for an hour and a half. Then, in high 
dudgeon, they departed, and the conference was held 
over until the following day. 

By that time the tension had grown, and the Com- 
mons were showing an imperious spirit. Several 
conferences were held, only to reveal that the Lower 
House was obsessed with the one point of privilege. 
Their debates were full of this business. Heneage 
Finch, the Attorney-General, declared himself the last 
man who would ever yield that the Lords have power 
to lower impositions. Henry Coventry denied the 
right of the Lords to debate a quantum, but granted 
them "a negative voice; they may reject the whole." 
" If the Lords would ease the people, and we will not 
let them, it is the way to make the people fall upoi 
us," said another. And Sir Richard Temple advised 
the House to assert their privilege, lest, said he, " th< 
Lords tell the world they are fitter judges what th< 

1 Lords' Journals , April 9-11. 

i6 7 i] CONFERENCES 229 

people may give than we." All were determined that 
the Lords should not go away with the popularity of 
the thing ; else, said they, we lose our reputation in 
the country. 1 It was then resolved (none contradict- 
ing) "that Impositions made by the Commons are not 
to be altered by the Lords." 2 Sandwich had prepared 
a further report, which the Lords approved, and agreed 
that the same be made use of at the conference. 3 Again 
Sandwich emphasized the national aspect of the ques- 
tion, but in the quarrel over privilege the expediency 
of the tax was ignored and sugar was forgotten. 

On April 15 another conference was held. The 
Commons prepared for it by discussion, and instructed 
their managers to hold to the one question. Sir John 
Birkenhead's advice to the House was, " Make your- 
selves as small a mark for the Lords to hit as you can. 
Why should we hold a flag to fight in all propositions, 
whereas we have but one to maintain ?" 4 And on this 
ground Finch was put to state the case. There was 
no compromise in his speech. " Mr. Attorney 
Generall began the conference," says Sandwich, " and 
highly provoked the House of Peeres with satiricall 
invectives." 5 It was no conciliatory voice which cried, 
" Books of Rates have been kept from you, lest you 
should enquire into them." 

Such words had an ill effect. " Nothing so dangerous 
as differences," cried Finch, "nothing so unpar- 
liamentary. My Lords, pray let nothing be done 
unparliamentary." And Howard declared : " Your 
Lordships cannot believe that we, in the same barque, 
should desire storms. . . . We labour for accommoda- 
tion." 6 But the Lords refused to see eye to eye with 

1 Grey's Debates, i. 435 et seqq., April 13. 

2 Commons'' Journals, April 14. 3 Lords' Journals, April 12. 

4 Grey's Debates, i. 444. 6 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 354 

8 Lords' Journals , April 17. 


the Commons upon this new assertion. They asked 
their Committee to report on privilege, to prepare 
reasons and precedents for their attitude, and they set 
Sandwich to draw up a final paper concerning their 
motives for abating the tax. 1 Though they waived 
certain of their recommendations, they insisted on the 
amendments. They also definitely asserted their right 
to revise a money Bill. Their precedents were dis- 
cussed and presented to the Commons. The Lords 
denied that which the Commons demanded as a right, 
and claimed the power to amend as "a fundamental, 
inherent and undoubted Right of the House of Peers." 
Their writs, said they, bore witness that " the Lords 
are excluded from none of the great and arduous 
affairs of the Kingdom." 2 Words were bandied about, 
and long lists of precedents sent up from the Lower 
House. Every side of this burning question was 
passed in review. The struggle grew more bitter, 
and compromise looked impossible. Messages went 
from chamber to chamber. The Lords reasserted their 
right to amend a money Bill, and voted that the list of 
precedents was unsatisfactory. 3 The Commons pre- 
pared an answer, and concluded by saying that in 
constitutional matters "they resolve ever to observe 
the Modesty of their Ancestors ; and doubt not, but 
your Lordships will also follow the Wisdom of yours." 4 
That was the last shot in the locker. The shadow 
of prorogation had long hung over them. The King 
had attended numbers of the debates and watched the 
progress of the quarrel. He was tired of faction, and 
disliked the trouble of settling another dispute. The 
crisis was an awkward one, where a primitive judg- 

1 Sandwich MS 'S. Journal, x. 372 ; Lords' Journals, April 15. 

2 Com mom* Journals, April 20. 

3 Lords'' Journals, April 17 and 22. 4 Commons' Journals, April 22. 

i6 7 i] THE DISPUTE ENDED 231 

ment such as Solomon's would not suffice. Prorogation 
afforded a respite while other schemes were set afoot. 
Above all, the Treaty of Dover had filled the King's 
purse, and he could afford to dispense with his faithful 
Commons. On April 22, while conferences were still 
pending, Charles prorogued the Parliament, " without 
a Speech, or any expression of Thanks for the Aids it 
had produced." 1 The constitutional question remained 
unsettled ; neither side gave way. The disability of the 
Lords to amend a money Bill was not formally admitted, 
and the definition of their rights has been left to recent 
times. But that peer was a shrewd prophet who said 
that " by this way the Commons might annex things 
of foreign nature to Bills of Money and make a new 
Magna Carta." 

During the quarrel Sandwich worked hard, and 
regretted the failure of the conference. He had pre- 
pared one more paper which was never given in, for 
before the prorogation the Lords stood upon their 
dignity. " They thought it most honourable," he says, 
" to breake off upon the greate point, and give noe 
other particular reasons untill after a satisfaction had 
in that." 2 

That was his last experience of party politics, 
and he turned with pleasure to the more serene 
atmosphere of the Council of Plantations, where he 
resumed his investigation of colonial affairs. Since 
his work was arduous, and lay in London, he 
sought recreation in scientific pursuits. He had been 
for some years a Fellow of the Royal Society, and 
was in 1668 upon the council of that body. 3 He 

1 Grey's Debates, i. 467. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 376. 

3 Birch, History of the Royal Society ; Chamberlayne, Anglitz Notitia. 
Sandwich was elected on February 13, 1661 (Birch, ii. 119), and added to the 
council on November 30, 1668 (Birch, ii. 331). 


frequently joined the curious crowd who watched 
experiments with new-fangled glasses and blowpipes, 
or gazed upon ligations and dissections. He had some 
scientific knowledge ; his surveys and drawings of 
harbours and coastlines were correct, and those which 
he made on his voyages to the Straits were communi- 
cated to the society. He took an interest in engraving, 
and acquired some skill in the art. 1 Many pages of 
his journals are filled with calculations upon the 
altitude of the moon and observations on the stars. 
While he was in Spain he sent to the society a paper 
of observations upon an eclipse of the moon, and 
received the thanks of his colleagues. He also wrote 
upon a solar eclipse, he corrected the accepted latitude 
of Madrid, and added some notes upon the immersion 
of the satellites of Jupiter. 2 He presented John Evelyn 
with a sembrador, " an engine for plowing, equal sowing, 
and harrowing at once," and Evelyn was highly im- 
pressed by the excellence of the records made in 
Madrid. 3 At the same time the Earl translated a 
Spanish work upon the Art of Metals 4 When Blome's 
Geography was in manuscript, the King referred it to 
Lord Sandwich, and the publication was undertaken 
upon his lordship's advice. 5 Sandwich studied per- 
spective, kept up his mathematics, and was to the 
end of his life something of a student, one of the fore- 
runners of the dilettanti of the eighteenth century. 

Of his family affairs little can be said. On May 5, 
1671, he heard of the death of his cousin, Edward, Earl 

1 Philosophical Transactions, i. 106, 108 ; Evelyn's Sculptura and Pepys's 

2 Philosophical Transactions, i. 296, 390. His letters are in the Mis- 
cellaneous MSS. in the possession of the Royal Society, Nos. 3397-3401. 

3 Evelyn's Diary, November 25, 1668. 

4 Albaro Alonso Barba, The Art of Metals, etc 

5 Sandwich MSS. Letters, ii. 160; Cal S. F. Dorn., July 10, 1669. 

i6 7 i] FAMILY AFFAIRS 233 

of Manchester, who was sixty-nine years of age. The 
following entry occurs in the journal : 

" Next morninge I attended the King (by desire of 
the present Earle of Manchester) to know what houre 
his Majesty should be attended with the Collar, and 
George, and Garter. His Majesty appointed after 
dinner, when I waited on his Majesty, and on my 
knees (by command of the present Earl) presented the 
King, the Collar, George, and Garter with most humble 
Thankes for the Honor done to the deceased Lord 
Chamberlain and the family, the King being then 
Graciously pleased to expresse much Kindnesse both 
to the deceased, the present Earle, my selfe and our 

11 1 did beforehand begg his Majesty's direction 
whether the white staff should be presented his 
Majesty, in regard it is to be carried with the deceased 
to his grave. Besides that the diett and entertainment 
of Lord Chamberlayn is continued untill the Buriall 
(though it should be prolonged many weekes), and his 
Majesty was pleased to thinke that not necessary and 
soe noe white staffe was presented." 1 

Sandwich of course attended his cousin's funeral. 
The body was embalmed in London, near Whitehall, 
where Manchester died, and lay for a time at Warwick 
House, Holborn, but not in state. 

" Thence," says Sandwich, " attended by noble men 
and theire coaches (some thirty they say with six 
horses) out of Towne on Friday, the 12 of May in the 
morninge. I had a blacke coach and six horses ; went 
alonge with them to Kimbolton and in it my sonn 
Sydney, and my cosens Edward and Sydney, sonns 
of my Cosen George Mountagu ; my cosens Edward, 
Henry, Charles and Sydney, sonns to deceased Earle, 
came along to Kimbolton with two mourninge Coaches 
and six horses. At Staughton Greene on Satterday 13, 
I from Hinchingbrooke, my Ld. Mountagu from 
Boughton, and some of the Countrey Gentlemen mett 
the Herse, and some 10 coaches in all, went with it 
streight to the Church at Kimbolton where the Church 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 394-396, 


was hunge with one breadth of Bayes and Scutcheons. 
Mr. Gall preached a sermon, and afterward the body 
was Interred." 1 

The death of Lord Manchester left Sandwich as 
guardian of Sir Francis Wortley's natural daughter, a 
considerable heiress. 2 She was intended as wife for 
Lord Manchester's son, Edward, and Sandwich placed 
her under the care of my Lady Erwin, and handed her 
trust deeds to one of the Harbords. A few days later 
he writes : 

" May 29, 1671, I beinge this day oblidged to waite 
upon the Kinge my Master to Windsor, at the Cere- 
monye of St. George's Feaste to be held there on 
Monday next, tooke into consideration the Hazard 
Mrs. Wortley might be in at my Lady Erwinn's of 
Havinge violence used to gett her into possession of 
others whilest the Court and my selfe were out of 
Tpwne, beinge not out of feare also lest my owne 
Kindred to secure theire pretensions to her might not 
unknowne to mee remove her to some obscure place 
out of my pov/er, in which case I should have suffered 
deeply in my reputation in the world, as havinge 
placed her at my Lady Erwin's out of my power, or in 
order to comply with my Kindred in the stealinge 
of her. And hereupon I tooke the advise of greate 
Lawiers and my best friends, and upon the whole 
matter resolved to send her downe to my house at 
Hinchingbrooke, which accordingly was executed this 
day, my Cosens, Mr. Edward and Mr. Charles Moun- 
tagu went downe alonge with her, and Mr. Wm. 
Harbord and my cosen my Lady Lucy Mountagu also 
to stay with her and keepe her company ; she was well 
guarded downe and order given to lodge her in the 
securest part of my house, and people neere to de- 

1 Satidwick MSS. Journal, x. 399. At the funeral Sandwich was given 
a wild story about a feared insurrection of the Papists aided by the French, 
which he transmitted to Court, probably to the King's amusement (Cal. S. P., 
Dom., May 14). 

2 Sandwich was one of the executors of Sir F. Wortley's will, and Wortley 
left him 500 (Carte MSS., 75, f. 452). 


From a portrait by Michael Wright 

To face p. 234 of Vol. II 


fend her from attempts. And on Sunday night they 
gott thither by the way of Bishopp Starford and 
Cambridge." 1 

In the end Mistress Wortley and her fortune fell to 
Sydney Mountagu, second son of Lord Sandwich, but 
the marriage did not take place for some years. Sydney 
was his father's favourite, and Sandwich speaks of 
him as one who " had more liberal breeding than the 
rest of my younger sons." Accompanied by young 
Clem Cotterell, Sydney had just completed the grand 
tour. Pepys tells us how he entertained him before 
he left for Flanders and Italy, " and had a good dinner, 
and very merry with us all the afternoon." 2 He re- 
turned on January 30, 1671, after nearly two years' 
absence in Germany, Italy, and France. 3 

In his journal, Sandwich has recorded one or two 
other events of purely family interest. On April 23, 
1670, he writes : 

" My Lord Burlington and I were Godfathers and 
my Lady Orrery Godmother at the Christeninge of 
my Grandson, Edward Mountagu, in my Lord Bur- 
lington's house. The child was borne there on 
Sunday, Aprill roth about one o'clocke in the After- 
noone." 4 

Again, on January 5, 1671, comes the entry : 

"My Daughter, Anne Mountagu, being 18 yeares of 
age was married to Sir Richd. Edgecumbe, Knt. of the 
Bath, of Mount Edgecumbe, by Plimouth in Devon- 
shire ; his estate full 3000 per ann ; her portion 
5000 paid downe, and 1000 expended in weddinge, 
feastinge, and other preparations thereunto." 5 

Other family records are of little moment, for Lord 
Sandwich rarely went to Hinchingbrooke. He found 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, x. 400. 2 Pepys's Diary, May 13, 1669. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, x. 340. * Ibid. , x. 266. 

5 Ibid. t x. 330. The correct date of her birth is April 12, 1653. 



his time occupied by the Council of Plantations, and 
by attendance on various Committees of the House of 
Lords. His roll of achievement and titles is a long 
one. He was on the Privy Council, and was one of 
the "twelve persons of dignity" who composed the 
Council of the Queen. 1 He served on the council of 
the Royal Society, he was an Elder Brother of Trinity 
House, and a member of the Honourable Artillery 
Company. 2 In his own county he acted as Lord 
Lieutenant. His interests were many, and brought 
him into contact with the best-known men of the time. 
He was not only a statesman and a seaman, but he 
was well known in scientific and musical circles ; in 
every way he had scope for varied activity, and the 
opportunity of living a full life. But in the heyday of 
his power, when everything seemed to be going well 
with him, and he had found a useful sphere of action, 
his life came to an end. 

1 Chamberlayne, Anglice Notitia, 1671. 

2 G. A. Raikes, History of the H.A.C. 




"This declaration, as that of the former war, was founded upon generals 
and affected pretences. This is always the case when war is first resolved, 
and reasons or pretences are afterwards sought." RAPIN DE THOYRAS : 
History of England. 

OF the differences and disputes which led up to the third 
Dutch War, Sandwich knew little. At a time when 
the Roman Catholic religion and secret relations with 
the French Court formed the keys to the King's 
confidence, he was condemned to ignorance. The 
Cabal ruled all, and with only two of the five men who 
composed it had he ever a word; but even from 
Ashley and Arlington he could not learn anything of 
moment, for their tongues were tied. Busied as 
Sandwich was with the Council of Plantations, there 
was neither time nor opportunity for reflection; he 

1 Authorities : Since Sandwich's journal was probably lost with his ship, we 
have no record of the strategy such as he gave us in the previous war. Most 
of this chapter is done from the State Papers, Domestic and Foreign, and 
The Mount Edgcumbe MSS. In the Admiralty Library is Narborough's 
Journal (MS.}. 

The printed sources include Henry Savile, True Relation of the Battle of 
Southwold Bay ; J. S. Corbett, Notes on the Battle of Solebay (Navy Records 
Society) ; The Drawings of Van de Welde (which accompany the notes) ; 
J. S. Clarke, Life of James II. ; De Jonge, Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche 
Zeewesen ; Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmoiith MSS. ; Basnage, Annales des 
Provinces Unies (1726) ; A. T. Mahan, Influence of Sea- Power on History ; 
John Evelyn's Diary. Other authorities are mentioned in the footnotes. 



lacked knowledge, and was destined to lose his life in a 
quarrel of which he did not approve. It was a strange 
stroke of fate that sent him to bring over the provisions 
of the Treaty of Dover. 

The third Dutch War was the outcome of this 
infamous pact between two sovereigns ; it was waged 
neither for trade nor for expansion, but was a contest 
made by Kings. No government at the beginning of a 
war ever stood in more strongly marked antagonism 
to the nation and Parliament than did the English 
government at this crisis. The people were as one in 
their suspicion of France, and the combination by 
which the contest was to be carried on made the war 
look like an attack upon their laws, ordinances, and 
institutions. 1 

The war was, on Louis' part, largely one of revenge. 
He had not forgiven the slight of the Triple Alliance, 
and the consequent check upon his policy. Nor had 
he forgotten the reprisals upon French goods. By his 
side was a Minister of Finance who was prepared to 
bring questions of trade to the ordeal of the sword. 
So vindictive was Louis that the Dutch knew that 
defeat meant the virtual extinction of their country, 
and at the time of crisis they were assailed by a 
second enemy. Charles was firm in the French 
interest, one which agreed with his own policy. He 
drew the country into war in order to gratify a 
personal desire for revenge. Except for a few 
imagined insults, of as little importance as the 
continental caricature of to-day, the King of England 
had no real grievance against the States ; but he hated 
the puritanism of their religion, and looked askance 
upon their republican form of government. He had 
not forgotten the daring raid upon the Medway, the 

1 Von Ranke, History of England, iii. 522, 527. 

1672] THE KING'S POLICY 239 

capture of the ship which bore his name, and the 
booming of the Dutch cannon within a few miles of 
Whitehall. Louis XIV. offered him the opportunity 
for revenge, and it was for France, for Louis, for 
Colbert and his colleagues, that we fought the battle 
of Southwold Bay. 

At the opening of this war, one which might well 
be called " the King's war," Charles made choice 
of his Admirals, and the King was no mean judge of 
naval affairs. He remembered the battle of Lowes- 
toft, and Sandwich was called upon to serve his 
country. The Earl was regarded as the ablest seaman 
of his day. He was the keeper of the old traditions, 
the most prominent sailor who represented the school 
of Blake and the Commonwealth. When from time to 
time the commands had changed, his name was always 
brought forward. He came into a position of com- 
mand, not by favour, but by right ; not simply because 
he was Vice-Admiral of England, but because his sea- 
manship was proved. 

Though Sandwich was called to active service, he 
had no great love for his cause. Among the many 
who opposed the war must be reckoned the Earl. He 
knew no more than did the people of the schemes 
which underlay the machinations of Charles ; over the 
Catholic plot he was entirely in the dark. Membership 
of the Privy Council carried with it no right of 
summons, and through no other channel could he 
enter even a vain protest. Of the secret intrigues 
Sandwich knew nothing, since he stood outside the 
circle of the King's advisers ; when he ceased to be 
Master of the Wardrobe he severed the one link which 
bound him to the Court, and, like many another 
Mountagu, he went his own political way. He could 
judge the war on its merits. Concerning his prefer- 


ence for French or Dutch he had long since made up 
his mind. He had met the one in honest warfare, the 
other in diplomatic by-paths. He had not forgotten 
the intrigues over precedence, nor the threat of 
assassination thrown out by St. Romain. He had in 
him more of the Dutch temperament than the French, 
so that his sympathies were governed rather by his 
friend Sir William Temple than by a hot-head like 
Downing. Above all, he soon determined that the war 
was inexpedient, and for him that was sufficient. 

Within the past few months he had been discussing 
a plan by which " the Dutch and wee in true interest 
ought to divide the trade of the world betweene us." 
His adviser had proposed that the two countries 
should come to an agreement upon their spheres of 
influence, both in America and the Indies. " But," he 
added, " if the Dutch were soe selfe seekinge as that 
they would not consent to equall termes of Trading, 
yett that wee should trade, though but in a middelinge 
proportion without quarrellinge them, and never joyne 
with France against them, but in case of absolute 
desperation." 1 

During the autumn and winter which preceded 
hostilities, Sandwich was simply an observer. He 
looked on, while the King sought out some pretexts, 
and invoked a party in favour of his policy. Charles 
had virtually deposed Parliament, and could count on a 
section of the merchants, encouraged by Lord Ashley, 
^who saw prosperity in the ruin of a powerful rival. 
He exchanged his Ambassadors, and Downing was 
sent to the Hague, the King " finding by a long 
experience, that a rougher hand than Sir William 
Temple's must get him right of the States." 2 An 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, x., ff. 266-268. 

2 Arlingtgn, Letter s> \\< 337. 

i6 7 2] PRETEXTS 241 

incident which arose out of the exchange was magni- 
fied into an insult. The yacht, Merlin, was sent to 
bring back Lady Temple, and in passing through the 
Dutch fleet the captain demanded a salute. The 
Dutch Admiral ignored a demand which meant that he 
was bound to strike to any ship carrying English 
colours, "of what rate or bigness soever." Charles 
was determined to be affronted, and resolved to make 
Holland the aggressor as soon as the time came to 
show his hand. Meanwhile he proceeded to line his 
purse. On January 2 came the "stop of the Ex- 
chequer." A simple proclamation paralyzed finance. 
The State repudiated its debts. Bankers and mer- 
chants, large and small investors, were involved in 
ruin ; their gilt-edged securities became waste-paper, 
and the ready money of the State was used for the war. 
The next step which Charles took was one which 
Sandwich would have opposed, had it been in his 
power to do so. For Sandwich believed in uniformity 
and the Common Prayer Book ; but the King, obsessed 
with Roman Catholicism, endeavoured to loosen some 
of the shackles which bound his favourite Church, and 
in order to justify his policy he gave temporary relief 
to all his faithful subjects. He had not forgotten the 
danger from the Dissenters which had shadowed him 
in 1665. Their Dutch sympathies were patent; they 
needed a sop to soothe them, and on March 15 the sop 
was forthcoming. Charles issued a Declaration of In- 
dulgence. The Nonconformists and recusants were 
licensed to assemble after their own fashion for public 
worship and devotion, and to preach in their own 
conventicles. The laws which had made their religion 
a hole-and-corner affair were suspended. Side by 
side with the debauchery and licence of the Court, the 
stern countenance of Puritanism was unveiled. Its 

VOL. II. 16 


votaries purchased toleration with neutrality, and 
pra}^ed " that the refreshing streams of his Majesty's 
clemency might return to his royal bosom with in- 
creasing peace and honour." 1 

Whilst the King defrauded merchants and suspended 
laws, the Dutch, who had foreseen the contest, did 
everything they could to prevent it. Their feeling at 
first was in the main against the French, whom they 
regarded as the real mischief-makers. The sailors 
who had offered their services seemed disheartened 
when they heard that the English also were against 
them. 2 Even after Downing had done his work, and 
left the Dutch to ponder over his insults, they hoped 
that England might be deterred from war. They 
worked hard to conciliate Charles, and during the 
spring numerous notes were exchanged. " The 
neutrality of England," said one, " would cause the 
Dutch to fear the French not at all." 3 But this 
neutrality could neither be wooed nor purchased. 
"The malicious phanatick party," said another, 
11 report that the Dutch offer to subscribe to all his 
Majesty's demands, and that nothing will satisfy but a 
warr and Dutch ruine." 4 The fanatics were right. 
Charles and his advisers were obdurate. Their im- 
placable attitude turned the stream of Dutch hatred 
more and more against England, and fortified them in 
their preparations. 

When the Dutch were actually face to face with 
invasion they worked hard. It would have been diffi- 
cult to realize that factions " boiled high," and that 
they were divided into supporters of William of Orange 
and Johan De Witt, of monarchy and republicanism. 
For De Witt made a great attempt to steer his country 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., April 2. 2 Ibid., March 27 and April 8. 

3 Ibid., February 6. 4 Ibid., February 18. 

i6 7 2] WAR IMMINENT 243 

safely through the crisis ; the people appeared as if 
"acted by a single spirit," and his " venom appeared 
through it all." 1 Yet he had suffered from the 
jealousies which beset a federation, and was stinted 
at a time when successful diplomacy was a matter of 
largesse. A few years of peace had brought pros- 
perity to the Dutch, and with it a false security. The 
awakening only came when " a potent enemy was 
against them by sea, and another by land." The boors 
were called upon to defend the coast, and to plough 
up their corn, that they might not help to feed the 
enemy. Those who refused were like " to have their 
houses fired about their eares." 2 National feeling was 
aroused, and anxiety abated. When March came, the 
States had some four thousand seamen in pay, and 
about that number of marines to add to them; "nay," 
says the writer, " since they offer such great wages as 
even tempt the English, Scotch and Irish into their 
service, certainly it must allure their own." 3 Every 
encouragement was given to make an engagement 
profitable to the sailors. They were offered all the 
ships they took from the English and French; and, 
over and above, a reward of 50,000 gulden for every 
Admiral, and 30,000 for a Vice-Admiral. 4 Tempted 
by such rewards, seamen joined the fleet in numbers. 
Above all, the Dutch had De Ruyter, the greatest 
Admiral of the time, to inspire their efforts. He ad- 
vised the States as to the order of equipment, and 
detailed the ships he required. 5 By the end of March 
he had a powerful fleet ready to take the sea. 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom.y February 3. 

2 S. P., For. : Holland, clxxxviii., 89-213. This bundle of papers con 
tains many of great interest in considering the preparations. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom. t March 26. 

4 S. P., For. : Holland, clxxxviii. 89. 

6 Brandt, Vie du FAmiraldc Ruiter (1678), pp. 462-464. 


In the matter of preparation the Dutch outstripped 
us. During this third war the Navy Office did most 
of the preparatory work, and Sandwich scarcely ap- 
peared. The State papers contain few records of his 
movements. There were none of the sailing-trials 
and work upon the winter-guard which preceded the 
war of 1665. For a time he was down at Portsmouth, 
but on no great business. Though in February he 
was aware that his service was required, he was 
given little preparatory work to do, and cannot 
be held responsible for the defects of the administra- 

Our experience in the last war had taught us little. 
Certain changes had been made ; the single victualler 
was replaced by a commission, but three men found it 
just as hard to get money for the service as one had 
done. 1 Their credit was exhausted, and they were 

The want of money was no less pronounced than 
the want of men ; " only if the King could pay well 
and hang well would he be better served." 2 As soon 
as war was expected, merchant vessels were fitted for 
far-away expeditions, that the men might evade the 
press. Several sailors " left their abodes and removed 
to obscure places in the inland counties." The old 
story was repeated : recruits were sent, "cordwainers 
and the like, none of them seamen, so ragged that they 
were utterly refused, fearing they would taint the 
sound seamen." Those who came from Cambridge, 
Huntingdon, and the Isle of Ely, were but a poor lot ; 
not seven could be picked fit for service, said the press 
officer, "and all have mouths, and clamour for meat 
and money." In the more remote corners of England 

1 J. R. Tanner, Pepysian MSS. (Navy Records Society), i. 156. 

2 CaL S. P., Do in. > February 9. 


the press was stoutly resisted ; in Cornwall the warrant 
officer was set upon, his servant's head was broken, 
and the man was thrown over a cliff and taken up 
for dead. Not one could be pressed by the constables 
for fear of a mutiny. The vessels in the Thames were 
short-handed ; their captains went ashore and scoured 
the country for men, beating their drums in the villages, 
but none hearkened. The call of the sea was in vain. 
When April came there were few ships " manned fit 
to engage an enemy." And had the men come forward, 
the ships were not prepared to receive them. Equip- 
ment was lacking ; even on the brink of war there was 
a cry for masts and spars, yards, fire-booms, and scup- 
per-shoots; when the fleet was called upon to sail, 
number of vessels were left idle in the Thames, 
unmanned and unequipped. 1 

While both sides were busied with their prep- 
arations, actual warfare began. Long before any 
declaration was made, the Dutch merchant shipping 
was called upon to pay toll. Their captains who put 
into English ports were ill at ease. They feared an 
attack upon their cargoes, and remained on guard, 
"with matches lighted and in a fighting posture." 2 
An embargo was issued on their ships; all men-of- 
war which were in readiness were commanded to 
seize and bring into port any vessels of the States- 
General they met with, and to destroy any that 
resisted. 3 This was a momentous though ill-judged 
decision on the part of the Government it was 
made only upon the advice of a section of the 
seamen, and it met with emphatic disapproval from 
Lord Sandwich, but on the day it was issued, he 
could not raise his voice in protest. He was then at 

1 Cal S. P., Dom., January 24 to April 25. 

2 Ibid., February 2. 3 Ibid., March 5, 


Portsmouth inspecting some ships, and returned to 
London a few days later. 1 

The decision of the Council probably crossed him 
on the way, and before he could be heard the English 
seized their opportunity. On March 13 the Dutch 
Smyrna fleet attempted to go home through the Channel. 
The vessels were richly laden with the usual cargoes 
of silk, cochineal, gums, and spices. There were fifty 
merchantmen, stout and strong, convoyed by eight 
men-of-war. An old enemy, Robert Holmes, attacked 
them with seven or eight lusty ships. The advantage 
was with him, for the Dutch had their cargo to save ; 
their vessels were foul after the long journey, and 
ours were newly fitted out and clean. But the Dutch 
were desperate, their men were inured to the sea, and 
everyone was concerned in some venture or other on 
board the merchantmen. They fought a good fight ; 
" the engagement was hot and brave ; as hot as ever 
they knew any engagement in the late Dutch war." 
Our ships lost heavily ; their spars were broken, their 
shrouds and sails were torn in pieces. The Diamond 
had never a mast standing, and the York was so 
maimed that she could hardly sail. The Dutch were 
chased for a whole day and night, and Holmes brought 
in a few inconsiderable prizes. 2 

This unwarranted attack upon the Smyrna fleet in- 
creased the resentment in Holland. The people were 
full of bitterness, since we began the war so un- 
expectedly and captured their merchant ships. 3 It 
became dangerous for an Englishman to be seen in 
the streets of a Dutch town. " The women and 
children are so exasperated against us," said a sailor, 

1 CaL S. P., Dam., March 7. His last signature as a Councillor is dated 
April 14, 1672 (Brit. Mus. : Stowe MSS., 142, f. 86). 

2 CaL S. P., Dotn., March 13-15. 

3 S. P., For. : Holland, clxxxviii. 12. 


" that they show their knives with railing foul 
speeches." 1 As in most similar attempts to strike 
before a declaration of war, the moral effect was evil, 
and greatly outweighed any advantage that we de- 
rived from sudden action. Holmes had opened the 
war as badly as could be; he had done all that was 
needed to reawaken in the Dutch the old dormant 
spirit of fierce hostility and to fill them with an in- 
domitable lust for revenge, which was felt like a fire 
in the coming day of battle. It was rightly predicted 
that when the day came rivers of blood would be 
shed. 2 

The indignation, once kindled, was fanned into 
further fury by the terms of the declaration of war. 
These were set out in a pamphlet which declared that 
nothing but inevitable necessity forced England to 
take up arms, for the Dutch had broken faith with us 
and supplanted our trade. 3 The incident of the Merlin 
was taken as an insult to the nation. The caricatures 
played their part : " In Holland there is scarce a town 
that is not filled with abusive pictures, and false 
historical medals and pillars." But the Dutch affirmed 
that only one medal was known, and of that the mould 
had been destroyed. Their protests went unheeded ; 
the declaration was printed on March 17, and pub- 
lished with all the usual solemnities by the heralds. 
The French declaration followed a few days later. A 
fast was proclaimed for our success. The outbreak of 
war was reported to give general satisfaction, despite 
its prejudicial effects on trade ; 4 but, on the other hand, 
the French Ambassador declared that scarcely a voice 
was raised in commendation. 6 It was a quarrel, 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., March 27. 

2 S. P., For, : Holland, clxxxviii. 198. 

3 A printed copy is in S. P., Dom. : Charles //., ccciv. 21. 

4 Cal. S. P., Dom., March 24. 5 Mignet, Negotiations, iii. 703. 


" slenderly grounded," says Evelyn, " and not be- 
coming Christian neighbours." 

Sandwich certainly was opposed to the action of the 
King and his advisers, and had no conviction of its 
justice. With regard to the pretext of the salute, he 
had been jealous for the honour of the English flag, but 
careful of the courtesies which attended its usage. 1 The 
incident of the Merlin was not to his liking. His friend, 
John Evelyn, affirms that " he was utterly against this 
war from the beginning, and abhorred the attacking 
of the Smyrna fleet." The diarist saw Sandwich 
shortly before the Admiral went down to the Nore. 

" Going to Whitehall," he says, " to take leave of his 
lordship, who had his lodgings in the Privy Garden, 
shaking me by the hand he bid me good-bye, and said 
he thought he should see me no more, and I saw to my 
thinking something boding in his countenance. * No/ 
says he, ' they will not have me live. Had I lost a 
fleet ' (meaning on his return from Bergen when 
he took the East India prize) ' I should have fared 
better ; but be as it pleases God, I must do something, 
I know not what, to save my reputation.' " 2 

It might seem, since Evelyn wrote after Sandwich 
had lost his life, that these ideas took shape from the 
event; but it is curious that a man like the Admiral 
was for some weeks haunted by a sense of fatality, 
and predicted his own death. At the last he seemed 
to throw off his unimaginative self, and to ponder over 
his future. Evelyn's story is borne out by another 
witness. Just before going to sea, Sandwich was a 
guest at Lord Burlington's, and there, in the garden, 
talked with the younger Hyde and some of his friends. 

11 Their discourse turning upon the preparations for 
that summer's campaign and what was to be expected 

1 T. Wemyss Fulton, The Sovereignty of the Seas, pp. 463, 472, 482 ; Cat. 
S. P. Dom., June 14, 1669. 

2 Evelyn's Diary, May 31, 1672. 

i6 7 2] SANDWICH AT SEA 249 

from it, his Lordship then walking with his hands one 
upon the shoulder of Charles Harbord and the other 
upon Clem Cotterel's (for his greater ease being then 
grown somewhat goutish and otherwise unwieldy) told 
the Company by way of reflection upon the then 
management of our Sea affairs that though he was 
then Vice-Admiral of England, and Admiral of the 
Narrow Seas, yet he knew no more of what was to be 
done that summer than any one of them, or any other 
that knew nothing of it ; ' This only I know/ he said, 
' that I will die and these two boys (meaning Harbord 
and Cotterel) will die with me.' " x 

In such a mood the Admiral went down to join the 
fleet. When he reached the vessels he was received, 
not in silence, but in triumph. His men gave him 
three great huzzas. This was not a mere formal 
welcome. The influence of the Commonwealth navy 
was personified in Sandwich. Strict as was his 
discipline, he knew how to treat his men ; instead of 
calling them "damned dogs" and the like, he called 
them by more kindly names, and no tradition of his 
life is better established than the esteem in which he 
was held by the real old salts. 2 By the younger officers 
he was equally respected. 

" Sir," he said to one who had displayed conspicuous 
bravery, " you are a person whom I am glad to see, 
and must be better acquainted with you, upon the 
account which Captain Brooke gave mee of you. I 
must encourage such persons, and give them their 
due, which will stand so firmely and courageously 
unto it upon extremities wherein true valour is best 
discovered. Hee told mee you were the only man 
that stuck closely and boldly to him unto the last, and 

1 The letter is a copy from the Pepysian MSS. ; it is endorsed No. 1 38, 
and is dated April 27, 1694. It will be found fastened to the fly-leaf of 
vol. x. of the Sandwich Journals. 

2 See Charnock, Biographia Navalis, i. 42 ; Campbell, Lives of the 
Admirals, ii. 233 ; Remarks upon the Navy, ii. 14 (1700), etc. 


that after so many of his men and his lieutenant was 
slayne, hee could not have well knowne what to have 
done without you." x 

The affection of his officers and seamen was some 
compensation to Sandwich for his dislike of the war. 
However sad his forebodings may have been, the 
cheers of the sailors and his love of the sea made 
him glad once again to stride the decks. On April 20 
he supped on board the Duke's flagship, and on the 
following day his own flag was hoisted in the Royal 
James. There he entertained the King and the Duke 
of York. 2 For a few days the fleet remained in the 
river, a review took place, and the preparations were 
completed. The English ships formed two of the 
three squadrons of the fleet, and the French were to 
make up the third. The command of the combined 
fleet was given to James, Duke of York, and Sandwich* 
his Vice-Admiral, took command of the Blue. Several 
councils of war were held, at which Charles was 
present, and my Lord had at length an opportunity of 
learning what was to be done at sea. If he followed 
his custom during the former war, and wrote down the 
details of the councils, his journal would have proved 
more than valuable. He had concluded his book for 
1671, and that which he wrote during the last few 
weeks of his life has perished with him. 

Until Sandwich came on board his flagship he was 
in complete ignorance of the plan of campaign, but he 
now learned it from the King's lips. Charles and his 
advisers had formulated a general scheme, to be 
carried out in concert with the French. This com- 
prised an invasion of the United Provinces by the 

1 Sir Thomas Browne, Works, i. 149. The hero was Lieutenant Browne 
of the Foresight, then at Bergen. 

i6 7 2] OUR STRATEGY 251 

French army, and a simultaneous attack by the com- 
bined French and English fleets upon that of the 
Dutch. It was not our object, said Charles to the 
French Admiral, to take two or three vessels, but to 
ruin the enemy's force. 1 Since the allied fleets were 
of considerable strength, it was hoped that the com- 
mand of the North Sea would pass into our hands ; 
the Dutch trade could then be cut off, and the English 
might seize their northern ports, and drive home the 
blow by landing troops in Holland. Counsel was 
taken as to " the fittest place to land our forces, if God 
should give us victory at sea." Zeeland was chosen 
for a raid, as a state where the Orange interest was 
strong, and where, " if they should overcome us, we 
can for a farewell pour in the whole ocean upon 
them." 2 Such a course depended upon a decisive 
victory by the fleet, and chance might not grant it. 
But less would have contented us. If the Dutch could 
be contained, and forced to keep at bay, there would 
be opportunity for the movement of the French troops, 
and the enemy would be compelled to a continual 
expenditure, both of men and material. 

