Skip to main content

Full text of "The life of Ferdinand Magellan and the first circumnavigation of the globe : 1480-1521"

See other formats 


"m^iWS^'^'^ 


^f  :■,■    ^t^asr.v 


■^ 


McKEW  PARR  COLLECTION 


MAGELLAN 

and  the  AGE  of  DISCOVERY 


PRESENTED      TO 

BRANDEIS  UNIVERSITY  •  1961 


/^///^TTJ^      ^^^    /Z^^^-kJ     /t^^^j/    "^.fM^^-^^ 


^ 


\       PUBLISHERS'   NOTE. 

Only  fifty  copies  of  this  Edition  on  hand-made  paper  have 
been  printed,  of  which  this  copy  is 


No. 


^Z*^/-v. 


ZTbe  IKIlorlb'0  Great  lEyplorers 
ant>  Bjplorations, 

Edited  by  J.  Scott  Keltie,  Librarian,  Royal  Geographical  Society  ; 
H.  J.  Mackinder,  M.A.,  Reader  in  Geography  at  the  University 
of  Oxford;  and  E.  G.  Ravenstein,  F.R.G.S. 


FEEDINAND  MAGELLAN. 


FERDINAND    MAGELLAN. 


{From  a  portrait  in  the  Versailles  Collection). 


THE  LIFE  OF 

FERDINAND  MAGELLAN 

AND  THE 

FIRST  CIRCUMNAVIGATION  OF  THE  GLOBE. 
1480 — 1 52 1. 


F.   H.   H.   GUILLEMARD,   M.A.,  M.D.,   Cantab. 

LATE    LECTURER   IN    GEOGRAPHY   AT   THE    UNIVERSITY 
OF    CAMBRIDGE. 


T.ONDON; 
GEORGE  PHILIP  &  SON,  32  FLEET  STREET; 

LIVERPOOL  :  45  to  51  SOUTH  CASTLE  STREET. 
i8qi. 


PREFACE. 


It  is  a  curious  circumstance  that,  while  the  world  is 
year  by  year  presented  with  biographies  of  persons  who 
cannot  lay  claim  to  a  tithe  of  the  renown  so  justly 
accorded  to  Magellan,  no  life  of  the  great  circumnavi- 
gator has  yet  been  written  in  English,  or  indeed — if 
we  make  one  exception — in  any  other  language.  The 
exception  is  Sni\  Diego  de  Barros  Arana's  Vida  y 
Viages  de  Hernando  de  Magallanes,  which  in  1881  was 
translated  into  Portuguese  by  Snr.  F.  de  Magalhaes 
Villas- Boas,  with  the  addition  of  an  original  appendix. 
This  work,  although  accurate,  does  not  aim  at  detail, 
and  Magellan's  early  life  in  India  under  Almeida  and 
Albuquerque  is  dismissed  in  five  pages.  Students  de- 
sirous of  a  further  knowledge  are  forced  to  gather  it  as 
best  they  can  from  the  pages  of  Navarrete,  or  to  tread 
the  thorny  paths  of  the  old  chronicles  and  the  docu- 
ments of  the  Torre  do  Tombo  and  Simancas. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  have  been  led  to  depart 
somewhat  from  the  plan  upon  which  this  series  was 
instituted.  While  striving  to  offer  the  present  volume 
in  such  guise  as  may  not  be  unacceptable  to  the  general 


viii  PREFACE. 

reader,  I  have  thought  it  advisable  to  treat  my  subject 
as  thoroughly  as  it  deserves,  or,  more  accurately,  as 
thoroughly  as  space  permits  me.  I  have,  therefore, 
sacrificed  some  of  the  trivial  details  of  the  voyage  as 
related  by  Pigafetta  and  others,  which  are  accessible  to 
the  English  reader  in  Lord  Stanley  of  Alderley's  "  First 
Voyage  round  the  World,"  and  endeavoured  not  only  to 
render  the  account  of  Magellan's  earlier  life  as  complete 
as  possible,  but  to  leave  no  detail  of  the  more  important 
questions  and  difiiculties  unconsidered.  The  solution  of 
the  latter  has  not  always  been  an  easy  task,  and  has 
necessitated  the  perusal  of  a  much  larger  mass  of  mate- 
rial than,  from  the  size  of  the  present  volume,  might  be 
inferred.  In  the  ensuing  pages  I  have  given  my  autho- 
rities— wherever  it  seemed  necessary — together  with 
the  discussion  of  all  points  of  a  technical  nature,  in  the 
footnotes.  In  consulting  the  old  Spanish  documents 
relating  to  the  subject,  I  have  come  across  much  of 
interest  which  want  of  space  has  prevented  me  from 
using.  I  can  only  trust  that  I  may  not  be  considered 
to  have  made  a  wrong  selection. 

F.  H.  H.  G. 

Cambeidgb,  September  1890. 


CONTENTS. 


OHAP.  PAGE 

I.   INTRODUCTORY I 

II.   EARLY   LIFE   AND   INDIAN    SERVICE  .  ,  I? 

III.  SERVICE  WITH   ALBUQUERQUE   AND    IN   MOROCCO  — 

DENATURALISATION 53 

IV.  MAGELLAN'S      PROJECT      AND      ITS      ADOPTION     BY 

CHARLES   V 87 

V.    PREPARATIONS   FOR   THE   VOYAGE  .  .  .no 

VI.    THE   LAST   VOYAGE.      I.    SOUTH-EAST  AMERICA  AND 

THE   MUTINY   IN   PORT   ST.    JULIAN       .  .  .       I42 

VII.   THE   LAST   VOYAGE.        IL    THE    DISCOVERY    OF    THE 


STRAIT 


VIII.   THE  LAST  VOYAGE.     III.  THE  PASSAGE  OP  THE  STRAIT      1 99 
IX.   THE   LAST   VOYAGE.      IV.   THE   LADRONES   AND   THE 

PHILIPPINE   ISLANDS 2l8 

X.    THE   LAST   VOYAGE.      V.    BATTLE    OF    MACTAN    AND 

DEATH   OF   MAGELLAN 246 

XI.   THE  LAST  VOYAGE.      VI.  ARRIVAL  AT  THE  MOLUCCAS 

AND   RETURN   TO   SPAIN        .....      262 
XII.   THE     LAST     VOYAGE.         VII.     THE     FATE     OP     THE 

"TRINIDAD" 298 

APPENDICES  :— 

I.    GENEALOGY   OF   THE   FAMILIES    OP    MAGELLAN  AND 
BARBOSA      

II.  Magellan's  wills        ..... 

III.  PERSONNEL   OF  MAGELLAN'S   ARMADA      . 

IV.  STORES  AND   EQUIPMENT   OP   THE   FLEET 
V.    THE   FIRST   CIRCUMNAVIGATORS   OF  THE   GLOBE 

INDEX 


316 
326 


341 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


1.  Portrait  of  Magellan        .        •        •        • 

2.  Coat-of-Arms  and  Autograph  of  Magellan 

3.  Tower  of  Belem 

4.  Portrait  of  Albuquerque     . 

5.  Malacca  (/rom  Corrm). 

6.  Lisbon  Harbour  (from  De  Bry) 

7.  Native  op  Patagonia  ^  . 

8.  Cape  Virgins 

9.  Port  Famine,  Magellan's  Strait 

10.  Magellan  passing  his  Strait  (from  De  Bry) 

11.  Admiralty  Sound,  Magellan's  Strait 

12.  A  Scene  in  Sebu 

1 3.  Monument  to  Magellan  in  Mactan    . 

14.  The  Citt  op  Brunei      .        •        • 

15.  TiDOR  Volcano  FROM  Tern  ate     . 

16.  Coat-of-Arms  and  Autograph  of  Del  Cano 

17.  Statue  of  Del  Cano 


Frontispiece 

p.  21 

to  face  page  32 

62 

to  face  page  120 
180 
p.  201 
p.  207 
to  face  page  210 
p.  214 
to  face  page  236 
p.  255 
to  face  page  270 
278 
p.  308 

r-  309 


1  For  this  illustration  the  PubUshers  arc  indebted  to  the  kindnes.  of  the 
South  American  Missionary  Society. 


LIST   OF   MAPS. 


MAPS  IN  TEXT. 

1.  The  East  Coast  of  Patagonia 

2.  TiERA  DE  Patagones  {Ribero) . 

3.  The  Soxh'hebn  Ladbone  Islands 

4.  The  Moluccas 

5.  TiMOB  AND  FlORES  ISLANDS       . 

COLOURED  MAPS. 


P-  157 
•p.  160 
p.  224 
p.  276 
jp.  290 


I.  Portuguese  Dominions  in  the  East  Indies     to  face  page  34 
II.  Map  Illustrating  the  Track  op  Magellan's  Fleet  „     142 


III.  Magellan's  Strait     .... 

IV.  The  Philippine  and  Molucca  Islands 


199 
226 


TO  ILLUSTRATE  THE  PROGRESS  OF  DISCOVERY 
IN  THE  NE  W  WORLD. 

V.  Behaim's  Globe  of  1492 

VI.  Hydbographia  Portuguesa,  1 504-1 5 13 

VII.  RcYSCH's  Mappamundi,  1507        .        .    '.    at  end  of  Volume. 

Leonardo  da  Vinci's  America,  i  5  i  5 

The  Hauslab  Globe,  15  .  .? 

Schoner's  First  Globe,  1515    .        .1 

„      ..        ,    „  I         to  face  pant  192 

Schoners  Globe  OF  1520  .        .  ) 

X.  Schoner's  Globe  of  1523    .        .        .    \ 

_^  ,.  ,    ,.  \    at  end  of  Volume. 

XI.  DiOGo  Ribero  s  Mappamundi,  1529    .    ) 


LIFE   OF  MAGELLAN. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTORY. 

Ere  we  begin  the  story  of  Magellan's  life,  we  must 
consider  for  a  moment  the  condition  of  geographical 
knowledge  at  the  time  when  he  first  appeared  upon  the 
world's  stage  as  an  explorer.  Himself  destined  to  im- 
mortality, a  chapter-writer  in  the  history  of  the  world, 
the  First  Circumnavigator,  he  witnessed  in  his  lifetime 
the  three  most  distinguished  deeds  of  geographical  dis- 
covery—the rounding  of  the  Cape  by  Bartholomew  Diaz, 
the  first  voyage  to  India  by  Vasco  da  Gama,  and  the 
discovery  of  America  by  Columbus.  It  is  remarkable 
that  all  these,  together  with  his  own  great  voyage, 
should  have  occurred  within  the  limits  of  so  short  a 
period,  but  that  they  were  the  natural  outcome  of  pre- 
ceding work  is  evident  enough  if  we  glance  at  the 
history  of  the  Peninsula  during  the  fifteenth  century. 

As  in  most  sciences,  so  in  geography,  a  great  dis- 
covery is  rarely  sudden.  It  is  foreshadowed  and  led 
up  to  by  a  train  of  minor  facts  wdnch  are  for  the  most 
part  lost  sight  of  in  the  eclat  of  the  greater.  Had  we 
to  assign  a  definite  date  to  the  commencement  of  the 


2  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 

Renascence  in  geography,  it  should,  perhaps,  be  placed  at 
the  period  when  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator,  removing 
from  the  court,  gave  himself  heart  and  soul  to  the  adding 
of  new  lands  to  the  crown  of  Portugal.  But  even  before 
his  time  some  part  of  the  African  seaboard  had  been 
coasted  —  the  end  of  the  clue  grasped  which,  when 
followed  up,  was  to  lead  those  who  held  it  to  India,  the 
Moluccas,  and  Cathay. 

If  we  turn  to  the  map  and  consider  the  geogi'aphical 
position  of  the  Peninsula,  and  to  the  pages  of  history 
and  make  ourselves  acquainted  with  the  events  preced- 
ing the  culmination  pei-iod  just  mentioned,  we  realise 
how  inevitable  was  it  that  the  deeds  of  exploration  and 
conquest  which  made  Spain  and  Portugal  the  greatest 
countries  in  the  world  should  have  been  undertaken 
and  carried  out  by  them.  Hardly  less  easy,  too,  would 
have  been  the  prediction  of  their  rapid  effeteness  and 
downfall,  but  with  this  we  have  nothing  to  do.  In  the 
present  volume  we  are  concerned  only  with  their  rise, 
and  though  this  was  brought  about  by  the  coincidence 
of  many  factors,  it  is  probable  that  the  most  permanent 
of  them,  namely  geographical  position,  was  the  strongest 
determinant  of  the  result.  With  the  Portuguese  this 
was  especially  the  case.  Hemmed  in  on  the  landward 
side  by  a  power  with  whom  it  was  useless  at  that  time 
to  cross  swords,  the  sea  was  manifestly  their  metier. 
Their  long  coast-line,  their  good  harbours,  and  the 
broad  Atlantic,  made  them  perforce  a  race  of  sailors. 
Yet  they  had  no  Mediterranean,  as  had  the  Spaniards, 
to  set  natural  bounds  and  limits  to  their  voyages. 
Almost  within  sight,  and,  as  it  were,  in  their  own  waters, 
lay  the  shoulder  of  the  vast  continent  of  Africa,  tempt- 
inc:  them  onwards  with   its  unbroken   coast-line.      It 


INTRODUCTORY.  3 

was  a  period,  moreover,  when  expansion  and  commercial 
activity  were  inevitable.  The  centuries  of  Moorish 
oppression  had  ended,  Not  only  had  the  Portuguese 
driven  their  former  masters  from  the  country,  but  they 
were  pushing  them  hard  in  Morocco  itself.  The  desire 
of  conquest  had  been  aroused  in  them,  and  the  advent 
of  Prince  Henry  was  the  final  term  in  a  series  of  events 
which  led  them,  a  few  years  later,  to  become  so  great  a 
maritime  nation  that  no  one  can  read  their  history  with- 
out wonder  and  admiration. 

Prince  Henry,  then,  was  the  true  mainspring  of 
Portuguese  activity  at  the  time  of  which  we  speak. 
His  whole  life  was  given  up  to  the  encouragement  of 
discovery  and  navigation.  Renouncing  the  pleasures 
of  court,  he  remained  in  almost  complete  retirement 
at  Cape  St.  Vincent,  in  the  constant  companionship  of 
those  learned  in  cosmography  and  kindred  sciences.  At 
this  date  the  Canaries  had  long  been  known.  Bethen- 
court  had  conquered  them,  and  Spain  and  Portugal  had 
squabbled  over  them,  as  indeed  was  their  wont  upon 
the  occasion  of  each  fresh  discovery.  Their  trade  was 
making  itself  felt  at  Seville,  and  Prince  Henry  doubtless 
had  it  in  mind  when  he  fitted  out  his  first  expedition. 
Cape  Non — "  the  impassable  " — had  at  length  been 
passed.  Cape  Bojador,  however,  though  scarcely  beyond 
the  Canaries,  was  the  furthest  southern  point  then 
reached  by  European  ships,  and  it  was  with  the  inten- 
tion of  doubling  it  that  the  Prince,  in  the  year  141 8, 
despatched  Zargo  and  Tristao  Vaz  in  a  single  ship  with 
orders  to  carry  their  explorations  as  far  southwards  as 
was  possible.  They  met  with  the  happiest  of  failures. 
Driven  out  of  their  course  by  a  gale,  they  sighted  an 
unexpected    island    in    mid-Atlantic,    and    from    Porto 


4  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 

Santo — thus  named  from  the  welcome  shelter  it  afforded 
them — Madeira  revealed  itself  as  a  matter  of  course. 
The  settlement  and  administration  of  the  latter  turned 
attention  for  some  time  from  the  west  coast  of  Africa, 
and  it  was  not  until  1432  that  Gil  Yanez  finally  succeeded 
in  passing  Cape  Bojador. 

Year  by  year,  little  by  little,  the  coast  thus  became 
known  and  charted.  Hitherto,  as  each  promontory  was 
rounded,  some  other  beyond  it  was  deemed  to  be  im- 
passable. Now,  as  they  approached  the  equator,  the 
old  fables  of  the  impossibility  of  existence  beneath  its 
heats  were  retold,  and  this  difficulty  appeared  more 
formidable  than  any  previously  encountered.  Never- 
theless, the  navigators  pressed  onwards.  Expeditions 
left  Portugal  nearly  every  year,  and  the  leader  of  each 
was  able  to  add  his  quota  of  discovery  to  the  work  of 
his  predecessor.  In  1446  Diniz  Fernandez  reached 
Cape  Verde,  and  in  the  following  year  Nuno  Tiistao 
passed  it  and  met  his  death  at  the  hands  of  the  natives 
beyond  the  Gambia.  Despite  the  early  Spanish  settlement 
of  the  Canaries,  and  certain  occasional  voyages  of  the 
Dieppe  caravels,  the  Portuguese  so  thoroughly  identified 
themselves  with  the  work  of  exploration  on  the  African 
coast  that  their  claims  were  recognised  by  the  Pope, 
and  a  grant  was  made  to  the  crown  of  Portugal  of  all 
lands  then  and  at  any  future  time  to  be  discovered  which 
lay  between  Cape  Non  and  India. 

Hard  as  he  had  worked  in  the  cause.  Prince  Henry 
was  destined  to  see  no  world-renowned  exploit  or  sub- 
stantial benefit  result  from  his  efforts.  At  his  death, 
indeed,  no  one  had  yet  reached  the  equator,  and  ten 
years  or  more  elapsed  before  it  was  actually  crossed. 
With  him  perished,   for  the   moment,  the  interest  in 


INTRODUCTORY.  5 

geographical  exploration  which  he  had  aroused.  Bvit  it 
was  only  for  the  moment,  for  Joao  II.  proved  well-nigh 
as  ardent  an  advocate  and  supporter  of  the  cause  as 
Henry,  and  under  his  rule  the  Portuguese  passed  through 
the  comparative  stage  of  their  fame  as  navigators  and 
discoverers,  to  reach  its  culminating  term  in  the  reign  of 
his  successor,  Dom  Manoel. 

Joao,  although  not  fated  to  witness  the  conquest  of 
India  and  the  mastery  of  the  spice  trade,  saw  two  of  the 
four  great  geographical  events  of  history,  and  was  him- 
self the  instigator  of  one  of  them.  The  third,  and 
greatest,  lay  within  his  grasp,  but  he  failed  to  seize  the 
opportunity.  When  Columbus  expounded  his  views 
before  the  king's  junta  of  geographers  they  were  laughed 
at  as  impossible,  and  he  was  called  a  boasting  Itahan. 
But  it  must  be  remembered  that  Joao  sneered  in  good 
company — for  Henry  VII.,  to  whom  Columbus  also 
applied,  held  the  same  opinion — and  even  if  he  were 
not  gifted  enough  to  foresee  the  discovery  of  America, 
he  was  at  least  thoroughly  alive  to  the  importance  of 
following  up  the  work  already  begun  upon  the  coast  of 
Africa.  To  this  he  turned  his  whole  attention.  More- 
over, as  we  shall  see,  he  had  a  definite  plan  in  so  doing. 

The  progress  made  was  rapid  enough.  In  1484  Diogo 
Cao  discovered  the  mouth  of  the  Congo,  and  pushed 
on  till  he  reached  a  river  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
Tropic  of  Capricorn.  Settlements  were  established  upon 
the  Guinea  Coast,  and  trade  encouraged  in  many  places, 
but  these  were  not  the  limits  of  Joao's  aims.  His  com- 
mercial horizon  lay  beyond  the  ivory  and  palm-oil  of  the 
West  Coast,  and  held  within  its  boundaries  the  spices 
of  the  Indies.  The  procuring  of  information  concerning 
these  far  distant  countries  and  their  products  was  at 


6  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 

that  time  no  easy  matter.  To  obtain  it  Joao  despatched 
two  trusty  envoys,  Pedro  de  Covilhao  and  Affonso  de 
Payva,  to  the  kingdom  of  Prester  John. 

On  the  extended  wanderings  of  these  two  travellers 
we  need  not  dwell.  There  being  no  Prester  John,  and 
therefore,  demonstrably,  no  kingdom  belonging  to  him, 
it  is  needless  to  say  that  they  never  attained  their  des- 
tination. But  they  got  to  Abyssinia — in  those  days 
accounted  much  the  same  thing  —  and  Covilhao  was 
sufficiently  fortunate  and  adventurous  to  reach  Goa  and 
Calicut.  Payva  died  in  Cairo,  and  Covilhao  remained  a 
prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  Abyssinians,  but  he  was 
able  on  more  than  one  occasion  to  send  letters  to  his 
sovereign.  They  contained  accounts  of  the  cities  he  had 
visited  in  India  and  of  their  trade,  together  with  important 
information  concerning  the  route  thither.  The  southern 
promontory  of  Africa,  he  wrote,  could  be  rounded  with- 
out fear,  and,  once  at  Sofala,  the  course  across  the 
Indian  Ocean  to  the  shores  of  Hindostan  was  easy.  All 
this  information,  however,  came  too  late.  By  the  time 
it  reached  Portugal  the  task  had  already  been  accom- 
plished. 

It  would  serve  no  purpose  to  discuss  here  the  authen- 
ticity of  the  doubling  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  by  the 
ancients.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  there  is  a  pro- 
bability of  such  a  feat  having  been  really  accomplished, 
but  the  evidence  is  so  brief,  and  the  date  of  its  supposed 
occurrence  so  far  distant,  that  the  credit  attaching  to 
Bartholomew  Diaz  as  the  first  person  to  perform  the 
exploit  in  modern  times  is  in  no  way  touched  by  it. 
Diogo  Cao's  discovery  of  the  Congo  and  Angola  led  him 
far  down  the  coast.  Indeed,  as  we  have  seen,  he  pene- 
trated so  far  south  as  nearly  to  pass  beyond  the  Tropic. 


INTRODUCTORY.  7 

Thence  to  the  Cape  is  no  great  distance,  and  two  years 
later  Dom  Joao  sent  Diaz  on  the  expedition  which 
brought  it  to  the  actual  knowledge  of  the  Portuguese, 
and  rendered  its  discoverer's  name  imperishable.  The 
voyage  was  performed  with  extraordinary  rapidity ;  but 
having  once  rounded  the  Cape,  Diaz  preferred  to  bring 
home  the  intelligence  of  his  success  with  all  speed  rather 
than  press  his  explorations  further.  The  furthest  point 
reached  by  him  was  that  now  known  as  Algoa  Bay. 
From  the  violent  gales  experienced  Diaz  named  his  dis- 
covery the  Cape  of  Storms  (Cabo  Tormentoso),  but  Dom 
Joao  refused,  for  obvious  reasons,  to  adopt  his  nomencla- 
ture. As  the  finger-post  of  the  route  to  India  it  was 
worthy  of  a  more  auspicious  title,  and  at  his  order  it 
became  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

It  is  difficult  to  explain  why,  after  this  success,  no 
further  action  should  have  been  taken  for  so  long  a 
period.  Possibly  the  discovery  of  Columbus  had  not  a 
little  to  do  with  it,  for  the  effect  of  his  news  was  to 
direct  all  eyes  westward.  Joao's  reign,  moreover,  was 
drawing  to  a  close.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
cause,  ten  years  passed  ere  the  Cape  was  again  sighted 
by  European  ships.  This  time  the  Portuguese  pushed 
far  beyond  it,  and  in  May,  1498,  Gama  anchored  his 
ships  in  Indian  waters. 

The  Cape  once  rounded,  the  attaining  of  India  was 
found  an  easy  matter,  as  Covilhao  had  written ;  and 
Vasco  da  Gama  secured  immortality  upon  terms  as  easy, 
perhaps,  as  any  ever  granted,  either  before  or  since. 
Guided  by  the  pilot  who  had  accompanied  Bartholomew 
Diaz,  he  reached  and  named  Natal  on  Christmas  Day, 
1497.  Keeping  northwards  along  the  coast  he  arrived 
at  Melinda.     From  this  place — and  indeed  from  many 


8  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 

others  on  the  east  coast  of  Africa — a  long-established 
trade  existed  across  the  Indian  Ocean  to  the  Malabar 
coast,  and  Gama  found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  an  Arab 
pilot  experienced  in  the  navigation  of  those  seas  to  bring 
him  to  Calicut.  At  the  cost  of  Httle  danger  and  less 
trouble  he  fovmd  himself  famous.  When  Camoens  sang 
his  deeds  his  fame  became  immortal. 

The  reign  of  Dom  Manoel,  in  which  the  "  discovery 
period "  of  history,  as  we  may  term  it,  reached  its 
height,  was  well  inaugurated  by  Vasco  da  Gama's 
exploit.  The  results  of  the  voyage  became  almost  im- 
mediately apparent.  Gama  found  the  trade  of  the  East 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Arabs,  The  produce  of 
Malaysia  and  the  China  seas  found  its  way,  as  it  does 
now,  through  the  Straits  of  Malacca.  Upon  this  city 
all  western- directed  lines  of  trade  converged,  and  there 
the  Arabs  met,  ordered,  and  controlled  it.  On  both  sides 
of  the  Indian  Ocean  alike  they,  and  they  alone,  were 
the  merchants  through  whose  hands  the  exports  of  the 
different  countries  passed.  Finally,  everything,  whether 
ivor}'  from  Africa,  silks  from  India  and  Cathay,  or  the 
yet  more  coveted  spices  of  the  Malay  Islands,  entered 
Europe  by  way  of  the  Eed  Sea  and  Egypt,  or — though 
to  a  very  much  less  degree — by  the  Persian  Gulf.  It 
was  evident  from  the  very  moment  of  Gama's  success  that 
a  great  struggle  was  impending — the  struggle  between 
the  Portuguese  and  Arabs  for  supremacy  in  the  East. 

We  must  here  leave  our  sketch  of  the  gradual  advance 
of  the  Portuguese  upon  the  Eastern  gate  of  the  Pacific. 
How  they  reached  and  passed  it  we  shall  presently  see. 
In  the  ensuing  chapters  the  story  of  the  estabhshment 
of  Lusitanian  rule  in  the  Indies  is  dwelt  upon  more 
fully,  for  Magellan  served  for  seven  years  under  the 


INTRODUCTORY.  9 

two  great  Viceroys,  Almeida  and  Albuquerque,  and  the 
history  of  his  life  at  this  period  is  but  the  history  of  the 
period  itself.  But  before  we  commence  it  we  will  pass 
for  a  moment  to  the  other  side  of  the  Pacific. 

Five  years  before  Yasco  da  Gama's  exploit,  Columbus 
sailed  upon  his  first  great  voyage,  and  returned  as  the 
discoverer  of  the  West  Indies.  We  know  with  what 
enthusiasm  the  exploration  of  the  l!^ew  World  was 
carried  out,  and  how  expedition  after  expedition  sailed 
in  search  of  its  riches.  The  track  followed,  however, 
was  in  almost  every  case  influenced  by  that  of  the  great 
admiral  himself,  and  it  was  Central,  not  South  America, 
which  became  earliest  known.  Nevertheless,  in  those 
days,  when  men  were  possessed  with  a  hunger  for  ex- 
ploration— or  for  the  results  of  it — so  fierce  and  insa- 
tiable that  to  our  cool  nineteenth -century  eyes  they 
appear  hardly  other  than  madmen,  Brazil  at  least  was 
not  likely  to  remain  long  undiscovered.  Nor  did  it. 
Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon,  one  of  the  captains  of  Columbus 
in  his  first  voyage,  led  the  van,  and  in  1499  carried  out 
an  extended  reconnaissance  of  the  northern  shores  of 
South  America,  and  viewed  the  coast  as  far  south  as 
lat.  8°,  where  Pernambuco  now  stands.  Hardly  three 
months  later  mere  chance  led  the  Portuguese  to  nearly 
the  same  spot.  Cabral,  in  command  of  the  outward- 
bound  Indian  fleet,  who  had  kept  a  more  westerly  course 
than  usual  in  his  passage  down  the  Atlantic,  was  driven 
still  further  towards  America  by  stress  of  weather,  and 
woke  on  the  morning  of  the  22nd  February,  1500,  to  find 
a  vast,  and  to  him  unknown,  continent  under  his  lee. 
The  work  he  had  in  hand  did  not  permit  him  properly 
to  explore  it,  and  he  was  forced  to  leave  his  discovery 
to  be  followed  up  by  others. 


10  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 

If  we  compare  the  time  occupied  in  the  tracing  of 
the  coast-line  of  the  two  opposite  shores  of  Africa  and 
South  America  the  difference  is  astonishing.  While 
the  Portuguese  took  innumerable  expeditions  and  a 
hundred  years  to  double  the  Cape,  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  Strait  of  Magellan  was  reached  in  less  than  a  decade 
by  the  work  of  a  bare  half-dozen  of  explorers.  We  need 
not  enter  into  the  consideration  of  Vespucci's  voyages 
on  this  coast,  concerning  which  much  controversial  ink 
has  been  shed,  but  will  confine  ourselves  to  surer 
ground.  With  the  advent  of  the  sixteenth  century  the 
knowledge  of  this  part  of  the  world  advanced  by  leaps 
and  bounds.  Almost  contemporaneously  with  Cabral's 
accidental  visit,  Diego  de  Lepe  was  taking  up  Pinzon's 
work,  and  pushing  still  further  to  the  south.  But  the 
name  of  the  latter,  together  with  that  of  Juan  de  Solis, 
must  ever  remain  most  linked  with  the  history  of  South 
American  discovery.  In  1508  these  two  navigators 
visited  the  Rio  Negro  in  lat.  41°  S.,  working  beyond 
the  Rio  de  la  Plata,  which  was  yet  un visited.  Indeed, 
a  great  peculiarity  in  the  mapping  out  of  this  coast  was 
the  fact  that  its  most  distant  parts  became  earlier  known 
than  those  nearer  home.  We  shall  have,  later,  to  con- 
sider the  voyages  of  Gonzalo  Coelho  and  Christovao 
Jaques,  It  is  sufficient  here  to  say  that  they  were 
undertaken  in  1501  and  1503,  and  that  they  made 
known  to  Europeans  the  coast  of  Patagonia,  if  not  to 
the  Strait  of  Magellan  itself,  at  least  to  some  point  at 
no  very  great  distance  from  it. 

So  much  for  the  approaches  of  the  Pacific.  The 
existence  of  that  ocean  itself,  or  rather  the  existence  of 
a  sea  of  some  description  upon  the  other  side  of  Central 
America,  was  known  to  Columbus  in    1503  from  the 


INTRODUCTORY.  U 

accounts  of  the  natives  of  that  region,  but,  as  we  all 
know,  he  never  reached  its  shores.  It  was  the  happy 
fate  of  Yasco  Kuuez  de  Balboa  first  to  view  it,  and, 
sword  in  hand,  to  march  into  its  waters  and  claim  them 
and  the  unknown  lands  they  laved  for  the  crown  of 
Castile.  Ten  years,  however,  had  meanwhile  intervened, 
and  discovery  had  marched  with  such  giant  strides  that 
the  question  of  ownership  of  the  new  countries,  of  their 
boundary  lines,  and  other  kindred  matters,  which  for  a 
long  time  past  had  been  exercising  the  minds  of  monarchs 
and  cosmographers  alike,  became  yet  more  complicated. 
For  a  period  of  nearly  fifty  years  the  two  great  maritime 
nations  of  the  world  were  engaged  not  only  in  finding 
out  new  lands  but  in  squabbling  over  them  when 
found. 

The  Hispano-Portuguese  difficulty,  as  we  may  term 
it,  was  so  intimately  connected  with  Magellan's  work 
that  an  account  of  his  life  would  be  incomplete  without 
some  reference  to  its  leading  features.  It  was  histori- 
cally expressed  by  four  great  facts  :  the  Bull  of  Pope 
Alexander  YI.  in  1493;  the  TordesUlas  Agreement  of 
the  following  year;  the  Badajoz  Junta  of  1524;  and 
the  Cession  of  the  Moluccas  in  1529.  A  lengthy  con- 
sideration of  these  would  be  impossible  here,  but  to 
comprehend  the  action  of  Magellan  and  others  at  this 
period  a  rough  outline  of  the  political  results  of  the 
wonderful  discoveries  which  electrified  Europe  at  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  is  necessary. 

The  first  differences  between  the  two  countries  arose 
in  147 1  concerning  the  right  of  ownership  of  the  gold 
mines  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  but  they  soon  passed 
over.  The  discoveries  of  Columbus,  however,  immedi- 
ately renewed  them.     It  was  at  once  realised  that  vast 


12  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 

possibilities  lay  open  to  the  European  world — countries 
of  unknown  extent  and  riches,  and  of  easy  access,  having 
the  additional  advantage  of  being  peopled  by  mild  and 
well-disposed  natives.  It  was  not  likely  that  the  Por- 
tuguese would  submit  without  protest  to  the  annexation 
of  these  by  the  sister  power.  The  Pacific  was  unknown, 
or  at  least  only  considered  as  a  part  of  Ptolemy's  Sinus 
Magnus,  and  they  regarded,  or  pretended  to  regard,  the 
Spaniards  as  poaching  in  their  waters.  It  fell  to  the 
spiritual  head  to  settle  matters.  At  that  time  Alexander 
VI.,  the  father  of  Cesar  and  Lucrezia  Borgia,  and  a 
native  of  Valencia,  was  Pope,  and  his  sympathies  were 
of  course  in  favour  of  Spain.  Portugal,  as  the  greatest 
maritime  power  of  the  Roman  Catholic  world,  was  never- 
theless not  to  be  ignored.  Accordingly,  on  the  4th  May, 
1493,  a  Bull  was  promulgated  which  divided  the  world 
into  two  halves — giving  to  Spain  the  Western  Hemi- 
sphere, and  to  Portugal  the  Eastern.  The  Hne  of  de- 
marcation was  drawn  from  pole  to  pole,  passing  100 
leagues  to  the  west  of  the  Azores  and  Cape  Verde 
Islands.^ 

So  far  as  Spain  and  Portugal  were  concerned  this 
arrangement  was  an  equitable  one.  Roughly  speaking, 
the  line  thus  drawn  passed  north  and  south  through 
mid- Atlantic,  and  gave  to  each  Power  the  countries  they 
had  been  concerned  in  discovering.  Had  it  remained 
unaltered,  the  whole  of  America  would  have  fallen  to 
Spain,  and  Malaysia,  Papua,  and  even  Australia  to 
Portugal.     But  it  did  not,  for  from  the  moment  of  its 

1  "  Quae  linea  distet  a  qualibet  insularum  quaa  vulgariter  nuncupan- 
tur  de  los  Azores  et  Cabo  Verde  centum  leucas  versus  Occidentem." 
This  lack  of  exactness  concerning  its  position  was  one  of  the  chief 
sources  of  dispute  at  the  Badajoz  Junta  in  1524. 


INTRODUCTORY.  13 

pubKcation  the  latter  Power  remonstrated,  fearing — 
although  at  the  time  nothing  was  of  course  known — 
that  no  share  of  the  riches  of  the  New  "World  would 
fall  to  her.  Dom  Joao  II.  appealed  to  have  the  line 
shifted  300  leagues  further  to  the  west,  and  his  appeal 
was  partially  heard.  On  the  7th  June,  1494,  was 
granted  the  Tordesillas  Capitulacion,  by  which  the  raya, 
as  it  was  termed,  was  fixed  370  leagues  west  of  the 
Cape  Verdes — 30  leagues  short  of  the  claim  of  the 
Portuguese  monarch. 

Brazil  was  at  that  time  undiscovered.  After  Pinzon 
and  others  had  brought  it  to  the  knowledge  of  Europeans 
the  raya  was  considered  to  fall  through  the  western 
mouth  of  the  Amazon  in  the  north,  while  in  the  south 
its  position  was  supposed  to  be  beyond  the  Rio  de  la 
Plata.  If  we  turn  to  the  map  we  see  that  in  the  former 
case  it  would  be  in  long.  50°  W.,  in  the  latter  in  60°  or 
thereabouts — a  difference  of  ten  degrees  or  more.  Such 
uncertainty  was  only  to  be  expected  at  that  period, 
when  no  proper  means  for  estimating  longitude  existed. 
The  very  point  de  depart  of  their  reckoning  was  vague 
to  a  degree.  The  Azores  and  Cape  Verde  Islands  were 
presumed  to  be  in  the  same  meridian  !  By  the  words 
of  the  Papal  Bull,  moreover,  any  island  might  be  chosen 
from  which  to  measure,  so  that  the  position  of  the  hne 
— even  had  accurate  instruments  been  available — could 
by  no  possibility  have  been  fixed  within  several  hundreds 
of  miles. 

Up  to  this  time  it  had  only  been  the  settlement  of 
the  home  line  of  demarcation  which  had  presented  any 
features  of  interest  to  the  contending  parties.  But  with 
Magellan's  voyage  matters  assumed  quite  a  different 
complexion.     The  Moluccas,  not  the  New  "World,  now 


14  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 

became  the  prize  at  which  each  aimed.  But  if  the  fixing 
of  the  Atlantic  line  had  been  a  matter  of  dispute,  it  may 
be  imagined  that  that  of  the  Antipodes  presented  ten 
times  greater  difficulties.  When  the  safe  arrival  of  the 
Victoria  with  her  cargo  of  cloves  roused  Charles  V.  at 
once  to  set  about  the  despatch  of  another  armada  to  the 
"  Spicery,"  Dom  Manoel  protested.  The  Portuguese  not 
only  claimed  the  islands  by  right  of  discovery,  for  Fran- 
cisco Serrao  had  resided  there  since  the  fall  of  Malacca, 
but  also  asserted  that  they  fell  within  their  boundary — 
as,  indeed,  we  now  know  to  be  the  case.  The  Spaniards 
were  no  less  confident  of  the  justice  of  their  claim. 
This  time  it  was  agreed  that  the  matter  should  be  settled 
without  the  intervention  of  Papal  authority,  and  even- 
tually, in  the  spring  of  1524,  the  celebrated  Badajoz 
Junta  commenced  its  sittings. 

Each  country  was  represented  by  its  Jueces  de  Pose- 
sion,  Jueces  de  Propriedad,  Advocates,  Fiscals,  and 
Secretaries,  and  several  of  the  most  renowned  pilots 
and  cartographers  of  the  day.  Juan  Sebastian  del  Cano 
was  in  attendance,  and  Ferdinand  Columbus,  son  of  the 
admiral — both  being  Jueces  de  Propriedad.  Sebastian 
Cabot,  Estevao  Gomes,  who  had  so  basely  deserted  in 
the  S.  Antonio,  Nufio  Garcia,  who  constructed  the  charts 
for  Magellan's  armada,  and  Diego  Ribero,  the  great 
cosmographer,  were  also  present.  The  meetings  were 
held  alternately  on  either  side  of  the  frontier,  one  day 
in  Badajoz,  and  the  next  in  Elvas,  and  thus  they  re- 
mained for  several  weeks  of  daily  wrangling — porfiando 
terribilisimamente,  as  Gomara  tells  us. 

We  need  not  follow  these  arid  discussions  at  length. 
After  two  months  of  squabbling  the  Junta  was  dissolved. 
While  in  1494  the  aim  of  the  Portuguese  had  been  to 


INTRODUCTORY.  15 

get  the  dividing-line  placed  as  much  as  possible  to  the 
west  lest  they  should  be  shut  out  from  the  prospective 
benefits  of  the  New  World,  it  was  now  their  object  to 
insure  their  inclusion  of  the  Moluccas.  Unwilling  to 
give  up  the  slice  of  Brazil  that  had  fallen  to  them,  they 
were  at  the  same  time  afraid  that  their  i8o  degrees 
would  hardly  bring  them  far  enough  eastward,  and  that 
the  spice-trade  would  come  into  the  hands  of  their 
opponents.  Their  policy,  therefore,  was  that  of  obstruc- 
tion, and  their  object  that  no  conclusion  should  be 
arrived  at.  In  this  they  were  partially  successful.  At 
the  dissolution  of  the  Junta  the  Spanish  Jueces  de  Pro- 
priedad,  taking  the  best  globe,  drew  a  line  370  leagues 
from  San  Antonio,  the  most  western  island  of  the  Cape 
Yerdes,  and  pronounced  their  decision  upon  the  bridge 
of  Caya.  The  Portuguese  could  not,  of  course,  hinder 
them  from  doing  this,  but  they  refused  to  consent  to  the 
adjudication,  alleging  that  the  facts  were  not  sufficiently 
established  to  admit  of  it,  and  departed,  threatening 
with  death  any  Spaniard  whom  they  should  find  in  the 
Moluccas. 

In  this  state  of  uncertainty  matters  remained  until 
the  year  1529,  when  an  arrangement  was  made  between 
the  two  sovereigns.  It  was  facilitated  by  the  family 
connection  then  subsisting.  Charles  Y.  had  married 
Dona  Isabel,  sister  of  Dom  Joao,  while  the  latter  in  his 
turn  had  married  the  emperor's  sister,  Doiia  Catalina. 
Anxious,  therefore,  to  get  rid  of  all  sources  of  dispute 
between  the  two  nations,  Charles  agreed  to  cede  what  he 
considered  his  rights  for  the  sum  of  350,000  gold  ducats, 
and  the  Moluccas  accordingly  passed  into  Portuguese 
hands.  It  had  been  originally  intended  to  grant  a  lease 
only,  but  from  some  unexplained  cause,  no  exact  period 


16  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 

was  fixed,  and  the  matter  was  tacitly  regarded  as  settled. 
In  1548  the  Procuradores  de  Cortes  besought  the  emperor 
to  recall  the  lease,  but  he  refused.  "  At  this  some  mar- 
velled and  others  grieved,"  says  an  old  historian,  "but 
all  held  their  peace." 


\ 


CHAPTER  II. 

EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE. 

Of  the  deeds  of  the  great  adventurers  and  explorers  who 
drew  their  swords  for  Spain  and  Portugal  at  the  period 
of  the  Renascence,  the  archives  of  those  countries  have  a 
tolerably  ample  record.  The  Castle  of  Simancas  contains 
a  collection  of  documents  so  enormous  as  to  be  well-nigh 
beyond  the  possibility  of  order ;  the  archives  of  Seville  are 
almost  equally  rich  ;  and  beneath  the  dust  of  the  shelves 
of  the  famous  Torre  do  Tombo  in  Lisbon  there  still 
exists,  despite  the  great  earthquake,  a  mass  of  histori- 
cal papers  of  almost  equal  importance  with  anything  that 
Spain  can  show.  Until  the  end  of  the  last  century  these 
treasures  remained  almost  unknown.  Now,  although 
much  of  the  greatest  interest  is  doubtless  still  inedited, 
a  number  of  them  have  been  given  to  the  world ;  for  it 
was  into  this  Augean  stable  of  literature  that  the  his- 
torian Mufioz  adventured  himself  in  search  of  material 
for  his  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo — a  work  hardly  begun 
ere  ended  by  his  death.  His  mantle  fell  upon  Don  Martin 
Fernandez  de  Navarrete,  and  in  1837  was  published  the 
Coleccion  de  los  Viages,  a  rich  fund  of  historical  material 
from  which  the  student  of  Spanish  conquest  and  explora- 
tion draws  his  chief  information. 

In  this  work  there  is  much  concerning  Magellan  of 
which  earlier  historians  had  left  us  in  ignorance ;  many 

17  B 


18  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  li. 

documents,  given  in  extenso,  which  provide  us  with 
the  fullest  information  on  certain  periods  of  the  ex- 
pedition which  has  stamped  him  as  the  greatest  of  the 
world's  explorers.  But  they  relate  almost  exclusively 
to  the  last  three  years  of  his  existence.  Over  the  earlier 
part  of  his  career  the  iniquity  of  oblivion  blindly  scat- 
tereth  her  poppy.  We  know  the  name  of  the  youngest 
cabin-boy  who  sailed  with  him,  of  the  humblest  sailor 
before  the  mast.  We  know  how  many  dozen  of  darts 
were  taken  upon  the  voyage,  and  the  exact  number  of 
fish-hooks  provided.  But,  interesting  as  are  even  these 
minutiae,  how  gladly  would  we  give  our  knowledge  of 
them,  and  how  much  more  beside,  for  a  fuller  knowledge 
of  the  man  himself — some  further  scrap  of  information, 
however  trivial,  of  his  youth  or  childhood  !  Of  this 
period  the  irony  of  history  has  left  us  in  comparative 
ignorance.  The  lapse  of  four  centuries  has  bequeathed 
to  us  a  singularly  unequal  portrait  of  his  life, — the 
foreground  startling  in  the  clearness  of  its  outline — the 
distance  so  dim  and  bluri'ed  as  to  be  almost  indistin- 
guishable. 

Fernao  de  Magalhaes  was  born  about  the  year  1480 — 
we  do  not  know  the  precise  date — at  Sabrosa,  near 
Chaves,  in  the  province  of  Traz-os-Montes,  one  of  the 
wildest  districts  of  Portugal.  Separated  from  the  tamer 
seaboard  province  of  Entre  Douro  e  Minho  by  the  bold 
Serra  de  Marao,  the  country  presents  few  features  of 
attraction  to  the  ordinary  traveller.  Its  inaccessibility, 
the  roughness  of  the  accommodation,  and  the  lack  of 
anything  of  interest  save  a  certain  gloomy  grandeur  in 
its  sceneiy,  do  not  invite  a  visit.  Nor  has  its  climate 
anything  to  offer.  There  is  even  a  proverb  anent  it, 
to  which,  despite  the  general  untrustworthiness  of  such 


1480.]  EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  19 

dicta,  a  certain  amount  of  truth  must  be  allowed,  '*  Nove 
mezes  de  inverno,  e  tres  de  inferno."  Situation  and 
climate  have  been  not  without  their  effect  upon  the 
people,  who  present  the  characteristics  that  a  natural 
law  teaches  us  to  look  for  from  the  co-existence  of  two 
such  factors  as  mountain  and  isolation.  Obstinate, 
gloomy,  and  as  superstitious  as  Scandinavians,  they  are 
also,  like  the  Scandinavians,  honest  and  faithful  to  a 
degree,  and  possessed  of  all  their  determination  and 
power  of  physical  endurance.  The  waves  of  innova- 
tion that  sweep  over  and  change  the  face  of  a  Pays- 
bas  but  lap  the  feet  of  a  country  such  as  this.  The 
inhabitant  of  the  Traz-os-Montes  of  to-day  can  differ 
little,  if  at  all,  from  his  ancestor  of  four  hundred  years 
ago. 

It  could  not  be  but  that  Magellan  should  inherit  some 
of  these  qualities  so  characteristic  of  the  land  of  his  birth. 
It  is  true  that  he  left  it  in  his  youth,  and  that  we  hear 
nothing  of  his  return ;  that  his  short  life  seems,  after  a 
brief  period  of  attendance  at  court,  to  have  been  spent 
in  a  swift  succession  of  intoxicating  successes  with  sword 
and  compass — a  ceaseless  medley  of  fighting  and  explora- 
tion, which  can  have  left  little  time  for  home-thoughts, 
and  none  for  the  strengthening  of  home-ties  and  friend- 
ships. But  the  influence  of  his  childhood's  surroundings 
was  there.  As  we  follow  his  life  step  by  step,  we  are 
not  left  long  in  doubt  as  to  the  character  of  the  man. 
Its  leading  feature  is  what  his  enemies  would  term  an 
overweening  confidence  in  his  own  powers — an  obstinacy 
without  an  equal.  Others  would  name  it  differently. 
His  faults,  if  faults  they  were,  were  those  of  strength. 
If  men  have  been  termed  men  of  ii"on,  Magellan  may 
fairly  be  said  to  have  been  of  steel.     For  him  difficulties 


20  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  ii. 

were  made  only  to  be  disregarded,  dangers  only  to  be 
despised.  Through  the  barriers  of  an  impossibility 
he  passed  confident  and  unmoved.  With  almost  every 
one  against  him,  the  India  House,  the  ambassador  of  the 
King  of  Portugal,  and  his  own  friend,  he  started  upon 
his  voyage.  With  a  mutiny  but  half  repressed  and 
starvation  imminent,  he  pressed  southward  till  he  found 
his  long-hoped-for  straits.  With  his  captains'  advice  to 
the  contrary  ringing  in  his  ears,  he  went  to  his  death. 
The  story  of  his  life  is  full  of  such  traits,  and  it  is  hard 
not  to  ascribe  them  in  some  measure  to  the  influence  of 
the  country  in  which  his  boyhood  was  passed. 

Other  reasons,  it  may  be,  lay  in  his  birth ;  for  Magellan 
was  of  noble  family — "  of  the  oldest  in  the  kingdom," 
as  he  himself  tells  us.^  There  were  at  that  pei"iod  five 
grades  of  nobility  in  Portugal,  to  the  fourth  of  which 
the  family  of  Magalhaes  belonged — the  "  fidalgos  de 
cota  de  armas  e  geragao  que  tem  insignias  de  nobreza  "  ^ 
— a  rank  to  which  we  have  in  England  no  equivalent.^ 
Of  those  who  bore  it  before  the  great  navigator  we 
have  no  such  clear  accoimt.  Various  names  have  been 
given  by  Antonio  de  Lima  and  other  genealogists  as 
those  of  his  father  and  grandfather,  but  as  they  do  not 
agree,  we  are  forced  to  reject  them  and  to  fall  back  upon 
surer  evidence.  Of  this  there  is  something,  though  un- 
fortunately far  less  than  we  desire.      In  a  receipt  for 

1  In  his  will  Magellan  leaves  his  property  to  his  brother-in-law: 
"  com  a  obrigaQao  que  o  dito  meu  cunhado  ha  de  juntar  ao  brasao  das 
siias  armas  o  de  Magalhaes,  que  e  de  meus  avos,  e  por  ser  muito  diS' 
tincto,  e  dos  melkores  e  inais  antigos  do  reino." 

2  De  Barros  Arana,  Vida  e  Yiagens  de  F.  de  Magalhaes,  cap.  i. 
p.  II. 

*  This  coat-of-arms  we  know.  On  a  field  argent  three  bars  cheeky, 
gules  and  argent ;  the  crest  an  eagle,  wings  displayed. 


COAT-OF-ARMS   AND  AUTOGRAPH   OK    MAGELLAN. 


22  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  n. 

his  salary  as  "  mogo  fidalgo "  in  the  king's  service,^ 
dated  June  12,  151 2,  Magellan  describes  himself  as 
"  filho  de  Pedro  de  Magalhaes ; "  but  this  appears  to  be 
the  sum  total  of  our  certain  knowledge  of  his  forbears. 
Even  of  his  own  family  we  know  little.  He  seems  to 
have  had  but  one  brother.  We  learn  incidentally,  from 
the  mention  of  their  names  in  his  wills,  of  the  existence 
of  two  sisters,  Isabel  and  Thereza,  who  married  a  certain 
Joao  da  Silva  Telles,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  more  pre- 
sently. A  shadowy  Ginebra  figures  as  a  third  sister- 
but  her  existence,  at  all  events  in  that  relationship,  is 
doubtful.  His  own  two  children  dying  as  infants,  the 
family  of  Magalhaes  became  extinct  in  his  father's  line.^ 
The  name,  however,  appears  frequently  in  the  old 
chroniclers  at  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
A  certain  Martin  de  Magalhaes  accompanied  the  navi- 
gator in  his  great  voyage,  and  the  deeds  of  two  brothers, 
Antonio  and  Pero  Barreto  de  Magalhaes,  who  were 
doubtless  members  of  his  family,  are  many  times  re- 
corded. Both  served  under  the  first  Viceroy  of  India, 
Don  Francisco  d 'Almeida,  and  both  fell  in  battle — the 
former  in  the  noble  defeat  of  Don  Lourenzo  by  the 
Turks  under  Mir  Hoseyn  and  Mahk  Jaz  at  Chaoul,  the 
latter  by  the  side  of  the  Viceroy  himself,  when  he  and 
sixty-five  of  his  men  perished  in  a  skirmish  with  the 
Kafirs  of  Saldanha  Bay.^  Of  yet  another,  Christovao 
de  Magalhaes,  we  hear  as  accompanying  Alfonso  d' Albu- 
querque in  his  expedition  to  Ormuz ;  but  beyond  the  fact 

1  Liv.  de  Moradias  da  Casa  Eeal,  vi.  fol.  47,  v;  Navarrete,  Coleccion 
de  los  Viages,  iv.  p.  Ixxiii. 

2  For  the  genealogy  of  the  family  of  Magalhaes  see  Appendix  I., 

p.  315- 

3  Damiao  de  Goes,  Chronica  de  Dom  Mimoel,  ada  parte,  fols.  14, 
44,  and  75. 


1480.]  EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDLYN  SERVICE.  23 

that,  together  with  many  other  of  the  Viceroy's  captains, 
he  was  badly  wounded  in  an  engagement  ^vith  the  Per- 
sians at  Lara,  we  know  nothing.^ 

Magellan  lost  his  father  and  succeeded  to  the  estates 
when  still  comparatively  young,  for  in  his  first  will, 
made  at  Belem  before  sailing  for  India  under  Almeida, 
we  find  him  bequeathing  the  Sabrosa  property,  in  which 
parish  he  owned  the  Quinta  de  Souta.  He  makes  no 
mention  of  the  Casa  da  Pereira,  which,  from  a  most 
curious  and  interesting  document  not  long  since  brought 
to  light,  we  know  to  have  also  belonged  to  him.^  In 
this — which  is  the  will  of  Magellan's  great  nephew, 
Francisco  da  Silva  Telles — the  testator  inveighs  in  the 
most  vehement  terms  against  Lis  ancestor,  ordering  that 
thenceforward  over  his  house  in  Sabrosa  (the  Casa  da 
Pereira)  no  heir  or  descendant  soever  should  restore  the 
coat-of-arms  of  the  family,  "  since  I  desire  that  it  should 
for  ever  remain  obliterated,  as  was  done  by  order  of  my 
lord  the  king,  as  a  punishment  for  the  crime  of  Ferdi- 
nand Magellan,  in  that  he  entered  the  sei-vice  of  Castile 
to  the  injury  of  this  kingdom,  and  went  to  discover  new 
lands,  whei'e  he  died  in  the  disgrace  of  our  king. ' ' 

To  understand  this,  it  is  necessary  to  anticipate. 
Magellan,  unable  to  obtain  a  recognition  of  his  services 
at  the  hands  of  his  sovereign,  Dom  Manoel,  did  what  a 
triad  of  great  navigators — Columbus,  Cabot,  and  Ves- 
pucci— had  already  done  before  him,  and  what  was  at 
that  period  by  no  means  unusual :  he  left  his  country 
and  offered  his  sword  to  Charles  V.     These  others  have 

^  Caspar  Correa,  Lendas  da  India.  Ed.  da  Acad.  Real  das  Sciencias, 
torn.  i.  pt.  ii.  p.  883. 

2  This  document  is  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  A.  JI.  Alvares  Pereira 
de  Aragao,  of  Villa  Flor,  the  present  repre.sentative  of  the  family  of 
Magalhaes. 


2i  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  II. 

escaped  with  hardly  a  word  of  blame,  but,  owing  to  a 
combination  of  circumstances  which  will  have  presently 
to  be  considered,  a  quadruple  obloquy  appears  to  have 
fallen  upon  Magellan.  The  result  we  have  partly  seen. 
The  King  of  Portugal,  furious  at  the  rise  of  Spanish 
influence  in  the  Moluccas,  commanded  that  the  arms  of 
Magellan  should  be  erased  from  the  gateway  of  his  house. 
The  effect  of  an  order  such  as  this  in  a  remote  village 
like  Sabrosa  may  be  imagined,  and  we  can  understand, 
even  though  we  may  not  be  able  to  forgive,  the  animus 
of  Magellan's  heir.  We  know  that  no  man  is  a  prophet 
in  his  own  country.  His  fellow-townsmen  forgot  his 
years  of  faithful  service  in  the  East ;  forgot  the  coldness 
of  his  king ;  forgot  that  the  glorious  exploit  in  which  he 
met  his  death  made  him  one  of  the  world's  greatest  men, 
and  remembered  him  only  as  a  renegade,  whose  heirs 
and  their  belongings  were  to  be  treated  as  they  would 
have  treated  him.  Every  sort  of  insult  was  offered  to 
Francisco  da  Silva ;  his  name  was  execrated,  and  stones 
were  thrown  at  him  in  the  streets.  Ultimately  he  was 
compelled  to  leave  the  country,  and  it  was  in  the  far-off 
province  of  Maranham,  in  Brazil,  that  he  dictated  the 
will  to  which  allusion  has  just  been  made. 

The  house,  deserted  by  its  owners,  fell  eventually  to 
ruin.  The  family  remained  for  long  expatriated.  It 
Avas  not  until  much  later — towards  the  end  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  in  fact — that  any  of  its  members  resumed 
the  name.  About  that  time  Don  Pedro  II.  gave  the 
title  of  Visconde  de  Fonte  Arcada  to  a  certain  Pedro 
Jaques  de  Magalhaes.  But  the  family  appear  never  to 
have  returned  to  Sabi'osa.  The  old  house,  or  rather  its 
ruins,  passed  into  other  hands.  A  modern  building  has 
taken  its  place,  constructed  in  part  from  the  stones  of 


1495.]         EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  25 

the  older  mansion.  One  of  these  was  that  bearing  the 
eoat-of-arms  "  rasadas  por  ordem  de  El  Eey."  Tom  from 
its  place  over  the  doorway,  it  now  occupies  an  ignoble 
position  at  the  corner  of  the  house. 

Of  Sabrosa  and  its  belongings  little  more  need  be 
said.  Upon  Magellan's  actual  life  there  histoiy  is 
silent.  We  can  picture  him  amid  hLs  native  moun- 
tains, riding  the  horses  for  which  the  district  is  still  so 
famous,  and  hunting  the  game  with  which  its  woods 
abound.  We  feel  that  in  some  such  way  his  youth 
must  have  been  spent,  in  active  and  vigorous  exercises 
such  as  these,  for,  as  we  shall  see,  action  and  vigovir 
were  the  two  most  marked  features  of  his  temperament. 
But  how-ever  probable  the  assumption,  it  will  never 
pass  within  the  domain  of  proof,  for  even  Correa — most 
diffuse  and  garruloiis  of  historians — treats  us  to  no 
details  of  this  period  of  his  Ufe. 

Neither  student  nor  courtier  by  nature,  it  was  never- 
theless Magellan's  fate  to  become  both  in  the  course  of 
his  career.  From  the  wilds  of  the  Traz-os-Montes  he 
was  early  transplanted  to  the  capital.  As  in  other 
courts,  so  in  that  of  Portugal  it  was  the  custom  at  that 
period  for  the  heirs  of  noble  families  to  receive  their 
education  under  the  eye  of  their  sovereign,  their  studies 
directed  by  him,  and  their  successes  rewarded  by  his 
approval,  "  Criose  Magallanes  en  seruicio  de  la  Eeyna 
dona  Leonor,"  Argensola  briefly  tells  us ;  ^  and  from 
the  Anales  de  Aragon  of  Curita  we  learn  that  he  was 
brought  up  as  one  of  the  pages  of  this  queen,  the  widow 
of  D.  Joao  II.,  "  the  Perfect." 

He  did  not  long  retain  the  post.     In  1495  the  King 
Dom  Manoel,  first  of  the  House  of  Vizeu,  came  to  the 
1  Argensola,  Conquista  de  las  Molucas,  liv.  i.  p.  6. 


26  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  ii. 

throne,  and  young  Ferdinand  Magellan  passed  into  his 
service.  In  the  whole  course  of  the  history  of  Portugal, 
no  one — alone  excepting  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator 
— had  more  to  do  with  the  foundation  of  her  mari- 
time power  and  the  extension  of  her  dominion  than 
this  king.  His  idee  mere  was  to  establish  Portuguese 
influence  in  the  East.  In  the  half  century  immediately 
preceding,  the  aim  and  object  of  Prince  Henry's  work 
had  to  some  extent  been  lost  sight  of.  Exploration  had 
indeed  been  going  on,  but  in  a  more  desultory  manner. 
Bartholomew  Diaz,  it  is  true,  had  doubled  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  but  eight  long  years  had  already  elapsed 
when  Dom  Manoel  came  to  -the  throne,  and  no  action 
had  as  yet  followed  upon  that  event.  Dom  Joao  II.,  a 
great  geographer,  a  prince  of  the  widest  views  upon  the 
foreign  policy  of  Portugal,  and  one  of  the  most  intel- 
lectual of  her  rulers,  was,  however,  less  a  man  of  action 
than  Dom  Manoel.  With  the  advent  of  the  latter  the 
half-awakened  energies  of  the  Portuguese  leapt  suddenly 
into  hfe,  and  within  the  short  space  of  two  decades  the 
nation  had  reached  the  zenith  of  its  glory,  and  had 
become  the  greatest  maritime  power  of  Europe. 

Even  at  the  present  day,  habituated  as  we  are  to  the 
rapid  march  of  events,  and  with  the  remembrance  of  the 
presto-like  unfolding  of  the  secrets  of  an  almost  unknown 
continent  fresh  in  our  memory,  we  find  it  hard  to  grasp 
the  suddenness  of  this  development  of  the  Portuguese 
dominion ;  still  hardei",  perhaps,  to  realise  the  bound- 
less enthusiasm  which  it  must  have  created.  Let  us 
turn  for  a  moment  to  the  consideration  of  actual  facts — 
to  a  list  of  the  expeditions  despatched  about  this  period 
from  the  shores  of  the  mother  country.  Vasco  da  Gama, 
passing  the  Cape  ten  years  after   Bartholomew  Diaz, 


1500-4.]      EAELY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  27 

had  brought  India  from  the  shadowy  regions  of  romance 
into  those  of  \'ivid  reality,  and  the  Peninsula  was  ring- 
ing with  his  fame.  Cabral,  sailing  for  India  in  1500, 
had  discovered  Brazil,  and  Gaspar  Cortereal,  almost  at 
the  same  time,  was  coasting  Labrador.  In  the  follow- 
ing year  the  fleet  of  Joao  da  Nova  discovered  St.  Helena, 
and  in  1502  the  second  expedition  of  Vasco  da  Gama 
left  the  Tagus  for  India,  combined  with  the  fleet  of 
Vicente  Sodre.  Two  months  later  a  second  Indian 
expedition  was  despatched  under  Estevao  da  Gama,  and 
when  the  season  was  sufficiently  advanced,  ships  were 
sent  to  the  "  Terra  de  Bacalhaos ''  and  Labrador  to 
cany  on  the  work  of  exploration,  and  to  search  for  the 
missing  Cortereals.  In  1503  Alfonso  and  Francisco 
d'Albuquerque  captained  another  armada  for  the  East, 
and  Gonzalo  Coelho  ventured  far  southwards  along  the 
unknown  coasts  of  South  America.  From  year  to  year 
this  activity  increased  rather  than  diminished,  and  in 
1504  no  less  than  three  great  expeditions  were  de- 
spatched ;  an  armada  of  thirteen  ships  proceeded  to 
India  under  Lopo  Soarez  d'Alvarenga;  Don  Joao  de 
Meneses  headed  an  expedition  against  the  Moors  of 
Larache;  and  Antonio  de  Saldanha  left  the  kingdom 
a  few  weeks  later  with  another  Indian  fleet. 

Such,  in  a  few  words,  is  the  bare  list  of  expeditions 
which  must  have  been  fitted  out  and  despatched  under 
the  very  eyes  of  Magellan  at  the  most  impressionable 
period  of  his  life.  Of  their  coming  and  going,  of  their 
many  victories  and  rare  defeats,  of  their  successful  ven- 
ture or  disastrous  loss,  how  much  he  must  have  heard  ! 
The  whole  country  was  seething  with  excitement.  The 
new  worlds,  ahke  of  the  East  and  of  the  "West,  held  out 
a  brilliant  picture  of  infinite  possibilities  to  the  humblest 


28  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ii. 

in  rank.  The  dockyards  rang  with  the  sound  of  axe 
and  hammer,  and  the  ships  were  barely  launched  ere 
they  sailed  for  the  lands  that  were  to  bring  riches  and 
distinction  to  every  one — to  every  one,  at  least,  who  lived. 
One  had  but  to  be  equipped  with  youth,  and  health,  and 
ambition.  Men  left  their  country  in  shoals,  careless 
of  danger,  heedless  of  death-rates,  mindful  only  of  the 
possible  glory  that  awaited  them.  We  can  imagine  the 
effect  that  experiences  such  as  these  must  have  had  upon 
one  so  adventurous  as  Magellan.  At  such  a  time,  when 
all  around  him  were  up  and  doing,  it  was  impossible 
that  he  should  remain  a  mere  spectator.  He  did  not 
hesitate  for  long.  Applying  to  his  sovereign  for  leave 
of  absence,  he  bade  adieu  to  court  life,  and  at  the  end  of 
1504  enlisted  as  a  volunteer  in  the  great  armada  of  Dom 
Francisco  d' Almeida,  at  that  time  preparing  to  sail  for 
India. 

Almeida's  fleet  was  the  largest  that  had  hitherto  set 
out  for  that  promised  land.  Successful  as  other  expedi- 
tions had  been  upon  the  whole,  they  had  from  time  to 
time  met  with  such  difficulties  and  opposition  as  had 
sei^ved  to  warn  Dom  Manoel  that  a  stronger  hand  would 
be  advisable,  and  that  the  time  had  come  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  resident  official  who  should  hold  the  reins  of 
government.  The  distance  of  the  mother  country  from 
her  Eastern  possessions  was  indeed  so  great  and  the 
latter  so  scattered,  that  this  had  become  an  impera- 
tive necessity.  The  King's  choice  fell  upon  Francisco 
d'Almeida,^  son  of  the  first  Conde  d' Abrantes,  and  it  would 

1  Dom  Manoel  had  at  first  selected  Tristan  da  Cunha  for  the  post, 
but  owing  to  his  having  become  suddenly  afHicted  with  complete  blind- 
ness, he  was  unable  to  accept  it.  Castanheda,  Historia  do  Dcscobri- 
mento  e  Conquista  da  India  pelos  Portugueses,  liv.  ii.  chap.  i. ;  and 
Correa,  oj>.  cit.,  torn.  i.  pt.  ii.  cap.  i. 


1504.]  EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  29 

have  been  hardly  possible  to  make  a  better  selection. 
To  him,  as  first  Viceroy  of  India,  fell  the  task — Hercu- 
lean in  difficulty — of  organising  and  ruling  countries 
and  peoples  as  yet  almost  unknown  to  their  conquerors, 
and  nobly  he  fulfilled  it.  His  name — extinguished  by 
the  greater  glory  claimed  for  his  successor,  Albuquerque 
— is  unfamiHar  to  many  of  us,  but  few,  if  any,  have  left 
the  East  with  cleaner  hands  and  a  record  more  unsullied 
than  Almeida.  "  Much  did  they  love  him,"  says  Correa, 
"  as  being  one  blameless  in  his  actions  ...  a  man 
without  a  shadow  of  deceit."  ^  Such  a  man  naturally 
attracted  to  him  persons  of  like  qualities,  and  his  ships 
were  not  long  in  being  manned.  From  all  parts  of  the 
kingdom  there  flocked  to  him  "  many  fidalgos  and  cava- 
liers, and  people  of  distinction,"  says  Correa — "  many 
gallant  men  and  cavaliers  experienced  in  war,"  another 
writer  tells  us.  Magellan  could  not  well  have  begun 
his  Indian  experiences  under  better  auspices  or  with 
better  comrades. 

The  preparations  made  for  Dom  Francisco's  fleet  in 
the  way  of  stores  and  outfit  were  in  keeping  with  the 
importance  of  the  expedition.  Never  before  had  things 
been  done  upon  a  larger  scale.  Of  the  exact  number  of 
ships  of  which  the  armada  itself  consisted,  the  historians 

1  ' '  Muyto  amauSo  o  Visorey,  por  ser  homem  muy  perf eito  en  suas 
cousas,  e  de  muy  nobre  condigao,  e  muyto  inclinado  a  grandezas,  homem 
Eem  nenhum  engano,  e  que  muyto  estimaua  e  louvaua  os  seruicos  dos 
homens  ;  homem  man.'o,  prudente,  e  muyto  sezudo,  e  de  bom  sabei*  con 
que  governauaa  India." — Correa,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i.  p.  790.  Nor  is  Pedro 
de  Mariz  less  laudatory  :  ' '  Era  D.  Francisco  homem  de  graue  &  honrada 
presensa,  bom  caualleyro,  &  muyto  prudente  &  sagaz,  em  quanto  andou 
na  India,  onde  ha  materia  de  muytos  vieios,  foy  oastissima,  nunqua 
Ihe  ningueni  sentio  cobica,  senao  de  honra." — Ptdro  de  Mariz,  Dia- 
logos  de  varia  Historia,  dial.  iv.  chap.  xxv. 


30  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ii. 

of  the  period  have  left  us  in  doubt.  ^  There  were,  how- 
ever, at  least  twenty,  Correa  speaks  of  them  as  eight 
large  ships  (naos)  for  cargo,  six  of  smaller  size  (naiietas), 
and  six  caravels ;  and  in  addition  wood  was  carried — 
already  shaped  into  the  necessary  planks  and  beams — 
for  two  galleys  and  a  "  bargantym,"  which  were  to  be 
constructed  on  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  in  India.  They 
bore  fifteen  hundred  men-at-arms,  two  hundred  bom- 
bardiers, and  four  hundred  seamen  as  supernumeraries 
for  Indian  commissions.  Artisans  of  almost  every  kind 
were  taken,  and  among  them  many  carpenters,  rope- 
makers,  and  blacksmiths.  The  artillery  and  ammuni- 
tion were  "  em  muyta  abastanza  " — in  great  plenty — as 
indeed  might  be  expected,  for  Vasco  da  Gama,  in  virtue 
of  his  new  appointment  as  Admiral  of  India,  gave  to 
them  his  especial  supervision.  The  daily  presence  of 
the  King  stimulated  the  labours  of  his  subjects.  The 
preparations  advanced  with  great  rapidity,  and  almost 
before  the  winter  was  over  the  ships  were  ready  for 
sea. 

In  those  days  the  departure  upon  an  expedition  such 
as  this  was  looked  upon  as  a  serious  matter.  The  most 
limited  acquaintance  with  the  historians  of  that  date 
leaves  no  cause  for  wonder  upon  the  subject.  Sword  and 
fever  on  land,  and  scurvy  and  shipwreck  at  sea  thinned 
the  ranks  in  a  manner  that  was  positively  appalling.  It 
would  be  interesting  to  know  the  usual  percentage  of 
survivors  in  thase  armadas.  In  some  cases  we  do  know 
it — in  the  final  voyage  of  Magellan,  for  example,  when 

1  "  A  armada  que  foy  de  quinze  naos  e  seis  carauelas," — Castanheda, 
liv.  ii.  cap.  i.  "  Dezaseis  naos,  &  seis  carauellas." — Damiao  de  Goes, 
Chronica  de  Dom  Manoel,  2da  parte,  fol.  i.  Osorius  is  silent  upon 
the  subject,  and  Correa  gives  twenty  as  the  number. 


1505.]  EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  31 

we  find  that  for  every  man  who  returned,  six,  or  nearly 
six,  perished.  And  so  we  scarcely  wonder  at  the  solem- 
nities which  custom  demanded  of  those  who  took  part  in 
them — at  the  special  confession  and  mass,  at  which 
attendance  was  enjoined.  On  this  present  occasion  the 
ceremony  was  invested  witli  a  more  than  ordinary  inte- 
rest, for  the  standard  of  the  Viceroy  of  India,  after 
having  been  blessed  by  the  bishop,  was  to  be  formally 
presented  to  Almeida  by  the  King.  Correa  relates  the 
function  at  some  length,  in  words  quaint  and  bald  enough 
even  for  the  days  in  which  he  wrote,  but  quite  as  power- 
fully descriptive,  perhaps,  as  those  from  some  more  florid 
pen.  We  have  little  difiiculty  in  realising  the  scene  : — 
the  cathedral,  filled  almost  to  the  doors  with  the  mem- 
bers of  the  expedition  alone  ;  the  king-at-arms  "  clad  in 
his  rich  habit,"  holding  above  Dom  Manoel  the  "  royal 
flag  of  white  damask  with  Christ's  cross  in  crimson  satin 
bordered  with  gold ;  "  Almeida  kneeling  at  the  King's 
feet  and  receiving  it  into  his  solemn  care  and  keeping ; 
his  silent  prayer  before  the  high  altar  with  the  standard 
in  his  hand ;  and  finally,  the  loud-voiced  proclamation 
by  the  herald,  "  Dom  Francisco  d' Almeida,  Governor, 
Viceroy  of  India  for  our  lord  the  King."  ^  Upon  a  mind 
like  that  of  Magellan,  in  which  religion  had  taken  deep 
root,  the  scene  must  have  made  a  strong  impression,  not 
less  from  the  fact  that  it  was  the  last  day  he  was  destined 
to  spend  upon  his  native  soil  for  some  time  to  come — 
for  seven  long  years  it  actually  proved. 

Things  temporal   were  nevertheless  not  entirely  ex- 
cluded from  Magellan's   mind    by  the  pomp  and  cere- 
monial   of    religion,   and    before    leaving   Portugal    he 
executed  the  will  to  which   allusion   has   already  been 
^  Correa,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i.  pt.  ii.  p.  532  et  seq. 


32  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ii. 

made.  In  it  he  makes  his  sister,  Dona  Thereza,  wife 
of  Joao  da  Silva  Telles,  his  sole  heir,  with  instructions 
for  the  saying  of  twelve  masses  yearly  at  his  altar  of 
Our  Lord  Jesus  in  the  Church  of  Santo  Salvador  at 
Sabrosa.  He  speaks  of  the  "  pouquidade  dos  bens  que 
tenho  " — of  the  smallness  of  his  property — but  there 
is  little  else  of  interest  in  the  document  save  at  the 
beginning,  where  he  desires  that  his  funeral  "  shall  be 
conducted  as  that  of  an  ordinary  sailor,  giving  to  the 
chaplain  of  the  ship  my  clothes  and  arms  to  say  three 
requiem  masses." ^ 

The  blessing  of  the  flag  over,  the  fleet  di-opped  down 
the  river  to  Belem,  and  anchored  o£P  the  church  for 
which  it  was  then,  as  now,  so  famous — a  building  in- 
separably connected  with  the  memories  of  the  great 
Portuguese  explorers.  Here,  in  the  days  of^  Prince 
Henry  the  Navigator,  and  erected  by  him,  stood  a  little 
chapel,  much  favoured  by  sailors,  in  which — only  eight 
years  before — Vasco  da  Gama  had  prayed  for  his  success 
ere  starting  on  his  memorable  voyage.  Now  the  pile  of 
florid  Gothic,  built  in  gratitude  therefor,  had  usurped 
its  place,  white  and  new  from  the  builder's  hands,  the 
last  monument  upon  which  the  sailor's  eye  would  rest  on 
leaving  his  native  land.  Withia  it  the  bones  of  Gama, 
of  Camoens  who  sang  his  successes,  and  of  Dom  Manoel 
who  inspired  them,  were  destined  ultimately  to  rest. 
It  was  an  ideal  spot  for  the  start  of  such  an  expedition. 
Next  day — the  25th  March  1505 — the  final  departui-e 
took  place.  The  King  came  down  in  state  from  the 
city  and  went  on  board  the  Viceroy's  ship ;  anchors 
were  then  weighed  and  the  whole  fleet  proceeded  slowly 
towards  the  bar,  the  King  accompanying  them,  "  going 
'  See  Appendix  I. 


1505.]         EAELY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  33 

from  ship  to  ship  and  speaking  to  the  captains,  taking 
leave  of  them  and  -wishing  them  a  prosperous  voyage."  ^ 
Clearing  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus,  the  fleet  proceeded 
southwards  and  touched  at  Port  Dale  on  the  Guinea 
Coast,  where  they  took  water  and  lay  at  anchor  nine 
days.  Here  the  Viceroy,  finding  that  some  of  the  ships 
were  much  more  speedy  than  the  others,  divided  the 
fleet  into  two  squadrons.  They  crossed  the  line  the  29th 
April,-  and  continuing  their  voyage,  passed  the  Cape  as 
far  south  as  lat.  40°  S.,  where  they  encountered  severe 
weather  and  underwent  great  hardships.^  On  the  20th 
June,  Almeida,  estimating  that  they  had  cleared  the 
meridian  of  the  Cape,  shaped  his  course  northward.* 
They  had  already  met  with  one  misfortune,  for  the  ship 
of  Pero  Ferreira  had  foundered  in  the  equatorial  calms, 
and  now,  on  reaching  the  Indian  Ocean,  Lopo  Sanchez 

1  Castanheda,  op.  cit.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  i,  relates  an  amusing  incident 
that  took  place  at  the  moment  of  departure,  which  is  at  the  same 
time  interesting  as  possibly  marking  the  date  of  the  introduction  of 
the  words  larboard  (bombordo)  and  starboard  [estribordo)  into  the 
Portuguese  navy.  It  appears  that  on  weighing  anchor,  and  on  the 
pilots  giving  their  orders  larboard  or  starboard  to  the  helmsmen,  the 
latter  were  "greatly  embarrassed  in  their  minds,  as  not  being  as  yet 
learned  in  such  expressions,"  and  in  consequence  got  into  difficulties 
owing  to  the  number  of  craft  around  them.  Upon  which  Joao  Homem, 
captain  of  one  of  the  caravels,  "  ordered  the  pilot  that  he  should 
speak  to  the  sailors  in  a  language  that  they  could  understand,  and 
that  when  he  wished  to  steer  starboard,  he  should  say  'garlic,'  and 
when  to  larboard,  '  onions, '  and  on  either  side  (of  the  helm)  he  ordered 
a  string  of  these  things  to  be  hung." 

2  Damiao  de  Goes,  op.  cit.,  2da  parte,  cap.  ii.  fol.  3 ;  but  Castan- 
heda gives  the  20th  of  April  as  the  date. 

3  Osorius,  De  Rebus  Emmanuelis  Gestis,  lib.  iv.  fol.  116  v.:  "Faciebat 
densa  caligo,  et  imbres  immodici,  et  nines  immense,  quse  nostris 
intolerandis  frigoribus  grauissimam  molestiam  exhibebant." 

*  In  the  account  given  by  Castanheda  the  fleet  are  saidto  have  gone 
to  lat.  44°  S  ("  passando  alamar  ceto  &  setenta  &  cinco  legoas  "),  and  to 
have  passed  the  meridian  of  the  Cape  on  the  26th  June.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  i.  p.  5. 

C 


34  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ii. 

was  forced  to  run  his  vessel  ashore,  after  having  in  vain 
tried  to  overcome  a  leak.  The  survivors,  although  many 
perished  on  the  way,  eventually  reached  Mozambique  in 
safety,  where  they  were  picked  up  by  their  countrymen. 
Before  leaving  Portugal,  the  fullest  instructions  had 
been  given  as  to  the  disposal  and  action  of  the  fleet ; 
instructions  which  show  how  gigantic  was  the  scale  upon 
which  the  subjugation  of  India  and  Eastern  Africa  had 
been  planned.  Arriving  at  Sofala,  a  fortress  was  to  be 
erected  and  garrisoned ;  and  this  done,  the  fleet  was  to 
sail  for  Quiloa  without  loss  of  time.  Here  the  same 
steps  were  to  be  taken,  but,  in  addition,  two  ships — a 
caravel  and  a  "  bargantym  " — were  to  remain,  in  order 
to  patrol  the  coast  north  and  south  of  the  port.  Pro- 
ceeding then  to  the  farther  shores  of  the  Indian  Ocean, 
the  Viceroy  was  instructed  to  build  a  strong  fortress  upon 
the  island  of  Anchediva.  The  two  galleys — the  timbers 
of  which  had  been  brought  in  the  fleet — were  to  be  put 
together  here,  and  two  caravels  were  appointed  to  patrol 
the  coast  around  the  station,  which  was  regarded  as 
of  great  importance.  Hence  they  were  to  pass  south- 
wards along  the  coast  to  Cochim,  seeking  for  ships  of  the 
King  of  Calicut,  "  with  whom  the  King  for  ever  waged 
bitter  war ;  "  and  visiting  Coulao,  were  by  every  means 
in  their  power  to  obtain  leave  to  make  a  fortified  settle- 
ment in  that  city.  Finally,  after  the  despatch  of  the 
annual  homeward-bound  fleet,  an  expedition  was  to  be 
sent  to  the  kingdom  of  Ormuz  and  the  mouth  of  the 
Red  Sea,  to  seek  a  site  for  a  fortress  which  shovild  act 
in  some  degree  as  a  check  upon  the  stream  of  Arab 
trade,  which  at  that  time  bore  not  only  the  gold  and 
silks  of  Hindostan  but  the  spices  of  the  Farther  East  to 
Mecca  and  the  "  Sultan  of  Babylonia." 


1505.]  EAELY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  35 

Such  were  the  orders  under  which  Almeida  sailed. 
If  we  reflect  that  less  than  six  years  previously  India 
was  a  terra  incognita,  and  the  Cape  only  known  by  the 
fierceness  of  its  storms,  they  appear  marvellous  in  their 
comprehensiveness.  We  see,  too,  how  wise  was  the 
policy  that  dictated  them.  Short  as  was  Dom  Manoel's 
acquaintance  with  the  new  world  into  which  he  adven- 
tured himself  so  boldly,  it  would  seem  that  he  had  made 
himself  master  of  the  situation  almost  at  a  glance.  The 
traffic  of  the  East  was  to  pour  into  Europe  through  the 
gates  of  the  Lisbon  Alfandega,  and  in  order  that  this 
object  might  be  attained,  it  was  necessary  that  the  first 
blow  should  be  struck  at  Arab  influence.  Gama,  in 
the  course  of  his  memorable  voyage,  had  found  these 
"  Mouros  "  in  every  city,  and  had  not  noted  their  riches 
and  the  extent  of  their  influence  in  vain.  The  more 
important  of  the  native  monarchs,  therefore,  were  to  be 
conciliated  with  the  special  view  of  obtaining  leave  to 
build  strong  fortresses,  which,  connected  by  cruising 
bargantyms  and  caravels,  should  form  a  chain  of  nuclei 
of  Portuguese  influence.  The  "  Mouros,"  when  too 
strong,  were  to  be  temporised  with ;  but,  for  the  most 
part,  the  "ote-toi,  que  je  m\j  mette"  policy  was  that 
adopted.  From  the  very  beginning  Dom  Manoel  recog- 
nised the  enormous  importance  of  mastering  the  en- 
trance and  the  exits  of  the  Indian  Ocean.  It  was  reserved 
for  Albuquerque  to  conquer  Malacca,  but  Almeida  was 
charged  to  reduce  Ormuz  and  gain  possession  of  the 
strongholds  round  the  Straits  of  Bab-el-Mandeb  without 
loss  of  time.  It  was  the  outgoing  streams  of  traffic  that 
first  demanded  attention. 

Upon  the  deeds  of  the  Viceroy  and  his  captains  at 
this  period  we  can  only  touch  lightly.     So  rapid  was  the 


36  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  IT. 

succession  of  events,  and  so  packed  with  incident  the 
history  of  his  administration,  that  volumes,  not  pages, 
would  be  necessary  to  record  them.  It  is  not  often  that 
we  hear  of  Magellan.  Amid  so  large  a  company  of  dis- 
tinguished men,  of  "  fidalgos  e  cavalleiros  experimen- 
tados  na  guerra,"  of  whom  many  had  already  served 
under  Gama,  it  could  hardly  be  otherwise.  His  post 
could  only  have  been  a  subordinate  one,  and  we  do  not 
even  know  in  which  ship  he  sailed.  But  that  he  made 
the  best  use  of  his  opportunities  is  evident  from  the  fact 
that  he  eventually  became  a  most  expert  navigator.^ 
Later,  when  his  name  appears  more  frequently  in  the 
pages  of  the  historians  of  that  epoch,  it  is  generally 
mentioned  in  connection  with  some  distinguished  act  of 
bravery. 

On  the  22nd  July  the  ships  arrived  off  the  bar  of 
Quiloa.  They  were  received  badly,  and  the  king  declin- 
ing to  meet  the  Viceroy,  the  latter  landed  his  forces  and 
stormed  the  city,  which  was  taken  without  the  loss  of 
a  single  Portuguese.  No  time  was  wasted,  and  the 
construction  of  the  fort  was  begun  upon  the  following 
day,  the  Viceroy  himself  personally  aiding.  On  the  8th 
August,^  a  large  garrison  having  been  left  to  complete 
the  work,  and  the  rightful  king,  Mohammed  Anconi, 
restored  to  his  throne,  the  fleet  started  for  Mombaza. 

The  city  of  Mombaza  was  one  of  the  most  important 
on  the  coast  of  Africa ;  it  carried  on  a  large  trade  with 
the  interior,  and  was  strongly  fortified.  Such  a  nut 
was  no  easy  one  to  crack.     The  excuse  for  the  attempt, 

1  "Tinha  miiyto  saber  n'arte  de  nauega^ao,  e  espirito  que  se  lanqou 
a  ysso." — Co-rrea,  ii.  pt.  i.  p.  28. 

2  Manoel  de  Faria  y  Sousa,  Asia  Portugucza,  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  cap.  8. 
Correa,  vol.  i.  pt.  ii.  cap.  2,  tells  us  that  the  fleet  left  on  the  13th. 


1505.]  EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  37 

however,  was  not  long  wanting,  for  the  ships  were  fired 
upon  as  they  arrived.  Two  days  later  the  city  was 
stormed,  and  the  Moors,  although  numbering  ten  thou- 
sand men,  were  overpowered  by  the  superior  skill  and 
courage  of  their  enemies.  The  fighting  was  severe,  and 
the  Portuguese  had  a  very  large  number  of  wounded. 
Dom  Louren§o,  the  only  son  of  the  Viceroy,  first  made 
himself  famous  at  the  assault.  His  gi'eat  strength  and 
extraordinary  courage  combined  to  make  him  almost 
worshipped  by  the  men  he  led.  Short  as  was  his  career, 
for  he  died  in  battle  only  two  years  later,  his  name 
became  even  more  renowned  throughout  the  East  than 
did,  later,  that  of  Albuquerque  ;  and  there  is  little  doubt 
that  the  Portuguese  owed  their  success  in  many  cases  to 
his  personal  influence  and  to  their  enemies'  belief  in  his 
invincibility.  After  the  fall  of  the  city  the  king  formally 
tendered  his  submission,  agreeing  to  pay  a  yearly  tribute 
of  10,000  serafins,  and  a  column  of  white  marble  was 
erected  by  the  Viceroy  to  commemorate  the  event.  ^ 
Victors  and  vanquished  became  firm  friends,  and  the 
king,  ■ '  for  the  great  love  he  bore  Dom  Lourengo,"  pre- 
sented him  with  a  valuable  sword  and  a  collar  of  pearls, 
worth  30,000  cruzados,  upon  his  departure. 

It  was  the  Viceroy's  wish  to  visit  both  Melinde  and 
Magadoxo,  but  the  season  being  now  so  far  advanced, 


1  The  custom  of  setting  up  a  cross  or  a  column  in  the  countries 
Tisited  or  conquered  was  earlj'  adopted  by  the  Portuguese.  "  Porque 
mandou  El  Rey  ao  Visorey  que  em  todas  as  terras  que  conquistasse,  e 
metesse  a  sua  obediencia,  pusesse  huma  columa  pera  lembran^a  e 
sinal  que  erao  de  sua  conquista. " — Correa,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i.  pt.  ii.  p.  559. 
They  had  always  been  of  wood,  but  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign 
Dom  Joao  II.  gave  orders  that  they  should  be  constructed  of  stone, 
and  the  first  was  erected  at  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  in  the  year  1484. 
Faria  y  Soiisa,  Asia  Portugucza,  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  cap.  3. 


38  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  li. 

the  pilots  were  strongly  opposed  to  such  a  step.  Tlie 
plan  was  accordingly  relinquished,  and  the  fleet  shaped 
its  course  across  the  Indian  Ocean  to  the  island  of  Anche- 
diva,  whither  they  arrived  on  the  13th  September.  The 
fame  of  their  successes  had  preceded  them,  and  the 
Viceroy  found  letters  from  the  King  of  Cananor  in- 
forming him  that  there  were  20,000  quintals  of  spice 
in  his  port  ready  for  the  homeward-bound  ships,  and 
that  three  rich  Mecca  galleons  were  daily  expected  in 
Calicut.  Almeida  began  work,  as  usual,  without  the 
loss  of  a  moment's  time.  The  very  next  day  after  his 
arrival,  the  construction  of  the  fortress  was  commenced  ; 
ships  were  sent  off  to  cruise  in  search  of  the  Mecca 
squadron ;  the  keels  of  a  galleon  and  two  "  bargantyms  " 
were  laid  down,  and  letters  were  sent  to  Cananor,  Cochim, 
and  Coulao  to  make  known  the  Viceroy's  advent.  In 
twenty  days  the  fortress  was  completed.  The  loot  taken 
at  Mombaza  was  sold  by  public  auction,  and  the  money 
handed  to  the  treasurer  of  the  fleet. 

The  King  of  Onor,  a  province  lying  about  thirty  miles 
to  the  south,  had  already  made  a  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  Viceroy.  Its  duration  was,  however,  of  no  great 
length,  for  being  unwise  enough  to  send  an  insolent 
message  in  reply  to  a  request  made  to  him  by  the 
Viceroy,  the  latter  at  once  brought  his  fleet  against  him, 
and  entering  the  river  on  the  i6th  October,  burnt  his 
ships  and  took  the  town  with  a  readiness  which  soon 
brought  the  monarch  to  his  senses.  Dom  Loiiren^o  took 
his  wonted  place  at  the  head  of  the  storming  party,  but 
he  had  little  opportunity  of  displaying  his  prowess,  for 
the  enemy  yielded  almost  without  striking  a  blow,  and 
the  Portuguese  lost  only  one  man  in  the  assault.  The 
king,  whose  sin  had  been  that  of  cupidity  rather  than 


1505.]  EAELY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  39 

an  open  defiance  of  the  Viceroy,  made  a  most  ample 
submission,  and  the  latter  behaved  so  generously  to  his 
adversary,  that  all  former  differences  were  forgotten  in 
the  friendship  thus  begun. 

The  rapidity  of  Almeida's  movements,  although  char- 
acteristic of  the  man  himself,  owned  at  the  same  time 
another  cause.  The  winter  was  fast  approaching,  and 
with  it  the  north-east  monsoon,  whose  favouring  gales 
were  to  waft  the  home- returning  fleet  upon  their  voyage. 
But  as  yet  the  Viceroy  had  not  reached  Cananor,  stUl 
less  Cochim,  where  he  was  to  assume  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment. There  was,  therefore,  no  time  for  delay  at  Onor, 
and  leaving  this  port  as  soon  as  possible,  the  fleet  pro- 
ceeded southwards  to  Cananor  and  came  to  anchor  off 
the  town  on  the  22  nd  October.  The  Portuguese  had  been 
upon  the  most  friendly  terms  with  the  king  of  this 
country  since  the  time  of  Gama's  first  visit,  and  the 
Viceroy's  arrival  was  welcomed  with  the  greatest  enthu- 
siasm. The  armada  entered  "  gay  with  flags  and  stan- 
dards, discharging  salvos  of  artillery,  the  larger  vessels 
remaining  outside,  but  those  of  lesser  draught  anchoring 
in  the  bay,  the  galleys  and  the  bargantym  rowing — a 
sight  that  many  people  came  to  see,  for  in  India  they 
had  not  as  yet  seen  galleys,  the  which  are  rowed  with  a 
great  precision  in  the  stroke."  ^ 

The  iisual  visits  of  ceremony  having  been  paid,  Almeida, 
who  had  hitherto  called  himself  Governor,  assumed  the 
full  rank  and  title  of  Viceroy.  Next  day  he  received  an 
embassy  from  the  powerful  King  of  Narsinga,  who  was 
desirous  of  making  a  treaty  with  him.  Learning  from 
the  resident  Portuguese  factor  that  nothing  could  be 
done  in  Cananor  without  a  fortress  —  for  the  Arab 
^  Correa,  op.  cit.,  i.  pt.  2,  cap.  vi.  p.  580. 


40  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [Chap.  ii. 

merchants  of  the  city  had  become  greatly  incensed  with 
the  growing  influence  of  the  new-comers,  and  had  already 
plotted  to  kill  the  king — he  sought  leave  to  construct 
one.  It  was  at  once  granted  to  him,  and  in  five  days, 
with  the  assistance  of  the  natives,  the  erection  of  its 
walls,  together  with  bastions  to  carry  cannon,  were  com- 
pleted. A  day  or  two  later  it  received  its  name — the 
Fort  Saint  Angelo — and  Lourengo  de  Brito,  with  a  gar- 
rison of  150  men,  entered  into  possession.^ 

Delaying  a  bare  five  days  at  Cananor — where  two 
caravels  were  left  to  guard  the  coast — the  fleet  of 
Almeida,  now  much  reduced  in  numbers,  at  length 
arrived  at  Cochim.  Of  the  meeting  between  King 
Nambeadora  and  the  Viceroy  Correa  gives  us  a  long 
account : — the  "  king  on  his  elephant  with  its  trappings, 
and  much  people,  the  which  the  Viceroy  left  the  fort 
to  receive,  accompanied  by  all  his  men,  and  before  him 
his  guard  with  trumpets  and  kettledrums,  L'S  captains 
dressed  very  gaily,  the  Viceroy  himself  clad  in  a  coat  of 
red  satin,  with  a  narrow  black  sash  worked  with  gold, 
black  buskins,  a  round  cap,  and  an  open  black  damask 
cassock,  which  formed  a  train,  as  was  then  the  custom,"  2 
Almeida  next  day  publicly  crowned  the  king  with  the 
greatest  display  of  ceremonial  that  lay  within  his  power. 
With  the  neighbouring  states  in  a  condition  of  hostihty, 
overt  or  covert,  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to  lose 
no  chance  of  strengthening  the  bonds  of  alliance  with 
so  powerful  a  prince.  Almost  at  this  moment,  indeed, 
news  arrived  of  the  rising  of  the  Moors  at  Coulao — a 

1  Damiao  de  Goes,  op.  cit. ,  2da  parte,  cap.  vii.  fol.  12  v.  ;  but  Correa 
gives  a  very  different  account,  stating  that  only  a  ditch  and  paHsade 
were  made,  and  this  almost  surreptitiously,  ' '  isto  fisesse  deuagar  por 
milhor  dissimulagao." 

2  Correa,  op.  cit.,  i.  pt.  ii.  cap.  10,  p.  606. 


1506.]  EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  41 

port  some  sixty  miles  farther  south — and  the  murder  of 
the  Portuguese  garrison,  an  act  which  the  Viceroy  was 
not  the  man  to  leave  long  unpunished.  The  duty  de- 
volved upon  Dom  Lourengo,  and  he  performed  it  with 
his  usual  quickness  and  success.  In  two  or  three  days 
he  returned  to  Cochim,  having  burnt  twenty-seven  ships 
and  killed  numbers  of  the  enemy  without  the  loss  of  a 
single  man. 

Meanwhile  the  Yiceroy  was  busy  with  the  despatch 
of  the  homeward-bound  squadron  under  Fernao  Soarez. 
Having  loaded  all  the  pepper  and  spices  in  the  Cochim 
factories,  the  ships  proceeded  to  Cananor,  and  took  the 
remainder  of  their  cargo  from  that  port,  which  they 
left  on  the  2nd  January,  1506,  taking  with  them,  only 
sufficient  men  for  the  navigation  of  the  vessels  ;  for,  with 
the  daily  losses  by  fighting  and  disease,  and  the  scat- 
tered disposition  of  their  forces,  every  sword  was  of 
importance.  The  voyage  was  noteworthy  from  the  fact 
that  the  eastern  coast  of  Madagascar  was  discovered  for 
the  first  time.  "  They  arrived,"  says  Goes,  "off  a  land 
which  not  one  of  the  pilots  had  ever  seen  before,  .  .  , 
and  having  sailed  in  sight  of  it  for  seventeen  days,  they 
cleared  it  on  the  18th  February — the  which,  although  at 
that  time  it  was  not  known,  they  found  afterwards  to  be 
an  island  which  the  old  cosmographers  call  Madagascar, 
and  the  Moors  the  Island  of  the  Moon,"^  The  ships 
arrived  safely  in  Lisbon  on  the  23rd  May,  1506. 

With  the  departure  of  the  homeward-bound  fleet,  and 
the  reduction  of  Coulao,  the  Viceroy  doubtless  looked 
forward  to  a  more  peaceful  period  in  which  to  consider 
the  many  political  questions  that  presented  themselves 
for  solution.  He  was  not  destined  to  enjoy  it  either 
1  Damiao  de  Goes,  02).  rit.,  2da  parte,  fols.  13  v,  14. 


42  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  Ii. 

then  or  indeed  at  any  future  time,  for  at  the  very 
moment  when  he  least  expected  it,  a  danger  greater  than 
any  hitherto  encountered  menaced  the  Portuguese  power 
in  India.  The  advent  of  the  Viceroy's  fleet,  the  uniform 
success  that  had  attended  him  in  Africa,  and  the  almost 
superhuman  strength  and  courage  with  which  Dom 
Lourengo  was  credited,  had  filled  both  the  Moors  and 
the  Zamorim  of  Calicut  with  consternation.  It  was 
felt  that  if  action  was  to  be  taken  at  all,  it  should  be 
taken  then.  The  homeward  fleet  had  started,  the  Por- 
tuguese were  considerably  reduced  in  numbers,  and  no 
reinforcements  were  possible  before  the  onset  of  the 
south-west  monsoon.  If  a  decisive  blow  could  only  be 
struck,  if  the  fleet  of  the  hated  infidels  could  once  be  fairly 
annLbilated,  it  might  put  an  end  for  ever  to  their  power 
in  India.  It  was  at  all  events  worth  trying.  The  Arabs 
saw  ruin  staring  them  in  the  face,  and  neither  their 
creed  nor  their  feelings  inclined  them  to  tame  submission. 
The  Zamorim  of  Calicut  accordingly  summoned  a 
meeting  of  all  the  leading  Moors.  Opinion  was  divided 
as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued.  Some,  recognising  the 
formidable  strength  of  the  enemy,  and  mindful  of  the 
almost  uninterrupted  series  of  successes  they  had  ob- 
tained, counselled  alliance  with  the  King  of  Portugal. 
They  were  overruled.  It  was  felt  that  the  time  for  this 
had  passed,  and  that  no  alternative  now  lay  before  them 
but  to  cross  swords.  It  was  resolved,  therefore,  that  a 
great  armada  should  be  equipped,  which  should  attempt 
the  conquest  of  Cochim  itself,  the  very  stronghold  and 
seat  of  government  of  their  enemies.  Measures  were 
accordingly  taken  to  inform  the  Moors  at  every  port  of 
the  plot  and  to  request  their  aid.  The  vessels  thus 
raised  were  to  collect  in  Calicut. 


1506.]  EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  43 

Such  a  design  could  not  long  remain  concealed.  Dom 
Louren9o,  being  in  Cananor,  was  visited  by  a  man  in  the 
habit  of  a  Moor,  who,  on  being  granted  a  private  inter- 
view, revealed  himself  as  an  Italian,  one  Ludovico  Var- 
tema,  a  great  traveller — "  qui  studio  orbis  terrarum 
cognoscendi  multas  regiones  peragravit,"  as  Osorius  tells 
us.i  This  man  had  escaped  from  Calicut,  and  hastened 
to  bring  the  news  of  the  preparation  of  the  armada. 
Unexpected  and  harassing  as  it  was,  Dom  Lourenco  did 
not  lose  heart.  Despatching  Yartema  without  loss  of 
time  to  the  Viceroy,  who  was  then  at  Cochim,  he  set 
about  the  organisation  of  his  own  forces.  The  orders 
sent  back  by  the  Viceroy  were  not  other  than  he  had 
expected;  that  he  was  to  fight  "for  the  Catholic  faith 
and  for  his  honour,  and  bear  himself  as  a  Christian  and 
his  son." 

The  battle  that  ensued  was  one  of  the  most  celebrated 
of  the  many  fought  by  the  Portuguese  in  India.  The 
armada,  which  was  composed  of  209  vessels — 84  being 

1  Osorius,  op.  cit.,  lib.  iv.  fol.  130  v.  Luigi  di  Vartema  (Luis 
Vuartman  or  Barthema,  or  Luis  Patricio,  as  he  is  variously  called)  was 
a  Roman  who  left  Europe  in  1502  to  wander  for  manj'  years  in  the 
East.  His  travels  were  published  in  1510  in  Italian,  and  were  after- 
wards given  to  the  world  by  Ramusio  in  his  Narigationi  et  Viaggi. 
In  them  he  speaks  at  some  length  of  the  incidents  here  narrated 
(edit,  of  Venice,  1613,  fol.  170  et  seq.).  Both  the  traveller  and  his 
narrative,  however,  are  interesting  on  other  grounds.  It  is  to  him 
that  we  owe  the  first  description  of  Borneo,  and  he  also  visited  the 
Moluccas.  There  is  every  probability  that  the  Portuguese  at  this 
time  obtained  from  him  the  information  which  led  Albuquerque  five 
years  later  to  despatch  Abreu's  expedition — in  which  Magellan  is  sup- 
posed to  have  sailed — to  these  islands.  Vartema  was  knighted  by 
Almeida  after  the  fight  at  Calicut,  and  returned  to  Portugal  in  the 
fleet  of  Tristao  da  Cunha.  He  arrived  at  Lisbon  in  July,  1508,  and 
receiving  confirmation  of  his  knighthood  from  Dom  Manoel,  returned 
to  Rome.  Damiao  de  Goes,  op.  cit.,  2da  parte,  cap.  xxiv.  fol.  41  v. 
Ramiisio,  Navigationi.,  fol.  174. 


