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THE     LIFE     OF 
GEORGE  BORROW 


'kUlips.UA-j 


TO 

JOHN   MURRAY   THE   FOURTH 

IN    GRATEFUL    RECOLLECTION    OF    THE   KEEN   INTEREST 

HE    HAS     SHOWN    IN    THE     WRITING    OF    THIS     LIFE    OF 

A  MAN  WHOM  HE  WELL  REMEMBERS  AND  MUCH  ADMIRES 

THIS  VOLUME  IS  DEDICATED 

BY  THE  AUTHOR 


PREFACE 

DURING  the  whole  of  Sorrow's  manhood  there  was 
probably  only  one  period  when  he  was  unquestion- 
ably happy  in  his  work  and  content  with  his  surroundings. 
He  may  almost  be  said  to  have  concentrated  into  the  seven 
years  (1833-1840)  that  he  was  employed  by  the  British  and 
Foreign  Bible  Society  in  Russia,  Portugal  and  Spain,  a 
lifetime's  energy  and  resource.  From  an  unknown  hack- 
writer, who  hawked  about  unsaleable  translations  of  Welsh 
and  Danish  bards,  a  travelling  tinker  and  a  vagabond 
Ulysses,  he  became  a  person  of  considerable  importance. 
His  name  was  acclaimed  with  praise  and  enthusiasm 
at  Bible  meetings  from  one  end  of  the  country 
to  the  other.  He  developed  an  astonishing  aptitude  for 
affairs,  a  tireless  energy,  and  a  diplomatic  resourcefulness 
that  aroused  silent  wonder  in  those  who  had  hitherto 
regarded  him  as  a  failure.  His  illegal  imprisonment  in 
Madrid  nearly  brought  about  a  diplomatic  rupture  between 
Great  Britain  and  Spain,  and  later  his  missionary  work  in 
the  Peninsula  was  referred  to  by  Sir  Robert  Peel  in  the 
House  of  Commons  as  an  instance  of  what  could  be 
achieved  by  courage  and  determination  in  the  face  of  great 
difficulties. 

Those  seven  rich  and  productive  years  realised  to  the 
full  the  strange  talents  and  unsuspected  abilities  of  George 
Sorrow's  unique  character.  He  himself  referred  to  the 
period  spent  in  Spain  as  the  "  five  happiest  years  "  of  his 
life.  When,  however,  his  life  came  to  be  written  by  Dr 
Knapp,  than  whom  no  biographer  has  approved  himself 

ix 


x  PREFACE 

more  loyal  or  enthusiastic,  it  was  found  that  the  records  of 
that  period  were  not  accessible.  The  letters  that  he  had 
addressed  to  the  Bible  Society  had  been  mislaid.  These 
came  to  light  shortly  after  the  publication  of  Dr  Knapp's 
work,  and  type-written  copies  were  placed  at  my  disposal 
by  the  General  Committee  long  before  they  were  given  to 
the  public  in  volume  form. 

A  systematic  search  at  the  Public  Record  Office  has 
revealed  a  wealth  of  unpublished  documents,  including  a 
lengthy  letter  from  Borrow  relating  to  his  imprisonment  at 
Seville  in  1839.  From  other  sources  much  valuable 
information  and  many  interesting  anecdotes  have  been 
obtained,  and  through  the  courtesy  of  their  possessor  a 
number  of  unpublished  Borrow  letters  are  either  printed  in 
their  entirety  or  are  quoted  from  in  this  volume. 

My  thanks  are  due  in  particular  to  the  Committee  of 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  for  placing  at  my 
disposal  the  copies  of  the  Borrow  Letters,  and  also  for 
permission  to  reproduce  the  interesting  silhouette  of  the 
Rev.  Andrew  Brandram,  and  to  the  Rev.  T.  H.  Darlow, 
M.A.  (Literary  Superintendent),  whose  uniform  kindness 
and  desire  to  assist  me  I  find  it  impossible  adequately  to 
acknowledge.  My  thanks  are  also  due  to  the  Rt.  Hon.  Sir 
Edward  Grey,  M.P.,  for  permission  to  examine  the 
despatches  from  the  British  Embassy  at  Madrid  at  the 
Record  Office,  and  the  Registers  of  Passports  at  the 
Foreign  Office,  and  to  Mr  F.  H.  Bowring  (son  of  Sir  John 
Bowring),  Mr  Wilfrid  J.  Bowring  (who  has  placed  at  my  dis- 
posal a  number  of  letters  from  Borrow  to  his  grandfather), 
Mr  R.  W.  Brant,  Mr  Ernest  H.  Caddie,  Mr  William 
Canton,  Mr  S.  D.  Charles,  an  ardent  Borrovian  from  whom 
I  have  received  much  kindness  and  many  valuable  sugges- 
tions, Mr  A.  I.  Dasent,  the  editors  of  The  Athenceum  and 
The  Bookman,  Mr  Thomas  Hake,  Mr  D.  B.  Hill  of 
Mattishall,  Norfolk,  Mr  James  Hooper,  Mr  W.  F.  T. 
Jarrold-(for  permission  to  reproduce  the  hitherto  unpub- 


PREFACE  xi 

lished  portrait  of  Borrow  painted  by  his  brother),  Dr  F.  G. 
Kenyon,  C.B.,  Mr  F.  A.  Mumby,  Mr  George  Porter  of 
Denbigh  (for  interesting  particulars  about  Borrow's  first 
visit  to  Wales),  Mr  Theodore  Rossi,  Mr  Theodore  Watts- 
Dunton,  Mr  Thomas  Vade  -  Walpole,  who  have  all 
responded  to  my  appeal  for  help  with  great  willingness. 

To  one  friend,  who  elects  to  be  nameless,  I  am  deeply 
grateful  for  many  valuable  suggestions  and  much  help  ; 
but  above  all  for  the  keen  interest  he  has  taken  in  a  work 
which  he  first  encouraged  me  to  write.  To  her  who  gave 
so  plentifully  of  her  leisure  in  transcribing  documents  at 
the  Record  Office  and  in  research  work  at  the  British 
Museum  and  elsewhere,  I  am  indebted  beyond  all  possibility 
of  acknowledgment.  To  no  one  more  than  to  Mr  John 
Murray  are  my  acknowledgments  due  for  his  unfailing 
kindness,  patience  and  assistance.  It  is  no  exaggeration 
to  state  that  but  for  his.  aid  and  encouragement  this  book 
could  not  have  been  written. 

HERBERT  JENKINS. 

January,  1912. 


CONTENTS 

PREFACE    ........ 

CHAPTER  I 
1678— MAY  1816 

The  Fight  at  Menheniot  Fair.  Thomas  Borrow.  The  Borrows 
of  Trethinnick.  The  Flight  of  Thomas  Borrow.  He 
Enlists  in  the  Coldstream  Guards.  Promotion.  Big  Ben 
Bryan.  Transferred  to  the  West  Norfolk  Militia.  East 
Dereham.  Ann  Perfrement.  Marriage.  Wandering  with 
the  Regiment.  Thomas  Borrow  Receives  a  Commission. 
Birth  of  John  Borrow.  His  Charm.  Birth  of  George 
Borrow.  His  Strange  Personality.  His  Dulness.  "A 
Prophet's  Child."  Early  Days.  The  Viper.  Convulsions. 
Robinson  Crusoe.  Norman  Cross.  Sapengro.  Ambrose 
Petulengro.  Education.  Edinburgh.  The  "Bickers." 
David  Haggart.  Norwich.  The  West  Norfolks  Dis- 
banded. "The  Hundred  Days."  The  Regiment  Re- 
gathered.  Ireland.  Erse  and  Bare-backed  Riding. 
"  Mustered  Out."  Captain  Borrow  Retired.  .  . 

CHAPTER  II 

MAY    1 8 1 6— MARCH    1824 

Settlement  at  Norwich.  Education.  The  Norwich 
Grammar  School.  Borrow's  Schoolfellows.  Languages. 
"  Poor  Old  Detterville."  The  Norwich  Horse  Fair.  Mr 
Petulengro.  Studying  Romany.  Humdrum  School-life. 

xiii 


xiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  II  —continued. 

PAGE 

Running  Away.  An  Ignominious  Return.  Deliberations 
on  George's  Future.  Articled  to  Simpson  &  Rackham. 
The  Law  and  Languages.  The  Welsh  Groom.  The 
Goats  and  the  Sheep.  Mr  William  Simpson.  The  Cor- 
poration Library.  John  Borrow.  The  Bruisers  of 
England.  William  Taylor.  Borrow  as  a  Linguist.  Dr 
John  Bowring.  Father  and  Son.  "What  Do  You 
Propose  to  Do  ?  "  The  Return  of  John.  Death  of  Captain 
Borrow  .......  19 


CHAPTER  III 

APRIL   1824 — MAY    1825 

Borrow  Goes  to  London.  The  Green  Box.  Authorship. 
A  Vegetarian  Publisher.  "A  Drug,  Sir!"  The  Dairy- 
maris  Daughter.  Sir  Richard  Phillips'  Munificence. 
Celebrated  Trials.  A  Publisher's  Philosophy.  Seeing 
London.  A  Visit  from  John.  A  Painter  of  the  Heroic. 
The  "Screaming  Horrors."  Ab  Gwilym  a  Drug. 
"Glorious  John."  A  Publisher's  Wrath.  Crime  and 
Style.  Klinger's  Faustus.  "Fit  for  the  Fire."  Joseph 
Sell.  A  New  Theory.  A  Significant  Passage.  Coinci- 
dences .......  40 


CHAPTER  IV 

MAY — SEPTEMBER  1825 

Farewell  to  London.  The  Spirit  of  Independence.  Stone- 
henge.  The  Evil  Eye.  Jack  Slingsby.  A  Gentleman 
Tinker.  His  Stock-in-Trade.  Mrs  Herne.  The  Welsh 
Preacher.  Mr  Petulengro.  Mumber  Lane.  An  Offer  of 
Marriage.  The  Screaming  Horrors  Again.  Isopel 
Berners.  The  Flaming  Tinman.  Love  and  Armenian. 
Isopel  Departs.  Mr  Petulengro  on  Marriage.  The 
Wonderful  Trotting  Cob.  The  Autobiographical  Value  of 
The  Romany  Rye.  Borrow's  Accuracy.  Ambition. 
Sorrow's  Ability  to  make  Friends.  A  Shrewd  Judge  of 
Character.  Back  at  Norwich  .  .  .  .60 


CONTENTS  xv 

CHAPTER  V 

SEPTEMBER  1825— DECEMBER  1832 

PAGE 

"The  Veiled  Period."  Romantic  Ballads.  Benjamin  Hay- 
don.  A  Great  Traveller.  Seeking  Employment.  Dr 
Bowring's  Help.  "The  Songs  of  Scandinavia."  Military 
Ambition.  The  British  Museum.  Failure.  Unsettled 
Prospects.  Angry  with  the  Belgians.  Borrow  and  Bow- 
ring.  The  Sleeping  Bard.  "  A  Terrible  Fellow."  Borrow 
Leaves  London.  "The  Three  Glorious  Days."  John 
Borrow  in  Mexico.  Borrow's  Correspondence  with  the 
Army  Pay  Office.  "Poor  George."  The  Disadvantages 
of  Independence.  Dogged  Determination  .  .72 

CHAPTER  VI 

JANUARY— JULY    1833 

The  Skeppers  of  Oulton  Hall.  The  Rev.  Francis  Cunningham 
Introduces  Borrow  to  Earl  Street.  The  Bible  Society's 
Manchu-Tartar  Programme.  Borrow  Tramps  to  London. 
His  Expenses.  Interview  with  the  Bible  Society's  Officials. 
Undertakes  to  Learn  Manchu.  Return  to  Norwich.  A 
Puzzling  Language.  "  Advancing  at  Full  Gallop."  "  I 
Have  Mastered  Manchu."  The  Examination.  Encourage- 
ment. The  Sub-Committee's  Recommendation.  Rebuked 
for  Self-Confidence.  The  Idiom  of  Earl  Street.  Appointed 
Agent  of  the  Bible  Society.  "One  Burst  of  Laughter." 
Letters  of  Introduction  .  .  .  .  .92 

CHAPTER  VII 

AUGUST    1833— JANUARY    1834 

Departure  for  Russia.  A  Transient  Fit  of  Delirium. 
Hamburg.  The  Godless  Hamburgers.  St  Petersburg. 
"The  Finest  City  in  the  World."  East  and  West. 
Russian  Notabilities.  Baron  Schilling  de  Canstadt.  His 
Unique  Library.  John  P.  Hasfeldt.  Borrow's  Eagerness 
for  Work.  Mr  Lipovzoff.  "Rather  a  Singular  Man." 
Official  Delays.  The  British  Minister  Assists.  The 
Translator  appointed  Censor.  Permission  to  Print. 
"  Heartless  Apathy."  Severe  Cold.  The  Manchu  Type. 
Manchu  a  Puzzling  Language.  Remittances  Home.  The 
"Horrors."  A  Bottle  of  Port  Wine  a  Day.  The 
Emperor's  Apothecary  .  .  .  .  .107 


xvi  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   VIII 

FEBRUARY— OCTOBER  1834 

PAGE 

The  Problem  of  Distributing  .the  Manchu  New  Testament. 
Borrow's  Ambition  to  Become  a  Missionary.  His  Daring 
Scheme.  Commercial  Morality  in  Russia.  Exorbitant 
Prices.  Death  of  John  Borrow.  The  "Only  Hope." 
"Our  Darling  John."  The  Russians  Indifferent  Cooks. 
Borrow's  Devotion  to  His  Mother.  New  Quarters.  "The 
Best  Servant  I  Ever  Had."  Earl  Street  Without  News. 
"What  is  Mr  Borrow  Doing?"  Borrow  Explains.  Mr 
Lipovzoffs  Testimonial.  The  Missionary  Project  Again. 
The  Offer  Likely  to  be  Favourably  Considered  .  .120 


CHAPTER  IX 

NOVEMBER    1834 — SEPTEMBER  1835 

An  Unconventional  Editor.  Brain  Fever.  Enthusiasm  at 
Earl  Street.  Mr  Jowett's  Tribute.  Trink-Geld.  Borrow's 
Popularity  at  Bible  Meetings.  Editor  and  Censor. 
"  Honorificabilitudinity."  China  Again.  The  Govern- 
ment's Veto.  The  Printing  Completed.  Red  Tape. 
Official  Suspicion.  Borrow  Defiant.  Other  Occupations. 
Translation.  Targum.  The  Talisman.  Moscow.  The 
Singing  Gypsies.  Catalani  and  the  Pope's  Gift.  Marina 
Rotze.  "A  Scream  of  Wonder."  George  Borrow, 
Preacher.  Borrow's  Work  at  St  Petersburg  Completed. 
The  Cost  of  the  Manchu  New  Testament.  Borrow's 
Opinion  of  Russia.  Norwich  Once  More  . 


CHAPTER  X 

OCTOBER    1835 — JANUARY   1836 

Hopes  of  Further  Employment.  The  Church  as  a  Profession. 
A  Visit  to  Oulton  Hall.  Inactivity.  News  from  Earl 
Street.  Portugal.  "Favour  Us  with  Your  Thoughts." 
Borrow  Eager  for  the  Portuguese  Expedition.  He  Sails  for 
Lisbon.  A  Roving  Commission.  The  State  of  the  Country. 
Expedition  to  Cintra.  Adventures.  The  Alemtejo.  Evora. 
"The  Precious  Little  Tracts."  Letters  of  Introduction. 


CONTENTS  xvii 

CHAPTER  "K— continued.  PAG* 

The  Jews  of  Lisbon.  "  Probing  the  Wound."  Bound  for 
Spain.  The  "Idiot"  Guide.  The  Tittering  Nuns.  An 
Unpleasant  Adventure.  Elvas.  Patriotism.  "Romantic 
Spain."  Badajos  .  .  .  .  .  .148 

CHAPTER   XI 

JANUARY— OCTOBER    1836 

The  Condition  of  Spain.  Civil  War.  The  Gypsies  of  Badajos. 
A  Disreputable  Crew.  Christian  Exhortation.  A  Gypsy 
Contrabandista.  On  the  Road  to  Madrid.  Adventures 
by  the  Way.  The  Affairs  of  Egypt.  Madrid.  "  A  Filthy 
Uncivilised  Set."  The  Rival  Factions.  Mendizaba"!.  The 
British  Minister  Intervenes.  An  Interview  with  Mendizabal. 
A  Philosopher.  Hopeful  of  Success.  The  Article  in  El 
Espanol.  A  Spanish  Bible  Society.  A  New  Ministry. 
Without  Money.  The  Duke's  Secretary  and  the  Council 
of  Trent.  Diplomatic  Delays.  Borrow  Preaches  to  the 
Multitude.  Rebuked  by  the  Bible  Society.  Intolerable 
Heat.  The  Hon.  George  Villiers.  Borrow's  Diplomacy. 
"The  Affair  is  Settled.— Thank  God!!!"  Permission 
Granted.  Reaction.  Dr  Luis  De  Usoz  y  Rio.  The 
Revolution  of  La  Granja.  The  Death  of  Quesada. 
The  Press  Free.  Borrow  Ordered  Home.  Returns  to 
England  .......  163 

CHAPTER  XII 

NOVEMBER    1836 — MAY    1837 

Borrow  Sails  Again  for  Spain.  A  Hospital  Ship.  Nearly 
Wrecked.  "  Une  Grappe  de  Gitanos."  Cadiz.  "  Miser- 
able, Distracted  Spain."  Fears  for  Borrow's  Safety.  A 
Perilous  Journey.  "Should  I  Perish."  The  Mysterious 
Baron  Taylor.  Terrible  Cold.  "  Nearly  Two  Bottles  of 
Brandy."  Madrid.  The  Printing  Commenced.  The 
Question  of  Distribution.  "  I  Wish  ...  to  Depend 
Entirely  Upon  Myself."  The  Wild  People.  The  Tour 
Authorised.  The  Printing  Completed.  The  Black  Anda- 
lusian.  "A  Most  Atrocious  Fellow."  Antonio  Buchini. 
The  Barber-Surgeon.  The  British  Minister  Assists 
Officially  .  .  .  .  .185 

b 


xviii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   XIII 

MAY — OCTOBER  1837 


PAGE 


Departure  for  the  Northern  Provinces.  Spreading  the  Gospel. 
"The  Accursed  Books."  Fever.  The  Grand  Post.  The 
Roads  Infested  with  Robbers.  A  Narrow  Escape. 
Borrow  Saves  the  Life  of  His  Black  Andalusian.  The 
Unpopularity  of  the  Entero.  The  Viper  -  Catcher's 
Horrible  Fate.  Apprehended  as  a  Spy.  "Peasants, 
I  Bring  You  the  Word  of  God."  Cape  Finisterre. 
Arrested  as  Carlist  Spies.  Ordered  to  be  Shot.  The 
Village  Hero  Intervenes.  Episodes  in  the  Life  of  an 
Entero.  The  Ten  Gentlemen  of  Orviedo.  A  Strange 
Adventure.  Borrow  decides  to  Return  to  Madrid.  A 
Perilous  Journey.  Indifferent  to  Danger.  The  End  of 
the  Expedition.  Sorrow's  Methods  as  a  Missionary  .  199 


CHAPTER  XIV 

NOVEMBER   1837 — APRIL    1838 

The  State  of  Affairs  in  Madrid.  The  Moderado  Cabinet. 
Count  Ofalia.  Advertising  the  Scriptures.  A  Spanish 
View  of  the  Bible  Society.  "  The  Vassal  Slaves  of  Bloody 
Rome."  Lieutenant  Graydon.  A  Reckless  Evangelist. 
Conflicting  Plans.  Borrow  Opens  a  Depot.  Antonio  Gives 
Notice.  The  Gospel  Proclaimed  in  Yellow,  Blue,  and 
Crimson.  The  Gitano  and  Basque  Versions  of  St  Luke. 
Francisco.  Gypsies  as  Translators.  Borrow's  Strange 
Guests  Arouse  Suspicion.  Religious  Instruction.  The 
Enemy  Active.  "  Fighting  with  Wild  Beasts."  Merchant 
or  Diplomatist.  A  Warning.  The  Prohibition.  The 
Gitano  St  Luke.  Borrow  Explains  the  Bible  Society's 
Views.  An  Interview  with  Count  Ofalia.  Graydon  in  the 
South.  The  Marin  Episode.  Borrow  Indignant.  "A 
Dangerous  Pestilent  Person."  The  Strange  Attitude  of  the 
Bible  Society.  The  Seizure  of  the  Basque  and  Gitano  St 
Lukes.  Official  Inconsistency.  A  Philological  Curiosity. 
An  Official  Remonstrance  211 


CONTENTS  xix 

CHAPTER   XV 
MAY  I-I3,  1838 

AGE 

The  "Police  Agent."  His  Hurried  Departure.  Official 
Reports.  The  "Police  Agent's"  Boast.  Borrow  in 
Hiding.  His  Arrest.  Francisco's  Distress.  Borrow 
Imprisoned.  His  Friends  Visit  Him.  The  Carcel  de  la 
Corte.  Sir  George  Villiers  Intervenes.  Borrow  Refuses 
to  be  Released.  The  Spanish  Government  in  Quandary. 
A  Cabinet  Council.  The  British  Minister  Snubs  the 
Civil  Governor.  The  Affaire  Borrow.  The  Captain- 
General  Joins  In.  An  International  Affair.  Sir  George 
Villiers'  Grave  Warning  to  Count  Ofalia.  The  Graydon 
Complication.  The  Queen  Regent  Appealed  To.  A  Serious 
Situation.  The  Queen  Regent's  Opinion  of  Her  Ministers. 
Whatever  the  British  Minister  Requires  Shall  be  Complied 
With.  Borrow  Released  "  With  Unstained  Honour."  The 
Death  of  Francisco.  Antonio  Returns.  John  Hasfeldt 
on  George  Borrow  .  .  .  .  .  .231 


CHAPTER  XVI 

MAY— JULY    1838 

Borrow's  Dispute  with  the  Bible  Society.  Lieut.  Graydon's 
Indiscretions.  The  Premier's  Advice.  "  Mr  Graydon 
Must  Leave  Spain."  The  Advertisement.  A  Difficult 
Situation.  The  Archbishop  of  Toledo's  Friendly  Message. 
Marin  and  "the  Honours  of  Martyrdom."  An  Interview 
with  the  Primate.  The  Prohibition.  Borrow  Undismayed. 
The  Apathy  of  the  General  Committee.  Another  Biblical 
Tour  Suggested.  The  Effect  of  Borrow's  Indiscreet 
Letters.  A  Rebuke  from  Earl  Street.  The  General 
Committee's  Strange  Attitude.  No  Sympathy  with 
Borrow.  Borrow's  Justification.  "I  Now  Await  Your 
Orders."  A  Discreditable  Rebuke.  Borrow's  Dignified 
Response.  Recalled.  "A  Preposterous  Idea."  En- 
deavours to  Discredit  Borrow.  Count  Ofalia  Advises 
Borrow  to  Devote  his  Talents  to  Other  Things  .  .  248 


xx  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XVII 

JULY — NOVEMBER    1838 

PACK 

Infertile  Days.  Borrow's  View  of  Martyrdom.  Another  Bible 
Journey.  Villa  Seca.  Juan  Lopez.  Romance  and 
Chivalry.  Eduardo  Lopez.  The  Moslem  Kalimah. 
Return  to  Madrid.  Letters  from  Earl  Street.  Borrow;s 
Reply.  The  Bible  Society  Supports  Graydon.  Strained 
Relations.  An  Expedition  to  Aranjuez.  Ocana.  Lopez 
and  His  Testaments i  Seized.  Borrow  Warned  in  Time. 
Nearly  Assassinated.  Across  the  Guadaramas.  In  the 
Midst  of  the  Carlists.  "A  Contest  of  Fiends."  Lopez 
Imprisoned.  Borrow  Rescues  Lopez.  Madrid.  Ordered 
Home.  Fever  and  Delirium.  Borrow  Returns  to  England. 
Meetings  at  Earl  Street.  "Report  on  Past  and  Future 
Operations."  A  Tribute  to  Borrow  ....  268 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

DECEMBER    1838 — MAY    1839 

Borrow  Again  Proceeds  to  Spain.  Seville.  Official  Activity. 
"The  Manchegan  Prophetess."  Madrid.  The  Delinquent 
Antonio.  Sidi  Habismilk.  Another  Rebuke  from  Earl 
Street.  Operations  Near  Madrid.  Victoriano  Imprisoned. 
The  Colporteur  System.  A  Great  Success.  Spanish 
Official  Methods.  Borrow  "Exceedingly  Superstitious." 
The  Return  to  Seville.  A  Perilous  Journey.  The  Testa- 
ments Seized.  Subterfuge.  A  Glimpse  of  Borrow.  "  The 
Mysterious  Unknown."  An  Adventure  with  Gypsies. 
Colonel  Napier  Astonished.  A  Most  Extraordinary 
Character  .  .  .  .  .  .  .283 


CONTENTS  xxi 

CHAPTER  XIX 

MAY— DECEMBER    1839 

PAGE 

Strange  Missionaries.  "The  Masanielo  of  Seville."  Borrow 
Takes  a  House.  The  Demand  for  Bibles.  Mrs  Clarke  of 
Oulton  Hall.  Her  Arrival  in  Seville.  The  Dismissal  of 
Antonio.  An  Instinctive  Missionary.  An  Expedition  to 
Tangier.  Hayim  Ben  Attar.  Difficulties  with  the  Vice- 
Consul.  Ordered  to  Return  to  England.  Borrow's  Menage. 
Lord  Pahnerston's  Circular.  Approaching  a  Crisis. 
Tourist  Indiscretion.  Summoned  Before  the  Gefe  Politico. 
"  Terrible  Orders  from  Madrid."  The  Alcalde  del  Barrio. 
Borrow  Again  Arrested.  His  Imprisonment.  The 
Courtesy  of  Criminals.  Borrow  Liberated  .  .  .  298 

CHAPTER   XX 

DECEMBER    1839 — MAY    1840 

A  Glimpse  of  Borrow  at  Seville.  "El  Brujo"  (the  Wizard). 
"  His  Wife  and  Daughter."  With  the  Gypsies  to  Madrid. 
An  Official  Complaint.  The  Reply.  Borrow's  Romance. 
Mary  Clarke  of  Oulton  Hall.  A  Mysterious  Engagement. 
Mrs  Borrow's  Felicitations.  Literary  Work.  The  Bible 
Society  Anxious.  "  No  News  from  Mr  Borrow."  Reasons 
for  Delay.  "I  Embark  Next  Month."  Desire  for 
Martyrdom.  Departure  from  Spain.  Arrival  in  London. 
Marriage.  No  Further  Opening  at  Earl  Street.  George 
Borrow  and  the  Bible  Society.  An  Honourable  Associa- 
tion. Borrow's  Loyalty.  A  Character  Study  .  .  316 


CHAPTER  XXI 

MAY    1840— MARCH    1841 

Oulton  Cottage.  The  Octagonal  Summer-House.  Hayim 
Ben  Attar  Brings  Lights.  Life  at  Oulton  Cottage.  The 
Harveys.  Personal  Recollections  of  Borrow.  Literary 
Activity.  The  Zincali.  Richard  Ford.  "A  Great  Sensa- 
tion." Borrow  and  the  Gypsies.  Their  Attraction  for 
Him.  Other  Romany  Ryes.  Authorities.  "  My  Only 
Study  is  Man."  American  Editions  of  The  Zincali  .  330 


CHATTER  XXII 

;  841— MARCH   1844 


Society.    Friendship  with  Ford 
The  JiibU  in  Stoain.    Ford's  Advice.    "A  Queer  Book." 

If *tt  Tntfrnf  The  Fend  of  the  Dogs.  Borrow's 
Sonow  Urges  Greater  Expedition,  "A 
"Boif»w  is  Sttcfc  a  Trump."  Ford's 
Advice.  7>k  /^^/^  /«  Spain  Appears.  A  Chorus  of 
Afforat  Fame  fir  Rofcert  Peel's  Tribute.  Gil 
Blot  WtA  a  Touch  of  Banyan.  Borrow  Lionised 
Deatfe  of  Allan  fiMMiiaflrini  The  Old  Restlessness. 
Melancholy.  Lessons  m  Singing  as  a  Cure  for  Indiges- 
tion liMMfidt  Sitting  for  His  Portrait  The  Painter's 
Save,  Death  of  John  Murray  the  Second  Seeking 
Employment  Anxious  to  Fight  the  Irish.  Money- 
Making.  Women's  Views  of  Borrow  .  .  -342 


UJAPTEK  XXJIJ 

MARCH    1844—1848 

Tb«  Journey  to  the  East.  The  Meeting  of  Vidocq  in  Paris. 
Borrow'*  Foible.  The  First  of  Lavengro.  "My  Life." 
Ford's  Visit  to  Oulton.  Ford's  J/and-Book.  Borrow's 
Review.  An  Unfortunate  Incident  Ford's  Generosity. 
Samuel  Morion  J'Mo  and  His  Railway.  "Bardolph  and 
Peto."  Mr  Gladstone's  Letter.  An  Undesirable  Passage 
in  The  Iliblc  in  Spain.  Borrow's  Desire  to  Become  a 
Magistrate.  Disappointment  The  Bowring  Dispute. 
'II jc  Fourth  Century  Greek  Testament.  The  Old  Rest- 
lessness. Friendship  with  the  Hakes.  Borrow  at  Home. 
His  Love  of  Animals.  Borrow  as  a  Guest.  His  Strange 
Outbursts.  Mr  John  Murray's  Recollections  .  361 


CONTENTS  xxiii 

CHAPTER  XXIV 
LAVENGRO 

PAOK 

Slow  Progress.  Repeated  Delays.  A  Despairing  Printer. 
Borrow's  Desire  for  Excellence.  "  I  Must  Throw  It  Up." 
Encouraging  Letters.  Lavengro  Appears.  Cause  of  the 
Delay.  The  Critics  Disappointed.  A  Conspiracy.  Borrow's 
Anger.  His  Attitude  Towards  Success.  His  Finer 
Qualities.  His  Literary  Criticism.  An  Autobiography? 
Borrow's  Methods.  The  Failure  viLavengro.  The  Cause. 
People  Puzzled.  Borrow's  Style.  Its  Perfections  and 
Imperfections .......  387 

CHAPTER  XXV 

SEPTEMBER   1849 — FEBRUARY    1854 

Borrow's  Mother  Removes  to  Oulton.  Borrow's  Sentiment 
About  the  Old  House.  FitzGerakL  A  Courageous  Act 
An  Accomplished  Swimmer.  The  Cornish  Borrows.  An 
Invitation.  Borrow  Visits  His  Kinsmen.  The  Old  Home. 
Borrow's  Emotion.  Some  Anecdotes.  "Our  Distin- 
guished Visitor."  An  Impression  of  Borrow.  Tours  in 
Cornwall.  The  Green  Umbrella.  The  Rev.  J.  R  P. 
Berkeley's  Recollections.  "That  Is  a  Man."  The  Pro- 
jected Book  on  Cornwall.  London  and  Melancholia. 
"What  Are  My  Prospects?"  The  Return  Home  .  .  402 

CHAPTER  XXVI 

MARCH   1854— MAY   1856 

A  Summer  Holiday.  Wales  Selected.  Llangollen.  Bangor. 
Snowdon  Ascended.  Borrow  and  "Old  Hen."  Ellen 
Thomas.  Borrow's  "Funny  Welsh."  Lost  on  Cader 
Idris.  The  Welsh  Holiday  and  Success.  Mrs  George 
Borrow's  Conspiracies.  The  Isle  of  Man.  Carvel  Books 
and  Runic  Inscriptions,  The  Manx  People.  A  Projected 
Book.  "A  Missionary  Out  of  Work."  Anna  Gurney. 
Borrow  Flies  from  Her.  Ale.  A  Universal  Specific  .  414 


xxiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XXVII 

THE   ROMANY   RYE — 1854-1859 

PAOE 

Borrow  as  a  Correspondent.  Edward  FitzGerald.  The 
Romany  Rye.  A  Publisher's  Opinion.  Borrow  Annoyed. 
John  Murray's  Ultimatum.  Borrow's  Rebuke.  A  Convinc- 
ing Picture.  The  Appendix.  Disapproval  of  the  Critics. 
A  Remarkable  Review.  The  Autobiographical  Value  of 
The  Romany  Rye.  Elwin's  First  Interview  with  Borrow 
The  Effect  of  the  Appendix.  Borrow's  Disappointment. 
Literary  Projects.  The  Second  Visit  to  Wales.  Death  of 
Old  Mrs  Borrow.  Her  Son's  Grief.  Tour  in  Scotland. 
Ireland.  A  Natural  Genius.  East  Anglian  Suspicion  .  426 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

JULY  1859 — JANUARY  1869 

The  Sleeping  Bard.  Its  Success.  Borrow  Reviews  His  Own 
Book.  The  Borrows  Come  to  Live  in  London.  Borrow's 
Egoism.  His  Charity.  Miss  Cobbe's  Strictures.  Borrow's 
Dislike  of  Dr  Martineau.  A  Fantastic  Fate.  The 
Indulgence  Due  to  Genius.  Dr  Hake's  Impartiality.  The 
Latham  Episode.  Coome  End.  "Are  You  Alone?" 
Mr  Watts  -  Dun  ton.  His  Guile.  Ambrose  Gwinet. 
"  Your  Friend  Knows  Everything."  The  Bald-Faced  Stag. 
Borrow  as  a  Companion.  Wild  Wales.  Its  Reception. 
No  Gypsies.  The  Spectator  Criticism.  Henrietta  Marries. 
Ireland.  Scotland.  Mrs  Borrow's  Health.  Her  Sudden 
Illness.  Her  Death  .  .  .  .  .  443 


CONTENTS  xxv 

CHAPTER  XXIX 

JANUARY  1869 — 1 88 1. 

PAGE 

Borrow's  Loneliness.  Charles  Godfrey  Leland.  An  Impression. 
Romano  Lavo-LiL  A  Spent  Force.  Adverse  Criticism. 
The  "  Calm  Colossus."  The  Return  to  Oulton.  Edward 
FitzGerald  Again.  Borrow's  Vigour.  Old  Memories  at 
Norwich.  A  Lonely  Old  Age.  Borrow's  Anger  on  Being 
Asked  His  Age.  Makes  His  Will.  He  Dies  Untended. 
Burial.  Conclusion  .  .  .  .  .  .458 

LIST  OF  BORROW'S  WORKS         .....      479 
INDEX        ........      481 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


GEORGE  BORROW,  from  the  original  in  the  possession  of  John 

Murray,  Esq.  .  .  Frontispiece  in  Photograviire 

TRETHINNICK,  the  Home  of  the   Borrows  of 

Cornwall      .....    To  face  page          4 

THE  BIRTHPLACE  OF  GEORGE  BORROW,  East 

Dereham      ......  8 

WILLIAM  TAYLOR  of  Norwich  „  34 

GEORGE  BORROW  (1821),  from  a  hitherto  un- 
published painting  by  John  Borrow,  now 
in  the  possession  of  W.  F.  T.  Jarrold, 
Esq.  .  ,,36 

SIR  RICHARD  PHILLIPS,  from  the  painting  by 
James  Saxon  in  the  National  Portrait 
Gallery  ...  .  42 

MUMBER  LANE  (MUMPER'S  DINGLE)  .  .  „  64 

GEORGE  VILLIERS,  FOURTH  EARL  OF  CLAREN- 
DON (British  Minister  at  Madrid,  1833- 
1839),  from  the  engraving  after  Sir  Francis 
Grant  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery  .  „  170 

OULTON  COTTAGE  .  „  330 

RICHARD  FORD,  from  the  painting  by  Antonio 

Chatelain     .  .  .  336 


xxviii  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

JOHN  MURRAY  THE  SECOND,  the  "Glorious 
John"  of  LavengrO)  from  a  portrait  by 
H.  W.  Pickersgill,  R.A.,  in  the  possession 
of  Mr  Murray  .  .  .  To  face  page  338 

JOHN  MURRAY  THE  THIRD,  from  a  photograph 

by  Maull  and  Fox  .  .  .  „  358 

THE  REV.  ANDREW  BRANDRAM,  from  an  old 
silhouette  in  the  possession  of  the  British 
and  Foreign  Bible  Society  .  .  „  45° 


THE  LIFE  OF  GEORGE  BORROW 

CHAPTER  I 

1678 — MAY  l8l6 

28th  July  1783  was  held  the  annual  fair  at 
Menheniot,  and  for  miles  round  the  country  folk 
flocked  into  the  little  Cornish  village  to  join  in  the 
festivities.  Among  the  throng  was  a  strong  contingent 
of  young  men  from  Liskeard,  a  town  three  miles  distant, 
between  whom  and  the  youth  of  Menheniot  an  ancient 
feud  existed.  In  days  when  the  bruisers  of  England 
were  national  heroes,  and  a  fight  was  a  fitting  incident 
of  a  day's  revelry,  the  very  presence  of  their  rivals  was 
a  sufficient  challenge  to  the  chivalry  of  Menheniot,  and 
a  contest  became  inevitable.  Some  unrecorded  incident 
was  accepted  by  both  parties  as  a  sufficient  cause  for 
battle,  and  the  two  factions  were  soon  fighting  furiously 
midst  collapsing  stalls  and  tumbled  merchandise.  Women 
shrieked  and  fainted,  men  shouted  and  struck  out  grimly, 
whilst  the  stall-holders,  in  a  frenzy  of  grief  and  despair, 
wrung  their  hands  helplessly  as  they  saw  their  goods  being 
trampled  to  ruin  beneath  the  feet  of  the  contestants. 

Slowly  the  men  of  Liskeard  were  borne  back  by  their 
more  numerous  opponents.  They  wavered,  and  just  as 
defeat  seemed  inevitable,  there  arrived  upon  the  scene 
a  young  man  who,  on  seeing  his  townsmen  in  danger  of 
being  beaten,  placed  himself  at  their  head  and  charged 
down  upon  the  enemy,  forcing  them  back  by  the  im- 
petuosity of  his  attack. 

i  A 


2    VILLAGE  FIGHT  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES    [1783 

The  new  arrival  was  a  man  of  fine  physique,  above  the 
medium  height  and  a  magnificent  fighter,  who,  later  in  life, 
was  to  achieve  something  of  which  a  Mendoza  or  a 
Belcher  might  have  been  proud.  He  fought  strongly  and 
silently,  inspiring  his  fellow  townsmen  by  his  example. 
The  new  leader  had  entirely  turned  the  tide  of  battle,  but 
just  as  the  defeat  of  the  men  of  Menheniot  seemed 
certain,  a  diversion  was  created  by  the  arrival  of  the 
local  constables.  Now  that  their  own  villagers  were 
on  the  verge  of  disaster,  there  was  no  longer  any  reason 
why  they  should  remain  in  the  background.  They 
made  a  determined  effort  to  arrest  the  leader  of  the 
Liskeard  contingent,  and  were  promptly  knocked  down 
by  him. 

At  that  moment  Mr  Edmund  Hambley,  a  much- 
respected  maltster  and  the  headborough  of  Liskeard, 
was  attracted  to  the  spot.  Seeing  in  the  person  of 
the  outrageous  leader  of  the  battle  one  of  his  own  appren- 
tices, he  stepped  forward  and  threatened  him  with  arrest. 
Goaded  to  desperation  by  the  scornful  attitude  of  the 
young  man,  the  master-maltster  laid  hands  upon  him,  and 
instantly  shared  the  fate  of  the  constables.  With  great 
courage  and  determination  the  headborough  rose  to  his 
feet  and  again  attempted  to  enforce  his  authority,  but 
with  no  better  result.  When  he  picked  himself  up  for  a 
second  time,  it  was  to  pass  from  the  scene  of  his  humilia- 
tion and,  incidentally,  out  of  the  life  of  the  young  man  who 
had  defied  his  authority. 

The  young  apprentice  was  Thomas  Borrow  (born 
December  1758),  eighth  and  posthumous  child  of  John 
Borrow  and  of  Mary  his  wife,  of  Trethinnick  (the  House 
on  the  Hill),  in  the  neighbouring  parish  of  St  Cleer,  two 
and  a  half  miles  north  of  Liskeard.  At  the  age  of  fifteen, 
Thomas  had  begun  to  work  upon  his  father's  farm.  At 
nineteen  he  was  apprenticed  to  Edmund  Hambley, 
maltster,  of  Liskeard,  who  five  years  later,  in  his  official 
capacity  as  Constable  of  the  Hundred  of  Liskeard,  was  to 


L]  THE  BORROWS  OF  TRETHINNICK  3 

be  publicly  defied  and  twice  knocked  down  by  his 
insubordinate  apprentice. 

A  trifling  affair  in  itself,  this  village  fracas  was  to  have  a 
lasting  effect  upon  the  career  of  Thomas  Borrow.  He  was 
given  to  understand  by  his  kinsmen  that  he  need  not  look 
to  them  for  sympathy  or  assistance  in  his  wrongdoing. 
The  Borrows  of  Trethinnick  could  trace  back  further  than 
the  parish  registers  record  (1678).  They  were  godly  and 
law-abiding  people,  who  had  stood  for  the  king  and  lost 
blood  and  harvests  in  his  cause.  If  a  son  of  the  house 
disgrace  himself,  the  responsibility  must  be  his,  not  theirs. 
In  the  opinion  of  his  family,  Thomas  Borrow  had,  by  his 
vigorous  conduct  towards  the  headborough,  who  was  also 
his  master,  placed  himself  outside  the  radius  of  their 
sympathy.  At  this  period  Trethinnick,  a  farm  of  some 
fifty  acres  in  extent,  was  in  the  hands  of  Henry,  Thomas' 
eldest  brother,  who  since  his  mother's  death,  ten  years 
before,  had  assumed  the  responsibility  of  launching  his 
youngest  brother  upon  the  world. 

Fearful  of  the  result  of  his  assault  on  the  headborough, 
Thomas  Borrow  left  St  Cleer  with  great  suddenness,  and 
for  five  months  disappeared  entirely.  On  29th  December 
he  presented  himself  as  a  recruit  before  Captain  Morshead,1 
in  command  of  a  detachment  of  the  Coldstream  Guards, 
at  that  time  stationed  in  the  duchy. 

Thomas  Borrow  was  no  stranger  to  military  training. 
For  five  years  he  had  been  in  the  Yeomanry  Militia,  which 
involved  a  short  annual  training.  In  the  regimental 
records  he  is  credited  with  five  years  "former  service." 
He  remained  for  eight  years  with  the  Coldstream  Guards, 
most  of  the  time  being  passed  in  London  barracks.  He 
had  no  money  with  which  to  purchase  a  commission, 
and  his  rise  was  slow  and  deliberate.  At  the  end  of  nine 

1  Afterwards  General  Morshead  and  friend  of  the  Duke  of  York, 
Captain  Morshead,  himself  a  Cornishman,  is  credited  with  doing 
everything  in  his  power  to  dissuade  Thomas  Borrow  from  enlisting, 
but  without  result. 


4    VILLAGE  FIGHT  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES    [1793 

months  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  corporal,  and  five 
years  later  he  became  a  sergeant.  In  1792  he  was  trans- 
ferred as  Sergeant-Major  to  the  First,  or  West  Norfolk 
Regiment  of  Militia,  whose  headquarters  were  at  East 
Dereham  in  Norfolk. 

It  was  just  previous  to  this  transfer  that  Sergeant 
Borrow  had  his  famous  encounter  in  Hyde  Park  with  Big 
Ben  Bryan,  the  champion  of  England ;  he  "  whose  skin 
was  brown  and  dusky  as  that  of  a  toad."  It  was  a  combat 
in  which  "  even  Wellington  or  Napoleon  would  have  been 
heartily  glad  to  cry  for  quarter  ere  the  lapse  of  five 
minutes,  and  even  the  Blacksmith  Tartar  would,  perhaps, 
have  shrunk  from  the  opponent  with  whom,  after  having 
had  a  dispute  with  him,"  Sergeant  Borrow  "engaged  in 
single  combat  for  one  hour,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the 
champions  shook  hands  and  retired,  each  having  experi- 
enced quite  enough  of  the  other's  prowess."  l 

At  East  Dereham  Thomas  Borrow  met  Ann 2  Perfre- 
ment,3  a  strikingly  handsome  girl  of  twenty,  whose  dark 
eyes  first  flashed  upon  him  from  over  the  footlights.  It 
was,  and  still  is,  the  custom  for  small  touring  companies  to 
engage  their  supernumeraries  in  the  towns  in  which  they 
were  playing.  The  pretty  daughter  of  Farmer  Perfrement, 
whose  farm  lay  about  one  and  a  half  miles  out  of  East 
Dereham,  was  one  of  those  who  took  occasion  to  earn  a 
few  shillings  for  pin  -  money.  The  Perfrements  were  of 
Huguenot  stock.  On  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of 

1  Lavengro,  page  2.     References  to  Borrow's  works   throughout 
this  volume  are  to  the  Standard  Edition,  published  by  John  Murray. 

2  Ann,  the  third  of  eight  children  born  to  Samuel  Perfrement  and 
Mary  his  wife,  23rd  January  1772. 

3  Locally,  the  name  is  pronounced  "  Parfrement."    This  is  quite 
in  accordance  with  the  Norfolk  dialect,  which  changes  "e"  into  "a." 
Thus  "Ernest"  becomes  "  Arnest "  ;  " Earlham,"  " Arlham "  ;  "Erp- 
ingham,"   "Arpingham,"   and   so   on.     In    Norfolk  there  are  grave 
peculiarities  of  pronunciation,  which  have  caused  many  a  stranger  to 
wish  that  he  had  never  enquired  his  way,  so  puzzling  are  the  replies 
hurled  at  him  in  an  incomprehensible  vernacular. 


a  I 

5  « 

H       2 


L]         WANDERING  WITH  THE  REGIMENT  5 

Nantes,  their  ancestors  had  fled  from  their  native  town  of 
Caen  and  taken  refuge  in  East  Anglia,  there  to  enjoy  the 
liberty  of  conscience  denied  them  in  their  beloved  Nor- 
mandy. Thomas  Borrow  made  the  acquaintance  of  the 
young  probationer,  and  promptly  settled  any  aspirations 
that  she  may  have  had  towards  the  stage  by  marrying  her. 
The  wedding  took  place  on  nth  February  1793  at  East 
Dereham  church,  best  known  as  the  resting-place  of  the 
poet  Cowper,  Ann  being  twenty-one  and  Thomas  thirty- 
four  years  of  age. 

For  the  next  seven  years  Thomas  and  Ann  Borrow 
moved  about  with  the  West  Norfolk  Militia,  which  now 
marched  off  into  Essex,  a  few  months  later  doubling  back 
again  into  Norfolk.  Then  it  dived  into  Kent  and  for  a 
time  hovered  about  the  Cinque  Ports,  Thomas  Borrow  in  the 
meantime  being  promoted  to  the  rank  of  quarter-master 
(27th  May  1795).  It  was  not  until  he  had  completed 
fourteen  years  of  service  that  he  received  a  commission. 
On  27th  February  1798  he  became  Adjutant  in  the  same 
regiment,  a  promotion  that  carried  with  it  a  captain's  rank. 

Whilst  at  Sandgate  Mrs  Borrow  became  acquainted 
with  John  Murray,  the  son  of  the  founder  of  the  publishing 
house  from  which,  forty-four  years  later,  were  to  be 
published  the  books  of  her  second  son,  then  unborn. 
The  widow  of  John  Murray  the  First  had  married  in 
1795  Lieutenant  Henry  Paget  of  the  West  Norfolk 
Militia.  Years  later  (27th  March  1843)  George  Borrow 
wrote  to  John  Murray,  Junr.,  third  of  the  line  : 

"  I  am  at  present  in  Norwich  with  my  mother,  who  has 
been  ill,  but  is  now,  thank  God,  recovering  fast.  She  begs 
leave  to  send  her  kind  remembrances  to  Mr  Murray.  She 
knew  him  at  Sandgate  in  Kent  forty-six  years  ago,  when 
he  came  to  see  his  mother,  Mrs  P[aget].  She  was  also 
acquainted  with  his  sister,  Miss  Jane  Murray,1  who  used 
to  ride  on  horseback  with  her  on  the  Downs.  She  says 
Captain  \sic\  Paget  once  cooked  a  dinner  for  Mrs  P.  and 

1  Married  the  Rev.  Wm.  Holland,  rector  of  Walmer  and  afterwards 
rector  of  Brasted,  Kent. 


6    VILLAGE  FIGHT  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES    [1803 

herself,  and  sat  down  to  table  with  his  cook's  apron  on. 
Is  not  this  funny?  Does  it  not  'beat  the  Union/  as  the 
Yankees  say  ? " 

The  first  child  of  the  marriage  was  born  in  1800,  it  is 
not  known  exactly  when  or  where.  This  was  John,  "  the 
brother  some  three  years  older  than  myself,"  whose 
beauty  in  infancy  was  so  great  "that  people,  especially 
those  of  the  poorer  classes,  would  follow  the  nurse 
who  carried  him  about  in  order  to  look  at  and  bless  his 
lovely  face," l  with  its  rosy  cheeks  and  smiling,  blue-eyed 
innocence.  On  one  occasion  even,  an  attempt  was  made 
to  snatch  him  from  the  arms  of  his  nurse  as  she  was  about 
to  enter  a  coach.  The  parents  became  a  prey  to  anxiety  ; 
for  the  child  seems  to  have  possessed  many  endearing 
qualities  as  well  as  good  looks.  He  was  quick  and 
clever,  and  when  the  time  came  for  instruction,  "he 
mastered  his  letters  in  a  few  hours,  and  in  a  day  or  two 
could  decipher  the  names  of  people  on  the  doors  of  houses 
and  over  the  shop  windows."2  His  cleverness  increased  as 
he  grew  up,  and  later  he  seems  to  have  become,  in  the 
mind  of  Captain  Borrow  at  least,  a  standard  by  which 
to  measure  the  shortcomings  of  his  younger  son  George, 
whom  he  never  was  able  to  understand. 

For  the  next  three  years,  1800-3,  the  regiment  con- 
tinued to  hover  about  the  home  counties.  The  Peace  of 
Amiens  released  many  of  the  untried  warriors,  who  had 
enlisted  "  until  the  peace,"  their  adjutant  having  to  find 
new  recruits  to  fill  up  the  gaps.  War  broke  out  again  the 
following  year  (i8th  May  1803),  and  the  Great  Terror 
assumed  a  phase  so  critical  as  to  subdue  almost  entirely  all 
thought  of  party  strife.  On  5th  July  Ann  Borrow  gave 
birth  to  a  second  son,  in  the  house  of  her  father.  At  the 
time  Captain  Borrow  was  hunting  for  recruits  in  other 
parts  of  Norfolk,  in  order  to  send  them  to  Colchester, 
where  the  regiment  was  stationed.  In  due  course  the 

1  Lavengro,  page  5.  'z  Lavengro^  page  5. 


L]  A  PROPHET'S  CHILD  7 

child  was  christened  George  Henry l  at  the  church  of  East 
Dereham,  and,  within  a  few  weeks  of  his  birth,  he  received 
his  first  experience  of  the  vicissitudes  of  a  soldier's  life,  by 
accompanying  his  father,  mother,  and  brother  to  Colchester 
to  rejoin  the  regiment.  The  whole  infancy  of  George  Borrow 
was  spent  in  the  same  trailing  restlessness.  Napoleon 
was  alive  and  at  large,  and  the  West  Norfolks  seemed 
doomed  eternally  to  march  and  countermarch  in  the 
threatened  area,  Sussex,  Kent,  Essex. 

No  efforts  appear  to  have  been  made  to  steal  the 
younger  brother,  although  "people  were  in  the  habit  of 
standing  still  to  look  at  me,  ay,  more  than  at  my  brother."2 
Unlike  John  in  about  everything  that  one  child  could 
be  unlike  another,  George  was  a  gloomy,  introspective 
creature  who  considerably  puzzled  his  parents.  He 
compares  himself  to  "  a  deep,  dark  lagoon,  shaded  by  black 
pines,  cypresses  and  yews," 3  beside  which  he  once  paused 
to  contemplate  "a  beautiful  stream  .  .  .  sparkling  in  the 
sunshine,  and  .  .  .  tumbling  merrily  into  cascades,"4 
which  he  likened  to  his  brother. 

Slow  of  comprehension,  almost  dull-witted,  shy  of 
society,  sometimes  bursting  into  tears  when  spoken  to, 
George  became  "  a  lover  of  nooks  and  retired  corners," 5 
where  he  would  sit  for  hours  at  a  time  a  prey  to  "  a  peculiar 
heaviness  .  .  .  and  at  times  ...  a  strange  sensation  of 
fear,  which  occasionally  amounted  to  horror,"6  for  which 
there  was  no  apparent  cause.  In  time  he  grew  to  be  as 
much  disliked  as  his  brother  was  admired.  On  one 
occasion  an  old  Jew  pedlar,  attracted  by  the  latent  intelli- 
gence in  the  smouldering  eyes  of  the  silent  child,  who 
ignored  his  questions  and  continued  tracing  in  the  dust 
with  his  fingers  curious  lines,  pronounced  him  "  a  prophet's 

1  George  in  honour  of  the  King,  it  is  said,  and  Henry  after  his 
father's  eldest  brother. 

2  LcwengrO)  page  6.  3  Lavengro^  page  6. 
4  Lavengro,  page  6.                              5  Lavengro,  page  7. 
6  Lavengro,  page  7. 


8    VILLAGE  FIGHT  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES    [1809 

child."  This  carried  to  the  mother's  heart  a  quiet  comfort, 
and  reawakened  in  her  hope  for  the  future  of  her  second 
son. 

The  early  childhood  of  George  Borrow  was  spent  in 
stirring  times.  Without,  there  was  the  menace  of 
Napoleon's  invasion  ;  within,  every  effort  was  being  made 
to  meet  and  repel  it.  Dumouriez  was  preparing  his  great 
scheme  of  defence ;  Captain  Thomas  Borrow  was  doing 
his  utmost  to  collect  and  drill  men.  to  help  in  carrying  it 
into  effect.  Sometimes  the  family  were  in  lodgings ;  but 
more  frequently  in  barracks,  for  reasons  of  economy. 
Once,  at  least,  they  lived  under  canvas. 

The  strange  and  puzzling  child  continued  to  impress 
his  parents  in  a  manner  well-calculated  to  alarm  them. 
One  day,  with  a  cry  of  delight,  he  seized  a  viper  that, 
"  like  a  line  of  golden  light,"  was  moving  across  the  lane  in 
which  he  was  playing.  Whilst  making  no  effort  to  harm 
the  child,  who  held  and  regarded  it  with  awe  and  admira- 
tion, the  reptile  showed  its  displeasure  towards  John,  his 
brother,  by  hissing  and  raising  its  head  as  if  to  strike. 
This  happened  when  George  was  between  two  and  three 
years  of  age.  At  about  the  same  period  he  ate  largely  of 
some  poisonous  berries,  which  resulted  in  "strong  convul- 
sions," lasting  for  several  hours.  He  seems  to  have  been 
a  source  of  constant  anxiety  to  his  parents,  who  were 
utterly  unable  to  understand  the  strange  and  gloomy  child 
who  had  been  vouchsafed  to  them  by  the  inscrutable  decree 
of  providence. 

In  the  middle  of  the  year  1809  the  regiment  returned 
from  Essex  to  Norfolk,  marching  first  to  Norwich  and 
thence  to  other  towns  in  the  county.  Captain  Borrow 
and  his  family  took  up  their  quarters  once  more  at 
Dereham.  George  was  now  six  years  old,  acutely  observant 
of  the  things  that  interested  him,  but  reluctant  to  proceed 
with  studies  which,  in  his  eyes,  seemed  to  have  nothing  to 
recommend  them.  Books  possessed  no  attraction  for  him, 
although  he  knew  his  alphabet  and  could  even  read 


L]  "PRETTY,  QUIET  "  9 

imperfectly.  The  acquirement  of  book-learning  he  found 
a  dull  and  dolorous  business,  to  which  he  was  driven 
only  by  the  threats  or  entreaties  of  his  parents,  who 
showed  some  concern  lest  he  should  become  an  "  arrant 
dunce." 

The  intelligence  that  the  old  Jew  pedlar  had  discovered 
still  lay  dormant,  as  if  unwilling  to  manifest  itself.  The 
boy  loved  best  "  to  look  upon  the  heavens,  and  to  bask  in 
the  rays  of  the  sun,  or  to  sit  beneath  hedgerows  and  listen 
to  the  chirping  of  the  birds,  indulging  the  while  in  musing 
and  meditation."1  Meanwhile  John  was  earning  golden 
opi-nions  for  the  astonishing  progress  he  continued  to  make 
at  school,  unconsciously  throwing  into  bolder  relief  the 
apparent  dullness  of  his  younger  brother.  George,  however, 
was  as  active  mentally  as  the  elder.  The  one  was  study- 
ing men,  the  other  books.  George  was  absorbing  impres- 
sions of  the  things  around  him  :  of  the  quaint  old  Norfolk 
town,  its  "  clean  but  narrow  streets  branching  out  from  thy 
modest  market-place,  with  thine  old-fashioned  houses,  with 
here  and  there  a  roof  of  venerable  thatch " ;  of  that 
exquisite  old  gentlewoman  Lady  Fenn,2  as  she  passed  to 
and  from  her  mansion  upon  some  errand  of  bounty  or  of 
mercy,  "  leaning  on  her  gold-headed  cane,  whilst  the  sleek 
old- footman  walked  at  a  respectful  distance  behind."3  On 
Sundays,  from  the  black  leather-covered  seat  in  the  church- 
pew,  he  would  contemplate  with  large-eyed  wonder  the 
rector  and  James  Philo  his  clerk,  "as  they  read  their 
respective  portions  of  the  venerable  liturgy,"  sometimes 
being  lulled  to  sleep  by  the  monotonous  drone  of  their 
voices. 

On  fine  Sundays  there  was  the  evening  walk  "  with  my 
mother  and  brother — a  quiet,  sober  walk,  during  which  I 
would  not  break  into  a  run,  even  to  chase  a  butterfly,  or 
yet  more  a  honey-bee,  being  fully  convinced  of  the  dread 

1  Lavengro,  page  16. 

2  The  widow  of  Sir  John  Fenn,  editor  of  the  Paston  Letters. 

3  LavengrO)  page  15. 


10  VILLAGE  FIGHT  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES  [1809 

importance  of  the  day  which  God  had  hallowed.  And  how 
glad  I  was  when  I  had  got  over  the  Sabbath  day  without 
having  done  anything  to  profane  it.  And  how  soundly  I 
slept  on  the  Sabbath  night  after  the  toil  of  being  very  good 
throughout  the  day."  1 

During  these  early  years  there  was  being  photographed 
upon  the  brain  of  George  Borrow  a  series  of  impressions 
which,  to  the  end  of  his  life,  remained  as  vivid  as  at 
the  moment  they  were  absorbed.  What  appeared  to  those 
around  him  as  dull-witted  stupidity  was,  in  reality,  mental 
surfeit.  His  mind  was  occupied  with  other  things  than 
books,  things  that  it  eagerly  took  cognisance  of,  strove  to 
understand  and  was  never  to  forget.2  Hitherto  he  had 
taken  "no  pleasure  in  books  .  .  .  and  bade  fair  to  be  as 
arrant  a  dunce  as  ever  brought  the  blush  of  shame  into  the 
cheeks  of  anxious  and  affectionate  parents."3  His  mind 
was  not  ready  for  them.  When  the  time  came  there  was 
no  question  of  dullness  :  he  proved  an  eager  and  earnest 
student 

One  day  an  intimate  friend  of  Mrs  Borrow's,  who  was 
also  godmother  to  John,  brought  with  her  a  present  of  a 
book  for  each  of  the  two  boys,  a  history  of  England  for  the 
elder  and  for  the  younger  Robinson  Crusoe.  Instantly 
George  became  absorbed. 

"  The  true  chord  had  now  been  touched.  .  .  .  Weeks 
succeeded  weeks,  months  followed  months,  and  the 
wondrous  volume  was  my  only  study  and  principal  source 
of  amusement.  For  hours  together  I  would  sit  poring 
over  a  page  till  I  had  become  acquainted  with  the 
import  of  every  line.  My  progress,  slow  enough  at  first, 


1  LavengrO)  pages  398-9. 

2  "  Many  years  have  not  passed  over  my  head,  yet  during  those 
which   I    can  call  to   remembrance,  how  many  things  have   I  seen 
flourish,  pass  away,  and  become  forgotten,  except  by  myself,  who,  in 
spite  of  all  my  endeavours,  never  can  forget  anything." — Lavengro^ 
page  1 66. 

3  Lavengro,  page  16. 


L]  LIFE  AT  NORMAN  CROSS  11 

became  by  degrees  more  rapid,  till  at  last,  under  a 
'  shoulder  of  mutton  sail/  I  found  myself  cantering  before  a 
steady  breeze  over  an  ocean  of  enchantment,  so  well 
pleased  with  my  voyage  that  I  cared  not  how  long  it 
might  be  ere  it  reached  its  termination.  And  it  was  in  this 
manner  that  I  first  took  to  the  paths  of  knowledge."1 

In  the  spring  of  1810  the  regiment  was  ordered  to 
Norman  Cross,  in  Huntingdonshire,  situated  at  the 
junction  of  the  Peterborough  and  Great  North  Roads.  At 
this  spot  the  Government  had  caused  to  be  erected  in  1796 
an  extensive  prison,  covering  forty  acres  of  ground,  in 
which  to  confine  some  of  the  prisoners  made  during  the 
Napoleonic  wars.  There  were  sixteen  large  buildings 
roofed  with  red  tiles.  Each  group  of  four  was  surrounded 
by  a  palisade,  whilst  another  palisade  "lofty  and  of 
prodigious  strength  "  surrounded  the  whole.  At  the  time 
when  the  West  Norfolk  Militia  arrived  there  were  some 
six  thousand  prisoners,  who,  with  their  guards,  constituted 
a  considerable-sized  township.  From  time  to  time  fresh 
batches  of  captives  arrived  amid  a  storm  of  cheers  and 
cries  of  "  Vive  L'Empereur ! "  These  were  the  only 
incidents  in  the  day's  monotony,  save  when  some  prisoner 
strove  to  evade  the  hospitality  of  King  George,  and  was 
shot  for  his  ingratitude. 

Captain  Borrow  rejoined  his  regiment  at  Norman 
Cross,  leaving  his  family  to  follow  a  few  days  later.  At 
the  time  the  country  round  Peterborough  was  under  water 
owing  to  the  recent  heavy  rains,  and  at  one  portion  of  the 
journey  the  whole  party  had  to  embark  in  a  species  of  punt, 
which  was  towed  by  horses  "  up  to  the  knees  in  water,  and, 
on  coming  to  blind  pools  and  'greedy  depths,'  were  not 
unfrequently  swimming."2  But  they  were  all  old  cam- 
paigners and  accepted  such  adventures  as  incidents  of 
a  soldier's  life. 

At  Norman  Cross  George  made  the  acquaintance  of 
an  old  snake-catcher  and  herbalist,  a  circumstance  which, 

1  Lavengro,  pages  19-20.  *  Lavengro,  page  22. 


12  VILLAGE  FIGHT  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES  [1810 

insignificant  in  itself,  was  to  exercise  a  considerable 
influence  over  his  whole  life.  Frequently  this  curious 
pair  were  to  be  seen  tramping  the  countryside  together ; 
a  tall,  quaint  figure  with  fur  cap  and  gaiters  carrying 
a  leathern  bag  of  wriggling  venom,  and  an  eager  child 
with  eyes  that  now  burned  with  interest  and  intelligence 
— and  the  talk  of  the  two  was  the  lore  of  the  viper. 
When  the  snake-catcher  passed  out  of  the  life  of  his 
young  disciple,  he  left  behind  him  as  a  present  a  tame 
and  fangless  viper,  which  George  often  carried  with  him 
on  his  walks.  It  was  this  well-meaning  and  inoffensive 
viper  that  turned  aside  the  wrath  of  Gypsy  Smith,1  and 
awakened  in  his  heart  a  superstitious  awe  and  veneration 
for  the  child,  the  Sap-cngro,  who  might  be  a  goblin,  but 
who  certainly  would  make  a  most  admirable  "  clergyman 
and  God  Almighty,"  who  read  from  a  book  that  contained 
the  kind  of  prayers  particularly  to  his  taste — perhaps  the 
greatest  encomium  ever  bestowed  upon  the  immortal 
Robinson  Crusoe.  Thus  it  came  about  that  George 
Borrow  was  proclaimed  brother  to  the  gypsy's  son 
Ambrose,2  who  as  Jasper  Petulengro  figures  so  largely 
in  Lavengro  and  The  Romany  Rye,  and  is  credited  with 

1  The  gypsies  "  have  a  double  nomenclature,  each  tribe  or  family 
having  a  public  and  private  name,  one  by  which  they  are  known  to  the 
Gentiles,  and  another  to  themselves  alone.  .  .  .  There  are  only  two 
names   of  trades  which  have  been  adopted  by  English  gypsies  as 
proper  names,  Cooper  and  Smith  :  these  names  are  expressed  in  the 
English  gypsy  dialect  by  Vardo-mescro  and  Petulengro  {Romano  Lavo- 
Lil,  page  185).    Thus  the  Smiths  are  known  among  themselves  as  the 
Petulengros.     Petul,  a  horse   shoe,   and  engro   a  "masculine  affix 
used  in  the  formation  of  figurative  names."    Thus  Boshomengro  (a 
fiddler)   comes  from   Bosh  =  a  fiddle,   Cooromengro   (a   soldier,   a 
pugilist)  from  Coor  =  to  fight. 

2  The  Rev.  Wentworth  Webster  heard  narrated  at  a  provincial 
Bible  Society's  meeting  that  when  Borrow  first  called  at  Earl  Street 
'he   said  that  he  had  been  stolen  by  gypsies  in  his  boyhood,  had 
passed  several  years  with  them,  but  had  been  recognised  at  a  fair  in 
Norfolk  and  brought  home  to  his  family  by  his  uncle."    There  is,  how- 
ever, nothing  to  confirm  this  story. 


L]  HOW  TO  ENSURE  SUCCESS  13 

that    exquisitely    phrased    pagan    glorification    of    mere 
existence : 

"  Life  is  sweet,  brother.  .  .  .  There's  night  and  day, 
brother,  both  sweet  things ;  sun,  moon  and  stars,  brother, 
all  sweet  things ;  there's  likewise  the  wind  on  the 
heath.  Life  is  very  sweet,  brother;  who  would  wish  to 
die?"1 

The  Borrows  were  nomads,  permitted  by  God  and 
the  king  to  tarry  not  over  long  in  any  one  place.  In 
the  following  July  (1811)  the  West  Norfolks  proceeded 
to  Colchester  via  Norfolk,  after  fifteen  months  of  prison 
duty  and  straw-plait  destroying.2  Captain  Borrow 
betook  himself  to  East  Dereham  again  to  seek  for  likely 
recruits.  In  the  meantime  George  made  his  first 
acquaintance  with  that  universal  specific  for  success 
in  life,  for  correctness  of  conduct,  for  soundness  of  prin- 
ciples— Lilly's  Latin  Grammar,  which  to  learn  by  heart 
was  to  acquire  a  virtue  that  defied  evil.  The  .good  old 
pedagogue  who  advocated  Lilly's  Latin  Grammar  as 
a  remedy  for  all  ills,  would  have  traced  George  Borrow's 
eventual  success  in  life  entirely  to  the  fact  that  within 
three  years  of  the  date  that  the  solemn  exhortation  was 
pronounced  the  boy  had  learned  Lilly  by  heart,  although 
without  in  the  least  degree  comprehending  him. 

Early  in  1812  the  regiment  turned  its  head  north, 
and  by  slow  degrees,  with  occasional  counter  marchings, 
continued  to  progress  towards  Edinburgh,  which  was 
reached  thirteen  months  later  (6th  April  1813).  "With 
drums  beating,  colours  flying,  and  a  long  train  of  baggage- 
waggons  behind,"3  the  West  Norfolk  Militia  wound  its 
way  up  the  hill  to  the  Castle,  the  adjutant's  family  in 

1  Lavengro,  page  164. 

2  The    prisoners    occupied  much   of   their    time    in    straw-plait 
making ;  but  the  quality  of  their  work   was   so  much  superior  to 
that  of  the  English  that  it  was  forbidden,  and  consequently  destroyed 
when  found. 

3  LavengrO)  page  45. 


14  VILLAGE  FIGHT  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES  [1813 

a  chaise  forming  part  of  the  procession.  There  in 
barracks  the  regiment  might  rest  itself  after  long  and 
weary  marches,  and  the  two  young  sons  of  the  adjutant 
be  permitted  to  continue  their  studies  at  the  High  School, 
without  the  probability  that  the  morrow  would  see  them 
on  the  road  to  somewhere  else. 

Whilst  at  Edinburgh  George  met  with  his  first  experi- 
ence of  racial  feeling,  which,  under  uncongenial  conditions, 
develops  into  race-hatred.  He  discovered  that  one 
English  boy,  when  faced  by  a  throng  of  young  Scots 
patriots,  had  best  be  silent  as  to  the  virtues  of  his  own 
race.  He  joined  in  and  enjoyed  the  fights  between  the 
"  Auld  and  the  New  Toon,"  and  incidentally  acquired 
a  Scots  accent  that  somewhat  alarmed  his  loyal  father, 
who  had  named  him  after  the  Hanoverian  Georges. 
Proving  himself  a  good  fighter,  he  earned  the  praise  of 
his  Scots  acquaintances,  and  a  general  invitation  to  assist 
them  in  their  "bickers"  with  "thae  New  Toon  black- 
guards." 

He  loved  to  climb  and  clamber  over  the  rocks,  peeping 
into  "  all  manner  of  strange  crypts,  crannies,  and  recesses, 
where  owls  nestled  and  the  weasel  brought  forth  her 
young."  He  would  go  out  on  all-day  excursions,  enjoying 
the  thrills  of  clambering  up  to  what  appeared  to  be 
inaccessible  ledges,  until  eventually  he  became  an  expert 
cragsman.  One  day  he  came  upon  David  Haggart1 
sitting  on  the  extreme  verge  of  a  precipice,  "  thinking  of 
Willie  Wallace." 

For  fifteen  months  the  regiment  remained  at  Edin- 
burgh. In  the  spring  of  1814  the  waning  star  of  Napoleon 
had,  to  all  appearances,  set,  and  he  was  on  his  way  to 

1  David  Haggart,  born  24th  June  1801,  was  an  instinctive 
criminal,  who,  at  Leith  Races,  in  1813,  enlisted,  whilst  drunk,  as 
a  drummer  in  the  West  Norfolks.  Eventually  he  obtained  his 
discharge  and  continued  on  his  career  of  crime  and  prison-breaking, 
among  other  things  murdering  a  policeman  and  a  gaoler,  until,  on 
i8th  July  1821,  he  was  hanged  at  Edinburgh. 


L]  MUSTERED  OUT  15 

his  miniature  kingdom,  the  Isle  of  Elba  (28th  April). 
Europe  commenced  to  disband  its  huge  armies,  Great 
Britain  among  the  rest.  On  2ist  June  the  West  Norfolks 
received  orders  to  proceed  to  Norwich  by  ship  via  Leith 
and  Great  Yarmouth.  The  Government,  relieved  of  all 
apprehension  of  an  invasion,  had  time  to  think  of  the 
personal  comfort  of  the  country's  defenders.  With  marked 
consideration,  the  orders  provided  that  those  who  wished 
might  march  instead  of  embarking  on  the  sea.  Accord- 
ingly Captain  Borrow  and  his  family  chose  the  land  route. 
Arrived  at  Norwich,  the  regiment  was  formally  disbanded 
amid  great  festivity.  The  officers,  at  the  Maid's  Head, 
the  queen  of  East  Anglian  inns,  and  the  men  in  the 
spacious  market-place,  drank  to  the  king's  health  and 
peace.  The  regiment  was  formally  mustered  out  on 
1 9th  July. 

The  Borrows  took  up  their  quarters  at  the  Crown  and 
Angel  in  St  Stephen's  Street,  a  thoroughfare  that 
connects  the  main  roads  from  Ipswich  and  Newmarket 
with  the  city.  George,  now  eleven  years  old,  had  an 
opportunity  of  continuing  his  education  at  the  Norwich 
Grammar  School,  whilst  his  brother  proceeded  to  study 
drawing  and  painting  with  a  "little  dark  man  with 
.  .  .  brown  coat  .  .  .  and  top-boots,  whose  name  will 
one  day  be  considered  the  chief  ornament  of  the  old 
town,"1  and  whose  works  are  to  "rank  among  the 
proudest  pictures  of  England,"  —  the  Norwich  painter, 
"Old  Crome."2 

Whilst  the  two  boys  were  thus  occupied,  Louis  XVIII. 
was  endeavouring  to  reorder  his  kingdom,  and  on  a  little 
island  in  the  Mediterranean,  Napoleon  was  preparing  a 
bombshell  that  was  to  shatter  the  peace  of  Europe  and 

1  Lavengro,  page  138. 

2  John  Crome  (1768-1821),  landscape  painter.    Apprenticed  1783 
as  sign-painter  ;  introduced  into  Norwich  the  art  of  graining  ;  founded 
the   Norwich   School    of   Painting ;    first  exhibited    at    the    Royal 
Academy  1806. 


16  VILLAGE  FIGHT  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES  [1815 

send  Captain  Borrow  hurrying  hither  and  thither  in 
search  of  the  men  who,  a  few  months  before,  had  left 
the  colours,  convinced  that  a  generation  of  peace  was 
before  them. 

On  ist  March  Napoleon  was  at  Cannes  ;  eighteen  days 
later  Louis  XVIII.  fled  from  Paris.  Everywhere  there 
were  feverish  preparations  for  war.  John  Borrow  threw 
aside  pencil  and  brush  and  was  gazetted  ensign  in  his 
father's  regiment  (29th  May).  Europe  united  against 
the  unexpected  and  astonishing  danger.  By  the  time 
Captain  Borrow  had  finished  his  task,  however,  the  crisis 
was  past,  Waterloo  had  been  won  and  Napoleon  was  on 
his  way  to  St  Helena. 

By  a  happy  inspiration  it  was  decided  to  send  the 
West  Norfolks  to  Ireland,  where  "disturbances  were 
apprehended"  and  private  stills  flourished.  On  3ist 
August  the  regiment,  some  eight  hundred  strong,  sailed  in 
two  vessels  from  Harwich  for  Cork,  the  passage  occupying 
eight  days.  The  ship  that  carried  the  Borrows  was  old  and 
crazy,  constantly  missing  stays  and  shipping  seas,  until  it 
seemed  that  only  by  a  miracle  she  escaped  "  from  being 
dashed  upon  the  foreland." 