These plans were foreseen by De Witt, and he had 
hoped to thwart them by two rapid strokes. He would 
first have surprised Neuss, the town which Louis had 
chosen for his base, and would thus have held the 
key to the French advance. He proposed also to take 
advantage of the enemy's unreadiness, and to attack 
the French fleet before they could get to sea. 3 But an 
excess of caution seized the Dutch, and the jealousies 
of the various States hindered the necessary prepara- 
tions. At length the Council resolved on a stroke 

1 Eugene Sue, Histoire de la Marine Fran$aise, ii. 355. 

2 CaL S. /". , Dom. , April 22 : Kinnoul to Lauderdale. 

3 De Jonge, Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Zeewesen, vol. iii., part i., 
p. 72 et seq. See also Lefevre-Pontalis, Life of Johan De Witt t ii. 245-247. 



which closely followed the lines indicated by De Witt. 
An endeavour was made to get the fleet in order before 
the junction of the Duke of York and the Comte 
d'Estrees. The sea was cleared of Dutch shipping, 
their merchantmen lay idle in the rivers, and advice 
boats were sent out to warn their East Indiamen that 
war was imminent. 1 

Our ships meanwhile had assembled near the 
mouth of the Thames ; and the French squadron lay 
in the harbour of Brest. The Dutch hoped to prevent 
a junction of the allies, by attacking one or the other. 
They determined upon a sudden onslaught at the Nore, 
and a repetition of the insolencies of 1667. Success 
would have emboldened them and paralyzed our 
preparations ; and a second blow could then have 
been delivered at our allies. For a time we dreaded 
some such scheme, for frequent warnings were received 
that the enemy was active. 2 

On April 17 the United Provinces resolved to send 
out their fleet, but the jealousies of the various states 
overset the plan. On April 29 De Ruyter left the 
Texel, and prepared to pick up the Zeeland squadron, 
which was then in the Vlie. Their Admiral, Banckers, 
had received orders which forbade him to leave the 
river until he caught sight of De Ruyter, and he 
remained at anchor while his colleague worked round 
the coast. A report sent to England spoke of the 
Dutch as merely " shifting up and down," and as they 
did so the quarry slipped away. 3 

The slowness of the enemy meant that we could 
carry out the plan of joining our allies west of the 
Straits of Dover, and it was fortunate for us that the 

1 Cal S. P., Dom., April 2 and 8. 

2 Ibid., April 9. See also J. S. Corbett's Note on the Battle of Solebay. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 2. 

i6 7 2] BOTH FLEETS OUT 253 

Channel was still clear. The moment had been a 
dangerous one for England. On May i our fleet lay 
at the Nore, and still only half prepared. The French 
fleet was hardly under way from its own coasts. The 
wind was easterly, and favourable to the enemy, whose 
fleet was daily expected off the Thames. For the 
English to remain there was to court disaster. Accord- 
ing to d'Estrees, the commander of the French fleet, 
some of our flag-officers opposed a move. But a 
forward policy prevailed partly because of the neces- 
sity for a junction with our allies, partly in the hope 
that a move might draw the Dutch into the Channel. 
On May 2, therefore, the Red and Blue squadrons, 
about forty " stout men-of-war," sailed out of the river 
and round the Kentish coast. 1 They were seen by the 
enemy's scouts, with whom the Antelope exchanged 
several guns, before the Dutchmen bore away for the 
Texel, to carry the news to De Ruyter. 2 The same 
day Charles and his Ministers decided on a course 
which justified the movement, " it being not advisable 
to fight with the Dutch fleet, before the conjunction of 
the French squadron, if it can be avoyded, except upon 
some great and manifest advantage." The actual place 
in which to await the French was left to the Duke " to 
be debated and resolved with the Flag-officers." It 
was suggested that Dungeness was better than the 
Downs ; 3 Portsmouth was better still ; for the farther 
south our fleet, the more " encouragement for the 
French squadron to advance more readily into the 
Channel." At the same time it was hoped that the 
enemy would follow us, and thus the proposed junction 
wore an important strategical aspect. 

1 Hist. MSS. Comni. : Dartmouth MSS. , p. 6. 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 3. 

3 Ibid. , May 2 : Resolution of the Council. 


The wind was favourable when, on May 2, while 
the Dutch were still on their own coasts, our fleet left 
the Thames, and sent out scouts in order to get in 
touch with our allies. 1 The French fleet was then 
outside Hurst Castle, and approaching Portsmouth 
from the west. The Admiral, Comte d'Estrees, com- 
manded thirty-two men-of-war, eight fire-ships, and a 
number of victualling ships and ketches. 2 On his 
arrival at Portsmouth, d'Estrees found the garrison 
under arms, and the King ready to receive him. He 
saluted the town with nine guns, and was answered 
with the like number. On May 5 Charles and some 
of his courtiers visited the French ships. They were 
saluted by the whole fleet, went on board the Saint 
Philippe, the Terrible, and the Superbe, and made a 
thorough inspection of the vessels, guns, and men. 3 
There was much to interest a seaman, such as the 
King. The French vessels differed from ours in their 
construction they were lower in the water, shorter in 
proportion, and with a greater draught. " They have 
not a cabin standing between decks for gentleman or 
any other," said a seaman, " so that in time of service 
they will be very clean ships." They were well 
officered and well manned, but the discipline was less 
exacting than in the English vessels. The inspection 
ended, Charles went ashore in his yacht, and with 
him the Comte d'Estrees and several of the French 
nobles, to be entertained by Lord Arlington. 4 

The royal visit was effectively timed. About five 
in the afternoon, " as the King was standing on the 
battery little expecting it," our fleet appeared. 6 The 
junction of the allies was thus made at the very hour 

1 CaL S. P., Dom., May 3. 2 Ibid., May 5. 

3 Ibid., May 5. See also Eugene Sue, Histoire de la Marine Francaise. 

* CaL S. P., Dom., May 5. 5 Ibid., May 6. 


when De Ruyter approached Dover. The gale which 
brought him thither still swept along the Channel ; for 
days the weather was bad, and the allies were unable 
to get to sea. At length, on May 9 about noon, the 
wind came southerly ; the allied squadrons weighed 
anchor, and before nightfall they were out of sight to 
the eastward. 1 The Duke was aware of the presence 
of the Dutch off Folkestone, and resolved to stand over 
towards the middle of the Channel, away from the 
Sussex coast, and nearer France. For with a southerly 
wind the English would have the weather-gauge, and 
hoped to come suddenly upon the enemy, while on 
the western side of the Straits. " We use all manner 
of diligence to get up to them," says a writer, " and 
bring them to an engagement west of Dover." 2 

There was still some chance that such an engage- 
ment might be possible, if the enemy could be tempted 
farther along the coast towards Portsmouth. It 
looked as though some such design would succeed. 
On May 5, the day on which the allies joined forces, 
the Dutch fleet was visible from the North Foreland. 
Fear of invasion spread over the southern counties, 
for the raid upon the Medway was fresh in every 
man's memory. All round the shores men were stirred 
to vigilance. On the Foreland was a beacon built of 
brick, " having on the top a cradle of iron, in which a 
man attends a great sea-coal fire." 3 Similar lights 
were set up from the South Foreland to Sheerness, 
and from Orford Ness to Lee. 4 Sentries were posted 
on the church steeples ; troops of horse were set to 
watch the motions of the Dutch, and stood on the 
headlands ready to give warning when invasion 
threatened. The trainbands were called out. People 

1 Cat. S. P., Doin., May 9. 2 Ibid., May IO. 

3 Evelyn's Diary, May 14. 4 Cal S. P., DOM., April 10. 


flocked from far and near to look at the enemy's fleet ; 
even the Queen was drawn by curiosity to view the 
naval pageant. 1 The Dutch vessels made a brave show 
with the May sunshine glinting on sail and gun. At 
times they came within a cannon-shot of Dover Castle. 
Our shipping was scared ; small boats set all sail, and 
darted to the nearest harbour, a Dutchman or so in 
pursuit ; chases were continual, a capture occasional, 
escapes many and exciting. Precautions were taken 
to guard the river. Our fleet was so far westward that 
the nakedness of Sheerness became a matter of the 
greatest concern. A ship was not allowed to pass into 
the Swale, nor to lie near in the night, nor to pass up 
the river by day, without examination of all she had 
on board. At length foul weather came to the rescue 
and saved the Londoner any further anxiety. For 
some days a strong gale blew from the north-east, the 
Dutch cables gave way, and the wind threatened their 
power of retreat. On May 9 they set sail again, and 
disappeared towards the east, leaving only a few scouts 
in the Channel to warn them of the approach of the 
allies. 2 

De Ruyter was by then aware that the English and 
French had joined, and he moved away from the 
Channel to the back of the Goodwin Sands. 3 The 
enemy came no nearer, " lest they should be beaten, 
and the wind continue easterly," says a writer, " they 
have never a shore nor a harbour to friend, and to keep 
where they are is great reason, for, if the Duke turn 
up, they can keep to windward and engage at their 
pleasure ; if the wind wester, they can engage as near 
as they please to their own coast." 4 For several days 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Le Fleming MSS. , p. 92. 

2 Cat. S. P., Dow., May 5, 6, and 9. 

3 Ibid.y May 10. 4 Ibid. : Anthony Deane to Arlington. 

i6 7 2] THE ALLIES 257 

the Dutch played hide-and-seek with the allied fleets. 
The wind favoured them, and remained north-easterly, 
so that the allies could make little headway, and de- 
spaired of an engagement in the Channel. For a few 
days De Ruyter was free to threaten the Thames. He 
detached a squadron, which nearly captured some of 
our reinforcements as they attempted to leave the 
river. 1 The enemy's squadron moved along the coast, 
off Longsand Head, or within a cannon-shot of Sheer- 
ness ; they even came to an anchor, and so close that 
at low-tide a Vice-Admiral's ship went aground, but 
" she gott off the next day by a spring tide, and gott 
up to the rest of their fleet." 2 

Meanwhile the English and French were " forced to 
tyde it up to Dover," and as they approached, De 
Ruyter disappeared to the northward. The allies 
beat slowly along the Channel in the teeth of a strong 
breeze. At length, on May 16, they were off the 
North Foreland. That same evening some Dutch 
scouts appeared, and exchanged shots with the Prince, 
but did not come within reach of her guns. 3 

The appearance of the enemy's frigates caused some 
consternation. The Duke was uncertain of the Dutch 
movements and of the station of their fleet. He was 
in a position unfavourable to action, riding off the 
North Foreland, " in the Narrow among the sands." 
He called a council of war to consider the situation. 
The discussion was lengthy and important ; the 
missing journal alone could tell the story, but there 
is a brief account of the council by Francis Digby. 
Inference shows the trend of the discussion. There 
must have been a strong party among the flag-officers 

1 Cat. S. P., Dom., May 14; Hatton Correspondence (Camden Society), 
i. 85. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Marquess of Bath's MSS., Report IV., p. 228. 

3 CaL S. P., Dom., May 17. 

VOL. II. 17 


who wished to await the enemy and to guard the 
Thames. They relied upon mere bravado to counter- 
act engaging upon a manifest disadvantage. " In this 
occasion," says the writer, " Lord Sandwich has given 
such advice as became a wise and gallant seaman, and 
perhaps has hindered us from running into a thousand 
inconveniences, which domestic advisers are always 
ready by an appearance of courage to draw us into." 1 
He said that fighting the Dutch upon their own coasts 
was a course which the sane sailor avoided ; to fight 
them near the Goodwins was no less dangerous. 
Despite those who were ready to run this risk, the 
Vice-Admiral's counsel was taken, and that same after- 
noon the fleet sailed eastward, and thus compelled the 
enemy to draw into the open sea. 2 

The advice which Sandwich gave was sound and 
seaman-like, and decidedly in accord with the strategy 
of the campaign. The King had written an outline of 
his plans, which he further communicated to the flag- 
officers at Portsmouth. The letter has not come to 
light, but the French Admiral has given the gist of 
the King's conversation. After some comments, evi- 
dently intended for a warning to d'Estrees, Charles 
expounded his scheme. Every attempt was to be 
made to deny to the Dutch the advantage of fighting 
on their own coasts, where they were familiar with 
every shoal and every channel, and where they had 
removed all their buoys and landmarks. 3 Bestride 
their communications, and they were forced to give 
battle or to suffer great loss of trade. The English 
fleet, provisioned for two months, was to anchor upon 

1 Cal. S. /., Dow., May 17. The original is in S. P., Dom. : Charles II. , 
ccviii. 204. Sandwich's captain also says that we judged the Dutch design 

was to engage us among the sands. "Possibly," he adds, "they may be 
deceived in their expectations" (Brif. Mus. : Egerton MSS., 2521, f. 23). 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 17. 3 Ibid., April 28. 




the Dogger Bank, and there await the Dutch East 
Indiamen. If this tempted the enemy from their 
harbours, an engagement would be fought in the 
open sea; and if the Dutch adopted a defensive policy, 
their richest fleet of merchantmen was doomed to 
capture. As in 1665, the coasts of Holland were to 
be avoided, for there a decisive action was impossible ; if 
the battle proved unfavourable to the enemy, they had 
a sure retreat the moment fortune turned against 
them. 1 Our strategy was sound, but we were not 
fully prepared for its execution. 

1 Eugene Sue, Histoire de la Marine Fran^aiss, ii. 355. There is (in 
S. P., Dom., May 2) a memorandum from Philip Holland to the King which 
sets out the strategy almost exactly. He dwells upon the need of having good 
scouts, and the necessity of a speedy junction with the French. An engage- 
ment should only be undertaken when we were at a great advantage, for it 
was De Ruyter's policy to fight us at a distance, spoil our men, and destroy 
our masts and rigging. He advised our fleet to await the motions of the 
enemy, and to avoid engaging in the narrow seas. The Dutch had been at 
great expense to set out their fleet, and waiting would wear them out ; their 
weariness would be doubled if the French were successful on land. Philip 
Holland was one of the old school, a friend of Pepys and of Cuttance. He 
had at one time served under Sandwich (see Pepys's Diary, June 3, 1660). 
On April 20, 1672, he was called from Flanders to give the King intelligence. 
Eight days later a warrant was issued for his arrest, as one who served the 
Dutch during the late war. He was a Dissenter (Pepys's Diary, April 24, 
1663), and when his conscience was satisfied by the Declaration of Indulgence 
he may have condoned his former lapse of loyalty, and obtained his release by 
providing Charles with a valuable memorandum, based on experience. 



" To the honour of God omnipotent, and in memorial of the blessed 
Martyr St. George, tye about thy leg for thy renown this Noble Garter ; 
wear it as the symbol of the Most Illustrious Order, never to be forgotten or 
laid aside, that thereby thou mays't be admonished to be courageous, and 
having undertaken a just war in which thou shalt be engaged, thou mays't 
stand firm, valiantly fight, and successfully conquer." Admonition at the 
Investiture of the Garter. 

Now that an engagement was imminent, the allied 
fleets sailed in order of battle. The French had the 
van, and formed the White Squadron, with the 
Comte d'Estrees as Admiral, and Du Quesne and 
de Rabesnieres as his seconds. The centre, or Red 
Squadron, was commanded by the Duke of York in 
the Royal Prince; his Vice-Admiral was Sir Edward 
Spragge, his Rear-Admiral Sir John Harman. The 
Blue Squadron was commanded by the Earl of Sand- 
wich, with his flag in the Royal James ; his Vice- 
Admiral, Sir John Kempthorne, sailed in the St. 
Andrew, and his Rear-Admiral, Sir Joseph Jordan, 
was in the Sovereign. On May 18 the combined fleets 
numbered about seventy ships, but within the next ten 
days this number was gradually increased. 

For some days the Dutch fleet had been lying out 
beyond Orford Ness, well in sight of land. Their 
scouts had advised them of the English movements, 
and during the night of May 18 they stole away. 
When the day came, only the hindmost of their ships 
could be seen from the coast. Meanwhile a fresh 
westerly gale brought our ships along, heading for 
the open sea, and on the look-out for the enemy. The 
French were in the van, Sandwich and his squadron 
in the rear. Our fleet was reinforced by the Gloucester 
and her companions, free at length to leave the river, 1 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 19. 

1672] WE GIVE CHASE 261 

The wind was still favourable, the sea was smooth. 
Chests and hammocks were put in the hold ; cabins, 
tables, and all such " trumpery," were thrown over- 
board, and the decks cleared for action. The men 
were cheerful, and of a temper which gave great 
assurance of success. 1 We had the weather-gauge, 
and nightfall found us within three miles of the enemy, 
"our van against their van, and our body against their 
body." 2 The Dutch tacked ; we tacked and stood 
along with them, fearing the White Banks of Flanders, 
and yet unwilling to lose the chance of an engagement. 

The night was all confusion. Yachts were sent 
ahead to sound and make signals ; both sides burned 
false fires, and the blue flames shot up in the darkness 
to lure and bewilder the opponent. Bullets from the 
Dutch guns sang as they passed through our rigging. 
Day dawned, the wind south-westerly, and with it a 
thick fog. The ships were invisible to one another, 
and the line was preserved by the glare of lights ; 
muskets were fired, bells were rung, and drums beaten. 3 

About nine in the morning May 20 the wind 
changed, and blew fiercely from the north-west. The 
mist was dispersed, and the Dutch fleet could be seen 
about three leagues astern. The English tacked again 
and stood with them, but wind and sea prevented an 
engagement ; the waves were so high that steady 
shooting was impossible. 4 The westerly breeze 
favoured the enemy, and they made for the shoals 
of Holland, in the vain hope that we might be drawn 
foul of their banks. But the old thoroughness of the 
Commonwealth navy prevented disaster. On the 
previous day Sandwich and his captain had advertised 

1 Cal S. P., Dom., May 21. 

2 Nar borough's Journal. 3 Ibid, 
* S. 2\, Dom. : Charles //., cccix. 91. 


the Duke of certain dangers, especially of a sand 
" known by few of our pilots ... it being out of 
the Tradeway for the English." A master-gunner on 
board the Prince was able to confirm the warning, and 
caution prevailed. 1 A watch was kept on the Dutch 
fleet, and when their ships drew nearer and nearer to 
the coast the allies put about and set sail. The hurried 
preparations had given little time for proper victualling, 
and it was necessary, if an engagement were delayed, 
to take in a further stock of provisions. So on May 21 
the allied fleets dropped anchor in Southwold Bay. 2 

At least a month's victuals were needed, before we 
took up our station upon the Dogger Bank to command 
the approaches to Holland and to force De Ruyter out 
to sea. A great attempt was made to remedy the de- 
ficiencies. The vessels took in water and food, signals 
arid colours. Several ships still lacked their full com- 
plement of men, and the press sent down more recruits. 
Pilots were needed for the French. The time for equip- 
ment was short enough, for the report soon came that 
De Ruyter was out once more. On May 24 he was 
seen off the North Foreland, sailing towards the Kentish 
Knock, and two vessels, the Falcon and Phoenix, were 
actually chased. Our merchantmen in the Channel 
were warned to return to Portsmouth. There was 
real danger, for, since the wind was easterly, the Dutch 
had a mind to attack us, and bore north-eastwards 
towards the Maas, while they sent out scouts in order 
to ascertain our position. 3 

1 J. S. Clarke, Life of James II. , i. 459. 

2 Cat. S. P., Dom., May 21 : Log of the Prince. In Laird Clowes's 
Royal Navy, ii. 302, it is stated that De Ruyter was anxious to engage the 
allies, and that the Duke anchored in Solebay instead of following up the 
enemy. The refusal of the Duke to attack close to the Dutch coast was in 
accordance with the plan of campaign, for an engagement was desired either 
in the Channel or well out in the North Sea. 

3 Cal S. P., Dom.> May 24 and 25. 




Their movements deceived the English ; Haddock, 
who was captain of the Royal James, wrote on May 25 
saying that we were "very near ready," and expected 
to stay some days longer off Southwold, till the prep- 
arations were complete. 1 Sandwich, his Admiral, had 
already given a general warning against the danger of 
our being caught among the shoals and sands, but his 
warning was gradually neglected. Our scouting was 
defective, and hampered by contrary winds, while 
De Ruyter's scouts were highly efficient. For two 
days the Dutch vanished, and during those two days 
the English vessels rode unmoored, and kept watch in 
case of surprise. 2 Then came the fatal lapse. It was 
reported that the Dutch were riding near their own 
coast. 3 Caution was thrown to the winds. Faith in 
the inaction of the enemy percolated through the fleet : 
many " had soe little expectation of, or preparation for 
fighting, that my Lord Howard, who had been on 
board and intended to be in at fighting, and several 
other Lords, English and some French officers went to 
Harwich to receive a treat there made." 4 But here, if 
De Ruyter intended to attack, were the very conditions 
which we should have foreseen. The wind was varied, 
but " hanging northerly "; and our ships were crowded 
together. It was a time to weigh anchor and to get 
well outside the bay. 

Instead of the fleet moving towards a better position, 
an irreparable mistake was made. The blame for this 
lies less upon the shoulders of James than of his 
captain, Sir John Cox ; and Cox in his turn was 
misled by the inaccuracies of our scouts. The Duke 
had declared for getting out to sea, and had ordered 

1 Brit. Mus. : Egerton MSS., 2521, f. 27. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 27 : Wickens to Hicks. 

4 Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letter 148. 


that no collier nor trading-ship should be permitted to 
go round the fleet, lest the enemy should be advertised 
of our anchorage ; but a collier slipped by us in the 
night, and was captured by the Dutch, who thus 
obtained the information they required. A story no 
less fatal to the English was brought by a packet-boat ; 
the master declared that the Dutch were off Goree, 
and engaged in taking in supplies. One of our cruiser 
captains, Finch, came in and brought no news of the 
enemy. 1 For the past two days James had opposed 
the mooring of the fleet, and kept a good watch. 2 But 
on May 27 he allowed himself to be overruled ; the 
fleet was delayed for another twenty-four hours, and 
the Prince herself put on the careen. 3 

Against this heedless action Sandwich possibly en- 
tered a protest. The evidence varies in regard to the 
manner and the matter. D'Estrees speaks of his protest 
at a council of war, 4 but the log-books and journals do 
not mention one being held upon that particular day. 
Round the story of a council there has been woven a 
tapestry of detail, in which Sandwich is pictured as the 
advocate of a cautious policy, and James as stating that 
such counsel was born of fear rather than of prudence. 
The evidence for all this is of the slightest. 5 The 

1 J. Macpherson, Memoirs relating to the Life of James //., i. 61. These 
contain a series of memoirs drawn up from the papers left by James. 

2 Narborough'sy0#r;m/, which in the main corroborates the above. 

3 Ibid. To careen, the ship was heaved down on one side by arranging 
the ballast, etc., for purposes of cleaning or repair. See Smyth's Sailor's 

4 Sue, Histoire de la Marine Fran$aise. Sue's long conversations are purely 
imaginary ; his documents are valuable. 

5 See Sir John Laughton's article on Sandwich in the Diet. Nat. Biog. 
The story owes its currency to Burnet (Hist, of His Own 7'zme), and has 
been charily repeated by many historians e.g., Samuel Colliber, Columna 
Rostrata, p. 217. It is not in the least consistent with the general behaviour 
of Sandwich, nor does any evidence bear Burnet out. The statement that 
Sandwich suggested as an alternative " drawing nearer the shore " deprives 
Burnet's story of all credit. 


council In question was probably that which took 
place ten days before; another council would hardly 
have been held at such a juncture, after the mischief 
was done. The action of Cox was in direct defiance 
of the general strategy and conduct laid down, and was 
opposed to the advice given by Sandwich, and this 
must have discontented and disturbed him. He may 
have made an informal expostulation, and probably 
did so. His attitude was grave. " He dined in 
Mr. Digby's ship," says a witness, " the day before the 
battle, when nobody dreamt of fighting, and showed a 
gloomy discontent so contrary to his usual cheerful 
humour, that we even then all took notice of it, but 
much more afterwards." 1 And truly Sandwich had 
good cause for his despondency. Within a few 
hours of his return to the Royal James his fears were 

At early dawn the fleet was aroused by the news 
that the enemy was at hand. Sandwich, after a rest- 
less night, sprang up upon the first alarm. He dressed 
with the greatest care, and put on the trappings of 
a Knight of the Garter, but without the mantle. His 
sword was at his side, his hair was tied back with 
ribbon, and on his head was a large black plumed hat. 
He carried a jewelled watch, and wore several rings : 
two were of sapphires, richly set; and there was 
a quaint seaman-like ring which contained a small 
compass. Round him was the rich blue ribbon of the 
Order; the star was fastened upon his breast; the 
jewelled collar and the George were about his neck. 
As his secretary, Valevin, affixed the insignia, Sandwich 
complained that he had been charged with a want of 

1 John Sheffield, Earl of Mulgrave, and later, Duke of Buckingham, 
Memoirs, p. 13. He served in the Dutch wars, and was present at the 
Battle of Solebay ; his memoirs contain a description of the fight. 


courage, and that he was determined that day to wipe 
off such a stain. As he left the cabin, he turned and 
said : " Now, Val, I must be sacrificed." 1 

He had at least a position in which to vindicate his 
honour. His vessels lay to the north, nearest the 
enemy ; the Red Squadron was in the centre, and to 
the south lay D'Estrees with the White. 2 On May 28, 
some hours before dawn, the Dutch sailed slowly to 
the attack. A French frigate discovered them, and 
fired off her guns to give the alarm. 3 The bulk of the 
allied fleet was unready, the Duke's flagship still 
getting her "pair of boot-hose tops." 4 In the dark- 
ness we were caught napping, and when the sun rose 
the Dutch were already on the horizon, with the wind 
in their favour. At five o'clock the Duke gave the 

1 The anecdote will be found in the Naval Chronicle, xxii. 23. The 
charge of cowardice had been brought against him by Albemarle. See 
Evelyn's Diary, May 31. 

2 Mr. Julian Corbett estimates the strength of the English fleet at seventy - 
one ships of over forty guns. There were several late arrivals, and the order 
does not seem to have been so well settled as in 1665. The Dutch had sixty- 
one battle units and various auxiliaries. 

Lists of our fleet are numerous. Narborough's Journal, L 88, gives the 
fleet in squadrons. See also Cal. S. P., Dom., April 15, 1672. In the 
Mount Edgcumbe MSS. there are some variations, and a list of the fire-ships 
which accompanied the fleet. The Red Squadron had the Supply, the Arzicot, 
the Castk, the Bantam, Nightingale, Fan/an, the Anna and Christopher, 
and the Portsmouth sloop. The Blue had the Francis, Mermaid, Enisworth, 
the Alice and Francis, the Rachel, the Holmes, the Suffolk, and the Pearl. 
This list is dated April 30, before the junction with the French. At that 
time the Red Squadron had the van, and Sandwich "the battalion." The 
list is said to be drawn up "in the order the ships are to fight in," and the 
order of the Blue Squadron is reversed. Jordan's division is in the van, 
Kempthorne's in the rear. The Holmes was not in time for the action 
of May 28. See Cal. S. P., Dom., May 28: Perriman to the Navy 

3 Narborough's Journal. According to the Hampton Court tapestry, she 
used her long-distance signal for the enemy's fleet, and showed their bearing. 

* A hurried cleaning of the sides of the vessels, "scraping off the grass, 
slime, shells, etc., which adhere to the bottom, near the surface of the water, 
and daubing it over with a mixture of tallow, sulphur, and resin, as a 
temporary protection against worms " (Smyth, Sailor's Word-Book}, 


signal to weigh, and half an hour later the fleet was 
under sail, the Blue Squadron as the van, and the 
French in the rear. 

For a time all was haste and confusion. Most of 
the fire-ships and smaller craft were riding near the 
shore. Numbers of the seamen were still in South- 
wold, enjoying a carouse, and a bailiff was sent round 
"to see them put out of all ale houses and tippling 
houses." The laggards were commanded, on pain of 
death, to be gone, for the enemy was almost up with 
their ships. Several skulked away and hid about the 
town; the rest obeyed the beating of the drums, 
tumbled into the boats, rowed hard towards the fleet, 
and clambered on board their vessels. The shrill 
whistle of the boatswain piped the orders ; sailors 
hoisted the sails and heaved up the anchors. When 
the fight began, some vessels were scarcely clear, but 
others succeeded in getting under way without either 
slipping or cutting their cables. 1 

Owing to this unreadiness the whole order was 
reversed, and the van of each squadron became the 
rear. They were penned up close to their own coast, 
and some of the vessels stood with their heads to the 
shore. 2 They lacked room to manoeuvre with any 
freedom, and, throughout the day, so light was the 
wind that our ships could not work. 3 The French 
mistook the signals, and went away to the south ; the 
Duke's squadron worked towards the north. Sand- 
wich endeavoured to get clear away upon the starboard 

1 Cal. S. P., Dam., May 28. Sir R. Gary, who saw the beginning of the 
action, stated that the Blue Squadron was in line. Other accounts contradict 

Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS.> p. 6. It has been suggested that 
James reversed the line at the last moment in order not to give the French 
the honour of leading. See also Mr. Corbett's Note on Solebay. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 29. 


tack, also in a northerly direction ; since the line was 
reversed, his Rear- Admiral, Jordan, was ahead, and 
his Vice-Admiral, Kempthorne, was astern. The Blue 
Squadron was in some sort of order ; and the Admiral's 
flagship, the Royal James, was one of those nearest 
the enemy. 1 Thus it chanced that Sandwich and his 
seconds bore the brunt of the first onslaught. 

While the allies endeavoured to form the line of 
battle, De Ruyter bore down upon them " like a tor- 
rent." His three squadrons were in line abreast, 
the wind and the sun fair behind them. 2 Van Ghent 
was on the right, De Ruyter in the centre, and 
Banckers on the left. In the van of each of the squad- 
rons were three frigates and three " most perilous 
fire-ships," the size of our fourth and fifth rate frigates. 
Each division of the squadrons was preceded by a 
" forlorn " of two ships of war and two fire-ships, whose 
business it was to throw the enemy's line into con- 
fusion. 3 The sailors who manned them were bribed 
by rewards for any mischief done to an Admiral, 
and their temper was sharpened by instructions, 
" minatory in case of slothful action." 4 To emphasize 
the importance of the contest, Johan De Witt was in 
De Ruyter's flagship, whence he could watch the 
fortunes of the day. The representative of the civil 
power was guarded by halberdiers in uniforms of red 
and yellow, and his green velvet chair of state was 
placed upon the poop. As De Ruyter came upon the 
English he again exhorted his men to deeds of valour, 
and drew lurid pictures of the fate of the defeated. 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., p. 14 (Sir R. Haddock's account 
of the battle). The account is also printed in Archceokgia, vol. xvii., with 
certain variants. 

2 The wind was N.E., but later shifted E. or E. by S. 

3 J. S. Corbett, Note on Sokbay. 

* Cal. S. P., Do in., April 16 and May 13. 


He had instructed his captains to concentrate on a 
definite opponent ; and the feeling that every man, as 
well as every vessel, had his particular enemy gave 
the battle singular determination. From the first pos- 
sible moment a desperately close attack was made ; 
there was a brief prelude by the great guns, and the 
battle was joined. 

The line was so ordered that as the fleets engaged 
Banckers turned southward to watch the French ; Van 
Ghent attacked the Blue, and De Ruyter bore down 
upon the Red Squadron. As the Zeven Provinzien 
approached the English, De Ruyter commanded his 
pilot to lay him alongside the Royal Prince. The Duke's 
ship was then working into the line. When the enemy 
was signalled she was quickly righted, and now sailed 
slowly on, her head towards the north-east. It was 
about eight o'clock when De Ruyter and his seconds 
came upon her. Astern of the Prince was the Victory, 
and the Bantam and St. Michael supported her. De 
Ruyter and Van Nes brought to, with their starboard 
tacks on board, came within musket-shot, and stood 
with the flagship. At first the English expected the 
enemy to board, but it was soon seen that it was his 
intention to disable the Prince, and then to set her on 
fire. About half-past eight two fire-ships were sighted 
coming through the smoke. They had boats ahead to 
tow them along ; when it was calm, " one of them 
rowed with oars also to endeavour to lay us on board." 1 
The first of the fire-ships was quickly sunk, the other 
driven off. But nothing could stay the Dutch attack, 
and the Royal Prince suffered severely. Bullets, balls, 
and chain-shot, cut the rigging and swept over her 
decks. A shot whizzed close to the Duke, killed his 
captain, and a volunteer who was standing by. An 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS. t pp. 20, 21. 


hour of close fighting gradually disabled the vessel, 
and before eleven o'clock her main topmast was shot 
by the board, her shrouds, her rigging, and her sails, 
were torn to pieces, and she had lost 200 men. 1 

By this time the vessel was so damaged that James 
decided to quit her, in order that she might be taken 
out of the line and refit. He and some of his staff 
slipped into a yacht, sailed to the St. Michael, and 
there hoisted the standard. In the dense smoke the 
change was unperceived; the Red Squadron still looked 
towards the Royal Prince, and the enemy still sur- 
rounded her. By good fortune the wind dropped, and 
for a time the attack was less severe. At length the 
Dutch caught sight of the standard, and turned upon 
the St. Michael. She was in but twelve fathoms of 
water, and near the Red Sand. The Duke's pilot had 
hardly ordered the vessel to tack, when a shot killed 
him. Then Sir Robert Holmes's pilot took the ship 
in hand. She was put about, and stood away towards 
the south. 2 A pinnace was sent round in order to 
collect the stragglers and tell them of the change of 
flag. The St. Michael was in good condition, and 
gradually overhauled the Dutch ; she stood in between 
the enemy's ships in an effort to divide them ; on the 
leeward was De Ruyter's squadron, on the windward 
were some of the vessels from Van Ghent's. Neither 
the Duke nor his opponents had much semblance of a 
line, and the struggle soon resolved itself into a melee. 

It was then close on noon, and the enemy were 
working towards their own coasts. About ten miles 
of sea, between Southwold and Lowestoft, had been 
covered during the engagement ; at first the battle 

1 J. S. Clarke, Life of James II. , i. 466. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., p. 21. There are many incon- 
sistencies in the accounts. 


had moved towards the north, but now the vessels 
had put about, and most of them were heading south- 
ward. As they endeavoured to regain their respective 
lines, there was a brief interval in the firing, and this 
afforded a few moments in which the scene could be 
surveyed. When the smoke rolled away, Sandwich's 
flagship, the Royal James, could be discerned lying to 
the northward of the main battle. It was evident that 
the day had gone hardly with her, for the whole vessel 
was ablaze, and the sea was covered with her men. 
James ordered the Dartmouth to stand by, and pick up 
the wretches who were trying to save themselves by 
swimming, or were clinging to the broken spars and 
pieces of timber. From some of those who survived, 
the Duke learned the fate of the Blue Squadron. 

The story which he heard was one of gallantry, for 
the Blue had endured the fiercest onslaught. When 
the battle began, Van Ghent bore down upon Sand- 
wich and Kempthorne, and allowed Jordan and his 
division to slip away towards the north. As early 
as six o'clock two hours before the Red Squadron 
engaged the combatants were but a league apart, and 
about a quarter to seven the battle began in earnest. 
Van Ghent had placed his squadron within musket- 
shot, turned the heads of his vessels towards the north, 
and brought his broadsides to bear on the Blue. The 
Royal James, the Henry, and another of Sandwich's 
seconds, sustained the first shock of the Dutch fleet. 1 
The flagship was marked out for a concentrated attack. 
She was a fine vessel of 100 guns, and carried nearly 
ten times that number of seamen. Since Sandwich 

1 In the Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letter 148, the vessel is said to have 
been the Royal Katherine, but in Van de Velde's drawing she is shown 
among the Red Squadron. In the same MSS., Letter 155, mention is made 
of the Richmond (a fifth-rate) as helping Sandwich. See also Dartmouth MSS. , 
p. 22, where some confusion is shown. 


was prepared to sell his life dearly, he and his men 
fought a desperate fight. 

For the first hour and a half the vessel was hotly 
engaged by Van Ghent. The struggle was terrific. 
The whole country-side was covered with smoke and 
steeped in the stench of powder. The windows in 
Southwold and Aldeburgh were shaken by the con- 
tinued cannonade ; the guns were heard at Sheer-ness, 
and on the packet which plied between Dover and 
Calais. The sea, said one, "was as calm as a milk- 
bowl." " When the wind sometimes blew away the 
smoke, it was so clear a sun-shiny day," said another 
eyewitness, " that we could easily perceive the bullets 
(that were half spent) fall in the water, and from 
thence bound up again among us." 1 But the lulls 
were very brief. The great guns were rested from 
time to time ; the smaller kept up a continuous 
thunder. Van Ghent assailed the Royal James with 
two of his vessels, the " forlorns," and then sent two 
fire-ships down upon her. They were met by a terrible 
cannonade : the first was fired before she could do 
any damage; the second had her yards shot away, 
and drifted harmlessly aside. 

While the flagship parried this attack, the Henry 
was taken. Numbers of fire-ships had been sent upon 
her, but without effect. At length the Dutch boarded. 
Digby, the captain, was slain just as he was dashing 
to the bowsprit in order to repel the enemy. His 
vessel was for a time in Dutch hands, but the bravery 
and courage of the surviving officers enabled her to 
be retaken. 2 Her capture was a serious blow to 
Sandwich, who watched it from the poop of his ship. 
Deprived of the help of his second ahead, he was more 
and more at the mercy of Van Ghent. His vessel was 

1 Sheffield, Memoirs, p. 15. 2 Cal S. P., Dom., May 28 to 31. 

1672] VAN BRAKEL 273 

so deep into the Dutch fleet " that she never had less 
than three or four of their stoutest ships on her," and 
so severe were the odds that he sent to inquire why 
he was not supported. He succeeded in putting off a 
barge with a message for Jordan, telling him to tack 
and weather the Dutch, and try to beat them to lee- 
ward of the flagship. At the same time a pinnace was 
sent to command those ships which were astern to 
come to the Admiral's assistance, but the pinnace 
was either taken or sunk, and Kempthorne never re- 
ceived the message. Earlier in the day he had seen 
the Royal James with a vessel close upon her ; but, 
blinded by the smoke, he concluded that the smaller 
vessel was one of our own line. He thought that 
something might be amiss, for at the same time he 
commanded the boatswain of the Mary Rose " to row 
on board my Lord of Sandwich to see what the matter 
was, and give him his assistance, we standing away 
with an easy sail." 1 

It was about nine o'clock when Sandwich dispatched 
his message. The first stage of the attack was over, 
and now the flagship was faced by a more determined 
enemy. In Van Ghent's squadron was Captain Van 
Brakel, hero of the raid on Chatham. Ignoring the 
protests of his Admiral, he broke out of the Dutch line, 
and steered his ship, the Groot Hollandia, a second-rate, 
down upon the Royal James? The Dutchman came 
with a crash athwart her hawse ; in a few moments the 
rigging of both vessels became inextricably entangled. 
Sandwich and his captain endeavoured to prevent this 
b}' wearing two or three points from the wind, but the 
strong flood-tide jammed the enemy right under the 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., p. 19. 

2 De Jonge (op. cit.) says that Van Brakel's attack was " meer aan zijne 
onbeperkte stoutheid den aan de regelen der krijgstucht gehoor gevende." 

VOL. II. l8 


figure-head of the flagship. The smaller vessel raked 
the Admiral from stem to stern, and lay in a cranny, 
so that Sandwich could only make use of his lower 
tier of guns ; but he received the enemy with such a 
hail of musket-shot that the falling bullets, said a 
witness, made the sea boil as though filled with 
whales. Flame and fire were on all hands ; the James 
was so enveloped in smoke that nothing but her flag 
was visible. 1 Every attempt was made to part the 
vessels, but the smaller one clung with the tenacity of 
a weasel. Our sailors hacked at the spars and rig- 
ging, but the tangle held. Man after man fell from the 
yards ; man after man dropped dead near the guns. 
The wounded writhed upon the slippery decks ; their 
blood poured down the scuppers and stained the sea. 
So desperate was the case that Sandwich was for 
boarding the enemy ; he was ready to offer ;io a man 
to those who would enter her, but his captain dis- 
suaded him. 2 The loss of life was already great, he 
said ; 300 men were slain or disabled, and the attempt 
would have cost 100 more. Had their fire slackened, 
the enemy would have been encouraged to attack with 
redoubled vigour. " My Lord was satisfied with my 
reasons," said Haddock, " and resolved we should cuff 
it out to the last man." 