44  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  ii. 

ships  and  the  rest  large  praus — encountered  Dom  Lou- 
rengo's  valiant  little  fleet  on  the  i6th  March,  1506,  a 
short  distance  to  the  north  of  Cananor.  *'  It  seemed," 
says  Vartema,  "  like  some  huge  forest,  from  the  great 
masts  of  the  ships."  But  so  little  did  Dom  Louren^o 
fear  the  result,  that  he  permitted  his  adversaries  to  pass 
until  they  were  off  Cananor — "  per  mostrarli  quantoera 
I'animo  de'  Christiani."  It  was  not  until  they  were 
within  a  bombard -shot  of  the  town  that  he  commenced 
the  engagement. 

Against  such  an  overwhelming  force  the  Portuguese 
could  bring  only  eleven  ships.  ^  They  were  manned,  how- 
ever, by  men  as  brave  as  they  were  experienced, — "  all 
distinguished  men,  educated  at  the  King's  court — very 
noble  men,"  Correa  tells  us.  And  very  nobly  indeed  did 
they  bear  themselves.  "  For  really,  to  say  the  truth,  I 
have  been  in  many  a  fight  in  my  day,  and  seen  many  a 
fierce  encounter,"  says  Yartema,  "  but  never  have  I  seen 
braver  men  than  these  Portuguese."  ^  They  had  need 
of  their  courage,  for  they  were  but  eight  hundred  fight- 
ing men  against  some  thousands.  The  great  ship  of 
Rodrigo  Rebello,  in  which  sailed  Dom  Lourengo  and  the 
flower  of  his  men,  led  the  van,  and  turning  neither  to 
the  right  nor  left,  made  straight  for  the  enemy's  flag- 
ship. Three  times  did  she  grapple  with  her,  and  three 
times  were  her  grappling-irons  cast  off.  At  length  their 
attempts  were  successful,  and  the  Portuguese  sprang  on 

1  Catsanheda,  Osorius,  De  Goes,  and  Vartema  (who  was  himself  pre- 
sent at  the  engagement)  all  state  that  the  number  of  D.  Louren9o'3 
force  was  only  eleven  ships,  but  Correa  gives  it  as  twenty-eight.  The 
accounts  of  the  affair  are  in  other  ways  differently  given  by  the  old 
historians  ;  but  that  of  Vartema,  as  being  an  eye-witness,  has  been 
chiefly  followed  in  the  present  narrative. 

*  Itinerario  di  Lndovico  Barthema,  lib.  vi.  cap.  xxxvii. 


1506.]  EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  45 

board,  headed  by  their  beloved  chief,  who  "  fought  with 
his  little  halberd."  The  i-esult  was  for  the  moment 
doubtful,  for  they  found  themselves  engaged  with  six 
hundred  of  the  enemy.  It  was  not  for  long.  Lourenco's 
valour  bore  everything  before  it,  and  ere  many  minutes 
had  elapsed,  every  man  of  the  six  hundred  had  been 
killed  or  driven  into  the  sea. 

Meanwhile  the  others  had  not  been  idle.  Joao  Serrao, 
brother  to  the  Francisco  Serrao  who  afterwards  became 
the  great  friend  of  Magellan,  was  fighting  as  he  never 
fought  before,  his  ship  attacked  by  more  than  fifty  praus, 
from  which  he  eventually  shook  himself  free,  though  at 
the  price  of  having  almost  all  his  men  wounded.  Simon 
Martins,  the  most  daring  of  the  Viceroy's  captains,  was 
in  an  even  more  desperate  case,  his  low  sloop  being 
surroimded  by  four  much  larger  vessels,  who  poured  in 
a  galling  fire,  imtil  the  Portuguese — their  men  all  dead 
or  wounded,  and  all  their  powder  expended — were  com- 
pelled to  take  refuge  below  deck.  The  Moors  boarded, 
thinking  she  had  struck,  but  they  were  quickly  unde- 
ceived, for  the  captain,  making  a  sally  at  the  head  of 
the  survivoi's,  cut  down  seven  of  them  with  his  own 
hand,  and  the  remainder  were  quickly  driven  overboard. 

While  these  two  desperate  struggles  were  continuing, 
Dom  Lourengo  had  laid  his  ship  alongside  a  second 
antagonist.  She  proved  to  be  a  heavier  craft  than  his 
first  prize,  and  carried  over  fifteen  hundred  men.  Their 
very  number  was  probably  againet  them,  and  Nuno  Vaz 
Pereira  boarding  at  the  same  time  on  the  other  side  of 
the  ship,  the  Moors  found  themselves  between  two  fires, 
and  were  very  soon  overpowered.  The  enemy  perceiving 
their  two  largest  vessels  taken,  and  many  others  either 
disabled  or  sunk,  resolved  on  flight.     The  delight  of  the 


46  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ii. 

Portuguese  was  unbounded,  for  the  victory,  however 
much  anticipated,  was  by  no  means  safely  within  their 
grasp.  "God  be  praised,"  exclaimed  Dom  Lourengo; 
"  let  us  follow  up  our  victory  over  these  dogs ;  "  and  the 
order  was  at  once  given.  A  scene  of  the  most  frightful 
slaughter  ensued.  Quarter  was  neither  given  nor  asked. 
The  sea  was  dyed  with  blood,  and  the  bodies  washed 
ashore  next  day  "  formed  as  it  were  a  hedge  "  upon  the 
beach.     More  than  3600  of  them  were  counted. 

Upon  the  Portugviese  side  between  seventy  and  eighty 
fell,  and  over  two*  hundred  were  wounded.  Among  the 
latter  was  Magellan,  who,  indeed,  appears  to  have  been 
habitl^ally  unfortunate  in  this  respect,  to  judge  from  the 
expression  used  by  Gaspar  Correa — "  and  at  the  affair 
with  the  Turks,  and  always  in  the  armadas,  and  in 
Calicut,  was  he  much  wounded."  ^  He  was  cared  for, 
no  doubt,  at  the  hospital  at  Cananor,  whither,  we  are 
told,  all  the  wounded  were  brought.  The  dead  were 
bulled  at  sea,  in  order  that  the  Moors  might  not  dis- 
cover the  extent  of  their  antagonists'  losses. 

A  victory  so  decisive  was  not  without  its  effect,  not 
only  upon  the  Moors,  but  upon  the  native  rulers,  and 
matters  now  appearing  more  settled,  Dom  Lourengo  was 
despatched  at  the  head  of  a  small  squadron  to  the 
Maldives.  Owing  to  bad  navigation,  they  missed  their 
destination,  but  sighting  Cape  Comorin,  eventually  came 
to  anchor  off  Point  de  Galle,  and  for  the  first  time  rela- 
tions were  established  between  Portugal  and  Ceylon. 
Magellan,  meanwhile,  was  sent  to  Sofala  under  Nuno 
Vaz  Pereira.2     As  has  already  been  stated,  Dom  Manoel's 

1  "E  foy  no  feito  dos  Eumes,  e  sempre  nas  armadas,  e  em  Calicut, 
muyto  ferido." — Correa,  ii.  cap.  iv.  p.  28. 
-  Faria  y  Sousa,  Asia  PoHugueza,  torn.  i.  pt.  i.  cap.  x.  §  6. 


1507.]  EARLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  47 

orders  on  the  Viceroy's  departure  were  that  a  fortress 
should  be  constructed  in  this  city,  but  it  will  be  remem- 
bered that  the  first  port  the  latter  entered  in  Eastern 
Africa  was  Quiloa.  This  was  through  no  disobedience 
on  the  Viceroy's  part,  but  the  ship  of  Pero  d'Anhaia, 
who  accompanied  Almeida  as  the  future  captain  of 
Sofala,  having  gone  ashore  at  the  very  moment  of  the 
sailing  of  the  Viceroy's  fleet,  her  officers  and  crew  were 
forced  to  defer  their  voyage.  Ultimately  Sofala  was 
reached  and  the  fortress  built,  but  Pero  d'Anhaia's 
administration  was  a  short  one,  for  he  was  killed  in  the 
following  year  by  the  Moors. 

Nuno  Vaz  sailed  with  instructions  to  take  over  the 
command.  His  orders,  however,  were  that  he  should 
first  visit  Quiloa.  In  that  port  the  greatest  disorder 
prevailed,  owing  to  a  dispute  as  to  the  succession  to  the 
throne,  and  on  his  arrival  he  had  to  decide  upon  the 
merits  of  the  two  claimants.  Sailing  thence  for  Sofala, 
he  established  himself  as  captain  of  the  settlement,  but 
his  term  of  office  was  even  shorter  than  that  of  his  pre- 
decessor. On  the  8th  September,  1507,  the  fleet  of  Vasco 
Gomez  d'Abreu  arrived  from  Lisbon,  and  he  had  to  resign 
his  post.  A  few  days  later  he  left  for  Mozambique  in 
the  ship  of  Rui  Gongalvez  de  Valadares.  The  pestilen- 
tial climate  of  the  coast  had  told  terribly  upon  his  men, 
and  he  landed  with  a  great  number  of  sick.  So  nume- 
rous were  they,  indeed,  that  his  first  care  was  to  build  an 
hospital.  The  captains  themselves  took  turns  in  attend- 
ance upon  the  patients.  Correa  naively  describes  the 
treatment  adopted  :  "  Much  did  they  occupy  themselves," 
he  tells  us,^  "  with  the  care  and  healing  of  the  sick,  to 
whom  they  gave  many  marmalades  and  conserves,  in 

1  Con-ea,  op.  cit.,  i.  pt.  ii.  1507,  cap.  i.  p.  785. 


48  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ii. 

the  eating  of  which  they  were  greatly  benefited."  The 
season  being  now  far  advanced,  and  the  north-east  mon- 
soon established,  Nuno  Yaz  Pereira  and  his  comrades, 
unable  to  return  to  India,  were  forced  to  prolong  their 
stay  in  Mozambique.  They  occupied  themselves  in 
building  a  church,  and,  it  is  needless  to  say,  a  fortress. 
Upon  the  change  of  the  monsoon  they  sailed  for  Cochim, 
leaving  a  mere  handful  of  men  in  charge  under  a  feitor} 
Upon  their  arrival  in  India,  Magellan  and  his  comrades 
found  the  aspect  of  affairs  mvich  altered.  They  had  left 
the  country  soon  after  a  defeat  of  the  most  crushing 
kind  had  been  inflicted  upon  their  enemies.  The  power 
of  Portugal  seemed  by  it  to  have  been  fairly  established 
in  the  East,  and  some  of  the  lesser  potentates,  whose 
action  appeared  at  one  time  doubtful,  had  formally 
acknowledged  the  Viceroy.  Now  all  was  changed.  The 
fortress  of  Anchediva,  which  had  cost  them  so  much 
anxiety  and  so  many  lives,  had  been  given  up  and  razed 
to  the  ground.  The  King  of  Cananor,  who  had  been 
most  friendly,  had  been  replaced  by  a  successor  whose 
sympathies  were  with  the  Zamorim  of  Calicut,  and  the 
Portuguese  had  tuidergone  a  siege  of  many  months  in 
their  fortress,  and  suffered  unusual  hardships.  But  a 
far  more  serious  danger  confronted  them.  Hitherto  the 
Moors  had  been  the  only  foemen  worthy  of  their  steel. 
Now  they  were  suddenly  brought  face  to  face  with  other 
enemies,  who,  at  the  very  first  rencontre,  had  put  to  flight 
their  ships  and  slain  their  beloved  leader,  Dom  Louren^.o. 

1  From  this  fact  it  is  evident  that  Magellan  could  not  have  been 
present  at  the  defeat  of  Dom  Lourengo  by  Mir  Hoseyn  and  Malik  Jaz 
at  Chaul  in  the  spring  of  1508.  The  expression  already  alluded  to, 
that  he  was  wounded  "  no  fcito  dos  Bumez,"  "in  the  affair  with  the 
Turks,"  must  therefore  refer  to  the  great  battle  off  Diu,  in  which  D. 
Francisco  d' Almeida  avenged  the  death  of  his  beloved  son. 


1507.]  EAELY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  49 

Their  new  foe  was  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  or  rather  his 
admiral,  Mir  Hoseyn.  The  Moors,  finding  themselves 
powerless  to  cope  unaided  with  their  adversaries,  sought 
help  from  Cairo.  It  was  readily  afforded  them.  Not 
only  were  the  Sultan's  revenues  affected  by  the  check  in 
the  stream  of  traffic  that  poured  into  the  Mediterranean 
through  his  dominions,  but  the  enemy  was  at  his  very 
gates,  and  action  of  some  kind  had  become  an  imperative 
necessity.  Unprovided,  however,  with  a  fleet  in  the  Red 
Sea,  and  without  wood  wherewith  to  build  it,  he  was  forced 
to  cut  the  latter  in  Asia  Minor,  and  transport  it  on  camels 
from  Alexandria  to  Suez.  Despite  these  difficulties,  a  fleet 
of  ten  ships  was  constructed  at  this  port ;  it  was  placed 
under  the  command  of  the  Emir  Hoseyn,  and  at  the 
end  of  December,  1507,  it  came  to  anchor  off  the  great 
city  of  Diu,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  Cambay.  Here 
the  Emir  joined  forces  with  Malik  Jaz,  the  governor  of 
Diu,  and  a  few  weeks  later  the  armada  sailed  for  Chaul, 
in  which  river  the  Portuguese  fleet  under  Dom  Lourengo 
was  at  that  time  lying.  The  action  that  ensued,  albeit  a 
defeat  for  the  Portuguese,  was  one  of  which  they  might 
justly  be  proud.  Dom  Lourenco,  cut  off  from  the  rest 
of  his  fleet,  and  with  his  leg  shattered  by  a  cannon-ball, 
fought  his  sinking  ship  until  her  decks  were  nearly  level 
with  the  water,  and  perished  with  the  flower  of  his  men, 
his  end  a  fitting  termination  to  a  life  brilliant  in  its 
untarnished  honour,  and  conspicuous  for  deeds  of  the 
coolest  daring. 

Against  these  reverses  the  Portuguese  would  have 
found  it  hard  to  make  headway,  had  it  not  been  that 
upon  the  northern  shores  of  the  Indian  Ocean  the  name 
of  Affonso  d' Albuquerque  had  already  become  a  terror 
to   the   Mussulmans.     Albuquerque  had   left  Portugal 


50  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ii. 

with  tlie  understanding  that  he  was  eventually  to  super- 
sede Almeida  as  Viceroy,  and  having  finished  his  cruise 
upon  the  coasts  of  Arabia,  turned  southwards  to  India 
to  deliver  his  papers.  The  two  great  captains  met  at 
Cananor  on  the  5th  December,  1508,  but  Almeida  refused 
to  hand  over  his  seal  of  ofl3.ce  until  he  should  have  taken 
his  revenge  on  Hoseyn  and  Malik  Jaz — with  which  end 
in  view  he  was  then  sailing  for  Diu — and  Albuquerque 
bad  no  alternative  but  to  give  way. 

Nuno  Yaz  Pereira — and  with  him,  no  doubt,  Magellan 
— had  meanwhile  returned  safely  from  Mozambique  to 
India  in  the  summer,  and  had  been  almost  immediately 
despatched  to  Ceylon.  Whether  Magellan  went  thither 
with  him  or  not  we  do  not  learn  from  the  records  of  con- 
temporary historians,  but  it  is  more  than  probable  that 
he  accompanied  his  old  commander,  who  got  back  from 
Ceylon  just  in  time  to  join  Almeida's  avenging  fleet. 
On  the  12  th  December  the  armada  sailed.  It  consisted 
of  nineteen  ships, ^  which  carried  thirteen  hundred  Por- 
tuguese and  four  hundred  Malabaris.  On  his  way,  the 
Viceroy,  after  touching  at  Baticala  and  Onor,  made  a 
descent  upon  Dabul,  and  so  completely  destroyed  the 
city,  that  the  action  passed  into  a  proverb,  "  May  the 
vengeance  of  the  Franks  overtake  you,  as  it  overtook 
Dabul." 

Arriving  off  Diu  on  the  2nd  February,  1509,  the  Vice- 
roy foimd  both  Mir  Hoseyn  and  Malik  Jaz  awaiting 
him.  The  former,  thinking  that  the  open  sea  offered 
the  best  chances  of  success,  crossed  the  bar  to  meet  the 
enemy.  An  engagement  followed  which  advantaged 
neither  party,  and  on  the  approach  of  night  Mfr  Hoseyn 

^  De  Goes,  op.  cit.,  2nda  parte,  fol.  63 ;  but  Correa,  vol.  i.  pt.  ii.  p. 
924,  says,  "partio  ....  com  vinte  e  uma  velas  armadas." 


1509.]  EAKLY  LIFE  AND  INDIAN  SERVICE.  51 

retired  to  the  harbour,  resolving  there  to  await  the 
renewal  of  the  Viceroy's  attack.  Next  day  the  Por- 
tuguese boldly  entered  the  river  and  the  two  fleets 
engaged.  Almeida  found  opposed  to  him  a  force  number- 
ing over  a  hundred  sail,  which  bore  eight  hundred  Mame- 
lukes, and  many  Christian  soldiers,  Venetian  and  Sclav, 
all  of  whom  were  clad  in  chain-armour.  A  large  num- 
ber of  Malabaris  from  Calicut  and  the  formidable  con- 
tingent of  Malik  Jaz  crowded  the  smaller  vessels.  The 
Viceroy  wished  personally  to  engage  the  ship  of  Mir 
Hoseyn,  but,  at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  his  officers, 
allowed  himself  to  be  dissuaded,  and  deputed  the 
task  to  his  beloved  captain  Nuiio  Vaz  Pereira.  With 
him,  there  is  little  doubt,  went  Magellan,  in  company 
with  many  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the  Viceroy's 
lieutenants.  Thus  manned,  the  Holy  Ghost  led  the  van, 
and  fought  her  way  to  the  great  galleon  of  Mir  Hoseyn. 
Desperate  as  was  the  struggle  that  ensued,  the  issue  was 
not  for  long  doubtful.  The  Egyptian  admiral,  boarded 
on  both  sides,  was  soon  forced  to  yield,  and  the  loss  of 
the  flag-ship  so  disheartened  the  captains  of  his  other 
vessels,  that  the  battle  was  from  that  moment  practically 
decided.  The  ship  of  Malik  Jaz,  owing  to  her  unusual 
strength,  for  a  long  time  bade  defiance  to  the  Portuguese, 
but  she  was  at  length  sunk  by  a  broadside  from  the  large 
bombards.  The  slaughter  was  even  greater  than  on  the 
occasion  of  the  defeat  of  the  Zamorim  of  Calicut.  Be- 
tween three  and  four  thousand  men  were  killed,  and  of 
the  eight  hundred  Mamelukes  but  twenty-two  survived. " 
The  victory  was  decisive ;  Malik  Jaz  submitted,  and  Diu 
was  entered  in  triumph  by  Almeida.  But  it  was  not 
without  its  cost.  Nuiio  Vaz  Pereira  fell,  shot  in  the 
throat,  and  other  brave  souls  with  him.    Great  numbers, 


52  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ii. 

too,  were  wounded,  and  among  them,  Correa  tells  na, 
was  Magellan.  The  engagement  over,  and  a  treaty  of 
peace  having  been  signed  with  Malik  Jaz,  the  Viceroy 
returned  with  the  fleet  to  Cochim.  The  power  of  the 
Portuguese  in  India  was  now  fairly  and  indisputably 
established. 


CHAPTER  III. 

SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE  AND  IN  MOROCCO 
—DEN  A  T  URALISA  TION. 

Almeida,  who  had  not  yet  delivered  the  seal  of  office  to 
Albuquerqiie,  returned  to  Cochim  on  the  8th  March,  1509, 
and  found  his  successor  awaiting  him.  After  his  years 
of  loyal  service,  after  having  at  length  brought  security 
and  success  almost  within  measurable  distance,  he  was 
called  upon  to  resign  his  post.  He  had  borne  the  burden 
and  heat  of  the  day,  and  now  another  was  to  reap  the 
benefit  of  his  toil.  The  trial  was  a  most  bitter  one  for 
him,  and  the  differences  in  which  he  soon  found  himself 
involved  with  Albuquerque  were  not  without  excuse. 
Instead  of  resigning,  he  placed  Albuquerque  under  arrest, 
and  sent  him  to  Cananor. 

Whether  Magellan  joined  with  others  in  openly  ex- 
pressing disapproval  of  this  action  we  do  not  know,  but 
there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  he  did  so.  On  the  2  ist 
April  there  arrived  at  Cochim  from  Lisbon  an  armada 
destined  for  the  reconnaissance  of  Malacca,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Diogo  Lopes  de  Sequeira.  Almeida  affected  to 
think  that  this  force  was  insufficient,  and  added  another 
vessel,  with  a  crew  of  seventy  men,  under  the  command 
of  Garcia  de  Sousa,  with  whom  he  was  not  upon  the  best 
of  terms.  Some  of  the  officers  are  mentioned  by  Barros 
and  De  Goes ;  among  them  Nuno  Yaz  de  Castellobranco, 

who  was  sent  "  on  account  of  the  differences  between 

53 


64  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  III. 

him  and  the  Viceroy  3  "  and  we  learn  that  Magellan  and 
Francisco  Serrao,  who  later  became  his  bosom  friend, 
also  sailed  in  the  same  vessel.^ 

The  little  fleet,  consisting  of  four  ships  of  about  150 
tons,  and  a  "  taforea" — a  sort  of  barge — sailed  from'' 
Cochim  on  the  19th  August,^  and  sighting  Ceylon  upon 
the  2ist,  made  for  Sumatra.  Sequeira  was  now  in 
unknown  seas — seas,  at  least,  which  had  never  before 
been  navigated  by  European  vessels.  His  first  port  was 
Pedir,  at  the  northern  extremity  of  Sumatra,  and  having 
made  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  kmg  both  of  this  place 
and  of  the  neighbouring  city  of  Pacem,  he  proceeded 
without  loss  of  time  to  Malacca,  and  anchored  in  the 
port  on  the  nth  September,  1509. 

Malacca  had  been  for  years  a  familiar  name  to  the 
Portuguese  as  the  great  mart  for  all  the  merchandise  of 
the  far  East.  Now  that  they  had  at  last  reached  it, 
they  found  that  it  in  no  way  fell  short  of  their  expec- 
tations. Hither,  Barros  tells  us,  had  gathered  Arabs, 
Persians,  Gujaratis,  Bengalis,  Burmese,  Liu-kiuans, 
Javanese,  Chinese,  and  natives  of  the  Philippines ;  and 

De  Barros  Arana,  op,  cit.,  p.  14,  speaking  of  Magellan,  says,  "  Em 
principios  de  1508  estava  elle  de  volta  em  Portugal,"  and  tells  us  that 
he  sailed  from  Lisbon  with  Sequeira  ;  but  Barros  (Decadas  da  Asia, 
Dec.  ii.  liv.  iv.  cap.  iii.)  concurs  with  De  Goes,  who  writes  :  "  Por  Ihe 
pare^er  que  leuaua  pouca  gete  pera  hum  tamanho  nego^io,  Ihe  deu 
hua  taforea  com  sesseta  homes,  capitao  Garcia  de  Sousa,  com  que  iha 
Fernao  de  Magalhaes  &  FraQisco  Serrao."  Barros  uses  nearly  the 
same  words.  If  Magellan  accompanied  Nuno  Vaz  Pereira  to  the  East 
African  coast  in  October  1506,  and  went  with  him  the  following  year 
to  Mozambique,  and  if  he  was  "  no  feito  dos  Piumes  "  in  the  beginning 
of  1509,  as  we  gather  from  Faria  y  Sousa  {Asia  Port.,  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  cap. 
X.)  and  Correa  (ii.  cap.  iv.  p.  28),  he  certainly  could  not  have  returned 
to  Portugal  at  the  date  mentioned  by  Arana. 

2  "  Partido  Diogo  Lopes  de  Cochij  a  oito  de  Setembro,"  says  Barros, 
Dec.  ii.  bk.  iv.  cap.  iii. ,  thus  differing  from  Castanheda  and  De  Goes. 


1509.]  SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE.  55 

the  city,  although  not  of  any  great  depth,  extended 
along  the  coast  for  a  vast  distance.  The  port  was 
crowded  with  shipping,  and  the  enormous  trade  carried 
on  with  all  parts  of  the  world  was  evinced  by  the  busy 
scenes  upon  its  quays.  The  advent  of  the  Europeans, 
whose  deeds  in  India  were  not  unknown,  was  productive 
of  a  temporary  panic.  Confidence  was  soon  restored, 
and  on  the  third  day  the  king  formally  received  the 
envoys  of  Dom  Manoel,  and  appeared  desirous  of  show- 
ing them  the  greatest  kindness  and  respect.  His  atti- 
tude was  nevertheless  intended  to  conceal  his  real  designs, 
which  were  to  seize  Sequeira's  fleet  at  the  first  oppor- 
tunity, and  inflict  such  a  decisive  blow  upon  the  Portu- 
guese as  should  effectually  check  their  threatened  move 
upon  the  gates  of  the  Pacific. 

Sequeira,  it  must  be  confessed,  did  his  best  to  further 
them.  No  one  ever  adventured  himself  more  confidingly 
into  a  nest  of  hornets.  Warned  that  the  Malays  were 
not  to  be  trusted  by  some  friendly  Chinese  captains  and 
again  by  a  Persian  woman,  of  whom  one  of  the  Portu- 
guese was  the  lover,  he  persisted  in  ignoring  the  advice, 
and  his  men  visited  the  city  and  the  natives  Sequeira's 
ships  "  as  though  they  had  been  at  anchor  off  the  city 
of  Lisbon."  Tlie  king's  first  plot  was  to  invite  the 
Captain-general  and  a  large  number  of  his  people  to  a 
banquet,  and,  their  forces  thus  weakened,  simultaneously 
to  attack  his  guests  and  the  ships.  Even  Sequeira, 
however,  declined  to  fall  into  so  transparent  a  trap,  and 
another  ruse  had  to  be  adopted. 

The  Portuguese  had  expressed  their  desire  of  leav- 
ing as  soon  as  they  could  get  their  cargo  of  spices,  in 
order  that  they  might  not  miss  the  monsoon  for  their 
homeward  voyage.     Taking  advantage  of  this,  the  king 


56  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  Hi. 

informed  Sequeira  that  lie  had  got  together  a  large  quan- 
tity of  pepper  and  other  goods,  which  he  would  deliver 
to  him  if  he  would  send  all  his  boats  ashore  on  the  fol- 
lowing day,  together  with  plenty  of  men  to  load  them. 
The  Captain-general  gladly  acceded.  Francisco  Serrao 
in  command  of  a  large  party,  and  with  all  the  boats 
except  that  of  the  ^^taforea"  proceeded  ashore,  and  the 
strength  of  the  fleet  being  thus  reduced,  the  natives 
crowded  to  the  ships  with  the  ostensible  purpose  of 
trading,  and  awaited  the  signal  for  a  general  onslaught, 
which  was  to  be  given  from  the  citadel. 

Garcia  de  Sousa,  more  quick-witted  than  his  com- 
mander, was  not  long  in  realising  the  impending  danger. 
"Without  the  loss  of  a  moment's  time,  he  drove  the 
Malays  out  of  his  ship,  and  sent  Ferdinand  Magellan  in 
the  only  remaining  boat  to  the  flag- ship  to  put  Sequeira 
on  his  guard.  Magellan  found  the  Captain-general 
playing  at  chess,  surrounded  by  eight  Malays,  even 
then  unwilling  to  believe  that  any  treachery  was  con- 
templated. Hardly  taking  his  eyes  from  the  board, 
Sequeira  merely  ordered  one  of  the  saUors  into  the  main- 
top to  see  if  all  were  well  with  the  shore  party,  and 
Magellan  at  the  same  moment  left  the  ship.  WhUe 
aloft,  the  sailor  chanced  to  look  down,  and  saw  a  Malay 
standing  behind  Sequeira  with  his  kris  half  drawn, 
while  a  comrade  in  front  motioned  to  him  not  to  strike, 
as  the  signal  had  not  then  been  given.  At  the  same 
moment  Francisco  Serrao  and  two  or  three  others  were 
seen  running  for  their  lives  to  the  beach,  and  the  puff 
of  white  smoke — the  signal  for  the  massacre — floated 
from  the  summit  of  the  citadel.  The  sailor's  Avarning 
cry  of  "  Treachery  !  treachery  ! "  came  not  an  instant  too 
soon.      Sequeira  bounded  from  his  seat,  and  escaping 


1509.]  SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE.  57 

the  blow  from  the  kris  of  his  would-be  murderer,  ran 
to  arms.  The  Malays,  seeing  themselves  outnumbered, 
jumped  overboard.  Serrao  meanwhile,  in  a  small  skiff 
and  almost  unarmed,  was  making  desperate  effoi-ts  to 
shake  himself  clear  of  a  number  of  boats  by  which  he 
was  hard  pressed.  Already  one  of  his  men  had  been 
severely  wounded,  and  the  enemy  had  boarded  their  craft, 
when  Magellan  and  Nuno  Vaz  de  Castelbranco  came  to 
their  rescue.  Although  a  bare  handful  of  men,  they 
fought  so  despei'ately  that  the  Malays  were  driven  over- 
board, and  the  Portuguese  reached  their  ship  in  safety. 
It  is  not  too  much  to  believe  that  the  courage  and 
presence  of  mind  of  Magellan  on  this  occasion  greatly 
strengthened  the  bond  of  friendship  between  him  and 
Serrao,  and  to  this  friendship,  as  we  shall  see  later,  the 
great  voyage  of  the  greatest  of  navigators  was  more  or 
less  due. 

The  situation  of  the  Portuguese  at  this  moment  was 
critical.  Not  only  had  the  greater  number  of  those  on 
shore  been  captured  or  murdered,  but  a  second  party, 
who  had  landed  upon  a  httle  island  hard  by,  had  also 
been  cut  off.  Sequeira  had  hardly  realised  his  position, 
when  a  large  fleet  of  armed  praus  was  seen  rounding  a 
corner  and  making  for  the  vessels  of  the  Portuguese. 
However  great  his  folly,  the  Captain- general  was  no 
coward.  Instant  action  was  necessary,  and  he  took  it. 
Slipping  his  cables,  he  at  once  bore  down  upon  the 
enemy,  and  so  well  were  his  guns  served  that  the  Malays 
were  soon  only  too  glad  to  retire,  many  of  their  ships 
being  sunk  and  others  hopelessly  crippled. 

Sequeira  waited  a  day  or  two  in  the  hope  of  ransom- 
ing some  of  his  men.  Sixty  were  missing,  and  although 
many  were  known  to  have  been  killed,  he  had  reason  to 


58  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  hi. 

suspect  that  as  many  as  thirty  were  prisoners.  His 
efforts  were  fruitless,  and  accordingly,  putting  ashore 
two  of  his  captives  with  an  arrow  through  their  brains 
and  a  message  affixed  to  their  bodies  that  "  thus  the 
King  of  Portugal  avenged  the  ti"eason  of  his  enemies," 
he  sailed  for  India.  ^ 

The  homeward  voyage  of  the  fleet  was  signalised  by 
the  capture  of  several  junks.  In  one  of  these  actions 
Magellan  again  distinguished  himself  in  the  same 
manner  as  at  Malacca;  for  the  Portuguese  of  Nuno 
Godiu's  ship  being  almost  overpowered,  Castelbranco 
and  himself,  with  only  four  sailors,  went  to  their 
assistance  in  the  small  boat  of  the  ^^taforea"  and 
brought  the  fight  to  a  successful  issue. ^  In  January, 
1 510,  the  fleet  arrived  at  Travancore,  reduced  to  three 
vessels — one  having  gone  ashore  in  the  Straits,  and  one 
having  been  purposely  burnt.  In  this  port  they  learned 
the  news  of  Almeida's  departure  from  India,^  where- 
upon Sequeira,  who  had  sided  with  him  in  his  quarrel 
with  Albuquerque,  thought  it  better  to  sail  direct  for 
Portugal  Teisera's  ship  and  the  "  if a/b?'ea,"  bearing 
Magellan  and  his  friend  Serrao,  proceeded  on  theii' 
course,  and  anchored  a  few  days  later  in  the  harbour 
of  Cochim. 

1  Correa's  account  of  the  Malacca  difficulties  differs  in  toto  from 
the  above,  which,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  unimportant  details,  is 
that  given  by  all  the  other  old  historians.  In  the  Lendas  da  India 
the  Portuguese  are  attacked  by  night  in  a  small  fortress  which  they 
had  previously  obtained  permission  to  erect. 

■^  Castanheda,  op.  cit.,  liv.  ii.  cap.  cxvi. 

3  Almeida,  "the  enemy  of  avarice,"  a  great  man  in  the  best  sense 
of  the  term,  was  destined  never  to  reach  home.  Landing  a  small 
party  in  Saldanha  Bay  in  search  of  water  and  provisions,  a  fracas 
occurred  with  the  Kafirs,  and  in  an  attempt  to  revenge  themselves 
next  day  (March  i,  1510),  the  Portuguese  lost  sixty-five  men,  among 
whom  were  eleven  captains  and  their  beloved  chief. 


1510.]  SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE.  59 

Magellan  and  his  comrades  must  have  reached  that 
capital  almost  simiiltaneously  with  Albuquerque.  How- 
ever great  a  failure  Sequeira's  expedition  had  been, 
that  of  the  Viceroy  to  Calicut,  whence  he  was  now 
returning,  had  been  even  greater.  Upon  the  2nd 
January  he  had  arrived  ojEf  the  city  with  a  large 
armada.  A  few  days  later  he  left  it,  himself  badly 
wounded,  seventy-eight  of  his  best  men  killed,  and  over 
three  hundred  liors  de  combat,  with  no  advantage,  save 
the  slaughter  of  a  lai^ge  number  of  Moors,  accruing  to 
his  side.  Neither  his  wounds  nor  his  defeat,  however, 
prevented  Albuquerque  from  busying  himself  in  the  exe- 
cution of  his  projects.  He  at  once  ordered  an  armada 
to  be  got  ready  to  proceed  against  the  cities  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  despatched  the  rest  of 
the  homeward-bound  fleet — the  first  part  of  which  had 
already  sailed — to  Portugal  vid  Mozambique. 

The  three  vessels  of  which  this  second  division  of  the 
fleet  was  composed  left  Cochim  about  the  middle  of 
January.^  One  ship,  commanded  by  Gomes  Freire, 
sailing  a  little  before  her  companions,  had  a  prosperous 

^  The  chronology  of  this  period  of  Magellan's  history  is  a  little 
cbscui's.  After  the  fight  at  Calicut,  Albuquerque  is  mentioned  by 
Correa  (vol.  ii.  pt.  i.  cap.  iii.  p.  25)  as  sending  Rebello  thence  to  Cananor 
on  the  10th  January,  and  the  historian  adds,  "  0  gouernador  esteue  no 
porto  de  Calecut  dous  dias,  despachando  as  cousas  como  ja  disse,  e  se 
partio  pera  Cochym."  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  he  arrived  at 
the  latter  city  about  the  14th.  But  De  Goes  (3ra  parte,  cap.  iii.  fol.  5 
V.)  tells  us  that  "partio  Afonso  dalbuquerque  de  Cochim  na  fim  de 
Janeiro  " — a  not  impossible  date,  since  we  know  that  he  occupied  Goa 
February  17th.  If  Magellan  was  with  the  Viceroy  in  his  first  descent 
upon  Goa,  as  Arana  [op.  cit.,  p.  17)  states,  there  is  little  enough  of 
intervening  time  left  for  the  preparation  and  despatch  of  the  home- 
ward fleet,  the  wreck  upon  the  Padua  Bank,  the  reaching  of  the 
mainland  in  the  boats,  the  sending  of  the  caravel  to  succour  the 
shipwrecked  party,  and  their  return  to  Cananor.  Most  probably 
Magellan  was  not  present  at  the  first  occupation  of  Goa. 


60  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  ill. 

voyage,  reaching  Mozambique  in  safety,  but  the  others 
— in  one  of  which  Magellan  sailed — ran  at  night  upon 
a  shoal  of  the  Great  Padua  Bank,^  and  remained.  The 
weather  was  good,  and  though  the  ships  filled,  they 
did  not  break  up,  and  the  captains,  Sebastian  de  Sousa 
and  Francisco  de  S4,  were  able  to  save  not  only  suffi- 
cient provisions,  but  a  good  deal  of  the  cargo  also.  The 
crews  landed  with  their  belongings  upon  a  small  island 
which  was  close  at  hand,  and  at  daybreak  a  discussion 
took  place  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued.  It  was 
resolved  to  make  for  the  coast  of  India — distant  about 
a  hundred  miles — in  the  boats,  but  owing  to  the  want 
of  room  "there  was  much  contention  among  them  con- 
cerning which  of  them  should  go  fixst.  The  captains, 
fidalgos,  and  persons  of  position  desired  so  to  do,  but 
the  sailors  said  that  they  should  not  unless  they  went 
also.  "2  In  this  state  of  affairs  Magellan  came  to  the 
rescue,  promising,  with  the  ready  coolness  which,  as  we 
learn  later,  was  so  characteristic  of  him,  that  he  would 
remain  with  the  crews  if  they  would  swear  to  him  that 
assistance  should  be  sent  immediately  on  the  arrival  of 
the  boats  in  India.  This  was  done,  and  the  boats  de- 
parted, reaching  Cananor  in  eight  days.  Sebastian  de 
Sousa  kept  his  word,  and  sent  Antonio  Pacheco  to  their 

1  The  Padua  Bank  or  Pedro  Reef  has  now  twenty-one  fathoms  as  its 
minimum  depth  of  water,  and  it  would  naturally  be  concluded  that  the 
ships  went  ashore  at  some  other  place  in  the  Lakadivhs  ;  more  espe- 
cially from  the  fact  that,  according  to  one  writer,  the  crew  landed  on 
an  island  or  rock  close  at  hand.  But  it  appears  that  the  banks  off 
this  part  of  the  coast  are  gradually  sinking.  On  the  Elicapeni  Bank, 
in  lat.  11°  12'  N.,  long.  73°  58'  E.,  there  is  now  from  8-15  fathoms, 
while  in  1835  Captain  Byrom  found  only  3^-9  fathoms.  Such  a  rapid 
alteration  renders  it  quite  possible  for  the  wreck  to  have  occurred  on 
the  "  Bassas  de  Pedro." 

2  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xix. 


1510.]  SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE.  61 

relief  in  a  caravel  without  loss  of  time.  Crew  and 
cargo  were  safely  got  on  board,  and  eventually  the  coast 
was  reached  -with,  little  more  loss  than  that  of  the  two 
vessels. 

From  Barros  we  learn  one  possible  reason  for  Magel- 
lan's action  on  this  occasion — that  there  was  a  friend 
whom,  "  since  he  was  a  person  of  no  great  importance," 
the  captain  was  about  to  leave  behind.  We  are  not  told 
his  name,  but  there  is  Kttle  doubt  that  it  was  Francisco 
Serrao,  and  that  it  was  his  loyalty  to  him  as  a  friend 
that  prevented  Magellan  from  considering  his  own 
safety.^  Whatever  may  have  been  the  case,  however, 
the  deed  was  that  of  a  cool,  unselfish  man,  and  it  is 
recognised  as  such  even  by  historians  so  adverse  to  him 
as  Barros  and  Castanheda.^ 

At  the  moment  of  the  rescue  of  Magellan  and  his 
comrades,  Albuquerque  was  bound  northwards  with  an 
armada  of  twenty-three  ships  for  Ormuz,  touching  at 
Cananor  and  other  neighbouring  ports  on  his  voyage. 
Whether  the  shipwrecked  crews  were  incorporated  with 

1  This  incident  is  related  by  Herrera  (Dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xix.), 
Barros  (Dee.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  i. ),  Castanheda  (lib.  iii.  cap.  v. ),  and 
Damiao  de  Goes  (ada  parte,  cap.  xliii.  fol.  73),  but  the  latter  does 
not  mention  Magellan.  Correa  (vol.  ii.  pt.  i.  cap.  iv.  p.  27)  gives  an 
account  which  differs  in  many  particulars  from  that  of  the  other 
historians,  stating  (a  far  from  probable  occurrence)  that  the  crew 
remained  in  the  vessels,  which  they  shored  up  by  means  of  the  yards  ; 
that  all  this  was  arranged  and  ordered  by  Magellan  ;  and  that  Gon- 
zalo  de  Crasto — not  Pacheco — returned  with  the  caravel.  See  also 
Lord  Stanley's  Magellan,  Hakluyt  Soc,  p.  xvii. 

2  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that,  in  Herrera's  laudatory  comments 
upon  Magellan's  action  on  this  occasion,  we  learn  one  of  the  few 
facts  concerning  his  personal  aspect  to  which  history  has  treated 
us: — "Albeit  his  appearance  was  not  greatly  in  his  favour,  since  he 
was  of  small  stature"  (iiunque  no  le  ayudaiia  mucho  la  persona,  por- 
que  era  de  cuerpo  pequeno  "). 


62  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  iii. 

this  fleet  or  not  is  uncertain,  but  it  is  by  no  means  im- 
possible that  such  was  the  case.'^  The  Viceroy  altered 
his  plans  en  route,  and  leaving  the  siege  of  Ormuz  for  a 
future  occasion,  made  a  descent  upon  Goa,  which  yielded 
to  him  on  the  17th  February,  15 10,  almost  without  strik- 
ing a  blow.  He  was  not  at  that  time,  however,  in  a 
position  to  hold  the  city  against  a  large  force,  and  three 
months  later — May  30th — was  compelled  to  evacuate  it. 
It  was  only  for  a  time.  During  his  short  tenure  of  the 
place  Albuquerque  had  realised  its  importance,  and  the 
next  occasion  on  which  Magellan  appears  upon  the  scene 
is  at  a  council  held  by  the  Viceroy  on  the  loth  October, 
15 10,  upon  questions  connected  with  a  second  siege  he 
had  then  resolved  on.^ 

The  council  was  held  at  Cochim,  and  was  composed  of 
"  all  the  captains  of  the  King,"  to  which  rank  it  may  be 
concluded  that  Magellan  had  by  this  time  attained.  The 
question  for  decision  was  whether  the  merchant  ships — 
then  loading  in  Cochim — should  assist  at  the  intended 
siege  of  Goa  or  not.  Magellan,  called  upon  to  speak, 
gave  a  very  decided  opinion  on  the  subject,  saying  that 
they  "  ought  not  to  take  the  ships  of  burden  to  Goa, 
inasmuch  as,  if  they  went  thither,  they  could  not  pass 
this  year  to  Portugal,  .  .  .  and  that  there  would  not 
remain  time  for  them  to  lay  out  their  money,  nor  to  do 
anything  of  what  was  necessary  for  the  voyage."  Albu- 
querque was  of  a  different  opinion,  and  said  that  "  he 

1  Correa  says  that  they  returned  to  Cochim,  while  Castanheda 
implies  that  they  went  to  Cananor.  Barros,  however,  distinctly  states 
that  Pacheco  returned  with  the  rescued  crew  to  Goa,  and  that  they 
there  found  Alfonso  d' Albuquerque. 

2  The  document  recording  this  council  is  preserved  in  the  Torre  do 
Tombo  at  Lisbon  {Corp.  Chron..  pt.  2a,  ma?.  23,  doc.  190),  and  a  trans- 
lation appears  in  Lord  Stanley's  Magellan,  p.  sxi. 


/ 


APrONSO   n  ALBUQUERQUE. 


1510.]  SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE.  63 

would  sail  with  as  many  ships  and  men  as  he  could  get 
together,  and  would  go  and  take  Goa,  as  he  trusted  in 
our  Saviour's  Passion  that  He  would  aid  him  ;  "  but  he 
added  that  he  would  not  take  any  one  away  with  him 
against  his  will.  The  captains,  Correa  tells  us,  paid  little 
attention  to  this,  being  occupied  with  the  profits  result- 
ing from  the  sale  and  embarkation  of  the  goods  which 
they  had  to  convey  to  Portugal.  ^ 

Magellan,  we  know,  did  not  belong  either  actually  or 
in  spirit  to  such  men  as  these,  and  although  we  do  not 
find  him  mentioned  by  name  in  Correa's  list  of  the 
"  valentes  caualleiros  "  who  accompanied  Albuquerque  in 
this  expedition,  he  may  well  have  come  under  the  head 
of  the  "  outros  caualleiros  honrados  "  who  were  present. 
The  Viceroy  arrived  off  Goa  on  the  24th  November. 
The  fleet  consisted  of  thirty-four  sail,  which  carried 
fifteen  hundred  Portuguese  troops  and  three  hundred 
Malabaris.  On  the  following  day  the  assault  took  place 
— a  splendidly  fought  action,  which  resulted  in  the  fall 
of  the  city  and  its  occupation  for  the  second  time  by 
Albuquerque.  Under  his  administration  order  and  pro- 
sperity were  rapidly  restored.  Money  was  coined ;  the 
ambassadors  of  the  kings  of  Narsinga  and  Cambay 
arrived  to  establish  relations  with  the  Viceroy ;  the 
native  women,  embracing  the  Christian  religion,  became 

^  Lord  Stanley,  op.  cit.,  p.  xxiv.,  suggests  that  the  adverse  opinion 
given  by  Magellan  on  this  occasion  was  the  cause  of  the  subsequent 
coldness  and  ill-will  of  his  sovereign,  and  hence  also  of  the  great  navi- 
gator's desertion  of  his  country  for  Spain  ;  but  this  is  hardly  probable. 
None  of  the  contemporaneous  historians  make  any  adverse  comment 
upon  the  subject.  An  incident  so  trivial,  unaccompanied  by  quarrel 
of  any  kind,  would  have  passed  almost  unnoticed  in  such  stirring 
times.  The  explanation  of  the  King's  attitude  is  more  probably  to  be 
found  a  few  years  later  in  Magellan's  return  from  Africa  without 
leave. 


64  '  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  hi. 

the  wives  of  the  conquerors,  and  trade  was  once  more 
resumed. 

Affairs  once  satisfactorily  settled  in  Goa,  Albuquerque, 
who  in  energy  and  ambition  was  no  whit  inferior  to 
Almeida,  determined  on  fitting  out  an  armada  "  a  buscar 
hos  E-umes."  Not  only  were  the  ships  of  the  Caliph — 
the  bitter  enemy  of  Lusitanian  influence  in  the  East — to 
be  sought  for  and  destroyed,  but  a  fort  was  to  be  built  at 
Aden,  and  another  upon  the  Kamaran  Islands  in  the 
Red  Sea.  The  fleet  left  Goa  at  the  end  of  March,  1511, 
but  in  doubling  the  Padua  reefs  they  encountered  such 
continued  bad  weather  that  they  were  forced  to  return, 
and  it  was  ultimately  settled  that  they  should  proceed  to 
Malacca  instead.  In  August,  therefore — just  two  years 
subsequent  to  the  sailing  of  Sequeira's  expedition — an 
armada  of  nineteen  vessels  left  Cochim  for  that  city,  bent 
on  taking  a  full  though  tardy  revenge  for  the  treacherous 
slaughter  of  Serrao's  comrades.  During  their  voyage 
they  captured  no  less  than  five  ships  from  Cambay,  and 
having  lost  the  galley  of  Simon  Martins  in  a  storm,  they 
touched,  as  before,  at  Pedir  in  Atjeh,  and  confirmed 
their  treaties  with  the  king.  At  Pagem  (Passir)  they 
were  again  well  received.  Farther  south  they  encoun- 
tered two  junks  and  a  caravel,  all  of  which  they  cap- 
tured. Unwittingly  they  had  begun  their  revenge,  for 
upon  the  latter  ship,  after  she  had  struck,  they  found 
the  body  of  Nahodabeguea,  the  organiser  of  the  plot 
against  Sequeira.^ 

1  De  Goes  relates  a  fable  concerning  this  occurrence,  embodying  a 
belief  which  is  not  uncommon  in  many  parts  of  the  world.  They  find 
the  body  hacked  to  pieces,  but  no  blood  flows.  On  his  wrist  is  a 
bracelet  in  which  is  set  the  "  bone  of  a  species  of  large  cattle  found 
in  Siam,  called  '  Cabis.'  "  On  pulling  this  off,  the  blood  gushes  out, 
and  Nahodabeguea  dies  instantly. 


1511.] 


SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE, 


65 


On  the  ist  July,  15  ii,  the  fleet  arrived  off  Malacca.^ 
It  was  not  until  six  weeks  later  that  the  city  fell. 
Although  unprovided  with  fortifications,  the  number  of 
cannon  it  mounted  and  of  fighting  men  by  whom  it  was 
garrisoned  made  its  redviction  no  easy  matter.  In  the 
history  of  Portuguese  India  the  taking  of  Malacca  by 
Albuquerque  is  perhaps  the  most  striking  event,  not 
less  from  its  poHtical  import  than  from  the  difficulty  of 
the  task  and  the  richness  of  the  booty,^     Upon  the  pro- 


MAI.ACCA  (from  Coi-rea). 

tracted  struggle  which  ended  so  fortunately  for  the 
Viceroy's  forces  it  is  unnecessary  to  dwell.  Even  at  this 
period  Magellan  had  not  yet  fought  himself  into  the 
first  half-dozen  or  so  of  distinguished  captains  whose 
names  and  individual  deeds  were  thought  worthy  of 
mention  by  the  chroniclers  of  that  date.  For  the  present, 
he  remained  for  the  most  part  hidden  in  the  obscurity 

1  Correa  states  that  the  fleet  arrived  in  mid-June  (vol.  ii.  pt.  i. 
p.  219). 

2  *'  Se  tomou  despojo  de  grao  valor,  o  mor  que  nunqua  se  tomou 
n'estas  partes,  nem  outro  tal  tomara." — Correa,  Lendas  da  India, 
vol.  ii.  pt.  i.  p.  248.  See  also  Comentarios  do  grande  Afonso  d' Albu- 
querque, cap.  xxviii. 

E 


66  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  III. 

of  the  "  outros  caualleiros  valentes  "  whose  presence  in 
the  engagements  is  only  rarely  otherwise  recorded.  One 
writer/  however,  speaks  of  him  as  "  giving  a  very  good 
account  of  himself  "  on  this  occasion.  It  is  only  what 
might  have  been  expected  from  him,  or  indeed  from  any 
one  of  the  courageous  band  who  effected  the  downfall 
of  the  most  important  city  of  the  East.  Against  the 
twenty  thousand  fighting  men,  with  three  thousand  pieces 
of  artillery,  whose  workmanship,  as  we  learn  from  the 
Commentaries  of  Albuquerque,  could  not  be  excelled 
even  in  Portugal,  the  Viceroy  could  bring  a  bare  eight 
hundred  Portuguese  and  six  hundred  Malabar  archers. 
They  had  indeed  need  to  give  a  good  account  of  them- 
selves, and  for  a  protracted  period  the  issue  hung  in  the 
balance.  "  Assuredly,"  says  Castanheda,  "  from  the  time 
we  began  the  conquest  of  India  until  now  was  no  affair 
undertaken  so  arduous  as  this  battle,  .  .  .  nor  one  in 
which  so  much  artillery  was  employed,  or  in  which  so 
many  were  engaged  in  the  defence." 

The  fall  of  Malacca  was  of  greater  political  importance 
than  that  of  Goa.  Not  only  was  the  city  the  key  to  the 
Eastern  gate  of  the  Indian  Ocean — the  gate  through 
which  the  whole  commerce  of  the  Moluccas,  the  Philip- 
pines, Japan,  and  "  far  Cathay  "  passed  on  its  road  to 
the  Mediterranean — but  it  was  at  the  same  time  one 
of  the  largest  marts  in  Asia.  In  its  harbour  rode  the 
ships  of  countless  nations  and  peoples,  from  "  Cipangu  " 
to  Timor.  It  is  little  surprising,  therefore,  that  the 
news  of  Albuquerque's  success  spread  far  and  wide 
throughout  the  Eastern  world,  and  that  the  sovereigns 
of  the  neighboui'ing  countries  were  anxious  to  solicit  his 

1  Herrera,  oj).  eit,  Dec.  ii.  liv.  ii.  cap.  xix.  p.  66:  "Dando  de  si 
muy  buenas  muestras." 


1511.]  SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE.  67 

protection.  The  alliances  concluded  with  them  tempted 
— if  not  to  fresh  conquests — at  least  to  further  explo- 
rations. The  Spice  Islands — an  Eldorado  even  more 
ghttering  than  the  New  World — had  by  this  time 
passed  from  the  cloud  of  uncertainty  that  hung  around 
them,  to  become  a  reality  almost  within  grasp.  The 
Viceroy  and  his  comrades  had  doubtless  talked  over 
their  riches  a  hundred  times,  had  met  their  ships  and 
men,  and  had  made  themselves  acquainted  with  such 
details  as  were  possible  of  their  navigation.  But  it 
must  have  been  from  Luigi  Varthema,  the  Italian — the 
first  European  who  had  ever  sailed  into  these  waters 
— the  traveller  who  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes  the 
hitherto  unknown  wonders  of  the  Moluccas — that  they 
derived  their  most  trustworthy  information.  His 
accounts  of  "  Maluch  "  and  its  cloves  ;  of  Banda — the 
"  isola  molto  brutta  &  trista  " — and  its  nutmegs,  must 
have  been  fresh  in  their  memories.  Little  wonder, 
then,  that  we  find  Albiiquerque  fitting  out  and  despatch- 
ing an  expedition  to  these  long-sought-for  lands  without 
a  moment's  delay.  The  streets  of  Malacca  were  hardly 
cleared  of  the  debris  of  the  assault,  the  conquerors  hardly 
rested  from  their  laboiu-s,  ere  Antonio  d'Abreu  weighed 
anchor  with  his  three  galleons,  and  sailed  in  quest  of 
the  unknown  islands  whose  perfumed  products  were 
even  more  coveted  than  the  gold  of  America. 

The  captains  of  the  other  ships  were  Francisco  Serrao 
and — according  to  Argensola — Ferdinand  Magellan.^ 
The  Portuguese  forces  had  been  so  weakened  by  battle 
and  disease  that  it  was   impossible  further  to  reduce 

*  According-  to  De  Goes  and  Correa,  the  third  vessel  was  commanded 
by  Simao  Afonso  Bisagudo  {Chronica  de  D,  Manoel,  sra  parte,  cap, 
xsv.  fol.  51). 


68  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  hi. 

them  to  any  considerable  extent,  and  barely  a  hundred 
European  soldiers  sailed.  The  ships,  however,  bore 
numerous  Malabaris  and  other  mercenaries  upon  their 
roll,  in  addition  to  their  ordinary  complement  of  sea- 
men. Leaving  Malacca  at  the  end  of  December,  1511,^ 
the  fleet  followed  a  southern  track,  skirting  the  north 
coast  of  Java.  2  They  passed  between  that  island  and 
Madura,  and  holding  an  easterly  course,  left  Celebes  on 
their  port-hand  and  entered  the  Banda  Sea.  The  in- 
structions given  by  Albuquerque  were  most  explicit. 
No  prizes  were  to  be  taken,  no  vessel  was  to  be  chased 
or  boarded,  and  at  every  port  the  greatest  respect  was  to 
be  shown  for  the  authorities  and  customs  of  the  country. 
Further  to  secui-e  their  good  reception,  a  junk  preceded 
them,  having  on  board  a  certain  Nakoda  Ismael,  well 
versed  in  the  navigation  of  these  seas  and  in  the  com- 
merce of  their  islands.     Passing  to  the  north  of  the 

1  "Em  nonembro  d'este  ano  de  1511 "  (Correa,  vol.  ii.  pt.  i.  p.  265), 
perhaps  a  more  probable  date,  as  Albuquerque  left  Malacca  for  India 
December  i. 

2  With  regard  to  this  first  voyage  of  the  Portuguese  to  the  Moluccas 
the  greatest  discrepancies  exist,  in  spite  of  the  diff  useness  of  its  narra- 
tion by  some  of  the  contemporaneous  historians,  and  the  extreme  im- 
portance of  the  enterprise.  The  question  is  vfliether  Magellan  really 
did  sail  with  D'Abreu  upon  this  occasion  or  not.  Barros  does  not 
mention  his  presence,  nor  does  the  almost  equally  prolix  Castanheda, 
and  Correa,  De  Goes,  and  Galvao  are  also  silent  upon  the  subject. 
Again,  from  a  document  found  in  the  Lisbon  archives,  it  is  known 
that  Magellan  was  in  that  city  in  June,  1512.  If  the  expedition  left 
IMalacca  for  the  Spice  Islands  in  December,  151 1,  or  even  in  the  middle 
of  November,  a  very  limited  space  of  time  is  left  for  the  completion 
of  its  work  and  the  return  of  Magellan  to  Portugal.  On  the  other 
hand,  Argensola  tells  us  very  plainly  that  Blagcllan  wont  as  captain  of 
the  third  ship,  and  a  few  pages  farther  on  says,  "  Auiendo  Magallanos 
passado  soyseientas  leguas  adolante  hazia  Malaca,  se  hallaua  en  unas 
islas  desde  donde  se  correspondia  co  Serrano  "  {ojk  cit.,  lib.  i.  p.  15). 
Oviodo  also,  referring  to  Magellan,  calls  him  "  dicstro  en  las  cosas  de 


1512.]  SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE.  69 

volcanic  islet  of  GunoBg  Api,  they  touched  at  Bouru, 
and  finally  reached  Amboina  in  safety. 

The  distance  between  Amboina  and  Banda  is  such  as, 
with  a  fair  wind,  might  be  easily  accomplished  in  one 
day,  even  by  the  clumsily-built  galleons  of  that  period. 
Abreu  chose,  therefore,  to  visit  this  group,  the  home  of 
the  nx\tmeg,  before  proceeding  northward  to  Ternate. 
Serrao's  command — a  Cambay  ship  taken  at  the  siege 
of  Goa — had,  however,  become  so  unseaworthy  that  it 
was  found  necessary  to  abandon  her.  Officers  and  crew 
were  taken  on  board  the  Santa  Gatalina  to  Banda,  where 
a  junk  was  purchased  to  take  her  place.  So  abundant 
was  the  supply  of  spice  in  that  port,  that  they  were  able 
fully  to  lade  their  ships,  and  Antonio  d 'Abreu  resolved 
to  return  to  Malacca  without  visiting  Ternate,  not  only 
because  he  was  unable  to  take  more  cargo,  but  also  on 
account  of  the  weather.  ^     On  the  return  voyage  Serrao 

la  mar,  y  quo  por  vista  de  ojos  tenia  mucha  noticia  de  la  India  oriental, 
y  de  las  Islas  del  Maluco  y  Espe^ieria"  (0-\aedo  y  Valdes,  Hist. 
General  de  las  Indias,  lib.  xx.  cap.  i. ).  A  still  stronger  argument, 
perhaps,  exists  in  Magellan's  own  letter  to  Charles  V.  in  September 
1519  (Leg.  I  of  Molucca  documents,  Seville  archives  ;  Navarrete,  vol. 
iv.  p.  188),  in  which  he  speaks  authoritatively  of  the  geographical 
position  of  the  different  islands  of  the  Moluccas. 

These  arguments  in  their  turn  are  open  to  objection.  Argensola  is 
the  least  accurate  of  all  the  historians,  and  an  obvious  anachronism 
occurs  in  the  same  sentence  with  the  passage  quoted.  Magellan's 
knowledge  of  the  Moluccas,  too,  may  very  well  have  been  obtained 
through  his  friend  Francisco  Serrao,  who  at  that  time  had  been  resi- 
dent in  Ternate  for  nearly  eight  years.  The  question,  having  regard 
to  probabilities,  must  be  answered  in  the  negative,  but  it  is  of  great 
interest.  For,  if  Magellan  did  reach  Banda,  it  may  be  justly  claimed 
for  him  that  at  the  period  of  his  death  in  the  Philipj)ines  he  had  in  his 
own  person  completed  the  circumnavigation  of  the  globe — an  honour 
that  is  in  general  assigned  to  his  successor,  Sebastian  del  Cano. 

^  "Por  culpa  dos  tempos  Ihe  tergare  mal,"  says  Castanheda.  Per- 
haps the  strongest  argument  against  Magellan  having  sailed  on  this 
expedition  with  d'Abreu  is  afforded  us  by  a  consideration  of  the 


70  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  in. 

was  destined  again  to  meet  with  misfortune,  or  at  least 
with  what  appeared  at  the  time  to  be  such.  Getting 
separated  from  the  rest  of  the  fleet  in  heavy  weather, 
his  vessel  struck  on  the  reefs  of  the  Schildpad  Islands,^ 
and  became  a  total  wreck. 

Of  Serrao's  future  history,  romantic  and  interesting 
as  it  is,  it  is  impossible  here  to  give  a  detailed  account, 
though,  from  its  connection  with  that  of  his  friend 
Magellan,  a  glance  at  it  is  perhaps  necessary.  Thrown 
upon  a  deserted  island,  famous  as  the  resort  of  pirates 
and  wreckers  who  reaped  the  harvest  of  its  formidable 
reefs,  they  feared  that  "  if  they  met  not  their  death 
from  thirst  and  hunger,  they  might  expect  it  from  these 
corsairs."  The  very  thing  they  most  dreaded  proved 
their  salvation,  and  Serrao  extricated  himself  from  his 
dangerous  position  by  a  ruse  as  clever  as  it  was  laugh- 
able. Some  pirates,  having  sighted  the  wreck,  landed 
to  hunt  down  the  survivors.  Serrao,  meanwhile,  had 
hidden  his  men  close  to  the  beach,  and  waiting  until 
the  new-comers  had  disembarked,  quietly  emerged  from 
his  place  of  concealment  and  took  possession  of  their  ship. 
His  antagonists,  with  the  prospect  of  being  left  without 
food  or  water,  begged  for  mercy,  which  was  granted 
upon  condition  that  they  should  repair  the  wrecked 
junk.  All  reached  Amboina  in  safety,  and  were  well 
treated  by  the  natives.     The  kings  of  Ternate  and  Tidor 

prevailing  winds  of  those  seas.  Even  had  the  fleet  sailed  in  November, 
and  reached  Amboina  in  a  fortnight,  it  is  extremely  unlikely  that  an 
attempt  would  have  been  made  to  beat  back  against  the  west  monsoon. 
The  east  monsoon  is  faii-ly  established  in  July,  and  it  may  be  said, 
■with  a  confidence  approaching  certainty,  that  such  of  the  fleet  as 
returned  to  Malacca  arranged  their  departure  so  that  they  might  take 
advantage  of  it. 

1  The  Schildpad  Islands  lie  in  lat.  5°  30'  S.,  long.  127°  40'  E.,  and 
about  140  miles  W.S.W.  of  the  Banda  group. 


1512.]  SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE.  71 

were  at  that  time  engaged  in  a  dispute  abont  their 
boundaries,  and  not  unwilling  to  obtain  an  aid  of  which 
both  were  wise  enough  to  perceive  the  advantages,  made 
overtures  to  the  powerful  foreigners,  whose  fame  had  by 
this  time  spread  to  the  farthest  boundaries  of  Malaysia. 
Serrao  cast  in  his  lot  with  that  of  the  ruler  of  Ternate, 
and  for  the  remainder  of  his  life  established  himself  in 
the  Moluccas.  From  Ternate  he  wrote  many  letters  to 
his  friends,  and  especially  to  Magellan,  "  giving  him  to 
understand  that  he  had  discovered  yet  another  new 
world,  larger  and  richer  than  that  found  by  Vasco  da 
Gama."  These  letters,  joined  possibly  with  a  personal 
knowledge  of  those  regions,  formed,  it  may  safely  be 
conjectured,  no  slight  inducement  to  the  undertaking 
of  the  voyage  which  ended  our  hero's  life  and  made  his 
name  immortal.^ 

Whether,  then,  Magellan  did  or  did  not  see  with  his 

1  "  Das  quaes  cartas  comegou  este  Fernao  de  Magalhaes  tomar  huns 
novos  conceitos  que  Ihe  causaram  a  morte,  o  metteo  este  Eeyno  em 
algfum  desgosto,  como  logo  Yeremoa  "  (BaiTos,  Dec.  iii.  liv.  v.  cap.  vi.). 
"Este  Francisco  Sorrao  foy  o  que  mandou  enformagao  do  Maluco  A 
Fernao  de  Magalhaes,  quo  fez  despois  trey^ao  aa  casa  real  de  Portugal, 
querendolhe  tirar  estas  ilhas  da  sua  conquista  &  dalas  a  coroa  de 
Ca.ste\a. "  (Castankcda,  lib.  iii.  cap.  Isxxvi.).  The  letters  written  by 
Magellan  to  Serrao  were  found  among  the  papers  left  at  the  lattei-'s 
death.  In  them  he  promises  "that  he  will  be  with  him  soon,  if  not  by 
way  of  Portugal,  by  way  of  Spain,  for  to  that  issue  his  affaii-s  seemed 
to  be  leading  "  (Navarrcte,  vol.  iv.  note  v.  p.  Ixxiv.  ;  Barros,  Dec.  iii. 
lib.  V.  cap.  viii. ).  A  certain  mystery  enwraps  the  prolonged  stay  of 
Sorrao  in  the  Moluccas.  It  is  quite  possible — nay,  almost  certain— that 
it  was  contrary  to  orders,  but  that  on  the  next  visit  of  the  Portuguese 
he  was  a  person  of  such  influence  that  they  found  it  advisable  to  leave 
him  alone.  This  is  borne  out  by  a  document  found  by  Munoz  in  the 
Seville  archives,  which  says,  "  Francisco  Serrano,  grande  hombre  do 
navegacion,  y  muy  amigo  de  Magallanes  ...  el  qual  con  tomor  y 
desagrado  del  Eey  de  Portugal  y  do  sus  gcntos  huyo  de  Malaca  en  uu 
junco  de  los  que  solian  ir  a  comcrciar  en  Maluco"  (see  Navarrete, 
iv.  p.  371). 


72  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  ill. 

own  eyes  this  promised  land/  one  thing  at  least  is  cer- 
tain, that  the  two  friends  never  met  again.  In  what 
ship  or  by  what  fleet  he  returned  to  Portugal  we  do  not 
know,  but  that  he  did  return  about  the  period  is  con- 
clusively proved,  not  only  from  the  fact  that  the  historians 
give  the  length  of  his  Indian  service  as  seven  years,^ 
but  from  the  evidence  of  certain  documents  of  the  Casa 
Real  de  Portugal,  brought  to  light  by  the  historian 
Muuoz.  It  was  the  custom  in  those  days  that  all  who 
belonged  to  the  king's  household — the  "criagao  de  El 
Eey" — should  receive  a  stipend  which,  though  merely 
nominal  in  value,  corresponded  to  their  rank.^  This 
stipend  was  known  as  the  moradia.  Magellan,  borne 
on  the  books  as  "  mo9o  fidalgo,"  received  a  monthly 
pension  of  a  milreis,^  and  an  alqueire  of  barley  daily, 
and  on  the  1 2th  June,  1 5 1 2,  we  find  him  signing  a  receipt 
in  Lisbon  acknowledging  the  fact.^  It  is  probable  that 
this  receipt  was  signed  not  long  after  his  arrival  in 

1  Upon  the  Molucca  expedition  see  De  Goes,  sra  parte,  caps.  xxv. 
and  xxviii.  ;  Argensola,  lib.  i.  pp.  6  and  15  ;  Barros,  Dec.  ii.  liv.  vL 
cap.  vii.,  and  Dec.  iii.  liv.  v.  cap.  vi.  ;  Castanheda,  bk.  iii.  caps.  Ixxv. 
and  Ixxxvi.  ;  Correa,  bk.  ii.  pt.  i.  pp.  265,  267,  and  280 ;  Galvao,  Des- 
cohrimentos,  Hakluyt  Soc,  p.  115. 

•  Gomara,  Hist.  General  de  las  Indias,  cap.  xci. 

3  Osorio,  De  Bebus  Emmanuelis,  lib.  xi.  p.  327  (ed.  Col.  Agrip. 
MDLXXVI.),  tells  us  the  origin  of  this  stipend.  "  Olira  erat  apud 
Lusitanos  in  more  positum,  ut  in  Rogia,  qui  Regi  serviebant  ipsius 
Regis  sumptibus  alerentur.  Cum  ver6  multitudo  domesticorum  tanta 
fuisset,  difficillimum  videbatur  cibos  tantre  multitudini  i^rseparare. 
Quocirca  fuit  d  Portugalise  Regibus  statutum,  ut  sumptum,  quern 
quilibet  erat  in  Regia  facturus,  ipse  sibi  ex  regia  pecunia  faceret.  Sic 
autem  factum  est,  ut  cuiHbet  certa  pecuniae  summa,  singulis  mensibus 
assignaretur.'' 

4  The  milreis  or  dollar,  although  at  that  period  of  considerably 
greater  value,  is  now  worth  about  4s.  5d.  of  our  English  money.  The 
alqueire  is  as  nearly  as  possible  28  lbs. 

5  Bk.  vi.  of  Moradias  da  Casa  Real,  fol.  47  v. 


1512.]  SERVICE  WITH  ALBUQUERQUE.  73 

Portugal,  as  from  a  similar  document,  dated  one  month 
later  (July  14,  1512),  we  learn  of  his  promotion  to  the 
rank  of  "fidalgo  escudeiro,"  which  he  presumably  ob- 
tained for  his  services  in  the  East.  The  increase  in 
his  pension  was,  comparatively  speaking,  considerable 
(850  reis),  but  of  far  more  importance  was  the  improve- 
ment in  his  position  at  court;  for,  as  we  learn  from 
Osorio,  "  each  person  was  esteemed  the  more  noble 
according  to  the  amount  of  salary  that  he  received." 

Returned  once  more  to  his  native  land,  Magellan 
remained  there  for  nearly  a  year.  Whether  he  retired 
to  his  estate  at  Sabrosa  or  breathed  the  more  stirring 
air  of  the  court  at  Lisbon,  we  are  not  informed.  But 
to  one  of  his  temperament — one  who  for  seven  long  years 
had  led  a  vivid  hfe  of  adventure  by  sea  and  land,  a  Hfe 
of  siege  and  shipwreck,  of  endless  war  and  wandering — 
a  country  existence  must  have  become  impossible.  To  be 
with  his  fellows,  with  men  who  had  tasted  of  the  sweets 
and  bitters  of  the  wider  life,  to  be  within  reach  of  news 
from  India,  to  watch  the  preparations  for  further  and 
perhaps  greater  expeditions — this  must  have  been  to 
him  as  the  breath  of  his  life,  and  we  cannot  dovibt  that 
he  remained  in  Lisbon.  It  is  wonderful  that  he  should 
have  remained  so  long.  That  he  was  not  the  man  to 
sink  into  inaction  either  of  mind  or  body  we  may  be 
quite  sure,  and  we  can  picture  him  perfecting  himself  in 
the  art  of  navigation^  or  planning  fresh  explorations 

■■■  Magellan's  ability  as  a  trained  navigator  is  constantly  referred  to 
by  writers  of  the  period.  It  is  not  actually  stated  that  he  was  a 
pupil  of  Martin  Behaim,  but  he  may  quite  well  have  been  so.  That 
cosmographer,  after  completing  his  globe  in  1492,  left  Nuremberg  for 
the  Azores  vid  Portugal,  but  returned  to  the  latter  country  shortly 
afterwards.  He  died  in  Lisbon  in  1506.  Between  these  two  dates — 
with  the  exception  of  a  mission  to  Flanders — he  is  believed  to  have 


74  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  hi. 

or  conquests  in  the  vast  island-scattered  seas  through 
which — well-nigh  spent  with  hunger  and  scurvy — he  was 
afterwards  destined  to  wander  for  so  many  weary  weeks. 
It  was  to  India,  doubtless,  that  Magellan  looked  as  the 
scene  of  his  future  success — to  the  Farther  India  of  which 
Serrao  had  written  to  him,  and  of  which  he  himself  later 
said  that  he  would  find  his  way  thither,  "  if  not  by  way 
of  Portugal,  then  by  way  of  Spain."  It  was  not,  how- 
ever, in  India  that  he  was  next  to  serve.  In  the  summer 
of  1513  difficulties  arose  with  the  Moors  of  Azamor  in 
Morocco.  In  the  time  of  Dom  Joao  II.  a  treaty  had 
been  concluded  with  them.  Portuguese  subjects  resided 
in  the  city,  their  ships  entered  the  harbour  free  of  dues, 
and  their  goods  passed  the  customs  without  charge. 
The  peace  remained  unbroken  until,  tired  of  paying 
tribute,  Muley  Zeyam  rebelled.  Dom  Manoel  was  not 
the  monarch  to  leave  an  insult  long  unavenged.  An 
armada  was  fitted  out  in  Lisbon  such  as  neither  befoi'e 
nor  since  weighed  anchor  from  the  shores  of  Portugal.^ 

Why  so  large  a  fleet  was  despatched  is  not  clear.  It 
consisted,  all  told,  of  more  than  four  hundred  ships, 
which  bore  no  less  than  eighteen  thousand  men-at-arms 
in  addition  to  the  cavalry  and  sailors.  The  command 
was  given  by  Dom  Manoel  to  his  nephew  Jayme,  Duke 
of  Braganga.  Leaving  Belem  on  the  13th  August,  15 13, 
the  force  arrived  off  Azamor  on  the  28th.  A  pretence 
of  fighting  was  gone  through,  but  the  Moors  were  wise 
enough  to  realise  that  they  had  not  sufficient  strength 

resided  partly  in  Fayal  and  partly  in  Lisbon.  Magellan,  as  we  know, 
passed  these  years  at  the  Portuguese  capital.  That  the  two  never 
met  is  in  the  highest  degree  impi'obable. 

1  (Jurita,  Anales  de  Aragon,  lib.  x.  cap.  Ixxix.  fol.  374  v.  Goes, 
op,  cit.  3ra  parte,  cap.  xlvi 


1513.]  SERVICE  IN  MOROCCO.  75 

to  cope  with  so  formidable  an  enemy,  and  the  city  opened 
its  gates  without  further  bloodshed. 

Among  the  many  distinguished  captains  who  entered 
them,  we  look  in  vain  through  the  chronicler's  list  of 
names  ^  for  that  of  Magellan,  although  we  know,  from 
his  being  mentioned  in  the  pages  of  Barros  very  shortly 
after,  that  he  must  have  been  present.  The  Duke  of 
Braganga  returned  in  November  to  Portugal,  and  left 
Dom  Joao  de  Meneses  in  command,  a  general  noted  for 
valour  and  energy,  of  whom  it  was  said  that  "  he  ceased 
not  for  a  moment  from  making  cruel  war  against  the 
Moors."  2  The  city  was  scarcely  settled  ere  a  series  of 
"  entradas "  or  armed  reconnaissances  was  instituted, 
which,  making  their  descent  where  least  expected, 
greatly  harassed  the  Moors  and  kept  the  country  in  a 
perpetual  state  of  terror.  In  one  of  these,  under  the 
leadership  of  Joao  Soarez,  Magellan  was  wounded  in  the 
leg  by  a  lance,  which  appears  to  have  injured  some 
tendon  behind  the  knee  in  such  a  manner  that  he  re- 
mained slightly  lame  for  the  rest  of  his  life.^ 

Towards  the  end  of  March,  1514,  the  Portuguese 
received  information  that  the  kings  of  Fez  and  Mequinez 
were  preparing  a  large  army  for  the  recapture  of  Azamor. 
On  the  12  th  April  the  patrols  sent  out  from  that  city 
gave  notice  of  the  approach  of  the  advance-guard,  and 
Dom  Joao  de  Meneses  led  his  troops  at  once  against 
them.  Although  the  Moors  were  completely  routed, 
leaving  over  two  thousand  of  their  men  upon  the  field, 

1  Faria  y  Sousa,  Africa  Poriugueza,  cap.  vii. ;  De  Goes,  op,  cit,, 
3ra  parte,  fol.  87. 

2  Pedro  de  Mariz,  Dialogos  de  varia  Historia,  dial.  iv.  cap.  xviii. 
fol.  286  v. 

3  "  Parece  quo  Ihe  tocou  em  algum  nerva  da  juntura  da  curva,  con 
que  depois  manquejava  hum  poco."— Garros,  Dec.  iii,  liv.  v.  cap.  viii. 


76  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  hi. 

the  Portuguese  also  suffered  considerable  loss,  and  the 
advance  of  the  enemy  was  unchecked.  On  Easter  Eve 
they  arrived  at  the  river  of  Azamor.  So  great  were 
their  numbers,  that  seven  days  were  occupied  in  the 
crossing,  while  behind  them  *'  everything  was  consumed, 
laid  waste,  and  destroyed,"  The  very  size  of  the  army 
was,  however,  the  cause  of  its  ruin.  Already  au  bout  de 
ses  forces,  it  arrived  in  the  neighboxirhood  of  the  city 
only  to  find  the  wells  destroyed  and  the  country  devas- 
tated. The  Portuguese  had  an  easy  task.  With  the 
aid  of  their  native  allies  the  invading  host  was  soon  put 
to  flight.  The  booty  was  large.  Over  eight  hundred 
horses  alone  were  captured  and  a  thousand  Moors  made 
prisoners. 

Either  on  this  occasion  or  very  shortly  after  an  inci- 
dent occurred  which,  if  we  may  believe  the  historians, 
was  indirectly  the  cause  of  the  differences  between 
Magellan  and  his  sovereign.  Owing  partly  to  his  lameness 
and  partly  to  his  friendship  with  Joao  Soarez,  our  hero 
was  selected,  in  company  with  another  captain,  Alvaro 
Monteiro,  as  quadrileiro  mor  in  charge  of  the  booty. 
Whether  he  had  refused  to  wink  at  irregularities,  and 
had  hence  become  unpopular  and  open  to  unfounded 
accusations,  or  whether  he  was  really  guilty,  it  is  impos- 
sible with  certainty  to  discover;  but  the  fact  remains, 
that,  together  with  his  comrade,  he  was  accused  by 
certain  people  of  selling  the  cattle  to  the  Moors,  and  per- 
mitting them  to  be  carried  off  at  night  with  his  full 
knowledge  and  connivance.  It  is  probable  that  under 
his  old  commander,  Dom  Joao  de  Meneses,  he  would 
have  had  little  difficulty  in  clearing  himself,  but  the 
sudden  death  of  the  latter  and  the  succession  of  Pedro 
de  Sousa  to  the  command  of  Azamor  placed  matters  on 


1514.]  SERVICE  IN  MOROCCO.  77 

a  different  footing.  Magellan,  desirous  perhaps  of  per- 
sonally explaining  the  affair,  left  Africa  and  returned  to 
Lisbon. 

Dom  Joao  de  Meneses  had  died  on  the  15th  May,  15 14. 
It  must  have  been,  therefore,  at  some  date  not  far 
removed  from  this  that  Magellan  presented  himself 
before  his  sovereign.  It  is  probable  that  he  thought 
little  or  nothing  of  the  charge  that  had  been  brought 
against  him  and  that  his  conscience  was  clear,  for  we 
are  told  that  he  took  the  opportunity  of  preferring  his 
claims  for  promotion  on  account  of  his  long  service  in 
the  East,  and  petitioning  for  an  increase  of  moradia. 
It  was  perhaps  not  the  wisest  of  actions.  Dom  Manoel 
was  by  no  means  disposed  lightly  to  regard  the  matter, 
the  more  so  from  the  fact  that  he  had  received  a  letter 
from  Pedro  de  Sousa  informing  him  that  Magellan  had 
left  Africa  without  his  permission.  It  was  in  vain  that 
the  supposed  culprit  tried  to  justify  himself.  The  King 
refused  to  listen  to  him,  and  ordered  him  at  once  to 
return  to  Azamor  to  answer  the  charges  of  which  he 
stood  accused. 

Magellan  had  no  alternative  but  to  go,  but  on  his 
arrival  the  authorities  declined  to  proceed  against  him. 
No  greater  argument  in  favour  of  his  innocence  could 
be  adduced,  and  he  returned  without  loss  of  time  to 
Portugal,  bearing  the  documents  which,  he  confidently 
expected,  Avould  restore  him  to  his  sovereign's  favour. 
Doubtless  he  looked  forward  with  certainty  to  the 
coveted  rise  in  the  moradia — that  minute  inci'ease 
which,  paltry  though  it  was  in  actual  value,  meant  so 
much  to   those  who   were   of   the   King's   household. ^ 

1  The  increase  of  stipend  for  which  Magellan  petitioned  was  a  half- 
cruzado  per  month,  about  e(|uivalent  to  13d.  of  our  money.     "  Subir 


78  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  iit. 

Foremost  in  his  mind,  however,  must  have  been  the 
hope  of  a  command — of  a  return  to  India.  He  was 
doomed  to  disappointment.  "  Sempre  Ihe  ElRey  teve 
hum  entejo  " — "  the  King  always  loathed  him,"  Barros 
tells  us.^  His  reception  was  not  more  gracious  than  it 
had  been  on  the  occasion  of  their  last  meeting.  Dom 
Manoel  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  his  entreaties,  and  Magellan, 
cruelly  hurt  at  the  ingratitude  shown  him  after  his  years 
of  honourable  service,  was  left  to  realise  that,  so  far  as 
his  king  and  country  were  concerned,  his  career  was 
over. 

The  lapse  of  nearly  four  hundred  years  renders  it  diffi- 
cult, perhaps,  for  us  to  judge  between  the  two,  but  there 
is  no  doubt  that  such  evidence  as  we  have  is  in  favour 
of  subject  rather  than  king.  Mariz,  in  his  Dialogos  de 
varia  Historia,^  has  treated  us  to  a  eulogy  of  the  stereo- 
typed kind  upon  the  latter — a  florid  tribute  which  has 
little  genuineness  in  its  tone.  If  we  turn  to  facts,  how- 
ever, the  story  reads  differently.  Yasco  da  Gama,  to 
whom  must  at  least  be  conceded  the  honour  of  discovering 
India,  whatever  may  be  said  with  regard  to  his  cruelties, 
was  left  in  obscurity  by  his  royal  master  for  eighteen 
years,  and  his  services  only  properly  acknowledged  on 


cinco  reales  en  dinero,  es  subir  muchos  grades  en  calidad,"  however, 
as  Faria  y  Sousa  tells  us  {Asia  Portugueza,  vol.  i.  pt,  iii.  cap.  v.). 
That  the  refusal  of  one  king  to  raise  the  pay  of  an  old  and  faithful 
servant  thirteen  shillings  per  annum  led  to  endless  disagreements  with 
another,  to  a  great  loss  of  profit  to  the  first  power  of  Europe,  and  to  a 
still  greater  loss  of  gloiy,  is  a  reflection  not  devoid  of  interest.  "  Quo 
mysterios  de  estreitezas  fazem  os  Eeys  muytas  vezes  em  cousas  que 
pouco  importao,  sendo  prodigies  de  prodigalidades  em  outras ! "  re- 
marks a  Portuguese  historian. — Fr.  Luiz  de  Sousa,  Aimaes  de  Elltei 
Dom  Jodo  III. ,  lib.  i.  cap.  x.  p.  41, 

1  Decadas,  Dec.  iii.  liv.  v.  cap.  viii. 

2  Pedro  de  Mariz,  op.  cit.,  dial.  iv.  cap.  xix.  fol.  305  v.  ctseq. 


1514.]  SERVICE  IN  MOROCCO.  79 

the  accession  of  the  next  monarch,  Dom  Joao  III.  Lord 
Stanley^  describes  Dom  ]liIanoel  as  "  of  a  most  niggardly 
disposition,  suspicious  of  his  servants,  and  very  jealous 
of  directing  personally  all  the  details  of  government." 
That  the  former  attribute  was  true  there  can  be  no 
doubt,  and  no  better  instance  could  be  given  than  that 
on  the  occasion  of  the  great  defeat  inflicted  upon  the 
Calicut  armada,  when  the  Viceroy  doubled  the  pay  of 
the  men  who  had  been  wounded  in  the  engagement,  the 
King  "did  not  approve  of  his  action  in  this  matter." ^ 
Osorius  would  have  us  believe  that  Magellan's  applica- 
tion was  refused  on  principle  by  the  King ;  ^  but  we 
gather  from  Barros  and  others  that  while  he  himself 
was  denied,  he  was  exposed  to  the  double  mortification 
of  seeing  others  promoted  whose  success  "  was  due  to 
intrigue  and  patronage  rather  than  to  any  merit  of  their 
own."  The  bitterness  with  which  he  felt  the  injustice 
of  his  treatment  was  in  no  way  mitigated  by  the  insinua- 
tion that  his  lameness  was  feigned  in  order  to  support 
his  claims. 

Of  Magellan's  movements  subsequent  to  this  affair  we 
are  unfortimately  left  for  some  time  without  any  detailed 
account ;  but  even  without  the  general  statement  of  the 
historian  Joao  de  Barros  that  he  "  was  always  busied 
with  pilots,  charts,  and  the  question  of  longitudes,"  we 
should  have  had  little  difficulty  in  guessing  his  occupa- 
tion. He  was  unemployed,  and  was  likely  always  to 
remain  so,  so  long  as  Dom  Manoel  was  on  the  throne ; 
but  it  is  probable  that  this  fact  disturbed  him  very  little, 

1  Vasco  da  Gama  (Hakl.  Soc,  1S69),  p.  xvii. 

2  Correa,  vol.  i.  pt.  ii.  cap.  ix.  p.  604. 

3  ''Rex,  ne  aditum  ambitiosis  aperiret,  id  negayit." — Osorius,  De 
Rebus  EmnuinueUs,  lib.  si.  fol.  327  v. 


80  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  hi. 

and  that  he  had  long  decided  what  action  he  would 
take.  It  is  not  by  any  means  certain,  indeed,  that  he 
had  not  an  alternative  in  his  mind  on  the  memorable 
occasion  of  his  interview  with  the  King — a  question  to 
which  we  shall  have  presently  to  return.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  however,  his  future  action  was  probably  not  a  little 
influenced  at  this  period  by  his  becoming  strongly  united, 
if  not  by  the  bonds  of  friendship,  at  least  by  those  of 
common  interests,  to  a  fellow-countryman,  Ruy  Faleiro. 
Of  Faleiro's  antecedents  we  know  little  or  nothing. 
Of  what  happened  to  him  after  the  paths  of  the  two 
lives  diverged,  we  know  almost  less.  But  for  two  years 
or  more  their  histories  were  so  closely  linked  together 
that  it  is  impossible  not  to  feel  an  interest  in  him. 
Like  Magellan,  though  not  a  native  of  the  wild  Traz-os- 
Montes,  he  too  was  from  the  highlands  of  Portugal,^ 
and  like  him  he  was  in  disfavour  with  his  king.  Both 
had  as  mistress  the  science  of  cosmography.  But  while 
Magellan — the  soldier  who  had  served  under  Dom  Lou- 
rengo,  the  sailor  who  was  the  first  to  navigate  to  Malacca 
— was  essentially  the  man  of  action,  Faleiro  was  of  a  very 
different  stamp.  Student  and  dreamer,  a  lover  of  books 
and  theories,  he  was  little  fitted  for  the  practical  life. 
His  reputation  as  an  astronomer  and  cosmographer  was 
nevertheless  undoubted,  although  his  enemies  declared 
it  to  be  the  work  of  a  familiar  spirit.^     His  knowledge 

1  In  an  dbUgacion  made  by  Magellan  and  Faleiro  with  Aranda, 
dated  February  23,  1518,  and  now  in  the  archives  of  Siniancas,  the 
place  of  residence  of  Faleiro  is  given  as  Cunilla.  It  should  have  been 
Cubilla,  as  Navarrete  (iv.  p.  no)  has  spelt  it,  which  is  a  mere  tran- 
script of  the  Portuguese  Covilba. 

2  "  Ruy  Fnlero,  que  mostraua  ser  gran  Astrologo  y  Cosmographo  ; 
del  qual  afirmauan  los  Portugueses  que  tenia  vn  demonio  familiar,  y 
que  de  Astrologia  no  sabia  nada." — Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xix. 


1515.]  DENATUEALISATION.  81 

of  the  principles  of  navigation  was  probably  as  extensive 
as  that  possessed  by  anybody  at  that  period;  and  his 
treatise  upon  the  means  of  calculating  longitude  was 
given  to  Magellan  on  his  departure,  to  serve  as  guide 
and  text-book  throughout  the  voyage.  Each  man  doubt- 
less found  in  the  other  much  to  be  admired ;  but,  while 
Magellan  benefited  greatly  from  his  companion's  acquaint- 
ance with  the  sciences,  the  fact  that  the  latter  did  not 
accompany  him  upon  his  memorable  voyage  is  not  much 
to  be  regretted.  Of  uncertain  temper,  gloomy,  and 
jealous  of  Magellan's  influence  and  position,  his  presence 
would  have  served  but  to  add  one  more  difficulty  to  the 
many  with  which  the  indomitable  navigator  had  to 
contend. 

At  what  exact  period  this  friendship,  or  rather  ac- 
quaintanceship, originated  does  not  appear.  It  is  said  by 
a  contemporary  historian^  that  the  two  men  had  pre- 
viously arranged  to  denaturalise  themselves  and  offer 
their  services  to  Spain,  and  it  is  therefore  more  than 
probable  that  they  were  known  to  each  other  at  the  time 
when  Magellan's  humiliation  at  his  sovereign's  hands 
was  still  fresh  in  his  memory.  That  that  incident  did 
not  consist  in  the  mere  refusal  of  moradia  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe,  even  had  Barros  not  strongly  implied 
the  contrary.^  But  he  tells  us  that  it  was  shortly  after 
his  interview  with  the  King  that  Magellan  wrote  to 
Serrao  in  the  Moluccas,  to  tell  him  that  he  would  be 
with  him  soon — "  if  not  by  Portugal,  then  by  way  of 
Spain."  There  can  be  little  or  no  doubt  that  for  a  long 
time — perhaps  for  years,  possibly  ever  since  his  Malaccan 

1  Barros,  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  viii. ;  vide  Navarrete,  op.  cit. ,  vol.  iv. 
p.  xxxiii, 
"  Decadas,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  viii.  p.  627  (edit.  1777). 

P 


82  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  III. 

experiences  had  put  him  in  relation  with  the  farthest 
Bast — the  project  of  reaching  the  Spice  Islands  by  the 
western  route  had  been  the  idee  mere  of  the  great  navi- 
gator's restless  brain.  That  it  was  this  project  that  he 
laid  before  Dom  Manoel  is  almost  certain.  Whether, 
like  Columbus,  he  was  laughed  at  as  a  visionary  and  a 
fool,^  we  do  not  know.  All  we  know  is,  that  his  plans  met 
with  a  cold  refusal.  At  seven-and-thirty,  a  born  leader 
of  men,  of  varied  Eastern  experience,  a  master  of  the 
art  of  navigation,  his  mind  filled  with  an  all-absorbing 
project,  Magellan  found  himself  condemned  to  a  life  of 
obscurity  and  inaction.  The  former  might  perhaps  have 
been  possible  to  him — inaction  was  not.  Still  more  in- 
tolerable must  have  been  the  thought  that,  with  his  hands 
thus  fettered,  another  might  come  and  grasp  the  prize 
which  he  was  now  the  only  one  to  see.  Already  Chris- 
tovao  Jacques  had  led  his  ships  far  south  along  the  coast 
of  Patagonia,  and  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  had  seen  the 
vast  Pacific  lying  at  his  feet  from  the  summit  of  the 
Darien  sierra.  To  a  man  of  Magellan's  character  and 
training  but  one  course  lay  open,  and  that  course  he 
took.  Bidding  adieu  for  ever  to  Portugal,  he  publicly 
denaturalised  himself,  and  passing  into  Spain,  entered 
the  service  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.^ 

This  action  of  Magellan  drew  down  a  perfect  storm  of 
abuse  and  invective,  not  only  from  Portuguese  writers 

1  "  Teniendo  a  Colon  por  ytaliano  burlador." — Garibay,  (7omp.  Hist, 
de  las  Chron. 

2  From  Correa  we  learn  something  of  the  final  severance  of  rela- 
tions between  Magellan  and  his  sovereign.  The  former  "demanded 
permission  to  go  and  live  with  some  one  who  would  reward  his  ser- 
vices. .  .  .  The  King  said  he  might  do  what  ho  pleased.  Upon  this 
Magellan  desired  to  kiss  his  hand  at  parting,  but  the  King  would  not 
oifer  it  to  him." — ii.  Anno  de  1521,  cap.  xiv. 


1516.]  DENATURALISATION.  83 

of  that  date,  but  from  others  to  whom  a  more  enlight- 
ened age  and  absence  of  the  odium  2^0'trium  should  have 
taught  broader  views  and  a  calmer  judgment.  With 
these  violent  outpourings  whole  pages  might  be  filled. 
"We  have  seen  something  of  them  in  the  will  of  Francisco 
da  Silva  Telles,^  and  Osorius  is  perhaps  even  more 
unmeasured  in  his  language.  ^  Andrd  Thevet,  borrowing 
from  the  latter,  reviles  the  offender  as  one  who  "  imagina 
en  son  esprit  vn  tel  mes-contentement  qu'oubliant  toute 
foy,  piete,  et  religion  il  ne  cessa  iusques  a  ce  que  (entant 
qu'en  luy  estoit)  il  eut  trahy  le  Roy,  qui  I'avoit  esleue, 
le  pays  de  sa  naissance,  et  hazardant  sa  vie  a  de  merueil- 
leux  dangers,  eut  mis  I'estat  en  extreme  danger."  ^  But 
all  these  are  put  into  the  shade  by  a  later  writer  of 
Portuguese  history.  "  The  two  monsters  Magellan  and 
Faleiro,"  he  says,  "  traitors  to  the  King  whom  it  was 
their  duty  to  serve,  barbarians  towards  the  country  for 
which  it  was  their  duty  to  die,  conspired  to  bring  about 
a  fatal  war  between  two  neighbouring  and  friendly 
powers."'^     Manoel  Faria  y  Sousa,  and  later  Barbosa, 

^  Vide  p.  23. 

2  "  Abiura  fidem  quantum  voles  ;  perfidiam  tuam  publicis  Uteris 
contestare  ;  insignem  memoriam  sceleris  infandi  posteritati  relinque  ; 
nullis  tamen  testimoniis  numinis  offensionem  et  dedecoris  sempiterni 
ruaculam  vitare  poteris." — Osorius,  op.  cit.,  lib.  xi.  fol.  328. 

3  Thevet,  Les  Vrais  Povrtraits  et  Vies  des  Hovivies  Tllastres,  p.  528. 
*  D,  Antonio  de  Lemos  Faria  e  Castro,  Historia  Gercd  de  Portugal, 

liv.  xli.  cap.  vii.  torn.  xi.  p.  193.  The  continuation  of  tliis  2:>assage  is 
still  stronger,  and  possesses  also  the  merit  of  being  amusing.  "Agora 
porem,  nas  primeiras  conferencias,  os  dous  Portugueses — trahidores 
polas  suas  dimensoes  geographicas  e  astronomicas  rospectivas  &s  Indias 
Orientaes  e  Occidentaes,  a  que  o  odio  e  a  paisao  langava  as  hnhas  o 
formava  os  triangulos  o  angulos  quo  (as  leis  da  Historia  me  darao 
licenga  para  dizor)  tinhao  mais  de  agudos  que  de  rectos — elles  persna- 
dirao  ao  Eei  Carlos  e  ao  Cardeal  Ximencs  quo  as  Molucas  pcrtenciSo 
.\Castella." 


84  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  hi. 

are  among  the  few  who  refused  to  join  in  this  cuckoo- 
cry  of  traitor.  "  The  renderer  of  many  a  service  to  his 
country,"  says  the  latter,  "  the  owner  of  a  name  whose 
glory  he  had  made  imperishable,  he  returned  to  Portugal, 
where  he  besought  from  the  King  some  increase  in  his 
moradia.  .  .  .  The  King,  to  the  lasting  injury  of  his 
country,  refused  this  most  just  request,  and  Magellan, 
deeply  hurt  at  his  refusal,  left  a  country  so  unworthy  of 
such  a  well-deserving  son."  ^ 

It  is  hardly  necessary  at  the  present  day  to  ofiFer  an 
apology  for  Magellan's  act  of  denaturalisation,  although, 
were  it  so,  the  elaborate  arguments  of  Lord  Stanley  of 
Alderley  ^  should  prove  more  than  sufficient.  A  great 
discoverer,  whether  in  the  realms  of  science  or  cosmo- 
graphy, belongs  to  no  country,  and,  moreover,  has  no 
right  to  permit  any  false  ideas  of  patriotism  to  check 
the  advance  of  knowledge.  That  they  were  false  ideas, 
and  that  Magellan  in  no  way  injured  Portugal,  is  evident. 
By  the  Tordesillas  capitulation  of  1494  the  world  had 
been  divided  into  two  halves,  of  which  Spain  was  to  have 
one,  and  Portugal  the  other.  The  western  line  of  divi- 
sion had  been  agreed  upon,  but  where  the  eastern  fell 
geographical  knowledge  was  not  then  sufficiently  far 
advanced  to  discover.  Upon  which  side  of  it  the  Moluccas 
were  situated  was  unknown.  But  his  countrymen  appear 
to  have  forgotten  that  no  action  of  Magellan  could  affect 
the  question.  Either  the  islands  belonged  to  Spain  or  they 
did  not,  and  the  great  explorer,  with  all  his  geographical 
knowledge,  was  unable  to  shift  their  longitude  one  hair's- 
breadth.  Nor,  even  with  the  most  critical  eye,  can  we 
discover  any  ground  for  the  anger  of  the  historians  save 

1  Barbosa,  BlUiothcca  Lusitana,  vol.  ii.  p.  31. 

2  First  Voyage  Round  the  World  by  Magellan  (Hakl.  Soc. ),  p.  ii. 


1516.]  DENATURALISATION.  85 

the  extreme  jealousy  then  existing  between  the  two 
nations.  The  custom  of  denaturalisation  was  fully  re- 
cognised ;  it  was  not  regarded  as  blameworthy,  and  it 
was  at  that  period  a  common  occurrence.  Among  naviga- 
tors especially  the  taking  service  under  a  foreign  power 
was  almost  as  much  a  rule  as  an  exception.  Colum- 
bus, Cabot,  and  Vespucci  are  only  three  of  many  in- 
stances. But  even  with  this,  Magellan  was  careful  not 
to  offend  in  the  slightest  degree  against  the  country 
which,  after  his  long  services,  had  treated  him  so  cava- 
lierly. "Before  consulting  his  own  interests,"  says 
Faria,  "  he  first  did  everything  that  honour  demanded  of 
him."  ^  By  a  clause  in  his  agreement  with  the  Emperor 
of  Spain  he  pledged  himself  to  make  no  discoveries  within 
the  boundaries  of  the  King  of  Portugal,  and  to  do  no- 
thing prejudicial  to  his  interests.  He  did  not  sail  upon 
his  great  voyage  until  two  years  after  he  had  signed  the 
act  of  denaturalisation.  Finally,  it  should  be  remem- 
bered that  there  was  a  sort  of  tacit  understanding  that 
the  Spanish  were  to  prosecute  their  discoveries  to  the 
west  and  the  Portuguese  to  the  east.^  Magellan's  long- 
planned  expedition  was  to  lead  him  into  occidental 
waters,  and  it  is  probable  that  this  fact  was  not  without 
its  effect  upon  his  action.  "Yet  this,"  says  Faria,  "is 
the  man  whose  honour  has  been  so  fi.ercely  assailed  by 
the  great  writera"  ^ 

1  Manoel  Faria  y  Sousa,  Comcntarioa  a  la  Lusiada  de  Camoes,  canto 
X.  140. 

2  "Hinc  factum  est,  ut  Castellani  per  meridiem  in  occidentem 
semper  nauigauerint.  .  .  .  Portugallenses  uero  per  meridionem  et 
littora  Hesperidum,  et  sequatorem,  et  tropicum  Capricor  i  prseter- 
euntes  in  Orientem  nauigauerunt." — Munster,  Cosmographia  Univers., 
p.  1 103. 

2  Europa  Portuguesa,  vol.  ii.  pte.  iv.  cap.  i. 


86  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  IIL 

But  whether  Magellan  was  justified  in  his  action,  or 
whether  he  was  not,  matters  little  as  far  as  regards  the 
result.  The  fact  remains,  that,  for  the  second  time,  Por- 
tugal threw  away  the  chance  that  fate  bad  offered  her. 
Hardly  a  quarter  of  a  century  before,  King  John  II. 
had  ridiculed  the  ideas  of  Columbus,  and  regarded  him 
as  a  boasting  adventurer.  Now  Magellan  learnt  from 
his  successor  that  "he  might  do  as  he  pleased."  The 
discovery  of  the  New  World  and  the  circumnavigation 
of  the  globe  are  the  two  greatest  deeds  of  geographical 
history,  but  Portugal,  who  had  both  within  her  grasp, 
cannot  claim  the  credit  of  either  of  them. 