After  a  few  days'  rest  at  Cork,  the  "  city  of  contradic- 
tions," where  wealth  and  filth  jostled  one  another  in  the 
public  highways  and  "  boisterous  shouts  of  laughter  were 
heard  on  every  side,"  the  regiment  marched  off  in  two 
divisions  for  Clonmel  in  Tipperary.  Walking  beside 
his  father,  who  was  in  command  of  the  second  division, 
and  holding  on  to  his  stirrup-leather,  George  found 
a  new  country  opening  out  before  him.  On  one 
occasion,  as  they  were  passing  through  a  village  of  low 
huts,  "that  seemed  to  be  inhabited  solely  by  women 
and  children,"  he  went  up  to  an  old  beldam  who  sat 
spinning  at  the  door  of  one  of  the  hovels  and  asked  for 
some  water.  She  "  appeared  to  consider  for  a  moment, 
then  tottering  into  her  hut,  presently  reappeared  with  a 
small  pipkin  of  milk,  which  she  offered  .  .  .  with  a 


L]   WITH  THE  WEST  NORFOLKS  IN  IRELAND    17 

trembling  hand."  When  the  lad  tendered  payment  she 
declined  the  money,  and  patted  his  face,  murmuring  some 
unintelligible  words.  Obviously  there  was  nothing  in  the 
boy's  nature  now  that  appeared  strange  to  simple-minded 
folk.  Probably  the  intercourse  with  other  boys  at  Edin- 
burgh and  Norwich  had  been  beneficial  in  its  effect. 
Keenly  interested  in  everything  around  him,  George 
fell  to  speculating  as  to  whether  he  could  learn  Irish  and 
speak  to  the  people  in  their  own  tongue. 

At  Clonmel  the  Borrows  lodged  with  an  Orangeman, 
who  had  run  out  of  his  house  as  the  Adjutant  rode  by  at 
the  head  of  his  men,  and  proceeded  to  welcome  him  with 
flowery  volubility.  On  the  advice  of  his  host  Captain 
Borrow  sent  George  to  a  Protestant  school,  where  he 
met  the  Irish  boy  Murtagh,  who  figures  so  largely  in 
Lavengro  and  The  Romany  Rye.  Murtagh  settled  any 
doubts  that  Borrow  may  [have  had  as  to  his  ability 
to  acquire  Erse,  by  teaching  it  to  him  in  exchange  for  a 
pack  of  cards. 

On  23rd  December  1815  Ensign  John  Thomas  Borrow 
was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant,  he  being  then  in 
his  sixteenth  year.  In  the  following  January,  after  only 
a  few  months'  stay,  the  West*  Norfolks  were  moved 
on  to  Templemore.  It  was  here  that  George  learned 
to  ride,  and  that  without  a  saddle,  and  had  awakened 
in  him  that  "  passion  for  the  equine  race "  that  never  left 
him.1 

The  nine  months  spent  in  Ireland  left  an  indelible 
mark  upon  Borrow's  imagination.  In  later  life  he 
repeatedly  referred  to  his  knowledge  of  the  country,  its 
people,  and  their  language.  In  overcoming  the  difficulties 

1  Borrow  was  always  a  magnificent  horseman.  "  Vaya  !  how  you 
ride  !  It  is  dangerous  to  be  in  your  way  ! "  said  the  Archbishop  of 
Toledo  to  him  years  later.  In  The  Bible  in  Spain  he  wrote  that  he  had 
"been  accustomed  from  .  .  .  childhood  to  ride  without  a  saddle." 
The  Rev.  Wentworth  Webster  states  that  in  Madrid  "he  used  to 
ride  with  a  Russian  skin  for  a  saddle  and  without  stirrups? 

B 


18  VILLAGE  FIGHT  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES  [1816 

of  Erse,  he  had  opened  up  for  himself  a  larger  prospect 
than  was  to  be  enjoyed  by  a  traveller  whose  first  word  of 
greeting  or  enquiry  is  uttered  in  a  hated  tongue. 

On  nth  May  1816  the  West  Norfolk  Militia  was  back 
again  at  Norwich.  Peace  was  now  finally  restored  to 
Europe,  and  every  nation  was  far  too  impoverished,  both 
as  regards  men  and  money,  to  nourish  any  schemes  of 
aggression.  Napoleon  was  safe  at  St  Helena,  under  the 
eye  of  that  instinctive  gaoler,  Sir  Hudson  Lowe.  The 
army  had  completed  its  work  and  was  being  disbanded 
with  all  possible  speed.  The  turn  of  the  West  Norfolk 
Militia  came  on  i/th  June,  when  they  were  formally 
mustered  out  for  the  second  time  within  two  years. 
Three  years  later  their  Adjutant  was  retired  upon  full-pay 
— eight  shillings  a  day. 


CHAPTER  II 

MAY    I8l6— MARCH  1824 

TT^OR  the  first  time  since  his  marriage,  Captain  Borrow 
•*-  found  himself  at  liberty  to  settle  down  and  educate  his 
sons.  He  had  spent  much  of  his  life  in  Norfolk,  and  he 
decided  to  remain  there  and  make  Norwich  his  home.  It 
was  a  quiet  and  beautiful  old-world  city :  healthy, 
picturesque,  ancient,  and,  above  all,  possessed  of  a  Grammar 
School,  where  George  could  try  and  gather  together  the 
stray  threads  of  education  that  he  had  acquired  at  various 
times  and  in  various  dialects.  It  was  an  ideal  city  for  a 
warrior  to  take  his  rest  in ;  but  probably  what  counted 
most  with  Captain  Borrow  was  the  Grammar  School — 
more  than  the  Norman  Cathedral,  the  grim  old  Castle  that 
stands  guardian-like  upon  its  mound,  the  fact  of  its  being  a 
garrison  town,  or  even  the  traditions  that  surrounded  the 
place.  He  had  two  sons  who  must  be  appropriately  sent 
out  into  the  world,  and  Norwich  offered  facilities  for  educat- 
ing both.  He  accordingly  took  a  small  house  in  Willow 
Lane,  to  which  access  was  obtained  by  a  covered  passage 
then  called  King's,  but  now  Borrow's  Court. 

During  the  most  nomadic  portion  of  his  life,  when,  with 
discouraging  rapidity,  he  was  moving  from  place  to  place, 
Captain  Borrow  never  for  one  moment  seems  to  have 
forgotten  his  obligations  as  a  father.  Whenever  he  had 
been  quartered  in  a  town  for  a  few  months,  he  had  sought 
out  a  school  to  which  to  send  John  and  George,  notably  at 
Huddersfield  and  Sheffield.  Had  he  known  it,  these 

19 


20  NORWICH  DAYS  [1816 

precautions  were  unnecessary ;  for  he  had  two  sons  who 
were  of  what  may  be  called  the  self -educating  type: 
John,  by  virtue  of  the  quickness  of  his  parts;  George, 
on  account  of  the  strangeness  of  his  interests  and 
his  thirst  for  a  knowledge  of  men  and  the  tongues 
in  which  they  communicate  to  each  other  their  ideas. 
It  would  be  impossible  for  an  unconventional  linguist, 
such  as  George  Borrow  was  by  instinct,  to  remain 
uneducated,  and  it  was  equally  impossible  to  educate 
him. 

Quite  unaware  of  the  trend  of  his  younger  son's  genius, 
Captain  Borrow  obtained  for  him  a  free-scholarship  at  the 
Grammar  School,  then  under  the  headmastership  of  the 
Rev.  Edward  Valpy,  B.D.,  whose  principal  claims  to  fame 
are  his  severity,  his  having  flogged  the  conqueror  of  the 
"  Flaming  Tinman,"  and  his  destruction  of  the  School 
Records  of  Admission,  which  dated  back  to  the  Sixteenth 
Century.  Among  Sorrow's  contemporaries  at  the 
Grammar  School  were  "Rajah"  Brooke  of  Sarawak  (for 
whose  achievements  he  in  after  life  expressed  a  profound 
admiration),  Sir  Archdale  Wilson  of  Delhi,  Colonel  Charles 
Stoddart,  Dr  James  Martineau,  and  Thomas  Borrow 
Burcham,  the  London  Magistrate. 

Borrow  was  now  thirteen,  and,  it  would  appear,  as 
determined  as  ever  to  evade  as  much  as  possible  academic 
learning.  He  was  "  far  from  an  industrious  boy,  fond  of 
idling,  and  discovered  no  symptoms  by  his  progress  either 
in  Latin  or  Greek  of  that  philology,  so  prominent  a  feature 
of  his  last  work  (Lavengro)" l  Borrow  was  an  idler  merely 
because  his  work  was  uncongenial  to  him.  "  Mere  idleness 
is  the  most  disagreeable  state  of  existence,  and  both  mind 
and  body  are  continually  making  efforts  to  escape  from  it," 
he  wrote  in  later  years  concerning  this  period.  He  wanted 
an  object  in  life,  an  occupation  that  would  prove  not  wholly 
uncongenial.  That  he  should  dislike  the  routine  of  school 

1  Letter  from  "A  School-fellow  of  Lavengro"  in  The  Britannia, 
26th  April  1851. 


IL]          A  YOUNG  POLYGLOT  GENTLEMAN  21 

life  was  not  unnatural ;  for  he  had  lived  quite  free  from 
those  conventional  restraints  to  which  other  boys  of  his  age 
had  always  been  accustomed.  Occupation  of  some  sort  he 
must  have,  if  only  to  keep  at  a  distance  that  insistent 
melancholy  that  seems  to  have  been  for  ever  hovering 
about  him,  and  the  tempter  whispered  "  Languages." l 
One  day  chance  led  him  to  a  bookstall  whereon  lay  a 
polyglot  dictionary,  "  which  pretended  to  be  an  easy  guide 
to  the  acquirement  of  French,  Italian,  Low  Dutch,  and 
English."  He  took  the  two  first,  and  when  he  had  gleaned 
from  the  old  volume  all  it  had  to  teach  him,  he  longed  for 
a  master.  Him  he  found  in  the  person  of  an  old  French 
tmigrt  priest,2  a  study  in  snuff-colour  and  drab  with  a  frill 
of  dubious  whiteness,  who  attended  to  the  accents  of  a 
number  of  boarding-school  young  ladies.  The  progress  of 
his  pupil  so  much  pleased  the  old  priest  that  "after  six 
months'  tuition,  the  master  would  sometimes,  on  his 
occasional  absences  to  teach  in  the  country,  request  his  so 
forward  pupil  to  attend  for  him  his  home  scholars." 3  It 
was  M.  D'Eterville  who  uttered  the  second  recorded 
prophecy  concerning  George  Borrow :  "  Vous  serez  un 
jour  un  grand  philologue,  mon  cher,"  he  remarked,  and 
heard  that  his  pupil  nourished  aspirations  towards  other 
things  than  mere  philology. 

In  the  study  of  French,  Spanish,  and  Italian,  Borrow 

1  "  It  is  probable,  that  had  I  been  launched  about  this  time  into 
some  agreeable  career,  that  of  arms,  for  example,  for  which,  being  the 
son  of  a  soldier,  I  had,  as  was  natural,  a  sort  of  penchant,  I  might 
have  thought  nothing  more  of  the  acquisition  of  tongues  of  any  kind  ; 
but,  having  nothing  to  do,  I  followed  the  only  course  suited  to  my 
genius  which  appeared  open  to  me." — Lavengro^  page  89. 

2  The  Rev.  Thomas  D'Eterville,  M.A.,  "Poor  Old  Detterville,"  as 
the   Grammar  School  boys  called  him,   of  Caen   University,   who 
arrived  at  Norwich  in  1793.     He  acquired  a  small  fortune  by  teaching 
languages.     There  were  rumours  that  he  was  engaged  in  the  contra- 
band trade,  an  occupation  more  likely  to  bring  fortune  than  teaching 
languages. 

3  Letter  from  "  A  School-fellow  of  Lavengro  "  in  The  Britannia^ 
26th  April  1851. 


22  NORWICH  DAYS  [1818 

spent  many  hours  that  other  boys  would  have  devoted 
to  pleasure;  yet  he  was  by  no  means  a  student  only. 
He  found  time  to  fish  and  to  shoot,  using  a  con- 
demned, honey -combed  musket  that  bore  the  date 
of  1746.  His  fishing  was  done  in  the  river  Yare, 
which  flowed  through  the  estate  of  John  Joseph  Gurney, 
the  Quaker  -  banker  of  Earlham  Hall,  two  miles  out 
of  Norwich.  It  was  here  that  he  was  reproached  by 
the  voice,  "clear  and  sonorous  as  a  bell,"  of  the  banker 
himself,  not  for  trespassing,  but  "  for  pulling  all  those  fish 
out  of  the  water,  and  leaving  them  to  gasp  in  the  sun." 

At  Harford  Bridge,  some  two  miles  along  the  Ipswich 
Road,  lived  "the  terrible  Thurtell,"  a  patron  and 
companion  of  "the  bruisers  of  England,"  who  taught 
Borrow  to  box,  and  who  ultimately  ended  his  own 
inglorious  career  by  being  hanged  (gth  January  1824) 
for  the  murder  of  Mr  Weare,  and  incidentally  figuring 
in  De  Quincey's  "  On  Murder  Considered  As  One  of  the 
Fine  Arts."  It  was  through  "  the  king  of  flash-men  "  that 
Borrow  saw  his  first  prize-fight  at  Eaton,  near  Norwich. 

The  passion  for  horses  that  came  suddenly  to  Borrow 
with  his  first  ride  upon  the  cob  in  Ireland  had  con- 
tinued to  grow.  He  had  an  opportunity  of  gratifying  it 
at  the  Norwich  Horse  Fair,  held  each  Easter  under  the 
shadow  of  the  Castle,  and  famous  throughout  the 
country.1  It  was  here,  in  1818,  that  Borrow  encountered 
again  Ambrose  Petulengro,  an  event  that  was  to 
exercise  a  considerable  influence  upon  his  life.  Mr 
Petulengro  had  become  the  head  of  his  tribe,  his  father 
and  mother  having  been  transported  for  passing  bad 
money.  He  was  now  a  man,  with  a  wife,  a  child,  and 
also  a  mother-in-law,  who  took  a  violent  dislike  to  the 

1  It  was  here,  in  1827,  that  he  saw  the  world's  greatest  trotter, 
Marshland  Shales,  and  in  common  with  other  lovers  of  horses  lifted 
his  hat  to  salute  "the  wondrous  horse,  the  fast  trotter,  the  best 
in  mother  England."  In  Lavengro  Borrow  antedated  this  event  by 
some  nine  years. 


IL]     THE  INFLUENCE  OF  MR  PETULENGRO       23 

tall,  fair-haired  gorgio.  Borrow's  life  was  much  broadened 
by  his  intercourse  with  Mr  Petulengro.  He  was  often 
at  the  gypsy  encampment  on  Mousehold,  a  heath  just 
outside  Norwich,  where,  under  the  tuition  of  his  host, 
he  learned  the  Romany  tongue  with  such  rapidity  as 
to  astonish  his  instructor  and  earn  for  him  among  the 
gypsies  the  name  of  "  Lav-engro,"  word-fellow  or  word- 
master.  He  also  boxed  with  the  godlike  Tawno  Chikno, 
who  in  turn  pronounced  him  worthy  to  bear  the  name 
"  Cooro-mengro,"  fist-fellow  or  fist-master.  He  frequently 
accompanied  Mr  Petulengro  to  neighbouring  fairs  and 
markets,  riding  one  of  the  gypsy's  horses.  At  other  times 
the  two  would  roam  over  the  gorse-covered  Mousehold, 
discoursing  largely  about  things  Romany. 

The  departure  of  Mr  Petulengro  and  his  retinue  from 
Norwich  threw  Borrow  back  once  more  upon  his  linguistic 
studies,  his  fishing,  his  shooting,  and  his  smouldering  dis- 
content at  the  constraints  of  school  life.  It  was  probably 
an  endeavour  on  Borrow's  part  to  make  himself  more 
like  his  gypsy  friends  that  prompted  him  to  stain  his 
face  with  walnut  juice,  drawing  from  the  Rev.  Edward 
Valpy  the  question :  "  Borrow,  are  you  suffering  from 
jaundice,  or  is  it  only  dirt  ?  "  The  gypsies  were  not  the 
only  vagabonds  of  Borrow's  acquaintance  at  this  period. 
There  were  the  Italian  peripatetic  vendors  of  weather- 
glasses, who  had  their  headquarters  at  Norwich.  In  after 
years  he  met  again  more  than  one  of  these  merchants. 
They  were  always  glad  to  see  him  and  revive  old 
memories  of  the  Norwich  days. 

About  this  time  he  saved  a  boy  from  drowning  in 
the  Yare.1  It  may  be  this  act  with  which  he  generously 
credits  his  brother  John  when  he  says — 

"  I  have  known  him  dash  from  a  steep  bank  into  a  stream 
in  his  full  dress,  and  pull  out  a  man  who  was  drowning ; 

1  Manuscript  autobiographical  notes  supplied  by  Borrow  to  Mr 
John  Longe,  1862. 


24  NORWICH  DAYS  [1818 

yet  there  were  twenty  others  bathing  in  the  water,  who 
might  have  saved  him  by  putting  out  a  hand,  without  in- 
convenience to  themselves,  which,  however,  they  did  not 
do,  but  stared  with  stupid  surprise  at  the  drowning  one's 
struggles."1 

From  the  first  Borrow  had  shown  a  strong  distaste 
for  the  humdrum  routine  of  school  life.  In  a  thousand 
ways  he  was  different  from  his  fellows.  He  had  been 
accustomed  to  meet  strange  and,  to  him,  deeply  interesting 
people.  Now  he  was  bidden  adopt  a  course  of  life  against 
which  his  whole  nature  rebelled.  It  was  impossible.  He 
missed  the  atmosphere  of  vagabondage  that  had  inspired 
and  stimulated  his  early  boyhood. 

The  crisis  came  at  last.  There  was  only  one  way 
to  avoid  the  awkward  and  distasteful  destiny  that  was 
being  forced  upon  him.  He  entered  into  a  conspiracy 
with  three  school-fellows,  all  younger  than  himself,  to 
make  a  dash  for  a  life  that  should  offer  wider  opportunities 
to  their  adventurous  natures.  The  plan  was  to  tramp 
to  Great  Yarmouth  and  there  excavate  on  the  seashore 
caves  for  their  habitation.  From  these  headquarters 
they  would  make  foraging  expeditions,  and  live  on  what 
they  could  extract  from  the  surrounding  country,  either 
by  force  or  by  the  terror  that  they  inspired.  One 
morning  the  four  started  on  their  twenty-mile  trudge 
to  the  sea ;  but,  when  only  a  few  miles  out,  one  of  their 
number  became  fearful  and  turned  back. 

Encouraged  by  their  leader,  the  others  continued  on 
their  way.  The  father  of  the  other  two  boys  appears 
to  have  got  wind  of  the  project  and  posted  after  them 
in  a  chaise.  He  came  up  with  them  at  Acle,  about 
eleven  miles  from  Norwich.  When  they  were  first  seen, 
Borrow  was  striving  to  hearten  his  fellow  buccaneers, 
who  were  tired  and  dispirited  after  their  long  walk. 
The  three  were  unceremoniously  bundled  into  the  chaise 

1  Lavengro,  page  134. 


IL]  AN  ADVENTURE  25 

and  returned  to  their  homes  and,  subsequently,  to  the 
wrath  of  the  Rev.  Edward  Valpy.1 

The  names  of  the  three  confederates  were  John 
Dalrymple  (whose  heart  failed  him)  and  Theodosius  and 
Francis  Purland,  sons  of  a  Norwich  chemist.  The  Purlands 
are  credited  with  robbing  "the  paternal  till,"  while 
Dalrymple  confined  himself  to  the  less  compromising 
duty  of  "gathering  horse-pistols  and  potatoes."  If  the 
boys  robbed  their  father's  till,  why  did  they  beg  ?  In  the 
ballad  entitled  The  Wandering  Children  and  the  Benevolent 
Gentleman,  Borrow  depicts  the  "  eldest  child  "  as  begging 
for  charity  for  these  hungry  children,  who  have  had  "  no 
breakfast,  save  the  haws."  This  does  not  seem  to 
suggest  that  the  boys  were  in  the  possession  of  money. 
Again,  it  was  the  father  of  one  of  their  schoolfellows  who 
was  responsible  for  their  capture,  according  to  Dr  Knapp, 
by  asking  them  to  dinner  whilst  he  despatched  a  messenger 
to  the  Rev.  Edward  Valpy.  The  story  of  Sorrow's  being 
"  horsed  "  on  Dr  Martineau's  back  is  apocryphal.  Martineau 
himself  denied  it.2 

There  is  no  record  of  how  Captain  Borrow  received 
the  news  of  his  younger  son's  breach  of  discipline.  It 
probably  reminded  him  that  the  boy  was  now  fifteen 
and  it  was  time  to  think  about  his  future.  The  old 
soldier  was  puzzled.  Not  only  had  his  second  son  shown 
a  great  partiality  for  acquiring  Continental  tongues,  but 

1  This  account  is  taken  from  a  letter  by  "A  Schoolfellow  of 
Lavengro"  in  The  Britannia,  26th  April  1851. 

2  In  a  letter  to  Borrow,  dated  i$th  October  1862,  John  Longe, 
J.P.,  of  Spixworth  Park,  Norwich,  in  acknowledging  some  biographi- 
cal particulars  that  Borrow  had  sent  him  for  inclusion  in  Burton's 
Antiquities  of  the  Royal  School  of  Norwich,  wrote  : — 

"You  have  omitted  an  important  and  characteristic  anecdote  of 
your  early  days  (fifteen  years  of  age).  When  at  school  you,  with 
Theodosius  and  Francis  W.  Purland,  absented  yourself  from  home 
and  school  and  took  up  your  abode  in  a  certain  *  Robber's  Cave '  at 
Acle,  where  you  resided  three  days,  and  once  more  returned  to  your 
homes." 


26  NORWICH  DAYS  [1819 

he  had  learned  Irish,  and  Captain  Borrow  seemed  to  think 
that  by  learning  the  language  of  Papists  and  rebels, 
his  son  had  sullied  the  family  honour.  To  his  father's 
way  of  thinking,  this  accomplishment  seemed  to  bar  him 
from  most  things  that  were  at  one  and  the  same  time 
honourable  and  desirable. 

The  boy's  own  inclinations  pointed  to  the  army ;  but 
Captain  Borrow  had  apparently  seen  too  much  of  the 
army  in  war  time,  and  the  slowness  of  promotion,  to 
think  of  it  as  offering  a  career  suitable  to  his  son,  now 
that  there  was  every  prospect  of  a  prolonged  peace.  He 
thought  of  the  church  as  an  alternative  ;  but  here  again 
that  fatal  facility  the  boy  had  shown  in  learning  Erse 
seemed  to  stand  out  as  a  barrier.  "  I  have  observed  the 
poor  lad  attentively  and  really  I  do  not  see  what  to  make 
of  him,"  Captain  Borrow  is  said  to  have  remarked.  What 
could  be  expected  of  a  lad  who  would  forsake  Greek  for 
Irish,  or  Latin  for  the  barbarous  tongue  of  homeless 
vagabonds?  Certainly  not  a  good  churchman.  At 
length  it  became  obvious  to  the  distressed  parents  that 
there  was  only  one  choice  left  them — the  law. 

About  this  period  Borrow  fell  ill  of  some  nameless 
and  unclassified  disease,  which  defied  the  wisdom  of 
physicians,  who  shook  their  heads  gravely  by  his  bedside. 
An  old  woman,  however,  cured  him  by  a  decoction 
prepared  from  a  bitter  root.  The  convalescence  was 
slow  and  laborious  ;  for  the  boy's  nerves  were  shattered,  and 
that  deep,  haunting  melancholy,  which  he  first  called  the 
"  Fear "  and  afterwards  the  "  Horrors,"  descended  upon 
him. 

On  the  3<Dth  of  March  1819  Borrow  was  articled  for  five 
years  to  Simpson  &  Rackham,  solicitors,  of  Tuck's  Court, 
St  Giles,  Norwich.1  He  consequently  left  home  to  take 

1  According  to  the  original  manuscript  of  Lavengro,  it  appears 
that  Roger  Kerrison,  a  Norwich  friend  of  Sorrow's,  strongly  advised 
the  law  as  "an  excellent  profession  ...  for  those  who  never  intend 
to  follow  it." — Life  of  George  Borrow^  by  Dr  Knapp,  i.,  66. 


II.]  BLACKSTONE   V.  AB  GWILYM  27 

up  his  abode  at  the  house  of  the  senior  partner  in  the 
Upper  Close.1  Mr  William  Simpson  was  a  man  of 
considerable  importance  in  the  city ;  for  besides  being 
Treasurer  of  the  County,  he  was  Chamberlain  and  Town 
Clerk,  whilst  his  wife  was  famed  for  her  hospitality,  in 
particular  her  expensive  dinners. 

With  that  unerring  instinct  of  contrariety  that  never 
seemed  to  forsake  him,  Borrow  proceeded  to  learn,  not 
law  but  Welsh.  When  the  eyes  of  authority  were  on  him 
he  transcribed  Blackstone,  but  when  they  were  turned  away 
he  read  and  translated  the  poems  of  Ab  Gwilym.  He 
performed  his  tasks  "  as  well  as  could  be  expected  in  one 
who  was  occupied  by  so  many  and  busy  thoughts  of 
his  own." 

At  the  end  of  Tuck's  Court  was  a  house  at  which  was 
employed  a  Welsh  groom,  a  queer  fellow  who  soon 
attracted  the  notice  of  Simpson  &  Rackham's  clerks, 
young  gentlemen  who  were  bent  on  "  mis-spending  the 
time  which  was  not  legally  their  own."2  They  would 

1  The  Rev.  Wm.  Drake  of  Mundesley,  in  a  letter  which  appeared 
in  The  Eastern  Daily  Press,  22nd  September  1892  : — 

".  .  .  I  was  at  the  Norwich  Grammar  School  nine  years,  from 
1820  to  1829,  and  during  that  time  (probably  in  1824  and  1825) 
George  Borrow  was  lodging  in  the  Upper  Close.  .  .  .  The  house  was 
a  low  old-fashioned  building  with  a  garden  in  front  of  it,  and  the  fact 
of  Borrow's  residence  there  is  fixed  in  my  memory  because  I  had 
spent  the  first  five  or  six  years  of  my  own  life  in  the  same  house,  from 
1811  to  1816  or  1817.  My  father  occupied  it  in  virtue  of  his  being  a 
minor  canon  in  Norwich  Cathedral.  I  remember  Borrow  very 
distinctly,  because  he  was  fond  of  chatting  with  the  boys,  who  used 
to  gather  round  the  railings  of  his  garden,  and  occasionally  he  would 
ask  one  or  two  of  them  to  have  tea  with  him.  I  have  a  faint 
recollection  that  he  gave  us  some  of  our  first  notions  of  chess,  but 
I  am  not  sure  of  this.  I  ...  remember  him  a  tall,  spare,  dark- 
complexioned  man,  usually  dressed  in  black.  In  person  he  was  not 
unlike  another  Norwich  man,  who  obtained  in  those  days  a  very 
different  notoriety  from  that  which  now  belongs  to  Borrow's  name. 
I  mean  John  Thurtell,  who  murdered  Mr  Weare." 

2  Wild  Wales,  page  3. 


28  NORWICH  DAYS  [1820 

make  audible  remarks  about  the  unfortunate  and  in- 
offensive Welsh  groom,  calling  out  after  him  "  Taffy  " — 
in  short,  rendering  the  poor  fellow's  life  a  misery  with 
their  jibes,  until  at  last,  almost  distracted,  he  had  come  to 
the  determination  either  to  give  his  master  notice  or  to 
hang  himself,  that  he  might  get  away  from  that  "  nest  of 
parcupines."  Barrow  saw  in  the  predicament  of  the  Welsh 
groom  the  hand  of  providence.  He  made  a  compact 
with  him,  that  in  exchange  for  lessons  in  Welsh,  he, 
Borrow,  should  persuade  his  fellow  clerks  to  cease  their 
annoyance. 

From  that  time,  each  Sunday  afternoon,  the  Welsh 
groom  would  go  to  Captain  Borrow's  house  to  instruct 
his  son  in  Welsh  pronunciation ;  for  in  book  Welsh 
Borrow  was  stronger  than  his  preceptor.  Borrow  had 
learned  the  language  of  the  bards  "chiefly  by  going 
through  Owen  Pugh's  version  of  (  Paradise  Lost '  twice " 
with  the  original  by  his  side.  After  which  "  there  was 
very  little  in  Welsh  poetry  that  I  could  not  make  out 
with  a  little  pondering." 1  This  had  occupied  some  three 
years.  The  studies  with  the  groom  lasted  for  about 
twelve  months,  until  he  left  Norwich  with  his  family.2 

Captain  Borrow's  thoughts  were  frequently  occupied 
with  the  future  of  his  younger  son,  a  problem  that  had  by 
no  means  been  determined  by  signing  the  articles  that 
bound  him  to  Simpson  &  Rackham.  The  boy  was  frank 
and  honest  and  did  not  scruple  to  give  expression  to  ideas 
of  his  own,  and  it  was  these  ideas  that  alarmed  his  father. 
Once  at  the  house  of  Mr  Simpson,  and  before  the 
assembled  guests,  he  told  an  archdeacon,  worth  £7000  a 
year,  that  the  classics  were  much  overvalued,  and  com- 

1  Wild  Wales,  page  157. 

2  Forty  years   later  Borrow  wrote  of  these  days  : — " c  How  much 
more  happy,  innocent,  and  holy  I  was  in  the  days  of  my  boyhood 
when  I  translated  lolo's  ode  than  I  am  at  the  present  time  ! '    Then 
covering  my  face  with  my  hands  I  wept  like  a  child." —  Wild  Wales^ 
page  448. 


IL]  THE  GOATS  AND  THE  SHEEP  29 

pared  Ab  Gwilym  with  Ovid,  to  the  detriment  of  the 
Roman.  To  Captain  Borrow  the  possession  of  ideas  upon 
any  subject  by  one  so  young  was  in  itself  a  thing  to  be 
deplored ;  but  to  venture  an  opinion  contrary  to  that 
commonly  held  by  men  of  weight  and  substance  was  an 
unforgivable  act  of  insubordination. 

The  boy  had  been  sent  to  Tuck's  Court  to  learn  law, 
and  instead  he  persisted  in  acquiring  languages,  and  such 
languages !  Welsh,  Danish,  Arabic,  Armenian,  Saxon ; 
for  these  were  the  tongues  with  which  he  occupied  himself. 
None  but  a  perfect  mother  such  as  Mrs  Borrow  could  have 
found  excuses  for  a  son  who  pursued  such  studies,  and  her 
husband  pointed  out  to  her,  it  is  "  in  the  nature  of  women 
invariably  to  take  the  part  of  the  second  born." 

In  one  of  those  curiously  self-revelatory  passages  with 
which  his  writings  abound,  Borrow  tells  how  he  continued 
to  act  as  door-keeper  long  after  it  had  ceased  to  be  part 
of  his  duty.  As  a  student  of  men  and  a  collector  of 
strange  characters,  it  was  in  keeping  with  his  genius  to  do 
so,  although  he  himself  was  unable  to  explain  why  he 
took  pleasure  in  the  task.  No  one  was  admitted  to  the 
presence  of  the  senior  partner  who  did  not  first  pass  the 
searching  scrutiny  of  his  articled  clerk.  Those  who 
pleased  him  were  admitted  to  Mr  Simpson's  private  room  ; 
to  those  who  did  not  he  proved  himself  an  almost  insuper- 
able obstacle.  Unfortunately  Borrow's  standards  were 
those  of  the  physiognomist  rather  than  the  lawyer  ;  he 
inverted  the  whole  fabric  of  professional  desirability  by 
admitting  the  goats  and  refusing  the  sheep.  He  turned 
away  a  knight,  or  a  baronet,  and  admitted  a  poet,  until  at 
last  the  distressed  old  gentleman  in  black,  with  the 
philanthropical  head,  his  master,  was  forced  to  expostu- 
late and  adjure  his  clerk  to  judge,  not  by  faces  but 
by  clothes,  which  in  reality  make  the  man.  Borrow 
bowed  to  the  ruling  of  "the  prince  of  English  solicitors," 
revised  his  standards  and  continued  to  act  as  keeper  of 
the  door. 


30  NORWICH  DAYS  [1820 

Mr  Simpson  seems  to  have  earned  Borrow's  thorough 
regard,  no  small  achievement  considering  in  how  much  he 
differed  from  his  illustrious  articled-clerk  in  everything, 
not  excepting  humour,  of  which  the  delightful,  old-world 
gentleman  seems  to  have  had  a  generous  share.  He  was 
doubtless  puzzled  to  classify  the  strange  being  by  whose 
instrumentality  a  stream  of  undesirable  people  was 
admitted  to  his  presence,  whilst  distinguished  clients  were 
sternly  and  rigorously  turned  away.  He  probably  smiled 
at  the  story  of  the  old  yeoman  and  his  wife  who,  in  return 
for  some  civility  shown  to  them  by  Borrow,  presented  him 
with  an  old  volume  of  Danish  ballads,  which  inspired  him 
to  learn  the  language,  aided  by  a  Danish  Bible.1  He  was 
not  only  "the  first  solicitor  in  East  Anglia,"  but  "the 
prince  of  all  English  solicitors — for  he  was  a  gentleman ! " 
In  another  place  Borrow  refers  to  him  as  "  my  old  master 
.  .  .  who  would  have  died  sooner  than  broken  his  word. 
God  bless  him  !  "  3  And  yet  again  as  "  my  ancient  master, 
the  gentleman  solicitor  of  East  Anglia." 4 

Borrow  was   always  handsome  in  everything   he  did. 
If  he  hated  a  man  he  hated  him,  his  kith  and  kin  and  all 

1  There  is  no  doubt  that  Borrow  became  possessed  of  a  copy  of 
Kicempe  Viser,  first  collected  by  Anders  Vedel,  which  may  or  may 
not  have  been  given  to  him,  with  a  handshake  from  the  old  farmer 
and  a  kiss  from  his  wife,  in  recognition  of  the  attention  he  had  shown 
the  pair  in  his  official  capacity.     He  refers  to  the  volume  repeatedly 
in  LavengrO)  and  narrates  how  it  was  presented  by  some  shipwrecked 
Danish    mariners  to   the  old    couple  in  acknowledgment  of  their 
humanity  and  hospitality.     It  is,  however,  most  likely  that  he  was  in 
error  when  he  stated  that  "  in  less  than  a  month  "  he  was  able  "  to 
read  the  book." — Lavengro,  pages  140-4. 

2  Wild  Wales,  page  2. 

3  Wild  Wales,  page  374. 

4  Wild  Wales,  page  9.     There  is  an  interesting    letter  written 
to   Borrow  by  the  old  lawyer's  son  on  the  appearance  of  Lavengro^ 
in  which  he  says :  "  With  tearful  eyes,  yet  smiling  lips,  I  have  read 
and  re-read  your  faithful  portrait  of  my  dear  old  father.     I  cannot 
mistake  him — the  creaking  shoes,  the  florid  face,  the  polished  pate 
— all  serve  as  marks  of  recognition  to  his  youngest  son  ! " 


IL]  THE  CORPORATION  LIBRARY  31 

who  bore  his  name.  His  friendship  was  similarly  sweep- 
ing, and  his  regard  for  William  Simpson  prompted  him  to 
write  subsequently  of  the  law  as  "a  profession  which 
abounds  with  honourable  men,  and  in  which  I  believe 
there  are  fewer  scamps  than  in  any  other.  The  most 
honourable  men  I  have  ever  known  have  been  lawyers ; 
they  were  men  whose  word  was  their  bond,  and  who  would 
have  preferred  ruin  to  breaking  it." 1 

Fortunately  for  Borrow  there  was  at  the  Norwich 
Guildhall  a  valuable  library  consisting  of  a  large  number 
of  ancient  folios  written  in  many  languages.  "  Amidst  the 
dust  and  cobwebs  of  the  Corporation  Library  "  he  studied 
earnestly  and,  with  a  fine  disregard  for  a  librarian's  feelings, 
annotated  some  of  the  volumes,  his  marginalia  existing  to 
this  day.  One  of  his  favourite  works  was  the  Danica 
Literatura  Antiquissima  of  Olaus  Wormius,  1636,  which 
inspired  him  with  the  idea  of  adopting  the  name  Olaus,  his 
subsequent  contributions  to  The  New  Magazine  being 
signed  George  Olaus  Borrow. 

Whilst  Borrow  was  striving  to  learn  languages  and 
avoid  the  law,2  the  question  of  his  brother's  career  was 
seriously  occupying  the  mind  of  their  father.  Borrow 
loved  and  admired  his  brother.  There  is  sincerity  in  all 
he  writes  concerning  John,  and  there  is  something  of 
nobility  about  the  way  in  which  he  tells  of  his  father's 
preference  for  him.  "  Who,"  he  asks,  "  cannot  excuse  the 
honest  pride  of  the  old  man — the  stout  old  man  ?  "  3 

The  Peace  had  closed  to  John  Borrow  the  army  as  a 
profession,  and  he  had  devoted  himself  assiduously  to  his 
art.  Under  Crome  the  elder  he  had  made  considerable 

1  Wild  Wales,  page  374. 

2  During  the  five  years  that  he  was  articled  to  Simpson  &  Rack- 
ham,   Borrow,  according    to    Dr    Knapp,   studied  Welsh,   Danish, 
German,    Hebrew,    Arabic,    Gaelic,    and    Armenian.      He   already 
had  a  knowledge    of    Latin,   Greek,    Irish,    French,    Italian,    and 
Spanish. 

3  Lavengro,  page  135. 


32  NORWICH  DAYS  [1820 

progress,  and  had  exhibited  a  number  of  pictures  at  the 
yearly  exhibitions  of  the  Norwich  Society  of  Artists.  He 
continued  to  study  with  Crome  until  the  artist's  death 
(22nd  April  1821),  when  a  new  master  had  to  besought. 
With  his  father's  blessing  and  £150  he  proceeded  to 
London,  where  he  remained  for  more  than  a  year  studying 
with  B.  R.  Haydon.1  Later  he  went  to  Paris  to  copy  Old 
Masters. 

About  this  time  Borrow  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing 
many  of  "  the  bruisers  of  England."  In  his  veins  flowed 
the  blood  of  the  man  who  had  met  Big  Ben  Bryan  and 
survived  the  encounter  undefeated.  "  Let  no  one  sneer  at 
the  bruisers  of  England,"  Borrow  wrote — "  What  were  the 
gladiators  of  Rome,  or  the  bull-fighters  of  Spain,  in  its 
palmiest  days,  compared  to  England's  bruisers?"2  he 
asks.  On  i/th  July  1820  Edward  Painter  of  Norwich 
was  to  meet  Thomas  Oliver  of  London  for  a  purse  of  a 
hundred  guineas.  On  the  Saturday  previous  (the  I5th) 
the  Norwich  hotels  began  to  fill  with  bruisers  and  their 
patrons,  and  men  went  their  ways  anxiously  polite  to  the 
stranger,  lest  he  turn  out  to  be  some  champion  whom  it 
were  dangerous  to  affront.  Thomas  Cribb,  the  champion 
of  England,  had  come  to  see  the  fight,  "  Teucer  Belcher, 
.  .  .  savage  Shelton,  .  .  .  the  terrible  Randall,  .  .  .  Bull- 
dog Hudson,  .  .  .  fearless  Scroggins,  .  .  .  Black  Rich- 
mond, .  .  .  Tom  of  Bedford,"  and  a  host  of  lesser  lights 
of  the  "  Fancy." 

On  the  Monday,  upwards  of  20,000  men  swept  out  of 
the  old  city  towards  North  Walsham,  less  than  twenty 
miles  distant,  among  them  George  Borrow,  striding  along 
among  the  varied  stream  of  men  and  vehicles  (some 
2000  in  number)  to  see  the  great  fight,  which  was  to  end 
in  the  victory  of  the  local  man  and  a  terrible  storm,  as  if 
heaven  were  thundering  its  anger  against  a  brutal 
spectacle.  The  sportsmen  were  left  to  find  their  way  to 

1  Benjamin  Robert  Haydon  (1786-1846),  the  historical  painter. 

2  Lavengro,  page  166. 


IL]  "GODLESS  BILLY"  TAYLOR  33 

shelter,  Borrow  and  Mr  Petulengro,  whom  he  had 
encountered  just  after  the  fight,  with  them,  talking  of 
dukkeripens  (fortunes). 

Some  time  during  the  year  1820,  a  Jew  named  Levy 
(the  Mousha  of  Lavengro),  Borrow's  instructor  in  Hebrew, 
introduced  him  to  William  Taylor,1  one  of  the  most 
extraordinary  men  that  Norwich  ever  produced.  In  the 
long-limbed  young  lawyer's  clerk,  whose  hair  was  rapidly 
becoming  grey,  Taylor  showed  great  interest,  and,  as  an 
act  of  friendship,  undertook  to  teach  him  German.  He  was 
gratified  by  the  young  man's  astonishing  progress,  and  much 
interested  in  his  remarkable  personality.  As  a  result  Borrow 
became  a  frequent  visitor  at  21  King  Street,  Norwich, 
where  Taylor  lived  and  many  strange  men  assembled. 

It  is  doubtful  if  William  Taylor  ever  found  another 
pupil  so  apt,  or  a  disciple  so  enthusiastic  among  all  the 
"harum-scarum  young  men"2  that  he  was  so  fond  of 
taking  up  and  introducing  "  into  the  best  society  the  place 
afforded." 3  He  was  much  impressed  by  Borrow's  extra- 
ordinary memory  and  power  of  concentration.  Speaking  one 
day  of  the  different  degrees  of  intelligence  in  men  he  said : — 

"  I  cannot  give  you  a  better  example  to  explain  my 
meaning  than  my  two  pupils  (there  was  another  named 
Cooke,  who  was  said  to  be  '  a  genius  in  his  way ' )  ;  what  I 
tell  Borrow  once  he  ever  remembers ;  whilst  to  the  fellow 
Cooke  I  have  to  repeat  the  same  thing  twenty  times,  often 
without  effect ;  and  it  is  not  from  want  of  memory  either, 
but  he  will  never  be  a  linguist." 


»  4 


1  William  Taylor  (1765-1836)  was  an  admirer  of  German  literature 
and  a  defender  of  the  French  Revolution.     He  is  credited  with  having 
first  inspired  his  friend  Southey  with  a  liking  for  poetry.     He  travelled 
much  abroad,  met  Goethe,  attended  the  National  Assembly  debates 
in  1790,  translated  from  the  German  and  contributed  to  a  number  of 
English  periodicals. 

2  Harriet  Martineau's  Autobiography ',  1877. 

3  Harriet  Martineau's  Autobiography,  1877. 

4  Letter  from  "A  School-fellow  of  Lavengro"  in  The  Britannia^ 
26th  April  1851, 

C 


34  NORWICH  DAYS  [1821 

To  a  correspondent  Taylor  wrote  :— 

u  A  Norwich  young  man  is  construing  with  me 
Schiller's  Wilhelm  Tell,  with  the  view  of  translating  it  for 
the  press.  His  name  is  George  Henry  Borrow,  and  he 
has  learnt  German  with  extraordinary  rapidity ;  indeed, 
he  has  the  gift  of  tongues,  and,  though  not  yet  eighteen, 
understands  twelve  languages  —  English,  Welsh,  Erse, 
Latin,  Greek,  Hebrew,  German,  Danish,  French,  Italian, 
Spanish,  and  Portuguese ;  he  would  like  to  get  into  the 
Office  for  Foreign  Affairs,  but  does  not  know  how." x 

This  was  in  1821  ;  two  years  later  Borrow  is  said  to 
have  "translated  with  fidelity  and  elegance  from  twenty 
different  languages."2  In  spite  of  his  later  achieve- 
ments in  learning  languages,  it  seems  scarcely  credible 
that  he  acquired  eight  separate  languages  in  two  years, 
although  it  must  be  remembered  that  with  him  the  learning 
of  a  language  was  to  be  able  to  read  it  after  a  rather 
laborious  fashion.  Taylor,  however,  uses  the  words 
"facility  and  elegance." 

Tn  the  autobiographical  notes  that  Borrow  supplied  to 
Mr  John  Longe  in  1862  there  appears  the  following 
passage : — 

"  At  the  expiration  of  his  clerkship  he  knew  little  of  the 
law,  but  he  was  well  versed  in  languages,  being  not  only  a 
good  Greek  and  Latin  scholar,  but  acquainted  with  French, 
Italian,  Spanish,  all  the  Celtic  and  Gothic  dialects,  and 
likewise  with  the  peculiar  language  of  the  English  Romany 
dials  or  gypsies." 

At  William  Taylor's  table  Borrow  met  "the  most 
intellectual  and  talented  men  of  Norwich,  as  also  those  of 
note  who  visited  the  city." 3  Taylor  was  much  interested 
in  young  men,  into  whose  minds  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
instil  his  own  ideas,  ideas  that  not  only  earned  for  him 
the  name  of  "  Godless  Billy,"  but  outraged  his  respectable 

1  Memoir  of  Wm.  Taylor,  by  J.  W.  Robberds. 

2  Memoir  of  Wm.  Taylor,  by  J.  W.  Robberds. 

3  Letter  from  "A  School-fellow  of  Lavengro"  in  The  Britannia, 
26th  April  1851. 


WILLIAM  TAYLOR  OF  NORWICH. 


[To  face  page  34. 


IL]  AN  ENEMY  OF  HUMBUG  35 

fellow-citizens  as  much  as  did  his  intemperate  habits.  "  His 
face  was  terribly  bloated  from  drink,  and  he  had  a  look  as  if 
his  intellect  was  almost  as  much  decayed  as  his  body," 
wrote  a  contemporary.1  "  Matters  grew  worse  in  his  old 
age,"  says  Harriet  Martineau,  "  when  his  habits  of  in- 
temperance kept  him  out  of  the  sight  of  ladies,  and  he  got 
round  him  a  set  of  ignorant  and  conceited  young  men,  who 
thought  they  could  set  the  whole  world  right  by  their 
destructive  propensities.  One  of  his  chief  favourites  was 
George  Borrow."2  Borrow  has  given  the  following  con- 
vincing picture  of  Taylor : 

"  Methought  I  was  in  a  small,  comfortable  room  wain- 
scotted  with  oak ;  I  was  seated  on  one  side  of  a  fireplace, 
close  by  a  table  on  which  were  wine  and  fruit ;  on  the 
other  side  of  the  fire  sat  a  man  in  a  plain  suit  of  brown, 
with  the  hair  combed  back  from  the  somewhat  high  fore- 
head ;  he  had  a  pipe  in  his  mouth,  which  for  some  time  he 
smoked  gravely  and  placidly,  without  saying  a  word ;  at 
length,  after  drawing  at  the  pipe  for  some  time  rather 
vigorously,  he  removed  it  from  his  mouth,  and  emitting 
an  accumulated  cloud  of  smoke,  he  exclaimed  in  a 
slow  and  measured  tone :  *  As  I  was  telling  you  just 
now,  my  good  chap,  I  have  always  been  an  enemy  of 
humbug.'"3 

William  Taylor  appears  to  have  flattered  "  the  harum- 
scarum  young  men  "  with  whom  he  surrounded  himself  by 
talking  to  them  as  if  they  were  his  intellectual  equals.  He 
encouraged  them  to  form  their  own  opinions,  in  itself  a 
thing  scarcely  likely  to  make  him  popular  with  either 
parents  or  guardians,  least  of  all  with  discipline-loving 
Captain  Borrow,  who  declined  even  to  return  the  salute  of 
his  son's  friend  on  the  public  highway. 

Borrow  now  began  to  look  to  the  future  and  speculate 
as  to  what  his  present  life  would  lead  to.  His  cogitations 

1  The  Rev.  Whitwell  Elwin,  in  a  letter,  i;th  February  1887. 

2  Harriet  Martineau's  Autobiography ',  1877. 

3  Lavengro,  page  355. 


36  NORWICH  DAYS  [1821 

seem  to  have  ended,  almost  invariably,  in  a  gloomy  mist 
of  pessimism  and  despair — in  other  words,  an  attack  of 
the  "  Horrors."  If  Mr  Petulengro  were  encamped  upon 
Household,  the  antidote  lay  near  to  hand  in  his  friend's 
pagan  optimism  ;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  the  tents  of  Egypt 
were  pitched  on  other  soil,  there  was  no  remedy,  unless 
perhaps  a  prize-fight  supplied  the  necessary  stimulus  to 
divert  his  thoughts  from  their  melancholy  trend. 

Borrow  met  at  the  house  of  his  tutor  and  friend,  in  July 
1821,  Dr  Bowring1  (afterwards  Sir  John)  at  a  dinner  given 
in  his  honour.  Bowring  had  recently  published  Specimen 
of  Russian  Poets ;  in  recognition  of  which  the  Czar 
(Alexander  I.)  had  presented  him  with  a  diamond  ring. 
He  had  a  considerable  reputation  as  a  linguist,  which 
naturally  attracted  Borrow  to  him.  Dr  Bowring  was  told 
of  Borrow's  accomplishments,  and  during  the  evening  took 
a  seat  beside  him.  Borrow  confessed  to  being  "a  little 
frightened  at  first "  of  the  distinguished  man,  whom  he 
described  as  having  "  a  thin  weaselly  figure,  a  sallow  com- 
plexion, a  certain  obliquity  of  vision,  and  a  large  pair  of 
spectacles."  It  would  be  dangerous  to  accept  entirely  the 
account  that  Borrow  gives  of ;the  meeting,2  because  when 
that  was  written  he  had  come  to  hate  and  despise  the  man 
whom  he  had  begun  by  regarding  with  such  awe.  Bowring 

1  John  Bowring,  F.R.S.  (1792-1872),  began  life  in  trade,  went  to 
the  Peninsula  for  Milford  &  Co.,  army  contractors,  in  1811,  set  up 
for  himself  as  a  merchant,   travelled  and    acquired  a  number  of 
languages.     He  was  ambitious,  energetic  and  shrewd.     He  became 
editor  of  The  Westminster  Review  in  1824,  and  LL.D.,  Gronigen,  in 
1829.     He  was  sent  by  the  Government  upon  a  commercial  mission  to 
Belgium,  1833  ;  to  Egypt ;  Syria  and  Turkey,  1837-8  ;  M.P.  for  Clyde 
burghs,  1835-7,  and  for  Bolton,  1841  ;  was  instrumental  in  obtaining 
the  issue  of  the  florin  as  a  first  step  toward  a  decimal  system  of 
currency ;     Consul    of    Canton,    1847 ;     plenipotentiary    to    China ; 
governor,  commander-in-chief,  and  vice-admiral  of  Hong  Kong,  1854; 
knighted  1854  ;  established  diplomatic  and  commercial  relations  with 
Siam,  1855.     He  published  a  number  of  volumes  of  translations  from 
various  languages.     He  died  full  of  years  and  honours  in  1872. 

2  The  Romany  Rye,  page  368,  et  seg. 


GEORGE   BORROW  (1821) 

(From  a  hitherto  unpublished  painting  by  John  Borrow,  now  in  the  possession  of 
W.  F.  T.  Jarrold,  Esq.). 


[To  face  page  36. 


IL]  AN  EMBARRASSING  QUESTION  37 

appears  to  have  ventilated  his  views  with  some  freedom, 
and  to  have  had  a  rather  serious  passage  of  arms  with 
another  guest  whom  he  had  rudely  contradicted.  It  is  very 
probable  that  Borrow's  dislike  of  Bowring  prompted  him 
to  exaggerate  his  account  of  what  happened  at  Taylor's 
house  that  evening. 

Whilst  Borrow  was  industriously  occupied  in  collecting 
vagabonds  and  imbibing  the  dangerous  beliefs  of  William 
Taylor,  there  sat  in  an  easy-chair  in  the  small  front- 
parlour  of  the  little  house  in  Willow  Lane,  in  a  faded  regi- 
mental coat,  a  prematurely  old  man,  whose  frame  still  showed 
signs  of  the  magnificent  physique  of  his  vigorous  manhood. 
"  Sometimes  in  prayer,  sometimes  in  meditation,  and 
sometimes  in  reading  the  Scriptures,"  with  his  dog  beside 
him,  Captain  Thomas  Borrow,  now  sixty-five,  was  prepar- 
ing for  the  end  that  he  felt  to  be  approaching.  He 
frequently  meditated  upon  what  was  to  become  of  his 
younger  son  George,  who  held  his  father  in  such  awe  as  to 
feel  ill  at  ease  when  alone  with  him. 

One  day  the  inevitable  interrogation  took  place. 
"  What  do  you  propose  to  do  ?  "  and  the  equally  inevitable 
reply  followed,  "  I  really  do  not  know  what  I  shall  do." 
In  the  course  of  a  somewhat  lengthy  cross-examination, 
Captain  Borrow  discovered  that  his  son  knew  the 
Armenian  tongue,  for  which  he  very  cunningly  strove 
to  enlist  his  father's  interest  by  telling  him  that  in 
Armenia  was  Mount  Ararat,  whereon  the  ark  rested. 
Captain  Borrow  also  discovered  that  his  son  could  not 
only  shoe  a  horse,  but  also  make  the  shoes;  but, 
what  was  most  important,  he  found  that  George  had 
learned  "  very  little "  law.  When  asked  if  he  thought  he 
could  support  himself  by  Armenian  or  his  "  other  acquire- 
ments," the  younger  man  was  not  very  hopeful,  and 
horrified  the  old  soldier  by  suggesting  that  if  all  else 
failed  there  was  always  suicide. 

The  dying  man  was  thus  left  to  yearn  for  the  return  of 
his  elder  son,  in  whom  all  his  hopes  lay  centred.  John 


38  NORWICH  DAYS  [1824 

appears  to  have  been  by  no  means  dutiful  to  his  parents  in 
the  matter  of  letters.  For  six  months  he  left  them 
unacquainted  even  with  his  address  in  Paris,  where  he  was 
still  copying  Old  Masters  in  the  Louvre. 

After  their  talk  the  father  and  younger  son  seem  to  have 
come  to  a  better  understanding.  George  would  frequently 
read  aloud  from  the  Bible,  whilst  Captain  Borrow  would  tell 
about  his  early  life.  His  son  "had  no  idea  that  he  knew 
and  had  seen  so  much ;  my  respect  for  him  increased,  and 
I  looked  upon  him  almost  with  admiration.  His 
anecdotes  were  in  general  highly  curious ;  some  of  them 
related  to  people  in  the  highest  stations,  and  to  men  whose 
names  are  closely  connected  with  some  of  the  brightest 
glories  of  our  native  land." l 

At  last  John  arrived,  apparently  a  little  disillusioned 
with  the  world ;  but  the  coming  of  his  favourite  son 
produced  no  change  for  the  better  in  Captain  Borrow's 
health.  He  was  content  and  happy  that  God  had 
granted  his  wish.  There  remained  nothing  now  to  do 
but  "to  bless  my  little  family  and  go."  George  learned 
"  that  it  is  possible  to  feel  deeply  and  yet  make  no  out- 
ward sign." 

The  end  came  on  the  morning  of  28th  February  1824. 
It  was  by  a  strange  chance  that  the  old  man  should  die 
in  the  arms  of  his  younger  son,  who  had  run  down  on 
hearing  his  mother's  anguished  screams.  Borrow  has 
given  a  dramatic  account  of  his  father's  last  moments  : — 

"  At  the  dead  hour  of  night,  it  might  be  about  two,  I 
was  awakened  from  sleep  by  a  cry  which  sounded  from  the 
room  immediately  below  that  in  which  I  slept.  I  knew 
the  cry,  it  was  the  cry  of  my  mother,  and  I  also  knew  its 
import ;  yet  I  made  no  effort  to  rise,  for  I  was  for  the 
moment  paralysed.  Again  the  cry  sounded,  yet  still  I  lay 
motionless — the  stupidity  of  horror  was  upon  me.  A  third 
time,  and  it  was  then  that,  by  a  violent  effort  bursting  the 
spell  which  appeared  to  bind  me,  I  sprang  from  the  bed 
and  rushed  downstairs.  My  mother  was  running  wildly 

1  Lavengro,  pages  177-8. 


IL]  DEATH  OF  CAFfAIN  BORROW  39 

about  the  room ;  she  had  awoke  and  found  my  father 
senseless  in  the  bed  by  her  side.  I  essayed  to  raise  him, 
and  after  a  few  efforts  supported  him  in  the  bed  in  a  sitting 
posture.  My  brother  now  rushed  in,  and  snatching  a  light 
that  was  burning,  he  held  it  to  my  father's  face.  *  The 
surgeon,  the  surgeon  ! '  he  cried ;  then  dropping  the  light, 
he  ran  out  of  the  room  followed  by  my  mother ;  I 
remained  alone,  supporting  the  senseless  form  of  my 
father ;  the  light  had  been  extinguished  by  the  fall,  and 
an  almost  total  darkness  reigned  in  the  room.  The  form 
pressed  heavily  against  my  bosom — at  last  methought  it 
moved.  Yes,  I  was  right,  there  was  a  heaving  of  the 
breast,  and  then  a  gasping.  Were  those  words  which  I 
heard  ?  Yes,  they  were  words,  low  and  indistinct  at  first, 
and  then  audible.  The  mind  of  the  dying  man  was 
reverting  to  form'er  scenes.  I  heard  him  mention  names 
which  I  had  often  heard  him  mention  before.  It  was  an 
awful  moment ;  I  felt  stupified,  but  I  still  contrived  to  support 
my  dying  father.  There  was  a  pause,  again  my  father  spoke  : 
I  heard  him  speak  of  Minden,  and  of  Meredith,  the  old 
Minden  sergeant,  and  then  he  uttered  another  name,  which 
at  one  period  of  his  life  was  much  on  his  lips,  the  name  of 
— but  this  is  a  solemn  moment !  There  was  a  deep  gasp  : 
I  shook,  and  thought  all  was  over ;  but  I  was  mistaken — 
my  father  moved  and  revived  for  a  moment ;  he  supported 
himself  in  bed  without  my  assistance.  I  make  no  doubt 
that  for  a  moment  he  was  perfectly  sensible,  and  it  was 
then  that,  clasping  his  hands,  he  uttered  another  name 
clearly,  distinctly — it  was  the  name  of  Christ.  With  that 
name  upon  his  lips,  the  brave  old  soldier  sank  back  upon 
my  bosom,  and,  with  his  hands  still  clasped,  yielded  up  his 
soul."1 

1  Lavengro,  pages  179-80.  Captain  Borrow  was  in  his  sixty-sixth 
year  at  his  death  ;  b.  December  1758,  d.  28th  February  1824.  He 
was  buried  in  St  Giles  churchyard,  Norwich,  on  4th  March  1824, 


CHAPTER  III 

APRIL    1824 — MAY    1825 

2nd  April  1824,  George  Borrow  was  cast  upon  the 
world  of  London  by  the  death  of  his  father,  "  with 
an  exterior  shy  and  cold,  under  which  lurk  much  curiosity, 
especially  with  regard  to  what  is  wild  and  extraordinary, 
a  considerable  quantity  of  energy  and  industry,  and  an 
unconquerable  love  of  independence." l 

It  had  become  necessary  for  him  to  earn  his  own 
livelihood.  Captain  Borrow's  pension  had  ceased  with  his 
death,  and  the  old  soldier's  savings  of  a  lifetime  were 
barely  sufficient  to  produce  an  income  of  a  hundred  pounds 
a  year  for  his  widow.  The  provision  made  in  the  will  for 
his  younger  son  during  his  minority  would  operate  only 
for  about  four  months,  as  he  would  be  of  age  in  the 
following  July.2  The  clerkship  with  Simpson  &  Rackham 
would  expire  at  the  end  of  March.  Borrow  had  outlined 
his  ambitions  in  a  letter  written  on  2Oth  January  1824, 
when  he  was  ill  and  wretched,  to  Roger  Kerrison,  then  in 
London  :  "  If  ever  my  health  mends  [this  has  reference  to 
a  very  unpleasant  complaint  he  had  contracted],  and 
possibly  it  may  by  the  time  my  clerkship  is  expired,  I 

1  The  Romany  Rye,  page  302. 

2  In  his  will  Captain  Borrow  bequeathed  to  George  his  watch  and 
"  the  small  Portrait,"  and  to  John  "  the  large  Portrait "  of  himself, 
his   mother  to  hold  and  enjoy  them   during  her  lifetime.      Should 
Mrs  Borrow  die  or  marry  again,  elaborate  provision  was  made  for  the 
proper  distribution  of  the  property  between  the  two  sons. 

40 


IIL]  THE  GREEN  BOX  41 

intend  to  live  in  London,  write  plays,  poetry,  etc.,  abuse 
religion  and  get  myself  prosecuted,"  for  he  was  tired  of 
the  "dull  and  gloomy  town."  It  was  therefore  with  a 
feeling  of  relief  that,  on  the  evening  of  1st  April,  he  took 
his  seat  on  the  top  of  the  London  coach,  his  hopes  centred 
in  a  small  green  box  that  he  carried  with  him.  It 
contained  his  stock-in-trade  as  an  author :  his  beloved 
manuscripts,  "closely  written  over  in  a  singular  hand." 
Among  the  bundles  of  papers  were : 

(i.)  The  Ancient  Songs  of  Denmark,  heroic  and 
romantic,  translated  by  himself,  with  notes  philological, 
critical  and  historical. 

(ii.)  The  Songs  of  Ab  Gwilym,  the  Welsh  Bard,  also 
translated  by  himself,  with  notes  critical,  philological  and 
historical.1 

(iii.)  A  romance  in  the  German  style. 

In  addition  to  his  manuscripts,  Borrow  had  some 
twenty  or  thirty  pounds,  his  testimonials,  and  a  letter 
from  William  Taylor  to  Sir  Richard  Phillips,  the  publisher, 
to  whose  New  Magazine  he  had  already  contributed  a  num- 
ber of  translations  of  poems.  He  had  also  printed  in  The 
Monthly  Magazine  and  The  New  Monthly  Magazine  trans- 
lations of  verse  from  the  German,  Swedish,  Dutch,  Danish 
and  Spanish,  and  an  essay  on  Danish  ballad  writing. 

On  the  morning  of  2nd  April  there  arrived  at  16 
Milman  Street,  Bedford  Row,  London,  W.C., 

"  A  lad  who  twenty  tongues  can  talk, 
And  sixty  miles  a  day  can  walk  ; 
Drink  at  a  draught  a  pint  of  rum, 
And  then  be  neither  sick  nor  dumb  ; 
Can  tune  a  song  and  make  a  verse, 
And  deeds  of  Northern  kings  rehearse  ; 

1  In  particular  Borrow  believed  in  Ab  Gwilym  "the  greatest 
poetical  genius  that  has  appeared  in  Europe  since  the  revival  of 
literature"  (Wild  Wales,  page  6).  "The  great  poet  of  Nature,  the 
contemporary  of  Chaucer,  but  worth  half-a-dozen  of  the  accomplished 
word-master,  the  ingenious  versifier  of  Norman  and  Italian  Tales." 
( Wild  Wales,  page  xxviii.). 


42  THE  ROAD  TO  AUTHORSHIP  [1824 

Who  never  will  forsake  his  friend 
While  he  his  bony  fist  can  bend  ; 
And,  though  averse  to  broil  and  strife, 
Will  fight  a  Dutchman  with  a  knife  ; 
O  that  is  just  the  lad  for  me, 
And  such  is  honest  six-foot-three."1 

It  was  through  the  Kerrisons  that  Borrow  went  to 
16  Milman  Street,  where  Roger  was  lodging.  His  apart- 
ments seem  to  have  been  dismal  enough,  consisting  of 
"  a  small  room,  up  two  pair  of  stairs,  in  which  I  was  to 
sit,  and  another,  still  smaller,  above  it,  in  which  I  was 
to  sleep."  After  the  first  feeling  of  loneliness  had 
passed,  dispelled  largely  by  a  bright  fire  and  break- 
fast, he  sallied  forth,  the  contents  of  the  green  box 
under  his  arm,  to  present  his  letter  of  introduction 
to  Sir  Richard  Phillips,2  in  whom  centred  his  hopes  of 
employment. 

On  arriving  at  the  publisher's  house  in  Tavistock 
Square,  he  was  immediately  shown  into  Sir  Richard's 
study,  where  he  found  "  a  tall,  stout  man,  about  sixty, 
dressed  in  a  loose  morning  gown,"  and  with  him  his 
confidential  clerk  Bartlett  (the  Taggart  of  Lavengrd).  Sir 
Richard  was  at  first  enthusiastic  and  cordial,  but  when 
he  learned  from  William  Taylor's  letter  that  Borrow  had 
come  up  to  earn  his  livelihood  by  authorship,  his  manner 
underwent  a  marked  change.  The  bluff,  hearty  expression 
gave  place  to  "  a  sinister  glance,"  and  Borrow  found  that 
within  that  loose  morning  gown  there  was  a  second  Sir 
Richard. 

He  learned  two  things — first,  that  Sir  Richard  Phillips 
had  retired  from  publishing  and  had  reserved  only  The 

1  Lines  to  Six- Foot-Three.     Romantic  Ballads.     Norwich  1826. 

2  Sir   Richard  Phillips  (1767-1840)   before  becoming  a  publisher 
was    a    schoolmaster,   hosier,   stationer,  bookseller,   and  vendor  of 
patent  medicines  at  Leicester,  where  he  also  founded  a  newspaper. 
In  1795  ne  came  to  London,  was  sheriff  in  1807,  and  received  his 
knighthood  a  year  later. 


SIR  RICHARD    PHILLIPS 
(From  the  painting  by  James  Saxon  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery). 


[To  face  page  42. 


in.]  A  VEGETARIAN  PUBLISHER  43 

Monthly  Magazine ; *•  secondly,  that  literature  was  a  drug 
upon  the  market.  With  airy  self-assertiveness,  the  ex- 
publisher  dismissed  the  contents  of  the  green  box  that 
Borrow  had  brought  with  him,  which  had  already  aroused 
considerable  suspicion  in  the  mind  of  the  maid  who  had 
admitted  him  to  the  publisher's  presence. 

When  he  had  thoroughly  dashed  the  young  author's 
hopes  of  employment,  Sir  Richard  informed  him  of  a 
new  publication  he  had  in  preparation,  The  Universal 
Revieiv  \The  Oxford  Review  of  Lavengro\  which  was  to 
support  the  son  of  the  house  and  the  wife  he  had  married. 
With  a  promise  that  he  should  become  a  contributor  to 
the  new  review,  an  earnest  exhortation  to  write  a  story 
in  the  style  of  The  Dairyman's  Daughter \  and  an  invitation 
to  dinner  for  the  following  Sunday,  the  first  interview 
between  George  Borrow  and  Sir  Richard  Phillips  ended, 
and  Borrow  left  the  great  man's  presence  to  begin  his 
exploration  of  London,  first  leaving  his  manuscripts  at 
Milman  Street.  During  the  rest  of  the  day  he  walked 
"scarcely  less  than  thirty  miles  about  the  big  city."  It 
was  late  when  he  returned  to  his  lodgings,  thoroughly 
tired,  but  with  a  copy  of  The  Dairyman's  Daughter,  for 
"a  well-written  tale  in  the  style"  of  which  Sir  Richard 
Phillips  "  could  afford  as  much  as  ten  pounds."  The  day 
had  been  one  of  the  most  eventful  in  Borrow's  life. 

On  the  following  Sunday  Borrow  dined  at  Tavistock 
Square,  and  met  Lady  Phillips,  young  Phillips  and  his 

1  It  has  been  urged  against  Borrow's  accuracy  that  Sir  Richard 
Phillips  had  retired  to  Brighton  in  1823,  vide  The  Dictionary  of 
National  Biography.  In  the  January  number  (1824)  of  The  Monthly 
Magazine  appeared  the  following  paragraph :  "  The  Editor  [Sir 
Richard  Phillips],  having  retired  from  his  commercial  engagements 
and  removed  from  his  late  house  of  business  in  New  Bridge  Street, 
communications  should  be  addressed  to  the  appointed  Publishers 
[Messrs  Whittakers]  ;  but  personal  interviews  of  Correspondents  and 
interested  persons  may  be  obtained  at  his  private  residence  in 
Tavistock  Square."  This  proves  conclusively  that  Sir  Richard  was  to 
be  seen  in  London  in  the  early  part  of  1824. 


44  THE  ROAD  TO  AUTHORSHIP  [1824 

bride.  He  learned  that  Sir  Richard  was  a  vegetarian 
of  twenty  years'  standing  and  a  total  abstainer,  although 
meat  and  wine  were  not  banished  from  his  table.  When 
publisher  and  potential  author  were  left  alone,  the  son 
having  soon  followed  the  ladies  into  the  drawing-room, 
Borrow  heard  of  Sir  Richard's  amiable  intentions  towards 
him.  He  was  to  compile  six  volumes  of  the  lives  and 
trials  of  criminals  [the  Newgate  Lives  and  Trials  of 
Lavengro\  each  to  contain  not  less  than  a  thousand 
pages.1  For  this  work  he  was  to  receive  the  munificent 
sum  of  fifty  pounds,  which  was  to  cover  all  expenses 
incurred  in  the  purchase  of  books,  papers  and  manuscripts 
necessary  to  the  compilation  of  the  work.  This  was 
only  one  of  the  employments  that  the  fertile  brain  of  the 
publisher  had  schemed  for  him.  He  was  also  to  make 
himself  useful  in  connection  with  the  forthcoming 
Universal  Review.  "  Generally  useful,  sir— doing  whatever 
is  required  of  you  " ;  for  it  was  not  Sir  Richard's  custom 
to  allow  young  writers  to  select  their  own  subjects. 

With  impressive  manner  and  ponderous  diction,  Sir 
Richard  Phillips  unfolded  his  philanthropic  designs  regard- 
ing the  young  writer  to  whom  his  words  meant  a  career. 
He  did  not  end  with  the  appointment  of  Borrow  as  general 
utility  writer  upon  The  Universal  Review ;  but  proceeded 
to  astonish  him  with  the  announcement  that  to  him, 
George  Borrow,  understanding  German  in  a  manner  that 
aroused  the  "  strong  admiration  "  of  William  Taylor,  was  to 
be  entrusted  the  translating  into  that  tongue  of  Sir  Richard 
Phillips'  book  of  Philosophy.2  If  translations  of  Goethe 
into  English  were  a  drug,  Sir  Richard  Phillips'  Proximate 
Causes  was  to  prove  that  neither  he  nor  his  book  would  be 
a  drug  in  Germany.  For  this  work  the  remuneration  was 

1  Celebrated  Trials   and  Remarkable   Cases  of   Criminal  Juris- 
prudence from  the  Earliest  Records  to  the   Year  1825,  6  vols.,  with 
plates.    London,  1825. 

2  Proximate  Causes  of  the  Material  Phenomena  of  the  Universe. 
By  Sir  Richard  Phillips.     London,  1821. 


IIL]     IN  SEARCH  OF  CRIMINAL  BIOGRAPHY       45 

to  be  determined  by  the  success  of  the  translation,  an 
arrangement  sufficiently  vague  to  ensure  eventual  dis- 
agreement. 

When  Sir  Richard  had  finished  his  account  of  what 
were  his  intentions  towards  his  guest,  he  gave  him  to 
understand  that  the  interview  was  at  an  end,  at  the  same 
time  intimating  how  seldom  it  was  that  he  dealt  so 
generously  with  a  young  writer.  Borrow  then  rose  from  the 
table  and  passed  out  of  the  house,  leaving  his  host  to 
muse,  as  was  his  custom  on  Sunday  afternoons,  "  on  the 
magnificence  of  nature  and  the  moral  dignity  of  man." 

For  the  next  few  weeks  Borrow  was  occupied  in 
searching  in  out-of-the-way  corners  for  criminal  biography. 
If  he  flagged,  a  visit  from  his  philosopher-publisher  spurred 
him  on  to  fresh  effort.  He  received  a  copy  of  Proximate 
Causes,  with  an  injunction  that  he  should  review  it  in  The 
Universal  Review,  as  well  as  translate  it  into  German. 
He  was  taken  to  and  introduced  to  the  working  editor1  of 
the  new  publication,  which  was  only  ostensibly  under  the 
control  of  young  Phillips. 

In  the  provision  that  he  should  purchase  at  his  own 
expense  all  the  necessary  materials  for  Celebrated  Trials, 
Borrow  found  a  serious  tax  upon  his  resources ;  but  a 
harder  thing  to  bear  with  patience  and  good-humour  were 
the  frequent  visits  he  received  from  Sir  Richard  himself, 
who  showed  the  keenest  possible  interest  in  the  progress 
of  the  compilation.  He  had  already  caused  a  preliminary 
announcement  to  be  made 2  to  the  effect  that : 

"  A    Selection    of   the    most    remarkable   Trials   and 

1  Dr  Knapp  identified  the  editor  as  "  William  Gifford,  editor  of 
The   Quarterly  Review  from    1809  to   September    1824."    (Life  of 
George  Borrow,  i.  93.)    The  late  Sir  Leslie  Stephen,  however,  cast 
very  serious  doubt  upon  this  identification,  himself  concluding  that 
the  editor  of  The    Universal  Review  was  John  Carey  (1756-1826), 
whose  name  was  actually  associated  with  an  edition   of  Quintilian 
published  in  1822.      Carey  was  a  known  contributor  to  two  of  Sir 
Richard  Phillips'  magazines. 

2  The  Monthly  Magazine,  July  1824. 


46  THE  ROAD  TO  AUTHORSHIP  [1824 

Criminal  Causes  is  printing,  in  five  volumes.1  It  will 
include  all  famous  cases,  from  that  of  Lord  Cobham,  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  the  Fifth,  to  that  of  John  Thurtell  :  and 
those  connected  with  foreign  as  well  as  English  juris- 
prudence. Mr  Borrow,  the  editor,  has  availed  himself  of 
all  the  resources  of  the  English,  German,  French,  and 
Italian  languages  ;  and  his  work,  including  from  1  50  to 
200  2  of  the  most  interesting  cases  on  record,  will  appear  in 
October  next."  3 

Sir  Richard's  visits  to  Milman  Street  were  always 
accompanied  by  numerous  suggestions  as  to  criminals 
whose  claims  to  be  included  in  this  literary  chamber  of 
horrors  were  in  his,  Sir  Richard's,  opinion  unquestionable. 
The  English  character  of  the  compilation  was  soon 
sacrificed  in  order  to  admit  notable  malefactors  of  other 
nationalities,  and  the  drain  upon  the  editor's  small  capital 
became  greater  than  ever. 