So far Sandwich had not ceased to hope for the 
assistance which he so sadly needed. He had fought 
the Groot Hollandia for upwards of an hour, but then 
Van Ghent reinforced Van Brakel, and came up in his 
own vessel. He ranged himself on the starboard side 
of the Royal James, swept her decks with a volley of 
small shot, and then poured in a broadside. So many 
seamen were slain that the upper tier of guns was 

1 Brandt, Viede Ruyter, p. 479; Cal S. P., Dom., May 29: Lucas to Herne, 

2 Cal. 6'. P., Dom^ May 31 : Lyttleton to Williamson, etc. 


silenced, but the flagship made shift to reply, and 
paid the Dutchman with her middle and lower tiers. 
The Dutchman then passed ahead, came to leeward, 
and began again. By this time the Royal James was 
in a desperate plight. Her losses were terrible, and, 
to crown her misfortunes, Captain Haddock was 
wounded by a chance bullet fired from the maintop of 
Van Ghent's vessel. 

After this disaster there came a momentary gleam of 
hope, for Jordan and his squadron were seen ap- 
proaching. But the hope was short-lived. The mes- 
sage which Sandwich sent had not miscarried, and an 
endeavour was made to get the wind of the enemy ; 
but " in the smoke and hurry," says Jordan, "we could 
not well discern what was done to leeward." The 
very moment he was needed, Jordan tacked, in order 
to weather the enemy. His course led him near the 
Royal James, and about eleven o'clock he passed her, 
some little distance away, and on his starboard side. 
The constant flashes and great clouds of smoke 
hindered his view. He saw some ships on fire, and 
some sinking ; these he judged were the enemy's, and 
so sailed on. 1 His movements were observed from 
the Royal James, and it seemed to Haddock that he 
passed by them "very unkindly." His disappearance 
was indeed a sad blow. Sandwich, who had seen Jordan 
come close and then disappear, turned to his captain 
and said quietly: "We must do our best to defend 
ourselves alone." 

Once all hope of assistance had gone, there was 
nothing left but a hand-to-hand struggle. The con- 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., pp. 17, 18. This is Jordan's 
own account, but it is not a satisfactory defence of his action. A discussion of 
the matter will be found in Charnock, Biographia Navalis, i. no. Haddock 
thought that Jordan had made his first care the safety of the Duke of York, 
and had therefore neglected his own Admiral. 


fusion, fire, and smoke, made signals impossible ; some 
of the boats belonging to the Royal James were still 
ashore, and those which had been sent off with 
messages had not returned. The Admiral's difficulties 
were increased, for Haddock was obliged to go below 
in order that his wound might be dressed, and the 
conduct of the ship was given to Lieutenant Mayo. 
With his officers one by one put out of action, Sand- 
wich continued to " knock it out " by himself. Then 
came a moment of success, for one of the shots from the 
Royal James killed Van Ghent, and temporarily checked 
his vessel ; but the Groot Hollandia was still entangled 
in the rigging, and still raking Sandwich at close 
quarters. At length Haddock sent up a message that 
the flood-tide was spent, and told the Earl to cast out 
an anchor. It was impossible to do this except at the 
stern, and a small anchor was dropped, " one fixed for 
such accidents out of the gunroom." 1 The great 
vessel began to shake herself free, but the shrouds 
were still entangled, and sailors were sent aloft to 
hack at the Dutchman. Carrying their knives and 
pistols, they boarded her, cut clear the rigging, and 
then escaped. Three men, more daring than the rest, 
tore down the enemy's flag just as the vessels parted, 
and the sailors were left prisoners. 2 They had done 
their work ; their heroism extorted applause from the 
Dutch, and proved serviceable to the English. Sand- 
wich ordered the mainsail to be loosened and the 
cable cut ; he prepared to get clear of his enemy and 
to gain more room for his fire. 

1 Macpherson, Memoirs of James 77. , i. 64. The Duke points out that by 
coming to anchor the Royal James was held, while her squadron drove 
farther away and the enemy came nearer to her. 

2 S. P., For. : Holland, clxxxviii., f. 270. One of the seamen took the 
flag ; the captain did not do them any harm, but said he would reward them 
with 100 ducats to encourage his own men. 


He then sent down a message to Haddock saying 
that the Royal James might yet be saved. But the 
vessel was not even the button upon Fortune's cap ; 
at the moment she was released from the grip of the 
Groot Hollandia^ a sailor quartered on the maintop 
warned Sandwich of a new danger. Coming up in the 
smoke of another vessel, a fire-ship was upon them 
before they were aware of her. The fire-ship was 
commanded by Van de Rijn, who had cut the chain at 
Chatham. An endeavour was made to bear up, but 
the Royal James was so disabled that she could not 
escape. In a few moments the fire-ship had grappled 
her, and the flagship was in a blaze. Nothing could 
be done. The light breeze fanned the flames, which 
licked along the woodwork. Out of a thousand men, 
only about a hundred were left unharmed, and these 
were insufficient to cope with a further onslaught. 
Sandwich, wounded by splinters in his thigh and arm, 
stood upon the quarter-deck and surveyed the ruin 
of his splendid ship. By him stood young Charles 
Harbord, Clem Cotterell, and three or four more. 
They entreated him, while there was yet time, to leave 
the vessel ; but he stood firm, and ordered the men to 
save themselves as best they could. Many leaped 
overboard ; some clambered into a barge which sank 
with their weight. 1 Haddock crept out of a port-hole, 
and swam for two miles before an English ship took 
him in. Another survivor, once a page to my Lord, 
swam for miles. " He said that he stayed aboard 
while the ship was burning, and there were but ten 
besides my Lord. He moved my Lord to leap into the 
sea, knowing he could swim ; but my Lord ciistcustin^ 
himself by reason of his fatness and unwieldiness said 
He would stay somewhat longer ; but bad him to take 

1 Cal S. P., Dom., May 31. 


care of himself . . . and soon kissed him and bad him 
farewell." 1 About twelve o'clock the ship was un- 
tenable. She and her gallant Admiral had done their 
work ; their initial resistance had demoralized Van 
Ghent's squadron, afforded a breathing-space to the 
Duke, and enabled the English fleet to attain some 
semblance of order. 

The Royal James and her commander were at length 
alone. All day long, from the cliffs above Southwold 
and Dunwich, little knots of people watched the fires 
of the great vessel. At two o'clock in the afternoon 
she was a mass of flame, at four o'clock she was burned 
to the hull, at six o'clock only her woodwork was 
aglow. When the calm May night settled down in 
silence and covered the scene of the battle, a few 
embers flickered like a dying beacon, and lit up the 
wreckage scattered around the ruin. The watchers 
turned silently homewards, and awaited such news as 
the day would bring them. 

1 Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letter 148. 



" Sleepe after toyle, port after stormie seas, 
Ease after warre, death after life does greatly please." 

SPENSER : Faerie Queene, Book I., Canto 9. 

THE battle of Southwold Bay did not run into a 
second span. After the loss of the Royal James the 
fleets drifted from the coast. The sound of the firing 
died away in the distance, and it was some time before 
the result was known and the story of the battle could 
be pieced together. It ran thus. 

By midday the line was lost and all was confusion. 
For the remainder of the fight friend and foe 
were intermingled, and battered each other for the 
whole afternoon. The vessels were in batches of twos 
and threes. The St. Michael, the Duke's flagship, had 
a troublous time; for several hours she was busy 
warding off a succession of attacks which threatened 
her destruction. Gradually the Red Squadron re- 
formed; the Fairfax and the Victory came astern, 
and there was hot work with musket, cannon, and fire- 
ship. 1 Then the Cambridge and Resolution got ahead 
of the St. Michael, and the line slowly came together ; 
but the vessels were in such a parlous state, short of 
cartridges, and with leaking holds, that it looked as 
though the ships must needs give way. About five 
o'clock Sir Edward Spragge came to the rescue, and his 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., p. 22. 


squadron stretched ahead of the S/. Michael. Her masts 
and rigging were in splinters, and she had five feet of 
water in the hold. She was compelled to bear out of 
the line in order to stop her leaks and to refit; the 
Duke transferred his flag to the London, and remained 
there during the rest of the engagement. 

From that time onwards the fight gradually slackened. 
The fleets were then not far from the place where they 
first engaged, but wind and tide were bringing them 
slowly southwards within sight of Aldeburgh. 1 De 
Ruyter had already put out a signal, upon which all 
his squadron bore down to join the Zeelanders. 2 At 
the same time the Duke made an attempt to come in 
touch with d'Estrees. As the combatants got farther 
and farther apart, a desultory cannonade was kept up, 
which continued until nightfall. Those upon the shore 
heard the sound receding towards the enemy's coast. 
The Dutch ships stood for Holland, and the Duke, 
with about thirty sail, kept sight of their lights during 
the whole night. When day dawned it was thought 
that the engagement would be renewed. 

The French, untouched and unharmed, then came 
up and joined their allies. About two o'clock on the 
Wednesday afternoon the Duke had the wind-gauge, 
and hoisted the red flag, the signal for an engagement. 
But a heavy fog came on, and the ships were only kept 
together by the continual firing of muskets, sounding 
of trumpets, and beating of drums. The wind which 
cleared away the mist was boisterous, and a further 
engagement was impossible. 3 

Despite the heavy losses of the English, the battle 
remained indecisive, with the balance in favour of the 

1 Cal S. P., Dom., May 28 : Chaplin to Williamson. 

2 Savile's Relation. 

3 Qal. S. P., Dom.f June I : Sir Jeremy Smyth's relation. 

1672] OUR LOSSES 281 

Dutch. The English had succeeded in drawing the 
enemy away from their coasts, but had been compelled 
themselves to fight at a disadvantage, and had not 
gained the desired victory. Although the French re- 
mained unharmed for they had taken but little part 
in the fighting the English were so damaged that the 
allied fleet was robbed of half its power. The allies 
were unable to hinder Dutch trade, and the scheme for 
pouring troops into Holland by sea was rendered im- 

The battle of Solebay will live in history as one of 
the fiercest in our annals. De Ruyter testified to the 
warmth of the engagement. Old seamen who had 
witnessed many a fight concluded that there was 
never so sharp a bout. 1 "'Tis generally said all 
former fighting on the part of the Dutch was but 
trifling in respect of this. They fought as if their 
country, liberty, and all were at stake." 2 The course 
of the battle made it peculiarly sanguinary. It was an 
affair of squadrons rather than of a line, and of single 
vessels rather than of squadrons. The English 
suffered most severely. The Royal James alone was a 
great loss, and three parts of her men were killed or 
drowned. Other vessels were battered in no ordinary 
degree. The Henry and the Katherine had scarcely a 
whole rope in them. " I find such a spectacle for 
damage of masts, yards and rigging," says a ship- 
builder, "as I never yet saw so bad." 8 The Victory 
had her shrouds " miserably cut," her masts shot down, 
her sails shot through and through ; " and so payed 
away with shot in our hull, that we had near seven 
feet of water in the hold." The Dover and Success 

1 Cat. S. P. , Dom. , May 28 : Taylor to Williamson. 

2 Mount Edgciimbe MSS., Letter 148. 

3 CaL S. P., Dom. t May 30 : Deane to Williamson. 


were both disabled ; " their masts and all their rigging 
being torn to pieces, and the Success so leaky they are 
continually pumping to make her swim." The Rain- 
bow was in a similar plight. For weeks the dockyards 
were busied with repairs. 1 

The Dutch had no loss so severe as that of the Blue 
flagship. A Dutch prize, brought in by the Greenwich, 
was much disabled ; her masts were shot overboard, 
and her hull much shattered. 2 Several other vessels 
suffered damage. Eleven fire-ships were burned or 
destroyed. 3 The Staveren was taken, thejozua sunk, 
and another vessel was blown up. In men the Dutch 
losses were not considerable. Van Ghent was slain, 
and a captain died of his wounds. De Ruyter's son 
was also wounded, and a few officers, but none 
seriously. On the flagships the Dutch losses only 
averaged from thirty to forty men. The Groot 
Hollandia alone suffered heavily, in her duel with the 
Royal James. Jan van Brakel was wounded, his two 
lieutenants were killed, and about half of his three 
hundred sailors. 4 The English losses were infinitely 
heavier. The Royal James alone accounts for perhaps 
eight hundred. The officers and volunteers who were 
slain included Sir John Cox, Francis Digby, and 
Frescheville Holies. Above all came the loss of Lord 
Sandwich, which, as it was said, was enough almost 
to style it a victory for the Dutch. 5 

When the accounts of the battle were received, the 
news that Sandwich was dead became generally 
known. At first his friends had great hope that he 
had escaped. Some said that he was alive and on 
board the London. The same sailor who told the 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 29-31. 2 Ibid., May 29. 

3 De Jonge, Geschiedenis, etc., vol. iii., part i., p. 138. 

4 De Jonge, Geschiedenis, etc., vol. iii., part i., p. 140. 
6 Sheffield, Memoirs, p. 13. 


story of the battle testified that he had seen the 
Admiral and his officers in the barge of the Royal 
James. Another sailor thought that he had seen Lord 
Sandwich in the water, but not moving. 1 Ten days 
after the battle came a report that he was a prisoner in 
Holland. " There is some small hopes of my Lord 
Sandwich yet being alive," wrote Philip Edgcumbe. 
" I wish my next may be the certain messenger of that 
news; though the condition of a prisoner (and 
especially of his quality) is sad, yet it were more com- 
fortable than to be utterly deprived of him." 2 The 
survivors of the Royal James never imagined that 
the Earl was alive. Some had caught sight of him 
while the ship was ablaze, and seven or eight with 
him. ^11 agreed that Sandwich was the last man seen 
on bgard^TiTwas known that his captain and his two 
pages saved themselves by swimming, and got on 
board some vessel, but nothing further was seen of 
the Earl. How he actually came by his death none 
ever knew. 

There is little doubt that his end was embittered by 
a sense of desertion, and he said so to those about 
him. 3 Jordan's action in passing by the Royal James 
had rankled. To some who saw the Rear-Admiral's 
conduct, it looked as though he were inactive. " I 
wished myself on him to have saved that brave 
Mountagu," said an eyewitness, "for he was in the wind 
of him, and might have come down to him. I saw the 
whole business, and was so near as I saw almost every 
broadside, and was in hearing and whistling of the 
shot." 4 The story of Jordan's conduct got abroad. 
Philip Edgcumbe said that Sandwich was " most 

1 Cal .9. P., Dom., May 30 to June i. 

2 Mount Edgcumbe MSS. t Letter 145. 3 Ibid., Letter 148. 
4 Cal. S. P. , Dom. , May 29 : Lucas to Herne. 


unworthily deserted by Jordan and others, which I 
had confirmed by some captains of ships this day at 
the Navy Office. I am sorry that a person of his merit 
and value should be so deserted and betrayed." 1 

How Lord Sandwich died is a matter of conjecture. 
It appears, however, that he waited until the vessfiH yras 
nearly burned out, and tfien threwliimself into the sea. 
Some "say-ttere^veTeTio boats at hand; others, that he 
was in a barge which sank by the weight of men who 
scrambled in. But some boats did get off. An 
Aldeburgh man who was in the Royal James escaped, 
and fourteen others with him. The hull of the flagship 
burned down to the sea ; there was no explosion, for 
her powder was mostly spent, and that left in the hold 
was rendered damp by the water which poured in. 
Perhaps the Admiral waited until the flames made it 
impossible to stay longer, and then leaped overboard. 
He was a good swimmer, but his fatness made him 
scant and short of breath, and the waves must soon 
have mastered him. Whatever his end, he had, as he 
determined, vindicated his courage. 

For many days his family was fed on rumour and 
kept in suspense. Lady Sandwich was at Hinching- 
brooke in a turmoil of doubt and grief. Her sister, 
Lady Wright, went down to do what she could to 
comfort her. At length one of my Lord's pages was 
able to take her definite news. On June 10 her 
husband's corpse was found off Harwich, some thirty 
miles from the scene of battle. A ketch, sweeping to 
recover the anchors which the Gloucester had left upon 
a sand, chanced upon the body. 2 The dead man 
was in appearance somewhat swollen, and the face 

1 Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letter 149. See also Evelyn's Diary, May 31, 
and Penn's Memorials, ii. 5 22 - 

2 CaL S. P., Dom., June 10-15. 

i6 7 2] THE BODY FOUND 285 

was crushed ; but there was no sign of fire ; he was 
neither singed nor scorched. The ribbon of the 
Garter was round his body, and the jewel and the 
star were upon his breast. The glorious blue sapphire 
and the rest of the rings were in his pocket. 1 

The body was carried to Landguard Fort, embalmed, 
and laid in the chapel. A covering was made of black 
baize, and some scutcheons bearing an Earl's coronet, 
and his arms, were hastily hung round the walls. 
The building was modestly decorated and draped in 
black. On June 19 the remains were prepared for 
their removal to London, and placed on board the 
Fanfan. The Mayor of Harwich, the magistrates, 
many of the principal townsfolk, and the county gentle- 
men, attended the ceremony. The procession from 
the chapel to the waterside led through a lane of 
musketeers and pikemen. 2 As the boat containing the 
body moved away, three volleys were fired, and twenty- 
one great guns from the fort "in thunder rang his 
departing knell." A stiff breeze delayed the vessel, 
and it was not until June 22 that the cortege left 

For a few days the coffin lay at Deptford in prepa- 
ration for the funeral, which took place upon July 3. 
The Thames made a fitting highway for a magnificent 
pageant. The procession passed through the reaches 
of the river from one village to another, where crowds 
of sight-seers lined the banks. London Bridge was 
thronged, and spectators peeped from the windows 
of its quaint houses. Slowly the barges came past 
Somerset House, past the palaces of the Savoy, and 
the beautiful water-gates fashioned by Inigo Jones. 
The procession was headed by a barge, draped in 

1 Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letter 148 ; Hat ton Correspondence, i. 89, 
3 Cal, S. /*., Dom., June 2o; Hatton Correspondence ', i. 90. 


black, with the standard at the head and the guidon 
at the door. In this barge were some of Sandwich's 
servants, two pursuivants of arms, the drum-major, and 
fifers and trumpeters, who played a solemn dirge. In 
the second barge were the heralds ; a great banner was 
at the head, and trophies were fastened upon the sides. 
The third barge contained the body. The vessel was 
draped in velvet, and at the head was the flag of the 
Union. Six trumpeters were placed in the steerage, 
three bannerols were on each side of the corpse. The 
coffin was covered with a velvet pall ; the scutcheons 
of arms were placed upon it, and at the head of the 
coffin the Earl's coronet lay upon a cushion, and was 
attended by Clarenceux King-at-Arms. Next came a 
fourth barge covered with cloth, and in it there stood 
the chief mourner and his assistants. Then came the 
royal barges the King's, the Queen's, and the Duke 
of York's each with its rich gilt draped in sombre 
shades of velvet. Last of all came the great barge of 
the Lord Mayor of London, accompanied by several 
barges of the City Companies. 1 

When the procession reached the steps at West- 
minster, the body was disembarked and carried into 
the great Hall. There a second procession was formed, 
more splendid than the first. After the marshals walked 
fifty poor men in black gowns, and several water- 
men in their picturesque coats. The drums and fifes 
and trumpets followed, and then came the pursuivant- 
at-arms. The standard was borne by a young Mountagu. 
Numbers of servants, esquires, and knights, preceded 
the coffin ; among them were the deceased's chaplains 
and officers of his household, and Valevin and Cordall, 

1 Carte MSS., 109, f. 368 ; Rawlinson MSS., B. 138, f. 58. The list of 
mourners, also from the Bodleian Library, is printed in H. B. Wheatley's 

i6 7 2] THEBURIAL 287 

both of whom had been in the Royal James. The Bishop 
of Oxford, as Chaplain of the Order of the Garter, was 
followed by six trumpeters ; and the flag of the Union 
and a great banner were borne by a Mountagu and a 
Pickering. They were attended by the choir of West- 
minster Abbey, and after them the various Kings-at- 
Arms bore the insignia of the Garter the spurs and 
the helmet, the shield and the gauntlets. A coronet 
and the collar of the Order were carried upon a velvet 
cushion. There were four supporters of the pall, and 
by the side of the coffin the bannerols of Mountagu, 
Dudley, Crew, and Harrington, were carried by friends 
like Sir Charles Cotterell, Sir Charles Harbord, and 
Samuel Pepys. The Garter King-at-Arms was supported 
by two gentlemen ushers, who carried half-white staves. 
Then came the Earl of Manchester as chief mourner, 
and with him walked the Earls of Suffolk and St. 
Albans ; Northampton and Bridgewater ; Anglesey 
and Essex; Shaftesbury and Bath. A long train of 
nobles closed the procession as it moved from the 
Hall to the Abbey. 1 There, in Henry VII.'s Chapel, 
amid great pomp and ceremony, Edward Mountagu, 
first Earl of Sandwich, was laid to rest. A simple 
stone on the north side of the chapel marks the place 
of his interment. 

At the time of his death Lord Sandwich was in his 
forty-seventh year. His will was proved in Septem- 
ber, 1672. There was some speculation in the family 
as to its contents ; the document was opened imme- 
diately, sealed up again, and secrecy was enjoined. 2 

1 Carte MS 'S., 109, ff. 368-370. 

2 Mount Edgcumbe MSS., Letters 148, 156, 158, 161. Sir Richard 
Edgcumbe was, of course, interested because of his wife's portion. The will 
was dated August 20, 1669. 


In about three months the contents were known. 
Lord Sandwich had already settled a large amount 
upon his eldest son, and now made him the residuary 
legatee. Several fee farm rents and copyhold lands 
round Eynsbury were left in trust for his debts, and 
portions for his children. He left to each daughter 
3,000, and to each son 2,000. The Lyveden and 
Oundle estates went to Sydney, my Lord's favourite ; 
and as certain suits over these lands were impending, 
Sydney had the reversion of 6,000, paid out of 
trust funds, in case the suits should miscarry. The 
value of the personal estate was lessened by over 
4,000, owing to the plate, jewels, and other goods, 
which were lost in the Royal James. 1 To his executors 
Sandwich left his adventure in the Guinea Company, 
and the jewels which the Queen of Spain had presented 
to him and to Lady Sandwich. "For my dear and 
loving wife (to whom I cannot express kindness enough, 
nor our Children reverence and respect equal to their 
duty and her desert)," Lord Sandwich provided well. 
He added to her marriage settlements the Manor of 
Brampton, and left her all the jewels and plate 
in her chamber, in addition to the jewel set with 
diamonds and a picture, given to him by Charles X. of 

Lady Sandwich did not long survive her Lord. 
She left Huntingdon shortly after his death, and spent 
the rest of her life near her daughter, Lady Anne 
Edgcumbe. She died at Cotehele in 1674, and was 
buried at Calstock. The great loss she sustained on 
her husband's decease was preceded by the sorrow 
which came upon her at the death of her daughter-in- 
law. Lady Hinchingbrooke's health had caused much 
anxiety in the family, and she died on September 14, 

1 Calendar of Treasury Books , December 20, 1672, 

i6 7 2] THE FAMILY 289 

167 1. 1 Her husband, the second Earl of Sandwich, 
ceased to be member for Dover when he took his seat 
in the House of Lords. His quiet character and con- 
tinued ill-health prevented his taking any great part in 
public life, though in 1678 he was sent as Ambassador 
to Portugal. He died in 1688, and was buried beside 
his wife at Barnwell. 

Sydney Mountagu the second son outlived most 
of the family. In 1675 he became an Ensign in the 
Guards, 2 but soon laid down his commission. He was 
member for Huntingdon in i679. 3 Later he retired to 
country life. He took his wife's name, and was known 
as Wortley-Montagu. He lived on his wife's property 
at Wharncliffe Lodge, and allowed Wortley Hall to 
fall into decay. His granddaughter remembered him 
as a large rough-looking man, " with a huge flapped 
hat, seated majestically in his elbow chair, talking very 
loud and swearing boisterously at the servants." 4 

" Beside him," says the same writer, "sat a venerable 
figure, meek and benign in aspect, with silver locks, 
overshadowed by a black velvet cap." This was his 
brother John, who was first a Fellow and then Master 
of Trinity College, Cambridge, and who became Dean 
of Durham. 5 John's twin brother, Oliver, was the most 
promising of the sons, and worked hard in the legal 
profession. He was a King's Counsel, a Bencher of 
the Middle Temple, and was made Treasurer in 1686. 
He was also Solicitor-General to Queen Mary. 6 
Charles, the fifth son, had a career of no particular 

1 See Carte MSS., 223, ff. 159, 163. 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., February 28, 1675. 3 Collins's Peerage. 

4 Lady Bute's letters, quoted by George Paston (Lady Mary Wortley 
Montagu and her Times}. 

6 Cal. S. P., Dom., September 26, 1674; John Smith, Life of Pepys, 
i- I 53- I 5^; Dictionary of National Biography. 

6 Middle Temple Records. 

VOL. II. 19 


distinction. He was Member of Parliament for 
Durham, and became Chancellor of the diocese and 
Sheriff of the county. The other brother, James, and 
the three daughters, call for little mention. Lady 
Jemima Carteret lost her husband at Southwold Bay ; 
Lady Anne was married first to Sir Richard Edgcumbe, 
and secondly to her cousin, Christopher Montagu. 
The delicate little Catherine married twice, survived 
all her brothers and sisters, and died within four years 
of her century. 

There remain a few words to be added upon the 
hero of this biography. The interest of Lord Sand- 
wich's life lies in achievement rather than in character, 
but some fragments of evidence may be collected to 
show what manner of man he was. 1 

Enough has already been said of his careless manner 
and jovial humour. From time to time he suffered from 
changes of mood ; he was peculiarly sanguine when 
matters went well, and equally depressed when they 
went ill ; his depression was, however, generally short- 
lived, and concealed from most of his companions. To 
them he was naturally cheerful, and agreeable in con- 
versation ; " we have never been heartily merry since 
you went away," wrote one of his friends. 2 He was 
excellent company, even for the King; though he 
made no epigrams like Buckingham or Rochester, he 
could deliver himself of an occasional droll remark, 
which balanced the want of a ready and scintillating 
wit. He was tolerant in opinion. There are in 
existence two petitions which point to the trust 
people had in his sense and judgment. One man says, 
that as God has given the Earl of Sandwich two ears, 

1 Harleian MSS., 1625. This is a lengthy character of Lord Sandwich, 
written at Bourg-Charente in 1684, in a handwriting not unlike that of the 
Duke of York. 

2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 471. 


he heard his case fairly, and reinstated the defendant. 1 
Another petitioner begs that a friend's plea may go 
before Lord Sandwich and certain other Lords, and 
not before any Bishops or Churchmen. 2 

For political intrigue he had no relish. His lonely 
youth gave him a certain detachment of opinion, and 
an independence of judgment, which made him appear 
a trimmer. In reality he lacked finesse ; he put his 
country first, and followed whom he liked ; he put 
principles before persons. He hated disorder, and 
he hated persecution. Three times he chose his path, 
and each time for security and good government. He 
left Manchester, who was weak, for Cromwell, who 
was strong ; he left Cromwell when the law was out- 
raged; he left Richard when he felt that Richard 
was incapable. His passion for order made him a 
monarchist ; it mattered little whether Cromwell or 
Charles Stewart were King. And since he saw that the 
Stewart monarchy was bound up with settled law and 
an established Church, he favoured uniformity. Dis- 
sent spelt difference, and to Sandwich a settled horizon 
was all that mattered. He had been in England 
throughout all her troubles, and detested those who 
bade fair to shake the settlement. 

To his friends he was kindly and affectionate, not 
one of those who, in a fickle time, rejoicetfover the mis- 
fortunes of others. 3 He bore no malice, and forgave 
as he had been forgiven. One of his first acts after 
the Restoration was to add an old republican enemy 
to the lieutenancy of his county. 4 In Spain he en- 
deavoured to let down Fanshaw as lightly as possible, 
and the tone of his letters shows how unwillingly he 

1 Cal S. P., Dom., February 6, 1661. 

2 Ibid., December 9, 1668. 3 Harleian MSS. t 1625, f. 3. 
4 Carte MSS., 223, f. 337. The name is added in his own hand. 


handed over the order for revocation. 1 Whenever op- 
portunity served he spoke most warmly of Godolphin, 
an understudy of whose ability Sandwich might easily 
have been jealous. 2 Lady Lawson asked him to an- 
nounce to his old enemy, Sir John, the death of their 
eldest daughter, and to break the sad news with 
" lenifying preparations." 3 

His friends were young and well-informed, and were 
not chosen for their political influence. Sandwich was 
as happy with John Evelyn, Sam Pepys, Clem Cot- 
terell, or Charles Harbord, as he was with the most 
influential statesman. Any estrangement that came 
between Sandwich and Pepys was not due only to 
my Lord ; and, if Evelyn may be trusted, Cotterell 
and Harbord were extraordinarily devoted followers. 
The politician whom Sandwich best knew was Lord 
Clarendon, and everywhere in Clarendon's writings 
Sandwich is spoken of with the greatest warmth, and 
not as one who had ever acted the part of an enemy ; 
if at anytime resentment possessed Clarendon's mind, 
his reminiscences gave him ample opportunity even 
for tempered revenge. 

The Spaniards appreciated my Lord's reserved but 
reliable character. At first he seemed to them rather 
rough. Medina spoke of him as a man poco tosco 
(un pen rude), 4 ' but this turned out to be merely the 
bluff good-nature and lack of ceremony inherent in 
the seaman, and there is ample evidence for the esteem 
in which he was afterwards held. 6 He soon showed 
himself a shrewd combatant, with a grasp of economic 
questions which inspired respect. His scientific know- 
ledge and interests were eminent in so busy a man ; in 

1 Clarendon MSS., 84, f. 160. 

2 Carte MSS., 75, if. 528, 591, 593. 3 Ibid . t 73, f. 567. 
4 Mignet Negotiations , i. 472. 5 Carte MSS. , 75, 

1672] HIS CHARACTER 293 

times of recreation music was his chief delight. He 
was one of those who advised Richard Cromwell to 
grant a constitution to Durham University, but during 
England's disorders the work was shelved. 1 He had 
no great love for literature; his contemporaries pass 

It is a pity that he was careless over money matters, 
but it was a carelessness which quickly brought its 
own punishment, and for which he suffered and paid. 
One creditor speaks of the " noble terms " my Lord 
offered him as interest, and goes on to admit that if 
he were dealing for himself he would not drive so 
hard a bargain. 2 The mistake over the prize-goods 
came of this flaw in Sandwich's character, and can be 
excused upon no other grounds. 

Kind as a father, affectionate as a husband, it would 
scarcely be necessary to touch upon my Lord's moral 
character were it not that he is the victim of an un- 
fortunate mistake. The indictment brought against 
him, that he was " of a committee with somebody else 
for the getting of Mrs. Stewart for the King," does 
not refer to Lord Sandwich, and the indictment breaks 
down. 3 Pepys, in addition to the Becke incident, gives 
some gossip about Lady Castlemaine, but in no case 
has he anything to offer worthy of credence. In my 
Lord's own journal he shows decided disapproval of 
Lady Shrewsbury's attack upon Henry Killigrew, and 
stigmatizes it as " a riot of a nature heinous to all 
good government." 4 As has already been said, Evelyn 

1 See J. B. Mullinger, History of the University of Cambridge, Hi. 522. 
Carte MSS., 223, f. 172. 

3 The charge was brought by Mr. H. B. Wheatley in Samuel Pepys and 
the World he lived in, p. 175 ; but I have already pointed out to Mr. Wheatley 
that the "he" refers to Edward Mountagu, Sandwich's cousin (see Pepys's 
Diary, November 6, 1663). 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, ix. 136. 


speaks of Sandwich as sober and chaste, while the 
Puritans regarded him as one who could check the 
spirit of profaneness then upon the nation. 1 

To write warmly of Sandwich as a seaman does not 
mean to detract from Albemarle, Penn, or any other 
contemporary, but is rather an effort to put the Admiral 
in his proper niche. His contemporaries have been 
appreciated and forgiven ; none should grudge him his 
turn. Albemarle was jealous, and thought him deficient 
in courage, but Lincoln, Marston Moor, and Bristol, 
form the best vindication of his gallantry. Evelyn says 
that Albemarle was ambitious to outdo the Earl, 
and that he spoke disparagingly of him. Sandwich 
suffered from certain jealousies. William Coventry 
was always at the back of his troubles, and was ready 
to fan the flames over the prize-goods ; for as soon as 
my Lord was out of the way Coventry's power in naval 
affairs increased. 2 He discovered, too, that Sandwich 
objected to favouritism, and was prepared to put a 
stop to the wholesale system of bribery which Coventry 
carried on. 3 After Sandwich's death, Coventry, by 
some means or another, got hold of the journals, saw 
the comments Sandwich had written, and harboured 
resentment to the end of his days. 4 Southwell, another 
enemy, outlived my Lord, and the busy tongues of 
these two men lessened the esteem in which Sandwich 
should have been held. Clarendon, again, speaks of the 
enemies whom Sandwich had : some thought that he 
was too expeditious in bringing over the King without 
awaiting the Commissioners ; others, that Charles was 
over-prodigal in his rewards. The prize-goods provided 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 419. 

2 Evelyn's Diary, June 6, 1 666. 

3 See Sir Henry Craik's Life of Clarendon, ii. 235. 

* Marquess of Bath's papers, Coventry MS S. y xcv. 155, 157. 

i6 7 2] AN APPRECIATION 295 

an excuse for revenge, and " upon this blast the wind 
rose from all quarters." 1 

The mists of enmity cannot obscure his ability as a 
naval commander. He began his career at the age of 
thirty, without any previous training ; he was conjoined 
in the command with one of our greatest Admirals, 
and proved a ready and an apt pupil, worthy of a 
higher place than that allotted to him in the ranks 
of our great seamen. His sailors appreciated, loved, 
and revered him. His powers of discipline were at 
once shown to be effective, though he never treated 
the men with undue harshness. In later years he 
was looked upon as rather too lenient to them, but 
that was when actual cruelty was rife. 2 From the age 
of eighteen he had been accustomed to leadership ; he 
had the necessary sympathy and power, and his jovial 
personality gave him the right temper for the work. 

In the nurture of our naval traditions he can claim 
a not undistinguished place. Although there was at 
least one occasion when his strategy was unsound 
judged by the riper knowledge of the following cen- 
tury the gist of the matter was certainly in him, and 
he cannot be denied a place as one of the harbingers 
of a great age. His strategical perceptions and notes 
come almost as a revelation in their modernity, and 
display a purpose and method in the handling of 
fleets of which we should know little but for the 
matter in his journals. His unreadiness of speech, 
and a certain diffidence of character, prevented him 
from impressing his views upon his colleagues ; he 

1 Clarendon, Rebellion, book xvi., 153, and Life, ii. 575. It is a curious 
comment on the neglect which Sandwich suffered, that the Royal Society 
apparently omitted to give him an obituary notice, as they did for all their 
other Fellows. 

2 Marquess of Bath's papers, Coventry MSS., xcv. 384. Coventry speaks 
of the Duke's displeasure at a " too light sentence" on some runaways. 


lacked the enthusiasm necessary to a pioneer, and 
seemed to be weighted by a measure of mistrust of 
his past and of his own ability. 

But for these defects his talents would have obtained 
for him greater recognition. The genesis of a tactical 
idea is seldom traceable to any one man, but no one 
can follow Lord Sandwich's career without seeing 
that he was caught in the ferment of ideas from which 
the line of battle sprang ideas which were fixed by 
Torrington, Tourville, and the famous treatise of Paul 
Hoste. There is, indeed, more evidence for his in- 
fluence on the tactical development of his time, than 
there is for that of any of his contemporaries. 1 

To state his exact contribution is impossible, but the 
man who outmanoeuvred the Dutch in the Sound, who 
anticipated the Vicomte de Morogues' idea of tactical 
concentration, who led through the enemy's line off 
Lowestoft, who drew up the instructions of 1665, and 
who endeavoured to save our fleet from the errors 
perpetrated in the third Dutch war, must be allowed 
at least a flash of the genius which inspired the 
greatest of his successors. In the end he showed that 
he was of the stuff of which seamen are made. His 
career was fitly crowned by the bravery of his last 
fight : the way in which he bore the brunt of the battle, 
and the manner of his death, are eloquent of his tenacity 
and courage. He wiped out all stains, and the pageantry 
of his funeral was a worthy memorial. In a con- 
clave of seamen he need no longer sit below the salt. 

1 It should be remarked that the writer of Sandwich's life in the Dictionary 
of National Biography had not had access to the papers. 




SHall Mercenary Pens Prostitute Verse, 
To Guild with Flatteries each Trivial Hearse ? 
And strive in vain t'IMBALME some Silken Sot, 
Whose Name deserves, soon as his Corps to Rot : 
Shall useless men, whom Age or Surfeits Slay, 
Or just deserv'd Diseases sweep away, 
Have Gaudy Tombs, and Epitaphs, that rise 
In strange Impert'nent Plaudits to the skies, 
And Noble SANDWICH thus submit to Fate 
Without a Muse, his FAME to Celebrate ; 
Condoling in such Passionate Strains, till we 
In our own Tears, be drown' d as well as HE. 
He that in Honours Field, his Countries Cause 
Did more, than Fancy can reach when it draws 
The Acts of Hero's, and will henceforth shame 
THe brightest Glories of the Roman Name : 
Who stood the Shock of all the Mogan Fleet, 
And almost Single durst their numbers meet : 
'Gainst whom he long maintain'd a doutful fight, 
Dispatching Hundreds to Eternal Night ; 
(Whose base Lives yet no Recompence afford, 
Their blood's so thick it Blots a Noble Sword ;) 
Some Sunk to Rights, not able to abide 
The fierce salutes He gave them each Broad-side : 
Others stood off, their Hulks and Tackle tore, 
And Decks o'reflow'd with Brandy & with Gore. 
But Fate, that sometimes makes Vertue its slave, 
And takes delight for to oppress the Brave, 

1 London. Printed for Philip Brooksby, 1672. 


Seeming at length with the Foe to Conspire, 
Spight of Resistance, set his Ship on Fire : 
Though he with Noble Resolution chose 
Either to bring her Off, or his Life lose : 
When thick as Attorns Cannon Bullets flew 
And all his men were killed, or else withdrew : 
When stoutest rocks, that Tempests did out-brave 
Trembled for fear, and duckt under a Wave : 
When certain mine on all sides drew near, 
And Death in several Vizards did appear ; 
The cruel Elements seeming at strife, 
Which of them first should rob him of his Life : 
Had you but seen how Unconcern' d he stood, 
Flames over's Head, his Feet dabling in Blood ; 
In what a fearless and compos' d Estate 
He brav'd the approach of the severest Fate ; 
And did at last from death to death Retire 
Courting the Water, to avoid the Fire; 
You would confess, such Courage ne'r can be 
Enough bewail'd in griefs Hydrography. 
And would you, Cruel Seas destroy Him there 
Whom rageing Fire, & Cannon-shot did spare ? 
By this Black deed henceforward you'l become 
More odious far, than Mare Mortuum. 
Kind Dolphines should methinks in Shoals appear 
And on their Backs him above Water bear ; 
Or some new Island in his Rescue peep, 
Rather than he should Perish in the Deep : 
Could not the Winds to Countermand his death, 
With their whole Card of lungs, redeem his breath, 
No tis decre'd, his Soul must leave her Clay, 
And took at parting a contrary way 
I' th Flames, Elias-like, that up ascends, 
And to it every blessed Center tends : 
Whilst Sea-Nimphs ne'r Enamour'd so before, 
Doat on the Corps, and waft it to the Shore : 
Knowing it ought, a Nobler Tomb to have, 
Than the Imposthum'd Bubble of a Wave. 