CHAPTER  lY. 

MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT  AND  ITS  ADOPTION  BY 
CHARLES  V. 

It  was  for  Seville,  the  centre  of  the  West  Indian  trade 
and  the  busiest  city  of  Spain,  that  Magellan  set  out 
upon  leaving  Portugal,  taking  with  him  other  navigators 
"  suffering  from  a  like  disorder  "  ^ — the  neglect  or  enmity 
of  their  king.  Faleiro,  as  we  have  seen,  came  under 
this  head,  but  he  was  unable  to  travel  with  his  friend. 
On  the  2oth  October,  15 17,  Magellan  arrived  at  his  des- 
tination. He  found  himself  immediately  among  com- 
patriots and  men  whose  interests  were  of  the  same  nature 
as  his  own.  Foremost  among  them  was  one  Diogo  Bar- 
bosa,  also  a  Portuguese,  a  commendador  of  the  Order 
of  Santiago,  alcaide  of  the  arsenal,  and  a  person  of  con- 
siderable importance  in  Seville.  At  his  hands  Magellan 
received  the  greatest  kindness  and  assistance.  From 
his  personal  knowledge  of  the  East  this  help  was  of 
double  value.  Nor  did  he  limit  it  to  advice  and  counsel. 
He  persuaded  Magellan  to  be  his  guest,  and  it  appears 
that  the  latter  resided  at  his  house  until  his  departure, 
three  months  later,  for  the  Spanish  court  at  Valladolid. 
Diogo  Barbosa,  although  he  had  held  his  post  under 
the  Spanish  flag  for  nearly  fourteen  years,^  and  had 

1  "  Levando  alguns  pilotos  tambem  doentes  desta  sua  enfermidade." 
— Barros,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  viii. 

2  We  learn  from  an  auto  fiscal  of  the  3rd  June,  1529,  executed 

87 


88  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  iv. 

"  served  much  and  well  in  Granada  and  Navarre,"  had 
also  drawn  his  sword  for  Dom  Manoel  and  Portugal  in 
the  far  East.  In  1501  he  captained  a  ship  of  the  fleet 
of  Joao  da  Nova,  and  sailed  for  India.  ^  Although  this 
armada  returned  almost  immediately,  the  voyage  was 
conspicuous  for  the  discovery  of  the  two  islands,  Ascen- 
sion and  St.  Helena.  2  His  son,  Duarte  Barbosa,  was 
even  more  distinguished.  At  what  exact  period  he 
had  sailed  from,  and  in  what  fleet  he  returned  to  his 
native  land  is  unknown,  but  he  had  navigated  the  Indian 
seas  for  years,  making  notes  of  all  he  saw  and  heard. 
These  notes — 0  Livro  de  Duarte  Barbosa — a  descrip- 
tion of  all  the  ports  then  visited  in  the  Indian  Ocean, 
and  even  beyond — he  finished  in  the  year  15 16,  a  few 
months  before  Ferdinand  Magellan  came  to  live  beneath 
his  father's  roof.^     Father  and  son  were  sailor-adven- 

by  a  son,  Jaime  Barbosa,  and  now  in  the  Archivo  das  Indias  (1-2-3/3), 
that  Diogo  was  made  "Alcaide  en  los  Alcazares"  in  1503,  and  con- 
tinued to  hold  that  post  until  his  death  in  1525.  Vide  Medina,  Coleccion 
de  Documentos  iniditos  para  la  Historia  de  Chile,  1888,  vol.  ii.  p. 
308. 

1  According  to  Correa,  he  was  only  an  escrivdo  or  clerk,  and  was 
borne  on  the  flag-ship.     Vol.  i.  p.  235. 

2  The  former  was  discovered  on  the  outward  voyage,  the  latter  on 
their  return  home  in  1502. 

3  This  work  of  Duarte  Barbosa  was  first  published,  in  an  abbreviated 
form,  by  Ramusio  in  his  Navigationi  et  Viaggi.  In  1813  the  full  text 
was  given  in  the  Collecg&o  de  Noticias  para  a  Historia  e  Geographica 
das  Na0es  Ultramarinas,  published  by  the  Acad.  Real  das  Sciencias, 
vol.  ii.  No.  vii.  Some  time  ago  a  MS.  was  discovered  in  Madrid  with 
the  following  title  : — "Descripeion  de  los  reinos,  costas,  puertos  e  islas 
que  hay  en  el  mar  de  la  India  Oriental  desde  el  Capo  de  Buena  Espe- 
ranza  hasta  la  China,  de  los  usos  y  costumbres  de  sus  naturales ;  su 
gobierno,  religion,  comercio,  y  navegacion ;  y  de  los  frutos  y  efectoa 
que  producen  aquellas  vastas  regiones,  con  otras  noticias  muy  curiosas  ; 
compuesto  por  Fernando  MagaUanes,  piloto  portugues  que  lo  vio  y 
anduvo  todo ; "  but  it  has  been  conclusively  proved  by  Varnhagen 
and  others  to  be  only  a  copy  of  Barbosa's  work. 


1517.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  89 

turers  born  and  bred,  and  even  if  no  family  connection 
existed  between  them  and  Magellan,^  the  bond  uniting 
them  must  have  been  of  no  ordinary  strength.  It  was, 
moreover,  of  no  disadvantage  to  the  new-comers  that  the 
Alcaide-m6r  or  chief  of  the  arsenal  was  also  a  Portu- 
guese, and  a  person  of  great  distinction — Don  Alvaro  of 
Portugal.  A  brother  of  the  celebrated  Duke  of  Bra- 
ganga,  who  was  executed  by  Joao  II.,  he  was  only  one 
of  many  such  refugees ;  and,  all  things  considered, 
Magellan  could  scarcely  have  met  with  kinder  or  more 
influential  protectors  than  those  who  welcomed  him  on 
his  arrival  in  the  country  of  his  adoption. 

Close  as  was  the  friendship  between  host  and  guest, 
the  two  were  destined  before  very  long  to  be  still  more 
nearly  connected.  The  life  of  Magellan  had  been,  and 
was  yet  to  be,  one  of  the  most  vivid  interest.  Full  of 
vigour  and  incident,  kaleidoscopic  in  its  change  of  scene, 
never  resting,  it  ended  in  a  grand  success  and  a  great 
disaster.  Romantic  in  many  ways  it  doubtless  was,  but 
of  romance  in  the  present  acceptation  of  the  word  little 
or  none  has  been  handed  down  by  the  historians  to 
interest  or  amuse  us.  In  the  drama  of  life  Magellan 
was  not  one  to  be  cast  for  the  part  of  lover,  although  we 
feel  that  his  character,  from  its  vigour  and  undaunted 
tenacity  of  purpose,  must  have  stroagly  appealed  to 
women's  admiration.  Such  a  r61e,  however,  it  fell  to 
his  lot  at  this  period  to  play.  He  made  the  part  as 
short  as  possible.  Before  the  year  15 17  had  elapsed, 
within  two  months  of  his  arrival  in  Seville,  he  married 

1  Such  a  connection,  apart  from  that  of  his  marriage,  is  suggested 
by  De  Barros  Ai-ana  (trad,  de  F.  de  M.  Villas-Boas,  p.  26),  though 
upon  what  grounds  is  not  stated.  Herrera  (Dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  ix.) 
speaks  of  Duarte  Barbosa  as  primo  or  cousin  of  Magellan,  but  tho 
term  was  sometimes  used  merely  in  the  sense  of  relation. 


90  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  iv. 

Beatriz    Barbosa,    the    daughter    of    his    friend    and 
host.^ 

We  may  finish  the  history  of  Magellan's  married  life 
here,  so  short  is  it,  and  so  limited  our  information  anent 
it.  A  year  and  a  half  later  he  sailed  on  the  voyage  from 
which  he  was  destined  never  to  return.  A  son,  Rodrigo, 
had  meantime  been  born  to  him,  who,  at  the  time  of  his 
departure,  was  about  six  months  old.  Neither  mother 
nor  child  were  fated  to  live  much  longer  than  the  father. 
In  September  1521,  five  months  after  the  death  of  the 
latter  in  the  Philippines,  Eodrigo  died.  In  March  of 
the  following  year — "  having  lived  in  great  sorrow  from 
the  news  which  she  had  received  of  the  death  of  her 
husband  " — Beatriz  died  also.^  Around  the  story  we  are 
left  to  throw  what  halo  of  romance  we  please,  but  it 

^  Although  the  date  of  Magellan's  marriage  is  given  as  1518,  there 
is  little  doubt  that  it  is  incorrect.  In  his  will  of  August  24,  1519, 
he  speaks  of  his  son  being  at  that  time  six  months  old.  This  would 
fix  the  date  of  the  marriage  at  some  time  previous  to  May  1518.  But 
we  know  that  from  January  20th  until  August  of  that  year  Magellan 
was  with  the  court  at  Valladolid  and  elsewhere.  The  probability  is, 
therefore,  that  Beatriz  was  married  in  order  to  accompany  her  hus- 
band thither.  This  is  made  nearly  certain  by  the  evidence  of  her 
brother,  Jaime  Barbosa,  on  the  3rd  June,  1520,  "y  se  cas6  y  vel6  con 
la  dicha  dona  Beatriz  Barbosa  en  esta  ciudad  de  Sevilla  en  un  dia  del 
dicho  ano"  (1517).  Vide  Autos  Fiscales  de  Jaime  Barbosa,  q.  cit.  ; 
Archive  de  Indias,  Medina,  op.  cit,  vol.  ii.  pp.  306-307.  Gomara  falls 
into  the  mistake  of  making  Beatriz  a  daughter  of  " Duardo"  Bar- 
bosa (cap.  sci.  p.  83).  For  an  attempt  at  the  genealogy  of  the  Bar- 
bosa family  see  Ajjpendix  I.,  p.  315. 

"  "Porque  (yo,  Guiomar  de  Silvera)  la  vido  viva  e  con  mucha  pena 
por  la  nueva  que  le  habia  venido  de  la  muerte  del  dicho  su  marido." 
This,  the  evidence  of  a  witness  in  support  of  Jaime  Barbosa's  claim  to 
Magellan's  estate  {ride  Medina,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii.  p.  322),  is  extremely 
interesting,  as  showing  that  the  news  of  the  arrival  of  the  Victoria 
and  Trinidad  in  the  Moluccas  must  in  some  manner  have  reached 
home  vid  the  Poi-tuguese  Indies  before  March  1522.  The  VictoHa 
did  not  arrive  in  Spain  until  September  6th  of  that  year. 


1517.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  91 

seems  more  than  probable  that  the  loss  of  her  husband, 
child,  and  brother  within  so  short  a  period  may  have 
had  some  connection  with  her  own  untimely  death. 

Magellan's  courtship,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  had  little 
or  no  effect  upon  his  plans.  Tliese  had  been  carefully 
pre-arranged,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  furthering  them  to 
the  best  of  his  ability.  His  agreement  with  Faleiro 
before  leaving  Portugal  had  been  most  explicit.  Both 
were  to  be  equal ;  to  stand  on  precisely  the  same  footing. 
If  anything  should  occur  to  either  touching  the  project 
they  had  in  hand,  he  was  bound  to  communicate  with 
his  comrade  within  six  hours,  and  if  either  desired  to 
renounce  the  arrangement  and  return  to  Portugal,  he 
could  do  so  on  fulfilling  the  same  conditions.  Their 
project — the  attempt  to  reach  the  Moluccas  by  way  of 
America — was  to  be  revealed  to  no  third  party  until  the 
arrival  of  Faleiro  at  Seville.  However  much  its  broad 
outline  might  be  surmised,  the  details  and  the  actual 
route  were  to  remain  a  secret. 

We  have  already  considered  the  gradual  development 
of  the  Hispano-Portuguese  difficulty.^  The  line  of  divi- 
sion fixed  by  the  Bull  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.  on  the  4th 
May,  1493,  fell,  it  may  be  remembered,  a  hundred  leagues 
west  of  the  Azores  and  Cape  Verde  Islands.  The  pro- 
tests of  Dom  Joao  11.  of  Portugal  caused  it,  a  year 
later,  to  be  placed  about  21°  further  to  the  west,  and 
Brazil — as  yet  undiscovered — fell  to  his  country's  share. 
As  the  knowledge  of  the  South  American  coast- line 
gradually  progressed,  the  contiaent  was  found  to  trend 
westward  until  it  was  once  more  crossed  by  the  dividing 
line,  and  agaia  became  Spanish.  It  was  to  this  part, 
as  yet  dimly  known  from  the  explorations  of  Gon^alo 
1  Vide  ante,  p.  11. 


92  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  iv. 

Coellio  and  Christovao  Jacques,  and  possibly  from  other 
sources,  tliat  Magellan  and  his  friend  Faleiro  proposed 
to  direct  their  course.  Columbus,  as  we  know,  con- 
sidered his  new  world  only  as  a  portion  of  the  old. 
Nor  did  his  later  discoveries  undeceive  him.  It  was 
only  when,  on  the  one  hand,  the  work  of  Gama  and 
Albuquerque  had  begun  to  give  a  definite  outline  to 
the  Indies,  and,  on  the  other,  when  each  western- 
sailing  navigator  found  land  at  whatever  latitude  he 
might  choose  to  cross  the  Atlantic,  that  the  European 
world  realised  the  existence  of  a  new  continent,  and 
realised  it  as  a  vast,  interminable  barrier  which  stretched 
apparently  from  pole  to  pole.  Then  came  the  search 
for  some  strait  by  which  to  pass  it.  The  inward 
trend  of  the  land  at  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  led  later 
explorers  to  seek  it  there.  Others,  however,  had  tried 
before  them.  Columbus  had  attempted,  upon  leaving 
Cuba  on  his  fourth  voyage,  to  navigate  westward  with 
the  idea  of  returning  to  Spain  by  sea.  Far  to  the  north, 
too,  efforts  had  been  made,  and  made  in  vain,  although 
Sebastian  Cabot  wrote  to  Ramusio  that  he  believed  the 
whole  of  North  America  to  be  divided  up  into  islands.^ 
But  the  isthmus  and  the  north  alike  proved  impene- 
trable, and  Magellan  felt,  even  at  that  date,  that  it  was 
not  through  the  ice  of  a  north-west  passage  that  he  was 
likely  to  reach  the  Moluccas.  His  route  lay  by  the  far 
south.  Whether  he  actually  knew  of  the  existence  of 
the  strait  that  bears  his  name  is  a  question  we  shall 
have  presently  to  consider.  One  thing  we  do  know ; 
that  he  went  for  the  special  purpose  of  seeking  a  passage 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  already  known  Mar  del  Sur,  or 

1  Ramusio,  op.  cit.,  vol.  iii.  preface,  p.  6. 


1517.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  93 

South  Sea/  and  that  for  the  discovery  of  that  passage 
he  was  prepared  to  push  on  to  70°  S. 

Magellan,  we  have  seen,  allowed  nothing  to  delay  the 
execution  of  his  plans.  Although  bound  not  to  reveal 
them  in  detail  by  his  promise  to  Faleiro,  he  was  equally 
engaged  to  bring  them  before  the  notice  of  those  who 
had  to  do  with  Indian  affairs.  He  offered,  then,  firstly 
to  show  Spain  the  shortest  route  to  the  Spice  Islands, 
and,  secondly,  to  prove  that  they  lay  within  her  legal 
boundaries.^  With  his  introductions  he  had  no  difficulty 
in  gaining  access  to  the  authorities.  It  was  to  the  Casa 
de  Contratacion  that  he  first  applied. 

On  the  history  of  this  body — the  India  Office  of  Spain, 
and  of  all  corporate  bodies  the  most  important  at  that 
time — it  is  unnecessary  here  to  dwell.  It  had,  among 
other  rights  and  duties,  the  power  of  granting  letters  of 

1  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa — the  man  who  "  knew  not  what  it  was  to 
be  deterred"  ("hombre  que  no  sabia  estar  parade"') — was  the  first 
European  to  sight  the  Pacific  from  the  West.  Taking  with  him  a 
picked  band  of  190  Spaniards,  he  sailed  from  Darien  for  Carreto. 
Leaving  some  of  his  men  in  charge  of  the  ship,  he  took  Indian  guides 
and  started  for  the  Sierras.  At  Quarequa  he  was  opposed  by  the 
chief  Torecha,  and  in  the  engagement  which  followed  the  latter 
perished  with  600  of  his  men.  Leaving  the  sick  and  wounded,  Vasco 
Nunez  continued  his  march  with  the  sixty-seven  soldiers  remaining  to 
him,  and  reached  the  summit  of  the  chain  on  the  25th  September, 
1513,  where  he  knelt  and  gave  thanks  to  God  and  besought  help  "  a 
conquistar  esta  tierra  i  nueva  mar  quo  descubrimos."  Descending,  the 
little  band  of  Spaniards  reached  the  sea  at  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel, 
and  it  is  recorded  that  Alonso  Martin  de  San  Benito  was  the  first 
European  to  adventure  himself  upon  its  surface.  (Peter  Martyr, 
De  Orbe  Nwo,  Dec.  iii.  cap.  i.  p.  182;  Gomara,  op.  cit,  cap.  Ixii. ; 
Herrera,  op.  cit. ,  Dec.  i.  lib.  x.  cap.  i. )  Balboa's  reasons  for  calling  it 
the  South  Sea  are  very  evident  if  the  sharp  westward  turn  of  the 
isthmus  be  taken  into  consideration.  ITie  Pacific  must  have  appeared 
as  a  vast  ocean  lying  directly  to  the  south. 

2  Fr.  Luiz  dc  Sousa,  Annaes  de  ElBei  Dom  Jodo  HI.,  bk.  i.  cap. 
X.  p.  41. 


94  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  iv. 

marque,  of  giving  instruction  in  navigation,  of  collecting 
information  upon  newly-discovered  lands,  and  of  settling 
all  legal  difficulties  that  might  arise  in  connection  with 
these  and  kindred  matters.^  Whether  the  Casa  was  at 
that  time  too  much  taken  up  with  other  affairs — for  it 
was  just  then  the  most  eventful  period  of  the  history  of 
the  New  World — whether  it  really  considered  Magellan's 
project  as  that  of  a  visionary  and  a  faddist,  or  whether 
it  felt  it  unwise  to  adventure  upon  thin  ice  and  court 
misunderstandings  with  the  sister  kingdom,  we  do  not 
know.  The  result,  however,  was  that  the  scheme,  if 
not  actually  rejected,  was  shelved,  and  but  for  a  chance 
circumstance  might  never  have  been  carried  out. 

It  happened  that  one  of  the  thtee  chief  officials  ^ — a 
certain  Juan  de  Aranda — was  very  much  more  astute 
than  his  fellows.  Possibly  he  saw  his  way  to  a  share  in 
the  future  glory  of  the  expedition,  and,  as  we  shall  see, 
in  its  pecuniary  benefits;  possibly  he  had  no  interest 
beyond  the  advancement  of  his  country.  It  is  not 
necessary,  at  this  distance  of  time,  to  impute  motives. 
The  fact  has  merely  to  be  recorded  that  he  took  the 
earliest  opportunity  of  questioning  Magellan  more 
closely.  Whether  from  his  adroitness,  or  from  the 
latter's  feeling  that  he  could  be  trusted,  does  not  appear, 
but  it  was  not  long  before  he  had  persuaded  the  navi- 
gator to  acquaint  him  with  every  detail.  They  were 
such  as  to  commend  the  plan  still  more  strongly  to  his 
favour.  But  he  was  cautious.  Before  taking  further 
steps  he  wrote  privately  to  certain  friends  in  Lisbon  for 

■"  For  the  first  ordinances  of  the  Casa  do  Contratacion  (January 
20, 1503),  vide  Navarrete,  vol.  ii.  p.  285,  and  Hakluyt,  Divers  Voyages, 
Hakl.  Soc. ,  p.  14. 

2  These,  we  learn  from  the  Ordinances,  were  a  tcsorero,  a  factor, 
aiid  an  cscrihano. 


1517.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  95 

information  about  the  two  men.^  What  he  learnt  was 
in  their  favour,  and  from  that  moment  he  threw  himself 
heart  and  soul  into  the  affair.  He  wrote  instantly  to 
the  Chancellor  of  Castile,  warmly  counselling  the  de- 
spatch of  an  expedition,  and  recommending  Magellan 
as  "  one  who  might  do  a  great  service  to  his  Highness." 
Meanwhile,  at  the  beginning  of  December,  Faleiro 
arrived  in  Seville.  Aranda  had  as  yet  said  nothing  of 
the  letters,  but  he  now  told  the  two  friends  of  the  steps 
he  had  taken.  Magellan  was  merely  vexed  at  his  want 
of  straightforwardness,  but  Faleiro  was  furious,  and  his 
anger  was  especially  directed  against  Magellan,  whom 
he  upbraided  for  his  "  Ugereza  "  and  failure  in  the  fulfil- 
ment of  his  promises.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  latter 
pleaded  that  he  had  only  acted,  as  he  thought,  for  the 
best.  Faleiro's  temper,  as  ready  to  take  offence  as  it 
was  slow  to  forgive,  caused  a  rupture  between  the  two, 
which,  though  temporarily  healed,  was  destined  to  break 
out  afresh  at  no  very  distant  date.  Magellan's  partner- 
ship with   such   a   firebrand   as   Faleiro   rendered  his 

1  "  Habia  escrito  a  Cobarrubias  mercader  e  a  Diego  de  Haro  mor- 
cader  que  residian  eu  Lisboa." — Archivo  de  Itidias.  Vide  Medina, 
op.  cit.,  vol.  i.  p.  27.  Our  only  source  of  information  concerning  this 
period  of  Magellan's  life  is  this  long  procts-verhal ,  in  ■which  Aranda 
was  arraigned  for  having,  while  an  ofBcial  of  the  Casa  de  Contratacion, 
illegally  contracted  with  Faleiro  and  Magellan  to  receive  a  certain 
percentage  of  the  profits  ari.'^ing  from  the  expedition.  The  evidence 
of  the  three  parties  in  the  case  is  given  at  length,  followed  by  nine 
letters  from  Aranda  to  the  King,  bringing  forward  his  services,  how  he 
had  spent  1500  ducats  over  his  two  proteges,  and  had  succeeded  in 
preventing  their  return  to  Portugal,  and  finally  how  he  had  worked 
to  get  people  to  join  the  fleet.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Consejo  de  las 
Indias  in  Barcelona,  Juno  25,  1519,  under  the  presidency  of  the  Bishop 
of  Burgos,  he  was  severely  censured,  and  again  on  the  2nd  July  by 
the  King's  fiscal,  but  it  seems  that  the  affair  was  subsequently  allowed 
to  drop.  The  greater  part  of  the  very  lengthy  evidence  tends  to 
exonerate  Ai'anda  from  blame. 


96  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  iv. 

position  most  difficult,  and  such  it  remained  almost  up 
to  the  moment  of  the  departure  of  the  expedition. 

It  was  perhaps  not  the  best  of  times  to  choose  for 
the  initiation  of  plans  such  as  these.  Affairs  in  Spain 
were  at  this  period  in  a  condition  which,  at  best,  could 
not  be  regarded  as  other  than  uncertain.  Charles  V., 
who  had  at  last  made  up  his  mind  to  visit  his  kingdom, 
had  set  out  from  Flanders,  and  landed  in  Villaviciosa, 
on  the  north  coast  of  Spain,  on  the  13th  September, 
15 1 7.  Proceeding  with  the  army  to  Santander,  he 
marched  thence  to  San  Vicente  de  la  Barquera,  and  by 
Burgos  and  Palencia  to  TordesUlas,  where  his  unhappy 
mother  Joanna — for  years  hopelessly  insane — still  re- 
sided. On  the  1 8th  November  he  entered  Valladolid, 
Ten  days  previously  the  Regent  of  Castile — Cardinal 
Ximenes  de  Cisneiros — wisest  and  most  capable  of  rulei-s, 
had  ended  his  long  life  while  on  his  way  to  meet  and 
welcome  his  sovereign,  and  with  his  loss  the  affairs  of 
the  kingdom  became  yet  more  complicated.  The  King 
was  surrounded  by  Flemings,  anxious  only  to  get  what 
pecuniary  benefit  they  could  from  their  position.  Him- 
self hardly  able  to  speak  the  language  of  his  people,  he 
looked  upon  the  country  merely  as  a  means  of  affording 
supplies  to  aid  him  in  his  designs  in  Middle  Europe. 
Mistrustful  of  their  sovereign  and  bitterly  jealous  of 
his  Flemish  courtiers,  the  Cortes  was  summoned  to 
Valladolid.  It  was  into  this  mixture  of  nationalities 
and  interests,  this  hotbed  of  hrigue,  that  Magellan  and 
Faleiro  proposed  to  adventure  themselves  in  order  to 
expound  their  views  upon  an  obscure  point  in  geography, 
concerning  which  it  was  more  than  probable  that  no 
single  one  of  their  auditors  would  be  interested. 

On   the    20th  January,    15 18,   the  two  men  started 


1518.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  97 

together  to  ride  from  Seville  to  Valladolid.^  Aranda 
had  arranged  to  go  also.  They  joined  the  party  of  Doiia 
Beatrix  de  Pacheco,  Duchess  de  Arcos,  and  went  by  the 
Toledo  road.  Faleiro,  still  unforgiving,  refused  to  travel 
in  company  with  Aranda,  and  the  latter,  though  he]  left 
at  the  same  time,  took  another  route."  He  had  begged 
them  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  answer  to  the  letter  he 
had  written  to  the  Chancellor,  but  in  vaiu.  On  his 
journey  he  met  it,  and  finding  that  its  tenor  was  in 
every  way  favourable  to  his  prot^g^s,  he  sent  it  on  to 
them,  together  with  a  letter  to  say  that  he  would  wait 
for  them  at  Medina  del  Campo,  a  town  some  thii-ty 
miles  from  Valladolid.  The  messenger  met  them  as 
they  were  crossing  the  Sierra  de  Guadarrama,  at  Puerto 
de  HeiTadon,  and  Faleiro's  resentment  had  sufficiently 
cooled  to  permit  of  his  acceding  to  Aranda's  proposal. 
They  met  at  the  town  indicated,  and  went  to  the  same 
posada,  and  in  a  short  time  good  relations  were  once 
more  established  between  the  trio. 

They  were  now  within  easy  distance  of  the  court,  but 
as  yet  Aranda  had  not  found  an  opportunity  of  bringing 
forward  a  proposal  he  had  doubtless  long  had  in  view. 
It  was  hardly  to  be  supposed  that  such  kindness  as  he 
had  shown  them — strangers,  it  must  be  remembered, 
who  had  no  claim  whatever  upon  him — should  bo  entirely 
disinterested.  Unaided  and  alone,  it  was  in  the  highest 
degree  unlikely  that  they  would  obtain  the  King's  ear 
when  business  of  much  greater  moment  remained  un- 
touched ;   but  to  Aranda,  the   most   important  official 

1  Francisco  Faleiro,  brother  of  Ruy  Faleiro,  went  with  them,  and 
most  probably  Beatriz,  Magellan's  wife. 

2  The  "Camiuo  de  la  Plaza"  (?  the  Estremadura  road).  Vide 
IMagellan's  evidence  in  Aranda's  action  already  alluded  to. 

G 


98  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN,  [chap.  iv. 

of  the  India  House,  much  was  possible.  To  ensure  the 
success  of  their  scheme,  he  had  undertaken  a  long  and 
wearisome  journey,  had  exposed  himself  to  frequent 
rudeness  at  Faleiro's  hands,  and  was  now  about  to  spend 
still  more  time  and  pains  in  introducing  them  at  court. 
His  kindness,  however,  did  not  end  here.  At  Seville  he 
had  offered  them  his  purse,  and  he  again  renewed  his 
ofPer  before  arriving  in  Valladolid.  Faleiro,  Magellan 
tells  us,  had  actually  taken  advantage  of  it.  And  so, 
as  the  little  party  crossed  the  Duero,  a  few  miles  only 
from  their  destination,  Aranda  asked  them  if  they  would 
give  him  a  share  of  the  profits  in  the  event  of  the  King 
deciding  to  despatch  an  armada. 

The  request  was  not  an  vmfair  one,  and  Magellan's 
frank  and  generous  character  was  ready  to  grant  it  at 
once.  But  it  was  different  with  Faleiro.  Suspicion 
held  in  his  mind  the  place  that  gratitude  should  have 
occupied.  A  careless  half-assent  given  by  his  comrade 
again  aroused  his  anger.  Precisely  what  occurred  it  is 
not  easy  to  make  out  from  the  conflicting  accounts  of 
the  three  interested  parties.  It  seems  that  Aranda 
suggested  that  he  should  receive  one-fifbh  of  the  profits 
as  his  share,  but  only  upon  condition  that  the  armada 
was  commissioned  at  the  expense  of  the  King,  If  the 
cost  of  it  had  to  be  borne  by  the  two  navigators  and 
their  friends,  he  neither  asked  for  nor  expected  any 
return.  Faleiro  at  first  would  not  hear  of  anything 
being  promised,  and  his  brother  was  of  the  same  opinion. 
Magellan,  wiser  and  less  mean,  proposed  that  Aranda 
should  have  one-tenth.  The  ill-temper  of  Faleiro,  how- 
ever, was  such  as  quickly  to  cause  a  rupture.  Aranda 
took  it  with  his  usual  good-humour.  "  If  they  did  not 
wish  to  give  him  anything,  he  did  not  want  anything, 


1518.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  99 

and  whether  they  gave  it  him  or  not,  he  would  still  ad- 
vance their  cause  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  since  by  so 
doing  he  did  a  service  to  his  sovereign."  With  this  ho 
rode  on  alone  to  Valladolid,  while  Magellan  and  his 
comrade  stopped  at  Simancas  to  talk  the  matter  over.^ 

The  result  of  their  discussion  was  a  resolve  to  offer 
Aranda  an  eighth  share.  Three  days  later  they  rode 
into  Valladolid.  Aranda  came  out  to  meet  them,  and 
took  them  to  his  inn,  where  they  lay  that  night  as  his 
guests.  Next  day,  anxious  to  be  independent,  they 
sought  another  posada.  Aranda  lost  no  time.  He  took 
them  first  to  Sauvage,  the  Lord  High  Chancellor,  who 
had  succeeded  to  that  post  on  the  death  of  Ximenes,  and 
then  introduced  them  to  the  Cardinal  Adrian  of  Utrecht 
and  to  the  Bishop  of  Burgos.  Finally,  he  procured 
them  a  personal  interview  with  Charles  V.  himself.  All 
this,  we  gather,  was  done  upon  the  day  following  their 
arrival,  or  if  not,  within  a  very  short  period  after  it. 
Aranda  had  gone  a  long  way  towards  proving  his  title 
as  a  man  of  business.  He  went  still  further  by  having 
a  document  ready  for  the  two  navigators  to  sign,  in 
which  they  legally  bound  themselves  to  fulfil  the  oral 
promises  of  the  day  before.  This  agreement  was  exe- 
cuted on  the  23rd  February,  1518.^     In  it  it  is  worthy 

1  Navarrete,  vol.  iv.  p.  sxxv. ;  Medina,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i.  p.  21  et  seq. 

2  "Otorgamos  e  conoscenios,"  the  text  runs,  "que  todo  el  provecho 
i  interese  que  hobieremos  del  descubrimiento  de  las  tierras  6  islas  que 
placiendo  a  Dios  hemos  de  descubrir  e  de  hallar  en  las  tierras  e  limites 
e  demarcaciones  del  Eey  nuestro  Seiior  Don  Carlos,  que  vos  hayais  la 
octava  parte,  e  que  vos  daremos  de  todo  el  interese  6  provecho  que 
dello  nos  suceda  en  dinero,  6  en  partimiento,  6  en  renta,  6  en  oficio,  6 
en  otra  cualquier  cosa  quo  sea."  (Navarrete,  vol.  iv.  p.  110;  Medina, 
op.  cit.,  vol.  i.  p.  2.)  The  whole  affair  is  instructive.  Whatever  their 
motives,  interested  or  disinterested,  those  who  aided  the  armadas  in 
those  days  were  apt  to  find  their  claims  entirely  ignored.     The  result 


100  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  IV. 

of  note  that  Magellan  has  become  Spanish  even  to  his 
signature.  Fernao  de  Magalhaes  has  ceased  to  exist, 
and  we  make  acquaintance  for  the  first  time  with 
Fernando  Magallanes. 

Everything,  so  far,  had  gone  well  with  the  plans  of 
the  two  friends,  and  Magellan  might  have  been  excused 
in  feeling  that  success  was  within  his  grasp.  Had  ho 
known  more  of  those  with  whom  he  had  to  deal,  he 
would  not  have  been  too  sanguine.  Thi-ee  out  of  the 
four  were  Flemings,  and  the  fourth — Fonseca,  Bishop  of 
Burgos — had  made  himself  conspicuous  for  his  bitter 
enmity  to  Columbus  and  other  explorers  of  the  New 
World.  The  Flemings  were  men  of  very  unequal  merit. 
Far  superior  to  the  others  in  ability  and  force  of  character 
was  Charles's  minister  and  guardian,  Guillaume  de  Croy, 
Seigneur  de  Chi^vres.  A  man  of  the  court  rather  than 
of  the  schools,  he  nevertheless  encouraged  Charles  in  the 
study  of  history  and  the  art  of  government,  and,  from 
his  early  appointment  as  his  tutor,  had  contrived  to 
gain  extraordinary  power  over  him.  He  exercised  it 
in  keeping  his  charge  as  much  as  possible  away  from 
Spanish  influence,  and,  knowing  and  caring  little  for 
foreign  affairs  other  than  European,  was  not  likely  to 
interest  himself  much  in  projects  of  exploration.  His 
avarice,  which  was  boundless,  was  perhaps  the  only 
channel  by  which  he  might  be  approached.  In  this  ho 
was  equalled,  if  not  excelled,  by  Sauvage,  the  newly 
appointed  successor  to  Ximenes,  of  whose  character 
little  more  is  known.^ 

of  this  venture  of  Aranda  was  a  lengthy  lawsuit,  a  loss  of  all  the  money 
he  had  advanced,  and,  as  already  mentioned,  a  public  censure  by  the 
Consojo  de  las  Indias. 

1  Of  the  corruption  of  Charles  V.'s  court  at  this  time  history  has 
given  us  a  full  accoimt.     ' '  Everything  was  venal  and  disposed  of  to 


1518.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  101 

The  third — Cardinal  Adrian  of  Utrecht,  afterwards 
Pope  Adrian  VI.,  who  was  made  Charles's  preceptor 
under  De  Croy — was  a  person  of  no  real  ability.  Of  low 
extraction,  a  theologian  of  a  conventional  type,  and  a 
person  of  weak  character,  his  advancement  must  always 
be  regarded  with  wonder*.  Nominally  he  had  acted  in 
conjunction  with  Ximenes  as  Kegent  of  Castile,  but  the 
latter,  though  on  the  best  of  terms  with  his  coadjutor,  had 
never  even  pretended  to  consult  him.  His  opinion  upon 
an  affair  of  this  kind  was  of  little  importance.  That  of 
Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Burgos,  on  the  other  hand — the  last  of 
the  four — was  of  very  different  weight.  As  President 
of  the  India  House,  he  took  an  assured  position  as  an 
authority  upon  colonial  matters.  Less  a  prelate  than 
a  man  of  business,  Las  Casas  tells  us  he  was  well  suited 
for  such  work  as  the  fitting  out  of  armadas.  His  char- 
acter, nevertheless,  was  a  despicable  one.  His  hatred  of 
Columbus  has  already  been  referred  to.^  He  thwarted 
Las  Casas  upon  every  point  in  his  struggle  to  amelio- 
rate the  condition  of  the  Indians. ^  Cortez  he  declared 
a  traitor  and  a  rebel,  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that 
he  instigated  a  plot  to  assassinate  him.^  To  Balboa  he 
was  equally  opposed.  The  most  sanguine  of  project- 
mongers  would  have  gone  to  him  with  something  more 
than  diffidence. 

These  were  the  men,  together  with  a  boy -sovereign 
of  eighteen,  on  whom  Magellan's  future  depended.     It 

the  highest  bidder."  (Robertson,  Charles  V.,  vol.  ii.  p.  58.)  Peter 
Martyr,  who,  from  his  position,  had  special  means  of  information, 
•wrote  that  in  ten  months  1,100,000  ducats  were  remitted  from  Spain 
into  the  Low  Countries.     (Pet.  Mart.,  Opus  Epist.,  Ep.  608.) 

^  Irving,  Columbus,  Appendix,  No.  34. 

"  Herrera,  oji.  cit.,  Doc.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  iii. 

3  Herrera,  np.  cit.,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  iii. 


102  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  IV. 

might  be  imagined  that  support  from  the  Flemings  was 
an  accidental  possibility,  but  that  none  could  be  expected 
from  Fonseca'.  Nothing  is  more  certain,  however,  than 
the  unforeseen.  Whether  the  Bishop,  venal  and  avari- 
cious like  his  fellows,  looked  to  the  possibilities  of  future 
profit,  or  whether,  having  lost  prestige  from  his  oppo- 
sition to  the  projects  of  Columbus,  he  was  anxious  to 
win  it  back  over  an  expedition  whose  probable  success 
he  was  wise  enough  to  foresee,  we  do  not  know,  but  from 
the  beginning  he  took  up  the  cause  of  the  two  peti- 
tioners.    From  that  moment  its  success  was  ensured. 

Magellan  came  well  prepared  with  arguments,  animate 
and  inanimate,  to  support  his  project.  At  the  first 
formal  meeting  of  the  King's  ministers  he  showed  the 
letters  from  his  friend  Francisco  Serrao,  in  which  he 
told  him  that  if  he  desired  to  get  rich  he  should  come 
to  the  Moluccas.  He  produced  Yartema's  account  of 
his  voyage  to  those  islands ;  how  they  lay  beneath  the 
Equator,  and  far  distant  from  Malacca.  He  showed  a 
slave  whom  he  had  bought  in  the  latter  city,  and  who 
was  a  native  of  the  Spice  Islands,  and  a  slave-girl 
from  Sumatra,  "who  understood  the  tongues  of  many 
islands."  "Other  bids  for  credence  did  he  make,"  we 
are  told  by  Gomara, ^  "conjecturing  that  the  land 
(i.e.,  South  America)  tvirned  westward,  in  the  same 
manner  as  did  that  of  Good  Hope  toward  the  east, 
since  Juan  de  Solis  had  coasted  it  up  to  40°  S.,  with  his 
course  always  more  or  less  westerly.  And  since  on  the 
track  thus  taken  no  passage  existed,  he  would  coast  the 
whole  continent  till  he  came  to  the  cape  which  corre- 
sponds to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  would  discover 
many  new  lands,  and  the  way  to  the  Spice  Islands,  as 

'  Op.  cit,  cap.  xci.  i>.  83. 


1518.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  103 

he  promised."  Such  an  expedition,  Gomara  goes  on  to 
say,  "would  be  long,  difficult,  and  costly,  and  many  did 
not  understand  it,  and  others  did  not  believe  in  it; 
however,  the  generality  of  people  had  faith  in  him 
(Magellan)  as  a  man  who  had  been  seven  years  in 
India  and  in  the  spice  trade,  and  because,  being  Por- 
tuguese, he  declared  that  Sumatra,  Malacca,  and  other 
Eastern  lands  where  spices  could  be  found  belonged  to 
Castile."  The  arguments  and  projects  of  the  two  navi- 
gators were  illustrated  by  means  of  a  globe  that  Magellan 
had  brought  with  him  from  Portugal.  ^  Upon  it  were 
shown  the  continent,  as  he  conceived  it  to  exist,  and  his 
intended  route.  But,  according  to  Herrera,  the  strait 
which  it  was  his  purpose  to  seek  was  intentionally 
omitted,  in  order  that  no  one  might  anticipate  him.^ 
Finally,  when  his  companion  had  finished  his  demon- 
strations, Paleiro  took  up  the  argument  and  proved  to 
his  audience  that  the  coveted  islands  lay  within  the  line 
of  demarcation  arranged  by  the  Tordesillas  capitulacioii 
of  1494. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  project  should  meet 
with  entire  and  instant  approval.  Some  of  the  mini- 
sters pooh-poohed  it ;  others  took  no  interest  in  it. 
But  upon  further  discussion  the  advice  of  Fonseca  pre- 
vailed, and  it  was  finally  agreed  to  recommend  the  enter- 
prise to  the  favourable  consideration  of  the  young  King. 

1  A  planisphere  according  to  Argensola  (CoJi^'.  delas  Molucas,  bk.  i. 
p.  16). — "  Vn  planisferio  dibusado  por  Pedi-o  Reynel." 

2  "Trahia  Magellanes  un  globe  bien  pintado  adonde  se  mostrana 
bien  toda  la  tierra,  y  en  el  senal6  el  camino  que  pensava  lleuar ;  y  de 
industria  dex5  el  estrecho  en  bianco,  porque  no  se  lo  pudiessen 
saltear  "  (Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xix. ).  Dcxar  en  bianco  should, 
of  course,  be  rendered  "to  omit,"  but  it  is  amusing  to  note  that — 
probably  from  the  pi-esumed  antithesis  of  the  bien  pintado—it  has  been 
literally  translated  by  one  author  ! 


104  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  iv. 

We  can  understand  the  delight  with  which  the  news 
of  this  resolution — tantamount  to  an  actual  order  for 
the  preparation  of  their  armada — must  have  been  re- 
ceived by  Magellan  and  Faleiro.  It  only  remained  for 
them  now  to  lay  their  proposals  in  due  form  before  the 
King.  Two  ways — both  commonly  adopted  at  that  time 
- — were  open  to  them.  They  could  either  fit  out  the 
expedition  at  their  own  cost,  giving  a  certain  percentage 
of  the  profits  to  the  Crown,  or,  leaving  the  expenses  to 
be  borne  by  the  King,  sail  as  the  captains  of  the  ships, 
investing  a  certain  fixed  amount  in  articles  of  barter, 
and  looking  to  their  sovereign,  upon  their  return,  to 
confer  upon  them  what  benefits  he  thought  fit. 

Neither  of  the  applicants  was  in  the  position  to  pur- 
chase and  equip  ships  at  his  own  expense.  Faleiro  was 
a  poor  student.  Magellan,  though  a  noble  and  a  land- 
owner, had  profited  no  whit  by  his  seven  years'  residence 
in  the  East.  Most  of  those  who  survived  the  glorious 
uncertainties  of  that  life  made  money.  But  Magellan 
was  not  as  other  men,  and  whatever  sin  might  be  laid 
to  his  charge,  that  of  greed  was  not  one.  In  the  East, 
we  are  told,  "  perdeu  a  sua  pobreza  " — he  lost  the  little 
that  he  had.  But  there  were  plenty  of  rich  and  influ- 
ential friends  to  assist  him.  His  father-in-law,  Diogo 
Barbosa,  was  a  man  of  position,  and  Aranda  was  willing 
enough  to  place  himself,  purse  and  voice,  at  his  dis- 
posal. Just  at  that  moment,  moreover,  he  had  made  an 
acquaintance  which  effectually  banished  all  anxieties  on 
the  score  of  money.  His  acquaintance,  who  afterwards 
became  his  friend,  was  the  great  merchant  Christopher 
de  Haro. 

The  Haros  were  an  Antwerp  firm  of  traders — the 
Rothschilds  of  that  day — who  carried  on  an  enormous 


1518.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  105 

and  most  profitable  business  with  both  the  East  and 
West  Indies.  In  the  various  towns  of  these  countries 
they  had  agents  and  clerks,  who  kept  them  informed 
upon  every  point  of  interest  in  trade,  poHtics,  and  geo- 
graphy. Christopher  de  Haro  resided  in  Lisbon,  and 
had  an  agreement  with  Portugal  concerning  the  Guinea 
trade.  For  some  reason  which  does  not  appear,  he  had 
seven  of  his  vessels  sunk  by  the  King's  ships  while  on 
the  coast.  He  sought  indemnification,  but  his  claim  was 
ignored,  and  feeling  that  it  would  be  wiser  to  quit  a 
country  where  so  little  justice  could  be  had,  returned  to 
Spain,  his  native  land.^  He  had  but  recently  arrived. 
Magellan's  project  was  the  one  above  all  others  to  com- 
mend itself  to  his  favour.  It  gave  him  an  opportunity 
of  indirectly  revenging  himself  upon  Portugal,  and  at 
the  same  time  of  making  a  very  profitable  speculation. 
His  ships  had  traded  to  the  farthest  East,  had  even 
reached  China,^  and  he  knew  what  a  monopoly  of  the 
spice  trade  would  mean.  He  did  not  hesitate  to  offer  all 
the  aid  that  lay  in  his  power. 

Fortified  with  such  strong  support,  the  two  Portuguese 
addressed  their  proposals  formally  to  the  King.^  They 
fell  under  two  heads — those  made  with  the  understand- 
ing that  the  King  should  charge  himself  with  the  entire 

1  It  appears  from  the  letter  of  Maximilian  Transylvanus  that  Haro 
(who,  it  may  be  remarked,  was  his  father-in-law's  brother)  corrobo- 
rated Magellan's  evidence  before  the  Council  as  to  the  position  of  the 
Moluccas.  "Csesari  ostenderent  (M.  etHaro)  .  .  .  sinum  magnum  ot 
Sinarum  populos  ad  Castellanorum  nauigationem  pertinore.  Hoc 
item  haberi  longe  certissimum,  insulas  quas  Moluccas  uocant  ...  in 
occidente  Castellanorum  contineri." 

2  "  Et  tandem  Sinarum  populis  mercaturam  fecerat." — Letter  of 
Max.  Trmisylvanus. 

3  Arch,  de  Scvilla,  Leg.  i°,  pap.  d.  Maluco,  1519-47  ;  Medina,  vol.  i. 
p.  5  ;  Navarrete,  vol.  iv.  p.  113. 


106  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  iv. 

cost  of  the  armada,  and  those  suggested  m  the  case  of 
the  expenses  being  borne  by  themselves. 

In  the  first  case  they  sought  the  concession  of  the  fol- 
lowing privileges  : — That  no  other  exploring  expeditions 
should  be  sent  out  to  the  Spice  Islands  for  a  period  of  ten 
years,  but  that,  if  this  could  not  be  granted,  they  should 
have  the  right  to  a  twentieth  share  of  the  resulting 
profits ;  that  of  all  the  lands  and  islands  discovered  by 
them  a  twentieth  share  of  the  annual  profit  should  be 
theirs  ;  that  in  this  and  every  other  succeeding  expedition 
they  should  be  permitted  to  send  goods  to  the  value  of  a 
thousand  ducats  for  trading  purposes ;  that  in  the  event 
of  the  discovery  of  more  than  six  islands,  the  SenoHo 
of  two  should  be  conferred  upon  them ;  that  of  this  first 
expedition,  they  should  have  one-fifth  of  the  net  profits  ; 
and  finally,  that  the  title  of  Almirante  should  be  con- 
ferred upon  them. 

In  the  case  of  the  armada  being  commissioned  and 
despatched  at  their  own  expense,  they  besought  the  King 
to  grant  them  the  trade  and  ownership  (seiiorio)  of  all  the 
lands  discovered  by  them,  and  the  privilege  of  the  sole 
right  of  exploration  and  discovery  for  ten  years.  In 
return,  one-fifth  of  the  profits  were  to  be  handed  to  the 
Crown, 

The  document  was  retui'ned,  with  comments  under 
each  section,  to  Magellan,  leaving  the  matter  still  un- 
decided ;  but  a  few  days  later,  on  the  22nd  March,  15 18, 
a  capitulacion  was  granted  by  Charles  V.  which  defi- 
nitely settled  the  terms  under  which  the  two  explorers 
were  to  sail.i 

They  were  as  follows  : — First,  the  King  engaged  with- 

1  Seville  Archives,  Leg.  4°,  See  Navarrete,  vol.  iv.  p.  116;  Medina, 
vol.  i.  p.  8. 


1518.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  107 

out  delay  to  fit  out  an  armada  of  five  ships,  provisioned 
for  two  years,  and  bearing  a  complement  of  234  ofl&cers 
and  crew.  Under  certain  restrictions  and  reservations, 
he  conceded  the  demand  that  no  other  explorers  should 
be  sent  out  for  ten  years.  ^  He  stipulated  that  no  ex- 
ploration should  be  prosecuted  within  the  territories  of 
his  "  dear  and  well- beloved  uncle  and  brother  the  King  of 
Portugal."  Of  all  the  profit  arising  from  their  disco- 
veries, Magellan  and  Faleiro  should  receive  the  twentieth 
part.  Henceforward  they  might  be  permitted  to  send 
goods  to  the  value  of  a  thousand  ducats  for  trading  pur- 
poses in  eveiy  armada,  but  for  this  voyage  they  were  to 
content  themselves  with  one-fifth  of  the  proceeds.  If 
more  than  six  islands  should  bo  discovered,  they  might 
choose  two,  from  which  they  would  be  permitted  to  receive 
one-fifteenth  of  the  profits.  Of  the  lands  discovered 
they  were  to  have  the  title  of  governors  or  aclelantados, 
which  title  was  to  be  hereditary.  Finally,  it  should  rest 
with  the  King  to  appoint  a  factor,  treasurer,  contador, 
and  clerks,  who  should  be  responsible  for  the  accounts  of 
the  expedition.  2 

Accompanying  this  document  was  another,  by  which 
Magellan  and  his  comrade  were  appointed  Captains- 
general  of  the  armada,  entitled  from  that  moment  to 

^  Part  of  this  passage  is  interesting  : — "  Pero  entiendesc  quo  si  Nos 
qiiisexiemos  mandar  descubrir  o  dar  liconcia  para  ello  a  otras  personas 
por  la  via  del  huesto,  por  las  partes  de  las  islas  a  tierra  firme  e  a  todas 
las  otras  partes  que  estan  descubiertas  hacia  la  parte  que  quisieremos 
para  buscar  el  estrecko  de  aquellos  mares,  lo  podamos  mandar." 

2  By  a  ccdula  of  30th  March  of  the  following  year  (1519)  Charles 
appointed  Luis  de  Mendoza  treasurer  at  a  yearly  salary  of  60,000 
maravedis,  and  Juan  de  Ca,rtagena,Veedor-[/ene7'al  at  70,000  maravedis, 
and  also  captain  of  the  third  ship  at  40,000  maravedis.  On  the  30th 
April  Antonio  de  Coca  was  made  Contador  of  the  armada  at  50,000 
maravedis.  Roughly  speaking,  1000  maravedis  were  equivalent  to 
IIS.  6d.  of  our  money. 


108  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  iv. 

draw  pay  at  the  rate  of  50,000  maravedis  per  annum 
from  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  at  Seville. 

Charles,  who  in  his  bid  for  popularity  had  succeeded 
but  ill  with  the  Castilians,  now  resolved  to  visit  Aragon. 
Summoning  the  Cortes  of  that  country  to  meet  him  in 
Zaragoza,  he  marched  thither  in  the  beginning  of  April. 
Upon  the  way  he  stopped  at  Aranda  de  Duero,  where 
his  brother  Ferdinand  was  then  living,  a  prince  so  great 
a  favourite  with  the  Spaniards  that  the  King's  design — 
which  was  to  send  him  out  of  the  country — was  no  ill- 
advised  step.  But,  in  spite  of  the  many  intrigues  and 
difficulties  in  which  he  found  himself  involved,  and  the 
barrier  to  external  influences  interposed  by  his  Flemish 
courtiers,  Charles  found  time  to  interest  himself  in  the 
affairs  of  the  future  expedition.  Magellan  and  Faleiro 
had  followed  the  court,  and  being  in  constant  communi- 
cation with  the  King,  were  enabled  to  escape  the  delays 
which  must  otherwise  inevitably  have  arisen.  By  certain 
cedulas  issued  by  Charles  at  this  time  the  pay  of  the  two 
captains  was  raised  to  146,000  maravedis,  and  they  were 
granted  a  siim  of  30,000  maravedis  to  defray  initial 
expenses.  The  privilege  of  appointing  a  pilot  was  given 
to  them,  with  the  promise  that,  if  approved  by  the  Casa 
de  Contratacion,  he  should  have  the  title  of  "piloto  real " 
conferred  upon  him.  Not  less  welcome  was  a  grant  to 
the  heirs  of  either  navigator,  in  the  event  of  his  death, 
of  all  the  privileges  and  profits  to  which  the  latter  was 
entitled.! 

Although  charged  to  proceed  to  Seville  in  order  that 

1  This  cedula,  dated  from  Aranda  de  Duero,  April  17,  1518,  was 
that  upon  which  his  relation,  Lorenzo  do  Magalhaes,  afterwards  (1567) 
founded  his  claim  to  Magellan's  estate.  Vide  Medina,  op,  cii.,  vol. 
Ji.  p.  356. 


1518.]  MAGELLAN'S  PROJECT.  109 

they  might  place  themselves  en  rapport  with  the  oflScials 
of  the  India  House  and  forward  the  preparation  of  the 
armada,  Magellan  and  Faleiro  were  led  to  defer  their 
journey.  Leaving  Aranda  de  Duero,  Charles  proceeded 
by  Calatayud  to  Zaragoza,  into  which  city  he  made  a 
formal  entry  on  the  15  th  May.  The  two  friends  followed 
in  his  train,  for  a  check  had  lately  come  upon  the  pro- 
gress of  their  scheme.  Against  want  of  money  and 
interest,  against  the  apathy  or  opposition  of  those  in 
power,  they  had  fought  for  months,  and  fought  success- 
fully ;  but  now  they  wore  confronted  by  an  obstacle  not 
less  serious,  though  long  foreseen — the  silent  intrigues 
and  loudly-expressed  remonstrances  of  the  Court  of 
Portugal. 


CHAPTER  V. 

PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE. 

It  could  hardly  be  otherwise  than  that  the  news  of 
Magellan's  approaching  voyage  should  reach  Portugal. 
The  defection  of  two  such  well-kuown  navigators,  and  the 
fact  that  they  took  others  with  them  "  sick  with  a  Hke 
disorder,"  could  not  be  passed  unnoticed,  and  the  subse- 
quent movements  of  the  Consejo  de  las  Indias  at  Seville 
were,  no  doubt,  fully  reported  to  Dom  Manoel  by  the 
Portuguese  "factor"  resident  in  that  city.  But  it 
happened  that  a  special  circumstance  brought  the  matter 
still  more  prominently  forward — so  prominently,  in  fact, 
that,  advanced  as  were  the  preparations,  the  expedition 
was  within  an  ace  of  being  countermanded. 

The  question  of  the  marriage  of  Dom  Manoel  to  Doiia 
Leonor,  sister  of  Charles  V.,  was  at  that  time  under 
consideration,'^  and  Alvaro  da  Costa,  the  ambassador  of 
Portugal  at  the  court  of  Spain,^  was  charged  with  the 
arrangement  of  the  alliance.  The  treaty  was  concluded 
at  Zaragoza  on  the  22nd  May,  15 18,  and  ratified  at  the 
same  place  on  the  i6th  July.     It  was  the  very  period 

1  Eleanor  became  the  thii-d  wife  of  Dom  Manoel  in  November  1518, 
although  at  that  time  only  twenty  years  of  age,  and  thirty  years  his 
junior.  After  his  death  in  1521,  she  married  Francis  I.  of  France, 
who  also  predeceased  her. 

2  Alvaro  da  Costa  was  chamberlain  and  Guarda-rOupa  Mor  to  Dom 
Manoel. 

110 


1518.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  Ill 

when  Charles  was  most  taken  up  with  the  project  of 
Magellan,  and  Da  Costn,  naturally,  was  brought  much 
in  contact  both  with  the  affair  and  the  principals  con- 
cerned. They  appear  to  have  caused  him  far  more 
anxiety  than  the  marriage.  From  a  letter  to  his  sove- 
reign, stUl  existing  in  the  Torre  do  Tombo,  we  get  a 
glimpse  of  the  means  he  employed  to  frustrate  them. 
It  was  not  the  first  time  that  the  Portuguese,  having 
been  led  by  their  ignorance  and  folly  wilfully  to  reject 
one  of  the  world's  greatest  chances,  fought  tooth  and 
nail  to  coimteract  its  outcome.  When  Columbus  reached 
the  shelter  of  the  Tagus  upon  his  first  return  from  the 
New  World,  it  was  suggested  by  some  of  those  at  court 
that  much  future  trouble  with  Spain  would  be  obviated 
by  his  assassination.  Not  that  these  methods  were  con- 
fined to  Portugal.  The  value  of  each  discovery,  owing 
perhaps  to  the  rapidity  with  which  it  followed  upon  a 
previoTis  one,  was  so  little  understood,  that  either  of  the 
two  countries  was  ready  at  a  moment's  notice  to  take  up 
an  attitude  of  protestation,  if  not  of  something  worse. 

At  first  Da  Costa  confined  himself  to  simple  dissuasion. 
In  the  course  of  various  interviews  with  Magellan,  he 
told  the  latter  that,  if  he  persisted  in  his  enterprise,  not 
only  would  he  sin  against  God  and  his  King,  but  would 
for  ever  stain  the  honour  of  his  name,  and,  moreover,  that 
he  woidd  be  the  cause  of  dissension  between  two  kings 
who  would  otherwise,  by  the  approaching  marriage,  still 
further  strengthen  the  ties  of  friendship  which  already 
existed  between  them.  Magellan's  answer  was  that  his 
first  duty  was  to  his  King;  that  he  had  pledged  his  word 
to  him,  and  that  he  too  would  sin  against  his  honour  and 
his  conscience  should  he  break  it.  To  Da  Costa's  temp- 
tation of  reward  if  he  went  back  to  Portuaral  he  turned 


112  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  v. 

equally  a  deaf  ear.  Failing  thus  both  in  threats  and 
persuasion,  the  Portuguese  ambassador  turned  his  atten- 
tion to  the  King's  ministers.  The  Cardinal,  Adrian 
of  Utrecht,  weak  and  vacillating,  half  fearful  of  conse- 
quences and  half  mistrustful  of  the  success  of  the  expedi- 
tion, played  into  his  hands.  "The  Cardinal,"  writes 
Alvaro  to  his  sovereign,  "is  the  best  thing  here."^ 
Chievres,  too,  was  hardly  against  him ;  but  Fonseca's 
convictions  were  so  strong  and  his  influence  so  great, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  ignore  them.  Again  foiled, 
Alvaro  wrote  to  Dom  Manoel.  The  news  was  received 
with  renewed  irritation,  and  discussed  in  various  juntas 
and  conselhos.  Some  advised  that  Magellan  should  be 
bribed  to  return ;  others  were  against  this,  as  affording 
a  bad  precedent.  There  were  not  wanting  those  who 
advised  that  he  should  be  put  out  of  the  way.  One  of 
them  was  a  bishop.  Lafitau,  in  his  Conquetes  des  Portu- 
gais,  hides,  as  a  Jesuit,  the  name  of  this  honourable 
counsellor ;  ^  Faria  and  De  Goes  give  it  to  us  for  eter- 
nal obloquy — it  was  Ferdinand  Vasconcellos,  Bishop  of 
Lamego,  who  afterwards  became  Archbishop  of  Lisbon.  ^ 
The  news  of  his  contemplated  assassination  reached 
Magellan  while  still  in  Zaragoza,  but  he  paid  but  slight 
attention  to  it,  and  pursued  his  daily  avocations,  although 
exposing  himself  as  little  as  possible,  and  "  when  night 
surprised  them  in  the  house  of  the  Bishop  of  Burgos," 
Herrera  tells  us  "  the  latter  sent  his  servants  to  guard 

1  "Eu,  senhor,  o  tynha  ja  bem  praticado  com  o  cardeal  que  ho  a 
milhor  cousa  que  qua  ha,  e  Ihe  nom  parece  bem  este  negocio." — Letter 
of  Da  Costa,  Torre  do  Tombo,  fav.  i8,  ma9.  8,  num.  38. 

2  Latitau,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii.  liv.  viii.  p.  35. 

3  Faria  y  Sousa,  Europa  Portugueza,  pt.  iv.  cap.  i.  torn.  ii.  p.  543, 
"  0  bispo  dixe  que  seu  parecer  era  que  o  mandasse  el  Rei  chamar  e  Ihe 
fczcsso  merces,  ou  o  mandasse  matar." — Goes,  4ta.  pte.  cap.  xxxvii. 


151S.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  113 

them  home."^  Of  Faleiro  they  made  little  account. 
His  odd  manner  and  uncertain  temper  led  people  to  the 
conclusion  that  he  was  not  quite  of  sound  mind.^ 

There  were  other  reasons  besides  those  of  caution 
which  called  for  the  departure  of  the  two  navigators  from 
Zaragoza.  Their  presence  was  needed  in  Seville,  The 
Casa  de  Contratacion,  as  a  body,  had  never  been  very 
favourable  to  their  scheme.  Some  jealousy  with  Aranda 
possibly  stood  in  the  way ;  possibly  the  officials  really  did 
not  believe  in  its  chances  of  success.  But  they  opposed 
it,  if  not  actively,  at  least  with  a  dead  wall  of  difficulties 
which  rendered  the  future  prospects  of  the  expedition 
none  of  the  brightest.  Charles,  with  a  quiet  but  firm 
hand,  now  put  all  these  obstacles  aside.  In  a  letter 
written  on  the  20th  July,  15 18,  he  informed  the  India 
House  that  it  was  his  intention  to  carry  out  the  pro- 
posed expedition ;  that  certain  moneys  lately  arrived 
from  the  West  Indies  were  to  be  used  for  the  purpose  of 
defraying  the  expenses ;  and,  finally,  that  he  desired  the 
armada  should  be  fitted  out  in  every  way  in  conformity 
with  the  ideas  and  wishes  of  Magellan  and  Faleiro.^ 
But  at  the  same  time  that  he  wrote  the  letter,  anxious 
to  hasten  these  preparations,  he  intimated  his  wish  that 
the  two  captains  should  depart  for  Seville  without  delay. 

In  order  to  mark  still  further  his  sense  of  the  impor- 
tance of  the  expedition  and  of  his  confidence  in  those 

1  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xxi. 

2  "Polo  bacharel  nom  dou  eu  muito  que  anda  cas  fora  de  seu 
syso." — Letter  of  Alxaro. 

3  "  Y  que  de  los  5000  pesos  de  oro  que  habian  llegado  para  S.  M. 
de  la  Isla  Fernandina  gastasen  hasta  seis  mil  ducados  6  lo  que  fuese 
necesario  conforme  a  dicho  memorial,  a  vista,  contentamiento,  y 
parecer  de  los  mismos  Magallanes  y  Falero." — Arch,  de  Seville.  Vide 
Navarrete,  vol.  iv.  p.  123. 

H 


114  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  v. 

to  whom  he  had  intrusted  its  command,  Charles  signified 
his  intention  of  conferring  upon  Magellan  and  his  com- 
rade the  honour  of  the  Order  of  Santiago.  They  were 
decorated  with  the  cross  of  Comendador  in  the  presence 
of  the  Council,  and  at  the  same  time  the  conditions  of 
the  agreement  concluded  at  Valladolid  on  the  22nd 
March  were  formally  confirmed.^  A  few  days  later — at 
the  end  of  July — the  two  Comendadores  left  the  court 
for  SevUle. 

In  answer  to  the  remonstrances  expressed  by  Alvaro 
da  Costa,  Charles  had  written  to  Dom  Manoel  to  explain 
the  object  of  Magellan's  voyage.  In  his  letter  he  assured 
his  future  brother-in-law  that  nothing  shot.Jd  be  done 
in  any  way  to  the  detriment  of  Portugal,  and  that  if 
he  had  not  complied  with  his  wish,  it  was  because  the 
explorations  proposed  would  not  be  carried  beyond  the 
limits  of  Spanish  waters.^  His  reasoning  was  in  vain. 
Alvaro  renewed  his  complaints  and  remonstrances,  and 
Chievres  being  ill,  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  private 
interview  with  the  King.  The  sum  and  substance  of  it 
he  gives  in  the  letter  addressed  to  Dom  Manoel,  and 
dated  from  Zaragoza,  September  28th,  1518,  to  which 
allusion  has  already  been  made. 

"  Sire, — Concerning  Ferdinand  Magellan's  affair,  how  much  I 
have  done  and  how  I  have  laboured,  God  knows,  as  I  hare 
written  you  at  length ;  and  now,  Chievres  being  ill,  I  haVe 
spoken  upon  the  subject  very  strongly  to  the  King,  putting  before 
him  all  the  inconveniences  that  in  this  case  may  arise,  and  also 
representing  to  him  what  an  ugly  matter  it  was,  and  how  un- 
usual, for  one  king  to  receive  the  subjects  of  another  king,  his 
friend,  contrary  to  his  wish, — a  thing  unheard  of  among  cavaliers, 

1  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  ix. 

2  Argensola,  Analcs  cle  Ara^on,  i.  caps,  Ivii.  and  Ixxix. 


1518.]  PREPAEATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  115 

and  accounted  both  ill-judged  and  ill-seeming.  Yet  I  had  just 
put  your  Highness  and  your  Highness's  possessions  at  his  service 
in  Valladolid  at  the  moment  that  he  was  harbouring  these  per- 
sons against  your  will.  I  begged  him  to  consider  that  this  was 
not  the  time  to  offend  your  Highness,  the  more  so  in  an  affair 
which  was  of  such  Uttle  importance  and  so  uncertain  ;  and  that 
he  would  have  plenty  of  subjects  of  his  own  and  men  to  make 
discoveries  when  the  time  came,  without  availing  himself  of 
those  malcontents  of  your  Highness,  whom  your  Highness  could 
not  fail  to  believe  likely  to  labour  more  for  your  dis-service  than 
for  anything  else  ;  also  that  his  Highness  had  had  until  now  so 
much  to  do  in  discovering  his  own  kingdoms  and  dominions,  and 
in  settling  them,  that  he  ought  not  to  turn  his  attention  to  these 
new  affairs,  from  which  dissensions  and  other  matters,  which 
may  well  be  dispensed  with,  may  result.  I  also  represented  to 
him  the  bad  appearance  that  this  would  have  on  the  year  and 
at  the  very  moment  of  the  marriage, — the  ratification  of  friend- 
ship and  affection.  And  also  that  it  seemed  to  me  that  your 
Highness  would  much  regret  to  learn  that  these  men  asked 
leave  of  him  to  return,^  and  that  he  did  not  grant  it,  the  which 
are  two  faults — the  receiving  them  contrary  to  your  desire,  and 
the  retaining  them  contrary  to  their  own.  And  I  begged  of  him, 
both  for  his  own  and  for  your  Highness's  sake,  that  he  would  do 
one  of  two  things — either  permit  them  to  go,  or  put  off  the  affair 
for  this  year,  by  which  he  would  not  lose  much  ;  and  means 
might  be  taken  whereby  he  might  be  obliged,  and  your  High- 
ness might  not  be  offended,  as  you  would  be  were  this  scheme 
carried  out. 

"  He  was  so  surprised,  sire,  at  what  I  told  him,  that  I  also  was 
surprised ;  but  he  replied  to  me  with  the  best  words  in  the  world, 
saying  that  on  no  account  did  he  wish  to  offend  your  Highness, 
and  many  other  good  words  ;  and  he  suggested  that  I  should 
speak  to  the  Cardinal,  and  confide  the  whole  matter  to  him. 

"  I,  sire,  had  already  talked  the  matter  over  with  the  Cardinal, 
who  is  the  best  thing  here,  and  who  does  not  approve  of  the 
business,  and  he  promised  me  to  do  what  he  could  to  get  off  the 
affair.  He  spoke  to  the  King,  and  thereupon  they  summoned  the 
Bishop  of  Burgos,  who  is  the  chief  supporter  of  the  scheme. 
And  with  that  certain  two  men  of  the  Council  succeeded  in 

1  This  statement,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe,  was  a  pure  fiction 
of  Da  Costa. 


116  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  V. 

making  the  King  believe  that  he  did  your  Highness  no  wrong, 
since  he  only  ordered  exploration  to  be  made  within  his  own 
limits,  and  far  from  your  Highness's  possessions  ;  and  that  your 
Highness  should  not  take  it  ill  that  he  should  make  use  of  two 
of  your  subjects — men  of  no  gi-eat  importance — while  your 
Highness  himself  employed  many  Spaniards.  They  adduced 
many  other  arguments,  and  at  last  the  Cardinal  told  me  that  the 
Bishop  and  the  others  insisted  so  much  upon  the  subject,  that 
the  King  could  not  now  alter  his  determination. 

"  While  Chievres  was  well,  I  kept  representing  this  business 
to  him,  as  I  have  just  said,  and  much  more.  He  lays  the  blame 
irpon  those  Spaniards  who  have  pushed  the  King  on.  Withal  he 
will  speak  to  the  King,  but  on  former  occasions  I  besought  him 
much  on  this  subject,  and  he  never  came  to  any  determination, 
and  thus,  I  think,  he  will  act  now.  It  seems  to  me,  sire,  that 
your  Highness  might  get  back  Fernao  de  Magalhaes,  which 
would  be  a  great  blow  to  these  people.  As  for  the  bachelor,^  I 
do  not  count  him  for  much,  for  he  is  half  crazy. 

"  Do  not  let  your  Highness  think  that  I  went  too  far  in  what  I 
said  to  the  King,  for  beside  the  fact  that  all  I  said  was  true, 
these  people  do  not  perceive  anything,  nor  has  the  King  liberty 
up  to  now  to  do  anything  of  himself,  and  on  that  account  his 
actions  may  be  less  regarded  {por  iso  se  deue  de  syntyr  memos  suas 
cousas).  May  the  Lord  increase  the  life  and  dominions  of  your 
Highness  to  His  holy  service.  From  Sarag09a,  Tuesday  night, 
the  28tb  day  of  September. 

"  I  kiss  the  hands  of  your  Highness. 

"  Aluaeo  da  Costa."  2 

This  letter  was  not  the  last  of  its  kind,  for  though 
the  protestations  of  the  Portuguese  ceased  for  the  time 
being,  they  were  again  renewed  upon  the  removal  of  the 
court  to  Barcelona.     Nor  did  they  end  until  Magellan 

1  Euy  Faleiro. 

2  Arch,  da  Torre  do  Tombo,  Gav.  18,  Ma(;o  8,  No.  38.  Tho  letter 
is  given  in  the  original  Portuguese  by  De  EaiTos  Arana,  p.  iBi,  and 
also  by  Lord  Stanley  in  his  First  Voya{/e.  Navarreto  (vol.  iv.  p. 
123)  gives  an  excerpt,  and  Medina  {op,  cit.,  vol.  i.  p.  16)  a  translation 
into  Spanish. 


1518.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  117 

finally  weighed  anchor  at  S.  Lucar  de  Barrameda,  and 
started  on  his  voyage. 

We  must  return  to  Seville,  vrhither  the  two  newly- 
made  knights  had  meanwhile  arrived.  Their  presence  was 
regarded  by  Fonseca  as  likely  to  smooth  the  difficulties 
made  by  the  Casa  de  Contratacion.  This  body,  although 
definitely  instructed  by  the  King's  cedula  in  March, 
as  we  have  seen,  demurred  somewhat  to  the  aiTangement 
thei'eia  contained,  and  wrote  again  asking  for  a  confir- 
mation of  a  despatch  signed  by  the  Chancellor  of  Bur- 
gundy,^ expressing  themselves,  however,  as  ready  to  fulfil 
the  King's  orders  "  if  we  have  at  the  time  money  of  his 
Highness  at  our  disposal."  The  reply  was  Charles's  letter 
of  July  2oth  already  mentioned,  charging  them  to  fit  out 
the  fleet  according  to  the  ideas  and  wishes  of  its  com- 
manders. It  IS  probable  that  they  themselves  carried 
this  document  and  presented  it  in  person.^  But  what- 
ever may  have  been  the  way  it  reached  its  destination, 
its  effect  was  magical.  "  We  are  greatly  pleased," 
write  the  officials,  "at  the  arrangement  concluded;  .  .  . 
it  is  a  very  honourable  and  advantageous  undertaking, 
as  we  inform  the  Bishop  of  Burgos."  ^  They  add  that  a 
certain  sum  of  money  had  arrived  from  India,  and  ask 
whether  it  should  be  used  for  the  expenses.  Everything 
seemed  to  be  couletir  de  rose.  But  even  at  the  hands  of 
the  Casa  de  Contratacion  Magellan  and  his  friend  had 
yet  to  experience  difficulties  and  unpleasantnesses,  and 
to  learn  that  the  King  of  ^pain — despite  the  lengthy 
titles  heading  his  cedulas — was  not  all-powerful. 

1  This  letter  is  dated  May  31,   1518.     Vide  Lord  Stanley's  First 
Voyage,  p.  sxxiii. 

2  "  Eecibimos  la  de  V.A.  de  20  de  julio  crni  el  Comendador  Magal- 
lanes."     Fide  Navarrete,  vol.  iv,  p.  Ixxvi. 

3  Navarrete,  idem. 


118  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  v. 

The  altered  attitude  of  the  India  House,  together  with 
the  energy  of  Magellan,  gave  an  impulse  to  the  work  of 
preparation  which  must  have  gone  far  towards  compen- 
sating the  great  navigator  for  the  months  of  disappoint- 
ment and  heart-burnings  through  which  he  had  passed. 
Now  his  way  seemed  clear  before  him,  and  he  worked 
with  double  vigour,  writing  letters  to  the  King  and  the 
Bishop  of  Burgos  to  inform  them  of  the  progress  of 
affairs.  At  the  outset,  good-natured  and  a  hater  of 
quarrels,  he  had  ceded  to  the  fitful  temper  and  morose 
disposition  of  his  comrade,  and  permitted  him  to  take 
the  lead ;  but  when  it  came  to  practical  work — to  the 
fitting  out  of  a  fleet  and  to  the  choice  of  his  men,  then 
the  experience  gained  by  years  of  service  in  the  East 
necessarily  placed  Magellan  in  a  position  of  authority 
which  was  beyond  the  power  of  Faleiro  to  question.  So 
long  as  they  had  to  bow  the  knee  in  kings'  houses, 
petitioners  and  place-seekers,  they  were  equals;  but 
upon  the  ship's  deck  in  Seville,  away  from  the  flattery- 
laden  air  of  the  court  and  almost  within  sound  of  the 
sea,  there  was  little  doubt  as  to  which  meant  to  com- 
mand. And  so,  little  by  little,  it  came  about  that 
Faleiro,  albeit  nominally  on  the  same  footing — the  "  con- 
junta  persona  "  with  Magellan — fell  insensibly  into  the 
second  place. 

The  preparations,  then,  were  pushed  on  with  all  speed. 
The  King,  in  his  letter  of  July  20th,  15 18,  had  informed 
the  officials  of  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  that  since  so 
many  articles  were  to  be  obtained  both  better  and  cheaper 
in  Biscay,  he  had  sent  thither  to  purchase  them.  Other 
materials  were  apparently  brought  from  Flanders.^     The 

^  Navarrete,  iv.  p.  123. 


1518.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  119 

ships,  as  we  learn  from  documents  in  the  Seville  archives/ 
were  all  bought  at  Cadiz.  The  duty  of  purchasing  them 
devolved  upon  Aranda,  who  was  probably  totally  lacking 
in  the  technical  knowledge  necessary  for  such  a  respon- 
sible task,  for  we  learn  from  the  Portuguese  factor 
Alvarez,  then  residing  in  Seville,  that  they  were  not  in  the 
best  condition.  "  They  are  very  old  and  patched,"  he  says, 
"...  and  I  would  be  sorry  to  sail  even  for  the  Cana- 
ries in  them,  for  their  ribs  are  as  soft  as  butter."  ^  In 
Charles's  original  capitulacion  to  the  two  captains  he 
had  promised  that  two  should  be  of  130  tons,  two  of  90, 
and  the  fifth  of  60.^  Those  obtained  for  the  expedition 
were  tolerably  close  to  the  promised  tonnage,  being  in 
the  aggregate  only  twenty  tons  short. 

The  names  and  burden  of  the  five  vessels  were  as 
follows: — Santo  Antonio,  120  tons;  Trinidad,  no  tons; 
Goncepcion,  90  tons;  Victoria,  85  tons;  Santiago,  75 
tons.*  What  they  were,  how  rigged  and  masted,  we  do  not 
know.  From  a  few  chance  words  of  Herrera  ^  we  learn 
that  the  poop  and  forecastle  of  each  was  provided  with 

1  Papeles  del  Maluco,  leg.  i.     Vide  NavaiTete,  iv.  pp.  162,  3. 

*  "  Sam  muy  velhos  e  Remedados  porque  os  vy  cm  monte  corrcgeer, 
ha  onzo  messes  que  se  correjeram  e  esta  na  agoa  agora  calefetam  asy 
nagoa  cu  entrey  neles  algiias  vezcs  0  §ortifico  a  vosa  alteza  que  pa 
canaria  navcgaria  de  maa  Tontade  neles,  porq'  sous  liames  sam  de 
sebe." — Letter  of  Alvarez  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  Vide  Arana,  p.  184 
et  seq. 

3  Navarrete,  iv.  p.  119. 

*  It  is  difficult  to  assign  an  exact  value  to  these  ''  toneles  dc  portc." 
They  may  perhaps  be  taken  as  roughly  representing  tho  ordinary  tons 
of  the  present  day.  Navarrete  (vol.  iv.  p.  3)  says  that  tonclcs  and 
fowcZatias  must  not  bo  confused.  "The  Biscayans  reckoned  formerly 
by  toneles  and  the  Sevillians  of  tho  Indian  trade  by  toneladas,  which 
measures  are  in  the  relation  of  five  to  six — ten  toneles  making  twelve 
toneladas.^'  In  Nunez's  Dictionary,  however,  the  latter  measure  is 
said  to  be  equivalent  to  two  tonclcs. 

^  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xi.,  and  Dec.  iii.  lib,  iv.  cap.  ii. 


120  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [ciiAP.  v. 

high,  obras  muertas — with  castles,  in  short — as  was  not 
unusual  at  that  period.  Such  vessels  are  ^een  in  the 
illustrations  of  De  Bry,  and  indeed  in  Columbus's  own 
sketch  of  the  Oceanica  Classis.  It  is,  however,  nearly 
certain  that  all  the  ships  in  Magellan's  fleet  were  decked, 
while  but  one  of  the  three  which  the  discoverer  of  America 
took  on  his  memorable  voyage  was  thus  advantaged. 

The  ships  once  obtained,  Magellan  occupied  himself 
unremittingly  in  overhauling  them  and  putting  them 
in  a  seaworthy  condition  before  starting  upon  his  long 
and  dangerous  voyage.  It  was  when  engaged  in  this 
work,  on  the  22nd  October,  that  an  incident  occurred 
which  once  more  brought  forcibly  before  him  the  fact 
that  the  emissaries  of  Portugal  were  still  at  work  to 
thwart  his  plans.  He  had  no  longer  Alvaro  da  Costa 
at  hand  to  tell  him  that  he  was  a  renegade  to  his  face, 
and  to  connive  at  his  assassination  in  secret,  but  his 
place  was  taken  by  an  individual  even  more  unscrupu- 
lous— Sebastian  Alvarez,  the  factor  of  the  King  of  Por- 
tugal at  Seville,  and  it  was  probably  at  his  instigation 
that  the  incident  arose. 

On  the  day  in  question,  Magellan  had  taken  advantage 
of  the  tide  to  careen  the  Trinidad  at  an  early  hour.  At 
daybreak  he  ordered  four  flags  bearing  his  own  arms  to 
be  placed  upon  the  four  capstans.  In  this  position  it 
was  the  custom  always  to  carry  the  captain 's  flag,  while 
the  royal  ensign  and  that  of  the  vessel  itself  were  flown 
at  the  mast-head.  On  this  occasion  these  latter  were  not 
hoisted,  having  been  sent  to  be  painted,  and  Magellan, 
engaged  with  his  work,  had  not  noticed  their  absence. 

As  the  work  proceeded,  a  gradually  increasing  crowd 
of  idlers  watched  its  progress.  It  was  maliciously  sug- 
gested by  some  one  that  the  capstan  flags  bore  the  arms 


1518.]  PREPAKATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  123 

of  the  King  of  Portugal,  and,  in  the  midst  of  consider- 
able disturbance  and  murmuring,  an  alcalde  arrived  upon 
the  scene.  Without  consulting  Magellan,  he  incited  the 
bystanders  to  tear  them  down.  The  crew  now  summoned 
their  captain,  till  then  engaged  below,  who  explained 
to  the  official  that  "  the  arms  were  not  those  of  the  King 
of  Portugal ;  that  they  were  his  arms,  and  that  he  was 
a  vassal  of  the  King  of  Spain."  Sailor  and  aristocrat, 
Magellan  was  not  one  to  bandy  words  with  an  alcalde, 
and  he  returned  to  his  work  without  further  discussion. 
The  alcalde  was  not  so  easily  satisfied,  and  insisted 
upon  the  removal  of  the  obnoxious  flags,  and  Matienzo,^ 
the  chief  official  of  the  India  House,  who  arrived  at 
this  juncture,  advised  Magellan  to  yield  for  the  sake 
of  calming  the  mob.  He  agreed,  but  the  moment  was 
a  bitter  one  for  him,  for  among  the  crowd  he  recog- 
nised an  agent  of  the  King  of  Portugal,^  whom  he  felt 
to  have  been  the  instigator  of  the  riot.  Meanwhile  the 
alcalde  had  gone  in  search  of  the  port-captain  (teniente 
del  almirante),  whose  appearance  was  the  signal  for  a 
renewal  of  the  tumult.  Arriving  on  the  scene,  he  called 
upon  his  men  to  "  arrest  the  Portuguese  captain  who 
flew  the  ensign  of  the  King  of  Portugal,"  at  the  same 
time  roughly  demanding  of  the  Comendador  "where 
were  the  flags,  and  why  were  they  hoisted  upon  the 
capstans  ? "     Magellan's  answer  was  that  he  was  not 

^  The  learned  doctor,  Sancho  Matienzo,  a  well-known  person  at  that 
period,  was  a  Canon  of  Seville  and  a  personal  friend  of  Magellan,  who 
appointed  him  as  his  executor  in  his  will  of  August  24th,  1519. 

2  "  Puesto  que  me  era  afrenta  hacerlo  por  estar  alii  presente  un  caba- 
llero  del  Rey  de  Portugal,  que  por  su  mandado  vino  a  esta  ciudad  a. 
contratar  conmigo  que  me  volviese  a  Portugal,  6  a  hacer  otra  cosa 
que  no  fuese  mi  proveeho." — Letter  of  Magellan  to  Charles  V.,  24th 
October,  1518  ;  vide  Navarrete,  iv.  p.  125.  There  is  little  doubt  that 
the  caballero  in  question  was  Sebastian  Alvarez. 


124  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  V. 

responsible  to  him  for  his  actions.  The  port-captain 
instantly  called  upon  the  alguaciles  to  arrest  him,  but 
Matienzo  cautioned  the  irate  official  that  if  he  laid  hands 
upon  the  King's  captain  he  would  have  to  answer  for  it 
to  the  King.  His  interference  so  enraged  the  alguaciles 
and  companions  of  the  teniente,  that  they  rushed  upon 
him  with  their  drawn  swords,  threatening  to  kUl  him. 
Seeing  the  highest  official  of  the  India  House  thus  treated, 
Magellan's  people — or  such  of  them,  he  naively  remarks, 
as  had  been  paid  in  advance — thought  it  best  to  decamp. 

The  ship  was  at  the  moment  in  a  somewhat  dangerous 
position.  Magellan,  ever  ready  of  resource,  saw  in  this 
fact  a  means  of  strengthening  his  hand.  He  threatened 
to  leave  it,  and  to  make  the  officials  responsible  for  any 
damage  that  might  occur.  Already  conscious,  perhaps, 
of  having  gone  too  far  with  Matienzo,  the  port-captain 
thought  it  best  to  alter  his  tactics,  and  he  eventually  left 
the  ship,  contenting  himself  with  arresting  some  of  the 
crew  and  disarming  others.  The  teniente  del  asistente, 
to  whom  Magellan  had  appealed  for  support,  refused  to 
interfere. 

Two  days  later  Magellan  wrote  a  full  account  of  the 

affair  to  Charles  V.,  begging  him  to  order  a  searching 

inquiry  to  be  made.     The  fearlessness  and  independence 

of  the  letter  is  chai"acteristic  of  the  man.     He  asks  for 

full  satisfaction,  I'eminding  Charles  that  "  the  insult  was 

offered  not  to  Ferdinand  Magellan,  but  to  one  of  your 

Highness's  captains."     He  requests  that  the  principal 

actors  in  the  emeute  may  be  punished,  and  that  for  the 

future  he  may  be  secured  against  the  recurrence  of  such 

acts  of  violence.^     We  have  not  Charles's  answer,  but 

1  See  Magellan's  letter,  already  referred  to.  Herrera  also  gives  a 
detailed  account  of  the  occurrence  (Dec.  ii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  ix.) ;  and 
Argcnsola  also  refers  to  it  in  the  A^ialcs  de  Aragon,  lib.  i.  cap.  Ixxix. 


1519.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  125 

we  have  Herrera's  account  of  it.  The  King  expressed 
his  regret  at  the  incident,  and  his  approval  of  Matienzo's 
action.  He  censured  the  teniente  del  asistente  and  the 
Sevillians  for  refusing  to  aid  Magellan,  and  ordered  the 
officials  who  had  taken  the  chief  part  in  the  distiu-bance 
to  be  severely  punished.  His  prompt  action  and  readiness 
to  support  the  two  Portuguese  on  this  occasion  went  far 
towards  smoothing  their  difficulties  for  some  time  to  come. 
In  January,  15 19,  Charles  Y.  left  Zaragoza.  He 
arrived  at  Lerida  in  the  beginning  of  February,  and 
entered  Barcelona  on  the  15th  of  that  month.  Fonseca, 
the  staunch  friend  and  supporter  of  the  explorers,  accom- 
panied him,  and  kept  their  undertaking  and  its  many 
needs  constantly  before  his  notice.  Fearing  anticipation 
by  Portugal,  he  counselled  the  prompt  despatch  of  the 
fleet  at  all  costs.  At  Seville  the  two  treasurers  of  the 
armada,  Alonso  Gutierres  and  Cristobal  de  Haro — the 
great  East  India  merchant  already  mentioned — were 
doing  their  best  to  forward  the  preparations.  Money 
was  greatly  needed.  The  coffers  of  the  India  House 
were  well-nigh  exhausted,  and  Charles,  who  regarded 
Spain  as  the  milch-cow  of  the  Netherlands,  was  not 
likely,  even  if  it  lay  within  his  power,  to  replenish  them 
from  his  own  pocket.  At  this  juncture  Haro  offered 
his  purse,  and  we  learn  from  the  letter  of  Alvarez,  by 
which  private  information  was  given  to  the  King  of 
Portugal  of  the  affairs  of  the  armada,  that  he  advanced 
four  thousand  ducats,  the  fifth  part  of  the  whole  cost.^ 
Haro  himself  claims  to  have  given  1,616,781  maravedis.^ 

^  "  A  q'nta  ptc  desta  armaga  he  de  spova  de  haroo  q  ncla  meteo  iiij. 
ducados." — Vide  Arana,  op.  cit,  p.  189. 

2  Medina,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii.  p.  235.  It  was  not  a  remunerative  ven- 
ture.    Haro  met  with  the  not  uncommon  fate  attending  those  who  at 


126  LIFE  OP  MAGELLAN  [chap.  v. 

His  coadjutor,  Gutierres,  also  aided,  and,  with  permission 
of  the  Bishop  of  Burgos,  other  Seville  merchants  joined 
in  the  venture.  In  this  manner  the  entire  cost  of  the 
armada,  8,751,125  maravedis,  or  ;^S032,  was  finally 
defrayed.^ 

From  the  court  in  Barcelona  the  King's  cedulas  were 
now  despatched  in  quick  succession.  Writing  on  the 
loth  March,  15 19,  he  grants  to  the  merchants  who  have 
advanced  money  the  right  of  investing  an  equal  sum  in 
the  three  expeditions  next  succeeding.^  On  the  30th  of 
the  same  month  Luis  de  Mendoza  was  appointed  ti-ea- 
surer  to  the  fleet,  with  a  salary  of  60,000  maravedis  per 
annum  during  the  voyage.  At  the  same  time  Juan  de 
Cartagena  was  gazetted  captain  of  the  third  ship  and 
Veedor-general,  for  which  he  was  to  receive  pay  at  the 
rate  of  110,000  maravedis.  Gaspar  de  Quesada  was 
nominated  captain  of  the  fourth  or  fifth  ship  on  the  6th 
April,  and  a  few  days  later  Antonio  de  Coca  was  made 
Contador  of  the  armada  at  50,000  maravedis. 

On  the  1 8th  April  Charles  orders  that,  ready  or  not 
ready,  the  fleet  must  sail  before  the  end  of  May,  and  on 

that  period  were  unwise  enough  to  put  their  trust  in  princes.  After 
an  interminable  lawsuit  with  the  Crown,  he  at  length  got  back  his 
money,  with  no  interest  or  profit  whatsoever,  after  an  eighteen  years 
delay.  He  had  also  been  unfortunate  enough  to  invest  a  nearly  equal 
sum  in  the  succeeding  expedition,  which  was  also  returned  under  the 
same  conditions.  Vide  Medina,  vol.  ii.  p.  292.  Others  who  had  lent 
money  were  not  even  so  lucky  as  Haro.  Twenty  years  after  the  expe- 
dition sailed  the  plaint  of  Antonio  Fucar  (Fugger)  and  Company  was 
brought  before  the  courts.  They  had  advanced  10,000  ducats,  and 
had  not  had  a  maravedi.  But  they  were  Germans,  and  the  Consejo 
had  no  hesitation.  It  declared  the  Crown  free  and  quit  of  all  liability, 
' '  and  from  henceforth  we  decree  that  the  said  Antonio  Fucar  y  Ca. 
shall  for  ever  hold  their  peace  !  " — Idem.  vol.  ii.  p.  324. 

1  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  ix.  p.  129. 

2  Navai'rete,  op,  cit.  iv.  p.  xlvii. 


1519.]  PREPAEATIONS  FOE  THE  VOYAGE.  127 

the  following  day  issues  a  species  of  sailing  orders, 
charging  the  officers  and  crew  "  to  defer  to  the  opinion 
and  orders  of  Magellan,  and  to  proceed  straight  to  the 
*  spicery.'  "  ^  The  despatch  of  a  second  armada  by  the 
same  route  appears  to  have  been  early  contemplated,  for 
in  a  cedula  of  the  30th  April,  Francisco,  brother  of  Ruy 
Faleiro,  is  assigned  a  salary  of  35,000  maravedis  to 
reside  in  Seville  and  take  in  hand  the  affairs  of  the  fleet 
"  which  was  to  be  sent  after  that  of  which  Magellan 
and  his  brother  were  in  command."  A  week  later,  May 
5th,  the  King  desires  that  the  number  of  the  crew  of  the 
squadron  should  be  limited  to  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
five  men,  and  directs  that,  if  possible,  it  may  further  be 
reduced.  It  was  left  to  Magellan,  "  por  cuanto  tiene 
mas  experiencia,"  to  choose  his  men.  The  captains  were 
directed  to  declare  in  wi'iting  the  course  they  meant  to 
take,  and  the  rules  to  be  followed  in  making  observa- 
tions. At  the  same  date  Charles  granted  certain  entre- 
tenimientos  to  Magellan's  wife,  ordering  that  during  the 
voyage  her  husband's  pay  should  be  received  by  her. 
He  also  offered  to  reward  the  pUots  and  masters  accord- 
ing to  their  services  upon  their  return  to  Spain ;  but 
whether  he  yielded  to  the  petition  of  the  former  to 
raise  their  pay  to  three  thousand  maravedis  per  mensem 
does  not  appear. 

Such  is  the  gist  of  some  of  the  many  cedulas  that  the 
labour  of  Muiioz  disinterred  from  the  mass  of  papers  in 
the  Seville  archives.  The  last,  and  most  lengthy  of  all, 
was  despatched  from  Barcelona  on  the  8th  May,  and 

1  "  Pa  q  los  del  armada  sigan  el  parecer  y  determynacio  de  Magallans 
pa  q  an?s  y  p™°  q  a  otra  pt  vaya  a  la  especerya."  This  document 
appears  to  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Portuguese  in  Ternate 
when  Antonio  de  Brito  seized  the  Trinidad.  See  Lord  Stanley's  First 
Voyage,  p.  xxsiii.,  and  Appendix,  p.  xii. 


128  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  v. 

contains  the  most  minute  instructions  for  the  voyage. 
So  minute  and  diffuse  are  they  indeed,  that  a  bare  refer- 
ence to  the  subjects  touched  upon  can  only  be  given 
here.  The  document  is  divided  into  seventy-four  heads, 
and  might  with  advantage  have  been  furnished  with  an 
index.  The  captains  are  cautioned  not  to  overload  their 
ships,  and  to  keep  the  orifice  of  their  pumps  well  out  of 
the  water.  They  are  to  communicate  every  day  if  the 
weather  permit,  and  to  follow  certain  rules  with  regard 
to  lights  at  night,  while  in  the  case  of  a  ship  getting  lost 
full  details  are  given  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued. 
There  are  instructions  about  landing  in  unknown 
countries,  about  making  friends  with  the  chiefs,  about 
dealing  with  "  Moros,"  about  prizes,  and  about  the  dis- 
tribution of  prize-money.  The  last  article  is  specially 
interesting  as  showing  the  comparative  value  of  each 
rank  in  the  service  at  that  time.  The  captains  are 
specially  enjoined  to  treat  their  men  amorosamente,  to 
personally  visit  the  wounded  and  the  sick,  and  to  pre- 
vent the  surgeon  from  taking  any  fees.  Stringent  regu- 
lations are  given  with  regard  to  the  rations,  which  are 
to  be  issued  every  other  day,  and  from  time  to  time  to 
be  carefully  inspected.  A  dozen  or  more  of  the  seventy- 
four  heads  relate  to  trade  and  barter ;  others  guide  the 
morals  of  the  crew,  who  are  not  to  swear,  and  not  to 
play  games  of  chance,  such  as  dice  and  cards,  "  for  from 
such  often  arise  evil,  and  scandal,  and  strife."  Insult 
and  violence  offered  to  women  were  to  be  severely 
punished,  but  a  tolerable  amount  of  Hberty  appears  to 
have  been  allowed  to  the  crew,  and  every  one  was  per- 
mitted to  write  home  as  he  thought  fit.  There  are  wise 
regulations  about  guarding  against  fire,  and  still  wiser 
anent  building  houses  in  the  tropics,  counselling  their 


1519.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  129 

erection  in  good  air,  on  the  slopes  of  the  mountains,  and 
not  on  marshy  ground  or  shut-in  valleys.  The  docu- 
ment ends  with  a  long  list  of  the  "  quintaladas  "  per- 
mitted to  the  different  members  of  the  ship's  company.^ 
Finally,  while  the  King  orders  that  "  under  no  condition 
whatsoever  shall  they  touch  at  or  explore  land,  or  do 
anything  within  the  boundaries  of  the  most  Serene  King 
of  Portugal,"  he  nevertheless  takes  care  to  direct  that, 
in  the  case  of  a  Portuguese  ship  being  found  in  Spanish 
waters,  she  should  be  called  upon  to  quit  the  neighbour- 
hood and  to  surrender  her  cargo, 

Charles's  strong  support  with  regard  to  the  emeute 
about  the  flags  on  the  22nd  October  had  rendered  in- 
advisable, for  the  time  being,  at  all  events,  any  inter- 
ference on  the  part  of  the  agents  of  the  King  of  Portugal. 
It  is  possible  that  another  reason  existed.  Gomara  2 
tells  us  that  at  one  time  Dom  Manoel  was  not  greatly 
disturbed  about  Magellan's  projected  voyage,  being  per- 
suadeil  in  his  own  mind  that  there  was  no  other  route 
to  the  Spice  Islands  save  and  excepting  that  taken  by 
his  own  ships.  But  as  the  months  passed,  and  the 
armada  approached  completion,  this  faith  became  less 
secure,  and  before  long  another  attempt  was  made  to 
persuade  Mngellan  to  relinquish  the  expedition.  The 
author  was  Sebastian  Alvarez,  the  Portuguese  factor  at 
Seville,  and  the  instigator  of  the  disturbance  just  men- 
tioned, A  letter  written  by  him  to  Dom  Manoel  on  the 
1 8th  July,  15 19,  is  still  existing.  It  throws  a  flood  of 
light  upon  the  various  plots  surrounding  the  explorers. 

1  The  quiiilaJada  was  the  free  freight  allowed  to  officers  and  crew. 
It  was  permitted  to  every  one,  from  captain  to  cabin-boy,  and  varied 
from  8oc»  to  75  lbs.  according  to  rank.  It  paid  a  duty  of  one-twenty- 
fourth  to  the  Crown. 

2  Gomara,  op.  cif.,  cap.  xci.  p.  83. 

I 


130  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  v. 

After  acknowledging  two  letters  from  his  royal 
master,  from  which  it  may  be  concluded  that  he  had 
not  failed  to  keep  him  well  informed  with  regard  to 
Seville  affairs,  he  goes  on  to  acquaint  him  of  the  arrival 
of  Cristobal  de  Haro  and  Juan  de  Cartagena,  bringing 
instructions  more  or  less  at  variance  with  those  of 
Magellan.  Upon  this,  he  says,  the  oiEcials  of  the  Casa 
de  Contratacion  summoned  the  latter,  and  demanded  to 
know,  amongst  other  things,  why  he  took  so  many  Por- 
tuguese with  him.  Magellan  answered  that,  as  captain 
of  the  fleet,  he  should  do  as  he  chose,  without  rendering 
an  account  to  them.  High  words  passed.  The  factors 
of  the  India  House  ordered  pay  to  be  given  to  all 
except  the  Portuguese,  and,  charged  with  the  complaints 
of  both  parties,  a  messenger  was  despatched  at  once  to 
Charles  V.  to  obtain  his  decision.  Having  put  Dom 
Manoel  in  possession  of  these  details,  Alvarez  thus 
proceeds : — 

"  And  seeing  the  affair  begun,  and  that  it  was  a  convenient 
season  forme  to  say  what  your  Highness  commanded,  ^  I  went  to 
Magellan's  house,  where  I  found  him  filling  baskets  and  chests 
with  preserved  \actuals  and  other  things.  I  pressed  him,  pre- 
tending that,  as  I  found  him  thus  engaged,  it  seemed  to  me  that 
his  evil  design  was  settled,  and  since  this  would  be  the  last  word 
I  should  have  with  him,  I  desired  to  bring  back  to  his  memory 
how  many  times,  as  a  good  Portuguese  and  his  friend,  I  had 
spoken  to  him,  dissuading  him  from  the  great  mistake  he  was 
committing.  And  after  asking  pardon  of  him,  lest  he  should  be 
offended  at  what  I  was  about  to  say,  I  reminded  him  how  many 
times  I  had  spoken  to  him,  and  how  well  he  had  always  replied 
to  me,  and  that  from  his  replies  I  always  hoped  that  in  the  end 
he  would  not  go,  to  the  so  great  injury  of  3"0ur  Highness.  And 
what  I  always  told  him  was,  that  the  path  he  had  chosen  was 
beset  with  as  many  dangers  as  the  wheel  of  Saint  Catherine,  and 

1  Hence  it  appears  certain  that  Alvarez  acted  under  the  King's 
orders. 


1519.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  131 

that  he  ought  to  leave  it  and  take  that  which  led  to  Coimbra, 
and  return  to  his  native  land  and  to  the  favour  of  your  Highness, 
at  whose  hands  he  would  always  receive  benefits.  In  our  conver- 
sation I  brought  before  him  all  the  dangers  I  could  think  of,  and 
the  mistakes  he  was  making.  He  said  to  me  that  now,  as  an 
honourable  man,  he  could  only  follow  the  path  he  had  chosen. 
I  replied  that  unduly  to  gain  honour,  and  to  gain  it  with  infamy, 
was  neither  wisdom  nor  honour,  but  rather  lack  of  wisdom  and 
honour,  for  he  might  be  sure  that  the  chief  Castilians  of  this 
city  in  speaking  of  him  held  him  for  a  low  person  and  of  no 
breeding,  since,  to  the  dis-service  of  his  true  king  and  lord,  he 
embarked  in  such  an  undertaking,  and  so  much  the  more  since 
it  was  set  going,  arranged,  and  petitioned  for  by  him.  And  he 
might  be  certain  that  he  was  considered  as  a  traitor,  engaging 
himself  thus  in  opposition  to  your  Highness's  country.  Here  he 
replied  to  me  that  he  saw  the  mistake  he  made,  but  that  he 
hoped  to  oljserve  your  Highness's  service,  and  by  his  voyage  to 
be  of  assistance  to  you.  I  told  him  that  whoever  should  praise 
him  for  such  an  expression  of  opinion  did  not  understand  it ; 
for  unless  he  touched  your  Highness's  possessions  how  was  he 
to  discover  what  he  said  ?  Besides,  it  was  a  great  injury  to  the 
revenues  of  your  Highness,  which  would  affect  the  whole  king- 
dom and  every  class  of  people,  and  it  was  a  far  more  virtuous 
thought  that  inspired  him  when  he  told  me  that  if  your  High- 
ness ordered  him  to  return  to  Portugal  that  he  would  do  it  without 
further  guarantee  of  reward,  and  that  when  you  granted  none  to 
him,  there  was  Serradossa,  and  seven  yards  of  grey  cloth,  and 
some  gall-nut  beads  open  to  him.^  So  then  it  seemed  to  me  that 
his  heart  was  true  as  far  as  his  honour  and  conscience  were  con- 
cerned. Our  conversation  was  so  long  of  duration  that  I  cannot 
write  it. 