The  leisure  that  he  allowed  himself,  Borrow  spent  in 
exploring  the  city,  or  in  the  company  of  Francis  Arden 
(Ardrey  in  Lavengro\  whom  he  had  met  by  chance  in  the 
coffee-room  of  a  hotel.  The  two  appear  to  have  been 
excellent  friends,  perhaps  because  of  the  dissimilarity  of 
their  natures.  "  He  was  an  Irishman,"  Borrow  explains, 
"  I  an  Englishman  ;  he  fiery,  enthusiastic  and  opened- 
hearted  ;  I  neither  fiery,  enthusiastic,  nor  open-hearted  ; 
he  fond  of  pleasure  and  dissipation,  I  of  study  and 
reflection."  4 

They  went  to  the  play  together,  to  dog-fights,  gaming- 
houses, in  short  saw  the  sights  of  London.  The  arrival 
of  Francis  Arden  at  16  Milman  Street  was  a  signal  for 
books  and  manuscripts  to  be  thrown  aside  in  favour  either 
of  some  expedition  or  an  hour  or  two's  conversation. 
Borrow,  however,  soon  tired  of  the  pleasures  of  London, 
and  devoted  himself  almost  entirely  to  work.  Although 

1  It  appeared  in  six  volumes. 

2  The  work  when  completed  contained  accounts  of  over  400  trials, 


3  It  appeared  on  iQth  March  following. 

4  Lavengro,  page  210. 


in.]  A  VISIT  FROM  JOHN  47 

he   saw    less    of    Francis    Arden    in    consequence,   they 
continued  to  be  excellent  friends. 

After  being  some  four  weeks  in  London,  Borrow 
received  a  surprise  visit  (29th  April)  from  his  brother, 
whom  he  found  waiting  for  him  one  morning  when 
he  came  down  to  breakfast.  John  told  him  of  his 
mother's  anxiety  at  receiving  only  one  letter  from 
him  since  his  departure,  of  her  fits  of  crying,  of 
the  grief  of  Captain  Borrow's  dog  at  the  loss  of  his 
master.  He  also  explained  the  reason  for  his  being  in 
London.  He  had  been  invited  to  paint  the  portrait 
of  Robert  Hawkes,  an  ex  -  mayor  of  Norwich,  for  a 
fee  of  a  hundred  guineas.  Lacking  confidence  in  his 
own  ability,  he  had  declined  the  honour  and  sug- 
gested that  Benjamin  Haydon  should  be  approached. 
At  the  request  of  a  deputation  of  his  fellow  citizens, 
which  had  waited  upon  him,  he  had  undertaken 
to  enter  into  negotiations  with  Haydon.  He  even 
undertook  to  come  up  to  London  at  his  own  expense, 
that  he  might  see  his  old  master  and  complete  the 
bargain.  Borrow  subsequently  accompanied  his  brother 
when  calling  upon  Haydon,  and  was  enabled  to  give 
a  thumbnail  -  sketch  of  the  painter  of  the  Heroic  at 
work  that  has  been  pronounced  to  be  photographic  in  its 
faithfulness. 

John  returned  to  Norwich  about  a  fortnight  later 
accompanied  by  Haydon,  who  was  to  become  the  guest 
of  his  sitter,1  and  George  was  left  to  the  compilation  of 
Celebrated  Trials.  Sir  Richard  Phillips  appears  to  have 
been  a  man  as  prolific  of  suggestion  as  he  was  destitute 
of  tact.  He  regarded  his  authors  as  the  instruments  of 
his  own  genius.  Their  business  it  was  to  carry  out  his 
ideas  in  a  manner  entirely  congenial  to  his  colossal 

1  The  picture  was  duly  painted  in  the  Heroic  manner,  the  artist 
lending  to  the  ex-mayor,  for  some  reason  or  other,  his  own  unheroi- 
cally  short  legs.  Haydon  received  his  fee  of  a  hundred  guineas, 
and  the  picture  now  hangs  in  St  Andrew's  Hall,  Norwich. 


48  THE  ROAD  TO  AUTHORSHIP  [1824 

conceit.  His  latest  author  he  exposed  "  to  incredible 
mortification  and  ceaseless  trouble  from  this  same  rage 
for  interference." 

The  result  of  all  this  was  an  attack  of  the  "  Horrors." 
Towards  the  end  of  May,  Roger  Kerrison  received  from 
Borrow  a  note  saying  that  he  believed  himself  to  be  dying, 
and  imploring  him  to  "come  to  me  immediately."  The 
direct  outcome  of  this  note  was,  not  the  death  of  Borrow, 
but  the  departure  from  Milman  Street  of  Roger  Kerri- 
son, lest  he  should  become  involved  in  a  tragedy 
connected  with  Borrow's  oft-repeated  threat  of  suicide. 
Kerrison  became  "very  uneasy  and  uncomfortable  on 
his  account,  so  that  I  have  found  it  utterly  im- 
possible to  live  any  longer  in  the  same  lodgings  with 
him."1  Looked  at  dispassionately  it  seems  nothing 
short  of  an  act  of  cowardice  on  Kerrison's  part  to  leave 
alone  a  man  such  as  Borrow,  who  might  at  any  moment 
be  assailed  by  one  of  those  periods  of  gloom  from  which 
suicide  seemed  the  only  outlet.  On  the  other  hand,  from 
an  anecdote  told  by  C.  G.  Leland  ("  Hans  Breitmann "), 
there  seems  to  be  some  excuse  for  Kerrison's  wish  to 
live  alone.  "I  knew  at  that  time  [about  1870],"  he 
writes,2  "a  Mr  Kerrison,  who  had  been  as  a  young 
man,  probably  in  the  Twenties,  on  intimate  terms 
with  Borrow.  He  told  me  that  one  night  Borrow 
acted  very  wildly,  whooping  and  vociferating  so  as  to 
cause  the  police  to  follow  him,  and  after  a  long  run  led 
them  to  the  edge  of  the  Thames,  '  and  there  they 
thought  they  had  him.'  But  he  plunged  boldly  into  the 
water  and  swam  in  his  clothes  to  the  opposite  shore,  and 
so  escaped." 

A  serious  misfortune  now  befell  Borrow  in  the  pre- 
mature death  of  The  Universal  Review,  which  expired 
with  the  sixth  number  (March  1824 — January  1825).  It  is 
not  known  what  was  the  rate  of  pay  to  young  and 

1  Letter  from  Roger  Kerrison  to  John  Borrow,  28th  May  1824. 

2  Memoirs,  C.  G.  Leland,  1893. 


IIL]  "  GLORIOUS  JOHN  "  49 

impecunious  reviewers ; 1  certainly  not  large,  if  it  may  be 
judged  by  the  amount  agreed  upon  for  Celebrated  Trials. 
Still,  its  end  meant  that  Borrow  was  now  dependent  upon 
what  he  received  for  his  compilation,  and  what  he  merited 
by  his  translation  into  German  of  Proximate  Causes. 

There  appears  to  have  been  some  difficulty  about 
payment  for  Borrow's  contributions  to  the  now  defunct 
review,  which  considerably  widened  the  breach  that  the 
Trials  had  created.  Sir  Richard  became  more  exacting 
and  more  than  ever  critical.2  The  end  could  not  be  far 
off.  Borrow  had  come  to  London  determined  to  be  an 
author,  and  by  no  juggling  with  facts  could  his  present 
drudgery  be  considered  as  authorship.  Occasionally  his 
mind  reverted  to  the  manuscripts  in  the  green  box,  his 
faith  in  which  continued  undiminished.  He  made  further 
efforts  to  get  his  translations  published,  but  everywhere 
the  answer  was  the  same,  in  effect,  "  A  drug,  sir,  a  drug  !  " 
At  last  he  determined  to  approach  John  Murray  (the 
Second),  "  Glorious  John,  who  lived  at  the  western  end  of 
the  town  " ;  but  he  called  many  times  without  being  suc- 
cessful in  seeing  him.  Another  seventeen  years  were  to 
elapse  before  he  was  to  meet  and  be  published  by  John 
Murray. 

Yet  another  dispute  arose  between  Borrow  and  Sir 
Richard  Phillips.  Neither  appeared  to  have  realised 
the  supreme  folly  of  entrusting  to  a  young  Englishman 
the  translation  into  German  of  an  English  work.  A  novel 
would  have  presented  almost  insurmountable  difficulties ; 
but  a  work  of  philosophy  !  The  whole  project  was  absurd. 
The  diction  of  philosophy  in  all  languages  is  individual, 
just  as  it  is  in  other  branches  of  science,  and  a  very 

1  Borrow  himself  gave  the  sum  as  "  eighteen-pence  a  page."     The 
books  themselves  apparently  did  not  become  the  property  of  the 
reviewer. — The  Romany  Rye,  page  324. 

2  Borrow  says  that  he  demanded  lives  of  people  who  had  never 
lived,  and  cancelled  others  that  Borrow  had  prepared  with  great  care, 
because  he  considered  them  as  "drugs." — Lcwengro,  pages  245-6. 

D 


50  THE  ROAD  TO  AUTHORSHIP  [1825 

thorough  knowledge  of,  and  deep  reading  in  both 
languages  are  necessary  to  qualify  a  man  to  translate 
from  a  foreign  tongue  into  his  own.  To  expect  an 
inexperienced  youth  to  reverse  the  order  seems  to  suggest 
that  Sir  Richard  Phillips  must  have  been  a  publisher 
whose  enthusiasm  was  greater  than  his  judgment. 

One  day  when  calling  at  Tavistock  Square,  Borrow 
found  Sir  Richard  in  a  fury  of  rage.  He  had  submitted 
the  first  chapter  of  the  translation  of  Proximate  Causes 
to  some  Germans,  who  found  it  utterly  unintelligible. 
This  was  only  to  be  expected,  as  Borrow  confesses  that, 
when  he  found  himself  unable  to  comprehend  what  was 
the  meaning  of  the  English  text,  he  had  translated  it 
literally  into  German  ! 

The  result  of  the  interview  was  that  Borrow,  after 
what  appears  to  be  a  tactless,  not  to  say  impertinent, 
rejoinder, *  relapsed  into  silence  and  finally  left  the  house, 
ordered  back  to  his  compilation  by  Sir  Richard,  as  soon 
as  he  became  sufficiently  calm  to  appear  coherent,  and 
Borrow  walked  away  musing  on  the  "difference  in  clever 
men." 

The  discovery  of  the  inadequacy  of  the  German  trans- 
lation apparently  urged  Borrow  to  hasten  on  with 
Celebrated  Trials.  The  Universal  Review  was  dead, 
the  German  version  of  Proximate  Causes*-  had  passed 
out  of  his  hands.  It  was  desirable,  therefore,  that  the 
remaining  undertaking  should  be  completed  as  soon  as 
possible,  that  the  two  might  part.  The  last  of  the  manu- 
script was  delivered,  the  proofs  passed  for  press,  and  on 
1 9th  March  the  work  appeared,  the  six  volumes,  running 

1  "'Sir,'  said  he,  'you  know  nothing  of  German;  I  have  shown 
your  translation  of  the  first  chapter  of  my  Philosophy  to   several 
Germans  :  it  is  utterly  unintelligible  to  them.'     '  Did  they  see  the 
Philosophy?'  I  replied.     'They  did,  sir,  but  they  did  not  profess  to 
understand  English.'     '  No  more-  do  I,'  I  replied,  '  if  the  Philosophy 
be  English.'" — Lavengro^  page  254. 

2  A  German  edition  of  the  work  appeared  in  Stuttgart  in  1826. 


ill.]  A  MASTER  OF  IRONY  51 

to  between  three  and  four  thousand  pages,  containing 
accounts  of  some  four  hundred  trials,  including  that 
of  Borrow's  old  friend  Thurtell  for  the  murder  of  Mr 
Weare. 

Borrow's  name  did  not  appear.  He  was  "the  editor," 
and  as  such  was  referred  to  in  the  preface  contributed  by 
Sir  Richard  himself.  Among  other  things  he  tells  of  how, 
in  some  cases,  "  the  Editor  has  compressed  into  a  score  of 
pages  the  substance  of  an  entire  volume."  Sir  Richard 
was  a  philosopher  as  well  as  a  preface-writing  publisher, 
and  it  was  only  natural  that  he  should  speculate  as  to  the 
effect  upon  his  editor's  mind  of  months  spent  in  reading 
and  editing  such  records  of  vice.  "  It  may  be  expected," 
he  writes, "  that  the  Editor  should  convey  to  his  readers  the 
intellectual  impressions  which  the  execution  of  his  task  has 
produced  on  his  mind.  He  confesses  that  they  are  mourn- 
ful." Sir  Richard  was  either  a  master  of  irony,  or  a  man 
of  singular  obtuseness. 

One  effect  of  this  delving  into  criminal  records  had 
been  to  raise  in  Borrow's  mind  strange  doubts  about 
virtue  and  crime.  When  a  boy,  he  had  written  an  essay 
in  which  he  strove  to  prove  that  crime  and  virtue  were 
mere  terms,  and  that  we  were  the  creatures  of  necessity  or 
circumstance.  These  broodings  in  turn  reawakened  the 
theory  that  everything  is  a  lie,  and  that  nothing  really 
exists  except  in  our  imaginations.  The  world  was  "  a 
maze  of  doubt."  These  indications  of  an  overtaxed  brain 
increased,  and  eventually  forced  Borrow  to  leave  London. 
His  work  was  thoroughly  uncongenial.  He  disliked 
reviewing ;  he  had  failed  in  his  endeavours  to  render 
Proximate  Causes  into  intelligible  German ;  and  it  had 
taken  him  some  time  to  overcome  his  dislike  of  the  sordid 
stories  of  crime  and  criminals  that  he  had  to  read  and  edit. 
He  became  gloomy  and  depressed,  and  prone  to  compare 
the  real  conditions  of  authorship  with  those  that  his 
imagination  had  conjured  up. 

The  most   important  result  of  his  labours  in  connec- 


52  THE  ROAD  TO  AUTHORSHIP  [1825 

tion  with  Celebrated  Trials  was  that  upon  his  literary 
style.  There  is  a  tremendous  significance  in  the  following 
passage.  It  tells  of  the  transition  of  the  actual  vagabond 
into  the  literary  vagabond,  with  power  to  express  in 
words  what  proved  so  congenial  to  Sorrow's  vagabond 
temperament : 

"  Of  all  my  occupations  at  this  period  I  am  free  to  confess 
I  liked  that  of  compiling  the  Newgate  Lives  and  Trials 
[Celebrated  Trials']  the  best ;  that  is,  after  I  had  surmounted 
a  kind  of  prejudice  which  I  originally  entertained.  The 
trials  were  entertaining  enough ;  but  the  lives — how  full 
were  they  of  wild  and  racy  adventures,  and  in  what  racy, 
genuine  language  were  they  told.  What  struck  me  most 
with  respect  to  these  lives  was  the  art  which  the  writers, 
whoever  they  were,  possessed  of  telling  a  plain  story.  It 
is  no  easy  thing  to  tell  a  story  plainly  and  distinctly  by 
mouth;  but  to  tell  one  on  paper  is  difficult  indeed,  so  many 
snares  lie  in  the  way.  People  are  afraid  to  put  down  what 
is  common  on  paper,  they  seek  to  embellish  their  narratives, 
as  they  think,  by  philosophic  speculations  and  reflections  ; 
they  are  anxious  to  shine,  and  people  who  are  anxious  to 
shine  can  never  tell  a  plain  story.  '  So  I  went  with  them 
to  a  music  booth,  where  they  made  me  almost  drunk  with 
gin,  and  began  to  talk  their  flash  language,  which  I  did 
not  understand,'1  says,  or  is  made  to  say,  Henry  Simms, 
executed  at  Tyburn  some  seventy  years  before  the  time 
of  which  I  am  speaking.  I  have  always  looked  upon  this 
sentence  as  a  masterpiece  of  the  narrative  style,  it  is  so 
concise  and  yet  so  clear."  2 

By  the  time  the  work  was  published  and  Borrow  had 
been  paid  his  fee,  all  relations  between  editor  and  publisher 
had  ceased,  and  there  was  "a  poor  author,  or  rather 
philologist,  upon  the  streets  of  London,  possessed  of 
many  tongues,"  which  he  found  "  of  no  use  in  the  world."  3 
A  month  after  the  appearance  of  Celebrated  Trials  (i8th 
April),  and  a  little  more  than  a  year  after  his  arrival  in 
London,  Borrow  published  a  translation  of  Klinger's 

1  This  sentence  is  quoted  in  The  Gypsies  of  Spain  as  a  heading  to 
he  section  "  On  Robber  Language,"  page  335. 

2  Lavengro^  pages  216-7.  3  Lavengro,  page  271. 


in.]  A  BOOK  TO  BE  BURNED  53 

Faustus}  He  himself  gives  no  particulars  as  to  whether 
it  was  commissioned  or  no.  It  may  even  have  been  "  the 
Romance  in  the  German  style  "  from  the  Green  Box.  It 
is  known  that  he  received  payment  for  it  by  a  bill  at  five 
or  six  months,2  but  there  is  no  mention  of  the  amount.  It 
would  appear  that  the  translation  had  long  been  projected, 
for  in  The  Monthly  Magazine,  July  1824,  there  appeared, 
in  conjunction  with  the  announcement  of  Celebrated  Trials, 
the  following  paragraph :  "  The  editor  of  the  preceding 
has  ready  for  the  press,  a  Life  of  Faustus,  his  Death  and 
Descent  into  Hell,  which  will  also  appear  the  next  winter." 

Faustus  did  not  meet  with  a  very  cordial  reception. 
The  Literary  Gazette  (i6th  July  1825)  characterised  it  as 
"  another  work  to  which  no  respectable  publisher  ought  to 
have  allowed  his  name  to  be  put.  The  political  allusion 
and  metaphysics,  which  may  have  made  it  popular  among 
a  low  class  in  Germany,  do  not  sufficiently  season  its  lewd 
scenes  and  coarse  descriptions  for  British  palates.  We 
have  occasionally  publications  for  the  fireside, — these  are 
only  fit  for  the  fire." 

Borrow  had  apparently  been  in  some  doubt  about 
certain  passages,  for  in  a  note  headed  "  The  Translator  to 
the  Public,"  he  defends  the  work  as  moral  in  its  general 
teaching : 

"The  publication  of  the  present  volume  may  at  first 
sight  appear  to  require  some  brief  explanation  from  the 

1  Faustus :  His  Life,  Death  and  Descent  into  Hell.     Translated 
from  the  German.     London  :  W.  Simpkin  and   R.  Marshall,  1825, 
pages  xxii.,  251.     Coloured  Plate. 

2  A  letter  from  Borrow  to  the  publishers,  which  Dr  Knapp  quotes, 
and  dates  i5th  September  1825,  but  without  giving  his  reasons,  was 
written  from  Norwich,  and  runs  : 

Dear  Sir, — 

As  your  bill  will  become  payable  in  a  few  days>  I  am 
willing  to  take  thirty  copies  of  Faustus  instead  of  the  money.  The 
book  has  been  burnt  in  both  the  libraries  here,  and,  as  it  has  been 
talked  about,  I  may,  perhaps,  be  able  to  dispose  of  some  in  the  course 
of  a  year  or  so. — Yours,  G.  BORROW. 


54  THE  ROAD  TO  AUTHORSHIP  [1825 

Translator,  inasmuch  as  the  character  of  the  incidents  may 
justify  such  an  expectation  on  the  part  of  the  reader.  It 
is,  therefore,  necessary  to  state  that,  although  scenes  of  vice 
and  crime  are  here  exhibited,  it  is  merely  in  the  hope  that 
they  may  serve  as  beacons,  to  guide  the  ignorant  and 
unwary  from  the  shoals  on  which  they  might  otherwise 
be  wrecked.  The  work,  when  considered  as  a  whole,  is 
strictly  moral." 

It  must  be  confessed  that  Faustus  does  not  err  on  the 
side  of  restraint.  Many  of  its  scenes  might  appear  "  lewd 
.  .  .  and  coarse  "  to  anyone  who  for  a  moment  allowed  his 
mind  to  wander  from  the  morality  of  "  its  general  teaching." 
The  attacks  upon  the  lax  morals  of  the  priesthood  must 
have  proved  particularly  congenial  to  the  translator. 

The  more  Borrow  read  his  translations  of  Ab  Gwilym, 
the  more  convinced  he  became  of  their  merit  and  the 
profit  they  would  bring  to  him  who  published  them.  The 
booksellers,  however,  with  singular  unanimity,  declined  the 
risk  of  introducing  to  the  English  public  either  Welsh  or 
Danish  ballads  ;  and  their  translator  became  so  shabby  in 
consequence,  that  he  refrained  from  calling  upon  his  friend 
Arden,  for  whom  he  had  always  cherished  a  very  real 
friendship.  He  began  to  lose  heart.  His  energy  left  him 
and  with  it  went  hope.  He  was  forced  to  review  his 
situation.  Authorship  had  obviously  failed,  and  he  found 
himself  with  no  reasonable  prospect  of  employment. 

There  is  no  episode  in  Borrow's  life  that  has  so 
exercised  the  minds  of  commentators  and  critics  as  his 
account  of  the  book  he  terms  in  Lavengro,  The  Life  and 
Adventures  of  Joseph  Sell,  the  Great  Traveller.  Some 
dismiss  the  whole  story  as  apocryphal ;  others  see  in  it 
a  grain  of  truth  distorted  into  something  of  vital  import- 
ance ;  whilst  there  are  a  number  of  earnest  Borrovians 
that  accept  the  whole  story  as  it  is  written.  Dr  Knapp 
has  said  that  Joseph  Sell  "was  not  a  book  at  all,  and 
the  author  of  it  never  said  that  it  was."  This  was 
obviously  an  error,  for  the  bookseller  is  credited  with 
saying,  "  I  think  I  shall  venture  on  sending  your 


IIL]          THE  MYSTERY  OF  JOSEPH  SELL  55 

book  to  the  press," l  referring  to  it  as  a  "  book "  four 
times  in  nine  lines.  Again,  in  another  place,  Borrow 
describes  how  he  rescued  himself  "  from  peculiarly 
miserable  circumstances  by  writing  a  book,  an  original 
book,  within  a  week,  even  as  Johnson  is  said  to  have 
written  his  Rasselas  and  Beckford  his  Vathek.^  This 
removes  all  question  of  the  Life  and  Adventures  of  Joseph 
Sell  being  included  in  a  collection  of  short  stories.  The 
title  would  not  be  the  same,  the  date  is  most  probably 
wrongly  given,  as  in  the  case  of  Marshland  Shales ;  but 
the  general  accuracy  of  the  account  as  written  seems 
to  be  highly  probable.  Many  efforts  have  been  made  to 
trace  the  story ;  but  so  far  unsuccessfully.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  Borrow  loved  to  stretch  the  long  arm  of 
coincidence ;  but  he  loved  more  than  anything  else  a 
dramatic  situation.  He  was  always  on  the  look  out  for 
effective  "  curtains." 

In  favour  of  the  story  having  been  actually  written,  is 
the  knowledge  that  Borrow  invented  little  or  nothing. 
Collateral  evidence  has  shown  how  little  he  deviated  from 
actual  happenings,  although  he  did  not  hesitate  to  revise 
dates  or  colour  events.  The  strongest  evidence,  however, 
lies  in  the  atmosphere  of  truth  that  pervades  Chapters 
LV. — LVII.  of  Lavengro.  They  are  convincing.  At  one 
time  or  another  during  his  career,  it  would  appear  that 
Borrow  wrote  against  time  from  grim  necessity ;  otherwise 
he  must  have  been  a  master  of  invention,  which  every- 
thing that  is  known  about  him  clearly  shows  that  he  was 
not. 

Joseph  Sell  has  disappeared,  a  most  careful  search  of 
the  Registers  at  Stationers'  Hall  can  show  no  trace  of  that 
work,  or  any  book  that  seems  to  suggest  it,  and  the  con- 
temporary literary  papers  render  no  assistance. 

According  to  Borrow's  own  account,  one  morning  on 
getting  up  he  found  that  he  had  only  half  a  crown  in  the 

1  Lavengro^  page  310. 

2  The  Romany  Rye,  Appendix,  page  303. 


56  THE  ROAD  TO  AUTHORSHIP  [1825 

world.  It  was  this  circumstance,  coupled  with  the  timely 
notice  that  he  saw  affixed  to  a  bookseller's  window  to  the 
effect  that  "  A  Novel  or  Tale  is  much  wanted,"  that 
determined  him  to  endeavour  to  emulate  Dr  Johnson  and 
William  Beckford.  He  had  tired  of  "  the  Great  City,"  and 
his  thoughts  turned  instinctively  to  the  woods  and  the 
fields,  where  he  could  be  free  to  meditate  and  muse  in 
solitude. 

When  he  returned  to  Milman  Street  after  seeing  the 
bookseller's  advertisement,  he  found  that  his  resources  had 
been  still  further  reduced  to  eighteen-pence.  He  was  too 
proud  to  write  home  for  assistance,  he  had  broken  with 
Sir  Richard  Phillips,  and  he  had  no  reasonable  expectation 
of  obtaining  employment  of  any  description ;  for  his 
accomplishments  found  no  place  in  the  catalogue  of  every- 
day wants.  He  was  a  proper  man  with  his  hands,  and 
knew  some  score  or  more  languages.  No  matter  how  he 
regarded  the  situation,  the  facts  were  obvious.  Between 
him  and  actual  starvation  there  was  the  inconsiderable 
sum  of  eighteen-pence  and  the  bookseller's  advertisement. 
The  gravity  of  the  situation  banished  the  cloud  of  despond- 
ency that  threatened  to  settle  upon  him,  and  also  the 
doubts  that  presented  themselves  as  to  whether  he 
possessed  the  requisite  ability  to  produce  what  the  book- 
seller required.  The  all-important  question  was,  could  he 
exist  sufficiently  long  on  eighteen-pence  to  complete  a 
story  ?  Sir  Richard  Phillips  had  told  him  to  live  on  bread 
and  water.  He  now  did  so. 

For  a  week  he  wrote  ceaselessly  at  the  Life  and 
Adventures  of  Joseph  Sell,  the  Great  Traveller.  He  wrote 
with  the  feverish  energy  of  a  man  who  sees  the  shadow  of 
actual  starvation  cast  across  his  manuscript.  When  the 
tale  was  finished  there  remained  the  work  of  revision,  and 
after  that,  worst  of  all,  fears  lest  the  bookseller  were  already 
suited. 

Fortune,  however,  was  kind  to  him,  and  he  was  success- 
ful in  extracting  for  his  story  the  sum  of  twenty  pounds. 


in.]  A  NEW  THEORY  57 

Borrow  had  not  mixed  among  gypsies  for  nothing.  He,  a 
starving  and  unknown  author,  succeeded  in  extracting 
from  a  bookseller  twenty  pounds  for  a  story,  twice  the 
amount  offered  by  Sir  Richard  Phillips  for  a  novel  on 
the  lines  of  The  Dairyman's  Daughter,  It  was  an 
achievement. 

The  first  argument  against  the  story,  as  related  by 
Borrow,  is  that  he  was  not  without  resources  at  the  time. 
Why  should  he  be  so  impoverished  a  few  weeks  after 
receiving  payment  for  Celebrated  Trials  ? 1  Above  all, 
why  did  he  not  realise  upon  Simpkin  &  Marshall's  bill  for 
Faustus  ?  He  would  have  experienced  no  difficulty  in 
discounting  a  bill  accepted  by  such  a  firm.  It  seems  hardly 
conceivable  that  he  should  preserve  this  piece  of  paper 
when  he  had  only  eighteen-pence  in  the  world.  Everything 
seems  to  point  to  the  fact  that  in  May  1825  Borrow  was 
not  in  want  of  money,  and  if  he  were  not,  why  did  he 
almost  kill  himself  by  writing  the  Life  and  Adventures  of 
Joseph  Sell?  Again,  at  that  period  he  had  met  with  no 
adventures  such  as  might  be  included  in  the  life  of  a 
"  Great  Traveller,"  and  Borrow  was  not  an  inventive 
writer.  Later  he  possessed  plenty  of  material ;  for  there 
can  be  no  question  that  he  roamed  about  the  world  for 
a  considerable  portion  of  those  seven  mysterious  years 
of  his  life  that  came  to  be  known  as  the  "  Veiled  Period." 
His  accuracy  as  to  actual  occurrences  has  been  so  em- 
phasised that  this  particular  argument  holds  considerable 
significance. 

The  strongest  evidence  against  Joseph  Sell  having 
been  written  in  1825,  however,  lies  in  the  fact  that  Green- 
wich Fair  was  held  on  23rd  May,  and  not  I2th  May,  as  given 
by  Dr  Knapp.  By  his  error  Dr  Knapp  makes  Borrow 
leave  London  a  day  before  the  Fair  took  place  that 

1  Probably  it  was  only  a  portion  of  the  whole  amount  of  ^50  that 
Borrow  drew  after  the  completion  of  the  work.  One  thing  is  assured, 
that  Sir  Richard  Phillips  was  too  astute  a  man  to  pay  the  whole 
amount  before  the  completion  of  the  work. 


58  THE  ROAD  TO  AUTHORSHIP  [1825 

he  describes.  Borrow  must  have  left  London  on  the  day 
following  Greenwich  Fair  (24th  May).  If  he  left  later, 
then  those  things  which  tend  to  confirm  his  story  of 
the  life  in  the  Dingle  do  not  fit  in,  as  will  be  seen.  He 
certainly  could  not  have  left  before  Greenwich  Fair  was 
held. 

In  one  of  his  brother  John's  letters,  written  at  the  end 
of  1829,  there  is  a  significant  passage,  "  Let  me  know  how 
you  sold  your  manuscript." l  What  manuscript  is  it  that 
is  referred  to  ?  There  is  no  record  of  George  having  sold 
a  manuscript  in  the  autumn  of  1829.  The  passage  can 
scarcely  have  reference  to  some  article  or  translation  ;  it 
seems  to  suggest  something  of  importance,  an  event  in 
George's  life  that  his  brother  is  anxious  to  know  more 
about.  If  this  be  Joseph  Sell,  then  it  explains  where 
Borrow  got  the  money  from  to  go  up  to  London  at  the 
end  of  1829,  when  he  entered  into  relations  with  Dr 
Bowring.  It  is  merely  a  theory,  it  must  be  confessed  ;  but 
there  is  certain  evidence  that  seems  to  support  it.  In  the 
first  place,  Borrow  was  a  chronicler  before  all  else.  He  pos- 
sessed an  amazing  memory  and  a  great  gift  for  turning  his 
experiences  into  literary  material.  If  he  coloured  facts,  he 
appears  to  have  done  so  unconsciously,  to  judge  from  those 
portions  of  The  Bible  in  Spain  that  were  covered  by  letters 
to  the  Bible  Society.  Not  only  are  the  facts  the  same,  but, 
with  very  slight  changes,  the  words  in  which  he  relates 
them.  He  never  hesitated  to  change  a  date  if  it  served 
his  purpose,  much  as  an  artist  will  change  the  posi- 
tion of  a  tree  in  a  landscape  to  suit  the  exigencies  of 
composition.  His  five  volumes  of  autobiography  bristle 
with  coincidences  so  amazing  that,  if  they  were  actually 
true,  he  must  have  been  the  most  remarkable  genius  on 
record  for  attracting  to  himself  strange  adventures.  He 
met  the  sailor  son  of  the  old  Apple-Woman  returning  from 
his  enforced  exile  ;  Murtagh  tells  him  of  how  the  postilion 
frightened  the  Pope  at  Rome  by  his  denunciation,  a  story 
1  Dr  Knapp's  Life  of  George  Borrow ',  i.,  page  141. 


in.]  CURIOUS  COINCIDENCES  59 

Borrow  had  already  heard  from  the  postilion  himself;  the 
Hungarian  at  Horncastle  narrates  how  an  Armenian  once 
silenced  a  Moldavian,  the  same  Moldavian  whom  Borrow 
had  encountered  in  London ;  the  postilion  meets  the  man 
in  black  again.  There  are  scores  of  such  coincidences, 
which  must  be  accepted  as  dramatic  embellishments. 


CHAPTER  IV 

4 

MAY— SEPTEMBER    1825 

TTOURTEEN  months  in  London  had  shown  Borrow 
-*•  how  hard  was  the  road  of  authorship.  He  confessed 
that  he  was  not  "  formed  by  nature  to  be  a  pallid  indoor 
student."  "  The  peculiar  atmosphere  of  the  big  city  "  did 
not  agree  with  him,  and  this  fact,  together  with  the  anxiety 
and  hard  work  of  the  past  twelve  months,  caused  him  to 
flag,  and  his  first  thought  was  how  to  recover  his  health. 
He  was  disillusioned  as  to  the  busy  world,  and  the  oppor- 
tunities it  offered  to  a  young  man  fired  with  ambition 
to  make  a  stir  in  it.  He  determined  to  leave  London, 
which  he  did  towards  the  end  of  May,1  first  despatching 
his  trunk  "  containing  a  few  clothes  and  books  to  the  old 
town  [Norwich]."  He  struck  out  in  a  south-westerly 
direction,  musing  on  his  achievements  as  an  author,  and 
finding  that  in  having  preserved  his  independence  and 
health,  he  had  "  abundant  cause  to  be  grateful." 

Throughout  his  life  Borrow  was  hypnotised  by  inde- 
pendence. Like  many  other  proud  natures,  he  carried 
his  theory  of  independence  to  such  an  extreme  as  to 
become  a  slave  to  it  and  render  himself  unsociable, 
sometimes  churlish.  It  was  this  virtue  carried  to  excess 
that  drove  Borrow  from  London.  He  must  tell  men 
what  was  in  his  mind,  and  his  one  patron,  Sir  Richard 
Phillips,  he  had  mortally  offended  in  this  manner. 

1  Dr  Knapp  gives  the  date  as  the  22nd ;  but  Mr  John  Sampson 
makes  the  date  the  24th,  which  seems  more  likely  to  be  correct. 


iv.]  THE  EVIL  EYE  61 

Finding  that  he  was  unequal  to  much  fatigue,  after  a  few 
hours'  walking  he  hailed  a  passing  coach,  which  took  him  as 
far  as  Amesbury  in  Wiltshire.  From  here  he  walked  to 
Stonehenge  and  on  to  Salisbury,  "  inspecting  the  curi- 
osities of  the  place,"  and  endeavouring  by  sleep  and  good 
food  to  make  up  the  wastage  of  the  last  few  months.  The 
weather  was  fine  and  his  health  and  spirits  rapidly 
improved  as  he  tramped  on,  his  "  daily  journeys  varying 
from  twenty  to  twenty  -  five  miles."  He  encountered 
the  mysterious  stranger  who  "touched"  against  the 
evil  eye.  F.  H.  Groome  asserts,  on  the  authority  of 
W.  B.  Donne,  that  this  was  in  reality  William  Beckford. 
Borrow  must  have  met  him  at  some  other  time  and 
place,  as  he  had  already  left  Fonthill  in  1825.  It 
is,  however,  interesting  to  recall  that  Borrow  himself 
"  touched "  against  the  evil  eye.  Mr  Watts  -  Dunton 
has  said : 

"  There  was  nothing  that  Borrow  strove  against  with 
more  energy  than  the  curious  impulse,  which  he  seems  to 
have  shared  with  Dr  Johnson,  to  touch  the  objects  along 
his  path  in  order  to  save  himself  from  the  evil  chance. 
He  never  conquered  the  superstition.  In  walking  through 
Richmond  Park  he  would  step  out  of  his  way  constantly  to 
touch  a  tree,  and  he  was  offended  if  the  friend  he  was  with 
seemed  to  observe  it."  1 

The  chance  meeting  with  Jack  Slingsby  (in  fear  of  his 
life  from  the  Flaming  Tinman,  and  bound  by  oath  not  to 
continue  on  the  same  beat)  gave  Borrow  the  idea  of 
buying  out  Slingsby,  beat,  plant,  pony  and  all.  "  A  tinker 
is  his  own  master,  a  scholar  is  not,"  2  he  remarks,  and  then 
proceeds  to  draw  tears  and  moans  from  the  dispirited 
Slingsby  and  his  family  by  a  description  of  the  joys  of 
tinkering,  "the  happiest  life  under  heaven  .  .  .  pitching 
your  tent  under  the  pleasant  hedge-row,  listening  to  the 
song  of  the  feathered  tribes,  collecting  all  the  leaky 
kettles  in  the  neighbourhood,  soldering  and  joining, 
1  The  Athenaum,  25th  March  1899.  '2  Lavengro^  page  362. 


62  FAREWELL  TO  LONDON  [1825 

earning  your  honest  bread  by  the  wholesome  sweat  of 
your  brow."  l 

By  the  expenditure  of  five  pounds  ten  shillings,  plus  the 
cost  of  a  smock-frock  and  some  provisions,  George  Borrow, 
linguist,  editor  and  translator,  became  a  travelling 
tinker.  With  his  dauntless  little  pony,  Ambrol,  he  set  out, 
a  tinkering  Ulysses,  indifferent  to  what  direction  he  took, 
allowing  the  pony  to  go  whither  he  felt  inclined.  At 
first  he  experienced  some  apprehension  at  passing  the 
night  with  only  a  tent  or  the  stars  as  a  roof.  Rain  fell  to 
mar  the  opening  day  of  the  adventure,  but  the  pony,  with 
unerring  instinct,  led  his  new  master  to  one  of  Slingsby's 
usual  camping  grounds. 

In  the  morning  Borrow  fell  to  examining  what  it  was 
beyond  the  pony  and  cart  that  his  five  pounds  ten  shillings 
had  purchased.  He  found  a  tent,  a  straw  mattress  and  a 
blanket,  "  quite  clean  and  nearly  new."  There  were  also  a 
frying-pan,  a  kettle,  a  teapot  (broken  in  three  pieces)  and 
some  cups  and  saucers.  The  stock-in-trade  "  consisted  of 
various  tools,  an  iron  ladle,  a  chafing-pan,  and  small 
bellows,  sundry  pans  and  kettles,  the  latter  being  of  tin, 
with  the  exception  of  one  which  was  of  copper,  all  in  a 
state  of  considerable  dilapidation."  The  pans  and  kettles 
were  to  be  sold  after  being  mended,  for  which  purpose 
there  was  "  a  block  of  tin,  sheet-tin,  and  solder."  But  most 
precious  of  all  his  possessions  was  "  a  small  anvil  and 
bellows  of  the  kind  which  are  used  in  forges,  and  two 
hammers  such  as  smiths  use,  one  great,  and  the  other 
small." 2  Borrow  had  learned  the  blacksmith's  art  when  in 
Ireland,  and  the  anvil,  bellows  and  smith's  hammers  were 
to  prove  extremely  useful. 

A  few  days  after  pitching  his  tent,  Borrow  received  from 
his  old  enemy  Mrs  Herne,  Mr  Petulengro's  mother-in-law, 
a  poisoned  cake,  which  came  very  near  to  ending  his  career. 
He  then  encountered  the  Welsh  preacher  (  "  the  worthiest 
creature  I  ever  knew")  and  his  wife,  who  were  largely 
1  Lavengro,  page  362.  2  Lavengro^  page  374. 


iv.]  MUMBER  LANE  63 

instrumental  in  saving  him  from  Mrs  Herne's  poison. 
Having  remained  with  his  new  friends  for  nine  days,  he 
accompanied  them  as  far  as  the  Welsh  border,  where  he 
confessed  himself  the  translator  of  Ab  Gwilym,  giving  as 
an  excuse  for  not  accompanying  them  further  that  it  was 

"  neither  fit  nor  proper  that  I  cross  into  Wales  at  this  time, 
and  in  this  manner.  When  I  go  into  Wales,  I  should  wish 
to  go  in  a  new  suit  of  superfine  black,  with  hat  and  beaver, 
mounted  on  a  powerful  steed,  black  and  glossy,  like  that 
which  bore  Greduv  to  the  fight  of  Catraeth.  I  should  wish, 
moreover,"  he  continued,  "  to  see  the  Welshmen  assembled 
on  the  border  ready  to  welcome  me  with  pipe  and  fiddle, 
and  much  whooping  and  shouting,  and  to  attend  me  to 
Wrexham,  or  even  as  far  as  Machynllaith,  where  I  should 
wish  to  be  invited  to  a  dinner  at  which  all  the  bards  should 
be  present,  and  to  be  seated  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
president,  who,  when  the  cloth  was  removed,  should  arise, 
and  amidst  cries  of  silence,  exclaim — *  Brethren  and 
Welshmen,  allow  me  to  propose  the  health  of  my  most 
respectable  friend  the  translator  of  the  odes  of  the  great 
Ab  Gwilym,  the  pride  and  glory  of  Wales.' " l 

He  returned  with  Mr  Petulengro,  who  directed  him  to 
Mumber  Lane  (Mumper's  Dingle),  near  Willenhall,  in 
Staffordshire,  "  the  little  dingle  by  the  side  of  the  great 
north  road."  Here  Borrow  encamped  and  shod  little 
Ambrol,  who  kicked  him  over  as  a  reminder  of  his 
clumsiness. 

He  had  refused  an  invitation  from  Mr  Petulengro  to 
become  a  Romany  chal and  take  a  Romany  bride,  the  grand- 
daughter of  his  would-be  murderess,  who  "occasionally 
talked  of"  him.  He  yearned  for  solitude  and  the  country's 
quiet.  He  told  Mr  Petulengro  that  he  desired  only  some 
peaceful  spot  where  he  might  hold  uninterrupted  com- 
munion with  his  own  thoughts,  and  practise,  if  so  inclined, 
either  tinkering  or  the  blacksmith's  art,  and  he  had  been 
directed  to  Mumper's  Dingle,  which  was  to  become  the 
setting  of  the  most  romantic  episode  in  his  life. 

In  the  dingle  Borrow  experienced  one  of  his  worst 
1  LavengrO)  pages  431-2. 


64  FAREWELL  TO  LONDON  [1825 

attacks  of  the  "  Horrors  " — the  "  Screaming  Horrors."  He 
raged  like  a  madman,  a  prey  to  some  indefinable,  intangible 
fear ;  clinging  to  his  "  little  horse  as  if  for  safety  and 
protection." 1  He  had  not  recovered  from  the  prostrating 
effects  of  that  night  of  tragedy  when  he  was  called  upon  to 
fight  Anselo  Herne,  "  the  Flaming  Tinman,"  who  somehow 
or  other  seemed  to  be  part  of  the  bargain  he  had  made 
with  Jack  Slingsby,  and  encounter  the  queen  of  road-girls, 
Isopel  Berners.  The  description  of  the  fight  has  been 
proclaimed  the  finest  in  our  language,  and  by  some  the 
finest  in  the  world's  literature. 

Isopel  Berners  is  one  of  the  great  heroines  of  English 
Literature.  As  drawn  by  Borrow,  with  her  strong  arm, 
lion-like  courage  arid  tender  tearfulness,  she  is  unique. 
However  true  or  false  the  account  of  her  relations  with 
Borrow  may  be,  she  is  drawn  by  him  as  a  living  woman. 
He  was  incapable  of  conceiving  her  from  his  imagination. 
It  may  go  unquestioned  that  he  actually  met  an  Isopel 
Berners,2  but  whether  or  no  his  parting  from  her  was  as 
heart-rendingly  tragic  as  he  has  depicted  it,  is  open  to  very 
grave  question. 

With  this  queen  of  the  roads  he  seems  to  have  been 
less  reticent  and  more  himself  than  with  any  other  of  his 
vagabond  acquaintance,  not  excepting  even  Mr  Petulengro. 
To  the  handsome,  tall  girl  with  "the  flaxen  hair,  which 
hung  down  over  her  shoulders  unconfined,"  and  the 
"  determined  but  open  expression,"  he  showed  a  more 
amiable  side  of  his  character ;  yet  he  seems  to  have 
treated  her  with  no  little  cruelty.  He  told  her  about 
himself,  how  he  "  had  tamed  savage  mares,  wrestled  with 
Satan,  and  had  dealings  with  ferocious  publishers,"  bring- 
ing tears  to  her  eyes,  and  when  she  grew  too  curious,  he 

1  Lavengro^  page  451. 

2  Mr  Watts-Dunton  in  a  review  of  Dr  Knapp's  Life  of  Borrow 
says   that   she  "  was  really  an  East-Anglian  road-girl   of  the   finest 
type,  known  to  the  Boswells,  and  remembered  not  many  years  ago." 
— Athenceum,  25th  March  1899. 


iv.]  ISOPEL  BERNERS  65 

administered  an  antidote  in  the  form  of  a  few  Armenian 
numerals.  If  his  Autobiography  is  to  be  credited,  Isopel 
loved  him,  and  he  was  aware  of  it ;  but  the  knowledge  did 
not  hinder  him  from  torturing  the  poor  girl  by  insisting 
that  she  should  decline  the  verb  "  to  love  "  in  Armenian. 

Borrow's  attitude  towards  Isopel  was  curiously  com- 
plex ;  he  seemed  to  find  pleasure  in  playing  upon  her 
emotions.  At  times  he  appeared  as  deliberately  brutal 
to  her,  as  to  the  gypsy  girl  Ursula  when  he  talked  with 
her  beneath  the  hedge.  He  forced  from  Isopel  a  passion- 
ate rebuke  that  he  sought  only  to  vex  and  irritate  "a 
poor  ignorant  girl  .  .  .  who  can  scarcely  read  or  write." 
He  asked  her  to  marry  him,  but  not  until  he  had  convinced 
her  that  he  was  mad.  How  much  she  had  become  part 
of  his  life  in  the  dingle  he  did  not  seem  to  realise  until 
after  she  had  left  him.  Isopel  Berners  was  a  woman 
whose  character  was  almost  masculine  in  its  strength ; 
but  she  was  prepared  to  subdue  her  spirit  to  his,  wished 
to  do  so  even.  With  her  strength,  however,  there  was 
wisdom,  and  she  left  Borrow  and  the  dingle,  sending  him 
a  letter  of  farewell  that  was  certainly  not  the  composition 
of  "  a  poor  girl "  who  could  "  scarcely  read  or  write."  The 
story  itself  is  in  all  probability  true ;  but  the  letter  rings 
false.  Isopel  may  have  sent  Borrow  a  letter  of  farewell, 
but  not  the  one  that  appears  in  The  Romany  Rye. 

Among  Borrow's  papers  Dr  Knapp  discovered  a  frag- 
ment of  manuscript  in  which  Mr  Petulengro  is  shown 
deliberating  upon  the  expediency  of  emulating  King 
Pharaoh  in  the  number  of  his  wives.  Mrs  Petulengro 
desires  "  a  little  pleasant  company,"  and  urges  her  husband 
to  take  a  second  spouse.  He  proceeds : — 

"  Now  I  am  thinking  that  this  here  Bess  of  yours 
would  be  just  the  kind  of  person  both  for  my  wife  and 
myself.  My  wife  wants  something  gorgiko,  something 
genteel.  Now  Bess  is  of  blood  gorgious ;  if  you  doubt  it, 
look  at  her  face,  all  full  of  pawno  ratter,  white  blood, 
brother  ;  and  as  for  gentility,  nobody  can  make  exceptions 

E 


66  FAREWELL  TO  LONDON  [1825 

to  Bess's  gentility,  seeing  she  was  born  in  the  workhouse 
of  Melford  the  Short." 

Mr  Petulengro  sees  in  Bess  another  advantage.  If 
"  the  Flaming  Tinman  " l  were  to  descend  upon  them,  as 
he  once  did,  with  the  offer  to  fight  the  best  of  them  for 
nothing,  and  Tawno  Chikno  were  absent,  who  was  to  fight 
him  ?  Mr  Petulengro  could  not  do  so  for  less  than  five 
pounds ;  but  with  Bess  as  a  second  wife  the  problem 
would  be  solved.  She  would  fight  "  the  Flaming  Tinman." 

This  proves  nothing,  one  way  or  the  other,  and  can 
scarcely  be  said  to  "  dispel  any  allusions,"  as  Dr  Knapp 
suggests,  or  confirm  the  story  of  Isopel.  Why  did  Borrow 
omit  it  from  Lavengro  ?  Not  from  caprice  surely.  It 
has  been  stated  that  those  who  know  the  gypsies  can 
vouch  for  the  fact  that  no  such  suggestion  could  have 
been  made  by  a  gypsy  woman. 

It  would  appear  that  Isopel  Berners  existed,  but  the 
account  of  her  given  by  Borrow  in  Lavengro  and  The 
Romany  Rye  is  in  all  probability  coloured,  just  as  her 
stature  was  heightened  by  him.  If  she  were  taller  than 
he,  she  must  have  appeared  a  giantess.  Borrow  was  an 
impressionist,  and  he  has  probably  succeeded  far  better 
in  giving  a  faithful  picture  of  Isopel  Berners  than  if  he 
had  been  photographically  accurate  in  his  measurements. 

According  to  Borrow's  own  account,  he  left  Willenhall 
mounted  upon  a  fine  horse,  purchased  with  money  lent 
to  him  by  Mr  Petulengro,  a  small  valise  strapped  to  the 
saddle,  and  "some  desire  to  meet  with  one  of  those 
adventures  which  upon  the  roads  of  England  are  generally 
as  plentiful  as  blackberries."  From  this  point,  however, 
The  Romany  Rye  becomes  dangerous  as  autobiography.2 

1  Mr  Petulengro  is  made  to  say  the  "  Flying  Tinker." 

2  Dr  Knapp  sees  in  the  account  of  Murtagh's  story  of  his  travels 
Borrow's  own  adventures  during  1826-7,  but  there  is  no  evidence  in 
support  of  this  theory.     Another  contention  of  Dr  Knapp's  is  more 
likely  correct,  viz.,  that  the  story  of  Finn  MacCoul  was  that  told  him 
by  Cronan  the  Cornish  guide  during  the  excursion  to  Land's  End. 


iv.]  THE  LOAN  OF  FIFTY  COTTORS  67 

For  one  thing,  it  was  unlike  Borrow  to  remain  in 
debt,  and  it  is  incredible  that  he  should  have  ridden 
away  upon  a  horse  purchased  with  another  man's  money, 
without  any  set  purpose  in  his  mind.  Therefore  the  story 
of  his  employment  at  the  Swan  Inn,  Stafford,  where  he 
found  his  postilion  friend,  and  the  subsequent  adventures 
must  be  reluctantly  sacrificed.  They  do  not  ring  true, 
nor  do  they  fit  in  with  the  rest  of  the  story.  That  he 
experienced  such  adventures  is  highly  probable ;  but  it 
is  equally  probable  that  he  took  some  liberty  with  the 
dates. 

Up  to  the  point  where  he  purchases  the  horse,  Borrow's 
story  is  convincing;  but  from  there  onwards  it  seems  to 
go  to  pieces,  that  is  as  autobiography.  The  arrival  of 
Ardry  ( Arden)  at  the  inn,1  passing  through  Stafford  on  his 
way  to  Warwick  to  be  present  at  a  dog  and  lion  fight  that 
had  already  taken  place  (26th  July),  is  in  itself  enough  to 
shake  our  confidence  in  the  whole  episode  of  the  inn.  In 
The  Gypsies  of  Spain  Mr  Petulengro  is  made  to  say : 

"  I  suppose  you  have  not  forgot  how,  fifteen  years  ago, 
when  you  made  horseshoes  in  the  little  dingle  by  the  side 
of  the  great  north  road,  I  lent  you  fifty  cottors  [guineas]  to 
purchase  the  wonderful  trotting  cob  of  the  innkeeper  with 
the  green  Newmarket  coat,  which  three  days  after  you 
sold  for  two  hundred.  Well,  brother,  if  you  had  wanted 
the  two  hundred  instead  of  the  fifty,  I  could  have  lent 
them  to  you,  and  would  have  done  so,  for  I  knew  you 
would  not  be  long  pazorrhus  [indebted]  to  me."  2 

It  seems  more  in  accordance  with  Borrow's  character 
to  repay  the  loan  within  three  days  than  to  continue  in 

1  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  The  Romany  Rye  Borrow  takes 
his  horse  to  the  Swan  Inn  at  Stafford,  meets  his  postilion  friend  and 
is  introduced  by  him  to  the  landlord,  with  the  result  that  he  arranges 
to  act  as  "  general  superintendent  of  the  yard,"  and  keep  the  hay  and 
corn  account.     In  return  he  and  his  horse  are  to  be  fed  and  lodged. 
Here  Borrow  encounters  Francis  Ardry,  on  his  way  to  see  the  dog 
and  lion  fight  at  Warwick,  and  the  man  in  black. 

2  The  'Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  360. 


68  FAREWELL  TO  LONDON  [1825 

Mr  Petulengro's  debt  for  weeks,  at  one  time  making  no 
actual  effort  to  realise  upon  the  horse.  The  question  as 
to  whether  Borrow  received  a  hundred  and  fifty  (as  he 
himself  states)  or  two  hundred  pounds  is  immaterial. 
It  is  quite  likely  that  he  sold  the  horse  before  he  left 
the  dingle,  and  that  the  adventures  he  narrates  may  be 
true  in  all  else  save  the  continued  possession  of  his  steed, 
that  is,  with  the  exception  of  the  Francis  Ardry  episode, 
the  encounter  with  the  man  in  black,  and  the  arrival  at 
Horncastle  during  the  fair.  If  Borrow  left  London  on 
24th  May,  and  he  could  not  have  left  earlier,  as  has  been 
shown,  he  must  have  visited  the  Fair  (Tamworth)  with 
Mr  Petulengro  on  26th  July,  and  set  out  from  Willenhall 
about  2nd  August. 

It  has  been  pointed  out  by  that  distinguished  scholar 
and  gentleman-gypsy,  Mr  John  Sampson,1  that  as  the 
Horse  Fair  at  Horncastle  was  held  I2th-2ist  August,  if 
Borrow  took  the  horse  there  it  could  not  have  been  in  the 
manner  described  in  The  Romany  Rye,  where  he  is  shown 
as  spending  some  considerable  time  at  the  inn,  if  we  may 
judge  by  the  handsome  cheque  (;£io)  offered  to  him  by 
the  landlord  as  a  bonus  on  account  of  his  services.  Then 
there  was  the  accident  and  the  consequent  lying-up  at  the 
house  of  the  man  who  knew  Chinese,  but  could  not  tell 
what  o'clock  it  was.  To  confirm  Borrow's  itinerary  all  this 
must  have  been  crowded  into  less  than  three  weeks,  fully  a 
third  of  which  Borrow  spent  in  recovering  from  his  fall. 
This  would  mean  that  for  less  than  a  fortnight's  work,  the 
innkeeper  offered  him  ten  pounds  as  a  gratuity,  in 
addition  to  the  bargain  he  had  made,  which  included  the 
horse's  keep. 

Mr  Sampson  has  supported  his  itinerary  with  several 
very  important  pieces  of  evidence.  Borrow  states  in 
Lavengro  that  "  a  young  moon  gave  a  feeble  light "  as  he 
mounted  the  coach  that  was  to  take  him  to  Amesbury. 

1  Introduction   to    The    Romany    Rye    in    The    Little    Library, 
Methuen  &  Co.,  Ltd. 


IV.]  AMBITION  69 

The  moon  was  in  its  first  quarter  on  24th  May.  There 
actually  was  a  great  thunderstorm  in  the  Willerihall  district 
about  the  time  that  Borrow  describes  (i8th  July).  It  is 
Mr  Sampson  also  who  has  identified  the  fair  to  which 
Borrow  went  with  the  gypsies  as  that  held  at  Tamworth 
on  26th  July. 

Whatever  else  Borrow  may  have  been  doing  immedi- 
ately after  leaving  the  dingle,  he  appears  to  have  been 
much  occupied  in  speculating  as  to  the  future.  Was  he 
not  "  sadly  misspending  his  time  ? "  He  was  forced  to 
the  conclusion  that  he  had  done  nothing  else  throughout 
his  life  but  misspend  his  time.  He  was  ambitious.  He 
chafed  at  his  narrow  life.  "  Oh !  what  a  vast  deal  may 
be  done  with  intellect,  courage,  riches,  accompanied  by 
the  desire  of  doing  something  great  and  good ! " 1  he 
exclaims,  and  his  thoughts  turned  instinctively  to  the 
career  of  his  old  school-fellow,  Rajah  Brooke  of  Sarawak.2 
He  was  now,  by  his  own  confession,  "a  moody  man, 
bearing  on  my  face,  as  I  well  knew,  the  marks  of  my 
strivings  and  my  strugglings,  of  what  I  had  learnt  and 
unlearnt."3  He  recognised  the  possibilities  that  lay  in 
every  man,  only  awaiting  the  hour  when  they  should  be 
called  forth.  He  believed  implicitly  in  the  power  of  the 
will.4  He  possessed  ambition  and  a  fine  workable  theory 
of  how  success  was  to  be  obtained ;  but  he  lacked 
initiative.  He  expected  fortune  to  wait  for  him  on  the 
high-road,  just  as  he  knew  adventures  awaited  him.  He 
would  not  go  "across  the  country,"  to  use  a  phrase  of 
the  time  common  to  postilions.  He  was  too  independent, 
perhaps  too  sensitive  of  being  patronised,  to  seek 
employment.  That  he  cared  "for  nothing  in  this  world 
but  old  words  and  strange  stories,"  was  an  error  into 

1  The  Romany  Rye^  page  162.          2  The  Romany  Rye^  page  162. 

3  The  Romany  Rye,  page  50. 

4  "  Let  but  the  will  of  a  human  being  be  turned  to  any  particular 
object,  and  it   is  ten  to  one  that   sooner  or  later  he  achieves  it." 
— Lavengro,  page  16. 


70  FAREWELL  TO  LONDON  [1825 

which  his  friend  Mr  Petulengro  might  well  fall.  The 
mightiness  of  the  man's  pride  could  be  covered  only  by  a 
cloak  of  assumed  indifference.  He  must  be  independent 
of  the  world,  not  only  in  material  things,  but  in  those 
intangible  qualities  of  the  spirit.  It  was  this  that  lost 
him  Isopel  Berners,  whose  love  he  awakened  by  a  strong 
right  arm  and  quenched  with  an  Armenian  noun.  Again, 
his  independence  stood  in  the  way  of  his  happiness.  A 
man  is  a  king,  he  seemed  to  think,  and  the  attribute  of 
kings  is  their  splendid  isolation,  their  godlike  solitude. 
If  his  Ego  were  lonely  and  crying  out  for  sympathy, 
Borrow  thought  it  a  moment  for  solitude,  in  which  to 
discipline  his  insurgent  spirit.  The  "  Horrors "  were  the 
result  of  this  self-repression.  When  they  became  unbear- 
able, his  spirit  broke  down,  the  yearning  for  sympathy  and 
affection  overmastered  him,  and  he  stumbled  to  his  little 
horse  in  the  desolate  dingle,  and  found  comfort  in  the 
faithful  creature's  whinny  of  sympathy  and  its  affectionate 
licking  of  his  hand.  The  strong  man  clung  to  his  dumb 
brute  friend  as  a  protection  against  the  unknown  horror — 
the  screaming  horror  that  had  gripped  him. 

One  quality  Borrow  possessed  in  common  with  many 
other  men  of  strange  and  taciturn  personality.  He  could 
always  make  friends  when  he  chose.  Ostlers,  scholars, 
farmers,  gypsies ;  it  mattered  not  one  jot  to  him  what, 
or  who  they  were.  He  could  earn  their  respect  and 
obtain  their  good-will,  if  he  wished  to  do  so.  He 
demanded  of  men  that  they  should  have  done  things, 
or  be  capable  of  doing  things.  They  must  know  every- 
thing there  was  to  be  known  about  some  one  thing  ;\and 
the  ostler,  than  whom  none  could  groom  a  horse  better, 
was  worthy  of  being  ranked  with  the  best  man  in  the 
land.  He  demanded  of  every  man  1;hat  he  should  justify 
his  existence,  and  was  logical  in  his  attitude,  save  in  the 
insignificant  particular  that  he  applied  the  same  rule  to 
himself  only  in  theory. 

He   was    shrewd    and    a    good    judge    of   character, 


iv.]  A  CENSORED  BOOK  71 

provided  it  were  Protestant  character,  and  could  hold  his 
own  with  a  Jew  or  a  Gypsy.  He  was  fully  justified  in  his 
boast  of  being  able  to  take  "precious  good  care  of" 
himself,  and  "drive  a  precious  hard  bargain";  yet  these 
qualities  were  not  to  find  a  market  until  he  was  thirty 
years  of  age. 

Sometime  during  the  autumn  (1825)  Borrow  returned 
to  Norwich,  where  he  busied  himself  with  literary  affairs, 
among  other  things  writing  to  the  publishers  of  Faustus 
about  the  bill  that  was  shortly  to  fall  due.  The  fact  of 
the  book  having  been  destroyed  at  both  the  Norwich 
libraries,  gave  him  the  idea  that  he  might  make  some 
profit  by  selling  copies  of  the  suppressed  volume.  Hence 
his  offer  to  Simpkin  &  Marshall  to  take  copies  in  lieu  of 
money. 


CHAPTER  V 

SEPTEMBER    1825 — DECEMBER    1832 

T7ROM  the  autumn  of  1825  until  the  winter  of  1832, 
-*•  when  he  obtained  an  introduction  to  the  British  & 
Foreign  Bible  Society,  only  fragmentary  details  of  Sorrow's 
life  exist.  He  decided  to  keep  sacred  to  himself  the 
"  Veiled  Period,"  as  it  came  to  be  called.  In  all  probability 
it  was  a  time  of  great  hardship  and  mortification,  and  he 
wished  it  to  be  thought  that  the  whole  period  was  devoted 
to  "a  grand  philological  expedition,"  or  expeditions. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  some  portion  of  the  mysterious 
epoch  was  so  spent,  but  not  all.  Many  of  the  adventures 
ascribed  to  characters  in  Lavengro  and  The  Romany  Rye 
were,  most  probably,  Borrow's  own  experiences  during 
that  period  of  mystery  and  misfortune.  Time  after  time 
he  was  implored  to  "  lift  up  a  corner  of  the  curtain  "  ;  but 
he  remained  obdurate,  and  the  seven  years  are  in  his  life 
what  the  New  Orleans  days  were  in  that  of  Walt  Whitman. 
Soon  after  his  return  to  Norwich,  Borrow  seems  to 
have  turned  his  attention  to  the  manuscripts  in  the  green 
box.  In  the  days  of  happy  augury,  before  he  had 
quarrelled  with  Sir  Richard  Phillips,  there  had  appeared 
in  The  Monthly  Magazine  the  two  following  paragraphs  : — 

"  We  have  heard  and  seen  much  of  the  legends  and 
popular  superstitions  of  the  North,  but,  in  truth,  all  the 
exhibitions  of  these  subjects  which  have  hitherto  appeared 
in  England  have  been  translations  from  the  German.  Mr 
Olaus  Borrow,  who  is  familiar  with  the  Northern  Languages, 

72 


v.]  LITERARY  ACTIVITY  73 

proposes,  however,  to  present  these  curious  reliques  of 
romantic  antiquity  directly  from  the  Danish  and  Swedish, 
and  two  elegant  volumes  of  them  now  printing  will  appear 
in  September.  They  are  highly  interesting  in  themselves, 
but  more  so  as  the  basis  of  most  of  the  popular  supersti- 
tions of  England,  when  they  were  introduced  during  the 
incursions  and  dominion  of  the  Danes  and  Norwegians." 
(ist  September  1824.) 

"We  have  to  acknowledge  the  favour  of  a  beautiful 
collection  of  Danish  songs  and  ballads,  of  which  a  specimen 
will  be  seen  among  the  poetical  articles  of  the  present 
month.  One,  or  more,  of  these  very  interesting  transla- 
tions will  appear  in  each  succeeding  number."  (ist 
December  1824.) 

It  seems  to  have  been  Sorrow's  plan  to  run  his  ballads 
serially  through  The  Monthly  Magazine  and  then  to 
publish  them  in  book-form.  His  initial  contribution  to 
The  Monthly  Magazine  had  appeared  in  October  1823. 
The  first  of  the  articles,  entitled  "  Danish  Traditions  and 
Superstitions,"  appeared  August  1824,  and  continued,  with 
the  omission  of  one  or  two  months,  until  December  1825, 
there  being  in  all  nine  articles ;  but  there  was  only  one 
instalment  of  "  Danish  Songs  and  Ballads."  x 

Borrow  was  determined  that  these  ballads,  at  least, 
should  be  published,  and  he  set  to  work  to  prepare  them 
for  the  press.  Allan  Cunningham,  with  whom  Borrow  was 
acquainted,  contributed,  at  his  request,  a  metrical  dedica- 
tion. The  volume  appeared  on  roth  May,  in  an  edition  of 
five  hundred  copies  at  ten  shillings  and  sixpence  each. 
It  appears  that  some  two  hundred  copies  were  subscribed 
for,  thus  ensuring  the  cost  of  production.  The  balance,  or 
a  large  proportion  of  it,  was  consigned  to  John  Taylor,  the 
London  publisher,  who  printed  a  new  title-page  and  sold 
them  at  seven  shillings  each,  probably  the  trade  price  for 
a  half-guinea  book. 

1  They  appeared  as  Romantic  Ballads,  translated  from  the  Danish, 
and  Miscellaneous  Pieces,  by  George  Borrow.  Norwich.  S.  Wilkin, 
1826.  Included  in  the  volume  were  translations  f<om  the  Kicempe 
Viser  and  from  Oehlenschlaeger. 


74  "THE  VEILED  PERIOD"  [1826 

Cunningham  wrote  to  Borrow  advising  him  to  send  out 
freely  copies  for  review,  and  with  each  a  note  saying  that 
it  was  the  translator's  ultimate  intention  to  publish  an 
English  version  of  the  whole  Kicempe  Viser  with  notes ; 
also  to  "scatter  a  few  judiciously  among  literary  men." 
It  is  doubtful  if  this  sage  counsel  were  acted  upon  ;  for 
there  is  no  record  of  any  review  or  announcement  of  the 
work.  This  in  itself  was  not  altogether  a  misfortune ;  for 
Borrow  did  not  prove  himself  an  inspired  translator  of 
verse.  Apart  from  the  two  hundred  copies  sold  to  sub- 
scribers, the  book  was  stillborn. 

After  the  publication  of  Romantic  Ballads,  Borrow 
appears  to  have  returned  to  London,  not  to  his  old  lodging 
at  Milman  Street,  possibly  on  account  of  the  associations, 
but  to  26  Bryanston  Street,  Portman  Square,  from  which 
address  he  wrote  to  Benjamin  Haydon  the  following 
note : x — 

DEAR  SIR, — 

I  should  feel  extremely  obliged  if  you  would  allow 
me  to  sit  to  you  as  soon  as  possible.  I  am  going  to  the 
South  of  France  in  little  better  than  a  fortnight,  and  I 
would  sooner  lose  a  thousand  pounds  than  not  have  the 
honour  of  appearing  in  the  picture. 

Yours  sincerely, 

GEORGE  BORROW. 

In  his  account  of  how  he  first  became  acquainted  with 
Haydon,  Borrow  shows  himself  as  anything  but  desirous 
of  appearing  in  a  picture.  When  John  tells  of  the  artist's 
wish  to  include  him  as  one  of  the  characters  in  a  painting 
upon  which  he  is  engaged,  Borrow  replies :  "  I  have 
no  wish  to  appear  on  canvas."  It  is  probable  that  in 
some  way  or  other  Haydon  offended  his  sitter,  who, 
regretting  his  acquiescence,  antedated  the  episode  and 

1  Correspondence  and  Table-Talk  of  B.  R.  Haydon.  London, 
1876.  The  position  of  the  letter  in  the  Haydon  Journal  is  between 
November  1825  and  January  1826  ;  but  it  is  more  likely  that  it  was 
written  some  months  later.  Unfortunately,  Borrow's  portrait  cannot 
be  traced  in  any  of  Haydon's  pictures. 


v.]  A  GREAT  TRAVELLER  75 

depicted  himself  as  refusing  the  invitation.  Such  a 
liberty  with  fact  and  date  would  be  quite  in  accordance 
with  Borrow's  autobiographical  methods. 

Borrow  wrote  in  Lavengro,  "  I  have  been  a  wanderer 
the  greater  part  of  my  life ;  indeed  I  remember  only 
two  periods,  and  these  by  no  means  lengthy,  when  I  was, 
strictly  speaking,  stationary."1  One  of  the  "two  periods" 
was  obviously  the  eight  years  spent  at  Norwich,  1816-24, 
the  other  is  probably  the  years  spent  at  Oulton.  Thus 
the  "  Veiled  Period  "  may  be  assumed  to  have  been  one  of 
wandering.  The  seven  years  are  gloomy  and  mysterious, 
but  not  utterly  dark.  There  is  a  hint  here,  a  suggestion 
there — a  letter  or  a  paragraph,  that  gives  in  a  vague 
way  some  idea  of  what  Borrow  was  doing,  and  where. 
It  seems  comparatively  safe  to  assume  that  after  the 
publication  of  Romantic  Ballads  he  plunged  into  a  life 
of  roving  and  vagabondage,  which,  in  all  probability,  was 
brought  to  an  abrupt  termination  by  either  the  loss 
or  the  exhaustion  of  his  money.  Anything  beyond  this 
is  pure  conjecture.2 

After  he  became  associated  with  the  British  &  Foreign 
Bible  Society,  his  movements  are  easily  accounted  for; 
but  all  we  have  to  guide  us  as  to  what  countries  he 
had  seen  before  1833  is  an  occasional  hint.  He  casually 
admits  having  been  in  Italy,3  at  Bayonne,4  Paris,5  Madrid,6 
the  south  of  France.7  "  I  have  visited  most  of  the 
principal  capitals  of  the  world,"  he  writes  in  1843;  and 
again  in  the  same  year,  "  I  have  heard  the  ballad  of 

1  Lavengro,  page  9. 

2  There   was   a  tradition   that   Borrow  became  a  foreign  corre- 
spondent for  the  Morning  Herald,  and  it  was  in  this  capacity  that  he 
travelled  on  the  Continent  in  1826-7  ;  but  Dr  Knapp  clearly  showed 
that  such  a  theory  was  untenable. 

3  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  n. 

4  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  219. 

5  Letter  to  his  mother,  August  1833. 

6  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  172. 

7  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  31. 


76  "THE  VEILED  PERIOD"  [1827-9 

Alonzo  Guzman  chanted  in  Danish,  by  a  hind  in  the 
wilds  of  Jutland." x  "  I  have  lived  in  different  parts  of 
the  world,  much  amongst  the  Hebrew  race,  and  I  am 
well  acquainted  with  their  words  and  phraseology,"2  he 
writes ;  and  on  another  occasion :  "  I  have  seen  gypsies 
of  various  lands,  Russian,  Hungarian,  and  Turkish ;  and 
I  have  also  seen  the  legitimate  children  of  most  countries 
of  the  world."3  An  even  more  significant  admission  is 
that  made  when  Colonel  Elers  Napier,  whom  Borrow 
met  in  Seville  in  1839,  enquired  where  he  had  obtained 
his  knowledge  of  Moultanee.  "  Some  years  ago,  in 
Moultan,"  was  the  reply;  then,  as  if  regretting  that 
he  had  confessed  so  much,  showed  by  his  manner  that 
he  intended  to  divulge  nothing  more.4 

"  Once,  during  my  own  wanderings  in  Italy,"  Borrow 
writes,  "  I  rested  at  nightfall  by  the  side  of  a  kiln,  the 
air  being  piercingly  cold ;  it  was  about  four  leagues  from 
Genoa." 5  Again,  "  Once  in  the  south  of  France,  when 
I  was  weary,  hungry,  and  penniless,  I  observed  one  of 
these  last  patterans6  [a  cross  marked  in  the  dust],  and 
following  the  direction  pointed  out,  arrived  at  the  resting- 
place  of  '  certain  Bohemians/  by  whom  I  was  received 
with  kindness  and  hospitality,  on  the  faith  of  no  other 
word  of  recommendation  than  patteran."7  In  a  letter 
of  introduction  to  the  Rev.  E.  Whitely,  of  Oporto,  the 
Rev.  Andrew  Brandram,  of  the  Bible  Society,  wrote  in 
1835  :  "  With  Portugal  he  [Borrow]  is  already  acquainted, 
and  speaks  the  language."  This  statement  is  significant, 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  703. 

2  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  67. 

3  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  19. 

4  Excursions  Along  the  Shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  by  Lt.-Col. 
E.  H.  D.  E.  Napier.     London,  1842. 

5  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  pages  10-11. 

6  Patteran,  or  Patrin;  a  gypsy  method  of  indicating  by  means  of 
grass,  leaves,  or  a  mark  in  the  dust  to  those   behind  the   direction 
taken  by  the  main  body. 

7  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  31. 


v.]  A  MYSTERY  77 

for  only  during  the  "  Veiled  Period  "  could  Borrow  have 
visited  Portugal. 

It  may  be  argued  that  Borrow  was  merely  posing 
as  a  great  traveller,  but  the  foregoing  remarks  are  too 
casual,  too  much  in  the  nature  of  asides,  to  be  the  utter- 
ances of  a  poseur.  A  man  seeking  to  impress  himself 
upon  the  world  as  a  great  traveller  would  probably  have 
been  a  little  more  definite. 

The  only  really  reliable  information  as  to  Borrow's 
movements  after  his  arrival  in  London  is  contained  in  the 
note  to  Haydon.  In  all  probability  he  went  to  Paris, 
where  possibly  he  met  Vidocq,  the  master-rogue  turned 
detective.1  It  has  been  suggested  by  Dr  Knapp  that  he 
went  to  Paris,  and  thence  on  foot  to  Bayonne  and 
Madrid,  after  which  he  tramped  to  Pamplona,  where  he 
gets  into  trouble,  is  imprisoned,  and  is  released  on 
condition  that  he  leave  the  country ;  he  proceeds  towards 
Marseilles  and  Genoa,  where  he  takes  ship  and  is  landed 
safely  in  London.  The  data,  however,  upon  which  this 
itinerary  is  constructed  are  too  frail  to  be  convincing. 
There  is  every  probability  that  he  roamed  about  the 
Continent  and  met  with  adventures — he  was  a  man 
to  whom  adventures  gravitated  quite  naturally  —  but 
the  fact  of  his  saying  that  he  had  been  imprisoned  on 
three  occasions,  and  there  being  only  two  instances  on 
record  at  the  time,  cannot  in  itself  be  considered 
as  conclusive  evidence  of  his  having  been  arrested  at 
Pamplona.2 

1  If  he  went  abroad,  he  certainly  did  so  without  obtaining  a  pass- 
port from  the  Foreign  Office.  The  only  passports  issued  to  him 
between  the  years  1825-1840  were  : 

2;th  July  1833,  to  St  Petersburg ; 

2nd  November  1836  and  2oth  December  1838,  to  Spain, 
as  far  as  the  F.  O.  Registers  show. 