THE papers here printed from those of the first Earl of 
Sandwich have been taken with one exception from the tenth 
volume of his journals. The choice, limited by the size of this 
book, has fallen upon some miscellaneous matter, certain 
debates in the House of Lords (which are unique), and Sand- 
wich's own opinions upon politics and colonial affairs a small 
selection from a wide field. 

The volumes which compose the collection are about twenty 
in number ; they are bound in calf and are beautifully lettered. 
Despite many vicissitudes, they are exceedingly well preserved. 
The binding has withstood all possible ravages ; the ink and 
the seals are still fresh, the sand from the standishes glitters 
upon the pages. They are family papers, and belong to the 
house ; none of them have been purloined or what you will 
from the State. In truth, the usual process has been inverted; 
Hinchingbrooke has itself suffered, and in the course of their 
history a valuable section of the papers has been removed 
from their original home. 

It was during the eighteenth century that curiosity about 
the collection first awakened. The earliest historian who had 
access to them was White Kennett, Bishop of Peterborough. 
He was compiling the history of England known as Kennett's 
Register and Chronicle, and for this work he made several copies 
from the letters at Hinchingbrooke. He was permitted also 
to examine the whole of Lord Sandwich's journal, and took 
numerous and lengthy extracts, many of which were incor- 
porated in his work. Several volumes of the original manu- 
script bear Kennett's signature upon the fly-leaf " Wh. 
Peterbro " in a very shaky hand ; and he has added the 



date at which he finished his examination of the several 
volumes. 1 

About fifteen years after Kennett came the historian who 
halved the collection. When Thomas Carte contemplated a 
history of England, he had access to the manuscripts at 
Hinchingbrooke. With careless generosity, the guardians of 
the young Lord Sandwich, the fourth Earl, allowed Carte to 
pick and choose his documents, and to remove them. No 
wonder that a few years later he extolled the generosity of the 
owners of manuscripts. For from the Hinchingbrooke papers 
Carte selected with a lavish hand ; it is a marvel why he left 
any behind him. He filled a trunk with valuable records, and 
took them to Oxford. Perhaps his conscience pricked him, 
for in writing a preface to the Ormond Papers he says that the 
letters of Venables, Thurloe, and Richard Cromwell, sent to the 
first Earl of Sandwich, " were by me rescued from the flames 
to which they were destined, and which, I fear, consumed 
the rest of that nobleman's papers." 2 Nothing of the kind 
happened ; in the eighteenth century the historian was the 
only danger. But he made little use of his prize ; before the 
great day came on which the history was complete, death made 
an end of Thomas Carte. 3 So the trunk of papers passed to 
his widow ; she forgot Thomas, and married again. Her second 
husband, one Nicholas Jernegan, survived her. The papers 
were left to him for life, and he from time to time loaned them 
out. Lord Hardwicke paid 200 for the loan of them, and 
Macpherson paid ^"300. The Bodleian, to whom the papers 
were willed on Jernegan's death, may have become anxious 
about their safe custody. In 1778 they purchased Jernegan's 
life interest for ^"50, and transferred them to the Bodleian. 
Thus, for a mere song, Bodley's librarian acquired a treasure 
which would fetch its hundreds at the present day. 4 

The rest of the papers, the Sandwich MSS., as they are here 

1 The extracts, mostly in Kennett's hand, are in the British Museum 
(Lansdowne MSS., 1002-1010). He was working at Hinchingbrooke during 


2 Ormond Papers, p. vi, edition of 1739. 

3 Some of the letters are printed in Carte's Ormond Papers, ii. 96-208. 

* See Madan, Catalogue of Western MSS., and Hardy and Brewer's 
Report upon the Carte and Carew Papers. 


called, were left in some room at their proper home. Muni- 
ment-room there was none, but a fine library was ready to 
contain them. The next worker in the field was Edward 
Wortley, the eccentric son of an eccentric mother. About 
1734 he determined to make use of them, and to write the story 
of his great-grandfather's life. He began by making several 
notes from the journals, from Whitelocke's Memorials, and 
other books, and collected some facts about Sandwich from 
Josiah Burchett, who was then at the Admiralty. 1 Young 
Wortley numbered the pages of some of the journals in ink, 
not in the modern manner, since an indelible style may not 
now touch the margins. It was during Edward Wortley's time 
that the letters were bound, but a minute examination sug- 
gests that the journals were bound during the first Earl's life- 
time. 2 In 1738 the letters lay loose, as they did until recently 
at Oxford. Unfortunately, Wortley adopted a large octavo 
size of binding, and folio letters have had to be folded over, 
and in some cases the edges have suffered. The letters were 
thus made uniform with most of the journals, only two of which 
are folios. 

Beyond caring for the books and making his few brief notes 
Edward Wortley never went. Possibly he felt that the life of 
his ancestor might be in better hands, and he made over the 
journal to John Campbell. Between 1742 and 1744 Campbell 
wrote his Lives of the Admirals, and made some use of the 
Sandwich MSS. He says in a footnote concerning the temper 
of the sailors at the Restoration : " The best account is in the 
Earl of Sandwich's journal ; a MS. in the hands of the honour- 
able Edward Wortley Mountagu, Esq." 3 But Campbell did 
not draw largely upon the journal, and contented himself with 
printed sources. A few years later Horace Walpole saw the 
books ; his reference to them is of interest, but too lengthy for 
quotation. 4 

1 Josiah Burchett was Secretary. All these notes are now in the Sandwich 
MSS., Appendix, ff. 179 et seqq. 

2 The lettering of the volumes is not uniform : that of the journals looks 
like seventeenth-century type; on the remaining volumes it is more like 
eighteenth-century work. 

3 Campbell, Lives of the Admirals, ii. 82. 

4 Letters, April 20, 1762 (Toynbee's edition, v. 197). 


Towards the end of the eighteenth century the papers at 
Hinchingbrooke were enriched by those of John, fourth Earl of 
Sandwich. He published a journal of his visit to the Mediter- 
ranean ; and in a review of this work, in the Naval Ckronicl$ t 
the reviewer again alludes to the papers of the first Earl. He 
expresses the hope that the editor of the Voyage, " who seems 
actuated by a friendly zeal for the name of Sandwich, will ere 
long renew his labours, and favour the Public with a selection 
from those valuable naval papers of the first Earl of Sandwich 
which altogether form nearly forty folio volumes in manuscript 
at Hinchingbrooke." 1 It is indeed to be hoped that the 
number of volumes is exaggerated, and internal evidence 
makes one think so. The journals are numbered, and all are 
there, but some papers may have been lost. In 1830 there 
was a fire at the house, and it is said that some of Admiral 
Mountagu's manuscripts were burned. 2 The present Lord Sand- 
wich says that some of the muniments were destroyed, but it 
would be impossible without list or catalogue to say what papers 
are missing. The collection seems fairly perfect ; before the 
calendar is finally completed there is some hope that specula- 
tion will give place to certainty. 

Only on one or two further occasions have the papers been 
touched. When Pepys's Diary was transcribed, the dowager 
Lady Sandwich suggested to her son, the seventh Earl, that 
Lord Braybrooke, the editor, would be an " excellent person 
to look over the journal, if you ever thought of publishing 
any part, which I wish you would ; not for general sale," she 
adds, " but for private distribution, and therefore it would be 
better not to allow any part to be transcribed for adding to 
other works." Nothing came of that proposition ; however, in 
1847 Carlyle copied a letter of Cromwell's, and made the 
suggestion which is detailed in the preface. 

Forty years were to elapse before the papers were again 
turned over. The present Lord Sandwich then sent a volume 
of the journal to Oxford, and permitted Dr. Gardiner to tran- 
scribe certain passages. In 1907 the present work was begun, 
and the Sandwich MSS. were examined, calendared and tran- 
scribed for this purpose. The companion papers in Bodley's 

1 Naval Chronicle, ii. 322. 

2 Report on the Carte and Carew Papers, p. 10. 


Library the Cavte MSS. were bound between 1860 and 
1870, and a manuscript calendar of fifty huge tomes was 
industriously compiled. 1 



r To introduce new manufactures. 

To improve the old & distribute it equally over the 

restore decayed Ports & make more rivers navigable. 

2. To Consider what Companys are good for Trade and 
what to be abolished and what new to be erected. 

3. To Consider the by-lawes made by any Companies, in 
persuance of Statutes, & give opinion of the usefulnesse or 
harme of such by-lawes. 

4. To endeavor to prevent the Transportation of Wooll. 
5 To improve the fishing Trade of the Nation. 

6. To take into Consideration all the Plantations. 

the value of the Trade of Them, 
the encrease or decay thereoff. 
how They may be improoved & planted with 
new commodities fitt for the climate. 

7. To endeavor to recover againe Trades that are lost and 

8. To Consider all our forreign Treaties, and to make use 
of the priviledges Therein granted ; and to report any dis- 
advantages in Them. 

9. To Consider of free Ports. 

10. To Consider what imposts are fitt to be upon Trade. 

11. To endeavor to encrease of the Coyn and Bullion of the 

12. To consider of the Interest of money. 

1 Lord Sandwich's papers in the Bodleian are Carte MSS., vols. 73, 74, 75, 
103, 223, and 274 (see Madan, Catalogue of Western MSS. in the Bodleian 
Library i vol. iii.), 

VOL. II. 20 


13. To erect Bankes. 

14. To Continue a method to have an accompt yeerely of the 
import and export of the nation. 

15. To have an accompt of the Shippes & vessels employed 
in every Port, and to Consider Their encrease or decrease. 

[Holograph. Endorsed by Sandwich : " An extract of the 
Instructions to the Councell of Trade, October 20, 1668."] 
(Sandwich MSS. Collection of Treaties, f. 93.) 



Wedensday, August 3, 1670. The Commission of Plantations 
was opened at my L d Keeper's, who gave mee my oath of 
fidelity and secrecye first and then I gave it him, and all the 
rest then Present. 

L d Sandwich, Presd 1 . 

L d Gorge. 

The names of this 
Councell are 

* T d A11 . 

L Allmgton. 

* M r Tho Grey, eld sfc sonn of the L d Grey 

of Werke. 

* M r Henry Brouncker. 

* Coll. Titus. 

M r Ed. Waller. 
S r Humphry Winch. 
S r Jo. Finch. 

*M r Hen. Slingsby, M' of the Mint, 
Secretary to the Councell. 

* L d Keeper. 

* L d Ashley. 

* S r Tho. Clifford. 

* M r Secretary Trevor. 
L d Arlington. 

S r Jo. Duncomb. 


Present at first meetinge att Essex House and then sworne 
(have the followinge marke *). 

This Commission was afterward renewed (about the begin- 
ninge of Aprill 1671) and the Followinge names added. 

.His R 11 High 8 the D k of Yorke. 
His High 8 Prince Rupert. 
The D k of Buckingham. 
The Duke of Ormond. 
The Earle of Lautherdale. 
The Lord Culpeper. 
S r Geo. Carteret. 
\M. r Eveling. 

(Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., f. 286.) 



Wedensday, November u, I66Q. 1 This day the Bill for takings 
away the Lds. Priviledges to try causes originally and others 
(sent up a weeke agoe by the house of Commons) was read 
in the House of Peeres, where was expressed a Universal! 
Indignation at it as being destructive to the Constitution of 
this Government and infamous for us to passe givinge away 
most considerable Priviledges left unto us by our ancestors 
and by the lawes of the land. It was affirmed also that as the 
House of Commons pretended it to be a priviledge of theires, 
that noe thinge concerning monye should have its beginninge 
any where else then in the house of Commons (Although 
it was said many Presidents are for the Lds. giving money 
alone, and that there was noe such thing as a House of 
Commons untill Hen. 3 d ; And also that many tymes the 
Lds. have begunn Bills for money in theire House and sent 
them downe to the house of Commons and that noe longer agoe 
then in Hen. 8's tyme ?). In like manner the House of 

1 See Lords' Journals, November 10. The Bill was sent up on November 4. 


Peeres assert it to be theire indisputable Priviledge that noe 
law concerning there owne Priviledges or matter of Judicature 
should beginn any where else then in the house of Peeres. 

Ld. Pagett mooved for its readinge, and after for its being 
immediately rejected, Ld. Denbigh made an eloquent speech to 
the same purpose. Ld. Widdrington mooved to the same 
effect, but also, that afterwards, wee should vote another Bill 
to be brought in to regulate and assert our Priviledges as 
should be found fittinge. But the house rann violently to the 
rejection of the bill and the Question was puttinge when the 
Duke of Buckingham came in and spoke shewinge reasons why 
he would have the Bill retained and made such as might be 
fittinge to passe, or if the forme it was in, was not sufferable, 
then upon Castinge that out, a Committee might be named to 
bringe in a bill to the effect of what my Ld. Widdrington had 
moved ; his reasons were these : 

1. To consider the Consequence of throwing out the Bill 
without such caution, which might possibly be the dissolution 
of this parliament. And then to consider whether the next 
ensuing H. of Commons would not beginn to presse this with 
more violence and whether wee were not better able to manage 
a contest with this then with a future house of Commons. 

2. To consider that in truth the Peeres had declined of late 
tymes and had lesser power and Interest then formerly, and 
that to prevent the plucking away of theire priviledges one by 
one (which the house of Commons daily attempted and upon 
every bill of money the Lds. were persuaded to yeeld rather 
then the King should be unsupplied) it were good to have 
them asserted by act of Parliament and to take the occasion 
by mending of this act to doe it. 

3. To consider another consequence, of disgustinge the 
House of Commons, whose temper was likely to influence the 
people of the Nation whose good opinion is also very necessary 
for us. 

4. That many of us did desire to have our power in originall 
causes declared against as beinge for Publique good and 
satisfaction of the Kingdome, who (now the question hath 
beene stirred) have drunke in the opinion, that when a lord 
has a mind to a man's land or spleene to his person, then he 
may sue him originally where Lds. onely shall be his judges. 


The exercise of this priviledge hath beene very rare and 
therefore an unnecessary Priviledge may well be parted from, 
for publique benefitt and to avoid the Calumny of Partiality. 

Many Lds. and his Royall Highnesse also seconded the 
Duke of Buckingham, and the scense of the whole house fell in 
therewith soe the question was putt and the Bill was rejected 
by every person except the Earle of Bristow and the Ld. George 
Bercley of Berkeley. (Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., ff. 73-78.) 



Wedensday, November n, 1669. This Afternoone also the 
Committee of Lds. considered the point of the Interest of 
monyes and had many merchants and others to conferr with 
all about it. 

It was universally concluded that Interest was a burthen 
upon money and men's stockes, and that noe merchandize, 
trade or building or lettinge of houses but must be more 
difficult and more easye as the Interest of monye was higher 
or lower. And by Consequence low interest must be a general 1 

But it was doubted whether a law would remedie it, or were 
good to be made for that purpose, or whether it were not 
in truth governed by trade it selfe, as plenty of Coales or any 
commoditie makes them cheape, and as the low Interest of 
Holland is governed by the trade there and noe law is there 
made in the case. 

It was said that Holland and Italy who onely are lower then 
us in interest of monyes ; the one (though they have noe law 
made to compell private persons) yet they have power of the 
Banke and consequently of all the monye in the countrey and 
doe make rules that the Banke shall receive noe monye in, but 
at 4 per cent. Italy is ruled herein by the Church lawes 
which make it unlawfull in point of conscience to take more 
interest than 4 per cent. 


It was alledged against the loring of usury, also 

1. The losse orphans would have whose monye is in publique 

2. The prejudice the Gentry will have who owe monye upon 
mortgages which will be called in, and if they have not monye 
readye, the land must be sold at any rate. 

It seemed to mee to resolve principally into the knowledge 
whether there were now at present monye enough in England 
to carry on Trade and to spare for else, if forreigners call home 
theire monyes, and angry usurers also, it may cause a decay 
of trade for want of money to carry it on. 

It seemed to be agreed by the merchants that at present the 
Forreigner's monye in this Kingdome was not the sum of 

Neverthelesse scince I heare Aid. Backwell saies that he 
hath ^"150,000 of Forreigne monye in his hands and others 
speake of greate sums in theires. 

Afterwards upon further examination I find that 2 or 
^"300,000 hath some tymes beene putt to use in the nation 
of forreigners monye, but at present I beleeve not ^"50,000. 

Also there must be money enough now in the Kingdome 
to satisfy the extraordinary occasions now at present upon 
us such as the Greate Debts of the Kinge, and the buildinge 
of the Cittye of London. 

But it seemed to mee very hard to be ascertained of that. 
And if there be not money enough then a present stopp of 
lenders may make a greate inconvenience and I thought it 
dangerous at this tyme to adventure upon notions onely, the 
Hazard of adding or multiplieng diseases in the State to the 
number of those greate ones wee have alreadye upon our 
hands to cure. 

Neverthelesse the Committee was of another opinion and 
voted to report there scense to the house that it was fitt to 
lore the Interest of money from 6 to 4 in the hundred. 

Afterwards when the Committee made theire report to the 
house of Peeres, it was carried in the Negative by neere 20 
voices. ( Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., ff. 77-80.) 



Saturday, December n, 1669. This morninge between 10 and 
ii of the clocke the King by commission prorogued this 
Parliament unto the i4th day of February next. 

The house of Commons had also reconsidered the sentence 
of the Lords upon the Petition of Skinner and had voted heads 
whereupon to treate with the Lords at a Conference to raze 
it out of theire bookes, and if that would not goe downe it was 
reported that a clause for the rasinge that record should have 
beene inserted into the money bill ; soe that both must have 
passed or none. 

The house of Commons had 3 or 4 dayes before voted that 
the Kinge should be sent to, to command the Ld. Lieft. of 
Ireland to give leave for any one to come over hither without 
prejudice that was a wittnesse against my Ld. Orrerye, which 
message the Kinge received and sent them word by Mr. Secre- 
tary Trevor that it should be done accordingly. (I am told 
the Witnesses against my Ld. Orrery are these viz : Sir 
James Sheene, nephew to Ld. Orrerye ; my Ld Viscount 
Anger ; my Ld. Collom (brother to the Earle of Mont Rath) ; 
and 2 or 3 more privy Councellers.) 

They had also voted that Sir George Carteret should be sus- 
pended sitting in the house of Commons. They were in debate 
as the blacke rod came for them for Prorogation, to advise the 
Kinge not to employ Sir George in any place military or civill 
in England or Ireland. 

They had also voted to raise the ^"400,000 which they meant 
to raise the Kinge, out of the Customes, which was in effect (as 
some said) noe addition at all. 

The Church and Cavaliere Party as I heard at a Private 
meetinge, concluded among themselves : 

1. That the present church Government should be stucke 
close unto. 

2. That the Cavaleer Interest should be upheld. 

3. That in order thereunto qualifications should be made 


that none but such be capable of elections to Parliament or to 
any places of trust. 

4. To adhere to the Duke of Ormond against all opposition. 

5. To prosecute Lord Orrerye as an enimye to the prin- 
ciples aforesaid. 

The house of Commons. The house of Lords. 

E. of Barkshire. 
E. of Dover. 
Ld. Widdrington. 
E. of Bristow. 

Ld. Buckhurst. 
Sr. Tho. Osborn. 
Ld. St. John. 
Ld. Vaughan. 
Sir Fretzvile Hollis. 
Mr. Seymore. 
Sir Rob. Howard. 
Sir Rich. Temple. 

The Prorogation of this Parliament was resolved at a meeting 
of the King and Junto very late the night before, and was 
carried by the Duke of Yorke, Ormond, Arlington, Prince 
Rupert ; The Keeper, Secretary Trevor and Arlington declared 
against it, and the Duke of Buckingham was not present. 

It is thought the prime reason for there soe sudden Proroga- 
tion was a resolution the house of Commons had to have 
adjourned themselves that morning upon a supposition that in 
a former message by Secretary Trevor the Kinge had given 
them leave to adjourne when they would, which yet the Kinge 
understood otherwise and therefore thought fitt by Proroginge 
them to avoid such an affront as that they should adjourne 
without having the King's direction for the particular tyme. 

The Historye of this last Session of Parliament is best 
collected from a letter to a freind which is inserted in this 
place. The lines drawne underneath or through any part of it 
are not to be considered to interrupt the scence, but it is to be 
read all of it as if there were none such. 



I TROUBLED you with conjectures before the sitting of the 
Parliament, scince that tyme they have mett and the House 
of Commons began with a bill to take away the Priviledge of 
the Lords in originall and other causes which having sent them 
up they called for the report of Brooke house and Sir George 
Carteret being placed in the front of the report they begann to 
debate upon him with exceeding^ greate fury and severity, 
which yet continues and it is thought must end in that house 
either in an impeachment of misdemeanor to the Lords, or a 
bill to punish him ; or (which is the newest invention) a Report 
from the house of Commons to the King immediately (without 
taking notice of the Lords) giving him theire scense, and 
leavinge the recentment of it to his owne breast. In the 
meane while the Lords examine the Account of Sir George, 
but use him very fairely and civilly, allow him Councell, and 
heare him and the Commissioners of Brooke house face to face, 
and soe prepare themselves to be the readier to give theire 
Judgment in any of the three wayes above mentioned, and by 
what yet appeares before them Sir Geo. is not prooved to have 
imbezilled one penny of the King's money, but all is layd out 
in the King's service. He hath not bought one Tickett of the 
Seamen, nor is found to have taken any bribe, but the Greatest 
fault (if any be found) will be irregularities of payments not 
punctually persuant to the Instructions of the Admirall, and 
some miscarriages they find in his servants; but upon the 
whole matter with the Lords and among the people, Sir George 
hath gained much ground, and the Commissioners an ill 
opinion of having proceeded with cruelty and injustice. And 
however the house of Commons recent his affaire I beleeve the 
Lords report will be with very much favor to him. 

Touching the Bill for lessening the Priviledges of the Lords ; 
the Lords house upon the first reading cast it out, countinge 
the whole bill derogatory to theire dignity, and liked it the worse 


for beinge almost the same in words as the 5th Article of the 
humble Petition and Advise to Cromwell ; but cleerely counting 
it a breach of theire Priviledges to have a law for the alteration 
of theire owne Priviledges to beginn any where but in theire 
owne house, Priviledge and Judicature beinge a more inherent 
Priviledge of theires then granting of money is of the house of 
Commons ; the being of the house of Commons not reaching 
higher than Henry the 3rd's tyme and Presidents of bills for 
money (even as low as Henry Sth's tyme) to be produced that 
had theire beginning in the house of Peeres. And although 
upon these grounds they rejected the bill of the Commons' 
house yet they ordered theire owne members to draw a bill for 
the takinge away the Priviledge of hearinge originall causes, 
and having thereby parted with a greate priviledge of theire 
owne for publique good, they thought also for the same publique 
good to lead the Commons the way to take off all Priviledge 
of Parliament from the servants and estates of the members of 
either house (which also possibly might be a little picquant to 
the House of Commons and make them unpopular if they 
refused it and very uneasye if they passe it). Furthermore 
reflectinge upon the partiall quicke trialls Peeres formerly have 
beene subjected to by the Lord high Stewards Courte, where 
twelve Lords may condemne a Peere and he shall have noe 
challenge to any Peere of his Jurye though he be his knowne 
enimye ; The Lords thought upon the occasion of this bill they 
might seeke another new priviledge for theire owne security 
and therefore were unanimously (almost) for providing that a 
peere might challenge soe many persons of his Jury without 
shewing cause (as a commoner may doe) or (as was at last 
concluded) that the High Steward should at noe tyme proceed 
to triall or sentence of a Peere without havinge 41 Peeres of 
the Jury present, supposinge it impossible the Prince or 
animosityes should sway the major part of soe greate a Jury 
of Peeres. The house of Peeres, as I said before, was generally 
for this and soe it passed in the bill, but to say truth the King 
was not well pleased with this it beinge a diminution of his 
prerogative and argued the Peeres distrust of him, and if the 
two houses concurred in the bill, it might cast the rejecting of 


the bill (the ungracious part) upon the Kinge. But the bill 
being thus finished was sent downe to the house of Commons, 
who at the first reading also rejected it. 

Our factions now have more plainly distinguished themselves 

into that of Buckingham's and that of Ormond. 

Buckingham's Party of it selfe is found not soe stronge in 
the house of Commons as was supposed, and onely is stronge 
when in point of accounts, liberty of conscience, or Trade, the 
Countrey Gentlemen or the Presbiterians joyne with them but 
they dare not undertake any thing alone. His interest in the 
house of Peeres I take not to be greate. How it is with the 
King his Master God knowes. My Lord Arlington beinge 
joyned with Ormond, Buckingham's party thought it for theire 
interest to gett him off unto them and accordingly a reconcilia- 
tion was treated and commanded to be concluded by the Kinge, 
whereupon it was accordingly professed by both of them and 
my Lord Arlington went to Wallingford house to visite the 
Duke ; where they mutually unfolded theire greevances. 
Buckingham told Arlington that the greate exeption he had 
to him was because he used not his freinds well, and instanced 
in Sir Tho. Osborne and Sir Ellis Layton and that he was an 
encourager of his enimies. 

Arlington complained of Buckingham's countenancing his 
mortall enimye the Earle of Orrery e, yet for all these com- 
plaints for a few dayes they were said to be freinds, but 
presently kindnesse vanished and the difference betweene 
them is knowne to be certain and irreconciliable. 1 

Ormond's party consists of the Duke of Yorkes freinds, the 
Church, the old Cavaliers, and the Clarendonians. 

These two partyes have levelled one at the other all this 
while; Buckingham (whose greate engine hath beene the 
Commissioners of Brooke house wherewith he hoped to crush 
all that joyne not with him and to weaken the other party) to 
make an essay of the strength of his party and to flesh them in 
conqueringe, fell upon Sir G. Carteret hoping by his ruine to 
have made way for that of Ormonds, in the meane while both 
Parties readye with charges remained yet in peace one with 

1 Under this word are the figures 2039, which looks as though Sandwich 
had parts of this letter put into cipher, and many lines are crossed through, 
like a letter is crossed when once ciphered. 


the other by the King's command, who they say undertooke 
for one to the other that they should not begin first but it soe 
happened that last weeke my Lord of Meath (whom Bucking- 
ham and Orrery disclaime havinge any power over) attended 
the Committee of Greevances of the house of Commons with 
a Petition against the Duke of Ormond, the chaire man received 
it and looking on the Title findinge it directed to the house of 
Commons, the Committee would not receive it, but said if he 
pleased he might present it to the house of Commons. And 
the greatest part of the Committee appearinge inclined to the 
Duke of Ormond (in a manner) laughed the Petition from the 
Committee. And Ormond's party imputinge this to Bucking- 
ham's and Orrerye's artifice next morninge earely by Sam 
Sands preferrs a Petition and Articles of high treason against 
my Ld. Orrery, for which he stands committed in the Serjant's 
hands and thinkes to appeare in the house of Commons on 
Munday next. Reports goe that in a few dayes Articles will 
come in against Ormond and Buckingham also and many 

The day followinge Orrerye's impeachment the house of 
Commons voted the King a supply not exceeding ^"400,000 
which is supposed to be to the intent to qualify the present 
high proceedings that the King may not despaire of support 
from them and soe dissolve them speedily. 

All mens expectations are up to see what resolution the 
King will take in this state of affaires, which is very hard 
to guess at I thinke. Although I am (in secresy, and from 
pretendinge knowers of it) told that the Kinge will certainly 
soone dissolve this Parliament. 

The House of Commons was divided upon the question of 
Orreryes committment, and it was 148 for him and 192 against 

It was greately observed that all the Clarendonians (even 
my Lord Cornburye himselfe) was against Orrerye, notwith- 
standinge the Alliance of Mr. Hide with my Lord Burlington 
and that Lord's freindly defendinge theire father in his adver- 
sitye, upon this ground my Lord Cornbury loses creditt. 

It was also observed that all the lawyers of the house was 
against Orrerye except the Sollicitor Generall. Secretary 
Trevor and Sir Tho. Clifford were for Orrerye. 


The house of Commons proceede to vote the placinge the 
new monye to be raised out of the Customes, which some 
affirmed was as good as nothing but a taking away from the 
revenue with one hand and giving againe with the other. 

They considered the matter of Skinner againe and voted 
the Lords sentencinge of his Petition to be a libell, to be 
a breach of Priviledge of Parliament and fitt to be rased out 
of the records and intended a conference to the Lords for that 
purpose and if the point had beene gained there, then to have 
inserted a clause into the money bill to have the second rased ; 
that soe both or neither might passe into a law. 

They voted Sir George Carteret to be suspended sittinge in 
the house. 

They revived againe the businesse of my Ld. Orrery and 
voted a message to be sent the Kinge to command that the 
Leift. of Ireland give leave to all persons to come over with- 
out Prejudice that wittnesse any of the Articles against my 
Ld. Orrery, which message the King received and sent them 
word by Secretary Trevor that it should be done accordingly. 

They were upon Satterday morninge the nth of December 
in debate upon Sir George Carteret, viz. to advise the King 
not to employ him in any place military or civill in England or 
Ireland when Sir John Eaton with his Blacke rod came for 
them to come up to the house of Peeres where by Commission 
from his Majesty they were prorogued untill the 14 day of 
February next ensuinge. 

The Church and Cavaleer party of the H. of Commons at a 
private meetinge as is reported agreed. 

1. To sticke unto the present church Government. 

2. To uphold the Cavaleer party. 

3. In order to the former to frame a test without which 
none should be eligible to parliament or any place of trust. 

4. To adhere to the Duke of Ormond against all opposition. 

5. To prosecute Ld. Orrerye as an enimye to the principles 
aforesaid. (Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., ff. 85-97.) 




Thursday, March 17, 1670. The Bill for authorisinge a second 
marriage to the Lord Ross (his wife beinge divorced from him 
for Adultery and a law made to illegitimate all her children in 
beinge or that should be) was debated, whether it should have 
a 2nd readinge or not in the house of Peeres. 

(The divorced Lady Ross petitioned the house alledginge all 
former proceedings both as to the divorce and the law also 
to have beene done in her abscence unheard, prosecuted 
maliciously by the Countesse of Rutland, prayes a Commission 
of appeales wherein she hopes to make her innocence appeare 
and that noe law might passe to the exclusion of her reconcilia- 
tion to her husband or other prejudice of her or her issue in 
the meanetyme.) The Lady Ross was called in to the Barr of 
the Lord's House, and upon demand, she there owned and 
justified her Petition, and thereupon the house retained the 
Petition but deferred the consideration of itt untill they had 
gone on with the other debate. 

The Debate rann upon these followinge heads : 

1. Whether after a Divorce for Adulterye, it were lawfull by 
the law of God for the innocent person to marry againe, livinge 
the nocent. 

2. Whether allowinge marriage in that case, or not allowinge 
it, be attended with most inconveniences. 

The principall speakers were these that follow : 

Pro. Contra. 

Archbishops /of Canterbury 

\of Yorke. 

Bishops {Durham /-Winchester 

I Chester. _. , , Salisbury 

Blsh P sof London 


1 John Manners, Lord Roos, first Duke of Rutland. See also Anchitell 
Grey, Debates ; i. 251 et seqq. 


Pro. Contra. 

- /Anglesey rBristow 

\ Essex. Earles ] Bullingbrooke 

I Northampton. 

Viscounts. Viscount Hallifax. 

Barons. Lord Ashley. Barons. Lucas. 

The Arguments for it were first from Christ's words in the 
Scripture and St. Paul's. 

Our Saviour in Mat. 5 (these scriptures in the Mount are 
affirmed not onely to be meant to the Jewes but to be the 
height of Christian doctrine), wants that exeption of Adultery 
which is mentioned in Matt. 19 which beinge the fuller place, 
supplies and expounds the former, and does expresly argue the 
lawfullnesse of 2nd marriage after divorce for adulterye. And 
is a scripture not only intended for the Jewes apart, but to 
Christ his disciples and theire followers in all ages. If in that 
Scripture Christ did not intend should marry againe the 
exeption in the text will seeme to want scense and meanes 
nothinge, which is dishonor to Christ to imagine. 

The Reformed writers are for it, though Bellarmine and the 
Jesuites be against it, and what shall wee gaine by raising the 
Creditt of the later above the former. 

Theodosius, Bishopp of Canterbury, was for it. 

Anciently Pennance was enjoyned for a man that did not 
putt away an adulterous wife. 

Imperiall and civill lawes not one against it. 

For Canon Law (see Linnwood's constitutions) which was 
reformed in Hen. 8. 25* i8 ch and in the 3rd and 4th of Ed. 6. 
Integra persona transit ad novas nuptias. 

Cum alter conjux dijudicatum etc. 

5th of Ed. 6 is the confirmation of the Ld. Marques of 
Northamptons remarriage with the Lady Cobham. 

The Canons in present use, Chapter 8, allow the innocent 
person to marry againe. 

And these Canons were confirmed by King James. 

It is true these Canons require a bond to be taken of the 
Parties not to marry any other, but that is designed for a tyme 
to see if the Parties can reconcile againe but not with respect 
to the sinfullnesse of theire marriage if they doe marry againe. 


Some of the Popish writers were not against it, as Cardinall 
Cajetan and Erasmus. 

Reformed writers are numerous in this case against the 
Councell of Trent. 

Butt 3 or 4 of the church of England are of another opinion 
as Mr. Burrell, Bishopp Howsen. Howsen did it partially 
not with his free judgement but to serve a turne. 

St. Paul gives caution to men not to presume to seperate 
whom God hath joyned; but those that the law of God 
seperates, man does not seperate ; if the woman be an 
adulteresse she seperates her selfe. 

In the Romans where St. Paul saies the husband is bound 
to the wife as longe as she liveth etc. This is onely to show 
that the law of Moses is dead to us. Though one might say 
the Adulteresse is as dead to her husband as that law is to us. 
St. Paul allowes the wilfull running away of a wife to be a just 
cause of divorce and saies that a man is noe longer bound in 
that case (that is to say not by the bond of Matrimonye). 

In another place he saies Art thou loose from a wife 
(i.e. divorced from a wife) seeke not a wife. He that marryes 
agaipe sinneth not in that case. 

They affirme these 2 persons in question to be cosen 
Germanes and soe the Popish Lords ought to looke upon the 
marriage as a nullitie. 

If it be unlawfull to allow the Innocent to marry, it is 
equally unlawfull to justify him after marriage. 

The case of the Marques of Northampton declares, the 
opinion of that Parliament to be that the law of God was for it. 

Dr. Hall, Dr. Reynolds, Dr. Hammond etc. over Ballance 
Bishop Howsen's opinion. 

In all the Old Testament or new, or ancient tymes noe such 
distinction of divorces was ever heard of as that of a mensa et 
thoro, a vinculo, it seemes to be a formall distinction without a 
difference, an invention of the Canonists and Schoolemen to 
sett up the Papall power 600 yeares after Christ. 

The words of marriage in the Liturgye are I, Tho., take 
thee, Mary, etc. to live together after Gods holy ordinance. 
This is Vinculum, if therefore they be seperated a mensa et Tkoro 
they are seperated a vinculo namely from the bond they 
contracted in marriage. 


To continue the innocent person and the Adulterous together 
is tyeng together the livinge and the dead, to make a perpetuall 
stench to poyson the innocent. 

The Councells anciently allowed 2nd marriage after divorce 
but the Canonists and Schoolemen oppose it (as hath been 
said) yet they allow the vinculum broken when they have gotten 
the party into a monastery. 

St. Paul saies that if the Infidell husband departed from 
a beleevinge wife (the woman was not bound) she might marry 
againe, because she gave noe scandall in seekinge the sepera- 
tion, but if the beleevinge were uneasye she might part from 
her husband but not marry again. To avoid givinge scandall 
that she might be thought to doe it for lust. 

The Greeke church practises and marriage. 

The Councell of Eliberis is for it. 

Imperiall law is also for it. See Theodosius his Code. 

The Arguments against the Bill were as followeth. 

That Matt. 5.32 and Matt. 19, each place containeth 2 
distinct sentences of our Saviour, the one touching the cause of 
Divorce, the other the Practise after divorce and are soe 
distinctly to be understood. 

From the Beginninge it was not soe. That is then there 
was divorce for noe cause whatsoever. God putt two onely 
together and none can seperate then. Whence they inferr 
marriage once lawfully made can never be undone for noe 
cause. (It is objected to that why did not Laban and the 
Patriarchs before the Leviticall law, understand the institution 
of marriage to be soe, but practised Poligamy without reprehen- 
sion. They putt away a wife for Hatred). 

Principles obsta. He that makes the first breach into an 
inconvenient liberty hath the most sinn. Therefore lett us take 
heed of opening the first lawfulnesse of this practise. 

The bond is not onely taken in the Spirituall Court to prevent 
future marriage, but it is part of the Sentence of the Divorce. 
And if the Ld. Ross would have advantage, it must not be 
from a part of the sentence onely but consonant to the whole. 

Common Lawiers distinguish divorce into 

Divortwm ( Pr t Dictum ( mllitas mMmo or a 
I impropvie I a thoro et mensa 

VOL. II. 21 


and this last is the divorce sentenced in the case of Adultery e. 
Soe that the vincuhim remaines. 

As Christ is Head of the church soe is the husband of the 
wife (i.e. indissolubly). 

There is noe place in the New Testament that speakes of 
Divorce but speakes against the innocent parties marrienge 
againe. And not a word in all the evangelists for it. 

The Canons of Carthage and the Apostles are against it. 
(Objected to that Canons governe onely the conveniencye or 
inconveniencye of Practise but, make not lawf ull or unlawfull 
as to sinn.) 

The Church of England are against it who never departed 
from the Church of Rome where it held Catholique doctrine. 

Matt. 19 was spoken to the Jewes as an exeption to endure 
only soe longe as theire oeconomye lasted. But that Govern- 
ment is now expired and the rules of it abolished. 

The Contract of marriage is untill death us do part, by the 
liturgy which is the law of England and soe till then the 
vinculum of marriage cannot be broke. 

By the forequoted Scriptures the woman adulteresse can 
never marry againe. Why then if the man may and noe roome 
be left for reconciliation it seemes to want charity for the 
woman, who whilst living may need marriage as much or 
more then the man. 

The Councell of Eliberis (as I take it) was quoted for 
Canon law. 

They suppose that some vulgar errors mislead those that are 
for the bill viz. 

1. Thinkinge that men have a greater pre-eminence then 

2. The confounding Seperation with Dissolution. 

3. The involving the notion of permission with approbation. 
Whereas all Christians hold all priviledges reciprocall 

betweene the man and the weoman (though the Jewes did not 
soe). And the best expositors say that the allowance was 
onely to exempt from penalty but not to warrant it in 
conscience, as Clavius (Clavius was granted by the other side, 
but in all the rest it was affirmed they were misquoted and were 
of a contrary opinion) Grotius, Erasmus, and Spanhemius 117 
And that there is noe dissolution a vinculo. Two divorced 



Parties may meete againe without new marriage. Joyne the 
19 of Matt, to the 2nd of Genesis it shewes not onely a con- 
junction but a coalition that can never be dissolved. 