"  At  this  juncture,  sire,  he  began  to  give  me  a  sign,  saying  that 
I  should  tell  him  more ;  that  this  did  not  come  from  me,  and 
that,  if  your  Highness  commanded  me,  that  I  should  tell  him  so, 
and  also  the  reward  that  you  would  grant  him.  I  told  him  that 
I  was  not  a  person  of  such  weight  that  your  Highness  would 
employ  me  for  such  a  purpose,  but  that  I  said  it  to  him  as  I  had 


1  Magellan's  irony  is  the  more  amusing  from  the  fact  that  it  is 
utterly  lost  upon  Alvarez,  who  takes  his  alternative  of  a  hermit's  life 
au  pied  de  la  lettrc. 


132  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  y. 

on  many  other  occasions.  Here  he  wished  to  pay  me  a  compli- 
ment, saying  that  if  what  I  had  begun  with  him  was  carried 
on  without  the  interference  of  others,  your  Highness  would  be 
served,  but  that  Nuno  Ribeiro  had  told  him  one  thing,  which 
meant  nothing  {q  fiofora  nada),  and  Joao  Mendez  another,  which 
bound  him  to  nothing,  and  he  told  me  the  favours  they  offered 
him  on  the  part  of  your  Highness.  He  then  bewailed  himself 
greatly,  and  said  he  was  much  concerned  about  it  all,  but  that 
he  knew  nothing  which  could  justify  his  leaving  a  king  who  had 
shown  him  such  favour.  I  told  him  that  it  would  be  a  more 
certain  matter,  and  attended  with  a  truer  honour,  to  do  what  he 
ought  to  do,  and  not  to  lose  his  reputation  and  the  favours  your 
Highness  would  grant  him.  And  if  he  weighed  his  coming  from 
Portugal  (which  was  for  a  hundred  reals  more  or  less  of  moradia 
that  your  Highness  did  not  grant  him,  in  order  not  to  break  your 
laws),  and  that  there  had  arrived  two  sets  of  orders  at  variance 
with  his  own,  which  he  had  at  the  hands  of  the  King,  Don  Carlos, 
he  would  see  whether  this  insult  (desprczo)  did  not  outbalance 
it — to  go  and  do  what  it  was  his  duty  to  do,  rather  than  to 
remain  here  for  that  for  which  he  came. 

"  He  was  greatly  astonished  at  my  knowing  so  much,  and  then 
he  told  me  the  truth,  and  how  the  messenger  had  left — all  of 
which  I  already  knew.  And  he  told  me  that  certainly  there  was 
no  reason  why  he  should  abandon  the  undertaking,  unless  they 
failed  to  fulfil  anything  in  the  terms  of  the  agreement ;  but  that 
first  he  must  see  what  your  Highness  would  do.  I  said  to  him, 
what  more  did  he  desire  to  see  than  the  orders  ? — and  Ruy 
Faleiro,  who  said  openly  that  he  was  not  going  to  follow  his 
lantern,'  and  that  he  would  navigate  to  the  south,  or  he  would 
not  sail  with  the  fleet  ;  and  that  he  (Magellan)  thought  he  was 
going  as  admiral,  whereas  I  knew  that  others  were  being  sent  in 
opposition  to  him,  of  whom  he  would  know  nothing,  except  at 
a  time  when  it  would  be  too  late  to  save  his  honour.^  (And  I 
told  him)  that  he  should  pay  no  heed  to  the  honey  that  the 
Bishop  of  Burgos  put  to  his  lips,  and  that  now  was  the  time  for 
him  to  choose  his  path,  and  that  he  should  give  me  a  letter  to 


^  The  capitana  or  flag-ship  always  carried  the  farol  or  lantern. 

2  "Eu  sahia  que  avia  out°^  mandados  em  conf^iro,  os  quaees  elle  no 
saberia  sena  a  ?po  que  no  pudese  Remedca"'  sua  onrra."  From  this 
the  previous  plotting  of  the  mutiny  is  evident. 


1519.]  PREPAEATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  133 

your  Highness,  and  that  I,  out  of  affection  for  him,  would  go  to 
your  Highness  and  plead  his  cause,  because  I  had  no  instruction 
from  your  Highness  concerning  such  business,  and  only  said  what 
I  thought  I  had  often  said  before.^  He  told  me  that  he  would 
say  nothing  to  me  until  he  had  seen  the  answer  that  the  mes- 
senger brought,  and  with  this  our  conversation  finished.  I  will 
watch  the  interests  of  your  Highness  to  the  utmost  of  my  power. 
"...  I  spoke  to  Ruy  Faleiro  twice,  but  he  replied  nothing  to 
me,  save  '  how  could  he  do  such  a  thing  against  the  King,  his 
lord,  who  conferred  such  benefits  upon  him ; '  and  to  all  that  I 
said  to  him  he  gave  me  no  other  answer.  It  seems  to  me  that 
he  is  like  a  man  affected  in  his  reason,  and  that  this  his  familiar 
has  taken  away  whatever  wisdom  he  possessed.  I  think  that  if 
Fernao  de  Magalhaes  were  removed  that  Ruy  Faleiro  would 
follow  what  Magalhaes  did." 

The  rest  of  the  letter  of  Alvarez,  which  is  one  of  great 
length,  need  not  be  quoted.  He  gives  the  King  of 
Portugal  information  about  the  ships  and  their  arma- 
ment, together  with  a  list  of  the  Portuguese  who  had  at 
that  time  taken  service  in  the  fleet.  A  passage  concern- 
ing the  proposed  route  and  the  charts  and  instruments 
provided  is,  however,  of  interest : — 

"  The  route  which  it  is  reported  they  are  to  take  is  direct  to 
Cape  Frio,  leaving  Brazil  on  the  right,  until  they  pass  the  boun- 
dary-line, and  thence  to  sail  W.  and  W.N.W.  direct  to  Maluco, 
which  land  of  Maluco  I  have  seen  laid  down  on  the  globe  and 
chart  which  Fernando  de  Reynell  made  here,  the  which  v/as  not 
finished  when  his  father  came  here  for  him,  and  his  father 
finished  the  whole  and  marked  these  lands  of  Maluco,  and  on 
this  pattern  are  constructed  all  the  charts  which  Diogo  Ribeiro 
makes.  And  he  makes  all  the  compasses,  quadrants,  and  globes, 
but  does  not  sail  with  the  fleet ;  nor  does  he  desire  anything 
more  than  to  gain  his  li\-ing  by  his  skill. 

"  From  this  Cape  Frio  to  the  islands  of  Maluco  by  this  route 
there  are  no  lands  laid  down  in  the  charts  they  take.     May  God 

1  That  this  was  a  direct  untruth  can  be  seen  by  a  reference  to  the 
first  sentence  of  the  letter. 


134  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  v. 

the  Almighty  grant  that  they  make  a  voyage  like  that  of  the 
Cortereals,!  and  that  your  Highness  may  remain  at  rest,  and 
ever  be  envied — as  your  Highness  is — by  all  princes." 

Such  a  letter  as  this  gives  us  some  idea  of  the  diffi- 
culties with  which  Magellan  had  to  contend.  They 
were  augmented  by  the  relations  existing  between  his 
colleague  and  himself.  Always  of  uncertain  temper, 
Faleiro  had  of  late  become  still  more  difficult  to  deal 
with.  What  was  his  real  condition  it  is  impossible  to 
say.  Although  the  suggestion  has  been  stoutly  com- 
bated by  some  historians,  the  balance  of  evidence  is  in 
favour  of  the  fact  that  he  became  insane.  Both  Acosta 
and  Sebastian  Alvarez  in  their  letters  to  Dom  Manoel 
already  quoted  speak  of  him  as  being  half- crazy.  From 
what  we  know  of  his  previous  history,  the  supposition  is 
not  an  impossible  one — is  even  probable,  perhaps.  The 
contemporary  writers  for  the  most  part  support  it. 
Argensola  tells  us  that  having  gone  out  of  his  mind, 
he  was  sent  to  the  madhouse  in  Seville.  Gomara  says 
that  he  went  mad  from  the  fear  that  he  would  be  unable 
to  fulfil  his  promise,  and  Oviedo  speaks  of  him  as  muy 
loco,  having  lost  both  his  health  and  his  reason.  By 
others  it  is  hinted  that  the  madness  may  have  been 
feigned  with  the  idea  of  commanding  the  squadron  which 
was  to  follow  that  of  Magellan,  Barros  gives  a  still 
more  ingenious  story — that  Buy  Faleiro,  being  an  astro- 
loger, cast  his  own  horoscope,  and  finding  that  the  voyage 
woiild  be  disastrous  and  end  in  his  death,  he  feigned 
madness  at  the  last  moment  to  avoid  sailing.  ^     Herrera 

1  The  Cortereals  sailed  in  Cabot's  track  to  find  a  north-west  passage, 
and  of  either  of  them — Gaspar  in  1501  and  Miguel  in  the  following 
year — no  tidings  were  ever  heard. 

2  Argensola,  Conq.  de  las  Molucas,  lib.  i.  p.  16 ;  Gomara,  o^?.  cit. 
cap.  xci.  p.  83 ;  Oviedo  y  Valdcs,  op.  cit.  lib.  xx.  cap.  i.  ;  Argens, 


1519.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  135 

tells  us  that  differences  arose  between  the  two  com- 
manders, and  it  seems  that  Alvarez  was  instrumental  in 
fomenting  them.  But  whatever  may  have  been  the 
difficulty,  the  King  had  ultimately  to  dismiss  Faleiro. 
By  a  cedida  dated  from  Barcelona  on  the  26th  July,  1519, 
he  ordered  that  he  should  remain  in  Seville  to  superin- 
tend the  preparations  of  the  second  fleet, ^  and  Magellan 
from  this  date  remained  practically  in  sole  command,  in 
spite  of  Juan  de  Cartagena — to  whom  Faleiro's  ship  was 
given — being  spoken  of  in  some  documents  of  the  India 
House  as  his  " conjunta  persona."  His  position  was 
further  strengthened  by  an  order  from  the  King  that 
Lviis  de  Mendoza,  the  captain  of  the  Victoria,  and 
treasurer  of  the  fleet,  who  had  been  insolent  and  in- 
clined to  question  his  authority,  should  render  unhesi- 
tating obedience.  We  may  be  sure  that  with  this 
Mendoza's  hatred  of  Magellan  was  in  no  way  mitigated. 
It  culminated  before  long,  as  we  shall  see,  in  the  mutiny 
of  Port  St.  Julian,  where  a  swift  and  terrible  punish- 
ment was  the  reward  of  his  treason.     It  would   have 


Avales  de  Aragon,  lib.  i.  cap.  Ixxix.  ;  Barros,  op.  cit.  Dec.  iii.  lib.  v. 
cap.  viii.  p.  631. 

1  "Mando  elRey  que  pues  Ruy  Falero  no  se  hallaua  con  entera 
salud,  se  quedasse  hasta  otro  viage." — Hcrrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  fv.  cap. 
ix.  Faleiro  afterwards  returned  to  Portugal,  and  was  imprisoned 
there.  From  prison  he  wrote  to  the  Cardinal  Adrian,  begging  that  ho 
would  interest  himself  with  the  King  to  procure  his  release.  Possibly 
this  was  done  ;  we  know  at  least  that  he  was  in  Seville  on  March  22, 
1523,  and  that  he  wrote  thence  two  letters  to  the  King  upon  the 
importance  of  retaining  the  spice  trade,  and  begging  that  his  pension 
should  be  paid,  as  he  had  not  received  it,  and  was  in  want.  He  also 
sought  permission  to  fit  out  a  small  armada,  suggesting  that  with  his 
charts  and  instruments  he  would  be  of  great  service.  Both  these 
letters  exist  in  the  Seville  archives,  together  with  the  letter  to  the 
Cardinal,  which  is  written  in  Latin.  Vide  Medina's  Colcccion,  vol.  i. 
p.  313.     It  is  believed  that  Faleiro  died  in  Seville  in  1523. 


136  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  v. 

been  better  for  him  had  he  been  dismissed  his  ship,  as 
were  two  mutinous  Portuguese  at  this  period.  The 
plots  of  Alvarez  had  already  begun  to  work,  and  dis- 
affection was  rife  long  ere  the  ships  left  the  Guadal- 
quivir. 

One  of  the  points  upon  which  Charles  Y.  had  most 
strongly  insisted  was  that  the  number  of  Portuguese 
borne  upon  the  ship's  books  should  be  reduced  to  the 
smallest  possible  hmits.  In  a  letter  written  from  Bar- 
celona on  the  17  th  June  he  gives  orders  that  under  no 
circumstances  whatever  are  these  to  be  more  than  five  in 
number.  Writing  again  on  the  5  th  July  to  Ruy  Faleiro, 
who  had  sought  permission  for  his  brother  to  accompany 
him,  the  permission  is  given,  but  only  on  condition  that 
he  should  form  one  of  these  five.  On  the  26  th  July  the 
same  order  is  reiterated.  Nevertheless,  circumstances 
brought  it  about  that  many  more  ultimately  sailed.  It 
may  well  be  imagined  that  there  were  not  wanting 
people  who  ascribed  the  worst  of  motives  to  Magellan 
with  regard  to  the  matter.  To  clear  himself  he  pre- 
sented an  informacion  to  the  India  House  on  the  9th 
August,  drawn  up  in  the  then  customary  form  of  ques- 
tion and  answer,  and  giving  the  evidence  of  five  men  cf 
known  position  and  character,  among  whom  we  find  the 
name  of  Sebastian  del  Cano.  From  it  we  learn  several 
facts  of  interest.  It  tells  us  how  in  the  streets  and 
squares  and  quays  of  Seville  the  public  crier  announced 
the  departure  of  the  fleet,  and  called  for  volunteers ;  how 
the  people  said  the  pay  was  too  small,  and  would  not  go ; 
how  the  officers  were  sent  to  Cadiz  and  Malaga  and 
other  ports,  and  still  could  not  get  their  complement ; 
and  how,  finally,  a  number  of  foreigners — and  among 
them  several   Portuguese — were   enrolled,  with   whom 


1519.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  137 

the  captains  were,  nevertheless,  quite  satisfied.  Of  the 
varied  nationalities  and  tongues  thus  brought  together 
one  reads  with  astonishment.  Besides  the  Spaniards, 
Portuguese,  and  Basques,  there  were  Genoese,  Sicilians, 
French,  Flemings,  Germans,  Greeks,  Neapolitans,  Cor- 
fiotes,  Negros,  and  Malays.  One  Englishman  there 
was,  and  one  only,  a  certain  Master  Andrew  of  Bristol, 
master-gunner  of  the  flag-ship.^  Of  Portuguese  there 
ultimately  sailed  no  less  than  thirty-seven — probably 
indeed  even  more,  for  our  sources  of  information,  though 
wonderfully  full,  are  not  absolutely  complete.^ 

Despite  the  difficulty  in  obtaining  men,  the  prepara- 
tions were  by  this  time  nearly  finished.  From  a  letter 
of  Magellan  to  the  India  House  we  learn  that  his  chief 
anxiety  was  to  obtain  possession  of  E,uy  Faleiro's  book 
of  the  various  methods  of  taking  observations.  He 
desires  to  take  Francisco  Faleiro  as  captain  in  place  of 
his  brother,  but  fears  that  even  then  the  latter  may  not 
see  fit  to  put  him  in  possession  of  the  coveted  book. 
His  fears,  however,  were  groundless,  for  though  Fran- 
cisco Faleiro  decided  not  to  sail  with  him,  but  to  await 
the  following  expedition,  the  book  upon  which  Magellan 
so  greatly  depended  for  his  observations  was  presented 
to  him  by  his  former  friend  and  comrade  before  sailing.  ^ 

Before  starting  upon  an  expedition  of  such  magnitude 

1  We  cannot  claim  him  as  one  of  the  immortals — the  little  band  of 
survivors  who  shared  among  them  the  glory  of  being  the  first  circum- 
navigators. He  died  on  gth  March,  1521,  just  after  the  fleet  had 
reached  the  Ladrone  Islands. 

2  See  Appendix,  No.  III.,  for  this  and  other  information  concerning 
the  personnel  of  the  expedition. 

3  This  book  consisted  of  thirty  chapters,  and  is  referred  to  at  some 
length  by  Barros,  in  conjunction  with  the  book  of  Andres  de  San 
Martin,  who  practically  filled  his  place  upon  the  expedition.  Bairos, 
Dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  x. 


138  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  v. 

as  this,  it  was  the  custom,  as  we  have  already  seen,  to 
attend  a  solemn  church  service  en  masse.  Upon  this 
occasion  the  ceremony  was  one  of  more  than  usual 
interest.  It  must  have  been  felt  by  all  that  the  voyage 
before  them  was  of  no  ordinary  character.  They  were 
not  bound  for  the  now  well-known  West  Indies,  nor 
about  to  sail  the  trite  watei's  of  the  Indian  Ocean. 
Their  very  first  experiences  would  be  in  almost  unknown 
lands  and  seas.  And  so,  when  the  Corregidor  of  Seville, 
Sancho  Martinez  de  Leyva,  solemnly  entrusted  Magellan 
with  the  royal  standard  in  the  church  of  Santa  Maria  de 
la  Victoria,  and  received  from  him  the  oath  that,  as  a  good 
subject  of  the  King,  he  would  carry  out  his  enterprise, 
there  must  have  been  few  of  the  onlookers  to  whose 
minds  the  difficulties  and  dangers  of  their  future  path 
did  not  present  themselves.  To  Magellan  the  captains 
and  officials  of  the  armada  swore  a  like  oath  of  allegi- 
ance, promising  to  follow  the  course  ordered  by  him  and 
to  obey  him  in  everything.  Alas  for  man's  sincerity 
and  honour  !  Many  of  those  who  knelt  before  the  altar 
were  at  that  moment  pledged  to  join  in  open  mutiny 
against  their  leader  directly  the  fitting  opportunity 
should  arrive. 

The  preparations  were  now  sufficiently  far  advanced  to 
permit  the  fleet  to  leave  the  quays  of  Seville.  On  Wed- 
nesday the  loth  August,  1519,  the  vessels  weighed  and 
dropped  down  the  river  to  the  port  of  S.  Lucar  de  Bar- 
rameda,  at  its  mouth.  Here  they  remained  for  more 
than  a  month.  It  was  now  evident  that,  so  far  as  the 
actual  start  of  the  expedition  was  concerned,  the  efforts 
of  the  Portuguese  had  failed,  and  their  predictions 
proved  incorrect.  To  within  a  few  months  of  his  sailing, 
Magellan  had  been  represented  to  Dom  Manoel  as  "a 


1519.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  139 

boaster  and  a  man  of  little  worth,  who  would  not  carry 
out  his  promises."  ^  Now  they  formed  a  different 
opinion.  The  plots  and  intrigues  to  let  and  hinder  the 
expedition  did  not  therefore  cease  even  with  its  depar- 
ture. Dom  Manoel  sent  ships  to  the  Cape,  and  also  to 
Santa  Maria  in  the  Rio  de  la  Plata,  with  orders  to 
intercept  their  passage,  and  these  having  failed  in  their 
object,  Diogo  Lopez  de  Sequeira  was  instructed  to  send 
six  ships  from  Cochim  to  the  Moluccas  for  the  same  pur- 
pose— an  order  he  was  unable  to  fulfil  on  account  of 
there  being  no  vessels  available  at  the  time.^ 

Unconscious  of  these  added  dangers,  Magellan  woi'ked 
hard  at  the  innumerable  matters  of  business  connected 
with  his  immediate  departure.  Together  with  his  cap- 
tains, he  went  backwards  and  forwards  between  Seville 
and  the  ships,  supplying  the  various  omissions  which  at 
the  last  moment  so  frequently  declare  themselves.  One 
of  his  last  acts  was  to  address  a  memorial  to  Charles  V., 
assigning  the  geographical  position  of  various  places 
more  or  less  connected  with  the  line  of  demarcation — 
among  them  the  Moluccas  ^ — giving  as  his  reason  "  that 
the  King  of  Portugal  may  assert  that  they  lie  within 
his  limit,  and  that  no  one  understands  the  matter  as  he 
(Magellan)  understands  it." 

On  the  24th  August  he  made  his  will.  The  document 
is  still  in  existence  in  the  SevUle  archives.  It  bears 
evidence  of  strong  religious  influence,  if  not  religious 
feeling.      In  it  he  desired  that  one-tenth  part  of  his 

1  "Dezian  los  Portugueses  que  el  Rey  de  Cnstilla  perderia  el  gasto, 
porque  Hernando  de  Magallanes  era  liombre  hablador  y  do  poca  sus- 
tancia,  y  que  no  saldria  con  lo  que  prometia."' — Herrera. 

2  Pigafctta,  lib.  iii.  p.  141,  Milan  edit,  of  1800. 

3  Seville  Archives,  leg.  i.  of  Molucca  documents.  Navarrcte,  iv. 
p.  188. 


140  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  V. 

share  of  the  profits  of  the  expedition  (which  share  was 
to  be  one-fifth  of  the  whole)  should  be  taken  and  divided 
into  three  equal  shares,  one  of  which  was  bequeathed  to 
the  Convento  de  los  Minimos  of  Victoria  de  Triana,  where 
he  was  to  be  buried  if  he  died  in  Seville.  The  other  two 
shares  were  to  be  equally  distributed  between  the  monas- 
tery of  Monserrat  in  Barcelona,  the  convent  of  S.  Fran- 
cisco in  Aranda  de  Duero,  and  S.  Domingo  de  las  Duenas 
in  Oporto.  Of  the  effects  he  might  die  possessed  of  in 
the  fleet  and  of  his  real  and  personal  property  in  Seville, 
he  desired  that  a  fifth  share  should  be  expended  in  saying 
masses  for  his  souL 

The  rule  and  seignorial  rights  of  the  lands  he  might 
discover  he  desired  should  pass  in  regular  succession,  first 
to  his  son  Eodx'igo,  or,  to  the  child  which  might  be  born 
to  him — his  wife  being  then  pregnant — or,  failing  direct 
descent,  to  his  brother  Diogo  de  Sousa,  or  to  his  sister 
Isabel.  If  the  property  should  pass  to  the  side  branch, 
the  holder  of  the  mayorazgo  should,  in  the  event  of  the 
survival  of  Dona  Beatriz,  his  wife,  pay  to  her  annually 
a  fourth  part  of  the  revenue  and  a  sum  of  two  hundred 
ducats.  2 

Of  the  50,000  maravedis  of  pension  conferred  by  the 
Casa  de  Contratacion  upon  his  hfe  and  that  of  his  wife, 

1  Magellan's  son  Rodrigo  died  in  1521 ;  his  second  child  was  still- 
bom  ;  his  wife  died  in  1522  ;  Duarte  Barbosa  was  killed  in  the  sur- 
prise of  May  I,  1521,  and  the  father,  Diogo  Barbosa,  dying  in  1525, 
the  Crown  took  possession  of  the  estate,  which  was  claimed  by  Jaime 
Barbosa  and  other  sons  of  Diogo.  The  case,  after  having  remained 
seven  years  unheard,  was  again  brought  forward  on  the  6th  June, 
1540.  The  claimants  had  spent  all  their  money  and  were  reduced  to 
want,  and  though  Magellan  had  given  his  life  in  the  service  of  Spain 
nineteen  years  before,  they  had  not  received  a  maravedi.  What  was 
the  ultimate  result  we  do  not  learn,  but  knowing  what  we  do  of 
Spanish  justice  at  that  period,  we  can  guess. 


1519.]  PEEPARATIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE.  141 

the  latter  was  to  pay  annually  to  the  said  sister  Isabel 
the  sum  of  5000  maravedis.  His  son  or  sons  were  left 
residuary  legatees.  His  heirs  were  to  take  the  name 
and  arms  of  Magallanes,  and  to  reside  and  marry  in 
Spain.^ 

Magellan  appointed  as  executors  his  father-in-law, 
Diogo  Barbosa,  and  Don  Sancho  de  Matienzo,  the  cano- 
nigo  of  Seville  who  had  supported  him  on  the  occasion 
of  the  riot  instigated  by  Alvarez.  At  the  same  time 
that  he  made  his  will  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  King, 
asking  that  the  12,500  maravedis  presented  to  him  on 
the  occasion  of  his  decoration  with  the  Order  of  Santiago 
might  be  paid  to  the  convent  of  Victoria  de  la  Triana, 
he  having  already  promised  it  to  them. 

All  was  now  ready,  and  the  Captain- general  rejoined 
his  ship  and  hoisted  his  pennant.  Every  day,  Pigafetta 
tells  us,  officers  and  men  had  gone  ashore  to  hear  mass 
at  the  church  of  Nossa  Seiiora  de  Barrameda,  and  now, 
on  the  eve  of  sailing,  Magellan  gave  orders  that  all 
should  confess,  "  in  the  which  he  himself  showed  the 
way  to  the  others."  Next  day,  Tuesday  the  20th  Sep- 
tember, 15 19,  a  favourable  breeze  having  sprung  up,  he 
gave  the  order  to  weigh,  and  a  little  later  the  ships 
cleared  the  river  and  commenced  the  memorable  voyage 
which,  through  almost  unparalleled  suffering  and  dis- 
aster, was  to  win  an  immortal  name  for  its  survivors  as 
the  first  circumnavigators  of  the  globe. 

1  Seo  Appendix  II. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  LAST  VOYAGE— I.  S.E.  AMERICA  AND  THE 
MUTINY  IN  PORT  ST.  JULIAN. 

Before  entering  upon  the  narrative  of  Magellan's  final 
expedition,  the  issue  of  which  was  to  stamp  him  as  the 
greatest  of  the  world's  discoverers,  we  must  turn  for  a 
moment  to  consider  the  materials  with  which  he  was 
provided.  To  the  ships  themselves  allusion  has  already 
been  made.  They  were  for  the  most  part  old,  small,  and 
in  anything  but  good  condition.  The  Trinidad,  though 
not  the  largest,  was  the  most  seaworthy  and  most 
suitable  for  capitana,  and  at  her  mast-head  Magellan 
accordingly  flew  his  pennant.  Juan  de  Cartagena  cap- 
tained the  aS'.  Antonio,  the  largest  vessel  of  the  fleet. 
The  Concepcion  was  commanded  by  Caspar  Quesada,  and 
the  Victoria  by  the  traitor  Luis  de  Mendoza,  treasurer 
of  the  armada,  who  had  already  been  reprimanded  by 
the  King  for  insolence  to  the  Captain-general.  The  little 
Santiago  was  given  to  Joao  Serrao,  whose  long  experience 
in  the  East  and  great  knowledge  of  navigation  rendered 
him  one  of  the  most  important  members  of  the  expedi- 
tion. 

The  command  of  the  Santiago  by  Serrao  was,  as  it 
happened,  an  affair  of  no  little  moment  to  Magellan. 
But  for  his  old  friend  and  comrade  it  is  more  than  pos- 
sible that  the  mutiny  of  Port  St.  JuHan  might  have 

proved  too  much  for  him,  and  the  great  discovery  of 
142 


1519.]  THE  LAST  VOYAGE— I.  143 

Magellan's  Straits  might  have  been  postponed  to  deck 
another  brow  with  laurels.  Upon  the  Portuguese  in 
the  fleet,  despite  his  altered  nationality,  Magellan  relied 
even  more  as  friends  than  as  navigators.  By  the  time 
the  squadron  had  crossed  the  bar,  the  originally-permittod 
number  of  five  had  greatly  increased.  Among  the  280 
men,  more  or  less,  who  sailed,  thirty-seven,  as  we  have 
seen,  were  Portuguese,  and  of  these  many  held  most 
important  posts.  On  the  Trinidad  were  Estevao  Gomez 
the  pilot,  Magellan's  brother-in-law — Duarte  Barbosa — 
Alvaro  de  la  Mezquita,  and  eight  others.  The  S.  Antonio 
bore  the  cosmographer  Andres  de  San  Martin  and  Joao 
Rodriguez  de  Mafra.  All  the  pilots  of  the  fleet,  indeed, 
were  Portuguese,  just  as  the  gunners  were  foreigners ; 
and  Joao  Lopez  Carvalho  and  Vasco  Gallego  navigated 
respectively  the  Concepcion  and  the  Victoria. 

The  armament  of  the  fleet  was  on  an  extensive  scale. 
The  artillery  comprised  sixty-two  culverins,  ten  falconets, 
and  ten  large  bombards.  Small  firearms  were  not  then 
greatly  used,  and  only  fifty  arquebuses  were  carried. 
There  were,  however,  a  thousand  lances,  two  hundred 
pikes,  ten  dozen  javelins,  ninety-five  dozen  darts,  sixty 
crossbows,  with  360  dozen  arrows,  and  "  sundry  swords 
which  the  captain  took."  One  hundred  corselets,  with 
gauntlets,  shoulder-pieces,  and  casques,  appear  in  the 
list,  together  with  an  equal  number  of  cuirasses.  Finally, 
we  learn  that  as  much  as  5600  lbs.  of  powder  were  put 
on  board. 

The  "  instrumenios  "  with  which  the  navigators  were 
provided  wei-e  of  the  simplest  nature.  Twenty-three 
parchment  charts  by  Nuno  Garcia,  six  pairs  of  compasses, 
twenty-one  wooden  quadrants,  seven  astrolabes,  thirty- 
five  compass-needles,  and  eighteen  hov;r-glasses  formed  the 


144  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

entire  list ;  and  not  all  of  these,  we  are  told,  were  ulti- 
mately taken.  The  number  of  articles  for  barter  was, 
however,  very  large.  In  the  "  Priuie  Notes  given  by  a 
Gentleman  to  the  Marchants  of  the  Museouie  Com- 
pany," with  which  Hakluyt  has  made  us  acquainted, 
the  importance  of  such  expeditions  being  provided  with 
"looking-glasses  for  women,  great  and  fayre,"  is  dwelt 
upon,  and  Magellan's  squadron  was  amply  supplied  with 
these,  together  with  500  lbs.  of  "  crystals,  which  are 
diamonds  of  all  colours."  Knives,  fish-hooks,  stufff, 
and  velvets,  ivory,  quicksilver  (2240  lbs.),  and  brass 
bracelets  all  figure  largely  in  the  list;  but  it  appears 
that  bells  were  considered  to  be  the  most  useful  objects 
of  barter.     Of  these  no  less  than  20,000  were  taken. 

The  cost  of  the  fleet,  with  its  stores  and  armament,  was 
for  those  days  considerable.  From  papers  existing  in 
the  Seville  archives,  we  know  the  exact  amount  to  a 
maravedi.  The  entire  expenditure  was  8,751,125  mara- 
vedis,  or  ;^5032,  6s.  3d.  But  some  of  the  stores  having 
been  left  behind,  the  sum  was  reduced  by  416,790  mara- 
vedis,  or  about  ;j^24o.  Tlie  ships,  together  with  their 
artillery,  powder,  and  small-arms,  cost  ^^2249 ;  the 
victualling,  ;!^9i3  ;  the  articles  of  barter,  ;^965,  and 
the  instruments  and  minor  expenses,  ;:^238.^  Of  the 
whole  sum,  about  one  quarter  was  supplied  by  Cristobal 
de  Haro  and  his  friends,  the  rest  was  at  the  King's 
expense. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  events  of  Magellan's  great  yet 
disastrous  expedition  is  drawn  from  limited  soiu^ces.  Of 
those  persons  who  actually  took  part  in  it,  only  four 
have  left  any  description  of  its  incidents.     In  Ramusio's 

1  For  modern  money  the  equivalent  would  be  about  five  times  these 
sums. 


1519.]  THE  LAST  VOYAGE— I.  145 

Navigationi  et  Viaggi  occurs  an  exceedingly  brief  account 
by  an  unknown  Portuguese,  so  brief,  indeed,  as  to  be 
almost  valueless.  In  the  Seville  archives  there  exists  a 
derrotero  or  log-book,  supposed  to  be  written  by  Fran- 
cisco Albo,  the  contramaestre  of  the  Trinidad,  but  it  is 
little  more  than  a  collection  of  nautical  observations, 
which,  though  of  the  greatest  interest  in  furnishing 
data  for  the  actual  course  sailed  by  the  vessels  of  the 
fleet,  tell  us  little  or  nothing  of  the  ordinary  incidents 
of  the  voyage.  A  third  account  is  that  of  the  so-called 
Genoese  pilot.  ^  From  the  fact  that  the  manuscript  is 
in  the  Portuguese  language,  and,  moreover,  in  remark- 
ably pure  Portviguese,  it  has  been  conjectured  that  the 
author  was  not  a  Genoese.  The  naiTative  is  tolerably 
full,  but  it  bears  no  evidence  of  having  been  written  by 
a  pilot,  and  it  is  further  worthy  of  remark  that  no 
Genoese  sailed  as  pilot  in  the  fleet. 

The  chief  source  of  information  we  have,  however,  is 
neither  of  the  foregoing.  When  the  despatch  of  the 
fleet  was  finally  decided  upon,  a  certain  Italian  gentle- 
man— Antonio  Pigafetta  by  name — a  native  of  Vicenza, 
being  in  Barcelona,  and  "  desirous  of  seeing  the  wonder- 
ful things  of  the  ocean,"  obtained  permission  to  accom- 
pany Magellan  on  his  voyage.  Through  the  many 
adventurous  months  of  wandering  that  fell  to  his  lot, 
he  kept  his  joui-nal,  finally  publishing  it  upon  his  return. 
In  it  hearsay  evidence  is  largely  mixed  with  personal 
experience,  but  upon  the  whole  it  gives  by  far  the  best 
and  fullest  account  of  the  expedition.  There  are  reasons 
for  supposing  that  it  was  originally  published  in  French — 
— reasons  too  lengthy  to  discuss  here.     It  was  dedicated 

1  Published  in  vol.  iv.  of  the  Colleqdo  de  Noticias  of  the  Lisbon 
Academy. 

E 


146  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

to  the  celebrated  Grand  Master  of  Rhodes,  Villiers  de 
risle  Adam — Pigafetta  himself  being  a  Knight  of 
Rhodes — and  a  copy  was  presented  by  him  to  the 
Regent,  Louise  of  Savoy,  mother  of  Francis  I. 

The  most  careful  account  written  by  mere  historians 
of  the  event,  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  voyage,  is 
that  of  Maximilian  Transylvanus,  an  under-secretary 
at  the  court  of  Charles  V.  This  person,  who  had 
married  Cristobal  de  Haro's  niece,  was  a  natural  son  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  and  a  pupil  of  the  cele- 
brated Peter  Martyr.^  Upon  the  arrival  of  the  survi- 
vors of  the  expedition  at  Valladohd  (whither  they  had 
gone  to  present  themselves  to  the  Emperor),  they  were 
carefully  interrogated  by  both  Peter  Martjr  and  Maxi- 
milian. The  former,  we  are  told,  wrote  a  long  account 
of  the  afiFair.  *'  This  viage,"  says  Eden  in  his  trans- 
lation of  the  Decades,^  "was  written  particularly  by 
Don  Peter  Martyr  of  Angleria,  being  one  of  the  coun- 
sayle  of  Themperours  Indies,  to  whom  also  was  com- 
mytted  the  wrytynge  of  the  hystorie  and  examination  of 
al  suche  as  returned  from  thense  into  Spayne  to  the 
citie  of  Siuile  in  the  yeare  mdxxii.  But  sendynge  it  to 
Rome  to  bee  prynted  in  that  miserable  tyme  when  the 
citie  was  sacked,  it  was  lost,  and  not  founde  to  this 
day,  or  any  memory  remaynynge  thereof,  sauynge  suche 
as  simi  that  i-edde  the  same  haue  borne  in  mynde." 

1  Peter  Martyr  of  Angliera,  so  called  from  having  been  bom  in  the 
suburb  of  Milan  in  1455,  entered  the  service  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
and  was  sent  by  them  as  ambassador  to  Venice  and  Egypt,  He  lived 
the  greater  part  of  his  life  in  Castile,  becoming  secretary  to  Charles  V. , 
and  dying  in  1526.  As  protonotary  of  the  Consejo  of  the  Indies, 
he  was  brought  much  in  contact  with  geographical  matters,  and 
besides  the  well-known  Opv^s  Ejnstolamm,  wrote  the  De  Navigatione 
et  Tcrris  dc  Novo  Eepcrtis. 

2  Rich.  Eden,  TJif  Decades  of  the  Nevx  Worlde,  1555,  fol.  214. 


1519.]  THE  LAST  VOYAGE— L  147 

Maximilian's  account,  however,  remains.  It  was  written 
on  the  24th  October,  1522,  to  his  father,  and  reached  him 
in  Nuremberg  in  the  following  month.  The  description 
of  such  a  voyage  naturally  attracted  much  attention, 
and  the  manuscript,  which  was  in  Latin,  was  printed 
in  Cologne  in  January  of  the  following  year,  thus  pro- 
bably preceding  the  Nauigation  et  Descouurement  of 
Pigafetta.^ 

In  addition  to  these  sources,  both  Correa  and  Herrera 
give  descriptions  of  the  voyage  which  bear  evidence  in 
a  greater  or  less  degree  of  first-hand  information  j  and 
among  the  mass  of  documents  in  the  Seville  archives  are 
sundry  informaciones  and  other  papers  throwing  consi- 
derable light  upon  the  mutiny  and  other  salient  incidents 
of  the  expedition. 

We  must  return  to  the  squadron,  whose  coiirse  on 
leaving  Spain  was  shaped  southward  for  the  Canaries. 
Immediately  on  getting  to  sea,  Magellan  instituted  a 
strict  system  of  signalling  at  night  by  means  of  lights, 
and  appointed  the  watches,  as  was  even  at  that  time 
customary.  The  admiral's  ship  led  the  van,  bearing  on 
the  poop  the  farol  or  lantern,  which  it  was  the  duty  of 
his  fleet  to  keep  in  sight.  The  night  was  divided  into 
three  watches — the  first  at  the  beginning  of  night;  the 
second,  called  the  medora,  at  midnight ;  and  the  third 
towards  daybreak.     The  last  was  known  as  la  diane,  or 

1  The  precise  date  of  the  publication  of  Pigafetta's  narrative  is  not 
known.  In  August,  1524,  he  petitioned  the  Doge  and  Council  of 
Venice  for  permission  to  print  his  book  in  that  city,  and  to  have  the 
exclusive  copyright  for  twenty  years  {vide  Lord  Stanley's  First  Voyage, 
Appendix,  p.  xiv. ).  The  permission  was  granted.  But  it  will  be  seen 
that  ample  time  existed  for  tlie  publication  of  a  previous  edition.  Tlie 
edition  for  the  most  part  referred  to  and  used  in  these  pages  is  that 
of  Amorotti,  published  in  Milan  in  iSoo. 


148  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

the  watch  of  the  morning  star.  Each  night  they  were 
changed ;  those  who  had  kept  the  first  watch  kept  the 
second  on  the  following  day,  the  second  the  third,  and 
so  on.  In  accordance,  too,  with  the  customary  rules  laid 
down  by  the  India  House,  the  crew  of  each  vessel  was 
divided  into  three  companies — the  first  belonging  to  the 
captain  or  contramaestre,  who  took  it  in  turns  to  com- 
mand ;  the  second  to  the  pilot ;  and  the  third  to  the 
maestre.  "  The  Captain-general,  a  discreet  and  virtuous 
man,  careful  of  his  honour,"  says  Pigafetta,  *'  would  not 
commence  his  voyage  without  first  making  good  and 
wholesome  ordinances." 

On  the  26th  September  the  fleet  arrived  at  Tenerife,^ 
and  remaining  three  or  four  days  to  take  in  wood  and 
water,  sailed  for  a  port  called  Monte  Rosso  on  the  same 
island,^  where  they  again  delayed  two  days  to  supply 
themselves  with  pitch,  or,  according  to  Herrera,  to  await 
a  caravel  which  was  to  bring  them  fish.  It  was  while 
they  were  in  Tenerife  that  an  incident  occurred  which 
early  brought  home  to  the  Captain-general  the  difficulties 
which  lay  in  his  path. 

Of  the  existence  of  disaffection  among  his  crew  Magel- 
lan must  have  been  well  aware.  Before  starting,  two  of 
his  men  had  been  dismissed  for  insvibordination.  We  have 
seen  how,  in  Sebastian  Alvarez'  letter  to  Dom  Manoel, 
he  hints  at  a  prearranged  conspiracy.^  Pigafetta  tells  us 
that  the  captains  of  the  other  ships  hated  their  leader,^ 
and  the  fact  must  have  been  patent  enough.  But  though 
he  may  have  been  fully  conscious  of  the  danger  which 

1  The  log-book  of  the  "  Genoese  pilot "  gives  the  29th  as  the  date. 

2  ?  Puata  Roxa,  at  the  south  end  of  Tenerife. 

3  ' '  Eu  sabia  que  avia  ouf^  mandados  em  contrairo  os  quaces  elle  no 
saberia  sena  a  tpo  que  no  pude.se  Remedcar  sua  onrra." 

*  Pigafetta,  Primo  Viaggio  intorno  al  Gloho,  Milan,  1800,  p.  8. 


1519.]  THE  LAST  VOYAGE— I.  149 

threatened  him,  this  danger  had  not  as  yet  assumed  de- 
finite shape.  Now,  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  voyage, 
at  the  moment  of  adventuring  himself  into  unknown 
seas,  it  was  to  do  so.  A  caravel  arrived  bearing  a  secret 
message  from  his  father-in-law,  Diogo  Barbosa,  warning 
him  to  "keep  a  good  watch,  since  it  had  come  to  his 
knowledge  that  his  captains  had  told  their  friends  and 
relations  that  if  they  had  any  trouble  with  him  they 
would  kill  him."  ^  Argensola  gives  us  the  same  story — 
that  *'  his  captains  had  resolved  not  to  obey  him,  parti- 
cularly Juan  de  Cartagena.  "^  The  news — which  pro- 
bably was  no  news  to  Magellan — did  not  dishearten  him 
one  whit.  He  sent  back  answer  to  Barbosa  that,  were 
they  good  men  or  evil,  he  would  do  his  work  as  a  servant 
of  the  Emperor,  and  "to  this  end,"  he  added,  "he  had 
offered  his  life."  His  letter,  Correa  tells  us,  was  shown 
by  Barbosa  to  the  Corregidores,  "who  greatly  lauded 
the  stout  heart  of  Magellan." 

Pigafetta,  ere  leaving  the  Canaries,  duly  chronicles  the 
semi-fabulous  story  of  the  island  of  Hierro — old  even  in 
those  days,  for  Pliny  records  it — how  its  single  tree  is 
perpetually  enveloped  in  a  cloud  from  which  it  distils  an 
unfailing  supply  of  water — a  story  founded  upon  fact, 
as  we  know  now,  for  both  in  Madeira  and  the  Canaries 
the  laurel  and  other  heavy-foliaged  evergreens  condense 
abundant  water  from  the  daily  mists.  The  fleet  left 
Tenerife  at  midnight  on  the  3rd  October,^  running  under 
foresails  only  until  they  cleared  the  land,  when  they 
closed  and  held  a  south-west  course  untU  noon  on  the 
following   day,    when    the    observations    taken    placed 

1  Correa,  Lenclas  da  India,  vol.  ii.  p.  627. 
"  Argensola,  Conq.  de  las  Mol.,  lib.  i.  p.  16, 
3  On  the  2inl,  according  to  Herrera's  account. 


150  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

them  in  27°  N.  lat,  having  made  a  run  of  twelve 
leagues. 

From  here  they  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  admiral's 
ship,  steering  sometimes  south,  sometimes  south  by  west, 
and  early  on  the  following  morning  the  S.  Antonio,  run- 
ning under  the  stern  of  the  Trinidad,  demanded  the 
course.  The  pilot  replied  that  it  was  south  by  west.  It 
having  been  previously  settled,  Herrera  tells  us,  that, 
until  they  reached  the  latitude  of  24°  N.,  the  course  was 
to  be  south-west,  Juan  de  Cartagena  demanded  to  know 
why  it  was  changed.  Magellan  replied  that  "  he  was  to 
follow  him  and  not  ask  questions."  ^  The  captain  of  the 
S.  Antonio  retorted  that  he  ought  to  have  consulted  the 
captains  and  pilots,  and  not  to  have  acted  thus  arbi- 
trarily, and  added  that  it  was  an  error  of  judgment  to 
keep  so  near  the  African  coast.  Magellan's  reply  was  to 
the  same  effect  as  his  first  answer — that  the  squadron 
must  follow  his  flag  by  day  and  his  lantern  by  night. 

For  fifteen  days  the  fleet  held  good  weather,  passing 
between  Cape  "Verde  and  its  islands  without  sighting 
either,  and  running  along  the  African  coast.  Between 
the  cape  and  Sierra  Leone  they  encountered  calms  and 
bafiling  winds  for  twenty  days  or  more,  during  which 
time  they  advanced  only  three  leagues  upon  their  way. 
Provided  with  few  or  no  data  in  physical  geography, 
they  had  chosen  what  we  now  know  to  be  a  disadvan- 
tageous course.  Following  on  the  calms  thay  had  an 
entire  month  of  head  winds  and  very  heavy  storms. 
So  heavy  indeed  were  some  of  these  squalls,  that  the 
vessels  dipped  their  yardarms,  and  the  captains  were 
more  than  once  on  the  point  of  ordering  the  masts  to  be 

1  "  Que  lo  siguissen  y  no  le  pidiessen  mas  cuenta." — Herrera,  ii.  iv. 
cap.  X. 


1519.]  THE  LAST  VOYAGE— I.  151 

cut  away.  Striking  all  sail,  they  ran  under  bare  poles  at 
the  mercy  of  the  wind.  Pigafetta,  to  whom  the  sea  and 
its  natural  phenomena  were  novelties,  gives  us  a  vivid 
account  of  the  ten-ors  of  this  period.  "  In  these  tem- 
pests," he  says,  "the  Corpo  Santo  or  St.  Elmo's  fire 
often  appeared,  and  in  one  which  we  experienced 
on  a  certain  very  dark  night,  it  showed  itself  at  the 
summit  of  the  mainmast  with  such  brightness  that 
it  seemed  like  a  burning  torch,  remaining  there  for  a 
space  of  more  than  two  hours ;  the  which  was  of  such 
comfort  to  us  that  we  wept  for  joy.  And  when  it  left 
us,  it  cast  such  a  vivid  light  in  our  eyes  that  for  near  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  we  remained  as  blind  men,  crying 
out  for  mercy,  for  we  gave  ourselves  up  for  lost."  ^ 

For  nearly  sixty  days  they  encountered  rain  while  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  Line,  "  a  thing  very  strange 
and  unaccustomed  to  be  seen,"  according  to  the  ideas 
prevalent  at  that  time.  Sharks  often  came  round  their 
ships — "  large  fishes  with  terrible  teeth  " — and  were 
caught  by  hooks  ;  but  the  sailors  do  not  seem  to  have 
appreciated  the  flesh,  which  they  pronounced,  in  the  case 
of  the  large  ones,  to  be  hardly  fit  to  eat,  while  the  smaller 
fish  were  little  better.  Notes  of  a  like  naive  nature 
follow  upon  birds.  2  The  men  had  fitted  the  well-known 
legend  of  the  bird-of- Paradise — heard  doubtless  by  the 
old  hands  in  some  far  Eastern  port — ^to  some  petrel  or 
diver.  "  They  make  no  nest,"  it  ran,  "  because  they  have 
no  feet,  and  the  hen  lays  her  eggs  on  the  back  of  the 
cock,  and  there  hatches  them." 


1  Pigafetta,  op.  cit.,  p.  i8. 

2  "Vidimovarie  specie  d'uccellistram  :  alcuni  iion  banno  culo.  .  . 
Altri  son  detti  Cagassela  perche  cibansi  dello  stereo  d'altri  uccelli."- 
Pigafetta.  op.  cit,  p.  14. 


152  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

The  slowness  of  their  progress  during  this  early  part 
of  the  voyage  caused  some  anxiety  as  to  the  sufficiency 
of  provisions,  and  the  crew  were  accordingly  placed  on 
diminished  rations.  Four  pints  of  water  only  were 
allowed  daily,  a  smaller  measure  of  wine  was  given,  and 
the  weight  of  bread  reduced  to  a  pound  and  a  half.  The 
voyage  was  destined  to  be  attended  by  unusual  difficulties 
and  disasters,  even  for  those  perilous  times — disasters 
only  equalled  by  the  world-famed  success  of  its  issvie — 
and  foreshadowings  of  the  miseries  awaiting  the  naviga- 
tors in  the  Pacific  early  darkened  their  path. 

Their  troubles  with  regard  to  the  insufficiency  of  stores 
were,  however,  at  that  time  of  no  very  great  moment. 
They  were  forgotten  before  a  more  serious  difficulty  than 
any  that  had  hitherto  arisen.  The  dissensions  which 
had  already  commenced  between  Juan  de  Cartagena  and 
his  chief  had  shown  no  sign  of  abatement  as  the  voyage 
progressed.  Before  the  Line  was  reached  they  cul- 
minated in  open  rupture.  It  was  the  custom,  ordained 
by  the  King  and  embodied  in  his  letter  of  instructions 
to  Magellan,!  that  every  evening,  whenever  the  weather 
rendered  it  possible,  the  captains  should  communicate 
with  the  flagship,  to  salute  the  admiral  and  to  take  his 
orders.  One  day  the  quartermaster  of  the  S.  Aiitonio, 
hailing  the  Trinidad,  gave  as  greeting,  "  Dios  vos  salve, 
senor  capitan  y  macstre,  e  buena  compania."  Magellan, 
resenting  the  studied  omission  of  his  proper  title  of 
Captain-general,  informed  Juan  de  Cartagena  that_he 
expected  to  be  rightly  addressed  in  future.     The  latter 

^  "  Dareis  luego  por  ordenanza  a  los  capitanes  de  las  otras  naos  que 
cada  dia  a  las  tardes  vos  den  sus  salvas,  segund  se  acostumbra  hacer 
a  los  capitanes  mayores  de  cualquier  armada. " — Seville  Archives,  Pap. 
de  Malum,  leg.  i.  ;  Navarrcte,  iv.  p.  131. 


1519.]  S.E.  AMERICA.  153 

replied  that  "  he  had  sent  the  best  man  in  the  ship  to 
salute  him,  and  that  another  day,  if  he  wished,  he  would 
salute  him  through  one  of  the  pages."  For  three  days, 
however,  he  failed  altogether  to  comply  with  the  rule. 

Magellan,  though  not  the  man  tamely  to  submit  to 
insults  from  his  subordinates,  took  no  immediate  action, 
but  a  day  or  two  latei",  a  court-martial  being  held  upon 
a  sailor  of  the  Victoria,  Cartagena  was  summoned  with 
the  other  captains  to  the  flag-ship.  The  trial  over,  a 
discussion  of  the  course  to  be  steered  followed.  Carta- 
gena, emboldened  by  Magellan's  quiescence  and  the 
success  of  his  former  insults,  renewed  them  without 
more  ado.  But  he  had  mistaken  his  man.  The  Captain- 
general,  seizing  him  by  the  breast,  exclaimed,  "  You  are 
my  prisoner. "  Cartagena  called  in  vain  upon  those  pre- 
sent to  aid  him  and  to  seize  Magellan.  No  one  stirred, 
and  he  was  led  off  in  custody  to  the  stocks,  and  entrusted 
to  the  keeping  of  Luis  de  Mendoza,  captain  of  the  Vic- 
toria.  The  command  of  the  S.  Antonio  was  given  to 
the  contador,  Antonio  de  Coca.  It  was  a  pity  for  the 
offender  that  the  prompt  and  resolute  action  of  the 
admiral  upon  this  occasion  did  not  serve  as  a  warning 
to  deter  him  from  future  insubordination. 

Steering  a  more  westerly  course,  the  fleet  approached 
the  New  World,  and  arrived  off  Cape  St.  Augustin,  near 
Pcrnambuco,  on  the  29th  November.  They  continued 
to  hug  the  coast,  and  on  December  8th  were  close  to 
land,  and  in  only  ten  fathoms.  Next  day  they  found 
themselves  in  lat,  21°  31'  S.,  in  sight  of  a  very  high 
mountain  near  Cape  St.  Thomas.  Rounding  Cape  Frio, 
they  anchored  in  Rio  harbour,  which,  since  they  entered 
it  on  the  day  of  that  saint,  the  13th  December,  they 
called  the  Bay  of  Santa  Lucia.      Here  they  remained 


154  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  VI. 

a  fortnight,  taking  in  wood  and  water  and  trading  with 
the  natives,  "  a  good  people  and  numerous,"  as  Alvo 
records.  Pigafetta  has  left  a  lengthy  record  of  their  stay 
here,  and  of  the  customs  and  peculiarities  of  the  country 
and  its  people,  partly  from  his  own  observation,  partly 
from  that  of  former  voyagers,  notably  Vespucci.  The 
pine-apples — "  a  very  sweet  fruit,  more  tasteful  than 
any  other  " — sweet  potatoes,  fowls,  and  tapir  were  much 
appreciated  by  the  sailors  after  their  reduced  rations. 
They  were  to  be  had  in  abundance  and  upon  the 
easiest  terms.  For  a  knife  or  a  fishhook  five  or  six 
fowls  might  be  obtained ;  for  a  comb  or  mirror  enough 
fish  for  ten  men,  and  for  a  little  bell  a  large  basket 
full  of  sweet  potatoes.  A  still  better  bargain  was  made 
by  Pigafetta  himself,  who  exchanged  the  king  from  a 
pack  of  cards  for  six  fowls.  Besides  articles  of  food, 
parrots  and  other  birds  were  brought  for  sale  by  the 
natives,  who  were  ready  enough  to  barter  away  their 
children  for  an  axe  or  a  large  knife.  The  admiral,  how- 
ever, forbade  the  purchase  of  any  slaves,  not  only  on 
account  of  the  difficulty  of  feeding  them,  but  in  order 
that  the  Portuguese,  within  whose  country  the  territory 
lay,  should  have  no  ground  of  complaint. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  on  Pigafetta's  evidently 
hearsay  or  borrowed  account  of  the  Indians  and  their 
customs.  He  speaks  of  their  sleeping  in  "  nets  of  cotton 
that  they  call  amache,'"  and  of  their  boats  called  canoe. 
On  the  authority  of  Joao  Carvalho,  the  pilot  of  the 
Concepcion,  who  had  resided  with  them  for  four  years,^ 

1  Brazil,  it  must  be  remembered,  had  been  discovered  twenty  years 
at  the  time  of  Magellan's  voyage,  and  it  is  worthy  of  record  that  Car- 
valho took  with  him  upon  this  voyage  a  son  whom  he  had  by  a  native 
wife  during  his  former  residence  in  Rio.     We  learn  incidentally  that 


1519.]  S.E.  AMERICA.  155 

he  describes  their  cannibal  customs,  and  dilates  upon  the 
wonders  of  the  country.  His  account  of  his  personal 
experiences  is  more  interesting.  It  had  not  rained  for 
two  months  before  the  visit  of  the  fleet,  and  the  arrival 
of  the  strangers  coinciding  with  the  termination  of  the 
long  drought,  the  people  thought  they  had  brought  the 
rain  with  them,  and  were  easily  converted  to  Chris- 
tianity. Mass  was  said  twice  on  shore  while  the  ships 
lay  in  the  bay,  and  the  natives  assisted  with  the  utmost 
devotion  at  it,  "  remaining  on  their  knees  with  their 
hands  joined  in  great  reverence,  so  that  it  was  a  pleasure 
and  a  pity  to  see  them."  It  is  remarkable  that  none  of 
the  historians  of  the  voyage  mention  the  presence  of 
Portuguese  in  Rio  de  Janeiro,  although  there  is  every 
probabihty  that  some  may  have  been  there  at  the  time, 
since  a  trading  station  had  been  established  in  the  bay 
some  years  before. 

The  fleet,  well  furnished  with  fresh  provisions,  resumed 
its  voyage  on  the  26th  December.  ^  Before  doing  so, 
however,  an  attempt  had  been  made  by  the  cosmo- 
grapher  Andres  de  San  Martin  to  fix  the  longitude  of 
the  bay.  On  the  17  th  December  the  altitude  of  the 
moon  and  Jupiter  were  observed,  and  from  their  posi- 
tion it  was  computed  that  the  latter  was  in  conjunction 
with  the  moon  at  the  place  of  observation  at  7h.  15  m. 
after  noon  of  the  previous  day.  The  tables  of  Eegio- 
montanus  were  supposed  to  give  the  time  of  the  con- 
junction at  Seville.  Herrera  describes  the  observation 
at  some  length  :  it  led  to  no  definite  conclusion,  for  the 

another  Brazilian  of  semi-European  parentage  was  borne  on  the  rolls. 
Carvalho's  son  never  returned,  having  been  made  prisoner  by  Sri  Pada, 
King  of  Borneo. 
1  On  the  27th,  "  El  dia  de  San  Juan,"  teste  Herrera,  ii.  iv,  10. 


156  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

result   obtained   was   evidently  erroneous,  and  Andres 
ascribed  the  error  to  the  almanac. 

Sailing  along  the  coast  on  a  W.S.W.  course,  the  ves- 
sels arrived  off  the  Bahia  de  los  Reyes  ^  upon  the  last 
day  of  the  year.  No  landing  was  effected,  and  they 
continued  their  route  to  the  southward,  still  hugging 
the  coast  and  constantly  taking  soundings.  They  were 
well  acquainted,  even  in  those  days,  with  the  art  of 
arming  the  lead,  and  Herrera  tells  us  on  more  than  one 
occasion  what  bottom  was  found.  On  the  8th  January, 
being  in  shoal  water,  they  anchored  for  the  night.  On 
the  loth^  they  were  passing  very  low  land,  with  no 
landmarks  save  three  hummocks,  which  appeared  to  be 
islands.  These  the  pilot  Carvalho  declared  to  be  Cape 
Santa  Maria,  saying  that  he  recognised  it  from  the 
account  of  Joao  de  Lisboa,  who  had  been  there.  Losing 
the  land  here  on  their  then  course,  they  ran  back  north- 
wards in  search  of  shelter — having  met  with  a  terrific 
storm  of  thunder  and  lightning — and  anchored.  On  the 
following  day  they  weighed  and  proceeded  W.  ^  N.,  but 
the  water  becoming  very  shallow,  the  Santiago  was  sent 
ahead.  They  were  at  the  mouth  of  the  great  river 
where  Juan  de  Solis  lost  his  life  at  the  hands  of  the 
cannibals — the  Rio  de  la  Plata  of  to-day. 

Their  exploration  of  the  river  was  a  careful  one.  The 
account  given  of  it  by  Herrera  differs  somewhat  from 
that  of  Alvo  the  pilot,  but  in  general  outline  it  is  the 
same.  For  two  days  they  followed  up  the  stream.  The 
pilots  grumbled  at  the  risk,  for  the  greatest  depth  they 
found  was  three  fathoms,  and  Magellan  gave  the  order 
to  anchor.    They  remained  here  six  days,  taking  in  water, 

1  Probably  the  Bay  of  Paranagua,  in  lat,  25°  28'  S. 
"  January  11,  Herrera, 


1520.] 


S.E.  AMERICA. 


157 


and  catching  great  quantities  of  fish.  Many  natives 
gathered  in  canoes,  and,  mindful  of  the  fate  of  Juan 
de  Solis,  the  Captain-general  ordered  three  boats  to  be 
manned  and  armed,  upon  which  the  people  fled  ashore. 
The  Spaniards  landed  and  tried  to  catch  them,  but  in 
vain.  "  They  made  such  enormous  strides,"  says  Piga- 
fetta,  *'  that  with  all  our  running  and  jumping  we  covQd 


EAST   COAST   OF   PATAGONIA. 

not  overtake  them."  The  country  was  found  to  be 
beautiful,  but  without  sign  of  habitation.  At  night  an 
Indian  dressed  in  goat-skins  came  alone  in  a  canoe  and 
visited  the  flag-ship  without  a  sign  of  fear.  The  admu-al 
presented  him  with  a  cotton  shirt  and  a  jersey  of  coloured 
cloth,  at  the  same  time  showing  him  a  silver  plate,  to 
ascertain  if  he  knew  the  metal.  The  native  gave  him 
to  understand  that  there  was  much  of  it  among  his 


158  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

tribe,  but  Magellan's  hopes  of  barter  were  doomed  to 
disappointment,  for  the  man  went  away  next  day  and 
did  not  return. 

By  Alvo's  log-book  we  learn  that  the  vessel  or  vessels 
sent  on  in  advance  were  absent  fifteen  days,  and  that 
two  other  ships  were  also  sent  southwards.  Of  these, 
the  S.  Antonio  was  one,  and  in  her  Magellan  himself 
went,  anxious  to  examine  the  coast  with  his  own  eyes,^ 
Alvo's  description  of  this  incident,  especially  when  read 
side  by  side  with  Pigafetta's  account,  is  of  great  interest. 
Both  the  reconnaissances  were  made  with  the  object  of 
seeing  if  there  might  not  by  chance  exist  a  strait  leading 
into  the  Pacific.^  Such  a  strait,  according  to  the  Italian, 
had  been  rumoured,  or  its  possibility  surmised.  But 
twenty  leagues  to  the  south  the  Captain-general  reached 
the  opposite  bank  of  the  river,  and  fresh  water  still 
washed  the  sides  of  his  ships.  He  had  to  do,  then,  with 
the  mouth  of  a  great  river  only,  and  with  nothing  more ; 
and  the  fine  della  terra,  which  Cape  Santa  Maria  had 
been  supposed  to  form,  was  not  yet. 

Rejoining  the  other  ships,  and  beating  back  against 
strong  head- winds  to  "  Monte  Vidi,"  Magellan  anchored 
with  his  squadron  off  the  site  of  the  present  city.  On 
the  morning  of  February  3rd  he  weighed  and  resumed 

1  Herrera,  op.  cit.  Dec.  ii.  bk.  ix.  cap.  x. 

2  "For  ver  si  habia  pasage,"  "a  ver  si  habia  pasage  para  pasar," 
are  the  two  phrases  used  by  Alvo.  Lord  Stanley  of  Alderley,  in  his 
First  Voyage  (p.  214),  has  rendered  pasa^/e  as  "roadstead" — "to  see 
if  there  was  a  roadstead  for  staj'ing  at "  ! !  Speaking  of  the  Rio  de  la 
Plata  and  Cape  Santa  Maria,  Pigafetta  says,  "Si  era  creduto  una 
volta  esser  questo  un  canale  che  mettesse  nel  mar  del  Sur,  cioe  del 
mezzodi."  The  mere  fact  that  Magellan  sought  for  a  strait  here  (or 
perhaps  sought  to  disf)rove  its  existence)  proves  nothing  with  regard 
to  the  great  question  of  what  he  knew  concerning  the  straits  that  now 
bear  his  name. 


1520.]  S.E.  AMERICA.  159 

his  voyage  to  the  south.  Next  day  a  leak  was  discovered 
in  the  S.  Antonio,  but  it  was  got  under  after  a  delay  of 
two  days,  and  on  the  6th  the  course  was  once  more 
resumed.  Keepmg  close  to  the  coast  off  Cabo  San 
Antonio,  they  rounded  what  is  now  known  as  Cape  Cor- 
rientes,  which,  owing  to  its  sandhills  and  shoals,  they 
called  Pvinta  de  las  Arenas.  On  the  12th  February  they 
encountered  a  very  severe  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning 
and  rain,  the  worst  of  which  being  over,  the  "  glorioso 
cuerpo"  of  S.  Elmo  appeared  to  them,  "the  which  some 
call  that  of  S.  Pedro  Gonzalez,  others  of  Santa  Clara,  and 
others  again  of  S.  Nicholas."  Whichever  it  may  have 
been,  it  afforded  them  much  spiritual  consolation,  and 
"  many  who  held  the  matter  in  derision,"  says  Herrera, 
"not  only  saw  it,  but  believed  in  it,  and  affirmed  its  truth. " 
On  the  13th  February  they  found  themselves  among 
shoals,^  and  the  VictoHa  bumped  several  times,  but  for- 
tunately did  not  remain.  They  thought  it  best,  however, 
to  keep  off  shore,  and  a  course  was  steered  which  took 
them  out  of  sight  of  land  for  two  or  three  days.  It  does 
not  appear  whether  Magellan  thought  that  during  this 
time  he  may  have  missed  the  possibility  of  a  strait,  or 
whether  some  other  reason  came  into  play,  but  either  on 
the  22nd  or  the  23rd  he  decided  partially  to  retrace  his 
steps,  and  a  W.N.  W.  course  was  set.  It  brought  them, 
February  24th,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  San  Matias, 
which  they  entered  "  to  see  if  there  were  not  an  outlet  for 
the  Moluccas. "  2  None  appeared,  and  at  the  approach 
of  night,  finding  no  proper  anchorage,  they  again  stood 
out  to  sea.    The  bay  received  its  name  from  its  discovery 

1  The  "Bajos  anegados"  of  Ribero's  map. 

2  Genoese  pilot.     "  Viendo  si  habia  alguna  salida  para  el  Maluco." 
See  also  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  bk.  ix. 


160 


LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN, 


[CHAP.  VI, 


upon  S.  Matthias'  Day.  It  was  here  that  they  appear 
to  have  first  felt  the  effects^  of  the  oncoming  winter. 
Herrera  speaks  of  the  great  cold  they  experienced,  and 
chronicles  a  succession  of  storms  which  separated  the 
ships  for  three  or  four  days. 

Three  days  later,  February  27th,  they  arrived  at  an 
inlet  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Bahia  le  los  Patos, 


TIERA  de  PATAGONES 


Y^cU  los  patos 

Y"  ie  Sanson 


^"onos 


D.RIBERO. 

1529. 


TIEKA   DE   PATAGONES.      [I).  Rihiro,  1529.) 

or  Duck  Bay,  from  the  number  of  penguins  frequenting 
it.  A  boat  with  six  men  was  sent  to  get  wood  and 
water,  but,  fearful  of  the  natives,  they  went  to  a  small 
island  instead  of  visiting  the  mainland.  Upon  it  they 
found  so  many  "sea  wolves "^  and  penguins  that  they 
were  astounded.     The  whole  fleet  could  have  been  laden 

1  These  "sea-wolves"  were  probably  some  species  of  the  Otariidse 
or  fur-seals. 


1520.]  S.E.  AMERICA.  161 

with  them.  Unable  to  discover  either  wood  or  water, 
the  sailors  filled  their  boat  with  these  creatures,  but  a 
storm  springing  up,  they  found  themselves  unable  to 
retiim,  and  they  were  forced  to  spend  the  night  upon 
the  rock,  fearing  that  they  would  either  be  devoured  by 
the  "wolves"  or  die  from  the  cold,  Next  morning  a 
number  of  men  were  sent  to  their  rescue,  who  found 
their  boat  upon  the  rocks,  and  concluded  that  they  had 
perished.  On  shouting  out  for  their  comrades,  an  enor- 
mous number  of  seals  sprang  out,  of  which  they  killed 
many ;  and  searching  farther,  they  came  upon  the  missing 
men  buried  beneath  the  seals  they  had  killed,  and  half 
dead  from  cold  and  exposure.  On  their  return  to  the 
fleet  another  storm  came  on,  so  heavy  that  the  cables  of 
the  Trinidad  parted,  and  only  one  held.  Close  to  the 
rocks,  and  horribly  afraid,  they  promised  a  pilgrimage 
to  N.S.  de  la  Victoria,  and  commended  their  souls 
to  God.  With  morning  the  storm  ceased,  and  there 
was  not  sufficient  wind  for  them  to  get  under  way.  But 
their  troubles  were  not  over,  and  they  had  yet  to  learn 
the  meaning  of  autumn  and  winter  on  the  shores  of 
Patagonia,  At  midnight  another  storm  burst  upon 
them,  lasting  three  days,  and  carrying  away  their  fore- 
castles and  poops.  Again  they  vowed  pilgrimages  in 
their  distress,  and  again  their  prayers  were  heard.  The 
three  holy  bodies,  S.  Anselmo,  S.  Nicholas,  and  S.  Clara 
appeared  at  the  mastheads,  and  the  storm  c&ased. 

Great  as  their  anxiety  and  hardships  had  been,  it 
seemed  that  they  were  destined  to  grow  worse  as  the 
fleet  advanced.  A  few  days  later  they  arrived  at  a  bay 
with  a  narrow  entrance,  which  appeared,  since  it  was 
roomy  inside,  to  be  suitable  for  them  to  winter  in.  They 
entered  it,  and  in  six  days  encountered  severer  storms 


162  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

and  ran  greater  danger  than  had  yet  fallen  to  their  lot. 
A  boat  that  went  ashore  to  water  upon  their  arrival  was 
unable  to  return,  and  the  crew  subsisted  as  best  they 
could  upon  shell-fish,  "  At  last," — Herrera  tells  us, — "  at 
last  it  pleased  God  that  they  should  leave  that  bay,  and 
they  named  it  the  Bay  of  Toil."  ^  How  long  a  time  had 
been  passed  in  it  does  not  appear,  but  considerable  delay 
must  have  occurred  either  in  the  bay  itself  or  its  imme- 
diate neighbourhood,  for  it  was  not  until  the  31st  March, 
1520,  that  the  fleet  anchored  for  the  winter  in  Port  St. 
Julian  in  lat.  49°  20'  S.  The  weather  had  become  too 
sevei-e  for  a  farther  advance,  and,  well  sheltered  and 
abounding  in  fish,  the  harbour  seemed  in  every  way  a 
suitable  one.  But  it  was  destined  to  be  no  haven  of  rest 
to  Magellan,  for  it  was  here  that  the  mutiny,  so  long 
planned  and  so  long  foreseen,  at  length  broke  out. 

Upon  their  arrival,  one  of  the  first  steps  taken  by 
the  Captain-general  was  to  place  ofiicers  and  crew  once 
more  upon  diminished  rations.  Bearing  in  mind  the 
long  winter  they  had  before  them,  no  wiser  action  could 
have  been  taken.  But  such  actions,  however  wise  or 
even  necessary  they  may  be,  are  rarely  popular,  and  this 
was  no  exception  to  the  rule.  The  sailors  grumbled,  as 
sailors  will  grumble,  and,  hating  Magellan,  and  anxious 
only  for  the  failure  of  his  expedition,  it  is  little  probable 
that  the  Spanish  captains  showed  much  energy  in  check- 
ing them.  Matters  grew  daily  worse.  The  extreme  cold 
they  were  beginning  to  experience,  the  frequent  storms 
they  encountered,  their  disbelief  in  the  existence  of  a 
strait,  combined  to  render  them  oblivious  alike  of  poten- 
tial honours  and  of  duty.  They  openly  demanded  either 
that  they  should  be  put  on  full  rations,  or  that  the  home- 
^  "Bahia  de  los  trabajos  " — possibly  C.  de  los  Desivelos,  in  lat.  48°  15'  S. 


1520.]  THE  MUTINy.  163 

ward  voyage  should  be  at  once  commenced.  It  was  evi- 
dent, they  said,  that  the  land  stretched  without  a  break 
to  the  Antarctic  Pole,  and  that  there  was  no  hope  of 
finding  any  strait ;  that  the  winter,  from  whose  rigour 
some  had  already  died,  was  upon  them ;  and  that  to 
remain  meant  the  loss  of  ships  and  men,  which  were  of 
more  importance  than  all  the  cloves  and  spices  of  the 
JNIoluccas.  They  alleged  that  it  was  not  the  intention  of 
the  King  that  they  should  continue  to  seek  the  impos- 
sible, and  that  it  was  sufficient  that  they  had  arrived  at 
a  point  whither  no  one  hitherto  had  been  bold  enough  to 
penetrate,  adding  that  if  they  went  farther  south  they 
would  in  all  probability  be  wrecked  upon  some  inhospi- 
table coast,  where  every  soul  would  perish. 

Magellan's  answer  was  such  as  we  might  expect  from 
him.^  Although  so  many  were  against  him,  nothing  was 
further  from  his  intention  than  to  yield.  The  voyage, 
he  said,  was  undertaken  at  the  King's  orders,  and  come 
what  might,  it  was  imperative  to  push  on  to  the  termina- 
tion of  the  continent  and  to  the  strait,  which  they  could 
not  fail  to  find.  The  winter,  indeed,  made  their  task 
impossible  for  the  moment,  but  upon  the  advent  of 
spring  they  could  continue,  if  they  pleased,  to  latitudes 
where  the  days  were  three  months  long.  He  marvelled 
that  Castilians  should  be  guilty  of  such  weakness ;  and 
as  for  the  want  of  provisions,  there  was  little  cause  for 
complaint,  since  in  the  bay  in  which  they  lay  at  anchor 
there  was  plenty  of  wood,  good  water,  and  an  abundance 
of  fish  and  birds.  Neither  the  bread  nor  wine  had  as  yet 
run  short,  nor  would  they.  In  fine,  since  he  himself 
was  determined  to  die  rather  than  shamefully  to  turn 

1  "Magellan,"  says  Herrera,  describing  the  incident,  was  "hombre 
piompto,  y  acudia  luego  al  remedio  de  qualquiera  novedad." 


164  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  VL 

back,  he  felt  sure  thcat  among  such  comrades  as  em- 
barked on  such  an  expedition  there  could  be  no  lack 
of  that  spirit  of  valour  which  always  animated  the 
Spanish  nation,  and  he  asked  them,  therefore,  to  endure 
patiently  untU  the  winter  should  pass.  The  greater 
their  labour  and  privation,  the  greater  would  be  their 
sovereign's  reward.  They  were  to  reveal  to  him,  he 
concluded,  an  unknown  world  abounding  in  gold  and 
spices,  which  would  bring  wealth  to  each  and  all  con- 
cerned in  its  discovery.^ 

For  a  time,  we  learn,  the  crews  were  content,  satisfied 
with  the  arguments  he  had  advanced,  but  it  was  not  for 
long.  The  treachery  of  his  captains  was  at  work,  and 
the  murmurings  broke  out  afresh.  The  men  began  to 
talk  to  one  another  of  the  long-standing  hatred  between 
the  Portuguese  and  Spaniards,  and  of  Magellan  being  a 
Portuguese,  saj-ing  that  he  could  do  no  greater  service  to 
his  country  than  to  lose  this  fleet  and  all  its  sailors  ;  that 
it  was  incredible  that  he  should  wish  to  find  the  Moluc- 
cas even  if  he  could,  and  that  it  would  be  enough  if  he 
could  delude  the  Emperor  for  a  year  or  two  with  false 
hopes.  Even  their  course,  they  said,  was  not  towards 
the  Moluccas,  but  towards  snow  and  ice  and  perpetual 
storms.  2  This  time  Magellan  took  other  measures  to 
repress  the  discontent.  As  a  man  of  spirit  and  honour, 
Gomara  tells  us,  he  showed  his  teeth,  and  seized  and 

1  The  demands  of  the  crew,  and  Magellan's  speech  in  reply,  are 
almost  identical  in  Oviedo  and  Herrsra.  Both  perhaps  are  borrowed 
from  the  letter  of  Maximilian  Transylvanus,  which  they  also  resemble 
almost  word  for  word.  Faria  y  Sousa,  in  his  Asia  Po7-tugucm,  puts 
an  absurdly  bombastic  and  most  voluminous  speech  into  Magellan's 
mouth,  which,  it  is  unnecessary  to  state,  is  purely  imaginary.  Asia 
Portu(ju€sa,  vol.  i.  pt.  iii.  cap.  v. 

2  Letter  of  Mas.  Transylvanus. 


1520.]  THE  MUTINY.  165 

punished  the  offenders.^  His  action  was,  however,  too 
late  to  ward  off  the  blow  that  was  about  to  fall.  An 
early  warning  of  the  coming  storm  was  afforded  not 
long  after  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  in  Port  St.  Julian. 
Magellan  had  given  orders  that  upon  Easter  Day  all 
should  go  ashore  and  attend  mass,  and  that  afterwards 
the  captains  of  the  ships  should  dine  at  his  table.  Some 
changes  had  been  effected  in  the  command.  It  will  be 
remembered  that,  upon  the  degi'adation  of  Cartagena, 
Antonio  de  Coca  had  been  appointed  captain  of  the 
S.  Antonio.  We  do  not  learn  what  action  of  his  de- 
prived him  in  his  turn  of  his  post,  but  deprived  he  was. 
Arana  tells  us  ^  that  Magellan  mistrusted  him.  What- 
ever may  have  been  the  cause,  his  command  was  con- 
ferred upon  Alvaro  de  Mesquita — a  first  cousin  of  the 
Captain- general.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  Portuguese  was  obnoxious  to  the  Spaniards. 
At  any  rate,  both  Caspar  Quesada  and  Luis  de  Mendoza 
refused  to  attend  mass,  fend  Mesquita  alone  dined  with 
his  kinsman  on  board  the  Trinidad.  Magellan,  we  are 
told,  looked  upon  the  affair  as  of  ill  augury,  and  his 
suspicions  proved  only  too  well  founded. 

The  blow  fell  the  very  same  night.  In  the  middle 
watch  Caspar  Quesada,  captain  of  the  Concepcion,  ac- 
companied by  Juan  de  Cartagena,  Juan  Sebastian  del 
Cano,  and  some  thirty  armed  men,  boarded  the  S. 
Antonio,  and  entered  the  cabin  of  Alvaro  de  Mesquita 
with  drawn  swords.  Resistance  was  useless.  He  was 
immediately  put  in  irons,  secured  in  the  cabin  of  Gero- 
nimo  Guerra,  and  a  guard  placed  over  him.  The  dis- 
turbance at  once  brought  the  maestre,  Juan  de  Lorriaga, 

1  Gomara,  op.  cit.,  ch.  xcii.  p.  84. 

2  Op.  cit.,  p.  66. 


166  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

upon  the  scene,  a  faithful  Basque,  who  had  no  thought 
of  joining  the  rebels,  even  in  face  of  such  serious  odds. 
He  called  upon  Quesada  instantly  to  leave  the  ship,  and 
upon  his  refusal,  ordered  the  contramaestre,  Diego 
Hernandes,  to  summon  the  crew  to  arms.  Quesada, 
exclaiming,  "We  cannot  be  foiled  in  our  work  by  this 
fool,"  sprang  at  him  and  stabbed  him  repeatedly  with  a 
dagger,  leaving  him  for  dead.^  The  contramaestre  had 
meanwhile  been  overpowered  and  made  prisoner.  So 
rapidly  and  unexpectedly  had  the  affair  taken  place, 
that  the  crew,  deprived  of  their  officers,  had  no  alter- 
native but  to  submit.  They  were  at  once  disarmed,  and 
the  arms  placed  in  the  cabin  of  Antonio  de  Coca,  who 
had  cast  in  his  lot  with  the  mutineers. 

Measures  were  next  taken  to  secure  the  ship  against 
recapture.  The  command  was  given  to  Juan  Sebastian 
del  Cano,  to  whose  name  the  stain  of  mutiny  must  ever 
attach,  despite  the  honour  so  justly  won  by  him  at  a 
later  period.  The  artillery  was  mounted,  and  the  decks 
cleared  for  action  under  his  orders.  Antonio  Fernandes 
and  Gongalo  Rodrigues,  two  Portuguese  who  had  re- 
sisted Quesada's  authority,  were  put  in  irons,  together 
with  a  certain  Diego  Diaz,  who  had  helped  them.  The 
stores  were  broken  open,  and  the  wine,  bread,  and  other 
provisions  freely  distributed.  In  this  and  other  matters 
Antonio  de  Coca,  the  former  captain  of  the  S.  Antonio, 
was  active  in  assisting  Quesada,  as  was  also  Luis  del 
Molino,  the  latter's  body-servant.  The  chaplain  of  the 
ship,  Pedro  de  Valderrama,  though  occupied  in  confess- 
ing the  apparently  dying  maestre,  observed  them,  and 
mentioned  the  fact  in  his  evidence  before  Magellan.  It 
obtained  for  Molino  a  sentence  of  death,  but  for  lack  of 
^  Lon-iaga  died  from  the  efifects  of  his  wounds  on  15th  July. 


1520.]  THE  MUTINY.  167 

an  executioner  his  life  was  spared,  upon  the  condition 
that  he  himself  should  execute  his  mastex\ 

The  ship  Victoria,  whose  captain,  Luis  de  Mendoza, 
treasurer  of  the  armada,  had  always  been  a  bitter 
enemy  of  Magellan,  had  from  the  beginning  given  in 
its  adherence  to  the  mutineers,  although  a  marked 
element  of  loyalty  existed  among  the  crew.  The  suhle- 
vaclos  were  therefore  in  a  very  strong  position.  They 
held  the  Concex)cion,  the  S.  Antonio,  and  the  Victoria, 
and  were  headed  by  Quesada,  Juan  de  Cartagena, 
Antonio  de  Coca,  and  Mendoza.  Of  the  little  Santiago 
we  hear  nothing.  Her  captain,  Serrao,  was  the  brother 
of  Magellan's  staunchest  friend,  and  of  her  crew  of 
thirty-two,  one-half  only  were  Spanish.  It  is  unlikely 
that  any  attempt  was  made  to  interfere  with  her,  either 
by  force  or  persuasion.  Quesada  and  his  party  felt 
strong  enough  to  carry  out  their  plans  without  her 
assistance. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  to  which  Magellan  woke 
upon  the  morning  of  the  2nd  April.  The  S.  Antonio 
had  been  carried  so  rapidly  and  quietly  that  no  suspicion 
of  the  truth  had  occurred  to  the  ofTicei's  of  the  flag-ship. 
It  first  dawned  upon  them,  the  chronicler  Herrara  tells 
us,  on  Magellan  sending  a  boat  to  the  S.  Antonio  to  pick 
up  some  men  for  a  watering-pai-ty.  They  were  hailed 
and  told  to  keep  off,  and  informed  that  the  ship  was 
vmder  the  orders  of  Caspar  Quesada,  and  not  Magellan. 
Hearing  the  news,  and  at  once  suspecting  the  serious 
nature  of  the  affair  with  which  he  had  to  deal,  the 
Captain- general  ordered  the  boat  to  go  round  to  the 
ships  and  ask  for  whom  they  declared.  Quesada's  reply 
was,  "  For  the  King  and  for  myself,"  and  like  answers 
were  given  from  all  except  the  Santiago.     Shortly  after- 


168  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  VI. 

wards  a  boat  arrived  with  a  letter  from  Quesada.  He  had 
seized  the  ships,  he  said,  in  order  henceforward  to  do 
away  with  the  possibility  of  a  repetition  of  the  bad 
treatment  which  officers  and  crew  alike  had  received  at 
the  hands  of  the  Captain-general,  but  if  Magellan  would 
agree  to  their  demands,  they  were  ready  once  more  to 
acknowledge  his  authority.  Magellan,  in  reply,  said 
that  he  would  meet  them  on  his  ship,  and  would  hear 
what  they  had  to  say ;  but  the  mutineers,  fearing  that 
they  would  be  seized  if  they  ventured  on  board  the 
Trinidad,  declined  to  see  him,  excepting  on  the  S. 
Antonio. 

Magellan  had  before  him  a  task  of  which  the  difficulty 
would  have  appeared  to  most  men  almost  invincible. 
Unless  he  won  the  day,  the  theories  and  hopes  of  his 
lifetime  were  doomed  to  complete  and  final  failure.  "With 
the  Santiago  only  the  continuation  of  the  voyage  was 
impossible.  To  return  once  more  to  the  Seville  quays, 
having  achieved  nothing  after  so  great  a  flourish  of 
trumpets  at  his  departure,  was,  of  course,  to  return  to 
disgrace  and  oblivion.  At  any  risk  and  cost,  therefore, 
the  mutiny  must  be  suppressed,  but  how  it  should  be 
suppressed  was  another  matter.  We  have  seen  enough 
of  Magellan's  life  and  actions  under  Almeida  to  know 
that  in  cool  daring  few  men  were  his  superiors.  But 
openly  to  attack  the  three  revolted  ships  with  no  assist- 
ance other  than  the  little  Santiago  would  have  been 
madness,  and  no  one  knew  it  better  than  he.  If  he  was 
to  succeed  at  all,  it  must  be  hy  finesse — by  the  exercise 
of  that  faculty  which,  Herrera  tells  us,  supplied  him 
with  a  way  out  of  every  new  difficulty  as  it  arose. 

Magellan  did  succeed.  Periculosior  quies  quam  teme- 
ritas  seemed  to  him  an  apt  motto  for  the  occasion.     His 


1520.]  THE  MUTINY.  169 

first  action  was  to  seize  the  boat  of  the  S.  Antonio  which 
brought  him  Quesada's  message.  Bearing  in  mind  the 
large  proportion  of  foreigners  upon  the  Victoria,  and  the 
fact  that  he  knew  many  of  them  to  be  loyal  to  him,  he 
decided  to  address  himself  first  to  the  capture  of  that 
vessel,  hoping,  if  he  were  successful,  to  be  more  than  a 
match  for  the  others.  The  skiff,  accordingly,  carrying 
the  alguacil  Gonzalo  Gomez  de  Espinosa  and  five  men 
bearing  concealed  arms,  was  despatched  with  a  letter  to 
Mendoza,  summoning  him  at  once  to  the  flag-ship. 
Mendoza  smOed  at  its  contents — as  though  he  wovdd 
say,  "no  me  tomard  alld  " — "I  am  not  to  be  caught 
thus."  He  did  not  calculate  upon  the  instructions 
given  by  Magellan.  As  he  shook  his  head  in  refusal 
Espinosa  drew  his  dagger  and  stabbed  him  in  the 
throat,  and  at  the  same  instant  he  was  cut  down  by 
another  of  Magellan's  men.  He  feU  dead  upon  the 
deck.  The  dangerous  position  of  the  alguacil  and  his 
handful  of  men  had,  of  course,  been  foreseen.  A  boat 
with  fifteen  picked  men  of  the  Trinidad,  captained  by 
the  trusty  Duarte  Barbosa,  brother-in-law  of  Magellan, 
had  been  kept  in  readiness,  and  almost  at  the  moment 
that  Mendoza  fell  the  Victoria  was  boarded  with  a 
rush.  Hardly  an  effort  at  resistance  was  made.  Either 
overawed  at  the  death  of  their  captain  or  loyal  in  reality 
to  the  leader  of  the  armada,  the  crew  surrendered  at 
once.  Barbosa  hoisted  Magellan's  ensign,  and,  weigh- 
ing anchor,  placed  the  captured  ship  in  close  proximity 
to  the  capitana  at  the  entrance  of  the  port.  The  Santiago 
took  up  a  similar  position  upon  the  other  hand.  The 
three  ships  together  effectually  guarded  the  harbour's 
mouth,  preventing  the  escape  of  the  others,  and 
Magellan  held  the  game  in  his  own  hands. 


170  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

The  mutineers  were  summoned  to  surrender,  but  re- 
fused, and  it  was  conjectured  that  the  two  ships  would 
attempt  to  escape  under  cover  of  darkness.  Early  in 
the  day  the  Trinidad  had  been  cleared  for  action.  An 
order  had  been  issued  to  "  make  a  plentiful  provision  of 
much  darts,  lances,  stones,  and  other  weapons,  both  on 
deck  and  in  the  tops. "  The  watch  was  now  doubled ; 
the  men  were  allowed  a  good  meal,  and  the  strictest 
injunctions  were  given  to  guard  against  the  escape  of 
the  vessels.  A  little  after  midnight  the  S.  Antonio  hove 
in  sight.  She  was  supposed  to  be  bearing  down  upon 
the  flag-ship,  but  was  in  reality  dragging  her  anchors. 
Upon  the  quarter-deck  was  Gaspar  Quesada,  who,  armed 
with  lance  and  shield,  called  upon  his  men.  No  one 
stirred,  and  the  Trinidad,  opening  fire  with  her  large 
bombards,  grappled  her  and  poured  her  boarders  over 
her  side.  At  the  same  moment  she  was  boarded  on  the 
starboard  hand  by  the  sailors  of  the  Victoria.  Their 
cry  "  Por  quien  estais  ? "  met  with  the  answer,  "  For  the 
King  and  Magellan."  Quesada  and  his  fellow-mutineers 
were  quickly  seized,  and  the  captain  and  pilot,  Alvaro 
de  Mesquita  and  Mafra,  set  at  liberty.  Not  a  man  was 
killed;  hardly  a  blow  struck.  Mafra  alone  had  any 
narrow  escape  of  death,  a  ball  from  the  flagship  passing 
between  his  legs  as  he  sat  imprisoned  below  deck 

The  mutiny  was  now  over.  Juan  de  Cartagena,  per- 
ceiving the  loss  of  the  aS'.  Antonio  and  the  surrender 
of  'Quesada,  realised  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by 
further  resistance.  When  the  boat  from  the  Trinidad 
came  alongside  and  called  upon  him  to  surrender,  he 
obeyed  the  order  at  once.  He  was  placed  in  irons  and 
brought  back  to  the  flag-ship,  there  to  await  his  sentence. 

Next  day  the  body  of  Mendoza  was  brought  ashore. 


1520.]  THE  MUTINY.  171 

He  was  publicly  cried  as  a  traitor,  the  body  was  drawn 
and  quartered,  and  the  quarters  spitted  on  poles.  An 
inquiry  was  then  held  upon  the  circumstances  of  the 
mutiny,  of  which  no  details  are  given  us.  Forty  men 
were  found  guilty  of  treason  and  condemned  to  death ; 
but  partly  because  they  were  necessary  for  the  service  of 
the  fleet,  partly  because  he  did  not  wish  to  make  him- 
self unpopular  by  too  severe  measui-es,  Magellan  par- 
doned them.  Such  a  clemency,  however,  could  not  be 
extended  to  Quesada  nor  Cartagena,  whose  insubordi- 
nation had  been  an  affair  of  old  date.  Quesada,  doubly 
guilty  by  the  brutal  manner  in  which  he  had  stabbed 
the  maestre  of  the  S.  Antonio,  was  sentenced  to  be 
executed.  On  Saturday,  the  7th  April,  he  was  taken  on 
shore  and  the  sentence  carried  out,  his  head  being  struck 
off  by  his  servant,  Luis  del  Molino,  and  his  body  quar- 
tered, as  in  the  case  of  Mendoza.  No  more  justifiable 
punishment  could  have  been  inflicted. 

A  different  fate  was  reserved  for  Juan  de  Cartagena. 
Whether,  since  he  had  been  directly  appointed  by  Charles 
v.,  Magellan  did  not  wish  to  take  his  life,  or  whether 
he  considered  that  there  were  extenuating  circumstances 
connected  with  his  case,  we  cannot  tell.  A  violent  death 
at  least  was  spared  him,  and  he  was  sentenced  to  be 
marooned  upon  the  departure  of  the  fleet.  With  him 
the  priest  Pero  Sanchez  de  Reina  suffered  a  like  punish- 
ment.^    His  offence  was  a  grave  one,  for  he  was  found 

1  Herrera  speaks  of  a  clerigo  frances  as  being  the  culprit,  leaving 
it  to  be  inferred  that  it  was  Bernardo  Calmeta,  the  chaplain  of  the 
S.  Antonio.  In  the  "List  of  Deaths  in  the  Fleet  of  Hernando  de 
Magallanes "  it  is,  however,  distinctly  mentioned  that  the  offender 
was  Pero  Sanchez  de  Reina.  It  is  nevertheless  worthy  of  remark  that 
Calmeta's  name  is  not  to  be  found  among  those  who  returned  to 
Spain,  nor  among  those  who  perished  in  the  expedition. 


172  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vi. 

guilty  of  trying  to  incite  the  crew  to  mutiny  for  a 
second  time,  even  after  the  failure  of  the  plot  and  the^ 
justice  executed  upon  its  authors.  No  one  would  listen 
to  him,  and  he  was  soon  denounced  and  made  prisoner. 
Of  Antonio  de  Coca's  punishment  we  hear  nothing. 
We  know  only  that  he  reached  the  Ladrone  Islands  with 
the  fleet  and  died  there.  ^ 

Magellan's  action  in  the  mutiny  of  Port  St.  Julian 
has  been  made  the  subject  of  the  severest  strictures, 
more  especially  by  those  of  the  school  of  fireside  criti- 
cism. His  stratagem  of  capturing  the  Victoria  has 
been  stigmatised  as  assassination.  By  one  author  he  is 
described  as  "a  man  of  cruel  and  savage  disposition," 
who  "ruthlessly  slaughtered  his  own  comrades."  But 
such  expressions  are  as  incorrect  as  they  are  violent. 
In  times  of  mutiny,  when  right  is  no  longer  might,  and 
the  loyal  crew  are  confronted  by  overpowering  odds, 
legal  measures  are  occasionally  impossible,  and  fairness 
worse  than  a  mistake.  Mendoza,  a  mutineer  and  ipso 
facto  worthy  of  death,  only  met  his  punishment — and 
met  it,  it  should  be  remembered,  at  the  hands  of  an 
alguacil — a  few  hours  before  it  would  otherwise  have 
been  inflicted.  As  a  mutineer,  moreover,  he  was  well 
aware  of  the  risks  he  ran — well  aware  that,  if  Magellan 
could,  he  would  kill  him.  And  finally,  we  cannot  judge 
sixteenth-century  matters  by  nineteenth-century  stan- 
dards. The  taking  of  a  man's  life  was  in  those  days 
a  small  matter.     But  in  expeditions  such  as  these,  the 

1  Others,  among  them  Andres  de  San  Martin,  the  cosmographer,  are 
said  to  have  been  punished  by  Magellan,  but  as  we  learn  this  from 
the  evidence  of  the  crew  of  the  S.  Antonio,  which  ship  deserted  the 
fleet  a  few  months  later,  and  as  we  know  much  of  the  evidence  to 
be  untrue,  no  reliance  can  be  placed  upon  the  assertion.  See  Navar- 
retc,  vol.  iv.  p.  206. 


1520.]  THE  MUTINY.  173 

preservation  of  discipline  was  an  affair  of  vital  import- 
ance. In  this  case,  had  the  attempt  on  the  Victoria 
failed,  the  complete  collapse  of  the  work  of  the  armada 
must  inevitably  have  followed. 

Magellan  has  also  been  accused  of  having  acted  ille- 
gally in  the  pvmishment  of  the  mutineers.  In  the  letter 
of  Maximilian  Transylvanus  this  charge  is  brought 
against  him.^  But  though  there  may  be  a  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  the  justifiability  of  Mendoza's  death,  there 
can  be  none  whatever  upon  this  question.  The  "Titulo 
de  Capitanes,"  granted  by  Charles  to  Magellan  upon  the 
22nd  March,  15 18,  gives  the  latter  full  power  over  the 
persons  and  property  of  those  sailing  with  him.^  Correa, 
too,  is  definite  upon  the  point.  "  The  Emperor  gave 
him  power  '  of  rope  and  knife '  over  every  person  who 
went  in  the  armada,"  ^  and  it  is  satisfactory  to  find  that 
the  punishments  of  Quesada  and  Cartagena  were  as 
strictly  legal  as  they  were  well-deserved. 

The  mutiny  was  the  turning-point  of  Magellan's 
career.  Thenceforward,  whatever  desire  to  question  his 
authority  may  have  existed,  it  remained  unexpressed. 
The  inflexible  determination  of  the  man,  his  strength  of 
will,  his  readiness  of  resource,  showed  ofiScers  and  crews 
alike  that  obedience  was  the  best  policy.  Had  they 
known  what  suffering  and  what  peril  lay  in  their  path, 
it  is  doubtful  whether  the  resolution  and  energy  of  any 
single  individual  would  have  availed  to  stop  their  defec- 
tion.   But  Ruy  Faleiro  had  only  cast  his  own  horoscope ; 

1  "  Erant  enim  regii  quiJam  ministri,  in  quos  nemo  prseter  Csesarem 
ipsum,  ejusve  senatum,  capital!  poena  animadvertere  jure  potest." 

^  Vide  Navarrete,  vol.  iv.  p.  122. 

3  "  E  Ihe  deu  poder  de  barago  e  cutello  em  toda'  pessoa  que  fosse 
n'armada." — Correa,  ii.  part  ii.  p.  627. 


174  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  vi. 

and  so  it  happened  that  Magellan  sailed  southward  to 
the  discovery  of  the  strait  that  bears  his  name.^ 

1  It  is  a  singular  fact  that  of  the  four  persons  who  accompanied  the 
expedition  and  wrote  an  account  of  it,  two  should  have  remained 
absolutely  silent  ujoon  the  subject  of  the  mutiny,  and  two — the 
"  Genoese  pilot "  and  Pigafetta — have  thought  it  worthy  of  only  the 
barest  mention.  The  account  of  the  latter  is  remarkable  for  its  extra- 
ordinary inaccuracy.  "The  Captains  of  the  other  Joxir  ships,"  he 
writes,  "plotted  to  kill  the  captain-general,"  and  he  then  goes  on  to 
say  that  it  was  Cartagena  who  was  executed  and  quartered,  while 
Caspar  Quesada  was  marooned.  It  seems  incredible  that  an  eye- 
witness— which  he  undoubtedly  was — should  have  failed  to  remember 
circumstances  such  as  these,  and  the  fact  somewhat  lessens  the  value 
of  his  book  as  a  credible  narrative,  although  we  know  that  such  parts 
of  the  diary  as  were  written  on  the  spot,  detailing  his  own  experiences, 
are  almost  always  accurate.  Our  real  knowledge  of  the  affair  is  due 
to  three  documents  existing  in  the  Seville  archives — an  informacion 
drawn  up  by  Magellan  at  the  time,  giving  the  examination  of 
witnesses  ;  a  letter  of  the  Contador  Recalde  to  the  Bishop  of  Burgos, 
containing  the  evidence  of  the  deserters  of  the  S.  Antonio;  and, 
lastly,  an  account  of  the  evidence  taken  in  Valladolid,  October  i8, 
1522,  concerning  certain  events  of  the  voyage.  The  historian  Herrera 
has  a  tolerably  full  and  correct  account  of  the  tragedy,  but  that  of 
Correa,  though  nearly  as  full,  is  inaccurate  in  many  points,  as  indeed 
it  is  often  wont  to  be. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  LAST  VOYAGE— II.  THE  DISCOVERY  OF 
THE  STRAIT. 

Order  having  once  more  been  established,  Magellan 
kept  all  hands  busily  at  work  during  the  remainder  of 
his  sojourn  in  Port  St.  Julian.  The  vessels  were  careened 
and  caulked,  and  such  repairs  as  were  found  necessary 
were  carried  out.  The  S.  Antonio  especially  stood  in 
need  of  them.  The  mutineers,  in  chains,  were  kept 
working  at  the  pumps  until  the  carpenters  had  rendered 
such  work  no  longer  needful.  It  was  not  until  the 
day  of  departure  from  the  bay  that  they  were  set  at 
liberty. 

Towards  the  end  of  April  the  Captain-general  de- 
termined to  undertake  a  reconnaissance  of  the  coast  in 
the  vicinity.  The  fear  of  a  more  or  less  prolonged 
inaction  and  its  effect  upon  the  men  most  probably  led 
him  to  this  step.  The  Santiago,  from  her  handiness 
and  small  draught,  was  chosen  for  the  work,  and  her 
choice  was  the  more  indicated  from  the  fact  of  Serrao 
being  her  commander.  Few  men  were  so  well  versed  in 
the  art  of  seamanship  and  navigation ;  fewer  still  were 
endowed  with  his  experience.  He  had  long  used  the 
Eastern  seas  both  as  subaltern  and  captain.  From  the 
time  of  his  first  command  under  Rodrigo  Rabello  in 
1506  until  his  departure  on  the  expedition,  he  had  been 

constantly  in  active  service.     As  brother,  moreover,  of 
175 


176  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  vii. 

Magellan's  great  frieBd,  Francisco  Serrao,  the  Captain- 
general  knew  that  every  trust  could  be  reposed  in  him. 
He  received  instructions  therefore  to  sail  along  the  coast 
to  the  southward,  examining  each  bay  and  inlet.  He 
was  not  to  carry  his  explorations  too  far,  and  if  after  a 
certain  time  nothing  worthy  of  note  was  met  with,  he 
was  to  retrace  his  steps  and  once  more  rejoin  his  com- 
rades in  Port  St.  Julian. 