2  Dr  Knapp  takes  Borrow's  statement,  made  29th  March  1839, 
"  I  have  been  three  times  imprisoned  and  once  on  the  point  of  being 
shot,"  as  indicating  that  he  was  imprisoned  at  Pamplona  in  1826.  The 
imprisonments  were  September  1837,  Finisterre  ;  May  1838,  Madrid  ; 


78  "THE  VEILED  PERIOD"  [1829 

In  the  spring  of  1827  Borrow  was  unquestionably  at 
Norwich,  for  he  saw  the  famous  trotting  stallion  Marshland 
Shales  on  the  Castle  Hill  (i2th  April),  and  did  for  that 
grand  horse  "  what  I  would  neither  do  for  earl  or  baron, 
doffed  my  hat."1  Borrow  apparently  remained  with  his 
mother  for  some  months,  to  judge  from  certain  entries 
(29th  September  to  I9th  November)  in  his  hand  that 
appear  in  her  account  books. 

In  December  1829  he  was  back  again  in  London  at 
17  Great  Russell  Street,  W.C.  He  was  as  usual  eager  to 
obtain  some  sort  of  work.  He  wrote  to  "  the  Committee 
of  the  Honourable  and  Praiseworthy  Association,  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Highland  Society  ...  a  body  animate 
with  patriotism,  which,  guided  by  philosophy,  produces  the 
noblest  results,  and  many  of  whose  members  stand 
amongst  the  very  eminent  in  the  various  departments 
of  knowledge." 

The  project  itself  was  that  of  translating  into  English 
"  the  best  and  most  approved  poetry  of  the  Ancient  and 
Modern  Scoto-Gaelic  Bards,  with  such  notes  on  the  usages 
and  superstitions  therein  alluded  to,  as  will  enable  the 
English  reader  to  form  a  clear  and  correct  idea  of  the 
originals."  In  the  course  of  a  rather  ornate  letter,  Borrow 
offers  himself  as  the  translator  and  compiler  of  such  a 
work  as  he  suggests,  avowing  his  willingness  to  accept 
whatsoever  remuneration  might  be  thought  adequate 

and  another  unknown.  The  occasion  on  which  he  was  nearly  shot, 
which  may  be  assumed  to  be  connected  with  one  of  the  imprisonments 
(otherwise  he  was  more  than  "  once  nearly  shot "),  was  at  Finisterre, 
when  he,  with  his  guide,  was  seized  as  a  Carlist  spy  "  by  the  fisher- 
men of  the  place,  who  determined  at  first  on  shooting  us."  (Letter  to 
Rev.  A.  Brandram,  I5th  September  1837.) 

1  The  incident  is  given  in  Lavengro  under  date  of  1818,  when 
Marshland  Shales  was  fifteen  years  old.  It  was  not,  however,  until 
1827  that  he  appeared  at  the  Norwich  Horse  Fair  and  was  put  up 
for  auction.  "  Such  a  horse  as  this  we  shall  never  see  again ;  a 
pity  that  he  is  so  old,"  was  the  opinion  of  those  who  lifted  their  hats 
as  a  token  of  respect. 


v.]  "THOSE  SCOTCH  BLACKGUARDS"  79 

compensation  for  his  expenditure  of  time.  Furthermore, 
he  undertakes  to  complete  the  work  within  a  period  of 
two  years. 

On  7th  December  he  wrote  to  Dr  Bowring,  recently 
returned  from  Denmark  : — 

"  Lest  I  should  intrude  upon  you  when  you  are  busy, 
I  write  to  enquire  when  you  will  be  unoccupied.  I  wish 
to  show  you  my  translation  of  The  Death  of  Balder, 
Ewald's  most  celebrated  production,  which,  if  you  approve 
of,  you  will  perhaps  render  me  some  assistance  in  bringing 
forth,  for  I  don't  know  many  publishers.  1  think  this  will 
be  a  proper  time  to  introduce  it  to  the  British  public,  as 
your  account  of  Danish  literature  will  doubtless  cause  a 
sensation." l 

On  29th  December  he  wrote  again : — 

"  When  I  had  last  the  pleasure  of  being  at  yours,  you 
mentioned  that  we  might  at  some  future  period  unite  our 
strength  in  composing  a  kind  of  Danish  Anthology.  .  .  . 
Suppose  we  bring  forward  at  once  the  first  volume  of  the 
Danish  Anthology,  which  should  contain  the  heroic  super- 
natural songs  of  the  K\iosmpe\  V\iser\" 

It  was  suggested  that  there  should  be  four  volumes  in 
all,  and  the  first,  with  an  introduction  that  Borrow 
expressed  himself  as  not  ashamed  of,  was  ready  and 
"  might  appear  instanter,  with  no  further  trouble  to  your- 
self than  writing,  if  you  should  think  fit,  a  page  or  two  of 
introductory  matter."  Dr  Bowring  replied  by  return  of 
post  that  he  thought  that  no  more  than  two  volumes  could 
be  ventured  on,  and  Borrow  acquiesced,  writing  :  "  The 
sooner  the  work  is  advertised  the  better,  for  lam  terribly 
afraid  of  being  forestalled  in  the  Kioempe  Viser  by  some  of 
those  Scotch  blackguards,  who  affect  to  translate  from  all 
languages,  of  which  they  are  fully  as  ignorant  as  Lockhart 
is  of  Spanish." 

1  This  and  subsequent  letters  from  Borrow  to  Sir  John  Bowring  not 
specially  acknowledged  have  been  courteously  placed  at  the  writer's 
disposal  by  Mr  Wilfred  J.  Bowring,  Sir  John  Bowring's  grandson. 


80  "THE  VEILED  PERIOD "  [1830 

Borrow  was  full  of  enthusiasm  for  the  project,  and 
repeated  that  the  first  volume  was  ready,  adding :  "  If  we 
unite  our  strength  in  the  second,  I  think  we  can  produce 
something  worthy  of  fame,  for  we  shall  have  plenty  of 
matter  to  employ  talent  upon."  A  later  letter,  which 
was  written  from  7  Museum  Street  (8th  January),  told 
how  he  had  "been  obliged  to  decamp  from  Russell  St. 
for  the  cogent  reason  of  an  execution  having  been  sent  into 
the  house,  and  I  thought  myself  happy  in  escaping  with  my 
things." 

He  drew  up  a  prospectus,  endeavouring  "  to  assume  a 
Danish  style,"  which  he  submitted  to  his  collaborator, 
begging  him  to  "  alter  .  .  .  whatever  false  logic  has  crept 
into  it,  find  a  remedy  for  its  incoherencies,  and  render  it  fit 
for  its  intended  purpose.  I  have  had  for  the  two  last  days 
a  rising  headache  which  has  almost  prevented  me  doing 
anything." 

It  would  appear  that  Dr  Bowring  did  not  altogether 
approve  of  the  "  Danish  style,"  for  on  I4th  January  Borrow 
wrote,  "  I  approve  of  the  prospectus  in  every  respect ;  it  is 
business-like,  and  there  is  nothing  flashy  in  it.  1  do  not 
wish  to  suggest  one  alteration.  .  .  .  When  you  see  the 
foreign  Editor,"  he  continues,  "  I  should  feel  much  obliged 
if  you  would  speak  to  him  about  my  reviewing  Tegner,  and 
enquire  whether  a  good  article  on  Welsh  poetry  would  be 
received.  I  have  the  advantage  of  not  being  a  Welshman. 
I  would  speak  the  truth,  and  would  give  translations  of 
some  of  the  best  Welsh  poetry  ;  and  I  really  believe  that 
my  translations  would  not  be  the  worst  that  have  been 
made  from  the  Welsh  tongue." 

The  prospectus,  which  appeared  in  several  publications 
ran  as  follows  : — 

"  Dr  Bowring  and  Mr  George  Borrow  are  about  to 
publish,  dedicated  to  the  King  of  Denmark,  by  His 
Majesy's  permission,  THE  SONGS  OF  SCANDINAVIA, 
in  2  vols.  8vo,  containing  a  Selection  of  the  most  interest- 
ing of  the  Historical  and  Romantic  Ballads  of  North- 


v.]  MILITARY  AMBITION  81 

Western    Europe,   with    Specimens    of  the    Danish   and 

Norwegian  Poets  down  to  the  present  day. 

Price  to  Subscribers,  £i,  is. — to  Non-Subscribers  ;£i,5s- 
The  First  Volume  will  be  devoted  to  Ancient  Popular 

Poetry ;  the  Second  will  give  the  choicest  productions  of 

the  Modern  School,  beginning  with  Tullin."  l 

The  Songs  of  Scandinavia  now  became  to  Borrow  what 
the  Celebrated  Trials  had  been  four  years  previously,  a 
source  of  constant  toil.  On  one  occasion  he  writes  to  Dr 
Bowring  telling  him  that  he  has  just  translated  an  ode  "  as 
I  breakfasted."  What  Borrow  lived  on  at  this  period  it  is 
impossible  to  say.  It  may  be  assumed  that  Mrs  Borrow 
did  not  keep  him,  for,  apart  from  the  slender  proportions 
of  the  income  of  the  mother,  the  unconquerable  independ- 
ence of  the  son  must  be  considered  ;  and  Borrow  loved  his 
mother  too  tenderly  to  allow  her  to  deprive  herself  of  luxuries 
even  to  keep  him.  He  borrowed  money  from  her  at 
various  times ;  but  he  subsequently  faithfully  repaid  her. 
Even  John  was  puzzled.  "  You  never  tell  me  what  you  are 
doing,"  he  writes  to  his  brother  at  the  end  of  1832  ;  "you 
can't  be  living  on  nothing." 

Borrow  appears  to  have  kept  Dr  Bowring  well  occupied 
with  suggestions  as  to  how  that  good-natured  man  might 
assist  him.  Although  he  is  to  see  him  on  the  morrow,  he 
writes  on  the  evening  of  2ist  May  regarding  another  idea 
that  has  just  struck  him  : 

"  As  at  present  no  doubt  seems  to  be  entertained  of 
Prince  Leopold's  accepting  the  sovereignty  of  Greece, 
would  you  have  any  objection  to  write  to  him  concerning 
me  ?  I  should  be  very  happy  to  go  to  Greece  in  his 
service.  I  do  not  wish  to  go  in  a  civil  or  domestic  capacity, 
and  I  have,  moreover,  no  doubt  that  all  such  situations  have 
been  long  since  filled  up ;  I  wish  to  go  in  a  military  one, 
for  which  I  am  qualified  by  birth  and  early  habits.  You 
might  inform  the  Prince  that  I  have  been  for  years  on  the 
Commander-in-Chiefs  list  for  a  commission,  but  that  I 
have  not  had  sufficient  interest  to  procure  an  appointment. 

1  In  The  Monthly  Review,  March  i83O,rthere  appeared  among  the 
literary  announcements  a  paragraph  to  the  same  effect. 

F 


82  "THE  VEILED  PERIOD"  [1830 

One  of  my  reasons  for  wishing  to  reside  in  Greece  is,  that 
the  mines  of  Eastern  literature  would  be  accessible  to  me. 
I  should  soon  become  an  adept  in  Turkish,  and  would 
weave  and  transmit  to  you  such  an  anthology  as  would 
gladden  your  very  heart.  As  for  the  Songs  of  Scandinavia, 
all  the  ballads  would  be  ready  before  departure,  and  as  I 
should  have  books,  I  would  in  a  few  months  send  you 
translations  of  the  modern  Lyric  Poetry.  I  hope  this  letter 
will  not  displease  you.  I  do  not  write  it  from  flightiness, 
but  from  thoughtfulness.  I  am  uneasy  to  find  myself  at 
four  and  twenty  drifting  on  the  sea  of  the  world,  and 
likely  to  continue  so." 

On  22nd  May  Dr  Bowring  introduced  Borrow  to  Dr 
Grundtvig,  the  Danish  poet,  who  required  some  transcrip- 
tions done.  On  7th  June,  Borrow  wrote  to  Dr  Bowring : 

"  I  have  looked  over  Mr  Gruntvig's  (sic)  manuscript. 
It  is  a  very  long  affair,  and  the  language  is  Norman 
Saxon.  £40  would  not  be  an  extravagant  price  for  a 
transcript,  and  so  they  told  him  at  the  Museum.  How- 
ever, as  I  am  doing  nothing  particular  at  present,  and  as  I 
might  learn  something  from  transcribing  it,  I  would  do  it 
for  £20.  He  will  call  on  you  to-morrow  morning,  and  then, 
if  you  please,  you  may  recommend  me.  The  character 
closely  resembles  the  ancient  Irish,  so  I  think  you  can 
answer  for  my  competency." 

At  this  time  there  were  a  hundred  schemes  seething 
through  Borrow's  eager  brain.  Hearing  that  "an  order 
has  been  issued  for  the  making  a  transcript  of  the  cele- 
brated Anglo-Saxon  Codex  of  Exeter,  for  the  use  of  the 
British  Museum,"  he  applied  to  some  unknown  corre- 
spondent for  his  interest  and  help  to  obtain  the  appoint- 
ment as  transcriber.  The  work,  however,  was  carried  out 
by  a  Museum  official. 

Another  project  appears  to  have  been  to  obtain  a  post 
at  the  British  Museum.  On  9th  March  1830  he  had 
written  to  Dr  Bowring : 

"  I  have  thought  over  the  Museum  matter,  which  we 
were  talking  about  last  night,  and  it  appears  to  me  that  it 
would  be  the  very  thing  for  me,  provided  that  it  could  be 


v.]  NOTHING  BUT  DISCOURAGEMENT  83 

accomplished.  I  should  feel  obliged  if  you  would  deliberate 
upon  the  best  mode  of  proceeding,  so  that  when  I  see  you 
again  I  may  have  the  benefit  of  your  advice." 

In  reply  Dr  Bowring  commended  the  scheme,  and 
promised  to  assist  "  by  every  sort  of  counsel  and  exertion. 
But  it  would  injure  you,"  he  proceeds,  "  if  I  were  to  take 
the  initiative.  [The  Gibraltar  house  of  Bowring  &  Murdock 
had  recently  failed.]  Quietly  make  yourself  master  of  that 
department  of  the  Museum.  We  must  then  think  of  how 
best  to  get  at  the  Council.  If  by  any  management  they 
can  be  induced  to  ask  my  opinion,  I  will  give  you  a 
character  which  shall  take  you  to  the  top  of  Hecla  itself. 
You  have  claims,  strong  ones,  and  I  should  rejoice  to  see 
you  niched  in  the  British  Museum." 

Again  failure  !  Disappointment  seemed  to  be  dogging 
Borrow's  footsteps  at  this  period.  For  years  past  he  had 
been  seeking  some  sort  of  occupation,  into  which  he  could 
throw  all  that  energy  and  determination  of  character  that 
he  possessed.  He  was  earnest  and  able,  and  he  knew  that 
he  only  required  an  opportunity  of  showing  to  the  world 
what  manner  of  man  he  was.  He  seemed  doomed  to  meet 
everywhere  with  discouragement ;  for  no  one  wanted  him, 
just  as  no  one  wanted  his  translations  of  the  glorious  Ab 
Gwilym.  He  appeared  before  the  world  as  a  failure,  which 
probably  troubled  him  very  little ;  but  there  was  another 
aspect  of  the  case  that  was  in  his  eyes,  "  the  most  heart- 
breaking of  everything,  the  strange,  the  disadvantageous 
light  in  which  I  am  aware  that  I  must  frequently  have 
appeared  to  those  whom  I  most  love  and  honour." l 

On  1 4th  September  he  wrote  to  Dr  Bowring  : 

"  I  am  going  to  Norwich  for  some  short  time,  as  I  am 
very  unwell  and  hope  that  cold  bathing  in  October  and 
November  may  prove  of  service  to  me.  My  complaints 
are,  I  believe,  the  offspring  of  ennui  and  unsettled  prospects. 
I  have  thoughts  of  attempting  to  get  into  the  French 

1  From  the  original  draft  of  his  letter  of  2oth  May  to  Dr  Bowring, 
omitted  from  the  letter  itself. 


84  "THE  VEILED  PERIOD11  [1831 

service,  as  I  should  like  prodigiously  to  serve  under  Clausel 
in  the  next  Bedouin  campaign.  I  shall  leave  London  next 
Sunday  and  will  call  some  evening  to  take  my  leave;  I 
cannot  come  in  the  morning,  as  early  rising  kills  me." 

A  year  later  he  writes  again  to  Dr  Bowring,  who  once 
more  has  been  exerting  himself  on  his  friend's  behalf: 

"  WILLOW  LANE,  NORWICH, 
nth  September  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — 

I  return  you  my  most  sincere  thanks  for  your 
kind  letter  of  the  2nd  inst.,  and  though  you  have  not  been 
successful  in  your  application  to  the  Belgian  authorities  in 
my  behalf,  I  know  full  well  that  you  did  your  utmost,  and 
am  only  sorry  that  at  my  instigation  you  attempted  an 
impossibility. 

The  Belgians  seem  either  not  to  know  or  not  to  care 
for  the  opinion  of  the  great  Cyrus  who  gives  this  advice 
to  his  captains.  'Take  no  heed  from  what  countries  ye 
fill  up  your  ranks,  but  seek  recruits  as  ye  do  horses,  not 
those  particularly  who  are  of  your  own  country,  but 
those  of  merit.'  The  Belgians  will  only  have  such  recruits 
as  are  born  in  Belgium,  and  when  we  consider  the  heroic 
manner  in  which  the  native  Belgian  army  defended  the 
person  of  their  new  sovereign  in  the  last  conflict  with  the 
Dutch,  can  we  blame  them  for  their  determination  ?  It  is 
rather  singular,  however,  that  resolved  as  they  are  to  be 
served  only  by  themselves  they  should  have  sent  for  5000 
Frenchmen  to  clear  their  country  of  a  handful  of  Hollanders, 
who  have  generally  been  considered  the  most  unwarlike 
people  in  Europe,  but  who,  if  they  had  fair  play  given 
them,  would  long  ere  this  time  have  replanted  the  Orange 
flag  on  the  towers  of  Brussels,  and  made  the  Belgians 
what  they  deserve  to  be,  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of 
water. 

And  now,  my  dear  Sir,  allow  me  to  reply  to  a  very 
important  part  of  your  letter ;  you  ask  me  whether  I  wish 
to  purchase  a  commission  in  the  British  service,  because  in 
that  case  you  would  speak  to  the  Secretary  at  War  about 
me.  I  must  inform  you  therefore  that  my  name  has  been 
for  several  years  upon  the  list  for  the  purchase  of  a  com- 
mission, and  I  have  never  yet  had  sufficient  interest  to 
procure  an  appointment.  If  I  can  do  nothing  better  I 


v.]  THE  ARMY  AS  A  CAREER  85 

shall  be  very  glad  to  purchase  ;  but  I  will  pause  two  or 
three  months  before  I  call  upon  you  to  fulfil  your  kind 
promise.  It  is  believed  that  the  Militia  will  be  embodied 
in  order  to  be  sent  to  that  unhappy  country  Ireland,  and 
provided  I  can  obtain  a  commission  in  one  of  them,  and 
they  are  kept  in  service,  it  would  be  better  than  spending 
£500  about  one  in  the  line.  I  am  acquainted  with  the 
Colonels  of  the  two  Norfolk  regiments,  and  I  daresay  that 
neither  of  them  would  have  any  objection  to  receive  me. 
If  they  are  not  embodied  I  will  most  certainly  apply  to 
you,  and  you  may  say  when  you  recommend  me  that 
being  well  grounded  in  Arabic,  and  having  some  talent  for 
languages,  I  might  be  an  acquisition  to  a  corps  in  one  of 
our  Eastern  Colonies.  I  flatter  myself  that  I  could  do  a 
great  deal  in  the  East  provided  I  could  once  get  there, 
either  in  a  civil  or  military  capacity ;  there  is  much  talk  at 
present  about  translating  European  books  into  the  two 
great  languages,  the  Arabic  and  Persian ;  now  I  believe 
that  with  my  enthusiasm  for  these  tongues  I  could,  if 
resident  in  the  East,  become  in  a  year  or  two  better 
acquainted  with  them  than  any  European  has  been  yet, 
and  more  capable  of  executing  such  a  task.  Bear  this  in 
mind,  and  if  before  you  hear  from  me  again  you  should 
have  any  opportunity  to  recommend  me  as  a  proper 
person  to  fill  any  civil  situation  in  those  countries  or  to 
attend  any  expedition  thither,  I  pray  you  to  lay  hold  of  it, 
and  no  conduct  of  mine  shall  ever  give  you  reason  to 
repent  it. 

I  remain, 

My  Dear  Sir, 
Your  most  obliged  and  obedient  Servant, 

GEORGE  BORROW. 

P.S. — Present  my  best  remembrances  to  Mrs  B.  and 
to  Edgar,  and  tell  them  that  they  will  both  be  starved. 
There  is  now  a  report  in  the  street  that  twelve  corn-stacks 
are  blazing  within  twenty  miles  of  this  place.  I  have  lately 
been  wandering  about  Norfolk,  and  I  am  sorry  to  say  that 
the  minds  of  the  peasantry  are  in  a  horrible  state  of  ex- 
citement ;  I  have  repeatedly  heard  men  and  women  in  the 
harvest-field  swear  that  not  a  grain  of  the  corn  they  were 
cutting  should  be  eaten,  and  that  they  would  as  lieve  be 
hanged  as  live.  I  am  afraid  all  this  will  end  in  a  famine 
and  a  rustic  war. 


86  "THE  VEILED  PERIOD"  [1831 

It  was  pride  that  prompted  Borrow  to  ask  Dr  Bowring 
to  stay  his  hand  for  the  moment  about  a  commission. 
There  was  no  reasonable  possibility  of  his  being  able  to 
raise  £$oo.  Even  if  his  mother  had  possessed  it,  which 
she  did  not,  he  would  not  have  drained  her  resources  of 
so  large  an  amount.  His  subsequent  attitude  towards 
the  Belgians  was  characteristic  of  him.  To  his  acutely 
sensitive  perceptions,  failure  to  obtain  an  appointment 
he  sought  was  a  rebuff,  and  his  whole  nature  rose  up 
against  what,  at  the  moment,  appeared  to  be  an  intoler- 
able slight. 

Nothing  came  of  the  project  of  collaboration  between 
Bowring  and  Borrow  beyond  an  article  on  Danish  and 
Norwegian  literature  that  appeared  in  The  Foreign 
Quarterly  Review  (June  1830),  in  which  Borrow  supplied 
translations  of  the  sixteen  poems  illustrating  Bowring's 
text.  In  all  probability  the  response  to  the  prospectus 
was  deemed  inadequate,  and  Bowring  did  not  wish  to  face 
a  certain  financial  loss. 

From  Borrow's  own  letters  there  is  no  question  that 
Dr  Bowring  was  acting  towards  him  in  a  most  friendly 
manner,  and  really  endeavouring  to  assist  him  to  obtain 
some  sort  of  employment.  It  may  be,  as  has  been  said, 
and  as  seems  extremely  probable,  that  Bowring  used  his 
"  facility  in  acquiring  and  translating  tongues  deliberately 
as  a  ladder  to  an  administrative  post  abroad,"1  but  if 
Borrow  "put  a  wrong  construction  upon  his  sympathy" 
and  was  led  into  "  a  veritable  cul-de-sac  of  literature," 2  it 
was  no  fault  of  Bowring's. 

Borrow's   relations  with  Dr  Bowring  continued  to  be 

1  Mr  Thomas  Seccombe  in  Bookman,  February  1902. 

2  It  is  only  fair  to  add  that  Mr  Seccombe  wrote  without  having 
seen  the    correspondence   quoted  from    above.      His    words    have 
been  given  as  representing  the  opinion  held  by  most  people  regard- 
ing  the   Borrow-Bowring  dispute.     It  has  been  said   that   Bowring 
sought   to   suck   Borrow's  brains  ;   it  would   appear,   however,   that 
Borrow  strove  rather  to  make  every  possible  use  that  he  could  of 
Bowring. 


v.]  "A  TERRIBLE  FELLOW"  87 

most  cordial  for  many  years,  as  his  letters  show.  "  Pray 
excuse  me  for  troubling  you  with  these  lines,"  he  writes 
years  later ;  "  I  write  to  you,  as  usual,  for  assistance  in  my 
projects,  convinced  that  you  will  withhold  none  which 
it  may  be  in  your  power  to  afford,  more  especially  when 
by  so  doing  you  will  perhaps  be  promoting  the  happi- 
ness of  our  fellow-creatures."  This  is  very  significant  as 
indicating  the  nature  of  the  relations  between  the  two  men. 

Borrow  was  to  experience  yet  another  disappointment. 
A  Welsh  bookseller,  living  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Smithfield,  commissioned  him  to  translate  into  English 
Elis  Wyn's  The  Sleeping  Bard,  a  book  printed  originally 
in  1703.  The  bookseller  foresaw  for  the  volume  a  large 
sale,  not  only  in  England  but  in  Wales ;  but  "  on  the  eve 
of  committing  it  to  the  press,  however,  the  Cambrian- 
Briton  felt  his  small  heart  give  way  within  him.  '  Were  I 
to  print  it,'  said  he,  *  I  should  be  ruined ;  the  terrible 
descriptions  of  vice  and  torment  would  frighten  the 
genteel  part  of  the  English  public  out  of  its  wits,  and  I 
should  to  a  certainty  be  prosecuted  by  Sir  James  Scarlett. 
.  .  Myn  Diawl !  I  had  no  idea,  till  I  had  read  him  in 
English,  that  Elis  Wyn  had  been  such  a  terrible  fellow.' " x 

With  this  Borrow  had  to  be  content  and  retire  from 
the  presence  of  the  little  bookseller,  who  told  him  he  was 
"  much  obliged  ...  for  the  trouble  you  have  given  your- 
self on  my  account,"2  and  his  bundle  of  manuscript, 
containing  nearly  three  thousand  lines,  the  work  probably 
of  some  months,  was  to  be  put  aside  for  thirty  years  before 
eventually  appearing  in  a  limited  edition. 

It  cannot  be  determined  with  exactness  when  Borrow 
relinquished  the  unequal  struggle  against  adverse  circum- 
stances in  London.  He  had  met  with  sufficient  dis- 
couragement to  dishearten  him  from  further  effort. 
Perhaps  his  greatest  misfortune  was  his  disinclination  to 
make  friends  with  anybody  save  vagabonds.  He  could 
attract  and  earn  the  friendship  of  an  apple-woman, 

1  Preface  to  The  Sleeping  Bard,  1860.  2  Ibid. 


88  "THE  VEILED  PERIOD"  [1831 

thimble-riggers,  tramps,  thieves,  gypsies,  in  short  with  any 
vagrant  he  chose  to  speak  to ;  but  his  hatred  of  gentility 
was  a  great  and  grave  obstacle  in  the  way  of  his  material 
advancement.  His  brother  John  seemed  to  recognise  this  ; 
for  in  1831  he  wrote,  "  I  am  convinced  that  your  want  of 
success  in  life  is  more  owing  to  your  being  unlike  other 
people  than  to  any  other  cause." 

It  would  appear  that,  finding  nothing  to  do  in  London, 
Borrow  once  more  became  a  wanderer.  He  was  in 
London  in  March;  but  on  27th,  28th,  and  29th  July  1830 
he  was  unquestionably  in  Paris.  Writing  about  the 
Revolution  of  La  Granja  (August  1836)  and  of  the  energy, 
courage  and  activity  of  the  war  correspondents,  he  says  : 

"  I  saw  them  [the  war  correspondents]  during  the  three 
days  at  Paris,  mingled  with  canaille  and  gamins  behind 
the  barriers,  whilst  the  mitraille  was  flying  in  all  directions, 
and  the  desperate  cuirassiers  were  dashing  their  fierce 
horses  against  these  seemingly  feeble  bulwarks.  There 
stood  they,  dotting  down  their  observations  in  their 
pocket-books  as  unconcernedly  as  if  reporting  the  pro- 
ceedings of  a  reform  meeting  in  Covent  Garden  or  Fins- 
bury  Square."1 

This  can  have  reference  only  to  the  "  Three  Glorious 
Days"  of  Revolution,  2/th  to  29th  July  1830,  during  which 
Charles  X.  lost,  and  Louis-Philippe  gained,  a  throne.  He 
returned  to  Norwich  sometime  during  the  autumn  of 
i83O.2  In  November  he  was  entering  upon  his  epistolary 
duel  with  the  Army  Pay  Office  in  connection  with  John's 
half-pay  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  West  Norfolk  Militia. 

In  1826  John  had  gone  to  Mexico,  then  looked  upon  as 
a  land  of  promise  for  young  Englishmen,  who  might 
expect  to  find  fortunes  in  its  silver  mines.  Allday,  brother 
of  Roger  Kerrison,  was  there,  and  John  Borrow  determined 
to  join  him.  Obtaining  a  year's  leave  of  absence  from  his 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  201. 

2  Dr  Knapp  gives  the  date  as  during  the  early  days  of  September, 
but  without  mentioning  his  authority. 


v.]  "I  AM  A  SOLICITOR  MYSELF"  89 

colonel,  together  with  permission  to  apply  for  an  extension, 
he  entered  the  service  of  the  Real  del  Monte  Company, 
receiving  a  salary  of  three  hundred  pounds  a  year.  He 
arranged  that  his  mother  should  have  his  half-pay,  and  it 
was  in  connection  with  this  that  George  entered  upon  a 
correspondence  with  the  Army  Pay  Office  that  was  to 
extend  over  a  period  of  fifteen  months. 

Originally  John  had  arranged  for  the  amounts  to  be 
remitted  to  Mexico,  and  he  sent  them  back  again  to  his 
mother.  This  involved  heavy  losses  in  connection  with 
the  bills  of  exchange,  and  wishing  to  avoid  this  tax,  John 
sent  to  his  brother  an  official  copy  of  a  Mexican  Power  of 
Attorney,  which  George  strove  to  persuade  the  Army  Pay 
Office  was  the  original. 

Tact  was  unfortunately  not  one  of  George  Borrow's 
acquirements  at  this  period,  and  in  this  correspondence  he 
adopted  an  attitude  that  must  have  seriously  prejudiced 
his  case.  "  I  am  a  solicitor  myself,  Sir,"  he  states,  and 
proceeds  to  threaten  to  bring  the  matter  before  Parliament. 
He  writes  to  the  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury  "  as  a  member 
of  the  same  honourable  profession  to  which  I  was  myself 
bred  up,"  and  demands  whether  he  has  not  law,  etc.,  on  his 
side.  The  outcome  of  the  correspondence  was  that  the  dis- 
embodied allowance  was  refused  on  the  plea  "that 
Lieutenant  Borrow  having  been  absent  without  Leave  from 
the  Training  of  the  West  Norfolk  Militia  has,  under  the 
provisions  of  the  I2th  Section  of  the  Militia  Pay  and 
Clothing  Act,  forfeited  his  Allowance."  In  consequence, 
payment  was  made  only  for  the  amount  due  from  25th 
June  1829  to  24th  December  1830.  The  whole  tone  of 
Borrow's  letters  was  unfortunate  for  the  cause  he  pleaded. 
He  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  War  as  he  might 
have  written  to  the  little  Welsh  bookseller  with  "  the  small 
heart."  He  was  indignant  at  what  he  conceived  to  be  an 
injustice,  and  was  unable  to  dissemble  his  anger. 

George  had  thought  of  joining  his  brother,  but  had  not 
received  any  very  marked  encouragement  to  do  so.  John 


90  "THE  VEILED  PERIOD"  [1832 

despised  Mexican  methods.  On  one  occasion  he  writes 
apropos  of  George's  suggestion  of  the  army,  "  If  you  can 
raise  the  pewter,  come  out  here  rather  than  that,  and  rob'' 
One  sage  thing  at  least  John  is  to  be  credited  with,  when 
he  wrote  to  his  brother,  "  Do  not  enter  the  army  ;  it  is  a 
bad  spec."  It  would  have  been  for  George  Borrow. 

Among  the  papers  left  at  Sorrow's  death  was  a 
fragment  of  a  political  article  in  dispraise  of  the  Radicals. 
The  editorial  "  We  "  suggests  that  Borrow  might  possibly 
have  been  engaged  in  political  journalism.  The  statement 
made  by  him  that  he  "  frequently  spoke  up  for  Wellington" l 
may  or  may  not  have  had  reference  to  contributions  to  the 
press.  The  fragment  itself  proves  nothing.  Many  would- 
be  journalists  write  "  leaders "  that  never  see  the  case- 
room. 

It  is  useless  to  speculate  further  regarding  the  period 
that  Borrow  himself  elected  to  veil  from  the  eyes,  not  only 
of  his  contemporaries,  but  those  of  another  generation.  Men 
who  have  overcome  adverse  conditions  and  achieved  fame 
are  not  as  a  rule  averse  from  publishing,  or  at  least  allowing 
to  be  known,  the  difficulties  that  they  had  to  contend  with. 
Borrow  was  in  no  sense  of  the  word  an  ordinary  man.  He 
unquestionably  suffered  acutely  during  the  years  of  failure, 
when  it  seemed  likely  that  his  life  was  to  be  wasted,  barren 
of  anything  else  save  the  acquirement  of  a  score  or  more 
languages ;  keys  that  could  open  literary  storehouses  that 
nobody  wanted  to  explore,  to  the  very  existence  of  which, 
in  fact,  the  public  was  frigidly  indifferent. 

"  Poor  George.  ...  I  wish  he  was  making  money.  .  .  . 
He  works  hard  and  remains  poor,"  is  the  comment  of  his 
brother  John,  written  in  the  autumn  of  1830.  To  no  small 
degree  Borrow  was  responsible  for  his  own  failure,  or 
perhaps  it  would  be  more  just  to  say  that  he  had  been 
denied  many  of  the  attributes  that  make  for  success.  His 
independence  was  aggressive,  and  it  offended  people.  Even 
with  the  Welsh  Preacher  and  his  wife  he  refused  to  unbend. 
1  The  Romany  Rye,  page  362. 


v]  THE  BARRIER  91 

"  '  What  a  disposition  ! '  "  Winifred  had  exclaimed, 
holding  up  her  hands  ;  "  *  and  this  is  pride,  genuine  pride — 
that  feeling  which  the  world  agrees  to  call  so  noble.  Oh, 
how  mean  a  thing  is  pride !  never  before  did  I  see  all  the 
meanness  of  what  is  called  pride  ! '  " 1 

This  pride,  magnificent  as  the  loneliness  of  kings,  and 
about  as  unproductive  of  a  sympathetic  view  of  life,  always 
constituted  a  barrier  in  the  way  of  Sorrow's  success. 
There  were  innumerable  other  obstacles  :  his  choice  of 
friends,  his  fierce  denunciatory  hatred  of  gentility,  together 
with  humbug,  which  he  always  seemed  to  confuse  with  it, 
the  attacks  of  the  "  Horrors,"  his  grave  bearing,  which  no 
laugh  ever  disturbed,  and,  above  all,  his  uncompromising 
hostility  to  the  things  that  the  world  chose  to  consider 
excellent.  The  world  in  return  could  make  nothing  of  a 
man  who  was  a  mass  of  moods  and  sensibilities,  strange 
tastes  and  pursuits.  It  is  not  remarkable  that  he  should 
fail  to  make  the  stir  that  he  had  hoped  to  make. 

With  the  unerring  instinct  of  a  hypersensitive  nature, 
he  knew  his  merit,  his  honesty,  his  capacity — knew  that  he 
possessed  one  thing  that  eventually  commands  success, 
which  "  through  life  has  ever  been  of  incalculable  utility  to 
me,  and  has  not  unfrequently  supplied  the  place  of  friends, 
money,  and  many  other  things  of  almost  equal  importance 
— iron  perseverance,  without  which  all  the  advantages  of 
time  and  circumstance  are  of  very  little  avail  in  any  under- 
taking."2 It  was  this  dogged  determination  that  was  to 
carry  him  through  the  most  critical  period  of  his  life, 
enable  him  to  earn  the  approval  of  those  in  whose 
interests  he  worked,  and  eventually  achieve  fame  and 
an  unassailable  place  in  English  literature. 

1  Lavengro,  page  403.  2  Lavengro,  page  446. 


CHAPTER  VI 

JANUARY— JULY    1833 

T  T  is  not  a  little  curious  that  no  one  should  have  thought 
-*•  of  putting  Borrow's  undoubted  gifts  as  a  linguist  to 
some  practical  use.  He  himself  had  frequently  cast  his 
eyes  in  the  direction  of  a  political  appointment  abroad. 
It  remained,  however,  for  the  Rev.  Francis  Cunningham,1 
vicar  of  Lowestoft,  in  Suffolk,  to  see  in  this  young  man 
against  whom  the  curse  of  Babel  was  inoperative,  a  sword 
that,  in  the  hands  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society, 
might  be  wielded  with  considerable  effect  against  the 
heathen. 

Borrow  appears  to  have  become  acquainted  with  the 
Rev.  Francis  Cunningham  through  the  Skeppers  of  Oulton 
Hall,  near  Lowestoft,  of  whom  it  is  necessary  to  give  some 
account.  Edmund  Skepper  had  married  Anne  Breame  of 
Beetley,  who,  on  the  death  of  her  father,  came  into  £9000. 
She  and  her  husband  purchased  the  Oulton  Hall  estate, 
upon  which  Anne  Skepper  seems  to  have  been  given  a 
five  per  cent,  mortgage.  There  were  two  children  of  the 
marriage,  Breame  (born  1794)  and  Mary  (born  1796). 
The  boy  inherited  the  estate,  and  the  girl  the  mortgage, 
worth  about  .£450  per  annum.  Mary  married  Henry 
Clarke,  a  lieutenant  in  the  Navy  (26th  July  1817),  who 
within  eight  months  died  of  consumption.  Two  months 
later  Mrs  Clarke  gave  birth  to  a  daughter,  who  was 

1  Vicar  of  Pakefield,  in  Norfolk,  1814-1830;    Lowestoft,  1830-63. 
He  married  a  sister  of  J.  J.  Gurney  of  Earlham  Hall. 

92 


VL]          "A  VERY  PRODUCEABLE  PERSON"          93 

christened  Henrietta  Mary.  Mrs  Clarke  became 
acquainted  with  the  Cunninghams  while  they  were  at 
Pakefield,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  she 
was  instrumental  in  introducing  Borrow  to  Cunningham. 
It  is  most  probable  that  they  met  during  Borrow's  visit  at 
Oulton  Hall  in  November  1832. 

The  Rev.  Francis  Cunningham  appears  to  have  been 
impressed  by  Borrow's  talent  for  languages,  and  fully 
alive  to  his  value  to  an  institution  such  as  the  Bible 
Society,  of  which  he,  Cunningham,  was  an  active  member. 
He  accordingly  addressed1  to  the  secretary,  the  Rev. 
Andrew  Brandram,  the  following  letter : 

LOWESTOFT  VICARAGE, 
vjth  Dec.  1832. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — 

A  young  farmer  in  this  neighbourhood  has  introduced 
me  to-day  to  a  person  of  whom  I  have  long  heard,  who 
appears  to  me  to  promise  so  much  that  I  am  induced  to 
offer  him  to  you  as  a  successor  of  Platt  and  Greenfield.2 
He  is  a  person  without  University  education,  but  who  has 
read  the  Bible  in  thirteen  languages.  He  is  independent 
in  circumstances,  of  no  very  defined  denomination  of 
Christians,  but  I  think  of  certain  Christian  principle. 
I  shall  make  more  enquiry  about  him  and  see  him 
again.  Next  week  I  propose  to  meet  him  in  London, 
and  I  could  wish  that  you  should  see  him,  and,  if  you 
please,  take  him  under  your  charge  for  a  few  days.  He 
is  of  the  middle  order  in  Society,  and  a  very  produceable 
person. 

I  intend  to  be  in  town  on  Tuesday  morning  to  go 
to  the  Socy.  P.  C.  K.  On  Wednesday  is  Dr  Wilson's 
meeting  at  Islington.  He  may  be  in  town  on  Monday 
evening,  and  will  attend  to  any  appointment. 

1  Dr  Knapp  was  in  error  when  he  credited  J.  J.  Gurney  with  the 
introduction.     In  a  letter  to  the   Rev.   J.   Jowett,   loth   Feb.   1833, 
Borrow  wrote,  "  I  must  obtain  a  letter  from  him  [Rev.  F.  Cunningham] 
to  Joseph  Gurney." 

2  T.  Pell  Platt,  formerly  the  Hon.  Librarian  of  the  Society ;  W. 
Greenfield,  its  lately  deceased  Editorial  Superintendent. 


94          INTRODUCTION  TO  BIBLE  SOCIETY       [1823 

Will  you  write  me  word  by  return  of  post,  and  believe 
me  ever 

Most  truly  and  affectionately  yours, 

F.  CUNNINGHAM. 

The  recommendation  was  well-timed,  for  the  Bible 
Society  at  that  particular  moment  required  such  a  man 
as  Borrow  for  a  Manchu-Tartar  project  it  had  in  view. 
In  1821  the  Bible  Society  had  commissioned  Stepdn 
Vasilievitch  Lipovzoff,1  of  St  Petersburg,  to  translate 
the  New  Testament  into  Manchu,  the  court  and  diplo- 
matic language  of  China.  A  year  later,  an  edition  of 
550  copies  of  the  First  Gospel  was  printed  from  type 
specially  cast  for  the  undertaking.  A  hundred  copies 
were  despatched  to  headquarters  in  London,  and  the 
remainder,  together  with  the  type,  placed  with  the 
Society's  bankers  at  St  Petersburg, 2  until  the  time  should 
arrive  for  the  distribution  of  the  books. 

Three  years  after  (1824),  the  overflowing  Neva  flooded 
the  cellars  in  which  the  books  were  stored,  causing 
their  irretrievable  ruin,  and  doing  serious  damage  to  the 
type.  This  misfortune  appeared  temporarily  to  discourage 
the  authorities  at  home,  although  Mr  Lipovzoff  was  per- 
mitted to  proceed  with  the  work  of  translation,  which  he 
completed  in  two  years  from  the  date  of  the  inundation. 

In  1832  the  Rev.  Wm.  Swann,  of  the  London 
Missionary  Society,  discovered  in  the  famous  library 
of  Baron  Schilling  de  Canstadt  at  St  Petersburg  the 

1  S.  V.  Lipovzoff  (1773-1841)  had  studied  Chinese  and  Manchu 
at  the   National  College  of  Pekin,  and  had  lived  in  China  for  20 
years ;  belonged  to  the   Russian   Foreign   Office  (Asiatic  section) ; 
head  of  Board  of  Censors  for  books  in  Eastern  languages  printed  in 
Russia:  Corresponding  member  of  Academy  of  Sciences  for  depart- 
ment of  Oriental  Literature  and  Antiquities.     "A  gentleman  in  the 
service   of   the   Russian   Department  of  Foreign   Affairs,  who  has 
spent  the   greater   part   of  an   industrious  life    in   Peking   and  the 
East"— J.  P.  H[asfeldt]  in  the  Athenceum,  5th  March  1836. 

2  Asmus,  Simondsen  &  Co.,  Sarepta  House. 


M.]  THE  TRAMP  TO  LONDON  95 

manuscript  of  a  Manchu  translation  of  "  the  principal 
part  of  the  Old  Testament,"  and  two  books  of  the  New. 
The  discovery  was  considered  to  be  so  important  that 
Mr  Swann  decided  to  delay  his  departure  for  his  post 
in  Siberia  and  make  a  transcription,  which  he  did.  The 
Manchu  translation  was  the  work  of  Father  Puerot, 
"originally  a  Jesuit  emissary  at  Pekin  [who]  passed  the 
latter  years  of  his  life  in  the  service  of  the  Russian 
Mission  in  the  capacity  of  physician. "  l 

The  immediate  outcome  of  Mr  Cunningham's  letter 
was  an  interview  between  Borrow  and  the  Bible  Society's 
officials.  With  characteristic  energy  and  determination, 
Borrow  trudged  up  to  London,  covering  the  112  miles 
on  foot  in  2J\  hours.  His  expenses  by  the  way  amounted 
to  fivepence-halfpenny  for  the  purchase  of  a  roll,  two 
apples,  a  pint  of  ale  and  a  glass  of  milk.  On  reaching 
London  he  proceeded  direct  to  the  Bible  Society's  offices 
in*  Earl  Street,  in  spite  of  the  early  hour,  and  there 
awaited  the  arrival  of  the  Rev.  Andrew  Brandram 
(Secretary),  and  the  Rev.  Joseph  Jowett  (Literary  Super- 
intendent). 

The  story  of  Sorrow's  arrival  at  Earl  Street  was 
subsequently  told  by  one  of  the  secretaries  at  a  provincial 
meeting  in  connection  with  the  Bible  Society.  The  Rev. 
Wentworth  Webster  writes : 

"  I  was  little  more  than  a  boy  when  I  first  heard  George 
Borrow  spoken  of  at  the  annual  dinner  given  by  a  connec- 
tion of  my  family  to  the  deputation  of  the  British  and 
Foreign  Bible  Society  in  a  country  town  near  London.  .  .  , 
I  can  distinctly  recall  one  of  the  secretaries  telling  of  his  first 
meeting  with  Borrow,  whom  he  found  waiting  at  the  offices 
of  the  Society  one  morning ; — how  puzzled  he  was  by  his 
appearance ;  how,  after  he  had  read  his  letter  of  introduc- 
tion, he  wished  to  while  away  the  time  until  a  brother 
secretary  should  arrive,  and  did  not  want  to  say  anything 
to  commit  himself  to  such  a  strange  applicant;  so  he 

1  Borrow's  report  upon  Puerot's  translation,  23rd  September  5th 
October,  1835. 


96          INTRODUCTION  TO  BIBLE  SOCIETY       [1833 

began  by  politely  hoping  that  Borrow  had  slept  well.  *  I 
am  not  aware  that  I  fell  asleep  on  the  road/  was  the  reply ; 
I  have  walked  from  Norwich  to  London.' " 1 

It  would  appear  that  this  conference  took  place  on 
Friday,  4th  January ;  for  on  that  day  there  is  an  entry  in 
the  records  of  the  Society  of  the  loan  to  George  Borrow  of 
several  books  from  the  Society's  library.  On  this  and 
subsequent  occasions,  Borrow  was  examined  as  to  his 
capabilities,  the  result  appearing  to  be  quite  satisfactory. 
To  judge  from  the  books  lent  to  Borrow,  one  of  the 
subjects  would  seem  to  have  been  Arabic. 

Borrow  appeared  before  the  Committee  on  I4th 
January,  with  the  result  that  they  seemed  to  be  "quite 
satisfied  with  me  and  my  philological  capabilities,"  which 
they  judged  of  from  the  report  given  by  the  Secretary 
and  his  colleague.  A  more  material  sign  of  approval  was 
found  in  the  undertaking  to  defray  "  the  expenses  of  my 
journey  to  and  from  London,  and  also  of  my  residence  in 
that  city,  in  the  most  handsome  manner."2  That  is  to 
say,  the  Committee  voted  him  the  sum  of  ten  pounds. 

Borrow  had  been  formally  asked  if  he  were  prepared 

1  The  Journal  of  the  Gypsy  Lore  Society,  vol.   i.,   July  1888  to 
October  1899.     In  tne  MS.  autobiographical  note  he  wrote  later  for 
Mr  John  Longe,  Borrow  stated  that  he  walked  from  London  to  Norwich 
in  November  1825.     He  may  have  performed  the  journey  twice. 

2  Letter  from  Borrow  to  the  Rev.  Francis  Cunningham,  to  whom 
he  wrote  on  his  return  home,  circa   January,  acquainting  him  with 
what  had  transpired  in  London,  assuring  him  that  "  I  am  returned 
with  a  firm  determination  to  exert  all  my  energies  to  attain  the  desired 
end  [the  learning  of  Manchu]  ;  and  I  hope,  Sir,  that  I  shall  have  the 
benefit  of  your  prayers  for  my  speedy  success,  for  the  language  is  one 
of  those  which  abound  with  difficulties  against  which  human  skill  and 
labour,  without   the  special   favour  of  God,  are  as   blunt  hatchets 
against  the  oak  ;  and  though  I  shall  almost  weary  Him  with  my  own 
prayers,  I  wish  not  to  place  much  confidence  in  them,  being  at  present 
very  far  from  a  state  of  grace  and  regeneration,  having  a  hard  and 
stony  heart,  replete  with  worldy  passions,  vain  wishes,  and  all  kinds 
of  ungodliness ;  so  that  it  would  be  no  wonder  if  God  to  prayers 
addressed  from  my  lips  were  to  turn  away  His  head  in  wrath." 


vi.]  "I  CAN  TRANSLATE  MANCHU"  97 

to  learn  Manchu  sufficiently  well  to  edit,  or  translate, 
into  that  language  such  portions  of  the  Scriptures  as 
the  Society  might  decide  to  issue,  provided  means  of 
acquiring  the  language  were  put  within  his  reach,  and 
employment  should  follow  as  soon  as  he  showed  himself 
proficient.  To  this  Borrow  had  willingly  agreed.  At  this 
period,  the  idea  appears  to  have  been  to  execute  the 
work  in  London. 

Shortly  after  appearing  before  the  Committee  Borrow 
returned  to  Norwich,  this  time  by  coach,  with  several 
books  in  the  Manchu-Tartar  dialect,  including  the  Gospel 
of  St  Matthew  and  Amyot's  Manchu-French  Dictionary. 
His  instructions  were  to  learn  the  language  and  come  up 
for  examination  in  six  months'  time.  Possibly  the  time 
limit  was  suggested  by  Borrow  himself,  for  he  had  said 
that  he  believed  he  could  master  any  tongue  in  a  few 
months. 

After  two  or  three  weeks  of  incessant  study  of  a 
language  that  Amyot  says  "one  may  acquire  in  five  or 
six  years,"  Borrow,  who,  it  should  be  remembered,  possessed 
no  grammar  of  the  tongue,  wrote  to  Mr  Jowett : 

"  It  is,  then,  your  opinion  that,  from  the  lack  of 
anything  in  the  form  of  Grammar,  I  have  scarcely  made 
any  progress  towards  the  attainment  of  Manchu  : l  perhaps 
you  will  not  be  perfectly  miserable  at  being  informed  that 
you  were  never  more  mistaken  in  your  life.  I  can  already, 
with  the  assistance  of  Amyot,  translate  Manchu  with  no 
great  difficulty,  and  am  perfectly  qualified  to  write  a 
critique  on  the  version  of  St  Matthew's  Gospel,  which 
I  brought  with  me  into  the  country.  ...  I  will  now 
conclude  by  beseeching  you  to  send  me,  as  soon  as 
possible,  whatever  can  serve  to  enlighten  me  in  respect  to 
Manchu  Grammar,  for,  had  I  a  Grammar,  I  should  in  a 
month's  time  be  able  to  send  a  Manchu  translation  of 
Jonah." 

The   racy  style  of  Borrow's  letters   must   have   been 

1  Borrow  always  writes  Mandchow,  but,  for  the  sake  of  uniformity, 
his  spelling  is  corrected  throughout. 

G 


98          INTRODUCTION  TO  BIBLE  SOCIETY       [1833 

something  of  a  revelation  to  the  Bible  Society's  officers, 
who  seem  to  have  shown  great  tact  and  consideration  in 
dealing  with  their  self-confident  correspondent.  There  is 
something  magnificent  in  the  letters  that  Borrow  wrote 
about  this  period ;  their  directness  and  virility,  their 
courage  and  determination  suggest,  not  a  man  who  up  to 
the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age  has  been  a  conspicuous 
failure,  as  the  world  gauges  failure;  but  one  who  had 
grown  confident  through  many  victories  and  is  merely 
proceeding  from  one  success  to  another. 

Whilst  in  London,  Borrow  had  discussed  with  Mr 
Brandram  "the  Gypsies  and  the  profound  darkness  as  to 
religion  and  morality  that  envolved  them." l  The  Secretary 
told  him  of  the  Southampton  Committee  for  the  Ameliora- 
tion of  the  Condition  of  the  Gypsies  that  had  recently 
been  formed  by  the  Rev.  James  Crabbe  for  the  express 
purpose  of  enlightening  and  spreading  the  Gospel  among 
the  Romanys.  Furthermore,  Mr  Brandram,  on  hearing 
of  Sorrow's  interest  in,  and  knowledge  of,  the  gypsies,  had 
requested  him  immediately  on  his  return  to  Norwich  to 
draw  up  a  vocabulary  of  Mr  Petulengro's  language,  during 
such  time  as  he  might  have  free  from  his  other  studies. 
Borrow  showed  himself,  as  usual,  prolific  of  suggestions, 
all  of  which  involved  him  in  additional  labour.  He 
enquired  through  Mr  Jowett  if  Mr  Brandram  would 
write  about  him  to  the  Southampton  Committee.  He 
wished  to  translate  into  the  gypsy  tongue  the  Gospel  of 
St  John,  "which  I  could  easily  do,"  he  tells  Mr  Jowett, 
"  with  the  assistance  of  one  or  two  of  the  old  people,  but 
then  they  must  be  paid,  for  the  gypsies  are  more 
mercenary  than  the  Jews." 

He  also  informed  Mr  Jowett  that  he  had  a  brother 
in  Mexico,  subsequently  assuring  him  that  he  had  no 
doubt  of  John's  willingness  to  assist  the  Society  in 
"flinging  the  rays  of  scriptural  light  o'er  that  most 
benighted  and  miserable  region."  He  sent  to  his  brother, 
1  Letter  to  Rev.  Francis  Cunningham,  circa  January  1833. 


vi.]  THE  NAHUATL  ST  LUKE  99 

at  Mr  Jowett's  request,  first  a  sheet,  and  afterwards  a 
complete  copy,  of  the  Gospel  of  St  Luke  translated  into 
Nahuatl,  the  prevailing  dialect  of  the  Mexican  Indians, 
by  Mariano  Paz  y  Sanchez.1 

In  addition  to  learning  Manchu,  Borrow  is  credited 
with  correcting  and  passing  for  press  the  Nahuatl  version 
of  St  Luke.2  The  Bible  Society's  records,  however,  point 
to  the  fact  that  this  work  was  carried  through  by  John 
Hattersley,  who  later  was  to  come  up  with  Borrow  for 
examination  in  Manchu.  In  the  light  of  this,  the 
following  passage  from  one  of  John's  letters  is  puzzling 
in  the  extreme : — "  I  have  just  received  your  letter  of 
the  1 6th  of  February,  together  with  your  translation  of 
St  Luke.  I  am  glad  you  have  got  the  job,  but  I  must 
say  that  the  Bible  Society  are  just  throwing  away  their 
time." 

He  goes  on  to  explain  how  many  dialects  there  are  in 
Mexico.  "  The  job  "  can  only  refer  to  the  Mexican  trans- 
lation, as,  at  that  period,  Borrow  was  merely  studying 
Manchu.  He  had  received  no  appointment  from  the 
Society.  It  may  have  happened  that  Borrow  expressed  a 
wish  to  look  through  the  proofs  and  that  a  set  was  sent  to 
him  for  this  purpose ;  but  there  seems  no  doubt  that  the 
actual  official  responsibility  for  the  work  rested  with 
Hattersley.  A  very  important  point  in  support  of  this 
view  is  that  there  is  no  record  of  Borrow  being  paid 
anything  in  connection  with  this  Mexican  translation, 
beyond  the  amount  of  fifteen  shillings  and  fivepence, 
which  he  had  expended  in  postage  on  the  advance  sheet 
and  complete  copy  sent  to  John.  To  judge  from  the 
subsequent  financial  arrangements  between  the  Society 

1  Dr  Knapp  ascribes   the  translation  to   Dr  Pazos   Kanki,  who 
undertook  it  at  the  instance  of  the  Bishop  of  Puebla,  but  gives  no 
authority.     Dr  Kanki  was  a  native  of  La  Paz,  Peru,  and  translated 
St  Luke  into  his  native  dialect  Aimara'.     He  had  no  more  connection 
with  Mexico  than  "  stout  Cortez J;  with  "  a  peak  in  Darien." 

2  Life  of  George  Borrow,  by  Dr  Knapp,  i.,  page  157. 


100        INTRODUCTION  TO  BIBLE  SOCIETY        [1833 

and  its  agent,  it  is  very  improbable  that  he  was  given  work 
to  do  without  payment. 

After  seven  weeks'  study  Borrow  wrote  again  to  Mr 
Jowett : 

"  I  am  advancing  at  full  gallop,  and  .  .  .  able  to  translate 
with  pleasure  and  facility  the  specimens  of  the  best  authors 
who  have  written  in  the  language  contained  in  the  com- 
pilation of  the  Klaproth.  But  I  confess  that  the  want  of  a 
Grammar  has  been,  particularly  in  the  beginning  of  my 
course,  a  great  clog  to  my  speed,  and  I  have  little  doubt 
that  had  I  been  furnished  with  one  I  should  have  attained 
my  present  knowledge  of  Manchu  in  half  the  time.  I  was 
determined,  however,  not  to  be  discouraged,  and,  not 
having  a  hatchet  at  hand  to  cut  down  the  tree  with,  to 
attack  it  with  my  knife ;  and  I  would  advise  every  one  to 
make  the  most  of  the  tools  which  happen  to  be  in  his 
possession  until  he  can  procure  better  ones,  and  it  is  not 
improbable  that  by  the  time  the  good  tools  arrive  he  will 
find  he  has  not  much  need  of  them,  having  almost 
accomplished  his  work." l 

There  is  a  hint  of  the  difficulties  he  was  experiencing 
in  his  confession  that  tools  would  still  be  of  service  to  him, 
in  particular  "this  same  tripartite  Grammar  which  Mr 
Brandram  is  hunting  for,  my  ideas  respecting  Manchu 
construction  being  still  very  vague  and  wandering."2 
There  is  also  a  request  for  "  the  original  grammatical  work 
of  Amyot,  printed  in  the  Memoires."  3 

Borrow  had  been  studying  Manchu  for  seven  weeks 
when,  feeling  that  his  glowing  report  of  the  progress  he 
was  making  might  be  regarded  as  "  a  piece  of  exaggeration 
and  vain  boasting,"  he  enclosed  a  specimen  translation 
from  Manchu  into  English.  This  he  accompanied  with  an 
assurance  that,  if  required,  he  could  at  that  moment  edit 
any  book  printed  in  the  Manchu  dialect.  About  this 
period  Mr  Jowett  and  his  colleagues  passed  from  one 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  i8th  March  1833. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  i8th  March  1833. 

3  Letter  to  Rev  J.  Jowett,  i8th  March  1833. 


vi.]  "I  HAVE  MASTERED  MANCHU"  101 

sensation  to  another.  The  calm  confidence  of  this 
astonishing  man  was  more  than  justified  by  his  perform- 
ance. His  attitude  towards  life  was  strange  to  Earl  Street. 

Nineteen  weeks  from  the  date  of  commencing  his 
study  of  Manchu,  Borrow  wrote  again  to  Mr  Jowett  with 
unmistakable  triumph :  "  I  have  mastered  Manchu,  and  I 
should  feel  obliged  by  your  informing  the  Committee  of 
the  fact,  and  also  my  excellent  friend  Mr  Brandram."  He 
proceeds  to  indicate  some  of  the  many  difficulties  with 
which  he  has  had  to  contend,  the  absolute  difference  of 
Manchu  from  all  the  other  languages  that  he  has  studied, 
with  the  single  exception  of  Turkish ;  the  number  of  its 
idiomatic  phrases,  which  must  of  necessity  be  learnt  off 
by  heart ;  the  little  assistance  he  has  had  in  the  nature 
of  books.  Finally  he  acknowledges  "the  assistance  of 
God,"  and  asks  "to  be  regularly  employed,  for  though  I 
am  not  in  want,  my  affairs  are  not  in  a  very  flourishing 
condition." 

The  response  to  this  letter  was  an  invitation  to  proceed 
to  London  to  undergo  an  examination.  His  competitor 
was  John  Hattersley,  upon  whom,  in  the  event  of  Borrow's 
failure,  would  in  all  probability  have  devolved  the  duty  of 
assisting  Mr  Lipovzoff.  A  Manchu  hymn,  a  paean  to  the 
great  Futsa,  was  the  test.  Each  candidate  prepared  a 
translation,  which  was  handed  to  the  examiners,  who  in 
turn  were  to  report  to  the  Sub-Committee.  Borrow 
returned  to  Norwich  to  await  the  result.  This  was  most 
probably  towards  the  end  of  June.1 

1  Caroline  Fox  wrote  in  her  Memories  of  Old  Friends  (1882) : 
"  Andrew  Brandram  gave  us  at  breakfast  many  personal  recollections 
of  curious  people.  J.  J.  Gurney  recommended  George  Borrow  to 
their  Committee  [!]  ;  so  he  stalked  up  to  London,  andfthey  gave  him 
a  hymn  to  translate  into  the  Manchu  language,  and  the  same  to  one 
of  their  own  people  to  translate  also.  When  compared  they  proved 
to  be  very  different.  When  put  before  their  reader,  he  had  the 
candour  to  say  that  Borrow's  was  much  the  better  of  the  two.  On 
this  they  sent  him  to  St  Petersburg,  got  it  printed  [!]  and  then  gave 
him  business  in  Portugal,  which  he  took  the  liberty  greatly  to  extend, 


102        INTRODUCTION  TO  BIBLE  SOCIETY       [1833 

Mr  Jowett  wrote  encouragingly  to  Borrow  of  his 
prospects  of  obtaining  the  coveted  appointment.  In 
acknowledgment  of  this  letter,  Borrow  dashed  off  a 
reply,  magnificent  in  its  confidence  and  manly  sincerity. 
It  was  a  defiance  to  the  fate  that  had  so  long  dogged  his 
footsteps. 

"  What  you  have  written  has  given  me  great  pleasure," 
he  wrote,  "  as  it  holds  out  hope  that  I  may  be  employed 
usefully  to  the  Deity,  to  man,  and  myself.  I  shall  be  very 
happy  to  visit  St  Petersburg  and  to  become  the  coadjutor 
of  Lipovzoff,1  and  to  avail  myself  of  his  acquirements  in 
what  you  very  happily  designate  a  most  singular  language, 
towards  obtaining  a  still  greater  proficiency  in  it.  I  flatter 
myself  that  I  am  for  one  or  two  reasons  tolerably  well 
adapted  for  the  contemplated  expedition,  for  besides  a 
competent  knowledge  of  French  and  German,  I  possess 
some  acquaintance  with  Russian,  being  able  to  read  with- 
out much  difficulty  any  printed  Russian  book,  and  I  have 
little  doubt  that  after  a  few  months  intercourse  with  the 
natives,  I  should  be  able  to  speak  it  fluently.  It  would  ill 
become  me  to  bargain  like  a  Jew  or  a  Gypsy  as  to  terms ; 
all  I  wish  to  say  on  that  point  is,  that  I  have  nothing  of 
my  own,  having  been  too  long  dependent  on  an  excellent 
mother,  who  is  not  herself  in  very  easy  circumstances." 

Whilst  still  waiting  for  the  confirmation  by  the  General 
Committee  of  the  Sub-Committee's  resolution,  which  was 
favourable  to  Borrow,  Mr  Jowett  wrote  to  him  (5th  July), 
telling  him  how  good  were  his  prospects ;  but  warning 
him  not  to  be  too  confident  of  success.  The  Sub- 
Committee  had  recommended  that  Borrow's  services 
should  be  engaged  that  he  might  go  to  St  Peters- 
burg and  assist  Mr  Lipovzoff  in  editing  St  Luke  and 
the  Acts  and  any  other  portions  of  the  New  Testament 
that  it  was  thought  desirable  to  publish  in  Manchu. 

and  to  do  such  good  as  occurred  to  his  mind  in  a  highly  executive 
manner  [22nd  August  1844]." 

1  Mr  Lipovzoff 's  unfortunate  name  was  a  great  stumbling-block. 
Borrow  spelt  it  many  ways,  varying  from  Lipoffsky  to  Lipofsoff.  It 
has  been  thought  advisable  to  adopt  Mr  Lipovzoffs  own  spelling  of 
his  name,  in  order  to  preserve  some  uniformity. 


VL]  THE  IDIOM  OF  EARL  STREET  103 

Should  the  Russian  Government  refuse  to  permit  the  work 
to  be  proceeded  with,  Borrow  was  to  occupy  himself  in 
assisting  the  Rev.  Wm.  Swan  to  transcribe  and  collate  the 
manuscript  of  the  Old  Testament  in  Manchu  that  had 
recently  come  to  light.  At  the  same  time,  he  was  to  seize 
every  opportunity  that  presented  itself  of  perfecting  himself 
in  Manchu.  For  this  he  was  to  receive  a  salary  of  two 
hundred  pounds  a  year  to  cover  all  expenses,  save  those 
of  the  journey  to  and  from  St  Petersburg,  for  which  the 
Society  was  to  be  responsible.  Borrow  was  advised  to 
think  carefully  over  the  proposal,  and,  if  it  should  prove 
attractive  to  him,  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  start  as 
soon  as  the  General  Committee  should  approve  of  the 
recommendation  that  was  to  be  placed  before  it.  In  con- 
clusion, Mr  Jowett  proceeded  to  administer  a  gentle 
rebuke  to  the  confident  pride  with  which  the  candidate 
indited  his  letters.  Only  a  quotation  can  show  the  tact 
with  which  the  admonition  was  conveyed. 

"  Excuse  me,"  wrote  the  Literary  Superintendent,  "  if  as 
a  clergyman,  and  your  senior  in  years  though  not  in  talent, 
I  venture,  with  the  kindest  of  motives,  to  throw  out  a  hint 
which  may  not  be  without  its  use.  I  am  sure  you  will  not 
be  offended  if  I  suggest  that  there  is  occasionally  a  tone  of 
confidence  in  speaking  of  yourself,  which  has  alarmed  some 
of  the  excellent  members  of  our  Committee.  It  may  have 
been  this  feeling,  more  than  once  displayed  before,  which 
prepared  one  or  two  of  them  to  stumble  at  an  expression 
in  your  letter  of  yesterday,  in  which,  till  pointed  out,  I 
confess  I  was  not  struck  with  anything  objectionable,  but 
at  which,  nevertheless,  a  humble  Christian  might  not 
unreasonably  take  umbrage.  It  is  where  you  speak  of  the 
prospect  of  becoming  'useful  to  the  Deity,  to  man,  and 
to  yourself.'  Doubtless  you  meant  the  prospect  of  glorifying 
God." 

Borrow  had  yet  to  learn  the  idiom  of  Earl  Street, 
which  he  showed  himself  most  anxious  to  acquire.  He 
clearly  recognised  that  the  Bible  Society  required  different 


104        INTRODUCTION  TO  BIBLE  SOCIETY       [1833 

treatment  from  the  Army  Pay  Office,  or  the  Solicitor  of 
the  Treasury.  It  was  accustomed  to  humility  in  those  it 
employed,  and  a  trust  in  a  higher  power,  and  Sorrow's 
self-confident  letters  alarmed  the  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee. How  thoroughly  Borrow  appreciated  what  was 
required  is  shown  in  a  letter  that  he  wrote  to  his  mother 
from  Russia,  when  anticipating  the  return  of  his  brother. 
"  Should  John  return  home,"  he  warns  her, "  by  no  means  let 
him  go  near  the  Bible  Society,  for  he  would  not  do  for  them." 
Borrow's  reply  to  the  Literary  Superintendent's  kindly 
worded  admonition  was  entirely  satisfactory  and  "  in  har- 
mony with  the  rule  laid  down  by  Christ  himself."  It  was 
something  of  a  triumph,  too,  for  Mr  Jowett  to  rebuke  a 
man  of  such  sensitiveness  as  Borrow,  without  goading 
him  to  an  impatient  retort. 

The  meeting  of  the  General  Committee  that  was  to 
decide  upon  Borrow's  future  was  held  on  22nd  July,  and 
on  the  following  day  Mr  Jowett  informed  him  that  the 
recommendation  of  the  Sub-Committee  had  been  adopted 
and  confirmed,  at  the  same  time  requesting  him  to  be  at 
Earl  Street  on  the  morning  of  Friday,  26th  July,  that  he 
might  set  out  for  St  Petersburg  the  following  Tuesday. 
On  25th  July  Borrow  took  the  night  coach  to  London. 
On  the  29th  he  appeared  before  the  Editorial  Sub-Com- 
mittee and  heard  read  the  resolution  of  his  appointment, 
and  drafts  of  letters  recommending  him  to  the  Rev.  Wm. 
Swan  and  Dr  I.  J.  Schmidt,  a  correspondent  of  the  Society's 
in  St  Petersburg  and  a  member  of  the  Russian  Board  of 
Censors.  Finally,  there  was  impressed  upon  him  "  the 
necessity  of  confining  himself  closely  to  the  one  object  of 
his  mission,  carefully  abstaining  from  mingling  himself 
with  political  or  ecclesiastical  affairs  during  his  residence 
in  Russia.  Mr  Borrow  assured  them  of  his  full  deter- 
mination religiously  to  comply  with  this  admonition,  and 
to  use  every  prudent  method  for  enlarging  his  acquaint- 
ance with  the  Manchu  language." l 

1  Minutes  of  the  Editorial  Sub-Committee,  29th  July  1833. 


vi.]  A  BURST  OF  LAUGHTER  105 

The  salary  was  to  date  from  the  day  he  embarked,  and 
on  account  of  expenses  to  St  Petersburg  he  drew  the 
sum  of  £37.  The  actual  amount  he  expended  was 
£27,  75.  6d.,  according  to  the  account  he  submitted,  which 
was  dated  2nd  October  1834.  It  is  to  be  feared  that 
Borrow  was  not  very  punctual  in  rendering  his  accounts, 
as  Mr  Brandram  wrote  to  him  (i8th  October  1837):— "I 
know  you  are  no  accountant,  but  do  not  forget  that  there 
are  some  who  are.  My  memory  was  jogged  upon  this 
subject  the  other  day,  and  I  was  expected  to  say  to  you 
that  a  letter  of  figures  would  be  acceptable." 

It  is  not  unnatural  that  those  who  remembered  Borrow 
as  one  of  William  Taylor's  "  harum-scarum  "  young  men, 
who  at  one  time  intended  to  "abuse  religion  and  get 
prosecuted,"  should  find  in  his  appointment  as  an  agent  of 
the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  a  subject  for  derisive 
mirth.  Harriet  Martineau's  voice  was  heard  well  above 
the  rest.  "When  this  polyglott  gentleman  appeared 
before  the  public  as  a  devout  agent  of  the  Bible  Society 
in  foreign  parts,"  she  wrote,  "there  was  one  burst  of 
laughter  from  all  who  remembered  the  old  Norwich  days." l 
Like  hundreds  of  other  men,  Borrow  had,  in  youth,  been 
led  to  somewhat  hasty  and  ill-considered  conclusions ; 
but  this  in  itself  does  not  seem  to  be  sufficiently  strong 
reason  why  he  should  not  change  his  views.  Many 
young  men  pass  through  an  aggressively  irreligious 
phase  without  suffering  much  harm.  Harriet  Martineau 
was  rather  too  precipitate  in  assuming  that  what  a  man 
believes,  or  disbelieves,  at  twenty,  he  holds  to  at  thirty ; 
such  a  view  negatives  the  reformer.  Perhaps  the  chief 
cause  of  the  change  in  Borrow' s  views  was  that  he  had 
touched  the  depths  of  failure.  Here  was  an  opening  that 
promised  much.  He  was  a  diplomatist  when  it  suited  his 
purpose,  and  if  the  old  poison  were  not  quite  gone  out  of 
his  system,  he  would  hide  his  wounds,  or  allow  the  secre- 
taries to  bandage  them  with  mild  reproof. 

1  Harriet  Martineau's  Autobiography. 


106        INTRODUCTION  TO  BIBLE  SOCIETY       [1833 

Very  different  from  the  attitude  of  Harriet  Martineau 
was  that  of  John  Yenning,  an  English  merchant  resident  at 
Norwich  and  recently  returned  from  St  Petersburg,  where 
his  charity  and  probity  had  placed  him  in  high  favour  with 
the  Emperor  and  the  Goverment  officials.  Mr  Yenning  gave 
Borrow  letters  of  introduction  to  a  number  of  influential 
personages  at  St  Petersburg,  including  Prince  Alexander 
Galitzin  and  Baron  Schilling  de  Canstadt.  Dr  Bowring 
obtained  a  letter  from  Lord  Palmerston  to  someone  whose 
name  is  not  known.  There  were  letters  of  introduction 
from  other  hands,  so  that  when  he  was  ready  to  sail 
Borrow  found  himself  "  loaded  with  letters  of  recommenda- 
tion to  some  of  the  first  people  in  Russia.  Mr  Venning's 
packet  has  arrived  with  letters  to  several  of  the  Princes,  so 
that  I  shall  be  protected  if  I  am  seized  as  a  spy  ;  for  the 
Emperor  is  particularly  cautious  as  to  the  foreigners  whom 
he  admits.  It  costs  £2,  ?s.  6d.  merely  for  permission  to  go 
to  Russia,  which  alone  is  enough  to  deter  most  people."  l 

Before  leaving  England,  Borrow  paid  into  his  mother's 
account  at  her  bank  the  sum  of  seventeen  pounds,  an 
amount  that  she  had  advanced  to  him  either  during  his 
unproductive  years,  or  on  account  of  his  expenses  in  connec- 
tion with  the  expedition  to  St  Petersburg. 

1  Letter  to  his  mother,  3Oth  July  1833. 


CHAPTER  VII 

AUGUST    1833— JANUARY    1834 

I9th/3ist  July  1833  Borrow  set  out  on  a  journey  that 
was  to  some  extent  to  realise  his  ambitions.  He  was 
to  be  trusted  and  encouraged  and,  what  was  most  important 
of  all,  praised  for  what  he  accomplished  ;  for  Borrow's  was 
a  nature  that  responded  best  to  the  praise  and  entire 
confidence  of  those  for  whom  he  worked. 

Travelling  second  class  for  reasons  of  economy,  he 
landed  at  Hamburg  at  seven  in  the  morning  of  the  fourth 
day,  after  having  experienced  "  a  disagreeable  passage  of 
three  days,  in  which  I  suffered  much  from  sea-sickness." l 
Exhausted  by  these  days  of  suffering  and  want  of  sleep, 
the  heat  of  the  sun  brought  on  "  a  transient  fit  of  delirium,"  2 
in  other  words,  an  attack  of  the  "  Horrors."  Two  fellow- 
passengers  (Jews),  with  whom  he  had  become  acquainted, 
conveyed  him  to  a  comfortable  hotel,  where  he  was 
visited  by  a  physician,  who  administered  forty  drops 
of  laudanum,  caused  his  head  to  be  swathed  in  wet  towels, 
ordered  him  to  bed,  and  charged  a  fee  of  seven  shillings. 
The  result  was  that  by  the  evening  he  had  quite 
recovered. 

One  of  Borrow's  first  duties  was  to  write  a  lengthy 
letter  to  Mr  Jowett,  telling  him  of  his  movements, 
describing  the  city,  the  service  at  a  church  he  attended, 
the  lax  morality  of  the  Hamburgers  in  permitting  rope- 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  4th  August  1833. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  4th  August  1833. 