Divorce then must have its rise from the 24 of Deuteronomye 
which all Drs. and our Saviour Christ himselfe was not a 
command but a permission onely. To exempt from guilt 
in foro curico but not from culp. in foro conscientia. 

St. Augustine and Groetius beinge for the opinion makes 
it probable not to be unlawfull but Quod duUtas ne feceris. 

The Persian Magi could not be induced to pronounce the 
Emperor's incestuous marriage, a lawfull case. But yet 
politically said for publique good the Emperor in that case 
might lawfully doe what he pleased. 

The Debate held from 12 a clocke at Noone untill nine 
at night. When the Question was putt and upon tellinge of 
the House by the Duke of Ormond and the Earle of Anglesey, 

Present Proxies 
The not Contents were 42 6 c 48 

The Contents were 41 15 / m a11 \ 56 

Next Satterday was appointed for the 2nd reading of the 
Bill when it was comitted 

Contents 48 \ 
Proxies 16 / 

/ Not Contents 44 

Proxies 6 

On Friday Morninge almost all the not contents entered 
theire Protestation whose names follow : 

Duke of Yorke. 

A. Bpp. of Canterbury. 

D. of Richmond. 

E. of Manchester. 

E. of Brecknock = L d 

E. of Kent. 
E. of Northampton. 
E. of Norwich. 
E. of Chesterfield. 
Lord Mordant. 
Lord Stafford (Vise). 
E. of St. Albans. 

E. of Craven. 
E. of Bristow. 
Lord Hatton. 
E. of Peterburgh. 

A. Bp. of York. 

B. of London. 



B. of Oxford. 

,, Landaff. 
Viscount Halifax. 

Lord Audeley. 
Lord Culpeper. 
Lord Wotton. 

Lord Howard of Escrige. 

(Sandwich MSS. Joiivnal, x., ff. 213-228.) 



Monday, March 21, 1670. This morninge the King in person 
with his ordinary attendance and habitt (i.e. without sword 
etc. Robes Crowne or Regalioes or givinge any warninge) 
came into the house of Peeres (who were then turned into a 
grand Committee of the whole house my Ld. of Bridgewater 
on the Wool Sacke) 1 and sate him downe in the chaire of 
State and spake to the house to this effect, viz : 

My Lords, 

I am come amongst you to renew an ancient practise 
of my Ancestors, which is to be present at your debates, and 
therefore desire to give noe interruption to your proceedings 
but that you would goe on in your businesse in the method I 
found you. And I pray you all to sitt downe and putt on your 
Hatts, and soe putting off his owne hatt the Lds. sate downe, 
and as the Kinge covered soe did they. 

This greate extraordinary thinge caused no little astonish- 
ment. And therefore the True reason is worth the Knowledge, 
which Breifly is thus. 

Divers discourse that the King espoused this Case of my 
Ld. Ross his not onely for the justice thereoff, but because 
it was in his Intention to putt away the Queene for which 
occasion this would be a profitable president. And on the 
contrary the Qu[een] and Duke opposed it to the Highest as 
tendinge to the separation of the one and cuttinge off the 
succession of the other. The Duke therefore by all manner 

1 The work in hand was the Bill to suppress Conventicles (see Lords' 


of vigor, in the house of Peeres, speakinge agt. it, Brow- 
beatinge the favorers of it and almost violently Halinge out 
Lords upon the division of the house of peeres, brought it to 
have one voice more of the Lds. present agt. it (though the 
Proxies over balanced and carried it) and afterward the Duke 
himself and all the Partie protested agt. it ; soe that the Kinge 
to save the House from the Impetuousnesse of his brother and 
to secure the businesse he wished might succeed and justly 
ought to doe so, renewed the ancient practise of the Kings 
beinge present at Debates. 

Though some say it is dangerous and wants president onely 
in cases Judiciall and that the house of Commons hath chal- 
lenged the Lds. for breakinge the priviledge of Parliament, in 
communicatinge the substance of a bill to the Kinge as it was 
passinge and before it came to him for the Royall assent. 

Friday, March 25. The House of Peeres in a body with 
theire speaker came to the Banquetting house at Whitehall 
to the Kinge and gave his Matie. thankes for the Honor of 
his Prescence at the Debates of theire house. 

Monday, March 28. My Lord Ross his Bill was read in 
the house of Peeres (the Kinge beinge present) and debated 
whether it should passe into a law or not. 1 

The dispute held from 1 1 in the morninge untill past 6 at 

LORD BRISTOW. Spoke upon the 19 chap, of Matt, affirm - 
inge that Scripture to containe 2 distinct propositions, and the 
exeption there to belonge unto the first of them. 

He said that if the words had beene placed thus (viz. who- 
soever shall putt away his wife and marry another, except for 
the Cause of Fornication) that then it had beene a cleare warrant 
of 2nd marriage in this case. 

He said the places in Marke and Luke and St. Paul are all 
cleare and plaine places agt. it, and that there was but this 
one doubtfull text that gives any pretention to the lawfullnesse 
of it. 

In doubtfull cases he said of necessity the church must be 
judge (not only the church of Rome, but such church which 

1 The Lords' Jotirnah simply say that "after a long debate" the Bill 


the Disputants owne and deferr unto) unlesse wee be of the 
Socinian opinion to determine all thinges by our reason, which 
must suppose every man to be qualified with a sufficient pro- 
portion of reason and parts to decide questions, the contrary 
whereoff experience shews and indeed renders that a most 
absurd and foolish opinion. 

Then he alledged that the church of England was against 
the bill. And that Groetius found it a doubtfull case and 
determined that it was best to maintaine that side that favored 
most the inviolable preservation of the strict bond of matri- 
monye, and Mr. Selden De Uxove concludes that even scince 
the reformation wee have practised in this case accordinge to 
rules of the church of Rome. 

He said he knew but 2 conveniences that were hoped for, 
viz : 

1. Christian and conscientious to prevent sinn in case my 
Ld. Ross should be a wencher, upon which ground every 
Brother in Christ that had the same fire, had the same pretence 
to Indulgence. 

2. Generosity and Kindnesse to soe noble a family to pro- 
cure them succession, to satisfy which end he said there was 
a way open better than this of a bill, viz. namely that in the 
case of my Ld. Marquess of Northampton. 

But the Inconveniences he said were many and of more 

1. The President of doinge this by a bill a Priori, he said he 
would willingly consent to a bill ex post factum, but not by a 
law a priori to encourage one to steale his neighbor's mutton, 
that is to establish wickednesse by a law. 

2. What father can be secure for the settlement of his 
Daughter if this be practised, the law is very tender and doth 
allow the children of the wife if the husband was within the 
compasse of the 4 Seas. 

3. Domesticke peace would be destroyed by it in families 
when a way should be opened to be unmarried againe. There 
have beene examples in this nation of eminent qualitie that 
a ladye to enjoy her love and be divorced hath beene content to 
confesse adulterye, as the lawes now stand. What may wee 
then expect when the law shall countenance it. 

4. The exercise of Legislature in a private case, ought to be 


tenderly done, but never when the case stands in competition 
with publique inconvenience. 

5. An essentiall right of the Church of England is in danger 
of being overthrowne by it, which is to determine in matters 
ecclesiasticall. He advised us therefore not to passe it untill 
wee had advised with the Convocation about it. And said 
it would be a greefe unto him to see a bill of this nature pass 
the Convocation unconsulted and all the B[ishops]Bench op- 
posinge it. 

LORD ESSEX. Said that the Councells and fathers disagreed 
and therefore could be noe rule in such cases. 

And if they were fitt to be heeded, he thought such councells 
were most to be regarded that were held before marriage was 
forbidden to the Preists. And such councells favor the bill. 

He said the marriage bond was broken (like as peace 
betweene Princes) not when the fact was committed, but when 
the Injured party makes his claime to the Judge, who cannot 
deny Justice being asked it. 

Soe that the act of Adulterie does but putt the husband in 
the advantage to take the forfeiture, if, and when, he pleases. 

The Marquess of Northampton's case hath beene said to 
justify a thinge done, but it is also plain that that act hath 
a 'Prospect legitimatinge the children to be borne after the 
divorce and that is the same case as the present one is. 

That Parliament and age were for this opinion because in 
that law they call the 2nd wife that VERTUOUS lady which 
could not be if the bond stood. 

The Inconveniences are cured when it shall be restrained to 
the reliefe by Particular bill in a Parliament and noe generall 
law made in the case. 

And it is an act of Grace, which noe other person can 
challenge ex debito justo. Favor is free. 

It may prevent the growinge of the forreigne practise of 
poysoninge and killinge wives. 

LORD LUCAS. Alleages Inconveniences. 

The same reason holds for a Generall Bill as for this which 
will : 

i. Encourage Adultery. A woman loves a man. She com- 
mits adultery. If her husband say nothinge, she goes on freely 



in her amour, if he putt her away, then she may marry her 
lover or any body else, and it is but fornication, a small sinn 
if any. 

2. It will make feuds in family es when one family that is 
greate marryes the divorced of another. 

He said the greatest part of Christendome (the Romane 
church) lies under this hardshipp without inconvenience and the 
Pope may well be beleeved in this point against his interest 
for if he gains by selling indulgences, to allow Indulgence in 
this case would raise him a vast revenue. 

LORD ANDOVER. As a Catholique professed the lawes of 
Consanguinitye in this case were such as he held himselfe 
bound in conscience to hold the marriage for a nullitye. (They 
My Lord Ross and his Lady beinge cosen Germaines once 

LORD BRISTOW. A Catholique also. Confesses accordinge 
to the rules of the Romane church the marriage is null for con- 
sanguinitye. But as a member of a Protestant Parliament, 
and also because the matter of consanguinitye is not alledged 
in the bill (which is the onely ground wee can goe upon) that 
he would vote agt. the bill. 

LORD BERKSHIRE. Mooved that the Lady Ross might 
have some competent provision setled by the bill for her 

DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM. Said Consensus facit matrimonium, 
ecclesia sacvamentum ; out of Bellarmine. Wherefore he in- 
ferred, that those churches that have it not for a sacrament 
may admitt 2nd. marriage in this case. 

That if this law did extend to the adulterye of the man as of 
the woman yet it may be there was noe inconvenience thereby 
but rather a better meanes to oblidge men as well as weomen to 
live more vertuously. 

LORD ASHLEY. Saies that before the Councell of Trent 
mariage was a civill contract and managed by the civill 
magistrate and in such cases it is sufficient that nothinge in 
Scripture can be produced to the contrary, it is not necessary 
to find out positive commands there, or else it would be of 
evill consequence to many civill lawes and constitutions. 


The Councell of Antioch allowed 2nd marriage in this case 
and divers others 436 yeeres after Christ and till it was made 
a sacrament it was never taken wholly out of the hand of the 
civill magistrate. And the church of Rome never left this case 
desperate, but found place to releeve many greate and noble 
familyes as there was occasion. 

Linwood saies in case of either parties entering into a 
monasterye both are dissolved a vinculo matrimonii. 

The takinge security of the persons not to marry implies 
the possibilitye and lawfullnesse thereoff. 

Reconciliation is impossible in this case, the nocent party 
havinge lived more filthily and scandalously scince the divorce 
then before. 

And if they could reconcile yet it were to noe purpose 
because the last act of Parliament hath illegitimated all the 
children that can hereafter be begotten of the body of the 
Lady Ross. 

LORD HALIFAX. Thinkes the church was a better judge in 
this matter when the Preists were unmarried. For surely the 
Generality of them are not to be supposed uncleane. And 
therefore the argument of Preventing sinn cannot weigh much, 
because a greate many live holily without marriage, and 
prayer and fastinge and a good climate are good meanes to 
keepe safe in that point. 

He said Presidents of Parliament were not infallible, for it 
may be the best thinges wee have done may have beene the 
repeale of some acts of Parliament. 

The Generall Practise hath beene against 2d. marriage and 
therefore the Proofe should lie on the marriage side. 

He told a story of a Traveler that visitinge a monasterye 
and wonderinge at theire strictnesse and dutye, asked them 
what would become of them if that they laboured after and 
obeyed, were not true, to whom they replied what would become 
of him if it were true. Which he applied what would become 
of us if wee should make a law against the law of God. 

This bill hath already done much hurt, it hath putt by many 
Private bills, wherein men have wanted releefe as much as my 
Lord Ross can want a wife. And it is likely these cases will 
be more frequent hereafter and take up much of our tyme 


He said he feared [? not] the Introduction of the Customes of 
Poisoning and stabbinge wifes in this climate, but he feared 
the great encouragement of Perjury e, when it shall have this 
strong motive, viz. of beinge quit of a wife one is a weary off 
and the hopes of obtaininge one one loves. 

The inconvenience on the one hand is that if my Lady 
Ross doe not dye in convenient tyme, my Lord Ross cannot 

But on the other hand, there is a likelyhood of inconve- 
niences, publique and eternall. 

Whereas it is said Bishops [and] martyrs have beene for it. 
That is noe good argument for they might have done ill before 
that, as it was notorious Cranmer who once recanted, before he 
was burnt. 

LORD HOLLIS. Said he thought this case had beene releivable 
in the Spirituall Courts and that the Lord Ross might have 
married againe without need of a law ; but scince it is made 
plaine that that cannot be, he confessed he was for the bill. 

Touching God's law he said he walked by 2 rules. 

1. That all texts of Scripture were of Equall authoritye and 
therefore one scripture in a case is as authentique, as never soe 
many, and a rule of our faith. 

2. Whatever is more full in one place and scant in another, 
the full place must explaine the scant and more concise. 

Which 2 rules he applied to the Scriptures of Matt. 5 and 19 
and the other Scriptures alledged. 

Whereby the way he explained the scense of " From the 
beginning it was not soe " to be meant of the State before the 

In Marke and Luke the exeption in Matt, must be under- 
stood or they are not true, for then divorce were not lawfull 
for any cause, whereas it is plaine it is lawfull for one viz. 

To prohibite the innocent person from marrienge again he 
said he held as unlawfull as the Celibate vow, wee beinge all 
subject to that Iron law, of (who can take it) and he said he 
doubted whether prayer and fastinge were sufficient to com- 
passe it. 

We have a penall statute for a man that shall marry 2 wifes 


and there are severall exeptions therefrom which shew the 
opinion of that parliament viz. 

i. Exept those that have beene absent 7 yeares. 2. Those 
that are divorced by ecclesiastical censure. 3. Neerenesse of 
blood. 4. Precontract. 5. Within age. 

Our late canons allow the innocent person ad novas nuptias 

BISHOP OF WINCHESTER. Denyes the rules delivered by 
my Lord Hollis to be sound ones. 

1. For instance, one place saies that the Theeves mocked 
Christ when it is true of but one. 

2. The same place confutes his 2d rule also, for the larger 
place is untrue. 

3. I will add other rules, as That obscure places are to be 
interpreted by the plaine. Those of Matt, are obscure. 

4. Places of Scripture are true in the latitude they are 
spoken. Therefore universall and Generall places as Every- 
one etc. give law to the others that are more particular. 

5. Places of Scripture are true accordinge to the occasion, 
distingue tempora; It was true that 2d marriage was lawfull 
under the Mosaicall Policy ; but not true after Christ had 
destroyed that. 

In the 5th of Matt. Christ interpretts law and does not play 
the part of a lawgiver. Noe new precept is there delivered 
but such as can be shewen out of Moses doctrine before, and 
this is not to lessen our Saviour and make him Moses his 
vicar ; but it is to make the word of God the Interpreter of 
the mind of God and who more fitt, or with office more 

The essence of marriage does not lie in the condition nor 
are the words of the liturgy alwaies necessary ; I John, take 
thee Joan, is enough. 

It is an argument of the falsenesse of any doctrine to find 
that the practise of it tends to confusion, and such would 
be the consequence of such an universall practise as this 
bill is. 

And it is a greate argument of the truth of the Scriptures 
that poore fishermen should deliver such doctrine which if it 
were practised would putt the whole world at peace. 


BISHOP OF CHESTER. Divorce for Adultery amonge the Jewes 
had 3 severall trialls and 3 distinct punishments. 

1. Prooved by 2 wittnesses. 

2. The husband was jealous 

of it. 

3. The husbands personall 

knowledge of it. 

Punishment, Death. 

The water of 

A bill of Divorce- 

Turpitude in Deut. 24, is not meant of Adultery only but of 
such nakednesse as wee would cover from the sight of man. 
Dishonor. Immodesty. A woman goinge unveiled or bare 

In the place of Marke and Luke the exeption of Matt. 19 
might as well be understood as the exeptions belonginge to the 
morall lawes. viz. Thou shall not kill. Yet it is done for ones 
owne defence or by command of the Magistrate etc. 

Restrained places must not be interpreted by Generall places 
of Scripture, for then all exeptions in restrained places signifies 

It was urged that in Doubtfull cases one should vote the 
safest way. 

And it was replied unto that those which doubted should 
rather withdraw and not vote at all. 

At length my Lord Anglesey offered a proviso to allow the 
Lady Ross ^"400 a yeare for mainetenance but because the bill 
had beene 3 tymes read, it was against rule to admitt it, but 
he and my Lord Ashley and my Lord of Rutland undertooke 
the substance of the Provisoe should be made good to her. 

And then the Question Beinge putt upon the whole Bill it 
past in the affirmative. 

The Contents were 42^ Proxies were not 
The not contents 35 J called upon. 

Thursday followinge upon a Create Debate which held untill 
10 a clocke at night in the House of Commons, the Bill for my 
Lord Ross past without any amendment. 

The question for bringing in Candles was carried [by] 
but one voice, but after that the main question by seven 


Sir Wm Coventry, Sir Ph. Warwick and the Clarendonians 
were the greate opposers, and all the Dukes party who upon 
loss of the first question many of them in passion deserted the 
house. 1 (Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., ff. 235-258.) 


Satterday, Aprill 22, 1671. In the Afternoone the Kinge in 
person in the house of Peeres passed such bills as were ready 
for the Royall assent and Prorogued the Parliament untill the 
1 6th of Aprill to come, anno Dom. 1672.2 

This prorogation was hastened by a difference that fell out 
betweene the 2 houses about a bill for forreigne excise, the 
circumstances are well worth notice and are as folio weth, viz: 

The House of Commons for an additionall supply to the 
King's occasions framed a bill of excise upon forreigne com- 
modities, whereoff sugars of our plantations, and tobacco and 
silkes imported etc. were imposed upon. When the bill came 
up to the house of Peeres, many of the subjects petitioned and 
complained to the Lds. of greate damage to the Trade of the 
Kingdome and to the plantations by the said imposition and 
were heard at a Committee. The Committee voted ease to the 
Tobacco and to white sugars of our owne plantations as also 
to those of Portugall. But the house of Peeres did not agree 
as to the Tobacco, but did agree to the abatement of the white 
sugars aforesaid and havinge amended the bill accordingly they 
delivered it to the house of Commons at a Conference with the 
reasons which mooved theire Lordships to make the alterations. 

The H. of Com. speedily voted theire owne priviledge 
touchinge grantinge of money and all the Stepps belonging 
thereunto and negatively as to the Lds. that they could not 
alter any thinge of a subsidie granted by the Commons; 

1 On page 290 Sandwich has a further note about the King's presence in the 
Lords, "to continue a practice he began last Session in my Lord Ross his 
cause ; that it might not seeme to have beene taken up out of partialitye." 

2 See Lords' Journals. 


Neverthelesse to take off a little of that hardnesse they resolved 
at a conference with the Peeres to make mention onely of a 
subsidie of Tonnage and poundage asserting theire priviledge 
aforesaid as that from which they could never depart and then 
ex dbundanti to offer reasons to the Lds. in answer to theires, 
the which Conference was had and managed accordingly. 

The preamble to all being the asserting that priviledge of 
theires and that that notion was to be taken alonge with every 
reason they had given. 

The house of Peeres highly displeased with the assertion of 
the Commons, voted in the like termes there owne priviledge 
in abating subsidies of Tonnage and poundage and because the 
Commons had linked their assertion with every reason, they 
neglected to make answere to any other point but to that greate 
assertion and at a conference to give reasons and Presidents 
for theire vote, (the Presidents were chosen and managed by 
the advise of the Ld. Cheife Justice Vaughan of the Common 
pleas). The House of Commons at another Conference adhered 
to theire former opinion and gave reasons and Presidents in 
refutall of those of the Lds. Mr. Attorney Generall began the 
Conference and highly provoked the House of Peeres with 
satiricall invectives. 

The house of Peeres would faine have replied at a free 
Conference upon the last Conference of the house of Commons 
but it seemes the King thought fitt to cutt short this dispute by 
a Prorogation, which after it was made knowne to the Lords 
soe that they saw there was not tyme sufficient to examine 
what the Commons had delivered and to refell it, were forced 
to save theire honors in the best manner and speedily to vote 
the reasons given at the Conference unsatisfactory, and to 
appoint a Committee of theire owne to prepare reasons and 
replyes to them, which was the last thing ordered when the 
Kinge came into the house to prorogue the Parliament. 

The Country partye in the house of Commons were of 
opinion with the reasons of the Lords and if the Courtiers 
had not beene fierce against it in the house of Commons, it is 
beleeved both houses had agreed and the bill not beene lost. 
But the Court partie in the house of Commons (being of my 
Lord Arlington's partie and contrary to the Duke of Bucking- 
ham who stood up highly for the priviledge of the house of 


Peeres) finding this a greate advantage to render the Duke of 
Bucks ill with the King, to lay the blame of the losse of the 
bill upon him, and the Country party, finding a difference at 
Court, were glad to blow the Coale. Besides that magnifying 
the house of Commons (whom Clifford and Arlington Governes) 
did make those persons considerable and of greate power with 
the King, which if the house of Peeres had beene suffered to 
controle them, the Peerage would have lessened theire power 
and interest, and Buckingham and Ashley and the nobles would 
have growne most in the King's esteeme. 

They all agreed to breake with the Lds. in this point. And 
scince chardge the hindrance of it upon the House of 
Peeres and particular Lords there, viz. L d Buckingham, 
L d Ashley, L d Bp. of Rochester, L d Halifax and myselfe; 
and affirme the losse of that bill for 9 yeeres to import the 
Kinge a million of monye; Whereas it is certain the Court 
party in the House of Commons were the losse of it, against 
reason, onely for their owne designe, and very able merchants 
thinke the Kinge has not lost a farthinge by losse of the bill ; 
for in Cromwell's tyme the like bill made not above ^"160,000 
per ann ; whereoff the wine was 80 or 90,000 [] which now is 
a particular act. Oyles, and dienge Commodities were omitted 
in this that were in the old one. High impost, (when stealinge 
Custome was better than the Commerce) would have introduced 
much deceipt ; the farmers of the Customs would have had 
^"60,000 rebate upon pretence of the bill, and besides all this 
the King's plantations would have beene ruined thereby. 

The sugar businesse was the cheife abatement which caused 
this quarrell, and that beinge principally carried out by mee 
(though my Lord Ashley also was fully of the same mind and 
did a good part therin) I shall shew the manner of that pro- 
ceedinge and insert all the papers that passed betweene both 
houses concerninge that affaire, and a discourse of my owne of 
the reason of it. 

When the house of Commons begann to frame this bill of 
excise and determined to chardge the sugars of our owne 
plantations, the Planters were alarmed at it, and presented a 
petition to the Councell of Plantations, whereoff I am President, 
shewing theire discouragement, if not ruine thereby. But wee 
of that Councell were cautious not to meddle with a matter 


dependinge in Parliament, and therefore left the Petitioners to 
complaine and shew theire greevances to the Parliament, 
which they did and all parties were heard by Committees. The 
House of Commons were hard to the planters both in the 
generall impost, but more especially in the proportion sett upon 
Browne sugars and white, wherein it is said there was par- 
tiality to the Refiners (for that there were 8 or 10 refiners of 
sugar members of the House of Commons ; and it is moreover 
talked that the refiners had given greate bribes). 

When the Bill came up to the house of Lds. because my 
place as Presdt. of the Councell of Plantations and the applica- 
tion made there by the planters ; seemed to call mee to the 
Studdy and canvasinge of that matter, I inclined to apply my 
selfe thereunto, but before I tooke one stepp I went to the 
King, because his Majestie's revenue was concerned in the 
case, to Know his pleasure whether I should meddle in it or 
noe ? The Kinge was graciously pleased to expresse to mee 
his concernment that the plantations should not be prejudiced, 
and his trust in my fidelity, and gave mee to exercise my 
owne understandinge about it for his service ; whereupon 
I francly entered into all the considerations and debates 
about it and managed it at the Committees and in the house 
of Peeres. 

And the issue fell onely upon that one point of the proportion 
betweene white and Browne sugar. 

This I was active in accordinge to the best of my under- 
standing, but as to the greate point whether the Lords should 
make any abatement or noe to the bill sent up, I never had 
a thought exercised thereupon ; and if the King or my Lord 
Arlington had forbidden mee to meddle therein, I should never 
have mentioned the particular of the sugar, but if any 
alteration was made in the bill, then that there was reason 
also to alter that of sugar I thought ; I went with full sayle 
accordinge to my Master's service and the leave he had 
given mee. 

The Committee of the Lords (whereoff I was one) after a 
full hearinge of all parties, resolvinge upon the abatement, 
ordered mee to presente a paper I had drawne to the house of 
peeres, as the reasons of theire opinion the which I did and the 
house of Lords approved thereoff, and ordered it to be de- 


livered the house of Commons at the first Conference, which 
was done (by mee also, beinge made one of the Managers) and 
the very originall paper of my owne hand-writing is here 
pasted in. 1 (Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. x., ff. 352-360.) 



July 2, 1671. Upon all the informations I have gotten of 
New England I make up in my owne opinion the result 
followinge : 

That they are att present a numerous and thrivinge people 
and in 20 yeares more are likely (if civill warrs or other acci- 
dents prevent them not) to be mighty rich and powerfull and 
not at all carefull of theire dependance upon old England. 
Whence wee are to feare the inconveniences followinge. 

1. The want of vending our owne manufactures, now carried 
thither (possibly to the value of ^"50,000 per ann). And 
moreover theire servinge the Streights and other parts of the 
world with cloth and the commodities wee serve them with 
and soe our markets abroad will be spoiled both in prise and 
quantity of vent. 

2. The Dependance of our Islands of the Caribees and 
Jamaica upon them. For New England serves them with 
provisions and all wooden utensills, much cheaper then any 
others can. And in likely hood will serve them all other 
manufactures that wee doe. And consequently reape the 
whole benefitt of those colonies. 

3. They will be masters of the Trade of masts, pitch and 
tarr and other beneficiall commodities in Pascatoway river and 
all the northerne colonies. 

I conceive it impossible to prevent wholly theire encrease 
and arrivall at this power, neverthelesse I thinke it were 
advisable to hinder theire growth as much as can be, in order 
whereunto I can find but 2 meanes, viz : 

1 The paper is printed in the Lords' Journals, April 12. 
VOL. II. 22 


1. A law in Parliament againest Transportinge English 
families or persons to any plantations without license of the 
King. At present 40 or 50 families or more goinge yearely 

2. To remoove as many people from New England to our 
southern plantations as may be, where the produce of theire 
labours will not be commodities of the same nature with old 
England to out-trade us withall. 

Our principall care then must be to regulate this people 
and gett as much hand in theire government as wee can, 
to enable us to keepe off prejudice from us as long as 
wee can. 

I take the way of roughnesse and peremptory orders, with 
force to backe them, to be utterly unadviseable. For they are 
already too strong to be compelled. They have 50,000 trained 
bands well armed and disciplined. They have shipps of 
300 Tonns burdens and above 20 Gunns and can build halfe 
a dozen men of warr yearely (if they will) and though I appre- 
hend them yett not at that point to cast us off voluntarily and 
of choise ; yett I beleeve if wee use severity towards them in 
theire Government civill or religious, that they will (being made 
desperate) sett up for themselves and reject us. (I confesse 
as yet informed I doe not in the least apprehend theire need of, 
or disposition to admitt the protection of any other Nation 
either French or Dutch, but if any the French rather of 
the 2, for the likelihood of better usage and power already in 

The onely way that occurrs to mee for the King my Master 
to have power amongst them is by Policye and faire meanes to 
prevent the growing power of the Massachussett Colonye. 

1. One meanes whereoff will be to confine and retrench 
those unlimited bounds they have sett unto themselves by the 
extravagant interpretation of words in theire pattent whereby 
they fetch in all the country to the Norwards as farr as Nova 
Scotia, and cutt off new Albany from the Duke of Yorke's 
country to the Southward. 

2. Another meanes by preservinge and encouraging the 
other Colonies in power and greatnesse, to keepe up a divided 
Interest, in order whereunto the difference betweene the 
Colonies of Rhode Island and Connecticutt about bounds neere 


Pequit river, is to be adjudged to the advantage of Rhode 
Island who else will not be able to subsist as a Colonie wanting 
land upon the maine land, upon which to discharge themselves 
of the numerous people they breed every yeare, and conse- 
quently be lesse able to resist falling under the power and 
Government of the Massachussett Colonye. 

Also in order to this head, I wish Mason's Patent, Gorges' 
Patent, and the Duke of Yorke's at Kinnebeg were united in 
the Kinge as Proprietor and made a distinct Government 
under a sole Governor, or else Commissioners some (or one) 
from hence and another or more that have Interest upon the 
place, and all these of qualifications by noe meanes greevous 
to the Inhabitants. 

Besides the politique end of this new Government I verily 
beleeve by a prudent management the Kinge might herebye 
benefitt himselfe above ^"10000 a yeare in masts and tymber 
for his Navy ; and moreover there is in this province essayes 
of Oare out of mines that 17 oz Thereoff yeilds 4 oz of lead 
and i oz of silver. There may in tyme also be raised some 
revenue out of vacant grounds and woods and the ground rent 
of saw mills, whereoff there be 40 in Pascatoway river and 
divers in the river of Saco and in other streames, and some 
duty might hereafter be raised also out of the fishinge trade 
(the principall or sole management whereoff is on the Coasts 
of this new Province). 

This project I verily beleeve the Massachusett Colonie 
would not oppose ; for the matter of boundaryes is soe equit- 
able and just to be decided by the King, theire Soveraigne and 
Superior, and not fitt nor indeed possible to be setled by equalls 
without warr betweene themselves (which they are almost ripe 
for). And if the Massachusett were displeased, yet the others 
would disgust them for it and be the more tractable to the 
King's commands. Butt by all I have heard of New England 
they agree that the King's authority in this would be obeyed 
and that they are not ripe to oppose the King's pleasure in 
a matter of this nature onely. It is true that formerly they 
did oppose the proceedinges of the Kings Commissioners, but 
it must be considered : 

i. That the persons and qualifications of those Commis- 
sioners (though very worthy and able and faithfull servants 


of his Majesty) yet were diametrically opposite to the Temper 
of that people. 

2. Theire principall point of difference was, the Introducinge 
of a new Court of Appeales in all Causes, and the Case of a 
shipp in issue wherein divers of the principal Governors of the 
Countrey were concerned, and the pretence of thereby losing 
theire Privilege, by grant, to determine all civill causes within 
theire Colonye. 

3. That the Province of Mayn was pretended to by Mr. 
Gorges, a Particular man, of noe greate substance, creditt 
or contrivance to make considerable opposition, (which is a 
principall reason why I insist upon the necessity of having 
the Kinge Proprietor thereoff). 

My opinion therefore is that 2 Commissioners should be sent 
hence to joyne with 2 more chosen out of New England with 
power onely to settle the matter of Boundaries and to have 
private directions to doe in the manner abovesaid. Other 
private directions they might have to guide theire deportment 
for the King's service in the matter of religion and admission 
of persons to the freedome of the Countrye, but cheifly to 
enforme themselves well of the nature of affaires there and 
advise what were most fitt to be done, which would be a 
better ground to proceed upon (perhapps) then any thing wee 
have now before us. 

They should be directed also to preserve the observance of 
the Act of Navigation there. 

To introduce a Government of the King's into Rode Island. 

To encourage the Connecticutt Colonye in theire good affec- 
tion and obedience and power. 

The Qualifications of these Commissioners to be : 

1. Fidelitye to the ends and designe whereupon they are 

2. Prudence and sobrietye, such as may be of esteeme in 
that countrye and by noe meanes averse to them. 

These Commissioners to be sent to Boston for residence. 

A Government or other Commissioners to be sent to Governe 
the province of Mayn, Mason's patent, and Kinnebeg. 

I am also of opinion that the case of New England admitts 
of noe delay or Temporizing without applieng this kind of 
remedie, for they encrease fast every yeare both in people, 


Trade, riches, and multitude of shipps, and will be the apter 
to disobey. Moreover they are now in Possession of those 
northern Countreyes which wee designe to separate from them, 
and they are encroachinge upon Rode Island and the other 
Colonyes and in fine I feare in few yeares, if some prevention 
be not applied, the Massachusetts Colonye will have mastered 
all the rest and then all our policye will come too late to gett a 
footinge in such a powerfull Commonwealth or Monarchy as 
possibly that may be formed into. (Sandwich MSS. Journal, 
vol. x., ff. 430-438.) 


*** In the Index the English proper names have cross references wherever necessary, but 
will mostly be found under the name by which the man is generally known. 

*** The proper names of foreigners are given under the most general forms. 

** References to the footnotes are only given when they contain information which does 
not appear in the text. 

*** Names in the Appendices are not indexed, since most of them occur only in division 

Aachen, Peace of, ii. 146 

Accounts (Commission of). See 
Brooke House 

Act of Recognition, alluded to, i. 1 19 

Admiralty, Mountagu as Commis- 
sioner of, i. 171 

Affonso VI. (King of Portugal) : re- 
ceives Sandwich, i. 202, 211 ; bids 
farewell to Catherine, i. 213 ; his 
character, ii. 120; is deposed, ii. 

African Company (the Royal), ham- 
pered by the Dutch, i. 263 

Agitators, the, obtain control of the 
army, i. 73 

Alarum, 7 he, alluded to, ii. 197 

Albemarle, Duchess of (Anne Monck) : 
imputes cowardice to Sandwich, ii. 
44 ; her death and fortune, ii. 206 

Albemarle, Duke of (George Monck) : 
declines to help Richard Cromwell, 
i. 130; suspected by Fleetwood, 
i. 134 ; apparent submission to the 
Commonwealth, i. 137 ; his charac- 
ter and appearance, i. 161 ; enters 
politics, i. 162 ; demands a free 
Parliament, i. 163 ; defeats Lam- 
bert, i. 168 ; deceives the Rump, 
i. 169 ; supplants Fleetwood, i. 
170; a General-at-Sea, i. 171 ; 
suggested as Protector, i. 172 ; ap- 
proached by the Royalists, i. 174 ; 
supports Mountagu's work, i. 1 76 ; 
dines at Skinners' Hall, i. 177 ; 
anticipates Parliament, i. 183 ; 
created Duke of Albemarle, i. 191 ; 

supports the Portuguese match, i. 
196 ; advocates sale of Dunkirk, 
i. 219 ; as a seaman, i. 266 ; ob- 
jects to the distribution of the 
prize-goods, ii. 8 ; warns Sand- 
wich, ii. ii ; sells the goods, ii. 
13; criticizes Sandwich, ii. 17; 
opens the Hamburg trade, ii. 21 ; 
attacks Sandwich and Penn, ii. 22 
et seqq. ; to go to sea, ii. 23 ; urges 
an inquiry, ii. 27 ; his orders, ii. 
28 ; opposes Sandwich's pardon, 
ii. 29 ; tells Pepys of Sandwich's 
appointment, ii. 44 ; his failure as 
Admiral, ii. 170 et seq. ; suggests 
a match for Hinchingbrooke, ii. 
174; he retires, ii. 189; attacked 
in Parliament, ii. 191 ; his death, 
ii. 206 ; his interest in Jamaica, 
ii. 210 

Alconbury (Hunts), i. 7, 255 

Aldeburgh, i. 298, ii. 272, 280 

Algiers: nest of pirates, i. 198; bom- 
bardment of, i. 200 ; treaty with, 
i. 214 

Alicante, i. 199 

Allin, Thomas (Admiral) : commands 
under Sandwich, i. 270; attacks 
the Smyrna fleet, i. 272 ; com- 
mands as Rear-Admiral, i. 320 et 
seq. ; alluded to, ii. 5 

Alured, Colonel John, takes over 
Mountagu's regiment, i. 138 

Amboyna, massacre at, alluded to, 
i. 273 

Amegial, Battle of, alluded to, ii. 




America. See under Plantations, 

Anabaptists, dismissed their ships, 

i- 175 

Anglesey, Earl of (Arthur Annesley), 
ii. 287 

Anglicans, the, oppose toleration, 
i. 244 

Anjou, Duke of, i. 113 

Anne of Austria (Queen-Mother of 
France), i. 113 

Antwerp, Mountagu hampers trade 
of, i. 104 

Arlington, Lord (Sir Henry Bennet) : 
supplants Clarendon, i 259 ; al- 
luded to, i. 268 ; negotiates with 
De Witt, i. 272 ; alluded to, i. 
321 ; congratulates Sandwich, ii. 
1 1 ; supports him, ii. 30 ; his 
opinion of Fanshaw, ii. 40 ; his 
instructions to Fanshaw, ii. 42 ; 
helps to oust him, ii. 44 ; instructs 
Sandwich, ii. 94, 96 ; supports him 
against Southwell, ii. 137 ; con- 
cerned over precedence, ii. 147 ; 
his rivalry with Buckingham, ii. 
189 ; alluded to, ii. 212 ; leads the 
Court party, ii. 226 ; entertains the 
King, ii. 254 

Army (see also under New Model, 
etc.) : its republican tendencies, 
i. 115 ; opposes hereditary Protect- 
orate, i. 116; deposes Richard 
Cromwell, i. 128 ; quarrels with 
Parliament, i. 160 ; controlled by 
Monck, i. 169 ; supports the "Good 
old Cause," i. 174 

Arnolphin, Abbot, his pamphlet, ii. 
73 et seq. 

Ash (or Ashe), Simeon, alluded to, 
i. 61 

Ashley, Lord. See Cooper, A. A. 

Astorga, ii. 55 

Audley End : compared with Hinch- 
ingbrooke, i. 229; alluded to, ii. 

Austria (see also Habsburg) interested 
in Sandwich's mission, ii. 36 

Aveiro, Duchess of, her presents to 
Sandwich, ii. 150 

Ayscue, George, Admiral, i. 301 ; 
alluded to, ii. 6 ; disowns the prize 
distribution, ii. 9 


Badajoz, ii. 127 

Badiley, Richard, seaman, i. 96 

Bahamas, the, ii. 211 

Baides, Marquess of: Mountagu's 
prisoner, i. 98 et seq. ; alluded to, 
ii. 6 1 ; his jocose play, ii. 89 ; 
talks politics, ii. 95 

Baltic Question (see also under Den- 
mark, Sweden, etc.), i. 120 et 
seqq. ; proposals for settlement of 
recast, i. 141 ; Dutch fleet and, 
i. 151 

Banckers, Adriaen, Lieutenant -Ad- 
miral : out with a squadron, i. 
275 ; alluded to, ii. 25 ; remains in 
the Vlie, ii. 252 ; contains the 
French, ii. 268 et seqq. 