It  is  to  Herrera  that  we  are  indebted  for  an  account 
of  the  voyage.  The  Santiago,  working  slowly  along 
the  coast,  arrived  on  the  3rd  May  at  the  mouth  of  a 
river  of  considerable  size,  nearly  sixty  miles  from  the 
harbour  whence  she  had  set  out.  Serrao  named  it  the 
Rio  de  Santa  Cruz.  The  fish  were  so  abundant  that  he 
was  induced  to  prolong  his  stay  for  six  days  to  lay  in  a 
supply.  The  seals,  or  sea-wolves,  as  the  sailors  termed 
them,  were  equally  numerous,  and  of  such  large  size  that 
the  Spaniards  were  astounded.  One  of  them,  deprived 
of  the  skin,  head,  and  entrails,  weighed  nearly  five 
hundredweight.^  Having  replenished  their  stock  of  pro- 
visions, the  explorers  continued  their  voyage,  but  they 
had  barely  gone  three  leagues,  when,  on  the  22nd  May, 
they  encountered  one  of  the  short  but  violent  storms 
which  at  this  season  render  the  coast  of  Patagonia  so 
dangerous.  The  ship  was  put  under  storm  canvas,  but 
the  rudder  having  become  injured  by  the  heavy  seas,  she 
refused  to  obey  her  helm,  and  a  sudden  squall  from  the 
east  drove  her  ashore.  Fortunately  she  took  the  ground 
in  such  a  manner  that  the  crew  were  able  to  save  them- 
selves by  dropping  from  the  end  of  the  jib-boom,  but 
they  had  barely  time  to  escape  with  their  lives.     In  a 

1  The  great  size  of  the  old  males  of  the  fur  seals,  and  their  dis- 
proportion to  the  females,  is  a  marked  feature  of  these  creatures. 


1520.]        .  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  177 

few  minutes  the  ill-fated  Santiago  was  in  pieces,  and 
her  crew,  to  the  number  of  thirty-seven  men,  found 
themselves  without  provisions  of  any  kind,  exposed  to 
the  hardships  of  a  most  inclement  climate,  and  separated 
by  seventy  miles  of  pathless  wilderness  from  the  succour 
of  their  comrades.  The  only  good  fortune  attending 
them  was  of  a  negative  kind.  But  one  life  was  lost — 
that  of  the  negro  slave  of  the  captain. 

For  eight  days  the  castaways  remained  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  wreck,  hoping  possibly  to  secure  some 
articles — of  food  or  otherwise — which  might  prove  of 
service  in  the  desperate  journey  that  lay  before  them. 
Their  hopes  were  vain.  Among  the  jetsam,  however, 
were  numerous  planks,  and,  mindful  of  the  fact  that 
between  them  and  safety  lay  the  river  they  had  just  dis- 
covered— the  great  Rio  de  Santa  Cruz,  a  barrier  three 
miles  in  width — they  started  on  their  march  laden  with 
sufficient  of  these  to  enable  them  to  construct  a  raft 
wherewith  to  cross  it.  But  short  as  was  the  distance 
they  had  to  traverse,  they  became  so  exhausted  by 
exposure  and  want  of  nourishment  that  they  were  forced 
to  abandon  the  greater  part  of  their  load,  and  did  not 
arrive  at  the  river  until  the  fourth  day.^  Here  at  least 
they  were  safe  from  starvation,  for,  as  they  had  previously 
discovered,  its  waters  abounded  in  fish.  It  was  I'esolved 
that  the  main  body  of  the  crew  should  encamp  upon  the 
banks,  while  two  of  the  strongest  of  their  number  should 
cross  in  the  little  raft  they  had  constructed  and  endeavour 
to  make  their  way  to  Port  St.  Julian. 

'^  Herrera^  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xiii.  It  may  be  wondered  why  such 
toil  and  hardship  were  undertaken  when  a  raft  might  have  been  built 
at  the  river-side.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  shipwrecked  men 
were  unprovided  with  axes,  and  that  there  was  also  insufficient  wood 
for  the  purpose. 

M 


178  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vii. 

How  these  unfortunate  men  eventually  reached  their 
destination,  and  how  severe  were  their  sufferings  on  the 
march,  we  learn  from  the  pages  of  the  Spanish  historian 
already  quoted.  For  eleven  days  they  struggled  on, 
living  at  one  time  upon  roots  and  leaves,  at  another 
upon  such  shellfish  as  they  were  able  to  collect  upon  the 
shore.  At  first  they  attempted  to  follow  the  coast-line, 
as  affording  them  better  means  of  subsistence,  but  they 
were  soon  obliged  to  relinquish  this  plan,  owing  to  the 
marshes  that  barred  their  passage  and  forced  them  to 
strike  inland.  At  length  the  welcome  harbour  was 
reached.  So  altered  were  they  from  the  hardships  they 
had  undergone,  that  they  were  recognised  with  difficulty 
by  their  old  comrades. 

The  weather  continued  so  unsettled,  that  Magellan 
considered  it  better  to  try  and  reach  the  shipwrecked 
party  by  land,  rather  than  expose  another  of  his  vessels 
to  the  risk  of  loss.  He  accordingly  at  once  despatched 
a  relief  party  of  twenty-four  men,  laden  with  wine  and 
biscuit.  Like  their  two  comrades,  they  experienced 
great  hardships  from  the  rigours  of  the  climate  and  the 
roughness  of  the  country.  No  water  was  to  be  found  on 
the  road,  and  they  v.ere  forced  to  melt  the  little  snow 
they  could  discover  to  supply  themselves  with  drink. 
On  arriving  at  the  river,  they  found  their  companions 
safe,  although  exhausted  by  exposure  and  privation.  In 
parties  of  two  or  three — for  the  little  raft  could  hold  no 
more — the  castaways  were  brought  across  the  river,  and 
the  homeward  march  began.  It  speaks  well  for  the 
courage  and  endurance  of  the  Spaniards  that  they  even- 
tually reached  the  fleet  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man. 
Good  fortune  afterwards  attended  them  with  regard  to 
the  ship's  stores  and  artillery,  the  greater  part  of  which 


1520.]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  179 

were  saved  and  picked  up  by  the  Captain-general  on 
resuming  his  voyage  to  the  south.  ^ 

"Upon  their  return,  the  crew  of  the  Santiago  were 
distributed  among  the  foiir  remaining  ships,  and  Serrao, 
who  had  displayed  both  courage  and  ability  in  his  con- 
duct of  the  shipwrecked  crew,  was  rewarded  by  the 
command  of  the  Concepcion.  The  ultimate  result  of  the 
two  disasters  which  had  befallen  Magellan  was  greatly 
to  strengthen  his  hand.  In  Heu  of  three  disaffected  and 
traitorous  captains — Quesada,  Cartagena,  and  Mendoza 
— the  commands  were  held  by  Portuguese,  in  whom  he 
could  place  complete  and  absolute  reliance.  Seriao,  as 
we  have  seen,  took  the  Concepcion,  while  the  S.  Antonio 
and  Victoria  were  captained  by  Alvaro  de  Mesquita  and 
Duarte  Barbosa,  the  former  of  whom  was  Magellan's 
first  cousin,  the  latter  his  brother-in-law. ^ 

The  winter  was  now  fairly  established,  and  the  cold 
became  more  severe.  Nor  was  the  weather  they  experi- 
enced such  as  to  tempt  to  a  renewal  of  their  explorations 
along  the  coast.  But  the  Captain-general,  anxious  to 
learn  something  of  the  interior  of  the  country,  thought 
it  advisable  to  despatch  a  small  expedition  with  that 
object.  Four  men  only  were  sent.  They  were  well 
armed,  and  were  furnished  with  instructions  to  pene- 
trate, if  possible,  to  a  distance  of  thirty  leagues,  to  plant 
a  cross,  and  to  put  themselves  upon  a  footing  of  friend- 

1  Log-book  of  the  "Genoese  Pilot."  Medina,  vol.  ii.  p.  401.  Correa 
gives  a  widely  different  account  of  the  shipwreck,  which,  as  is  the 
case  in  many  instances,  is  manifestly  incorrect. 

2  Gomara,  and  indeed  Oviedo  also,  makes  Mesquita  to  be  the  nepheio 
of  the  Captain -general.  "  Alvaro  de  Mesquita  queria  entrar  por  el 
estrecho,  diciendo  que  por  alii  iba  su  tio  Magallanes." — Gomara,  ch, 
xcii.  p.  85.  So,  too,  does  Maximilian  Transylvanus — "  Una  ex  his  cui 
ipsius  Magellani  ex  fratre  nepos  Aluarus  Mescbita  prsefuit ;  "  and  a 
few  lines  farther  the  words  "patruus  Magellanus  "  are  used. 


180  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vii. 

ship  with  any  natives  they  might  happen  to  meet.  The 
nature  of  the  country  was,  unfortunately,  such  as  to 
render  the  expedition  a  failure.  Neither  food  nor  water 
was  to  be  found.  The  men  were  forced  to  be  content  with 
the  ascent  of  a  high  mountain  at  some  little  distance 
from  the  coast.  Planting  a  cross  upon  its  summit,  and 
giving  to  it  the  name  of  the  Mount  of  Christ,  they  re- 
traced their  steps,  and  arrived  at  the  ships,  informing 
Magellan  that  the  coimtry  was  intraversable  and  without 
resources,  and  appeared  to  be  entirely  unpeopled. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  latter  piece  of  information 
at  least  was  proved  to  be  incorrect.  The  fleet  had 
remained  at  anchor  for  weeks  in  Port  St.  Julian,  and  no 
trace  of  natives  had  been  seen.  One  morning,  however, 
the  sailors  were  astonished  by  the  appearance  of  a  man 
of  gigantic  stature  upon  the  beach,  who  sang  and  danced, 
pouring  sand  upon  his  head  in  token  of  amity.  Magel- 
lan sent  a  man  ashore  with  instructions  to  imitate  the 
action  of  the  savage,  and,  if  possible,  to  make  friends 
with  him.  This  he  succeeded  in  doing,  and  the  new- 
comer was  brought  before  the  admiral.  Spaniards  and 
native  were  equally  surprised.  The  latter  marvelled, 
Gomara  tells  us,  to  see  such  large  ships  and  such  little 
men,  and  pointing  to  the  sk}',  seemed  to  inquire  whether 
they  were  not  gods  who  had  descended  from  heaven ; 
while  the  Spaniards,  wondering  at  the  great  stature  of 
their  visitor,  concluded  that  they  had  come  upon  a  race 
of  giants.  "  So  tall  was  this  man,"  writes  Pigafetta, 
"  that  we  came  tip  to  the  level  of  his  waistbelt.  He  was 
well  enough  made,  and  had  a  broad  face,  painted  red, 
with  yellow  circles  round  his  eyes,  and  two  heart-shaped 
spots  on  his  cheeks.  His  hair  was  short  and  coloured 
white,  and  he  was  dressed  in  the  skins  of  an  animal 


A  PATAGONIAN. 


1520.]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  181 

cleverly  sewii  together."  The  description  given  of  this 
animal  leaves  no  doubt  that  it  was  the  giianaco.  The 
skin  of  the  same  creature  served  to  make  boots  for  these 
people,  and  it  was  the  unwieldy  appearance  thus  given 
to  the  feet  which  led  Magellan  to  apply  to  the  race  the 
name  of  Patagao. 

The  man  seemed  most  peaceably  disposed,  though  he 
did  not  lay  aside  his  arms — a  short,  thick  bow,  and  a 
bundle  of  cane  arrows  tipped  with  black  and  white 
stones.  Magellan  treated  him  kindly,  and  ordered  that 
he  should  be  given  food.  He  was  shown  some  of  their 
objects  for  barter,  among  others  a  large  steel  mirror. 
So  overcome  was  he  on  catching  sight  of  himself,  says 
Pigafetta,  that  he  jumped  backwards  with  an  unex- 
pectedness and  impetuosity  which  overset  four  of  the 
men  who  were  standing  round  hina.  He  was,  neverthe- 
theless,  not  unwilling  to  accept  a  small  mirror  as  a 
present,  and  some  beads  and  bells  having  been  added, 
he  was  put  ashore  under  the  care  of  four  armed  men. 

A  companion  met  him  upon  landing,  and  confidential 
relations  having  been  thus  established,  the  Spaniards 
had  no  difficulty  in  persuading  the  natives  to  visit  their 
ships.  Others,  accompanied  by  their  wives,  were  not 
long  in  showing  themselves,  and  eventually  several  came 
on  board.  "  The  women,"  we  are  told,  "  were  loaded  by 
them  with  all  their  belongings,  as  if  they  were  so  many 
beasts  of  burden.  We  could  not  behold  them  without 
wonder."  They  were  not  so  tall  as  the  men,  but  much 
fatter,  and  had  breasts  half  as  long  as  a  man's  arm. 
"With  them  "  they  brought  four  of  those  little  beasts  of 
which  they  make  their  clothing,  leading  them  with  a 
cord  like  dogs  coupled  together."  The  use  of  these, 
they  said,  was  to  tie  up  and  entice  others  within  range  of 


182  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vii. 

the  arrows  of  the  hunter,  who  was  hidden  near.  The 
Spaniards  were  anxious  to  secure  some  of  these  guanacos, 
and  getting  together  eighteen  of  the  natives,  set  half  of 
them  to  hunt  on  either  side  of  the  entrance  of  the  har- 
bour, but  we  are  not  told  the  result  of  their  endeavours. 

Many  visits  were  thus  paid  by  the  natives  to  the  fleet, 
and  Pigafetta  was  enabled  to  obtain  a  small  vocabulary 
of  their  language.  One  of  them,  who  seemed  especially 
tractable  and  pleasing,  remained  with  the  ships  some 
days.  He  was  taught  the  Paternoster  and  Ave  Maria, 
which  he  pronounced  well,  but  in  an  exceedingly  loud 
voice,  and  the  priest  eventually  baptized  him  with  the 
name  of  Juan  Gigante.  The  Captain -general  gave  him 
a  number  of  presents,  with  which  he  was  much  pleased, 
and  on  the  following  day  he  returned  bringing  a  guanaco. 
Magellan,  hoping  to  obtain  some  more  of  these  animals, 
directed  that  further  presents  should  be  made  him.  The 
man  was  never  seen  again,  however,  and  it  was  suspected 
that  he  had  been  murdered  by  his  companions. 

The  manners  and  customs  of  the  Patagonians  are 
described  at  some  length  by  the  supposed  Genoese  pilot 
as  well  as  by  Pigafetta.  The  fact  that  they  devoured 
with  great  relish  the  rats  which  were  caught  on  the 
ships  filled  the  sailors  with  astonishment,  which  was  not 
lessened  by  perceiving  that  they  did  not  stop  to  skin  them. 
Still  more  astonishing  was  their  power  of  thrusting  arrows 
down  their  throats  without  injury,  which  was  apparently 
done  more  as  a  tour  de  force  than  for  any  definite  purpose, 
although  Pigafetta  regarded  it  as  a  species  of  medical 
treatment, — *'  in  luogho  di  purgarsi,"  as  he  describes  it.^ 

1  Pigafetta  and  Max.  Transylvanus  alone  mention  this  story,  and 
Oviedo  borrows  it  from  them.  It  is  depicted  in  De  Bry's  illustration  of 
Magellan  passing  the  Straits,  which  is  represented  in  this  volume,  p.  211. 


1520.]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  183 

In  spite  of  Magellan's  fixed  rule  that  the  fleet  should 
not  be  burdened  with  useless  mouths,  especially  now  that 
the  rations  had  been  reduced,  he  was  so  much  struck 
with  the  gigantes,  as  they  termed  them,  that  he  resolved 
to  bring  some  of  them  back  with  him  to  Spain  as  a  pre- 
sent to  the  Emperor.  It  was  some  little  time  before  he 
was  able  to  put  his  project  into  execution,  for  fifteen 
days  elapsed  before  another  native  was  seen.  At  length, 
upon  the  28th  July,  four  appeared  upon  the  beach,  and 
were  brought  on  board  the  Trinidad.  Magellan  was 
anxious  to  keep  the  two  youngest,  but  having  an  idea 
that  their  capture  might  not  be  an  easy  matter,  he  de- 
cided to  use  strategy  rather  than  force.  Loading  them 
with  presents,  so  that  their  hands  were  full,  he  then 
offered  them  a  pair  of  irons,  and,  as  they  were  unable 
to  take  them,  showed  them  how  they  fitted  upon  the 
legs.  A  couple  of  strokes  of  the  hammer  riveted  the 
bolts,  and  the  two  unlucky  savages  were  prisoners  before 
they  realised  their  position.  When  they  did  so,  they 
became  furious,  invoking  Setebos,^  their  Great  Spirit, 
to  their  aid.  Their  two  companions  were  conducted 
ashore  with  their  arms  bound  by  a  party  of  men  who 
were  instructed  to  bring  the  wife  of  one  of  the  captives, 
"  who  greatly  regretted  her,  as  we  saw  by  signs."  The 
huts  of  the  natives  were  reached  the  same  day,  but  as  it 
was  late,  the  pilot  Carvalho,  who  was  in  charge  of  the 
party,  decided  on  waiting  till  the  following  day.  It 
happened  that  on  the  road  one  of  their  charges  had 
attempted  to  escape,  and  in  the  struggle  which  ensued 
he   was   wounded   in   the    head.     His  companions  said 

1  Tbis  name  is  put  into  Caliban's  mouth  by  Shakespeare  upon  two 
occasions,  Tempest,  act  i.  scene  2,  and  act  v.  scene  i,  and  was  doubt- 
less borrowed  from  Pigafetta's  narrative. 


184  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vil. 

nothing  at  the  time,  but  next  morning  they  spoke  a  few 
words  to  the  women,  and  immediately  all  took  to  flight. 
At  a  little  distance  they  halted  to  exchange  shots  with 
the  Spaniards,  and  in  the  encounter  Diego  de  Barrasa, 
man-at-arms  of  the  Trinidad,  was  struck  in  the  thigh 
by  an  arrow  and  died  immediately. 

Magellan  attempted  to  follow  the  Patagonians,  either 
with  the  idea  of  punishing  them,  or  more  probably  with 
the  hope  of  capturing  a  woman  of  the  tribe,  but  he  was 
unsuccessful,  and  it  seems  that — by  nature  a  wandering 
people — they  disappeared  for  a  time  from  the  neighbour- 
hood. The  action  of  the  Spaniards  upon  this  occasion 
was,  of  course,  totally  unjustifiable  according  to  our 
ideas ;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  humani- 
tarianism  of  the  present  day  was  at  that  time  not  even 
in  its  infancy.  A  selvaje  was  looked  upon  as  hardly 
other  than  an  animal,  and  giants,  such  as  these  were 
supposed  to  be,^  must  have  approximated  them  still 
more  closely.  No  doubt  the  Captain -general  regarded 
it  as  his  duty  to  bring  such  curiosities  to  his  Emperor, 
and  did  not  consider  his  breach  of  faith  as  other  than  a 
perfectly  justifiable  proceeding.  The  two  captives  were 
placed  in  different  vessels,  and  we  learn  from  the  account 
of  the  Genoese  pilot  that  one  arrived  in  Spain,  brought 

1  The  actual  height  and  size  of  the  Patagonians  remained  for  a  long 
time  a  matter  of  dispute.  An  assemblage  of  very  tall  people  always 
causes  an  over- estimation  of  their  height,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that 
Pigafetta's  diary  gives  a  bond  fide  record  of  the  impression  produced 
upon  the  mind  of  himself  and  his  comrades.  Lieutenant  Muster.s,  the 
greatest  authority  upon  the  country,  gives  the  average  height  of 
the  men  as  six  feet,  while  some  reach  six  feet  four  inches  or  more. 
Their  muscular  development  is  very  great.  Darwin,  moreover,  in  his 
Voyage  of  the  Beagle,  says,  "  On  an  average  their  height  is  about  six 
feet,  with  some  men  taller,  and  only  a  few  shorter.  Their  height 
appears  greater  than  it  really  is  from  their  large  guanaco  mantles, 
their  long  flowing  hair,  and  genei-al  figure"  (chap.  xi.). 


1520.]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  1S5 

thither  in  the  S.  Antonio,  when  she  deserted  the  rest  of 
the  squadron  in  the  Straits.  According  to  other  accounts, 
however,  he  died  before  reaching  that  covmtry.^ 

Weary,  no  doubt,  of  the  continued  inaction,  and 
anxious  to  leave  a  place  which  must  each  day  have 
brought  the  remembrance  of  the  mutiny  to  his  mind, 
Magellan  resolved  to  pass  the  remainder  of  the  winter 
in  the  Eio  de  Santa  Cruz,  which  had  been  discovered  by 
Serrao  in  the  ill-fated  Santiago.  The  ships  were  now 
repaired  and  refitted,  and  in  good  order,  and  the  admiral 
hoped  to  make  the  passage  without  encountering  one  of 
the  frequent  storms  which  render  this  coast  so  dangerous 
in  winter.  He  accordingly  gave  orders  to  prepare  for 
sea.  Before  their  departure,  however,  a  sentence  had  to 
be  carried  into  effect — that  of  the  marooning  of  Juan 
de  Cartagena  and  his  fellow-culprit,  Pedro  Sanchez  de 
Reina.^  For  some  reason  that  we  do  not  learn,  they 
were  put  on  shore  nearly  a  fortnight  before  the  sailing 
of  the  fleet — on  Saturday,  August  i  ith.  They  were  pi'o- 
vided  with  "  an  abundance  of  bread  and  wine,"  Herrera 
says ;  ^  but  it  must  have  been  a  bitter  punishment  for 

1  Herrera's  account  of  the  intercourse  of  the  Spaniards  and  Pata- 
gonians  differs  widely  from  the  above  in  certain  points.  He  relates 
their  first  meeting  differently,  describes  the  death  of  Diego  de 
Barrasa  as  occurring  in  a  chance  rencontre  with  the  natives,  and 
records  the  despatch  of  a  punitive  expedition  of  twenty  men  as  a 
sequel,  adding  that  not  one  of  the  enemy  was  encountered  (Dec.  ii. 
lib.  ix.  caps,  xiii.-xv. ).  In  the  letter  of  Maximilian  Transylvanus 
there  occurs  a  lengthy  description  of  a  visit  of  seven  men  of  the  fleet 
to  a  Patagonian  hut  some  distance  inland,  followed  by  an  attempt  to 
captiu'e  three  of  the  savages.  One  only  was  caught  and  brought  on 
board,  but  his  death  occurred  within  a  few  days.  Neither  of  these 
accounts,  it  should  be  remembered,  are  first  hand. 

2  In  the  pay  list  of  the  voyage,  published  by  Medina,  this  name 
appears  as  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Viena.     Medina,  vol.  i.  p.  193. 

2  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xiv. 


186  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vii. 

them  to  watch  the  departui'e  of  their  comrades  and  to 
reflect  how  small  was  their  chance  of  life — a  chance 
still  further  diminished  by  the  altered  relations  of  the 
Spaniards  with  the  natives.  They  were  "judged  to  be 
worse  off,  considering  the  country  in  which  they  were 
left,  than  the  others  who  were  drawn  and  quartered."  ^ 
Such  an  opinion  seems  to  have  been  held  many  years 
later  by  another  culprit,  who,  curiously  enough,  in  iden- 
tically the  same  locality,  foiind  himself  confronted  by  a 
like  alternative.  In  June,  1578,  when  Drake's  Httle 
squadron  lay  at  anchor  in  Port  St.  Julian,  Mr.  Thomas 
Doughtie  was  found  guilty  of  a  plot  against  the  life  of 
the  admiral.  He  was  offered  the  choice  of  death,  "  or 
to  be  set  upon  land  on  the  main,"  or  to  return  to  be  tried 
in  England.  He  chose  the  first,  giving  as  his  reason 
that  the  shame  of  his  return  as  a  traitor  would  be  worse 
than  death,  and  that  he  would  not  endanger  his  soul  by 
consenting  to  be  left  among  savages  and  infidels. 

On  the  24th  August,  every  member  of  the  expedition 
having  confessed  and  received  the  sacrament,  the  fleet 
left  the  bay, 2  They  shaped  their  course  S.W.  ^  W.,  and 
two  days  later  arrived  off  the  mouth  of  the  Santa  Cruz 
river.  Their  passage  was  not  accomplished  without 
danger,  for  the  ships  were  nearly  lost  in  a  heavy  squall, 
*'  God  and  the  Corpi  Santi,  however,"  \vrites  Pigafetta, 
"  came  to  our  aid,"  and  they  reached  the  shelter  of  the 
river  and  anchored  in  safety.  The  latitude  was  fixed, 
with  very  tolerable  accuracy,  at  50°.  In  this  port,  of 
whose  desolate  character  Darwin  has  left  us  a  graphic 

1  Letter  of  Recalde.    See  Navarrete,  vol.  iv.  p.  206. 

2  Before  their  departure  Andres  de  San  Martin  took  observations  to 
determine  the  latitude.  The  result  he  obtained  was  49°  18'  S. ,  which 
is  wonderfully  correct.     Herrera,  op.  cit,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  is.  cap.  xiv. 


1520.]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  187 

account,^  two  montlis  were  passed  The  time  was  spent 
in  provisioning  the  ships  with  such  wood  as  could  be 
obtained,  and  with  fish,  of  which  there  was  abundance. 
On  the  drying  and  preserving  of  a  sufficient  supply  of 
these  their  future  comfort — perhaps  even  their  future 
plans — depended,  for  the  stores  of  the  fleet  had  already 
begun  to  reach  an  alarming  stage  of  diminution.  Visits 
were  paid  to  the  coast  to  the  southward,  where  the  wreck 
of  the  Santiago  had  taken  place,  and  such  articles  as  had 
since  been  washed  ashore  were  recovered. 

No  occurrence  worthy  of  note  befell  the  navigators 
during  their  delay  in  the  river,  if  we  except  a  supposed 
eclipse  of  the  sun,  recorded  by  the  historian  Herrera, 
but  by  no  single  one  of  those  actually  present  who  have 
left  us  an  account  of  the  voyage.  In  an  age  of  writing 
which  erred  even  more  in  ellipsis  than  garrulity,  this 
latter  circumstance  could  not,  however,  be  advanced  as  a 
conclusive  proof  of  its  non-occurrence.  "On  the  nth 
October,"  we  are  told,"  ^  "  while  in  this  river,  an  eclipse 
of  the  sun  was  awaited,  which  in  this  meridian  should 
have  occurred  at  eight  minutes  past  ten  in  the  morning. 
When  the  sun  reached  an  altitude  of  422^°,  it  appeared 
to  alter  in  brilliancy,  and  to  change  to  a  sombre  colour, 
as  if  inflamed  of  a  dull  crimson,  and  this  without  any 
cloud  intervening  between  ourselves  and  the  solar  body. 
Not  that  the  body  of  the  sun,  either  wholly  or  in  part, 
was  obscured,  but  its  clearness  appeared  as  it  might  in 
Castile  in  the  months  of  July  and  August  when  they  are 
burning  the  straw  in  the  surrounding  country.  This 
lasted  till  it  reached  an  altitude  of  44|°,  when  it  regained 
its  original  brilliancy." 

1  Voyage  of  the  Beagle,  chap.  ix. 

2  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xiv. 


188  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  vil. 

What  conclusion  to  draw  from  the  above  passage  it  is 
difficult  to  decide.  The  haziness  of  the  sun  could  only 
have  been  due  to  some  atmospheric  cause.  An  annular 
eclipse  of  the  sun  certainly  did  take  place  October 
nth,  1520,  but  it  was  not  visible  upon  the  coast  of 
Patagonia,  the  central  line  crossing  the  meridian  of 
the  Santa  Cruz  river,  more  than  30°  north  of  the 
Equator.  1 

With  the  advent  of  October  the  weather  improved, 
and  on  the  iSth  Magellan  judged  the  spring  to  be  suffi- 
ciently far  advanced  for  the  continuation  of  his  voyage. 
The  fleet  was  got  under  way.  Feeling  sure  that  he 
must  ere  long  come  upon  the  object  of  his  search,  the 
admiral  ordered  the  ships  to  keep  along  the  coast  as 
before.  For  two  days  they  were  baffled  by  head-winds 
and  bad  weather,  fighting  their  way  southward  inch  by 
inch.  At  length  the  wind  shifted  to  the  north,  and 
they  ran  before  it  on  a  S.S.  W.  course  for  two  days  more. 
On  the  2ist  October,  1520,  they  found  themselves  in 
sight  of  land;  "and  there,"  says  the  pilot  Alvo,  "we 
saw  an  opening  like  unto  a  bay."  They  were  off  Cabo 
de  las  Virgenes,  and  Magellan  had  found  his  long-hoped- 
for  strait  at  last ! 

We  must  pause  here  for  a  moment  to  consider  a  question 
of  the  greatest  interest — a  question  that  has  never  yet 
been  satisfactorily  answered.  Did  Magellan  know,  as  a 
certain  fact,  of  the  existence  of  the  strait  ?  Or  was  his 
discovery  of  it  due  to  a  carefully  reasoned-out  argument 
based  upon  the  presumed  homology  of  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope  ?     Or  was  it  from  the  blindest  of  chances,  from 

1  Oppolzer's  Canon  der  Finsternisse,  published  in  the  Denkschrif ten 
of  the  Vienna  Academy,  vol.  lii.  For  this  information  the  writer  is 
indebted  to  the  kindness  of  Professor  G.  H.  Darwin. 


1520.]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  189 

the  sort  of  fortune  that  guides  a  caged  bird,  panting  for 
liberty,  to  the  broken  bar  of  its  prison  ? 

In  Pigafetta's  account  of  the  voyage  there  occurs  a 
very  remarkable  passage,  so  clearly  and  definitely  ex- 
pressed, that,  did  it  only  emanate  from  a  more  accurate 
author,  the  ma,tter  would  seem  at  once  and  for  ever  set  at 
rest.  "  We  all  believed,"  it  runs,  speaking  of  the  strait, 
"  that  it  was  a  cul-de-sac  ;  but  the  captain  knew  that  he 
had  to  navigate  through  a  very  well-concealed  strait, 
having  seen  it  in  a  chart  preserved  in  the  treasury  of 
the  King  of  Portugal,  and  made  by  Martin  of  Bohemia, 
a  man  of  great  parts."  ^  The  matter  is  also  alluded  to 
by  Gomara,^  but  he  throws  doubt  upon  it,  and  says  that 
"  the  chart  showed  no  strait  whatever,  as  far  as  I  could 
learn  ; "  and  his  evidence,  as  that  of  a  contemporary  his- 
torian, is  not  without  weight.  Herrera,  speaking  of  the 
offer  made  by  Magellan  and  Faleiro  at  the  Spanish 
court,  tells  us  that  they  proposed  to  conduct  their  ships 
to  the  Moluccas  "  by  means  of  a  certain  strait,  at  that 
time  not  known  of  by  any  one,"  ^  and,  a  few  lines  farther 
on,  gives  the  story  of  Martin  Behaim's  chart,  and  adds 
that  "  from  him  they  obtained  much  information  con- 
cerning this  strait."  M.  Ferdinand  Denis, in  Ws, Portu- 
gal, gives  us  some  information  as  to  the  'provenance  of 
this  chart.  **  On  a  affirm^,"  he  says,  "que  le  d^troit  de 
Magellan  avait  ete  clairement  indique  des  le  15  me  siecle, 

1  "Se  non  fosse  stato  il  sapere  del  capitano-generale,  non  si  sarebbe 
passato  per  quello  stretto,  perche  tutti  credevamo  che  fosse  chiuso ; 
ma  egli  sapea  di  dover  navigare  per  uno  stretto  molto  nascosto,  avendo 
cio  veduto  in  una  carta  serbata  nella  tesoreria  del  Re  di  Portogallo,  e 
fatta  da  Martino  di  Boemia,  uomo  excel! entissimo." — Pigafetta,  Privio 
Viaggio,  Milan  edit.,  p.  36. 

2  Historia  de  las  Indias,  cap.  xci. 

3  "Este  seria  por  cierto  estrecho  de  mar  no  conocido  hasta  entonces 
de  ninguna  persona." — Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  six. 


190  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  Vll. 

sur  une  des  deux  cartes  apport^es  jadis  en  Portugal  par 
Don  Pedro  d'Alfarrobeira,  et  que  Ton  conservait  pre 
cieusement  jadis  dans  le  couvent  d'Alcobaga ; "  but  he 
offers  no  opinion  as  to  the  trutb  of  the  statement.  We 
have  yet  another  of  the  great  historians  who  discusses 
the  possibilities  of  Magellan's  foreknowledge  of  his  strait 
— Oviedo,  who  wrote  in  1546,  a  period  which  is  within 
measurable  distance  of  the  great  navigator's  voyage.  In 
one  passage  he  speaks  with  no  uncertain  voice — "of 
which  strait  and  voyage  none  had  knowledge  or  remem- 
brance until  the  renowned  Captain  Ferdinand  Magellan 
discovered  and  showed  it  to  us."^  But  elsewhere  the 
claims  of  Martin  Behaim  are  discussed,  and  he  decides 
that,  whether  the  discovery  was  due  to  his  suggestion  or 
to  the  pluck  of  Magellan,  the  latter  is  worthy  of  all 
praise,  and  "  more  is  owing  to  his  capacity  than  to  the 
science  of  the  Bohemian." 

All  the  foregoing,  it  will  be  observed,  are  the  opinions 
of  people  writing  after  the  event.  For  the  journal  of 
Pigafetta  we  know  to  be  in  many  places  no  journal  at 
all,  but  to  have  been  written  up  some  time  after  the 
occurrence  of  the  various  incidents,  possibly  even  not 
till  his  arrival  in  Spain.  The  question  will  be  asked. 
Is  there  any  passage  of  a  date  anterior  to  the  voyage 
which  would  lead  us  to  conclude  that  the  great  navigator 
suspected  the  existence  of  an  opening  from  the  Atlantic 
into  the  Pacific  ?  and  it  may  be  answered  in  the  affirma- 
tive. Whether  that  suspicion  amounted  to  actual  know- 
ledge it  is  difficult  to  say.  However,  not  only  have 
we  the  record  of  Herrera  as  to  the  examination  of 
Magellan  before  Charles  V.'s  ministers,  and  the  exhibi- 
tion of  Pedro  Reynel's  globe,  in  which  "de  industria 
1  Oviedo,  op.  cit.,  Bk.  xx.  cap.  i. 


1520.]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  191 

dex6  el  estrecho  en  bianco,"  but  a  document  is  still 
existing  which  places  the  matter  beyond  a  doubt.  In 
the  capituladon  granted  by  the  King  to  Magellan  and 
Faleiro  on  the  22nd  March,  15 18,  the  phrase  "para 
buscar  el  estrecho  de  aquellas  mares  " — to  go  in  search  of 
the  strait — is  used,  and  it  would  seem  from  the  use  of 
the  definite  article  as  if  some  actual  known  or  rumoured 
strait  was  intended. 

We  may  now  turn  to  the  evidence  of  various  maps 
and  globes.  There  occurs  in  the  Tratado  of  Antonio 
Galvao,  which  was  afterwards  englished  by  Richard 
Hakluyt  in  1 601,  an  account  of  "a  most  rare  and  excel- 
lent map  of  the  world,  which  was  a  great  helpe  to  Don 
Henry  (the  Navigator)  in  his  discoueries,"  and  which 
may  possibly  have  been  the  starting-point  of  Magellan's 
theory  of  the  existence  of  a  Pacifico- Atlantic  passage. 
*'In  the  yeero  1428  it  is  written  that  Don  Peter,  the 
King  of  Portugal's  eldest  sonne,  was  a  great  traueller. 
He  went  into  England,  France,  Almaine,  and  from 
thence  into  the  Holy  Land,  and  to  other  places ;  and 
came  home  by  Italia,  taking  Piome  and  Venice  in  his 
way :  from  whence  he  brought  a  map  of  the  world 
which  had  all  the  parts  of  the  world  and  earth  described. 
The  Streight  of  Magelan  was  called  in  it  the  Dragon's 
taile."^  QfK\\diO,  par  parentliese,  mentions  another  map, 
which  his  friend  Francisco  de  Sousa  Tavarez  had  him- 
self seen,  made  in  1408,  which  marked  the  navigation  of 
the  Indies  and  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  These  two  are 
doubtless  those  alluded  to  by  Ferdinand  Denis,  and  the 
clear  account  of  them  renders  them  at  any  rate  worthy 
of  mention  as  a  piece  of  evidence.  But  they  are,  after 
all,  but  of  slight  weight  in  the  scale.  Of  quite  another 
^  Galvano,  Hakluyt  Soc,  p.  67. 


192  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  vil. 

value  are  two  still  extant  globes,  which  demand  a  careful 
and  detailed  consideration. 

These  globes  were  constructed  by  Johann  Schbner, 
Professor  of  Mathematics  in  Nurembei-g,  in  the  years 
15 15  and  1520.  Both  are  so  alike  in  their  outline  of 
South  America,  that  as  far  as  concerns  the  question 
under  consideration  they  may  be  regarded  as  one. 

A  glance  at  the  planispheres  here  reproduced  will 
render  a  lengthy  description  unnecessary.  Briefly,  a 
Pacifico- Atlantic  passage  is  in  them  boldly  drawn.  It 
is  represented  in  or  about  latitude  45°  S.,  and  in  the 
earlier,  or  Frankfort,  globe  a  line  is  traced  embracing 
the  coast  beyond  the  strait  and  enclosing  the  legend 
"  Terra  ult.  incognita,"  thus  implying — almost  without  a 
shadow  of  doubt — that  this  strait  had  been  at  that  date 
already  visited  and  recognised  as  a  waterway  between 
the  two  oceans.  South  of  this  an  indefinite  mass  of 
land  is  figured,  to  which  the  name  of  ^^  Brasilie  rer/io" 
or  "  Brasilia  Inferior  "  is  given.  Some  distance  off  the 
eastern  mouth  of  the  strait  is  placed  a  small  group  of 
islands. 

What  had  Schoner  in  his  mind  when  he  gave  this 
strait  a  place  upon  his  globes  ?  What  were  his  sources 
of  information  ?  Was  it  fact  or  conjecture  that  guided 
his  pencil  1     These  are  the  questions  we  have  to  answer. 

Some  light  is  thrown  upon  them  by  a  work  of  the 
cosmographer  which  was  published  at  the  same  time  as 
his  early  globe,  and  intended  to  be  in  great  measure 
illustrative  of  it.^  In  it  he  speaks  of  his  "  Brasilias 
regio  " — that  the  country  was  not  far  from  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  :  that  the  Portuguese  had  explored  it,  and 

1  Luculentissima  qucedd  terrcB  totius  descriptio.  Schoaer,  Nurem- 
berg, 1515,  4to. 


SCHONER's 


SCHONER 

1520. 


CrThHipi  Sm 


1520.]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  193 

had  discovered  a  strait  going  from  east  to  west;  that 
this  strait  resembled  the  strait  of  Gibraltar;  and  that 
"Mallaqua  "  was  not  far  distant  therefrom.^ 

All  this  information  was,  nevertheless,  not  gathered 
at  first  hand  by  Schoner.  Shortly  before  he  wrote — 
but  how  long  we  do  not  know,  for  the  title-page  bears 
no  date — was  published  a  certain  pamphlet  in  bad 
German,  anonymous,  and  apparently  a  confused  trans- 
lation of  a  Portuguese  original — the  "  Copia  der  Newen 
Zeytung  mis  Presillg  Landt."  From  this  he  apparently 
took  his  description  almost  word  for  word,  and  the 
question  thus  shifts  itself  a  point  further  back  into  the 
examination  of  the  provenance  and  authorities  of  the 
"  Copia:' 

"We  do  not  get  very  much  information  from  the  work 
itself,  but  what  we  do  get  is  very  interesting.  The 
captain  of  the  ship,  whose  voyage  it  describes,  was  a 
'■^fast  gilt  frewndt "  of  the  writer,  and  the  expedition  is 
stated  to  have  been  fitted  out  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Portuguese  government  by  various  private  gentlemen, 
among  wliom  teas  '■^ Christoffel  de  Haw"  It  is  exceed- 
ingly probable  then  that  it  was  either  that  of  Gonzalo 
Coelho  or  of  Christovao  Jacques,  and  the  probability 
is  in  favour  of  the  latter.     That  it  was  little  known 

^  Schoner,  op.  cit.  Tract.  II.  cap.  ii,  fol.  60  v.  "A  capite  bonae 
spei  (quod  Itali  Capo  de  bona  speranza  vocitant)  parum  distat.  Circum- 
navigaveniut  itaque  Portugalienses  earn  regionem,  et  comperierunt 
ilium  transitum  fere  conformem  nostrse  Europaj  (quam  nos  incolimus) 
et  lateraliter  infra  orientem  et  occidentem  situm.  Ex  altero  insuper 
latere  etiam  terra  visa  est,  et  penes  caput  hujus  regionis  circa  miliaria 
60,  CO  videlicet  modo :  ac  si  quis  navigaret  orientem  versus  et  tran- 
situm sive  striatum  Gibel  terrse  aut  Sibiliae  navigar<=^t,  et  Barbariam, 
hoc  est  Mauretaniam  in  Aphrica  intueretur  ;  ut  ostendet  Globus  noster 
versus  polum  antarcticum.  Insuper  modica  est  distantia  ab  hoc 
Brasilia)  regione  ad  Mallaquam." 

N 


194  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  vn. 

about,  and  only  chronicled  en  passant  by  the  historians, 
was  no  doubt  owing  to  the  fact  that  it  was  a  purely 
commercial  venture,  in  which  the  obtaining  of  a  good 
cargo  of  Brazil-wood  and  slaves  was  of  greater  importance 
than  cosmography. 

Dr.  Wieser,  although  admitting  that  there  is  strong 
reason  to  believe  the  "  Copia  "to  be  the  outcome  of  the 
voyage  of  Ohristovao  Jacques,  and  consequently  allowing 
the  strait  depicted  on  Schbner's  globes  to  have  been 
discovered  by  that  explorer,  does  not  admit  that  it  was 
the  strait  of  Magellan.  He  dismisses  all  possibility  of 
such  being  the  case  upon  the  one  argument  that  the 
"  Copia  "  speaks  of  it  as  being  in  40°  S,  The  Nuremberg 
globes  and  this  "  Zeytung "  can  no  longer,  he  says,  be 
adduced  in  proof  of  the  strait  having  been  discovered 
before  the  voyage  of  Magellan.^ 

A  careful  consideration  of  the  facts  will  not  necessarily 
lead  every  one  to  the  same  conclusion  as  that  arrived  at 
by  Dr.  Wieser.  The  "Zeytung"  is  no  learned  geogra- 
phical disquisition  published  by  some  king's  pilot  or 
great  cosmographer.  It  is  a  very  sketchy  and  mediocre 
work,  written  by  one  who  was  merely  a  ^^fast  gut 
frewndt "  of  the  captain,  and  we  cannot  therefore  place 
too  great  dependence  upon  the  accuracy  of  his  "  viertzig 
grad  lioch."  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  exact  position  of 
the  strait  did  not  interest  the  author  as  much  as  the 
animals  and  products  of  the  "  Presillg  Landt "  he 
describes.  Schoner,  too,  although  adopting  his  text 
almost  word  for  word,  does  not  accept  his  latitudes,  and 
the  strait  is  figured  in  45°  S.  Why  he  should  not  have 
placed  it  yet  further  to  the  south  it  is  difficult  to  say, 
for  if  we  turn  to  Ruysch's  mappamundi,  made  in  1507, 
1  Wieser,  Magalhdes-Strasse,  Innsbruck,  1881,  pp.  41,  47. 


1520.]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  195 

we  find,  written  across  the  lower  pai't  of  the  "Terra 
Sancte  Crucis,"  a  statement  to  the  effect  that  the  Portu- 
guese ships  had  at  that  time  penetrated  as  far  south  as 
lat.  50°. 

The  fact  that  certain  islands  are  figured  in  Schoner's 
globes  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  strait  is  of  some 
interest.  Whether  they  are  or  are  not  the  Falklands  it 
is  difficult  to  say.  In  the  1520  globe  they  bear  the  text 
"  Ins.  delle  Pulzelle."  That  Davis,  for  whom  the  honour 
of  the  discovery  of  the  Falkland  Islands  is  claimed, 
should  have  called  them  the  Virgin's  Land,  if  a  coinci- 
dence, is  at  least  a  curious  one. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  fact  in  connection  with 
the  question  of  Magellan's  foreknowledge  of  his  strait, 
is  that  of  Christopher  de  Haro  having  been  the  chief 
person  concerned  in  the  fitting  out  and  despatch  of  the 
ship  whose  voyage  was  the  cause  of  the  publication  of 
the  "Zeytung."  We  must  not  forget  the  friendship 
existing  between  him  and  Magellan,  nor  that  he  con- 
tributed more  than  a  fifth  part  of  the  cost  of  his  armada, 
nor  that  the  great  house  of  which  he  was  one  of  the 
leading  members,  had  probably  more  sources  of  infor- 
mation at  command  than  any  monarch.  Look  at  the 
matter  how  we  may,  certain  broad  facts  remain : — that 
both  Coelho  and  Christovao  Jacques  pushed  far  south 
along  the  shores  of  South  America  before  Magellan 
sailed  on  his  great  voyage,  though  how  far  is  unknown ; 
that  a  pamphlet,  likewise  indisputably  of  an  anterior 
date,  describes  a  Pacifico-Atlantic  strait  at  some  length ; 
and  finally,  that  Schoner  considered  the  information  he 
was  possessed  of  to  be  sufficiently  trustworthy  to  figure 
this  strait  upon  his  two  globes  of  15 15  and  1520. 

Shortly,  then,  we  have  three  reasons,  or  groups  of 


196  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  Vll. 

reasons,  for  supposing  that  the  existence  of  Magellan's 
Strait  was  known  prior  to  the  visit  of  that  navigator. 
Firstly,  the  passage  in  Pigafetta  deliberately  stating 
that  such  was  the  case,  and  the  mention  of  the  fact  by 
various  historians ;  secondly,  the  use  of  the  phrase  "  to 
go  in  search  of  the  strait  "  in  Charles  V.'s  capitulacion 
of  1518;  and  lastly,  the  evidence  of  various  maps  and 
globes  and  the  "Zeytung  aus  Presillg  Landt."  Let  us 
now  consider  the  arguments  that  can  be  adduced  on  the 
other  side  of  the  question. 

According  to  Pigafetta,  Magellan  derived  his  informa- 
tion from  a  chart  existing  in  the  King's  treasury.  "We 
are  not  told  when  he  saw  it.  Towards  the  end  of  his 
service  with  Portugal  he  was  out  of  favour  with  the 
King.  He  was,  indeed,  never  regarded  by  him  with 
anything  but  dislike,  and  it  is  therefore  improbable 
that  he  would  be  the  only  person  permitted  to  see  it. 
Gomara,  too,  says  that  when  Magellan  passed  into  the 
service  of  Spain,  and  his  intention  of  visiting  the 
Moluccas  became  known,  Dom  Manoel  remained  con- 
tent when  he  learned  that  he  had  promised  not  to  take 
the  route  by  the  Cape,  "  thinking  that  he  could  find  no 
other  way  nor  navigation  for  the  Spices  other  than  that 
which  he  (the  King)  had."  Dom  Manoel  would  hardly 
have  felt  so  reassured  had  he  a  chart  depicting  the 
straits  in  his  possession,  and  knew  that  Magellan  had 
consulted  it. 

The  uncertain,  slow,  and  groping  route  followed  by 
the  fleet  is  also  apparently  in  favour  of  a  want  of  definite 
knowledge  on  the  subject ;  but  it  is  quite  possible  that 
Magellan  wished  either  to  assure  himself  that  no  more 
northerly  passage  had  escaped  notice,  or  to  make  a 
tolerably  complete  survey  of  the  coast.      Finally,   the 


1520.]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  STRAIT.  197 

assertion  made  by  the  admiral  that  he  would  push  on 
even  to  lat.  75°  S.  to  find  the  object  of  his  search  shows 
considerable  indefiniteness.  And  we  must  not  forget 
that  the  historians  are — save  Galvao — one  and  all  silent 
as  to  its  former  discovery. 

On  the  whole,  then,  the  balance  of  evidence  is  in  favour 
of  a  more  or  less  inexact  knowledge  of  the  existence  of 
some  antarctic  break  in  the  vast  barrier  which  America 
opposed  to  a  western  passage.  No  less  indefinite  state- 
ment can  be  made  with  any  certainty.  It  is  indeed  pos- 
sible that  the  wish  was  father  to  the  thought,  and  that 
the  explorers  of  those  days,  having  tried  Central  and 
Northern  America  in  vain,  and  feeling  that  the  land  to 
the  south  of  the  Terra  Sanctse  Crucis  alone  offered  them 
a  chance,  eventually  persuaded  themselves  into  a  belief 
in  the  real  existence  of  the  object  of  their  desire.  There 
were  reasonable  arguments  in  favour  of  it  also.  The 
fact  that  the  southern  pai  t  of  the  continent  ever  trended 
to  the  west,  that  the  vast  mass  of  Africa  terminated  in  a 
cape,  appeared  of  no  little  import  to  navigators  at  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century.  An  idee  mere  does 
not  take  long  in  growing  into  a  conviction.  The  shortest 
route  to  the  enchanted  East  was  the  problem  which  filled 
the  mind  of  every  one.  And  so  they  were  ready  to  push 
their  explorations  to  the  farthest  limits,  that  their  ships 
might  float  on  the  waters  of  the  Pacific.  So  absorbing 
was  this  idea  that  it  led  them  to  contemplate  the  most 
gigantic  of  projects.  If  no  strait  could  be  found,  they 
would  see  what  human  labour  would  do.  They  would 
attempt  a  task  which  we,  with  all  the  money  and  re- 
sources and  engineering  skill  of  the  nineteenth  century 
have  attempted,  only  to  fail — they  would  cut  a  Panama 
canal.    No  weightier  evidence  of  the  all-absorbing  nature 


198  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vii. 

of  the  work  of  discovery  in  those  days  could  be  adduced.  ^ 
Whether  Magellan  had  a  previous  knowledge  of  his 
strait  or  not,  we  can  understand  how  strong  was  his 
determination  to  do  his  best  to  find  one. 

1  Gomara,  Hist.  General  de  las  Indias,  cap.  civ.,  under  the  heading 
"Concerning  the  Strait  which  could  be  made  in  order  to  go  more 
directly  to  the  Moluccas,"  discusses  the  construction  of  a  Panama 
canal  at  considerable  length.  The  passage  is  one  of  great  interest. 
Four  alternative  plans  are  given,  and  the  undertaking  is  strongly 
recommended.  "  Sierras  son,  pero  manos  ai,  Dadme  quien  lo  quiera 
hacer,  que  hacer  se  puede  :  no  falta  animo,  que  no  falterk  dinero,  i  las 
Indias,  donde  se  ha  de  hacer,  lo  dkn.  Para  la  Contratacion  de  la 
Especearia,  para  la  riqueza  de  las  Indias,  i  para  un  Reino  de  Castilla 
poco  es  lo  posible."  Galvao,  at  nearly  the  same  date,  discusses  the 
same  question  (Hakl.  Soc.  edit.,  p.  i8o). 


EORG£    FHILIf  A    SON;  LONDON  A  LIVERPOOL. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

1HE  LAST  VOYAGE— III.    THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE 
STRAIT. 

Thi  explorers,  we  have  seen,  reached  the  entrance  of  the 
Struts  on  October  21,  1520.  According  to  Thevet,  it 
was  Magellan  himself  who  first  descried  it.^  "Cefut 
luyqui  premier  le  descouurit  sur  la  minuict,  encores  que 
les  capitaines  des  aultres  nauires  estimassent  que  c'estoit 
quelque  goulfe,  qui  n'auoit  point  d'issue."  It  is  not  im- 
probable that  the  great  desire  of  his  life  should  lend  the 
leader  of  the  expedition  a  preternatural  keenness  of 
vision,  and  reward  him  as  it  rewarded  Columbus.^  Be 
that  as  it  may,  however,  the  order  was  given  for  the 
fleet  to  enter.  On  their  starboard  hand  they  passed  a 
cape,  which,  since  it  was  St.  Ursula's  day,  they  called 
the  Cape  of  the  Eleven  Thousand  Virgins.  The  pilot 
Alvo  took  the  latitude,  and  found  it  to  be  52°  S.^  The 
bay  within  was  spacious,  and  seemed  to  afford  good 
shelter.  The  admiral  gave  orders  that  Serrao  and  Mes- 
quita  should  continue  the  reconnaissance  in  the  Concep- 
iion  and  S.  Antonio.  Meanwhile  the  flagship  anchored 
in  company  with  the  Victoria  to  await  their  return, 
vhich  was  not  to  be  deferred  for  more  than  five  days.'' 

1  A.  Thevet,  Lcs  VraisPvurtraits  et  Vies  des  Hommes  niustres,  p.  529. 

'  In  the  narrative  of  the  anonymous  Portuguese  published  by 
Ramusio,  the  strait  is  called  after  the  Victoria,  "because  the  ship 
Viitoria  was  the  first  that  saw  it." 

^  Cape  Virgins  is  in  lat.  52°  20'  S. 

*  It  is  probable,  assuming  Pigafetta's  account  to  be  correct,  that 
the  vessels  anchored  in  Lomas  Bay,  upon  the  south  side  of  the  strait. 
199 


200  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  viii. 

During  the  night  one  of  the  characteristic  storms  of 
these  regions  broke  upon  them,  lasting  until  noon  upox 
the  following  day.  It  blew,  most  probably,  from  the 
north-east,  for  they  were  forced  to  weigh  anchor  anl 
make  an  offino;,  standing  on  and  off  until  the  weather 
moderated.  The  S.  Antonio  and  Concepcion  were  in  equally 
bad  case.  Endeavouring  to  rejoin  the  others,  they  fouod 
themselves  unable  to  weather  the  cape  which  separaied 
them  from  the  anchorage,^  and  were  obliged  to  put  abcut, 
seeing  nothing  but  certain  destruction  before  them,  for 
the  bay,  as  they  thought  it,  appeared  as  such — no  opn- 
ing  being  visible  at  its  head.  As  they  gave  themselres 
up  for  lost,  they  rounded  Anegada  Point,  and  the  entrauce 
of  the  "  First  Narrows  "  revealed  itself.  Up  these  ttey 
ran,  thankful  for  their  escape,  and  emerged  from  them  to 
find  themselves  in  the  great  bay  beyond.^  They  prosB- 
cuted  their  explorations  to  the  entrance  of  Broad  Reach, 
and  then  returned,  having  rapidly  surveyed  the  neigh- 
bouring waters,  and  assured  themselves  that  the  strait 
led  onwards  for  an  immense  distance  to  the  south. 

Magellan  had  meanwhile  awaited  them  with   more 

than  ordinaiy  anxiety.     It  was  feared  that  they  had 

been  lost  in  the  storm,  more  especially  from  the  fact 

that  certain  "  smokes  "  had  been  noticed  on  shore.    These 

they  afterwards  learnt  were  caused  by  fires  lit  by  two 

men  from  the  missing  ships,  with  the  object  of  revealing 

their  presence,  but  at  the  time  they  were  considered  t* 

For  he  distinctly  tells  us  that  the  mouth  of  the  "  First  Narrows" 
remained  unknown  to  them  until  discovered  by  the  S.  Antonio  ard 
her  consort.  This  could  not  have  been  the  case  had  they  anchored  in 
Possesfsion  Bay,  and  they  could  not  well  have  chosen  any  other  sp^t. 
Lomas  Bay  is  also  the  most  natural  shelter  for  a  ship — sailing,  it  mist 
be  remembered,  upon  unknown  waters — to  select. 

1  Probably  the  eastern  horn  of  the  Great  Orange  Bank. 

*  St.  Philip  orBoucant  Bay,— the  Lago  de  los  Estrechos  of  Oviedo. 


1520.] 


THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  STRAIT. 


201 


point  rather  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  a  shipwreck  had 
occiuTed.  While  the  crews 
of  the  two  vessels  were 
speculating  upon  the  fate 
of  their  comrades,  the  S. 
Antonio  and  Goncepcion  sud- 
denly hove  in  sight,  crowd- 
ing all  sail  and  gay  with 
flags.  As  they  approached, 
they  discharged  their  large 
bombards  and  shouted  for 
joy,  "upon  which,"  says 
Pigafetta,  "  we  united  our 
shouts  to  theirs,  and  thank- 
ing God  and  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary,  resumed  our 
journey." 

The  accounts  given  by  the 
two  crews  were  so  different 
that  it  is  probable  that  the 
vessels  separated  during 
their  reconnaissance,  and 
that  one  pushed  on  much  in 
advance  of  the  other.  They 
gave  it  as  their  opinion 
that  the  inlet  led  onward 
to  the  Pacific.  Not  only 
had  they  ascended  it  for 
three  days  without  finding 
any  sign  of  its  termination, 
but  the  soundings  in  the 
channel  were  of  very  gi'eat  depth,  and  in  many  cases  they 


202  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  Vlll. 

could  get  no  bottom.  The  flood,  moreover,  appeared 
stronger  than  the  ebb.  It  was  impossible,  they  said, 
that  the  Strait  should  not  be  found  to  continue.^ 

After  penetrating  three  or  four  miles  within  the 
'*  First  Narrows,"  the  admiral  signalled  the  fleet  again 
to  anchor,  and  despatched  a  boat  ashore  to  survey  the 
country.  Most  likely  the  appearance  of  habitations  had 
attracted  his  eye,  for  Herrera  tells  us  that  at  the  dis- 
tance of  a  mile  inland  the  men  came  upon  a  building 
containing  more  than  two  hundred  native  graves.  On  the 
coast  they  found  a  dead  whale  of  gigantic  size,  together 
with  a  great  quantity  of  the  bones  of  these  animals,  from 
which  they  concluded  that  the  storms  of  that  region  were 
both  frequent  and  severe.  Passing  the  Second  Narrows, 
the  squadron  entered  Broad  Reach,  and  anchored  on 
the  28th  October  off  an  island  at  its  head.^ 

From  the  sketchy  and  confused  accounts  that  have 
come  down  to  us,  it  is  impossible  to  reconstruct  an  exact 
itinerary  of  the  passage  of  the  Strait,  or  to  present  events 
in  any  certain  chronological  order.  We  are  in  possession 
of  a  few  facts  which  are  practically  incontestable.  We 
know  that  the  fleet  emerged  from  the  straits  upon  the 
28th  November ;  that  on  21st  November  Magellan  issued 
a  general  order  demanding  the  opinion  of  his  captains  and 
pilots  upon  the  question  of  continuing  the  voyage  ;  that 
the  S.  Antonio  deserted,  and  that  she  deserted  almost 
without  doubt  in  the   beginning  of  November.^     But 

1  "  Porque  las  corrientes  eran  maiores  que  las  mengoantes  era  impo- 
silile  que  aquel  bra^o  de  mar  no  pasase  mas  adelante." — Herrera,  Dec. 
ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xiv. 

2  Alvo's  diary.  There  is  every  probability  that  the  anchorage  at  the 
north  of  Elizabeth  Island,  now  known  as  Royal  Eoad,  was  that  chosen 
by  Magellan.  Cape  S.  Severin  of  Herrera  is  either  Cape  St.  Vincent 
or  the  headland  of  Gente  Grande  Bay. 

3  Herrera  (Dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xv. )  gives  an  account  of  a  council 


1520.]  THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  STRAIT.  203 

with  regard  to  the  chronology  of  minor  events  we  have 
to  confine  ourselves  to  probabilities.  According  to  Her- 
rera,  Magellan  took  the  opinion  of  his  officers  at  an  early 
period  of  his  passage  through  the  straits.  All  with  one 
exception  were  for  pushing  on.  They  had  provisions  for 
three  months  still  remaining.  Fired  by  the  spirit  of 
their  chief,  it  seemed  to  them  a  disgrace  to  return  to 
Spain  at  this  juncture.  What  had  they  to  show  for  all 
the  bitter  months  of  hardship  through  which  they  had 
passed  ?  Where  were  the  riches  of  which  they  were  in 
search,  the  islands  over  which  they  had  been  granted 
seignorial  rights  ?  So  utterly  unknown  was  the  Pacific, 
so  vague  the  ideas  at  that  time  prevalent  as  to  the  actual 
size  of  the  globe  they  were  then  circumnavigating  for 
the  first  time,  that  there  seemed  to  them  no  impossi- 
bility in  the  idea  that  the  Spice  Islands  were  already 
almost  within  their  reach.  It  were  folly  at  least  not  to 
carry  on  their  explorations  a  little  farther  now  that  the 
summer  was  before  them. 

The  only  voice  raised  in  opposition  was  that  of  Estevao 
Gomes,  pilot  of  the  S.  Antonio.  Although  a  country- 
man of  the  admiral,  and  indeed  a  kinsman  also,^  he  had 
been  for  some  time  upon  bad  terms  with  his  relative. 
Pigafetta  tells  us  the  hatred  he  bore  him  arose  from  the 
fact  that  the  despatch  of  Magellan's  expedition  did  away 

held  by  Magellan  with  regard  to  the  advisability  of  the  prosecution  of 
the  voyage  in  2vhich  Estevao  Gomes,  pilot  of  the  S.  Antonio,  spoke. 
But  Barros  (Dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  xix.)  gives  Magellan's  "Order  of  the 
Day  "  in  extenso,  which  bears  date  21st  November.  It  seems  hardly 
probable  that  there  were  two  councils  upon  this  subject,  or  that,  if 
there  were,  some  reference  to  the  fact  should  not  have  been  made, 
but  it  is  of  course  possible.  It  is  also  singular  that  in  Magellan's 
"Order"  of  21st  November,  and  Andres  de  San  Martin's  reply  to  it, 
there  should  be  no  allusion  to  the  desertion  of  the  S.  Anto^iio. 
1  Barros  Arana,  op.  cit.,  p.  89. 


204  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  viii. 

with  hopes  he  had  formed  of  himself  leading  a  voyage  of 
exploration.^  Whatever  ill-will  may  have  pre-existed 
was  probably  increased  by  the  command  of  the  S.  Antonio 
having  been  conferred  upon  Alvaro  de  Mesquita  instead 
of  himself,  the  king's  pilot.  The  slight  was  none  the 
less  galling  from  the  fact  that  his  rival  was  a  mere 
supernumerary  borne  upon  the  books  of  the  Trinidad, 
and  probably  owed  his  fortune  rather  to  his  near  rela- 
tionship to  the  admiral  than  to  any  skill  as  a  navigator 
or  seaman. 

The  arguments  brought  forward  by  Gomes  were  plau- 
sible enough.  Now  that  they  had  apparently  found  the 
strait,  he  said,  it  would  be  better  to  go  back  to  Spain 
and  return  with  another  armada.  For  the  way  that  lay 
before  them  was  no  small  matter,  and,  if  they  encountered 
any  lengthened  period  either  of  calms  or  storms,  it  was 
probable  that  all  would  perish.  Magellan  replied  as 
those  who  knew  him  probably  expected  him  to  reply, 
albeit  unmoved  in  manner — "  con  semhlante  muy  com- 
puesto  " — "  that  if  they  had  to  eat  the  leather  on  the  ships' 
yards  he  would  still  go  on,  and  discover  what  he  had 
promised  to  the  Emperor,  and  that  he  trusted  that  God 
would  aid  them  and  give  them  good  fortune."  But  the 
opposition  of  Gomes,  whose  skill  as  a  pilot  was  beyond 
question,  must  have  rendered  his  position  a  diiiicult  one. 
Foreseeing  the  possibihties  of  fvirther  grumbling,  if  not 
mutiny,  he  issued  an  order  that  no  one,  under  pain  of 
death,  should  discuss  the  difficulties  of  the  task  that  lay 
before  them,  or  the  scarcity  of  provisions  with  which 
they  were  threatened.  It  is  doubtful  how  far  this  would 
have  availed  had  his  crews  known  what  misery  was  in 

1  "  Molto  odiava  il  Capitano-Gener.ale,  il  cui  progetto  fatto  alia  Corte 
di  Spagna  era  stato  cagione  che  I'lmperatore  non  affidasse  a  lui  alcuue 
caravclle  per  iscoprire  nuoveterre." — Pk/afetta,  p.  38,  ed.  cit. 


1520.]  THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  STRAIT.  205 

store  for  them.  For  the  admiral's  words  came  literally 
true ;  and,  broken  down  with  scurvy  and  privation  in 
their  long  passage  across  the  Pacific,  the  men  did  eat 
the  leather  on  the  yards,  and  the  ships  still  pressed 
onward  for  the  Moluccas. 

Next  day  the  fleet  made  sail  on  a  S.S.E.  course 
down  Broad  Reach,  approaching  a  point  on  their  port 
hand.  ^  Beyond  they  came  to  three  channels,  of  which, 
according  to  Herrera,  intelligence  had  been  already 
brought  by  the  Concepcion  and  S.  Antonio — which  two 
ships  had  been  despatched  on  a  second  reconnaissance 
from  Elizabeth  Island.  Of  Ihese  three  fjords,  "  one  led 
in  the  direction  of  the  Scirocco  (S.E.),  one  to  the 
Libeccio  (S.  W.)  and  the  third  towards  the  Moluccas."  - 
The  fleet  anchored  at  some  place  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  their  mouths,  and  Magellan  ordered  the  two  pilot 
ships  to  explore  the  south-eastern  arm.  Meanwhile, 
in  company  with  the  Vidoi'ia,  the  flagship  followed 
up  the  main  channel,  having  left  instructions  for  the 
future  course  to  be  pursued  by  Mesquita  and  Serrao. 

Rounding  Cape  Froward,  the  admiral  continued  onward 
for  fifteen  leagues,  when  he  anchored  in  a  river  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  the  River  of  Sardines,  from  the 
abundance  of  those  fish  they  obtained  there.  The  ships 
watered  and  cut  wood,  which  they  found  so  fragi'ant 
in  burning,  that  "it  afforded  them  much  consolation." 
Shortly  after  their  arrival  in  this  port  they  sent  on  a 
boat  well  manned  and  provisioned  to  explore  the  chan- 
nel further.     In  three  days  it  returned  with  the  joyful 

1  Some  point  between  Gente  Grande  and  Useless  Bays,  pcssibly 
Cape  Monmouth. 

2  Admiralty  and  Magdalen  Sounds,  and  Froward  Reach  of  the  main 
channel. 


206  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  Vlil. 

intelligence  that  they  had  sighted  the  cape  which  ter- 
minated the  strait,  and  had  seen  the  open  sea  beyond.^ 
So  delighted  were  the  explorers  with  this  happy  termi- 
nation to  their  anxieties,  that  salvoes  of  artillery  were 
discharged,  and  Magellan  and  those  with  him  wept  for 
very  joy. 

Four  days  or  more  had  now  elapsed^  without  sign 
of  the  two  other  vessels,  and  the  admiral  accordingly 
decided  to  leave  the  River  of  Sardines  ^  and  retrace  his 
steps  in  search  of  them.  On  their  way  they  had  leisure 
to  examine  the  striking  scenery  by  which  they  were  sur- 
rounded. On  entering  the  straits,  they  had  found  the 
country  desolate  and  poor,  more  or  less  devoid  of  vegeta- 

1  "Dopo  tre  giorni  essi  tornarono,  e  ci  riferirono  d'aver  veduto  il 
capo  a  cui  terminava  lo  stretto,  e  quindi  il  mare  ampio,  cioh  I'oceano. " 
— Pigafetta,  ed.  cit.,  p.  38. 

2  According  to  Herrera,  a  stay  of  six  days  was  made  here,  ii.  9,  15. 

3  It  is  difficult  to  identify  the  River  of  Sardines  with  any  degree  of 
accuracy.  From  Pigafetta's  evidence  it  would  be  such  a  distance  from 
the  exit  of  the  straits  that  the  boat  journey  there  and  back  would 
take  three  days.  It  would  not  be  necessary  to  proceed  beyond 
Tamar  Island  to  sight  Cape  Deseado  and  the  open  sea,  and  it  is 
possible  to  reach  Tamar  Island  from  any  point  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Carlos  III.  Island  and  return  within  the  time  given.  Herrera  tells 
us  that  after  leaving  the  S.  Antonio  at  Cape  Valentyn,  the  admiral, 
anduvo  un  dia — went  forward  for  one  day — and  then  anchored  in  a 
river  which  is  evidently  the  River  of  Sardines.  Alvo  says  that  after 
rounding  Cape  Froward  they  went  on  about  fifteen  leagues  (obi'a  de 
15  IcgiMs)  and  anchored.  His  journal  renders  it  probable  that  it  lay 
east  of  the  entrance  to  Otway  Water.  A  passage  farther  on  in  Piga- 
fetta tells  us  that  the  River  of  Sardines  was  close  to  the  River  of  Isles, 
and  that  the  latter  had  an  island  opposite  to  it,  upon  which  Magellan 
planted  a  cross  as  a  signal.  This  island  must  almost  certainly  have 
been  one  of  the  Charles  Islands,  which  are  full  in  the  fairway  of  the 
channel,  and  admirably  suited  for  the  construction  of  a  cairn  or  signal 
to  attract  the  notice  of  any  passing  ship.  Port  Gallant  and  Port  S. 
Miguel,  therefore,  most  probably  correspond  to  the  River  of  Sardines 
and  the  River  of  Isles.  In  the  Anuario  Hidrographico  de  Chile,  vol. 
V.  p.  393,  Andrews  Bay  is  suggested  as  the  River  of  Sardines. 


1520.] 


THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  STRAIT. 


207 


tion,  and  consisting  of  nearly  level  plains.  Here  they 
were,  as  Herrera  tells  us,  "  in  the  most  beautiful  country 
in  the  world — the  strait  a  gunshot  across,"  separating 
high  sierras  covered  with  perpetual  snow,  whose  lower 
slopes  were  clothed  with  magnificent  trees.^  It  was  not 
long  before  they  met  with  Serrao's  ship,  the  Concepcion, 
but  she  was  alone.  Magellan,  suspecting  perhaps  that 
some  accident  had  happened  to  the  S.  Antonio,  at  once 
hailed  and  demanded  news  of  her.     Serrao  had  none  to 


POUT   FAMINE,    MAGKI.I.ANS   STRAITS. 

give.  She  had  outsailed  them  almost  from  the  moment 
of  their  departure  from  Cape  Yalentyn,  and  they  had 
not  seen  her  since. 


1  The  extraordinary  suddenness  of  the  change  in  the  scenery  of  the 
straits  is  dwelt  upon  by  Darwin  in  his  Voyage  of  the  Beagle,  chap. 
xi.  The  distance  between  Port  Famine  and  Cape  Gregory  in  the 
"Second  Narrows"  is  about  sixty  miles.  "At  the  former  place  we 
have  rounded  mountains  concealed  by  impervious  forests,  which  are 
drenched  with  the  rain  brought  by  an  endless  succession  of  gales ; 
while  at  Cape  Gregory  there  is  a  clear  and  bright  blue  sky  over  the 
dry  and  sterile  plains." 


208  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  viii. 

Upon  receiving  the  news,  Magellan  at  once  instituted 
a  search.  Admiralty  Sound,  for  the  exploration  of  which 
the  S.  Antonio  had  been  detailed,  was  examined  to  its 
inmost  recesses  without  result,  and  the  Victoria  was 
then  despatched  northwards  with  the  idea  that  the 
missing  ship,  having  misunderstood  orders,  might  return 
upon  her  track  under  the  belief  that  she  would  meet  her 
consorts  at  Elizabeth  Island.  But  Broad  Reach  was 
found  to  be  deserted,  and  though  the  Victoria  sailed  back 
to  the  very  entrance  of  the  straits,  no  trace  of  the  vessel 
was  to  be  seen. 

It  was  scarcely  possible  that  any  misunderstanding 
could  have  occurred.  In  the  "  Instruccion  "  given  by  the 
Emperor  to  Magellan  and  Faleiro  on  the  8th  May,  15 19, 
the  fullest  rules  were  laid  down  with  regard  to  the  course 
to  be  pursued  upon  the  accidental  separation  of  a  ship 
from  the  squadron.^  One  of  two  things  had  happened 
— the  S.  Antonio  had  either  been  lost,  and  lost  with  all 
hands,  for  otherwise  their  search  must  have  revealed 
some  traces  of  her,  or  she  had  deserted.  The  men  of 
the  Victoria,  having  placed  ensigns  in  two  conspicuous 
positions  with  letters  of  instruction  buried  at  their  feet, 
returned  to  the  admiral  with  the  news.  He  was  awaiting 
them  with  the  other  ship  in  the  River  of  Isles,  in  close 
l^roximity  to  his  former  anchorage,  the  River  of  Sardines. 

The  intelligence  was  a  great  blow  to  Magellan,  the 
greater  because  it  occurred  at  the  very  moment  of  his 
success,  and  at  a  time  when  every  ounce  of  food  was  of 
importance  in  the  further  prosecution  of  his  journey. 
Unwilling  to  realise  it,  he  was  anxious  to  delay  some 
time  longer,  in  the  hope  that  some  unforeseen  circum- 
stance might  have  happened,  and  that  at  any  moment 
1  See  Navarrete,  vol,  iv.  p.  133,  art.  ix. 


1520.]  THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  STRAIT.  209 

the  missing  ship  might  return.  But  reflection  convinced 
him  of  the  uselessness  of  so  doing,  and  he  resolved  to 
continue  his  journey.  Barros  tells  us  that,  wishing  to 
know  what  had  occurred,  the  Captain-general  requested 
the  astrologer,  Andres  de  San  Martin,  to  cast  the  horo- 
scope. He  was  informed  that  the  ship  had  returned  to 
Spain,  and  that  her  captain  was  a  prisoner.^ 

There  were  now  but  three  vessels  of  the  fleet  remain- 
ing— the  capitana  or  flagship,  the  Victoria,  and  the 
Concepcion.  The  desertion  of  the  S.  Antonio  had  doubt- 
less caused  a  new  fear  in  the  heart  of  the  leader  of  the 
expedition — the  fear  that  her  example  might  be  not 
without  its  effect,  and  that  even  now  that  he  held  suc- 
cess in  his  grasp,  it  might  at  any  moment  be  wrested 
from  him.  He  was  no  man  of  inactivity,  masterly  or 
otherwise.  His  custom  was  ever  to  meet  his  dangers 
and  difl&culties  half-way,  and  disarm  them.  And  so, 
rather  than  permit  the  thoughts  of  ofiicers  and  men  to 
dwell  upon  the  weakened  condition  of  the  fleet,  and  the 
still  more  serious  loss  of  provisions,^  without  discussion, 
he  sent  an  order  to  each  ship  that  the  various  authorities 
should  express  their  opinion  upon  the  advisability  of 
continuing  the  voyage. 

This  order,  to  which  allusion  has  been  already  made, 
came  into  the  hands  of  the  historian  Barros  among 
various  papers  of  Andres  de  San  Martin.  It  was  promul- 
gated on  the  2ist  November  in  the  River  of  Isles.  The 
astrologer's  reply  was  subjoined,  and  is  the  only  one 
remaining  to  us.  He  was  of  opinion  that  they  should 
go   forward,    "so  long  as  they  had   the  full  bloom  of 

1  Barros,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap,  is.     Correa  also  has  this  story. 

2  The  S.  Antonio  was  the  largest  vessel  of  the  armada,  and  carried 
a  proportionately  large  quantity  of  stores. 

O 


210  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  viii. 

summer  with  them,"  ^  and  continue  their  discoveries  until 
mid-January,  albeit  he  did  not  consider  that  the  straits 
offered  a  proper  route  to  the  Moluccas.  He  strongly- 
counselled  that  the  ships  should  always  anchor  at  night, 
not  only  for  security's  sake,  but  in  order  that  the  crew, 
toil-worn  and  weak  as  they  were,  should  obtain  sufficient 
rest.  It  is  almost  incredible  that  the  ships — and  sailing 
ships,  it  must  be  remembered — should  have  attempted 
such  difficult  navigation  in  unknown  waters  by  night.  Yet 
from  this  we  can  only  conclude  that  such  was  the  case. 

Whether  the  suggestion  was  adopted  or  not,  Barros 
does  not  inform  us,  but  he  gives  us  the  general  tenor 
of  Magellan's  reply,  which  was  of  the  usual  character. 
The  admiral,  it  is  suggested,  only  requested  the  opinions 
of  his  officers  as  a  mere  matter  of  courtesy,  his  intention 
being  to  turn  back  for  no  one.  He  gave  many  reasons 
for  pushing  on,  adding  that  God,  who  had  brought  them 
thus  far  to  the  discovery  of  their  long-looked-for  strait, 
would  in  due  and  fitting  time  bring  them  to  the  ulti- 
mate realisation  of  their  desires.  Next  day,  having 
given  a  general  notification  of  his  opinion,  he  weighed 
anchor  amid  salvoes  of  artillery,  and  made  his  way 
towards  the  Pacific.  ^ 

1  "Parece  que  vossa  mercS  deve  ir  adiante  por  elle  agora,  em 
quanto  temos  a  frol  do  verao  na  mao." — Barros,  Dec,  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  ix. 

-  From  passages  in  the  diary  of  Alvo  and  the  so-called  Genoese 
pilot,  Magellan  is  supposed  to  have  passed  on  the  south  side  of  Carlos 
III.  Island  {Anuar.  Hidrogr.  de  Chile,  vol.  v.  p.  394,  note  41),  but 
there  are  not  suiBcient  grounds  for  this  supposition.  Presuming  the 
fleet  to  have  sailed  from  Port  S.  Miguel,  it  is  unlikely  that  they  would 
have  crossed  the  straits  to  navigate  a  much  less  evident  passage. 
Had  they  passed  on  the  north  side,  it  is  argued,  they  would  have  been 
led  off  the  track  into  Otway  Water.  But  the  entrance  to  Otway 
Water  is  so  obviously  not  the  main  channel,  that  it  would  never  have 
led  them  to  an  exploration  of  its  recesses.  Moreover,  they  knew  the 
way  from  the  crew  of  the  boat  who  had  already  sighted  the  Pacific. 


1520.]  THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  STRAIT.  213 

The  constant  fires  seen  upon  the  southern  side  of  the 
straits  had  led  Magellan  to  give  to  the  land  the  name 
which  it  bears  to  this  day,  the  "  Tierra  del  Fuego."  It 
remained  for  Schouten  and  Le  !Maire,  nearly  a  hundred 
years  later,  to  prove  the  truth  of  his  surmise  concerning 
it — that  it  was  no  continent,  but  merely  an  island  or 
group  of  islands.  "To  the  left,"  says  the  letter  of 
Maximilian,  "  they  thought  the  land  to  consist  of  islands, 
for  on  that  side  they  sometimes  heard  the  beating  and 
roaring  of  the  sea,  as  though  upon  some  farther  shore." 
They  must  have  been  nearing  the  exit.  On  the  evening 
of  the  28th  November,  1520,^  they  passed  Cape  Deseado 
— "the  longed-for  cape,"  as  they  termed  it — and  the 
little  armada  sailed  out  upon  the  hitherto  unknown 
waters  of  the  South  Pacific.  ^ 

Before  we  leave  the  strait  we  must  pause  for  a  moment 
to  glance  at  its  nomenclature.  Magellan,  it  has  been 
often  said,  conferred  upon  it  his  own  name,  but  that  this 
was  the  case  we  do  not  learn  from  any  contemporary 
narrative.  Pigafetta  figures  it  as  the  "  Streto  Pata- 
gonico,"  and,  according  to  the  diary  of  the  anonymous 
Portuguese,  it  was  called  Victoria  Strait,  since  that  ship 
first  sighted  it,  "though  some  called  it  the  Strait  of 
Magalhaes,  since  our  captain  was  named  Fernao  de 
Magalhaes."  On  the  arrival  of  the  vessels  at  the  narrow 
channel  beyond  Clarence  Land  the  name  of  Todos  os 

1  Both  AIvo  and  Pigafetta  agi-ee  in  this  date.  The  anonymous 
Portuguese  gives  the  27th  as  the  day,  and  the  Genoese  pilot  the  26th. 

2  The  account  given  by  Herrera  of  the  passage  of  the  straits  differs 
in  certain  particulars  from  that  here  given.  The  concurring  state- 
ments of  Pigafetta  and  either  of  the  two  pilots  have,  however,  been 
taken  as  preferable  whenever  such  concurrence  exists.  Elsewhere, 
what  is  evidently  supplemental  in  Herrera's  narrative  has  been  intro- 
duced with  as  strict  a  regard  for  chronology  as  rare-occurring  dates 
render  possible. 


214  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vili. 

Santos,  or  Todolos  Sanctos,  was  conferred  upon  it — it 
being  All  Saints'  Day,  the  ist  November.  In  1580  Sar- 
miento  re-christened  it  the  Strait  of  the  Mother  of  God. 
But,  as  may  be  imagined,  the  name  of  its  discoverer  was 
too  closely  associated  with  it  to  be  put  aside,  and  it  has 
remained,  and  always  will  remain,  the  Strait  of  Magellan. 
We  must  turn  now  to  the  S.  Antonio,  whose  base 
desertion  had  thrown  still  further  difficulties  in  the  path 
of  the  explorers.     It  appears  that,  from  the  moment  of 


ADMIRALTY    SOUND,    MAGELLAN  S   STRAITS. 

separating  at  Cape  Valentyn,  the  pilot  Gomes  had  de- 
termined to  put  into  execution  his  project  of  returning 
to  Spain.  On  the  third  day,  having  proved  Admiralty 
Channel  to  be  merely  an  inlet,  the  vessel  turned  north- 
ward once  more.  They  did  not  sight  Serrao's  ship,  the 
Concepcion,  which  was  probably  already  bound  westward 
up  the  straits.  One  author,  indeed,  tells  us  that  the  S. 
Antonio  slipped  past  the  entrance  of  the  inlet  at  night, 
with  the  express  purpose  of  avoiding  her.     Whatever 


1520.]  THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  STRAIT.  215 

may  have  been  the  ca.se,  when  the  time  came  to  shape 
their  course  for  the  rendezvous  prescribed  by  the  flag- 
ship, Estevao  Gomes  and  Geronimo  Guerra,^ — who  had 
been  made  tesorero  of  the  ship  by  Magellan  himself — 
resisted  Mesquita's  authority,  and  proposed  an  immediate 
return  to  Spain.  What  followed  is  not  clear.  The 
mutineers,  who  had  laid  their  plans  well,  and  won  over 
a  large  proportion  of  the  crew  to  their  side,  declared  on 
their  arrival  in  Seville  that  the  captain  stabbed  Gomes, 
and  that  he  in  turn  retaliated  by  stabbing  the  captain. 
The  last  at  least  was  true,  Mesquita  was  seized  and 
placed  in  irons,  ^  and,  according  to  O^^edo,  put  to  the 
torture  in  order  that  they  might  obtain  from  him  a 
statement  to  exculpate  the  mutineers. 

Geronimo  Guerra  was  made  captain,  and  with  Gomes 
as  pilot  the  ship  made  sail  to  clear  the  straits  as  quickly 
as  possible.  It  was  proposed  at  first  to  return  to  Port 
S.  Julian,  in  order  to  pick  up  their  two  comrades,  Car- 
tagena and  the  priest,  who,  it  wiU  be  remembered,  had 
been  left  there  as  a  punishment  for  their  share  in  the 
mutiny.  But  whether  it  was  thought  better  to  proceed 
at  once  to  Spain,  or  whether  a  visit  was  actually  paid 
to  the  spot  without  finding  their  companions,  the  fact 
remains  that  the  S.  Antonio  never  brought  them  back 
to  their  native  land.^     She  shaped  her  course  for  the 

1  Guerra  was  a  relation  of  Cristobal  de  Haro,  and  had  been  brought 
up  by  him — "su  pariente  y  criado,"  Recalde'a  letter,  Nav.  iv.  p.  201. 

2  The  date  of  this  occuiTence  is  given  in  Recalde's  letter  as  the  8th 
October — a  manifest  error,  as  the  fleet  did  not  enter  the  straits  until 
the  2ist  October.    The  incident  must  have  occurred  fully  a  month  later. 

3  Argensola,  i.  17,  says  distinctly  that  these  men  did  return  in  the 
S.  Antonio.  But  had  they  done  so,  we  should  have  had  some  mention 
of  the  fact  in  the  oiScial  letter  of  Recalde  to  the  Bishop  of  Burgos. 
Moreover,  the  result  of  this  letter,  as  we  learn  from  Herrera  (iii.  i.  4), 
was  an  order  from  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  to  send  a  ship  to  rescue 


216  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  vill. 

coast  of  Guinea,  where  they  took  water  and  provisions, 
the  former  having  already  failed  from  the  protracted 
length  of  the  voyage.  From  this  or  other  causes  the 
Patagonian  they  were  bringing  home  fell  sick  and  died. 
On  Wednesday,  6th  May,  1521,  the  vessel  arrived  at  the 
port  of  Seville. 

Gomes  and  his  comrades  had,  of  course,  a  well-con- 
cocted story  to  hide  their  treachery.  They  complained 
that  the  flagship  had  failed  at  the  rendezvous,  and 
having  searched  for  her  in  vain  they  had  no  alternative 
but  to  return  to  Spain.  But  they  did  not  confine  them- 
selves to  excuses.  The  gravest  accusations  were  brought 
against  Magellan — that  he  was  guilty  of  great  harshness 
and  cruelty,  that  he  sailed  at  random,  and  that  he  lost 
time  and  wasted  the  provisions  by  endless  delays,  and 
that  all  this  was  to  no  good  end  or  profit  whatsoever. 
"  Les  absents  ont  toujours  tort."  Magellan,  unable  to 
make  a  defence,  was  held  for  a  culprit,  and  Mesquita — 
whose  loyalty  had  procured  him  some  stabs  from  a 
poignard,  the  rack,  and  six  months  in  irons — was  thrown 
into  prison  as  his  accomplice.  It  was  in  vain  that  Ma- 
gellan's father-in-law,  Diogo  Barbosa,  came  to  his  aid,^ 
for  he  remained  there  until  the  return  of  the  Victoria. 
The  result  of  the  inquiry  instituted  by  the  India  House, 
however,  was  such  that  Gomes  and  Guerra,  together  with 
two  others  more  especially  implicated  in  the  mutiny,  were 
also  incarcerated.  Beatriz,  Magellan's  wife,  though  not 
actually  placed  under  lock  and  key,  was  strictly  watched, 

them.  We  hear  nothing  further  of  this  rescue.  It  is  more  than 
probable  that  the  ship  was  .never  despatched,  and  that  the  two 
mutineers  expiated  their  sins  with  their  lives.  Vide  Navarrete,  iv. 
p.  Ixxxii. 

J  "Diciendo  que  el  debria  ser  suelto,  y  los  que  lo  trujeron  presos." 
— Navarrete,  iv.  p.  202. 


1520.]  THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  STRAIT.  217 

"  in  order  that  she  should  not  escape  to  Portugal  until 
the  facts  of  the  case  are  better  understood."  ^ 

It  is  from  the  letter  of  the  Contador  Lopez  de  Recalde, 
already  alluded  to,  that  we  gather  most  of  the  details  of 
the  S.  Antonio  incident.  Two  years  later,  in  a  memorial 
presented  to  Charles  V.,  Diogo  Barbosa  alludes  to  the 
treatment  allotted  to  the  various  persons  concerned  in  it 
with  a  blunt  frankness  which  is  unusual  even  for  those 
days.  He  complains  that  the  mutineers  "were  very  well 
received  and  treated  at  the  expense  of  Your  Highness, 
while  the  captain  and  others  who  were  desirous  of  serv- 
ing Your  Highness  were  imprisoned  and  deprived  of  all 
justice."  "  It  is  from  this,"  he  adds,  "  that  so  many 
bad  examples  arise — heart-breaking  to  those  who  try  to 
do  their  duty."  It  must  be  allowed  that  his  remarks,  if 
not  those  of  a  courtier,  have  at  least  the  merit  of  being 
true,  and  that  had  Spain  treated  better  those  who  were 
at  that  time  only  too  ready  to  shed  their  blood  in  her 
service,  it  would  have  been  not  without  material  effect 
upon  the  history  of  her  colonies. 

1  Vide  Navarrete,  iv.  p.  Ixxxiii. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  LAST  VOYAGE— IV.    THE  LADRONES  AND 
PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 

The  three  remaining  ships  of  the  squadron,  passing  Cape 
Deseado,  directed  their  course  to  less  inhospitable  shores 
and  a  warmer  climate.  Their  passage  of  the  strait  had 
cost  them  thirty-eight  days.^  Although  its  length  was 
in  reality  not  more  than  320  miles,  the  many  incidents 
that  had  arisen  and  the  protracted  time  that  they  had 
spent  within  its  limits  led  them  to  exaggerate  its  size, 
and  the  distance  from  mouth  to  mouth  was  variously 
estimated  at  from  350  to  400  miles. 

On  reaching  the  Pacific,  the  other  Patagonian  captured 
in  Port  St.  Julian  died.  He  had  been  kept  on  board  the 
flagship,  and  had  apparently  reconciled  himself  in  part 
to  his  position.  To  Pigafetta  he  had  become  an  object 
of  curiosity  and  interest.  "  I  conversed  by  signs  or  as 
best  I  could  with  the  Patagonian  giant  we  had  on  board, 
making  him  tell  me  the  names  of  things  in  his  language, 
whence  I  was  able  to  form  a  vocabulary.  When  he  saw 
me  take  the  pen  in  my  hand  he  used  to  tell  me  the 
names  of  the  objects  around  us,  or  of  some  action  he 

1  Herrera  says  they  were  "  veynte  dias  que  naveg6  por  aquella 
estrechura,"  and  Oviedo  and  Maximilian  give  the  period  as  twenty- 
two  days.  This  may  possibly  mean  the  actual  time  occupied  in  sail- 
ing, or  perhaps  the  number  of  days  passed  in  traversing  the  narrow 
part  to  which  the  name  "Canal  de  Todos  Santos"  was  more  particularly 
applied. 

218 


1520.]  VOYAGE  ACROSS  THE  PACIFIC.  219 

might  imitate.  .  .  .  When  he  felt  himself  gravely  ill  of 
the  malady  from  which  he  afterwards  died,  he  embraced 
the  Cross  and  kissed  it,  and  desired  to  become  a  Christian. 
We  baptized  him,  and  gave  him  the  name  of  Paul." 

Faring  northward  to  escape  the  cold,  the  explorers 
encountered  such  favovii-able  weather  that  the  difficulties 
and  privations  they  had  passed  through  were  well-nigh 
forgotten.  The  sudden,  violent  tempests  had  given  place 
to  steady  winds  which  wafted  them  on  their  course  over 
the  surface  of  a  placid  sea,  and  thankful  for  their  deliver- 
ance from  their  troubles  they  gave  the  name  of  the 
Pacific  to  the  vast  ocean  which  had  afforded  them  so 
friendly  a  reception.  "  Well  was  it  named  -the  Pacific," 
Pigafetta  writes,  "  for  during  this  time  (three  months 
and  twenty  days)  we  met  with  no  storm."  ^  At  first 
their  course  led  them  along  the  wild  seaboard  of  western 
Patagonia.  On  the  ist  December  they  were  some  fifty 
or  sixty  miles  distant  from  the  coast  in  lat.  48°  S.,  and 
from  that  time  to  the  i6th  followed  a  direction  which 
kept  them  within  measurable  distance  of  the  land.  The 
abundance  of  fish  astonished  the  sailors.  Pigafetta  de- 
scribes the  albacores  and  bonitos,  "  which  pursue  other 
fish  called  colondrini.-  On  being  followed  these  spring 
from  the  water  and  fly  about  a  bowshot — so  long  as 
their  wings  are  wet — and  then  regain  the  sea.  Mean- 
while their  enemies  follow  their  shadow,  and  arriving  at 
the  spot  where  they  fall,  seize  upon  them  and  devour 
them — a  thing  marvellous  and  agreeable  to  see." 

On  the  1 6th  December  the  general  direction  of  the 
course  of  the  armada  was  altered   for  the  fii'st   time. 

1  Herrera'b  statement  that  "  anduuieron  con  gran  tormenta  hasta 
los  diez  y  ocho  de  Deziembre  "  is  not  borne  out  by  any  of  those  Vfho 
saDed  with  the  armada. 

2  The  flying-fish  -.—Golondrina  (Sp.)  =  a  swallow. 


220  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ix. 

Magellan,  thinking  he  had  pushed  sufficiently  far  north- 
ward, bore  away  upon  a  more  or  less  north-westerly  track 
for  the  lands  and  islands  of  which  he  was  in  search. 
Day  after  day  passed,  but  no  land  was  met  with  to 
break  the  monotony  of  the  apparently  endless  waste  of 
waters  that  surrounded  them.  On  the  24th  January 
152 1,  after  nearly  two  months'  sailing,  an  islet  covered 
with  trees  was  sighted.  On  approaching,  it  was  dis- 
covered to  be  uninhabited,  and,  as  they  could  find  no 
bottom  with  the  lead,  the  course  was  once  more  resumed. 
Its  latitude  was  fixed  by  the  pilot  Alvo  at  16°  15'  S.,  and 
the  name  of  St.  Paul's  Island  was  given  to  it. 

Eleven  more  days  of  sailing  upon  a  course  varying 
from  N.W.  to  W.N.W.,  brought  them  again  in  sight  of 
land.i  Small  and  uninhabited  like  the  first,  it  afforded 
them  neither  water  nor  fruit.  "  We  found  only  birds 
and  trees,"  says  Pigafetta,  "  but  we  saw  there  many  of 
the  fish  called  Tiburoni."  The  island  was  accordingly 
called  the  Isla  de  los  Tiburones,  or  Shark  Island,  and 
"  since  we  found  there  neither  people,  nor  consolation, 
nor  sustenance  of  any  kind,  the  name  of  Desaventu- 
radas — the  Unfortunate  Islands — was  given  to  this  and 
St.  Paul's  Island."  2 

Leaving  Shark  Island  ^  on  the  4th  February,  a  steady 

1  Antonio  de  Brito,  in  his  resume  of  tbe  voyage  sent  to  the  King  of 
Portugal,  mentions  this  island  as  being  200  leagues  from  St.  Paul's. 
According  to  the  anonymous  Portuguese,  the  distance  separating  the 
two  is  800  miles. 

2  Maximilian  and  Herrera  record  that  the  fleet  delayed  here  two 
days,  but  we  know  from  Alvo's  diary  that  this  could  not  have  been 
the  case. 

3  Meinicke  identifies  S.  Pablo,  or  St.  Paul's  Island,  with  Puka-puka 
in  the  Tuamotu  Archipelago  (lat.  14°  45'  S.,  long.  138°  48'  W.),  and 
Shark  Island,  or  the  Tiburones,  with  Flint  Island  in  the  Manihiki  group 
(lat.  11°  20'  S.,  long.  151°  48'  W.).  Petei-mann's  Mitthcil,  1869,  p.  376. 
This  identification  has  been  accepted  by  Peschel. 


1521.]  VOYAGE  ACROSS  THE  PACIFIC.  221 

N.W.  course  was  held.  The  disappointment  felt  at  not 
being  able  to  obtain  provisions  was  great,  for  the  con- 
dition of  the  majority  of  those  in  the  fleet  was  now 
most  pitiable.  The  I'ations  were  reduced  to  the  smallest 
limits.  "  Such  a  dearth  of  bread  and  water  was  there," 
writes  Gomara,  "  that  they  ate  by  ounces,  and  held 
their  noses  as  they  drank  the  water  for  the  stench  of 
it."  The  Italian  historian  gives  a  still  more  vivid 
account  of  their  sufferings.  "We  ate  biscuit,  but  in 
truth  it  was  biscuit  no  longer,  but  a  powder  full  of 
worms,  for  the  worms  had  devoured  its  whole  substance, 
and  in  addition  it  was  stinking  with  the  urine  of  rats. 
So  great  was  the  want  of  food  that  we  were  forced  to 
eat  the  hides  with  which  the  main  yard  was  covered  to 
prevent  the  chafing  against  the  rigging.  These  hides, 
exposed  to  the  sun  and  rain  and  wind,  had  become  so 
hard,  that  we  were  obliged  first  to  soften  them  by  put- 
ting them  overboard  for  four  or  five  days,  after  which 
we  put  them  on  the  embers  and  ate  them  thus.  We 
had  also  to  make  use  of  sawdust  for  food,  and  rats 
became  such  a  delicacy  that  we  paid  half  a  ducat  apiece 
for  them."  i 

The  result  of  such  privations  may  be  easily  imagined. 
Scurvy  broke  out,  and  broke  out  in  its  worst  form.  The 
sufferings  of  the  invalids  were  aggravated  by  the  lack 
of  any  reserve  of  suitable  food  for  them,  and  many  died.^ 
Others  suffered  greatly  from  pains  in  the  arms  and  legs. 
Few  were  altogether  well,  but  Pigafetta  was  one  of  them, 
"I  ought  to  thank  God,"   he   says,   "for   not  having 

1  Pigafetta,  Primo  Viaggio,  lib.  ii. 

2  According  to  Herrera  twenty  men  perished,  but  a  consultation  of 
the  official  "  List  of  deaths  "  reveals  the  fact  that  only  seven  were  re- 
corded between  the  departure  from  the  straits  and  the  arrival  of  the 
ileet  at  the  Ladrone  Islands.     Tide  Medina,  i.  p.  173. 


222  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  ix. 

had    the    slightest    illness    during    the    whole    of    the 
period," 

Day  after  day  the  ships  sailed  onward — "  nihil  unquam 
nisi  pontus  et  undique  pontus  " — until  they  reached  the 
Line.  Aware  from  the  accounts  of  his  friend  Francisco 
Serrao  that  the  Moluccas  did  not  offer  such  opportuni- 
ties for  victualling  and  refitting  as  he  now  desired, 
Magellan  thought  it  best  to  shape  his  course  further  to 
the  north,  in  the  hope,  perhaps,  of  attaining  some  part 
of  China,  with  whose  wealth  and  extent  he  was  well 
acquainted  from  the  accounts  of  the  Chinese  traders  with 
whom  he  had  mixed  at  Malacca.  As  they  progressed 
upon  their  voyage,  great  attention  was  paid  to  the  navi- 
gation. Exact  means  of  estimating  their  position,  it  is 
true,  they  were  without.  They  were  capable  of  calculat- 
ing their  latitude  with  tolerable  accuracy,  although  their 
errors  in  the  estimation  of  longitude  were  astounding,^ 
and  the  use  of  the  log  was  known,^  as  well  as  the  exist- 
ence both  of  deviation  and  variation  of  the  compass. 
On  the  latter  phenomenon  Pigafetta  has  an  interesting 
passage.  Magellan,  having  ordered  a  certain  course, 
inquired  of  the  pilots  how  they  had  laid  it  off  on  the 
charts.  They  replied-,  "  as  he  had  ordered  it."  Upon 
which  he  said  that  "  they  had  laid  it  off  wrong,  and  that 
they  must  apply  corrections  for  the  error  of  the  compass 
(cJie  conveniva  ajutare  Vago  calamitato),  which  in  this  part 
of  the  world  was  not  attracted  with  such  force  as  it  is 
in  its  own  quarter — that  is,  the  northern  hemisphere." 

1  So  inaccurate  were  their  methods  that  Alvo,  on  arriving  at  the 
Philippines,  was  no  less  than  fifty-tico  degrees  and  fifty-five  minutes  in 
error. 

2  That  the  log  was  in  use  in  those  days  we  gather  from  Pigafetta. 
"  According  to  the  measure  we  made  of  the  voyage  by  means  of  the 
chain  at  the  poop,  we  ran  sixty  or  seventy  leagues  a  day." 


1521.]  VOYAGE  ACROSS  THE  PACIFIC.  223 

Columbus  upon  his  first  voyage  also  noted  the  pheno- 
menon, and  endeavoured  to  explain  it. 

With  its  load  of  human  suffering  and  anxiety,  the 
armada  pressed  on  for  yet  another  month  with  a  steady 
and  favourable  wind.  Their  position  resembled  that 
of  Columbus  before  sighting  the  new  world,  as  day 
after  day  their  despairing  glances  were  bent  westward 
in  hopes  of  land.  Then  came  their  reward,  and  an 
end,  or  at  at  all  events  a  temporary  end,  of  all  their 
miseries.  On  the  6th  March  land  was  sighted.  A 
number  of  praus  came  out  to  meet  them,  and  all 
anxiety  as  to  the  existence  of  a  population  was  at 
once  set  at  rest.  For  ninety-eight  days  they  had 
sailed  over  an  utterly  unknown  sea,  "  a  sea  so  vast  that 
the  human  mind  can  scarcely  grasp  it,"  Maximilian 
writes  in  his  letter. 