1C7 


108  THE  RUSSIAN  EXPEDITION  [1833 

dancers  in  the  park,  and  the  opening  of  dancing-saloons, 
"  most  infamous  places,"  on  the  Lord's  day.  "  England, 
with  all  her  faults,"  he  proceeds,  "  has  still  some  regard 
to  decency,  and  will  not  tolerate  such  a  shameless  display 
of  vice  on  so  sacred  a  season,  when  a  decent  cheerfulness 
is  the  freest  form  in  which  the  mind  or  countenance 
ought  to  invest  themselves."  In  conclusion,  he  announced 
his  intention  of  leaving  for  Liibeck  on  the  sixth,1  and  he 
would  be  on  the  Baltic  two  days  later  en  route  for  St 
Petersburg.  "  My  next  letter,  provided  it  pleases  the 
Almighty  to  vouchsafe  me  a  happy  arrival,  will  be  from 
the  Russian  capital."  By  "  a  fervent  request  that  you 
will  not  forget  me  in  your  prayers,"  he  demonstrated 
that  Mr  Jowett's  hint  had  not  been  forgotten. 

The  distance  between  Hamburg  and  Liibeck  is  only 
about  thirty  miles,  yet  it  occupied  Borrow  thirteen  hours, 
so  abominable  was  the  road,  which  "  was  paved  at  inter- 
vals with  huge  masses  of  unhewn  rock,  and  over  this 
pavement  the  carriage  was  very  prudently  driven  at 
a  snail's  pace ;  for,  had  anything  approaching  speed  been 
attempted,  the  entire  demolition  of  the  wheels  in  a  few 
minutes  must  have  been  the  necessary  result  No  sooner 
had  we  quitted  this  terrible  pavement  than  we  sank  to 
our  axle-trees  in  sand,  mud,  and  water ;  for,  to  render  the 
journey  perfectly  delectable,  the  rain  fell  in  torrents  and 
ceaselessly.2  The  state  of  the  road  Borrow  attributed  to 
the  ill-nature  of  the  King  of  Denmark,  for  immediately 
on  leaving  his  dominions  it  improved  into  an  excellent 
carriageway. 

On  28th  July  /  gth  August  Borrow  took  steamer  from 
Travemunde,  and  three  days  later  landed  at  St  Petersburg. 
His  first  duty  was  to  call  upon  Mr  Swan,  whom  he  found 

1  Borrow  is   always   puzzling   when  concerned  with  dates.      He 
writes  to   his  mother  telling  her  that  he  left  on  the  7th,  and  later 
gives  the  date,  in  a  letter  to  Mr  Jowett,  as  24th  July,  O.S.  (5th  August). 
The  7th  seems  to  be  the  correct  date. 

2  Letter  to  his  mother. 


VTL]      THE  MEETING  OF  EAST  AND  WEST       109 

"  one  of  the  most  amiable  and  interesting  characters  "  he 
had  ever  met.  The  arrival  of  a  coadjutor  caused  Mr 
Swan  considerable  relief,  as  he  had  suffered  in  health  in 
consequence  of  his  uninterrupted  labours  in  transcribing 
the  Manchu  manuscript. 

Borrow  was  enthusiastic  in  his  admiration  of  the  capital 
of  "  our  dear  and  glorious  Russia."  St  Petersburg  he 
considered  "  the  finest  city  in  the  world " ; 1  other 
European  capitals  were  unworthy  of  comparison.  The 
enormous  palaces,  the  long,  straight  streets,  the  grandeur 
of  the  public  buildings,  the  noble  Neva  that  flows 
majestically  through  "  this  Queen  of  the  cities,"  the  three 
miles  long  Nevsky  Prospect,  paved  with  wood ;  all 
aroused  in  him  enthusiasm  and  admiration.  "  In  a  word," 
he  wrote  to  his  mother,  "  I  can  do  little  else  but  look  and 
wonder."  All  that  he  had  read  and  heard  of  the  capital 
of  All  the  Russias  had  failed  to  prepare  him  for  this  scene 
of  splendour.  The  meeting  and  harmonious  mixing  of 
East  and  West  early  attracted  his  attention.  The 
Oriental  cultivation  of  a  twelve-inch  beard  among  the 
middle  and  lower  classes,  placed  them  in  marked  contrast 
with  the  moustached  or  clean-shaven  patricians  and 
foreigners.  In  short,  Russia  gripped  hold  of  and  warmed 
Borrow's  imagination.  Here  were  new  types,  curious  blend- 
ings  of  nationalities  unthought  of  and  strange  to  him,  a  mine 
of  wealth  to  a  man  whose  studies  were  never  books,  except 
when  they  helped  him  the  better  to  understand  men. 

Another  thing  that  attracted  him  to  Russia  was  the 
great  kindness  with  which  he  was  received,  both  by  the 
English  Colony  and  the  natives  :  to  the  one  he  appealed 
by  virtue  of  a  common  ancestry ;  to  the  other,  on  account 
of  his  knowledge  of  the  Russian  tongue,  not  to  speak  of 
his  mission,  which  acted  as  a  strong  recommendation  to 
their  favour.  On  his  part  Borrow  reciprocated  the  esteem. 
If  he  were  an  implacable  enemy,  he  was  also  a  good 

1  "  If  I  had  my  choice  of  all  the  cities  of  the  world  to  live  in,  I 
would  choose  Saint  Petersburg." —  Wild  Wales,  page  665. 


110  THE  RUSSIAN  EXPEDITION  [1833 

friend,  and  he  thoroughly  appreciated  the  manner  in 
which  he  was  welcomed  by  his  countrymen,  especially  the 
invitation  he  received  from  one  of  them  to  make  his  house 
his  home  until  he  found  a  suitable  dwelling.  To  his 
mother  he  wrote : 

"  The  Russians  are  the  best-natured,  kindest  people  in 
the  world,  and  though  they  do  not  know  as  much  as  the 
English  [he  was  not  referring  to  the  Colony],  they  have 
not  their  fiendish,  spiteful  dispositions,  and  if  you  go 
amongst  them  and  speak  their  language,  however  badly, 
they  would  go  through  fire  and  water  to  do  you  a  kind- 
ness." Later,  when  in  Portugal,  he  heartily  wished  him- 
self "back  in  Russia  .  .  .  where  I  had  left  cherished 
friends  and  warm  affections." 

High  as  was  his  opinion  of  the  Russians,  he  was  at  a  loss 
to  understand  how  they  had  earned  their  reputation  as  "  the 
best  general  linguists  in  the  world."  He  found  Russian 
absolutely  necessary  to  anyone  who  wished  to  make 
himself  understood.  French  and  German  as  equivalents 
were  of  less  value  in  St  Petersburg  than  in  England. 

At  first  Borrow  took  up  his  residence  "  for  nearly  a 
fortnight  in  a  hotel,  as  the  difficulty  of  procuring  lodgings 
in  this  place  is  very  great,  and  when  you  have  procured 
them  you  have  to  furnish  them  yourself  at  a  considerable 
expense  .  .  .  eventually  I  took  up  my  abode  with  Mr 
Egerton  Hubbard,  a  friend  of  Mr  Venning's  [at  221 
Galernoy  Ulitza],  where  I  am  for  the  present  very 
comfortably  situated." l  He  stayed  with  Mr  Hubbard  for 
three  months;  but  was  eventually  forced  to  leave  on 
account  of  constant  interruptions,  probably  by  his  fellow- 
boarders,  in  consequence  of  which  he  could  neither  perform 
his  task  of  transcription  nor  devote  himself  to  study.  He 
therefore  took  a  small  lodging  at  a  cost  of  nine  shillings  a 
week,  including  fires,  where  he  could  enjoy  quiet  and 
solitude.  His  meals  he  got  at  a  Russian  eating-house, 

1  Letter  to   Rev,  J.  Jowett,  undated :   received  26th   September 
1833. 


VIL]  MAKING  FRIENDS  111 

dinner  costing  fivepence,  "  consequently,"  he  writes  to  his 
mother,  "  I  am  not  at  much  expense,  being  able  to  live  for 
about  sixty  pounds  a  year  and  pay  a  Russian  teacher,  who 
has  five  shillings  for  one  lesson  a  week." 

One  of  Sorrow's  earliest  thoughts  on  arriving  at  St 
Petersburg  had  been  to  present  his  letters  of  introduction. 
Within  two  days  of  landing  he  called  upon  Prince 
Alexander  Galitzin,1  accompanied  by  his  fellow-lodger, 
young  Yenning.  One  of  the  most  important,  and  at  the 
same  time  useful,  friendships  that  he  made  was  with  Baron 
Schilling  de  Canstadt,  the  philologist  and  savant,  who, 
later,  with  his  accustomed  generosity,  was  to  place  his 
unique  library  at  Borrow's  disposition.  The  Baron  was 
one  of  the  greatest  bibliophiles  of  his  age,  and  possessed 
a  collection  of  Eastern  manuscripts  and  other  priceless 
treasures  that  was  world-famous.  He  spared  neither 
expense  nor  trouble  in  procuring  additions  to  his 
collection,  which  after  his  death  was  acquired  by  the 
Imperial  Academy  of  Science  at  St  Petersburg.  In  this 
literary  treasure-house  Borrow  found  facilities  for  study 
such  as  he  nowhere  else  could  hope  to  obtain. 

Another  friendship  that  Borrow  made  was  with  John 
P.  Hasfeldt,  a  man  of  about  his  own  age  attached  to 
the  Danish  Legation,  who  also  gave  lessons  in  languages. 
Borrow  seems  to  have  been  greatly  attracted  to  Hasfeldt, 
who  wrote  to  him  with  such  cordiality.  It  was  Hasfeldt 
who  gave  to  Borrow  as  a  parting  gift  the  silver  shekel 
that  he  invariably  carried  about  with  him,  and  which 
caused  him  to  be  hailed  as  blessed  by  the  Gibraltar  Jews. 

In  his  letter  Hasfeldt  shows  himself  a  delightful 
correspondent.  His  generous  camaraderie  seemed  to 
warm  Borrow  to  response,  as  indeed  well  it  might.  Who 

1  In  a  letter  dated  yd/i  5th  August,  the  Prince  wrote  to  Mr  Venning 
at  Norwich,  "  On  returning  thence,  your  son  came  to  introduce  to  me 
the  Englishman  who  has  come  over  here  about  the  translation  of  the 
Manchu  Bible,  and  who  brought  with  him  your  letter." — Memorials  of 
John  Venningy  1862. 


112  THE  RUSSIAN  EXPEDITION  [1833 

could  resist  the  breezy  good  humour  of  the  following 
from  a  letter  addressed  to  Borrow  by  Hasfeldt  years 
later  ?— 

"  Do  you  still  eat  Pike  soup  ?  Do  you  remember  the 
time  when  you  lived  on  that  dish  for  more  than  six 
weeks,  and  came  near  exterminating  the  whole  breed? 
And  the  pudding  that  accompanied  it,  that  always  lay 
as  hard  as  a  stone  on  the  stomach?  This  you  surely 
have  not  forgotten.  Yes,  your  kitchen  was  delicately 
manipulated  by  Machmoud,  your  Tartar  servant,  who 
only  needed  to  give  you  horse-meat  to  have  merited  a 
diploma.  Do  you  still  sing  when  you  are  in  a  good 
humour  ?  Doubtless  you  are  not  troubled  with  many 
friends  to  visit  you,  for  you  are  not  of  the  sort  who  are 
easily  understood,  nor  do  you  care  to  have  everyone 
understand  you  ;  you  prefer  to  have  people  call  you  grey 
and  let  you  gae." 

Other  friends  Borrow  made,  including  Nikolai' 
Ivanovitch  Gretch,1  the  grammarian,  and  Friedrich  von 
Adelung,2  who  assisted  him  with  the  loan  of  books  and 
MSS.  in  Oriental  tongues. 

The  story  of  Borrow's  labours  in  connection  with  the 
printing  of  the  Manchu  version  of  the  New  Testament, 
forms  a  remarkable  study  of  unswerving  courage  and 
will-power  triumphing  over  apparently  insurmountable 
obstacles.  The  mere  presence  of  difficulties  seemed  to 
increase  his  eagerness  and  determination  to  overcome 
them.  Disappointments  he  had  in  plenty;  but  his  in- 
domitable courage  and  untiring  energy,  backed  up  by 
the  earnest  support  he  received  from  Earl  Street,  enabled 
him  to  emerge  from  his  first  serious  undertaking  with  the 
knowledge  that  he  had  succeeded  where  failure  would 
not  have  been  discreditable. 

He  threw  himself  into  his  work  with  characteristic 
eagerness.  At  the  end  of  the  first  two  months  he  had 
transcribed  the  Second  Book  of  Chronicles  and  the  Gospel 

1  Best  known  for  his  Grammar,  written  in  German. 

2  Nephew  of  J.  C.  Adelung,  the  philologist. 


vii.]  "  A  SINGULAR  MAN  "  113 

of  St  Matthew.  He  formed  a  very  high  opinion  of  the 
work  of  the  translator,  and  took  the  opportunity  of  paying 
a  tribute  to  the  followers  of  Ignatius  Loyola  (Father 
Puerot  was  a  Jesuit).  "When,"  he  writes,  "did  a  Jesuit 
any  thing  which  he  undertook,  whether  laudable  or  the 
reverse,  not  far  better  than  any  other  person  ?  "  yet  they 
laboured  in  vain,  for  "they  thought  not  of  His  glory, 
but  of  the  glory  of  their  order." l 

Borrow  discovered  that  Mr  Lipovzoff  knew  nothing 
of  the  Bible  Society's  scheme  for  printing  the  New 
Testament  in  Manchu ;  but  he  found,  what  was  of  even 
greater  importance  to  him,  that  the  old  man  knew  no 
European  language  but  Russian.  Thus  the  frequent 
conversations  and  explanations  all  tended  to  improve 
Borrow's  knowledge  of  the  language  of  the  people  among 
whom  he  was  living. 

Mr  Lipovzoff  struck  Borrow  as  being  "  rather  a  singular 
man,"  as  he  took  occasion  to  inform  Mr  Jowett,  apparently 
utterly  indifferent  as  to  the  fate  of  his  translation,  excel- 
lent though  it  was.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Mr  Lipovzoff  was 
occupied  with  his  own  concerns,  and,  as  an  official  in  the 
Russian  Foreign  Office,  most  likely  saw  the  inexpediency 
of  a  too  eager  enthusiasm  for  the  Bible  Society's  Manchu- 
Tartar  programme.  He  was  probably  bewildered  by  the 
fierce  energy  of  its  honest  and  compelling  agent,  who 
had  descended  upon  St  Petersburg  to  do  the  Society's 
bidding  with  an  impetuosity  and  determination  foreign 
to  Russian  official  life.  Borrow  was  on  fire  with  zeal  and 
impatient  of  the  apathy  of  those  around  him. 

He  soon  began  to  show  signs  of  that  singleness  of 
purpose  and  resourcefulness  that,  later,  was  to  arouse  so 
much  enthusiasm  among  the  members  of  the  Bible  Society 
at  home.  The  transcribing  and  collating  Puerot's  version 
of  the  Scriptures  occupied  the  remainder  of  the  year.  On 
the  completion  of  this  work,  it  had  been  arranged  that  Mr 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  undated,  but  received  26th  September 
1833. 

H 


114  THE  RUSSIAN  EXPEDITION  [1834 

Swan  should  return  to  his  mission-station  in  Siberia.  The 
next  step  was  to  obtain  official  sanction  to  print  the 
LipovzofF  version  of  the  New  Testament.  Dr  Schmidt,  to 
whom  Borrow  turned  for  advice  and  information,  was 
apparently  very  busily  occupied  with  his  own  affairs,  which 
included  the  compilation  of  a  Mongolian  Grammar  and 
Dictionary.  The  Doctor  was  optimistic,  and  promised  to 
make  enquiries  about  the  steps  to  be  taken  to  obtain  the 
necessary  permission  to  print ;  but  Borrow  heard  nothing 
further  from  him. 

"  Thus  circumstanced,  and  being  very  uneasy  in  my 
mind,"  he  writes,  "  I  determined  to  take  a  bold  step,  and 
directly  and  without  further  feeling  my  way,  to  petition  the 
Government  in  my  own  name  for  permission  to  print  the 
Manchu  Scriptures.  Having  communicated  this  deter- 
mination to  our  beloved,  sincere,  and  most  truly  Christian 
friend  Mr  Swan  (who  has  lately  departed  to  his  station  in 
Siberia,  shielded  I  trust  by  the  arm  of  his  Master),  it  met 
with  his  perfect  approbation  and  cordial  encouragement. 
I  therefore  drew  up  a  petition,  and  presented  it  with  my 
own  hand  to  His  Excellence  Mr  Bludoff,  Minister  of  the 
Interior."1 

The  minister  made  reply  that  he  doubted  his  juris- 
diction in  the  matter ;  but  that  he  would  consider.  Fear- 
ful lest  the  matter  should  miscarry  or  be  shelved,  Borrow 
called  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day  upon  the  British 
Minister,  the  Hon.  J.  D.  Bligh, "  a  person  of  superb  talents, 
kind  disposition,  and  of  much  piety,"2  whose  friendship 
Borrow  had  "  assiduously  cultivated,"  and  who  had  shown 
him  "many  condescending  marks  of  kindness."3  But  Mr 
Bligh  was  out.  Nothing  daunted,  Borrow  wrote  a  note 
entreating  his  interest  with  the  Russian  officials.  On 
calling  for  an  answer  in  the  morning,  he  was  received  by 
Mr  Bligh,  when  "he  was  kind  enough  to  say  that  if  I 
desired  it  he  would  apply  officially  to  the  Minister,  and 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  2oth  January/ ist  February  1834. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  2Oth  January/ist  February  1834. 

3  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  2oth  January/ist  February  1834. 


VIL]  A  NEW  VIEW  OF  CENSORSHIP  115 

exert  all  his  influence  in  his  official  character  in  order  to 
obtain  the  accomplishment  of  my  views,  but  at  the  same 
time  suggested  that  it  would,  perhaps,  be  as  well  at  a 
private  interview  to  beg  it  as  a  personal  favour." x 

There  was  hesitation,  perhaps  suspicion,  in  official 
quarters.  It  is  easy  to  realise  that  the  Government  was 
not  eager  to  assist  the  agent  of  an  institution  closely 
allied  to  the  Russian  Bible  Society,  which  it  had  recently 
been  successful  in  suppressing.  It  might  with  impunity 
suppress  a  Society ;  but  in  George  Borrow  it  soon 
became  evident  that  the  officials  had  to  deal  with  a 
man  of  purpose  and  determination  who  used  a  British 
Minister  as  a  two-edged  sword.  Borrow  was  invited  to 
call  at  the  Asiatic  Department :  he  did  so,  and  learned 
that  if  permission  were  granted,  Mr  Lipovzoff  (who  was 
a  clerk  in  the  Department)  was  to  be  censor  (over  his 
own  translation ! )  and  Borrow  editor.  There  was  still 
the  "  If."  Borrow  waited  a  fortnight,  then  called  on  Mr 
Bligh.  By  great  good  chance  Mr  Bludoff  was  dining 
that  evening  with  the  British  Minister.  The  same  night 
Borrow  received  a  message  requesting  him  to  call  on 
Mr  Bludoff  the  next  day.  On  presenting  himself  he  was 
given  a  letter  to  the  Director  of  Worship,  which  he 
delivered  without  delay,  and  was  told  to  call  again  on  the 
first  day  of  the  following  week. 

"  On  calling  there  /  found  that  permission  had  been 
granted  to  print  the  Manchu  Scripture? 2  Baron  Schilling 
had  rendered  some  assistance  in  getting  the  permission, 
and  Borrow  was  requested  to  inform  him  of  "the  deep 
sense  of  obligation"  of  the  Bible  Society,  to  which  was 
added  a  present  of  some  books. 

Borrow   clearly  viewed    this   as    only   a    preliminary 
success ;   he   had   in  mind   the  eventual  printing   of  the 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  2oth  January/ist  February  1834. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  2oth  January/ ist  February  1834.     Prob- 
ably this  means  the  New  Testament  only,  as  there  was  no  intention 
of  printing  the  Old  Testament  at  that  date. 


116  THE  RUSSIAN  EXPEDITION  [1834 

whole  Bible.  He  was  beginning  to  feel  conscious  of  his 
own  powers.  Mr  Swan  had  gone,  and  upon  Borrow's 
shoulders  rested  the  whole  enterprise.  A  mild  wave  of 
enthusiasm  passed  over  the  Head  Office  at  Earl  Street  on 
receipt  of  the  news  that  permission  to  print  had  been 
obtained. 

"  You  cannot  conceive,"  Borrow  wrote  to  Mr  Jowett, 
"  the  cold,  heartless  apathy  in  respect  to  the  affair,  on 
which  I  have  been  despatched  hither  as  an  assistant^  which 
I  have  found  in  people  to  whom  I  looked  not  unreason- 
ably for  encouragement  and  advice."1  Well  might  he 
underline  the  word  "  assistant."  In  this  same  letter,  with 
a  spasmodic  flicker  of  the  old  self-confidence,  he  adds,  "  In 
regard  to  what  we  have  yet  to  do,  let  it  be  borne  in  mind, 
that  we  are  by  no  means  dependent  upon  Mr  LipovzofT, 
though  certainly  to  secure  the  services,  which  he  is  capable 
of  performing,  would  be  highly  desirable,  and  though  he 
cannot  act  outwardly  in  the  character  of  Editor  (he  having 
been  appointed  censor),  he  may  privately  be  of  great 
utility  to  us."  Borrow  seems  to  have  formed  no  very  high 
opinion  of  Mr  LipovzofPs  capacity  for  affairs,  although  he 
recognised  his  skill  as  a  translator. 

At  first  Borrow  seems  to  have  found  the  severity  of  the 
winter  very  trying.  "  The  cold  when  you  go  out  into  it," 
he  writes  to  his  mother  (ist/  I3th  Feb.  1834),  "cuts  your 
face  like  a  razor,  and  were  you  not  to  cover  it  with  furs  the 
flesh  would  be  bitten  off.  The  rooms  in  the  morning  are 
heated  with  a  stove  as  hot  as  ovens,  and  you  would  not  be 
able  to  exist  in  one  for  a  minute ;  but  I  have  become  used 
to  them  and  like  them  much,  though  at  first  they  made  me 
dreadfully  sick  and  brought  on  bilious  headaches." 

1  I  n  a  letter  to  his  mother,  dated  I  st  /  1 3th  Feb.,  Borrow  writes :  "  The 
Bible  Society  depended  upon  Dr  Schmidt  and  the  Russian  translator 
Lipovzoff  to  manage  this  business  [the  obtaining  of  the  official 
sanction],  but  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  would  give  himself  the 
least  trouble  about  the  matter,  or  give  me  the  slightest  advice  how  to 
proceed." 


VIL]  A  MIND  FOR  DETAIL  117 

There  was  still  at  the  Sarepta  House,  the  premises  of 
the  Bible  Society's  bankers  in  St  Petersburg,  the  box  of 
Manchu  type,  which  had  not  been  examined  since  the 
river  floods.  In  addition  to  this,  the  only  other  Manchu 
characters  in  St  Petersburg  belonged  to  Baron  Schilling, 
who  possessed  a  small  fount  of  the  type,  which  he  used 
"  for  the  convenience  of  printing  trifles  in  that  tongue,"  as 
Borrow  phrased  it.  This  was  to  be  put  at  Sorrow's 
disposal  if  necessary;  but  first  the  type  at  the  Sarepta 
House  had  to  be  examined.  Sorrow's  plan  was,  provided 
the  type  were  not  entirely  ruined,  to  engage  the  services 
of  a  printer  who  was  accustomed  to  setting  Mongolian 
characters,  which  are  very  similar  to  those  of  Manchu, 
who  would,  he  thought,  be  competent  to  undertake  the 
work.  He  suggested  following  the  style  of  the  St 
Matthew's  Gospel  already  printed,  giving  to  each  Gospel 
and  the  Acts  a  volume  and  printing  the  Epistles  and  the 
Apocalypse  in  three  more,  making  eight  volumes  in  all. 

These  he  proposed  putting  "  in  a  small  thin  wooden 
case,  covered  with  blue  stuff,  precisely  after  the  manner  of 
Chinese  books,  in  order  that  they  may  not  give  offence  to 
the  eyes  of  the  people  for  whom  they  are  intended  by  a 
foreign  and  unusual  appearance,  for  the  mere  idea  that 
they  are  barbarian  books  would  certainly  prevent  them 
being  read,  and  probably  cause  their  destruction  if  ever 
they  found  their  way  into  the  Chinese  Empire." l  Borrow 
left  nothing  to  chance ;  he  thought  out  every  detail  with 
great  care  before  venturing  to  put  his  plans  into  execution. 

Although  busily  occupied  in  an  endeavour  to  stimulate 
Russian  government  officials  to  energy  and  decision, 
Borrow  was  not  neglecting  what  had  been  so  strongly 
urged  upon  him,  the  perfecting  of  himself  in  the  Manchu 
dialect.  In  reply  to  an  enquiry  from  Mr  Jowett  as  to 
what  manner  of  progress  he  was  making,  he  wrote  : — 

"  For   some   time   past   I    have   taken  lessons  from  a 
1  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  4th/i6th  February  1834. 


118  THE  RUSSIAN  EXPEDITION  [1834 

person  who  was  twelve  years  in  Pekin,  and  who  speaks 
Manchu  and  Chinese  with  fluency.  I  pay  him  about  six 
shillings  English  for  each  lesson,  which  I  grudge  not,  for 
the  perfect  acquirement  of  Manchu  is  one  of  my  most 
ardent  wishes."  l 

This  person  Borrow  subsequently  recommended  to  the 
Society  "  to  assist  me  in  making  a  translation  into  Manchu 
of  the  Psalms  and  Isaiah,"  but  the  pundit  proved  "of  no 
utility  at  all,  but  only  the  cause  of  error." 

Borrow  was  soon  able  to  transcribe  the  Manchu 
characters  with  greater  facility  and  speed  than  he  could 
English.  In  addition  to  being  able  to  translate  from  and 
into  Manchu,  he  could  compose  hymns  in  the  language, 
and  even  prepared  a  Manchu  rendering  of  the  second 
Homily  of  the  Church  of  England,  "  On  the  Misery  of 
Man."  He  had,  however,  made  the  discovery  that  Manchu 
was  far  less  easy  to  him  than  it  had  at  first  appeared,  and 
that  Amyot  was  to  some  extent  justified  in  his  view  of  the 
difficulties  it  presented.  "  It  is  one  of  those  deceitful 
tongues,"  he  confesses  in  a  letter  to  Mr  Jowett,  "  the  seem- 
ing simplicity  of  whose  structure  induces  you  to  suppose, 
after  applying  to  it  for  a  month  or  two,  that  little  more 
remains  to  be  learned,  but  which,  should  you  continue 
to  study  a  year,  as  I  have  studied  this,  show  themselves 
to  you  in  their  veritable  colours,  amazing  you  with 
their  copiousness,  puzzling  with  their  idioms."2  Its 
difficulties,  however,  did  not  discourage  him  ;  for  he  had 
a  great  admiration  for  the  language  which  "  for  majesty 
and  grandeur  of  sound,  and  also  for  general  copiousness 
.  .  .  is  unequalled  by  any  existing  tongue."3 

However  great  his  exertions  or  discouragements, 
Borrow  never  forgot  his  mother,  to  whom  he  was  a  model 
son.  On  ist/i3th  February  he  sent  her  a  draft  for  twenty 
pounds,  being  the  second  since  his  arrival  six  months  pre- 

1  Letter  to  the  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  2oth  Jan./ist  Feb.  1834. 

2  Letter  to  the  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  2oth  Jan./ist  Feb.  1834. 

3  Letter  to  the  Rev.  F.  Cunningham,  I7th/29th  Nov.  1834. 


VIL]        AN  ATTACK  OF  "THE  HORRORS"          119 

viously.  Thus  out  of  his  first  half-year's  salary  of  a  hundred 
pounds,  he  sent  to  his  mother  forty  pounds  (in  addition  to 
the  seventeen  pounds  he  had  paid  into  her  account  before 
sailing),  and  with  it  a  promise  that  "  next  quarter  I  shall 
try  and  send  you  thirty,"  lest  in  the  recent  storms  of  which 
he  had  heard,  some  of  her  property  should  have  suffered 
damage  and  be  in  need  of  repair.  The  larger  remit- 
tance, however,  he  was  unable  to  make  on  account  of  the 
illness  that  had  necessitated  the  drinking  of  a  bottle  of  port 
wine  each  day  (by  doctor's  orders) ;  but  he  was  punctual 
in  remitting  the  twenty  pounds.  The  attack  which  required 
so  drastic  a  remedy  originated  in  a  chill  caught  as  the  ice 
was  breaking  up.  "  I  went  mad,"  he  tells  his  mother,  "  and 
when  the  fever  subsided,  I  was  seized  with  the  *  Horrors,' 
which  never  left  me  day  or  night  for  a  week." l  During 
this  illness  everyone  seems  to  have  been  extremely  kind 
and  attentive,  the  Emperor's  apothecary,  even,  sending 
word  that  Borrow  was  to  order  of  him  anything,  medical  or 
otherwise,  that  he  found  himself  in  need  of. 
1  ist/i3th  May  1834. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

FEBRUARY— OCTOBER  1834 

T)  ORROW  had  at  last  found  work  that  was  thoroughly 
-"•^  congenial  to  him.  It  was  not  in  his  nature  to  exist 
outside  his  occupations,  and  his  whole  personality  became 
bound  up  in  the  mission  upon  which  he  was  engaged.  Not 
content  with  preparing  the  way  for  printing  the  New 
Testament  in  Manchu,  he  set  himself  the  problem  of  how 
it  was  to  be  distributed  when  printed.  He  foresaw  serious 
obstacles  to  its  introduction  into  China,  on  account  of 
the  suspicion  with  which  was  regarded  any  and  everything 
European.  With  a  modest  disclaimer  that  his  suggestion 
arose  "  from  a  plenitude  of  self-conceit  and  a  disposition 
to  offer  advice  upon  all  matters,  however  far  they  may  be 
above  my  understanding,"  he  proceeds  to  deal  with  the 
difficulties  of  distribution  with  great  clearness. 

To  send  the  printed  books  to  Canton,  to  be  distributed 
by  English  missionaries,  he  thought  would  be  productive 
of  very  little  good,  nor  would  it  achieve  the  object  of  the 
Society,  to  distribute  copies  at  seaports  along  the  coasts, 
because  it  was  unlikely  that  there  would  be  many  Tartars 
or  people  there  who  understood  Manchu.  There  was  a 
further  obstacle  in  the  suspicion  in  which  the  Chinese  held 
all  things  English.  On  the  other  hand,  he  tells  Mr  Jowett, 

"  there  is  a  most  admirable  opening  for  the  work  on  the 
Russian  side  of  the  Chinese  Empire.  About  five  thousand 
miles  from  St  Petersburg,  on  the  frontiers  of  Chinese 
Tartary,  and  only  nine  hundred  miles  distant  from 
120 


vin  ]        THE  PROBLEM  OF  DISTRIBUTION          121 

Pekin,  the  seat  of  the  Tartar  Monarchy,  stands  the  town 
of  Kiakhta,1  which  properly  belongs  to  Russia,  but  the 
inhabitants  of  which  are  a  medley  of  Tartary,  Chinese, 
and  Russ  (sic). .  As  far  as  this  town  a  Russian  or 
foreigner  is  permitted  to  advance,  but  his  further  progress 
is  forbidden,  and  if  he  make  the  attempt  he  is  liable  to  be 
taken  up  as  a  spy  or  deserter,  and  sent  back  under  guard. 
This  town  is  the  emporium  of  Chinese  and  Russian  trade. 
Chinese  caravans  are  continually  arriving  and  returning, 
bringing  and  carrying  away  articles  of  merchandise. 
There  are  likewise  a  Chinese  and  a  Tartar  Mandarin,  also 
a  school  where  Chinese  and  Tartar  are  taught,  and  where 
Chinese  and  Tartar  children  along  with  Russian  are 
educated."  2 

The  advantages  of  such  a  town  as  a  base  of  operations 
were  obvious.  Borrow  was  convinced  that  he  could  dis- 
pose "of  any  quantity  of  Testaments  to  the  Chinese 
merchants  who  arrive  thither  from  Pekin  and  other  places, 
and  who  would  be  glad  to  purchase  them  on  speculation."  3 

Russia  and  China  were  friendly  to  each  other,  so  much 
so,  that  there  was  at  Pekin  a  Russian  mission,  the  only 
one  of  its  kind.  These  good  relations  rendered  Borrow 
confident  that  books  from  Russia,  especially  books  which 
had  not  an  outlandish  appearance,  would  be  purchased 
without  scruple.  "  In  a  word,  were  an  agent  for  the  Bible 
Society  to  reside  at  this  town  [Kiakhta]  for  a  year  or 
so,  it  is  my  humble  opinion,  and  the  opinion  of  much 
wiser  people,  that  if  he  were  active,  zealous  and  likewise 
courageous,  the  blessings  resulting  from  his  labours 
would  be  incalculable."4 

He  might  even  make  excursions  into  Tartary,  and 
become  friendly  with  the  inhabitants,  and  eventually 
perhaps,  "with  a  little  management  and  dexterity,"  he 
might  "penetrate  even  to  Pekin,  and  return  in  safety, 

1  This  spelling  is  adopted    throughout   for  uniformity.     Borrow 
writes  Chiachta. 

2  Letter  to  the  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  4th/  i6th  February  1834. 

3  Letter  to  the  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  4th/  1 6th  February  1834. 

4  Letter  to  the  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  4th/  1 6th  February  1834, 


122         DEVELOPS  UNEXPECTED  TALENTS,     [1834 

after  having  examined  the  state  of  the  land.  I  can  only 
say  that  if  it  were  my  fortune  to  have  the  opportunity,  I 
would  make  the  attempt,  and  should  consider  myself  only 
to  blame  if  I  did  not  succeed."  Borrow  was  to  revert  to 
this  suggestion  on  many  occasions,  in  fact  it  seems  to  have 
been  in  his  mind  during  the  whole  period  of  his  associa- 
tion with  the  Bible  Society. 

Acting  upon  instructions  from  Earl  Street,  Borrow 
proceeded  to  find  out  the  approximate  cost  of  printing  the 
Manchu  New  Testament.  He  early  discovered  that  in 
Russia  "  the  wisdom  of  the  serpent  is  quite  as  necessary 
as  the  innocence  of  the  dove,"  as  he  took  occasion  to 
inform  Mr  Jowett.  The  Russians  rendered  him  estimates 
of  cost  as  if  of  the  opinion  that  "  Englishmen  are  made  of 
gold,  and  that  it  is  only  necessary  to  ask  the  most 
extravagant  price  for  any  article  in  order  to  obtain  it." 

In  St  Petersburg  Borrow  was  taken  for  a  German,  a 
nation  for  which  he  cherished  a  cordial  dislike.  This 
mistake  as  to  nationality,  however,  did  not  hinder  the 
Russian  tradesmen  from  asking  exorbitant  prices  for  their 
services  or  their  goods.  At  first  Borrow  "was  quite 
terrified  at  the  enormous  sums  which  some  of  the  printers 
.  .  .  required  for  the  work."  At  length  he  applied  to  the 
University  Press,  which  asked  30  roubles  60  copecks  (245. 
8d.)  per  sheet  of  two  pages  for  composition  and  printing. 
A  young  firm  of  German  printers,  Schultz  &  Beneze, 
was,  however,  willing  to  undertake  the  same  work  at  the 
rate  of  12^  roubles  (zos.)  per  two  sheets. 

In  contracting  for  the  paper  Borrow  showed  himself 
quite  equal  to  the  commercial  finesse  of  the  Russian. 
He  scoured  the  neighbourhood  round  St  Petersburg  in 
a  calash  at  a  cost  of  about  four  pounds.  Russian  methods 
of  conducting  business  are  amazing  to  the  English  mind. 
At  Peterhof,  a  town  about  twenty  miles  out  of  St 
Petersburg,  he  found  fifty  reams  of  a  paper  such  as  he 
required.  "  Concerning  the  price  of  this  paper,"  he  writes, 
"  I  could  obtain  no  positive  information,  for  the  Director 


VIIL]  A  PRINCE  OF  BARGAINERS  123 

and  first  and  second  clerks  were  invariably  absent,  and 
the  place  abandoned  to  ignorant  understrappers  (accord- 
ing to  the  custom  of  Russia).  And  notwithstanding 
I  found  out  the  Director  in  St  Petersburg,  he  himself 
could  not  tell  me  the  price."1 

Eventually  75  roubles  (£3)  a  ream  was  quoted  for 
the  stock,  and  100  roubles  (£4)  a  ream  for  any  further 
quantity  required.  Thus  the  paper  for  a  thousand  copies 
would  run  to  40,000  roubles  (£1600),  or  323.  a  copy. 
Borrow  found  that  the  law  of  commerce  prevalent  in 
the  East  was  that  adopted  in  St  Petersburg.  A  price 
is  named  merely  as  a  basis  of  negotiation,  and  the 
customer  beats  it  down  to  a  figure  that  suits  him,  or  he  goes 
elsewhere.  Borrow  was  a  master  of  such  methods.  The 
sum  he  eventually  paid  for  the  paper  was  25  roubles 
(£i)  a  ream !  Of  all  these  negotiations  he  kept  Mr 
Jowett  well  informed.  By  June  he  had  received  from 
Earl  Street  the  official  sanction  to  proceed,  together  with 
a  handsome  remittance. 

For  some  time  past  Borrow  had  been  anxious  on 
account  of  his  brother  John.  On  9th/ 2 1st  November,  he 
had  written  to  his  mother  telling  her  to  write  to  John 
urging  him  to  come  home  at  once,  as  he  had  seen  in 
the  Russian  newspapers  how  the  town  of  Guanajuato 
had  been  taken  and  sacked  by  the  rebels,  and  also  that 
cholera  was  ravaging  Mexico.  Later2  he  tells  her  of 
that  nice  house  at  Lakenham,3  which  he  means  to  buy, 
and  how  John  can  keep  a  boat  and  amuse  himself  on 
the  river,  and  adds,  "  I  dare  say  I  shall  continue  for  a 
long  time  with  the  Bible  Society,  as  they  see  that  I  am 
useful  to  them  and  can  be  depended  upon." 

On  the  day  following  that  on  which  Borrow  wrote 
asking  his  mother  to  urge  his  brother  to  return  home, 
viz.,  ioth/22nd  November,  John  died.  He  was  taken  ill 

1  Letter  to  the  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  1 5th  /23rd  April  1834. 

2  In  a  letter  dated  ist/  I3th  May  1834. 

3  A  suburb  of  Norwich. 


124        DEVELOPS  UNEXPECTED  TALENTS      [1834 

suddenly  in  the  morning  and  passed  away  the  same 
afternoon. 

In  February  1832  John  Borrow  had,  much  against 
the  advice  of  his  friends,  left  the  United  Mexican  Com- 
pany, which  he  had  become  associated  with  the  previous 
year.  He  was  of  a  restless  disposition,  never  content 
with  what  he  was  doing.  Thinking  he  could  better 
himself,  and  having  saved  a  few  hundred  dollars,  he 
resigned  his  post.  He  appears  soon  to  have  discovered 
his  mistake.  First  he  indulged  in  an  unfortunate  specu- 
lation, by  which  he  was  a  considerable  loser,  then  cholera 
broke  out.  Without  a  thought  of  himself  he  turned 
nurse  and  doctor,  witnessing  terrible  scenes  of  misery 
and  death  and  ministering  to  the  poor  with  an  energy 
and  humanity  that  earned  for  him  the  admiration 
of  the  whole  township.  Finally,  finding  himself  in 
serious  financial  difficulties,  he  entered  the  service 
of  the  Colombian  Mining  Company,  and  was  to 
be  sent  to  Colombia  "  for  the  purpose  of  introducing 
the  Mexican  system  of  beneficiating  there."  It  only 
remained  for  the  agreement  to  be  signed,  when  he  was 
taken  ill. 

In  the  letter  in  which  she  tells  George  of  their  loss, 
Mrs  Borrow  expresses  fear  that  he  does  "  not  live  regular. 
When  you  find  yourself  low,"  she  continues,  "  take  a  little 
wine,  but  not  too  much  at  one  time ;  it  will  do  you  the 
more  good ;  I  find  that  by  myself."  Her  solicitude  for 
George's  health  is  easily  understandable.  He  is  now  her 
"  only  hope,"  as  she  pathetically  tells  him.  "  Do  not 
grieve,  my  dear  George,"  she  proceeds  tenderly,  "  I  trust 
we  shall  all  meet  in  heaven.  Put  a  crape  on  your  hat  for 
some  time." 

George  wrote  immediately  to  acknowledge  his  mother's 
letter  containing  the  news  of  John's  death,  which  had  given 
him  "the  severest  stroke  I  ever  experienced.  It  [the 
letter]  quite  stunned  me,  and  since  reading  its  contents 
I  have  done  little  else  but  moan  and  lament.  .  O  that 


viii.]  A  SON'S  SOLICITUDE  125 

our  darling  John  had  taken  the  advice  which  I  gave  him 
nearly  three  years  since,  to  abandon  that  horrid  country 
and  return  to  England !  .  .  .  Would  that  I  had  died  for 
him  !  for  I  loved  him  dearly,  dearly."  Borrow's  affection 
for  his  bright  and  attractive  brother  is  everywhere 
manifest  in  his  writings.  He  never  showed  the  least 
jealousy  when  his  father  held  up  his  first-born  as  a  model 
to  the  strange  and  incomprehensible  younger  son.  His 
love  for  and  admiration  of  John  were  genuine  and  deep- 
rooted.  In  the  same  letter  he  goes  on  to  assure  his 
mother  that  he  was  never  better  in  his  life,  and  that 
experience  teaches  him  how  to  cure  his  disorders.  "  The 
'  Horrors,'  for  example.  Whenever  they  come  I  must 
drink  strong  Port  wine,  and  then  they  are  stopped 
instantly.  But  do  not  think  that  I  drink  habitually,  for 
you  ought  to  know  that  I  abhor  drink.  The  '  Horrors '  are 
brought  on  by  weakness." 

He  goes  on  to  reassure  his  mother  as  to  the  care  he 
takes  of  himself,  telling  her  that  he  has  three  meals  a 
day,  although,  as  a  rule,  dinner  is  a  poor  one,  "  for  the 
Russians,  in  the  first  place,  are  very  indifferent  cooks, 
and  the  meat  is  very  bad,  as  in  fact  are  almost  all  the 
provisions."  The  fish  is  without  taste,  Russian  salmon 
having  less  savour  than  English  skate ;  the  fowls  are 
dry  because  no  endeavour  is  made  to  fatten  them,  and 
the  "mutton  stinks  worst  than  carrion,  for  they  never  cut 
the  wool." 

With  great  thought  and  tenderness  he  tells  her  that 
he  wishes  her  "  to  keep  a  maid,  for  I  do  not  like  that  you 
should  live  alone.  Do  not  take  one  of  the  wretched  girls 
of  Norwich,"  he  advises  her,  but  rather  the  daughter  of 
one  of  her  tenants.  "  What  am  I  working  for  here  and 
saving  money,  unless  it  is  for  your  comfort  ?  for  I  assure 
you  that  to  make  you  comfortable  is  my  greatest  happiness, 
almost  my  only  one."  Urging  her  to  keep  up  her  spirits 
and  read  much  of  the  things  that  interest  her,  he  concludes 
with  a  warning  to  her  not  to  pay  any  debts  contracted  by 


126         DEVELOPS  UNEXPECTED  TALENTS       [1834 

John.1  The  letter  concludes  with  the  postscript  :  "  I  have 
got  the  crape." 

In  July  1834  Borrow  again  changed  his  quarters,  taking 
an  unfurnished  floor,2  at  the  same  time  hiring  a  Tartar 
servant  named.  Mahmoud,3  "the  best  servant  I  ever  had."8 
The  wages  he  paid  this  prince  of  body-servants  was  thirty 
shillings  a  month,  out  of  which  Mahmoud  supplied  himself 
"  with  food  and  everything."  Borrow's  reason  for  making 
this  change  in  his  lodgings  was  that  he  wanted  more  room 
than  he  had,  and  furnished  apartments  were  very  expensive. 
The  actual  furnishing  was  not  a  very  costly  matter  to  a 
man  of  Borrow's  simple  wants  ;  for  the  expenditure  of 
seven  pounds  he  provided  himself  with  all  he  required. 

After  the  letter  of  2/th  June  /9th  July  the  Bible 
Society  received  no  further  news  of  what  was  taking 
place  in  St  Petersburg.  Week  after  week  passed  without 
anything  being  heard  of  its  Russian  agent's  move- 
ments or  activities.  On  2  5th  September  /  7th  October 
Mr  Jowett  wrote  an  extremely  moderate  letter  beseech- 
ing Borrow  to  remember  "  the  very  lively  interest  " 
taken  by  the  General  Committee  in  the  printing  of  the 
Manchu  version  of  the  New  Testament  ;  that  people  were 
asking,  "  What  is  Mr  Borrow  doing  ?  "  that  the  Committee 
stands  between  its  agents  and  an  eager  public,  desirous  of 
knowing  the  trials  and  tribulations,  the  hopes  and  fears 
of  those  actively  engaged  in  printing  or  disseminating  the 
Scriptures.  "You  can  have  no  difficulty,"  he  continues, 
"  in  furnishing  me  with  such  monthly  information  as  may 
satisfy  the  Committee  that  they  are  not  expending  a  large 


1  Mrs   Borrow  eventually  received  from  Allday   Kerrison 
iis.  id.,'the  amount  realised  from  the  sale  of  John's  effects. 

2  This  was  partly  on  account  of  the  Bible  Society  for  storage 
purposes.     In  the  minutes  of  the  Sub-Committee,  i8th  August  1834, 
there  is  a  record  of  an  advice  having  been  received  from  Borrow 
that  he  had  drawn  "  for  400  Roubles  for  one  year's  rent  in  advance 
for  a  suitable  place  of  deposit  for  the  Society's  paper,  etc.,  part  of 
which  had  been  received." 

3  Letter  to  John  P.  Hasfeldt  from  Madrid,  29th  April  1837. 


VIIT.]        "WHAT  IS  MR  BORROW  DOING?11          127 

sum  of  money  in  vain."  There  was  also  a  request  for 
information  as  to  how  "some  critical  difficulty  has  been 
surmounted  by  the  translator,  or  editor,  or  both  united,  not 
to  mention  the  advance  already  made  in  actual  printing." 
On  ist/  1 3th  Oct.  Borrow  had  written  a  brief  letter  giving 
an  account  of  his  disbursements  during  the  journey  to  St 
Petersburg  fifteen  months  previously ;  but  he  made  no 
mention  of  what  was  taking  place  with  regard  to  the 
printing. 

The  letter  in  which  Borrow  replied  to  Mr  Jowett  is 
probably  the  most  remarkable  he  ever  wrote.  It  presents 
him  in  a  light  that  must  have  astonished  those  who  had 
been  so  eager  to  ridicule  his  appointment  as  an  agent  of 
the  Bible  Society.  The  letter  runs : — 

ST  PETERSBURG, 
%th  [20th}  October  1834. 

I  have  just  received  your  most  kind  epistle,  the 
perusal  of  which  has  given  me  both  pain  and  pleasure — 
pain  that  from  unavoidable  circumstances  I  have  been 
unable  to  gratify  eager  expectation,  and  pleasure  that  any 
individual  should  have  been  considerate  enough  to  foresee 
my  situation  and  to  make  allowance  for  it.  The  nature  of 
my  occupations  during  the  last  two  months  and  a  half  has 
been  such  as  would  have  entirely  unfitted  me  for  corre- 
spondence, had  I  been  aware  that  it  was  necessary,  which, 
on  my  sacred  word,  I  was  not.  Now,  and  only  now,  when 
by  the  blessing  of  God  I  have  surmounted  all  my  troubles 
and  difficulties,  I  will  tell,  and  were  I  not  a  Christian  I 
should  be  proud  to  tell,  what  I  have  been  engaged  upon 
and  accomplished  during  the  last  ten  weeks.  I  have  been 
working  in  the  printing-office,  as  a  common  compositor, 
between  ten  and  thirteen  hours  every  day  during  that 
period ;  the  result  of  this  is  that  St  Matthew's  Gospel, 
printed  from  such  a  copy  as  I  believe  nothing  was  ever 
printed  from  before,  has  been  brought  out  in  the  Manchu 
language;  two  rude  Esthonian  peasants,  who  previously 
could  barely  compose  with  decency  in  a  plain  language 
which  they  spoke  and  were  accustomed  to,  have  received 
such  instruction  that  with  ease  they  can  each  compose  at 
the  rate  of  a  sheet  a  day  in  the  Manchu,  perhaps  the  most 


128         DEVELOPS  UNEXPECTED  TALENTS      [1834 

difficult  language  for  composition  in  the  whole  world. 
Considerable  progress  has  also  been  made  in  St  Mark's 
Gospel,  and  I  will  venture  to  promise,  provided  always 
the  Almighty  smiles  upon  the  undertaking,  that  the  entire 
work  of  which  I  have  the  superintendence  will  be  published 
within  eight  months  from  the  present  time.  Now,  there- 
fore, with  the  premise  that  I  most  unwillingly  speak  of 
myself  and  what  I  have  done  and  suffered  for  some  time 
past,  all  of  which  I  wished  to  keep  locked  up  in  my  own 
breast,  I  will  give  a  regular  and  circumstantial  account  of 
my  proceedings  from  the  day  when  I  received  your  letter, 
by  which  I  was  authorised  by  the  Committee  to  bespeak 
paper,  engage  with  a  printer,  and  cause  our  type  to  be  set 
in  order. 

My  first  care  was  to  endeavour  to  make  suitable 
arrangements  for  the  obtaining  of  Chinese  paper.  Now 
those  who  reside  in  England,  the  most  civilised  and  blessed 
of  countries,  where  everything  is  to  be  obtained  at  a  fair 
price,  have  not  the  slightest  idea  of  the  anxiety  and 
difficulty  which,  in  a  country  like  this,  harass  the  foreigner 
who  has  to  disburse  money  not  his  own,  if  he  wish  that 
his  employers  be  not  shamefully  and  outrageously  imposed 
upon.  In  my  last  epistle  to  you  I  stated  that  I  had  been 
asked  100  roubles  per  ream  for  such  paper  as  we  wanted. 
I  likewise  informed  you  that  I  believed  that  it  was  possible 
to  procure  it  for  35  roubles,  notwithstanding  our  Society 
had  formerly  paid  40  roubles  for  worse  paper  than  the 
samples  I  was  in  possession  of.  Now  I  have  always  been 
of  opinion  that  in  the  expending  of  money  collected  for 
sacred  purposes,  it  behoves  the  agent  to  be  extraordinarily 
circumspect  and  sparing.  I  therefore  was  determined, 
whatever  trouble  it  might  cost  me,  to  procure  for  the 
Society  unexceptionable  paper  at  a  yet  more  reasonable 
rate  than  35  roubles.  I  was  aware  that  an  acquaintance 
of  mine,  a  young  Dane,  was  particularly  intimate  with 
one  of  the  first  printers  of  this  city,  who  is  accustomed 
to  purchase  vast  quantities  of  paper  every  month  for  his 
various  publications.  I  gave  this  young  gentleman  a 
specimen  of  the  paper  I  required,  and  desired  him  (he 
was  under  obligations  to  me)  to  inquire  of  his  friend, 
as  if  from  curiosity,  the  least  possible  sum  per  ream  at 
which  \heprinter  himself  (who  from  his  immense  demand  for 
paper  should  necessarily  obtain  it  cheaper  than  any  one 
else)  could  expect  to  purchase  the  article  in  question. 


VIIL]  BORROW  EXPLAINS  129 

The  answer  I  received  within  a  day  or  two  was  25  roubles. 
Upon  hearing  this  I  prevailed  upon  my  acquaintance 
to  endeavour  to  persuade  his  friend  to  bespeak  the  paper 
at  25  roubles,  and  to  allow  me,  notwithstanding  I  was 
a  perfect  stranger,  to  have  it  at  that  price.  All  this  was 
brought  about.  I  was  introduced  to  the  printer,  Mr 
Pluchard,  by  the  Dane,  Mr  Hasfeldt,  and  between  the  former 
gentleman  and  myself  a  contract  was  made  to  the  effect 
that  by  the  end  of  October  he  should  supply  me  with  450 
reams  of  Chinese  paper  at  25  roubles  per  ream,  the  first 
delivery  to  be  made  on  the  1st  of  August ;  for  as  my  order 
was  given  at  an  advanced  period  of  the  year,  when  all  the 
paper  manufactories  were  at  full  work  towards  the  executing 
of  orders  already  received,  it  was  but  natural  that  I  should 
verify  the  old  apophthegm, '  Last  come,  last  served.'  As  no 
orders  are  attended  to  in  Russia  unless  money  be  advanced 
upon  them,  I  deposited  in  the  hands  of  Mr  Pluchard  the 
sum  of  2000  roubles,  receiving  his  receipt  for  that  amount. 

Having  arranged  this  most  important  matter  to 
my  satisfaction,  I  turned  my  attention  to  the  printing 
process.  I  accepted  the  offer  of  Messrs  Schultz  & 
Beneze  to  compose  and  print  the  Manchu  Testament 
at  the  rate  of  25  roubles  per  sheet  [of  four  pages],  and 
caused  our  fount  of  type  to  be  conveyed  to  their  office. 
I  wish  to  say  here  a  few  words  respecting  the  state 
in  which  these  types  came  into  my  possession.  I  found 
them  in  a  kind  of  warehouse,  or  rather  cellar.  They  had 
been  originally  confined  in  two  cases ;  but  these  having 
burst,  the  type  lay  on  the  floor  trampled  amidst  mud 
and  filth.  They  were,  moreover,  not  improved  by  having 
been  immersed  within  the  waters  of  the  inundation  of 
'27  [1824].  I  caused  them  all  to  be  collected  and  sent 
to  their  destination,  where  they  were  purified  and 
arranged — a  work  of  no  small  time  and  difficulty,  at 
which  I  was  obliged  to  assist.  Not  finding  with  the 
type  what  is  called  '  Durchschuss '  by  the  printers  here, 
consisting  of  leaden  wedges  of  about  six  ounces  weight 
each,  which  form  the  spaces  between  the  lines,  I  ordered 
1 20  pounds  weight  of  those  at  a  rouble  a  pound,  being 
barely  enough  for  three  sheets.1  I  had  now  to  teach 

1  In  the  minutes  of  the  Sub-Committee,  i8th  August  (N.S.)  1834, 
there  is  a  note  of  Borrow  having  drawn  210  roubles  "to  pay  for  cer- 
tain articles  required  to  complete  the  Society's  fount  of  Manchu  type." 

I 


130         DEVELOPS  UNEXPECTED  TALENTS      [1834 

the  compositors  the  Manchu  alphabet,  and  to  distinguish 
one  character  from  another.  This  occupied  a  few  days, 
at  the  end  of  which  I  gave  them  the  commencement  of 
St  Matthew's  Gospel  to  copy.  They  no  sooner  saw  the 
work  they  were  called  upon  to  perform  than  there  were 
loud  murmurs  of  dissatisfaction,  and  .  .  .  *  It  is  quite  im- 
possible to  do  the  like/  was  the  cry  —  and  no  wonder. 
The  original  printed  Gospel  had  been  so  interlined  and 
scribbled  upon  by  the  author,  in  a  hand  so  obscure  and 
irregular,  that,  accustomed  as  I  was  to  the  perusal  of  the 
written  Manchu,  it  was  not  without  the  greatest  difficulty 
that  I  could  decipher  the  new  matter  myself.  Moreover, 
the  corrections  had  been  so  carelessly  made  that  they 
themselves  required  far  more  correction  than  the  original 
matter.  I  was  therefore  obliged  to  be  continually  in  the 
printing-office,  and  to  do  three  parts  of  the  work  myself. 
For  some  time  I  found  it  necessary  to  select  every 
character  with  my  own  fingers,  and  to  deliver  it  to  the 
compositor,  and  by  so  doing  I  learnt  myself  to  compose. 
We  continued  in  this  way  till  all  our  characters  were 
exhausted,  for  no  paper  had  arrived.  For  two  weeks  and 
more  we  were  obliged  to  pause,  the  want  of  paper  being 
insurmountable.  At  the  end  of  this  period  came  six 
reams ;  but  partly  from  the  manufacturers  not  being 
accustomed  to  make  this  species  of  paper,  and  partly  from 
the  excessive  heat  of  the  weather,  which  caused  it  to  dry 
too  fast,  only  one  ream  and  a  half  could  be  used,  and 
this  was  not  enough  for  one  sheet ;  the  rest  I  refused 
to  take,  and  sent  back.  The  next  week  came  fifteen 
reams.  This  paper,  from  the  same  causes,  was  as  bad 
as  the  last.  I  selected  four  reams,  and  sent  the  rest 
back.  But  this  paper  enabled  us  to  make  a  beginning, 
which  we  did  not  fail  to  do,  though  we  received  no  more 
for  upwards  of  a  fortnight,  which  caused  another  pause. 
At  the  end  of  that  time,  owing  to  my  pressing  remon- 
strances and  entreaties,  a  regular  supply  of  about  twelve 
reams  per  week  of  most  excellent  paper  commenced. 
This  continued  until  we  had  composed  the  last  five 
sheets  of  St  Matthew,  when  some  paper  arrived,  which 
in  my  absence  was  received  by  Mr  Beneze,  who,  without 
examining  it,  as  was  his  duty,  delivered  it  to  the  printers 
to  use  in  the  printing  of  the  said  sheets,  who  accordingly 
printed  upon  part  of  it.  But  the  next  day,  when  my 
occupation  permitted  me  to  see  what  they  were  about, 


VIIL]  "ALMOST  REDUCED  TO  A  SKELETON''     131 

I  observed  that  the  last  paper  was  of  a  quality  very 
different  from  that  which  had  been  previously  sent.  I 
accordingly  instantly  stopped  the  press,  and,  notwithstand- 
ing eight  reams  had  been  printed  upon,  I  sent  all  the 
strange  paper  back,  and  caused  Mr  Beneze  to  recompose 
three  sheets,  which  had  been  broken  up,  at  his  own  expense. 
But  this  caused  the  delay  of  another  week. 

This  last  circumstance  made  me  determine  not  to 
depend  in  future  for  paper  on  one  manufactory  alone.  I 
therefore  stated  to  Mr  P[luchard]  that,  as  his  people  were 
unable  to  furnish  me  with  the  article  fast  enough,  I  should 
apply  to  others  for  250  reams,  and  begged  him  to  supply 
me  with  the  rest  as  fast  as  possible.  He  made  no  objec- 
tion. Thereupon  I  prevailed  upon  my  most  excellent 
friend,  Baron  Schilling,  to  speak  to  his  acquaintance, 
State-Councillor  Alquin,  who  is  possessed  of  a  paper- 
manufactory,  on  the  subject.  M.  Alquin,  as  a  personal 
favour  to  Baron  Schilling  (whom,  I  confess,  I  was  ashamed 
to  trouble  upon  such  an  affair,  and  should  never  have 
done  so  had  not  zeal  for  the  cause  induced  me),  consented 
to  furnish  me  with  the  required  paper  on  the  same  terms 
as  Mr  P.  At  present  there  is  not  the  slightest  risk  of  the 
progress  of  our  work  being  retarded — at  present,  indeed, 
the  path  is  quite  easy  ;  but  the  trouble,  anxiety,  and  misery 
which  have  till  lately  harassed  me,  alone  in  a  situation  of 
great  responsibility,  have  almost  reduced  me  to  a  skeleton. 

My  dearest  Sir,  do  me  the  favour  to  ask  our  excellent 
Committee,  Would  it  have  answered  any  useful  purpose  if, 
instead  of  continuing  to  struggle  with  difficulties  and 
using  my  utmost  to  overcome  them,  I  had  written  in  the 
following  strain — and  what  else  could  1  have  written  if  I 
had  written  at  all  ? — '  I  was  sent  out  to  St  Petersburg 
to  assist  Mr  Lipovzoff  in  the  editing  of  the  Manchu 
Testament.  That  gentleman,  who  holds  three  important 
situations  under  the  Russian  Government,  and  who  is  far 
advanced  in  years,  has  neither  time,  inclination,  nor 
eyesight  for  the  task,  and  I  am  apprehensive  that  my 
strength  and  powers  unassisted  are  incompetent  to  it' 
(praised  be  the  Lord,  they  were  not !),  '  therefore  I  should 
be  glad  to  return  home.  Moreover,  the  compositors  say 
they  are  unaccustomed  to  compose  in  an  unknown  tongue 
from  such  scribbled  and  illegible  copy,  and  they  will 
scarcely  assist  me  to  compose.  Moreover,  the  working 
printers  say  (several  went  away  in  disgust)  that  the  paper 


132        DEVELOPS  UNEXPECTED  TALENTS      [1834 

on  which  they  have  to  print  is  too  thin  to  be  wetted,  and 
that  to  print  on  dry  requires  a  twofold  exertion  of  strength, 
and  that  they  will  not  do  such  work  for  double  wages,  for 
it  ruptures  them.'  Would  that  have  been  a  welcome 
communication  to  the  Committee?  Would  that  have 
been  a  communication  suited  to  the  public  ?  I  was 
resolved  '  to  do  or  die/  and,  instead  of  distressing  and 
perplexing  the  Committee  with  complaints,  to  write 
nothing  until  I  could  write  something  perfectly  satisfactory, 
as  I  now  can ;  l  and  to  bring  about  that  result  I  have 
spared  neither  myself  nor  my  own  money.  I  have  toiled 
in  a  close  printing-office  the  whole  day,  during  ninety 
degrees  of  heat,  for  the  purpose  of  setting  an  example,  and 
have  bribed  people  to  work  when  nothing  but  bribes  would 
induce  them  so  to  do. 

I  am  obliged  to  say  all  this  in  self-justification.  No 
member  of  the  Bible  Society  would  ever  have  heard  a 
syllable  respecting  what  I  have  undergone  but  for  the 
question,  '  What  has  Mr  Borrow  been  about  ? '  I  hope 
and  trust  that  question  is  now  answered  to  the  satisfaction 
of  those  who  do  Mr  Borrow  the  honour  to  employ  him. 
In  respect  to  the  expense  attending  the  editing  of  such  a 
work  as  the  New  Testament  in  Manchu,  I  beg  leave  to 
observe  that  I  have  obtained  the  paper,  the  principal  source 
of  expense,  at  fifteen  roubles  per  ream  less  than  the 
Society  formerly  paid  for  it — that  is  to  say,  at  nearly  half 
the  price. 

As  St  Matthew's  Gospel  has  been  ready  for  some 
weeks,  it  is  high  time  that  it  should  be  bound ;  for  if  that 
process  be  delayed,  the  paper  will  be  dirtied  and  the  work 
injured.  I  am  sorry  to  inform  you  that  book-binding  in 
Russia  is  incredibly  dear,2  and  that  the  expenses  attending 
the  binding  of  the  Testament  would  amount,  were  the 
usual  course  pursued,  to  two-thirds  of  the  entire  expenses 
of  the  work.  Various  book-binders  to  whom  I  have  applied 
have  demanded  one  rouble  and  a  half  for  the  binding  of 
every  section  of  the  work,  so  that  the  sum  required  for 

1  "  My  letters  to  my  private  friends  have  always  been  written  during 
gleams  of  sunshine,  and  traced  in  the  characters  of  hope.'' 

2  "  You  may  easily  judge  of  the  state  of  book-binding  here  by  the 
fact  that  for  every  volume,  great  or  small,  printed  in  Russia,  there  is  a 
duty  of  30  copecks,  or  threepence,  to  be  paid  to  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment, if  the  said  volume  be  exported  unbound." 


viii.]     "IF  I  HAVE  ERRED,  I  ASK  PARDON"      133 

the  binding  of  one  Testament  alone  would  be  twelve 
roubles.  Doctor  Schmidt  assured  me  that  one  rouble  and 
forty  copecks,  or,  according  to  the  English  currency, 
fourteenpence  halfpenny,  were  formerly  paid  for  the 
binding  of  every  individual  copy  of  St  Matthew's  Gospel. 
I  pray  you,  my  dear  Sir,  to  cause  the  books  to  be  referred 
to,  for  I  wish  to  know  if  that  statement  be  correct.  In  the 
meantime  arrangements  have  to  be  made,  and  the  Society 
will  have  to  pay  for  each  volume  of  the  Testament  the 
comparatively  small  sum  of  forty-five  copecks,  or  fourpence 
halfpenny,  whereas  the  usual  price  here  for  the  most  paltry 
covering  of  the  most  paltry  pamphlet  is  fivepence.  Should 
it  be  demanded  how  I  have  been  able  to  effect  this,  my 
reply  is  that  I  have  had  little  hand  in  the  matter.  A 
nobleman  who  honours  me  with  particular  friendship,  and 
who  is  one  of  the  most  illustrious  ornaments  of  Russia  and 
of  Europe,  has,  at  my  request,  prevailed  on  his  own  book- 
binder, over  whom  he  has  much  influence,  to  do  the  work 
on  these  terms.  That  nobleman  is  Baron  Schilling. 

Commend  me  to  our  most  respected  Committee. 
Assure  them  that  in  whatever  I  have  done  or  left  undone, 
I  have  been  influenced  by  a  desire  to  promote  the  glory 
of  the  Trinity  and  to  give  my  employers  ultimate  and 
permanent  satisfaction.  If  I  have  erred,  it  has  been  from 
a  defect  of  judgment,  and  I  ask  pardon  of  God  and  them. 

In  the  course  of  a  week  I  shall  write  again,  and  give 
a  further  account  of  my  proceedings,  for  I  have  not 
communicated  one-tenth  of  what  I  have  to  impart ;  but  I 
can  write  no  more  now.  It  is  two  hours  past  midnight ; 
the  post  goes  away  to-morrow,  and  against  that  morrow  I 
have  to  examine  and  correct  three  sheets  of  St  Mark's 
Gospel,  which  lie  beneath  the  paper  on  which  I  am  writing. 
With  my  best  regards  to  Mr  Brandram, 
I  remain,  dear  Sir, 

Most  truly  yours, 

G.  BORROW. 
Rev.  JOSEPH  JOWETT. 

Closely  following  upon  this  letter,  and  without  waiting 
for  a  reply,  Borrow  wrote  again  to  Mr  Jowett,  1 3th /25th 
October,  enclosing  a  certificate  from  Mr  Lipovzoff,  which 
read : — 

"  Testifio : — Dominum   Burro   ab   initio  usque  ad  hoc 


134         DEVELOPS  UNEXPECTED  TALENTS      [1834 

tempus  summa  cum  diligentia  et  studio  in  re  Mantshurica 
laborasse,  LipovzofF." 

He  also  reported  progress  as  regards  the  printing,  and 
promised  (D.V.)  that  the  entire  undertaking  should  be 
completed  by  the  first  of  May ;  but  the  letter  was  princi- 
pally concerned  with  the  projected  expedition  to  Kiakhta, 
to  distribute  the  books  he  was  so  busily  occupied  in 
printing.  He  repeated  his  former  arguments,  urging  the 
Committee  to  send  an  agent  to  Kiakhta.  "  I  am  a  person 
of  few  words,"  he  assured  Mr  Jowett,  "  and  will  there- 
fore state  without  circumlocution  that  I  am  willing  to 
become  that  agent.  I  speak  Russ,  Manchu,  and  the 
Tartar  or  broken  Turkish  of  the  Russian  Steppes,  and 
have  also  some  knowledge  of  Chinese,  which  I  might 
easily  improve."  As  regards  the  danger  to  himself  of 
such  a  hazardous  undertaking,  the  conversion  of  the 
Tartar  would  never  be  achieved  without  danger  to  some- 
one. He  had  become  acquainted  with  many  of  the 
Tartars  resident  in  St  Petersburg,  whose  language  he 
had  learned  through  conversing  with  his  servant  (a  native 
of  Bucharia  [Bokhara]),  and  he  had  become  "much 
attached  to  them ;  for  their  conscientiousness,  honesty, 
and  fidelity  are  beyond  all  praise." 

To  this  further  offer  Mr  Jowett  replied  : — 

"  Be  not  disheartened,  even  though  the  Committee 
postpone  for  the  present  the  consideration  of  your  enter- 
prising, not  to  say  intrepid,  proposal.  Thus  much, 
however,  I  may  venture  to  say :  that  the  offer  is  more 
likely  to  be  accepted  now,  than  when  you  first  made  it. 
If,  when  the  time  approaches  for  executing  such  a  plan, 
you  give  us  reason  to  believe  that  a  more  mature 
consideration  of  it  in  all  its  bearings  still  leaves  you  in 
hope  of  a  successful  result,  and  in  heart  for  making  the 
attempt,  my  own  opinion  is  that  the  offer  will  ultimately 
be  accepted,  and  that  very  cordially." 


CHAPTER  IX 

NOVEMBER    1834 — SEPTEMBER    1835 

BORROW  was  an  unconventional  editor.  He  foresaw 
the  interminable  delays  likely  to  arise  from  allowing 
workmen  to  incorporate  his  corrections  in  the  type.  To 
obviate  these,  he  first  corrected  the  proof,  then,  proceeding 
to  the  printing  office,  he  made  with  his  own  hands  the 
necessary  alterations  in  the  type.  This  involved  only 
two  proofs,  the  second  to  be  submitted  to  Mr  Lipovzoff, 
instead  of  some  half  a  dozen  that  otherwise  would  have 
been  necessary.  During  these  days  Borrow  was  ubiquitous. 
Even  the  binder  required  his  assistance,  "  for  everything 
goes  wrong  without  a  strict  surveillance." 

Borrow  had  passed  through  the  crisis  in  his  career. 
Stricken  with  fever,  which  was  followed  by  an  attack  of 
the  "  Horrors  "  (only  to  be  driven  away  by  port  wine),  he 
had  scarcely  found  time  in  which  to  eat  or  sleep.  He 
had  emerged  triumphantly  from  the  ordeal,  and  if  he  had 
"  almost  killed  Beneze  and  his  lads " l  with  work,  he  had 
not  spared  himself.  If  he  had  to  report,  as  he  did,  that 
"  my  two  compositors,  whom  I  had  instructed  in  all  the 
mysteries  of  Manchu  composition,  are  in  the  hospital, 
down  with  the  brain  fever,"2  he  himself  had  grown  thin 
from  the  incessant  toil. 

The  simple  manliness  and   restrained  dignity  of  his 

1  John  Hasfeldt. 

2  Letter  to  Mr  J.  Tarn,  Treasurer  of  the  Bible  Society,  1 5th /27th 
December  1834. 


136          OCCUPATIONS  IN  ST  PETERSBURG       [1834 

justification  had  produced  a  marked  effect  upon  the 
authorities  at  home.  If  the  rebuke  administered  by 
Mr  Jowett  had  been  mild,  his  acknowledgment  of  the 
reply  that  it  had  called  forth  was  most  cordial  and  friendly. 
After  assuring  Borrow  of  the  Committee's  high  satisfaction 
at  the  way  in  which  its  interests  had  been  looked  after,  he 
proceeds  sincerely  to  deprecate  anything  in  his  previous 
letter  which  may  have  caused  Borrow  pain,  and  continues : 

"Yet  I  scarcely  know  how  to  be  sorry  for  what  has 
been  the  occasion  of  drawing  from  you  (what  you  might 
otherwise  have  kept  locked  up  in  your  own  breast) 
the  very  interesting  story  of  your  labours,  vexations, 
disappointments,  vigilance,  address,  perseverance,  and 
successes.  How  you  were  able  in  your  solitude  to  keep 
up  your  spirits  in  the  face  of  so  many  impediments, 
apparently  insurmountable,  I  know  not.  ...  Do  not  fear 
that  we  should  in  any  way  interrupt  your  proceedings. 
We  know  our  interest  too  well  to  interfere  with  an  agent 
who  has  shown  so  much  address  in  planning,  and  so  much 
diligence  in  effecting,  the  execution  of  our  wishes." 

These  encouraging  words  were  followed  by  a  request 
that  he  would  keep  a  careful  account  of  all  extraordinary 
expenses,  that  they  might  be  duly  met  by  the  Society  : — 

"  I  allude,  you  perceive,  to  such  things,"  the  letter  goes 
on  to  explain,  "  as  your  journies  hue  et  illuc  in  quest  of  a 
better  market,  and  to  the  occasional  bribes  to  disheartened 
workmen.  In  all  matters  of  this  kind  the  Society  is  clearly 
your  debtor."  Borrow  replied  with  a  flash  of  his  old 
independent  spirit :  "  I  return  my  most  grateful  thanks  for 
this  most  considerate  intimation,  which,  nevertheless,  I 
cannot  avail  myself  of,  as,  according  to  one  of  the  articles 
of  my  agreement,  my  salary  of  .£200  was  to  cover  all  extra 
expenses.  Petersburg  is  doubtless  the  dearest  capital  in 
Europe,  and  expenses  meet  an  individual,  especially  one 
situated  as  I  have  been,  at  every  turn  and  corner ;  but  an 
agreement  is  not  to  be  broken  on  that  account." * 

That  the  Committee,  even  before  this  proof  of  his 
ability,  had  been  well  pleased  with  their  engagement  of 

1  Letter  to  the  Rev.  Joseph  Jowett,  3rd/  I5th  May  1835. 


ix.]  FAME  137 

Borrow  is  shown  by  the  acknowledgment  made  in  the 
Society's  Thirtieth  Annual  Report:  "Mr  Borrow  has  not 
disappointed  the  expectation  entertained." 

There  were  other  words  of  encouragement  to  cheer  him 
in  his  labours.  His  mother  wrote  in  September  of  that 
year,  telling  him  how,  at  a  Bible  Society's  gathering  at 
Norwich,  which  had  lasted  the  whole  of  a  week,  his  name 
"was  sounded  through  the  Hall  by  Mr  Gurney  and  Mr 
Cunningham  " ;  telling  how  he  had  left  his  home  and  his 
friends  to  do  God's  work  in  a  foreign  land,  calling  upon 
their  fellow-citizens  to  offer  up  prayers  beseeching  the 
Almighty  to  vouchsafe  to  him  health  and  strength  that 
the  great  work  he  had  undertaken  might  be  completed. 
"  All  this  is  very  pleasing  to  me,"  added  the  proud  old  lady. 
"  God  bless  you  ! " 

From  Mrs  Clarke  of  Oulton  Hall,  with  whom  he  kept 
up  a  correspondence,  he  heard  how  his  name  had  been 
mentioned  at  many  of  the  Society's  meetings  during 
the  year,  and  how  the  Rev.  Francis  Cunningham  had 
referred  to  him  as  "one  of  the  most  extraordinary  and 
interesting  individuals  of  the  present  day."  Even  at 
that  date,  viz.,  before  the  receipt  of  the  remarkable 
account  of  his  labours,  the  members  and  officials  of  the 
Bible  Society  seem  to  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that 
he  had  achieved  far  more  than  they  had  any  reason 
to  expect  of  him.  Their  subsequent  approval  is  shown 
by  the  manner  in  which  they  caused  his  two  letters  of 
8th/2Oth  and  1 3th /25th  October  to  be  circulated  among 
the  influential  members  of  the  Society,  until  at  last 
they  had  reached  the  Rev.  F.  Cunningham  and  Mrs 
Clarke. 