Banda Islands. See Poleroon 

Barbon, Praise-God, opposes Crom- 
well, i. 8 1 

Barbon or " Barebones " Parliament, 
i. 79 et seqq. 

Barnwell Castle, i. 76 

Barnwell (Northants), i. 6 ; Moun- 
tagus buried at, i. 18, ii. 289 

Barnwell, Priory of (Co. Cambs), 
i. 4 

Barnwell, Robert, i. 226 

Barwick, John, i. 158 

Basing House, Mountagu's regiment 
at, i. 72 

Basingstoke, i. 50 

Bath, Earl of. See Grenville, Sir 

Beard, Thomas, i. 14 

Beaufort, Duke of, off Lisbon, ii. 69 

Becke, Betty: attracts Lord Sand- 
wich, i. 245 et seqq. ;. is vindi- 
cated, i. 250 

Becke, Mr., i. 243 

Becke, Mrs., i. 243 

Bedford, i. 27 

Bedminster, i. 66 

Belem (Lisbon), i. 209 

Belt, the, Dutch fleet in, i. 151 

Belvoir, seat of the Rutlands, alluded 
to, i. 88 

Benavente, ii. 57, 59 

Bennet, Sir Henry. See Arlington, 

Bergen : suggested attack on, i. 321 ; 
attacked, i. 327 et seqq. ; the affair 
discussed, i. 330 ; its effect in Eng- 
land, i. 337 ; Sandwich's anxiety 
over, ii. 50 

Berkeley, Sir William, i. 270, i. 301 ; 
takes prize-goods, ii. 4 ; alluded to, 
ii. 5 ; repudiates the distribution, 
ii. 6 

"Beverage wine," i. 295 

Bigot, S. F. See Morogues 

Bilbao, ii. 62 



Birch, John, opposes Cromwell, i. 85 
Birkenhead, Sir John, ii. 229 
" Bishops' War," the, i. 15 
Blake, Robert : General-at-Sea, i. 90 

et seqq. ; supports Meadows at 

Lisbon, i. 94 ; sails for the Straits, 

i. 95 ; in Oeiras Bay, i. 96 ; his 

death, i. 104 

Bland, John : his complaints of Nor- 
wood, ii. 156 ; Mayor-elect of 

Tangier, ii. 158 et seq.; his 

quarrels, ii. 168 
Blandford (Dorset), i. 61 
Blome, Richard, geographer, ii. 232 
Blount, Lady Anne, i. 83 
Bodleian Library, Mountagu's papers 

in, i. 86, ii. 24, 26 

Bohemia, Elizabeth, Queen of, i. 185 
Bolsover Castle, taken, i. 48 
Bombay, cession of, i. 195, 268 
Boone, Thomas, i. 143 ; supports 

Mountagu, i. 149 ; his powers 

questioned, i. 152 
Booth, Sir George, his insurrection, 

i. 155 ; is readmitted to Parlia- 
ment, i. 170 
Bordeaux, M., French ambassador, 

i.8 5 

Boscobel Oak, i. 133 
Boston (Mass.), ii. 216 et seqq. 
Bough ton House (Northants), i. 4 et 

seqq. ; alluded to, ii. 183 
Bougie. See Buzema 
Boulogne, Royalists at, i. 155 
Boyle, Lady Anne. See Hinching- 

brooke, Lady 
Boyle, Richard. See Burlington, 

Boyle, Roger (first Earl of Orrery). 

See Broghill 

Brabant, law of devolution in, ii. 109 
Brackley (Northants), i. ii 
Brahe, Count, visits Mountagu, i. 126 
Brampton (Hunts), i. 7; manor of, 

i. 225, ii. 288 
Brandenburg, involved in the Baltic 

question, i. 125, i. 142 
Bray, Temperance, i. 19 
Breda, i. 177 ; declaration of, i. 179; 

Treaty of, ii. 117 
Brereton, Lord (William Brereton), 

alluded to, ii. 191 
Bressa Sound. See Shetland 
Brest, ii. 252 
Bridgewater, Earl of (John Egerton, 

second Earl), ii. 287 
Bridgewater (Somerset), i. 63 et seqq. 
Bridlmgton Bay, i. 287 
Brienne, or de Brienne, M., i. 85 

Bristol, Earl of (George Digby), im- 
peaches Clarendon, i. 251 et seq. 

Bristol : importance of, in war, i. 
61 ; siege of, i. 66 et seq.; well 
fortified, i. 68 ; stormed, i. 69 et 

Brodrick, Alan, quoted, ii. 26 

Broghill, Lord (Roger Boyle, first 
Earl of Orrery) : is a "kingling," 
i. 101 ; his doubts of Cromwell's 
policy, i. 107 ; alluded to, i. 135 ; 
attacks Ormond, ii. 199 ; opposed 
by the Clarendonians, ii. 200 ; 
alluded to, ii. 227 

Brooke, Captain, commended for gal- 
lantry, ii. 249 

Brooke House Commission, ii. 190 
et seqq. ; a sitting described, ii. 197 ; 
disbanded, ii. 198 

Brouncker, Henry, checks pursuit of 
the Dutch, i. 307 et seqq., ii. 24 

Brouncker, William, Lord, Commis- 
sioner of Prizes, ii. 5 et seqq. 

Bruges, Royalists at, i. 133 

Brussels, Royalists at, i. 133 et seq. 

Brynkley, Anne, Prioress, i. 3 

Buccleuch, Countess of. See Scott, 
Lady Anne 

Buckingham (George Villiers, second 
Duke of) : quarrels with Sandwich, 
i. 194 ; a volunteer, i. 284 ; alluded 
to, i. 293 ; defends Sandwich over 
precedence, ii. 162 ; supplants 
Clarendon, ii. 189; attacks Sand- 
wich, ii. 198 et seq. ; effect of his 
policy, ii. 208 ; stands up for the 
Peers, ii. 226 

Buenos Ayres, trade desired with, 
ii. 113 

Buen Retire (Madrid), Don Juan 
resides at, ii. 1 1 1 

Burdon, Robert, i. 4 

Burgos (near Corunna), ii. 54 

Burlington, Lord (Richard Boyle) : 
his daughter marries Lord Hinch- 
ingbrooke, ii. 178 ; alluded to, ii. 
235, 248 

Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop, his com- 
ments on Bergen, i. 332 

Bury St. Edmunds, i. 22 

Butler, James. See Ormond, Duke of 

Butler, Lord John, courts Mistress 
Mallett, ii. 175 et seqq. 

Buzema (Bougie), Mountagu's inspec- 
tion of, i. 95 

Cabal, the. alluded to, ii. 236 et seqq. 
Cadaval, Duke of, ii. 133 



Cadiz (or Gales) : Mountagu at, i. 92 ; 
Stayner's success at, i. 96 ; our 
frigates at, i. 207, ii. 107, 153 

Calais : Mountagu entertained at, i. 
113 ; Royalists at, i. 155 

Calstock (Cornwall), ii. 288 

Cambridge, University of : the Moun- 
tagus educated at, i. 10 ; purged 
by Manchester, i. 28 ; desires 
Mountagu as member, i. 177 

Cambridgeshire : soldiers drawn from, 
i- 2 5 55 press-gang in, ii. 244 

Campeachy, trade with, ii. 37, no 

Campo, Fernando del, ii. 67, 83 

Can wick (Lincoln), i. 30 

Caracena, Marquess of, ii. 95 

Cardigan, mines of, ii. 211 

Caribees : alluded to, ii. 221 

Carlisle, Earl of (Charles Howard), 
i. 130 

Carlos II. of Spain. See Charles II. 

Carpio (Don Caspar de Haro), Mar- 
ques del : a prisoner in Lisbon, ii. 
125 ; his delicate position, ii. 128 ; 
precedence of, ii. 149 ; his presents 
to Sandwich, ii. 150 

Carrying trade, importance of the, 
ii. 1 02 

Carter Lane, Wardrobe House in, 
i. 241 

Carteret, Sir George : marriage of his 
son, i. 259 ; his warning to Sand- 
wich, ii. 7 ; his house-party, ii. 49 ; 
alluded to, ii. 81 ; acts as match- 
maker, ii. 177 ; attacked over his 
accounts, ii. 198 

Carteret, Lady, alluded to, ii. 50 

Carteret, Lady Jemima (nee Moun- 
tagu), i. 77 n. ; her education, i. 
2 3 2 > 2 39 ft seq.; her marriage, i. 
259 et seqq. ; her married life, ii. 
181 et seq.; alluded to, ii. 290 

Carteret, Philip : his marriage, i. 259 
et seqq. ; his character and pursuits, 
ii. 181 ; his death, ii. 290 

Castel Melhor, Conde de, ii. 57 ; 
negotiates, ii. 58 ; quarrels with 
his Queen, ii. 122 ; his withdrawal, 
ii. 123 

Castel Rodrigo, Marques de, Spanish 
Envoy, ii. 145 

Castlemaine, Lady (Barbara Villiers, 
Duchess of Cleveland), i. 218 ; 
alluded to, i. 252 ; a match-maker, 

" 175 

Catherine of Braganga (Queen of 
Charles II.) : her marriage ar- 
ranged, i. 195 ; receives Sandwich, 
i. 202 ; impatient to leave Lisbon, 

i. 210 ; says farewell, i. 211 ; her 
embarkation, i. 212 ; her voyage, 
i. 213 ; is unhappy, i. 215 ; alluded 
to, i. 239 ; congratulates Sandwich 
over peace, ii. 139 ; receives Sydney 
Mountagu, ii. 160; welcomes Sand- 
wich, ii. 161 ; her Council alluded 
to, ii. 236 ; goes to see the enemy's 
fleet, ii. 256 

Cavaliers (see also Royalists) : plot 
against Cromwell, i. 88 ; have a 
majority in Parliament, i. 179 > 
their later ascendancy, ii. 189 ; 
support Ormond, ii. 199 

Cave, Margaret, Prioress, i. 3. 

Cavestam. See Claverham 

Ceuta, preserved to Spain, ii. 132, 

J 35 

Chancery Lane, alluded to, i. 168 
Charles I. : visits Hinchingbrooke, 
i. 13 ; wars against the Scots, i. 15 ; 
uses Irish soldiers, i. 26 ; his army 
in Berkshire, i. 49 ; at Newbury, 
i. 50 ; marches on Worcester, i. 56 ; 
captures Leicester, i. 57 ; at Market 
Harborough, i. 58 ; defeated at 
Naseby, i. 60 ; hopes to relieve 
Bristol, i. 66 ; exacts hospitality in 
Huntingdon, i. 67 ; a captive at 
Hinchingbrooke, i. 73 ; is executed, 
i. 75 ; his pictures alluded to, ii. 

J 5i 

Charles II. : his adventures, i. 133 ; 
writes to Mountagu, i. 134 ; offers 
to embark in Mountagu's ship, 
i. 139 ; has hopes of Mountagu, 
i. 140 ; his offers to him, i. 141 ; 
moves to Calais, i. 155 ; convinced 
of Mountagu's loyalty, i. 158; 
pamphlet in his favour, i. 159 ; his 
restoration possible, i. 172 ; moves 
to Breda, i. 177 ; his letters to 
Mountagu, i. 178 ; signs the De- 
claration, i. 179 ; further letters 
from, i. 181 ; becomes impatient, 
i. 182 ; moves to the Hague, i. 183 ; 
goes on board the Naseby, i. 185 ; 
is restored to England, i. 186 ; his 
marriage arranged, i. 195 et seqq. ', 
his courtship, i. 209 ; his marriage 
unhappy, i. 215 ; his debts, i. 218 ; 
his generosity, i. 257 ; angers the 
Dutch, i. 264 ; his naval know- 
ledge, i. 267 ; his strategical instruc- 
tions, i. 282 ; appreciates Sandwich, 
i. 310 ; plans the Bergen affair, 
i. 319; acquiesces in laying up the 
fleet, ii. 14 ; his orders, ii. 23 ; sup- 
ports Sandwich, ii. 31, 44 et seqq. ; 



his secret treaty with Louis, ii. 109 ; 
urges Spain to make peace at 
Aachen, ii. 145 ; obsessed with 
precedence, ii. 147 el seqq. ; seems 
friendly to Sandwich, ii. 160 et seqq. ; 
his political subtlety, ii. 200 ; com- 
poses the difference between the 
Houses, ii. 202 ; signs the Treaty of 
Dover, ii. 208 ; his interest in trade, 
ii. 210 ; his anti-Dutch policy, 
ii. 238 et seqq. ; his strategical 
advice, ii. 250 et seqq. 
Charles II., of Spain : his ill-health, 
Ii. 36 ; his accession, ii. 41 ; his 
appearance, ii. 63 

Charles X., of Sweden, i. 120; be- 
sieges Copenhagen, i. 124 ; is 
aggressive, i. 125 ; receives Moun- 
tagu, i. 127 ; is troubled at Crom- 
well's downfall, i. 130 ; his grati- 
tude to Mountagu, i. 142 ; opposed 
to the Commonwealth, i. 146 ; his 
presents to Mountagu, i. 154 
Chatham, fleet off, i. no; dockyards 

at, ii. 21 

Chelsea : Sandwich resides there, i. 
243 et seqq. ; Lady Paulina's death 
there, ii. 184 

Chester, seized by Booth, i. 155 
Cholmley, Sir Hugh, builds the mole 

at Tangier, ii. 155 
Christ's College, Cambridge, i. 10 
Churchfield (near Oundle), lands at, 

i. 225 

Civil War : opening of, i. 26 et seqq. ; 
, campaign of Naseby, i. 56 et seqq. ; 
the first ends and second begins, 
i. 74 et seq. 

Clarendon, Earl of (Edward Hyde) : 
his account of Mountagu, i. 20 ; 
his loyalty to the Stewarts, i. 132 : 
approaches Mountagu, i. 134 et 
seqq. ; proposes to visit him, i. 141 ; 
is assured of his help, i. 158, 173 ; 
his friendship for Sandwich, i. 199 ; 
negotiates the sale of Dunkirk, 
i. 220 ; bears the blame, i. 221 ; 
plans an ice-house at Hinching- 
brooke, i. 230 ; represents uni- 
formity of religion, i. 244 ; is un- 
popular, i. 251 ; his comments on 
the Bergen affair, i. 331 et seqq. ; is 
colder to Sandwich, ii. 20 ; becomes 
more friendly again, ii. 24, 29 ; 
esteems him, ii. 45 ; his downfall 
predicted, ii. 81 ; is a match-maker, 
ii. 175 ; his downfall, ii. 189 ; al- 
luded to, ii. 206 ; his colonial ad- 
ministration, ii. 217 et seq.; his 

opinion of Sandwich, ii. 292 et 

Clarendonians, the, alluded to, ii. 199 
et seq. 

Claverham (near Bristol), given in 
Thomason Tracts as Cavestam, 
i. 66 

Claypole (or Claypoole), Elizabeth, 
alluded to, i. 98 

Clercke, Mr., his burial in Madrid, 
ii. 152 

Clifford, Sir Thomas : sails to Bergen, 
i. 231 ; arrives there, i. 327 ; his 
negotiations, i. 328 ; defends Sand- 
wich, ii. 193 ; leads the Court 
Party, ii. 226 

Clifton, burned by Rupert, i. 66 

Clubmen, i. 61 et seqq. ; subdued at 
Sherborne, i. 65 

Cocke, Captain George, purchases 
prize-goods, ii. 8 ; their value, ii. 31 

Cockpit (Whitehall), ii. 22 

Colbert, Jean Baptiste (French finan- 
cier), ii. 97, 238 

Colliers, not to be pressed, i. 295 

Cologne, Royalists at, i. 133 

Colonies (see also Plantations), govern- 
ment of, ii. 215 

Colston, Henry, letter quoted, ii. 61 

Commission upon Accounts. See 
Brooke House Commission 

Commissioners for Prizes, ii. 4 et seqq. 

Committee of Both Kingdoms : has 
charge of the war, i. 48, 49 ; gives 
the conduct to Fairfax, i. 58 

Committee of Safety, 1659 (see also 
Republicans) : despair of Moun- 
tagu, i. 140 ; wish for the fleet's 
return, i. 147 ; denounce Moun- 
tagu, i. 157 

Commons, House of (see also Parlia- 
ment) : their factious attitude, ii. 
188 ; differences over privilege, ii. 
202 ; Bill to prohibit growth of 
home tobacco, ii. 214 ; their dispute 
with the Lords, ii. 223 et seqq. 

Commonwealth (1649), early diffi- 
culties of, i. 78; (1659) policy 
towards the Dutch, i. 147. See 
also *' Rump " 

Connecticut, ii. 222 

Constitution (see also Parliament, 
etc.) : to be an hereditary protec- 
torate, i. 101 ; varieties of, in 1659, 
i. 161 ; changed at the Restoration, 
i. 190 

Conventicle Act, i. 244 

Cooke, Henry (musician), alluded to, 
i. 244 



Cooper, Anthony Ashley (Lord Ash- 
ley, and Earl of Shaftesbury) : 
supports Cromwell, i. 81 ; Com- 
missioner of the Treasury, i. 83 ; 
his lodgings, i. 167 ; his letters to 
Mountagu, i. 177 ; his interest in 
trade, ii. 211, 224; supports the 
King's policy, ii. 240 ; at Sand- 
wich's funeral, ii. 287 

Copenhagen : besieged by Charles X., 
i. 1 20 ; attempt to relieve the 
place, i. 121 ; the siege continued, 
i. 124 ; harbour cleared of com- 
batants, i. 127 ; Mountagu's ad- 
venture in, i. 144 ; alluded to, ii. 38 

Cordall, or Cordell (Lowd), Sand- 
wich's steward, ii. 286 

Cornwall, press-gang in, ii. 245 

Coronation of Charles II., i. 194 

Cortenaar, Egbert Meussen (Dutch 
Lieut.-Admiral), killed at Lowes- 
toft, i. 305 

Cortes (the Portuguese Assembly), ii. 
123, 131 

Corunna, ii. 52, 53, 107 

Cotehele (Cornwall), ii. 288 

Cotterell, Sir Charles, ii. 287 

Cotterell, Clement, Sandwich's 
friend, ii. 185, 235, 249, 277 et 
seq., 292 

Council for Trade, its maxims, ii. 214 

Council of Officers, i. 79 

Council of State (Cromwell's): governs 
England, i. 82 ; delegates its power 
to Monck, i. 163 ; supplants Com- 
mittee of Safety, i. 170; approves 
of certain captains, i. 176 

Country party, ii. 226 

Court party, ii. 226 

Covenant (the National) imposed on 
Cambridge, i. 28 

Coventry, Henry, attacks Sandwich, 
ii. 193 ; alluded to, ii. 228 

Coventry, Sir William : on board the 
Naseby, i. 184 ; intrigues against 
Sandwich, i. 216, 265 et seq.; 
issues naval orders, i. 275; active 
over the Dutch war, i. 279 ; con- 
siders our strategy, i. 282 et seq. ; 
his amours, i. 294 ; outlines the 
plan against Bergen, i. 319; de- 
plores the lack of provisions, i. 338 ; 
busied over the prize-goods, ii. 7 ; 
advises setting out the fleet, ii. 15 
et seq. ; suggests a squadron for 
Guinea, ii. 16 ; criticizes Sandwich, 
ii. 17 ; his orders, ii. 21 ; advocates 
alliance with Spain, ii. 43 ; quarrels 
with James, ii. 171 ; sides with 

Rupert, ii. 193 ; attacks Sandwich, 
ii. 193 ; his jealousy of Sandwich, 
ii. 294 

Cox, Sir John (seaman) : his error at 
Solebay, ii. 263 ; alluded to, ii. 265 ; 
his death, ii. 282 

Coyet, Monsieur (Swedish envoy), 
visits Mountagu, i. 126 

Cranbourne Lodge, Cateret's resi- 
dence, ii. 49 

Crawford, Earl of. See Lindsay 

Crawford, Lawrence : soldier in Man- 
chester's army, i. 25 ; storms Hilles- 
den, i. 29 ; fires a mine at York, i. 
37 ; fights at Marston Moor, i. 40 
et seqq. ; takes Sheffield, i. 47 ; his 
difficulties with the Independents, 
i. 49 

Creed, John : with Mountagu in Den- 
mark, i. 123 ; begs Mountagu to 
return to politics, i. 164; "ser- 
vant " to Sandwich, i. 226 ; looks 
after the young ladies, i. 240 ; 
visits Sandwich at Chelsea, i. 243 ; 
gossips about him, i. 245 et seqq. ; 
warns Sandwich of Parliament's 
temper, ii. 194 

Crew (or Crewe), family of, i. 19 

Crew, Jemima. See Sandwich, 
Countess of 

Crew, John (afterwards Lord Crew 
of Stene) : i. 19 ; influences Moun- 
tagu, i. 20 ; has custody of 
Charles I., i. 73; a secluded 
member, i. 75 ; retires, i. 76 ; 
refuses to sit among Cromwell's 
Lords, i. 108 ; added to the new 
Council, i. 171 ; his schemes at the 
Restoration, i. 173 ; goes to the 
Hague, i. 183 ; refuses to gossip 
about Sandwich, i. 246 ; his anxiety 
over him, ii. 162 ; arranges a 
Mountagu marriage, ii. 178 ; his 
warning to Sandwich, ii. 193 

Crew, Lady, i. 259 

Crew, Lord. See John Crew. 

Crew, Sir Thomas (the elder), i. 19 

Crew, Thomas, i. 77 

Crisp, Laud, i. 226 ; alluded to, ii. 

Cromwell, Sir Henry, "The Golden 
Knight," i. 4 

Cromwell, Sir Henry, alluded to, i. 8 

Cromwell, Henry (son of Oliver) : on 
the Council of State, i. 83 ; declares 
against the Commonwealth, i. 136; 
submits, i. 137 ; alluded to, ii. 206 

Cromwell, Sir Oliver, sells Hinching- 
brooke, i. 5 



Cromwell, Oliver (Lord Protector) : 
legend concerning, i. 13 ; supports 
burgesses of Huntingdon, i. 21 ; 
influences Mountagu, i. 21 ; comes 
to Huntingdon, i. 22 ; his choice 
of officers, i. 25 ; wins Winceby, i. 
27 ; at Lincoln, i. 32 ; at Marston 
Moor, i. 40 et seqq. ; quarrels with 
Manchester, i. 45 et seq. ; indicts 
Manchester, i. 51 ; in the New 
Model, i. 58 ; at Naseby, i. 58 et 
seqq.; woos the Clubmen, i. 61 ; 
at Bristol, i. 71 ; takes Basing, i. 
72 ; his difficulties with the army, 
i. 73 ; outwits the Scots, i. 73 ; 
tries to court Mountagu, i. 77 ; 
wins Dunbar and Worcester, i. 78 ; 
nominates a Parliament, i. 79; 
wins over Mountagu, and advances 
him, i. 80 et seqq. ; endeavours to 
propitiate Parliament, i. 81 ; dis- 
solves it, i. 82 ; installed as Lord 
Protector, i. 82; discontent with 
his rule, i. 85 ; dissolves his second 
Parliament, i. 86 ; threats against 
him, i. 87 ; his foreign policy, i. 
89 ; discusses Jamaica, i. 90 ; 
desires Gibraltar, i. 92 ; sanctions 
an attempt on the Brazil fleet, i. 94 ; 
his orders to Blake, i. 97 ; his 
kindness to a prisoner, i. 99 ; the 
question of his kingship, i. 101 ; 
his installation as hereditary Pro- 
tector, i. 102 ; allies with France, 
i. 103 ; supports Mountagu over the 
right of search, i. 104 ; his Upper 
House, i. 106 et seqq. ; dissolves 
Parliament, i. no; obtains Dun- 
kirk, i. in; his death, i. 114; 
his funeral, i. 117 ; his Baltic 
policy discussed, i. 121 ; his body 
disinterred, i. 193 ; alluded to, ii. 
1 88 

Cromwell, Sir Richard (d. 1546), 
owner of Hinchingbrooke, i. 4 

Cromwell, Richard (Lord Protector) : 
at his father's installation, i. 103 ; 
succeeds Oliver, i. 114; his char- 
acter, i. 115 ; strengthens his 
Council, i. 118; his first Parlia- 
ment, i. 119; his downfall, i. 128; 
his downfall hastens the Restora- 
tion, i. 133 ; retires to Hursley, i. 
136; writes to Mountagu, i. 157; 
his restoration suggested, i. 172 

Crowland (or Croyland), taken by 
Rupert, i. 29 

Culpeper, Thomas (Royalist), has 
hopes of Mountagu, i 136 

Cuttance, Roger : Sandwich's captain, 
i. 301 ; alluded to, ii. 5 ; his 
influence over Sandwich, ii. 6 ; 
mismanages the prize-goods affair, 
ii. 195 

Cutts, Sir John, woos Lady Jemima 
Mountagu, i. 259 


Dakings, Captain, dismissed from the 
Worcester, i. 175 

Dalkeith, alluded to, ii. 174 

Daventry (Northants), Lambert de- 
feated at, i. 177 

Deal, rejoicings at, i. 177, 180 

Declaration of Indulgence ', The, ii. 

De Jacquidres, M. ; tutors Lord Sand- 
wich's sons, i. 234 

Delinquents, attacked by the Com- 
monwealth, i. 80 

Denmark, King of. See Frederick III. 

Denmark : signs a treaty with Crom- 
well, i. 90; relations with Sweden, 
i. 1 20 ; her policy uncertain, i. 
127 ; attempts to coerce her, i. 
141 ; slow in treating, i. 154 

De Praia, M. : tutors Lord Sandwich's 
sons, i. 235 et seqq. ; his dismissal 
discussed, ii. 173 ; alluded to, ii. 

De Rabesnieres (Admiral), ii. 260 

Derby, Countess of (Charlotte Stan- 
ley), defends Lathom, i. 38; is a 
delinquent, i. 80 

De Ruyter (Michel, Dutch Admiral) : 
approaches the Sound, i. 124; 
proposes to join Opdam, i. 127 ; 
arrives in the Sound, i. 142 ; 
watches Sandwich off Algiers, i. 
201 ; sails for Africa, i. 272 ; is 
expected home, i. 288 ; attempts to 
intercept him, i. 289 ; his return 
imminent, i. 315 I his journey and 
arrival, i. 323 et\seqq.; takes com- 
mand of the fleet, i. 337 ; is at 
Bergen, i. 340; commands in the 
third war, ii. 243 ; leaves the Texel, 
ii. 252, 255 et seqq. ; efficiency of 
his scouts, ii. 263 ; fights us at 
Solebay, ii. 268 et seqq. ; collects 
his scattered fleet, ii. 280 ; his 
opinion of the battle, ii. 281 

Desborough. See Disbrowe 

D'Estrades, Comte. See Estrades 

D'Estrees (French Admiral), ii. 253 
et seq., 260 ; his story of a Council, 
ii. 264 ; his squadron, ii. 266 ; 



his part at Southwold Bay, ii. 

Devizes, Royalists at, i. 6 1 

Devolution, law of, ii. 109 ; war of, 
ii. no; its effect on diplomacy, 
ii. 116 

De Witt, Johan (Grand Pensionary 
of Holland), tries to conciliate 
England, i. 272 ; inspires the 
Dutch, i. 297 ; his joy over De 
Ruyter's return, i. 325 ; re-estab- 
lishes discipline, i. 337 ; sends for 
the East fndiamen, i. 339 ; in- 
spires the Dutch resistance, ii. 242 
et seq. ; his strategical ideas, ii. 
251 ; is present at Solebay, ii. 268 

Digby, Hon. Francis, ii. 257 ; his 
death, ii. 272, 282 

Disbrowe (or Desborough or Des- 
borow), John : on Cromwell's com- 
mittees, i. 83 ; a "kingling," i. 
101 ; opposes Richard Cromwell, 
i. 115 ; forwards the "good old 
Cause,"i. 116 ; quarrels with Moun- 
tagu, i. 118; deposes Richard 
Cromwell, i. 128, 135 

Dissenters (see also Toleration, 
Sects, etc.) : sympathize with the 
Dutch, i. 274 ; pacified by the 
Declaration of Indulgence, ii. 241 

Dogger Bank, the, a strategical 
position, i. 317, 321 et seq.; ii. 
259, 262 

Doncaster, regiments at, i. 34, 47 

Don Juan (son of Philip IV.), ii. in ; 
his music, ii. 112; his talk with 
Sandwich, ii. 113 ; his policy un- 
certain, ii. 115 

Donnington Castle, relieved by 
Royalists, i. 50 

Dorset, Earl of (Charles Sackville), 
his song alluded to, i. 294 

Dover : Mountagu as freeman of, i. 
177 ; scenes at the Restoration, 
i. 1 86 ; Mountagu elected for, i. 
192 ; Lord Hinchingbrooke mem- 
ber for, ii. 289 

Dover Castle, ii. 256 

Dover, Treaty of, ii. 208 

Downing, Sir George : on board the 
Naseby, i. 184 ; protests against 
piracies, i 263 ; exasperates the 
Dutch, i. 272 ; proposes an attack 
in the Texel, i. 291 ; advocates 
ship-building, i. 297 ; his house 
threatened, i. 307 ; alluded to, ii. 
240, 242 

Downs, the, fleets in, i. 104, 176; 
". 253 

Dresden, alluded to, ii. 2 

Dunbar, Battle of, alluded to, i. 78 

Dunes, Battle of, i. 1 1 1 

Dungeness, ii. 253 

Dunkirk : to be ceded to England, 
i. 103 ; Mountagu hampers trade 
there, i. 104; attacked and taken, 
i. no; sale of, i. 218 et seqq.; the 
sale causes discontent, i. 221 ; 
Mountagu's opinion of the place, 
i. 222 ; alluded to, ii. 50, 206 

"Dunkirk House," i. 221 

Dunwich, alluded to, i. 298 ; ii. 278 

Du Plessis, M., the famous Academy 
of, i. 234 

Du Plessis, Marechal, ii. 207 

Du Quesne, Abraham, French Ad- 
miral, ii. 260 

Durham, the Mountagus associated 
with, ii. 289 et seq. 

Durham, University of, ii. 293 

Dutch (United Provinces, Holland, 
etc.) : our wars with, alluded to, 
i. 89; they ignore neutrality, i. 104, 
113; danger of war with, i. 114; 
their Baltic policy, i. 121 et seqq.; 
assist Denmark, i. 124; improved 
relations with the Commonwealth, 
i. 141 ; try to force peace, i. 145 ; 
play for their own hand, i. 147 ; 
decline to dismiss their ships, i. 
151 ; hope to coerce Charles X., 
i. 154 ; object to Mountagu, i. 156; 
jealous of England, i. 196 ; oppose 
the cession of Tangier, i. 201 ; our 
rivalry and war with, i. 262 et seqq.; 
object to the salute, i. 269 ; put to 
sea, i. 271 ; feeling against England, 
i. 273 ; complain of the war, i. 275 ; 
their fleet, i. 286 et seqq.; put to sea, 
i. 297 ; are defeated off Lowestoft, 
i. 301 et seqq.; welcome De Ruyter, 
i. 324 ; threaten our coasts, ii. 13 ; 
driven back by storms, ii. 20 ; their 
gains from Spain, ii. 37 ; their carry- 
ing trade, ii. 47 ; effect of our vic- 
tories upon, ii. 74 ; our further 
quarrels with, ii. 238 et seqq.; sug- 
gested agreement with, ii. 240 ; 
endeavour to appease Charles, ii. 
242 ; prepare for war, ii. 243 ; their 
vessels attacked, ii. 245 ; their in- 
dignation, ii. 246 ; war declared, 
ii. 247 ; propose a raid on the 
Thames, ii. 251 el seq.; their fleet 
off Kent, ii. 255; their movements, 
ii. 261 ; fight the Battle of Sole- 
bay, ii. 262 et seqq. ; their losses, 
ii. 282 



East Anglia : civil war in, i. 26 ; 
violent elections in, i. 84 

East India Company: purchase prize- 
goods, ii. ii ; advantages under 
Sandwich's treaty, ii. 101 et seqq.; 
his assistance to, ii. 152 

East Indiamen, the Phanix and 
Slothony, ii. 4 et seqq., 195 et seqq. 

Eastern Association : its formation, 
i. 21 ; in danger, i. 27 et seq. 

Edgcumbe, Lady Anne (daughter of 
Lord Sandwich), i. 232, 240; her 
marriage, ii. 235, 290 

Edgcumbe, Philip, his letters quoted, 
ii. 283 

Edgcumbe, Sir Richard, his marriage, 

" 235 

Elizabeth, Queen, visits Hinching- 
brooke, i. 5 

El Pardo, ii. 256 

Elsinore : fleet at, i. 123 ; Commis- 
sioners at, i. 144 

Ely, i. 21 ; riotous elections at, i. 84 

Embrun, Archbishop of: his policy, 
ii. 67 et seq.; desires a Junta, ii. 82; 
his alarm, ii. 95 ; leaves Madrid, 
ii. no 

England (see also under Constitution, 
Parliament, etc.) : intervenes in the 
Baltic, i. 120, 145 ; condition of, in 
1659, i. 159; varied government 
in, i. 161 ; rivalry with Holland, 
i. 262 et seqq.; exacts salutes, i. 
269; anti-Dutch feeling in, i. 273 ; 
alarmed by the Dutch, ii. 21 ; rela- 
tions of, with Spain, ii. 34 ; gains 
from Spain, ii. 37 ; needs allies, 
ii. 43 ; draft treaty with Spain, ii. 
47 ; commercial policy of, ii. 113 ; 
her attitude to the colonies, ii. 215 ; 
her spheres of influence discussed, 
ii. 240; declares war on Holland, 
ii. 247 

Epsom, alluded to, ii. 195 

Erith, alluded to, i. 174 ; prize-goods 
there, ii. 5, et seqq. 

Erwin, Lady, alluded to, ii. 234 

Escurial, the, ii. 55, 250 

Essex, Earl of (Arthur Capel), ii, 287 

Essex, Earl of (Robert Devereux): 
commands Parliament's forces, i. 17 ; 
defeated at Lostwithiel, i. 49 ; his 
army merged in the new mode), 
i- 54 

Estrades, Comte d', negotiates the 
sale of Dunkirk, i. 220, et seqq. 

Estremos, ii. 127 

Evelyn, John : on Sandwich's charac- 

ter, i. 251 ; as Commissioner of 
prizes, i. 315 ; Commissioner, ii. n ; 
supports Sandwich, ii. 19 ; on the 
Council of Plantations, ii. 212 ; his 
farewell to Sandwich, ii. 248 ; his 
opinion of Sandwich, ii. 293, et seq. 

Evertzen, Jan, Dutch Vice-Admiral, 
i. 306 et seq. 

Eynsbury, or Eynesbury (Hunts), 
i. 87, ii. 288 

Fairfax, Ferdinando, Lord : joins the 
Scots, i. 30 ; besieges York, i. 35 ; 
holds Yorkshire, i. 44 

Fairfax, Sir Thomas : at Marston 
Moor, i. 40 et seqq. ; commands 
the New Model, i. 55 ; takes the 
field, i. 56 ; besieges Oxford, i. 57 ; 
raises the siege, i. 58 ; defeats the 
Royalists at Naseby, i. 58 et seqq. ; 
marches on Taunton, i. 60 ; wins 
over the Clubmen, i. 61 ; outwits 
Goring, i. 62 ; besieges Bridgewater, 
i. 63 et seqq.; garrisons the place, 
i. 65 ; resolves to storm Bristol, 
i. 66 ; demands its surrender, i. 69 ; 
takes the place, i. 69 et seqq. 

Falconberg, or Fauconberg, Lord 
(Thomas Belasyse) : opposes the 
Republicans, i. 118; alluded to, 
i. 130 

Falmouth, Earl of (Charles Berkeley) : 
a volunteer, i. 293 ; his death alluded 
to, i. 310 n. 

Fanshaw, Anne (Lady Fanshaw) : her 
character, ii. 38 ; indignant with 
Sandwich, ii. 60 ; leaves Spain, 
ii. 61 

Fanshaw, Sir Richard : draws up 
Sandwich's patent, i, 191 ; goes 
to Lisbon, i. 202 ; his character, 
ii. 38 ; sent to Madrid, ii. 39 ; his 
work there, ii. 40 ; accepts a pro- 
tocol, ii. 41 ; mismanages affairs, 
ii. 42 et seqq. ; his treaty incon- 
venient, ii. 46 ; signs the treaty, 
ii. 47 ; his revocation proposed, 
ii. 48 ; receives Sandwich, ii. 56 ; 
his mission to Lisbon, ii. 57 et seq. ; 
returns to Madrid, ii. 58 ; with- 
draws, ii. 59 ; explains his treaty, 
ii. 60 ; his death, ii. 61 ; his treaty 
discussed, ii. 106 

Federico of Antwerp, paintings by, 
i. 242 

Feli9iano, his portrait of Sandwich, 
ii. 141 

Feriers, Captain William : appreciates 


Sandwich's gallantry, i. 311 ; a 
good draughtsman, ii. 172 ; his 
description of the Brooke House 
Commission, ii. 197 

Fiennes, Nathaniel, supports Richard 
Cromwell, i. 115 

Fifth Monarchists, the : irreconcilable 
to Cromwell, i. 81 ; their influence 
in the army, i. 117 

Finch, Captain, ii. 264 

Finch, Sir Heneage, ii. 196 ; his in- 
flammatory speech, ii. 228 et seq. 

Five Mile Act, the, i. 244 

Flag, the, salute of, i. 269, ii. 241, 

Flamborough Head, i. 274, 336 

Fleetwood, Charles : gives evidence 
against Manchester, i. 51 ; a 
colonel in the New Model, i. 55 ; 
enters Parliament, i. 72 ; desires 
a quiet settlement of the country, 
i. 81 ; opposes Richard Cromwell, 
i. 115; is appointed General, i. 
116; quarrels with Mountagu, i. 
118; outwits Richard, i. 128; 
doubtful of Mountagu, i. 134 ; de- 
poses Richard Cromwell, i. 135 ; 
supports Lambert, i. 159; deprived 
of his post, i. 161 

Flekkero, i. 323 

Flushing, i. 274 et seq. 

Folkestone, ii. 255 

France (see also Mazarin, Louis XIV., 
etc.) : allies with Cromwell, i. 90, 
103 ; attacks Dunkirk, i. 1 10 ; 
intervenes in the Baltic, i. 141 ; 
prepares to aid the Royalists, i. 
155 ; purchases Dunkirk, i. 219 
et seqq. ; threatens alliance with 
Holland, ii. 34 ; her policy in 
Portugal, ii. 35 ; hampers Spain, 
ii. 37 J hampers our negotiations 
there, ii. 76 ; leagues with Portu- 
gal, ii. 97 ; makes war on Spain, 
ii. no ; her position in Lisbon 
weakened, ii. 124; aggressive to- 
wards Spain, ii. 144 ; her treaties 
with England, ii. 207 et seq. ; 
declares war on Holland, ii. 247 ; 
her fleet does little at Southwold 
Bay, ii. 280 

Tranche Comte, taken from Spain, 

ii. 144 

Frederick III. (King of Denmark) : 
opposes intervention in the Baltic, 
i. 142 ; his policy, i. 154 et seqq. ; 
agrees to help us at Bergen, i. 318 
et seqq. ; his plan miscarries, i. 
331 ; he plays us false, i. 334 

Fuengirola Bay (or Fangerol Bay), i. 