The  group  of  islands  thus  discovered  by  the  fleet  was 
that  now  called  the  Mariannes,^  or  more  often,  the 
Ladrones.  To  this  day,  although  partially  settled  by 
the  Spaniards,  they  remain  as  little  known,  perhaps,  as 
any  part  of  the  accessible  world.  It  is  not  absolutely 
certain  which  island  or  islands  Magellan  first  sighted 
and  visited,  but  there  is  not  much  doubt  about  the  mat- 
ter. ^  In  all  probability  the  high  peak  of  Rota  was  the 
first  land  to  show  itself  above  the  horizon.  Steering 
for  this,  Guam  must  have  come  into  view  on  their 
port  bow,  and  discovering  it  to  be  the  larger  of  the  two, 

1  The  islands  were  thus  named  in  honour  of  Marianna  of  Austria, 
widow  of  Philip  IV.,  and  Regent  of  CastUe  in  the  minority  of 
Carlos  II. 

2  Maximilian  is  the  only  author  of  any  authority  who  gives  indi- 
vidual names  to  these  islands.  Oviedo  and  Gomara  copy  from  him. 
He  calls  them  Inuagana  and  Acaca.  The  former  is  probably  Agana  in 
Guam,  and  Acaca  or  A9a9a  may  perhaps  be  Sosan  in  Rota  Island. 


224 


LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 


[CHAP.  IX. 


Magellan  altered  course  to  S.W.,  in  order  to  approach 
its  shores. '^ 

Their  visit  to  the  islands  was  a  short  one.  "  The  in- 
habitants were  a  people  of  little  truth,"  as  the  Genoese 
pilot  describes  them.  Hardly  had  the  ships  come  to  an 
anchor  when  the  natives  stole  the  skiff  from  under  the 
stern  of  the  admiral's  ship,  cutting  the  rope  by  which 
she  was  made  fast,  and  carrying  her  off  with  great  speed 


a»r 


ISLAS     DE    LAS  sosa 

VELAS   LATIKAS      ^ 

(.SOUTHERN  LAORONtS) 
Scale>  V  2,500,000. 


'^scoi^/y 


Rota 


M^tUoKi   y,.^^ 


*'  '^'^OA.AuiA 


G  ThUtpSuSoiu 


SOUTHERN   LADEONK   ISLANDS. 


and  adroitness.  They  boarded  the  vessels  and  robbed 
the  new-comers  of  everything  that  they  could  lay  hands 
on.  It  was  impossible  to  keep  them  off.  Before  long 
the  order  had  to  be  given  to  eject  them  from  the  ships, 
and  they  found  themselves  involved  in  a  melee,  which, 
according  to  Herrera,  became  so  serious  that  the  Span- 
iards had  to  use  their  artillery,  killing  numbers  of  the 

1  "  Y  come  fuimos  in  medio  dellas,  tiramos  al  sudueste  y  dejamos 
la  una  al  noroeste." — Diary  of  Alvo.  This  does  not  at  all  prove  that 
the  ships  passed  between  the  two  islands,  but  rather  the  contrarj'. 


1521.]  THE  LADRONE  ISLANDS.  225 

savages,^  Magellan,  much  annoyed  at  the  loss  of  his 
skiff,  weighed  anchor  and  stood  on  and  off  during  the 
night  lest  he  should  be  surprised.  In  the  morning  he 
returned,  and  landing  in  person  with  a  force  of  fifty 
or  sixty  men,  burnt  the  village  and  a  number  of  boats, 
regained  the  skiff,  and  took  a  quantity  of  provisions. 
The  natives,  who  seemed  at  one  time  disposed  to  offer  a 
stout  resistance,  fled  at  the  first  discharge  of  the  arque- 
buses. No  casualties  occurred  on  the  side  of  the  Spaniards, 
but  the  islanders  lost  seven  or  eight  men  killed.  They 
appear,  from  Pigafetta's  account,  to  have  been  quite 
unacquainted  with  the  use  of  bows  and  arrows,  for  when 
wounded  by  one  of  the  latter  they  would  draw  it  out  of 
their  bodies  and  look  at  it  with  great  surprise,  an  inci- 
dent which  aroused  the  compassion  of  their  antagonists. 
Their  only  arms  were  spears  tipped  with  fiish-bone. 

In  the  "  Primo  Viaggio  "  we  are  treated  to  a  short 
description  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  these  islands  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  repro- 
duce here.  Their  praus — stem  and  stern  alike,  and  fitted 
with  an  outrigger — struck  with  astonishment  those  who 
saw  this  species  of  boat  for  the  first  time.  Their  speed 
especially  filled  them  with  wonder.  As  the  vessels  left 
the  port  they  were  pursued  by  these  craft.  So  dexter- 
ously were  they  handled  that  they  passed  between  the 
ships  going  at  full  sail  and  the  boats  they  towed  astern. 
"  They  did  this  so  quickly  and  skilfully,"  says  Pigafetta, 
"  that  it  was  a  marvel."  It  seems  still  more  curious  that, 
considering  the  relations  existing  between  their  visitors 
and  themselves,  the  people  should  be  quite  willing  to 
engage  in  barter,  and  that  immediately  after  Magellan 
had  burnt  their  village,  boats  should  put  off  laden  with 

1  This  incident  is  not  given  hy  any  other  narrator. 

P 


226  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  IX. 

provisions  for  that  purpose.  Possibly  their  love  of  gain 
overcame  every  other  consideration.  *'  They  are  poor, 
but  ingenious,  and,  above  all,  thieves,"  says  the  Italian 
historian,  "  and  so  for  that  reason  we  called  these  islands 
the  Robber  Islands."  ^ 

Greatly  improved  in  health  from  the  fresh  fruit  and 
vegetables  they  had  procured,  the  explorers  left  the 
Ladrones  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  March.  On  this 
day  the  sole  Englishman  in  the  fleet — "  Master  Andrew 
of  Bristol " — died,  the  succour  having  come  too  late  to 
save  his  life.  The  course  was  set  W.  \  ^.,  and  held  for 
seven  days.  On  the  i6th  they  saw  land — the  southern 
point  of  Samar  Island  of  the  Philippines.  Finding  the 
coast  beset  with  shoals,  they  bore  away  to  the  southward 
and  fell  in  with  the  conspicuous  island  then,  as  now, 
known  by  the  name  of  Suluan.  From  thence  they 
reached  the  neighbouring  island  of  Malhou,^  and  an" 
chored  for  the  night.  It  appeared  to  be  iminhabited, 
and  next  day,  being  anxious  to  rest  his  sick,  Magellan 
ordered  tents  to  be  set  up  on  shore  and  a  pig  to  be  killed 
for  them — which  animal,  no  doubt,  was  obtained  dui'ing 
their  stay  at  the  Ladrone  Islands.  The  sight  of  the  fleet 
attracted  the  notice  of  a  passing  prau,  and  on  Monday, 
March  i8th,  the  Europeans  made  acquaintance  for  the 
first  time  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 
They  were  of  a  very  different  nature  to  those  of  the 
Ladrone  gi'oup.  The  boat  contained  some  notables  from 
the  little  island  of  Suluan,  who  welcomed  the  new-comers 
without   fear,     Magellan   ordered   some  caps,  looking- 

1  We  learn  from  the  diary  of  the  Genoese  pilot  that  Magellan  gave 
them  the  name  of  Islas  de  las  Velas  Latinas,  or  the  Lateen-sail  Islands, 
from  the  number  of  craft  thus  rigged  with  which  they  abounded. 

2  Humunu  of  Pigafetta,  who  calls  their  anchorage  the  "  Aquade  des 
bons  signes." 


w 


Scale,  1:20.000,000  I         <>.      t     '•,.       ^c^\,;a>-~K 
Tracks  ofthelactoria.'   A^,      ^L^     y  ^    //X^\'-.V\  ?■    T 


1521.]  THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS.  227 

glasses,  bells,  and  other  trifles  to  be  given  to  them,  and 
in  return  was  presented  with  fish  and  palm-wine.  Piga- 
fetta's  "  figs  a  foot  long,  and  two  cocchi,"  which  he  also 
mentions  among  the  gifts,  we  have  little  difiiculty  in 
recognising  as  bananas  and  coco-nuts.  Friendship  with 
the  natives  was  still  further  cemented  by  their  visiting 
the  ships,  and  the  hopes  of  the  Spaniards  were  roused 
by  being  shown  various  spices,  which  must  have  enabled 
them  for  the  first  time  to  realise  the  proximity  of  the 
Moluccas. 

To  the  archipelago  thus  discovered  the  Captain-general 
gave  the  name  of  St.  Lazarus,  for  he  had  first  sighted 
the  group  upon  the  day  sacred  to  that  saint.  It  was 
not  till  long  after  that  the  present  appellation  of  the 
Islas  Philippinas  was  conferred  upon  them,^  and  mean- 
while, curiously  enough,  they  became  known  to  the  Portu- 
guese as  the  Eastern  Islands  while  the  Spaniards  called 
them  the  Islas  del  Poniente,  for,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
latter  power  sailed  westward  round  the  world,  and  the 
Lusitanians  eastward.  This  circumstance  was  the  cause 
of  yet  another  oddity.  To  the  first  circumnavigators  the 
necessity  of  altering  their  day  on  passing  the  meridian 
of  1 80°  was  unknown,  and  so  it  came  about  that — the 
error  persisting  until  quite  recent  times — Hong-kong 
and  Manila  called  the  same  day  Monday  and  Sunday, 
and  it  was  not  until  the  31st  December,  1844,  that  the 
matter  was  rectified  by  the  omission  of  that  day  from 
the  Manilan  calendar. 

The  natives  returned  to  the  fleet  on  the  22  nd  March 
as  they  had  promised.  They  brought  an  abundance  of 
fruit,  coco-nuts,  oranges  and  bananas,  and  a  cock,  "  to 
give  us  to  understand  that  they  possessed  fowls  in  their 

1  They  were  thus  called  in  1542  after  Philip  II.,  son  of  Charles  V. 


228  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ix. 

country."^  Tlieir  chief,  who  accompanied  them,  had 
gold  rings  in  his  ears,  and  bracelets  of  the  same  metal, 
worn  by  most  of  them,  attracted  the  covetous  eyes  of  the 
Spaniards.  With  the  free  supply  of  vegetable  diet  the 
sick  improved  rapidly.  Each  day  the  admiral  went 
ashore  to  visit  them,  and  every  morning  gave  them  coco- 
nut milk  to  drink  with  his  own  hands.  It  was  as  good 
a  treatment  as  could  be  prescribed  by  a  physician  of  the 
present  day,  and  the  personal  visits  of  their  leader  no 
doubt  contributed  not  a  little  to  their  recovery.  After 
a  rest  of  nine  days  it  was  considered  that  the  voyage 
might  be  safely  resumed,  and  the  order  to  weigh  anchor 
was  accordingly  given  on  the  evening  of  Monday,  25th 
March.  While  it  was  being  carried  out,  an  accident 
happened  to  Pigafetta  which  came  near  to  bringing  the 
chevalier  and  his  diary  to  an  abrupt  conclusion.  "  I 
was  going,"  he  says,  "  upon  the  bulwarks  to  fish,  when 
I  put  my  foot  upon  a  spar  wet  with  rain,  and  slipping, 
fell  overboard  without  being  perceived  by  any  one. 
When  half  drowned,  it  chanced  that  my  hand  touched 
the  sheet  of  the  mainsail  which  was  in  the  water,  and  to 
this  I  clung  and  began  to  shout  out  until  they  heard  me 
and  came  to  my  aid  with  the  boat,  the  which  help,"  he 
reverently  adds,  "  was  not  due  to  any  merits  of  my  own, 
but  to  the  protection  of  that  fount  of  pity,  the  Virgin 
Mary."  2 

Leaving  Malhou,  the  fleet  struck  across  to  the  eastern 
shores  of  Leyte,  or  Seilani,  as  it  was  then  called,  and 
coasting  them  arrived  on  the  morning  of  March  28th  at 

1  It  is  probable  that  this  bird  was  the  jungle-fowl  (Gallus  hankiva), 
which  is  caught  and  tamed  in  large  numbers  by  the  natives  of  the 
Philippines,  and  is  used  to  tJiis  day  for  crossing  with  the  domestic 
fowl. 

2  It  was  the  day  of  the  Annunciation  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary. 


1521.]  THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS.  229 

Mazzava  or  Mazaba,  a  small  island  which  now  appears 
upon  the  charts  as  Limassaua.  Here  for  the  first  time 
they  exchanged  sign  language  for  a  more  satisfactory 
means  of  communication,  for  Magellan's  slave,  Eniique 
of  Malacca,  found  that  his  Malay  was  understood.  The 
natives  were  nevertheless  so  shy  that  they  would  not 
approach  the  ship,  and  the  presents  that  Magellan  de- 
sired to  give  them  had  to  be  put  upon  a  plank  and 
floated  towards  them.  Two  hours  afterwards  the  king 
came  in  a  large  canoe  and  had  a  long  conversation  with 
the  interpreter.  Although  declining  to  go  on  board  the 
Trinidad,  he  permitted  some  of  his  men  to  do  so.  They 
received  good  entertainment  at  the  admiral's  hands,  and 
in  return  the  king  was  desirous  of  presenting  him  with 
a  large  bar  of  gold,  but  Magellan  refused,  although  at 
the  same  time  thanking  him  much  for  his  offer. 

The  next  day,  which  was  Good  Friday,  Enrique  was 
sent  on  shore  to  obtain  provisions.  He  returned  with 
the  king,  who  brought  dishes  of  fish  and  rice  to  the 
Captain-general  with  his  own  hand.  Magellan  gave 
him  a  Turkish  robe  of  red  and  yellow  and  a  red  cap,  and 
the  ceremony  of  accepting  each  other  upon  terms  of 
brotherhood,  or  casi-casi,  was  gone  through.^  The  day 
was  spent  in  making  a  prodigal  display  of  the  wonders 
of  western  civilisation ;  exhibiting  the  objects  of  trade, 
discharging  the  artillery,  showing  the  charts  and  com- 
passes, and  describing  the  events  of  the  voyage.  At  the 
admiral's  account  of  the  immense  size  of  the  Pacific  the 
king  was  greatly  astonished.     Equal  astonishment  was 

1  Pigafetta  does  not  give  us  more  details.  The  ceremony  was  pro- 
bably that  of  "blood  brotherhood,"  consisting  in  each  of  the  parties 
tasting  the  blood  of  the  other,  a  widespread  custom  in  the  Mal^y 
Archipelago. 


230  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ix. 

caused  by  the  men  in  suits  of  complete  armour,  who 
received  the  cuts  and  thrusts  of  their  comrades  unharmed. 
At  the  end  of  these  performances  Magellan  asked  if  two 
of  his  officers  might  go  ashore  with  the  king  to  see  the 
things  of  his  country.  Permission  was  given,  and  the 
Chevalier  Anthony  Pigafetta  was  chosen  to  be  one  of 
them.  He  has  left  us  a  very  clear  and  detailed  account 
of  their  experiences, 

"When  we  landed,"  he  says,  "the  king  raised  his 
hands  to  heaven,  and  then  turned  towards  us.  We  did 
the  same,  and  so,  indeed,  did  all  the  others.  The  king 
then  took  me  by  the  hand,  while  one  of  his  chiefs  took 
my  comrade's,  and  we  were  led  in  this  manner  under  a 
canopy  of  canes  where  there  was  a  halangai  or  canoe, 
like  a  galley,  on  the  poop  of  which  we  sat,  conversing  by 
signs,  for  we  had  no  interpreter.  The  king's  followers 
remained  standing,  armed  with  swords,  daggers,  spears, 
and  shields.  A  dish  of  pork  with  a  large  vessel  full  of 
wine  was  brought,  and  at  each  mouthful  we  drank  a  cup 
of  wine.  If,  as  rarely  happened,  any  was  left  in  our 
cups,  it  was  put  into  another  vessel.  The  king's  cup 
remained  always  covered,  and  no  one  drank  from  it  but 
he  and  I.  Before  drinking  he  raised  his  hands  to 
heaven,  and  then  turned  to  vis,  and  at  the  moment  that 
he  took  the  cup  in  his  right  hand  he  extended  towards 
me  the  closed  fist  of  his  left,  so  that  at  first  I  thought 
he  was  about  to  strike  me.  Thus  he  drank,  while  I  went 
through  the  same  gestures  towards  him,  seeing  that 
every  one  did  the  same  towards  his  companion  when 
drinking.  With  these  ceremonies  or  signs  of  friendship 
we  took  our  dinner,  and  I  was  unable  to  avoid  eating 
meat  on  Good  Friday. 

"  Before  the  hour  of  supper  I  presented  to  the  king 


1521.]  THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS.  231 

the  many  presents  I  had  brought  with  me.  I  enquired 
the  names  of  numerous  objects,  and  wrote  them  down. 
They  were  struck  with  astonishment  on  seeing  me  write, 
and  on  hearing  me  repeat,  in  reading,  the  names  they 
had  given  me.  Then  came  supper  time.  They  brought 
two  large  china  dishes,  the  one  filled  with  rice,  the  other 
with  pork  in  its  gravy.  We  ate  our  supper  with  the 
same  ceremonies  and  gestures  as  before.  We  then 
repaired  to  the  palace  of  the  king,  in  shape  like  a  sort 
of  hay-loft  or  rick,  covered  with  banana  leaves,  and 
supported  on  four  large  beams  which  raised  it  from  the 
ground,  so  that  we  had  to  ascend  to  it  by  means  of 
ladders.  On  our  arrival  the  king  made  us  sit  upon  a 
cane  mat  with  our  legs  crossed  like  tailors  on  a  bench, 
and  after  half  an  hour  a  dish  of  fish  was  brought,  cut  in 
pieces  and  roasted,  another  of  freshly-gathered  ginger, 
and  some  wine.  The  king's  eldest  son  having  entered, 
he  was  made  to  sit  next  me,  and  two  more  dishes  were 
then  brought,  one  of  fish  with  its  sauce  and  the  other 
of  rice,  to  eat  with  the  prince.  My  companion,  having 
eaten  and  drunk  too  much,  became  intoxicated. 

"For  candles  they  used  the  gum  of  a  certain  tree 
called  anime,  wrapped  up  in  leaves  of  the  palm  or  banana. 
The  king  now  made  a  sign  to  us  that  he  desired  to  retire 
to  rest,  and  departed,  leaving  the  prince  with  us,  in 
whose  company  we  slept  on  cane  mats  with  cushions 
stuffed  with  leaves. 

"  Next  morning  the  king  came  to  seek  me,  and  taking 
me  by  the  hand  led  me  to  the  place  where  we  had  supped 
to  have  breakfast ;  but  the  boat  which  had  been  sent  to 
take  us  off  having  found  us,  we  took  our  departure  at 
once.  The  king  was  in  the  best  of  humours,  and  kissed 
our  hands  on  parting,  while  we  kissed  his.     There  came 


232  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ix. 

with  us  a  brother  of  his,  the  king  of  another  country, 
accompanied  by  three  other  men.  The  Captain-general 
kept  them  to  dinner  with  him,  and  made  them  presents 
of  various  objects." 

The  petty  monarch  last  mentioned,  Pigafetta  learnt, 
ruled  over  the  district  of  Caraca  in  Mindanao,  his  juris- 
diction extending  to  the  island  of  Suluan,  the  land  first 
sighted  by  the  fleet.  He  was  known  as  the  Rajah 
Calambu,!  and  his  brother  as  the  Rajah  Siani.  His 
dress  as  described  by  the  chevaHer — the  silk  cloth  on 
his  head,  the  dagger  with  a  long  handle  which  was 
all  of  gold,  the  chewing  of  betel,  and  so  on — show 
that  in  many  ways  the  costume  and  customs  of  that 
time  were  no  whit  dijfferent  from  those  of  the  present 
day. 

The  following  Sunday,  the  31st  March,  was  Easter 
day.  It  was  the  anniversary,  too,  of  the  mutiny  in 
Port  St.  Julian.  If  Magellan  reflected,  as  he  doubtless 
did,  upon  the  events  of  that  day,  it  must  have  been  to 
thank  God  and  his  patron  saint  for  the  changed  aspect 
of  affairs.  Then  the  outlook  for  him  was  well-nigh  as 
dark  and  hopeless  as  it  could  be,  and  he  was  about  to 
stake  his  all  upon  one  desperate  chance.  Now,  though 
disease  and  desertion  had  thinned  his  ranks,  he  had 
practically  won  the  game.  His  great  aim  had  been 
accomplished,  and  he  had  found  his  straits.  The 
barrier  believed  to  extend  from  pole  to  pole  to  separate 
the  Atlantic  from  the  Pacific  had  been  proved  not  to 
exist.     And  now  he  had  left  behind  him  the  perils  of 

1  Gomara  calls  him  the  Rajah  Calavar,  and  saj's  that  they  made 
friends  with  him  ' '  sacando  sangre  de  la  mano  izquierda  i  tocando 
con  ella  el  rostro  i  lengua,  quo  asi  se  usa  on  aquellas  tierras  " — the 
Common  ceremony  of  "  blood  brotherhood." 


1521.]  THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS.  233 

that  vast  ocean  whicli  his  ships  had  been  the  first  to 
penetrate,  and  had  crossed  the  meridian  of  the  Spice 
Islands,  He  had  discovered  an  unknown  and  extensive 
archipelago,  as  rich  in  gold,  apparently,  as  it  was 
fertile,  and  had  made  friends  with  some  of  its  kings. 
Everything  pointed  to  a  happy  issue  of  the  voyage  and 
a  continuation  of  the  successes  that  he  had  so  deservedly 
won.  2^0  shadow  had  as  yet  crossed  his  path ;  no 
warning  of  the  blow  that  was  so  soon  to  fall. 

Good  Christian  and  devout  Catholic  as  he  was,  there- 
fore, Magellan  gave  orders  that  the  Easter  services 
should  be  celebrated  with  the  utmost  ceremonial.  The 
two  kings  attended,  kissing  the  cross,  and  kneeling  with 
joined  hands  like  their  visitors.  At  the  elevation  all 
the  ships  fired  their  broadsides.  After  mass  had  been 
said,  a  cross  and  crown  of  thorns  was  brought  and  pre- 
sented to  the  kings,  with  instructions  that  it  should  be 
set  up  on  the  siunmit  of  the  highest  mountain  in  the 
neighbourhood,  that  all  might  see  and  adore  it.  This 
they  expressed  themselves  most  willing  to  receive,  and 
the  Captain-general  then  asked  if  they  were  at  war 
with  any  one,  for  if  such  were  the  case,  he  would  go  and 
defeat  their  enemies  with  his  men  and  ships,  and  render 
them  obedient  to  their  authority,  "  The  king  answered 
that  there  were,  indeed,  two  islands  with  which  he  was 
at  war,  but  that  it  was  not  then  a  fitting  season  to  pro- 
ceed against  them,  albeit  they  thanked  him  for  his 
offer.  The  captain  replied  that,  if  it  pleased  God  that 
he  should  return,  he  would  bring  enough  men  to  con- 
quer all  those  countries.  It  was  arranged  that  after 
dinner  the  cross  should  be  planted  on  the  summit  of  the 
mountain,  and  the  festa  having  been  concluded  by  a 
volley  from   our   musketeers  who  were   drawn   up   in 


234  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  ix. 

battalions,  the  kings  and  the  captain  embraced  each 
other,  and  we  returned  to  the  ship." 

"  After  dinner,  it  being  mid-day,  we  all  went  ashore 
in  our  doublets,  and  in  company  with  the  two  kings 
ascended  to  the  summit  of  the  highest  mountain  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  there  planted  the  cross.  The  cap- 
tain then  explained  the  advantages  it  would  bring  them. 
Each  one  of  us  adored  it,  reciting  a  Paternoster  and  an 
Ave,  whereupon  we  descended,  crossing  the  cultivated 
grounds  and  going  to  the  balangai,  where  the  king 
caused  refreshment  to  be  brought." 

Magellan  was  now  anxious  to  resume  his  voyage,  and 
inquired  which  were  the  best  ports  for  provisions  and 
trade,  wishing  to  turn  some  of  his  many  articles  of 
barter  into  gold  and  spices.  He  was  told  that  there 
were  three — Ceylon,  Zzubu,  and  Calagan,^  but  that 
Zzubu  was  the  largest  and  had  the  most  traffic.  "  He 
thanked  them  and  deliberated  to  go  there,"  says 
Pigafetta,  "  for  thus  his  unlucky  fate  willed  that  it 
should  be."  Upon  inquiring  for  pilots,  the  king  offered 
to  conduct  them  himself  if  they  would  wait  for  a  day 
or  two  while  he  got  in  his  rice  harvest,  at  the  same 
time  begging  for  assistance  in  the  fields.  This  was 
readily  granted  by  the  Spaniards,  "  but  the  kings  had 
eaten  and  drunk  so  much  the  day  before  that,  either 
because  they  were  intoxicated  or  because  they  were  ill, 
they  slept  the  whole  day  and  we  could  do  nothing." 
By  dint  of  hard  work  upon  the  two  following  days, 
however,  the  harvest  was  got  in,  and  on  Thursday, 
April  4th,  the  fleet  weighed  anchor  and  continued  the 
voyage,  after  a  stay  of  a  week  at  the  island. 

1  Ceylon  is  another  name  for  the  island  of  Ley  te ;  Zzubu  is  Sobu,  and 
Calagan  the  district  of  Caraca  in  Mindanao. 


1521.]  THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS.  235 

From  Limassaua  their  course  led  tliem  north-west- 
ward along  the  shores  of  Leyte,  which  they  hugged 
closely  to  avoid  the  reefs  barring  the  passage  between 
that  island  and  Bohol.  Passing  the  little  island  of 
Canigan  (Camigao),  they  touched  at  another  to  which 
Pigafetta  gives  the  name  of  Gatigan,  a  name  which  it 
is  impossible  with  any  certainty  to  identify.^  Here  the 
voyagers  were  much  struck  by  the  Pteropi  or  "  flying 
foxes " — the  huge  fruit-eating  bats  of  which  so  many 
species  inhabit  the  Malay  Archipelago.  Pigafetta  de- 
clares that  they  were  as  large  as  eagles,  and  describes 
the  capture  of  one,  saying  its  flesh  resembled  that  of 
a  fowl  in  taste.  The  mound-building  Megapodes — 
gallinaceous  birds  peculiar  to  the  Austro-Malayan  sub- 
region — were  also  met  with  and  their  habits  well 
described.  "  As  large  as  fowls  are  certain  black  birds 
with  a  long  tail,  which  lay  eggs  like  {i.e.  as  big  as) 
those  of  a  goose  and  cover  them  with  sand,  and  leaving 
them  thus  exposed  to  the  sun's  heat  the  chicks  are 
hatched."  From  Gatigan  a  westerly  course  was  steered, 
but,  having  outsailed  the  prau  of  the  King  of  Limas- 
saua, who  was  piloting  them  according  to  his  promise, 
they  bore  away  for  the  Camotes  group,  where  they 
awaited  him.  The  good  navigation  of  the  Spaniards 
much  astonished  him  on  his  rejoining  them.  At  the 
Captain-general's  invitation  he  went  on  board  the 
Trinidad,  and  on  Sunday  the  7  th  April  the  fleet  entered 
the  port  of  Sebu. 

Before  arriving  at  the  town  many  villages  were 
passed ;  evidence  that  then,  as  now,  the  district  was 
one  of   the  richest  in   the  Archipelago.     On   reaching 

1  Presumably  this  island  lies  somewhere  between  Camigao  and  the 
Camotes  Islands.     It  is  perhaps  Jimuquitan  or  Apit  Island. 


236  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap  ix. 

the  anchorage  Magellan  commanded  that  the  ships 
should  be  dressed,  and  that  simultaneous  broadsides 
should  be  fired,  "at  which,"  as  may  be  imagined,  "the 
people  were  greatly  frightened."  A  messenger  was  at 
once  sent  ashore  with  the  interpreter,  who  reassured  the 
natives  by  telling  them  that  the  artillery  had  been  fired 
in  honour  of  the  king,  and  as  a  sign  of  peace  and 
friendship.  The  king  in  answer  asked  the  business  of 
the  new-comers,  whereupon  the  interpreter  informed 
him  that  his  master  was  an  officer  of  the  greatest  king 
in  the  world,  and  that  he  was  on  his  way  to  the 
Moluccas,  but  upon  hearing  of  his  courtesy  and  good 
fame  from  the  King  of  Limassaua,  he  desired  to  visit 
him.  The  King  of  Sebu,  emboldened  by  the  pacific 
attitude  of  the  Spaniards,  replied  that  it  was  well,  but 
that  he  required  that  every  one  entering  the  port  should 
pay  tribute.  The  interpreter  was  in  no  way  intimi- 
dated. His  king,  he  said,  paid  tribute  to  no  one,  and 
if  he  wished  for  peace  he  could  have  peace,  and  if  he 
wished  for  war  he  could  have  war. 

It  happened  that  at  that  moment  a  Siamese  trader 
was  in  the  port,  a  moro  versed  from  boyhood  in  the 
affairs  of  the  East.  The  conquests  of  the  Portuguese 
in  India  and  their  widespread  and  increasing  influence 
were  well  known  to  him,  and,  desirous  of  saving  the 
king  from  the  results  of  a  rupture  with  the  Spaniards, 
he  informed  him  of  the  successes  of  the  Europeans  in 
greater  India,  and  counselled  him  to  make  peace.  The 
King  of  Limassaua  added  his  influence  to  the  same 
end,  and  eventually  the  most  cordial  relations  were 
established  between  the  Captain -general  and  the  king. 
A  formal  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded,  the  ceremony 
of   blood   brotherhood   performed,    and    an   agreement 


111 


1521.]  THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS.  239 

entered  into  whereby  the  Spaniards  were  to  have  the 
exclusive  privilege  of  trading  in  the  king's  dominions. 

Magellan,  from  the  very  earliest  accounts  we  have  of 
him,  appears  to  have  been  a  man  in  whom  the  religious 
spirit  was  very  largely  developed.  On  the  occasion  of 
the  conclusion  of  the  treaty — which  was  arranged  on 
board  the  flagship  by  the  nephew  of  the  King  of  Sebu — 
he  alluded  at  some  length  to  matters  of  the  Christian 
faith.  The  statement  that  when  their  parents  were  old 
they  paid  no  more  attention  to  them,  and  the  command 
passed  to  the  children,  drew  from  him  the  rebuke  that 
the  Creator  expressly  imposed  upon  sons  the  duty  of 
honouring  their  father  and  mother,  threatening  with 
eternal  punishment  those  who  transgressed  this  precept. 
His  impassioned  address  caused  many  of  his  auditors  to 
express  their  desire  of  becoming  Christians,  and  they 
begged  that  he  would  leave  them  two  of  his  people  to 
teach  them  the  principles  of  that  religion.  Magellan's 
answer  was  that  of  a  man  singularly  free  from  bigotry. 
He  warned  them  against  adopting  Christianity  either 
from  fear  or  from  the  hope  of  deriving  any  temporal 
advantage  from  it,  and  said  that  he  would  never  harm 
any  one  who  desired  to  continue  in  the  belief  and  observ- 
ances of  his  own  faith  and  laws,  although  he  would  not 
conceal  the  fact  that  those  who  became  Christians  would 
be  more  beloved  and  better  treated  by  his  people. 

In  whatever  form  his  sentences  reached  the  ears  of 
his  audience  through  the  medium  of  the  interpreter,  the 
effect  produced  was  all  that  the  Captain-general  could 
desire.  The  natives  at  once  declared  that  they  desired 
to  become  Christians,  not  from  fear,  nor  from  the  wish 
to  please  their  visitors,  but  of  their  own  free  will.  They 
put  themselves,  they  said,  in  his  hands  and  desired  him 


240  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  ix. 

to  treat  them  as  his  servants.  The  captain,  with  tears 
in  his  eyes,  embraced  the  chiefs,  and  swore  by  the  faith 
that  he  had  in  God,  by  the  fealty  that  he  vowed  to  his 
king,  and  by  the  habit  of  Santiago  that  he  wore,  that 
perpetual  peace  should  thenceforward  reign  between 
the  kings  of  Spain  and  Sebu. 

Later  in  the  day  Pigafetta  was  despatched  with  one  of 
the  officers  to  the  king,  bearing  the  presents  usual  on 
such  occasions.  These  were  a  robe  of  yellow  and  purple 
violet  silk,  a  red  cap  of  fine  material,  and  some  strings 
of  crystal  beads,  borne  upon  a  silver  dish ;  together  with 
two  gilded  glass  beakers,  which  the  envoys  carried  in 
their  hands.  They  were  well  received  by  the  king,  and 
his  people,  standing  round,  told  him  of  Magellan's 
speech,  and  how  he  exhorted  them  to  embrace  the  Chris- 
tian religion.  The  king  asked  them  to  remain  to  sup 
with  him,  but  Pigafetta  and  his  comrade  made  their 
excuses  and  returned  to  the  ship.  Next  day,  the  loth 
April,  they  again  went  ashore  early.  Martin  Barreta, 
who  had  sailed  as  a  supernumerary  of  the  Santiago,  had 
succumbed  to  the  privations  endured  when  crossing  the 
Pacific.  A  few  hours  later  his  comrade,  Juan  de  Aroche, 
also  died.  Permission  was  sought  to  bury  them,  and  was 
readily  granted.  The  grave  was  dug  in  the  open  space 
in  the  middle  of  the  town,  and  the  funeral  conducted 
with  all  possible  pomp,  in  order  to  impress  the  people. 
Later  the  place  was  consecrated  as  the  Christian  ceme- 
tery. The  Spaniards  little  guessed  how  many  of  their 
number  were  destined  to  leave  their  bones  in  Sebu,  still 
less  would  they  have  dreamt,  had  they  known  it,  that 
none  of  them  should  lie  at  rest  within  the  consecrated 
area. 

Magellan's  next  object  was  to  commence  barter.     In 


1521.]  THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS.  241 

those  days  this  was  carried  out  with  some  ceremony.  A 
store  or  large  building  of  some  kind  was  obtained  on 
shore,  filled  with  merchandise,  and  placed  under  a  strong 
guard.  When  all  was  prepared  the  shop,  for  such  it 
really  was,  was  opened,  and  bartering  began.  On  this 
occasion  the  objects  were  ready  for  display  in  two  days. 
The  people  regarded  them  with  the  greatest  wonder. 
For  bronze  and  iron  they  were  ready  to  exchange  gold, 
giving  value  to  the  amount  of  fifteen  ducats  for  fourteen 
pounds'  weight  of  iron.  For  small  objects  they  gave 
pigs,  goats,  and  rice.  The  Captain-general  gave  strict 
orders  that  no  great  desire  to  obtain  gold  should  be 
shown,  "  otherwise,"  writes  the  Italian  historian,  "  every 
sailor  would  have  sold  his  all  for  gold,  which  would  for 
ever  have  ruined  our  future  trade."  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  many  appurtenances  of  civilisation  were  found 
existing  among  the  natives.  They  were  possessed  of 
measures  of  capacity,  and  knew  the  use  of  weights. 
Their  scales  were  hardly  different  from  those  in  use  at 
the  present  day.  Formed  by  a  spear- shaft  suspended  in 
the  middle  by  a  cord,  they  had  on  the  one  arm  a  basin 
attached  by  three  strings,  and  at  the  other  a  leaden 
weight  to  obtain  the  equilibrium.  "  The  people  Hve  with 
justice,  and  good  weight  and  measure,"  we  are  told. 

The  king  having  expressed  his  wish  to  become  a 
Christian,  preparations  were  made  for  the  celebration  of 
his  baptism  with  a  becoming  amount  of  ceremonial.  In 
the  open  space  already  alluded  to  in  the  centre  of  the 
town  a  scaffolding  was  erected,  and  decorated  with  hang- 
ings and  palm  fronds.  On  Sunday,  the  14th  April,  the 
rite  was  performed.  Forty  men  in  armour  preceded  the 
Captain-general  and  his  ofiicers,  before  whom  the  royal 
standard  was  borne.     On  arriving  at  the  place  prepared, 

Q 


242  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  ix. 

Magellan  and  the  king  sat  in  two  chairs,  one  covered 
with  red  and  the  other  with  violet  velvet,  while  the 
notables  sat  around  on  cushions.  Before  the  king  was 
baptized  Magellan  instructed  him  in  the  meaning  of  the 
ceremony,  and  told  him  that  if  he  wished  to  be  a  good 
Christian  he  must  bum  all  his  idols  ^  and  worship  the 
Cross.  A  large  cross  was  then  raised  in  the  market- 
place, and  the  people  were  told  that  they  must  adore  it 
at  morning  and  at  mid-day  upon  their  knees.  The 
priest  then  baptized  him,  together  with  the  prince,  his 
nephew,  the  King  of  Limassaua,  and  others  to  the  number 
of  fifty  or  more.  All  were  clad  in  white.  To  the  king  ^ 
the  name  of  Carlos  was  given,  in  honour  of  the  emperor  ; 
to  his  nephew  that  of  Hernando,  either  out  of  compli- 
ment to  Magellan,  or  to  the  emperor's  brother ;  while 
the  King  of  Limassaua  became  Juan,  and  the  Moorish 
trader,  who  also  appears  to  have  embraced  the  new  faith, 
Christopher. 

The  Spaniards  returned  to  the  ships  for  dinner,  after 
which  the  chaplain  and  many  others  again  went  ashore 
to  baptize  the  queen.  She  was  led  to  the  place  with 
forty  of  her  ladies,  and  while  waiting  was  shown  a  figure 
of  the  Virgin  and  Child  carved  in  wood,  which  she  ex- 
pressed a  desire  to  have,^  and  which,  accordingly,  was 

1  The  idols  are  described  by  Pigafetta  as  being  made  of  wood, 
hollowed  out  behind,  with  the  arms  and  legs  apart,  and  the  feet 
turned  upwards.  They  had  a  rather  large  face  with  four  very  large 
teeth,  like  those  of  a  wild  boar,  and  all  of  them  were  painted.  They 
perhaps  resembled  the  New  Guinea  korowaar,  but  their  size  is  not 
mentioned.  The  people  of  Sebu  at  the  present  day  are  nearly  all 
Christians. 

2  The  king's,  or  rather  rajah's,  name,  for  he  was  of  the  latter  rank, 
was  Humabon  or  Hamabar,  according  to  Gomara. 

3  Both  Pigafetta,  who  gave  her  the  figure,  and  Herrera  mention 
this  circumstance  (Dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  iii.).     It  is  curious  that  years 


1521.]  THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS.  243 

presented  to  her  by  Pigafetta.  She  took  the  name  of 
Joanna,  after  the  unhappy  mother  of  Charles  V.,  while 
the  wife  of  the  Rajah  of  Limassaua  was  baptized  as 
Isabella.  The  example  thus  set  by  their  rulers  was 
followed  immediately  by  the  lower  classes,  and  on  that 
day  no  fewer  than  800  persons  were  received  into  the 
Church.  The  news  soon  spread,  and  the  people  arrived 
in  hundreds,  until  in  eight  days  all  the  inhabitants  of 
Sebu  were  baptized,  and  some  belonging  to  other 
neighbouring  islands.  Maximilian  Transylvanus  records 
that  the  number  was  2200,  but  it  very  possibly  exceeded 
this  considerably. 

It  seems  probable,  from  Pigafetta's  account,  that  the 
authority  of  this  King  or  Ptajah  of  Sebu  was  not  so  fully 
recognised  by  the  surrounding  chiefs  and  kinglets  as  it 
should  have  been.  Magellan,  now  that  he  had  concluded 
an  alliance  with  him,  was,  of  course,  anxious  to  strengthen 
his  position  as  much  as  possible.  With  this  object  in 
view  he  summoned  a  meeting  of  his  two  brothers  and 
various  chiefs  who  had  exhibited  a  tendency  to  disobe- 
dience, and  informed  tbem  that  if  they  did  not  render  a 
proper  homage  to  their  sovereign  he  should  order  them 
to  be  put  to  death,  and  their  property  to  be  confiscated. 
Such  a  notice  his  auditors  were  not  in  a  position  to  gain- 
say, and  they  promised  to  obey.  One  of  them,  however, 
seems  to  have  repented  afterwards,  and  having  again 
refused  to  submit  to  his  authoi'ity,  a  punitive  expedition 
was  sent  against  him,  which  plundered  and  burnt  his 
village,   and  erected  a  cross  over  the  smoking  ashes. 

afterwards,  in  1565,  when  Miguel  Lopez  de  Legaspe  arrived  at  Sebu, 
he  discovered  this  figure,  which  was  regarded  as  an  idol.  The  crosses 
set  up  by  Magellan  were  also  in  existence,  and  in  conseq^ience  the 
later  missionaries  gave  to  the  place  the  name  of  the  City  of  Jesus.  — 
Colin,  Labor  EvarvjeUca,  lib.  i.  cap.  xix. 


244  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN,  [CHAP.  ix. 

"Had  they  been  Moors,"  writes  Pigafetta,  "we  should 
have  set  up  a  column  as  a  sign  of  their  hardness  of 
heart,  for  the  Moors  are  more  difficult  of  conversion 
than  are  the  Gentiles,"  ^ 

For  these  services,  and  in  token  of  affection,  the  king 
presented  Magellan  with  a  pair  of  large  gold  earrings, 
two  bracelets,  and  two  anklets,  set  with  precious  stones, 
Spaniards  and  natives  were  now  upon  the  best  of  terms, 
but  the  Captain-general,  finding  that  the  idols  were  not 
burnt,  as  he  had  ordered,  and  that  offerings  of  meat 
were  still  made  to  them,  reproved  his  converts  severely 
for  their  breach  of  faith.  They  excused  themselves  by 
saying  that  they  were  preserved  to  restore  to  health  a 
sick  man,  brother  of  the  prince,^  "  the  most  valiant  and 
wisest  man  on  the  island,"  who  lay  so  ill  that  for  four 
days  he  had  not  spoken.  Filled  with  zeal  for  his  religion, 
Magellan  said  that  if  the  king  had  true  faith  in  our 
Lord,  and  burnt  all  the  idols,  and  caused  the  sick  man 
to  be  baptized,  he  would  at  once  recover,  and  so  sure  was 
he  of  this,  he  added,  that  if  it  were  not  so  he  would 
cheerfully  consent  to  forfeit  his  head.  The  king  agreed, 
and  a  procession  was  accordingly  arranged  with  the 
greatest  pomp  and  show  that  lay  in  the  Spaniards' 
power.  Formed  in  the  great  square  by  the  cross,  it 
proceeded  to  the  house  of  the  sick  man,  who  was  found 
unable  either  to  speak  or  move.  He  was  baptized,  and 
the  Captain-general  asked  him  how  he  felt.  The  "  faith 
cure "  was  not  long  in  taking  effect,  for  the  patient 
answered  immediately  that  by  God's  grace  he  was 
tolerably  well, 

1  It  seems  probable  that  tliis  village  was  one  of  the  King  of  Mactan, 
although  we  are  not  actually  told  so. 

2  Maximilian  calls  him  a  grandson  of  the  king. 


1521.]  THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS.  245 

"  This  great  miracle  was  done  under  our  very  eyes," 
says  the  pious  old  historian.  On  the  fifth  day  the  man 
rose  from  his  bed,  burnt  an  idol  that  he  had  in  his  house, 
and  proceeding  to  the  sea-shore,  where  were  several 
temples  in  which  it  was  the  custom  to  eat  the  meat 
offei-ed  to  the  idols,  caused  them  to  be  destroyed.  The 
natives  tore  them  down,  shouting  "  Castille,  Castille," 
and  declared  that  if  God  gave  them  life  they  would 
burn  as  many  idols  as  they  could  find,  even  if  they  were 
in  the  house  of  the  king  himself.  The  influence  and 
prestige  of  the  Spaniards  had  now  reached  such  a  point 
that  it  seemed  impossible  that  anything  should  ever 
occasion  its  downfall.  Yet,  as  we  shall  see,  it  was  to 
last  for  a  few  days  only,  and  to  be  annihilated  with  a 
rapidity  and  completeness  even  more  astonishing  than 
that  of  its  establishment. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  LAST  VOYAGE— V.  BATTLE  OF  MACTAN 
AND  DEATH  OF  MAGELLAN. 

It  is  probable  that  Bulaya — the  village  burnt  by  order 
of  the  Captain-general,  on  the  occasion  of  the  chastise- 
ment inflicted  on  the  rebel  chiefs — was  situated  on  the 
little  island  of  Mactan  or  Matan,  whose  rajah,  Silapu- 
lapu,  had  rendered  an  unwilling  obedience  to  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Sebu  potentate.  He  could  not  understand, 
he  said,  why  he  should  do  homage  to  one  whom  he  had 
been  accustomed  for  so  long  to  command.  The  action 
taken  by  the  Spaniards  had  not  rendered  his  attitude  in 
any  way  more  submissive.  While  he  was  meditating 
upon  some  method  of  revenge,  one  of  his  chiefs,  by  name 
Zula,  sent  a  small  present  to  the  admiral,  together  with 
a  secret  message  to  the  effect  that  if  he  did  not  give  a 
more  suitable  offering  it  was  through  no  fault  of  his 
own  but  rather  from  fear  of  the  rajah,  adding  that  if 
Magellan  would  help  him  with  a  boat  and  a  few  of  his 
men,  he  would  undertake  to  subdue  his  chief  and  hand 
over  the  island  to  the  Spaniards. 

Upon  receipt  of  the  message,  Magellan  at  once  re- 
solved to  take  the  affair  in  hand.  Although  at  first 
opposed  to  the  enterprise,  the  King  of  Sebu  was  anxious 
to  assist  him  when  he  saw  that  he  was  determined  upon 

going.     Joao  Serrao,  the  captain's  staunch  adherent  and 

246 


1521.]  BATTLE  OF  MACTAN.  247 

right-hand  man,  the  old  and  tried  warrior  of  a  hundred 
fights,  was  altogether  against  it,  Not  only  was  nothing 
to  be  gained  by  it,  he  argued,  but  they  had  ah'eady  lost 
a  number  of  men,  and  it  would  be  unwise  to  leave  the 
vessels  as  unprotected  as  they  would  be  obliged  to  leave 
them,  for  the  expedition  needed  a  considerable  force. 
But  it  was  in  vain  that  he  protested.  Filled  with  reli- 
gious enthusiasm  at  his  successes  in  Sebu,  Magellan 
desired  to  push  them  still  farther,  until  the  whole  archi- 
pelago should  recognise  the  authority  of  Spain  and  be 
received  into  the  bosom  of  the  Catholic  Church.  He  was 
one,  moreover,  to  brook  no  opposition  from  an  indivi- 
dual whom  he  regarded  as  a  rebel  rather  than  an  enemy. 
Action  with  him  followed  close  upon  resolve.  Nothing, 
apparently,  could  ever  make  him  reconsider  a  determi- 
nation, and  if  he  took  counsel  it  was  for  form's  sake  only. 
And  so  Serrao's  wiser  words  of  caution  were  put  aside, 
and  the  expedition  was  prepared.  At  the  last  moment 
his  officers  besought  him  not  to  go  in  person.  But  ho 
would  not  have  been  Magellan  had  he  listened  to  them. 
Good  shepherd  as  he  was,  writes  Pigafetta,  he  refused  to 
desert  his  flock,  ^ 

At  midnight  on  Friday,  26th  April,  all  was  ready,  and 
the  expedition  left  Sebu.  The  Spaniards  numbered  sixty 
men  all  told.  The  Rajah  of  Sebu,  the  prince,  a  number 
of  the  chiefs,  and  a  force  of  about  a  thousand  men 
accompanied  them  in  a  fleet  of  twenty  or  thirty  war- 
canoes.  The  Europeans  had  three  boats  only.  The  little 
island  of  Mactan  is  close  to  Sebu,  forming  in  fact  its 
harbour,  and  the  spot  chosen  for  landing  was  probably 

1  "  Noi  molto  lo  pregammo  accio  non  venisse  a  questa  impresa  in 
persona,  ma  egli  come  buon  pastore  non  voile  abbandonare  il  suo 
gregge." — Pigafetta,  op.  cit.,  p.  97. 


248  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  x. 

not  more  than  four  or  five  miles  distant  from  the  fleet. 
It  was  reached  three  hours  before  daylight.  No  attempt 
was  made  to  surprise  and  carry  the  town.  The  captain 
desired  to  try  persuasion  before  force.  Few  men,  pro- 
bably, loved  the  din  of  battle  more  dearly  than  did  he, 
or  joined  with  more  readiness  in  a  desperate  undertaking. 
But  here  the  aflFair  seemed  mere  child's-play,  and  he 
probably  did  not  think  it  possible  that  any  number 
of  naked  savages  could  be  a  match  for  the  sixty  armour- 
clad  Europeans  he  brought  against  them.  And  so,  with 
characteristic  straightforwardness,  he  sent  the  Moorish 
trader  to  Silapulapu,  informing  him  that  if  he  would 
submit  and  pay  the  tribute,  no  harm  should  be  done  to 
him,  but  if  not,  "  he  would  learn  how  our  lances 
wounded." 

The  answer  returned  was  defiant  enough,  that  *'  if 
the  Spaniards  had  lances  so  also  had  they,  albeit  only 
reeds  and  stakes  hardened  by  fire ;  that  they  were  ready 
for  them,  but  they  besought  them  that  they  would  not 
attack  before  morning,  as  they  expected  reinforcements 
at  daylight." 

This  message,  the  most  transparent  of  ruses,  was  of 
course  recognised  by  Magellan  as  such.  Warned,  no 
doubt,  by  their  previous  encounter,  the  natives  had 
ditched  and  staked  the  town  and  had  dug  pitfalls.  A 
night  attack  would  have  been  all  in  their  favour,  but 
they  did  not  succeed  in  deceiving  their  enemies.  The 
King  of  Sebu  also  counselled  waiting  for  daylight.  When 
it  arrived,  he  begged  the  Captain-general  to  be  allowed 
to  lead  the  assault.  With  his  thousand  men  and  a  few 
Spaniards  to  aid  and  inspire  them,  he  declared  the 
victory  to  be  certain.  Magellan,  it  is  needless  to  say, 
would  not  hear  of  it.     He  ordered  his  friend  and  ally 


1521.]  BATTLE  OF  MACTAN.  249 

to  remain  in  the  canoes  with  his  men.  He  begged  that 
they  would  look  on,  and  note  how  his  men  coiild  fight.  ^ 

Owing  to  the  coral  reef  surrounding  Mactan,  the 
boats  from  the  fleet  were  unable  to  approach  the  shore. 
So  far  off,  indeed,  had  they  to  remain  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  wade  for  a  "  distance  of  two  good  crossbow 
shots "  before  the  attacking  party  set  foot  upon  the 
beach.  Of  the  sixty  men,  the  Captain-general  and 
forty-eight  landed.  The  other  eleven  remained  with  the 
boats  to  guard  them,  and  to  serve  the  bombards. ^ 

As  they  stepped  ashore,  the  dawn  of  the  27th  April 
15  2 1  broke  over  the  island.  It  was  Saturday,  a  day 
specially  chosen  by  the  admiral,  as  he  had  a  great 
veneration  for  it.^  Alas  !  for  his  choice  !  Alas  !  for 
the  spectacle  of  prowess  that  he  had  charged  his  Sebu 
alKes  to  watch  !  ^  Of  valour,  indeed,  there  was  enough 
and  to  spare,  but  it  availed  nothing  against  the  blunder 
he  had  made  of  under-estimating  the  strength  of  his 
opponents.  From  the  moment  of  landing  it  became 
evident  that  a  determined  resistance  would  be  made. 
Numbers  of  natives — varying,  according  to  different 
accounts,  from  fifteen  himdred  to  sis  thousand — sur- 
rounded them.  Pigafetta,  who  was  himself  of  the 
attacking  party,  records  that  they  were  divided  roughly 

1  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  iv.     Vide  letter  of  Maximilian. 

2  Gomara  (cap.  xciii.  p.  87)  and  Maximilian  state  that  Magellan 
took  forty  men  only.  Herrera  (Dec.  iii.  lib:  i,  cap.  4)  says  that 
fifty-five  landed.  But  Pigafetta's  account,  here  given,  must  be  pre- 
ferred It  is  that  of  a  participator  in  the  engagement,  and  is 
evidently  written  with  care  and  accuracy. 

3  "Giorno  dal  Capitano  stesso  prescelto,  perch^  v'aveva  una  parti- 
colare  divozione." — Pigafetta,  op.  cit.,  p.  100. 

*  "  Subuthicis  uero  ostendit,  se  non  eos  ad  pugnandum,  sed  ad 
suorum  fortitudinem  ct  in  beHo  robur  spectandum  adduxisse." — 
Letter  of  Maximilian. 


250  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  x. 

into  three  bodies,  of  which  one  opposed  their  advance, 
while  the  others  assailed  them  in  flank.  The  captain 
accordingly  marshalled  his  men  in  two  companies,  as 
affording  a  better  means  of  defence.  It  is  probable  that 
the  ground  greatly  favoured  the  natives.  It  is  not  now, 
and  probably  was  not  then,  the  custom  in  the  Philip- 
pines to  build  the  houses  of  a  vUlage  in  very  close 
proximity  to  each  other,  and  the  trees  and  gardens  by 
which  they  are  generally  surrounded,  together  with  the 
thick  bush  which  covers  the  uncultivated  ground, 
^afforded  the  best  of  cover  to  the  islanders.  Close  fight- 
ing was  impossible,  and  hence,  while  the  Spaniards  were 
hardly  j,ble  to  fire  a  shot  with  any  certainty,  they  were 
exposed  to  a  continuous  and  galling  fire  of  spears  and 
arrows.  Showers  of  stones  were  also  thrown,  and 
though  the  men  were  well  protected  about  the  body  by 
their  corslets,  it  was  not  long  before  some  of  the  mis- 
siles began  to  tell  upon  their  limbs.  It  seems  that  but 
few  arquebusiers  were  of  the  party.  Such  as  there  were 
kept  up  a  desultory  fire  with  the  crossbow  men  for 
some  time,  but  to  little  effect,  and  the  natives,  seeing 
the  comparative  harmlessness  of  the  European  weapons, 
grew  emboldened.  Magellan,  realising  that  the  ammu- 
nition was  being  wasted,  shouted  to  his  men  to  reserve 
their  fire,  but  his  orders  were  disregarded  in  the  confu- 
sion of  the  melee. 

The  attacking  party  were  now  getting  so  hard  pressed 
that  the  Captain-general  directed  a  small  detachment 
to  advance  and  set  fire  to  a  group  of  houses  not  far 
distant.  The  plan  was  not  attended  with  the  success 
that  he  had  desired.  So  infuriated  were  the  islanders  at 
the  destruction  of  their  property — for,  the  wind  having 
aided   the  Spaniards,   twenty  or  thirty  of  the  houses 


1521.]  BATTLE  OF  MACTAN.  251 

were  soon  in  flames — that  they  retvirned  to  the  attack 
with  redoubled  energy,  and,  cutting  off  some  of  the 
incendiary  party,  succeeded  in  killing  two  of  them. 
From  this  moment  the  issue  of  the  day  was  practically 
decided,  Magellan,  whose  right  leg  had  been  pierced 
by  an  arrow,  saw  that  a  further  advance  was  impossible, 
and  gave  orders  to  retreat.  In  vain,  however,  did  he 
command  that  the  movement  should  be  executed  slowly 
and  in  order.  Had  his  orders  been  carried  out,  the 
result  of  the  battle  might  have  been  different.  But  to 
the  Spaniards,  spoilt  by  facile  victories,  a  reverse  was 
attended  with  unknown  terrors,  and  the  greater  part  of 
them  fled  immediately  in  wild  disorder.  Six  or  eight 
only  were  left  to  support  their  gallant  commander  in  a 
steady  retreat  to  the  beach,  surrounded  by  swarms  of 
savages  who  poured  in  a  heavy  fire  of  arrows  and  spears 
upon  the  courageous  little  band.  So  heavy  was  it,  says 
Pigafetta,  who  stayed  by  his  beloved  captain  to  the 
last,  that  we  could  hardly  offer  any  resistance.  Then 
the  water's  edge  was  gained,  but  no  aid  could  be 
obtained  from  the  boats.  Their  distance  from  the  fight 
was  so  great  that  it  was  useless  to  bring  the  bombards 
into  action,  and  friend  so  mixed  with  foe  that  even  had 
they  been  within  range  it  woiald  have  been  impossible. 
And  so,  fighting  hand  to  hand,  and  step  by  step  retreat- 
ing, the  coral  reef  was  traversed,  untU  they  were  distant 
a  bowshot  from  the  shore,  and  the  water  reached  their 
knees. 

Then  the  end  came.  The  natives,  confident  in  their 
numbers,  and  caring  little  for  the  weapons  of  the  Euro- 
peans, pressed  them  still  harder.  Twice  the  captain  lost 
his  helmet,  and  a  little  later  he  received  a  spear  wound 
in  the  right  arm.     The  islanders  recognised  his  rank, 


252  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  x. 

and  directed  their  attacks  especially  against  him ;  and 
finding  the  bodies  of  their  antagonists  invulnerable,  they 
endeavoured  to  wound  them  in  the  legs  or  face.  The 
length  of  their  spears  being  greater  than  that  of  the 
Spanish  lances,  gave  them  still  further  advantages.  But, 
in  spite  of  this,  the  resistance  of  Magellan  and  his  men 
was  determined  and  obstinate  to  a  degree.  The  King 
of  Sebu,  recognising  the  gravity  of  their  situation,  had 
landed  some  of  his  men  to  draw  off  the  attack,  but  it 
was  too  late.  The  rest  must  be  told  in  Pigafetta's  own 
words. 

'*  Thus  we  fought  for  an  hour  or  more,  until  at  length 
an  Indian  succeeded  in  wounding  the  captain  in  the 
face  with  a  bamboo  spear.  He,  being  desperate,  plunged 
his  lance  into  the  Indian's  breast,  leaving  it  there.  But 
wishing  to  use  his  sword  he  could  only  draw  it  half  way 
from  the  sheath,  on  accoimt  of  a  spear  wound  he  had 
received  in  the  right  arm.  Seeing  this  the  enemy  all 
rushed  at  him,  and  one  of  them  with  a  long  terzaclo,  like 
a  large  scimitar,  gave  him  a  heavy  blow  upon  the  left 
lesr  which  caused  him  to  fall  forward  on  his  face. 
Then  the  Indians  threw  themselves  upon  him  with 
iron-pointed  bamboo  spears  and  scimitars,  and  every 
weapon  they  had,  and  ran  him  through — our  mirror, 
our  light,  our  comforter,  our  true  guide — until  they 
killed  him. 

"  While  the  Indians  were  closely  pressing  him  he 
several  times  turned  round  towards  us  to  see  if  we  were 
all  in  safety,  as  if  his  obstinate  resistance  had  no  other 
object  than  to  give  time  for  the  retreat  of  his  men.  We 
who  fought  with  him  to  the  last,  and  were  covered  with 
wounds,  when  we  saw  him  fall,  made  for  the  boats, 
which  were  then  on  the  point  of  pushing  off.  .  .  .  There 


1521.]  DEATH  OF  MAGELLAN.  253 

perished  with  him  eight  of  our  men  i  and  four  of  the 
Christian  Indians.  We  had,  besides,  many  wounded, 
among  whom  I  must  count  myself.  The  enemy  lost 
only  fifteen  men. 

"  He  died,  but  I  trust  that  your  Illustrious  Highness  ^ 
will  not  permit  his  memory  to  be  lost,  the  more  so  since 
I  see  born  again  in  you  the  good  qualities  of  so  great  a 
captain,  one  of  his  leading  virtues  being  his  constancy 
in  the  worst  misfortune.  At  sea  he  endured  hunger 
better  than  we.  Greatly  learned  in  nautical  charts,  he 
knew  more  of  the  true  art  of  navigation  than  any  other 
person,  in  sure  proof  whereof  is  the  wisdom  and  intre- 
pidity with  which — no  example  having  been  afforded 
him — he  attempted,  and  almost  completed,  the  circum- 
navigation of  the  globe."  ^ 

So  died  Magellan,  his  life  wasted  in  a  miserable  skir- 
mish with  savages.  The  manner  of  his  death  has  been 
related  by  various  historians,  the  most  trustworthy  of 
whom  differ  in  no  essential  point.  The  account  of  Piga- 
fetta,  who  fought  by  his  side,  is  doubtless  correct,  but 
in  a  desperate  struggle  such  as  that  in  which  the  great 
navigator  perished,  it  is  not  astonishing  that  the  minor 

1  According  to  the  official  list  of  deaths  seven  died,  but  one  suc- 
cumbed later  to  his  wounds. 

2  Pigafetta's  book,  it  must  be  remembered,  was  dedicated  to  Villiers 
de  risle  Adam,  Grand  Master  of  Ehodes. 

3  Pigafetta,  op.  cit.,  pp.  99  et  seq.  The  last  paragraph  runs  as 
follows  in  the  original : — "Egli  mori ;  ma  spero  che  Vossignoria  Illus- 
trissima  non  lascera  che  se  ne  perda  la  memoria,  tanto  piii  che  veggo 
in  lei  rinate  le  virtu  d'lm  si  gran  Capitano,  poiehe  una  delle  principali 
virtii  sue  fu  la  constanza  nella  piii  avversa  fortuna.  Egli  in  mezzo  al 
mare  seppe  tollerar  la  fame  piii  di  noi.  Intelligentissimo  di  Carte 
nautiche,  sapea  piii  d'ogni  altro  la  vera  arte  del  navigare  ;  del  che  e 
una  sicura  prova  I'aver  saputo  col  suo  ingegno,  e  col  suo  ardire,  senza 
che  nessuno  gliene  avesse  dato  I'esempio,  tentare  il  giro  del  Globe 
terracqueo  che  quasi  avea  compiuto." 


254  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  X. 

details  of  the  onlookers'  stories  should  vary.  Thevet 
states  that  he  was  killed  by  an  arrow,^  which  is  partly 
borne  out  by  Nicholas  of  Naples,  a  sailor  of  the  Victoria, 
in  his  examination  as  a  witness  in  support  of  Jaime 
Barbosa's  claim  to  Magellan's  estate  in  the  year  1540. 
"  I  was  by  his  side  and  saw  him  killed  by  arrows  and  a 
lance- wound  which  pierced  his  throat."  ^  Whether  he 
met  his  death  by  spear  or  arrow,  however,  matters  little. 
He  fell  as  we  should  expect  him  to  fall,  fighting  bravely, 
and  up  to  the  last  moment  of  his  life  thinking  of  others 
rather  than  himself. 

When  the  King  of  Sebu  heard  the  news  he  burst  into 
tears.  With  the  victory  in  their  power  they  had  deli- 
berately thrown  away  every  chance,  and  had  suffered  a 
most  disastrous  defeat.  Silently,  and  with  bitter  sorrow 
at  their  hearts,  the  Spaniards  decided  to  return,  and 
the  little  flotilla  recrossed  the  bay  to  Sebu.  Their 
anguish  was  the  more  poignant  since  the  body  of  their 
commander  remained  in  the  enemies'  hands.  The  same 
evening  a  special  messenger  was  sent  to  Silapulapu 
demanding  it,  and  offering  to  give  whatever  merchandise 
he  desired  upon  its  return.  It  was  in  vain  that  he 
pleaded.  The  rajah's  reply  was  that  for  notliing  in  the 
world  would  they  give  back  the  captain's  body,  for  they 
desired  to  preserve  it  always  as  a  monument  of  their 
triumph.  It  was  in  vain,  too,  that  Barbosa,  the  brother- 
in-law  of  Magellan,  made  renewed  offers.     The  victors 

1  "  A  matan  fallut  venir  au  combat,  ou  ce  vaillant  Capitaine  Magel- 
lan fut  t\i6  d'vn  coup  de  flesche  qu'vn  Matanois  lui  tira  au  visage," — 
Thevet,  Vrais  Povrtraits  et  Vies  des  Hommes  Hlvstres,  Paris,  1584, 

p.  529- 

2  "Este  testigo  estaba  a  la  sazon  junto  con  el  a  su  lado,  e  lo  vido 
matar  de  saetadas  e  una  lanzada  que  le  dieron  por  la  garganta," — 
Medina,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p,  311.     Also  see  Navarrete,  iv.  p.  286  ct  seq. 


1521.] 


DEATH  OF  MAGELLAN. 


255 


were  inflexible,  and  the  bones  of  the  brave  old  warrior 
and  explorer  rest  to  this  day  in  Mactan. 

We  do  not  know  with  any  certainty  where  he  fell, 
but  the  Spanish  have  attempted  to  identify  the  village 
upon  which  the  attack  was  made,  and  a  tasteless  monu- 
ment has  been  erected  to  his  memory  on  the  spot. 
Under  the  copious  rains  and  exuberant  vegetation  of 


TO    MAOEI.LAX    I\    MAOTAX. 


such  a  climate  it  seems  to  have  suffered  not  a  little.  A 
little  longer  and  the  place  thereof,  perhaps,  shall  know 
it  no  more.  But  Magellan  needs  no  monument.  His 
name  is  written  for  ever,  not  only  on  his  straits,^  but 

1  "  For  ever  sacred  to  the  Hero's  fame, 

These  foaming  straits  shall  bear  his  deathless  name. " 

— MicUe's  Lusiad,  bk.  x.,  p.  275. 


256  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  x. 

upon  the  heavens,  whose  face,  as  astronomer  and  navi- 
gator, he  had  scanned  so  often,  in  fair  weather  and  foul, 
in  every  quarter  of  the  globe.  ^ 

From  the  history  of  the  last  voyage  of  Magellan  alone 
a  fair  idea  might  be  gathered  of  the  great  commander's 
character,  even  had  we  known  nothing  previously  about 
him.  Its  leading  features  do  not  alter.  As  he  was  in 
his  youth  in  India — cool  in  danger,  unselfish,  and  pos- 
sessed of  a  determination  almost  withovit  parallel — so 
he  remained  to  the  end,  until  he  fell  in  the  little  island 
of  Mactan,  before  the  cane  spears  of  a  horde  of  naked 
savages.  On  the  very  occasion  of  his  death  he  exhibited 
these  qualities  in  a  most  striking  manner.  The  details 
of  the  engagement  which  we  are  possessed  of  show  that 
his  actions  were  distingiushed  as  much  by  coolness  as 
by  bravery.  To  his  unselfishness,  without  a  shadow  of 
doubt,  he  owed  his  death.  "  His  obstinate  resistance 
had  no  other  aim  than  to  give  time  for  the  retreat  or  his 
men,"  Pigafetta  tells  us.  Yet  the  expedition  was  under- 
taken in  defiance  of  the  advice  of  his  officers  and  the 
entreaty  of  his  friends.  His  fate  was  the  outcome  of 
an  excess  of  self-reliance,  of  too  blind  a  confidence  in 
his  own  unaided  judgment. 

By  birth,  education,  and  life,  Magellan  was  a  gentle- 
man— nay,  more,  an  aristocrat,  and  cmstocrate  au  bout 
des  ongles.  Of  noble  family,  reared  at  court,  and  a 
Queen's  page,  he  passed  into  the  Indian  service  under 
the  first  Viceroy,  with  the  flower  of  Spain  for  his  com- 
rades.   With  such  a  chief  and  fellow-ofiicers,  and  at  such 

1  The  honour  of  having  first  made  known  the  Magellanic  Clouds 
cannot  be  ascribed  to  the  navigator.  In  1515  Peter  Martyr  mentions 
them  in  his  De  Rebus  Oceanis  et  Orbe  Novo,  and  they  were  api3arently 
known  to  the  Arabs  five  hundred  years  earlier.  Vicle  Humboldt's 
Kosmos,  Sabine,  2nd  ed,,  vol.  ii-  p,  289. 


1521.]  CHARACTER  OF  MAGELLAN.  257 

a  period,  the  best  qualities  of  his  nature  could  not  but 
become  developed.  Later,  as  we  have  seen,  he  served 
under  Albuquerque.  The  fact  that  he  was  in  India  with 
the  two  ablest  Viceroys,  and  that  his  long  service  was 
at  the  most  exciting  part  of  that  country's  history, 
had  doubtless  not  a  little  influence  upon  his  character. 
Magellan  was  a  born  leader  of  men  from  sheer  force  of 
character  and  strength  of  will.  But  there  was  more 
than  mere  energy  in  him.  That  he  was  a  man  of  con- 
siderable intelKgence  there  is  no  doubt  from  the  evidence 
of  other  writers  besides  Pigafetta,  and  entirely  apart 
from  the  question  of  whether  he  was  or  was  not  pre- 
viously aware  of  the  existence  of  the  straits  of  which  he 
went  in  search.  But  the  most  charming  trait  in  his 
character  is  the  carelessness  of  self  which  reveals  itself 
so  often  in  the  history  of  his  life,  the  readiness  to  sacri- 
fice himself  on  all  occasions  for  others.  How  he  died 
we  have  just  seen.  But  we  must  not  forget  his  action 
on  the  occasion  of  the  wreck  on  the  Padua  bank,  when 
he  volvmteered  to  remain  with  the  sailors;  or  the  aid 
which,  at  imminent  risk  of  his  life,  he  afforded  Serrao 
at  the  attempted  massacre  of  the  Portuguese  at  Malacca. 
With  his  own  hands  he  tended  his  sick  crew  in  the 
Philippines,  after  having  shared  on  equal  terms  with 
them  the  privations  of  their  voyage  across  the  Pacific. 
With  mutineers  and  traitors,  in  fact  with  all  who  re- 
belled against  authority,  even  if  only  mere  shirkers  or 
grumblers,  he  was  no  doubt  a  hard  master ;  but  to  those 
who  served  him  faithfully  and  did  their  duty  he  ever 
remained  a  staunch  friend.  Moreover,  he  bears  a  name 
of  untarnished  honour.  There  is  no  single  story  against 
him,  nothing  to  hide  or  to  slur  over ;  no  single  act  of 
cruelty  even  id  that  age  of  cruelties. 

B 


258  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP,  x, 

A  question  of  no  little  interest  yet  remains  for  consi- 
deration— the  question  of  what  rank  ought  to  be  assigned 
to  Magellan  as  a  navigator  and  explorer.  In  the  history 
of  geographical  discovery  there  are  two  great  successes, 
and  two  only,  so  much  do  they  surpass  all  others — the 
discovery  of  America,  and  the  first  circumnavigation  of 
the  globe.  Columbus  and  Magellan  are  the  only  pos- 
sible competitors  for  the  supremacy.  Were  the  vote  of 
the  majority  taken,  it  would  without  a  shadow  of  doubt 
be  recorded  in  favour  of  the  former.  We  can  see  easily 
enough  that  it  could  not  well  be  otherwise.  Fortified 
by  the  dangerous  possession  of  a  little  knowledge,  the 
mass  would  grant  the  palm  to  him  who  first  brought  the 
vast  continent  of  America  to  the  ken  of  Europeans.  It 
is  difiicult  to  free  the  mind  from  the  influence  of  the 
well-known  couplet  over  the  grave  of  Columbus  : — 

"  A  Castilla  y  a  Leon 
Nuevo  mundo  di6  Colon. " 

But,  without  detracting  in  any  way  from  the  ample 
honour  which  is  his  just  due,  an  unbiassed  comparison 
of  his  great  voyage  with  that  of  Magellan  leaves  the 
latter  navigator  with  the  verdict  in  his  favour  on  almost 
every  point.  If  it  be  claimed  for  Columbus  that  he 
crossed  an  ocean  of  vast  size  whose  western  half  was 
unknown  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  old  world,  it  is  equally 
incontrovertible  that  Magellan  traversed  a  far  vaster  sea, 
upon  whose  waters  no  European  ship  had  ever  floated. 
When  Columbus  started  on  his  voyage,  his  work  lay 
immediately  before  him.  Magellan  did  not  arrive  at  the 
Pacific  until  more  than  a  year  after  he  weighed  anchor 
from  S.  Lucar  de  Barrameda,  for  months  of  which  he 
had  undergone  great  and  continued  hardships.     While 


1521.]  CHARACTER  OF  MAGELLAN.  259 

the  great  Genoese  made  land  on  the  thirty-sixth  day 
after  leaving  the  Canaries,  the  little  armada  of  Magellan 
struggled  for  no  less  than  three  months  and  eighteen 
days  across  the  unknown  waste  of  the  Pacific.  Little 
wonder  that  they  said  it  was  more  vast  than  the  imagi- 
nation of  man  could  conceive  !  As  an  explorer  then,  the 
merits  of  Magellan  must  be  ranked  as  superior  to  those 
of  the  discoverer  of  the  New  World.  The  long-foreseen 
mutiny,  the  ceaseless  tempests  and  cold  of  Patagonia, 
the  famine  that  stared  him  in  the  face,  failed  to  daunt 
him,  and  he  carried  out  an  expedition  infinitely  more 
lengthy  and  difficult  in  the  face  of  incomparably  greater 
hardships. 

It  is  more  difficult  to  adjudicate  upon  the  respective 
merits  of  the  two  great  discoverers  as  navigators. 
Columbus  was  an  acute  observer,  and  though  his  deduc- 
tions were  by  no  means  always  correct,  they  evince  con- 
siderable ingenuity  and  reasoning  power.  We  know  that 
he  was  a  maker  of  charts  and  maps  before  he  started 
upon  his  great  voyage,  and  that  he  was  in  communica- 
tion with  the  leading  cosmographers  of  the  day.  Never- 
theless he  can  hardly  be  called  one  of  them.  Girava 
indeed,  writing  in  1556,  speaks  of  him  as  "  a  great  sailor, 
but  a  poor  cosmographer."  ^  Whether  his  judgment  is 
correct  or  not  we  cannot  well  decide  at  this  our  present 
date.  Columbus's  discovery  of  America  is  surrounded 
with  such  a  halo  of  glory  that  we  are  blinded  by  its  bril- 
liance, and  forget  that  it  was,  after  all,  but  an  accident. 
For  he  died,  as  we  know,  in  the  belief  that  he  had 
reached  Asia;  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  a  yet  vaster 
ocean  than  that  he  had  already  traversed  lay  between 
him  and  the  object  of  his  desire.  It  was  a  magnificent 
1  Luciano  Cordeiro.  De  la  decouverte  de  V  Ameriquc,  p.  24. 


260  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  x. 

mistake  doubtless — a  mistake  which  in  its  results  was 
worth  a  hundred  accurate  reasonings — but  it  was  a  mis- 
take nevertheless, 

Magellan  we  know  to  have  been  a  cosmographer  and 
navigator  of  exceptional  skill.  He  is  mentioned  con- 
stantly as  such  during  the  period  of  his  service  in  the 
East.  Returning  to  Portugal,  he  applied  himself  heart 
and  soul  to  his  favourite  science,  his  chief  study  being  to 
establish  some  trustworthy  method  for  obtaining  longi- 
tude. His  long  acquaintance  with  Ruy  Faleiro,  who 
appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  ablest  astronomers  of 
the  day,  perfected  him  in  his  science  so  far  as  it  then 
went,  and  he  left  Seville  with  a  reputation  hardly  infe- 
rior to  that  of  his  instructor.  It  is  probable  that 
Pigafetta's  Treatise  of  Navigation  was  the  outcome  of 
Magellan's  teaching.  The  successful  way  in  which  the 
latter  conducted  his  ships  upon  his  last  great  voyage 
speaks  highly  of  his  skill.  ^  Neither  as  geographer  nor 
astronomer  can  he  be  ranked  beneath  Columbus,  and 
Lord  Stanley's  dictum  that  he  is  "  undoubtedly  the 
greatest  of  ancient  and  modern  navigators,"  is  an  opinion 
which  a  careful  investigation  obliges  us  to  accept.^ 

Few  details  have  been  handed  down  to  us  concerning 
the  personal  appearance  of  Magellan.  We  know,  as  has 
already  been  stated,  that  he  was  rather  below  than  above 
the  ordinary  height,  and  that  the  wounds  he  received  in 

'  1  It  is  asserted  by  one  of  Magellan's  detractors  that  he  reached  the 
Philippines  by  mistake,  intending  to  proceed  to  the  Moluccas,  but 
being  ignorant  of  their  position.  Not  only  was  he  perfectly  well 
acquainted  with  their  situation,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  letter  written 
by  him  to  Charles  V.  immediately  before  starting  on  his  voyage 
(Navarrete,  iv.  p.  189),  but  we  are  especially  told  by  the  Genoese  pilot 
that  Magellan  kept  to  the  north  on  purpose,  knowing  that  it  was 
impossible  to  refit  and  obtain  proper  provisions  in  the  Moluccas, 
2  First  Voyage,  p.  Iviii, 


1521.]  PORTRAITS  OF  MAGELLAN.  261 

Africa  had  made  him  slightly  lame,  but  our  knowledge 
is  practically  limited  to  these  facts.  M.  Ferdinand  Denis, 
in  his  Portugal,  gives  an  engraving  of  a  portrait  of  the 
navigator,  stated  by  him  to  exist  -in  the  Louvre.  It  is 
not  now  to  be  found  in  that  collection.  Sr.  Yargas  y 
Ponce,  in  his  Relacion  del  Ultimo  Viage  al  Estrecho  de 
Magallanes,  gives  a  beautifully-engraved  portrait,  exe- 
cuted by  Selma,  from  a  painting  then  (1788)  in  the 
possession  of  Don  Felipe  Yallejo  of  Toledo.^  This 
painting  was  a  copy  of  another  existing  in  the  gallery 
of  the  Duke  of  Florence,  and  ascribed,  probably  erro- 
neously, to  Titian.  2 

The  Versailles  collection  contains  a  striking  portrait,^ 
copied  by  Larivi^re  from  a  reputed  original  now  existing 
in  the  Chateau  de  Beauregard,  near  Blois.  It  represents 
a  man  of  singularly  refined  and  intelligent  features  and 
of  no  little  personal  beauty,  which  is  rendered  not  less 
attractive  from  a  certain  shade  of  melancholy  in  the 
expression.  It  is  this  portrait,  never  previously  en- 
graved, which  has  been  chosen  for  the  frontispiece  of 
this  volume. 

1  This  plate  was  afterwards  used  by  Navarrete  ia  his  Coleccion  de 
Viages,  vol,  iv. ,  and  a  reproduction  was  made  later  for  Lord  Stanley's 
First  Voyage,  published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society. 

2  Vargas  y  Ponce,  op.  cit.,  preface,  p.  xiii. 

3  No.  3091  in  the  Souli6  Catalogue. 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE  LAST  VOYAGE— VI.    ARRIVAL  AT  THE 
MOLUCCAS  AND  RETURN  TO  SPAIN. 

Upon  the  arrival  in  Sebu  of  the  survivors  of  the 
Mactan  disaster,  one  of  the  first  duties  performed  was 
the  election  of  a  successor  to  the  post  of  captaio- 
general.  A  dual  command — a  not  unusual  custom  in 
those  days — was  resolved  upon,  and  the  choice  of  the 
electors  fell  upon  Duarte  Barbosa  and  Joao  Serrao. 
Both  were  navigators  of  no  ordinary  merit,  who  had 
seen  long  service  under  Almeida  and  Albuquerque  in 
India,  and  both  were  Portuguese  by  birth. 

At  the  time  of  the  conversion  of  the  Sebu  people,  it 
will  be  remembered,  a  large  store  had  been  opened  in 
the  town,  and  much  bartering  had  been  carried  on.  We 
do  not  know  whether  the  Spaniards  had  any  definite 
reason  to  suspect  treachery,  but  if  such  was  the  case 
they  took  the  best  measures  to  induce  it,  for  one  of  their 
first  acts  was  to  transport  this  merchandise  again  to 
the  ships.  A  more  Ul-advised  step  could  hardly  have 
been  conceived.  Their  defeat  at  Mactan  had  seriously 
damaged  their  prestige  in  the  eyes  of  the  islanders,  and 
it  behoved  them  to  make  as  light  of  it  as  possible.  The 
withdrawal  of  the  goods  from  their  store  was  tanta- 
mount to  a  confession  of  weakness — was  courting  attack, 

in  short. 

262 


1521.]  PLOT  OF  THE  KING  OF  SEBU.  263 

The  disaster  came  soon  enough,  whether  the  distrust 
exhibited  by  the  Spaniai^ds  was  or  was  not  a  factor  in  it. 
What  actually  tempted  the  King  of  Sebu  to  the  base 
act  of  treachery  of  which  he  was  guilty  seems  uncertain. 
By  some  historians  it  is  said  that  the  chiefs  who  had 
made  difficulties  in  submitting  to  his  authority  united  to 
form  a  common  cause,  and  sent  to  inform  him  that  if 
he  did  not  assist  them  in  exterminating  the  Spaniards 
and  seizing  their  ships,  they  would  kill  him  and  lay 
waste  his  country.^  Others  declare  the  treachery  to  have 
originated  in  the  fleet  itself — a  story  related  so  circum- 
stantially that  it  is  impossible  not  to  give  some  credence 
to  it.  Magellan's  slave,  Enrique  of  Malacca,  the  inter- 
preter to  the  expedition,  had  been  wounded  slightly  in 
the  Mactan  affair,  and  remained  obstinately  in  his  bunk, 
"  atendiendo  d  su  salud,"  and  declining  to  move.  As 
his  injury  was  very  trivial  and  his  services  were  greatly 
needed,  Barbosa  rated  him  soundly,  telling  him  that 
though  Magellan  was  dead  he  was  stiU  a  slave  and  the 
property  of  Donna  Beatriz,  that  disobedience  was  not 
for  dogs  such  as  he,  and  that  he  would  get  a  sound 
beating  if  he  did  not  do  what  he  was  told  with  readi- 
ness and  alacrity.  The  man  obeyed  and  showed  no 
resentment  at  the  time,  but  he  nursed  his  revenge  and 
resolved  to  betray  the  Spaniards  at  the  first  oppor- 
tunity. Going  in  secret  to  the  King  of  Sebu,  he  told 
him  that  his  masters  had  decided  to  attack  the  town 
and  carry  him  away  captive  on  their  ships,  but  that  if 
he  would  follow  his  advice  he  might  turn  the  tables 
upon  them,  and  soon  become  owner  of  all  their  belong- 
ings.^    Improbable  as  the  story  was,  its  acceptation  no 

'  Larros,  Dec.  iii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  x. ;  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.,  lib.  i.,  cap.  iz. 
2  Maximilian  and  Gomara,  cap.  xcii.  p.  87,  give  the  same  story, 


264  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  xi. 

doubt  fell  in  with  the  king's  desires,  and  he  resolved 
at  once  upon  a  plan  for  the  massacre  of  his  former 
friends  and  the  seizure  of  their  vessels. 

It  had  been  previously  settled  that  an  offering  of 
jewels  should  be  made  by  the  native  monarch  to  the 
King  of  Spain  in  recognition  of  his  authority  and  pro- 
tection. All  having  been  arranged,  a  message  was  sent 
to  the  commanders  to  intimate  that  the  present  was 
ready,  and  that  they  were  desirous  of  offering  it  in  due 
form.  They  therefore  begged  their  presence,  and  that 
of  every  one  who  could  be  spared  from  the  fleet,  at  a 
feast.  Barbosa  accepted  without  hesitation — Serrao  had 
misgivings.  But  the  arguments  or  banter  of  his  friend 
gained  the  day,  and  he  agreed  to  go. 

On  the  morning  of  Wednesday,  May  ist,  the  two 
captains  rowed  ashore  in  company  with  twenty- seven 
others.  1  Fortunately  for  Pigafetta,  a  wound  which  he 
had  received  in  the  face  on  the  occasion  of  the  Mactan 
affair  prevented  Ids  joining  the  party,  which  included 
many  people  of  importance.  The  cosmographer,  Andres 
de  San  Martin,  the  escrihanos  Sancho  de  Heredia  and 
Leon  de  Espeleta,  and  the  priest,  Pedro  de  Valderrama, 
were  of  it.  With  them,  too,  was  one  Luiz  Affonso  de 
Goes,  a  Portuguese,  supernumerary  of   the   Trinidad,^ 

as  does  Pigafetta  in  his  Prima  Viaggio,  and  Sebastian  del  Cano  in 
the  evidence  given  by  him  before  the  Alcalde  Leguizamo  in  October 
1522,  with  the  exception  that  they  make  Serrao,  not  Barbosa,  rate 
Enrique. 

1  According  to  Pigafetta  only  twenty-four  were  with  them,  but  the 
above  number  must  be  correct,  for  two  turned  back,  and  twenty- 
seven  appear  in  the  list  of  killed. 

2  In  the  official  death-roll,  under  the  date  of  April  27th,  the  day  of 
the  Mactan  tragedy,  we  find  the  name  of  Cristobal  Kabello,  who  is 
described  as  captain  of  the  Victoria.  Under  the  date  of  May  ist 
occurs  the  entry  of  Luis  Alfonso  de  Lois,  (sic)  who  is  given  a  like 
description.     Yet  we  know  that  Duarte  Barbosa  had  been  appointed 


1521.]  MASSACRE  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  265 

Joao  Carvalho,  the  pilot,  and  Espinosa,  the  alguacil. 
The  king  awaited  them  upon  the  beach,  surrounded 
by  numbers  of  his  people,  to  escort  them  to  the  place 
where  the  feast  had  been  prepared.  But  treachery  was 
in  the  air,  and  others  beside  Serrao  had  an  instinctive 
feeling  of  some  approaching  disaster.  Espinosa  and 
Carvalho,  seeing  Valderrama  led  away  alone  in  a  sus- 
picious manner,  resolved  instantly  to  turn  back.  Their 
caution  saved  them,  but  they  alone  of  all  the  party 
escaped  with  their  lives.  Hardly  had  they  got  back 
to  the  ships  and  related  their  story  when  a  great 
disturbance  was  heard  on  shore.  The  natives  had 
gradually  surrounded  their  guests,  and  on  a  given  signal 
had  fallen  upon  them  with  spear  and  kris.  Hopelessly 
outnumbered,  the  Spaniards  fought  to  the  end,  selling 
their  lives  as  dearly  as  they  could.  Carvalho,  who  was 
now  in  command,  and  had  apparently  hove  short  his 
cables  in  anticipation  of  the  disaster,  weighed  imme- 
diately, and  approaching  the  shore  poured  broadsides 
into  the  village.  At  the  same  moment  a  group  of  natives 
came  down  to  the  water's  edge  dragging  with  them  Joao 

captain  of  that  ship  after  the  mutiny.  How  can  these  apparently 
conflicting  statements  be  reconciled  ? 

A  possible  explanation  is  afforded  by  a  few  stray  words  in  the  bulky 
pay-list  of  the  armada,  under  the  name  of  Duarte  Barbosa.  They 
state  that  the  captain -general  placed  Barbosa  under  arrest  in  Sta. 
Lucia  Bay  because  he  went  away  with  the  natives.  He  was  guilty  of 
a  like  offence  in  Sebu,  being  away  three  days  from  his  ship,  although 
the  admiral  sent  a  message  to  him  to  bid  him  return.  He  may, 
perhaps,  have  been  deprived  of  his  command  in  consequence  and  suc- 
ceeded by  Rabello,  while  after  the  engagement  at  Mactan  he  would 
take  command  of  Magellan's  ship,  while  de  Goes  captained  the 
Victoria.  It  is  far  more  probable  that  the  entries  are  wrong,  and  that 
Barbosa  never  lost  his  command.  He  at  least  drew  pay  as  captain 
all  this  time,  and  the  promotion  neitlier  of  l^bello  nor  de  Goes  is 
mentioned  in  the  pay-list.     Vide  Medina,  vol.  i.  p.  190. 


266  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  xi. 

Serrao,  bound,  and  bleeding  from  many  wounds.  They 
were  desirous  of  bartering  his  life  for  cannon  and  mer- 
chandise.^ Serrao  shouted  to  his  friends  the  terrible 
story  of  his  comrades'  death,  and  implored  Carvalho  to 
cease  firing,  or  he  too  would  be  murdered,  and  then, 
turning  to  his  captors,  said  that  if  they  took  him  to  the 
ships  they  would  receive  whatever  they  demanded.  This 
they  refused  to  do,  fearful  of  retaliation  on  the  part  of 
the  Spaniards.  Serrao  was  a  fellow-countryman  of  Car- 
valho, and  was,  moreover,  his  compadre,  his  boon  com- 
panion. It  seemed  hardly  necessary  to  appeal  to  him 
for  succour  in  such  an  hour,  but  seeing  that  no  steps 
were  being  taken  to  despatch  a  boat  to  his  assistance, 
Serrao  implored  that  this  might  be  done  before  it  was 
too  late.  No  boat,  however,  was  sent.  He  did  not 
know — he  could  not  believe — that  his  friend  intended, 
in  cold  blood,  with  a  depth  of  cowardice  and  treachery 
beyond  parallel,  to  leave  him  to  be  murdered.  But  so 
it  was.  As  the  ships  slowly  made  sail  and  stood  out 
to  sea  his  friend's  baseness  dawned  upon  him.  In  the 
name  of  their  friendship  he  again  and  again  begged  and 
implored  his  help.  Then,  seeing  that  it  was  in  vain,  he 
solemnly  cursed  him,  praying  God  that  at  the  last  great 
day  He  would  require  Carvalho  to  render  an  account  of 
his  actions  in  this  affair.^ 

As  the  vessels  left,  their  crews,  watching,  saw  the 
savages  turn  upon  their  captive.  A  little  later  and  loud 
cries  came  from  the  midst  of  the  crowd,  portending  his 

1  "  Pedian  por  el  dos  bombardos,  y  dos  bares  de  cobre,  y  algunas 
bretanas  6  telas  de  lienzo." — Letter  of  de  Br ito  to  the  King  of  Por- 
tugal, Navarrete,  iv.  309. 

2  It  appears  from  the  account  of  Pigafetta  that  it  was  a  far  viler  sin 
than  cowardice  of  which  Carvalho  was  guilty — that  he  refused  to 
rescue  Serrao  in  order  to  get  the  command. 


1521.  THE  VOYAGE  RESUMED.  267 

death.  At  the  same  time  another  party  were  seen 
tearing  down  the  cross  that  had  been  erected  near  the 
church.  1  Rapid  and  complete  as  had  been  the  conver- 
sion of  the  natives,  their  recantation  was  no  less  so. 

With  grief  and  despair  in  their  hearts  the  members 
of  the  now  much-weakened  expedition  resumed  their 
voyage.  Not  only  were  they  greatly  reduced  in  num- 
bers, but  the  comrades  they  had  lost  were  the  strongest 
of  the  party.  Many  also  were  men  of  importance  in 
the  command  or  navigation  of  the  ships.  On  mustering 
all  hands  it  was  found  that  only  115  remained  of  the 
original  270  or  more  who  left  Seville.^  The  Co7icepcion, 
too,  was  leaky  and  unserviceable,  and  so,  rather  than 
run  the  risk  of  being  undermanned  and  of  losing  her 
cargo,  they  resolved  to  burn  her,  after  transhipping  the 
best  of  her  stores  into  the  other  vessels.  This  was 
accordingly  done  o£P  the  island  of  Bohol,  and,  while 
Espinosa  was  made  captain  of  the  Victoria,  Carvalho 
was  confirmed  in  his  command  as  captain-general,  a  post 
which  he  did  not  very  long  retain. 

The  course  was  now  shaped  to  the  southward  for  the 
Moluccas,^  and  coasting  the  western  promontory  of  the 
great  island  of  Mindanao,  where  they  touched  and  made 
friends  with  the  natives,  they  bore  away  for  Borneo, 

1  Argensola,  lib.  i.  p.  19. 

2  The  account  of  the  Genoese  pilot  states  the  number  to  have  been 
108  men,  that  of  Barros  180.  The  latter  number  is  evidently  incorrect. 
The  S.  Antonio  left  Seville  with  nearly  seventy  men  on  board,  and 
since  she  received  her  share  of  the  Santiago's  crew,  it  is  probable  that 
she  did  not  desert  with  much  fewer  than  eighty  men.  The  list  of 
deaths  up  to  this  time  numbered  seventy-two.  This  would  leave 
about  120  men. 

3  Burney,  in  his  Discoveries,  p.  71,  argues  that  Magellan  did  not 
know  the  latitude  of  the  Moluccas,  and  in  another  passage  sup- 
ports his  argument  by  a  passage  from  Pigafetta : — "  In  quest'  isola, 


268  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  xi. 

having  on  their  way  undoubtedly  received  intelligence 
of  the  city  now  known:' as  Brunei,  Their  track  took 
them  to  the  island  of  Cagayan  Sulu.  Pigafetta  speaks 
of  the  very  large  trees  in  it,^  and  records  that  its  few 
inhabitants  were  Moors  banished  from  Borneo,  who  re- 
garded the  new-comers  as  gods.  Provisions  were  now 
running  very  short,  and  their  first  object  being  to  obtain 
them,  they  enquired  for  Palawan,  where  they  heard  that 
rice  was  procurable.  They  were  directed  northward 
again,  and  after  running  twenty-five  leagues  hit  off  its 
southern  end,  and  coasted  it  for  a  considerable  distance 
to  the  north-east.  So  reduced  were  they  that  but  eight 
days'  provisions  remained,  and  they  had  had  for  some 
time  under  consideration  the  project  of  establishing 
themselves  in  some  island  and  supporting  life  as  best 
they  could  upon  the  fish  and  vegetables  it  might  chance 
to  afford  them.  Such  a  rash  step  was  fortunately  un- 
necessary. Palawan  was  found  to  be  a  promised  land, 
abounding  in  pigs,  goats,  poultry,  and  fruits,  and — more 
important  still — in  rice.  They  placed  themselves  upon 
a  footing  of  blood-brotherhood  with  the  chief  in  whose 
district  they  had  landed,  and  after  a  few  days'  stay  left 
on  the  2  ist  June  ^  for  Borneo.  They  had  been  astonished 
to  find  in  the  port  a  negro  named  Bastiao,  who  spoke 
Portuguese  tolerably  well,  having  acquired   it   in   the 

prima  che  perdessimo  il  nostro  capitano-generale,  ebbimo  noticia  di 
Malucco."  It  is  hardly  necessary  agaiu  to  refer  to  Magellan's  own 
letter  to  Charles  V.,  giving  their  exact  position  (Navarrete,  iv.  p.  189), 
or  to  explain  that  the  quoted  passage  merely  records  the  fact  that 
those  islands  were  not  unknown  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippines. 

1  These  large  trees  seem  to  have  disappeared,  possibly  as  a  result  of 
subsequent  volcanic  eruptions.  None  of  remarkable  size,  at  least, 
were  seen  by  the  author  in  his  visits  to  this  island  in  the  Marchcsa  in 
1883  and  1884. 

-  The  MS.  of  S.  Bento  da  Saude  has  "21st  day  of  July." 


1521.]  ARRIVAL  AT  BRUNEI.  269 

Molucccas,  where  he  had  become  a  Christian.  With 
some  difficulty  they  prevailed  upon  him  to  act  as  pilot, 
but  when  the  time  came  for  their  departure  he  was 
nowhere  to  be  found.  The  Spaniards  did  not  permit 
themselves  to  be  discouraged.  Finding  a  ship  about  to 
enter  the  harbour  they  took  her,  and  compelled  three 
Moors  whom  they  found  aboard,  and  who  said  that  they 
were  pilots,  to  conduct  them  to  Brunei 

Passing  between  the  islands  of  Bal4bac  and  Banguey, 
the  Trinidad  and  Victoria  hugged  the  Bomean  coast, 
and  sighting  "  an  exceedingly  great  mountain,  to  which 
they  gave  the  name  of  St.  Paul"— the  present  Kina 
Balu— anchored  at  some  islands  near  the  mainland.  ^ 
The  Bomean  coast  is  beset  with  shoals  and  sandbanks, 
necessitating  the  utmost  care  in  navigation,  and  the 
ships  crept  cautiously  along,  anchoring  at  night  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Brunei  river.  Here  they  landed 
their  pilots,  together  with  a  representative  from  the 
fleet,  leaving  them  to  make  their  way  by  land  to  the 
city  to  prepare  the  Sultan  for  their  arrival,  while  the 
ships,  ha%dng  watched  the  course  taken  by  some  junks, 
were  enabled  to  pick  up  the  very  difficult  channel  by 
which  it  is  approached,  and  navigate  it  successfully  for 
some  distance.  Next  day  praus  arrived  with  presents 
from  the  Sultan,  and  piloted  them  to  the  usual  berth, 
which  appears  to  have  been  three  or  four  leagues  from 
the  city— not  as  now,  in  its  very  heart. 

Pigafetta  describes  Brunei  very  much  as  it  is  in  the 
present  day ,2  a  vast  coUection  of  houses  built  entirely  on 

1  The  Mantanani  Islands  of  the  present  charts. 

2  His  account  betokens  a  long-existent  civilisation,  even  _m  those 
days.  Chinese  money,  it  is  interesting  to  note,  was  alone  in  circu- 
lation. 


270  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  xi. 

piles  in  the  water.  Its  situation,  in  a  lake-like  expan- 
sion of  the  river,  is  singularly  picturesque  and  quite 
unique  in  character.  It  must,  however,  have  been  of 
larger  size  then  than  now,  for  the  Italian  narrator 
speaks  of  the  "  25,000  fires  or  families  "  of  which  it  was 
composed.  At  the  present  time  there  cannot  even  be 
that  number  of  inhabitants.  The  palace  of  the  Sultan 
was  then  built  on  shore.  Its  great  halls  hung  with 
silk  brocades,  its  rooms  full  of  courtiers,  and  the  elabo- 
rate ceremonial  observed,  are  now  things  of  the  past, 
and  the  Sultan  lives,  like  his  subjects,  in  a  pile-built 
dwelling,  which,  in  point  of  decoration  and  even  repair, 
is  but  little  superior  to  the  surrounding  dwellings.  The 
elephants  with  their  magnificent  trappings,  which  bore 
the  Spanish  ofiicers  to  the  Sultan's  residence,  have  been 
for  decades  past  unknown  as  domestic  animals,  and  it 
is  even  suggested  that  the  wild  ones,  which  are  only  to 
be  found  in  the  north-east  portion  of  the  island,  are 
the  descendants  of  those  escaped  from  captivity.  But 
for  centuries  past  the  daily  market— one  of  the  most 
curious  sights  of  the  Eastern  world— has  been  carried 
on  at  high  tide,  and  will  be,  probably,  so  long  as  the 
city  endures.  The  dense  pack  of  canoes,  the  enormous- 
hatted  women  occupying  them,  the  incessant  movement 
of  the  little  craft,  and  the  strident  cries  with  which 
business  is  conducted,  together  form  a  scene  which  is 
not  less  likely  to  impress  the  traveller  of  to-day  than 
the  ChevaHer  Antonio  Pigafetta  of  three  centuries  and 
a  half  ago. 

Although  the  people  of  Brunei  had  treated  those  of 
the  fleet  with  apparent  good-will,  it  seems  that  the 
latter,  after  trading  for  three  or  four  weeks,  were  not 
without  suspicions  of  treachery.    Their  experience  at  Sebu 


1521.]      TREACHERY  OF  THE  BRUNEI  PEOPLE.  273 

had  made  them  thoroughly  mistrustful.  They  had,  too, 
definite  cause  for  alarm,  for  five  of  their  number,  having 
been  sent  on  shore  to  obtain  wax  with  which  to  caulk  the 
vessels,  were  detained  by  the  Sultan.  At  the  same  time 
some  large  junks  came  to  anchor  in  close  proximity  to  the 
Trinidad  and  Victoria,  and  between  them  and  the  bar. 
Next  morning  the  watch  were  alarmed  at  seeing  two 
hundred  praus  or  more  advancing  upon  them  from  the 
city,  divided  into  three  squadrons.  The  two  ships  at 
once  got  under  weigh,  and  making  straight  for  the 
junks,  opened  fire  upon  them  without  further  ceremony, 
capturing  one  and  driving  others  ashore.  The  result 
of  the  action  intimidated  their  smaller  antagonists,  and 
the  praus  returned.  Next  morning,  the  30th  July,  the 
Spaniards  sighted  a  large  junk,  which  they  attacked  and 
captured  without  difficulty.  Their  prize  was  commanded 
by  a  son  of  the  King  of  Luzon  himself,  captain-general 
of  the  Sultan  of  Borneo.  He  was  returning  from  a 
punitive  expedition  to  the  south  part  of  the  island,  of 
which  some  districts  appear  at  that  time  to  have  been 
desirous  of  Javanese  rather  than  Bornean  rule. 

"With  these  hostages  Carvalho  doubtless  hoped  to  get 
back  the  men  who  had  been  detained  by  the  Sultan, 
Sripada.  One  of  them  was  his  own  son  by  a  Brazilian 
woman.  The  other  two,  for  two  had  already  got  back 
to  the  ships,  were  ordinary  seamen — two  Greeks  of 
Corfu  and  of  Naples.^  It  is  probable  that  they  were 
deserters,  or  had  perished  in  some  street  quarrel,  for 
they  were  not  returned.  Carvalho,  who  was  apparently 
a  man  of  bad  character,  had  meanwhile  permitted  the 

1  The  death-roll  of  the  expedition  makes  two  others  to  have  been 
left  behind  in  Borneo,  one  of  whom  was  the  escribano  of  the 
Trinidad, 

S 


274  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  xi. 

Luzon  prince  to  escape,  having  secretly  received  from 
him  a  very  large  ransom,  which  he  appropriated  to  his 
own  use.  The  others,  to  the  number  of  fourteen  or 
sixteen,  were  kept  prisoners  on  board,  and  with  them 
three  women  of  great  beauty  who  had  been  found  in  the 
junk.  They  were  destined  as  a  present  to  the  Queen, 
writes  Pigafetta,  but  Carvalho  kept  them  for  himself. 