About  the  middle  of  January  (old  style)  1835,  Borrow 
placed  in  the  hands  of  Baron  Schilling  a  copy  of  each 
of  the  four  Gospels  in  Manchu,  to  be  conveyed  to  the 
Bible  Society  by  one  of  the  couriers  attached  to  the 
Foreign  Department  at  St  Petersburg;  but  they  did  not 
reach  Earl  Street  until  several  weeks  later.  There  were 


138         OCCUPATIONS  IN  ST  PETERSBURG       [1834 

however,  still  the  remaining  four  volumes  to  complete,  and 
many  more  difficulties  to  overcome. 

One  vexation  that  presented  itself  was  a  difference  of 
opinion  between  Borrow  and  Lipovzoff,  who  "thought 
proper,  when  the  Father  Almighty  is  addressed,  to  erase 
the  personal  and  possessive  pronouns  tkou  or  thine,  as  often 
as  they  occur,  and  in  their  stead  to  make  use  of  the  noun 
as  the  case  may  require.  For  example,  *  O  Father !  thou 
art  merciful '  he  would  render,  '  O  Father  !  the  Father 
is  merciful.' "  Borrow  protested,  but  Lipovzoff,  who  was 
"a  gentleman,  whom  the  slightest  contradiction  never 
fails  to  incense  to  a  most  incredible  degree,"  told  him 
that  he  talked  nonsense,  and  refused  to  concede  any- 
thing.1 Lipovzoff,  who  had  on  his  side  the  Chinese 
scholars  and  unlimited  powers  as  official  censor  (from 
whose  decree  there  was  no  appeal)  over  his  own  work, 
carried  his  point.  He  urged  that  "amongst  the  Chinese 
and  Tartars,  none  but  the  dregs  of  society  were  ever 
addressed  in  the  second  person ;  and  that  it  would  be 
most  uncouth  and  indecent  to  speak  of  the  Almighty 
as  if  He  were  a  servant  or  a  slave."  This  difficulty 
of  the  verbal  ornament  of  the  East  was  one  that  the 
Bible  Society  had  frequently  met  with  in  the  past.  It 
was  rightly  considered  as  ill-fitting  a  translation  of  the 
words  of  Christ.  Simplicity  of  diction  was  to  be  preserved 
at  all  costs,  whatever  might  be  the  rule  with  secular  books. 
Mr  Jowett  had  warned  Borrow  to  "  beware  of  confounding 
the  two  distinct  ideas  of  translation  and  interpretation  ! " 2 
and  also  informed  him  that  "the  passion  for  honorific- 

1  Letter  from  Borrow  to  the  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  2oth  Feb./4th  March 
1834.    In  his  Report  on  Puerot's  translation,  received  on  23rd  Sep.  1835, 
Borrow  writes  :  "  To  translate  literally,  or  even  closely,  according  to  the 
common  acceptation  of  the  term,  into  the  Manchu  language  is  of  all 
impossibilities  the  greatest  ;  partly  from  the  grammatical  structure  of 
the  language,  and  partly  from  the  abundance  of  its  idioms."     The 
lack  of  "some  of  those  conjunctions  generally  considered  as  indis- 
pensable "  was  one  of  the  chief  difficulties. 

2  Letter,  3ist  Dec.  1834. 


ix.]  THE  GOVERNMENTS  VETO  139 

abilitudinity  is  a  vice  of  Asiatic  languages,  which  a 
Scripture  translator,  above  all  others,  ought  to  beware  of 
countenancing."  l 

Well  might  Borrow  write  to  Mr  Jowett,  "  How  I  have 
been  enabled  to  maintain  terms  of  friendship  and 
familiarity  with  Mr  Lipovzoff,  and  yet  fulfil  the  part 
which  those  who  employ  me  expect  me  to  fulfil,  I  am  much 
at  a  loss  to  conjecture;  and  yet  such  is  really  the  case."2 
On  the  whole,  however,  the  two  men  worked  harmoniously 
together,  the  censor-translator  being  usually  amenable  to 
editorial  reason  and  suggestion;  and  Borrow  was  able 
to  assure  Mr  Jowett  that  with  the  exception  of  this  one 
instance  "  the  word  of  God  has  been  rendered  into  Manchu 
as  nearly  and  closely  as  the  idiom  of  a  very  singular 
language  would  permit." 

Borrow's  mind  continued  to  dwell  upon  the  project  of 
penetrating  into  China  and  distributing  the  Scriptures 
himself.  He  wrote  again,  repeating  "  the  assurance 
that  I  am  ready  to  attempt  anything  which  the  Society 
may  wish  me  to  execute,  and,  at  a  moment's  warning,  will 
direct  my  course  towards  Canton,  Pekin,  or  the  court  of  the 
Grand  Lama."3  The  project  had,  however,  to  be  aban- 
doned. The  Russian  Government,  desirous  of  maintaining 
friendly  relations  with  China,  declined  to  risk  her  displeasure 
for  a  missionary  project  in  which  Russia  had  neither  interest 
nor  reasonable  expectation  of  gain.  In  agreeing  to  issue  a 
passport  such  as  Borrow  desired,  it  stipulated  that  he  should 
carry  with  him  "  riot  one  single  Manchu  Bible  thither." 4 
In  spite  of  this  discouragement,  Borrow  wrote  to  Mr  Jowett 
with  regard  to  the  Chinese  programme,  "/  again  repeat 
that  I  am  at  command'' 5 

This  determination  on  Borrow's  part  to  become  a 
missionary  filled  his  mother  with  alarm.  She  had  only 
one  son  now,  and  the  very  thought  of  his  going  into  wild 


1  Letter,  3ist  Dec.  1834.  2  Letter,  2oth  Feb.  /4th  Mar.  1835. 

3  Letter,  2Oth  Feb.  /4th  Mar.  1835. 

4  Letter  to  the  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  3rd/  I5th  May  1835.  5  Ibid. 


140          OCCUPATIONS  IN  ST  PETERSBURG       [1835 

and  unknown  regions  seemed  to  her  tantamount  to  his 
going  to  his  death.  Mrs  Clarke  also  expressed  strong 
disapproval  of  the  project.  "  I  must  tell  you,"  she  wrote, 
"  that  your  letter  chilled  me  when  I  read  your  intention  of 
going  as  a  Missionary  or  Agent,  with  the  Manchu  Scrip- 
tures in  your  hand,  to  the  Tartars,  the  land  of  incalculable 
dangers." 

By  the  middle  of  May  1835  Borrow  saw  the  end  of  his 
labours  in  sight.  On  3rd/  I5th  May  he  wrote  asking  for 
instructions  relative  to  the  despatch  of  the  bulk  of  the 
volumes,  and  also  as  to  the  disposal  of  the  type.  "  As 
for  myself,"  he  continues,  "  I  suppose  I  must  return  to 
England,  as  my  task  will  be  speedily  completed.  I  hope 
the  Society  are  convinced  that  I  have  served  them  faith- 
fully, and  that  I  have  spared  no  labour  to  bring  out  the 
work,  which  they  did  me  the  honor  of  confiding  to  me, 
correctly  and  within  as  short  a  time  as  possible.  At  my 
return,  if  the  Society  think  that  I  can  still  prove  of  utility 
to  them,  I  shall  be  most  happy  to  devote  myself  still  to 
their  service.  I  am  a  person  full  of  faults  and  weaknesses, 
as  I  am  every  day  reminded  by  bitter  experience,  but  I 
am  certain  that  my  zeal  and  fidelity  towards  those  who 
put  confidence  in  me  are  not  to  be  shaken." l 

On  1 5th/  27th  June  he  reported  the  printing  completed 
and  six  out  of  the  eight  volumes  bound,  and  that  as  soon 
as  the  remaining  two  volumes  were  ready,  he  intended  to 
take  his  departure  from  St  Petersburg;  but  a  new 
difficulty  arose.  The  East  had  laid  a  heavy  hand  upon  St 
Petersburg.  "  To-morrow,  please  God  ! "  met  the  energetic 
Westerner  at  every  turn.  The  bookbinder  delayed  six 
weeks  because  he  could  not  procure  some  paper  he 
required.  But  the  real  obstacle  to  the  despatch  of  the 
books  was  the  non-arrival  of  the  Government  sanction  to 
their  shipment.  Nothing  was  permitted  to  move  either  in 
or  out  of  the  sacred  city  of  the  Tsars  without  official 
permission.  Probably  those  responsible  for  the  adminis- 
1  Letter  to  the  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  3rd/T5th  May  1835. 


ix.]  BORROWS  DEFIANCE  141 

tration  of  affairs  had  never  in  their  experience  been  called 
upon  to  deal  with  a  man  such  as  Borrow.  To  apply  to  him 
the  customary  rules  of  procedure  was  to  bring  upon  "  the 
House  of  Interior  Affairs  "  a  series  of  visits  and  demands 
that  must  have  left  it  limp  with  astonishment. 

On  i6th  /28th  July  Borrow  wrote  to  the  Bible  Society, 
"  I  herewith  send  you  a  bill  of  lading  for  six  of  the  eight 
parts  of  the  New  Testament,  which  I  have  at  last  obtained 
permission  to  send  away,  after  having  paid  sixteen  visits  to 
the  House  of  Interior  Affairs."1  He  expresses  a  hope  that 
in  another  fortnight  he  will  have  despatched  the  remaining 
two  volumes  and  have  "  bidden  adieu  to  Russia " ;  but  it 
was  dangerous  to  anticipate  the  official  course  of  events 
in  Russia.  Even  to  the  last  Borrow  was  tormented  by 
red  tape.  Early  in  August  the  last  two  volumes  were 
ready  for  shipment  to  England ;  but  he  could  not  obtain 
the  necessary  permission.  He  was  told  that  he  ought 
never  to  have  printed  the  work,  in  spite  of  the  license  that 
had  been  granted,  and  that  grave  doubts  existed  in  the 
official  mind  as  to  whether  or  no  he  really  were  an  agent 
of  the  Bible  Society.  At  length  Borrow  lost  patience  and 
told  the  officials  that  during  the  week  following  the  books 
would  be  despatched,  with  or  without  permission,  and  he 
warned  them  to  have  a  care  how  they  acted.  These 
strong  measures  seem  to  have  produced  the  desired  result. 

Despite  his  many  occupations  on  behalf  of  the  Bible 
Society,  Borrow  found  time  in  which  to  translate  into 
Russian  the  first  three  Homilies  of  the  Church  of  England, 
and  into  Manchu  the  Second.  His  desire  was  that  the 
Homily  Society  should  cause  these  translations  to  be 
printed,  and  in  a  letter  to  the  Rev.  Francis  Cunningham 
he  strove  to  enlist  his  interest  in  the  project,  offering  the 
translations  without  fee  to  the  Society  if  they  chose  to 
make  use  of  them.2  As  "  a  zealous,  though  most  unworthy, 

1  Letter  to  Mr  J.  Tarn. 

2  None  of  these  translations  ever  appeared,  owing  to  the  refusal 
of  the  Russian  Government  to  grant  permission.    John  Hasfeldt  wrote 


142         OCCUPATIONS  IN  ST  PETERSBURG       [1835 

member  of  the  Anglican  Church,"  he  found  that  his 
"cheeks  glowed  with  shame  at  seeing  dissenters, 
English  and  American,  busily  employed  in  circulat- 
ing Tracts  in  the  Russian  tongue,  whilst  the  members 
of  the  Church  were  following  their  secular  concerns, 
almost  regardless  of  things  spiritual  in  respect  to  the 
Russian  population."1 

Borrow  also  translated  into  English  "one  of  the 
sacred  books  of  Boudh,  or  Fo,"  from  Baron  Schilling 
de  Canstadt's  library.  The  principal  occupation  of  his 
leisure  hours,  however,  was  a  collection  of  translations, 
which  he  had  printed  by  Schultz  &  Beneze,  and  published 
(3rd/i5th  June  1835)  under  the  title  of  Targum,  or 
Metrical  Translations  from  Thirty  Languages  and 
Dialects?1  In  a  prefatory  note,  the  collection  is  referred 
to  as  "selections  from  a  huge  and  undigested  mass  of 

to  Borrow,  June  1837,  apropos  of  the  project:  "You  know  the 
Russian  priesthood  cannot  suffer  foreigners  to  mix  themselves  up  in 
the  affairs  of  the  Orthodox  Church.  The  same  would  have 
happened  to  the  New  Testament  itself.  You  may  certainly  print  in 

the  Manchu-Tartar  or  what  the   d 1  you   choose,   only  not   in 

Russian,  for  that  the  long-bearded  he-goats  do  not  like." 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  F.  Cunningham,  i7th/29th  Nov.  1834. 

2  The    principal    interest    in    Targum    lies  in  the    number    of 
languages  and  dialects  from  which  the  poems  are  translated ;  for  it 
must  be   confessed   that  Borrow's  verse  translations  have  no  very 
great   claim  to  attention  on  account  of  their  literary  merit.     The 
"  Thirty  Languages  "  were,  in  reality,  thirty-five,  viz. : — 


Ancient  British. 

Gaelic. 

Portuguese. 

„        Danish. 

German. 

Provencal. 

Irish. 

Greek. 

Romany. 

„        Norse. 

Hebrew. 

Russian. 

Anglo-Saxon. 

Irish. 

Spanish. 

Arabic. 

Italian. 

Suabian. 

Cambrian  British. 

Latin. 

Swedish. 

Chinese. 

Malo-Russian. 

Tartar. 

Danish. 

Manchu. 

Tibetan. 

Dutch. 

Modern  Greek. 

Turkish. 

Finnish. 

Persian. 

Welsh. 

French. 

Polish. 

ix.]  A  HURRIED  VISIT  TO  MOSCOW  143 

translation,  accumulated  during  several  years  devoted 
to  philological  pursuits."  Three  months  later  he  pub- 
lished another  collection  entitled  The  Talisman ,  From 
the  Russian  of  Alexander  Pushkin.  With  Other  Pieces?- 
There  were  seven  poems  in  all,  two  after  Pushkin,  one 
from  the  Malo  -  Russian,  one  from  Mickiewicz,  and 
three  "ancient  Russian  Songs."  Again  the  printers 
were  Schultz  &  Beneze.  Each  of  these  editions  appears 
to  have  been  limited  to  one  hundred  copies.2 

Writing  in  the  Athenceum?  J.  P.  H[asfeldt]  says : — 
"The  work  is  a  pearl  in  literature,  and,  like  pearls, 
derives  value  from  its  scarcity,  for  the  whole  edition  was 
limited  to  about  a  hundred  copies."  W.  B.  Donne 
admired  the  translations  immensely,  considering  "the 
language  and  rhythm  as  vastly  superior  to  Macaulay's 
Lays  of  Ancient  Rome"  4 

Whilst  the  last  two  volumes  of  the  Manchu  New 
Testament  were  waiting  for  paper  (probably  for  end- 
papers), Borrow  determined  to  pay  a  hurried  visit  to 
Moscow,  "by  far  the  most  remarkable  city  it  has  ever 
been  my  fortune  to  see."  One  of  his  principal  objects 
in  visiting  the  ancient  capital  of  Russia  was  to  see 
the  gypsies,  who  flourished  there  as  they  flourished  no- 
where else  in  Europe.  They  numbered  several  thousands, 
and  many  of  them  inhabited  large  and  handsome  houses, 
drove  in  their  carriages,  and  were  "  distinguishable  from  the 
genteel  class  of  the  Russians  only  ...  by  superior  per- 
sonal advantages  and  mental  accomplishments."  5  For  this 

1  A  copy  was   presented    by  John   Hasfeldt    to    Pushkin,   who 
expressed  in  a  note  to  Borrow  his  gratification  at  receiving  the  book, 
and  his  regret  at  not  having  met  the  translator. 

2  These  two  volumes  were  printed  in  one  and  published  at  a 
later  date  by  Messrs  Jarrold  &  Son,  London  &  Norwich. 

3  sth  March  1836. 

4  From  a  letter  to  Borrow  from  Dr  Gordon  Hake. 

6  Borrow's  Report  to  the  Committee  of  the  Bible  Society,  received 
23rd  September  1835. 


144         OCCUPATIONS  IN  ST  PETERSBURG        [1835 

unusual  state  of  prosperity  the  women  were  responsible, 
"having  from  time  immemorial  cultivated  their  vocal 
powers  to  such  an  extent  that,  although  in  the  heart  of 
a  country  in  which  the  vocal  art  has  arrived  at  greater 
perfection  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  world,  the  principal 
Gypsy  choirs  in  Moscow  are  allowed  by  the  general  voice 
of  the  public  to  be  unrivalled  and  to  bear  away  the  palm 
from  all  competitors.  It  is  a  fact  notorious  in  Russia  that 
the  celebrated  Catalani  was  so  filled  with  admiration  for 
the  powers  of  voice  displayed  by  one  of  the  Gypsy 
songsters,  who,  after  the  former  had  sung  before  a 
splendid  audience  at  Moscow,  stepped  forward  and  with  an 
astonishing  burst  of  melody  ravished  every  ear,  that  she 
[Catalani]  tore  from  her  own  shoulders  a  shawl  of  immense 
value  which  had  been  presented  to  her  by  the  Pope,  and 
embracing  the  Gypsy,  compelled  her  to  accept  it,  saying 
that  it  had  been  originally  intended  for  the  matchless 
singer,  which  she  now  discovered  was  not  herself." l 

These  Russian  gypsy  singers  lived  luxurious  lives  and 
frequently  married  Russian  gentry  or  even  the  nobility. 
It  was  only  the  successes,  however,  who  achieved  such 
distinction,  and  there  were  "a  great  number  of  low, 
vulgar,  and  profligate  females  who  sing  in  taverns,  or  at 
the  various  gardens  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  whose 
husbands  and  male  connections  subsist  by  horse-jobbing 
and  such  kinds  of  low  traffic."  2 

One  fine  evening  Borrow  hired  a  calash  and  drove  out 
to  Marina  Rotze,  "a  kind  of  sylvan  garden,"  about  one 
and  a  half  miles  out  of  Moscow,  where  this  particular 
class  of  Romanys  resorted.  "  Upon,  my  arriving  there,"  he 
writes, "  the  Gypsies  swarmed  out  of  their  tents  and  from 
the  little  tracteer  or  tavern,  and  surrounded  me.  Stand- 
ing on  the  seat  of  the  calash,  I  addressed  them  in  a  loud 
voice  in  the  dialect  of  the  English  Gypsies,  with  which 
I  have  some  slight  acquaintance.  A  scream  of  wonder 

1  Sorrow's  Report  to  the  Committee  of  the  Bible  Society,  received 
23rd  September  1835.  2  Ibid. 


ix.]  A  GYPSY  WELCOME  145 

instantly  arose,  and  welcomes  and  greetings  were  poured 
forth  in  torrents  of  musical  Romany,  amongst  which, 
however,  the  most  pronounced  cry  was :  ah  kak  mi  toute 
karmuma l — '  Oh  how  we  love  you  ' ;  for  at  first  they  sup- 
posed me  to  be  one  of  their  brothers,  who,  they  said, 
were  wandering  about  in  Turkey,  China,  and  other  parts, 
and  that  I  had  come  over  the  great  pawnee,  or  water,  to 
visit  them."2 

On  several  other  occasions  during  his  stay  at  Moscow, 
Borrow  went  out  to  Marina  Rotze,  to  hold  converse  with 
the  gypsies.  He  "  spoke  to  them  upon  their  sinful  manner 
of  living,"  about  Christianity  and  the  advent  of  Christ,  to 
which  the  gypsies  listened  with  attention,  but  apparently 
not  much  profit.  The  promise  that  they  would  soon  be 
able  to  obtain  the  teachings  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  in  their 
own  tongue  interested  them  far  more  on  account  of  the 
pleasurable  strangeness  of  the  idea,  than  from  any  antici- 
pation that  they  might  derive  spiritual  comfort  from  such 
writings. 

Returning  to  St  Petersburg  from  Moscow,  after  four 
days'  absence,  Borrow  completed  his  work,  settled  up 
his  affairs,  bade  his  friends  good-bye,  and  on  28th 
August /Qth  September  left  for  Cronstadt  to  take  the 
packet  for  Liibeck.  The  authorities  seem  to  have  raised 
no  objection  to  his  departure.  His  passport  bore  the  date 
28th  August  O/S  (the  actual  day  he  left)  and  described 
him  as  "  of  stature,  tall — hair,  grey — face,  oval — forehead, 
medium  —  eyebrows,  blonde  —  eyes,  brown  —  nose  and 
mouth,  medium — chin,  round." 

Borrow's  work  at  St  Petersburg  gave  entire  satisfac- 
tion to  the  Bible  Society.  The  Official  Report  for  the 
year  1835  informed  the  members  that — 

"  The  printing  of  the  Manchu  New  Testament  in  St 

1  Kak  my  tut  kamasa. 

2  Borrow's  Report  to  the  Committee  of  the  Bible  Society,  received 
23rd  September  1835.     He  gives  an  account  of  the  episode  in  The 
Gypsies  of  Spain^  page  6. 

K 


146         OCCUPATIONS  IN  ST  PETERSBURG       [1835 

Petersburg  is  now  drawing  to  a  conclusion.  Mr  G. 
Borrow,  who  has  had  to  superintend  the  work,  has  in  every 
way  afforded  satisfaction  to  the  Committee.  They  have 
reason  to  believe  that  his  acquirements  in  the  language 
are  of  the  most  respectable  order ;  while  the  devoted 
diligence  with  which  he  has  laboured,  and  the  skill  he  has 
shown  in  surmounting  difficulties,  and  conducting  his 
negotiations  for  the  advantage  of  the  Society,  justly 
entitle  him  to  this  public  acknowledgment  of  his 


Of  the  actual  work  itself  John  Hasfeldt  justly  wrote : 

"  I  can  only  say,  that  it  is  a  beautiful  edition  of  an 
oriental  work — that  it  is  printed  with  great  care  on  a  fine 
imitation  of  Chinese  paper,  made  on  purpose.  At  the 
outset,  Mr  Borrow  spent  weeks  and  months  in  the  printing 
office  to  make  the  compositors  acquainted  with  the 
intricate  Manchu  types ;  and  that,  as  for  the  contents,  I 
am  assured  by  well-informed  persons,  that  this  transla- 
tion is  remarkable  for  the  correctness  and  fidelity  with 
which  it  has  been  executed." 2 

The  total  cost  to  the  Society  of  his  labours  in  connection 
with  the  transcription  of  Puerot's  MS.,'and  printing  and  bind- 
ing one  thousand  copies  of  LipovzofFs  New  Testament  had 
reached  the  very  considerable  sum  of  .£2600.  What  the 
amount  would  have  been  if  Borrow  had  not  proved  a  prince 
of  bargainers,  it  is  impossible  to  imagine.  The  entire 
edition  was  sent  to  Earl  Street,  and  eventually  distri- 
buted in  China  as  occasion  offered.  An  edition  of  the 
Gospels  in  this  version  has  recently  been  reprinted,  and 
is  still  in  use  among  certain  tribes  in  Mongolia. 

Borrow  arrived  in  London  somewhere  about  2Oth 
September  (new  style),  after  an  absence  of  a  little  more 
than  two  years.  He  went  to  St  Petersburg  "  prejudiced 
against  the  country,  the  government,  and  the  people ;  the 
first  is  much  more  agreeable  than  is  generally  supposed ; 
the  second  is  seemingly  the  best  adapted  for  so  vast  an 

1  The  Thirty-First  Annual  Report. 

2  Athenaum,  5th  March  1836. 


ix.]  NORWICH  ONCE  MORE  147 

empire  ;  and  the  third,  even  the  lowest  classes,  are  in  general 
kind,  hospitable,  and  benevolent." 1 

On  23rd  September  Borrow  was  still  in  London  writing 
his  report  to  the  General  Committee  upon  his  recent 
labours.  In  all  probability  he  left  immediately  afterwards 
for  Norwich,  there  to  await  events. 

1  Borrow's  Report  to  the  Committee  of  the  Bible  Society,  received 
23rd  September  1835. 


CHAPTER  X 

OCTOBER    1835 — JANUARY    1836 

T>ORROW  had  strong  hopes  that  the  Bible  Society 
-*-*  would  continue  to  employ  him.  Mr  Brandram  had 
written  (5th  June  1835)  that  the  Committee  "will  not  very 
willingly  suffer  themselves  to  be  deprived  of  your  services." 
From  Russia  Borrow  had  written  to  his  mother : 1 

"They  [the  Bible  Society]  place  great  confidence  in 
me,  and  I  am  firmly  resolved  to  do  all  in  my  power  to 
prove  that  they  have  not  misplaced  that  confidence.  I 
dare  say  that  when  I  return  home  they  will  always  be  happy 
to  employ  me  to  edit  their  Bibles,  and  there  is  no  employ- 
ment in  the  whole  world  which  I  should  prefer  and  for 
which  I  am  better  fitted.  I  shall,  moreover,  endeavour  to 
get  ordained." 

On  another  occasion  he  wrote,  also  to  his  mother : 

"  I  hope  that  the  Bible  Society  will  employ  me  upon 
something  new,  for  I  have  of  late  led  an  active  life,  and 
dread  the  thought  of  having  nothing  to  do  except  studying 
as  formerly,  and  I  am  by  no  means  certain  that  I  could  sit 
down  to  study  now.  I  can  do  anything  if  it  is  to  turn  to 
any  account ;  but  it  is  very  hard  to  dig  holes  in  the  sand 
and  fill  them  up  again,  as  I  used  to  do.  However,  I  hope 
God  will  find  me  something  on  which  I  can  employ  myself 
with  credit  and  profit.  I  should  like  very  much  to  get  into 
the  Church,  though  I  suppose  that  that,  like  all  other 
professions,  is  overstocked." 

Mrs  Borrow  reminded  him  that  he  had  a  good  home 
ready  to  receive  him,  and   a  mother  grown   lonely  with 
1 8th /30th  June  1834. 


i 

148 


x.]  A  VISIT  TO  OULTON  HALL  149 

long  waiting.  She  told  him,  among  other  things,  that 
she  had  spent  none  of  the  money  that  he  had  so  gener- 
ously and  unsparingly  sent  her. 

Borrow  certainly  had  every  reason  to  expect  further 
employment.  He  had  proved  himself  not  only  a  thoroughly 
qualified  editor;  but  had  discovered  business  qualities 
that  must  have  astonished  and  delighted  the  General 
Committee.  Above  all  he  had  brought  to  a  most  success- 
ful conclusion  a  venture  that,  but  for  his  ability  and 
address,  would  in  all  probability  have  failed  utterly.  The 
application  for  permission  to  proceed  with  the  distribution 
had,  it  is  true,  been  unsuccessful ;  but  there  was,  as  Mr 
Brandram  wrote,  the  "seed  laid  up  in  the  granary;  but 
*  it  is  not  yet  written '  that  the  sowers  are  to  go  forth 
to  sow." 

After  remaining  for  a  short  time  with  his  mother  at 
Norwich,  Borrow  appears  to  have  paid  a  visit  to  his 
friends  the  Skeppers  of  Oulton.  Old  Mrs  Skepper,  Mrs 
Clarke's  mother,  had  just  died,  and  it  is  a  proof  of  Borrow's 
intimacy  with  the  family  that  he  should  be  invited  to 
stay  with  them  whilst  they  were  still  in  mourning. 
Although  there  is  no  record  of  the  date  when  he  arrived 
at  Oulton,  he  is  known  to  have  been  there  on  9th  October, 
when  he  addressed  a  Bible  Society  meeting,  about  which 
he  wrote  the  following  delectable  postcript  to  a  letter 
he  addressed  to  Mr  Brandram  : 1 

"  There  has  been  a  Bible  meeting  at  Oulton,  in  Suffolk, 
to  which  I  was  invited.  The  speaking  produced  such 
an  effect,  that  some  of  the  most  vicious  characters  in 
the  neighbourhood  have  become  weekly  subscribers  to 
the  Branch  Society.  So  says  the  Chronicle  of  Norfolk 
in  its  report."  The  actual  paragraph  read  : 

"  It  will  doubtless  afford  satisfaction  to  the  Christian 
public  to  learn  that  many  poor  individuals  in  this  neigh- 
bourhood, who  previous  to  attending  this  meeting  were 
averse  to  the  cause  or  indifferent  to  it,  had  their  feelings 
so  aroused  by  what  was  communicated  to  them,  that 

1  2;th  October  1835. 


150  THE  MISSION  TO  PORTUGAL  [1835 

they  have  since  voluntarily  subscribed  to  the  Bible 
Society,  actuated  by  the  hope  of  becoming  humbly  instru- 
mental in  extending  the  dominion  of  the  true  light,  and 
of  circumscribing  the  domains  of  darkness  and  of  Satan." 

On  returning  to  the  quiet  of  the  old  Cathedral  city, 
Borrow  had  an  opportunity  of  resting  and  meditating 
upon  the  events  of  the  last  two  years ;  but  he  soon 
became  restless  and  tired  of  inaction.1  "  I  am  weary  of 
doing  nothing,  and  am  sighing  for  employment,"  2  he  wrote. 
He  had  impatiently  .awaited  some  word  from  Earl  Street, 
where,  seemingly,  he  had  discussed  various  plans  for 
the  future,  including  a  journey  to  Portugal  and  Spain, 
as  well  as  the  printing  in  Armenian  of  an  edition  of 
the  New  Testament.  Hearing  nothing  from  Mr  Jowett, 
he  wrote  begging  to  be  excused  for  reminding  him  that 
he  was  ready  to  undertake  any  task  that  might  be  allotted 
to  him. 

On  the  day  following,  he  received  a  letter  from 
Mr  Brandram  telling  of  how  a  resolution  had  been  passed 
that  he  should  go  to  Portugal.  Then  the  writer's  heart 
misgave  him.  In  his  mind's  eye  he  saw  Borrow  set  down 
at  Oporto.  What  would  he  do?  Fearful  that  the  door 
was  not  sufficiently  open  to  justify  the  step,  he  had 
suggested  the  suspension  of  the  resolution.  Borrow  was 
asked  what  he  himself  thought.  What  did  he  think 
of  China,  and  could  he  foresee  any  prospect  for  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  Scriptures  there  ?  "  Favour  us  with  your 
thoughts,"  Mr  Brandram  wrote.  "  Experimental  agency 
in  a  Society  like  ours  is  a  formidable  undertaking." 
Borrow  replied  the  same  day,3 

"As  you  ask  me  to  favour  you  with  my  thoughts, 
I  certainly  will ;  for  I  have  thought  much  upon  the 
matters  in  question,  and  the  result  I  wil)  communicate 

1  His  salary  was  paid  continuously,  and  included  the  period  of 
rest  between  the  Russian  and  Peninsula  expeditions. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  26th  October  1835. 

3  In  a  letter  dated  2;th  October  1835. 


x.]  PLANS  FOR  THE  FUTURE  151 

to  you  in  a  very  few  words.  I  decidedly  approve  (and 
so  do  all  the  religious  friends  whom  I  have  communicated 
it  to)  of  the  plan  of  a  journey  to  Portugal,  and  am  sorry 
that  it  has  been  suspended,  though  I  am  convinced  that 
your  own  benevolent  and  excellent  heart  was  the  cause, 
unwilling  to  fling  me  into  an  undertaking  which  you 
supposed  might  be  attended  with  peril  and  difficulty. 
Therefore  I  wish  it  to  be  clearly  understood  that  I  am 
perfectly  willing  to  undertake  the  expedition,  nay,  to 
extend  it  into  Spain,  to  visit  the  town  and  country,  to 
discourse  with  the  people,  especially  those  connected  with 
institutions  for  infantine  education,  and  to  learn  what 
ways  and  opportunities  present  themselves  for  conveying 
the  Gospel  into  those  benighted  countries.  I  will  more- 
over undertake,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  to  draw  up  a 
small  volume  of  what  I  shall  have  seen  and  heard  there, 
which  cannot  fail  to  be  interesting,  and  if  patronised  by 
the  Society  will  probably  help  to  cover  the  expenses  of 
the  expedition.  On  my  return  I  can  commence  the 
Armenian  Testament,  and  whilst  I  am  editing  that,  I 
may  be  acquiring  much  vulgar  Chinese  from  some  un- 
employed Lascar  or  stray  Cantonman  whom  I  may  pick 
up  upon  the  wharves,  and  then  ...  to  China.  I  have 
no  more  to  say,  for  were  I  to  pen  twenty  pages,  and 
I  have  time  enough  for  so  doing,  I  could  communicate 
nothing  which  would  make  my  views  more  clear." 

The  earnestness  of  this  letter  seems  effectually  to  have 
dissipated  Mr  Brandram's  scruples,  for  events  moved 
forward  with  astonishing  rapidity.  Four  days  after  the 
receipt  of  Sorrow's  letter,  a  resolution  was  adopted  by  the 
Committee  to  the  following  effect : — 

"That  Mr  Borrow  be  requested  to  proceed  forth- 
with to  Lisbon  and  Oporto  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  the 
Society's  correspondents  there,  and  of  making  further 
enquiries  respecting  the  means  and  channels  which  may 
offer  for  promoting  the  circulation  of  the  Holy  Scriptures 
in  Portugal."1 

Mr  Brandram  gave  Borrow  two  letters  of  introduction, 
one  to  John  Wilby,  a  merchant  at  Lisbon,  and  the  other  to 

1  Minutes  of  the  General  Committee  of  the  Bible  Society,  2nd 
Nov.  1835. 


152  THE  MISSION  TO  PORTUGAL  [1835 

the  British  Chaplain,  the  Rev.  E.  Whiteley.  Having 
explained  to  Mr  Whiteley  how  Borrow  had  recently  been 
employed  in  St  Petersburg  in  editing  the  Manchu  New 
Testament,  he  wrote  : — 

"  We  have  some  prospect  of  his  eventually  going  to 
China  ;  but  having  proved  by  experience  that  he  possesses 
an  order  of  talent  remarkably  suited  to  the  purposes  of  our 
Society,  we  have  felt  unwilling  to  interrupt  our  connection 
with  him  with  the  termination  of  his  engagement  at  St 
Petersburg.  In  the  interval  we  have  thought  that  he 
might  advantageously  visit  Portugal,  and  strengthen  your 
hands  and  those  of  other  friends,  and  see  whether  he  could 
not  extend  the  promising  opening  at  present  existing.  He 
has  no  specific  instructions,  though  he  is  enjoined  to  confer 
very  fully  with  yourself  and  Mr  Wilby  of  Lisbon. 

"  I  have  mentioned  his  recent  occupation  at  St  Peters- 
burg, and  you  may  perhaps  think  that  there  is  little  affinity 
between  it  and  his  present  visit  to  Portugal.  But  Mr 
Borrow  possesses  no  little  tact  in  addressing  himself  to 
anything.  With  Portugal  he  is  already  acquainted,  and 
speaks  the  language.  He  proposes  visiting  several  of  the 
principal  cities  and  towns.  .  .  . 

"  Our  correspondence  about  Spain  is  at  this  moment 
singularly  interesting,  and  if  it  continues  so,  and  the  way 
seems  to  open,  Mr  Borrow  will  cross  the  frontier  and  go 
and  enquire  what  can  be  done  there.  We  believe  him  to 
be  one  who  is  endowed  with  no  small  portion  of  address 
and  a  spirit  of  enterprise.  I  recommend  him  to  your 
kind  attentions,  and  I  anticipate  your  thanks  for  so  doing, 
after  you  shall  have  become  acquainted  with  him.  Do 
not,  however,  be  too  hasty  in  forming  your  judgment." 

This  letter  outlines  very  clearly  what  was  in  the  minds 
of  the  Committee  in  sending  Borrow  to  Portugal.  He  was 
to  spy  out  the  land  and  advise  the  home  authorities  in 
what  direction  he  would  be  most  likely  to  prove  useful. 
He  was  in  particular  to  direct  his  attention  to  schools,  and 
was  "  authorised  to  be  liberal  in  giving  New  Testaments." 
Furthermore,  he  was  to  be  permitted  to  draw  upon  the 
Society's  agents  to  the  extent  of  one  hundred  pounds. 

The  most  significant  part  of  this  letter  is  the  passage 


x.]  BORROW  SAILS  FOR  LISBON  153 

relating  to  China.  It  leaves  no  doubt  that  Borrow's 
reiterated  requests  to  be  employed  in  distributing  the 
Manchu  New  Testament  had  appealed  most  strongly  to 
the  General  Committee.  Mr  Brandram  was  evidently  in 
doubt  as  to  how  Borrow  would  strike  his  correspondent  as 
an  agent  of  the  Bible  Society,  hence  his  warning  against 
a  hasty  judgment.  Apparently  this  letter  was  never 
presented,  as  it  was  found  among  Borrow's  papers,  and 
Mr  Whiteley  had  to  form  his  opinion  entirely  unaided. 

On  6th  November  Borrow  sailed  from  the  Thames  for 
Lisbon  in  the  steamship  London  Merchant.  The  voyage 
was  fair  for  the  time  of  year,  and  was  marked  only  by  the 
tragic  occurrence  of  a  sailor  falling  from  the  cross-trees 
into  the  sea  and  being  drowned.  The  man  had  dreamed 
his  fate  a  few  minutes  previously,  and  had  told  Borrow  of 
the  circumstances  on  coming  up  from  below.1 

Borrow  had  scarcely  been  in  Lisbon  an  hour  before  he 
heartily  wished  himself  "back  in  Russia  .  .  .  where  I  had 
left  cherished  friends  and  warm  affections."  The  Customs- 
house  officers  irritated  him,  first  with  their  dilatoriness, 
then  by  the  minuteness  with  which  they  examined  every 
article  of  which  he  was  possessed.  Again,  there  was  the 
difficulty  of  obtaining  a  suitable  lodging,  which  when 
eventually  found  proved  to  be  "dark,  dirty  and  exceed- 
ingly expensive  without  attendance."  Mr  Wilby  was  in 
the  country  and  not  expected  to  return  for  a  week.  It 
would  also  appear  that  the  British  Chaplain  was  likewise 
away.  Thus  Borrow  found  himself  with  no  one  to'  advise 
him  as  to  the  first  step  he  should  take.  This  in  itself  was 
no  very  great  drawback ;  but  he  felt  very  much  a  stranger 
in  a  city  that  struck  him  as  detestable. 

Determined  to  commence  operations  according  to 
the  dictates  of  his  own  judgment,  he  first  engaged  a 
Portuguese  servant  that  he  might  have  ample  oppor- 

1  In  his  first  letter  from  Spain,  addressed  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett  (3oth 
Nov.  1835),  Borrow  tells  of  this  incident  in  practically  the  same  words 
as  it  appears  in  The  Bible  in  Spain,  pages  1-3. 


154  THE  MISSION  TO  PORTUGAL  [1835 

tunities  of  perfecting  himself  in  the  language.  He  was 
fortunate  in  his  selection,  for  Antonio  turned  out  an 
excellent  fellow,  who  "  always  served  me  with  the  greatest 
fidelity,  and  .  .  .  exhibited  an  assiduity  and  a  wish  to 
please  which  afforded  me  the  utmost  satisfaction." l 

When  Borrow  arrived  in  Portugal,  it  was  to  find  it 
gasping  and  dazed  by  eight  years  of  civil  war  (1826-1834). 
In  1807,  when  Junot  invaded  the  country,  the  Royal 
House  of  Braganza  had  sailed  for  Brazil.  In  1816  Dom 
Joao  succeeded  to  the  thrones  of  Brazil  and  Portugal, 
and  six  years  later  he  arrived  in  Portugal,  leaving  behind 
him  as  Viceroy  his  son  Dom  Pedro,  who  promptly 
declared  himself  Emperor  of  Brazil.  Dom  Joao  died  in 
1826,  leaving,  in  addition  to  the  self-styled  Emperor  of 
Brazil,  another  son,  Miguel.  Dom  Pedro  relinquished 
his  claim  to  the  throne  of  Portugal  in  favour  of  his 
seven  years  old  daughter,  Maria  da  Gloria,  whose  right 
was  contested  by  her  uncle  Dom  Miguel.  In  1834  Dom 
Miguel  resigned  his  imaginary  rights  to  the  throne  by 
the  Convention  of  Evora,  and  departed  from  the  country 
that  for  eight  years  had  been  at  war  with  itself,  and  for 
seven  with  a  foreign  invader. 

Borrow  proceeded  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  state 
of  affairs  in  Lisbon  and  the  surrounding  country,  that 
he  might  transmit  a  full  account  to  the  Bible  Society. 
He  visited  every  part  of  the  city,  losing  no  opportunity 
of  entering  into  conversation  with  anyone  with  whom 
he  came  in  contact.  The  people  he  found  indifferent  to 
religion,  the  lower  orders  in  particular.  They  laughed 
in  his  face  when  he  enquired  if  ever  they  confessed  them- 
selves, and  a  muleteer  on  being  asked  if  he  reverenced 
the  cross,  "  instantly  flew  into  a  rage,  stamped  violently, 
and,  spitting  on  the  ground,  said  it  was  a  piece  of  stone, 
and  that  he  should  have  no  more  objection  to  spit  upon 
it  than  the  stones  on  which  he  trod." 2 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  pages  73-4. 

2  Letter  to  the  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  3oth  Nov.  1835. 


x.]  SPYING  OUT  THE  LAND  155 

Many  of  the  people  could  read,  as  they  proved  when 
asked  to  do  so  from  the  Portuguese  New  Testament ; 
but  of  all  those  whom  he  addressed  none  appeared  to 
have  read  the  Scriptures,  or  to  know  anything  of  what 
they  contain. 

After  spending  four  or  five  days  at  Lisbon,  Borrow, 
accompanied  by  Antonio,  proceeded  to  Cintra.1  Here 
he  pursued  the  same  method,  also  visiting  the  schools 
and  enquiring  into  the  nature  of  the  religious  instruction. 
During  his  stay  of  four  days,  he  "traversed  the  country 
in  all  directions,  riding  into  the  fields,  where  I  saw  the 
peasants  at  work,  and  entering  into  discourse  with  them, 
and  notwithstanding  many  of  my  questions  must  have 
appeared  to  them  very  singular,  I  never  experienced  any 
incivility,  though  they  frequently  answered  me  with  smiles 
and  laughter." 2 

From  Cintra  he  proceeded  on  horseback  to  Mafra,  a 
large  village  some  three  leagues  distant.  Everywhere  he 
subjected  the  inhabitants  to  a  searching  cross-examina- 
tion, laying  bare  their  minds  upon  religious  matters, 
experiencing  surprise  at  the  "free  and  unembarrassed 
manner  in  which  the  Portuguese  peasantry  sustain  a 
conversation,  and  the  purity  of  the  language  in  which 
they  express  their  thoughts,"3  although  few  could  read 
or  write. 

On  the  return  journey  from  Mafra  to  Cintra  he  nearly 
lost  his  life,  owing  to  the  girth  of  his  saddle  breaking 
during  his  horse's  exertions  in  climbing  a  hill.  Borrow 
was  cast  violently  to  the  ground ;  but  fortunately  on  the 
right  side,  otherwise  he  would  in  all  probability  have  been 
bruised  to  death  by  tumbling  down  the  steep  hill-side.  As 

1  Dr  Knapp  states  that  upon  this  expedition  he  was  accompanied 
by  Captain  John  Rowland  Heyland  of  the  35th  Regiment  of  Foot, 
whose  acquaintance  he  had  made  on  the  voyage  out. — Life  of  George 
Borrow,  i.,  page  234. 

3  Letter  to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  3oth  Nov.  1835. 

3  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  i5th  Dec.  1835. 


156  THE  MISSION  TO  PORTUGAL  [1835 

it  was,  he  was  dazed,  and  felt  the  effects  of  his  mishap  for 
several  days. 

On  his  return  to  Lisbon,  Borrow  found  that  Mr  Wilby 
was  back,  and  he  had  many  opportunities  of  taking 
counsel  with  him  as  to  the  best  means  to  be  adopted  to 
further  the  Society's  ends.  He  learned  that  four  hundred 
copies  of  the  Bible  and  the  New  Testament  had  arrived, 
and  it  was  decided  to  begin  operations  at  once.  Mr  Wilby 
recommended  the  booksellers  as  the  best  medium  of 
distribution ;  but  Borrow  urged  strongly  that  at  least  half 
of  the  available  copies  "  should  be  entrusted  to  colporteurs," 
who  were  to  receive  a  commission  upon  every  copy  sold. 
To  this  Mr  Wilby  agreed,  provided  the  operations  of  the 
colporteurs  were  restricted  to  Lisbon,  as  there  was  con- 
siderable danger  in  the  country,  where  the  priests  were 
very  powerful  and  might  urge  the  people  to  mishandle,  or 
even  assassinate,  the  bearers  of  the  Word. 

By  nature  Borrow  was  not  addicted  to  half  measures. 
His  whole  record  as  an  agent  of  the  Bible  Society  was  of 
a  series  of  determined  onslaughts  upon  the  obstacles, 
animate  and  inanimate,  that  beset  his  path.  Sometimes 
he  took  away  the  breath  of  his  adversaries  by  the  very 
vigour  of  his  attack,  and,  like  the  old  Northern  leaders, 
whose  deeds  he  wished  to  give  to  an  uneager  world  in 
translated  verse,  he  faced  great  dangers  and  achieved 
great  ends.  Recognising  that  the  darkest  region  is  most 
in  need  of  light,  he  enquired  of  Mr  Wilby  in  what  province 
of  Portugal  were  to  be  found  the  most  ignorant  and 
benighted  people,  and  on  being  told  the  Alemtejo  (the 
other  side  of  the  Tagus),  he  immediately  announced  his 
intention  of  making  a  journey  through  it,  in  order  to 
discover  how  dense  spiritual  gloom  could  really  be  in  an 
ostensibly  Christian  country. 

The  Alemtejo  was  an  unprepossessing  country,  con- 
sisting for  the  most  part  of  "  heaths,  broken  by  knolls  and 
gloomy  dingles,  swamps  and  forests  of  stunted  pine,"  with 
but  few  hills  and  mountains.  The  place  was  infested 


x.]          "THE  PRECIOUS  LITTLE  TRACTS"         157 

with  banditti,  and  robberies,  accompanied  by  horrible 
murders,  were  of  constant  occurrence.  On  6th  December, 
accompanied  by  his  servant  Antonio,  Borrow  set  out 
for  Evora,  the  principal  town,  formerly  a  seat  of  the 
dreaded  Inquisition,  which  lies  about  sixty  miles  east 
of  Lisbon.  After  many  adventures,  which  he  himself 
has  narrated,  including  a  dangerous  crossing  of  the  Tagus, 
and  a  meeting  with  Dom  Geronimo  Joze  d'Azveto, 
secretary  to  the  government  of  Evora,  Borrow  arrived  at 
his  destination,  having  spent  two  nights  on  the  road. 
During  the  journey  he  had  been  constantly  mindful  of  his 
mission ;  beside  the  embers  of  a  bandit's  fire  he  left  a  New 
Testament,  and  the  huts  that  mark  the  spot  where  Dom 
Pedro  and  Dom  Miguel  met,  he  sweetened  with  some  of 
"  the  precious  little  tracts." 

He  had  brought  with  him  to  Evora  twenty  Testaments 
and  two  Bibles,  half  of  which  he  left  with  an  enlightened 
shopkeeper,  to  whom  he  had  a  letter  of  introduction.  The 
other  half  he  subsequently  bestowed  upon  Dom  Geronimo, 
who  proved  to  be  a  man  of  great  earnestness,  deeply 
conscious  of  his  countrymen's  ignorance  of  true  Christianity. 
Each  day  during  his  stay  at  Evora,  Borrow  spent  two 
hours  beside  the  fountain  where  the  cattle  were  watered, 
entering  into  conversation  with  all  who  approached,  the 
result  being  that  before  he  left  the  town,  he  had  spoken  to 
"  about  two  hundred  ...  of  the  children  of  Portugal  upon 
matters  connected  with  their  eternal  welfare."  Sometimes 
his  hearers  would  ask  for  proofs  of  his  statements  that  they 
were  not  Christians,  being  ignorant  of  Christ  and  his 
teaching,  and  that  the  Pope  was  Satan's  prime  minister. 
He  invariably  replied  by  calling  attention  to  their  own 
ignorance  of  the  Scripture,  for  if  the  priests  were  in  reality 
Christ's  ministers,  why  had  they  kept  from  their  flocks  the 
words  of  their  Master  ? 

When  not  engaged  at  the  fountain,  Borrow  rode  about 
the  neighbourhood  distributing  tracts.  Fearful  lest  the 
people  might  refuse  them  if  offered  by  his  own  hand,  he 


158  THE  MISSION  TO  PORTUGAL  [1835 

dropped  them  in  their  favourite  walks,  in  the  hope  that 
they  would  be  picked  up  out  of  curiosity.  He  caused  the 
daughter  of  the  landlady  of  the  inn  at  which  he  stopped  to 
burn  a  copy  of  Volney's  Ruins  of  Empire,  because  the 
author  was  an  "emissary  of  Satan,"  the  girl  standing 
by  telling  her  beads  until  the  book  were  entirely 
consumed. 

Borrow  had  been  greatly  handicapped  through  the  lack 
of  letters  of  introduction  to  influential  people  in  Portugal. 
He  wrote,  therefore,  to  Dr  Bowring,  now  M.P.  for  Kilmar- 
nock,  telling  him  of  his  wanderings  among  the  rustics  and 
banditti  of  Portugal,  with  whom  he  had  become  very 
popular ;  but,  he  continues  : 

"  As  it  is  much  more  easy  to  introduce  oneself  to  the 
cottage  than  the  hall  (though  I  am  not  utterly  unknown  in 
the  latter),  I  want  you  to  give  or  procure  me  letters  to  the 
most  liberal  and  influential  minds  in  Portugal.  I  likewise 
want  a  letter  from  the  Foreign  Office  to  Lord  [Howard] 
de  Walden.  In  a  word,  I  want  to  make  what  interest  I 
can  towards  obtaining  the  admission  of  the  Gospel  of  Jesus 
into  the  public  schools  of  Portugal,  which  are  about  to  be 
established.  I  beg  leave  to  state  that  this  is  my  plan  and 
no  other  person's,  as  I  was  merely  sent  over  to  Portugal  to 
observe  the  disposition  of  the  people,  therefore  I  do  not 
wish  to  be  named  as  an  Agent  of  the  B.S.,  but  as  a  person 
who  has  plans  for  the  mental  improvement  of  the  Portu- 
guese ;  should  I  receive  these  letters  within  the  space  of 
six  weeks  it  will  be  time  enough,  for  before  setting  up  my 
machine  in  Portugal,  I  wish  to  lay  the  foundations  of 
something  similar  in  Spain." 

P.S. — "  I  start  for  Spain  to-morrow,  and  I  want  letters 
something  similar  (there  is  impudence  for  you)  for  Madrid, 
which  I  should  like  to  have  as  soon  as  possible.  I  do  not 
much  care  at  present  for  an  introduction  to  the  Ambassador 
at  Madrid,  as  I  shall  not  commence  operations  seriously  in 
Spain  until  I  have  disposed  of  Portugal.  I  will  not 
apologise  for  writing  to  you  in  this  manner,  for  you  know 
me,  but  I  will  tell  you  one  thing,  which  is,  that  the  letter 
which  you  procured  for  me,  on  my  going  to  St  Petersburg, 
from  Lord  Palmerston,  assisted  me  wonderfully ;  I  called 


x.]        WELCOMED  AS  A  POWERFUL  RABBI      159 

twice  at  your  domicile  on  my  return ;  the  first  time  you 
were  in  Scotland — the  second  in  France,  and  I  assure  you 
I  cried  with  vexation.  Remember  me  to  Mrs  Bowring, 
and  God  bless  you." 1 

In  this  letter  Borrow  gives  another  illustration  of  his 
shrewdness.  He  saw  clearly  the  disadvantage  of  appeal- 
ing for  assistance  as  an  agent  of  the  Bible  Society,  a 
Protestant  institution  which  was  anathema  in  a  Roman 
Catholic  country,  whereas  if  he  posed  merely  as  "  a 
gentleman  who  has  plans  for  the  mental  improvement  of 
the  Portuguese,"  he  could  enlist  the  sympathetic  interest 
of  any  and  every  broad-minded  Portuguese  mindful  of  his 
country's  intellectual  gloom.  In  response  to  this  request 
Dr  Bowring,  writing  from  Brussels,  sent  two  letters  of 
introduction,  one  each  for  Lisbon  and  Madrid. 

After  remaining  at  Evora  for  a  week  (8th  to  i/th 
December)  Borrow  returned  to  Lisbon,  thoroughly  satisfied 
with  the  results  of  his  journey.  The  next  fortnight  he 
spent  in  a  further  examination  of  Lisbon,  and  becoming 
acquainted  with  the  Jews  of  the  city,  by  whom  he  was 
welcomed  as  a  powerful  rabbi.  He  favoured  the  mistake, 
with  the  result  that  in  a  few  days  he  "  knew  all  that  related 
to  them  and  their  traffic  in  Lisbon." 2 

Sorrow's  methods  seem  to  have  impressed  Earl 
Street  most  favourably.  In  a  letter  of  acknowledgment 
Mr  Brandram  wrote  : — 

"We  have  been  much  interested  by  your  two 
communications.3  They'  are  both  very  painful  in  their 
details,  and  you  develop  a  truly  awful  state  of  things. 
You  are  probing  the  wound,  and  I  hope  preparing  the 
way  for  our  pouring  in  by  and  by  the  healing  balsam  of 
the  Scripture.  We  shall  be  anxious  to  hear  from  you 
again.  We  often  think  of  you  in  your  wanderings.  We 

1  Letter  to  Dr  Bowring,  26th  December  1835. 

2  The  Bible  in  Spain^  page  67. 

3  Dated  8th   and   loth  January  1836,  giving  an  account  of  his 
journey  to  Evora. 


160  THE  MISSION  TO  PORTUGAL  [1835 

like  your  way  of  communicating  with  the  people,  meeting 
them  in  their  own  walks." 

Thoroughly  convinced  as  to  the  irreligious  state  of 
Portugal,  Borrow  determined  to  set  out  for  Spain,  in 
order  that  he  might  examine  into  the  condition  of  the 
people,  and  report  to  the  Bible  Society  their  state 
of  preparedness  to  receive  the  Scriptures.  On  the 
afternoon  of  1st  January  1836  he  set  out,  bound  for 
Badajos,  a  hundred  miles  south  of  Lisbon.  From  Badajos 
he  intended  to  take  the  diligence  on  to  Madrid,  which  he 
decided  to  make  his  headquarters. 

Having  taken  leave  of  his  servant  Antonio  (who  had 
accompanied  him  as  far  as  Aldea  Gall£ga)  almost  with 
tears,  Borrow  mounted  a  hired  mule,  and  with  no  other 
companion  than  an  idiot  lad,  who,  when  spoken  to,  made 
reply  only  with  an  uncouth  laugh,  he  plunged  once  more 
into  the  dangerous  and  desolate  Alemtejo  on  a  four  days' 
journey  "  over  the  most  savage  and  ill-noted  track  in  the 
whole  kingdom."  At  first  he  was  overwhelmed  with  a 
sense  of  loneliness,  and  experienced  a  great  desire  for 
someone  with  whom  to  talk.  There  was  no  one  to  be 
seen — he  was  hemmed  in  by  desolation  and  despair. 

At  Montemor  Novo  Borrow  appears  in  a  new  light 
when  he  kisses  his  hand  repeatedly  to  the  tittering  nuns 
who,  with  "dusky  faces  and  black  waving  hair,"1  strove 
to  obtain  a  glance  of  the  stranger  who,  a  few  minutes 
previously,  had  dared  to  tell  one  of  their  number  that  he 
had  come  "  to  endeavour  to  introduce  the  gospel  of  Christ 
into  a  country  where  it  is  not  known." 2 

One  adventure  befel  him  that  might  have  ended  in 
tragedy.  Soon  after  leaving  Arrayolos  he  overtook  a 
string  of  carts  conveying  ammunition  into  Spain.  One  of 
the  Portuguese  soldiers  of  the  guard  began  to  curse 
foreigners  in  general  and  Borrow,  whom  he  mistook  for  a 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  78. 

2  The  Bible  in  Spain,  pages  77-8. 


x.]  AN  UNPLEASANT  ADVENTURE  161 

Frenchmen,  in  particular,  because  "the  devil  helps 
foreigners  and  hates  the  Portuguese."  When  about  forty 
yards  ahead  of  the  advance  guard,  with  which  the  discon- 
tented soldier  marched,  Borrow  had  the  imprudence  to 
laugh,  with  the  result  that  the  next  moment  two  well- 
aimed  bullets  sang  past  his  ears.  Taking  the  hint,  Borrow 
put  spurs  to  his  mule,  and,  followed  by  the  terrified  guide, 
soon  outdistanced  these  official  banditti.  With  great 
naivete  he  remarks,  "  Oh,  may  I  live  to  see  the  day  when 
soldiery  will  no  longer  be  tolerated  in  any  civilised,  or  at 
least  Christian  country  !  " * 

For  two  and  a  half  days  the  idiot  guide  had  met 
Borrow's  most  dexterous  cross-examination  with  a  deter- 
mined silence ;  but  on  reaching  a  hill  overlooking  Estremoz 
he  suddenly  found  tongue,  and,  in  an  epic  of  inspiration, 
told  of  the  wonderful  hunting  that  was  to  be  obtained  on 
the  Serre  Dorso,  the  Alemtejo's  finest  mountain.  "  He  like- 
wise described  with  great  minuteness  a  wonderful  dog, 
which  was  kept  in  the  neighbourhood  for  the  purpose  of 
catching  the  wolves  and  wild  boars,  and  for  which  the 
proprietor  had  refused  twenty  moidores"*  From  this  it 
would  appear  that  the  idiocy  of  the  guide  was  an  armour 
to  be  assumed  at  will  by  one  who  preferred  the  sweetness 
of  his  own  thoughts  to  the  cross-questionings  of  his  master's 
clients. 

At  Elvas,  which  he  reached  on  5th  January,  Borrow 
showed  very  strongly  one  rather  paradoxical  side  of  his 
character.  Never  backward  in  his  dispraise  of  Englishmen 
and  things  English,  in  particular  those  responsible  for  the 
administration  of  the  nation's  affairs,  past  and  present,  he 
demonstrated  very  clearly,  in  his  expressions  of  indignation 
at  the  Portuguese  attitude  towards  England,  that  he 
reserved  this  right  of  criticism  strictly  to  himself.  At  the 
inn  where  he  stayed,  he  thoroughly  discomfited  a  Portuguese 
officer  who  dared  to  criticise  the  English  Government  for  its 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  87. 

2  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  88. 


162  THE  MISSION  TO  PORTUGAL  [1836 

attitude  in  connection  with  the  Spanish  civil  war.  When 
refused  entrance  to  the  fort,  where  he  had  gone  in  order 
to  satisfy  his  curiosity,  Borrow  exclaims,  "  This  is  one  of 
the  beneficial  results  of  protecting  a  nation,  and  squander- 
ing blood  and  treasure  in  its  defence." l 

Borrow  was  essentially  an  Englishman  and  proud  of 
his  blood,  prouder  perhaps  of  that  which  came  to  him  from 
Norfolk,2  and  although  permitting  himself  and  his  fellow- 
countrymen  considerable  license  in  the  matter  of  caustic 
criticism  of  public  men  and  things,  there  the  matter  must 
end.  Let  a  foreigner,  a  Portuguese,  dare  to  say  a  word 
against  his,  Borrow's,  country,  and  he  became  subjected  to 
either  a  biting  cross-examination,  or  was  denounced  in 
eloquent  and  telling  periods.  "  I  could  not  command 
myself,"  he  writes  in  extenuation  of  his  unchristian  conduct 
in  discomfiting  the  officer  at  Elvas,  "  when  1  heard  my  own 
glorious  land  traduced  in  this  unmerited  manner.  By 
whom  ?  A  Portuguese  ?  A  native  of  a  country  which  has 
been  twice  liberated  from  horrid  and  detestable  thraldom 
by  the*  hands  of  Englishmen."  3 

On  6th  January  i836,4  having  sent  back  the  "idiot" 
guide  with  the  two  mules,  Borrow  "  spurred  down  the  hill 
of  Elvas  to  the  plain,  eager  to  arrive  in  old,  chivalrous, 
romantic  Spain,"  and  having  forded  the  stream  that 
separates  the  two  countries,  he  crossed  the  bridge  over  the 
Guadiana  and  entered  the  North  Gate  of  Badajos, 
immortalised  by  Wellington  and  the  British  Army.  He 
had  reached  Spain  "  in  the  humble  hope  of  being  able  to 
cleanse  some  of  the  foul  stains  of  Popery  from  the  minds  of 
its  children." 5 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  99.  2  Lavengro,  page  191. 

3  The  Bible  in  Spain,  pages  97-8. 

4  Not  5th  Jan.,  as  given  in  The  Bible  in  Spain, 

5  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  103. 


CHAPTER   XI 

JANUARY—OCTOBER    1836 

"\T  T'HEN  Borrow  entered  Spain  she  was  in  the  throes 
of  civil  war.  In  1814  British  blood  and  British 
money  had  restored  to  the  throne  Ferdinand  VII.,  who, 
immediately  he  found  himself  secure,  and  forgetting  his 
pledges  to  govern  constitutionally,  dissolved  the  Cortes  and 
became  an  absolute  monarch.  All  the  old  abuses  were 
revived,  including  the  re-establishment  of  the  Inquisition. 
For  six  years  the  people  suffered  their  King's  tyranny, 
then  they  revolted,  with  the  result  that  Ferdinand,  bending 
to  the  wind,  accepted  a  re-imposition  of  the  Constitution. 
In  1823  a  French  Army  occupied  Madrid  in  support  of 
Ferdinand,  who  promptly  reverted  to  absolutism. 

In  1829  Ferdinand  married  for  the  fourth  time,  and, 
on  the  birth  of  a  daughter,  declared  that  the  Salic  law 
had  no  effect  in  Spain,  and  the  young  princess  was 
recognised  as  heir-apparent  to  the  throne.  This  drew 
from  his  brother,  Don  Carlos,  who  immediately  left  the 
country,  a  protest  against  his  exclusion  from  the  succession. 
When  his  daughter  was  four  years  of  age,  Ferdinand  died, 
and  the  child  was  proclaimed  Queen  as  Isabel  II. 

A  bitter  war  broke  out  between  the  respective  adherents 
of  the  Queen  and  her  uncle  Don  Carlos.  Prisoners  and 
wounded  were  massacred  without  discrimination,  and  an 
uncivilised  and  barbarous  warfare  waged  when  Borrow 
crossed  the  Portuguese  frontier  "to  undertake  the 
adventure  of  Spain." 

168 


164        OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN          [1836 

Spain  had  always  appealed  most  strongly  to  Borrow's 
imagination. 

"  In  the  day-dreams  of  my  boyhood,"  he  writes,  "  Spain 
always  bore  a  considerable  share,  and  I  took  a  particular 
interest  in  her,  without  any  presentiment  that  I  should,  at 
a  future  time,  be  called  upon  to  take  a  part,  however 
humble,  in  her  strange  dramas ;  which  interest,  at  a  very 
early  period,  led  me  to  acquire  her  noble  language,  and  to 
make  myself  acquainted  with  the  literature  (scarcely 
worthy  of  the  language),  her  history  and  traditions  ;  so 
that  when  I  entered  Spain  for  the  first  time  I  felt  more  at 
home  than  I  should  otherwise  have  done." 1 

Whilst  standing  at  the  door  of  the  Inn  of  the  Three 
Nations  on  the  day  following  his  arrival  at  Badajos, 
meditating  upon  the  deplorable  state  of  the  country  he  had 
just  entered,  Borrow  recognised  in  the  face  of  one  of  two 
men  who  were  about  to  pass  him  the  unmistakable  linea- 
ments of  Egypt.  Uttering  "  a  certain  word,"  he  received  the 
reply  he  expected  and  forthwith  engaged  in  conversation 
with  the  two  men,  who  both  proved  to  be  gypsies.  These 
men  spread  the  news  abroad  that  staying  at  the  Inn  of  the 
Three  Nations  was  a  man  who  spoke  Romany.  "  In  less 
than  half  an  hour  the  street  before  the  inn  was  filled  with 
the  men,  women,  and  children  of  Egypt."  Borrow  went  out 
amongst  them,  and  confesses  that  "  so  much  vileness,  dirt, 
and  misery  I  had  never  seen  among  a  similar  number  of 
human  beings ;  but  worst  of  all  was  the  evil  expression  of 
their  countenances." 2  He  soon  discovered  that  their  faces 
were  an  accurate  index  to  their  hearts,  which  were  capable 
of  every  species  of  villainy.  The  gypsies  clustered  round 
him,  fingering  his  hands,  face  and  clothes,  as  if  he  were  a 
holy  man. 

Gypsies  had  always  held  for  Borrow  a  strange  attrac- 
tion,3 and  he  determined  to  prolong  his  stay  at  Badajos  in 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  Preface,  page  vi. 

2  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  179. 

3  "  Throughout  my  life  the  Gypsy  race  has  always  had  a  peculiar 
interest  for  me.     Indeed  I  can  remember  no  period  when  the  mere 


XL]  "A  FILTHY,  UNCIVILISED  SET"  165 

order  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  of  becoming 
"  better  acquainted  with  their  condition  and  manners,  and 
above  all  to  speak  to  them  of  Christ  and  His  Word ;  for  I 
was  convinced,  that  should  I  travel  to  the  end  of  the 
universe,  I  should  meet  with  no  people  more  in  need  of  a 
little  Christian  exhortation." 1 

Intimate  though  his  acquaintance  with  the  gypsies  of 
other  countries  had  been,  Borrow  was  aghast  at  the 
depravity  of  those  of  Spain.  The  men  were  drunkards, 
brigands,  and  murderers  ;  the  women  unchaste,  and  inveter- 
ate thieves.  Their  language  was  terrifying  in  its  foulness. 
They  seemed  to  have  no  religion  save  a  misty  glimmering 
of  metempsychosis,  which  had  come  down  to  them  through 
the  centuries,  and  having  been  very  wicked  in  this  world 
they  asked,  with  some  show  of  reason,  why  they  should 
live  again.  They  were  incorrigible  heathens,  keenly 
interested  in  the  demonstration  that  their  language  was 
capable  of  being  written  and  read,  but  untouched  by  the 
parables  of  Lazarus  or  the  Prodigal  Son,  which  Borrow 
read  and  expounded  to  them.  "  Brother,"  exclaimed  one 
woman,  "  you  tell  us  strange  things,  though  perhaps  you  do 
not  lie ;  a  month  since  I  would  sooner  have  believed  these 
tales,  than  that  this  day  I  should  see  one  who  could  read 
Romany." 2 

Neither  by  exhortation  nor  by  translating  into  Romany 
a  portion  of  the  Gospel  of  St  Luke  could  Borrow  make 
any  impression  upon  the  minds  of  the  gypsies,  therefore 
when  one  of  them,  Antonio  by  name,  announced  that  "  the 
affairs  of  Egypt "  called  for  his  presence  "  on  the  frontiers 
of  Costumbra,"  and  that  he  and  Borrow  might  as  well 
journey  thus  far  together,  he  decided  to  avail  himself  of 
the  opportunity.  It  was  arranged  that  Borrow's  luggage 

mention  of  the  name  Gypsy  did  not  awaken  within  me  feelings  hard 
to  be  described.  I  cannot  account  for  this — I  merely  state  it  as  a 
fact." — The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  i. 

1  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  pages  184-5. 

2  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  186. 


166        OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN          [1836 

should  be  sent  on  ahead,  for,  as  Antonio  said,  "  How  the 
Busne  [the  Spaniards]  on  the  road  would  laugh  if  they  saw 
two  Colts  [Gypsies]  with  luggage  behind  them." x  Thus  it 
came  about  that  an  agent  of  the  British  and  Foreign 
Bible  Society,  mounted  upon  a  most  uncouth  horse  "  of  a 
spectral  white,  short  in  the  body,  but  with  remarkably  long 
legs"  and  high  in  the  withers,  set  out  from  Badajos  on 
i6th  January  1836,  escorted  by  a  smuggler  astride  a  mule ; 
for  the  affairs  of  Egypt  on  this  occasion  were  the  evasion 
of  the  Customs  dues. 

Towards  evening  on  the  first  day  the  curiously  assorted 
pair  arrived  at  Merida,  and  proceeded  to  a  large  and 
ruinous  house,  a  portion  of  which  was  occupied  by  some 
connections  of  the  gypsy  Antonio's.  In  the  large  hall  of 
the  old  mansion  they  camped,  and  here,  acting  on  the 
gypsy's  advice,  Borrow  remained  for  three  days.  Antonio 
himself  was  absent  from  early  morning  until  late  at  night, 
occupied  with  his  own  affairs.2 

The  fourth  night  was  spent  in  the  forest  by  the  camp- 
fire  of  some  more  of  Antonio's  friends.  On  one  occasion, 
but  for  the  fortunate  possession  of  a  passport,  the  affairs 
of  Egypt  would  have  involved  Borrow  in  some  diffi- 
culties with  the  authorities.  At  another  time,  for  safety's 
sake,  he  had  to  part  from  Antonio  and  proceed  on  his 
way  alone,  picking  up  the  contrabandista  further  on  the 
road. 

When  some  distance  beyond  Jaraicejo,  it  was  dis- 
covered that  the  affairs  of  Egypt  had  ended  disastrously 
in  the  discomfiture  and  capture  of  Antonio's  friends  by  the 
authorities.  The  news  was  brought  by  the  gypsy's 
daughter.  Antonio  must  return  at  once,  and  as  the  steed 
Borrow  was  riding,  which  belonged  to  Antonio,  would  be 
required  by  him,  Borrow  purchased  the  daughter's  donkey, 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  109. 

2  Dr  Knapp  states  that  the  wedding  described  in   The  Gypsies  of 
Spain  took  place  during  these  three  days.— Life  of  George  Borrow^ 
by  Dr  Knapp,  i.,  page  242. 


XL]  ARRIVAL  AT  MADRID  167 

and  having  said  good-bye  to  the  smuggler,  he  continued 
his  journey  alone. 

By  way  of  Almaraz  and  Oropesa  Borrow  eventually 
reached  Talavera  (24th  Jan.).  On  the  advice  of  a  Toledo 
Jew,  with  whom  he  had  become  acquainted  during  the 
last  stage  of  his  journey,  he  decided  to  take  the  diligence 
from  Talavera  to  Madrid,  the  more  willingly  because  the 
Jew  amiably  offered  to  purchase  the  donkey.  On  the 
evening  of  25th  Jan.  Borrow  accordingly  took  his  place  on 
the  diligence,  and  reached  the  capital  the  next  morning. 

On  arriving  at  Madrid,  Borrow  first  went  to  a  Posada  ; 
but  a  few  days  later  he  removed  to  lodgings  in  the  Calle 
de  la  Zarza  (the  Street  of  the  Brambles), — "  A  dark  and 
dirty  street,  which,  however,  was  close  to  the  Puerta  del 
Sol,  the  most  central  point  of  Madrid,  into  which  four  or 
five  of  the  principal  streets  debouche,  and  which  is,  at 
all  times  of  the  year,  the  great  place  of  assemblage  for 
the  idlers  of  the  capital,  poor  or  rich." 1 

The  capital  did  not  at  first  impress  Borrow  very  favour- 
ably.2 "  Madrid  is  a  small  town,"  he  wrote  to  his  mother,3 
"  not  larger  than  Norwich,  but  it  is  crammed  with  people, 
like  a  hive  with  bees,  and  it  contains  many  fine  streets 
and  fountains.  .  .  .  Everything  in  Madrid  is  excessively 
dear  to  foreigners,  for  they  are  made  to  pay  six  times 
more  than  natives.  ...  I  manage  to  get  on  tolerably 
well,  for  I  make  a  point  of  paying  just  one  quarter  of 
what  I  am  asked." 

He  suffered  considerably  from  the  frost  and  cold. 
From  the  snow-covered  mountains  that  surround  the  city 
there  descend  in  winter  such  cold  blasts  "  that  the  body 
is  drawn  up  like  a  leaf."4  Then  again  there  were  the 
physical  discomforts  that  he  had  to  endure. 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  162. 

2  "  I  am  not  partial  to  Madrid,  its  climate,  or  anything  it  can 
offer,  if  I  except  its  unequalled  gallery  of  pictures." — Letter  to  Rev. 
A.  Brandram,  22nd  March  1836.  3  24th  February  1836. 

4  Letter  to  his  mother,  24th  February  1836. 


168          OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN        [1836 

"  You  cannot  think,"  he  wrote,1  "  what  a  filthy,  un- 
civilised set  of  people  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  are. 
There  is  more  comfort  in  an  English  barn  than  in  one 
of  their  palaces ;  and  they  are  rude  and  ill-bred  to  a 
surprising  degree." 

Borrow  was  angry  with  Spain,  possibly  for  being  so 
unlike  his  "dear  and  glorious  Russia."  He  saw  in  it 
a  fertile  and  beautiful  country,  inhabited  by  a  set  of 
beings  that  were  not  human,  "  almost  as  bad  as  the 
Irish,  with  the  exception  that  they  are  not  drunkards."2 
They  were  a  nation  of  thieves  and  extortioners,  who 
regarded  the  foreigner  as  their  legitimate  prey.  Even 
his  own  servant  was  "  the  greatest  thief  and  villain  that 
ever  existed ;  who,  if  I  would  let  him,  would  steal  the 
teeth  out  of  my  head," 3  and  who  seems  actually  to  have 
destroyed  some  of  his  master's  letters  for  the  sake  of 
the  postage.  Being  forced  to  call  upon  various  people 
whose  addresses  he  did  not  know,  Borrow  found  it 
necessary  to  keep  the  man,  in  spite  of  his  thievish 
proclivities,  for  he  was  clever,  and  had  he  been  dismissed 
his  place  would,  in  all  probability,  have  been  taken  by 
an  even  greater  rogue. 

At  night  he  never  went  out,  for  the  streets  were 
thronged  with  hundreds  of  people  of  the  rival  factions, 
bent  on  "  cutting  and  murdering  one  another ;  .  .  .  for 
every  Spaniard  is  by  nature  a  cruel,  cowardly  tiger. 
Nothing  is  more  common  than  to  destroy  a  whole  town, 
putting  man,  woman,  and  child  to  death,  because  two 
or  three  of  the  inhabitants  have  been  obnoxious." 4  Thus 
he  wrote  to  his  mother,  all-unconscious  of  the  anxiety 
and  alarm  that  he  was  causing  her  lest  he,  her  dear 
George,  should  be  one  of  the  cut  or  murdered. 