Fuller, Thomas, describes Hinching- 

brooke, i. 228 
Fuller, William, tutors Lord Hinch- 

ingbrooke, i. 233 
Fulwood, Jervis, chaplain at Hinch- 

ingbrooke, ii. 173 

Gainsborough, Manchester's army at, 

i- 34 

Galicia, Governor of, ii. 52 

Geneva, Lord Hinchingbrooke at. 

George Inn (Huntingdon), i. 14 

Ghailan (a chieftain) opposes the 
cession of Tangier, i. 206 

Gibbons, Christopher, organist of 
Westminster, i. 243 

Gibraltar : Mountagu's survey of, 
i. 92 ; his design rejected, i. 95 

Gloucestershire, tobacco grown in, 
ii. 214 

Godfrey, Mr., Customs officer, ii. 28 
et seq. 

Godmanchester, i. 225 

Godolphin, Sir William : Sandwich's 
secretary in Madrid, ii. 51 ; present 
at the conferences, ii. 67 ; is 
industrious, ii. 93 ; "a great 
Minister," ii. 108 ; defends Sand- 
wich, ii. 149 ; visits Hinching- 
brooke, ii. 162 

Goodson (or Goodsonn), William : 
Mountagu's Vice-Admiral, i. 123 ; 
watches the Dutch, i. 124 ; is loyal 
to Mountagu, i. 151, 156 

Goodwin Sands, the, ii. 256, 258 

Goree, alluded to, ii. 264 

Gorges, Ferdinando, ii. 212, 218 

Gorges, Richard, ii. 212, 219 

Goring, George, Lord : at Marston 
Moor, i. 39 et seq. ; hopes to pro- 
tect Bristol, i. 62 ; defeated at Lang- 
port, i. 63 ; to join the King, i. 66 

Gramont (or Grammont), Comte de, 
ii. 207 

Grand Remonstrance, the, i. 16 

Gravelines, to be taken by France, 
i. 103 

Gravesend, i. 174 

Greenwich, i. 240 

Gregory, Captain, alluded to, i. 306 

Gregory, William (musician), suite of, 
ii. 112 

Grenville, Sir John (afterwards Earl 
of Bath), i. 182, ii. 287 



Grey, Thomas, of Werke, ii. 212 
Grime (or Grimes), Mark, Lieutenant- 
Colonel, quells a mutiny at Hen- 

le y i- 53 

Guinea, alluded to, ii. 17 

Guinea Company, ii. 211 

Guldenlew, Baron de (Danish Am- 
bassador), i. 332 

Gunfleet Sand, i. 280, i. 293 

Guzman. Don Anielo de (Marques de 
Eliche), a Spanish prisoner, ii. 136 


Habsburgs (see also Austria), in- 
terested in Spanish affairs, ii. 36, 92 

Haddock, Sir Richard (Sandwich's 
captain), ii. 263, 274 et seqq. 

Hague, The : Royalists at, i. 133, 183 

Halifax, Viscount. See Savile, Sir 

Hamburg, convoys for, ii. 21 

Hammond, Colonel Robert: sup- 
porter of Cromwell, i. 46; in the 
New Model, i. 55 ; at Bridgewater, 
i. 64; at the taking of Bristol, 
i. 70 ; carries the news to Parlia- 
ment, i. 71 

Hampstead, Sandwich has a house 
there, ii. 187 

Hampton Court: alluded to, i. 114 ; 
for sale, i. 136 

Hanging Houghton (Northants), i. 6 

Hannam, Captain, i. 285 

Harbord, Sir Charles (the elder), at 
Sandwich's funeral, ii. 287 

Harbord, Sir Charles (the younger) : 
is at Bergen, i. 327 ; in Sandwich's 
retinue, ii. 51 ; visits Hinching- 
brooke, ii. 162 ; his drawings al- 
luded to, ii. 172; becomes Sand 
wich's confidant, ii. 185 ; alluded 
to, ii. 234, 249 ; his death, ii. 277 
et seq. 

Harman, Sir John (seaman), i. 301 ; 
slackens his vessel, i. 307 et seq. ; 
alluded to, ii. 3, 5, 260 

Harrison, Thomas, Major : expels the 
" Rump," i. 79 ; opposes Crom- 
well, i. 81 ; is executed, i. 193 

Harwich, alluded to, i. 293 ; ii. 27, 
263, 284 et seqq. 

Haselrig (or Hesilrige), Sir Arthur : 
his evidence against Manchester, 
i. 51 ; supports the Commonwealth, 
i. 130 ; returns to politics, i. 160 ; 
welcomes Monck, i. 169 

Hatton, Christopher, a Royalist, 
i. 132 

Haynes, or Hawnes (Bedfordshire), 
ii. 181 

Helston (Cornwall), alluded to, ii. 
1 60 

Hemington (Northants), i. 6 

Henley, Mountagu as Governor of, 
i. 52 et seqq. 

Henrietta Anne (Duchess of Orleans) : 
in England, i. 193 ; receives Lord 
Hinchingbrooke, i. 239 ; makes 
mischief, ii. 148 ; brings over the 
Treaty of Dover, ii. 206 ; her death 
alluded to, ii. 207 

Henrietta Maria (Queen of Charles I.) : 
leaves England, i. 193 ; prevents a 
duel, i. 194 ; returns to England, 
i. 217 ; sails for France, i. 315 ; 
alluded to, ii. 206 

Henry, Duke of Gloucester, comes on 
board the Naseby, i. 183 

Herbert, James (Royalist), alluded 
to, i. 137 

Herbert, Sir Thomas, i. 73 

Herefordshire, Royalist rising in, 

i- J 55 

Heron, John, ii. 30 
Herrera, Sebastian, his pictures at 

Hinchingbrooke, ii. 150 
Herring Fisheries, Pepys on Com- 

mittee of, i. 249 

Hill, a merchant family, ii. 10 
et seq 

Hillesden House, storming 

. 105 
ing of, i. 


Hinchingbrooke (Huntingdon), i. i ; 
offered to James I., i. 5 ; bought by 
the Mountagus, i. 12 ; James I. at, 
i. 5 et seqq.; Charles I. at, i. 13 
et seqq. ; he exacts hospitality there, 
i. 67 ; is a prisoner there, i. 73 ; 
Mountagu's retirement at, i. 106, 
167 ; the preserves round, i. 225 ; 
rebuilt by Sandwich, i. 226 et seqq. ; 
terrace at, i. 229 ; house party at, 
i. 253 ; expensive upkeep of, i. 255 ; 
warrants at, ii. 10 ; prize-goods 
sent there, ii. 28 ; portraits at, 
ii. 150; Sandwich returns there, 
ii. 162 ; Anne Wortley housed there, 
ii. 234 

Hinchingbrooke, Lady (Anne Boyle) : 
her portion, ii. 177 ; her appearance 
and character, ii. 180; her death, 
ii. 288 

Hinchingbrooke, Viscount (Edward 
Mountagu, second Earl of Sand- 
wich), i. 77 n. ; sees the Restora- 
tion, i. 183 ; his education, i. 232 
et seqq. ; makes the Grand Tour, 
i. 238 et seq. ; received by Louis 



XIV., i. 239 ; at Cranbourne 
Lodge, ii. 49 ; welcomes his father, 
ii. 161 ; his courtships and marriage, 
ii. 174 et seqq. ; his appearance and 
character, ii. 179 et seq. ; his career 
and death, ii. 289 

Hispaniola, buccaneers of, alluded to, 
ii. 210 

Hodge, or Hodges, Thomas (Dean of 
Hereford), i. 250 

Holdenby House. See Holmby 

Holland. See Dutch 

Holland, Lord (Sir Henry Rich) 
defeated at St. Neots, i. 75 

Holies, Sir Frescheville, killed at 
Solebay, ii. 282 

Hollesley Bay, a rendezvous, i. 268, 

Holmby House (Holdenby House), 

Holmes, Sir Robert: attacks the 

Dutch in Africa, i. 264 ; attacks 

their Smyrna fleet, ii. 246 
Honeywood, Robert : Commissioner 

to Denmark, i. 143 ; supports 

Mountagu, i. 149 ; his powers 

questioned, i. 152 
Honourable Artillery Company, 

alluded to, ii. 236 
Hope, the, vessels in, i. 175 
Hoste, Paul (naval strategist), alluded 

to, ii. 296 
Houblons, the, a merchant family, 

ii. 105 
Howard, Henry (afterwards Baron 

Howard, sixth Duke of Norfolk) : 

his letters to Sandwich, ii. 192 

et seq. ; alluded to, ii. 263 
Howard, Sir Robert, ii. 199, 229 
Howe, William : with Mountagu in 

Denmark, i. 123 ; joins in some 

music, i. 176 ; servant to Lord 

Sandwich, i. 226 ; gossips about 

him, i. 247 ; to blame over the 

prize-goods, ii. 196. 
Humble Petition and Advice, The, 

i. 102 
Huntingdon : grammar - school at, 

i. 14 ; Manchester's army in, i. 49 ; 

Mountagu's regiment at, i. 56 ; 

raided by Royalists, i. 67 ; riotous 

election at, i. 84 ; alluded to, i. 1 19 ; 

lands near, i. 225 ; alluded to, ii. 28 ; 

grammar-school at, ii. 182 ; alluded 

to, ii. 244 
Huntingdonshire : Royalist meetings 

in, i. 74 ; anti-Cromwell feeling in, 



" Hurling," a match described, ii- 

1 60 
Hursley, Richard Cromwell's home 

at, i. 115, 136 
Hurst Castle, I.W., ii. 254 
Hyde, Edward. See Clarendon, Earl 

Hyde, Lawrence, alluded to, ii. 248 

"Impostor," the (Shirley's), played 
by Sandwich's comrades, ii. 89 

Independents : disagree with the 
Scots, i. 45 ; desire vigorous war- 
fare, i. 46 ; rejoice over a defeat, 
i. 50 ; gain influence in Parliament, 

Ingoldsby, Richard : quarrels with 
Fleetwood, i. 118 ; alluded to, i. 
130 ; defeats Lambert, i. 177 

Instrument of Government, The, a 
new constitution, i. 82, 84 

Ireland, soldiers there declare for a 
Parliament, i. 163 

Ireton, Henry, Colonel, i. 55 ; at 
Naseby, i. 58 et seqq. ; at Bristol, 
i. 66 ; enters Parliament, i. 72 

Ireton, John, opposes Cromwell, i. 81 

Irish, Charles I.'s intrigues with, i. 60 

Isham, family of, alluded to, i. 18 

Isle of Ely : soldiers from, i. 25 ; 
alluded to, ii. 244 

Isle of Wight, in danger of a raid, 


Jamaica : expedition against, dis- 
cussed, i. 90 ; effect of the capture 
of, ii. 37 ; its repurchase discussed, 
ii. 81 ; piracies in, ii. 151, 221 

James I. visits Hinchingbrooke, i. 5 
et seqq. 

James, Duke of York (afterwards 
James II.) : his adventures, i. 133 ; 
at Boulogne, i. 155 ; on board the 
Naseby, i. 183 ; welcomes Queen 
Catherine, i. 214 ; is jealous of 
Sandwich, i. 215 et seq. ; i. 264 et 
seqq. ; advises Sandwich over the 
salutes, i. 269 ; as Commander-in- 
Chief, i. 271 ; composes differences 
in the fleet, i. 285 ; his strategy, 
i. 290 ; leaves a Court-martial, i. 
296 ; his flagship, i. 301 ; com- 
mands at Lowestoft, i. 302 et seqq. ; 
resigns the command, i. 316 ; plans 
the affair of Bergen, i. 319; pleased 
with the prize-goods, ii. i ; be- 




comes jealous again, ii. II ; urges 
a show at sea, ii. 16 ; avoids re- 
sponsibility, ii. 23 ; interested in 
the slave trade, ii. 37 ; slights 
Sandwich, ii. 48 ; comes to ap- 
preciate him, ii. 147 ; welcomes 
him home, ii. 161 ; quarrels with 
Coventry, ii. 171 ; is present at 
Hinchingbrooke's marriage, ii. 178 ; 
supports Pepys against Harbord, 
ii. 185 ; his rupture with Coventry, 
ii. 193 ; supports toleration, ii. 199 ; 
watches the fanatics, ii. 207 ; his 
interest in piracy, ii. 210; on the 
Council for Plantations, ii. 212 ; 
commands the fleet, ii. 250, 255 et 
seqq. ; fights at Solebay, ii. 263 et 
seqq. ; desires to resume the engage- 
ment, ii. 280 

Jenyns, Frances, visits the fleet, i. 

Jettifiord, i. 329 

John, King, benefactor to Hinching- 
brooke, i. 2 

John IV. (King of Portugal), i. 97, 

ii- 34 

John de Bokingham (Bishop of Lin- 
coln), benefactor to Hinching- 
brooke, i. 2 

Jones, Inigo, alluded to, ii. 181, 285 

Jones, Philip, supports Richard 
Cromwell, i. 115 

Jordan, Sir Joseph : alluded to, ii. 
5, 260 ; his conduct at Solebay, 
ii. 271 et seqq.; his conduct dis- 
cussed, ii. 283 

Joyce, Colonel George, removes the 
King from Holmby, i. 73 

Juiz do Povo, the (Mayor of Lisbon), 
ii. 122; threatens St. Romain, ii. 
134 ; his integrity questionable, 
ii. 138 ; congratulates Sandwich, 
ii. 140 

Junta, the (Spanish Council), method 
of business in, ii. 70 


Kempthorne, Sir John : alluded to, 
i. 301 ; ii. 5, 260 ; fights at Solebay, 
ii. 271 et seqq. 
Kennard, William, rebuilds Hinch- 

ingbrooke, i. 227 

Kensington, Lady Sandwich at, i. 250 
Kent, tobacco grown in, ii. 214 
Kentish Knock, the, ii. 262 
Killigrew, Henry, alluded to, ii. 293 
Kimbolton, Baron. See Earl of 
1 Manchester 

Kimbolton Castle (Co. Hunts) : seat 
of the Manchesters, i. 7 ; Man- 
chester retires there, i. 108 ; his 
funeral there, ii. 233 

Kings Cabinet opened^ The> referred 
to, i. 60 

King's Lynn. See Lynn 

Kinsale, ii. 107 

Knaresborough : Rupert advances on, 
i. 38 ; Lord Hinchingbrooke takes 
the waters there, ii. 180 

Kronberg Castle, i. 127 

Lambert, Captain, his death, i. 343] 

Lambert, John, Colonel : takes over 
Mountagu's regiment, i. 72 ; in the 
Treasury, i. 83 ; opposes Cromwell 
about Jamaica, i. 90 ; defeats Booth, 
i. 155; his ambitions, i. 159; leads 
a faction, i. 160 ; excludes the 
" Rump," i. 161 ; defeated by 
Monck, i. 168 ; dismissed, i. 169 ; 
his last fight, i. 177 

Lancaster, Duchy of, fee-farm rents 
in, i. 225 

Landguard Fort, ii. 285 

Langhorne, Captain, i. 343 

Langport, Battle of, i. 62 et seq. 

Lathom House, i. 38 

Lawes, William, his " Royal Con- 
sort," ii. 112 

Lawrence, Henry, supports Richard 
Cromwell, i. 115 

Lawson, Sir John, Admiral : disloyal 
to Cromwell, i. 91 ; resigns, i. 92 ; 
sent to the Sound, i. 138; super- 
sedes Mountagu, i. 148, 164 ; 
manifesto by, i. 166 ; is Mountagu's 
Vice- Admiral, i. 174 ; becomes a 
Royalist, i. 182 ; his opinion of 
Tangier, i. 197 ; guards the Straits, 
i. 20 1, 205 ; obtains peace with 
Algiers, i. 214 et seq. ; his strategy, 
i. 285, 290; his flagship, i. 301; 
fights at Lowestoft, i. 303 ; alluded 
to, ii. 161, 292 

Lawson, Lady, alluded to, ii. 292 

Lee (Essex), alluded to, ii. 255 

Leghorn, alluded to, ii. 209 

Leicester taken by the Royalists, i. 
57 et seqq. 

Lely, Sir Peter, certain portraits 
alluded to, i. 24, 229 

Leslie, David, at Marston Moor, i. 
40 et seqq. 

L'Estrange, Roger (journalist), i. 311 

" Levellers," the : attack the Consti- 



tution, i. 73 ; their influence in the 

army, i. 117 
Leven, Earl of (Alexander Leslie), 

besieges York, i. 35 
Leyton Walks (Waltham Forest), i. 

Lichfield, Earl of (Charles Stuart), 

alluded to, i. 192 
Lilburne, John : takes Tickhill, i. 47 ; 

gives evidence against Manchester, 

i- 51 
Lincoln, Bishop of. See John de 

Lincoln : taken by Manchester, i. 27 ; 

retaken by the Royalists, i. 29; 

attacked by Roundheads, i. 30 et 

seqq. ; alluded to, i. 48 
Lincoln's Inn Fields : houses in, i. 

108, ii. 49 ; Sandwich gives up his 

house there, ii. 187 ; Council for 

Plantations meets there (in Queen 

Street), ii. 212 
Lincolnshire, its importance in the 

Civil War, i. 27 
Lindsay, John (Earl of Crawford) : at 

Marston Moor, i. 42 ; precedence 

of his son, i. 237 
Lisbon, English fleet off, i. 93 et seq., 

96, 202 et seqq. ; Treaty of, ii. 133. 

See also under Fanshaw, Meadows, 

Sandwich, Southwell 
Lisle, Lord Philip, third Earl of 

Leicester, i. 102 ; supports Richard 

Cromwell, i. 115 
Lloyd, Griffith, Mountagu's confidant, 

i. 164 

Locke, John, alluded to, ii. 21 1 
Locke, Mattnew (composer), alluded 

to, i. 176 
London : Royalist rising in, i. 155 ; 

taxes exacted by Monck, i. 169 ; 

the plague in, ii. 13 
London Bridge alluded to, i. 240, 

ii. 285 

Long Marston (Yorks), forces at, i. 39 
Longsand Head, ii. 257 
Lords, House of: Cromwell's, i. 106 

etseq.; debates on privilege, ii. 

201 et seqq. ; their dispute with the 

Commons, ii. 223 et seqq. 
Lorraine, Charles I. intrigues with, 

i. 60 
Lostwithiel, Royalist victory at, i. 


Louis XIV., King of France : Moun- 
tagu presented to, i. in ; receives 
Lord Hinchingbrooke, i. 239 ; his 
marriage, ii. 35 ; his marriage con- 
tract, ii. 109 ; makes war on Spain, 

ii. no; his aggressive attitude, ii. 

144 ; signs the Treaty of Dover, 

ii. 208 ; attacks the Dutch, ii. 238 

et seqq. ; declares war, ii. 247 
Lower, Sir William: his "relation," 

i. 184 
Lowestoft, Battle of, i. 300 et seqq. ; 

alluded to, ii. 270 
Lucar, Don, Master of Ceremonies in 

Lisbon, ii. 127 

Ludlow, Edmund (Republican), i. 160 
Luiza, Queen-Mother of Portugal, 

receives Sandwich, i. 202 
Luke, Sir Samuel, sells Haynes, ii. 


Lynn (or King's Lynn), ii. 28 et seqq. 
Lyons, Lord Hinchingbrooke at, i. 

23 > 
Lyveden, Manor of, i. 225 ; left to 

Sydney Mountagu, ii. 288 


Maas, the, alluded to, ii. 262 

Mackworth, Colonel George, on 
Treasury Committee, i. 83 

Madrid, customs in. See Spaniards ; 
Treaty of, see Treaty of Madrid 

Magna Carta alluded to, i. 170, ii. 

Maine, boundaries of, ii. 218 et seq. 

Maitland, Colonel, i. 42 

Major-Generals (Cromwell's) : coun- 
try governed by, i. 86 

Malaga Road, i. 199 

Mallett, Elizabeth (Lady Rochester), 
proposed marriage for, ii. 175 et 

Manchester, Edward Mountagu (Vis- 
count Mandeville), second Earl of : 
musters forces in Huntingdon, i. 
15; is impeached, i. 17; made a 
General, i. 22 ; his army, i. 26 et 
seqq. ; takes Lincoln, i. 27 ; quar- 
rels with Willoughby, i. 28; re- 
gains Lincoln, i. 30 et seqq. ; be- 
sieges York, i. 34 et seqq. ; fights at 
Marston Moor, i. 43 et seqq. ; is 
diffident over the war, i. 45 et seqq. ; 
accused by Cromwell, i. 51 ; rein- 
states some mutineers, i. 52; his 
army merged in the New Model, 
i. 54 ; refuses to sit among Crom- 
well's Lords, i. 108 ; welcomes 
Charles II., i. 183; supports tolera- 
tion, i. 244 ; his warning to Sand- 
wich, i. 337 ; supports Sandwich 
over the prize-goods, ii. 29 ; his 
death and funeral, ii. 232 et seqq. 



Manchester, Robert Mountagu, third 
Earl of, alluded to, ii. 287 

Mandeville, Viscount. See Man- 
chester, second Earl of 

Mansell, Lieutenant, is court-mar- 
tialled, i. 285 

Mansfield, Viscount. See Newcastle, 
Marquess of 

Manzanares, the bathing in, ii. 90 

Mardyk, i. 103 ; attacks on, i. 104 et 
seqq.; 133 

Margarita Theresa (Infanta of Spain), 
ii. 36 

Maria Anna (Queen-Regent of Spain), 
ii- 36, 54; her character, ii. 64; 
her difficulties, ii. 71 ; tries to force 
Sandwich's hand, ii., 77 ; her policy, 
ii. 92 ; is jealous of Don Juan, ii. 
Hi; decides to grant Portugal the 
title, i. 1 18 ; her presents to Sand- 
wich, ii. 150 ; her present alluded 
to, ii. 288 

Maria de la Cruz, Sandwich corre- 
sponds with, ii. 141 

Maria Francesca (Mary Frances) : 
Queen of Portugal, ii. 76 ; supports 
France, ii. 97 ; her ambition, ii. 
12 1 ; acquiesces in the Treaty of 
Lisbon, ii. 135 

Maria Theresa, wife of Louis XIV., 
ii. 35 ; her renunciation of the 
Netherlands, ii. 109 

Market Harborough, i. 58 

Marlborough, third Earl of (James 
Ley), i. 284 

Marlborough, Roundheads at, i. 6 1 

Marstock (Somerset), i. 63 

Marston Moor, Battle of, i. 39 etseqq. 

Mary Frances. See Maria Francesca 

Mary, Princess Royal. See Orange, 
Princess of 

Mason, Robert, ii. 218 et seq. 

Massachusetts, boundaries of, ii. 216 
et seqq. 

Massey, Sir Edward, i. 62 ; besieges 
Bridge water, i. 64 

Maurice, Prince of Nassau, i. 184 

Mazarin, Cardinal : ally of Cromwell, 
i. 103 ; his opinion of Mountagu, 
i. 112; entertains him, i. 113; his 
policy in the Baltic, i. 121 ; and 
in Spain, ii. 37 ; alluded to, ii. 

Meadows (or Meadowes), Philip: 
envoy to Lisbon, i. 94; and to 
Copenhagen, i. 126, 142 

Medina de las Torres, Duke of: 
negotiates with Fanshaw, ii. 41 ; 
signs a treaty, ii. 47 ; is blamed for 

Fanshaw's failure, ii. 58 ; nego- 
tiates with Sandwich, ii. 64 ; visits 
him, ii. 65 ; favours the English, 
ii. 69; his policy, ii. 71 et seqq.; 
his suggestions, ii. 92; urges haste, 
ii. 94; has a consultation, ii. 115; 
his opinion of Sandwich, ii. 292 
Mennes, Sir John, i. 208, ii. 5 
Merchant Adventurers, the : apolo- 
gize to Sandwich, ii. 26 ; he has 
shares in their company, ii. 2-11 
Mercurius Britannicus quoted, i. 52 
Mercurius Politicus quoted, i. 143 
Merida, ii. 126 
"Merry Devill of Edmuntun," i. 

Middle Temple, the Mountagus study 

at, i. n, 15, ii. 289 
Middleton, John (?), ii. 221 
Mignard, Pierre, his portraits alluded 

to, i. 229 

Milford Haven, i. 66, ii. 107 
Moderate Intelligencer, The, quoted, 

i. 67 
Modyford, Sir Thomas, Governor of 

Jamaica, ii. 210 
Molina, Conde de, ii. 43 ; entertains 

Sandwich, ii. 89 
Monarchy : movement in favour of, 

i. 136 ; safeguards proposed at the 

Restoration, i. 170, 173 
Monck, Anne (Anne Clarges). See 

Albemarle, Duchess of 
Monck, George. See Albemarle, 

Duke of 
Monmouth, Duke of (James Scott) : 

with the fleet, i. 284 ; his marriage, 

ii. 175 

Montacute. See Montagu and Mon- 

Montagu. See also Mountagu 

Montagu, Christopher, his marriage, 
ii. 290 

Montagu, Montaigu, or Mountagu, 
family of : their descent, i. 6 ; 
lands of, i. 7, 225 ; arms of, i. 268 

Montaigu, Dreu de (Drogo de 
Monteacuto), i. 6 

Montemore, ii. 142 

Monies Claros, Battle of, ii. 41 

Monthermer, family of, alluded to, 
i. 6, 268 

Moon, Mr. (Independent Chaplain), 
i. 61 

Moore, Henry : Sandwich's lawyer, 
i. 226 ; is a gossip, i. 245 et seqq. ; 
needs money, ii. 173 et seq. ; pre- 
pares a defence over the prize- 
goods, ii. 194 



Moors, the, oppose cession of 
Tangier, i. 206 

Morland, Samuel, i. 132 ; his char- 
acter of Mountagu, i. 137 

Morogues, Vicomte de (naval tac- 
tician), alluded to, i. 299, ii. 296 

Morrice, William, ii. 191 et seq. 

Mother Shipton, prophecy by, i. 39 

Mountagu, Lady Anne. See Edg- 
cumbe, Lady Anne 

Mountagu, Lady Catherine : her deli- 
cacy, ii. 182 ; lives to a great age, 
ii. 290 

Mountagu, Hon. Charles (fifth son 
of Lord Sandwich), ii. 234, 289 
et seq. 

Mountagu, Sir Edward (d. 1557), 
Chief Justice, i. 6 

Mountagu, Sir Edward (d. 1602), 
father of Sir Sydney, i. 7 

Mountagu, Sir Edward (d. 1644), 
first Lord Mountagu of Bough ton, 

i- 7 
Mountagu, Edward, second Earl of 

Manchester. See Manchester, Earls 

Mountagu, Edward, first Earl of 

Sandwich. See Sandwich, Earl of 
Mountagu, Edward, second Earl of 

Sandwich. See Hinchingbrooke, 

Mountagu, Edward, third Earl of 

Sandwich. See Sandwich, Earls of 
Mountagu, Edward (of Boughton) : 

is at the Sound, i. 139; is ap- 
proached by the Royalists, i. 141 ; 

interviews Whetstone, i. 144 ; 

assures the Royalists of his cousin's 

loyalty, i. 158 ; acts as a messenger, 

i. 179 ; at Bergen, i. 327 ; his death', 

i. 329 ; is a Roman Catholic, ii. 

Mountagu, Edward, son of the Earl 

of Manchester, alluded to, ii. 234 
Mountagu, Eliza (daughter of Sir 

Sydney). See Pickering, Lady 
Mountagu, Hon. George (son of the 

first Earl of Manchester) : M.P. 

for Dover, i. 192 ; takes care of 

his cousins, i. 233 
Mountagu, Sir Henry, afterwards first 

Earl of Manchester, alluded to, 

i- 7 

Mountagu, Henry (son of Sir Sydney), 
drowned, i. 12 

Mountagu, James, Bishop : his pre- 
ferments, i. 7 ; his friendship with 
James I., i. 8 ; his will, i. 10 

Mountagu, Hon. James (of Lackham, 

Wilts, son of the first Earl of Man- 
chester), i. 88 

Mountagu, Hon. James (son of Lord 
Sandwich), i. 259 

Mountagu, Jemima. See Countess of 

Mountagu, Lady Jemima. See 

Mountagu, Hon. John, ii. 182 et seq. ; 
his career, ii. 289 

Mountagu, Hon. Oliver : at school, 
ii. 182 et seq. ; his career, ii. 

Mountagu, Lady (Paulina Pepys) : 
first wife of Sir Sydney, i. 12 ; her 
death, i. 14 

Mountagu, Lady (Ann Pey), second 
wife of Sir Sydney, i. 18 

Mountagu, Lady Lucy (daughter of 
the Earl of Manchester), alluded 
to, ii. 234 

Mountagu, Lady Paulina, i. 77 . ; 
her ill-health, i. 231 et seq. ; her 
girlhood, i. 239 et seq. ; her char- 
acter and death, ii. 184 

Mountagu, Hon. Ralph (first Duke 
of Montagu), purchases the Great 
Wardrobe from Lord Sandwich, ii. 

Mountagu, Sir Sydney, i. 7 : his 
education, i. 10 ; his character and 
career, i. ii et seq.; purchases 
Hinchingbrooke, i. 12 ; refuses to 
fight against Charles, i. 17 ; his 
second marriage and death, i. 18 ; 
alluded to, i. 226 

Mountagu, Hon. Sydney : his birth, i. 
77 n. ; his education, i. 232 et seqq. ; 
with his father at Bergen, i. 327 ; at 
Cranbourne Lodge, ii. 49 ; goes 
with his father to Spain, ii. 51 ; 
is presented at the Court, ii. 63 ; 
his return to England, ii. 160 ; goes 
to Hinchingbrooke, ii. 161 et seq.; 
makes the Grand Tour, ii. 235 ; is 
his father's favourite, ii. 288; his 
career, ii. 289 

Mountagu, Thomas (d. 1517), founder 
of the Northamptonshire branches, 
i. 6 

Mountagu, Hon. Walter (Abbot of 
Pontoise), i. 217, 234 

Mounts Bay, ii. 159, 161 

Muledi, Patricio de, ii. 43 ; enter- 
tained by Fanshaw, ii. 61 ; opens 
the negotiations, ii. 65 ; visits Sand- 
wich, ii. 68 ; his arguments, ii. 72 ; 
congratulates Sandwich prema- 
turely, ii. 83 ; presses a new treaty, 



ii. 84; his conversation, ii. 95; 
extols Sandwich, ii. 108, 143 

Music : allusion to a song on the 
" Rump," i. 176 ; a set of Locke's, 
i. 176; Singleton's band, i. 182; 
a fancy, i. 243 ; Sandwich com- 
poses an anthem, i. 252; "To all 
you ladies " alluded to, i. 294 ; 
Sandwich commends the guitar, 
ii. 20 ; the Spaniards' taste in, 
ii. 90 ; Sandwich's musical after- 
noon with Don Juan, ii. 112 

Myngs, Sir Christopher, i. 301, ii. 


Naseby, Battle of, i. 58 et seq. 

Naseby, the. See under Ships 

National Covenant, i. 15 

Navigation Act, i. 263, ii. 47 ; effects 
of, ii. 214, 217 

Navy (see also under Blake, Sand- 
wich, Ships, etc.) : declares for 
Richard Cromwell,!. 117; reported 
favourable to a republic, i. 129; 
Royalist intrigues in, i. 139; de- 
clares for Parliament, i. 163; de- 
sires Mountagu's return, i. 165 ; 
issues a republican declaration, i. 
1 66 ; Mountagu returns to, i. 171 ; 
disinclined for the Restoration, i. 
175 ; converted by Mountagu, i. 
176, 1 80; welcomes Charles, i. 185 ; 
question of commands in, i. 216; 
seamen admire Sandwich, i. 267 ; 
sailing - trials in, i. 270; corrupt 
administration of, i. 276 ; pressing 
for, i. 277, ii. 244 et seq.; our 
strategy, i. 280 et seqq.; jealousies 
in, i. 285 ; battle order, i. 287, 301 ; 
poor condition of, ii. 15 ; in the 
third Dutch war, ii. 244 ; our 
strategy, ii. 253 et seqq.; disposition 
of our fleet, ii. 266 

Naze of Norway, i. 322 et seq. 

Neidhardt, Everard. See Nithard 

Netherlands. See Spanish Nether- 
lands, Brabant, etc. 

Neuss, alluded to, ii. 251 

Neville (Nevil or Nevill), Henry, 
alluded to, i. 130 

New Albany, ii. 220 

Newark, i. 29, 49 

Newbury, second battle of, i. 50 

Newbury, Captain, opposes the Res- 
toration, i. 176 

Newcastle invested by the Scots, i. 44 

Newcastle, Marquess of (William 
Cavendish, Viscount Mansfield, 

etc.) : defends York, i. 35 et seqq.; 

at Marston Moor, i. 39 et seq.; is 

a Royalist delinquent, i. 80 
Newcomen, Anne. See Wortley 
New England (see under Plantations, 

etc.), signs of independence in, ii. 


New Hampshire, ii. 218 
Newmarket, alluded to, i. 73 
New Model Army, the, i. 54 et seqq. 
Newport Pagnell, i. 28 et seq. 
News-letters, use of, in the Civil War, 

Nicolls, Richard, Commissioner to 

New England, ii. 217 
Nightingale (a Royalist parson), i. 87 
Nithard, Everard, ii. 64 ; speaks good 

Latin, ii. 67 ; favours Holland, ii. 

69 ; his policy, ii. 92, 115 
Nixon, Captain, court-martialled, i. 

295 et seq. 
No King but the old King's son, 

alluded to, i. 171 
Nonconformists. See Dissenters, 

Toleration, Sects, etc. 
Nore, the, i. 309, 343, ii. 253 
Northampton, Earl of (James Cornp- 

ton), alluded to, i. 192, ii. 287 
North Foreland, alluded to, ii. 255 

et seqq. 
North Foreland, Battle of, alluded to, 

i. 74 
North Sea, strategical aspect of, i. 

280 et seqq., ii. 251 
Norton, Colonel, Lawson's son-in-law, 

ii. 161 

Norton, Colonel Richard, i. 77 
Norway (see also Bergen), i. 317 et 

Norwood, Colonel Henry, ii. 153, 

156, 159; his quarrel with Bland, 

ii. 168 

Nottingham Castle, i. 26 
Nova Scotia, ii. 220 
Nuns' Bridge (Huntingdon), i. 2 


Obdam. See Opdam 

Oeiras, Bay of, i. 96, 202 

Opdam (Lord of), Jacob van Was- 
senaer : in the Sound, i. 124, 142 ; 
on board the Naseby, i. 184 ; op- 
poses De Witt, i. 297 ; commands 
off Lowestoft, i. 302 ; is killed, i. 


Orange (Mary), Princess of: on board 
the Naseby , L 185 ; comes to 
England, i. 193 



Orange (William), Prince of, i. 185 ; 

ii. 242 
Orford Ness, i. 288, 298; ii. 255, 

Orleans, Duchess of. See Henrietta 

Orleans, Duke of, receives Lord 

Hinchingbrooke, i. 239 
Ormond, or Ormonde, Duke of 

(James Butler), i. 132 et seq., 268 ; 

ousted by Buckingham, ii. 199 
Orrery, Lady, ii. 235 
Orrery, Lord. See Broghill, Lord 
Oundle, the Tresham estate at, ii. 


Ouse, River, alluded to, ii. 28 
Oxford : headquarters of Charles I., 

i. 27, 56 ; besieged by Fairfax, i. 57 

et seq. ; Charles II. 's Court at, ii. 

7, 16, 21 
Oxford University, alluded to, i. 


Packer, Philip, rebuilds Hinching- 
brooke, i. 227 

" Palace section," the, supporters of 
Richard Cromwell, i. 115 

Parliament (see also Lords, Commons, 
Barebones, Rump, etc.) : sovereignty 
of, i. 26 ; directs the war, i. 27 ; 
quarrels with the army, i. 160 ; 
free Parliaments demanded, i. 163, 
170 ; attacks the breaking of 
bulk, ii. 19 ; led by Buckingham, 
ii. 190 ; the houses quarrel over 
privilege, ii. 202 ; and over money 
bills, ii. 223 et seqq. ; parties in, 
226 et seqq. ; under Charles II., ii. 

Parliament Scout, The, quoted, i. 50, 

Payn, Robert, his estate, ii. 174 

Pedro, Dom (Infante and later King 
of Portugal), i. 211 ; his character, 
ii. 121 ; his intrigues, ii. 122 et 

Penaranda, Conde de, ii. 64, 67 ; 
favours our enemies, ii. 69, 74 ; 
urges Sandwich to abandon Por- 
tugal, ii. 83 ; discusses our media- 
tion, ii. 92 ; consults Sandwich, ii. 
115 ; opposes concessions, ii, 119 

Penn, Sir William, i. 267 ; his stra^e- 
gical ideas, i. 290 ; alluded to, i. 
301 ; is Sandwich's Vice- Admiral, 
i. 319, 322 ; advocates distribution 
of the prize-goods, ii. 3 et seqq. ; 
is ousted by Albemarle, ii. 23 ; his 

tactical ideas, ii. 26 ; his goods, ii. 
31 ; is appreciated as a seaman, 
ii. 171 ; is impeached over the 
prize-goods, ii. 191 et seq. 
Penzance, alluded to, ii. 160 
Pepys, Elizabeth (nte St. Michel), 
i. 99, 226, 232 ; visits a flagship, 
i. 280 ; alluded to, ii. 50 ; her 
drawings exhibited, ii. 186 
Pepys, Samuel : in Mountagu's house- 
hold, i. 99 et seq. ; gives his patron 
political news, i. 101 ; acts as 
messenger, i. 130, 142 ; not in 
Mountagu's confidence, i. 143 ; 
keeps Mountagu well informed, i. 
164; alluded to, 167, 174; on 
board the Naseby, i. 176, 180 ; 
witnesses the Restoration, i. 184 ; 
obtains Pickering's pardon, i. 192 ; 
alluded to, i. 226; his comments 
on Hinchingbrooke, i. 227 et seq. ; 
looks after Sandwich's children, i. 
233, 240 ; visits my Lord at 
Chelsea, i. 243 et seqq. ; his pro- 
test against Betty Becke, i. 246 ; 
arranges Lady Jem's marriage, i. 
259 et seqq. ; arranges my Lord's 
sea employment, i. 265 et seq. ; 
his industry, i. 279, 337 et seq. ; 
describes the prize-goods, ii. 2 ; 
purchases some, ii. 8 et seqq. ; gets 
rid of his goods, ii. 27 ; his tact, 
ii. 48 ; his farewell to Sandwich, 
ii. 49 et seq. ; provides money for 
Sandwich, ii. 160; goes to meet 
him, ii. 161 ; lends ^100 to Lady 
Sandwich, ii. 173 ; loses his patron's 
favour, ii. 184 ; but entertains him, 
ii. 1 86 ; defends the sale of prize- 
goods, ii. 194 ; alluded to, ii. 235, 

Peterborough, Earl of (Henry Mor- 

daunt): goes to Tangier as Governor, 

i. 207 et seq. ; his friendly warning 

to Sandwich, ii. 193 

Peterborough, riotous elections at, i. 