Retracing  their  course,  the  Trinidad  and  her  consort 
sailed  north-east  along  the  Bornean  coast  in  search  of  a 
port  in  which  to  careen  and  repair  before  continuing  the 
voyage  to  the  Moluccas.  Passing  Cape  Sampanmangio, 
the  flagship  took  the  ground  and  remained  for  some 
hours,  but  was  eventually  got  off  without  injury.  Shortly 
after,  a  harbour  was  found  which  seemed  suitable  for 
their  purposes.  It  was  in  an  islet  off  Banguey  or 
Balambangan  islands,  so  far  as  can  be  made  out  from 
the  indefinite  records  left  us.^  A  stay  of  no  less  than 
six  weeks  was  made  here.  The  ships  were  beached, 
thoroughly  overhauled  and  caulked.  Each  man  worked 
according  to  the  best  of  his  knowledge  and  ability,  but 
in  the  face  of  many  diflS.culties.  The  greatest  labour 
had  to  be  gone  through  in  obtaining  wood  for  their 
work,  the  ground  being  covered  with  briars  and  thorns, 
and  the  men  without  shoes  to  protect  their  feet. 

On  the  27th  September  the  explorers  once  more 
resumed  their  voyage.  During  their  stay  in  Port  St. 
Mary — as  they  named  the  harbour — they  lost  the  bom- 
bardier of  the  Victoria,  who  died  from  the  wounds  he 
had  received  in  the  engagement  at  Mactan.  Either  on 
leaving  the  port,  or  at  an  earher  period — as  we  prefer 
to  follow  Herrera  or  the  Genoese  pilot — Carvalho  was 

1  According  to  Herrera,  this  port  was  on  the  Bornean  coast,  while 
Pigafetta  speaks  of  it  as  being  in  Palawan. 


1521.]  THE  SULU  SEA.  275 

deprived  of  his  command.  His  conduct  had  for  a  long 
time  proved  his  incapacity  for  the  position.  Gonzalo 
Gomez  de  Espinosa,  the  alguacil,  was  appointed  com- 
mander-in-chief, and  Juan  Sebastian  del  Cano  took  the 
post  of  captain  of  the  Victoria.  His  conduct  on  the 
occasion  of  the  mutiny  in  Port  St.  Julian  had  been 
deserving  of  great  blame,  but  the  ranks  had  been 
greatly  thinned  by  the  desertion  of  the  S.  Antonio  and 
the  disasters  in  the  Philippines,  and  with  his  known 
ability  as  a  navigator,  the  choice  could  not  well  have 
fallen  upon  any  other.  Making  an  easterly  course  for 
the  island  of  Cagayan  Sulu,  the  vessels  fell  in  with  a 
junk,  which  they  engaged  and  captured.  It  had  on 
board  the  Governor  or  Rajah  of  Palawan,  with  whom 
they  had  previously  been  on  terms  of  friendship. 
Under  Magellan  such  acts  of  semi-piracy  would  not 
have  been  encouraged,  but  it  was  characteristic  of  the 
new  command  that  every  strange  ship  should  be  looked 
upon  as  fair  game.  As  a  ransom  they  demanded  four 
hundred  measures  of  rice,  twenty  pigs,  as  many  goats, 
and  a  hundred  and  fifty  fowls,  to  be  paid  within  eight 
days.  This  figured  as  a  tribute  to  the  King  of  Spain,^ 
and  on  receiving  it — the  7  th  October — they  returned 
the  rajah  some  of  his  krisses  and  arquebuses,  and,  having 
added  a  few  presents,  permitted  him  his  freedom. 

Rounding  Cagayan  Sulu,  the  vessels  sighted  the 
island  of  Sulu,  and  would  have  visited  it  but  for  a  head 
wind  which  compelled  them  to  bear  away  for  the  south- 
west point  of  Mindanao.  This  they  coasted,  and, 
passing  between  it  and  Basilan,  sailed  for  some  distance 
up  the  Gulf  of  Mindanao.  Here  they  fell  in  with  a 
large  prau,  which,  following  their  usual  custom,  they 
1  Document  No.  xxvii,  of  Navarrete,  vol.  iv.  p.  296. 


276 


LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 


[CHAP.  XI. 


captured,  after  a  desperate  resistance  in  which  seven  of 
her  crew  were  killed.  For  the  first  time  the  nearness 
of  their  goal  was  revealed  to  them,  for  they  foimd  that 
the  captain  had  actually  been  in  the  house  of  Francisco 
Serrao  in  Temate.  The  end  of  their  troubles  was 
approaching,  and  the  riches  of  the  Spice  Islands — the 


THE   MOLUCCAS. 

long-sought  Eldorado  of  the  old  world — were  about  to 
become  a  reahty. 

Upon  the  details  of  the  course  of  the  two  ships  after 
leaving  Mindanao  it  is  not  necessary  to  dwell.  They 
steered  southward,  passing  the  Sanghir  and  Talaut 
islands,  and,  sighting  the  northern  extremity  of  Celebes, 
altered  course  to  the  south-east.     On  Wednesday,  the 


1521.]  ARRIVAL  AT  THE  MOLUCCAS.  277 

6th  November,  they  passed  between  Mean  and  Zoar — 
now  known  as  Tifore  and  Mayo  islands,  and  a  little 
later  the  high  peaks  of  Ternate  and  Tidor  appeared  to 
their  delighted  gaze.  How  ovei-joyed  the  half-starved 
and  toil-worn  mariners  must  have  been  we  can  imagine. 
"  The  pilot  who  had  remained  with  us,"  says  Pigafetta, 
"  told  us  that  they  were  the  Moluccas,  for  the  which  we 
thanked  God,  and  to  comfort  us  we  discharged  all  our 
artillery.  Nor  ought  it  to  cause  astonishment  that  we 
were  so  rejoiced,  since  we  had  passed  twenty-seven 
months,  less  two  days,  always  in  search  of  these 
Moluccas,  wandering  hither  and  thither  for  that  pur- 
pose among  innumerable  islands." 

On  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  November  8th,  15  21,  the 
Trinidad  and  Victoria  rounded  the  southern  point  of 
Tidor,  and  anchored  in  twenty  fathoms,  close  to  the 
shore  of  that  island,  discharging  their  broadsides  as  a 
salute  to  the  king.^  Next  day  he  came  on  board  in 
state.  An  astrologer  and  prophet,  Almanzor — as  he  was 
named — declared  that  he  had  divined  the  arrival  of  the 
stranofors.^  He  met  them  with  the  warmest  welcome. 
"  After  such  long  tossing  upon  the  seas,  and  so  many 
dangers,"  he  said,  "  come  and  enjoy  the  pleasures  of 
the  land,  and  refresh  your  bodies,  and  do  not  think  but 
that  you  have  arrived  at  the   kingdom  of   your  own 

1  Francisco  Serrao,  on  the  occasion  of  the  first  discovery  of  the 
Moluccas  in  1511,  found  that  the  jMalays  had  been  established  for 
over  forty  years  upon  the  islands.  He  had  settled,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, at  Ternate,  the  sultan  of  which  island  was  not  on  friendly 
terms  with  the  monarch  of  Tidor,  and  for  this  reason  the  Portuguese 
became  paramount  in  the  former  island,  while  the  Spaniards  identi- 
fied themselves  chiefly  with  Tidor. 

2  Argensola  gives  a  similar  story  with  regard  to  the  King  of 
Ternate,  Boleyfe  or  Abuteis,  when  first  visited  by  Serrao  and  bis 
Portuguese. 


278  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  xi. 

sovereign."  Whether  he  regarded  the  Spaniards  in  the 
light  of  future  allies  who  woidd  help  him  against  his 
enemies  does  not  appear,  but  this  explanation  of  the 
warmth  of  his  reception  seems  the  most  probable.  He 
doubtless  dreaded  the  aid  that  the  Portuguese  were  able 
to  afford  the  people  of  Ternate  if  they  so  desired.  The 
Spaniards,  anxious  to  make  treaties  with  him  and  with- 
out delay  to  load  their  ships  with  the  coveted  spices, 
encouraged  his  friendship  to  the  utmost  of  their  power, 
and  loaded  him  and  those  of  his  suite  Avith  presents. 
So  much  did  they  give  him,  indeed,  that  they  were 
requested  after  a  time  to  cease  their  gifts,  for  "  he  had 
nothing  worthy  to  send  to  our  king  as  a  present, 
unless,  now  that  he  recognised  him  as  his  sovereign, 
he  should  send  himself."  In  spite  of  his  humility  of 
speech  Almanzor  was  of  kingly  presence  and  bearing. 
Servants  carrying  golden  vessels  for  water,  betel,  and 
other  necessaries  stood  always  in  attendance,  and  his 
son  bore  a  sceptre  before  him.  Under  no  conditions 
would  he  bow  or  even  incline  his  head,  so  that  in  enter- 
ing the  cabin  of  the  flagship  he  was  obliged  to  do  so  by 
the  opening  from  the  upper  deck,  so  as  not  to  stoop, 
which  he  would  have  been  obliged  to  do  had  he  entered 
by  the  door  from  the  waist  of  the  ship. 

On  the  loth  November,  Carvalho  and  others  went 
ashore,  and  after  a  long  conversation  with  the  king  a 
treaty  appears  to  have  been  signed,^  by  which  he  acknow- 
ledged the  sovereignty  of  Spain,  He  asked  for  the  royal 
standard  and  the  emperor's  signature,  and  seeing  the 
eagerness  of  the  Spaniards  to  commence  the  lading  of 
their  ships,  informed  them  that  though  he  had  not  in 
Tidor  a  sufficiency  of  cloves  ready,  he  would  himself  go 

1  Navarrete,  vol.  iv.  p.  296, 


"I'lllllllllllll'll'""'"'""""""" 


1621.]  IN  THE  MOLUCCAS.  281 

to  the  island  of  Batchian,  where  he  trusted  he  should 
find  enough. 

Although  Magellan  was  no  longer  with  them,  it  may 
be  imagined  that  the  Spaniards  lost  no  time  in  making 
inquiries  for  Francisco  Serrao,  his  great  friend  and  rela- 
tion, of  whom  they  must  have  heard  so  much.  He  was 
dead.  The  manner  of  his  death  was  more  or  less 
shrouded  in  mystery,  but  they  learnt  that  it  had  taken 
place  seven  or  eight  months  previously,  almost  indeed  at 
the  same  time  as  that  of  their  great  commander.  He 
had  been  captain-general  of  the  King  of  Ternate  when 
that  monarch  was  at  war  with  the  Sultan  of  Tidor,  and 
having  succeeded  in  beating  the  latter  in  various  engage- 
ments, he  compelled  him  to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage 
to  the  King  of  Ternate,  and  to  send  him  many  sons  of 
the  chiefs  of  Tidor  as  hostages.  The  King  of  Tidor  never 
forgave  him,  and  Serrao  having  visited  that  island  some 
years  later  to  trade  in  cloves,  the  king  caused  him  to 
be  poisoned.  1 

On  Monday,  November  iith,  one  of  the  sons  of  the 
King  of  Ternate  came  to  visit  the  ships,  having  with 
him  the  Javanese  widow  of  Serrao  and  her  two  little 
children.  Aware  of  his  hostility  to  their  host,  Espinosa 
and  his  officers  were  uncertain  how  to  act,  but  Almanzor 
sent  them  a  message  to  do  as  they  thought  fit.  They 
accordingly  had  their  interview  with  him  in  their  boat, 
and  presented  him  with  various  gifts.  In  his  prau  was 
a  certain  Indian  named  Manoel,  servant  of  one  Pedro 
Affonso   de   Lorosa,   a   Portuguese  who   had   formerly 

1  According  to  others,  he  was  poisoned  by  a  Malay  woman  who 
acted  under  Portuguese  orders,  while  Argensola  states  that  Don 
Tristao  de  Meneses  despatched  him  back  to  India,  being  afraid  of  his 
acquiring  too  much  power,  and  that  he  died  on  board  ship  on  his  way 
to  Goa.    Argensola,  i.  pp.  8,  17. 


282  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  xi. 

resided  in  Banda,  but  after  Serrao's  death  had  settled 
in  Ternate.  From  this  man  the  Spaniards  learnt  that 
although  enemies  of  the  Sultan  of  Tidor,  the  Ternate 
chiefs  were  at  heart  in  favour  of  Spain.  On  hearing 
this  they  wrote  to  Lorosa,  telling  him  to  visit  the  fleet 
without  fear. 

The  prices  for  barter  were  agreed  upon,  and  a  house 
arranged  for  the  accommodation  of  the  merchandise  on 
the  following  day.  It  is  interesting  to  note  the  esti- 
mate of  the  respective  values  of  articles  in  those  days. 
The  standard  measure  of  cloves  was  the  hahar  of  406  lbs. 
This  could  be  obtained  for  ten  ells  of  red  cloth,  fifteen 
of  yellow,  fifteen  hatchets,  thirty -five  glass  goblets, 
seventeen  catties  of  cinnabar  or  quicksilver,  twenty-six 
ells  of  common  linen,  a  hundred  and  fifty  knives,  fifty 
scissors,  forty  caps,  ten  Guzerat  cloths,  or  a  hundred- 
weight of  bronze.  The  Brunei  gongs  were  as  much 
esteemed  then  as  now,  and  for  every  three  of  them — 
doubtless  the  spoil  of  some  of  their  prizes — they  were 
able  to  purchase  two  hahars.  All  these  prices  never- 
theless were  prospective,  for  as  yet  no  cloves  or  spices 
of  any  kind  were  to  be  obtained.  The  Sultan  sent  one 
of  his  sons  to  the  island  of  Motir,  and  announced  his 
intention  of  visiting  Batchian  in  person  in  order  to  see 
what  could  be  done.  The  Spaniards,  anxious  to  please 
him  in  every  way,  gave  him  the  three  women  and  the 
men  they  had  captured  in  the  Prince  of  Luzon's  junk, 
and  killed  all  the  pigs  they  had  on  board,  which  had 
always  been  a  source  of  great  annoyance  to  him  as  a 
Mohammedan. 

On  the  evening  of  the  14th  November  the  Portuguese 
Lorosa  arrived  in  a  prau,  and  they  were  enabled  for  the 
first  time  to  obtain  news  from  civilised  lips  of  what  had 


1521.]  IN  THE  MOLUCCAS.  283 

passed  in  the  Moluccas.  He  had  come  with  Serrao  in 
the  first  expedition  of  15 ii,  and  was  well  acquainted 
with  native  politics.  He  told  them  that  Don  Tristao  de 
Meneses,  whose  large  ship  had  left  for  Banda  only  a  few 
months  before,  had  brought  news  of  the  departure  of 
Magellan's  armada  from  Seville,  and  had  informed  them 
that  the  King  of  Portugal  had  sent  ships  both  to  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  to  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  to  in- 
tercept it,  and  that,  learning  later  that  Magellan  had 
passed  westward,  he  wrote  to  the  Yiceroy  of  India, 
Diogo  Lopez  de  Sequel  ra,  to  despatch  a  fleet  of  six 
vessels  to  the  Moluccas  against  him.  This  Sequeu-a  was 
unable  to  do,  owing  to  renewed  difiiculties  with  the 
Arabs  in  the  Red  Sea,  and  a  galleon  which  he  had  sent 
later  under  the  command  of  Francisco  Faria  had  been 
unable  to  reach  its  destination.  The  trade  of  Portugal 
in  the  islands  must  have  been  considerably  developed, 
even  at  this  date,  for  Lorosa  informed  his  hearers  that  a 
great  number  of  junks  went  yearly  from  Malacca  to 
Banda  to  purchase  nutmegs,  returning  by  way  of  Ternate 
to  complete  their  cargo  with  cloves. 

Two  days  later  the  Moorish  king  of  Gilolo,  an  ally  of 
Almanzor,  visited  them,  and  was  given  a  quantity  of 
presents.  Great  numbers  of  the  natives  of  Ternate  also 
came,  their  boats  laden  with  cloves,  desirous  of  com- 
mencing trade.  But  Espinosa,  who  did  not  wish  to 
offend  the  Sultan,  thought  it  best  not  to  begin  to  sell 
the  merchandise  until  his  return  from  Batchian.  This 
took  place  on  the  night  of  November  24th,  amid  great 
rejoicings.  The  Sultan's  prau  passed  between  the 
Trinidad  and  Victoria  with  drums  beating,  while  the 
Spanish  ships  fired  their  broadsides  in  his  honour.  The 
Captain-general  was  informed  that  for  four  days  there 


284  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  xi. 

would  be  a  continuous  supply  of  cloves.  The  Sultan 
was  punctual  to  his  promise,  and  next  day  they  began 
the  lading  of  the  ships.  "  As  they  were  the  first  cloves 
we  took  aboard,  and  as  they  were  also  the  chief  object  of 
our  voyage,  we  discharged  many  bombards  for  joy."  ^ 

On  the  following  day  the  Sultan  informed  them  that 
it  was  the  custom,  when  the  first  loads  of  cloves  were 
embarked  on  a  vessel,  that  he  should  give  a  feast  to  the 
crews  and  merchants,  and  he  begged  them,  therefore,  to 
attend  an  entertainment  he  proposed  to  give  at  which 
the  King  of  Batchian  would  also  be  present.  Espinosa 
and  his  men,  however,  who  had  not  forgotten  the  Sebu 
incident,  instantly  suspected  treachery,  and  refused. 
Their  suspicions  were,  nevertheless,  unfounded,  for, 
though  they  learnt  afterwards,  on  trustworthy  authority, 
that  certain  of  the  chiefs  had  counselled  their  assassina- 
tion, they  also  learnt  that  the  Sultan  had  indignantly 
rejected  so  base  a  suggestion.  His  loyalty  to  Spain 
and  admiration  of  the  Spaniards  were  doubtless  sincere 
enough,  Nor  was  he  the  only  person  to  express  a  desire 
to  become  a  vassal  of  the  emperor.  Many  of  those  in 
authority  in  the  neighbouring  islands  were  also  ready  to 
place  themselves  under  Charles's  protection.  On  i6th 
November  a  treaty  was  signed  with  the  King  of  Gilolo, 
on  the  19th  of  the  same  month  with  the  Rajah  of 
Makian,  and  on  the  i6th  or  17th  December  with  the 
King  of  Batchian  and  various  notables  of  the  island  of 
Temate.2  The  King  of  Batchian  sent  a  slave  and  two 
bahars  of  cloves  as  a  present  to  the  emperor.  He  was 
desirous  of  presenting  ten  bahars,  but  so  heavily  laden 

'  Pigafetta,  op.  cit.,p.  148, 

•  Documents  collected  by  Munoz.     Vide  Navarrete,   vol.   iv.    p, 
207. 


1521.]  THE  BIRD  OF  PARADISE.  285 

were  the  ships,  Pigafetta  tells  vis,  that  Espinosa  was 
afraid  of  taking  more. 

Among  his  presents  was  one  which  greatly  pleased 
and  astonished  the  Europeans — some  skins  of  the  bird 
of  Paradise.  The  mention  made  of  them  by  Maximilian 
Transylvanus  in  his  letter  to  the  Cardinal  of  Salzburg 
is  perhaps  the  first  record  that  we  have  of  the  existence 
of  these  birds,  although  it  is  hard  to  believe  that  the 
Portuguese,  who  had  at  this  time  been  for  ten  years 
upon  the  islands,  were  not  perfectly  well  acquainted 
with  them.  The  natives  of  New  Guinea  seem,  from 
Pigafetta's  account,  to  have  prepared  the  skins  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  manner  as  that  in  use  at  the  present 
day.  To  the  Malay  traders,  judging  from  Maximilian's 
letter,  they  were  apparently  common  objects.  "The 
Mohammedans,  who  travelled  to  those  parts  for  com- 
mercial purposes,  told  them  (the  Kings  of  Marmin)  that 
this  bird  was  born  in  Paradise,  and  that  Paradise 
was  the  abode  of  the  souls  of  those  who  had  died, 
wherefore  these  princes  embraced  the  religion  of  Mo- 
hammed, because  it  promised  wonderful  things  about 
this  abode  of  souls."  The  fact  that  the  skins  were  pre- 
pared with  the  feet  cut  off  doubtless  caused  the  fable — 
given  us  by  Maximilian  and  copied  by  a  hundred  authors 
— that  they  passed  an  entirely  aerial  existence,  never 
alighting  upon  the  ground  nor  upon  any  tree  that  grew 
upon  it.  Sometimes,  report  ran,  they  were  seen  to  fall 
dead  from  the  sky,^  and  for  these  reasons,  and  from 

1  Pigafetta,  op.  cit.,  p.  156,  calls  the  birds  uccelli  mortis  which 
seems,  to  those  acquainted  with  the  Moluccas,  to  point  to  the  exis- 
tence of  a  regular  trade  in  the  skins  even  in  those  days,  for  the  trade 
name  at  the  present  day  is  burong  matt, — words  of  precisely  similar 
meaning.  The  Italian  tells  us  that  they  were  also  called  bolondinata, 
a  misprint  for  bolon  divata  or  diwata,  which  Oviedo  corrects.  This  is 
only  a  form  of  burong  dewata,  i.e.,  the  birds  of  the  gods. 


286  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  XI. 

their  beauty,  the  skins  were  much  valued,  and  they  were 
supposed  to  render  their  wearers  safe  and  invincible  in 
battle. 

If  there  had  been  an  insufficient  supply  of  cloves  at 
the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  there  was  certainly 
no  lack  of  them  as  the  weeks  wore  on,  and  the  time  for 
sailing  approached.  The  Sultan  issued  a  proclamation 
that  all  who  had  them  might  sell,  after  which,  says 
Pigafetta,  "  comperammo  garofani  a  furia,^^  "we  bought 
them  like  mad."  The  prices  in  consequence  went  down 
very  much.  For  four  yards  of  ribbon  a  bahar  was 
obtainable,  and  at  length,  each  man  wishing  to  have 
his  share  in  the  cargo,  and  having  no  more  merchandise 
to  barter,  gave  one  his  mantle,  and  another  his  coat, 
and  another  his  shirt  or  other  garments  to  obtain 
them. 

On  Monday,  i6th  December,  they  bent  new  sails  to 
the  ships,  each  adorned  with  the  Cross  of  St.  James  of 
Galicia,  and  with  the  motto,  "  This  is  the  Device  of  our 
Good  Fortune."  Eighty  barrels  of  water  were  put  on 
board  each  vessel,  and  the  preparations  for  departure 
pushed  forward.  Their  wood  they  had  arranged  to 
obtain  at  the  little  island  of  Mareh,  whither  the  king 
had  sent  a  hundred  men  to  cut  it.  Anxious  to  be  pro- 
vided with  the  best  sources  of  information  concerning 
the  Moluccas  and  their  trade,  they  offered  Lorosa,  the 
Portuguese,  a  high  salary,  and  succeeded  in  persuading 
him  to  accompany  them  to  Europe.  He  embarked  at 
the  risk  of  his  life,  for  a  Ternate  chieftain — a  friend  of 
the  Portuguese — attempted  to  seize  him,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  delivering  him  to  the  commandant  of  Malacca. 
Lorosa  escaped  upon  this  occasion,  but  an  ainlucky  fate 
having  thrown  him  a  few  months  later  into  the  power 


1521.]  THE  VOYAGE  RESUMED.  287 

of  his  countrymen,  he  paid  for  his  desertion  with  his 
head. 

The  time  had  now  arrived  for  the  departure  of  the 
Trinidad  and  her  consort.  The  Sultan  of  Tidor  was 
inconsolable.  He  was  as  an  unweaned  child,  he  said, 
whom  its  mother  was  about  to  leave,  and  he  was  the 
more  disconsolate  since  he  had  got  to  like  not  only  the 
Spaniards  but  so  many  of  the  products  of  their  country. 
He  besought  of  them  that  they  would  not  fail  to  return 
as  quickly  as  possible,  and  meanwhile  begged  that  he 
might  be  left  some  artillery  in  order  that  he  should  be 
the  better  able  to  defend  his  country.  He  was  accord- 
ingly presented  with  some  arquebuses  that  had  been 
taken  in  the  prizes  captured  off  the  Bornean  coast, 
besides  some  swivel  guns  and  four  barrels  of  powder. 

On  Wednesday,  December  1 8th,  all  was  ready.  Much 
as  the  weary  and  wave-tossed  explorers  longed  for  rest 
and  the  pleasant  land  of  Castile,  they  were  heartily 
sorry  to  leave  the  Moluccas,  where  they  had  obtained 
so  warm  a  welcome  and  so  valuable  a  cargo.  No  one 
could  bid  adieu  to  so  beautiful  a  country  without  regret. 
The  charm  of  existence  there,  once  tasted,  can  never  be 
forgotten.  "  "What  need  is  there  of  many  words  ?  "  says 
Maximilian.^  "  Everything  there  is  humble  and  of 
no  value,  save  peace,  ease,  and  spices.  The  best  and 
noblest  of  these,  and  the  greatest  possible  good,  namely, 
peace,  seemed  to  have  been  driven  by  men's  wickedness 
from  our  world  to  theirs."  Alas  !  it  did  not  long  re- 
main there.  For  half  a  century  or  more  from  the  time 
of  which  he  spoke,  the  most  atrocious  acts  of  cruelty  and 
treachery  daily  wrote  the  annals  of  the  islands  in  blood. 

^  "  Quid  multa  ?  Omnia  apud  hos  humilia  ac  sordida  prseter  pacem, 
otium  et  aromata." 


288  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  xi. 

The  Sultans  and  Eajahs  of  Tidor,  Gilolo,  and  Bat- 
chian,  together  with  a  son  of  the  King  of  Temate,  came 
to  bid  farewell  to  their  visitors,  and  to  accompany  them 
as  far  as  the  island  of  March.  The  Victoria  was  first 
aweigh,  and  standing  out  a  little  waited  for  the  flag- 
ship, which  was  in  difficulties  with  her  anchor.  While 
engaged  over  this,  a  leak  of  the  most  alarming  kind  was 
suddenly  discovered  ;  "  the  water  rushed  in  with  as 
much  force  as  if  it  came  through  a  pipe,"  but  nowhere 
could  they  discover  its  exact  situation.  Learning  what 
had  occurred,  del  Cano  returned  and  took  up  his  former 
anchorage.  The  men  were  kept  day  and  night  at  the 
pumps,  but  in  vain,  and  the  leak  gained  on  them.  Such 
divers  as  were  available  were  employed,  but  to  no  pur- 
pose, and  the  Sultan  sent  to  a  distant  part  of  the  island 
for  three  other  men  who  were  possessed  of  special  skill. 
These  dived  with  their  long  hair  loose,  so  that  the  in- 
rush of  the  water  should  act  upon  it,  and  thus  indicate 
the  leak ;  but  although  they  remained  more  than  an  hour 
in  the  water,  they  were  unable  to  find  it. 

The  condition  of  the  Trinidad  was  evidently  serious, 
and  a  meeting  was  held  to  decide  upon  their  course  of 
action.  Eventually  it  was  settled  that  the  Victoria 
should  take  advantage  of  the  east  monsoon,  and  sail  for 
Spain  without  delay,  while  the  flagship  should  discharge 
cargo,  undergo  a  thorough  refit,  and  start  at  the  change 
of  the  monsoon  for  Panama.  This  decision  arrived  at, 
the  captain  of  the  Victoria,  fearing  that  she  also  might 
spring  a  leak  on  account  of  the  heavy  cargo  and  the 
long  voyage  before  them,  thought  it  better  to  lighten 
her  of  some  of  her  cloves.  This  was  done,  and  some  of 
the  crew  were  put  ashore,  preferring  to  remain  in  the 
Moluccas,  since  they  feared  the  ship  could  not  last  out 


1522.]  THE  "VICTOKIA"  REACHES  OMBAY.  289 

the  voyage.  Those  that  were  to  remain  behind  busied 
themselves  in  writing  letters  to  their  friends  and  rela- 
tions in  Spain,  and  on  Saturday  the  21st  December,  at 
midday,  del  Cano  started  on  his  voyage.  The  ships  took 
leave  of  one  another  by  a  mutual  discharge  of  bombards, 
while,  amid  tears  and  embraces,  the  friends  of  many 
months'  mutual  hardships  bade  adieu.  The  greater 
number  were  destined  never  to  see  each  other  again. 

Gonzalo  Gomez  de  Espinosa,  with  fifty-three  men,  re- 
mained with  the  flagship.  The  crew  of  the  Victoria 
consisted  of  sixty  men  all  told,  of  which  forty-seven 
were  Europeans  and  the  rest  natives.  A  hundred  and 
one  souls  only  were  thus  left  of  the  two  hundred  and 
eighty  who  had  originally  sailed. 

Touching  at  Mare,  and  taking  on  board  the  wood 
that  had  been  cut  for  them,  the  Victoria  shaped  a 
S.W.  course,  which  took  her  to  the  west  of  the  Batchian 
group.  Anchoring  at  one  of  the  Xulla  islands  on  their 
way,  they  reached  Bum  on  Friday,  the  27  th  December, 
and  obtained  fresh  provisions.  On  New  Year's  eve  they 
were  off  the  Lucopin  or  Schildpad  Islands,  and  sighting 
the  great  island  barrier  which  stretches  from  Timor  to 
Sumatra  on  the  8th  January  1522,  passed  through  it 
in  a  storm  so  severe  that  all  vowed  a  pilgrimage  to 
N.  S.  de  la  Guia.^  The  ship  was  allowed  to  run  before 
the  gale  on  an  easterly  course,  coasting  the  southern 
side  of  the  chain,  and  eventually  the  island  of  Mallua — 
now  Ombay — was  reached  in  safety. 

Here  they  spent  fifteen  days.  The  ship  stood  in  need 
of  caulking,   and   the  crew   were  kept   at  work  at   it. 

1  What  passage  was  chosen  by  the  Victoria  is  uncertain,  but  there 
is  no  doubt  that  it  was  either  Flores  Strait  or  Boleng  Strait,  from 
details  in  Pigafetta  and  Alvo's  log-book. 

T 


290 


LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 


[CHAP.  XL 


Ombay  is  to  this  day  almost  unknown,  and  the  descrip- 
tion given  by  the  Victorians  people  of  its  inhabitants  is 
probably  true  even  now.  They  seem  to  have  been  of 
Papuan  origin,  judging  from  Pigafetta's  account  of  their 
"  hair  raised  high  up  by  means  of  cane  combs  with  long 
teeth,"  and  also  by  the  beard  being  encased  in  reed 
tubes,  "  a  thing,"  he  adds,  "  which  seemed  to  us  most 
ridiculous." 


TIMOR   AND  FLORES. 


On  Saturday,  January  25th,  del  Cano  sailed  from  Om- 
bay, and  having  run  some  twenty  miles  to  the  S.S.E., 
arrived  at  the  large  island  of  Timor.  The  Portuguese 
at  that  time  had  no  settlements  upon  it  as  they  have 
now,  and  indeed  had  never  even  visited  it,  but  it  was 
renowned  throughout  the  archipelago  for  its  trade  in 
sandalwood  and  wax,  and  at  the  time  of  the  Spaniards' 
visit  a  Luzon  junk  was  trading  in  the  port  at  which 


1522.]         VOYAGE  ACROSS  THE  INDIAN  OCEAN.         291 

they  touched.  Having  some  difficulty  in  getting  provi- 
sions, the  captain  ordered  one  of  the  chiefs  who  had 
visited  the  vessel  to  be  detained  until  he  ransomed  him- 
self with  live  stock,  but  on  receiving  this  del  Cano  gave 
him  an  equivalent  value  in  articles  of  barter  and  sent 
him  away  satisfied.  The  Victoria  then  continued  her 
voyage,  coasting  the  north-western  side  of  the  island 
until  its  terminal  cape  was  reached.  On  the  13  th  of 
February  she  was  put  on  a  S.S.W.  course  across  the 
Indian  Ocean  for  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.^ 

Day  after  day  that  course  was  held,  except  indeed 
when  necessity  compelled  them,  as  it  too  often  did,  to 
strike  all  sail  for  purposes  of  repair.  On  the  14th  March 
they  kept  a  point  or  two  more  to  the  west,  and  four 
days  later,  while  taking  their  mid- day  observations,  land 
was  sighted  ahead.  An  attempt  was  made  to  fetch  it 
and  anchor,  but  they  were  unable  to  do  so,  and  they 
accordingly  lay  to  until  the  following  day.  No  landing, 
however,  was  effected,  and  the  ship  bore  away  to  the 
north.  The  island  was  that  now  known  as  Amsterdam 
Island. 


1  Gomera,  cap.  xcviii.  p.  91,  records  the  visit  of  the  Victoria  to 
Ende  or  Floras  Island,  which  would  tend  to  prove  that  she  passed 
through  Floras  Strait.  His  account  also  speaks  of  a  mutiny  at  Timor. 
"  Huvo  alii  un  motin,  i  brega,  en  que  murieron  hartos  de  la  nao  ; "  and 
Oviedo  (xx.  cap.  ii.)  has  also  a  passage  which  seems  to  bear  this  out — 
"  Y  algunos  fueron  descaba§ados  en  la  isla  de  Timor  porsus  delictos." 
Both,  probably,  borrowed  from  Figafetta's  words,  "  chi  fuggi  nall'isola 
di  Timor,  a  alcuni  pur  vi  f urono  condannati  a  morte  pe'  loro  delitti " 
(p.  183).  But  the  official  death-list  does  not  make  any  mention  of  such 
executions,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  records  the  deaths  of  fifteen 
men  on  the  high  seas  and  the  desertion  of  two  others.  Figafetta  tells 
us  that  the  ship  left  Tidorwith  a  complement  of  forty-seven,  and  we 
know  that  she  reached  the  Cape  Verdes  with  thirty-one — a  number 
that  exactly  tallies,  presuming  that  Figafetta  did  not  count  himself. 
We  are  therefore  forced  to  reject  the  story  of  the  mutiny. 


292  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  xi. 

Their  long  voyage  had  already  begun  to  tell  both  on  ship 
and  men.  On  the  3rd  April  they  were  again  compelled  to 
strike  all  sail  and  busy  themselves  with  the  repairing  of 
the  ship.  What  these  repairs  were  we  are  not  told,  but 
they  were  probably  connected  with  the  state  of  her  huU, 
for  she  was  then  leaking  considerably.  The  crew,  after 
such  long  service  within  the  tropics,  felt  the  cold  greatly. 
The  meat  had  all  become  unfit  for  food.  Their  lack  of 
salt  had  not  permitted  them  properly  to  cure  it,  and 
hence  all  hands  were  reduced  to  a  diet  of  i-ice,  and  rice 
only.  Upon  such  rations  there  is  little  wonder  that 
sickness  broke  out.  So  enfeebled  were  the  crew  that 
it  was  debated  whether  they  should  not  make  for 
Mozambique,  where  the  Portuguese  had  been  long 
established.  "  But  the  greater  number  of  us  valued 
honour  more  than  Hfe  itself,"  says  Pigafetta,  "and  so 
we  resolved  at  all  hazards  to  attempt  the  return  to 
Spain." 

From  the  7  th  to  the  i6th  April  the  Victoria  held  her 
course  between  the  fortieth  and  forty-first  parallels  of 
latitude.  South  of  this  she  did  not  sail,  and  with  a 
strong  wind  and  heavy  sea  she  bore  to  the  north  on  the 
following  day.  For  nearly  a  month  they  pressed  on, 
until  on  the  8th  May  they  sighted  the  high  land  of  South 
Africa,  and  anchored  on  the  following  day.  They  were 
at  fault  both  in  latitude  and  longitude,  for  they  had 
imagined  themselves  to  have  passed  the  meridian  of  the 
Cape.  Running  along  the  south  coast  they  arrived  off 
the  mouth  of  the  Rio  del  Infante,  or  Keiskamma  river, 
on  the  I  ith.  They  were  not  destined  to  pass  the  dreaded 
Cape  without  accident,  for  in  heavy  weather  on  the 
1 6th  May  they  carried  away  their  foretopmast  and 
sprung  their  fore-yard.    Two  days  later  they  passed  Cape 


1522.]  AERIVAL  AT  CAPE  VERDE  ISLANDS.  293 

Agulhas.^  Again  they  liad  to  stop  for  repairs,  and  again 
they  struggled  on.  Scurvy  and  starvation  had  reduced 
them  to  the  greatest  misery  and  distress.  Nearly  one- 
third  of  their  own  number  had  died,  and  nine  of  the 
thirteen  natives.  Pigafetta  was  almost  the  sole  person 
in  health.  "  We  noticed  a  curious  thing  in  throwing 
the  bodies  overboard,"  he  says;  "the  Christians  re- 
mained with  the  face  turned  up  to  heaven — the  Indians 
with  the  face  downwards." 

The  Line  was  crossed  on  June  8th,  and  on  the  ist 
July  a  meeting  was  held  to  decide  whether  they  should  or 
should  not  touch  at  the  Cape  Verdes.  The  conclusion  was 
foregone,  for  dire  necessity  had  rendered  it  impossible  for 
them  to  proceed  further.  They  arrived  on  Wednesday, 
July  9th,  at  Santiago,  and  anchored  in  the  port.  Know- 
ing that  they  ran  great  risk  of  being  seized,  instructions 
were  given  to  those  who  went  ashore  to  conceal  who 
they  were,  and  to  pretend  that  they  came  from  America, 
giv'ing  out  that  the  other  two  ships  of  their  squadron 
had  preceded  them  to  Spain,  but  that  they  had  been 
delayed  by  the  loss  of  their  foretopmast  on  the  Line. 
We  learn  from  Alvo's  diary  that  they  were  well  received 
and  supplied  with  provisions  by  the  Portuguese.  On 
the  night  of  Sunday,  13th  July,  they  put  to  sea,  the 
weather  being  threatening  and  the  port  unsafe.  In  the 
morning  they  returned  and  lay  on  and  off  while  they 
sent  a  boat  for  rice.  One  ti'ip  was  made,  but  she  did 
not  again  return.  They  waited  until  next  day  in  vain, 
and  then  stood  in  towards  the  port,  when  a  boat  came 

1  Correa,  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  634,  saj's  that  the  Victoria  met  and  spoke  the 
ship  of  Pero  Coresma,  then  on  her  way  to  India,  off  the  Cape.  The 
incident  is  mentioned  L>)'  him  alone,  and  is  probably  one  of  his  many 
inaccuracies. 


294  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  xi. 

alongside  and  ordered  them  to  surrender.  The  secret 
had  leaked  out,  either  by  the  bragging  of  one  of  the 
crew  at  a  wineshop,  or,  as  MaximiKan  tells  us,  by  an 
attempt  made  by  a  sailor  to  sell  some  of  his  cloves.^  In 
his  answer,  del  Cano  temporised,  and  asked  for  the 
return  of  his  boat  and  men ;  but  seeing  some  caravels 
preparing  to  get  under  weigh,  they  crowded  all  sail  and 
escaped,  leaving  their  comrades  in  the  hands  of  the 
Portuguese. 

They  had  now  but  eighteen  Europeans  and  four 
natives  left  on  board — scarce  enough  to  work  the  ship ; 
for,  although  improved  in  health  and  strength  by  the 
fresh  provisions,  and  cheered  by  the  prospect  of  their 
rapidly-approaching  return,  the  greater  number  of  them 
were  upon  the  sick-list.  Their  sufferings  were  not  to 
endure  much  longer.  Soon  the  welcome  shore  of  Spain 
hove  in  sight.  It  proved  to  be  Cape  S.  Vincent,  and 
keeping  away  to  the  east  and  south  the  Victoria  arrived 
oflf  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda  on  Saturday  the  6th 
September.  On  Monday  the  8th — three  years  all  but 
twelve  days  from  the  date  of  their  final  departure  from 
Spain — they  anchored  near  the  mole  of  Seville.  The 
First  Circumnavigation  of  the  Globe  was  accomplished, 
and  a  voyage  brought  to  a  conclusion  which  was,  and 
is,  without  parallel  in  its  history  of  determination  and 
suffering,  disaster  and  success.  With  what  delight 
must  they  not  have  discharged  their  salvoes  of  artillery, 
and  recounted  their  adventures  to  the  crowds  who  flocked 
to  welcome  them.  Yet,  amid  their  joy,  the  vows  that 
they  had  promised  so  often  in  the  hour  of  danger  were 
not  forgotten.     On  the  day  following  their  arrival  all 

1  This  latter  statement  is  borne  out  by  the  evidence  of  Alvo  and 
Bustamante.     Vide  Navarrete,  vol.  iv.  pp.  292,  294. 


1522.]  THE  SURVIVORS  REACH  HOME.  295 

such  as  were  able  to  walk  went  in  procession,  barefoot 
and  carrying  tapers,  to  the  shrines  of  S.  Maria  de  la 
Victoria  and  S.  Maria  de  Antigua,  and  offered  their 
heartfelt  thanks  for  their  safe  return. 

Before  the  advent  of  the  Victoria  it  was  not  realised 
that  circumnavigation  of  the  globe  implied  the  loss  or 
gain  of  a  day,  according  to  the  east  or  west  direction 
of  the  voyage.  The  Spaniards  were  accordingly  much 
astonished,  on  reaching  civilisation,  to  find  themselves 
out  in  their  calculations.  The  fact  is  given  to  us  by 
Ramusio  in  his  introduction  to  MaximiHan's  letter,  and 
Eden,^  in  the  quaint  language  of  his  day,  also  comments 
upon  it : — "  And  amonge  other  notable  thynges  .  .  . 
wrytten  as  touchynge  that  vyage,  this  is  one,  that  the 
Spanyardes  hauyng  sayled  abowt  three  yeares  and  one 
moneth,  and  the  most  of  them  notynge  the  dayes,  day 
by  day  (as  is  the  maner  of  all  them  that  sayle  by  the 
ocean),  they  founde  when  they  were  returned  to  Spayne 
that  they  had  loste  one  daye.  So  that  at  theyr  arryuall 
at  the  porte  of  Siuile,  beinge  the  seuenth  daye  of  Sep- 
tember, was  by  theyr  accompt  but  the  sixth  day.  And 
where  as  Don  Peter  Martyr  declared  the  strange  effecte 
of  this  thynge  to  a  certeyne  excellente  man,  who,  for  his 
singular  lernynge,  was  greately  aduanced  to  honoure  in 
his  common  welthe  and  made  Themperour's  ambassa- 
doure,  this  worthy  gentelman,  who  was  also  a  greate 
Philosopher  and  Astronomer,  answerd  that  it  could  e 
not  otherwyse  chaunce  unto  them,  hauynge  sayled  three 
yeares  continually,  euer  folowynge  the  soonne  towarde 
the  West." 

The  thirteen  men  left  at  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  were 
released  and  sent  on  to  Lisbon  very  shortly  aftei'wards 
1  Decades  of  the  Newe  Worlde,  Lond.  1555,  ff.  214,  215. 


296  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  xi. 

in  a  homeward-bound  ship  from  Calicut,  and  the  united 
crew  were  received  by  the  emperor  at  court.  ^  Of  the 
Indians,  all  except  one  were  sent  back  to  the  Moluccas  in 
Loyasa's  expedition  in  1525.  That  one  unwittingly  owed 
his  detention  to  his  over-shrewdness.  "On  arriving  in 
Spain,"  says  Oviedo,^  "  the  first  thing  he  did  was  to 
inquii-e  how  many  reals  went  to  a  ducat,  and  how  many 
maravedis  to  a  real.  And  going  to  the  vendas  and 
grocers'  shops,  he  was  wont  to  buy  a  maravedi's-worth  of 
pepper,  informing  himself  on  all  points  concerning  the 
value  of  spices  in  our  country;  and  so  sharp  was  he 
about  it  that  the  authorities  feared  his  knowledge,  and 
hence  he  himself  brought  it  about  that  he  never  returned 
to  his  native  land."  The  after-history  of  that  intrepid 
and  amusing  traveller,  the  Chevalier  Antonio  Pigafetta, 
shall  be  related  in  his  own  words: — "Then,  leaving 
Seville,  I  repaired  to  Yalladolid,  where  I  presented  to 
His  Sacred  Majesty  Don  Carlos  neither  gold  nor  silver, 
but  other  things  far  more  precious  in  the  eyes  of  so  great 
a  sovereign.  For  I  brought  to  him  among  other  things 
a  book  written  with  my  own  hands,  giving  an  account  of 
all  the  events  which  had  happened  from  day  to  day  in 
our  voyage.  Thence  I  set  out  as  best  I  could,  and  went 
to  Portugal,  where  I  related  to  King  John  the  things 
which  I  had  seen.  Returning  by  way  of  Spain,  I  came 
to  France,  where  I  presented  some  things  from  the 
other  hemisphere  to  the  Regent-mother  of  the  most 
Christian  Kmg  Don  Francis.  Then  I  turned  my  face 
towards  Italy,  where  I  gave  myself  and  what  slight 
services   I   could   render   to  the   renowned    and   most 


1  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  iv. 

2  Oviedo,  XX.  cap.  iv. 


1522.]  FATE  OF  THE  "VICTORIA."  297 

illustrious  SigBor,  Philip  de  Villers  Lisleadam,  the  most 
worthy  Grand  Master  of  Rhodes."  ^ 

The  ultimate  fate  of  the  Victoria  we  learn  from 
Oviedo.  After  making  one  voyage  in  safety  to  the 
West  Indies,  she  was  again  despatched  to  Cuba.  But 
though  she  reached  her  destination  she  never  returned 
Caught  in  some  Atlantic  gale,  her  timbers,  rotten  from 
age  and  tropic  seas,  must  have  proved  unequal  to  the 
strain.  Such  at  least  we  may  conjecture,  for  neither  of 
her,  nor  of  those  that  sailed  in  her,  were  any  tidings  ever 
heard. 

1  Pigafetta,  op.  cit.,  p.  183. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  LAST  VOYAGE— VII.  FATE  OF  THE 
"  TRINIDAD." 

To  complete  the  history  of  Magellan's  voyage,  we  must 
return  to  the  Trinidad.  Her  condition  was  such  as  to 
necessitate  the  discharge  of  all  her  cargo,  and  a  thorough 
examination  of  her  timbers.  She  was  accordingly  dis- 
mantled. Her  artillery,  cargo,  spars,  and  fittings  were 
sent  ashore,  and  placed  under  guard  in  the  store  which 
the  Sultan  of  Tidor  had  allowed  them  to  erect,  and  the 
vessel  having  been  careened  the  work  of  her  repair  was 
at  once  commenced.  While  engaged  upon  it  Espinosa 
received  a  visit  from  the  King  of  Gilolo,  who  begged  for 
cannon  or  firearms  to  aid  him  in  subduing  some  rebels 
with  whom  he  was  fighting.  A  small  number  of 
Spaniards  were  sent  to  his  assistance,  and  before  they 
returned  the  Indians  had  worked  so  well  under  the 
direction  of  the  captain  that  the  ship  was  ready  for  sea. 
It  was  decided  to  leave  certain  goods  and  articles  of 
barter  upon  the  island,  as  much  that  a  centre  of  Spanish 
influence  might  be  established  as  that  trade  should  con- 
tinue until  the  arrival  of  the  next  armada.  Luis  del 
Molino  was  therefore  selected  as  officer  in  charge,  Juan 
de  Campos  acted  as  clerk  and  treasurer,  and  Alonso 
de  Cota,  Diego  Arias,  and  Master  Pedro — one  of  the 

Flemish    bombardiers — formed   the   remainder  of    the 
298 


1522.]  SAILS  FOR  PANAMA.  299 

garrison.     Carvalho,  the   deposed   captain-general,  had 
died  on  the  14th  February. 

On  the  6th  April,  1522,  the  Trinidad  sailed  upon  her 
long  voyage  to  Panama — a  destination  she  was  fated 
never  to  attain.  She  was  manned  by  a  crew  of  fifty- 
four  men,  all  told,  and  took  a  cargo  of  a  thousand 
quintals,  or  nearly  fifty  tons,  of  cloves.  The  course 
resolved  on  led  them  northwards,  coasting  the  west 
shores  of  Gilolo  until  its  terminal  cape  was  reached. 
Rounding  it  they  came  in  sight  of  Chao  or  Porquenam- 
pello  and  PyKom — two  islands  now  known  as  Morti  and 
Rau — and  passed  between  them  and  the  mainland  of 
Gilolo  on  a  southerly  course.  Their  object  was  to  make 
"  Quimar,"  ^  a  district  under  the  authority  of  the 
Sultan  of  Tidor,  where  fresh  provisions  were  awaiting 
them.  After  a  stay  of  eight  or  nine  days  they  again 
made  sail  on  the  20th  April,^  and,  steering  eastward, 
ran  out  into  the  open  sea,  when  they  set  an  E.  \  N. 
course.  Head  winds,  however,  compelled  them  to  alter 
it,  and  they  ran  to  the  N.E.  and  N.N.E.  until,  on  the 
3rd  May,^  two  small  islands  were  sighted.  To  these — 
which  were  in  all  probability  Warwick  and  Warren 
Hastings  Islands — they  gave  the  name  of  the  islands 
of  St.  Anthony.  The  ship  was  now  navigated  for  the 
Ladrones,  one  of  the  northern  islands  of  which — conjec- 
turally  Agrigan — was  visited,    and  a   native  taken  on 

1  Quimar  and  its  port  Zanufo,  Camafo,  or  Camarfya  (which  are 
doubtless  synonymous),  have  been  variously  identified  with  Morotai  or 
Morti,  and  the  N.E.  arm  of  Gilolo.  The  port  at  which  they  called  is 
more  probably  Komo,  on  the  northern  peninsula  of  that  island,  a  con- 
jecture further  borne  out  by  the  Paris  MS.,  which  says  that  on 
leaving  it  they  "steered  seventeen  leagues  eastward,  and  came  out 
of  the  channel  of  the  island  of  Batechina  (Gilolo)  and  the  island  Chao." 

2  The  25th  April,  according  to  the  Paris  MS. 
s  May  6th,  Paris  MS. 


300  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [CHAP.  xil. 

board.  It  is  difficult  to  explain  why,  on  leaving  this 
group,  a  persistent  north-easterly  course  should  have 
been  held,  but  so  it  was.  They  met,  as  might  well  be 
imagined,  with  constant  head  winds.  Espinosa  was 
probably  more  fitted  for  an  alguazil  than  a  captain.  ^ 
The  latitude  of  43°  N.  was  finally  reached,  but  long 
before  this  they  had  begun  to  run  short  of  provisions. 
Eventually  they  were  reduced  to  rice,  and  rice  only. 
Ill-provided  with  clothes  and  accustomed  for  so  long  to 
a  tropical  climate,  they  were  unable  to  endure  the  cold. 
Disease  found  them  a  facile  prey.  To  crown  their  mis- 
fortunes, they  encountered  a  severe  storm  which  lasted 
for  five  days  and  caused  them  the  loss  of  their  mainmast, 
besides  considerable  injury  to  their  poop  and  forecastle. 
Under  these  circumstances  it  was  found  impossible  to 
proceed,  and  Espinosa  resolved  to  return  by  way  of  the 
Ladrones  to  Tidor.  His  effort  to  regain  the  island  he 
first  visited  was  unsuccessful,  and  he  brought  up  off 
Saipan,  or  Pamo,^  as  it  was  then  called.  Here  the 
native  he  had  picked  up  on  his  outward  voyage  ran 
away,  together  with  three  of  the  sailors,^  who  were 
fearful  of  the  epidemic  which  was  at  that  time  so  rapidly 
reducing  the  crew  in  numbers.  The  return  from  the 
Ladrones  to  Gilolo  was  effected  in  six  weeks,  and  they 

J-  We  are  not  informed  who  undertook  the  navigation  of  the  ship. 
It  was  probably  Juan  Bautista  Punzero,  to  whom  de  Brito  declares  the 
arrival  of  the  fleet  at  the  Moluccas  to  have  been  due,  or  possibly  the 
Genoese  Leon  Pancaldo  or  Pancado — certainly  not  Espinosa,  who  was 
a  person  of  no  education  and  could  not  even  write  his  own  name. 

2  Otherwise  Mao.     Vide  Navarrete,  iv.  p.  100. 

3  Oviedo,  lib.  xx.,  cap.  xvi.,  tells  us  how,  more  than  three  years 
later,  the  ships  of  Lo3'asa  came  across  one  of  these  men,  Gonzalo  de 
Vigo,  in  Tinian.  His  two  companions  had  been  killed  by  the  natives. 
This  deserter  was  of  much  use  to  them,  and  he  was  taken  on  to  the 
Moluccas. 


1522.]  RETUENS  TO  THE  MOLUCCAS.  301 

anchored  off  Dui,  an  island  near  its  northern  point. 
Further  than  that  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  proceed. 
Three-fifths  of  their  number  were  dead,  and  the  rest 
were  so  disabled  by  scurvy  and  other  disorders  that  they 
could  no  longer  navigate  the  ship. 

Meanwhile  a  considerable  change  had  taken  place  in 
the  aspect  of  affairs  at  Tidor.  On  the  13th  May,  little 
more  than  a  month  after  their  departure,  a  fleet  of 
seven  Portuguese  vessels,  manned  by  over  three  hundred 
men,  and  under  the  command  of  Antonio  de  Brito,  sailed 
into  Ternate  roads.  His  visit  had,  perhaps,  been  partly 
induced  by  finding  in  Banda— the  port  whence  he  came 
—one  of  the  five  Spaniards  left  behind  in  Tidor  by 
Espinosa,  who  had  doubtless  gone  thither  for  the  sake 
of  trade.  De  Brito's  first  step,  as  appears  by  his  own 
letter  to  the  King  of  Portugal,i  ^as  to  demand  the 
surrender  of  the  store-house  and  its  contents,  together 
with  the  men  in  charge.  They  had  no  course  open  to 
them  other  than  to  yield  to  such  a  force.  Possession  was 
at  once  taken  of  the  building,  and  the  stores  appropriated 

the   captain-general   demanding  of    the  Sultan  what 

right  he  had  to  admit  the  Castilians  when  the  Portu- 
guese had  been  so  long  established  in  the  islands. 

Espinosa  had  not  been  long  at  his  anchorage  before 
the  news  of  the  arrival  and  doings  of  the  Portuguese 
was  brought  to  him.  He  resolved,  nevertheless,  to  give 
himself  up  to  de  Brito,  so  deplorable  was  his  con- 
dition. Spain  was,  moreover,  upon  good  terms  with 
Portugal,  and  he  hoped  for  fair  treatment.  He  there- 
fore sent  a  letter  by  Bartholomew  Sanchez,  clerk  of  the 
Trinidad,  to  the  Portuguese  captain- general,  begging 
succour.  No  answer  arriving,  Espinosa  weighed  anchor 
1  Navarrete,  iv.  p.  305. 


302  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  xii. 

and  struggled  on  for  a  few  miles  to  the  port  of  Bena- 
conora,  where  he  was  at  length  met  by  a  caravel  and 
other  small  craft  with  Simon  d'Abreu,  Duarte  de 
Resende,  Don  Garcia  Enriques,  and  twenty  armed 
Portuguese.  They  gave  the  captain  a  letter  from  de 
Brito,^  and  at  once  took  possession  of  the  ship,  seizing 
all  the  papers  and  log-books  which  could  be  found,  as 
well  as  her  astrolabes  and  quadrants.  She  was  then 
brought  in  and  anchored  off  Ternate,  and  her  cargo 
discharged.  It  was  the  last  veyage  she  was  destined 
to  make.  During  her  unlading  a  heavy  squall  caught 
her,  and  she  went  ashore  and  broke  up.  Forty  bahars 
of  cloves  were  lost  in  her,  but  her  timbers  and  fittings 
were  saved,  and  served  in  the  construction  of  the  for- 
tress the  Portuguese  were  then  erecting  in  Ternate,  and 
in  the  repair  of  their  ships. 

It  was  in  vain  that  Espinosa  protested  against  the 
action  taken  by  the  Portuguese.  They  replied  that  he 
had  done  his  duty  to  his  sovereign,  and  that  they  should 
do  the  same  to  theirs.  He  asked  that  they  would  at 
least  give  him  a  certificate  of  the  items  of  the  ship's 
cargo,  in  order  that  he  might  render  an  account  of  it 
to  the  emperor,  but  he  was  told  that  if  he  wished  an 
account  rendered  he  should  render  it  himself  from  the 
yard-arm  of  his  vessol.  He  was  called  upon  to  deliver 
the  royal  standard,  but  this  he  declined  to  do,  saying, 
that  since  he  was  in  their  power  they  could  of  course 
seize  it,  but  that  he  was  unable,  as  an  officer  of  the 
emperor,  to  surrender  it. 

When  the  Trinidad  was  brought  to  her  last  anchorage 
she  had  on  board  but  nineteen  survivors  of  the  fifty-four 

1  For  this  letter,  which  is  dated  21st  October,  1522,  see  Navarrete 
iv,  p.  295, 


1522.]  FATE  OF  THE  SURVIVORS.  303 

men  who  had  sailed  in  her  but  six  months  previously. 
Pedro   Affonso   de  Lorosa  — the  Portuguese  who  had 
deserted  from  Don  Tristao  de  Meneses— was  also  with 
them.     His  fate  did  not  remain  long  in  doubt,  for  he 
was  executed  shortly  after  his  arrival.     Of  the  five  men 
left  in  Tidor  in  charge  of  the  stores  one  had  died,  three 
were  prisoners  of  the  Portuguese,  and  Luis  del  Molino 
was  at  large  among  the  islanders.     On  receiving  a  mes- 
sage from  Espinosa  he  came  in  and  gave  himself  up. 
Fr*om  these  men  the  others  learnt  what  had  taken  place 
in   their   absence.      The  Portuguese   had   levelled   the 
factory  and  storehouse  to  the  gi'ound,  seizing  all  the 
ri-cring  and  fitting  of  the  ships,  together  with  the  cloves 
and  other  spices  that  had  been  collected.     Espinosa  and 
his  men  were  able  to  realise  what  was  before  them. 
Could  they  have  seen  the  letter  written  by  Antonio  de 
Brito  upon  the  subject  to  his  royal  master,  their  fears 
would  scarcely  have  been  alleviated.     "  So  far  as  con- 
cerns the  master,  clerk,  and  pilot  "-it  runs-"  I  am 
writing  to  the  captain-general  that  it  would  be  more  to 
your  Highness'  service  to  order  their  heads  to  be  struck 
off  than  to  send  them  there  {i.e.,  to  India).    I  kept  them  in 
the  Moluccas,  because  it  is  a  most  unhealthy  country,  m 
order  that  they  might  die  there,  not  liking  to  order 
their  heads  to  be  cut  off,  since  I  did  not  know  whether 
your  Highness  would  be  pleased  or  not.     I  am  writing 
to  Jorge  de  Albuquerque  to  detain  them  in  Malacca, 
which,  however,  is  a  very  healthy  climate."  ^ 

With  this  laudable  desire  for  their  speedy  decease  in 
the  heart  of  their  captor,  it  may  be  imagined  that  the 
outlook  of  the  Spaniards  was  not  of  a  very  promising 

1  De  Brito's  letter  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  vid^  Navarrete,  Iy. 
p.  311. 


304  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  xii. 

nature.  The  sick  were,  however,  sent  to  a  temporary 
hospital.  1  The  remainder  went  to  the  fortress  upon 
Ternate,  which  the  Portuguese  were  at  that  time  engaged 
in  building.  There  they  were  set  to  work  upon  it — 
Espinosa  himself  being  ordered  to  labour  with  the  others, 
an  order  that  he  declined  to  obey.  It  is  negatively  to 
the  credit  of  de  Brito  that  he  thought  it  best  not  to 
press  the  matter.  But  they  were  subjected  to  many 
indignities,  being  openly  and  grossly  abused  before  the 
natives  in  order  that  the  authority  and  repute  of  the 
emperor  might  be  as  far  as  possible  belittled. 

In  this  manner  the  twenty  -  three  prisoners  were 
detained  in  Ternate  until  the  end  of  February  1523, 
when,  with  the  exception  of  two  carpenters  whom  de 
Brito  needed,  they  started  on  their  homeward  voyage — a 
voyage  destined  to  be  protracted  from  months  into  years, 
and  to  end  at  last  with  the  safe  return  of  but  four  of 
their  number.  Terrible  as  had  been  the  mortality  on 
board  the  Victoria,  it  was  as  nothing  compared  with  that 
of  the  Trinidad. 

The  men  were  first  taken  to  Banda.  Four  of  them 
who  left  Ternate  together  never  reached  the  island,  and 
of  the  junk  in  which  they  sailed  no  tidings  were  ever 
heard.  The  others  were  detained  in  Banda  four  months 
and  then  despatched  by  way  of  Java,  at  whose  ports 
they  touched,  to  Malacca,  where  they  came  into  the 
hands  of  Jorge  d'Albuquerque,  who  was  at  that  time 
Governor.  More  delays  took  place  here.  We  have  seen 
how  de  Brito  gave  actual  instructions  for  their  deten- 
tion, lamenting,   nevertheless,   the   healthiness   of   the 

1  Great  mortality  prevailed  at  first  in  the  Moluccas,  as  we  learn 
from  de  Brito's  letter.  Within  two  months  of  his  arrival  he  had  lost 
fifty  of  his  men,  and  only  fifty  remained  in  health. 


1524.]  THE  SURVIVORS  REACH  INDIA.  305 

climate.  It  was,  however,  sufficiently  malarious  or 
insanitary  to  bring  four  of  the  unhappy  wanderers  to 
the  grave.  Anton  Moreno,  a  negro  slave  of  Espinosa, 
■was  appropriated  by  Albuquerque's  sister,  and  it  was 
not  until  five  months  had  passed  away  that  the  voyage 
of  the  survivors  was  resumed. 

From  ]\ralacca  the  prisoners,  for  such  they  still  were, 
were  sent  to  Cochim.  They  appear  to  have  embarked 
in  two  or  more  ships.  The  junk  in  which  Bartholomew 
Sanchez,  Luis  del  Molino,  and  Alonso  de  Cota  sailed  was 
never  more  heard  of,  and  when  the  others  reached  their 
destination  the  annual  homeward-bound  fleet  had  sailed. 
Despairing  of  ever  getting  back  to  their  native  land,  two 
of  their  number,  Leon  Pancaldo  and  Juan  Bautista 
Poncero,^  ran  away  and  concealed  themselves  on  board 
the  Santa  Catalina,  each  ignorant  of  the  other's  presence. 
This  ship  was  bound  for  Portugal,  but  on  arriving  at 
Mozambique  the  two  stowaways  were  put  ashore,  with 
the  intention  of  returning  them  to  Cochim.  Both  men, 
however,  succeeded  in  disappointing  their  captors,  for 
Juan  Bautista  died,  and  Leon  Pancaldo,  hiding  himself 
just  as  Diogo  de  Mello's  ship  started  for  Cochim,  managed 
to  ship  on  board  a  homeward-bound  vessel  commanded 
by  Francisco  Pereira.  Upon  his  arrival  at  Lisbon  he 
was  thrown  into  prison,  but  was  eventually  set  free  by 
order  of  the  king. 

Meanwhile  the  others  remained  behind  at  Cochim. 
Vasco  da  Gama,  then  viceroy,  had  remained  deaf  to 
their  entreaties  for  release.  On  Christmas  Eve,  1524, 
he  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  Don  Enrique  de  Meneses, 
who,  more  compassionate  than  his  predecessor,  consented 

1  This  man,  who  originally  sailed  as  maestro  of  the  Trinidad,  is 
described  in  various  lists  as  Punzerol  and  Ponce  de  Leon. 

U 


306  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN.  [chap.  xii. 

at  length  to  their  departure.  But  their  numbers  had 
sadly  decreased.  Four,  as  we  have  seen,  had  died  during 
their  detention  in  Malacca,  and  three  more  had  fallen 
victims  to  their  hardships  in  Cochim.  Juan  Rodriguez 
of  Seville  had  escaped  in  the  ship  of  Andres  de  Sousa, 
which  was  bound  for  Lisbon.  There  remained  but  three 
men,  Gonzalo  Gomez  de  Espinosa,  the  captain ;  Gines  de 
Mafra,  seaman  of  the  Trinidad;  and  Master  Hans  or 
Aires,  bombardier  of  the  Victoria}  Nor  were  their 
troubles  over  upon  landing  in  the  Peninsula,  for  they 
were  thrown  into  the  common  prison,  where,  overcome 
by  his  previous  sufferings  and  the  treatment  to  which 
he  was  subjected,  Master  Hans  died.  Espinosa  and 
Gines  de  Mafra  remained  incarcerated  for  seven  long 
months,  when  the  former  was  released.  Mafra,  having 
in  his  box  some  log-books  and  nautical  works  or  notes 
written  by  Andres  de  San  Martin,  was  supposed  to  be  a 
pilot,  and  was  detained  longer.  On  proving  his  rank 
and  condition  he  was  permitted  his  liberty  a  month 
later ;  but  the  books  were  seized,  and  afterwards,  as  far 
as  can  be  learnt,  came  into  the  hands  of  Joao  de  Barros 
the  historian.2 

Four  men,  and  four  men  only,  thus  remained  alive  out 
of  the  fifty-four  who  sailed  in  the  Trinidad  from  Ter- 
nate — Espinosa,  Mafra,  Pancaldo,  and  Juan  Rodriguez 
of  Seville.     Espinosa  was  well  received  by  his  sovereign, 

1  There  is  a  discrepancy  in  the  various  documents  concerning  this 
third  individual.  According  to  some,  it  was  Morales  the  surgeon  who 
returned  with  Espinosa  and  died  in  the  Lisbon  prison,  while  the 
bombardier  Aires  came  back  in  the  Victoria,  and  was  one  of  those 
who  went  to  court  to  be  presented  to  Charles  V. 

2  Barros,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  x.  p.  656.  In  this  passage  he  speaks 
of  having  got  papers  and  books  from  Duarte  de  Resende,  who  "  took 
them  from  the  astrologer  Andi'es  de  San  Martin,"  besides  those  he 
obtained  from  Espinosa. 


1525.]  RESULTS  OF  THE  VOYAGE.  307 

who  rewarded  him,  and — if  we  may  credit  a  passage 
in  Oviedo — granted  him  a  patent  of  nobility  and  a  life- 
pension  of  300  ducats.^  But  so  mean  were  the  officials 
of  the  India  House  that  they  actually  docked  him  of  his 
pay  during  the  time  that  he  was  a  captive  in  the  hands 
of  the  Portuguese,  alleging  as  a  reason  that  it  was  incon- 
testable that  while  in  that  condition  he  was  no  longer 
in  the  service  of  Spain!  On  the  14th  January,  1528, 
Espinosa  instituted  a  plaint  to  recover  this  money.  A 
long  pwces  was  the  result,  but  whether  he  gained  his 
cause  or  not  is  not  recorded. ^ 

The  fame  of  Magellan's  voyage  resounded  through  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  Peninsula,  and  reached  all 
parts  of  Europe.  Chai^les  V.,  who  had  just  arrived  from 
Germany,  on  learning  of  the  arrival  of  the  Victoria 
wrote  at  once  from  Valladolid  to  Sebastian  del  Cano, 
instructing  him  to  appear  at  court  with  two  of  the  best- 
instructed  of  his  crew — "  los  mas  cuerdos  y  de  mejor 
razon."  The  whole  number,  as  we  have  seen,  were 
ultimately  presented.  Charles  was  generous  to  del 
Cano  beyond  his  deserts.  He  was  granted  an  annual 
pension  of  500  ducats,  and  a  coat-of-arms  commemo- 
rating the  services  he  had  rendered  to  Spain.  ^  Fortune 
befriended  him  indeed.  The  little  we  know  of  him  in 
Magellan's  voyage — for  until  his  appointment  after  the 
wholesale  massacre  at  Sebu  he  was  comparatively  an 
obscure  personage — is  far  from  being  in  his  favour.     He 

1  Oviedo,  bk.  xx.  cap.  iv.  The  king,  he  says,  "  le  hizo  mer^edes 
y  le  con^edio  un  privillegio  de  muy  nobles  armas." 

2  Vide  Medina,  vol.  ii.  p.  180. 

3  Anns,  or ;  two  cinnamon  sticks  in  saltire  proper,  three  nutmegs 
and  twelve  cloves  ;  on  a  chief  gules  a  castle,  or.  Crest,  a  globe  bear- 
ing the  motto,  "  Primus  eircun^dedisti  me."  Supporters,  two  Malay 
kings,  crowned,  holding  in  the  exterior  hand  a  spice  branch,  proper. 


308 


LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN. 


[CHAP.  XII. 


took  an  active  part  in  the  mutiny  at  Port  St.  Julian,  and 
gave  evidence  at  Valladolid  upon  certain  events  of  the 
voyage  which  was  so  biassed,  and  in  some  cases  so 
untrue,  that  he  forfeits  much  of  his  claim  to  our  admira- 


COAT-OF-ARMS    AND   AUTOGRAPH    OF    DEL  CANO. 

tion.  As  Vergara  says,^  "  Elcano  did  not  always  re- 
member the  loyalty  due  to  Magellan  and  his  memory." 
Neither  can  he  be  given  any  very  great  credit  for  his 

1  Anuario  Hydrogr,  de  Cliile,  vol.  v.  p.  396. 


1522.] 


SEBASTIAN  DEL  CANO. 


309 


navigation,  for  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  wlien  he 
took  the  command  the  hitherto  unknown  Pacific  had 
been  crossed,  and  the  ship  was  far  beyond  the  longitude 
of  the  Moluccas,  and  dis- 
tant from  them  only  six 
hundred  miles.  Antonio 
de  Brito,  moreover,  in  his 
letter  to  the  King  of  Por- 
tugal, tells  us  that  after 
the  death  of  Magellan, 
Juan  Bautista  Poncero 
was  the  chief  navigator. 
But  to  del  Cano  fell  the 
good  fortune  of  bringing 
home  the  Victoria,  and,  as 
her  captain,  the  honours 
accorded  upon  the  occa- 
sion of  such  a  great  event 
naturally  fell  to  his  share. 
It  may  be  imagined 
that  the  arrival  of  the 
Victoria  was  a  matter  of 
no  little  joy  to  Alvaro  de 
Mesquita,  the  unhappy 
captain  of  the  S.  Antonio. 
It  will  be  remembered 
how  the  mutineers  of  that 
vessel,  deserting  their 
captain  -  general  in  his  statue  of  del  gang,  cuiri  zcoa. 
hour  of  need,  overpowered  their  commander  and  brought 
him,  wounded  and  in  irons,  to  Seville.  Although  their 
story  was  but  half -believed,  Mesquita  was  still  kept 
incarcerated,  as  was  the  manner  of  those  times.     Now, 


310  LIFE  OF  MAGELLAN,  [chap. 

set  at  liberty,  he  was  rewarded  in  common  with  his 
former  friends  and  comrades,  upon  whom  pensions  and 
various  distinctions  were  conferred.  For  some  reason, 
perhaps  the  length  of  time  that  had  elapsed  since  the 
occurrence,  a  corresponding  punishment  does  not  seem 
to  have  overtaken  the  mutineers. 

The  papers  in  the  Seville  archives  give  us  full  details 
of  the  spices  brought  back  in  the  Victoria.  The  bxilk  of 
the  cargo  consisted  of  cloves,  and  of  these,  exclusive  of 
the  quintalacles  or  free  freight  permitted  alike  to  officers 
and  men,  there  were  520  quintals,  or  about  twenty-six 
tons  of  our  weight.  The  value  of  this  was  estimated  at 
7,888,684  maravedis — in  other  words,  ^^4536 — and  in 
addition  there  was  a  certain  quantity  of  cinnamon,  mace, 
nutmeg,  and  sandalwood  which  raised  the  value  nearly 
_;^6oo  more.  On  the  whole,  despite  the  frightful  losses 
both  of  ships  and  cargo  during  the  voyage  of  the  armada, 
the  venture  had  been  successful.  Deducting  the  value 
of  the  Victoria  and  her  fittings,  and  of  the  articles  of 
barter  aboard  her,  from  the  original  cost  of  the  entire 
expedition,  the  value  of  the  spices  was  found  to  exceed 
the  latter  by  some  ;^200. 

We  have  done  now  with  the  great  expedition  of 
Magellan,  and  with  the  return  of  "  that  unique,  that 
most  famous  ship,  the  Victot'ia,"  as  Oviedo  calls  her. 
"  The  track  she  followed,"  he  exclaims,  "  is  the  most 
wonderful  thing  and  the  greatest  novelty  that  has  ever 
been  seen  from  the  time  God  created  the  first  man  and 
ordered  the  world  unto  our  own  day.  Neither  has 
anything  more  notable  in  navigation  ever  been  heard 
or  described  since  the  voyage  of  the  patriarch  Noah."^ 
The  extravagant  terms  of  admiration,  the  flowery 
1  Oviedo,  bk.  xx.  cap.  iv. 


Xll.]  HIS  FAME.  311 

periods,  the  elaborate  metaphors  characteristic  of  the 
period  in  which  they  lived,  were  lavishly  used  by  the 
historians  who  chronicled  the  voyage.  The  keynote 
was  struck  by  Maximilian  Transylvanus  in  his  Salzburg 
letter : — "  Digniores  profecto  nautse  quae  aeterna  me- 
moria  celebrentur  quam  qui  cum  lasone  ad  Colchidem 
navigarunt  Argonautse,"  and  the  theme  has  been  intro- 
duced by  every  one  who  has  written  upon  the  subject, 
from  Argensola  and  Gomara  to  Camoens.  The  latter, 
indeed,  seems  to  have  borrowed  the  idea  of  a  famous 
verse  in  the  Lusiad  from  Oviedo,  and  tiums  Magellan's 
praise  into  Gama's.^  But  all  this  praise  and  glory  came 
too  late  for  Magellan's  family,  as  they  did  for  the 
immortal  commander.  His  wife  was  dead  and  his  only 
child  was  dead,  and  he  himself  lay  at  rest  in  a  little 
islet  in  the  far  Pacific. 

1  Cessem  do  sabio  Grego,  e  do  Troiano 
As  navegaQoes  grandes  que  fizeram 
Calle-se  de  Alexandre  e  do  Trajano 
A  fama  das  victorias  que  tiveram 
Que  eu  canto  o  peito  illustre  Lusitano 
A  quern  Neptuno,  e  Marte  obedeeeram. 
Cesse  tudo  o  que  a  Musa  antigua  canta 
Que  outre  valor  mais  alto  se  alevanta. 

— Canto  i.  ^. 


APPENDIX. 


I.— GENEALOGY  OF  MAGALHAES. 


315 


xn 

W 

< 
< 

O 


<5 

PR 

W 
H 

fR 

O 

o 

w 
o 


M 
P 

Ph 
PM 
<1 


11^^^ 


*j  '^  .'fi 


a5    ff3  ' 


i3       cS 


-S 


S    O 


m  go 

o  fl  2  9 


P.'g 

a 

o 

■3 

§s. 

v^ 

'C)'§ 

II 

<u  n 

oTtiJ 

2^ 

.S02 

•^  'k*  's-< 

(=><» 

o^a 

ffl"^ 

2 » ^ 

"^2 

•^S-a 

53^ 

lis 

0 

i2  ^CQ 

g 

5 

.2     fi 

_S    rt 


-a 


O     (H^ 


S  ca  c  M 

OS  as 

-sag 


M    a 


«    5-    <l«  tH 

tia  oj  g      ft 
mEh  o      o 

§-3    ^ 

ra  -<^  O       c3 

P  P  a     3 

tog  o      3 

S  *  S     2 

ab.%    a 

a  E,  5  m  ,-«■ 

"S  o  o    .  cu 

5  ""  o  '"'^ 
a-  2  M  .S  e 

>•§  «"•  '^ 
^5^  o  ,. 


316  APPENDIX. 

II. 

MAGELLAN'S  WILLS. 

The  first  will  of  Magellan  was  discovered  in  Lisbon  in 
1855  '^y  ^  descendant  of  the  great  navigator.  It  was 
executed  at  Belem  on  17th  December,  1504,  on  the  eve 
of  his  departure  with  Almeida's  expedition,  before  the 
notary  Domingo  Martins.  It  is  in  many  ways  more 
interesting  than  his  final  will.  While  the  latter  is 
written  in  Spanish  and  in  the  stilted  legal  phraseology 
which  proclaims  it  the  work  of  the  notary-public,  that 
executed  at  Belem  bears  evidences  of  being  more  or  less 
the  product  of  bis  own  pen,  and  is  in  his  native  tongue. 
The  most  important  clauses  run  as  follows  : — 

"  I  desire  that,  if  I  die  abroad,  or  in  this  Armada  in 
the  which  I  am  now  proceeding  for  India  in  the  service 
of  my  Sovereign,  the  Most  High  and  Mighty  King,  Dom 
Manoel,  whom  may  God  preserve,  that  my  funeral  may 
be  that  accorded  to  an  ordinary  seaman,  giving  to  the 
chaplain  of  the  ship  my  clothes  and  arms  to  say  three 
requiem  masses." 

"  I  appoint  as  my  sole  heirs  my  sister  Donna  Thereza 
de  Magalhaes,  her  husband,  Joao  da  Silva  Telles,  and 
their  son,  my  nephew,  Luiz  Telles  da  SQva,  their  suc- 
cessors and  heirs,  with  the  understanding  that  the  afore- 
said my  brother-in-law  shall  quarter  his  arms  with 
those  of  the  family  of  Magalhaes,  which  are  those  of  my 
ancestors,  and  among  the  most  distinguished,  best,  and 
oldest  in  the  kingdom ;  founding,  as  I  hereby  found,  in 
the  male  line — or  in  the  female  in  default  thei'eof — 
descendants  of  the  aforesaid  my  sister  Donna  Thereza 
de  Magalhaes,  and  her  husband,  my  brother-in-law,  and 
their  son,  Luiz  Telles  da  Silva,  a  bequest  of  twelve  masses 


II.— MAGELLAN'S  WILLS.  317 

yearly  to  be  said  at  the  altar  of  the  Lord  Jesus  in  the 
Church  of  S.  Salvador  in  Sabrosa  in  connection  with  my 
property,  the  quinta  de  Souta,  in  the  aforesaid  parish  of 
Sabrosa,  that  it  may  be  a  legacy  in  perpetuo,  and  that  it 
may  remain  for  ever  as  a  memorial  of  our  family,  which 
it  will  be  the  duty  of  our  successors  to  re-establish, 
should  it  through  any  chance  or  misfortune  fall  into 
desuetude,  without  increase  or  diminution  in  the  number 
of  the  masses,  or  other  alteration. 

"  And  everything  that  I  thus  ordain  I  desire  may  be 
carried  out  justly,  and  remain  without  alteration  hence- 
forth and  for  ever,  should  I  die  without  legitimate 
offspring ;  but  should  I  have  such,  I  desire  that  he  may 
succeed  to  all  my  estate,  together  with  the  same  obliga- 
tion of  the  entailed  bequest,  that  it  remain  established 
as  such,  and  not  in  any  other  form  ;  in  order  that  the 
barony  may  increase,  and  that  it  may  not  be  deprived  of 
the  little  property  I  own,  the  which  I  cannot  better,  or 
in  any  other  manner  bequeath."  "^ 

Magellan's  Last  Will. 

In  the  name  of  the  Most  High  and  Mighty  God  our 
Lord,  who  is  without  beginning  and  reigns  without  end, 
and  of  the  most  favoured  Glorious  Virgin,  Our  Lady, 
Holy  Mary,  His  blessed  Mother,  whom  all  we  Christians 
own  as  Queen  and  Advocate  in  all  our  actions ;  to  their 
honour  and  service,  and  that  of  all  the  Saints  of  the 
courts  of  Heaven.    Amen. 

Know  all  ye  by  these  presents,  that  I,  Hernando  de 
Magallanes,  Comendador,  His  Majesty's  Captain-general 
of  the  Armada  bound  for  the  Spice  Islands,  husband  of 
Dona  Beatriz  Barbosa,  and  inhabitant  of  this  most  noble 
and  most  loyal  city  of  Seville,  in  the  precinct  of  Santa 

1  De  Barros  Arana,  Ferndo  de  Magalhdes.  Trad,  de  F.  de  IVL 
Villas-Boas.     Lisboa,  i88l,  p.  I77- 


318  APPENDIX. 

Maria,  being  well  and  in  good  health,  and  possessed  of 
such  my  ordinary  senses  and  judgment  as  God  our  Lord 
has,  of  His  mercy  and  will,  thought  fit  and  right  to  endow 
me ;  believing  firmly  and  truly  in  the  Holy  Trinity,  the 
Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost — three  persons  and  one 
only  true  God,  as  every  faithful  Christian  holds  and 
believes,  and  ought  to  hold  and  believe,  and  being  in  fear 
of  death,  which  is  a  natural  thing  from  which  no  man 
can  escape ;  being  willing  and  desirous  of  placing  my  soul 
in  the  surest  and  most  certain  path  that  I  can  discern 
for  its  salvation,  to  commit  and  bring  it  unto  the  mercy 
and  forgiveness  of  God  our  Lord,  that  He,  who  made 
and  created  it,  may  have  compassion  and  pity  upon  it, 
and  redeem  and  save  it,  and  bring  it  to  His  glory  and 
His  heavenly  kingdom. 

Whereas  I  am  about  to  proceed  in  the  King's  service 
in  the  said  Armada,  by  these  presents  I  make  known 
and  declare  that  I  make  and  ordain  this  my  Will,  and 
these  my  bequests,  as  well  of  my  goods  as  of  my  body 
and  soul,  for  the  salvation  of  my  soul  and  the  satisfac- 
tion of  my  heirs.  Firstly,  the  debts  owed  by  me  and  to 
me  owing :  they  are  such  as  will  be  found  written  in  my 
book  of  accounts,  the  which  I  confirm  and  approve  and 
acknowledge  as  correct.  The  following  are  the  legacies 
bequeathed  by  me  : — 

Firstly,  I  commend  my  soul  to  God  our  Lord,  who 
made  and  created  it,  and  redeemed  me  with  His  precious 
blood,  and  I  ask  and  beseech  of  the  ever-glorious  Virgin 
Mary,  Our  Lady,  His  blessed  Mother,  that,  with  all  the 
Saints  of  the  heavenly  kingdom,  she  may  be  my  inter- 
cessor and  supplicant  before  her  precious  Son  for  my 
sovJ,  that  He  may  pardon  my  sins  and  shortcomings, 
and  receive  me  to  share  His  glory  in  the  kingdom  of 
heaven.  And  when  this  my  present  life  shall  end  for  the 
life  eternal,  I  desire  that  if  I  die  in  this  city  of  Seville 


II.— MAGELLAN'S  WILLS.  319 

my  body  may  be  buried  in  the  Monastery  of  Santa 
Maria  de  la  Vitoria  in  Triana — ward  and  precinct  of  this 
city  of  Seville — in  the  grave  set  apart  for  me ;  And  if 
I  die  in  this  said  voyage,  I  desire  that  my  body  may  be 
buried  in  a  church  dedicated  to  Our  Lady,  in  the  nearest 
spot  to  that  at  which  death  seize  me  and  I  die ;  And  I 
bequeath  to  the  expenses  of  the  chapel  of  the  Sagrario  of 
the  Holy  Church  of  Seville,  in  grateful  remembrance  of 
the  Holy  Sacraments  which  from  the  said  church  I  have 
received,  and  hope  to  receive,  if  it  be  the  will  of  God  our 
Lord,  one  thousand  maravedis ;  And  I  bequeath  to  the 
Holy  Crusade  a  real  of  silver ;  And  I  bequeath  to  the 
Orders  of  the  Holy  Trinity  and  Santa  Maria  de  la 
Merced  of  this  city  of  Seville,  in  aid  of  the  redemption 
of  such  faithful  Christians  as  may  be  captives  in  the 
country  of  the  Moors,  the  enemies  of  our  holy  Catholic 
faith,  to  each  Order  a  real  of  silver ;  And  I  bequeath  to 
the  Infirmary  of  San  Lazaro  without  the  city,  as  alms, 
that  they  may  pray  to  God  our  Lord  for  my  soul,  another 
real  of  silver;  And  I  bequeath  to  the  hospital  de  Las 
Bubas  of  this  city  of  SevOle,  to  gain  its  intercession, 
another  real  of  silver ;  And  I  bequeath  to  the  Casa  de 
San  Sebastian  in  Tablada,  to  gain  its  intercession,  another 
real  of  silver ;  And  I  bequeath  to  the  Holy  Church  of 
Faith  in  Seville  another  real  of  silver,  to  gain  its  inter- 
cession ;  And  I  desire  that  upon  the  said  day  of  my 
burial  thirty  masses  may  be  said  over  my  body — two 
cantadas  and  twenty-eight  rezadas,  and  that  they  shall 
offer  for  me  the  offering  of  bread  and  wine  and  candles 
that  my  esecutors  desire ;  And  I  desire  that  in  the 
said  monastery  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Vitoria  a  thirty- 
day  mass^  may  be  said  for  my  soul,  and  that  the 
accustomed  alms  may  be  given  therefor ;  And  I  desire 
that  upon  the  said  day  of  my  burial  three  poor  men  may 

1  Treintanario  de  misas  cerrado. 


320  APPENDIX. 

be  clothed — such  as  I  have  indicated  to  my  executors — 
and  that  to  each  may  be  given  a  cloak  of  grey  stuff,  a 
cap,  a  shirt,  and  a  pair  of  shoes,  that  they  may  pray  to 
God  for  my  soul ;  And  I  also  desire  that  upon  the  said 
day  of  my  burial  food  may  be  given  to  the  said  three 
paupers,  and  to  twelve  others,  that  they  may  pray  to 
God  for  my  soul ;  And  I  desire  that  upon  the  said  day 
of  my  burial  a  gold  ducat  may  be  given  as  alms  for  the 
souls  in  purgatory.  And  I  confess — to  speak  the  truth 
before  God  and  the  world  and  to  possess  my  soul  in 
safety — that  I  received  and  obtained  in  dowry  and  mar- 
riage with  the  said  Doiia  Beatriz  Barbosa,  my  wife,  six 
hundred  thousand  maravedis,  of  the  which  I  made 
acknowledgment  before  Bernal  Gonzalez  de  Vallecillo, 
notary-public  of  Seville ;  and  I  desire  that  before  every- 
thing the  said  Dona  Beatriz  Barbosa,  my  wife,  may  be 
paid  and  put  in  possession  of  the  said  six  hundred 
thousand  maravedis,  her  dowry,  together  with  the  arras 
that  I  gave  her. 

And  forasmuch  as  I  am  proceeding  in  the  King's 
service  in  the  said  Armada,  and  since  of  all  the  gain 
and  profit  which  with  the  help  of  God  our  Lord  may 
result  therefrom  (save  and  excepting  the  first  charges  of 
the  King),  the  share  allotted  to  me  is  one-fifth  of  the 
whole,  in  addition  to  that  which  I  may  acquire  from  the 
merchandise  which  I  take  with  me  in  the  said  Armada — 
of  all  this  which  I  may  acquire  from  the  said  Armada  I 
desire  to  set  aside  one-tenth  part,  touching  which,  by 
this  my  will  and  testament,  I  desire  and  order,  and  it  is 
my  wish,  that  the  said  tenth  may  be  expended  and  dis- 
tributed in  the  manner  following  : — 

Firstly,  I  desire  and  order,  and  it  is  my  wish,  that 
one-third  of  the  said  tenth  part  may  be  given  to  the  said 
monastery  of  IST.  S.  Santa  Maria  de  la  Vitoria  in  Triana, 
for  the  construction  of  the  chapel  of  the  said  monastery, 


II.— MAGELLAN'S  WILLS.  321 

and  that  the  monks  of  the  said  monastery  may  hence- 
forth for  ever  engage  to  pray  to  God  for  my  soul. 

Furthermore,  I  desire,  and  it  is  my  wish,  that  the 
remaining  two-thirds  of  the  said  tenth  part  shall  be 
divided  into  three  equal  parts,  of  which  one  part  shall 
be  given  to  the  monastery  of  N".  S.  Santa  Maria  de  Mon- 
serrat,  in  the  city  of  Barcelona  ;  another  to  the  monas- 
tery of  San  Francisco  in  the  town  of  Aranda  de  Duero, 
for  the  benefit  of  the  said  monastery ;  and  the  third  to 
the  monastery  of  S.  Domingo  de  las  Duenas,  in  the  city 
of  Oporto,  in  Portugal,  for  such  things  as  may  be  most 
necessary  for  the  said  monastery ;  and  this  bequest  I 
make  that  they  may  pray  God  for  my  soul. 

Furthermore,  I  will  and  desire,  and  it  is  my  wish, 
that  of  the  half  of  the  rest  of  my  estate  of  the  said 
Armada  belonging  unto  me,  together  with  that  of  the 
other  estate  of  which  I  am  possessed  in  this  said  city  of 
Seville,  one-fifth  part  may  be  set  aside  to  fulfil  the  neces- 
sities of  my  soul,  and  that  my  executors  out  of  this  said 
fifth  part  may  fulfil  these  necessities  of  this  my  will  and 
testament,  and  whatever  more  may  seem  fitting  unto 
them  for  the  repose  of  my  soul  and  conscience. 

I  desire,  moreover,  that  there  may  be  paid  to  Cristobal 
Robelo,  my  page,  the  sum  of  thirty  thousand  maravedis 
from  my  estate,  the  which  I  bequeath  unto  him  for  the 
services  he  has  rendered  unto  me,  and  that  he  may  pray 
God  for  my  soul. 

And  by  this  my  present  will  and  testament,  I  declare 
and  ordain  as  free  and  quit  of  every  obligation  of  capti- 
vity, subjection,  and  slavery,  my  captured  slave  Enrique, 
mulatto,  native  of  the  city  of  Malacca,  of  the  age  of 
twenty-six  years  more  or  less,  that  from  the  day  of  my 
death  thenceforward  for  ever  the  said  Enrique  may  be 
free  and  manumitted,  and  quit,  exempt,  and  relieved  of 
every  obligation  of  slavery  and  subjection,  that  he  may 


322  APPENDIX. 

act  as  he  desires  and  thinks  fit ;  and  I  desire  that  of  my 
estate  there  may  be  given  to  the  said  Enrique  the  sum 
of  ten  thousand  maravedis  in  money  for  his  support; 
and  this  manumission  I  grant  because  he  is  a  Christian, 
and  that  he  may  pray  to  God  for  my  soul. 

And  whereas  His  Majesty  the  King  has  granted  unto 
me,  my  sons,  and  my  heirs  in  tail  male  the  governorship 
of  certain  lands  and  islands  that  I  may  discover  with  the 
said  Armada,  according  to  the  terms  contained  in  the 
Cajntulacion  made  with  His  Majesty,  together  with  the 
title  of  Adelantado  of  the  said  lands  and  islands  dis- 
covered, and  also  the  twentieth  part  of  their  produce, 
and  other  benefits  contained  in  the  said  Gapitulacion  ; 
by  these  presents,  and  by  this  my  will  and  testament,  I 
declare  and  name  for  this  mayorazgo — in  order  that,  upon 
my  decease,  he  may  succeed  to  the  above — Rodrigo  de 
Magallanes,  my  legitimate  son,  and  the  legitimate  son  of 
the  said  Doua  Beatriz  Barbosa,  my  wife,  and  thereafter 
unto  any  legitimate  son  that  God  may  grant  him  ;  and 
should  he  have  no  legitimate  sons  born  in  wedlock 
to  have  and  inherit  the  above  mayorazgo,  I  desire  and 
command  that  the  other  legitimate  son  or  daughter  whom 
God  may  give  me  may  inherit,^  and  so  successively  from 
father  to  son ;  And  if  by  chance  a  daughter  should  hold 
the  mayorazgo,  in  such  a  case  I  desire  that  the  son  whom 
God  may  give  her  to  inherit  the  said  mayorazgo,  shall  take 
the  name  of  Magallaes  \sic\,  and  bear  my  arms  without 
quartering  them  with  any  others ;  And,  should  he  fail  to 
take  the  name  of  Magallaes  and  to  bear  my  arms,  in  such 
case  I  desire  and  order,  and  it  is  my  wish,  that  a  son  or 
nephew  or  nearer  relation  of  my  lineage  may  inherit 
the  said  mayorazgo,  and  that  he  may  live  in  Castile,  and 
bear  my  name  and  arms ;  And  if — which  may  God  for- 
bid— the  said  Bodrigo  de  Magallaes  my  son  should  die 
^  Doua  Beatriz  was  at  that  timo  enceinte. 


II.— MAGELLAN'S  WILLS.  323 

without  leaving  sons  or  daughters  born  in  wedlock,  and 
that  I  should  beget  no  other  sons  nor  daughters  to  suc- 
ceed to  the  mayorazgo,  I  desire  and  order,  and  it  is  my 
wish,  that  Diego  de  Sosa,  my  brother,  who  is  now  living 
with  His  Serene  Majesty  the  King  of  Portugal,  may 
inherit  the  above,  and  come  and  live  in  this  kingdom  of 
Castile,  and  marry  in  it,  and  that  he  adopt  the  name  of 
Magallaes,  and  bear  the  arms  of  Magallaes,  as  I  bear 
them — the  arms  of  Magallaes  and  Sosa ;  And  if  the  said 
Diego  de  Sosa,  my  brother,  have  neither  sons  nor 
daughters  born  in  holy  wedlock  to  inherit  the  aforesaid 
mayorazgo,  I  desire  and  order,  and  it  is  my  wish,  that 
Isabel  de  Magallaes,  my  sister,  may  inherit  the  said 
mayorazgo,  provided  that  she  call  herself  Magallaes,  and 
bear  my  arms,  and  come  to  reside  and  marry  in  this 
kingdom  of  Castile. 

And  furthermore,  I  desire  and  order,  and  it  is  my 
will,  that  if  the  said  Diego  de  Sosa,  my  brother,  or  the 
said  Isabel  de  Magallaes,  my  sister,  succeed  to  the  afore- 
said mayorazgo,  they  shall  be  obliged  to  assist  the  said 
Dona  Beatriz  Barbosa,  my  wife,  with  the  fourth  part  of 
all  that  the  said  my  mayorazgo  produces,  fairly  and 
justly,  and  without  let  or  hindrance  soever ;  And  I 
desire  that  the  Comendador  Diego  de  Barbosa,  my 
father-in-law,  may  undertake  the  charge  of  the  person, 
goods,  and  mayorazgo  of  the  said  Rodrigo  de  Magallaes, 
my  son,  and  of  the  child  or  children  with  whom  the  said 
Dona  Beatriz  Barbosa,  my  wife,  is  now  pregnant,  until 
they  reach  the  age  of  eighteen  years,  and  that  during 
this  period  the  said  Comendador  Diego  Barbosa  may 
receive  and  collect  all  the  produce  and  rents  which  the 
said  estate  and  maijorazgo  may  produce,  and  give  and 
deHver  to  the  said  Dona  Beatriz  Barbosa,  my  wife,  his 
daughter,  the  fourth  part  of  all  that  may  therefrom 
result,  until  such  time  as  my  sons  aforesaid  be  of  the  age 


321  APPENDIX. 

stated ;  the  said  my  wife,  Dona  Beatriz  Barbosa,  living 
widowed  and  chastely  ;  And  if  she  should  marry,  I  desire 
that  there  may  be  given  and  paid  to  her  the  sum  of  two 
thousand  Spanish  doubloons,  over  and  above  her  dowry 
and  arras,  and  the  half  of  the  accumulations  thereon.^ 

Furthermore,  I  desire,  and  it  is  my  will,  that  the  said 
Comendador  Diego  Barbosa  may  take  and  receive,  as  his 
own  property,  one  fourth  part ;  and  that  he  may  expend 
the  remainder  in  the  maintenance  and  education  of  my 
sons;  And  likewise,  I  desire  and  order,  and  it  is  my 
wish,  that  if  the  said  Diego  de  Sosa,  my  brother,  or  the 
said  Isabel  de  Magallaes,  my  sister,  inherit  the  aforesaid 
my  mayorazgo,  that  above  and  beyond  that  which  I  have 
desired  may  be  given  each  year  to  the  said  Dona  Beatriz 
Barbosa,  my  wife,  they  shall  be  obliged  to  give  each  year 
to  the  said  Comendador  Diego  Barbosa,  for  the  remainder 
of  his  life,  two  hundred  ducats  of  gold,  to  be  paid  from 
the  estate  of  the  said  mayorazgo. 

Furthermore,  I  desire  that,  if  the  said  Comendador 
Diego  Barbosa  collect  the  aforesaid  my  estate,  he  may 
give  of  it  to  the  said  Isabel  de  Magallaes,  my  sister,  for 
her  marriage,  such  as  seems  fitting  to  the  said  Comen- 
dador Diego  Barbosa. 

Furthermore  I  desire  that  of  the  fifty  thousand  mara- 
vedis  that  I  have  for  my  life  and  that  of  the  said  Dona 
Beatriz  Barbosa,  my  wife,  from  the  Casa  de  Contratacion 
of  the  Indies  in  this  city  of  Seville,  the  said  Doiia  Beatriz, 
my  wife,  may  give  to  the  said  Isabel  de  Magallaes,  my 
sister,  the  sum  of  five  thousand  maravedis  per  annum 
until  the  arrival  of  my  estate  resulting  from  this  my 
present  voyage,  when  the  said  Comendador  Diego  Bar- 
bosa can  give  her  that  which  I  have  arranged  and  desired 
in  this  my  will  that  he  should  give  her  for  her  marriage. 

1  Allendo  su  doto  e  arras  do  lo  qi;e  ha  do  haber  de  su  mitad  dc 
niultiplicado. 


II.— MAGELLAN'S  WILLS.  325 

And  this  my  will  and  testament  having  been  fvilfilled 
and  discharged,  together  with  the  bequests  and  clauses 
therein  contained,  relating  to  the  aforesaid  my  posses- 
sions, whether  fixtures,  movables,  or  live-stock,  in  com- 
pliance with  that  herewith  prescribed  and  expressed,  I 
desire  that  all  and  everything  of  the  said  possessions 
which  may  remain  over  and  above  may  be  had  and 
inherited  by  the  said  Rodrigo  de  Magallaes,  my  legiti- 
mate son  by  the  said  Dona  Beatriz,  my  wife,  and  by  the 
child  or  children  of  which  the  said  Dona  Beatriz  is  now 
pregnant,  being  born  and  living  the  period  that  the  law 
requires,  whom — the  said  Rodrigo  de  Magallaes,  my  son, 
and  the  child  or  children  of  which  the  said  my  wife  is 
pregnant — I  appoint  and  establish  as  my  legal  residuary- 
legatees,  equally  the  one  with  the  other ;  And  if,  which 
may  God  forbid,  the  said  my  son,  or  child  borne  by  my 
wife,  die  before  attaining  the  proper  age  for  the  succession, 
I  desire  that  the  said  Dona  Beatriz  Barbosa,  my  wife,  may 
inherit  the  said  my  estate,  save  and  excepting  that  of  the 
mayorazgo,  and  I  appoint  and  establish  her  as  my  resi- 
duary legatee. 

And  for  the  discharge  and  quitment  of  this  my  wUl 
and  testament,  and  of  the  bequests  and  clauses  concern- 
ing the  said  my  estate  therein  contained,  in  compliance 
with  that  herewith  prescribed  and  expressed,  I  hereby 
appoint  as  my  executors  for  the  payment  and  distribu- 
tion of  the  said  my  estate,  without  hurt  to  them  or 
theirs,  Doctor  Sancho  de  Matienzo,  Canon  of  Seville, 
and  the  said  Comendador  Diego  Barbosa,  my  father-in- 
law  ;  And  I  bequeath  to  the  said  Doctor  Sancho  de 
Matienzo  for  the  burden  thus  laid  upon  him  in  the  ful- 
filment and  discharge  of  this  my  will  the  sum  of  thirty 
gold  ducats  and  two  pesos.  ^ 

^  Here  follows  the  customary  conclusion  in  legal  terms. 


326  APPENDIX. 

Done  in  Seville,  in  the  King's  Customs  of  this  city  of 
Seville,  Wednesday,  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  the  month 
of  August,  in  the  year  of  the  birth  of  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  nineteen.  And  I, 
the  said  Comendador  Hernando  de  Magallaes,  sign  and 
confirm  it  with  my  name  in  the  register,  in  the  presence 
of  the  witnesses  Diego  Martinez  de  Medina,  Jvian  Rodri- 
guez de  Medina,  and  Alfonso  Fernandez,  notaries  of 
Seville. 


III. 

PERSONNEL  OP  MAGELLAN'S  ARMADA. 

From  various  causes — the  haste  in  the  despatch  of  the 
ships,  combined  with  the  difiiculty  in  obtaining  hands ; 
the  shipping  of  some  of  the  crew  in  the  Canaries ;  and, 
perhaps,  the  purposed  omission  of  certain  names  owing 
to  the  ships  having  become  more  largely  manned  by 
Portuguese  than  would  have  seemed  desirable  to  the 
authorities — it  is  impossible  to  arrive  at  the  exact 
number  of  persons  who  sailed  with  Magellan  upon  his 
final  voyage.  From  the  official  lists,  and  from  the  casual 
occurrence  of  names  in  the  nrunerous  and  lengthy  autos 
fiscales  connected  with  the  expedition,  we  gather  that  at 
least  268  individuals  embarked.  The  actual  names  of 
such  a  number  are  given.  It  is  more  than  probable 
that  there  were  others  who  were  neither  entered  in  the 
ships'  books  nor  the  subject  of  casual  mention,  and  it 
may  be  affirmed  with  tolerable  certainty  that  between 
270  and  280  persons  manned  the  five  ships  which  formed 
the  squadron. 