Later,  Borrow  seems  to  have  revised  his  opinion  of 
Madrid  and  of  its  inhabitants.  He  confesses  that  of  all 
the  cities  he  has  known  Madrid  interested  him  the  most, 

1  Letter  to  his  mother,  24th  February  1836  2  Ibid. 

3  Ibid.  4  Ibid. 


XL]  FIRST  IMPRESSIONS  169 

not  on  account  of  its  public  buildings,  squares  or  fountains, 
for  these  are  surpassed  in  other  cities ;  but  because  of 
its  population.  "  Within  a  mud  wall  scarcely  one  league 
and  a  half  in  circuit,  are  contained  two  hundred  thousand 
human  beings,  certainly  forming  the  most  extraordinary 
vital  mass  to  be  found  in  the  entire  world." 1  In  the 
upper  classes  he  had  little  interest.  He  mixed  but  little 
with  them,  and  what  he  saw  did  not  impress  him  favour- 
ably. It  was  the  Spaniard  of  the  lower  orders  that 
attracted  him.  He  regarded  this  class  as  composed  not 
of  common  beings,  but  of  extraordinary  men.  He 
admired  their  spirit  of  proud  independence,  and  forgave 
them  their  ignorance.  His  first  impressions  of  Spain  had 
been  unfavourable  because,  as  a  stranger,  he  had  been 
victimised  by  the  amiable  citizens,  who  were  merely  doing 
as  their  fathers  had  done  before  them.  Once,  however, 
he  got  to  know  them,  he  regarded  with  more  indulgence 
their  constitutional  dishonesty  towards  the  stranger,  a 
weakness  they  possessed  in  common  with  the  gypsies, 
and  hailed  them  as  "  extraordinary  men."  Borrow's 
impulsiveness  frequently  led  him  to  ill-considered  and 
hasty  conclusions,  which,  however,  he  never  hesitated  to 
correct,  if  he  saw  need  for  correction. 

The  disappointment  he  experienced  as  regards  Madrid 
and  the  Spaniards  is  not  difficult  to  understand.  He 
arrived  quite  friendless  and  without  letters  of  introduction, 
to  find  the  city  given  over  to  the  dissensions  and  strifes 
of  the  supporters  of  Isabel  II.  and  Don  Carlos.  His 
journey  had  been  undertaken  in  "  the  hope  of  obtaining 
permission  from  the  Government  to  print  the  New  Testa- 
ment in  the  Castilian  language,  without  the  notes  insisted 
on  by  the  Spanish  clergy,  for  circulation  in  Spain,"  and 
there  seemed  small  chance  of  those  responsible  for  the 
direction  of  affairs  listening  to  the  application  of  a  foreigner 
for  permission  to  print  the  unannotated  Scriptures.  For 
one  thing,  any  acquiescence  in  such  a  suggestion  would 
1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  1 73. 


170          OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN         [1836 

draw  forth  from  the  priesthood  bitter  reproaches  and, 
most  probably,  active  and  serious  opposition.  It  is  only 
natural  that  despondency  should  occasionally  seize  upon 
him  who  sought  to  light  the  lamp  of  truth  amidst  such 
tempests. 

The  man  to  approach  was  the  premier,  Juan  Alvarez 
y  Mendizabal,1  a  Christianised  Jew.  He  was  enormously 
powerful,  and  Borrow  decided  to  appeal  to  him  direct ;  for, 
armed  with  the  approval  of  Mendizabal,  no  one  would 
dare  to  interfere  with  his  plans  or  proceedings.  Borrow 
made  several  attempts  to  see  Mendizabal,  who  "  was 
considered  as  a  man  of  almost  unbounded  power,  in  whose 
hands  were  placed  the  destinies  of  the  country."  Without 
interest  or  letters  of  introduction,  he  found  it  utterly 
impossible  to  obtain  an  audience.  Recollecting  the 
assistance  he  had  received  from  the  Hon.  J.  D.  Bligh  at  St 
Petersburg,  Borrow  determined  to  make  himself  known  to 
the  British  Minister  at  Madrid,  the  Hon.  George  Villiers,2 
and,  "  with  the  freedom  permitted  to  a  British  subject  .  .  . 
ask  his  advice  in  the  affair."  Borrow  was  received  with 
great  kindness,  and,  after  conversing  upon  various  topics 
for  some  time,  he  introduced  the  subject  of  his  visit.  Mr 
Villiers  willingly  undertook  to  help  him  as  far  as  lay  in  his 
power,  and  promised  to  endeavour  to  procure  for  him  an 
audience  with  the  Premier.  In  this  he  was  successful,  and 

1  Born  1790,  commissariat  contractor  in  1808  during  the  French 
invasion,  he  was  of  great  assistance  to  his  country.     In  1823  he  fled 
from  the  despotism  of  Ferdinand  VII. ;  he  returned  twelve  years  later 
as  Minister  of  Finance  under   Toreno.     He  resigned  in  1837,  was 
again  in  power  in  1841,  and  died  in  1853. 

2  George   William   Villiers,   afterwards  4th   Earl    of    Clarendon, 
born  I2th  Jan.  1800 ;  created  G.C.B.,  iQth  Oct.  1837  ;  succeeded  his 
uncle  as  Earl  of  Clarendon,  1838  ;  K.G.,  1849.     He  twice  refused  a 
Marquisate,  also  the   Governor-generalship  of  India.      He  refused 
the  Order  of  the  Black  Eagle  (Prussia)  and  the  Legion  of  Honour. 
Lord  Privy   Seal,    1839-41  ;  Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster, 
1840-1,  1864-5  5  Lord-Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  1847-52.     Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  1853-8,  1865-6,  1868-9.     Died  27th  June 
1870. 


GEORGE   VILLIERS,    FOURTH    EARL   OF  CLARENDON 
(British  Minister  at  Madrid,  1833-1839). 

(From  the  engraving  after  Sir  Francis  Grant  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery.) 


{To  face  page  170. 


XL]  INTERVIEW  WITH  MENDIZABAL          171 

Borrow  had  an  interview  with  Mendizabal,  who  was  almost 
inaccessible  to  all  but  the  few. 

At  eight  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  7th  February 
Borrow  presented  himself  at  the  palace,  where  Mendizabal 
resided,  and  after  waiting  for  about  three  hours,  was 
admitted  to  the  presence  of  the  Prime  Minister  of  Spain, 
whom  he  found — "  A  huge  athletic  man,  somewhat  taller 
than  myself,  who  measure  six  foot  two  without  my  shoes. 
His  complexion  was  florid,  his  features  fine  and  regular, 
his  nose  quite  aquiline,  and  his  teeth  splendidly  white  ; 
though  scarcely  fifty  years  of  age,  his  hair  was  remark- 
ably grey.  He  was  dressed  in  a  rich  morning  gown, 
with  a  gold  chain  round  his  neck,  and  morocco  slippers  on 
his  feet."1 

Borrow  began  by  assuring  Mendizabal  that  he  was 
labouring  under  a  grave  error  in  thinking  that  the  Bible 
Society  had  sought  to  influence  unduly  the  slaves  of  Cuba, 
that  they  had  not  sent  any  agents  there,  and  they  were 
not  in  communication  with  any  of  the  residents.  Mr 
Villiers  had  warned  Borrow  that  the  premier  was  very 
angry  on  account  of  reports  that  had  reached  him  of  the 
action  in  Cuba  of  certain  people  whom  he  insisted  were 
sent  there  by  the  Bible  Society.  In  vain  Borrow  suggested 
that  the  disturbers  of  the  tranquillity  of  Spain's  beneficent 
rule  in  the  Island  were  in  no  way  connected  with  Earl 
Street ;  he  was  several  times  interrupted  by  Mendizabal, 
who  insisted  that  he  had  documentary  proof.  Borrow  with 
difficulty  restrained  himself  from  laughing  in  the  premier's 
face.  He  pointed  out  that  the  Committee  was  composed 
of  quiet,  respectable  English  gentlemen,  who  attended  to 
their  own  concerns  and  gave  a  little  of  their  time  to  the 
affairs  of  the  Bible  Society. 

On  Borrow  asking  for  permission  to  print  at  Madrid 

the  New  Testament  in  Spanish  without  notes,  he  was  met 

with  an  unequivocal  refusal.     In  spite  of  his  arguments 

that  the  whole  tenor  of  the  work  was  against  bloodshedding 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  165. 


172          OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN        [1836 

and  violence,  he  could   not   shake  the  premier's  opinion 
that  it  was  "  an  improper  book." 

At  first  Borrow  had  experienced  some  difficulty  in 
explaining  himself,  on  account  of  the  Spaniard's  habit  of 
persistent  interruption,  and  at  last  he  was  forced  in  self- 
defence  to  hold  on  in  spite  of  Mendizabal's  remarks.  The 
upshot  of  the  interview  was  that  he  was  told  to  renew  his 
application  when  the  Carlists  had  been  beaten  and  the 
country  was  at  peace.  Borrow  then  asked  permission  to 
introduce  into  Spain  a  few  copies  of  the  New  Testament 
in  the  Catalan  dialect,  but  was  refused.  He  next  requested 
to  be  allowed  to  call  on  the  following  day  and  submit  a 
copy  of  the  Catalan  edition,  and  received  the  remarkable 
reply  that  the  prime-minister  refused  his  offer  to  call  lest 
he  should  succeed  in  convincing  him,  and  Mendizabal 
did  not  wish  to  be  convinced.  This  seemed  to  show 
that  the  Mendizabal  was  something  of  a  philosopher  and  a 
little  of  a  humorist. 

With  this  Borrow  had  to  be  content,  and  after  an 
hour's  interview  he  withdrew.  The  premier  was  unques- 
tionably in  a  difficult  position.  On  the  one  hand,  he  no 
doubt  desired  to  assist  a  man  introduced  to  him  by  the 
representative  of  Great  Britain,  to  whom  he  looked  for 
assistance  in  suppressing  Carlism ;  on  the  other  hand,  he 
had  the  priesthood  to  consider,  and  they  would  without 
question  use  every  means  of  which  they  stood  possessed 
to  preserve  the  prohibition  against  the  dissemination  of  the 
Scriptures,  without  notes,  a  prohibition  that  had  become 
almost  a  tradition. 

But  Borrow  was  not  discouraged.  He  wrote  in  a  most 
hopeful  strain  that  he  foresaw  the  speedy  and  successful 
termination  of  the  Society's  negotiations  in  the  Peninsula. 
He  looked  forward  to  the  time  when  only  an  agent  would 
be  required  to  superintend  the  engagement  of  colporteurs, 
and  to  make  arrangements  with  the  booksellers.  He 
proceeds  to  express  a  hope  that  his  exertions  have  given 
satisfaction  to  the  Society. 


XL]  THE  ARTICLE  IN   EL  ESPANOL  173 

Borrow  received  an  encouraging  letter  from  Mr 
Brandram,  telling  him  of  the  Committee's  appreciation 
of  his  work,  but  practically  leaving  with  him  the  decision 
as  to  his  future  movements.  They  were  inclined  to  favour 
a  return  to  Lisbon,  but  recognised  that  "  in  these  wondrous 
days  opportunities  may  open  unexpectedly."  In  the 
matter  of  the  Gospel  of  St  Luke  in  Spanish  Romany, 
the  publication  of  extracts  was  authorised,  but  there  was 
no  enthusiasm  for  the  project.  "  We  say,"  wrote  Mr 
Brandram,  "festina  lente.  You  will  be  doing  well  to 
occupy  leisure  hours  with  this  work ;  but  we  are  not 
prepared  for  printing  anything  beyond  portions  at 
present." 

In  the  meantime,  however,  an  article  in  the  Madrid 
newspaper,  El  Espanol^  upon  the  history,  aims,  and 
achievements  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society, 
had  determined  Borrow  to  remain  on  at  Madrid  for  a 
few  weeks  at  least. 

"  Why  should  Spain,  which  has  explored  the  New  World, 
.  .  .  why  should  she  alone  be  destitute  of  Bible  Societies," 
asked  the  Espafwl.  "Why  should  a  nation  eminently 
Catholic  continue  isolated  from  the  rest  of  Europe, 
without  joining  in  the  magnificent  enterprise  in  which 
the  latter  is  so  busily  engaged  ?  " x 

This  article  fired  Borrow,  and  with  the  promise  of 
assistance  from  the  liberal-minded  Espanol,  he  set  to 
work  "to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  Bible  Society  at 
Madrid."2  As  a  potential  head  of  the  Spanish  organiza- 
tion, Borrow's  eyes  were  already  directed  towards  the 
person  of  "  a  certain  Bishop,  advanced  in  years,  a  person  of 
great  piety  and  learning,  who  has  himself  translated  the 
New  Testament"3  and  who  was  disposed  to  print  and 
circulate  it. 

1  Extracts    accompanying    letter    to   Rev.    A.    Brandram,   22nd 
March  1836. 

2  JHd,  3  Ibid, 


174          OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN         [1836 

Nothing,  however,  came  of  the  project.  Mr  Brandram 
wrote  to  Borrow : — "  With  regard  to  forming  a  Bible 
Society  in  Madrid,  and  appointing  Dr  Usoz  Secretary,  it 
is  so  out  of  our  usual  course  that  the  Committee,  for 
various  reasons,  cannot  comply  with  your  wishes — of  the 
desirableness  of  forming  such  a  Society  at  present,  you 
and  your  friend  must  be  the  best  judges.  If  it  is  to  be 
an  independent  society,  as  I  suppose  must  be  the  case," 
Mr  Brandram  continues,  and  the  Bible  Society's  aid  or 
that  of  its  agent  is  sought,  the  new  Society  must  be 
formed  on  the  principles  of  the  British  and  Foreign 
Bible  Society,  admitting,  "  on  the  one  hand,  general  co- 
operation, and  on  the  other,  that  it  does  not  circulate 
Apocryphal  Bibles."  There  was  doubt  at  Earl  Street  as 
to  whether  the  time  was  yet  ripe  ;  so  the  decision  was  very 
properly  left  with  Borrow,  and  he  was  told  that  he  "  need 
not  fear  to  hold  out  great  hopes  of  encouragement  in  the 
event  of  the  formation  of  such  a  Society." l 

A  serious  difficulty  now  arose  in  the  resignation  of 
Mendizabal  (March  1836).  Two  of  his  friends  and 
supporters,  in  the  persons  of  Francisco  de  Isturitz  and 
Alcala  Galiano,  seceded  from  his  party,  and,  under  the 
name  of  moderados,  formed  an  opposition  to  their  Chief 
in  the  Cortes.  They  had  the  support  of  the  Queen 
Regent  and  General  Cordova,  whom  Mendizabal  had 
wished  to  remove  from  his  position  as  head  of  the  army 
on  account  of  his  great  popularity  with  the  soldiers,  whose 
comforts  and  interests  he  studied.  Isturitz  became  Premier, 
Galiano  Minister  of  Marine  (a  mere  paper  title,  as  there 
was  no  navy  at  the  time),  and  the  Duke  of  Rivas  Minister 
of  the  Interior. 

Conscious  of  the  advantage  of  possessing  powerful 
friends,  especially  in  a  country  such  as  Spain,  Borrow  had 
used  every  endeavour  to  enlarge  the  circle  of  his  acquaint- 
ance among  men  occupying  influential  positions,  or  likely 
to  succeed  those  who  at  present  rilled  them.  The  result  was 
1  Letter  of  22nd  March  1837. 


XL]       "A  NEW  AND  WONDERFUL  THING"       175 

that  he  was  able  to  announce  to  Mr  Brandram  that  the 
new  ministry,  which  had  been  formed,  was  composed 
"  entirely  of  my  friends." 1  With  Galiano  in  particular  he 
was  on  very  intimate  terms.  Everything  promised  well, 
and  the  new  Cabinet  showed  itself  most  friendly  to  Borrow 
and  his  projects,  until  the  actual  moment  arrived  for 
writing  the  permission  to  print  the  Scriptures  in  Spanish. 
Then  doubts  arose,  and  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent 
loomed  up,  a  threatening  barrier,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Duke 
of  Rivas  and  his  secretary. 

So  hopeful  was  Borrow  after  his  first  interview  with 
the  Duke  that  he  wrote  : — "  I  shall  receive  the  permission, 
the  Lord  willing,  in  a  few  days.  .  .  .  The  last  skirts  of 
the  cloud  of  papal  superstition  are  vanishing  below  the 
horizon  of  Spain  ;  whoever  says  the  contrary  either  knows 
nothing  of  the  matter  or  wilfully  hides  the  truth." 2 

At  Earl  Street  the  good  news  about  the  article  in  the 
Espanol  gave  the  liveliest  satisfaction.  "  Surely  a  new  and 
wonderful  thing  in  Spain,"  wrote  Mr  Brandram3  in  a 
letter  in  which  he  urged  Borrow  to  "guard  against 
becoming  too  much  committed  to  one  political 
party,"  and  asked  him  to  write  more  frequently,  as  his 
letters  were  always  most  welcome.  This  letter  reached 
Madrid  at  a  time  when  Borrow  found  himself  absolutely 
destitute. 

"  For  the  last  three  weeks,"  he  writes, 4 "  I  have  been 
without  money,  literally  without  a  farthing."  Everything 
in  Madrid  was  so  dear.  A  month  previously  he  had  been 
forced  to  pay  £12,  53.  for  a  suit  of  clothes,  "my  own 
being  so  worn  that  it  was  impossible  to  appear  longer  in 
public  with  them." 5  He  had  written  to  Mr  Wilby,  but  in 
all  probability  his  letter  had  gone  astray,  the  post  to 
Estremadura  having  been  three  times  robbed.  "The 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  22nd  May  1836. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  22nd  May  1836. 

3  Letter  dated  6th  April  1836. 

4  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2oth  April  1836.  6  Ibid. 


176          OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN         [1836 

money  may  still  come,"  he  continues,1  "  but  I  have  given 
up  all  hopes  of  it,  and  I  am  compelled  to  write  home, 
though  what  I  am  to  do  till  I  can  receive  your  answer 
I  am  at  a  loss  to  conceive  .  .  .  whatever  I  undergo, 
I  shall  tell  nobody  of  my  situation,  it  might  hurt  the 
Society  and  our  projects  here.  I  know  enough  of  the 
world  to  be  aware  that  it  is  considered  as  the  worst  of 
crimes  to  be  without  money."  2 

For  weeks  Borrow  devoted  himself  to  the  task  of 
endeavouring  to  obtain  permission  to  print  the  Scriptures 
in  Spanish.  The  Duke  of  Rivas  referred  him  to  his  secretary, 
saying,  "  He  will  do  for  you  what  you  want ! "  But  the 
secretary  retreated  behind  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of 
Trent.  Then  Mr  Villiers  intervened,  saw  the  Duke  and 
gave  Borrow  a  letter  to  him.  Again  the  Council  of  Trent 
proved  to  be  the  obstacle.  Galiano  took  up  the  matter 
and  escorted  Borrow  to  the  Bureau  of  the  Interior,  and 
had  an  interview  with  the  Duke's  secretary.  When 
Galiano  left,  there  remained  nothing  for  the  conscientious 
secretary  to  do  but  to  write  out  the  formal  permission,  all 
else  having  been  satisfactorily  settled  ;  but  no  sooner  had 
Galiano  departed,  than  the  recollection  of  the  Council  of 
Trent  returned  to  the  secretary  with  terrifying  distinctness, 
and  no  permission  was  given. 

Tired  of  the  Council  of  Trent  and  the  Duke's  secretary, 
Borrow  would  sometimes  retire  to  the  banks  of  the  canal 
and  there  loiter  in  the  sun,  watching  the  gold  and  silver 
fish  basking  on  the  surface  of  its  waters,  or  gossiping  with 
the  man  who  sold  oranges  and  water  under  the  shade  of 
the  old  water-tower.  Once  he  went  to  see  an  execution — 
anything  to  drive  from  his  mind  the  conscientious  secre- 
tary and  the  Council  of  Trent,  the  sole  obstacles  to  the 
realisation  of  his  plans. 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2Oth  April  1836. 

2  Ibid.    Borrows  destitution  was  entirely  accidental,  and  immedi- 
ately that  his  letter  was  received  at  Earl  Street  the  sum  of  twenty- 
five  pounds  was  forwarded  to  him. 


XL]  "THE  FALL  OF  "  177 

Borrow  informed  Mr  Brandram  at  the  end  of  May  that 
the  Cabinet  was  unanimously  in  favour  of  granting  his 
request ;  nothing  happened.  There  seems  no  doubt  that 
the  Cabinet's  policy  was  one  of  subterfuge.  It  could  not 
afford  to  offend  the  British  Minister,  nor  could  it,  at  that 
juncture,  risk  the  bitter  hostility  of  the  clergy,  consequently 
it  promised  and  deferred.  A  petition  to  the  Ecclesiastical 
Committee  of  Censors,  although  strongly  backed  by  the 
Civil  Governor  of  Madrid  (within  whose  department  lay 
the  censorship),  produced  no  better  result.  There  was 
nothing  heard  but  "  To-morrow,  please  God  !  " 

Foiled  for  the  time  being  in  his  constructive  policy, 
Borrow  turned  his  attention  to  one  of  destruction.  He 
had  already  announced  to  the  Bible  Society  that  the 
authority  of  the  Pope  was  in  a  precarious  condition. 

"  Little  more  than  a  breath  is  required  to  destroy  it," 
he  writes,1  "and  I  am  almost  confident  that  in  less  than  a 
year  it  will  be  disowned.  I  am  doing  whatever  I  can  in 
Madrid  to  prepare  the  way  for  an  event  so  desirable.  I 
mix  with  the  people,  and  inform  them  who  and  what  the 
Pope  is,  and  how  disastrous  to  Spain  his  influence  has 
been.  I  tell  them  that  the  indulgences,  which  they  are  in 
the  habit  of  purchasing,  are  of  no  more  intrinsic  value  than 
so  many  pieces  of  paper,  and  were  merely  invented  with 
the  view  of  plundering  them.  I  frequently  ask :  'Is  it 
possible  that  God,  who  is  good,  would  sanction  the  sale  of 
sin  ?  and,  supposing  certain  things  are  sinful,  do  you  think 
that  God,  for  the  sake  of  your  money,  would  permit  you  to 
perform  them  ?  '  In  many  instances  my  hearers  have  been 
satisfied  with  this  simple  reasoning,  and  have  said  that 
they  would  buy  no  more  indulgences." 

Mr  Brandram  promptly  wrote  warning  Borrow  against 
becoming  involved  in  any  endeavour  to  hasten  the  fall  of 
the  Pope.  Although  deeply  interested  in  what  their  agent 
had  to  say,  there  was  a  strong  misgiving  at  headquarters 
that  for  a  few  moments  Borrow  had  "  forgotten  that  our 
hopes  of  the  fall  of  are  founded  on  the  simple 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2oth  April  1836. 

M 


178         OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN         [1836 

distribution  of  the  Scriptures," l  and  he  was  told  that,  as 
their  agent,  he  must  not  pursue  the  course  that  he  described. 
The  warning  was  carefully  worded,  so  that  it  might  not 
wound  Sorrow's  feelings  or  lessen  his  enthusiasm. 

Borrow  had  found  that  the  climate  of  Madrid  did  not 
agree  with  him.  It  had  proved  very  trying  during  the 
winter ;  but  now  that  summer  had  arrived  the  heat  was 
suffocating  and  the  air  seemed  to  be  filled  with  "  flaming 
vapours,"  and  even  the  Spaniards  would  "  lie  gasping  and 
naked  upon  their  brick  floors." 2  In  spite  of  the  heat,  how- 
ever, he  was  occupied  "  upon  an  average  ten  hours  every  day, 
dancing  attendance  on  one  or  another  of  the  Ministers."  3 

Sometimes  the  difficulties  that  he  had  to  contend  with 
reduced  him  almost  to  despair  of  ever  obtaining  the 
permission  he  sought.  "  Only  those,"  he  writes,4  "  who 
have  been  in  the  habit  of  dealing  with  Spaniards,  by 
whom  the  most  solemn  promises  are  habitually  broken, 
can  form  a  correct  idea  of  my  reiterated  disappointments, 
and  of  the  toil  of  body  and  agony  of  spirit  which  I  have 
been  subjected  to.  One  day  I  have  been  told,  at  the 
Ministry,  that  I  had  only  to  wait  a  few  moments  and  all  I 
wished  would  be  acceded  to  ;  and  then  my  hopes  have  been 
blasted  with  the  information  that  various  difficulties,  which 
seemed  insurmountable,  had  presented  themselves,  where- 
upon I  have  departed  almost  broken-hearted ;  but  the 
next  day  I  have  been  summoned  in  a  great  hurry  and 
informed  that  *  all  was  right,'  and  that  on  the  morrow  a 
regular  authority  to  print  the  Scriptures  would  be  delivered 
to  me,  but  by  that  time  fresh  and  yet  more  terrible  diffi- 
culties had  occurred — so  that  I  became  weary  of  my  life." 

Mr  Villiers  evidently  saw  through  the  Spanish  Cabinet's 
policy  of  delay ;  for  he  spoke  to  the  ministers  collectively 
and  individually,  strongly  recommending  that  the  petition 
be  granted.  He  further  pointed  out  the  terrible  condition  of 

1  Letter  of  9th  May  1836. 

a  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  3Oth  June  1836. 

3  Ibid.  4  Ibid. 


XL]  BRITISH  MINISTER  INTERVENES  179 

the  people,  who  lacked  religious  instruction  of  any  kind, 
and  that  a  nation  of  atheists  would  not  prove  very  easy  to 
govern.  It  may  have  been  these  arguments,  or,  what  is 
more  likely,  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Cabinet  to  please  the 
representative  of  Great  Britain,  in  any  case  a  greater 
willingness  was  now  shown  to  give  the  necessary  per- 
mission. Measures  were  accordingly  taken  to  evade  the 
law  and  protect  the  printer  into  whose  hands  the  work 
was  to  be  entrusted,  until  an  appropriate  moment  arrived 
for  repealing  the  existing  statute. 

Borrow  forwarded  to  Earl  Street  the  following  interest- 
ing letter  that  he  had  received  from  Mr  Villiers,  which 
confirms  his  words  as  to  the  keen  interest  taken  by  the 
British  Minister  in  the  endeavour  to  obtain  the  permission 
to  print  the  New  Testament  in  Spanish  : — 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  had  a  long  conversation  with  Mr  Isturitz 
upon  the  subject  of  printing  the  Testament,  in  which  he 
snowed  himself  to  be  both  sagacious  and  liberal.  He 
assured  me  that  the  matter  should  have  his  support 
whenever  the  Duque  de  Ribas  brought  it  before  the 
Cabinet,  and  that  as  far  as  he  was  concerned  the  question 
might  be  considered  as  settled. 

You  are  quite  welcome  to  make  any  use  you  please 
of  this  note  with  the  D.  de  Ribas  or  Mr  Olivan.1 
I  am,  Dear  Sir, 

Yours  faithfully, 

GEORGE  VILLIERS. 
June  2$rd  [1836]. 

It  was  unquestionably  Sorrow's  personality  that  was 
responsible  for  Mr  Villiers'  interest  in  the  scheme,  as  when 
Lieutenant  Graydon2  had  applied  to  him  on  a  previous 
occasion  he  declined  to  interfere. 

1  The  Duke's  secretary  who  had  shown  so  profound  a  respect  for 
the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent. 

2  Late  of  the  Royal  Navy,  who  for  sheer  love  of  the  work  dis- 
tributed the  Scriptures  in  Spain,  and  who  later  was  to  come  into 
grave  conflict  with  Borrow. 


180         OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN         [1836 

At  Borrow's  suggestion  the  President  of  the  Bible 
Society,  Lord  Bentley,  wrote  to  Mr  Villiers  thanking  him 
for  the  services  he  had  rendered  in  connection  with  the 
Spanish  programme.  It  was  characteristic  of  Borrow  that 
he  added  to  his  letter  as  a  reason  for  his  request,  that  "  I 
may  be  again  in  need  of  Mr  Vs.  assistance  before  I  leave 
Spain."1  Borrow  was  always  keenly  alive  to  the 
advantage  of  possessing  influential  friends  who  would  be 
likely  to  assist  him  in  his  labours  for  the  Society.  He  was 
not  a  profound  admirer  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  for  nothing, 
and  although  he  would  scorn  to  exercise  tact  in  regard  to 
his  own  concerns,  he  was  fully  prepared  to  make  use  of  it 
in  connection  with  those  of  the  Bible  Society.  He  was  a 
Jesuit  at  heart,  and  would  in  all  probability  have  preferred 
a  good  compositor  who  had  been  guilty  of  sacrilege  to  a 
bad  one  who  had  not.  He  saw  that  besides  being  some- 
thing of  a  diplomatist,  an  agent  of  the  Bible  Society  had 
also  to  be  a  good  business  man.  He  has  been  called  tact- 
less, until  the  word  seems  to  have  become  permanently 
identified  with  his  name  ;  how  unjustly  is  shown  by  a  very 
hasty  examination  of  his  masterly  diplomacy,  both  in 
Russia  and  Spain.  Diplomacy,  as  Borrow  understood  it, 
was  the  art  of  being  persuasive  when  persuasion  would 
obtain  for  him  his  object,  and  firm,  even  threatening,  when 
strong  measures  were  best  calculated  to  suit  his  ends.  It 
is  only  the  fool  who  defines  tact  as  the  gentle  art  of 
pleasing  everybody.  Diplomacy  is  the  art  of  getting  what 
you  want  at  the  expense  of  displeasing  as  few  people  as 
possible. 

"  The  affair  is  settled — thank  God  ! ! !  and  we  may  begin 
to  print  whenever  we  think  proper."  With  these  words 
Borrow  announces  the  success  of  his  enterprise.  "  Perhaps 
you  have  thought,"  he  continues,  "  that  I  have  been  tardy 
in  accomplishing  the  business  which  brought  me  to  Spain ; 
but  to  be  able  to  form  a  correct  judgment  you  ought  to  be 
aware  of  all  the  difficulties  which  I  have  had  to  encounter, 
1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  3oth  June  1836. 


XL]  THE  TASK  ACCOMPLISHED  181 

and  which  I  shall  not  enumerate.  I  shall  content  myself 
with  observing  that  for  a  thousand  pounds  I  would  not 
undergo  again  all  the  mortifications  and  disappointments 
of  the  last  two  months." 1 

There  were  moments  when  Borrow  forgot  the  idiom  of 
Earl  Street  and  reverted  to  his  old,  self-confident  style, 
which  had  so  alarmed  some  of  the  excellent  members  of 
the  Committee.  He  had  achieved  a  great  triumph,  how 
great  is  best  shown  by  the  suggestion  made  by  the  prime 
minister  that  if  determined  to  avail  himself  of  the  permis- 
sion that  had  been  obtained,  he  had  better  employ  "  the 
confidential  printer  of  the  Government,  who  would  keep 
the  matter  secret ;  as  in  the  present  state  of  affairs  he  [the 
prime  minister]  would  not  answer  for  the  consequences  if 
it  were  noised  abroad."2  By  giving  the  license  to  print 
the  New  Testament  without  notes,  the  Cabinet  was 
assuming  a  very  grave  responsibility.  All  this  shows  how 
great  was  the  influence  of  the  British  Minister  upon  the 
Isturitz  Cabinet,  and  how  considerable  that  of  Borrow  upon 
the  British  Minister. 

Now  that  his  object  was  gained,  there  was  nothing 
further  to  keep  Borrow  in  Spain,  and  he  accordingly  asked 
for  instructions,  suggesting  that,  as  soon  as  the  heats  were 
over,  Lieutenant  Graydon  might  return  to  Madrid  and 
take  charge,  "as  nothing  very  difficult  remains  to  be 
accomplished,  and  I  am  sure  that  Mr  Villiers,  at  my 
entreaty,  would  extend  to  him  the  patronage  with  which 
he  has  honoured  me."  3  In  conclusion  he  announced  him- 
self as  ready  to  do  "  whatever  the  Bible  Society  may  deem 
expedient."  4 

Borrow  now  began  to  suffer  from  the  reaction  after 
his  great  exertions.  He  became  so  languid  as  scarcely 
to  be  able  to  hold  a  pen.  He  had  no  books,  and  conversa- 
tion was  impossible,  for  the  heat  had  driven  away  all 
who  could  possibly  escape,  among  them  his  acquaint- 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  7th  July  1836. 

2  Ibid.  3  Ibid.  4  Ibid. 


182          OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN         [1836 

ances,  and  he  frequently  remembered  with  a  sigh  the 
happy  days  spent  in  St  Petersburg. 

A  few  days  later  (25th  July)  he  wrote  proposing  as 
a  member  of  the  Bible  Society  Dr  Luis  de  Usoz  y  Rio, 
"  a  person  of  great  respectability  and  great  learning." l 
Dr  Usoz,  who  was  subsequently  to  be  closely  associated 
with  Borrow  in  his  labours  in  Spain,  was  a  man  of 
whom  he  was  unable  to  "speak  in  too  high  terms  of 
admiration ;  he  is  one  of  the  most  learned  men  in  Spain, 
and  is  become  in  every  point  a  Christian  according  to  the 
standard  of  the  New  Testament." 2 

Dr  Usoz  also  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Society  asking 
to  be  considered  as  a  correspondent  and  entrusted  with 
copies  of  the  Scriptures,  which  he  was  convinced  he  could 
circulate  in  every  province  of  Spain.  The  advantage 
of  having  one  of  the  editors  of  the  principal  newspaper 
of  Spain  on  the  side  of  the  Society  did  not  fail  to  appeal 
to  Borrow.  Dr  Usoz  not  only  became  a  member  of  the 
Bible  Society,  but  earned  from  Borrow  a  splendid  tribute 
in  the  Preface  to  The  Bible  in  Spain. 

Before  advantage  could  be  taken  of  the  hardly  earned 
permission  to  print  the  New  Testament  in  Madrid,  the 
Revolution  of  La  Granja3  broke  out,  resulting  in  the 
proclamation  of  the  Constitution  of  1812,  by  which  the 
press  became  free.  In  Madrid  chaos  reigned  as  a  result. 
Borrow  himself  has  given  a  vivid  account  of  how  Quesada, 

1  Dr  Usoz  was  a  Spaniard  of  noble  birth,  a  pupil  of  Mezzofanti, 
and  one  of  the  editors  of  El  EspanoL     He  occupied  the  chair  of 
Hebrew  at   Valladolid.     He  was  deeply  interested  in  the  work  of 
the  Bible  Society,  and  was  fully  convinced  that  in  nothing  but  the 
reading  of  the  Bible  could  the  liberty  in  Spain  be  found. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2$th  December  1837. 

3  La  Granja  was   a   royal  palace  some  miles   out  of  Madrid,  to 
which   the    Queen    Regent  had  withdrawn.     On   the  night   of   I2th 
August,    two    sergeants    had    forced     their    way    into    the    Queen 
Regent's  presence,  and  successfully  demanded  that  she  should  restore 
the  Constitution  of  1812.     This  incident  was  called  the  Revolution 
of  La  Granja. 


XL]  REVOLUTION  183 

by  his  magnificent  courage,  quelled  for  the  time  being 
the  revolution,  how  the  ministers  fled,  how  eventually 
the  heroic  tyrant  was  recognised  and  killed,  and,  finally, 
how,  at  a  celebrated  coffee-house  in  Madrid,  Borrow  saw 
the  victorious  Nationals  drink  to  the  Constitution  from 
a  bowl  of  coffee,  which  had  first  been  stirred  with  one  of 
the  mutilated  hands  of  the  hated  Quesada.1 

Now  that  no  obstacle  stood  in  the  way  of  the  printing 
of  the  Spanish  New  Testament,  Borrow  was  requested  to 
return  to  England  that  he  might  confer  with  the  authorities 
at  Earl  Street.  "  You  may  now  consider  yourself  under 
marching  orders  to  return  home  as  soon  as  you  have  made 
all  the  requisite  arrangements  ;  .  .  .  you  have  done,  we  are 
persuaded,  a  good  and  great  work,"  2  Mr  Brandram  wrote. 
It  was  thought  by  the  Committee  that  the  advantages  to 
be  derived  from  a  conference  with  Borrow  would  be  well 
worth  the  expense  involved  in  his  having  to  return  again 
to  Spain. 

To  this  request  for  his  immediate  presence  in  London 
Borrow  replied : 

"  I  shall  make  the  provisional  engagement  as  desired 
[as  regards  the  printing  of  the  New  Testament]  and  shall 
leave  Madrid  as  soon  as  possible ;  but  I  must  here  inform 
you,  that  I  shall  find  much  difficulty  in  returning  to 
England,  as  all  the  provinces  are  disturbed  in  consequence 
of  the  Constitution  of  1812  having  been  proclaimed,  and  the 
roads  are  swarming  with  robbers  and  banditti.  It  is  my 
intention  to  join  some  muleteers,  and  attempt  to  reach 
Granada,  from  whence,  if  possible,  I  shall  proceed  to 
Malaga  or  Gibraltar,  and  thence  to  Lisbon,  where  I  left 
the  greatest  part  of  my  baggage.  Do  not  be  surprised, 
therefore,  if  I  am  tardy  in  making  my  appearance  ;  it  is 
no  easy  thing  at  present  to  travel  in  Spain.  But  all  these 
troubles  are  for  the  benefit  of  the  Cause,  and  must  not  be 
repined  at"3 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  pages  197-206. 

2  30th  July  1836. 

3  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  loth  August  1836. 


184         OPENING  OF  SPANISH  CAMPAIGN         [1836 

Leaving  Madrid  on  2Oth  August,  Borrow  was  at 
Granada  on  the  3Oth,  as  proved  by  the  Visitors'  Book,  in 
which  he  signed  himself 

"  George  Borrow  Norvicensis." 

The  real  object  of  this  visit  appears  to  have  been  his 
desire  to  study  more  closely  the  Spanish  gypsies.  From 
Granada  he  proceeded  to  Malaga.  Neither  place  can  be 
said  to  be  on  the  direct  road  to  England  ;  but  the  disturbed 
state  of  the  country  had  to  be  taken  into  consideration,  and 
it  was  a  question  not  of  the  shortest  road  but  the  safest. 

On  his  return  to  London,  early  in  October,  Borrow 
wrote  a  report1  upon  his  labours,  roughly  sketching  out 
his  work  since  he  left  Badajos.  He  repeated  his  view  that 
the  Papal  See  had  lost  its  power  over  Spain,  and  that  the 
present  moment  was  a  peculiarly  appropriate  one  in  which 
to  spread  the  light  of  the  Gospel  over  the  Peninsula.  For- 
getting the  thievish  propensities  of  the  race,  he  wrote 
glowingly  of  the  Spaniards  and  their  intellectual  equip- 
ment, the  clearness  with  which  they  expressed  them- 
selves, and  the  elegance  of  their  diction.  The  mind 
of  the  Spaniard  was  a  garden  run  to  waste,  and  it  was  for 
the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  to  cultivate  it  and 
purge  it  of  the  rank  and  bitter  weeds. 

He  foresaw  no  difficulty  whatever  in  disposing  of  5000 
copies  of  the  New  Testament  in  a  short  time  in  the  capital 
and  provincial  towns,  in  particular  Cadiz  and  Seville 
where  the  people  were  more  enlightened.  He  was  not 
so  confident  about  the  rural  districts,  where  those  who 
assured  him  that  they  were  acquainted  with  the  New 
Testament  said  that  it  contained  hymns  addressed  to  the 
Virgin  which  were  written  by  the  Pope. 
1  i;th  October  1836. 


CHAPTER  XII 

NOVEMBER    1836 — MAY    1837 

T>ORROW  remained  in  England  for  a  month  (3rd 
•U  October  /  4th  November),  during  which  time  he  con- 
ferred with  the  Committee  and  Officials  at  Earl  Street  as 
to  the  future  programme  in  Spain.  On  4th  November, 
having  sent  to  his  mother  ^"130  of  the  £150  he  had  drawn 
as  salary,  and  promising  to  write  to  Mr  Brandram  from 
Cadiz,  he  sailed  from  London  in  the  steamer  Manchester, 
bound  for  Lisbon  and  Cadiz. 

In  a  letter  to  his  mother,  he  describes  his  fellow 
passengers  as  invalids  fleeing  from  the  English  winter. 
"  Some  of  them  are  three  parts  gone  with  consump- 
tion," he  writes,  "some  are  ruptured,  some  have  broken 
backs ;  I  am  the  only  sound  person  in  the  ship,  which  is 
crowded  to  suffocation.  I  am  in  a  little  hole  of  a  berth 
where  I  can  scarcely  breathe,  and  every  now  and  then 
wet  through." 

The  horrors  of  the  voyage  from  Falmouth  to  Lisbon 
he  has  described  with  terrifying  vividness ; 1  how  the 
engines  broke  down  and  the  vessel  was  being  driven  on  to 
Cape  Finisterre ;  how  all  hope  had  been  abandoned,  and 
the  Captain  had  told  the  passengers  of  their  impending 
fate ;  how  the  wind  suddenly  "  veered  right  about,  and 
pushed  us  from  the  horrible  coast  faster  than  it  had 
previously  driven  us  towards  it."  2 

During  the  whole  of  that  terrible  night  Borrow  had 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  pages  209-11.  2  Ibid.)  page  211. 

185 


186  AN  AMAZING  MISSIONARY  [1836 

remained  on  deck,  all  the  other  passengers  having  been 
battened  down  below.  He  was  almost  drowned  in  the 
seas  that  broke  over  the  vessel,  and,  on  one  occasion,  was 
struck  down  by  a  water  cask  that  had  broken  away  from 
its  lashings.  Even  after  he  had  escaped  Cape  Finisterre, 
the  ordeal  was  not  over ;  for  the  ship  was  in  a  sinking 
condition,  and  fire  broke  out  on  board.  Eventually  the 
engines  were  repaired,  the  fire  extinguished,  and  Lisbon  was 
reached  on  the  1 3th,  where  Borrow  landed  with  his  water- 
soaked  luggage,  and  found  on  examination  that  the 
greater  part  of  his  clothes  had  been  ruined.  In  spite  of 
this  experience,  he  determined  to  continue  his  voyage 
to  Cadiz  in  the  Manchester,  probably  for  reasons  of 
economy,  indifferent  to  the  fact  that  she  was  utterly 
unseaworthy,  and  that  most  of  the  other  passengers  had 
abandoned  her.  During  his  enforced  stay  in  Lisbon,  whilst 
the  ship  was  being  patched  up,  Borrow  saw  Mr  Wilby  and 
made  enquiry  into  the  state  of  the  Society's  affairs  in 
Portugal.  Many  changes  had  taken  place  and  the  country 
was  in  a  distracted  state. 

After  a  week's  delay  at  Lisbon  the  Manchester  con- 
tinued her  voyage  to  Cadiz,  where  she  arrived  without 
further  mishap  on  the  2ist.  During  this  voyage  a  fellow 
passenger  with  Borrow  was  the  Marques  de  Santa  Coloma. 
"  According  to  the  expression  of  the  Marques,  when  they 
stepped  on  to  the  quay  at  Cadiz,  Borrow  looked  round, 
saw  some  Gitanos  lounging  there,  said  something  that  the 
Marques  could  not  understand,  and  immediately  'that 
man  became  une  grappe  de  Gitanos!  They  hung  round 
his  neck,  clung  to  his  knees,  seized  his  hands,  kissed  his 
feet,  so  that  the  Marque's  hardly  liked  to  join  his  comrade 
again  after  such  close  embraces  by  so  dirty  a  company." l 

Borrow  now  found  himself  in  his  allotted  field— unhappy, 
miserable,  distracted  Spain.  Gomez,  the  Carlist  leader, 
had  been  sweeping  through  Estremadura  like  a  pestilence, 

1  The  Rev.  Wentworth  Webster  in  The  Journal  of  Gypsy  Lore 
Society ',  vol.  i.,  July  i888-Oct.  1889. 


XIL]  FEARS  FOR  BORROWS  SAFETY  187 

and  Borrow  fully  expected  to  find  Seville  occupied  by  his 
banditti ;  but  Carlists  possessed  no  terrors  for  him.  Unless 
he  could  do  something  to  heal  the  spiritual  wounds  of  the 
wretched  country,  he  assured  Mr  Brandram,  he  would 
never  again  return  to  England. 

On  ist  December  Mr  Brandram  wrote  to  Borrow 
expressing  deep  sympathy  with  all  he  had  been  through, 
and  adding:  "  If  you  go  forward  ...  we  will  help  you  by 
prayer.  If  you  retreat  we  shall  welcome  you  cordially." 
He  appears  to  have  written  before  consulting  with  the 
Committee,  who,  on  hearing  of  the  actual  state  of  affairs  in 
Spain,  became  filled  with  misgiving  and  anxiety  for  the 
safety  of  their  agent,  who  seemed  to  be  destitute  of  fear. 
Mr  Brandram  had  been  content  for  Borrow  to  go  forward 
if  he  so  decided,  but,  as  he  wrote  later,  "  your  prospective 
dangers,  while  they  created  an  absorbing  interest,  were 
viewed  in  different  lights  by  the  Committee,"  who 
thought  they  had  "  no  right  to  commit  you  to  such  perils. 
My  own  feeling  was  that,  while  I  could  not  urge  you 
forward,  there  were  peculiarities  in  your  history  and 
character  that  I  would  not  keep  you  back  if  you  were 
minded  to  go.  A  few  felt  with  me — most,  however,  thought 
that  you  should  have  been  restrained."1  It  was  decided 
therefore  to  forbid  him  to  proceed  on  his  hazardous 
adventure,  and  accordingly  a  letter  was  addressed  to  him 
care  of  the  British  Consul  at  Cadiz.  If  Borrow  received 
this  he  disregarded  the  instructions  it  contained. 

Cadiz  proved  to  be  in  a  state  of  great  confusion.  It 
was  reported  that  numerous  bands  of  Carlists  were  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  the  whole  city  was  in  a  state  of 
ferment  in  consequence.  In  the  coffee-houses  the  din  of 
tongues  was  deafening;  would-be  orators,  sometimes  as 
many  as  six  at  one  time,  sprang  up  upon  chairs  and  tables 
and  ventilated  their  political  views.  The  paramount,  nay, 
the  only,  interest  was  not  in  the  words  of  Christ ;  but  the 
probable  doings  of  the  Carlists. 

1  Letter  from  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  6th  Jan.  1837. 


188  AN  AMAZING  MISSIONARY  [1836 

On  the  night  of  his  arrival  Borrow  was  taken  ill  with  what, 
at  the  time,  he  thought  to  be  cholera,  and  for  some  time  in 
the  little  " cock-loft  or  garret"  that  had  been  allotted  to  him 
at  the  over-crowded  French  hotel,  he  was  "  in  most  acute 
pain,  and  terribly  sick,"  drinking  oil  mixed  with  brandy.  For 
two  days  he  was  so  exhausted  as  to  be  able  to  do  nothing. 

On  the  morning  of  the  24th  he  embarked  in  a  small 
Spanish  steamer  bound  for  Seville,  which  was  reached  that 
same  night.  The  sun  had  dissipated  the  melancholy  and 
stupor  left  by  his  illness,  and  by  the  time  he  arrived  at 
Seville  he  was  repeating  Latin  verses  and  fragments  of  old 
Spanish  ballads  to  a  brilliant  moon.  The  condition  of 
affairs  at  Seville  was  as  bad  if  not  worse  than  at  Cadiz. 
There  was  scarcely  any  communication  with  the  capital, 
the  diligences  no  longer  ran,  and  even  the  fearless  arrieros 
(muleteers)  declined  to  set  out.  Famine,  plunder  and 
murder  were  let  loose  over  the  land.  Bands  of  banditti 
robbed,  tortured  and  slew  in  the  name  of  Don  Carlos. 
They  stripped  the  peasantry  of  all  they  possessed,  and 
the  poor  wretches  in  turn  became  brigands  and  preyed 
upon  those  weaker  than  themselves.  Through  all  this 
Borrow  had  to  penetrate  in  order  to  reach  Madrid.  Had 
the  road  been  familiar  to  him  he  would  have  performed 
the  journey  alone,  dressed  either  as  a  beggar  or  as  a  gypsy. 
It  is  obvious  that  he  appreciated  the  hazardous  nature  of 
the  journey  he  was  undertaking,  for  he  asked  Mr  Brandram, 
in  the  event  of  his  death,  to  keep  the  news  from  old 
Mrs  Borrow  as  long  as  possible  and  then  to  go  down  to 
Norwich  and  break  it  to  her  himself. 

At  Seville  Borrow  encountered  Baron  Taylor,1  whom 

1  Isidor  Just  Severin,  Baron  Taylor  (1789-1879),  was  a  naturalised 
Frenchman  and  a  great  traveller.  In  1821  he,  with  Charles  Nodier, 
wrote  the  play  Bertram^  which  was  produced  with  great  success  at 
Paris  in  1821.  Later  he  was  made  Commissaire  du  Theatre  Frangais, 
and  authorised  the  production  of  Hernani  and  Le  Mariage  de 
Figaro.  Later  he  became  I nspecteur- General  des  Beaux  Arts  (1838). 
When  seen  by  Borrow  in  Seville  he  was  collecting  Spanish  pictures 
for  Louis-Philippe. 


XIL]  WITH  SPUR  AND  CUDGEL  189 

he  states  that  he  had  first  met  at  Bayonne  (during  the 
"  veiled  period  "),  and  later  in  Russia,  beside  the  Bosphorus, 
and  finally  in  the  South  of  Ireland.  Than  Baron  Taylor 
there  was  no  one  for  whom  Borrow  entertained  "  a  greater 
esteem  and  regard.  .  .  .  There  is  a  mystery  about  him 
which,  wherever  he  goes,  serves  not  a  little  to  increase  the 
sensation  naturally  created  by  his  appearance  and  manner." 1 
Borrow  was  much  attracted  to  this  mysterious  personage, 
about  whom  nothing  could  be  asserted  "with  downright 
positiveness." 

From  Seville  Borrow  proceeded  to  Cordoba,  accom- 
panied by  "an  elderly  person,  a  Genoese  by  birth," 
whose  acquaintance  he  had  made  and  whom  he  hoped 
later  to  employ  in  the  distribution  of  the  Testaments. 
Borrow  had  hired  a  couple  of  miserable  horses.  The 
Genoese  had  not  been  in  the  saddle  for  some  thirty  years, 
and  he  was  an  old  man  and  timid.  His  horse  soon  became 
aware  of  this,  and  neither  whip  nor  spur  could  persuade 
it  to  exert  itself.  When  approaching  night  rendered  it 
necessary  to  make  a  special  effort  to  hasten  forward,  the 
bridle  of  the  discontented  steed  had  to  be  fastened  to  that 
of  its  fellow,  which  was  then  urged  forward  "  with  spur 
and  cudgel."  Both  the  Genoese  and  his  mount  protested 
against  such  drastic  measures,  the  one  by  entreaties  to  be 
permitted  to  dismount,  the  other  by  attempting  to  fling 
itself  down.  The  only  notice  Borrow  took  of  these  protests 
was  to  spur  and  cudgel  the  more. 

On  the  night  of  the  third  day  the  party  arrived 
at  Cordoba,  and  was  cordially  welcomed  by  the  Carlist 
innkeeper,  who,  although  avowing  himself  strictly  neutral, 
confessed  how  great  had  been  his  pleasure  at  welcoming 
the  Carlists  when  they  occupied  the  City  a  short  time 
before.  It  was  at  this  inn  that  Borrow  explained  to  the 
elderly  Genoese,  who  had  indiscreetly  resented  his  host's 
disrespectful  remarks  about  the  young  Queen  Isabel, 
how  he  invariably  managed  to  preserve  good  relations 
1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  221. 


190  AN  AMAZING  MISSIONARY  [1836 

with  all  sorts  of  factions.  "  My  good  man,"  he  said,  "  I  am 
invariably  of  the  politics  of  the  people  at  whose  table  I 
sit,  or  beneath  whose  roof  I  sleep ;  at  least  I  never  say 
anything  which  can  lead  them  to  suspect  the  contrary ;  by 
pursuing  which  system  I  have  more  than  once  escaped  a 
bloody  pillow,  and  having  the  wine  I  drank  spiced  with 
sublimate." l 

Borrow  remained  at  Cordoba  much  longer  than  he 
had  intended,  because  of  the  reports  that  reached  him 
of  the  unsafe  condition  of  the  roads.  He  sent  back 
the  old  Genoese  with  the  horses,  and  spent  the  time  in 
thoroughly  examining  the  town  and  making  acquaint- 
ances among  its  inhabitants.  At  length,  after  a  stay  of 
ten  or  eleven  days,  despairing  of  any  improvement  in  the 
state  of  the  country,  he  continued  his  journey  in  the 
company  of  a  contrabandista,  temporarily  retired  from  the 
smuggling  trade,  from  whom  he  hired  two  horses  for 
the  sum  of  forty-two  dollars.  Borrow  allowed  no  com- 
punction to  assail  him  as  to  the  means  he  employed  when 
he  was  thoroughly  convinced  as  to  the  worthiness  of 
the  end  he  had  in  view.  To  further  his  projects  he  would 
cheerfully  have  travelled  with  the  Pope  himself. 

The  journey  to  Madrid  proved  dismal  in  the  extreme. 
The  contrabandista  was  sullen  and  gloomy,  despite  the 
fact  that  his  horses  had  been  insured  against  loss  and 
the  handsome  fee  he  was  to  receive  for  his  services. 
The  Despenaperros  in  the  Sierra  Morena  through  which 
Borrow  had  to  pass,  had,  even  in  times  of  peace,  a  most 
evil  reputation ;  but  by  great  good  luck  for  Borrow,  the 
local  banditti  had  during  the  previous  day  "  committed  a 
dreadful  robbery  and  murder  by  which  they  sacked  40,000 
reals." 2  They  were  in  all  probability  too  busily  occupied 
in  dividing  their  spoil  to  watch  for  other  travellers. 
Another  factor  that  was  much  in  Borrow's  favour  was 
a  change  in  the  weather. 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  237. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  26th  Dec.  1836. 


XIL]     "YOU  HAVE  ONLY  TO  COME  TO  ME"     191 

"  Suddenly  the  Lord  breathed  forth  a  frozen  blast," 
Borrow  writes,  "  the  severity  of  which  was  almost  intoler- 
able. No  human  being  but  ourselves  ventured  forth. 
We  traversed  snow-covered  plains,  and  passed  through 
villages  and  towns  to  all  appearance  deserted.  The 
robbers  kept  close  to  their  caves  and  hovels,  but  the 
cold  nearly  killed  us.  We  reached  Aranjuez  late  on 
Christmas  day,  and  I  got  into  the  house  of  an  English- 
man, where  I  swallowed  nearly  a  pint  of  brandy : 1  it 
affected  me  no  more  than  warm  water.2 

Borrow  arrived  at  Madrid  on  26th  December,  having 
almost  by  a  miracle  avoided  death  or  capture  by  the 
human  wolves  that  infested  the  country.  He  took  up 
his  quarters  at  16  Calle  de  Santiago  at  the  house  of 
Maria  Diaz,  who  was  to  prove  so  loyal  a  friend  during 
many  critical  periods  of  his  work  in  Spain.  His  first  care 
was  to  call  upon  the  British  Minister,  and  enquire  if  he 
considered  it  safe  to  proceed  with  the  printing  without 
special  application  to  the  new  Government.  Mr  Villiers' 
answer  is  interesting,  as  showing  how  thoroughly  he  had 
taken  Borrow  under  his  protection. 

"  You  obtained  the  permission  of  the  Government  of 
Isturitz,"  he  replied,  "  which  was  a  much  less  liberal  one 
than  the  present ;  I  am  a  witness  to  the  promise  made  to 
you  by  the  former  Ministers,  which  I  consider  sufficient ; 
you  had  best  commence  and  complete  the  work  as  soon  as 
possible  without  any  fresh  application,  and  should  anyone 
attempt  to  interrupt  you,  you  have  only  to  come  to  me, 
whom  you  may  command  at  any  time."  3 

Having  saved  the  Bible  Society  9000  reals  in  its  paper 
bill  alone,4  Borrow  proceeded  to  arrange  for  the  printing. 

1  In  letter  to  the  Rev.  A.  Brandram  (26th  Dec.  1836),  Borrow 
gives  the  quantity  of  brandy  as  two  bottles.  This  letter  was  written 
within  a  few  hours  of  the  act  and  is  more  likely  to  be  accurate. 

"  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  254. 

3  Borrow's  letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  I4th  Jan.  1837. 

4  He  was  authorised  to  purchase  600  reams  at  60  reals  per  ream, 
whereas  he  paid  only  45  reals  a  ream  for  a  paper  "  better,"  he  wrote, 
"  than  I  could  have  purchased  at  70." 


192  AN  AMAZING  MISSIONARY  [1837 

He  had  already  opened  negotiations  with  Charles  Wood, 
who  was  associated  with  Andreas  Borrego,1  the  most 
fashionable  printer  in  Madrid,  who  not  only  had  the  best 
printing-presses  in  Spain,  but  had  been  specially  recom- 
mended by  Isturitz.  It  had  been  tentatively  arranged  that 
an  edition  of  5000  copies  of  the  New  Testament  should  be 
printed  from  the  version  of  Father  Felipe  Scio  de  San 
Miguel,  confessor  to  Ferdinand  VII.,  without  notes  or 
commentaries,  and  delivered  within  three  months. 

Remembering  the  advice  of  Isturitz,  Borrow  deter- 
mined to  entrust  the  work  to  Borrego,  including  the 
binding.  He  was  the  Government  printer,  and,  further- 
more, enjoyed  the  good  opinion  of  Mr  Villiers.  Having 
persuaded  Borrego  to  reduce  his  price  to  10  reals  a  sheet, 
he  placed  the  order.  It  was  agreed  that  the  work  should 
be  completed  in  ten  weeks  from  2Oth  January. 

Each  sheet  was  to  be  passed  by  Borrow.  As  a  matter 
of  fact  he  read  every  word  three  times  ;  but  in  order  to 
insure  absolute  accuracy,  he  engaged  the  services  of  Dr 
Usoz,  "the  first  scholar  in  Spain,"2  who  was  to  be 
responsible  for  the  final  revision,  leaving  the  question  of 
the  remuneration  to  the  generosity  of  the  Bible  Society. 
The  result  of  all  this  care  was  that,  according  to  Borrow 
the  edition  exhibited  scarcely  one  typographical  error.3 

The  question  of  systematic  distribution  had  next  to  be 
considered.  After  much  musing  and  cogitation,  Borrow 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  only  satisfactory  method 

1  Author  of  La  Historia  de  las  Cortes  de  Espana  durante  el  Siglo 
XIX.  (1885)  and  other  works  of  a  political  character.     He  was  also 
proprietor  and  editor  of  El  Espanol.     Isturitz  had  intended  raising 
Borrego  to  the  position  of  minister  of  finance  when  his  government 
suddenly  terminated. 

2  General  report  prepared  by  Borrow  in  the  Autumn  of  1838  for 
the  General  Committee  of  the  Bible  Society  detailing  his  labours  in 
Spain.     This  was  subsequently  withdrawn,  probably  on  account  of  its 
somewhat  aggressive  tone.     In  the  course  of  this  work  the  document 
will  be  referred  to  as  General  Report,  Withdrawn. 

3  To  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  I4th  Jan.  1837. 


XIL]  A  HEART-BREAKING  PROSPECT  193 

was  for  him  to  "  ride  forth  from  Madrid  into  the  wildest 
parts  of  Spain,"  where  the  word  is  most  wanted  and  where 
it  seems  next  to  an  impossibility  to  introduce  it,  and  this 
he  proposed  to  the  Committee. 

"  I  will  take  with  me  1200  copies/'  he  wrote,1  "  which  I 
will  engage  to  dispose  of  for  little  or  much  to  the  wild 
people  of  the  wild  regions  which  I  intend  to  visit ;  as  for  the 
rest  of  the  edition,  it  must  be  disposed  of,  if  possible,  in  a 
different  way — I  may  say  the  usual  way  ;  part  must  be 
entrusted  to  booksellers,  part  to  colporteurs,  and  a  depot 
must  be  established  at  Madrid.  Such  work  is  every 
person's  work,  and  to  anyone  may  be  confided  the  execu- 
tion of  it ;  it  is  a  mere  affair  of  trade.  What  I  wish  to  be 
employed  in  is  what,  I  am  well  aware,  no  other  individual 
will  undertake  to  do  :  namely,  to  scatter  the  Word  upon  the 
mountains,  amongst  the  valleys  and  the  inmost  recesses  of 
the  worst  and  most  dangerous  parts  of  Spain,  where  the 
people  are  more  fierce,  fanatic  and,  in  a  word,  Carlist." 

In  the  same  letter  Borrow  shows  how  thoroughly  he 
understood  his  own  character  when  he  wrote  : 

"  I  shall  not  feel  at  all  surprised  should  it  [the  plan] 
be  disapproved  of  all-together ;  but  I  wish  it  to  be  under- 
stood that  in  that  event  I  could  do  nothing  further  than  see 
the  work  through  the' press,  as  I  am  confident  that  whatever 
ardour  and  zeal  I  at  present  feel  in  the  cause  would  desert 
me  immediately,  and  that  I  should  neither  be  able  nor 
willing  to  execute  anything  which  might  be  suggested.  I 
wish  to  engage  in  nothing  which  would  not  allow  me  to 
depend  entirely  on  myself.  It  would  be  heart-breaking 
to  me  to  remain  at  Madrid  expending  the  Society's  money, 
with  almost  the  certainty  of  being  informed  eventually  by 
the  booksellers  and  their  correspondents  that  the  work 
has  no  sale.  In  a  word,  to  make  sure  that  some  copies  find 
their  way  among  the  people,  I  must  be  permitted  to  carry 
them  to  the  people  myself." 

He  goes  on  to  inform  Mr  Brandram  that  in  anticipa- 
tion of  the  acquiescence  of  the  Committee  in  his  schemes, 
he  has  purchased,  for  about  £12,  one  of  the  smuggler's 
horses,  which  he  has  preferred  to  a  mule,  on  account  of  the 

1  To  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  I4th  Jan.  1837. 

N 


194  AN  AMAZING  MISSIONARY  [1837 

expense  of  the  popular  hybrid,  and  also  because  of  its 
enormous  appetite,  to  satisfy  which  two  pecks  of  barley 
and  a  .proportionate  amount  of  straw  are  required 
each  twenty  -  four  hours,  as  the  beast  must  be  fed 
every  four  hours,  day  and  night.  Thus  the  members  of 
the  Committee  learned  something  about  the  ways  of  the 
mule. 

The  response  to  this  suggestion  was  a  resolution  passed 
by  the  Sub-Committee  for  General  Purposes,  by  which 
Borrow  was  permitted  to  enter  into  correspondence  with  the 
principal  booksellers  and  other  persons  favourable  to  the 
dissemination  of  the  Scriptures.  In  a  covering  letter1 
Mr  Brandram  very  pertinently  enquired,  "  Can  the  people 
in  these  wilds  read  ?  "  Whilst  not  wishing  to  put  a  final 
negative  to  the  proposal,  the  Secretary  asked  if  there  were 
no  middle  course.  Could  Borrow  not  establish  a  depot  at 
some  principal  place,  and  from  it  make  excursions  occupy- 
ing two  or  three  days  each,  "  instead  of  devoting  yourself 
wholly  to  the  wild  people." 

Borrow  assured  Mr  Brandram  that  he  had  misunder- 
stood. The  care  of  "  the  wild  people "  was  only  to  be 
incidental  on  his  visits  to  towns  and  villages  to  establish 
depots  or  agencies.  "  On  my  way,"  he  wrote,  "  I  intended 
to  visit  the  secret  and  secluded  spots  amongst  the  rugged 
hills  and  mountains,  and  to  talk  to  the  people,  after  my 
manner,  of  Christ."  2 

It  was  on  3rd  April  that  Borrow  had  received  the  letter 
from  Earl  Street  authorising  him  "  to  undertake  the  tour 
suggested  ...  for  the  purpose  of  circulating  the  Spanish 
New  Testament  in  some  of  the  principal  cities  of  Spain." 
He  was  requested  to  write  as  frequently  as  possible,  giving 
an  account  of  his  adventures.  At  the  same  time  Mr 
Brandram  wrote :  "  You  will  perceive  by  the  Resolution 
that  nearly  all  your  requests  are  complied  with.  You 
have  authority  to  go  forth  with  your  horses,  and  may  you 

1  27th  January  1837. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  27th  Feb.  1837. 


XIL]  THE  BLACK  ANDALUSIAN  195 

have  a  prosperous  journey.  .  .  .  Pray  for  wisdom  to  dis- 
cern between  presumptuousness  and  want  of  Faith.1 

The  printing  of  the  5000  copies  of  the  New  Testament 
in  Spanish  was  completed  early  in  April,  but  there  was 
considerable  delay  over  the  binding.  The  actual  date  of 
publication  was  ist  May.  The  work  had  been  well  done, 
and  was  "allowed  by  people  who  have  perused  it,  and 
with  no  friendly  feeling,  to  be  one  of  the  most  correct 
works  that  have  ever  issued  from  the  press  in  Spain,  and 
to  be  an  exceedingly  favourable  specimen  of  typography 
and  paper."  2 

In  addition  to  the  contrabandist's  horse,  Borrow  had 
acquired  "a  black  Andalusian  stallion  of  great  size  and 
strength,  and  capable  of  performing  a  journey  of  a  hundred 
leagues  in  a  week's  time." 3  In  spite  of  his  unbroken  state, 
Borrow  decided  to  purchase  the  animal,  relying  upon  "  a 
cargo  of  bibles  "  to  reduce  him  to  obedience.  It  was  with 
this  black  Andalusian  that  he  created  a  sensation  by  riding 
about  Madrid,  "with  a  Russian  skin  for  a  saddle,  and 
without  stirrups.  Altogether  making  so  conspicuous  a 
figure  that  [the  Marques  de]  Santa  Coloma  hesitated,  and 
it  needed  all  his  courage  to  be  seen  riding  with  him.  At 
this  period  Borrow  spent  a  good  deal  of  money  and  lived 
very  freely  (i.e.,  luxuriously)  in  Spain.  From  the  point  of 
view  of  the  Marques,  a  Spanish  Roman  Catholic,  Borrow 
was  excessively  bigoted,  and  fond  of  attacking  Roman 
Catholics  and  Catholicism.  He  evidently,  however,  liked 
him  as  a  companion  ;  but  he  says  Borrow  never,  as  far  as  he 
saw  or  could  learn,  spoke  of  religion  to  his  Gypsy  friends, 
and  that  he  soon  noticed  his  difference  of  attitude  towards 
them.  He  was  often  going  to  the  British  Embassy,  and 
he  thinks  was  considered  a  great  bore  there." 4 

1  Letter  from  Rev.  A.  Brandram  to  Borrow,  22nd  March  1837. 

2  Letter  from  Borrow  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  25th  Dec.  1837. 

3  Letter  from  Borrow  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  27th  February  1837, 

4  Rev.  Wentworth  Webster  in  The  Journal  of  the  Gypsy  Lore 
Society,  vol.  i.,  July  i888-October  1889. 


196  AN  AMAZING  MISSIONARY  [1837 

The  unanimous  advice  of  Borrow's  friends,  Protestant 
and  Roman  Catholic,  was  "  that  for  the  present  I  should 
proceed  with  the  utmost  caution,  but  without  concealing 
the  object  of  my  mission." 1  He  was  to  avoid  offending 
people's  prejudices  and  endeavour  everywhere  to  keep  on 
good  terms  with  the  clergy,  "at  least  one- third  of  whom 
are  known  to  be  anxious  for  the  dissemination  of  the 
Word  of  God,  though  at  the  same  time  unwilling  to 
separate  themselves  from  the  discipline  and  ceremonials 
of  Rome.2 

Thus  equipped  with  sage  counsel,  Borrow  was  just 
about  to  start  upon  his  journey  into  the  North,  when  he 
found  it  necessary  to  dismiss  his  servant  owing  to 
misconduct.  This  caused  delay.  Through  Mr  O'Shea, 
the  banker,  he  got  to  know  Antonio  Buchini,  the  Greek  of 
Constantinople,  who,  of  all  the  strange  characters  Borrow 
had  met  he  considered  "  the  most  surprising." 3  Antonio's 
vices  were  sufficiently  obvious  to  discourage  anyone  from 
attempting  to  discover  his  virtues.  He  loved  change, 
quarrelled  with  everybody,  masters,  mistresses,  and  fellow- 
servants.  Borrow  engaged  him ;  but  looked  to  the  future 
with  misgiving.  Antonio  unquestionably  had  his  bad 
points ;  yet  he  was  a  treasure  compared  with  the  Spaniard 
whom  he  succeeded.  This  man  was  much  given  to  drink 
and  was  always  engaged  in  some  quarrel.  He  drew 
his  terrible  knife,  such  as  all  Spaniards  carry,  upon  all  who 
offended  him.  On  one  occasion  Borrow  saved  from  his 
wrath  a  poor  maid-servant  who  had  incurred  his  ire  by 
burning  a  herring  she  was  toasting  for  him.  Antonio's 
virtues  comprised  an  unquestioned  honesty  and  devotion, 
and  on  the  whole  he  was  a  desirable  servant  in  a  country 
where  such  virtues  were  extremely  rare. 

It  was  not  until  I5th  May  that  Borrow,  accompanied 
by  Antonio,  was  able  to  get  away  from  Madrid.  A  few 

1  General  Report,  withdrawn.          2  General  Report,  withdrawn. 
3  Borrow  to  Richard  Ford.    Letters  of  Richard  Ford,  1797-1858. 
Ed.  R.  E.  Prothero.     Murray,  1905. 


XIL]        THE  BARBER-SURGEON'S  REMEDY         197 

days  previously  he  had  contracted  "a  severe  cold  which 
terminated  in  a  shrieking,  disagreeable  cough."  This, 
following  on  a  fortnight's  attack  of  influenza,  proved 
difficult  to  shake  off.  Finding  himself  scarcely  able  to 
stand,  he  at  length  appealed  to  a  barber-surgeon,  who 
drew  1 6  oz.  of  blood,  assuring  his  patient  that  on  the 
following  day  he  would  be  well  enough  to  start. 

That  same  evening  Mr  Villiers  sent  round  to  Borrow's 
lodgings  informing  him  that  he  had  decided  to  help  him 
by  every  means  in  his  power.  He  announced  his  intention 
of  purchasing  a  large  number  of  the  Testaments,  and 
despatching  them  to  the  various  British  Consuls  in 
Spain,  with  instructions  "to  employ  all  the  means 
which  their  official  situation  should  afford  them  to 
circulate  the  books  in  question,  and  to  assure  their 
being  noticed."1  They  were  also  to  render  every 
assistance  in  their  power  to  Borrow  "  as  a  friend  of  Mr 
Villiers,  and  a  person  in  the  success  of  whose  enterprise 
he  himself  took  the  warmest  interest."2  Mr  Villiers' 
interest  in  Borrow's  mission  seems  to  have  led  him  into 
a  diplomatic  indiscretion.  Borrow  himself  confesses  that 
he  could  scarcely  believe  his  ears.  Although  assured 
of  the  British  Minister's  friendly  attitude,  he  "could 
never  expect  that  he  would  come  forward  in  so 
noble,  and  to  say  the  least  of  it,  considering  his  high 
diplomatic  situation,  so  bold  and  decided  a  manner."3 
This  act  of  friendliness  becomes  a  personal  tribute  to 
Borrow,  when  it  is  remembered  that  at  first  Mr  Villiers 
had  been  by  no  means  well  disposed  towards  the  Bible 
Society. 

Before  leaving  Madrid,  Borrow  had  circularised  all  the 
principal  booksellers,  offering  to  supply  the  New  Testa- 
ment at  fifteen  reals  a  copy,  the  actual  cost  price  ;  but  he 
was  not  sanguine  as  to  the  result,  for  he  found  the 
Spaniard  "  short-sighted  and  ...  so  utterly  unacquainted 

1  Letter  from  Borrow  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  7th  June  1837. 

2  Ibid.  3  Ibid. 


198  AN  AMAZING  MISSIONARY  [1837 

with  the  rudiments  of  business."1  Advertisements  had 
been  inserted  in  all  the  principal  newspapers  stating  that 
the  booksellers  of  Madrid  were  now  in  a  position  to 
supply  the  New  Testament  in  Spanish,  unencumbered 
by  obscuring  notes  and  comments.  Borrow  also  provided 
for  an  advertisement  to  be  inserted  each  week  during  his 
absence,  which  he  anticipated  would  be  about  five  months. 
After  that  he  knew  not  what  would  happen — there  was 
always  China. 

1  Letter  from  Borrow  to  the  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2;th  February 
1837- 


CHAPTER   XIII 

MAY — OCTOBER  1837 

THE  prediction  of  the  surgeon-barber  was  fulfilled  ; 
by  the  next  morning  the  fever  and  cough  had  con- 
siderably abated,  although  the  patient  was  still  weak  from 
loss  of  blood.  This,  however,  did  not  hinder  him 
from  mounting  his  black  Andalusian,  and  starting  upon 
his  initial  journey  of  distribution.  On  arriving  at 
Salamanca,  his  first  objective,  he  immediately  sought  out 
the  principal  bookseller  and  placed  with  him  copies  of 
the  New  Testament.  He  also  inserted  an  advertisement 
in  the  local  newspaper,  stating  that  the  volume  was  the 
only  guide  to  salvation ;  at  the  same  time  he  called 
attention  to  the  great  pecuniary  sacrifices  that  the  Bible 
Society  was  making  in  order  to  proclaim  Christ  crucified. 
This  advertisement  he  caused  to  be  struck  off  in  consider- 
able numbers  as  bills  and  posted  in  various  parts  of  the 
town,  and  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  affix  one  to  the  porch 
of  the  church.  He  also  distributed  them  as  he  progressed 
through  the  villages.1 

From    Salamanca   (loth   June)   Borrow  journeyed   to 

1  As  the  method  adopted  was  practically  the  same  in  every  town 
he  visited,  no  further  reference  need  be  made  to  the  fact,  and  in  the 
brief  survey  of  the  journeys  that  Borrow  himself  has  described  so 
graphically,  only  incidents  that  tend  to  throw  light  upon  his  character 
or  disposition,  and  such  as  he  has  not  recorded  himself,  will  be  dealt 
with. 