Peters, Hugh (Independent chaplain), 

i. 61 

Petition of Right, alluded to, i. 170 
Pey, Ann. See Mountagu, Lady 
Philip IV., King of Spain, ii. 36, 41 
Philippines, our commerce in, ii. 113, 

Phillips, Mr. (of Maine), ii. 219 
Pickering, Edward, a gossip, i. 245 

et seqq. 
Pickering, Lady, Eliza or Elizabeth 

(daughter of Sir Sydney Mountagu): 



birth, i. 13 ; her marriage, i. 14 ; 
alluded to, i. 76, 88 ; letter from, 
i. 96 ; looks after a young marquess, 
i. 98 ; appeals for her husband's 
pardon, i. 192 

Pickering, Sir Gilbert : his marriage, 
i. 14 ; influences Mountagu, i. 20 ; 
a Cromwellian, i. 77, 81, 83 ; one 
of Cromwell's Lords, i. no; op- 
poses Richard Cromwell, i. 115; 
is pardoned at the Restoration, i. 

Pickering, Colonel John, i. 29 ; at 
York, i. 36 ; at M arston Moor, i. 
40 et seqq. ; his regiment refractory, 
i. 48 et seq. ; opposes Manchester, 
i. 51 ; in the New Model, i. 55; 
at Naseby, i. 59 ; at Bridgewater, 
i. 64 ; at Sherborne, i. 65 ; at 
Bristol, i. 66 et seqq. ; commissioner 
for surrender of, i. 70 

Pierce, James (surgeon), i. 247, ii. 282 

Pierrepont, William, a commissioner, 
ii. 190 

Plantations, council for, ii. 211 et 
seqq. ; members of, ii. 212 

Plessis. See Du Plessis 

Poetting, Franz Eusebius (Austrian 
Ambassador in Madrid), ii. 83, 
92 et seq., 118 

Poland, involved in the Baltic Ques- 
tion, i. 120 

Pole, arms of the family (de la Pole), 
i. 268 

Poleroon (Pulurun), Banda Islands. 
i. 268 

Pomfret, or Pontefract, i. 37 

Pontevell, Conde de, ii. 127 

Porter, Mary, nun at Hinching- 
brooke, i. 3 

Portsmouth, alluded to, i. 214, ii. 50, 
246, 253 et seqq. 

Portugal (see also Affonso VI., 
John IV.) : treaty with the Pro- 
tector, i. 90 ; with Charles II., 
i. 195 ; Dutch jealousy against, 
i. 201 ; her war with Spain, ii. 34 
et seqq.; demands title of King, 
ii. 71 et seqq. ; is uncompromising, 
ii. 76, 79 ; her treaty with 
France, ii. 96 et seq. ; awaits con- 
cessions from Spain, ii. 115; re- 
news the war, ii. 119; revolution 
in, ii. 1 20 et seqq. ; inclines to 
peace, ii. 124 ; makes peace with 
Spain, ii. 132 

Prague, alluded to ii. 2 

Precedence, difficulties over, ii. 87, 

Presbyterianism, i. 19, 45 

Presbyterians, their influence in Par- 
liament, i. 72, 179 

Press-gang, i. 277, ii. 244 

Pride, Colonel Thomas, i. 64 ; purges 
the House, i. 75 

Prioresses of Hinchingbrooke, i. 4 n. 

Privilege, Bill concerning, ii. 202 et 

Privy Council : extensive functions 
of, ii. 208 ; alluded to, ii. 239 

Prize-law, ii. 194 

Prize-ships. See East Indiamen 

Protectorate : foreign policy of, i. 85 ; 
question of heredity of, i. 101 ; 
opposed by the army, i. 116 

" Protectorians " desire a Crom- 
well restoration, i. 173 

Pyrenees, Peace of, 1659, ii. 37, 68 

Quakers, increasing numbers of, in 

Huntingdon, i. 88 
Queen Street. See Lincoln's Inn 



Rainsborough, Major Edward, his 
colonial policy, ii. 219 

Rainsborough (or Rainboro w) , Colonel 
Thomas, i. 55 ; at Bridgewater, i. 
64 ; at Bristol, i. 68 et seqq. 

Ramsey (Hunts), i. 5 

Regiments, constitution of, in Round- 
head army, i. 25, 55 

Republicans (see also Committee of 
Safety, "Rump," etc.): depose 
Richard Cromwell, i. 128 ; alienate 
Mountagu, i. 138 ; their downfall, 
i. 169 et seqq. 

Restoration, the, i. 170 et seqq. ; 
results of, i. 190 ; Schomberg's 
stories of, ii. 141 ; alluded to, ii. 

Rhode Island, ii. 222 

Rich, Colonel Nathaniel, i. 65 

Rio Seco, town of, ii. 55 

Rochester, City of, alluded to, ii. 27 

Rochester, Earl of (John Wilmot) : 
a volunteer in the navy, i. 332 ; is 
at Bergen, i. 327 ; marries Eliza- 
beth Mallett, ii. 177 

Rolling Grounds, the, an anchorage, 
i. 309 

Rome: Lord Hinchingbrooke there, 
i. 238 ; alluded to, ii. 2 

Roskilde, Treaty of, i. 121 ; guaran- 



teed by England, i. 125 ; the treaty 
modified, i. 145 

Rouse, Captain, causes mutiny at 
Henley, i. 52 

Royalists (see also Cavaliers, etc.) : 
intrigue with Cromwell's seamen, 
i. 91 ; welcome Richard's acces- 
sion, i. 115; work at elections, 
i. 119; their hopes of Mountagu, 
i. 133 et seqq. ; risings of, i. 155 ; 
assured of Mountagu, i. 158, 160, 
172 ; approach Monck, i. 174 

Royal mines, shareholders in, ii. 21 1 

Royal Palace, Madrid, conferences 
held there, ii. 66 

Royal Society, ii. 231, 236, 295 n. 

"Rump," the: expelled by Crom- 
well, i. 79 ; recalled, i. 130 ; ex- 
pelled by Lambert, i. 161 ; restored 
by Monck, i. 163 ; unpopular, i. 
1 68 ; votes its own dissolution, 
i. 170 

Rupert, Prince (Earl of Holderness 
and Duke of Cumberland) : re- 
lieves Lincoln, i. 29 et seq. ; 
marches on York, i. 38 ; at Marston 
Moor, i. 39 et seqq. ; at Naseby, 
i. 58 et seqq. ; fails to hold Bristol, 
i. 6 1 et seqq. ; his career as seaman, 
i. 266 ; is made Admiral, i. 271 ; 
his suggestions, i. 286, 291 ; leaves 
a court-martial, i. 296 ; alluded 
to, i. 299 ; his flagship, i. 301 ; 
leads the van off Lowestoft, i. 303 
et seqq. ; pursues the Dutch, i. 305 
et seqq. ; decries a joint command, 
i. 316 ; is to command with Albe- 
marle, ii. 24 ; is a failure, ii. 170 
et seq. ; attacked in Parliament, ii. 

191 ; intrigues against Penn, ii. 

192 ; joins Buckingham's faction, 
ii. 199 ; is on the Council for Plan- 
tations, ii. 212 

Rushworth, John, historian, quoted, 

i- 35 

Russell, Colonel William, at Lin- 
coln, i. 31 et seqq. ; at Marston 
Moor, i. 40 et seqq. 

Rutland, Lady (Frances), petition of, 
i. 88 

Ruvigny, Marquis de, ii. 76 ; alluded 
to, ii. 147 

Rye, alluded to, i. 233 

St. Albans, Mountagu's recruits at, 

i. 56 
St. Albans, Earl of (Henry Jermyn) : 

prevents a duel, i. 194 ; alluded to, 

ii. 206, 287 
St. Andero, ii. 52 

St. Andrew's Hill, site of the ward- 
robe, i. 241 
St. Blaize (or Blasque), festival of, 

ii. 85 
St. Eloi, convent of (in Lisbon), ii. 

131 ; Sandwich's portrait in, ii. 

St. Helen's Road, a rendezvous, i. 

St. Ives (Hunts), i. 21 ; disaffection 

at, i. 87 et seq. 

St. James's Park, alluded to, i. 169 
St. John, Oliver, a " Protectorian," 

i- 173 

St. Michael's Mount, i. 213 
St. Neots (Hunts) : engagement at, 

i. 75 ; lands at, ii. 174 
St. Romain, Marquis de : represents 

France in Lisbon, ii. 57, 76, 96 ; 

his protest against the peace, ii. 

128, 134, 148 ; alluded to, 240 
Sailing trials, instituted by Sandwich, 

i. 270 

Salem (Mass.), ii. 216 
Salutes, question of. See Flag 
Salvaterra, ii. 57 
Sampson, John, ii. 117 
Sande, Marques de, i. 213, ii. 124 
Sandwich (town of), i. 180 
Sandwich (Edward Mountagu, first 

Earl of) : birth, i. 13 ; education, 

i. 14 ; a Parliamentarian, i. 19 ; 

made a Deputy-Lieutenant, i. 22 ; 

his appearance, i. 24 ; his regiment, 

i. 25 ; joins Manchester's army, 

i. 27 

1644. Visits Cambridge, i. 28 ; 
rights at Hillesden, i. 29 ; at Lin- 
coln, i.^iet seqq. ; at York, i. 36 et 
seqq. ; at Marston Moor, i. 40 et 
seqq. ; Commissioner for the sur- 
render of York, i. 44 ; under Crom- 
well's influence, i. 46 ; his regiment 
refractory, i. 49 ; opposes Manches- 
ter, i. 51 

1645. Governor of Henley, i. 52 
et seqq.; joins the New Model, i. 55 ; 
at Naseby, i. 58 et seqq. ; woos the 
Clubmen, i. 61 ; acts as Major- 
General, i. 63 ; at Bridgewater, 
i. 64 ; and at Bristol, i. 66 et seqq. ; 
his gallantry, i. 69 ; is in Parlia- 
ment, i. 71 ; becomes less extreme, 
i. 72 

1646. Disbands a regiment, i. 
74 ; suppresses Royalists, i. 74 



1647. Is made a prisoner by 
Cavaliers, i. 75 

1648. Is a secluded member, 
i. 75, and retires 

1651. Remains Commissioner 
for Hunts, i. 77 ; his doubts, i. 78 

1653. Is a member of the Bare- 
bones Parliament, i. 80 ; his various 
offices, i. 80 ; a Cromwellian, i. 81 

1654. His rapid rise, i. 83 ; 
supports Cromwell's finance, i. 85 

1655. Has trouble in Hunting- 
don, i. 87 ; his administrative work, 
i. 88 ; further posts, i. 89 

1656. Is a General-at-Sea, i. 90 ; 
purges the fleet, i. 91 ; sails with 
Blake, i. 92 ; surveys Gibraltar, 
i. 93 ; his ardour, i. 94 ; in the 
Straits, i. 95 ; gains experience, 
i. 96 ; returns home with treasure, 
i. 97 ; brings home a prisoner, i. 
98 ; makes Pepys his secretary, i. 

1657. Is a " kingling," i. 101 et 
seq. ; present at Cromwell's instal- 
lation, i. 102 ; commands off Mar- 
dyk, i. 103 et seqq. ; is aggressive, 
i. 104 ; visits Turenne, i. 105 ; 
sworn of the new Privy Council, 
i. 106 : retires to Hinchingbrooke, 
i. 1 06 ; his doubts over the Upper 
House, i. 107 ; created a Baron by 
Cromwell, i. 109 

1658. Aids in taking Dunkirk, 
i. no ; entertains Mazarin, i. in ; 
searches Dutch vessels, i. 113 ; his 
grief over Cromwell's death, 
i. 114; supports Richard, i. 115; 
prepares the navy's address of 
loyalty, i. 117; made a colonel of 
horse, i. 118 ; quarrels with Fleet- 
wood, i. 118 ; retires again, i. 

1659. Goes to the Sound, i. 120 ; 
his mission, i. 122 ; his instruc- 
tions, i. 123 ; negotiates with 
Charles X., i. 125 et seqq. ; troubled 
at Richard's deposition, i. 129 ; 
loyal to the Crom wells, i. 130 ; 
opposes republicanism, i. 133 ; is 
an unconscious Royalist, i. 134 ; 
his secrecy, i. 135 ; ignores the Re- 
publicans, i. 1 37 et seqq. ; deprived 
of his regiment, i. 138 ; is watched, 
i. 139; receives Royalist offers, 
i. ,141 ; opposes the Dutch, i. 142 ; 
no enemy to monarchy, i. 143 ; his 
adventure with Whetstone, i. 144 ; 
his reticence, i. 145 ; sympathetic : 

to Sweden, i. 146 ; his quarrel with 
Sydney, i. 147 et seqq.; decides to 
return, i. 152 ; excuses his return, 
i. 156 ; writes to Richard Cromwell, 
i. 157 ; retires to Hinchingbrooke, 
i. 159; an observer, i. 164; does 
not declare himself, i. 165 ; dis- 
trusts Lawson, i. 166 

1660. Returns to the navy, i. 171 ; 
his secrecy, i. 172 ; favours the 
Stewarts, i. 173 et seq. ; with the 
fleet, i. 174 ; composes differences, 
i. 175 et seq. ; his music, i. 176 ; 
elected for Weymouth, i. 177 ; his 
letter to Charles, i. 178 ; the Re- 
storation imminent, i. 180 et seqq. ; 
sails for Holland, i. 182 ; receives 
Charles, i. 185 ; is made a K.G., 
i. 187 ; his religious views, i. 190 ; 
created an Earl, i. 191 ; obtains 
Pickering's pardon, i. 192 

1661. His voyages of escort, i. 

193 ; quarrels with Buckingham, i. 

194 ; his posts, i. 195 ; advocates 
the Portuguese marriage, i. 196 ; 
appointed to escort Catherine, i. 
198 ; Master of Trinity House, 
ibid. ; arrives off Algiers, i. 199 ; 
bombards the town, i. 200 ; visits 
Lisbon, i. 201 ; describes a bull- 
fight, i. 203 ; goes to Tangier, i. 

1662. Secures the place, i. 207 ; 
purchases property there, i. 208 ; 
returns to Lisbon, i. 209 ; the 
Queen's dowry, i. 210; the mar- 
riage ceremonies, i. 212 ; arrives 
home, i. 214 ; his troubles, i. 215 ; 
is in danger at sea, i. 217 ; advo- 
cates sale of Dunkirk, i. 219 et 

1663. His estate and servants, 
i. 225 ; travels in state, i. 226 ; 
improves Hinchingbrooke, i. 227 
et seqq. ; resides at the Wardrobe, 
i. 241 ; lodges at Chelsea, i. 243 ; 
dislikes politics, i. 244 ; the Becke 
affair, i. 245 et seqq. ; shares 
Clarendon's unpopularity, i. 251 ; 
gossip about him, i. 252 ; his home 
life, i. 253 ; his extravagance, i. 
255 et seqq. 

1664. Wishes to go to sea, i. 
264 et seqq. ; his record as sailor, 
i. 266 ; is made Vice- Admiral, i. 
267 ; goes to sea, i. 268 ; his sail- 
ing trials, i. 270 ; Admiral of the 
Blue, i. 271 ; holds on for the 
winter guard i. 274 



1665. His suggestions as to 
victualling, i. 277; returns to 
London, i. 279 ; joins the Prince 
i. 280; his ideas - t on strategy, i 
283 et seqq. ; his order of battle, i 
287 ; his comments on strategy, i 
289 et seqq. ; provisions his squad 
ron, i. 295 ; presides at a court- 
martial, i. 296 ; suggests strengthen- 
ing the line, i. 298 et seq. ; fights 
the Dutch off Lowestoft, i. 301 et 
seqq. ; breaks their line, i. 304 ; 
pursues them, i. 305 ; piqued over 
neglect, i. 312 ; rejoins his vessel, 
i- 315 .' commands in chief, i. 317 ; 
sails, i. 320 ; his letter to Arling- 
ton, i. 321 ; his Councils, i. 322^ 
seqq. ; hears news of De Ruyter, 
i- 3 2 5 5 prepares the attack on 
Bergen, i. 326; the Bergen affair 
discussed, i. 330 et seqq. ; sails for 
Shetland, i. 335 ; returns for 
provisions, i. 338; refits his fleet, 
i- 339 ; -issues new instructions, i. 
340; takes several Dutchmen, i. 
341 ; eludes De Ruyter, i. 342 ; 
captures more prizes, i. 343 ; his 
return, ii. i ; distributes the prize- 
goods, ii. 3 ; his share, ii. 5 ; his 
warrants, ii. 7 et seqq. ; lays up 
the fleet, ii. 14 ; goes to Oxford, ii. 
16 ; is censured, ii. 17 et seqq. ; 
rejoins the fleet, ii. 20; decides to 
quit the service, ii. 21 ; attacked 
over the prize-goods, ii. 23 ; desires 
an inquiry, ii. 24 ; his defence, ii. 
25 et seq. ; his goods taken, ii. 27 
et seqq. ; sues for pardon, ii. 29 ; 
is pardoned, ii. 31 

1666. Is sent as Ambassador to 
Spain, ii. 43 et seqq. ; his instruc- 
tions, ii. 45 ; prepares to start, ii. 
48 ; his despondency, ii. 49 ; is 
delayed, ii. 50 ; his journals, ii. 52 ; 
lands at Corunna, ii. 53 ; his 
journey to Madrid, ii. 54 et seqq. ; 
arrives there, ii. 60 ; presents his 
credentials, ii. 61 ; his public 
audience, ii. 63 ; his work, ii. 66 et 
seqq. ; moves his residence, ii. 70 ; 
his caution, ii. 72; celebrates a 
victory, ii. 74 et seq. ; objects to 
Southwell's forwardness, ii. 77 et 
seq. ; his care, ii. 78 ; receives new 
instructions, ii. 79 ; suggests a 
practical treaty, ii. 80 et seq. 

1667. His hospitality, ii. 88 ; 
his recreations, ii. 90 ; makes 
Spain a " seeker," ii. 94; obtains 

his treaty, ii. 98 et seq. ; his treaty 
discussed, ii. 106 ; its reception, ii. 
107 et seq. ; his knowledge of com- 
merce, ii. 1 10 ; desires further con- 
cessions, ii. in ; his music with 
Don Juan, ii. 112; their conversa- 
tion on trade, ii. 113 ; does further 
work, ii. 117 et seq. ; decides to go 
to Lisbon, ii. 125 ; his journey, ii. 

1668. Arrives in Lisbon, ii. 
127 ; quarrels with Southwell, ii. 129 
et seqq. ; visits the King, ii. 130 ; 
obtains the peace of Lisbon, ii. 132 
et seqq. ; prepares to leave, ii. 141 ; 
his journey, ii. 142 ; returns to 
Madrid, ii. 143 ; effect of his 
work, ii. 144 ; his further negotia- 
tions, ii. 146 ; his worries over 
precedence, ii. 147 et seqq. ; re- 
ceives several presents, ii. 1 50 ; 
disappointed over money, ii. 151 ; 
is sent to Tangier, ii. 152 ; his 
journey, ii. 153 ; his work there, ii. 
154 etseqq. ; returns to England, ii. 
1 60 ; goes to Audley End, ii. 161 ; 
his money troubles, ii. 162 etseqq. ; 
cost of his embassy, ii. 164 ; his 
report on Tangier, ii. 165 et seqq. ; 
rumour of his return there, ii. 169 ; 
appreciated as a seaman, ii. 170 
et seq. ; his appearance, ii. 171 ; his 
journals, ii. 172 

1669. Chooses new friends, ii. 
185 ; adjusts his accounts with 
Pepys, ii. 186 ; sells the Great 
Wardrobe, ii. 188 ; attacked over 
the prize-goods, ii. 191 et seq. ; his 
papers demanded, ii. 195 ; on the 
Committee of Accounts, ii. 198 ; 
supports toleration, ii. 199 ; his 
record, ii. 200 

1670. His comments on politics, 
ii. 201 et seqq. ; placed on the 
Committee for Trade, ii. 209 ; 
rounds off his commercial treaty, 
ii. 210 ; is President of the Council 
for Plantations, ii. 211 et seqq. 

1671. His observations on New 
England, ii. 220 et seqq. ; manages 
the Money Bill for the Lords, ii. 
224 et seqq. ; his scientific pursuits, 
ii. 232 et seqq. ; is guardian of 
Mistress Wortley, ii. 234 

1672. His position as seaman, 
ii. 239 ; his sympathy with the 
Dutch, ii. 240 ; deplores the attack 
on their fleet, ii. 245 ; his sense of 
fatality, ii. 248 ; goes to sea in 



triumph, ii. 249 ; entertains the 
King, ii. 250 ; his advice on 
strategy, ii. 258 ; is Admiral of the 
Blue, ii. 260 ; advises caution, ii. 
261, 264 ; his forebodings, ii. 
265 et seqq. ; his gallantry at South- 
wold Bay, ii. 267 et seqq. ; his 
death, ii. 282 et seqq. ; his body 
found, ii. 284; his funeral, ii. 285 
et seqq. ; his will, ii. 287 et seqq. ; 
his character, ii. 290 et seqq. ; his 
work as Admiral, ii. 295 et seq. 

Sandwich (Edward Mountagu, second 
Earl of). See Hinchingbrooke, 

Sandwich (Edward Mountagu, third 
Earl of) : his marriage alluded to, 
ii. 177 n. ; his birth, ii. 235 

Sandwich, Countess of (Jemima 
Crew) : her marriage, i. 19 ; enter- 
tains Charles I., 1.73; has a French 
maid, i. 226 ; superintends altera- 
tions at Hinchingbrooke, i. 227 ; 
her character and letters, i. 230 
et seqq. ; makes a match for Lady 
Jem, i. 259 ; is ill at Tonbridge, 
i. 320 ; anxious over her husband's 
money, ii. 162 ; her cares, ii. 172 ; 
her economies, ii. 173 ; approves 
of her son's marriage, ii. 178 ; her 
generosity, ii. 180 ; hears of her 
husband's death, ii. 284 ; her death, 
ii. 288 

Sansum, Robert, i. 301 

Santa Cruz, engagement off, i. 97 

Sarcuela, ii. 90 

Saunders, Lieutenant, i. 33 

Savile, Sir George (Lord Halifax), 
ii. 190 

Savoy, proposal treaty with, ii. 209 

Savoy, the, palaces of, ii. 285 

Scheveningen, i. 183 

Schomberg, Duke of (Frederic Her- 
man) : in Portuguese service, ii. 38, 
41 ; entertains Sandwich, ii. 127 ; 
his gossip, ii. 134, 141 

Scotland, malcontents in, i. 273 

Scots.: rise against Charles, i. 15 ; 
join Fairfax, i. 30 ; besiege York, 
i. 35 ; their political attitude, i. 36 
et seq. ; their cruelty, i. 45 ; march 
on Newcastle, i. 44 ; intrigue with 
Charles, i. 60, 73 

Scott, Anne (Countess of Buccleuch, 
and Duchess of Monmouth), ii. 174 
et seq. 

Scott, Mr., famous surgeon, i. 239 

Sects (see also under Dissenters, 
Independents, etc.), i. 45, 190 

Selby (Yorks), i. 34 

Seymour, John, ii. 160 et seq. 

Shaftesbury, Earl of. See Cooper, 
Anthony Ashley 

Sheerness, ii. 21, 255 et seq. 

Sheffield, taken by ihe Roundheads, 
i. 48 

Sheldon, Gilbert, Archbishop, alluded 
to, i. 268 

Shepley, Edward (steward at Hin- 
chingbrooke), i. 167, 226 ; his 
accounts, i. 255 ; protects the 
prize-goods, ii. 28 ; out in his 
reckoning, ii. 173 et seq. 

Sherborne, captured by Fairfax, 

Sheres (or Sheeres), Henry, ii. 107 
et seq. 

Shetland, i. 336 

Ships (those associated with Sand- 
wich arranged in chronological 
order) : 

1656-1660. The Naseby, Blake 
and Mountain's flagship, i. 92, 96, 
et seq. ; off Mardyk, i. 103 (but 
Mountagu uses The London, i. 104); 
off Dunkirk, i. no et seqq. ; in the 
Sound, i. 120 et seqq, ; at the Re- 
storation, i. 176 et seqq. ; her name 
changed to The Royal Charles 

1660-1661. 754* Resolution, i. 
193. The London, i. 193 

1661-1662. The Royal James, 
i. 199. The Royal Charles, i. 213 
1664-1665. The London, i. 267, 
271 ; loss of, i. 279. The Revenge, 
i. 274. The Royal Prince, i. 
279> 301, 3 11 et seqq., 320, ii. 5 

1666. The Resolution, ii. 50 et 

1668. The Greenwich, ii. 153, 


1672. The Royal James, ii. 250 

et seqq. 

See also East Indiamen (the 

Phoenix and Slothony] 
Shirley, James, his "Impostor" 

acted, ii. 89 
Shrewsbury, Lady (Buckingham's 

mistress), alluded to, ii. 293 
Sidney Sussex College (Cambridge), 

i. 7 
Siete Chimeneas (Sandwich's house in 

Madrid , 70, 86, 152 
Silva, Piciie\ ieirada, ii. 130 
Simancas, archives of, alluded to, 

ii. 56 

Singleton, John, his music, i. 182 
Skaw, the, English fleet off, i. 129 



Skinner v. the East India Co., ii. 

Skippon, Philip, i. 25 ; commands 
foot at Naseby, i. 58 et seqq. ; on 
the Council of State, i. 83 ; opposes 
Richard Cromwell, i. 115 

Slave-trade, alluded to, ii. 37 

Sleaford (Lines), i. 29 

Slingeland (or Slingerland), H., 
Dutch Commissioner, i. 151 

Smith, Sir Jeremy (seaman), alluded 
to, ii. 5 et seq. 

Smyrna fleet (Dutch) : attacked by 
Allin, i. 272 ; alluded to, i. 297 ; 
attacked by Holmes, ii. 246 

Solebay. See South wold Bay 

Somerset House, alluded to, i. 136, 
240, ii. 285 

Sound, the, tolls in, i. 120 et seqq. 

Sousa, Antonio da, ii. 58 

Southampton, Earl of (Thomas 
Wriothesley), i. 218 et seq. 

South Foreland, ii. 255 

Southwell, Sir Robert : envoy to 
Portugal, ii. 57 ; goes to Madrid, 
ii. 58 ; does Fanshaw's work, ii. 
59; returns to Lisbon, ii. 62; 
alarmed over French intrigues, ii. 
77 ; hurries to Madrid, ii. 78 ; fails 
to outbid France, ii. 97 et seq. ; 
predicts peace between Spain and 
Portugal, ii. 125 ; is jealous of 
Sandwich, ii. 128 et seqq. ; re- 
turns home, ii. 136 ; alluded to, 
ii. 149 

Southwick (Hants), ii. 161 

Southwold, or Southwold Bay (naval 
rendezvous), i. 156, 268, 287, 298, 
309, 336, ii. 262 ; battle of, ii. 
266 et seqq. 

Spain (see also Philip IV., Charles 
II.) : Cromwell's natural enemy, i. 
90 ; Blake's expedition against, i. 
92 et seqq. ; attacked at Mardyk 
i. 103 ; surrenders Dunkirk, i. in 
proposed expedition against, i. 113 
opposes the Braganc^. match, i. 196 . 
our renewed relations with, ii. 34 
her quarrels with Portugal and 
France, ii. 34 et seqq. ; she looks 
for allies, ii. 43 ; our draft treaty 
with, ii. 47, 65 et seqq.; refuses 
Portugal the title, ii. 71 et seqq. ; 
desires our help, ii. 75 ; rejects a 
league, ii. 93 ; her isolation, ii. 96 
et seqq. ; attacked by France, ii. 
no; desires a league, ii. 113 et 
seqq. ; considers concessions to Por- 
tugal, ii. 1 20 ; makes peace with 

her, ii. 132 ; her sluggish attitude, 

ii. 144 
Spaniards : their festivals, ii. 85 et 

seq. ; their plays, ii. 89 ; their 

music, ii. 90 ; their recreation and 

dancing, ii. 91 
Spanish Netherlands: attacked by 

France, ii. no 

Spanish Succession Question, ii. 109 
Spithead, ii. 161 
Sport, Cromwell's attitude to, i. 86 ; 

Sandwich's love for, i. 253. See 

also "Hurling" 
Spragge, Sir Edward (seaman) : 

alluded to, ii. 5 etseq., 260 ; fights 

at Solebay, ii. 279 et seqq. 
Stafford House, meeting at, ii. 212 
Star Chamber, alluded to, i. 16 
Stayner, Sir Richard, i. 96 ; captures 

some Spanish galleons, i. 97 et seq. ; 

arrives at Tangier, i. 207 
Stene (Northants), home of the Crews, 

i. 19 
Stewarts. See under Charles I. and 

Charles II. 

Stillingwerf, Augustus, Dutch Vice- 
Admiral, i. 305 
Stockholm, alluded to, ii. 38 
"Stop of the Exchequer," the, ii. 

Straits, the : importance of trade in, 

i. 95 ; suggested cruise in, i. 104, 

ii. 17 

Strand, the, alluded to, i. 168 
Strickland, Walter, i. 89 ; opposes 

Richard Cromwell, i. 115 
Stukeley (Hunts), lands at, i. 7, 

Subsidy Bill, quarrels over, ii. 225 

et seqq. 
Suffolk, Earl of (James Howard), 

alluded to, ii. 287 
Sugar, constitutional dispute over, ii. 

224 et seqq. 

Sussex, Royalist rising in, i. 155 
Swale, the, ii. 256 
Sweden : allies with Cromwell, i. 90 ; 

relations of, with Denmark, i. 120 ; 

her attitude, i. 127 ; attempts made 

to coerce her, i. 141 
Sydenham, William, i. 72; opposes 

Fifth Monarchists, i. 81 ; on the 

Council of State, i. 83 ; opposes 

Richard Cromwell, i. 115 
Sydney, Algernon : Commissioner at 

the Sound, i. 143 ; watches Moun- 

tagu, i. 144 ; favours Holland, i. 

145 ; offends Charles X., i. 146 ; 

his quarrel with Mountagu, i. 148 



et seqq. ; accuses him of intrigue, i. 
150 et seqq.; his protest against 
him, i. 156 

Talbot, Sir Gilbert : proposes attack 
on Bergen, i. 318 et seqq. ; the 
failure discussed, i. 330 et seqq, 

Tangier : Mountagu's views on, i. 95, 
197 ; its cession, i. 204 et seqq. ; 
money for, ii. 13 ; not to be sold, 
ii. 46, 82 ; Sandwich's inquiry 
there, ii. 154 et seqq. ; factions in, 
ii. 156 ; new charter for, ii. 157 et 
seq. ; Sandwich's report on the 
place, ii. 165 et seqq. 

Taunton : besieged by Royalists, i. 
60 ; the siege raised, i. 62 

Taylor, Captain, causes a mutiny at 
Henley, i. 52 

Taylor, Major, ii. 155 

Teddeman (or Teddiman), Sir Thomas, 
i. 301 ; to attack Bergen, i. 326 ; 
his plan, i. 328 ; is repulsed, i. 
329 ; rejoins Sandwich, i. 336 ; 
alluded to, ii. 5 

Temple, Anne, visits the fleet, i. 

Temple Bar, declaration of war at, i. 

Temple, Dorothy, Lady, ii. 241 

Temple, Sir Richard, ii. 228 

Temple, Sir William : his letters, ii. 
96, no, 145 ; alluded to, ii. 240 

Tetuan, i. 95, 202 

Texel, the, Channel off the Island, 
i. 288 et seq., ii. 252 

Thomson, George, Brooke House 
Commissioner, ii. 191 

Thurloe, John : letters alluded to, i. 
94, 95, 105, 109; supports Richard 
Cromwell, i. 115 ; elected for 
Huntingdon, i. 119 ; alluded to, i. 
135, 141 ; favours the Cromwells, i. 
173 ; letter from, i. 180 

Tickhill Castle, i. 47 

Titus, Captain, i. 268 

Tockwith (Yorks), forces at, i. 39 

Toleration : question of, i. 45 ; 
quarrels over, i. 244; Bucking- 
ham's championship of, ii. 189, 

Tonbridge, Royalist rising at, i. 155 

Tor Bay, i. 214 

Torksey (Lincolnshire), alluded to, i. 

Torrington, Admiral Lord (Arthur 
Herbert), alluded to, ii. 296 

Toulon, i. 207 

Tournai, Bishop of, ii. 207 

Tourville, French Admiral, alluded 

to, ii. 296 
Townsend, Thomas, Deputy of the 

Wardrobe, i. 257 
Townshend, Lord (Sir -, Horatio 

Townshend), Commissioner of 

Prizes, ii. 28 et seqq. 
Trade and Plantations, Committee 

for, ii. 209 et seqq. 
Treasury, Committee of, i. 83 
Treaty of Dover : signed, ii. 207 ; 

effects of, ii. 231, 238 
Treaty of Lisbon, ii. 133 
Treaty of Madrid, ii. 99 et seqq.; 

ii. 107 et seq.; its observance, ii. 


Treaty of Roskilde. See Roskilde 
Tresham, family of, lands confiscated, 


Trevor, Sir John, his letters to Sand- 
wich, ii. 145 et seq. 
Trice, Jasper, ii. 30 
Trinity House : Sandwich Master of, 

i. 198; and elder brother of, ii. 


Triple Alliance, alluded to, ii. 144 
Tromp, Cornelis Martenszoon, Dutch 

Admiral, i. 306 
Tunbridge Wells, alluded to, ii. 

Turenne, Marshal: attacks Mardyk, 

i. 104; takes Dunkirk, i. in 
Turks, their piracies, i. 205 
Tychemers, Joan, Prioress of Hinch- 

ingbrooke, i. 3 


" Undertakers," the, ii. 193 
United Provinces, the. See Dutch 
Unhappy Marksman, the, alluded to, 

i- 159 

Uniformity, Act of (see also Tolera- 
ration), i. 244 

Uniforms, in early Roundhead regi- 
ments, i. 26 

Valevin, John, Sandwich's secretary, 

ii. 265, 286 
Valladolid, ii. 55 
Van Brakel, Jan, ii. 273 et seq. 
Van de Rijn, Jan Danielszoon, ii. 




Van de Velde, Willem, paints battle 

scenes, i. 300 
Van Dyck, Sir Anthony, his paintings 

at Hinchingbrooke, i. 229 
Van Ghent, Willem Josef, Lieut. - 

Admiral, ii. 268 et seqq. 
Vane, Sir Harry (the younger), i. 

130 ; reads a party, i. 159 et seq. ; 

is dismissed, i. 169 
Vaudois, the, Cromwell's aid to, i. 89 
Vaughan, John (afterwards Chief 

Justice), defends Sandwich over 

the prizes, ii. 192 et seqq. 
Velasquez, alluded to, ii. 56 
Vienna, alluded to, ii. 2, 38 
Villeroi, Marechal, entertained by 

Mountagu, i. ill 
Virginia, ii. 214 
Vlie, the, Dutch anchorage, i. 288, 

ii. 252 


Walden, Captain, a Royalist, i. 87 
Walden, Lionel, ii. 30 
Wales, holds for the King, i. 56, 66 
Walker, Robert, his paintings alluded 

to, i. 229 
Waller, Edmund, on the Council of 

Plantations, ii. 212 
Waller, Sir Hardress : at Naseby, 

i. 59 ; at Bridgewater, i. 64 ; at 

Bristol, i. 68 et seqq.; his trial, 

i- 193 

Waller, Sir William : Roundhead 
general, i. 49 et seq. ; his army 
merged in the New Model, i. 


Walters, Lucy, mother of the Duke 
of Monmouth, ii. 175 

Waltham Forest, alluded to, i. 89 

Walton, Valentine, enemy of Moun- 
tagu, i. 84, 156 

Wardrobe, the : constitution of, i. 
242 ; accounts of, i. 256 et seq. ; 
is reorganized, ii. 187 

Wardrobe House, destroyed by the 
fire, i. 243, ii. 187 

Wardships, law of, in Scotland, ii. 


Warwick (Sir Robert Rich, second 
Earl of), at Cromwell's installation, 
i. 102 

Wash, the, alluded to, 28 

Washingley House (Hunts), Moun- 
tagu a prisoner at, i. 75 

Welbeck Abbey, taken by the Round- 
heads, i. 47 

Welden (or Weldon), Ralph, com- 
mands at Bristol, i. 68 

Werden (or Worden), John : Sand- 
wich's messenger, i. 325 ; joins his 
retinue for Spain, ii. 51 ; is sent 
forward to Madrid, ii. 54 ; his mis- 
sion to Lisbon, ii. 79 et 3e( l; 
takes charge of affairs in Madrid, 
ii. 152 

West Indies (see also Jamaica, etc.), 
ii. 47, in ; piracy in, ii. 210 

Westminster Abbey, ii. 287 

Westminster Hall, i. 82, 102 ; ii. 

Westminster School, Sandwich's sons 
at, ii. 183 

Weymouth, Mountagu Member for, 
i. 177 

Weyras Bay. See Oeiras Bay 

Wharncliffe Lodge, alluded to, ii. 

Wharton, Philip, Lord, i. 77 

Whetstone, Thomas : Royalist envoy, 
i. 139 ; sent to interview Moun- 
tagu, i. 144 ; his want of tact, 

i- 145 

White Banks (off Flanders), ii. 261 
Whitelocke, Bulstrode, i. 89, 102 
Whitehall: Mountagu's lodgings at, 

i. 80, 167, 243, 252 ; alluded to, 

i. 114, 136, 169 
Whittlesea Mere, i. 195 
William (the Conqueror), i. 2 n, 
Willoughby of Parham, Lord, is 

inefficient, i. 28 
Winceby, skirmish at, i. 27 
Windham, John, a volunteer killed at 

Bergen, i. 329 
Wingfield Manor, i. 48 
Witchcraft, story of, at Huntingdon, 

i. 8 
Wolsey (or Wolseley), Sir Charles, 

supports Richard Cromwell, i. 115 
Wool-trade, with Spain, ii. no et 

Worcester, Battle of, alluded to, i. 


Worsley, Benjamin, ii. 225 
Wortley, Anne (Anne Newcomen), a 

great heiress, ii. 234 et seq. 
Wortley Hall, ii. 289 
Wortley, Sir Francis, alluded to, ii. 

Wortley-Mountagu. See Hon. Sydney 

Wrangel, esteemed a great General, 

ii. 141 
Wright, Anne, Lady, alluded to, 

ii. 284 



Yarmouth, alluded to, i. 274, 343 
York : city of, i. 27 ; besieged, i. 35 

et seqq. ; relieved by Rupert, i. 39 ; 

taken by the Roundheads, i. 44 
York, Duchess of (Anne Hyde), 

visits the fleet, i. 294 

York, James, Duke of. See James, 
Duke of York 

i Zante, i. 207 

f Zeeland, proposed raid on, ii. 251 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE. The sources used are fully indicated at the 
heads of the chapters. With regard to the Stale Papers, Cal. S. P., Dom. 
(Calendar of State Papers, Domestic} indicates that the calendar has been 
referred to, and -5". P., Dom., or S. P., For. (Foreign), indicates reference to 
the original document in the Public Record Office. 



DA Harris, Frank Reginald 

447 The life of Edward Montagu, 

S26H3 first Earl of Sandwich