The  flagship  is  known  to  have  carried  a  crew  of  62 
men,  the  S.  Antonio  57,  the  Concepcion  44,  the  Victoria 


III.— PERSONNEL  OF  THE  ARMADA.  327 

45,  the  Santiago  31.  Of  the  other  29  who  are  mentioned 
by  name,  we  do  not  know  the  ships.  After  the  loss  of 
the  Santiago,  her  crew  was  distributed  among  the  other 
vessels,  and  it  may  be  concluded  that  when  the  S. 
Antonio  deserted  in  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  she  did  not 
carry  away  with  her  less  than  seventy  men.  Practically, 
then,  the  heroes  of  the  voyage — that  wondrous  voyage 
which,  with  amusing  hyperbole,  Oviedo  and  others  have 
compared  to  those  of  Jason  and  Ulysses — were  as  nearly 
as  possible  200  in  number.  How  many  returned  we 
have  already  seen.  Thirty-one  of  the  Victoria's  crew 
reached  home,  and  months — nay,  years — later,  four  of 
those  who  had  sailed  in  the  Trinidad.  The  remaining 
hundred  and  sixty  or  seventy  men  had  perished  ! 

An  examination  of  the  ship's  books  shows  that  each 
vessel  carried  a  captain  and  one  or  more  pilots — who 
were  without  exception  Portuguese  —  a  maestre  and 
contramaestre — who  would  correspond  to  the  mates  of  a 
merchant  vessel — a  purser,  steward,  carpenter,  barber, 
caidker,  and  cooper.  Two  classes  of  sailors  were  borne 
— the  marineros,  or  A.B.'s,  and  the  grumetes,  or  ordinary 
seamen.  Of  the  former  the  flagship  carried  14,  and  10 
grumetes;  the  other  vessels  a  few  less.  Upon  each  ship 
were  three  gunners  or  lomharderos.  All  these  men  were 
foreigners,  generally  French,  but  sometimes  Germans  or 
Flemings.  The  master-gunner  of  the  flagship  was  a 
certain  Maestre  Andrew,  of  Bristol,  the  only  English- 
man in  the  expedition.^  Three  or  four  chaplains  seem 
to  have  accompanied  the  fleet,  but  only  one  surgeon,  the 

^  Master  Andrew  had  married  a  certain  Ana  Estrada  of  Seville, 
and  had  also,  apparently,  changed  his  religion,  for  we  find  that  the 
sum  of  4014  maravedis  was  paid  in  his  name  after  his  decease  to 
the  Brotherhood  of  Nuestra  Seiiora  de  la  Vitoria.  The  amount  of 
his  pay  is  given  in  one  of  the  documents  of  the  Seville  archives  :  it 
was  at  the  rate  of  £12,  i8s.  gd.  per  annum. 


S28  APPENDIX. 

Bachelor  Morales,  whose  duties  must  indeed  have  been 
arduous.  Various  pages  and  body-servants  of  the  officers 
completed  the  lists  of  the  ships'  crews.  The  young  men 
of  good  family,  who  took  part  in  the  expedition  from  love 
of  adventure  or  desire  for  advancement  m  military  ser- 
vice, shipped  as  sohresalientes  or  supernumeraries.  In 
this  class  came  Duarte  Barbosa,  Magellan's  brother-in- 
law,  and  Alvaro  de  Mesquita,  his  cousin. 

A  glance  at  the  list  of  the  officers  and  crews  of  the 
five  ships  reveals  a  great  number  of  Portuguese  names. 
On  the  17th  June,  15 19,  Charles  V.  sent  a  special  order 
to  Magellan  and  Ruy  Faleiro  that  no  one  of  that  nation- 
ality should  accompany  the  expedition  except  four  or 
five  for  the  service  of  each  of  them.  Later,  hearing 
several  of  the  gntmetes  are  Portuguese,  he  writes  that 
they  must  be  dismissed.  But  there  was  a  great  dearth 
of  men,  no  matter  of  what  nationality.  The  expedition 
was  cried  throughout  Seville,  and  advertised  at  the  street 
corners  and  on  the  quays,  but  the  pay  offered  was  so  scanty 
that  it  was  found  impossible  to  obtain  hands.  Crimp- 
ing was  not  permitted.  Several  of  Magellan's  officers 
were  accordingly  sent  to  other  ports  to  endeavour  to  get 
the  necessary  complement,  and  Charles's  regulations  as  to 
the  admission  of  Portuguese  had  ultimately  to  be  relaxed. 
In  a  later  Cedula  permission  is  given  for  the  enrolment 
of  twenty-four,  twelve  to  be  nominated  by  the  Emperor, 
and  twelve  by  Magellan.  We  find,  however,  that  thirty- 
seven  at  least  sailed  on  the  voyage,  and  as  some  of  these 
entered  themselves  as  of  Seville  or  some  other  Spanish 
port,  it  is  probable  that  even  this  number  is  not  inclu- 
sive and  final.  The  numerous  nationalities  represented 
have  already  been  commented  upon.  After  the  Portu- 
guese came  the  Genoese  and  Italians  in  point  of  numbers. 
Of  these  there  were  thirty  or  more.  The  French  num- 
bered nineteen.    There  were  besides  Flemings,  Germans, 


IV.— EQUIPMENT  OF  THE  FLEET. 


329 


Sicilians,  Corfiotes,  Malays,  Negroes,  Moors,  Madeirans, 
and  natives  of  the  Azores  and  Canary  Islands.  Despite 
the  fleet  sailing  from  Seville,  only  seventeen  men  are 
entered  as  of  that  city.  The  Biscayans,  as  was  always 
the  case  on  such  expeditions,  were  largely  represented. 


IV. 


STORES  AND  EQUIPMENT  OF  MAGELLAN'S 
FLEET. 


From  various  documents  existing  in  the  Seville  archives 
we  gather  extraordinarily  precise  details,  not  only  as 
regards  the  articles  supplied  to  the  Armada,  but  also  as 
to  their  price  and  their  exact  distribution  among  the 
different  ships.  This  information  is  of  much  interest, 
showing  as  it  does  what  stores  were  at  that  period  con- 
sidered necessary.  It  also  throws  light  upon  various 
events  connected  with  the  preparation  of  the  fleet  of 
which  we  should  otherwise  have  remained  in  ignorance. 


Ships,  Fittings,  <&c. 

The  Co7icepcion,  with  rigging  and  boat  . 

The  Victoria,  do.  do. 

Tiie  S.  Antonio,  do.  do. 

The  Trinidad,  do.  do. 

The  Santiago,  do.  do. 

Bringing  ships  from  Cadiz  to  Seville,  and  expenses 

of  Juan  de  Aranda  in  going  to  Cadiz 
Workmen  careening  ships,  &c.        .         .         . 
Carpenters  for  repairing  ships 
Caulkers  for  caulking  ships 


Maravedis.i 
228,750 
300,000 
330,000 
270,000 
187,000 

24,188 

13,482 

104,244 

129,539 


1000  maravedis  may  be  reckoned  at  lis.  6d. 


330 


APPENDIX. 


Maravedis. 

Sawyers  for  sawing  planks.  &c.,  for  ships       .        .  6,790 

Wood  for  beams  and  planking,  &c.         .        .        .  175,098 
Nails  used  in  repair  of  ships,  together  with  the 

supply  for  the  voyage 142,532^ 

Oakum         do.        do. 3i>67o 

Pitch,  tar,  and  resin    do.     do 72,267^ 

Grease    do.     do.            S3>852 

173  pieces  of  canvas  for  sails,  &c 149,076 

Twine  for  sewing  the  above,   with  needles  and 

awls,  and  money  paid  for  making   .         .         .  32,825 

Masts,  yards,  and  spare  spars          ....  37>437 

Skiff  purchased  for  the  Trinidad    ....  3)937^ 

Pumps,  bolts,  and  nails 1 5)475 

Oars  and  sweeps 6,563 

Leather  bags,  hose,  and  leathers  for  the  pumps      .  9,364 

Pulleys  and  blocks i}285^ 

3  timbers  for  knees <,  3>687^ 

8  large  blocks          .        .        .        .  '      .        .        .  4,204 

Standing  and  other  rigging,  and  rigging  ditto        .  34,672^ 

3  large  pitch  ladles 5  ^  ^ 

13  lighters  of  ballast  for  the  ships  ....  1,962 
32  yards  of  coarse  canvas  for  making  sacks  for  the 

ballasting 807 

Pay  of  workmen  and  sailors  during  the  prepara- 
tions for  the  voyage 438,3355 

Thirteen  anchors    .......  42,042 

8  saws,  large  and  small 1,008 

Bits  and  braces,  large  and  small     ....  1,762 

6  pickaxes  to  dig  the  ditch  to  careen  the  ships        .  663 

76  hides  to  make  pitch-brushes  to  pay  the  ships     .  2,495 

Fuel  used  in  pitching  the  ships       ....  4,277 

Pilots  for  bringing  ships  from  S.  Lucar  to  Seville  .  1,0545 
221    quintals   of    cables    and    hawsers  and    1000 
arrobas  of  hemp  to  make  the  rigging  and 
cordage,  which,  together  with  cost  of  manu- 
facture (38,972  ms.)  and  money  paid  for  sedge 

and  esparto-grass  rope  (14,066  ms.),  make       .  324,1705 
Zo  flags,  and  the  painting  of  them,  with  a  royal 

standard  made  of  taffety 25,029 


IV.— EQUIPMENT  OF  THE  FLEET.  331 

Maravedis. 

Cost  of  the  "  bergantym  " 49}5o4 

Expenses  of  Duarte  Barbosa  in  Bilbao  wben  he 
went  to  buy  the  articles  for  the  ships,  together 

with  those  of  Anton  Semeno   .         .         .         .  84, 1 44 

Artillery,  Munitioiis,  Arms,  d'c. 

58  culverjns,  7  falconets,  3  large  bombards,  and 

3  "  pasamiiros,"  all  from  Bilbao  .  .  .  160,135 
50  quintals  of  gunpowder  from  Fuenterrabia  and 

freight 109,028 

1 65  lbs.  of  powder  for  proving  the  artillery  in  Bilbao  5,477 
Shot  and  cannon-balls  of  iron  and  stone  .  .  6,633 
6  moulds  for  making  cannon-balls  .         .         .         3»85o 

221  arrobas  7   lbs.  of  lead   for  bullets,  save   84 

arrobas  used  as  plates  for  leading  the  seams 

of  the  ships .       39,890 

Paid  for  mounting  the  artillery      ....         3,276 

Wages  of  the  lombarderos 8,790 

100   corselets  with  armlets,   shoulder-plates,  and 

helmets,  and  100  breastplates  with  throat-pieces 

and  helmets  from  Bilbao  ....     110,910 

60  crossbows  with  360  dozen  arrows  from  Bilbao  .  33,495 
50  arquebuses  from  Biscay  .....  10,500 
Coat  of  mail  and  two  complete  suits  of  armour  for 

the  Captain- General  from  Bilbao     ,         .         .         6,375 

200  shields  from  Bilbao 6,800 

6  sword-blades  for  the  Captain  from  Bilbao   .         .  680 

95  dozen  of  darts,  10  dozen  javelins,  1000  lances, 

200  pikes,  6  boarding-pikes,  &c.,  from  Bilbao  44,185 
120  skeins  of  wire  for  the  cross-bows,  &c.  .  .  2,499 
Cleaning  the  arms,  6  lbs.  of  emery,  leathers,  tacks, 

buckles,  &c.     . 3,553 

50  flasks  and  prickers  for  the  arquebuses,  and  1 50 

yards  of  fuses 5,61 1 

Stores,  d;c. 

Biscuit,  363,480  maravedis,  i.e.,  2138  quintals  3 
lbs.,  at  170  maravedis  per  quintal,  hire  of 
sacks,  portage,  &c. ;  total         ....     372,510 


532 


APPENDIX. 


Maravedis. 
Wine,  508  butts  from  Jerez,  511,347  ms.  and  costs 

thereon ;  total 590,000 

50  cwts.  beans  ;  90  cwts.  cliick-peas  ;  2  cwts.  lentils  23,037 

47  quintals  3  arrobas  of  olive-oil    ....  58,425 

200  barrels  anchovies,  238  dozen  large  dried  fish    .  62,879 

57  quintals  12  lbs.  dried  pork         ....  43,908 

7  cows  for  the  voyage  (14,000  ms.),  3  pigs  (1180 

ms.),  and  meat  for  workmen  ;  total         .         .  17,740 

984  cheeses,  weighing  112  arrobas  ....  26,434 

417  pipes,  253  butts,  45  barrels  for  the  wine  and 
water  (230,170  ms.),  staves,  oil- vessels,  barrels 

for  the  cheeses,  jars  for  vinegar,  &c. ;  total      .  393,623 

21  arrobas  9  lbs.  of  sugar,  at  720  ms.  per  arroba     .  15,451 

200  arrobas  vinegar        ......  3,655 

250  strings  of  garlic  and  100  ditto  onions        .         •  2,198 

1 8  quintals  of  raisins,  &c 5,997 

16  quarter  casks  of  figs 1,130 

12  cwts.  of  almonds  in  their  shells         ,        .        .  2,922 

54  arrobas  2  lbs.  of  honey 8,980 

2  quintals  of  currants 750 

3  jars  of  capers 1,554 

Salt 1,768 

3  quintals  22  lbs.  of  rice i,575 

I  cwt.  of  mustard 380 

Preserved  quince    .......  5,779 

Medicines,  unguents,  salves,  and  distilled  waters   .  13,027 

5  pipes  of  flour 5,927 

Hardware  and  Store-Room  Articles. 

Copper  kitchen  utensils  :  6  large  cauldrons,  weigh- 
ing 280  lbs.  (6165  ms.),  5  large  pots,  weighing 
132  lbs.  (3700  ms.),  2  baking  ovens,  weighing 
171   lbs.  (7695  ms.),  I   pot  weighing  27  lbs. 
(121 5  ms.),  and  large  vessel  for  pitch,  weighing 

55  lbs.  (2200  ms.)  &c.  ;  total    ....  21,515 

10  large  knives        .......  884 

42  wooden  pint  measures  for  the  rations        .        .  516 

8  arrobas  of  candles,  and   grease  for  42   arrobas 

more,  &c. 3,440 


IV.— EQUIPMENT  OF  THE  FLEET. 


333 


89  lanterns 

95  lbs.  ornamented  wax  candles  for  the  consecration 
of  tlie  ships 

40  cartloads  of  wood       .... 

40  yards  of  coarse  canvas  for  table-cloths 

14  large  wooden  trenchers 

Chain  for  large  cauldron 

12  bellows 

22^  lbs.  beeswax  for  waxing  thread  and  for  the 
crossbows 

12  large  knives  (calahozos)  for  the  steward's  room 

5  large  iron  ladles 

100  mess-bowls,  200  porringers,  100  choppers,  66 
wooden  platters,  12  mortars,  62  trenchers,  all 
from  Bilbao     . 

20  lights  for  the  lamps 

12  funnels 

5  hammers 

18  extra  trenchers  . 

Brass  pestle  and  mortar  for  the  dispensary 

35  padlocks,  given  to  the  stewards . 

Irons,  handcuffs,  and  chains,  &c,    . 

20  lbs.  of  steel  for  the  pikes,  &c.     . 

An  arroba  of  stamped  iron  weights 

50  spades  and  pickaxes  .... 

20  bars  of  iron        ..... 

56  iron  pikes  and  hammers  and  2  large  iron  mallets 

2  great  ship's  lanterns     . 

8  pair  of  pincers      .... 

Boathooks,  ravIs,  &c. 

50  quintals  20  lbs.  of  iron  in  small  bars 

Mats  and  baskets  for  the  entire  fleet 

Fishing  gear  :  2  seines  (chinchorros),  (costing  8500 
nis.),  6  chain  hooks  (125  ms.),  floats  for  the 
seines  (425  ms.),  fishing-lines  and  cords  (8663 
ms.),  harpoons  and  tish-spears  from  Biscay 
(8715  ms.),  10,500  fish-hooks  (3826  ms.) ; 
total         

Forge,  bellows,  anvil,  and  fittings  from  Biscay 


Maravedis. 
1,430 

495 
8,860 
.1,280 
476 
158 
256 

1,530 
768 
204 


5,834 
240 

330 
125 

995 

653 

3,622 

3,091 

240 

297 

2,400 

1,600 

2,531 

1,200 

360 

1,224 

24,938 

10,639 


30,254 
9,147 


334  APPENDIX. 


Maravedis. 


15  blank  account-books,  5  wherein  to  keep  tbe 
accounts  of  the  fleet,  and  10  for  the  officials  to 

keep  current  accounts 1,211 

Stevedores'  wages  for  lading  the  ships  .  .  .  2,635 
2  gi-indstones,  and  a  hone  for  the  two  barbers         .         2,125 

5  drums  and  20  tambourines,  given  to  the  people 

of  the  fleet  to  serve  for  their  pastime  .  .  2,895 
The  furniture  {el  oriiamento)  and  all  the  necessary 

appliances  for  the  chaplain  to  say  Mass  .  .  16,513 
3700  ms.  paid  the  pilots    for  bringing  the  ships 

from  Seville  to  S.  Lucar,  and  1985  from  S. 

Lucar  over  the  bar  to  the  sea  .        .        .         5)685 

Paid  Kodrigo  de  Garay  for  his  work  .  .  .  11,250 
Paid  Juan  de  la  Cueva  do.      do.  ...        7? 500 

Carriage  of  quicksilver,  vermilion,  and  other  articles  12,014 
Paid  courier  who  came  from  Portugal  and  returned 

to  the  Court 5>625 

Paid  for  posts  and  couriers  to  and  from  the  Court  45,000 
Paid  to  the  Caravel,  and  for  rations  for  the  mes- 
senger sent  with  letters  to  the  Canary  Islands  6,750 
Paid  to   Luis  de  Mendoza   to  purchase  -various 

necessaries  in  the  Canary  Islands    .        .        .       15,000 

Charts  mid  Nautical  InstrvmenU. 

Paid  Nuno  Garcia  to  buy  parchments  for  the  charts  i)i25 

I  dozen  skins  of  parchment  given  to  the  above  .  900 
Another  dozen  do.  do.  .  864 
7  charts  constructed  by  the  orders  of  Euy  Falero  .  I3>I25 

II  charts  made  by  Nuuo  Garcia  by  the  orders  of 

Fernando  Magallanes 11,250 

6  charts  caused  to  be  made  by  Ruy  Falero,  and  one 

sent  to  the  King      ......  13,500 

6  wooden  quadrants  made  by  Ruy  Falero      .        .  1,121 

I  wooden  astrolabe  made  by  the  said  Ruy  Falero  .  750 
I  planisphere  ordered  to  be  made  by  the  Captain 

Magallanes  for  the  King  ....  4,500 
Paid  to  the  said  Magallanes  for  6  metal  astrolabes 

with  rulers       .......  4,500 


IV.— EQUIPMENT  OF  THE  FLEET.  335 

Maravedis. 

Paid  to  the  same  for  1 5  compass  needles        .        .  4.080 

Paid  to  same  for  15  wooden  quadrants,  bronze-fitted  1)875 
Gilt  compass  in  a  box,  sent  to  the  King  with  chart 

mentioned  above 476 

Leather  case  for  the  planisjihere     ....  340 

12  hour-glasses  bought  by  the  Captain  .         .        .  612 

2  compass  needles  that  the  Captain  has  .         .         .  750 

6  pairs  of  compasses 600 

Paid  to  Nuho  Garcia  for  2  compass  needles    .         .  750 
Paid  for  the   correction   of   an  injured   comj)ass 

needle .  136 

4  large  boxes  for  four  compasses,  which  Ruy  Falero 

had  made 884 

16  compass  needles  and  six  hour-glasses,  sent  by 

Bernaldino  del  Castillo  from  Cadiz         .        .        6,094 

Articles  of  Trade  and  Barter. 

20  quintals  of  quicksilver. 

30        do.         vermilion. 

100      do.        alum. 

30  pieces  valuable  coloured  cloth  at  4000  ms.  per  piece. 

20  lbs.  of  saffron. 

3  pieces  "  veintenes,"  ^  silver,  red,  and  yellow. 

1  piece  Valencia  stuff. 
10  quintals  of  ivory. 

2  pieces  of  coloured  velvets. 
200  common  red  caps. 

200  coloured  kerchiefs. 

10,000  fish-hooks. 

1000  maravedis-worth  of  combs. 

200  quintals  of  lump  copper. 

2000  brass  bracelets. 

2000  copper     do. 

10,000  bundles  of  yellow  matamundo  (?). 

200  small  brass  basins  of  two  sorts. 

2  dozen  large  basins. 

20,000  small  bells  of  three  kinds. 

^  Pieces  of  cloth  containing  2000  threads  to  the  warp. 


336  APPENDIX. 

400  dozens  of  German  knives  of  the  commonest  kind. 

40  pieces  of  coloured  buckram. 

50  dozen  scissors. 

900  small  looking-glasses,  and  100  larger  size. 

100  quintals  of  lead. 

500  lbs.  of  crystals,  which  are  diamonds  of  all  colours. 

Total,  1,679,769. 

We  learn  from  the  same  document  that  four  months' 
pay  was  given  in  advance,  and  that  the  number  of  persons 
receiving  it  was  237.  Either  some  of  those  who  accom- 
panied the  espedition  did  not  receive  pay — as,  for  ex- 
ample, the  sohresalientes,  many  of  whom  were  doubtless 
young  men  of  good  family — or  some  forty  or  more  persons 
must  have  joined  the  fleet  on  the  eve  of  its  departure, 
which  we  have  reason  to  beheve  was  the  case. 

Another  document  informs  us  how  the  various  stores 
and  provisions  were  distributed  among  the  five  vessels  of 
the  squadron.  A  proportionate  division  of  the  latter  was 
made  according  to  the  ship's  burthen.  The  flagship 
took  two  cows,  the  other  vessels  one  each.  One  surgeon 
alone  being  carried,  all  the  medicines  went  with  him  on 
the  Trinidad.  The  two  ornamentos  with  robes  and  aU 
necessaries  for  Mass  were  carried  on  the  flagship  and 
the  S.  Antonio. 


THE  FIRST  CIRCUMNAVIGATORS  OF 
THE  GLOBE. 

From  Pigafetta's  journal  we  learn  that  thirty-one  men 
of  the  Victoria  eventually  returned  home.  HeiTcra  also 
(Dec.  III.  lib.  iv.  cap.  4)  gives  the  names  of  thirty-one  as 
going  to  Court  to  relate  their  adventures  to  the  Emperor. 


v.— THE  FIRST  CIRCUMNAVIGATORS.  337 

Thirteen  of  these  had  been  seized  by  the  Portuguese  in 
the  Cape  Yerde  Islands,  but  they  were  released  shortly 
afterwards  and  sent  at  once  to  Seville. 

Herrera's  list  has  been  copied  by  numerous  writers, 
even  by  those  of  late  date,  such  as  Lord  Stanley  of 
Alderley  and  De  Barros  Arana,  without  any  attempt, 
apparently,  to  verify  it.  It  is  nevertheless  very  erro- 
neous, as  a  careful  consideration  of  the  documents  relat- 
ing to  the  expedition  shows.  The  following  Hsts  have 
been  corrected  as  far  as  is  possible. 

Returned  to  Seville  in  the  "  Victoria." 

1.  Miguel  de  Eodas,  contramaestre  of  the  Victoria. 

2.  Miguel  Sanchez,  of  Eodas,  marinero  ^  of  the  Victoria. 

3.  Martin  de  Isaurraga,  of  Bermeo,  grumete''-  of  the  Goncep- 

don, 

4.  Nicholas  the  Greek,  of  Naples,  marinero  of  the  Victoria, 

5.  Juan  Rodriguez,^  of  Seville,  marinero  of  the  Trinidad. 

6.  Vasco  Gomez  Gallego,^  Portuguese,  grumete  of  the  Trinidad. 

7.  Martin  de  Judicibus,  of  Genoa,  superintendent  of  the  Con- 

cepcion, 

8.  Juan  de  Santandres,  of  Cueto,  grumete  of  the  Trinidad. 

9.  Hernando  de  Bustamante,  of  Merida  or  Alcantara,  barbei", 

of  the  Concepcion. 

10.  Antonio  Pigafetta,  of  Vicenza. 

11.  Francisco  Rodriguez,  of  Seville,  a  Portuguese,  marinero  of 

the  Concepcion. 

12.  Antonio  Eos  or  Rodriguez,  of  Huelva,  mctrincro  of  the 

Trinidad. 

13.  Diego  Gallego,  of  Bayonne,  marinero  of  the  Victoria. 

^  Marinero  and  grumete  corresponded  more  or  less  with  our  A.B. 
and  ordinary  seaman. 

^  Three  men  of  this  name  sailed  on  the  voyage.  The  other  two 
were  borne  as  marineros  on  the  Concepcion.  One  died  on  the 
voyage;  the  other,  nicknamed  "el  Sordo,"  was  one  of  the  four 
survivors  of  the  Trinidad. 

^  Not  Vasco  Gallego,  pilot  of  the  Victoria,  who  died  February 
28,  1521. 

Y 


338  APPENDIX. 

14.  Juan  de  Arratia  (or  de  Sahelices),  of  Bilbao,  grumete  of 

the  Victoria. 

1 5.  Juan  de  Acurio,  of  Bermeo,  contramaestre  of  the  Concepcion. 

16.  Juan  de  Gubileta,^  of  Baracaldo,  page,  of  the  Victoria. 

17.  Francisco  Albo,^  of  Axio,  contramaestre  of  the  Trinidad. 

18.  Juan  Sebastian  del  Cano,  of  Guetaria,  master  of  the  Con- 

cepcion. 

Seized  by  the  Portuguese  in  the  Cape  Verdes. 

1.  Maestre  Pedro,^  from  Tenerife,  of  the  Santiago. 

2.  Richard,*  from  Normandy,  carpenter  of  the  Santiago. 

3.  Pedro  Gasco,  of  Bordeaux,  marinero  of  the  Santiago. 

4.  Alfonso  Domingo,  marinero  of  the  Santiago. 

5.  Simon  de  Burgos,  Portuguese,  servant  of  the  Captain, 

Luis  de  Mendoza,  Victoria. 

6.  Juan  Martin,  of  Aguilar  de  Campo,        do.        do. 

7.  Roldan  de  Argote,  of  Bruges,  bombardier  of  the  Concepcion. 

8.  Martin  Mendez,  of  Seville,  accoixntant  of  the  Victoria. 

9.  Gomez  Hernandez,  of  Huelva,  marinero  of  the  Concepcion. 

10.  Ocacio  Alonso,  of  Bollullos,  marinero  of  the  Santiago. 

11.  Pedro  de  Tolosa,  of  Tolosa  in  Guipuzcoa,  grum^te  of  the 

Victoria. 

12.  Felipe  de  Rodas,  of  Rodas,  m/irinero  of  the  Victoria. 

13.  Juan  de  Apega.^ 

Among  the  first  circumnavigators  must  likewise  be 
included  the  four  sole  survivors  of  the  ill-fated  Trinidad^ 

^  Or  Zuvileta  or  Zubieta. 

2  Or  Alvaro  or  Calvo,  the  pilot  who  has  left  us  the  log-book 
record  of  the  voyage. 

^  Maestre  Pedro,  who  is  probably  identical  with  Herrera's  Pedro 
de  Indarchi,  was  shipped  in  Tenerife  on  ist  October  15 19. 

*  Variously  called  Ricarte,  Rigarte,  Ripart,  Ruxar,  or  Ruger 
Carpintete.     His  birth-place  is  given  as  Bruz  (?)  or  Ebras  (?). 

^  This  man,  mentioned  by  Herrera,  la  probably  identical  with 
Juan  Ortiz  de  Gopega  of  Bilbao,  steward  of  the  S.  Antonio. 

Herrera  gives  the  following  names  in  his  list  as  being  among  the 
survivors : — Lorenzo  de  Iruna,  Juan  de  Ortega,  Diego  Garcia,  Pedro 
de  Valpuesta,  and  Martin  de  Magallanes.    All  these  men,  however, 


v.— THE  FIRST  CIRCUMNAVIGATORS.  339 

although  they  did  not  return  to  Spain  until  long  after. 
They  were : — 

1.  Gonzalo  Gomez  de  Espinosa,  alguacil  of  the  fleet, 

2.  Gines  de  Mafra,  of  Jerez,  marinero. 

3.  Leon  Pancado  (or  Pancaldo),  of  Saona  near  Genoa,  marinero. 

4.  Juan  Rodriguez  (el  Sordo),  of  Seville,  marinero,  formerly  of 

the  Concepcion. 

Finally,  the  name  of  Hans  Yargue  ("  Maestro  Ance  ") 
should  perhaps  be  placed  in  the  roll  of  honour.  This 
man — a  German — was  master-gunner  of  the  Concepcion, 
and  was  afterwards  borne  on  the  Trinidad.  He  reached 
Lisbon  with  Espinosa  and  Gines  de  Mafra,  and  being 
thi'own  into  prison  with  them  immediately  on  his  arrival, 
perished  there. 

died  on  the  voyage,  and  their  deaths  are  recorded  in  the  official  list. 
It  is  a  curious  circumstance  that  they  should  all  without  exception 
have  died  near  the  termination  of  the  voyage.  Lorenzo  de  Iruna 
succumbed  as  the  Victoria  was  rounding  the  Cape,  while  Martin 
Magellan,  the  last  of  the  five,  died  on  the  26th  June  1522,  almost 
within  sight  of  the  Cape  Verde  Islands. 


J 


INDEX. 


Abreu,  Antonio  d',  sails  for  the  Spice 
Islands,  67. 

Simon  de,  302. 

A^aga,  223. 

Accounts  of  Magellan's  expedition, 
145. 

Acurio,  Juan  de,  338. 

Adam,  ViUiers  de  I'Isle,  146,  297. 

AdelantacLo,  title  ofiered  to  Magellan, 
107. 

Aden,  64. 

Admiralty  Sound,  205  ;  searched,  208  ; 
proved  to  be  an  inlet,  214. 

Adrian  of  Utrecht,  Cardinal,  Magellan 
meets,  99  ;  character,  101  ;  supports 
da  Costa  against  Magellan,  112;  is 
petitioned  by  Faleiro,  135. 

Aftica,  discoveries  on  west  coast  of, 
4  et  seq. 

Agana,  Guam  Island,  223. 

Agreement  between  Magellan  and 
Faleiro,  91 ;  between  them  and 
Aranda,  98,  99. 

Agrigan  Island,  Ladrones,  299. 

Aires,  Master.    See  Hans. 

Albo,  log  -  book  of  Francisco,  145 ; 
retm-ns  to  Spain,  33S. 

Albuquerque,  Alfonso  d',  49;  meets 
Almeida,  50;  arrested  by  Almeida, 
53 ;  defeated  at  Calicut,  59 ;  plans 
reduction  of  Ormuz,  61 ;  occupies, 
but  shortly  evacuates,  Goa,  62 ; 
plans  seizure  of  Aden  and  Kamaran 
Islands,  64 ;  sends  an  expedition  to 
Malacca,  64;  takes  that  city,  65; 
sends  expedition  to  the  Moluccas, 
67. 

Alcaide-m6r  of  Seville,  89. 

Alexander  VI.,  Bull  of  Pope,  11,  12, 
91. 

Alfarrobeira,  Pedro  de,  chart  of,  190. 

Algoa  Bay  reached  by  Diaz,  7. 

Almeida,  Dom  Francisco  de,  expedi- 
tion to  India,  28  et  seq.  ;  character, 
29 ;  outfit  of  his  fleet,  30 ;  blessing 


of  his  standard,  31 ;  sails,  32  ;  rounds 
the  Cape,  33 ;  his  sailing  orders,  34 ; 
arrives  in  India,  38 ;  assumes  his 
rank  of  Viceroy,  39;  arrives  at 
Cochim,  40 ;  meets  Albuquerque, 
50 ;  avenges  his  son's  death  at  Diu, 
50 ;  destroys  Dabul,  50 ;  quan-els 
with  Albuquerque,  53 ;  leaves  India, 
58  ;  is  killed  at  Saldanha  Bay,  58. 

Alonso,  Ocacio,  338. 

Alvarenga  captains  a  fleet  to  India, 
27. 

Alvarez,  Portuguese  factor  at  Seville, 
his  letter  to  the  King  of  Portugal, 
119, 125,  130  ;  instigates  an  emeute  at 
Seville,  120  et  seq. 

Alvaro  of  Portugal,  Dom,  89. 

Alvo.    See  Albo. 

Amboina,  69,  70. 

America,  South,  exploration  of  coast 
of,  10 ;  recognised  as  an  impassable 
barrier,  92. 

Amoretti's  edition  of  Pigafetta,  147. 

Amsterdam  Island  discovered,  291. 

Anchediva,  34,  38  ;  evacuated,  48. 

Anconi,  Mohammed,  restored  to  throne 
of  Quiloa,  36. 

Andrew,  "Master,"  sails  with  Magellan, 
137  ;  dies  in  Ladrone  Islands,  226 ; 
note  concerning,  327. 

Anegada  Point,  200. 

Anegados,  Bajos,  159. 

Angola  discovered  by  Diogo  Cao,  6. 

Anhaia,  Pero  de,  loses  his  ship,  47  ;  is 
kiOed,  47. 

Anime,  231. 

"  Anonymous  Portuguese,"  diary  of, 
145. 

Apega,  Juan  de,  338. 

"  Aquade  des  bons  signes,"  226. 

Arab  trade  in  tlie  Indian  Ocean,  8,  35. 

Arabs  cross  swords  with  the  Portu- 
guese, 42. 

Aranda,  Juan  de,  94  ;  supports  Magel- 
lan's project,  95  ;  accompanies  him 


J42 


INDEX. 


to  uie  Court  at  Valladolid,  97  ;  procks 
against,  95 ;  awaits  Magellan  and 
Faleiro  at  Medina  del  Campo,  97 ; 
proposes  to  share  profits,  98;  binds 
Magellan  to  an  agreement,  99  ;  buys 
the  ships  for  the  Armada,  119. 

Aranda  de  Duero,  108, 109 ;  its  convent 
endowed  by  Magellan,  140. 

Archipelago,  Philippine,  227. 

Archives  of  the  Indies,  17. 

Arcos,  Duchess  of,  97. 

Arias,  Diego,  298. 

Armada,  Magellan's,  106,  119 ;  cost  of, 
126,  329  ;  personnel  of,  326  ;  leaves 
Seville  quays,  138 ;  begins  the  voyage, 
141 ;  armament  of  the,  143  ;  arrives 
at  Tenerife,  148 ;  passes  Cape  Verde, 
150 ;  reaches  American  coast,  153  ; 
enters  Kio  Harbour,  153;  reaches 
River  Plate,  156;  leaves  Port  St. 
Julian,  186 ;  leaves  Rio  Santa  Cruz, 
188  ;  emerges  from  Magellan's  Strait, 
202,  213 ;  crosses  Pacific,  218  et  seq.  ; 
arrives  at  Ladrones,  223 ;  reaches 
Philippines,  226 ;  leaves  Sebu,  267 ; 
arrives  at  Brunei,  269 ;  is  attacked 
there,  273 ;  captures  King  of  Luzon, 
273 ;  refits  off  Banguey,  274 ;  captures 
Rajah  of  Palawan,  275;  arrives  at 
Moluccas,  277. 

Armament  of  Magellan's  fleet,  143, 
331. 

Arms  of  Magellan,  21 ;  of  del  Cano, 
307. 

Aroche,  Juan  de,  death  of,  240. 

AiTatia,  Juan  de,  338. 

Artillery  of  Magellan's  fleet,  143,  331. 

Ascension  I.  discovered,  88. 

Assassination  of  Magellan  counselled, 
112. 

Astrolabes  taken  on  Magellan's  fleet, 
143. 

Ayres,  Master.    See  Hans. 

Azamor  expedition,  74 ;  taking  of  the 
city,  75  ;  battle  near,  75. 

Badajoz  Junta,  il,  14, 

Bahia  de  los  Patos,  160. 

de  los  Trabajos,  162. 

Bajos  Anegados,  159. 

Balabac,  fleet  pass,  269. 

Balangai,  230. 

Balboa,  Vasco  Nunez  de,  82,  93. 

Bahda  visited  by  Vartema,  67 ;  by 
d'Abreu,  69 ;  its  trade  in  1521,  283 ; 
de  Brito  visits,  301 ;  crew  of  Trinidad 
taken  to,  304. 

Banguey  Island,  fleet  pass,  269. 

Barbosa,  Beatriz,  marries  Magellan, 
90 ;  dies,  90,  140 ;  to  receive  her 
husband's  pay,  127;  estate  be- 
queathed her,  140 ;  watched  by  the 
Casa  de  Coutratacion,  216,  315. 


Barbosa,  Diogo,  '87,  140,  315 ;  made 
Magellan's  executor,  141;  warns 
Magellan  of  the  mutiny,  149  ;  pleads 
for  Alezquita,  216,  217. 

Duarte,   88,  140,   315  ;   "  O  livro 

de,"  88 ;  joins  the  Trinidad,  143 ; 
captures  the  Victoria  from  the 
mutineers,  169 ;  is  made  captain  of 
Victoria,  179  ;  tries  to  obtain  Magel- 
lan's body,  254  ;  is  elected  successor 
to  Magellan,  263;  arrested,  265;  is 
murdered  in  Sebu,  265. 

Jaime,  88,  315 ;  claims  Magellan's 

estate,  140. 

Barcelona,  Charles  V.  arrives  at,  125. 

"Bargantyms,"  32,  39. 

Barrameda,  S.  Lucar  de,  fleet  leaves 
for,  138 ;  Victoria  arrives  at,  294. 

N.  S.  de,  final  mass  said  in  chui'cli 

of,  141. 

Barrasa,  Diego  de,  killed,  184,  185. 

Barreta,  Martin,  death  of,  240. 

BaiTos,  becomes  possessed  of  San 
Martin's  books,  306. 

Barter,  articles  of,  taken  by  Magellan 
on  his  Armada,  144,  335 ;  carried  on 
atRio,  154;  at  the  Philippine  Islands, 
226,  241 ;  in  Moluccas,  282. 

Barthema.    See  Vartema. 

Basques  sailing  with  Magellan,  137. 

Bassas  de  Pedro,  wreck  on,  60. 

Batchian  Island,  cloves  fetched  from, 
283. 

Baticala,  50. 

Battle  of  Cananor,  43 ;  of  Chaul,  49 ;  of 
Diu,  50 ;  of  Azamor,  75 ;  of  Mactan, 
249. 

Bay  of  Toil,  162. 

Paranagua,  156. 

Sta.  Lucia,  153. 

Behaim,  Martin,  73. 

Belem,  32,  74. 

Benaconora,  302. 

Bisagudo,  Simao  Affonso,  67. 

Biscay,  ship's  stores,  &c.,  bought  in, 
118. 

Blood-brotherhood,  229,  232,  236,  268. 

Bojador,  Cape,  3,  4. 

Boleng  Strait,  289. 

Bombordo  and  Estribordo,  33. 

Borneo  first  visited  by  Vartema,  43 ; 
Victoria  and  Trinidad  coast,  269, 
274. 

Boucant  Bay,  200. 

Bracelet,  superstition  concerning,  64. 

Braganza,  Jayme,  Duke  of,  commands 
fleet  against  the  Moors,  74. 

"Brasilie  regio,"  192;  described  by 
Schoner,  192. 

Brazil  discovered,  9, 154 ;  accidentally 
sighted  by  Cabral,  154. 

Brito,  Antonio  de,  establishes  himself 
in  Ternate,  301 ;  seizes  the  Trinidad, 


INDEX. 


3i3 


302 ;  his  letter  to  King  of  Portugal, 

303. 
Brito,  Lorenzo  de,  40. 
Broad  Reach,  200 ;  fleet  enters,  202 ; 

passes,  205  ;  explored  in  search  of  S. 

Antonio,  208. 
Brunei,  fleet  aiTives  at,  269 ;  Chinese 

money  current  in,  269 ;  description 

of,  270  ;  Sultan  attacks  the  Spaniards, 

273. 
Bull  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  11,  12,  91 
Burgos,  Fonseca,  Bishop  of,  96,  100 

Magellan  meets,  99  ;  character,  101 

favours  Magellan's  cause,  102 ;  sup 

ports   it   before    Charles   V.,    112 

counsels  early  despatch  of  Armada, 

125. 

Simon  de,  338. 

"Burong-mati."    S«e  Paradise  birds. 
Bustamante,  Hernando  de,  337. 
Byrom,  Captain,  his  soundings  on  the 

Lakadivhs,  60. 

"Cabis,"64. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  attends  Badajoz 
Junta,  14  ;  considers  North  America 
to  consist  of  islands,  92. 

Cabral  sights  Brazil,  9. 

Cadiz,  recruiting  at,  for  Magellan  s 
fleet,  136. 

Cagayan  Sulu  Island  visited  by  the 
fleet,  268 ;  passed,  275. 

Calagan.    See  Caraca. 

Calambu,  Rajah,  232. 

Calatayud,  109. 

Calavar,  Rajah,  232. 

Calicut,  Gama  reaches,  8  ;  rendezvous 
of  Arab  fleet,  42  ;  attacked  by  Albu- 
querque, 59. 

Calmeta,  Bernardo,  171. 

Camoens,  tomb  of,  32. 

Camotes  group,  235. 

Campos,  Juan  de,  298. 

Canal,  Panama,  early  contemplated, 
197,  198. 

Cananor,  39 ;  fortress  built  at,  40 ; 
visited  by  Soarez,  41 ;  fortress  be- 
sieged, 48 ;  Almeida  and  Albuquer- 
que meet  at,  50 ;  shipwi'ecked  crew 

Canary  islands,  3,  4  ;  Magellan's  fleet 
shaped  for,  147 ;  arrives  at,  148 ; 
leaves,  149. 

Canigan  Island,  235. 

Cano,  Sebastian  del,  attends  the  Bada- 
joz Junta,  14  ;  witness  in  an  Infor- 
viacion,  136 ;  joins  in  the  mutiny, 
165 ;  is  given  command  of  the  S. 
Antonio,  166 ;  made  captain  of 
Victoria,  275  ;  returns  to  Spain,  294, 
338  ;  is  rewarded  by  Charles  V.,  307  ; 
his  coat-of-arms,  307, 308 ;  autograph, 
308  ;  statue  of,  309. 


Cao,  Diogo,  reaches  the  Congo,  5. 

Cape  Corrientes,  159. 

Deseado,  206,  213. 

Frio,  153. 

Froward,  205,  206. 

Monmouth,  205. 

of   Good   Hope  doubled  by  the 

ancients,  6 ;  Diaz  rounds  it,  6,  7 ; 
called  Cape  Tormentoso  by  Diaz,  7  ; 
passed  by  Vasco  da  Gama,  7  ;  ships 
sent  thither  to  intercept  Magellan, 
139  ;  Victoria  doubles,  293. 

San  Severin,  202. 

Sta.  Maria,  156. 

St.  Antonio,  159. 

St.  Augustin,  153. 

St.  Thomas,  153. 

St.  Vincent,  202. 

Tonnentoso,  Cape  of  Good  Hope 

tlius  called,  7. 

Capitana,  the  Trinidad  selected  as, 
142. 

Capitulaciones  (Cedidas)  of  Charles  V., 
106,  107,  108,  113,  117,  119,  126,  127, 
135,  136. 

Capitulacion  of  TordesiUas,  11,  13. 

Cufjassela,  151. 

Caraca,  district  of,  232. 

Carlos  III.  Island  (Charles  III.  Is- 
land), 206,  210. 

Carreto,  93. 

Cartagena,  Juan  de,  made  Veedor  of 
the  Armada,  107, 126  ;  brings  instruc- 
tions to  Seville,  130  ;  made  conjunta 
persona  with  MageBan,  135  ;  made 
captain  of  the  S.  Antonio,  142 ; 
Magellan  warned  against,  149 ;  his 
words  with  Magellan,  150  ;  insults 
him,  152  ;  is  arrested  and  deposed 
from  the  command,  153  ;  joins  in  the 
mutiny,  165  ;  suri'enders  to  Magellan, 
170 ;  sentenced  to  be  marooned, 
171 ;  the  sentence  executed,  185. 

Carvalho,  Joao  Lopez,  joins  the  Con- 
cepdon,  143  ;  his  account  of  tlie  Rio 
natives,  154 ;  his  son  accompanies 
the  fleet,  154  ;  basely  deserts  Serrao, 
265  ;  becomes  Captain-general,  267  ; 
guilty  of  malversation,  274 ;  deprived 
of  his  command,  275  ;  dies  at  Tidor, 
299. 

Casa  de  Contratacion.  See  Contrata- 
cion. 

da  Pereira,  23,  24. 

"  Casi-casi,"  or  blood-brotherhood,  229. 

Castellobranco  (or  Castelbranco),  Nurio 
Vaz  de,  53,  57,  58. 

Cedulas  of  Charles  V.  See  Capitula- 
ciones. 

Cession  of  the  Moluccas,  11,  15. 

Ceylon  or  Leyte  Island,  234. 

Chao  Island,  299. 

Charles  Islands,  206. 


344 


INDEX. 


Charles  V.  cedes  the  Moluccas,  15  ; 
lands  in  Spain,  96  ;  proceeds  to  Val- 
ladolid,  96  ;  summons  Cortes  at  Val- 
ladolid,  96 ;  gives  an  audience  to 
Magellan,  99 ;  his  ministers,  100 ; 
corruption  of  his  court,  100  ;  accepts 
Magellan's  projects,  106 ;  goes  to 
Zaragoza,  108;  directs  India  Office 
to  fit  out  the  Armada,  113;  deco- 
rates Magellan  and  Faleiro  with  cross 
of  Comendador,  114 ;  leaves  Zai'agoza 
for  Barcelona,  125 ;  issues  sailing 
orders  of  the  fleet,  127  ;  instructions 
for  the  voyage,  128 ;  limits  the  num- 
ber of  Portuguese  sailing,  136. 

Charts  of  Armada,  by  whom  con- 
structed, 133,  334  ;  number  taken, 
143  ;  of  Martin  Behaim,  189. 

Chaul,  battle  of,  49. 

Chifevres.    See  Croy. 

Circumnavigators,  the  first,  294 ;  pre- 
sented at  court,  307 ;  number  and 
names  of,  336  et  seq. 

Cloves,  prices  of,  in  Tidor,  282  ;  abun- 
dance of,  284,  286 ;  value  of,  in  the 
Victoria,  310. 

Coca,  Antonio  de,  made  Contador  of 
the  Armada,  107,  126  ;  made  captain 
of  S.  Antonio,  153 ;  deprived  of  his 
command,  165  ;  joins  the  mutineers, 
166 ;  dies  in  the  Ladroue  Islands, 
172. 

Cochim,  34  ;  Arabs  resolve  to  take,  42  ; 
Pereira  returns  to,  48  ;  council  held 
at,  62. 

Coelho,  voyage  of,  10,  27,  193,  195. 

Columbus  applies  to  Joao  II.  and  Henry 
VII.,  5 ;  his  route  to  America,  9  ; 
tries  to  find  an  American  strait,  92  ; 
his  merits  contrasted  with  those  of 
Magellan,  258. 

Ferdinand,  attends  Badajoz  Junta, 

14. 

Columns,  custom  of  erecting,  37. 

Comendadores,  Magellan  and  Faleiro 
made,  114. 

Compass,  variation  of,  recognised,  222. 

Coneepcion,  tonnage  of,  119 ;  com- 
manded by  Quesada,  142  ;  Portuguese 
on  board,  143 ;  held  by  the  muti- 
neers, 167;  sent  to  explore  Magellan's 
Strait,  199  ;  despatched  on  a  further 
exploration,  205 ;  is  burned  off  the 
island  of  Bohol,  267  ;  number  of  her 
original  crew,  326. 

Congo  discovered  by  Diogo  Cao,  5. 

Contratacion,  Casa  de,  its  powers,  93  ; 
opposed  to  Magellan,  113  ;  yields  to 
Charles's  instructions,  117 ;  censures 
Magellan,  130 ;  confers  life  pension 
on  him,  140 ;  imprisons  Gomes  and 
Giierra,  216  ;  docks  pay  of  Espinosa, 
307. 


Convent  de  los  Minimos,  140;  of  S. 
Francisco,  140  ;  of  S.  Domingo,  140 ; 
of  Alcobaga,  chart  in,  190. 

Coresma's  ship  said  to  have  been 
spoken  by  Victoria,  293. 

Corflotes  sailing  with  Magellan,  137. 

Corpo  Santo.    See  St.  Elmo's  fire. 

Corrientes,  Cape,  159. 

Cortereal,  the  brothers,  27,  134. 

Cosmographers  attending  Badajoz 
Junta,  14. 

Cost  of  Magellan  s  Armada,  126,  144, 
329  et  seq. 

Costa,  Alvaro  da,  110  ;  plots  against 
Magellan,  111 ;  has  a  private  inter- 
view with  Charles,  114  ;  his  letter  to 
Dom  Manoel,  114. 

Cota,  Alonso  de,  298  ;  dies,  305. 

Coulao,  34 ;  reduced  by  Dom  Lourengo, 
41. 

Council  held  at  Cochim,  62  ;  in  Magel- 
lan's Strait,  203. 

Covilhao,  Pedro  de,  6. 

Crasto,  Gongalo  de,  61. 

Cross  erected  in  Philippine  Islands, 
233,  234. 

Croy,  Guillamme  de  (Chi^vres),  100 ; 
inclined  to  oppose  Magellan,  112. 

CubOla  or  Covilha,  80. 

Cunha,  Tristao  da,  offered  Viceroyship 
of  India,  28. 

Cmiilla.    See  Cubilla. 

Currents  of  Magellan's  Strait,  202. 

Da  Gama.    See  Gama. 

Darien  Isthmus  believed  to   have    a 

strait,  92. 
Day,  difference  of  a,  between  Hong- 
kong and  Manila,  227  ;  loss  of  a,  on 

Magellan's  voyage,  295. 
Death  of  Magellan,  252  et  seq. 
Denaturalisation  of  Magellan,  81   et 

seq. 
Derrotero  of  Francisco  Abbo,  145. 
Desaventuradas  Islands,  220. 
Deseado,  Cape,  sighted,  206 ;  passed, 

213. 
Desertion  of  the  5.  Antoiiio,  202,  208. 
Diane,  La,  or  third  watch,  147. 
Diaz,  Diego,  166. 

rounds  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  7. 

Dieppe  caravels  explore  west  coast  of 

Africa,  4. 
Dismissal  of  Magellan,  78,  82. 
Diu,  49  ;  battle  of,  50. 
Domingo,  Alfonso,  338. 
Doughtie,  Mr.  Thomas,  execution  of, 

186. 

ECLIPSK  of  the  sun,  187. 

Eden,  Richard,  146  ;  comments  on  loss 

of  a  day  in  Magellan's  voyage,  295. 
Elephants  in  Brunei,  270. 


INDEX. 


345 


Elicapeni  Shoal,  60. 

Elizabeth  Island,  202,  205. 

Elvas,  meetings  of  the  Junta  at,  14. 

Ende  or  Flores  Island  probably  visited 
by  Victoria,  291. 

Englishman,  a  single,  sails  with  Ma- 
gellan, 137. 

Enrique  of  Malacca,  Magellan's  slave, 
227  ;  instigates  treachery  of  King  of 
Sebu,  263. 

Enriques,  Don  Garcia,  302. 

"  Entradas "  of  the  Portuguese  in 
Morocco,  75. 

Equator  first  crossed,  4. 

Equipment  of  Magellan's  fleet,  329. 

Errors  in  longitude,  222. 

Espeleta,  Leon  de,  killed  in  Sebu,  264. 

Espinosa,  Gonzalo  Gomez  de,  stabs 
Mendoza,  1G9 ;  escapes  the  Selni 
massacre,  265 ;  made  captain  of  Vic- 
toria, 267  ;  elected  Captain-general, 
275 ;  takes  command  of  Trinidad, 
275  ;  sails  for  Panama,  299  ;  returns 
to  Moluccas,  300 ;  made  prisoner  by 
■the  Portuguese,  302 ;  anives  in  Spain, 
306 ;  ennobled  and  pensioned,  307, 
339. 

Explorations  of  the  Portuguese,  2  et 
set].,  26,  27. 

Faleieo,  Francisco,  97 ;  intended  for 
post  of  Captain-general  of  Armada 
to  follow  Magellan,  127  ;  Magellan 
desires  to  take  him  with  him,  137. 

—  Rny,  80,  83 ;  arrives  in  Seville, 
96 ;  his  temper,  96 ;  goes  with  Ma- 
gellan to  Court,  97 ;  quarrels  with 
Aranda,  98 ;  appointed  co-captain 
general  with  Magellan,  lu7 ;  shows 
signs  of  mental  derangement,  113, 
133  ;  made  Comendador  of  Order  of 
Santiago,  114  ;  becomes  mad,  134 ; 
is  withdrawn  from  the  Armada,  135 ; 
after  history  of,  135 ;  his  book  of 
oliservations,  137. 

Falkland  Islands,  195. 

Faria  e  Castro  upon  Magellan's  de- 
naturalisation,  S3. 

Faria,  Francisco,  sent  to  intercept 
Magellan,  283. 

Farol  carried  by  the  flag-ship,  132, 
147. 

Fernandez,  Antonio,  166. 

Diniz,  discovers  Cape  Verde,  4. 

Ferrera,  Pero,  a  captain  of  Almeida, 
33. 

Fez  and  Mequinez,  kings  of,  attempt 
to  retake  Azamor,  75. 

Fight  with  the  natives  of  Ladrones, 
224. 

Firearms  carried  on  Magellan's  fleet, 
143. 

First  Narrows,  200,  202. 


Flag,  captain's,  flown  on  the  capstans, 

120 ;  emeute  at  Seville  concerning, 

120. 
Flanders,    articles    for    the    Armada 

bought  in,  118. 
Flemings  sailing  with  Magellan,  137. 
Flemish  Ministers  of  Charles  V.,  100. 
Flint  Island,  220. 
Flores  Strait,  289. 
Flying-fish  caught  by  bonitos,  219. 
Fonseca.     See  Burgos. 
Fonte  Arcada,  Visconde  de,  title  of, 

given  to  descendant  of   Magellan, 

24. 
Freire,  Gomes,  59. 
French  sailing  vfith.  Magellan,  137. 
Frio,  Cape,  153. 
Froward,  Cape,  205,  206. 

Reach,  205. 

Fucar  y   Ca.    lend   money   to  equip 

Armada,  126. 
Fugger  &  Co.    See  Fucar. 

Gallego,  Diego,  337. 

Vasco  Gomez,  337. 

Vasco,  made  pUot   of    Victoria, 

143. 

Gallus  bankiva,  228. 

Galvao,  his  account  of  early  fifteenth 
century  map,  191. 

Gama,  Estevao  da,  leads  an  armada  to 
India,  27. 

Vasco  da,  78  ;  roimds  the  Cape, 

7 ;  reaches  India,  8 ;  supervises  Al- 
meida's fleet,  30  ;  dies,  305  ;  tomb  of, 
32. 

Garcia,  Nuiio,  attends  Badajoz  Junta, 
14. 

Garcio,  Diego,  333. 

Garlic  and  onions  used  for  port  and 
starboard,  33. 

Gasco,  Pedro,  338. 

Gatigan,  235. 

" Genoese  PUot,"  logbook  of,  145. 

Genoese  sailing  with  Magellan,  137. 

Gente  Grande  Bay,  202. 

Germans  sailing  with  Magellan,  137. 

Gigant«,  Juan,  182. 

Gilolo,  King  of,  visits  fleet,  283  ;  makes 
treaty  of  alliance  with  Spaniards, 
284  ;  Trinidad  coasts  and  visits,  299. 

Girava  on  Columbus,  259. 

Globe  of  Pedro  Reynel  shown  by  Ma- 
gellan, 103, 190  ;  refeiTed  to  by  Alva- 
rez, 133  ;  of  Schciner,  192. 

Goa  first  occupied  by  Albuquerque, 
62  ;  fall  of,  63. 

Godin,  Nuno,  58. 

Goes,  Luis  Alfonso  de,  killed  in  Sebu, 
264. 

Gold  found  by  Magellan  in  Philippines, 
229,  241. 

Gomez, Estevao,  attends  Badajoz  Junta, 


346 


INDEX. 


14 ;  joins  the  Trinidad,  143  ;  opposes 

Magellan,  203 ;  deserts  with  the  S. 

Antonio,  202,   208,  214;   arrives  in 

Spain,  216  ;  and  is  imprisoned,  216. 
Good  Hope,  Cape  of.    See  Cape. 
Gopega,  Juan  Ortiz  de,  338. 
Graves  of  Patagonians,  202. 
Great  Orange  Bank,  200. 
Greelcs  sailing  with  Magellan,  137. 
"Grumetes,"  327,  337. 
Guam,  Magellan's  fleet  arrives  at,  223, 

224. 
Guanacos,  181,  182. 
Gubileta,  Juan  de,  338. 
Guerra,  Geronimo,  165  ;  aids  Gomez  in 

deserting  with  S.  Antonio,  215 ;  made 

captain  of  that  ship,  215. 
Guinea  Coast  settled,  5 ;  Hispano-Por- 

tuguese  quarrels  over,  11. 
Gulf  of  San  Matias,  159. 
Gutierres,  Alonso,  125, 126. 

Hans,  Master,  survivor  of  the  Trini- 
dad, 306  ;  dies  in  prison,  306,  339. 

Haro,  the  firm  of,  104. 

Christopher  de,  105 ;   offers  aid 

to  Magellan,  105 ;  advances  money 
to  equip  Armada,  125,  144 ;  is  ill- 
requited  for  his  loan,  126;  arrives 
at  Seville,  130 ;  Max.  Transylvanus, 
his  nephew,  146 ;  the  supporter  of 
Jacques'  expedition,  193, 195;  Guerra, 
his  relation,  215. 

Henry,  Prince,  renascence  of  geography 
due  to,  2;  fits  out  expedition  to  double 
Cape  Bojador,  3  ;  discovers  Madeira, 
4 ;  death  of,  4. 

Henry  VII.,  Columbus  vainly  applies 
to,  5. 

Heredia,  Sancho  de,  killed  in  Sebu, 
264. 

Hernandez,  Diego,  166. 

Gomez,  338. 

Hierro,  fabulous  story  of,  149. 

Hispano  -  Portuguese  difliculty,  11  et 
seq.,  91. 

Hoseyn,  Mir,  49 ;  defeated  by  Almeida, 
50. 

Humunu  Island,  226. 

Idols  of  Philippine  Islanders,  242. 
India  first  reached  by  Vasco  da  Gania,  7. 
India- House.  Sec  Casa  de  Contratacion. 
Indians  of  the  River  Plate,  157. 
Instruments,  nautical,  of  Magellan's 

fleet,  143,  334. 
Insule  delle  Pulzelle,  195. 
Inuagana,  223. 
Iruna,  Lorenzo  de,  338. 
Isaurraga,  Martin  de,  337. 
Islas  del  Poniente  and  Ilhas  do  Levante, 

227. 
Ismael,  Nakoda,  68. 


Jacques,  Christovao,  voyage  of,  10, 
193,  195. 

Jaz,  Malik,  49;  defeated  by  Almeida, 
50. 

Jimuquitan  Island,  235. 

Joanna  of  Spain,  96. 

Joao  II.,  5 ;  Columbus  vainly  applies 
to,  5 ;  appeals  against  Bull  of  Alex- 
ander VI.,  13,  91;  character,  26;  con- 
cludes treaty  with  the  Moors,  74. 

Judicibus,  Martin  de,  337. 

Jungle-fowl,  228. 

Junta  of  Badajoz,  11,  14. 

Jupiter,  conjunction  of  moon  and,  ob- 
served, 155. 

Kamakan  Islands,  64. 

Keiskamma   River    Victoria  reaches 

the,  292. 
Kina  Balu,  Mount,  sighted,  269. 
King  of  Sebu  baptized,  242. 
Komo  in  Gilolo,  Trinidad  visits,  299. 

Labrador  visited,  27. 

Ladrone    Islands,    an-ival    at,     223; 

natives  of,  225 ;   fleet  leaves,  226 ; 

Trinidad  visits,  299. 
Lago  de  los  Estrechos,  200. 
Lakadivhs,  wreck  on  the,  60. 
Lamego,  Bishop  of.    See  Vasconcellos. 
Lateen-Sail  Islands,  226. 
Latitude  correctly  obtained  in  Magel- 
lan's time,  222. 
Lawsuit  brought  against  Aranda,  96 ; 

brought  by  Espinosa  against  India 

House,  307. 
Lead,  art  of  arming  the,  known,  156. 
Legaspe,  Miguel  Lopez  de,  243. 
Le  Maire  and  Schouten,  213. 
Leonor,  Doila,  110. 
Lepe,  Diego  de,  10. 
Lerida,  125. 
Letter  of  Alvarez,  130;   of  the  Con- 

tador  Recalde,  174,  215. 
Letters  of  Serrao  to  Magellan,  71. 
Leyte  Island,  228,  235. 
Leyva,  Sancho  Martinez  de,  138. 
Limassaua,  229;    King  of,  230;   fleet 

leaves,  234. 
Line  first  crossed,  4. 
Line  of  demarcation  between  Spanish 

and  Portuguese  possessions,  12   et 

seq.,  91. 
Lisboa,  Joao  de,  156. 
Lisbon  Harbour,  121. 
Log-book  of  Francisco  Albo,  145;  of 

the  "  Genoese  pilot,"  145. 
Log,  use  of,  known,  222. 
Lomas  Bay,  fleet  anchors  in,  199,  200. 
"Lombarderos,"  327. 
Longitude,  errors  in,  222. 
Lorosa,  Pedro  Alfonso  de,  281,  282,  283 ; 


INDEX. 


347 


casts  in  his  lot  with  the  Spaniards, 

286 ;  executed,  303. 
Lorriaga,  Juan  de,  165 ;  is  stabbed  by 

Quesada,  1(36  ;  dies,  166. 
Louise  of  Savoy,  Pigafetta  presents  his 

book  to  her,  146. 
LonrenQO,   Dom,  takes  Mombasa,  37 ; 

storms  Onor,  38;    reduces   Coulao, 

41 ;    interviewed   by  Vartema,   43 ; 

beats  the  fleet  of  the  Zamorim  of 

Calicut,  44  et  seq.  ;  visits  Ceylou,  46  ; 

killed  at  Chaul,  49. 
Lucar  de  Eairameda,  13S. 

iHACTAN,  Rajah  of,  244,  246. 

Madagascar,  eastern  coast  discovered, 
41. 

Madeira,  discovery  of,  4. 

Maestre  and  contramacstre,  ranks  of, 
148. 

Mafra,  Joao  K«driguez  de,  joins  S.  An- 
tonio, rescued  from  the  mutineers, 
170. 

■ Gines  de,  arrives  safely  in  Spain, 

3:;9. 

M;igalhaes,  Antonio  de,  22. 

Christovao  de,  22. 

Ginebra  de,  22,  315. 

Isabel  de,  22,  140,  141,  315. 

Martin  de,  22,  338. 

Pedro  Jaques  de,  24. 

Pero  Barreto  de,  22. 

Thereza  de,  22,  32,  315. 

JTagdalen  Sound,  205. 

J'agellan  family,  genealogy  of,  315. 

birth,  18 ;  outline  sketch  of  char- 
acter, 19 ;  family,  20,  22 ;  coat-of- 
anns,  21 ;  succeeds  to  his  estates,  23  ; 
becomes  page  to  Queen  Leonor,  25 ; 
enters  service  of  l)om  Manoel,  26 ; 
enlists  with  Almeida,  28  ;  makes  his 
will,  31,  316 ;  sails,  82 ;  wounded  at 
Cananor,  46 ;  is  sent  to  Sofala,  46 ; 
returns  to  India,  48 ;  present  at  battle 
of  Din,  51 ;  is  wounded,  52 ;  sails  for 
Malacca,  54 ;  saves  life  of  Francisco 
Serrao,  57  ;  his  bravery  off  Sumatra, 
58 ;  returns  to  Cochim,  58 ;  wrecked 
on  the  Padua  Bank,  60 ;  made  a  cap- 
tain, 62 ;  speaks  at  Council  of  Goa, 
62  ;  distinguishes  himself  at  the  tak- 
ing of  Malacca,  66 ;  is  said  to  have 
proceeded  to  the  Moluccas,  67 ;  re- 
turns to  Portugal,  72 ;  made  "  tidalgo 
escudeiro,"  73 ;  a  trained  navigator, 
73 ;  goes  to  fight  the  Sloors,  75 ; 
wounded  in  Morocco,  75 ;  charges 
brought  against  him,  76 ;  returns  to 
Lisbon,  77 ;  is  sent  back  by  Dom 
Manoel,  77 ;  again  returns,  and  is 
dismissed,  78 ;  applies  himself  to  the 
study  of  navigation,  79 ;  becomes  a 
friend  of  Kuy  Faleiro,  80;  denatura- 


lises, 82  et  scq. ;  criticisms  on  his 
action,  83 ;  goes  to  Seville,  87;  marries 
Beatriz  Barbosa,  89  ;  date  of  his  mar- 
riage, 90 ;  his  son,  90 ;  makes  an 
agreement  with  Faleiro,  91 ;  his  plan 
to  reach  the  Moluccas,  92 ;  applies  to 
Casa  de  Contratacion,  93 ;  his  project 
supported  by  Aranda,  96 ;  goes  to  the 
Coiut,  97  ;  is  presented  to  Cliarles  V., 
99 ;  signs  an  agreement  with  Aranda, 
99 ;  adopts  a  Spanish  signature,  100  ; 
expounds  his  project,  102 ;  sliows  a 
globe  with  his  strait  pm'posely  un- 
marked, 103 ;  his  plans  recommended 
to  Charles,  103 ;  makes  friends  with 
Haro,  104  ;  addresses  his  proposal  to 
tlie  Emperor,  106 ;  appointed  Cap- 
tain-general of  the  AiTuada,  107  ;  fol- 
lows the  Court  to  Zaragoza,  108 ;  is 
menaced  by  plots  of  Alvaro  da  Costa, 
111 ;  made  Comendador  of  the  Order 
of  Santiago,  114 ;  returns  to  Seville, 
114 ;  insulted  on  his  own  ship,  123 ; 
writes  to  Charles  to  complain,  124 ; 
receives  sailing  orders  and  instruc- 
tions, 127  ;  has  differences  with  the 
offlcials  of  India  House,  130 ;  inter- 
viewed by  Alvarez,  130 ;  entrusted 
with  the  Royal  Standard,  138;  re- 
ceives oath  of  allegiance,  138  ;  assigns 
geographical  position  to  the  Moluc- 
cas, 139 ;  makes  Ids  last  will,  139, 
317  ;  begins  the  voyage,  141 ;  arrives 
at  Tenerife,  148 ;  is  warned  of  the 
mutiny,  149  ;  arrests  Cartagena,  153 ; 
explores  the  River  Plate,  156;  reaches 
Port  St.  Julian,  162 ;  addresses  the 
half-mutinous  crew,  163 ;  punishes 
the  offenders,  165  ;  faces  the  mutiny, 
167  ;  and  masters  it,  169  ;  sentences 
the  mutineers,  171 ;  comments  on  his 
action,  172 ;  despatches  an  expedition 
inland,  179 ;  leaves  Port  St.  Julian, 
180 ;  discovers  his  Strait,  188 ;  his 
foreknowledge  of  it,  188  et  seq. ;  re- 
solves to  push  on,  204 ;  finds  an 
exit,  206 ;  emerges  from  the  Strait, 
213 ;  is  defamed  by  Gomes,  216 ;  ar- 
rives at  Ladrones,  223 ;  at  Philippines, 
226 ;  celebrates  Easter  service,  233 ; 
preaches  to  natives  of  Sebu,  239; 
works  a  faith  cm'e,  244  ;  proceeds 
against  Rajah  of  Mactan,  246 ;  is 
killed,  252  ;  monument  to,  255  ;  char- 
acter of,  163,  256  ;  his  position  as  an 
explorer  and  navigator,  258  ;  his  per- 
sonal appearance,  61,  260 ;  portraits 
of,  261 ;  election  of  his  successor, 
262 ;  his  praises  sung  by  the  poets, 
310,  311. 

Magellanic  clouds,  256. 

Malabaris  used  as  mercenaries  by  the 
Portuguese,  50,  63,  68. 


348 


INDEX. 


Malacca  first  visited,  54 ;  the  great 
mart  of  the  far  East,  8,  54,  66 ;  taken 
by  Albuquerque,  65;  results  of  its 
fall,  66 ;  prisoners  of  Trinidad  taken 
to,  304. 

Malaga,  recruiting  at,  for  Magellan's 
fleet,  136. 

Malays  sailing  with  Magellan,  137. 

Malhou  Island,  fleet  rests  at,  22C;  leaves, 
228. 

Mallua  Island  visited  by  Victoria,  289. 

Manoel,  Dom,  8  ;  claims  the  Moluccas, 
14 ;  ascends  the  tlirone,  25  ;  charac- 
ter and  alms,  26,  79 ;  tomb  of,  32 ; 
his  Eastern  policy,  35 ;  fits  out  ex- 
pedition against  Azamor,  74  ;  sends 
Magellan  back  to  Africa,  77 ;  and 
dismisses  him,  78 ;  his  eulogy  by 
Marlz,  78 ;  marriage  with  Leonor, 
110 ;  sends  ships  to  intercept  Magel- 
lan, 139. 

Mantanani  Islands,  269. 

Marao,  Serra  de,  18. 

Mare  Island,  Victoria  touches  at,  2S9. 

Mariana  of  Austria,  223. 

Marianne  Islands,  223. 

"  Marineros,"  327,  337. 

Marooning  of  Cartagena  and  Pero 
Sanchez,  185,  215. 

Martin,  Juan,  338. 

Martins,  Simon,  at  the  battle  of  Cana- 
nor,  45  ;  loses  his  ship,  64. 

Martyr,  Peter,  146;  describes  Jlagel- 
lanlc  clouds,  256. 

Matlenzo,  Sancho,  123 ;  Magellan's  exe- 
cutor, 141. 

Mayorazgo.  Magellan's  disposal  of  his, 
140,  322  k  seq. 

Mazzava  Island,  229. 

Mean  Island,  277. 

"  Medora,"  or  second  watch,  147. 

Megapodes,  235. 

Mellnda  visited  by  da  Gama,  7. 

Mello,  Diogo  de,  Pancaldo  escapes  from 
his  ship,  305. 

Mendez,  Joao,  132. 

Martin,  338. 

Mendoza,  Luis  de,  made  treasurer  of 
the  Armada,  107,  126 ;  censured  by 
Charles,  135 ;  commands  the  Victo7-ia, 
142 ;  joins  in  the  mutiny,  105 ;  is 
stabbed  by  Espinosa,  169  ;  drawn  and 
quartered,  171. 

Meneses,  Enrique  de,  succeeds  Vasco 
da  Gama,  305. 

Joao  de,  27  ;  commands  at  Azamor, 

75 ;  defeats  the  Moors,  76. 

• Tristan  de,  visits  Moluccas  with 

news  of  Magellan,  283. 

Mezqulta,  Alvaro  de  la,  143,  315  ;  made 
captain  of  S.  Antonio,  165 ;  made 
prisoner  by  the  mutineers,  165; 
rescued,    170;    his   relationship    to 


Magellan,  179;  stabbed  and  placed 
in  irons  by  Gomes,  215  ;  thrown  into 
prison  in  Seville,  216 ;  released  and 
rewarded,  309. 

Mindanao  visited  by  the  fleet,  267,  275, 
276. 

Minimos,  Convent  de  los,  140. 

Ministers  of  Charles  V.,  100. 

Mohammed  Anconi  restored  to  throne 
of  Qulloa,  36. 

Mollno,  Luis  del,  a  mutineer,  166  ;  exe- 
cutes his  master,  Quesada,  167,  171 ; 
left  in  the  Moluccas,  298 ;  dies,  305. 

Molucca,  cession  of,  11,  15 ;  first 
visited  by  Vartema,  43,  &I ;  informa- 
tion afforded  Albuquerque  about, 
67 ;  Albuquerque  sends  an  expedi- 
tion to,  67 ;  routes  to,  129 ;  first 
marked  on  Eeynel's  globe,  133 ;  their 
geographical  position,  139 ;  Victoria 
and  Trinidad  reach,  277 ;  Victoria 
leaves,  289  ;  Trinidad  leaves,  299  ; 
mortality  in,  304. 

Mombasa  taken,  37. 

Monastery  of  Monserrat  endowed  by 
Magellan,  140. 

Money  coined  at  Goa,  63. 

Monmouth,  Cape,  205. 

Monte  Ptosso,  148. 

Monte  Vidi,  158. 

Monimient  to  Magellan,  255. 

Moors  of  Morocco,  expedition  against, 
74. 

Moradla,  72,  77,  132. 

Morales,  the  surgeon,  306,  327. 

Mortl  or  Morotai  Island,  299. 

Mount  of  Christ,  180. 

Mouros  In  India  and  the  East,  35. 

Mozambique  visited  by  Pereira,  47 ; 
fortress  built,  48. 

Munoz,  Senor,  17. 

Mutiny,  first  rumours  of  the,  132,  136 ; 
resolved  on,  138 ;  further  warnings 
of,  149  ;  account  of  the,  162  et  seq. ; 
sentences  subsequent  on,  171 ;  com- 
ments on,  172  ;  sentences  legal,  173 ; 
the  various  accounts  of,  174. 

NAHODABEaUEA,  killed,  64. 

Nambeadora  crowned  King  of  Cochira, 
40. 

Narsinga,  Almeida  makes  treaty  with 
King  of,  39. 

Natal  discovered  by  Gama,  7. 

Nationalities,  varied,  of  men  in  Magel- 
lan's fleet,  137,  328. 

Natives  of  Ladrone  Islands,  225. 

" Nauincition  et  Descouurcmcnt"  of 
Pigafetta,  147. 

Nautical  Instruments  of  Magellan's 
fleet,  143,  334. 

Navarrete,  M.  F.  de.  17. 

Neapolitans  sailing  with  Magellan,  137. 


INDEX. 


349 


Negroes  sailing  with  Magellan,  137. 
Negro,  Rio,  discovered  by  de  Soils,  10. 
Nicholas  the  Greek,  213. 
Nomenclature   of    Magellan's   Strait, 

213. 
Non,  Cape,   3 ;  land  between  it  and 

India  granted  to  the  Portuguese,  4. 
Nova  Joao  da,  discovers  St.  Helena, 

27,88. 

Oath  of  allegiance  sworn  to  Almeida, 
31 ;  to  MageUan,  138. 

Officials  of  the  India  House,  94. 

Ombay  Island  visited  by  Victoria,  2Sf). 

Onions  and  garlic  used  for  port  and 
starboard,  33. 

Onor,  38 ;  treaty  made  •oith  King  of, 
38 ;  rebels,  38 ;  visited  by  Almeida, 
50. 

Oporto,  convent  in,  endowed  by  Ma- 
gellan, 140. 

"  Order  of  the  Day,"  Magellan's,  203, 
209. 

Ortega,  Juan  de,  338. 

Osorio  on  Magellan,  83. 

Otariidre,  160. 

Otway  Water,  210. 

PABLO,  St.,  Island,  220. 

Pacem  visited  by  Magellan,  54 ;  and 
Albuquerque,  64. 

Pacheco,  Dona  Beatriz  de,  97. 

Pacheco  succours  Magellan,  60. 

Pacific  Ocean  known  to  Colmnbus,  10  ; 
fii'st  seen  by  Balboa,  11,  93 ;  navi- 
gated by  MageUan,  218  et  seq. 

Padua  Bank,  Magellan  wrecked  on,  60. 

Palawan  Island,  fleet  visits,  268. 

Pamo,  Ladrones,  300. 

Panama  Canal  proposed  at  beginning 
of  sixteenth  century,  197. 

Panama,  Trinidad  sails  for,  299. 

Pancado  or  Pancaldo,  Leon,  300,  305 ; 
arrives  at  Lisbon  305  ;  and  Seville, 
306,  339. 

Paradise-birds,  first  record  of,  trade  in, 
and  fables  of,  285. 

Paranagua,  Bay  of,  156. 

Pasagc,  Lord  Stanley's  rendering  of, 
158. 

Patagonia,  coast  of,  explored,  10, 176, 
180,  195 ;  storms  on,  160,  161,  176. 

Patagonians,  first  meeting  with,  180 ; 
their  appearance,  180  ;  tlieir  women, 
181 ;  manners  and  customs,  182 ;  their 
gi-aves,  202  ;  two  captured  by  Magel- 
lan, 183;  onedies,  1S5, 216;  the  second 
dies,  218. 

Paul's,  St.,  Island,  220. 

Payva,  Affonso  de,  6. 

Pay  of  the  officers  and  men  of  Magel- 
lan's Armada,  107,  108,  126,  127,  136. 


Pedir  visited  by  Magellan,  54 ;  and 
Albuquerque,  64. 

Pedro,  Master,  298,  333. 

Pedro  Reef.     See  Padua  Bank. 

Penguins  killed  for  food,  160. 

Pereira,  Nuno  Vaz,  at  battle  of  Cana- 
Dor,  45  ;  made  captain  at  Sofala,  47  ; 
goes  to  Mozambique,  47  ;  returns  to 
Cochim,  48  ;  goes  to  Ceylon,  50  ;  leads 
the  van  at  battle  of  Diu,  51 ;  is  killed, 
51. 

Personnel  of  Magellan's  Armada,  326. 

Philippine  Archipelago,  fleet  arrives 
at,  226;  called  after  Philip  II.,  227  ; 
people  of,  229  et  seq. ;  dress,  232 ; 
fleet  leaves,  266. 

Pigafetta,  Antonio,  145  ;  his  diary,  145  ; 
a  Knight  of  Rhodes,  146;  his  book 
published,  147  ;  makes  a  Patagonian 
vocabulary,  218 ;  alone  retains  his 
health  through  the  Pacific,  221 ; 
narrowly  escapes  drowning,  228  ; 
visits  King  of  Limassaua,  230 ;  relates 
the  story  of  Magellan's  death,  252  ; 
his  Treatise  of  Navigation,  260 ;  es- 
capes the  Sebu  massacre,  264 ;  his 
after-historj-,  296,  337. 

Pilots,  piloto  real,  108. 

Pinzon  explores  the  Brazilian  coast,  9. 

Pirates  of  the  Schildpad  Islands,  70. 

Plata,  ships  sent  to  Rio  de  la,  to  inter- 
cept Magellan,  139. 

Ponce  de  Leon.    See  Punzero. 

Poncero.    See  Punzero. 

Pope  Alexander  VI.,  Bull  of,  11, 12. 

Porquenampello  Island,  299. 

Port  Dale,  33. 

S.  Miguel,  210. 

St.  Julian,  arrival  at,  162. 

Porto  Santo  discovered,  3. 

Portugal  objects  to  the  first  line  of  de- 
marcation, 13 ;  claims  the  Moluccas, 
14  ;  obtains  them,  15  ;  intrigues 
against  Magellan,  109 ;  sends  ships 
to  intercept  him,  139. 

Portuguese,  explorations  of  the,  2  et 
seq. ,  26,  27  ;  land  between  Cape  Non 
and  India  gi'auted  to  the,  4  ;  defeated 
at  Chaul,  49 ;  defeat  the  Moors  at 
Diu,  50 ;  reach  Malacca,  54 ;  reach 
the  Moluccas,  69  ;  nimiber  of,  sailing 
with  MageUan,  136,  137,  143,  328; 
occupy  Temate  in  force,  301 ;  build 
a  fortress,  304. 

Possessitm  Bay,  200. 

Pi-aus  of  the  Ladrone  Islanders,  225. 

Pi-ester  John,  CoviUiao  and  Payva  sent 
to  kingdom  of,  6. 

Prince  Henry  tlie  Na^^gato^,  the  re- 
nascence of  geography  due  to,  2 ; 
fits  out  expetlitlon  to  double  Cape 
Bojador,  3 ;  discovers  Madeh-a,  4 ; 
dies,  4. 


350 


INDEX. 


Privations  endured  by  Magellan's  fleet 

in  the  Pacific,  221. 
Procuradores  de  Cortes  strive  to  regain 

Moluccas,  16. 
Pteropi  or  flying  foxes,  235. 
Piika-puka  Island,  220. 
PulzeUe,  Insule  delle,  195. 
Punta  de  las  Arenas,  159. 

Roxa,  148. 

Punzero  or  Poncero,  Juan  Bautista, 

pilots  the  Trinidad,  300,  309 ;  dies, 

305. 
Pyliom  Island,  299. 

Quadrants  taken  on  Magellan's  fleet, 
143. 

"Quadrileiro  mor,"  Magellan  made, 
76. 

Quarequa,  93. 

Quairel  between  Magellan  and  Dom 
Manoel,  76  et  seq. 

Queen  of  Sebu  baptized,  242. 

Quesada,  Gaspar,  made  captain  in 
Magellan's  Armada,  126  ;  takes  com- 
mand of  Coneepcion,  142  ;  joins  in 
the  mutiny,  165  ;  stabs  Lorriaga,  166 ; 
is  executed,  171. 

Quiloa,  34 ;  stormed  and  taken,  36 ; 
visited  by  Nuno  Vaz  Pereira,  47. 

Quimar  district,  299. 

Quintaladas,  129. 

Babello,  Cristobal,  264. 

Rations,  fleet  put  on  reduced,  152,162. 

Rau  Island,  299. 

Maya.    See  Line  of  demarcation. 

Bebello,  Rodrigo,  captains  Dom  Lou- 

renQO's  ship  at  Cananor,  44. 
Recalde,  letter  of  the  Contador,  174. 
Regiomontanus,  155. 
Regulations    issued    for     Magellan's 

voyage,  128. 
Reina,  Pero  Sanchez  de,  171,  185. 
Resende,  Duarte  de,  302. 
Reyes,  Bahia  de  los,  156. 
Reynell,  Pedro  and  Hernando,   make 

globes  for  the  Ai-mada,  103,  133. 
Rhodes,  Grand  Master  of,  146,  297. 
Ribelro,  Nuilo,  132. 
Diego,    at   Badajoz   Junta,   14  ; 

makes  charts  and  instruments  for 

Armada,  133 
Richard,  of  the  Santiago,  338. 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  fleet  arrives  at,  153 ; 

natives  converted,  155 ;  trading  es- 
tablishment  at,  155 ;   fleet  leaves, 

155  ;  longitude  of,  155. 

. de  la  Plata,  fleet  arrives  at,  156. 

del  Infante,  Victoria  reaches,  292. 

de  Santa  Cruz,  176,  177,  186  ;  two 

months  passed  there  by  Magellan's 

fleet,  187 


River  of  Isles,  identification  of,  206; 

Magellan  anchors  in,  208. 
River  of  Sardines,  Magellan  anchors 

in,  205  ;  identification  of,  206. 
River  Plate.    See  Rio  de  la  Plata. 
Robber  Islands,  226. 
Rodas,  Felipe  de,  338. 

Miguel  Sanchez  de,  337. 

Miguel  de,  337. 

Rodrigo,  son  of  Magellan,  90, 140. 
Rodrigues,  Francisco,  337. 

Gongalo,  166. 

Rodriguez,  Juan  (el  Sordo),  arrives  in 

Spain,  306,  339. 

Juan,  of  Sevme,  337. 

Roldan  de  Argote,  338. 

Ros,  Antonio,  337. 

Rosso,  Monte,  148. 

Rota  Island  sighted  by  Magellan,  223. 

P^oxa,  Punta,  148. 

Royal  Road,  202. 

Ruysch's  Mappamundi,  194. 


Sa,  Francisco  de,  60. 

Sabrosa,  18 ;  Magellan's  estate  at,  23 ; 
life  at,  25 ;  church  at,  endowed  by 
Magellan,  32. 

St.  Angelo,  fort,  built  at  Cananor,  40. 

St.  Antony,  Islands  of,  299. 

St.  Augustin,  Cape,  153. 

St.  Elmo's  fire,  150,  159,  161. 

St.  Helena  discovered,  27,  88. 

St.  Lazarus,  Archipelago  of,  227. 

St.  Mary,  Port,  274. 

St.  Paul's  Island,  220 ;  St.  Paul's  Moun- 
tain, 269. 

St.  Philip  Bay,  200. 

St.  Thomas,  Cape,  153. 

St.  Vincent,  Cape,  202. 

Saipan  Island,  300. 

Saldanha,  Antonio  de,  leads  a  fleet  to 
India,  27. 

Salzburg,  Archbishop  of,  father  of 
Transylvanus,  146. 

Samar  Island  sighted,  226. 

Sampanmangio,  Cape,  274. 

S.  Antonio,  Cabo,  159. 

San  Antonio  declared  the  point  de 
depart  of  the  Raya,  15. 

S.  Antonio,  her  tonnage,  119;  Car- 
tagena made  captain,  142 ;  Portu- 
guese on  board,  143 ;  Coca  made 
captain,  153;  explores  River  Plate, 
158 ;  springs  a  leak,  159 ;  Coca 
replaced  by  Mezquita  as  captain, 
165 ;  seized  by  the  mutineers,  165 ; 
recaptured,  170  ;  is  repaired,  175  ; 
sent  to  explore  Magellan's  Strait, 
199;  her  desertion,  202,  203,  214; 
touches  African  coast,  216;  returns 
to  Spain,  216 ;  number  of  her  crew, 
267,  326. 


INDEX. 


351 


San  Benito,  Alonso  Martin  de,  the  first 
to  float  on  the  Pacific,  93. 

S.  Domingo  de  las  Duenas,  convent  of, 
140. 

San  Martin,  Andres  de,  liis  book  of 
observations,  137  ;  joins  S.  Antonio, 
143 ;  tries  to  fix  position  of  Rio,  155  ; 
is  said  to  have  been  punished  by 
Magellan,  172 ;  fijids  latitude  of 
Port  St.  Julian,  186 ;  replies  to 
"Order  of  the  Day,"  203,  209;  casts 
a  horoscope,  209 ;  is  killed  in  Sebu, 
264 ;  his  book,  306. 

San  Matias,  Gulf  of,  159. 

San  Miguel,  Gulf  of,  93. 

S.  Salvador,  church  of,  endowed  by 
Magellan,  32. 

S.  Severiu,  Cape,  202. 

San  Vicente  de  la  Barquera,  96. 

Sanchez,  Bartholomew,  305. 

Lopo,  loses  his  ship,  33. 

Pero,  is  marooned,  171. 

Sanghir  Islands,  fleet  passes,  276. 

Santa  Lucia  Bay,  153. 

Maria  de  la  Victoria,  church  of, 

13S. 

Maria,  Cape,  156. 

Santander,  Charles  V.  proceeds  to,  96. 

Santandres,  Juan  de,  337. 

Santiago,  Cape  Verdes,  Victot-ia 
arrives  at,  293. 

Santiaqo,  her  tonnage,  119 ;  com- 
manded by  Joao  Serrao,  142 ;  re- 
mains faithful  to  Magellan,  167 ; 
sent  on  a  reconnaissance,  175 ;  is 
lost  on  coast  of  Patagonia,  177 ; 
sufferings  of  crew  of,  178 ;  reach  the 
fleet  and  are  distributed  among  the 
other  vessels,  179 ;  number  of  her 
crew,  326. 

Santiago,  Order  of,  Magellan  and 
Faleiro  made  Comendadores,  114. 

Sardines,  River  of,  205,  206. 

Sauvage,  successor  of  Ximenes,  99, 
100. 

Schildpad  Islands,  70,  289. 

Schoner's  globes,  192. 

Schouten  and  Le  Maire,  213. 

Scurvy  breaks  out  in  the  Armada,  221. 

Seals  or  "sea-wolves,"  160,  161, 176. 

Sebu,  fleet  arrives  at,  235 ;  King  of, 
236 ;  scene  in,  237 ;  alliance  con- 
cluded with,  239 ;  cemetery  conse- 
crated in,  239;  the  natives  become 
Christians,  241  et  seq. ;  attack  Mac- 
tan  with  Magellan,  247 ;  the  King 
turns  traitor,  263  et  seq. ;  fleet 
leaves,  266. 

Second  Narrows,  fleet  passes,  202. 

Seiiorio,  rights  of,  106  ;  left  by  Magel- 
lan to  his  son,  140. 

Sequeira,  Diego  Lopes  de,  arrives  at 
C'ochim,  53  ;   reaches  Malacca,  54  ; 


attacked  by  the  Malays,  56 ;  sent  to 
intercept  IMagellan,  139,  283. 

Serra  de  Marao,  18. 

Serradossa,  131. 

Serrao,  Francisco,  sails  for  Malacca, 
54 ;  is  attacked  by  the  Malays,  56 ; 
succoured  by  Magellan,  56 ;  remains 
with  Magellan  on  the  occasion  of 
the  wreck,  61 ;  captains  a  ship  to 
the  Jloluccas,  67 ;  loses  it,  69  ;  reaches 
Banda,  69 ;  loses  a  second  vessel,  70 ; 
arrives  at  Amboina,  70 ;  is  taken  to 
Temate,  71 ;  writes  to  Magellan,  71, 
81,  102,  277  ;  is  poisoned,  281. 

Joao,  at  the  battle  of  Cananor, 

45  ;  is  given  command  of  the  San- 
tiago, 142  ;  remains  faithful  to  Magel- 
lan in  the  mutiny,  167 ;  sent  on  a 
voyage  of  exploration,  175  ;  discovers 
Rio  de  Sta.  Cruz,  176 ;  loses  the  San- 
tiago in  a  gale,  176 ;  is  made  captain 
of  Concepcion,  179  ;  explores  Strait 
of  Magellan,  199 ;  attempts  to  dis- 
suade Magellan  from  attacking 
Mactan,  246  ;  elected  successor  to 
Magellan,  262  ;  is  murdered  in  Subu, 
265. 

Setebos,  the  Great  Spirit  of  the  Pata- 
gonians,  183. 

Seville,  Magellan  goes  to,  87  ;  returns 
again  to,  114  ;  emeute  at  the  quays 
of,  120  ;  Con-egidor  of,  138 ;  Annada 
leaves,  138. 

Shark  Island,  220. 

Sharks  caught  for  food,  150. 

Ships  of  Magellan's  Armada  bought  in 
Cadiz,  119 ;  their  names  and  burden, 
119  ;  their  build,  120,  121 ;  Santiago 
wrecked,  177 ;  S.  Antonio  deserts, 
208  ;  Concepcion  bm-nt,  267  ;  Trini- 
dad wrecked,  302;  Victoria  alone 
returns,  294. 

Shipwreck  of  Jlagellan,  60. 

Siani,  Rajah,  232. 

Sicilians  saUing  vnth  Magellan,  137. 

Sierra  Leone,  fleet  passes,  150. 

Signalling,  method  of,  adopted  by 
Magellan,  147. 

SUapulapu,  Rajah,  246,  248  ;  refuses  to 
yield  Magellan's  body,  254. 

Simancas,  99  ;  archives  of,  17. 

Slaves,  of  Magellan,  102,  229 ;  not 
allowed  on  the  fleet,  154. 

Soarez,  Fernao,  captains  first  home- 
ward fleet  from  India,  41. 

Joao,    Magellan    serves    under, 

75. 

Sodre,  Vicente,  27. 

Sofala,  34 ;  fortress  built  at,  47 ; 
d'Al)reu's  fleet  arrives  at,  47. 

Solis,  Juan  de,  discovers  the  Rio  Negro, 
10. 

Sosan,  Rota  Island,  223. 


INDEX. 


Sousa,  Andrea  de,  306. 

Diogo  de,  brother  of  Magellan, 

140,  315. 

Garcia  de,  sent  to  Malacca,  53 ; 

warns  the  Captain-general  of  a  plot, 
56. 

Pedro    de,    succeeds    Joao    de 

Meneses,  76. 

Sebastian  de,  60. 

South  Sea,  why  so  called,  93. 
Spaniards  sailing  with  Magellan,  137. 
Spice  Islands.    See  Moluccas. 
Sripada,  Sultan  of  Borneo,  273. 
Sta.  Catarina  makes  the  first  voyage 

to  Banda,  69. 
Stores  and  equipment  of  Magellan's 

fleet,  329. 
Strait    of    Magellan,    the    argument 

thereon,  188  et  seq.  ;  scenery  of,  206 ; 

passage  of,  199 ;  nomenclature,  213. 
Strait,  search  for  a,  to  pass  America, 

92,  15S,  159. 
Streto  Patagonico,  213. 
Sultan  of  Egypt  builds  fleet  to  proceed 

against  the  Portuguese,  49. 
Suluan  Island,  226,  232. 
Sulu  Island,  fleet  sights,  275. 
Sun,  eclipse  of,  187, 188. 
Superstition  of  "  Cabis  "  bracelet,  64, 

Talaut  Islands,  276. 

Telles,  F  da  SUva,  will  of,  23,  83. 

family,  22,  23,  315. 

Joao  da  Silva,  32,  315. 

Tempests  experienced  by  Magellan, 
156,  159,  160,  161,  176,  186,  200. 

Tenerife,  Magellan's  fleet  arrives  at, 
148 ;  leaves,  149. 

Ternate  sighted,  277  ;  King  of,  70,  277  ; 
visit  from  Prince  of,  281. 

Thevet,  Andr6,  on  Magellan,  83. 

Tiburones,  Isla  de  los,  220. 

Tidor,  fleet  anchors  at,  277  ;  King  of, 
70,  277  et  scq.  ;  treaty  signed  with, 
278  ;  King  of,  brings  cloves,  283. 

Tierra  del  Fuego,  213. 

Tifore  Island,  277. 

Timor,  Victoria  arrives  at,  290;  sup- 
posed mutiny  in,  291. 

Todolos  Sanctos,  name  of,  conferred  on 
Magellan's  Strait,  214. 

Tolosa,  Pedro  de,  338. 

Toneladas,  119. 

Toneles  de  parte,  119. 

Tonnage  of  Magellan's  ships,  119. 

Tordesillas,  96. 

Capitulacion,  11,  13,  84. 

Torecha,  93. 

Tormentoso,  Cabo,  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
thus  called,  7. 

Torre  do  Tombo,  17. 

Transylvanus,  Maximilian,  146 ;  his 
history  of  Magellan's  voyage,  147. 


Traz-os-montes  district,  18,  19. 

Treachery  of  King  of  Sebu,  263 ;  of  the 
Sultan  of  Borneo,  273. 

Treaty  of  marriage  between  Dom 
Manoel  and  Leonor,  110 ;  of  alliance 
with  King  of  Sebu,  239  ;  with  Kings 
of  Gilolo,  Makian,  and  Batchian,  284. 

Triana,  Victoria  de,  its  convent  en- 
dowed by  Magellan,  140. 

Trinidad,  her  tonnage,  119;  number  of 
her  crew,  326 ;  evieute  at  careening 
of,  120;  made  flagship,  142;  Portu- 
guese on  board,  143  ;  is  nearly  lost, 
161 ;  engages  the  revolted  San  An- 
tonio, 170 ;  goes  ashore  off  Bornean 
coast,  274;  gets  off,  274;  arrives  at 
Moluccas,  277 ;  loads  with  cloves, 
284 ;  springs  a  leak,  288 ;  repaired, 
298;  sails  for  Panama,  299;  returns 
to  Moluccas,  300;  seized  by  the 
Portuguese,  302 ;  is  lost  in  Ternate 
Roads,  302 ;  after  history  of  her  crew, 
304  et  seq. 

Tristao,  Nimo,  killed  on  the  Gambia, 
4. 

Unfortunate  Islands,  220. 

VALADARES,  Rui  Gongalves  de,  visits 
Mozambique,  47. 

Valderrama,  Pedro  de,  gives  evidence 
concerning  the  mutiny,  166 ;  kiUed 
in  Sebu,  264. 

Valentyn,  Cape,  206,  214. 

Valpuesta,  Pedro  de,  338. 

Variation  of  compass,  222. 

Vartema,  Ludovico,  43 ;  in  the  fight  at 
Cananor,  44 ;  knighted,  43 ;  his  tra- 
vels published  by  Ramusio,  43;  his 
account  of  Banda,  67. 

Vasconcellos,  Bishop  of  Lamego,  coun- 
sels Magellan's  assassination,  112. 

Vaz,  Tristao,  discovers  Porto  Santo,  3. 

Velas  Latinas,  Islas  de  las,  226. 

Venice,  Doge  of,  grants  Pigafetta  per- 
mission to  publish  his  book,  147. 

Verde,  Cape,  Islands,  Victoria  arrives 
at,  293 ;  men  seized  by  Portuguese 
at,  294  ;  but  are  released,  295. 

Vespucci,  10. 

Viceroy  of  India,  Almeida  first  ap- 
pointed, 29,  31. 

Victoria  de  Triana, its  convent  endowed  , 
by  Magellan,  140,  141. 

Victoria,  her  tonnage,  119 ;  commanded 
by  Mendoza,  142 ;  Portuguese  on 
board,  143 ;  court-martial  held  on, 
153 ;  takes  the  ground,  159  ;  held  by 
the  mutineers,  167 ;  captured  by 
Duarte  Barbosa,  169 ;  and  captained 
by  him,  179  ;  despatched  in  search  of 
S.  Antonio,  208 ;  arrives  at  Moluccas, 
277  ;  starts  on  the  homeward  voyage. 


INDEX. 


353 


289  ;  touches  at  XuUa  and  Bui'u,  289  ; 

visits    Timor    and    crosses    Indian 

Ocean,  291 ;  sights  South  Africa,  292  ; 

reaches  Cape  Verdes,  293 ;  arrives  in 

Spain,  294 ;    final  fate,  297 ;   spices 

brought  back  in,  310 ;  number  of  her 

original  crew,  32G. 
Victoria,  Sta.  Maria  de  la,  chui'ch  of, 

138. 
"Victoria  Strait,  213. 
Viena,  Pero  Sanchez  de.    See  under 

Reiiia. 
Vigo,  Gonzalo  de,  deserts  in  Ladrones, 

300. 
Villaviciosa,  Charles  V.  lands  at,  98. 
Villers  de  lisle  Adam,  146,  297. 
Virgenes,  Cabo  de  las.    See  Virgins. 
Virgin  and  Child,  figure  of,  presented 

to  Ranee  of  Sebu,  242. 
Virgins,  Cape,  sighted  by  ^Magellan, 

188  ;  passed,  199,  201. 
Virgin's  Land,  195. 
Vuartman.    See  Vartema. 


Warren  Hastings  Island,  299. 
Warwick  Island,  299. 


Watches  kept  on  board  Magellan's 
fleet,  147. 

Weights,  use  of,  in  Philippines,  241. 

Wieser,  Dr.,  on  the  strait  shown  in 
Schoner's  globes,  194. 

WUl  of  F.  da  SUva  Telles,  23 ;  of  Ma- 
gellan, 31,  316,  317  et  seq. 

World  divided  between  the  Spanish 
and  Portuguese,  12. 

Wreck  on  the  Padua  Bank,  60. 

XiMENES,  Cardinal,  96. 

Yanez,  Gil,  doubles  Cape  Bojador,  4. 

Zajiorim  of  Calicut,  42. 

Zaragoza,  Charles  V.  arrives  at,  109 ; 

treaty  of  marriage  of  Doni  Manoel 

concluded  at,  110. 
Zargo  discovers  Porto  Santo,  3. 
Zeyam,  Muley,  74. 
"Zeytung   aus   Presillg   Landt,"    193 

et  seq. 
Zoar  Island,  277. 
Zula,  246. 

Zuvileta,  Juan  de,  338. 
Zzubu,  234. 


GEORGE   PHILIP  AND  SON,  LONDON  AND  LIVERPOOL. 


MAPS 

ILLUSTRATIVE  OF  THE  PROGRESS  OF  DISCOVERY 
IN  THE  NEW  WORLD, 


G-.xidtipJtSan. 


gart^iemncrfat€nqug6ccontiencto^otoqueMmunt)o^cbaDdaibiertofaftdaqoia,bBola5icg^oRibcioc^^^^^^ 


w 


4k  qua!  ^e6enit)ecnt>osparte8confoimcJttlacapitiiia  aon  que  ibisicrontos  catbolicoslKcvcstJtcfbana  t  cittev  ^olHuan  t>cpoito  rtiialSn  ^^oiOcfUlas:  \M^:  0ci4g^~ 


I  ^li 


fluUlemard,  fjancis   "rnn''  Hill 1 


lV'»<iiMi«d 


1 

— 

,99791