199 


200  A  PROVINCIAL  TOUR  [1837 

Valladolid,  and  from  thence  to  Leon,1  (a  hotbed  of 
Carlism),  where  the  people  were  ignorant  and  brutal  and 
refused  to  the  stranger  a  glass  of  water,  unless  he  were 
prepared  to  pay  for  it.  At  Leon  he  was  seized  by  a  fever 
that  prostrated  him  for  a  week.  He  also  experienced 
marked  antagonism  from  the  clergy,  who  threatened  every 
direful  consequence  to  whosoever  read  or  purchased 
"  the  accursed  books  "  which  he  brought.  A  more  serious 
evidence  of  their  displeasure  was  shown  by  the  action  they 
commenced  in  the  ecclesiastical  court  against  the  book- 
seller whom  Borrow  had  arranged  with  to  act  as  agent  for 
his  Testaments.  The  bookseller  himself  did  not  mend 
matters  by  fixing  upon  the  doors  of  the  cathedral  itself 
one  of  the  advertisements  that  he  had  received  with  the 
books. 

When  sufficiently  recovered  to  travel,  Borrow  proceeded 
to  Astorga,  which  he  reached  with  the  utmost  difficulty 
owing  to  bad  roads  and  the  fierce  heat. 

"  We  were  compelled  to  take  up  our  abode,"  he  writes,2 
"  in  a  wretched  hovel  full  of  pigs'  vermin  and  misery,  and 
from  this  place  I  write,  for  this  morning  I  felt  myself 
unable  to  proceed  on  my  journey,  being  exhausted  with 
illness,  fatigue  and  want  of  food,  for  scarcely  anything  is  to 
be  obtained  ;  but  I  return  God  thanks  and  glory  for  being 
permitted  to  undergo  these  crosses  and  troubles  for  His 
Word's  sake.  I  would  not  exchange  my  present  situation, 
unenviable  as  some  may  think  it,  for  a  throne." 

Thus  Borrow  wrote  when  burning  with  fever,  after  having 
just  been  told  to  vacate  his  room  at  the  posada,  and  having 
his  luggage  flung  into  the  yard  to  make  room  for  the 
occupants  of  the  "  waggon  "  from  Madrid  to  Corufia. 

1  Via  Pitiegua,  Pedroso,  Medina  del  Campo,  Duenas  Palencia. 

"  I  suffered  dreadfully  during  this  journey,"  Borrow  wrote,  "as  did 
likewise  my  man  and  horses,  for  the  heat  was  the  fiercest  which  I  have 
ever  known,  and  resembled  the  breath  of  the  simoon  or  the  air  from 
an  oven's  mouth." — Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  5th  July  1837. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  5th  July  1837. 


XIIL]  THE  GRAND  POST  201 

From  Astorga  he  proceeded  by  way  of  Puerto  de 
Manzanal,  Bembibre,  Cacabelos,  Villafranca,  Puerto  de 
Fuencebadon  and  Nogales, "  through  the  wildest  mountains 
and  wildernesses  "  to  Lugo. 

Owing  to  the  unsafety  of  the  roads,  it  was  customary 
for  travellers  to  attach  themselves  to  the  Grand  Post, 
which  was  always  guarded  by  an  escort.  At  Nogales 
Borrow  joined  the  mail  courier ;  but  as  a  rule  he  was  too 
independent,  too  much  in  a  hurry,  and  too  indifferent  to 
danger  to  wait  for  such  protection  against  the  perils  of  the 
robber- infested  roads.  He  has  given  the  following  graphic 
account  "of  the  grand  post  from  Madrid  to  Coruna  .  .  . 
attended  by  a  considerable  escort,  and  an  immense  number 
of  travellers.  .  .  .  We  were  soon  mounted  and  in  the  street, 
amidst  a  confused  throng  of  men  and  quadrupeds.  The 
light  of  a  couple  of  flambeaus,  which  were  borne  before  the 
courier,  shone  on  the  arms  of  several  soldiers,  seemingly 
drawn  up  on  either  side  of  the  road ;  the  darkness,  how- 
ever, prevented  me  from  distinguishing  objects  very 
clearly.  The  courier  himself  was  mounted  on  a  little 
shaggy  pony ;  before  and  behind  him  were  two  immense 
portmanteaus,  or  leather  sacks,  the  ends  of  which  nearly 
touched  the  ground.  For  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  there 
was  much  hubbub,  shouting,  and  trampling,  at  the  end  of 
which  period  the  order  was  given  to  proceed.  Scarcely 
had  we  left  the  village  when  the  flambeaus  were  ex- 
tinguished, and  we  were  left  in  almost  total  darkness.  .  .  . 
In  this  manner  we  proceeded  for  several  hours,  up  hill  and 
down  dale,  but  generally  at  a  very  slow  pace.  The  soldiers 
who  escorted  us  from  time  to  time  sang  patriotic  songs. 
...  At  last  the  day  began  to  break,  and  I  found  myself 
amidst  a  train  of  two  or  three  hundred  people,  some  on 
foot,  but  the  greater  part  mounted,  either  on  mules  or  the 
pony  mares  :  I  could  not  distinguish  a  single  horse  except 
my  own  and  Antonio's.  A  few  soldiers  were  thinly 
scattered  along  the  road." J 

1  The  Bible  in  Sfiain^  pages  352-4. 


202  A  PROVINCIAL  TOUR  [1837 

After  about  a  week's  stay  at  Lugo,  Borrow  again 
attached  himself  to  the  Grand  Post ;  but  tiring  of  its  slow 
and  deliberate  progress,  he  decided  to  push  on  alone,  and 
came  very  near  to  falling  a  prey  to  the  banditti.  He  was 
suddenly  confronted  by  two  of  the  fraternity,  who  presented 
their  carbines,  "  which  they  probably  intended  to  discharge 
into  my  body,  but  they  took  fright  at  the  noise  of  Antonio's 
horse,  who  was  following  a  little  way  behind." l 

The  night  was  spent  at  Betanzos,  where  the  black 
Andalusian  was  stricken  with  "a  deep,  hoarse  cough." 
Remembering  a  prophetic  remark  that  had  been  made  by 
a  roadside  acquaintance  to  the  effect  that  "  the  man  must 
be  mad  who  brings  a  horse  to  Galicia,  and  doubly  so  he 
who  brings  an  entero"  Borrow,  determined  to  have  the 
animal  bled,  sent  for  a  farrier,  meanwhile  rubbing  down  his 
steed  with  a  quart  of  anis  brandy.  The  farrier  demanded 
an  ounce  of  gold  for  the  operation,  which  decided 
Borrow  to  perform  it  himself.  With  a  large  fleam 
that  he  possessed,  he  twice  bled  the  Andalusian,  to 
the  astonishment  of  the  discomfited  farrier,  and  saved  its 
valuable  life,  also  an  ounce  of  gold.  Next  day  he  and 
Antonio  walked  to  Coruna,  leading  their  horses. 

At  Coruna  were  five  hundred  copies  of  the  New 
Testament  that  had  been  sent  on  from  Madrid.  So  far 
Borrow  had  himself  disposed  of  sixty-five  copies,  irrespec- 
tive of  those  sold  at  Lugo  and  other  places  by  means  of 
the  advertisement.  These  books  were  all  sold  at  prices 
ranging  from  10  to  12  reals  each.  Borrow  made  a  special 
point  of  this,  "  to  give  a  direct  lie  to  the  assertion  "  that  the 
Bible  Society,  having  no  vent  for  the  Bibles  and  New 
Testaments  it  printed,  was  forced  either  to  give  them 
away  or  sell  them  by  auction,  when  they  were  purchased 
as  waste  paper. 

The  condition  of  the  roads  at  that  period  was  so  bad, 
on  account  of  robbers  and  Carlists,  that  it  was  forbidden  to 
anyone  to  travel  along  the  thoroughfare  leading  to  Santiago 
1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  364. 


XIIL]     THE  VIPER-CATCHER'S  MARTYRDOM      203 

unless  in  company  with  the  mail  courier  and  his  escort  of 
soldiers.  Unfortunately  for  Borrow  his  black  Andalusian 
was  not  of  a  companionable  disposition,  and  to  bring  him 
near  other  horses  was  to  invite  a  fierce  contest.  On  the 
rare  occasions  that  he  did  travel  with  the  Grand  Post, 
Borrow  was  frequently  involved  in  difficulties  on  account  of 
the  entero's  unsociable  nature ;  but  as  he  was  deeply 
attached  to  the  noble  beast,  he  retained  him  and  suffered 
dangers  rather  than  give  up  the  companion  of  many  an 
adventure. 

Some  idea  may  be  obtained  of  the  state  of  rural  Spain 
in  1837,  when  the  highways  teemed  with  "patriots"  bent 
upon  robbing  friend  and  foe  alike  and  afterwards  assas- 
sinating or  mutilating  their  victims,  from  a  story  that 
Borrow  tells  of  how  a  viper-catcher,  who  was  engaged  in 
pursuing  his  calling  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Orense,  fell 
into  the  hands  of  these  miscreants,  who  robbed  and  stripped 
him.  They  then  pinioned  his  hands  behind  him  and  drew 
over  his  head  the  mouth  of  the  bag  containing  the  living 
vipers,  which  they  fastened  round  his  neck  and  listened 
with  satisfaction  to  the  poor  wretch's  cries.  The  reptiles 
stung  their  victim  to  madness,  and  after  having  run  raving 
through  several  villages  he  eventually  fell  dead.1 

Making  Coruna  his  headquarters,  Borrow  proceeded  to 
Santiago,  "  travelling  with  the  courier  or  weekly  post,"  and 
from  thence  to  Padron,  Pontevedra,  and  Vigo.  At  Vigo 
he  was  apprehended  as  a  spy,  but  immediately  released. 

It  was  whilst  at  Santiago  that  he  repeated  an  experi- 
ment he  had  previously  made  at  Valladolid. 

"I  ...  sallied  forth,"  he  writes,2  " alone  and  on  horse- 
back, and  bent  my  course  to  a  distant  village ;  on  my 
arrival,  which  took  place  just  after  the  siesta  or  afternoon's 
nap  had  concluded,  I  proceeded  ...  to  the  market  place, 

1  This  is  the  story  particularly  referred  to  by  Richard  Ford  in 
his  report  upon  the  MS.  of  The  Bible  in  Spain. 

2  In  the  Report  to  the  General  Committee  of  the  Bible  Society  on 
Past  and  Future  Operations  in  Spain,  November  1838. 


204  A  PROVINCIAL  TOUR  [1837 

where  I  spread  a  horse-cloth  on  the  ground,  upon  which  I 
deposited  my  books.  I  then  commenced  crying  with  a 
loud  voice :  *  Peasants,  peasants,  I  bring  you  the  Word  of 
God  at  a  cheap  price.  I  know  you  have  but  little  money, 
but  I  bring  it  you  at  whatever  you  can  command,  at  four 
or  three  reals,  according  to  your  means.'  I  thus  went  on 
till  a  crowd  gathered  round  me,  who  examined  the  books 
with  attention,  many  of  them  reading  aloud,  but  I  had 
not  long  to  wait ;  .  .  .  my  cargo  was  disposed  of  almost 
instantaneously,  and  I  mounted  my  horse  without  a 
question  being  asked  me,  and  returned  to  my  temporary 
abode  lighter  than  I  came." 

Borrow  did  not  repeat  the  experiment  for  fear  of 
giving  offence  to  the  clergy.  The  new  means  of  distribu- 
tion was  to  be  used  only  as  a  last  resource. 

Arriving  at  Padron  on  the  return  journey,  Borrow 
found  that  he  had  only  one  book  left.  He  determined  to 
send  Antonio  forward  with  the  horses  to  await  him  at 
Corufia,  whilst  he  made  an  excursion  to  Cape  Finisterre. 

"  It  would  be,"  he  says,  "  difficult  to  assign  any  plausible 
reason  for  the  ardent  desire  which  I  entertained  to  visit 
this  place ;  but  I  remembered  that  last  year  I  had  escaped 
almost  by  a  miracle  from  shipwreck  and  death  on  the 
rocky  sides  of  this  extreme  point  of  the  Old  World,  and  I 
thought  that  to  convey  the  Gospel  to  a  place  so  wild  and 
remote  might  perhaps  be  considered  an  acceptable 
pilgrimage  in  the  eyes  of  my  Maker." 1 

Hiring  a  guide  and  a  pony,  he  reached  the  Cape,  after 
surmounting  tremendous  difficulties,  and  on  arrival  he  and 
his  guide  were  arrested  as  Carlist  spies.2  In  all  probability 
he  would  have  been  shot,  such  was  the  certainty  of  the 
Alcalde  that  he  was  a  spy,  had  not  the  professional  hero  of 
the  place  come  forward  and, after  having  cross-examined  him 
as  to  his  knowledge  of  "  knife  "  and  "  fork,"  the  only  two 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  409. 

2  In  The  Bible  in  Spain  Borrow  says  he  was  arrested  on  suspicion 
of  being  the  Pretender  himself;  but  in  a  letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram, 
1 5th  September  1837,  he  says  that  he  and  his  guide  were  seized  as 
Carlist  spies,  and  makes  no  mention  of  Don  Carlos. 


xiii.]  A  DEAL  IN  HORSE-FLESH  205 

English  words  the  Spaniard  knew,  pronounced  him  English, 
and  eventually  conveyed  him  to  the  Alcalde  of  Convucion, 
who  released  him.  On  the  man  who  had  saved  him 
Borrow  privately  bestowed  a  gratuity,  and  publicly  the 
copy  of  the  New  Testament  that  had  led  to  the  expedi- 
tion. He  then  returned  to  Corufia,  by  his  journey 
having  accomplished  "what  has  long  been  one  of  the 
ardent  wishes  of  my  heart.  I  have  carried  the  Gospel  to 
the  extreme  point  of  the  Old  World." 1 

The  black  Andalusian  was  totally  unfitted  for  the  long 
mountainous  journey  into  the  Asturias  that  Borrow  now 
planned  to  undertake,  and  he  decided  to  dispose  of  him. 
He  was  greatly  attached  to  the  creature,  notwithstanding 
his  vicious  habits  and  the  difficulties  that  arose  out  of 
them.  Now  the  entero  would  be  engaged  in  a  deadly 
struggle  with  some  gloomy  mule ;  again,  by  rushing 
among  a  crowd  outside  a  posada,  he  would  do  infinite 
damage  and  earn  for  his  master  and  himself  an  evil  name. 
Borrow  thus  announces  to  the  Bible  Society  the  sale  of  its 
property  :  "  This  animal  cost  the  Society  about  2000  reals 
at  Madrid ;  I,  however,  sold  him  for  3000  at  Corufia, 
notwithstanding  that  he  has  suffered  much  from  the  hard 
labour  which  he  had  been  subjected  to  in  our  wanderings 
in  Galicia,  and  likewise  from  bad  provender." 2 

Borrow  next  set  out  upon  an, expedition  to  O/viedo  in 
the  Asturias, 3  then  in  daily  expectation  of  being  attacked 
by  the  Carlists.  It  was  at  Ofviedo  that  he  received 
a  striking  tribute  from  a  number  of  Spanish  gentlemen. 

"  A  strange  adventure  has  just  occurred  to  me,"  he 
wrote. 4  "I  am  in  the  ancient  town  of  Ofviedo,  in  a  very 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  isth  September  1837. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2Qth  September  1837. 

3  By  way  of  Ferrol,  Novales,  Santa  Maria,  Coisa  d'Ouro,  Viviero, 
Foz,  Rivadeo,  Castro  Pol,  Nava"ia,  Luarca,  the  Caneiro,  Las  Bellotas, 
Soto  Luino,  Muros,  Aviles  and  Gijon. 

*  To  the  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  29th  Sept.  1837.  The  story  also 
appears  in  The  Bible  in  Spain^  pages  479-480. 


206  A  PROVINCIAL  TOUR  [1837 

large,  scantily  furnished  and  remote  room  of  an  ancient 
posada,  formerly  a  palace  of  the  Counts  of  Santa  Cruz, 
it  is  past  ten  at  night  and  the  rain  is  descending  in 
torrents.  I  ceased  writing  on  hearing  numerous  foot- 
steps ascending  the  creeking  stairs  which  lead  to  my 
apartment — the  door  was  flung  open,  and  in  walked  nine 
men  of  tall  stature,  marshalled  by  a  little  hunchbacked 
personage.  They  were  all  muffled  in  the  long  cloaks  of 
Spain,  but  I  instantly  knew  by  their  demeanour  that 
they  were  caballeros,  or  gentlemen.  They  placed  them- 
selves in  a  rank  before  the  table  where  I  was  sitting ; 
suddenly  and  simultaneously  they  all  flung  back  their 
cloaks,  and  I  perceived  that  every  one  bore  a  book  in  his 
hand,  a  book  which  I  knew  full  well.  After  a  pause, 
which  I  was  unable  to  break,  for  I  sat  lost  in  astonish- 
ment and  almost  conceived  myself  to  be  visited  by 
apparitions,  the  hunchback  advancing  somewhat  before 
the  rest,  said,  in  soft  silvery  tones,  *  Senor  Cavalier,  was 
it  you  who  brought  this  book  to  the  Asturias  ? '  I  now 
supposed  that  they  were  the  civil  authorities  of  the  place 
come  to  take  me  into  custody,  and,  rising  from  my  seat, 
I  exclaimed :  '  It  certainly  was  I,  and  it  is  my  glory 
to  have  done  so ;  the  book  is  the  New  Testament  of  God  ; 
I  wish  it  was  in  my  power  to  bring  a  million.'  '  I  heartily 
wish  so  too/  said  the  little  personage  with  a  sigh  ;  *  be  under 
no  apprehension,  Sir  Cavalier,  these  gentlemen  are  my 
friends.  We  have  just  purchased  these  books  in  the  shop 
where  you  have  placed  them  for  sale,  and  have  taken  the 
liberty  of  calling  upon  you  in  order  to  return  you  our 
thanks  for  the  treasure  you  have  brought  us.  I  hope 
you  can  furnish  us  with  the  Old  Testament  also ! '  I 
replied  that  I  was  sorry  to  inform  him  that  at  present  it 
was  entirely  out  of  my  power  to  comply  with  his  wish, 
as  I  had  no  Old  Testaments  in  my  possession,  but  I  did 
not  despair  of  procuring  some  speedily  from  England.1 
He  then  asked  me  a  great  many  questions  concerning 

1  Borrow's  original  idea  in  printing  only  the  New  Testament  was 
that  in  Spain  and  Portugal  he  deemed  it  better  not  to  publish  the 
whole  Bible,  at  least  not  "until  the  inhabitants  become  christianised," 
because  the  Old  Testament  "is  so  infinitely  entertaining  to  the  carnal 
man,"  and  he  feared  that  in  consequence  the  New  Testament  would 
be  little  read.  Later  he  saw  his  mistake,  and  was  constantly  asking 
for  Bibles,  for  which  there  was  a  big  demand. 


XIIL]      THE  TEN  GENTLEMEN  OF  ORVIEDO       207 

my  Biblical  travels  in  Spain  and  my  success,  and  the 
views  entertained  by  the  Society  in  respect  to  Spain, 
adding  that  he  hoped  we  should  pay  particular  attention 
to  the  Asturias,  which  he  assured  me  was  the  best  ground 
in  the  Peninsula  for  our  labour.  After  about  half  an 
hour's  conversation,  he  suddenly  said  in  the  English 
language,  '  Good  night,  Sir,'  wrapped  his  cloak  around 
him  and  walked  out  as  he  had  come.  His  companions, 
who  had  hitherto  not  uttered  a  word,  .all  repeated, 
*  Good  night,  Sir,'  and  adjusting  their  cloaks  followed 
him." 

This  anecdote  greatly  impressed  the  General  Committee. 
Mr  Brandram  wrote  (iSth  November  1837):  "We  were  all 
deeply  interested  with  your  ten  gentlemen  of  Orviedo. 
I  have  introduced  them  at  several  meetings." 

Whilst  at  Orviedo,  Borrow  began  to  be  very  uneasy 
about  the  state  of  affairs  at  the  capital.  "  Madrid,"  he 
wrote,1  "  is  the  depot  of  our  books,  and  I  am  apprehensive 
that  in  the  revolutions  and  disturbances  which  at  present 
seem  to  threaten  it,  our  whole  stock  may  perish.  True  it 
is  that  in  order  to  reach  Madrid  I  should  have  to  pass 
through  the  midst  of  the  Carlist  hordes,  who  would  perhaps 
slay  or  make  me  prisoner ;  but  I  am  at  present  so  much 
accustomed  to  perilous  adventure,  and  have  hitherto 
experienced  so  many  fortunate  escapes,  that  the  dangers 
which  infest  the  route  would  not  deter  me  a  moment 
from  venturing.  But  there  is  no  certain  intelligence, 
and  Madrid  may  be  in  safety  or  on  the  brink  of 
falling." 

Another  factor  that  made  him  desirous  of  returning  to 
the  capital  was  that,  ever  since  leaving  Corufia,  he  had 
been  afflicted  with  a  dysentery  and,  later,  with  ophthalmia, 
which  resulted  from  it,  and  he  was  anxious  to  obtain 
proper  medical  advice.  He  determined,  however,  first 
to  carry  out  his  project  of  visiting  Santander,  which  he 
reached  by  way  of  Villa  Viciosa,  Colunga,  Riba  de  Sella, 
Lldnes,  Colombres,  San  Vicente,  Santillana.  It  was  at 
1  To  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  29th  September  1837. 


208  A  PROVINCIAL  TOUR  [1837 

Santander  that  he  encountered  the  unfortunate  Flinter,1 
as  brave  with  his  sword  as  with  his  tongue. 

Instructions  had  been  given  in  a  letter  to  Borrego  to 
forward  to  Santander  two  hundred  copies  of  the  New 
Testament ;  but,  much  to  Borrow's  disappointment,  he 
found  that  they  had  not  arrived.  He  thought  that  either 
they  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Carlists,  or  his  letter 
of  instruction  had  miscarried  :  as  a  matter  of  fact  they 
did  not  leave  Madrid  until  3Oth  October,  the  day  before 
Borrow  arrived  at  the  capital.  Thus  his  journey  was 
largely  wasted.  It  would  be  folly  to  remain  at  Santander, 
where,  in  spite  of  the  strictest  economy,  his  expenses 
amounted  to  two  pounds  a  day,  whilst  a  further  supply 
of  books  was  obtained.  Accordingly  he  determined  to 
make  for  Madrid  without  further  delay. 

Purchasing  a  small  horse,  and  notwithstanding  that 
he  was  so  ill  as  scarcely  to  be  able  to  support  himself; 
indifferent  to  the  fact  that  the  country  between  Santander 
and  Madrid  was  overrun  with  Carlists,  whose  affairs  in 
Castile  had  not  prospered ;  too  dispirited  to  collect  his 
thoughts  sufficiently  to  write  to  Mr  Brandram,  he  set 
out,  accompanied  by  Antonio,  "determined  to  trust,  as 
usual,  in  the  Almighty  and  to  venture."  Physical  ailments, 
however,  did  not  in  any  way  cause  him  to  forget  why 
he  had  come  to  Santander,  and  before  leaving  he  made 
tentative  arrangements  with  the  booksellers  of  the  town 
as  to  what  they  should  do  in  the  event  of  his  being  able 
to  send  them  a  supply  of  Testaments. 

That  journey  of  a  hundred  leagues  was  a  nightmare. 
"  Robberies,  murders,  and  all  kinds  of  atrocity  were 
perpetrated  before,  behind,  and  on  both  sides  "  of  them  ; 
but  they  passed  through  it  all  as  if  travelling  along  an 

1  George  Dawson  Flinter,  an  Irishman  in  the  service  of  Queen 
Isabella  II.,  who  fought  for  his  adopted  Queen  with  courage  and 
distinction,  and  eventually  committed  suicide  as  a  protest  against  the 
monstrously  unjust  conspiracy  to  bring  about  his  ruin,  September 
1838. 


xm.]  THE  ADMIRABLE  ANTONIO  209 

English  highway.  Even  when  met  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Black  Pass  by  a  man,  his  face  covered  with  blood,  who 
besought  him  not  to  enter  the  pass,  where  he  had  just  been 
robbed  of  all  he  possessed,  Borrow,  without  making  reply, 
proceeded  on  his  way.  He  was  too  ill  to  weigh  the  risks, 
and  Antonio  followed  cheerfully  wherever  his  master  went. 
Madrid  was  reached  on  3ist  October.1  The  next  day 
Borrow  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram :  "  People  say  we  have 
been  very  lucky ;  Antonio  says,  ( It  was  so  written ' ;  but 
I  say,  Glory  be  to  the  Lord  for  His  mercies  vouchsafed." 

The  expedition  to  the  Northern  Provinces  had 
occupied  five  and  a  half  months.  Every  kind  of  fatigue 
had  been  experienced,  dangers  had  been  faced,  even 
courted,  and  every  incident  of  the  road  turned  to  further 
the  end  in  view — the  distribution  of  the  Scriptures  m 
Spain.  The  countryside  had  proved  itself  ignorant  and 
superstitious,  and  the  towns  eager,  not  for  the  Word  of 
God  but  "  for  stimulant  narratives,  and  amongst  too  many 
a  lust  for  the  deistical  writings  of  the  French,  especially 
for  those  of  Talleyrand,  which  have  been  translated  into 
Spanish  and  published  by  the  press  of  Barcelona,  and  for 
which  I  was  frequently  pestered."2  Antonio  had  proved 
himself  a  unique  body-servant  and  companion,  and  if  with 
a  previous  employer  he  had  valued  his  personal  comfort 
so  highly  as  to  give  notice  because  his  mistress's  pet 
quail  disturbed  his  slumbers,  he  was  nevertheless  utterly 
indifferent  to  the  hardships  and  discomforts  that  he 
endured  when  with  Borrow,  and  always  proved  cheerful 
and  willing. 

Borrow  had  "  by  private  sale  disposed  of  one  hundred 
and  sixteen  Testaments  to  individuals  entirely  of  the 
lower  classes,  namely,  muleteers,  carmen,  contrabandistas^ 
etc."  3  He  had  dared  to  undertake  what  perhaps  only  he 
was  capable  of  carrying  to  a  successful  issue;  for,  left 

1  By  way  of  Ontaneda,  Ona,  Burgos,  Vallodolid,  Guadarrama. 

2  General  Report,  withdrawn. 

3  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  ist  November  1837. 

O 


210  A  PROVINCIAL  TOUR  [1837 

alone  to  make  his  own  plans  and  conduct  the  campaign 
along  his  own  lines,  Borrow  has  probably  never  been 
equalled  as  a  missionary,  strange  though  the  term  may 
seem  when  applied  to  him.  His  fear  of  God  did  not 
hinder  him  from  making  other  men  fear  God's  instrument, 
himself.  His  fine  capacity  for  affairs,  together  with  what 
must  have  appeared  to  the  clergy  of  the  districts  through 
which  he  passed  his  outrageous  daring,  conspired  to  his 
achieving  what  few  other  men  would  have  thought,  and 
probably  none  were  capable  of  undertaking.  A  mission- 
ary who  rode  a  noble,  black  Andalusian  stallion,  who 
could  use  a  fleam  as  well  as  a  blacksmith's  hammer,  who 
could  ride  barebacked,  and,  above  all,  made  men  fear  him 
as  a  physical  rather  than  a  spiritual  force,  was  new  in 
Spain,  as  indeed  elsewhere.  The  very  novelty  of  Borrow's 
methods,  coupled  with  the  daring  and  unconventional 
independence  of  the  man  himself,  ensured  the  success  of 
his  mission.  There  was  something  of  the  Camel-Driver 
of  Mecca  about  his  missionary  work.  He  saw  nothing 
anomalous  in  being  possessed  of  a  strong  arm  as  well 
as  a  Christian  spirit.  He  would  endeavour  to  win  over 
the  ungodly ;  but  woe  betide  them  if  they  should 
attempt  to  pit  their  strength  against  his.  Borrow's  own 
comment  upon  his  journey  in  the  Northern  Provinces  was, 
"  Insignificant  are  the  results  of  man's  labours  compared 
with  the  swelling  ideas  of  his  presumption ;  something, 
however,  had  been  effected  by  the  journey  which  I  had 
just  concluded." l 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain^  page  507. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

NOVEMBER    1837 — APRIL    1838 

REAT  changes  had  taken  place  in  Madrid  during 
Borrow's  absence.  The  Carlists  had  actually  appeared 
before  its  gates,  although  they  had  subsequently  retired. 
Liberalism  had  been  routed  and  a  Moderado  Cabinet, 
under  the  leadership  of  Count  Ofalia,  ruled  the  city  and 
such  part  of  the  country  as  was  sufficiently  complaisant  as 
to  permit  itself  to  be  ruled.  As  the  Moderados  represented 
the  Court  faction,  Borrow  saw  that  he  had  little  to  expect 
from  them.  He  was  unacquainted  with  any  of  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  and,  what  was  far  more  serious 
for  him,  the  relations  between  the  new  Government  and 
Sir  George  Villiers l  were  none  too  cordial,  as  the  British 
Minister  had  been  by  no  means  favourable  to  the  new 
ministry. 

Having  written  to  Mr  Brandram  telling  of  his  arrival 
in  Madrid,  "  begging  pardon  for  all  errors  of  commission 
and  omission,"  and  confessing  himself  "  a  frail  and  foolish 
vessel,"  that  had  "accomplished  but  a  slight  portion  of 
what  I  proposed  in  my  vanity,"  Borrow  proceeded  to  dis- 
prove his  own  assertion. 

He  found  the  affairs  of  the  Bible  Society  in  a  far  from 
flourishing  condition.  The  Testaments  had  not  sold  to 
any  considerable  extent,  for  which  "  only  circumstances  and 
the  public  poverty  "  were  the  cause,  as  Dr  Usoz  explained. 
To  awaken  interest  in  his  campaign,  Borrow  planned  to 

1  He  was  created  G.C.B.  igth  Oct.  1837. 
211 


212  THE  AUTHORITIES  INTERVENE          [1837 

print  a  thousand  advertisements,  which  were  to  be  posted  in 
various  parts  of  the  city,  and  to  employ  colporteurs  to 
vend  the  books  in  the  streets.  He  despatched  consign- 
ments of  books  to  towns  he  had  visited  that  required  them, 
and  in  the  enthusiasm  of  his  eager  and  active  mind 
foresaw  that,  "  as  the  circle  widens  in  the  lake  into  which  a 
stripling  has  cast  a  pebble,  so  will  the  circle  of  our  useful- 
ness continue  widening,  until  it  has  embraced  the  whole 
vast  region  of  Spain.1 

It  soon  became  evident  that  there  was  to  be  a  very 
strong  opposition.  A  furious  attack  upon  the  Bible  Society 
was  made  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  editors  of  El  Espanol 
on  5th  November,  prefixed  to  a  circular  of  the  Spiritual 
Governor  of  Valencia,  forbidding  the  purchase  or  reading 
of  the  London  edition  of  Father  Scio's  Bible.  The  letter 
described  the  Bible  Society  as  "  an  infernal  society,"  and 
referred  in  passing  to  "its  accursed  fecundity."  It  also 
strongly  resented  the  omission  of  the  Apocrypha  from  the 
Scio  Bible.  Borrow  promptly  replied  to  this  attack  in  a 
letter  of  great  length,  and  entirely  silenced  his  antagonist, 
whom  he  described  to  Mr  Brandram  (2oth  Nov.)  as  "  an 
unprincipled  benefice-hunting  curate."  "  You  will  doubtless 
deem  it  too  warm  and  fiery,"  he  writes,  referring  to  his 
reply,  "but  tameness  and  gentleness  are  of  little  avail 
when  surrounded  by  the  vassal  slaves  of  bloody  Rome." ' 
Borrow's  response  to  the  "benefice-hunting  curate"  not 
only  silenced  him,  but  was  listened  to  by  the  General 
Committee  of  the  Society  "  with  much  pleasure." 

The  cause  of  the  trouble  in  Valencia  lay  with  the  other 
agent  of  the  Bible  Society  in  Spain,  Lieutenant  James 
Newenham  Graydon,  R.N.,  who  first  took  up  the  work  of 
distributing  the  Scriptures  at  Gibraltar  in  1835.  Here  he 
became  associated  with  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Rule,  of  the 
Wesleyan  Methodist  Society.  "  The  Lieutenant,  who 
seems  to  have  combined  the  personal  charm  of  the  Irish 

1  Letter  from  Borrow  to  the  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2oth  Nov.  1837. 

2  To  the  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2oth  Nov.  1837. 


xiv.]  A  NAVAL  MISSIONARY  213 

gentleman  with  some  of  the  perfervid  incautiousness  of 
the  Keltic  temperament,  finding  himself  unemployed  at 
Gibraltar,  resolved  to  do  what  lay  in  his  power  for  the 
spiritual  enlightenment  of  Spain.  Without  receiving  a 
regular  commission  from  any  society,  he  took  up  single- 
handed  the  task  which  he  had  imposed  upon  himself." l 

Borrow  had  first  met  Lieutenant  Graydon  at  Madrid, 
in  the  summer  of  1836,  where  he  saw  him  two  or  three 
times.  When  Graydon  left,  on  account  of  the  heat,  Borrow 
had  removed  to  Graydon's  lodgings  as  being  more  com- 
fortable than  his  own.  The  prohibition  in  Valencia  was 
directly  due  to  the  indiscretion  and  incaution  of  Graydon. 
The  Vicar-General  of  the  province  gave  as  a  reason  for  his 
action,  an  advertisement  that  had  appeared  in  the  Diario 
Comercial  of  Valencia,  undertaking  to  supply  Bibles  gratis 
to  those  who  could  not  afford  to  buy  them.  For  this 
advertisement  Graydon  was  admonished  by  the  General 
Committee,  which  refused  to  entertain  his  plea  that,  being 
unpaid,  he  was  not,  strictly  speaking,  an  agent  of  the  Bible 
Society.  He  was  given  to  understand  that  as  the  Society 
was  responsible  for  his  acts  he  must  be  guided  by  its  views 
and  wishes. 

The  next  occasion  on  which  Borrow  came  into  conflict 
with  this  impulsive  missionary  free-lance  was  in  March 
1838,  when  he  heard  from  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Rule  that 
Graydon  was  on  his  way  to  Andalusia.  Borrow  immedi- 
ately wrote  to  Mr  Brandram  that  he,  acting  on  the  advice 
of  Sir  George  Villiers,  had  already  planned  an  expedition 
into  that  province,  and  furthermore  that  he  had  despatched 
there  a  number  of  Testaments.  He  explained  to  Mr 
Brandram  that  he  was  apprehensive  "  of  the  re-acting  at 
Seville  of  the  Valencian  Drama,  which  I  have  such 
unfortunate  cause  to  rue,  as  I  am  the  victim  on  whom  an 
aggravated  party  have  wreaked  their  vengeance,  and  for 
the  very  cogent  reason  that  I  was  within  their  reach."2 

1  History  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,  W.  Canton. 

2  Letter  from  Borrow  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  3oth  March  1838. 


214  THE  AUTHORITIES  INTERVENE          [1837 

On  this  occasion  Graydon  was  instructed  not  to  start  upon 
his  projected  journey,  although  Mr  Brandram  gave  the 
order  much  against  his  own  inclination.1 

One  great  difficulty  that  Borrow  had  to  contend  with 
was  the  apathy  of  the  Madrid  booksellers,  who  "  gave  them- 
selves no  manner  of  trouble  to  secure  the  sale,  and  even 
withheld  [the]  advertisements  from  the  public."2  This 
determined  him  to  open  a  shop  himself,  and,  accordingly, 
towards  the  end  of  November,  he  secured  premises  in  the 
Calle  del  Principe,  one  of  the  main  thoroughfares,  for 
which  he  agreed  to  pay  a  rent  of  eight  reals  a  day.  He 
furnished  the  premises  handsomely,  with  glass  cases  and 
chandeliers,  and  caused  to  be  painted  in  large  yellow 
characters  the  sign  "  Despacho  de  la  Sociedad  Biblica  y 
Estrangera  "  (Depot  of  the  Biblical  and  Foreign  Society). 
He  engaged  a  Gallegan  (Jose  Calzado,  whom  he  called 
Pepe)  as  salesman,  and  on  27th  November  formally  opened 
his  new  premises.  Customers  soon  presented  themselves  ; 
but  many  were  disappointed  on  finding  that  they  could  not 
obtain  the  Bible.  "  I  could  have  sold  ten  times  the  amount 
of  what  I  did,"  Borrow  writes.  "  I  must  therefore  be 
furnished  with  Bibles  instanter;  send  me  therefore  the 
London  edition,  bad  as  it  is,  say  $00  copies." 3 

To  facilitate  the  passing  of  these  books  through  the 
customs,  Borrow  suggested  that  they  should  be  consigned 
to  the  British  Consul  at  Cadiz,  who  was  friendly  to  the 
Society  and  "would  have  sufficient  influence  to  secure 

1  Mr  Brandram  wrote  to  Graydon  (i 2th  April  1838):  "Mr  Rule 
being  at  Madrid  and  having   conferred  with  Mr  Borrow  and   Sir 
George  Villiers,  it  appears  to  have  struck  them  all  three  that  a  visit  on 
your  part  to  Cadiz  and  Seville  could  not  at  present  be  advantageous 
to  our  cause." 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2oth  November  1837. 

3  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  28th  November  1837.     The  com- 
ment on  the  badness  of  the  London  edition  had  reference  to  the 
translation,  which   Borrow  had  condemned   with  great  vigour ;  he 
subsequently    admitted    that    he    had    been    too    sweeping    in   his 
disapproval. 


xiv.]  ANTONIO'S  ADIEU  215 

their  admission  into  Spain.  But  the  most  advisable  way," 
he  goes  on  to  explain  with  great  guile,  "  would  be  to  pack 
them  in  two  chests,  placing  at  the  top  Bibles  in  English  and 
other  languages,  for  there  is  a  demand,  viz.,  100  English, 
100  French,  50  German,  50  Hebrew,  50  Greek,  10  Modern 
Greek,  10  Persian,  20  Arabic.  Pray  do  not  fail"1 

When  Sir  George  Villiers  first  obtained  from  Isturitz 
permission  for  Borrow  to  print  and  sell  the  New  Testament 
in  Spanish  without  notes,  he  had  cautioned  him  "  to  use 
the  utmost  circumspection,  and  in  order  to  pursue  his 
vocation  with  success,  to  avoid  offending  popular  prejudices, 
which  would  not  fail  to  be  excited  against  a  Protestant 
and  a  Foreigner  engaged  in  the  propagation  of  the 
Gospel." 2  This  warning  the  British  Minister  had  repeated 
frequently  since.  It  was  without  consulting  Sir  George 
that  Borrow  opened  his  depot,  and  "  imprudently  painted 
upon  the  window  that  it  was  the  Depot  of  the  London 
(sic)  Bible  Society  for  the  sale  .of  Bibles.  I  told  him,"  Sir 
George  writes  "  that  such  a  measure  would  render  the 
interference  of  the  Authorities  inevitable,  and  so  it  turned 
out."3 

Borrow  now  lost  the  services  of  the  faithful  Antonio, 
who,  on  the  last  day  of  the  year,  informed  him  that  he  had 
become  unsettled  and  dissatisfied  with  everything  at  his 
master's  lodgings,  including  the  house,  the  furniture,  and 
the  landlady  herself.  Therefore  he  had  hired  himself  out 
to  a  count  for  four  dollars  a  month  less  than  he  was 
receiving  from  Borrow,  because  he  was  u  fond  of  change, 
though  it  be  for  the  worse.  Adieu ,  mon  maitre?  he  said 
in  parting ;  "  may  you  be  as  well  served  as  you  deserve. 
Should  you  chance,  however,  to  have  any  pressing  need  de 
mes  soms,  send  for  me  without  hesitation,  and  I  will  at 
once  give  my  new  master  warning."  A  few  days  later 
Borrow  engaged  a  Basque,  named  Francisco,  who  "  to  the 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  28th  November  1837. 

2  Sir  George  Villiers  to  Viscount  Palmerston,  5th  May  1838. 

3  Ibid. 


216  THE  AUTHORITIES  INTERVENE          [1837 

strength  of  a  giant  joined  the  disposition  of  a  lamb/ l  and 
who  had  been  strongly  recommended  to  him. 

On  his  return  from  a  hurried  visit  to  Toledo,  Borrow 
found  his  Despacho  succeeding  as  well  as  could  be  expected. 
To  call  attention  to  his  premises  he  now  took  an  extremely 
daring  step.  He  caused  to  be  printed  three  thousand 
copies  of  an  advertisement  on  paper  yellow,  blue,  and 
crimson,  "with  which  I  almost  covered  the  sides  of  the 
streets  "  he  wrote,  "  and  besides  this  inserted  notices  in  all 
the  journals  and  periodicals,  employing  also  a  man,  after  the 
London  fashion,  to  parade  the  streets  with  a  placard,  to  the 
astonishment  of  the  populace." 2  The  result  of  this  move, 
Borrow  declared,  was  that  every  man,  woman  and  child  in 
Madrid  became  aware  of  the  existence  of  his  Despacho,  as 
well  they  might.  In  spite  of  this  commercial  enterprise, 
the  first  month's  trading  showed  a  sale  of  only  between 
seventy  and  eighty  New  Testaments,  and  ten  Bibles,3  these 
having  been  secured  from  a  Spanish  bookseller  who  had 
brought  them  secretly  from  Gibraltar,  but  who  was  afraid 
to  sell  them  himself.  Mr  Brandram's  comment  upon  the 
letter  from  Borrow  telling  of  the  posters  was  that  its  contents 
had  "  afforded  us  no  little  merriment.  The  idea  of  your 
placards  and  placard-bearers  in  Madrid  is  indeed  a  novel 
one."  It  cannot  but  be  effectual  in  giving  publicity.  I 
sincerely  hope  it  may  not  be  prejudicial.4 

When  in  England,  at  the  end  of  1836,  Borrow  had  been 
authorised  by  the  Bible  Society  to  find  "a  person 
competent  to  translate  the  Scriptures  in  Basque."  On 
27th  February  1837,  he  wrote  telling  Mr  Brandram  that 
he  had  become  "  acquainted  with  a  gentleman  well  versed 
in  that  dialect,  of  which  I  myself  have  some  knowledge." 

1  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  241. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  25th  Dec.  1837. 

3  These  Bibles  fetched,  the  large  edition  (Borrow  wrote  "  I  would 
give  my  right  hand  for  a  thousand  of  them")  173.  each,  and  the 
smaller  75.  each,  whereas  the  New  Testaments  fetched  about  half-a 
crown. 

4  Letter  dated  i6th  Jan.  1838. 


xiv.]  REFORMING  THE  GYPSIES  217 

Dr  Oteiza,  the  domestic  physician  of  the  Marques  de 
Salvatierra,  was  accordingly  commissioned  to  proceed  with 
the  work,  for  which,  when  completed,  he  was  paid  the  sum 
of  "  £8  and  a  few  odd  shillings."  Borrow  reported  to  Mr 
Brandram  (7th  June  1837) : 

"  I  have  examined  it  with  much  attention,  and  find 
it  a  very  faithful  version.  The  only  objection  which  can  be 
brought  against  it  is  that  Spanish  words  are  frequently 
used  to  express  ideas  for  which  there  are  equivalents  in 
Basque ;  but  this  language,  as  spoken  at  present  in  Spain, 
is  very  corrupt,  and  a  work  written  entirely  in  the  Basque 
of  Larramendi's  Dictionary  would  be  intelligible  to  very 
few.  I  have  read  passages  from  it  to  men  of  Guipuscoa, 
who  assured  me  that  they  had  no  difficulty  in  understanding 
it,  and  that  it  was  written  in  the  colloquial  style  of  the 
province." 

Borrow  had  "obtained  a  slight  acquaintance"  with 
Basque  when  a  youth,  which  he  lost  no  opportunity  of 
extending  by  mingling  with  Biscayans  during  his  stay  in 
the  Peninsula.  He  also  considerably  improved  himself  in 
the  language  by  conversing  with  his  Basque  servant 
Francisco.  Borrow  now  decided  to  print  the  Gitano  and 
Basque  versions  of  St  Luke,  which  he  accordingly  put  in 
hand ;  but  as  the  compositors  were  entirely  ignorant  of 
both  languages,  he  had  to  exercise  the  greatest  care  in 
reading  the  proofs. 

During  his  stay  in  Spain  he  had  found  time  to  trans- 
late into  the  dialect  of  the  Spanish  gypsies  the  greater 
part  of  the  New  Testament.1  His  method  had  been 
somewhat  original.  Believing  that  there  is  "no  indi- 
vidual, however  wicked  and  hardened,  who  is  utterly 
godless" 2  he  determined  to  apply  his  belief  to  the  gypsies. 
To  enlist  their  interest  in  the  work,  he  determined 
to  allow  them  to  do  the  translating  themselves.  At 
one  period  of  his  residence  in  Madrid  he  was  regularly 

1  In  The  Bible  in  Spain  he  says  "the  greater  part,"  in  The  Gypsies 
of  Spain  he  says  "  the  whole." 

2  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  275. 


218  THE  AUTHORITIES  INTERVENE          [1837 

visited  by  two  gypsy  women,  and  these  he  decided 
to  make  his  translators ;  for  he  found  the  women 
far  more  amenable  than  the  men.  In  spite  of  the  fact 
that  he  had  already  translated  into  Gitano  the  New 
Testament,  or  the  greater  part  of  it,  he  would  read  out 
to  the  women  from  the  Spanish  version  and  let  them 
translate  it  into  Romany  themselves,  thus  obtaining  the 
correct  gypsy  idiom.  The  women  looked  forward  to  these 
gatherings  and  also  to  "the  one  small  glass  of  Malaga" 
with  which  their  host  regaled  them.  They  had  got  as  far 
as  the  eighth  chapter  before  the  meetings  ended.  What 
was  the  moral  effect  of  St  Luke  upon  the  minds  of  two 
gypsies  ?  Borrow  confessed  himself  sceptical ;  first,  because 
he  was  acquainted  with  the  gypsy  character ;  second, 
because  it  came  to  his  knowledge  that  one  of  the 
women  "committed  a  rather  daring  theft  shortly  after- 
wards, which  compelled  her  to  conceal  herself  for  a 
fortnight." l  Borrow  comforted  himself  with  the  reflection 
that  "  it  is  quite  possible,  however,  that  she  may  remember 
the  contents  of  those  chapters  on  her  death-bed." 2  The 
translation  of  the  remaining  chapters  was  supplied  from 
Sorrow's  own  version  begun  at  Badajos  in  1836. 

It  is  not  strange  that  Borrow  should  be  regarded  with 
suspicion  by  the  Spaniards  on  account  of  his  association 
with  the  Gitanos.  Sometimes  there  would  be  as  many 
as  seventeen  gypsies  gathered  together  at  his  lodgings  in 
the  Calle  de  Santiago. 

"  The  people  in  the  street  in  which  I  lived,"  he  writes,3 
"  seeing  such  numbers  of  these  strange  females  continually 
passing  in  and  out,  were  struck  with  astonishment,  and 
demanded  the  reason.  The  answers  which  they  obtained 
by  no  means  satisfied  them.  '  Zeal  for  the  conversion  of 
souls — the  souls  too  of  Gitanas, — disparate  !  the  fellow  is  a 
scoundrel.  Besides  he  is  an  Englishman,  and  is  not 
baptised ;  what  cares  he  for  souls  ?  They  visit  him  for 
other  purposes.  He  makes  base  ounces,  which  they  carry 

1  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  280.        2  Ibid.        3  Ibid.,  page  282. 


xiv.]       "FIGHTING  WITH  WILD  BEASTS11          219 

away  and  circulate.  Madrid  is  already  stocked  with  false 
money.'  Others  were  of  the  opinion  that  we  met  for  the 
purposes  of  sorcery  and  abomination.  The  Spaniard  has 
no  conception  that  other  springs  of  action  exist  than 
interest  or  villany." 

Borrow  was  in  reality  endeavouring  to  convey  to 
his  "little  congregation,"  as  he  called  them,  some  idea 
of  abstract  morality.  He  was  bold  enough  "to  speak 
against  their  inveterate  practices,  thieving  and  lying, 
telling  fortunes,"  etc.,  and  at  first  experienced  much 
opposition.  About  the  result,  he  seems  to  have  cherished 
no  illusions ;  still,  he  wrote  a  hymn  in  their  dialect 
which  he  taught  his  guests  to  sing. 

For  some  time  past  it  had  been  obvious  to  Borrow 
that  he  was  becoming  more  than  ever  unpopular  with 
certain  interested  factions  in  Madrid,  who  looked  upon 
his  missionary  labours  with  angry  disapproval.  The 
opening  of  his  Despacho  had  caused  a  great  sensation. 
"The  Priests  and  Bigots  are  teeming  with  malice  and 
fury,"  he  had  written  to  Mr  Brandram,1  "which  hitherto 
they  have  thought  proper  to  exhibit  only  in  words,  as  they 
know  that  all  I  do  here  is  favoured  by  Mr  Villiers2 
(sic).  .  .  .  There  is  no  attempt,  however  atrocious,  which 
may  not  be  expected  from  such  people,  and  were  it  right 
and  seemly  for  me,  the  most  insignificant  of  worms,  to 
make  such  a  comparison,  I  would  say  that,  like  Paul  at 
Ephesus,  I  am  fighting  with  wild  beasts."  He  was  attacked 
in  print  and  endeavours  were  made  to  incite  the  people 
against  him  as  a  sorcerer  and  companion  of  gypsies  and 
witches.  When  he  decided  upon  the  campaign  of  the 
posters  it  would  appear,  at  first  glance,  that  in  the  claims 
of  the  merchant  Borrow  had  entirely  forgotten  the  obliga- 
tions of  the  diplomatist.  On  the  other  hand,  he  may  have 

1  On  25th  December  1837. 

2  It  is  strange  that  Borrow  should  insist  that  he  had  Sir  George 
Villiers'  approval ;  for  Sir  George  himself  has  clearly  stated  that  he 
strongly  opposed  the  opening  of  the  Despacho. 


220  THE  AUTHORITIES  INTERVENE          [1838 

foreseen  that  the  priestly  party  would  soon  force  the 
Government  to  action,  and  was  desirous  of  selling  all  the 
books  he  could  before  this  happened.  His  own  words 
seem  to  indicate  that  this  was  the  case. 

"  People  who  know  me  not,"  he  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram, 
"  nor  are  acquainted  with  my  situation,  may  be  disposed 
to  call  me  rash ;  but  I  am  far  from  being  so,  as  I  never 
adopt  a  venturous  course  when  any  other  is  open  to  me ; 
but  I  am  not  a  person  to  be  terrified  by  any  danger 
when  I  see  that  braving  it  is  the  only  way  to  achieve 
an  object."1 

Whatever  may  have  been  Borrow's  motives,  the  crisis 
arrived  on  I2th  January,  when  he  received  a  peremptory 
order  from  the  Civil  Governor  of  Madrid  (who  had 
previously  sent  for  and  received  two  copies,  to  submit  for 
examination  to  the  Ecclesiastical  Authorities)  to  sell  no 
more  of  the  New  Testament  in  Spanish  without  notes. 
At  that  period  the  average  sale  was  about  twenty  copies 
a  day.  "  The  priests  have  at  length  '  swooped  upon  me/  " 
Borrow  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram,  three  days  later.  The 
order  did  not,  however,  take  him  unawares. 

Borrow  saw  that  little  assistance  was  to  be  expected 
from  Sir  George  Villiers,  who,  for  obvious  reasons,  was 
not  popular  with  the  Ofalia  ministry,  and,  accepting  the 
British  Minister's  advice,  he  promptly  complied  with 
the  edict.  He  recognised  that  for  the  time  being  his 
enemies  were  paramount.  He  accuses  the  priests  of 
employing  the  ruffian  who,  one  night  in  a  dark  street, 
warned  him  to  discontinue  selling  his  "  Jewish  books,"  or 
he  would  "  have  a  knife  '  nailed  in  his  heart' "  to  which 
he  replied  by  telling  the  fellow  to  go  home,  say  his 
prayers  and  inform  his  employers  that  he,  Borrow,  pitied 
them.  It  was  a  few  days  after  this  episode  that  Borrow 
received  the  formal  notice  of  prohibition. 

Consoling  himself  with  the  fact  that  he  was  not  ordered 
to  close  his  Despacho,  and  refusing  the  advice  that  was 
1  15th  January  1838. 


xiv.]  AN  ERROR  OF  TACTICS  221 

tendered  to  him  to  erase  from  its  windows  the  yellow- 
lettered  sign,  he  determined  to  continue  his  campaign 
with  the  Bibles  that  were  on  their  way  to  him,  and  the 
Gitano  and  Basque  versions  of  St  Luke  as  soon  as  they 
were  ready.  The  prohibition  referred  only  to  the  Spanish 
New  Testament  without  notes,  and  in  this  Borrow  took 
comfort.  He  had  every  reason  to  feel  gratified  ;  for,  since 
opening  the  Despacho,  he  had  sold  nearly  three  hundred 
copies  of  the  New  Testament. 

At  Earl  Street  it  was  undoubtedly  felt  that  Borrow 
had  to  some  extent  precipitated  the  present  crisis.  On 
8th  February  Mr  Brandram  wrote  that,  whilst  there  was 
no  wish  on  the  part  of  the  Committee  to  censure  him, 
they  were  not  altogether  surprised  at  what  had  occurred  ; 
for,  when  they  first  heard  about  them,  "some  did  think 
that  your  tri-coloured  placards  and  placard-bearer  were 
somewhat  calculated  to  provoke  what  has  occurred."  In 
reply  Borrow  confessed  that  the  view  of  the  "  some " 
gave  him  "a  pang,  more  especially  as  I  knew  from  un- 
doubted sources  that  nothing  which  /  had  done,  said,  or 
written,  was  the  original  cause  of  the  arbitrary  step  which 
had  been  adopted  in  respect  to  me." 1 

The^printing  of  the  Gitano  and  Basque  editions  of  St 
Luke  (500  copies2  of  each)  was  completed  in  March,  and 
they  were  published  respectively  in  March  and  April. 
The  Gitano  version  attracted  much  attention.  Some 
months  later  Borrow  wrote  : — 

"  No  work  printed  in  Spain  ever  caused  so  great  and 
so  general  a  sensation,  not  so  much  amongst  the 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  30th  March  1838. 
'2  In  The  Gypsies  of  Spain  Borrow  gives  the  number  as  500  (page 
2-81) ;  but  the  Resolution,  confirmed  2oth  March  1837,  authorised  the 
printing  of  250  copies  only.  In  all  probability  the  figures  given  by 
Borrow  are  correct,  as  in  a  letter  to  Mr  Brandram,  dated  i8th  July 
1839,  he  gives  his  unsold  stock  of  books  at  Madrid  as  : — 

Of  Testaments  .  .  .  .  .     962 

Of  Gospels  in  the  Gypsy  Tongue     .  .  .     286 

Of    ditto     in  Basque  ....     394 


222  THE  AUTHORITIES  INTERVENE          [1838 

Gypsies,  that  peculiar  people  for  whom  it  was  intended, 
as  amongst  the  Spaniards  themselves,  who,  though  they 
look  upon  the  Roma  with  some  degree  of  contempt  as  a 
low  and  thievish  race  of  outcasts,  nevertheless  take  a 
strange  interest  in  all  that  concerns  them,  it  having  been 
from  time  immemorial  their  practice,  more  especially  of 
the  dissolute  young  nobility,  to  cultivate  the  acquaintance 
of  the  Gitanos,  as  they  are  popularly  called,  probably 
attracted  by  the  wild  wit  of  the  latter  and  the  lascivious 
dances  of  the  females.  The  apparation,  therefore,  of  the 
Gospel  of  St  Luke  at  Madrid  in  the  peculiar  jargon  of 
these  people,  was  hailed  as  a  strange  novelty  and  almost 
as  a  wonder,  and  I  believe  was  particularly  instrumental 
4n  bruiting  the  name  of  the  Bible  Society  far  and  wide 
through  Spain,  and  in  creating  a  feeling  far  from  inimical 
towards  it  and  its  proceedings." 1 

The  little  volume  appears  to  have  sold  freely  among 
the  gypsies.  "  Many  of  the  men,"  Borrow  says,2  "  under- 
stood it,  and  prized  it  highly,  induced  of  course  more  by 
the  language  than  the  doctrine  ;  the  women  were  particu- 
larly anxious  to  obtain  copies,  though  unable  to  read ;  but 
each  wished  to  have  one  in  her  pocket,  especially  when 
engaged  in  thieving  expeditions,  for  they  all  looked  upon 
it  in  the  light  of  a  charm." 

All  endeavours  to  get  the  prohibition  against  the 
sale  of  the  New  Testament  removed  proved  unavailing. 
Borrow's  great  strength  lay  in  the  support  he  received 
from  the  British  Minister,  and,  in  all  probability,  this 
prevented  his  expulsion  from  Spain,  which  alone  would 
have  satisfied  his  enemies.  At  the  request  of  Sir 
George  Villiers,  he  drew  up  an  account  of  the  Bible 
Society  and  an  exposition  of  its  views,  telling  Count 
Ofalia,  among  other  things,  that  "  the  mightiest  of  earthly 
monarchs,  the  late  Alexander  of  Russia,  was  so  convinced 
of  the  single-mindedness  and  integrity  of  the  British  and 
Foreign  Bible  Society,  that  he  promoted  their  efforts 
within  his  own  dominions  to  the  utmost  of  his  ability." 

1  Original  Report,  withdrawn. 

2  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  pages  280-1. 


xiv.]      BORROW  CALLS  ON  COUNT  OFALIA        223 

He  pointed  to  the  condition  of  Spain,  which  was  "  over- 
spread with  the  thickest  gloom  of  heathenish  ignorance, 
beneath  which  the  fiends  and  demons  of  the  abyss  seem 
to  be  holding  their  ghastly  revels."  He  described  it  as  "  a 
country  in  which  all  sense  of  right  and  wrong  is  forgotten 
.  .  .  where  the  name  of  Jesus  is  scarcely  ever  mentioned 
but  in  blasphemy,  and  His  precepts  [are]  almost  utterly 
unknown  .  .  .  [where]  the  few  who  are  enlightened  are  too 
much  occupied  in  the  pursuit  of  lucre,  ambition,  or  ungodly 
revenge  to  entertain  a  desire  or  thought  of  bettering  the 
moral  state  of  their  countrymen."  This  report,  in  which 
Borrow  confesses  that  he  "  made  no  attempts  to  flatter  and 
cajole,"  must  have  caused  the  British  Minister  some 
diplomatic  embarrassment  when  he  read  it ;  but  it  seems 
to  have  been  presented,  although,  as  is  scarcely  surprising, 
it  appears  to  have  been  ineffectual  in  causing  to  be 
removed  the  ban  against  which  it  was  written  as  a 
protest. 

The  Prime  Minister  was  in  a  peculiarly  unpleasant 
position.  On  the  one  hand  there  was  the  British  Minister 
using  all  his  influence  to  get  the  prohibition  rescinded  ;  on 
the  other  hand  were  six  bishops,  including  the  primate, 
then  resident  in  Madrid,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  clergy. 
Count  Ofalia  applied  for  a  copy  of  the  Gipsy  St  Luke, 
and,  seeing  in  this  an  opening  for  a  personal  appeal, 
Borrow  determined  to  present  the  volume,  specially  and 
handsomely  bound,  in  person,  probably  the  last  thing  that 
Count  Ofalia  expected  or  desired.  The  interview  pro- 
duced nothing  beyond  the  conviction  in  Borrow's  mind 
that  Spain  was  ruled  by  a  man  who  possessed  the  soul  of 
a  mouse.  Borrow  had  been  received  "with  great 
affability,"  thanked  for  his  present,  urged  to  be  patient 
and  peaceable,  assured  of  the  enmity  of  the  clergy,  and 
promised  that  an  endeavour  should  be  made  to  devise  some 
plan  that  would  be  satisfactory  to  him.  The  two  then 
"parted  in  kindness,"  and  as  he  walked  away  from  the 
palace,  Borrow  wondered  "  by  what  strange  chance  this 


224  THE  AUTHORITIES  INTERVENE          [1838 

poor  man  had  become  Prime  Minister  of  a  country  like 
Spain." 

In  reporting  progress  to  the  Bible  Society  on  I7th 
March  Borrow,  after  assuring  Mr  Brandram  that  he  had 
"  brought  every  engine  into  play  which  it  was  in  my 
power  to  command,"  asked  for  instructions.  "  Shall  I 
wait  a  little  time  longer  in  Madrid,"  he  enquired  ;  "  or  shall 
I  proceed  at  once  on  a  journey  to  Andalusia  and  other 
places  ?  I  am  in  strength,  health  and  spirits,  thanks  be  to 
the  Lord !  and  am  at  all  times  ready  to  devote  myself, 
body  and  mind,  to  His  cause."  The  decision  of  the 
Committee  was  that  he  should  remain  at  Madrid. 

During  the  time  that  Borrow  had  been  preparing  his 
Depot  in  Madrid,  Lieutenant  Graydon  had  been  feverishly 
active  in  the  South.  On  I9th  April  Borrow  wrote  to  Mr 
Brandram  : — 

"  Sir  George  Villiers  has  vowed  to  protect  me  and  has 
stated  so  publicly.  .  .  .  He  has  gone  so  far  as  to  state  to 
Ofalia  and  [Don  Ramon  de]  Gamboa  [the  Civil  Governor], 
that  provided  I  be  allowed  to  pursue  my  plans  without 
interruption,  he  will  be  my  bail  (fiador)  and  answerable 
for  everything  I  do,  as  he  does  me  the  honor  to  say  that 
he  knows  me,  and  can  confide  in  my  discretion." 

In  the  same  letter  he  begs  the  Society  to  be  cautious 
and  offer  no  encouragement  to  any  disposed  " '  to  run  the 
muck '  (sic)  (it  is  Sir  George's  expression)  against  the 
religious  and  political  institutions  of  Spain " ;  but  "  the 
delicacy  of  the  situation  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
thoroughly  understood  at  the  time  even  by  the  Committee 
at  home." 2  They  saw  the  astonishing  success  of  Graydon 
in  distributing  the  Scripture,  and  became  infused  with  his 
enthusiasm,  oblivious  to  the  fact  that  the  greater  the 
enthusiasm  the  greater  the  possibilities  of  indiscretion. 
On  the  other  hand  Graydon  himself  saw  only  the  glory  of 

1  Letter  from  Borrow  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  i;th  March  1838. 

2  The  History  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,  by  W. 
Canton. 


XTV.]  A  RECKLESS  EVANGELIST  225 

the  Gospel.  If  he  were  indiscreet,  it  was  because  he  was 
blinded  by  the  success  that  attended  his  efforts,  and  he 
failed  to  see  the  clouds  that  were  gathering.1  Borrow  saw 
the  danger  of  Graydon's  reckless  evangelism,  and  although 
he  himself  had  few  good  words  for  the  pope  and  priestcraft, 
he  recognised  that  a  discreet  veiling  of  his  opinions  was 
best  calculated  to  further  the  ends  he  had  in  view. 

About  this  period  Borrow  became  greatly  incensed  at 
the  action  of  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Rule  of  Gibraltar  in  consign- 
ing to  his  care  an  ex-priest,  Don  Pascual  Marin,  who,  it 
was  alleged,  had  been  persuaded  to  secede  from  Rome 
"  by  certain  promises  and  hopes  held  out "  to  him.  He  had 
accordingly  left  his  benefice  and  gone  to  Gibraltar  to 
receive  instruction  at  the  hands  of  Mr  Rule.  On  his  return 
to  Valencia  his  salary  was  naturally  sequestrated,  and  he 
was  reduced  to  want.  When  he  arrived  at  Madrid  it  was 
with  a  letter  (i2th  April)  from  Mr  Rule  to  Borrow,  in 
which  it  was  stated  that  Marin  was  sent  that  he  might 
"endeavour  to  circulate  the  Holy  Scriptures,  Religious 
Tracts  and  books,  and  if  possible  prepare  the  minds  of 
some  with  a  view  to  the  future  establishment  of  a  Mission 
in  Madrid." 

Borrow  had  commiserated  with  the  unfortunate  Marin, 
even  to  the  extent  of  sending  him  500  reals  out  of  his  own 
pocket ;  but  on  hearing  that  he  was  on  his  way  to  Madrid 
to  engage  in  missionary  work,  he  immediately  wrote  a 
letter  of  protest  to  Mr  Brandram.  He  was  angry  at  Mr 
Rule's  conduct  in  saddling  him  with  Marin,  and  that 
without  any  preliminary  correspondence.  He  had  enter- 

1  Mr  Canton  writes  in  The  History  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible 
Society  :  "  His  [Graydon's]  opportunity  was  indeed  unprecedented  ; 
and  had  he  but  more  accurately  appreciated  the  unstable  political 
conditions  of  the  country,  the  susceptibilities,  suspicious  and  precari- 
ous tenure  of  ministers  and  placemen,  the  temper  of  the  priesthood, 
their  sensitive  attachment  to  certain  tenets  of  their  faith,  and  their 
enormous  influence  over  the  civil  power,  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  he  might  have  brought  his  mission  to  a  happier  and  more 
permanent  issue." 

P 


226  THE  AUTHORITIES  INTERVENE          [1838 

tained  Mr  Rule  when  in  Madrid,  had  conversed  with  him 
about  the  unfortunate  ex-priest ;  but  there  had  never  been 
any  mention  of  his  being  sent  to  Madrid.  Mr  Rule,  on 
the  other  hand,  thought  it  had  been  arranged  that  Marin 
should  be  sent  to  Borrow.  The  whole  affair  appears  to 
have  arisen  out  of  a  misunderstanding.  There  was  con- 
siderable danger  to  Borrow  in  Marin's  presence  in  the 
capital ;  but  it  was  not  the  thought  of  the  danger  that 
incensed  him  so  much  as  what  he  conceived  to  be  Mr 
Rule's  unwarrantable  conduct,  and  his  own  deeply-rooted 
objection  to  working  with  anyone  else.  Mr  Brandram 
repudiated  the  suggestion  that  assistance  had  been 
promised  Marin  from  London  (although  he  authorised 
Borrow  to  give  him  ten  pounds  in  his,  Brandram's,  name), 
and  gave  as  an  excuse  for  what  Borrow  described  as  the 
desertion  of  the  ex-priest  by  those  who  were  responsible 
for  his  conversion,  that  "  the  man  had  returned  of  his  own 
accord  to  Rome,"  Graydon  vouching  for  the  accuracy  of 
the  statement. 

On  the  other  hand,  Marin  stated  that  he  was  persuaded 
to  secede  by  promises  made  by  Graydon  and  Rule,  and 
induced  to  sign  a  document  purporting  to  be  a  separation 
from  the  Roman  Church.  He  further  stated  that  he  was 
abandoned  because  he  refused  to  preach  publicly  against 
the  Chapter  of  Valencia,  which  in  all  probability  would 
have  resulted  in  his  imprisonment.  Whatever  the  truth, 
there  appears  to  have  been  some  embarrassment  among 
those  responsible  for  bringing  in  the  lost  sheep  as  to  what 
should  be  done  with  him.  "  I  hope  that  Marin's  history 
will  be  a  warning  to  many  of  our  friends,"  Borrow  wrote  to 
Mr  Rule  and  quoted  the  passage  in  his  letter  to  Mr 
Brandram,1  "  and  tend  to  a  certain  extent  to  sober  down 
the  desire  for  doing  what  is  called  at  home  smart  things, 
many  of  which  terminate  in  a  manner  very  different  from 
the  original  expectations  of  the  parties  concerned."  Mr 
Brandram  thought  that  Borrow  was  a  little  hard  upon 
1  [nth]  May  1838. 


xiv.]  THE  MARIN  EPISODE  22*7 

Graydon,  and  that  he  had  not  received  "with  the  due 
grano  salts  the  statements  of  the  unfortunate  M."  He 
intimated,  nevertheless,  that  the  Committee  had  no  opening 
for  Marin's  services. 

That  Borrow  was  justified  in  his  anger  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that,  as  he  had  foreseen,  he  reaped  all  the  odium  of 
Marin's  conversion.  The  Bishop  of  Cordoba  in  Council 
branded  him  as  "  a  dangerous,  pestilent  person,  who  under 
the  pretence  of  selling  the  Scriptures  went  about  making 
converts,  and  moreover  employed  subordinates  for  the 
purpose  of  deluding  weak  and  silly  people  into  separation 
from  the  Mother  Church."  1 

Although  Borrow  was  angry  about  the  Marin  episode, 
he  did  not  allow  his  personal  feelings  to  prevent  him  from 
ministering  to  the  needs  of  the  poor  ex-priest  "  as  far  as 
prudence  will  allow,"  when  he  fell  ill.  He  even  went  the 
length  of  writing  to  Mr  Rule,  being  wishful  "  not  to  offend 
him."  None  the  less  he  felt  that  he  had  not  been  well 
treated.  To  Mr  Brandram  he  wrote  reminding  him  "  that 
all  the  difficulty  and  danger  connected  with  what  has  been 
accomplished  in  Spain  have  fallen  to  my  share,  I  having 
been  labouring  on  the  flinty  rock  and  sierra,  and  not  in 
smiling  meadows  refreshed  by  sea  breezes." 2 

On  I4th  July  1838  Borrow  made  the  last  reference 
to  the  ex-priest  in  a  letter  to  Mr  Brandram :  "  The 
unfortunate  M.  is  dying  of  a  galloping  consumption, 
brought  on  by  distress  of  mind.  All  the  medicine  in  the 
world  would  not  accomplish  his  cure."  3 

The  watchful  eye  of  the  law  was  still  on  Borrow,  and 
fearful  lest  his  stock  of  Bibles,  of  which  500  had  arrived 

1  Letter  from  George  Borrow  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram  [i  ith]  May  1838. 

2  23rd  April  1838. 

3  The  Marin  episode  is  amazing.     The  object  of  distributing  the 
Scriptures  was  to  enlighten  men's  minds  and  bring  about  conversion, 
and  a  priest  was  a  distinct  capture,  more  valuable  by  far  than  a 
peasant,  and  likely  to  influence  others  ;  yet  when  they  had  got  him 
no  one  appears  to  have  known  exactly  what  to   do,  and  all  were 
anxious  to  get  rid  of  him  again. 


228  THE  AUTHORITIES  INTERVENE          [1838 

from  Barcelona,  and  the  Gypsy  and  Basque  editions  of 
St  Luke  should  be  seized,  he  hired  a  room  where  he  stored 
the  bulk  of  the  books.  He  now  advertised  the  two  editions 
of  St  Luke,  with  the  result  that  on  i6th  April  a  party  of 
Alguazils  entered  the  shop  and  took  possession  of  twenty- 
five  copies  of  the  Romany  Gospel  of  St  Luke. 

On  the  publication  of  the  Gypsy  St  Luke,  a  fresh 
campaign  had  been  opened  against  Borrow,  and  accusa- 
tions of  sorcery  were  made  and  fears  expressed  as  to  the 
results  of  the  publication  of  the  book.  Application  was 
made  by  the  priestly  party  to  the  Civil  Governor,  with  the 
result  that  all  the  copies  at  the  Despacho  of  the  Basque  and 
Gitano  versions  of  St  Luke  had  been  seized.  Borrow 
states  that  the  Alguazils  "divided  the  copies  of  the  gypsy 
volume  among  themselves,  selling  subsequently  the  greater 
number  at  a  large  price,  the  book  being  in  the  greatest 
demand." 1  Thus  the  very  officials  responsible  for  the 
seizure  and  suppression  of  the  Bible  Society's  books  in  Spain 
became  "unintentionally  agents  of  an  heretical  society."2 

Disappointed  at  the  smallness  of  the  spoil,  the 
authorities  strove  by  artifice  to  discover  if  Borrow  still  had 
copies  of  the  books  in  his  possession.  To  this  end  they 
sent  to  the  Despacho  spies,  who  offered  high  prices  for 
copies  of  the  Gitano  St  Luke,  in  which  their  interest 
seemed  specially  to  centre,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Basque 
version.  To  these  enquiries  the  same  answer  was  returned, 
that  at  present  no  further  books  would  be  sold  at  the 
Despacho. 

As  evidence  of  the  high  opinion  formed  of  the  Romany 
version  of  St  Luke,  the  following  story  told  by  Borrow  is 
amusing : — 

"  Shortly  before  my  departure  a  royal  edict  was  pub- 
lished, authorising  all  public  libraries  to  provide  themselves 
with  copies  of  the  said  works  [the  Basque  and  Gypsy  St 
Lukes]  on  account  of  their  philological  merit ;  whereupon 
on  application  being  made  to  the  Office  [of  the  Civil 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  536.  2  Ibid. 


xiv.]  A  PHILOLOGICAL  CURIOSITY  229 

Governor,  where  the  books  were  supposed  to  be  stored], 
it  was  discovered  that  the  copies  of  the  Gospel  in  Basque 
were  safe  and  forthcoming,  whilst  every  one  of  the 
sequestered  copies  of  the  Gitano  Gospel  had  been  plundered 
by  hands  unknown  [to  the  authorities].  The  consequence 
was  that  I  was  myself  applied  to  by  the  agents  of  the  public 
libraries  of  Valencia  and  other  places,  who  paid  me  the 
price  of  the  copies  which  they  received,  assuring  me  at  the 
same  time  that  they  were  authorised  to  purchase  them  at 
whatever  price  which  might  be  demanded."1 

Borrow's  enemies  acknowledged  that  the  Gitano  St 
Luke  was  a  philological  curiosity ;  but  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  allow  it  to  pass  into  circulation  without  notes. 
How  great  a  philological  curiosity  it  actually  was,  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  were  unable 
to  find  anywhere  a  person,  in  whom  they  had  confidence, 
capable  of  pronouncing  upon  it,  consequently  they  could 
only  condemn  it  on  two  counts  of  omission ;  firstly  the 
notes,  secondly  the  imprint  of  the  printer  from  the  title-page. 

The  Basque  version  was  by  no  means  so  popular ;  for 
one  thing,  "  It  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  been  published," 
Borrow  wrote,  "  it  having  been  prohibited,  and  copies  of  it 
seized  on  the  second  day  of  its  appearance."2  Several 
orders  were  received  from  San  Sebastian  and  other  towns 
where  Basque  predominates,  which  could  not  be  supplied 
on  account  of  the  prohibition. 

The  official  remonstrance  from  Sir  George  Villiers  to 
Count  Ofalia  in  respect  of  the  seizure  of  the  Gypsy  and 
Basque  Gospels  is  of  great  interest  as  showing,  not  only 
the  British  Minister's  attitude  towards  Borrow,  but  how, 
and  with  what  wrath,  Borrow  "  desisted  from  his  meritorious 
task."  The  communication  runs  : — 

MADRID,  24^  April  1838. 
SIR, 

It  is  my  duty  to  request  the  attention  of  Your 
Excellency  to  an  act  of  injustice  committed  against  a 
British  subject  by  the  Civil  Authorities  of  Madrid. 

1  Original  Report,  withdrawn.        2  Original  Report,  withdrawn. 


230  THE  AUTHORITIES  INTERVENE          [1838 

It  appears  that  on  the  i6th  inst,  two  officers  of  Police 
were  sent  by  the  Civil  Governor  to  a  Shop,  No.  25  Calle  del 
Principe  occupied  by  Mr  Borrow,  where  they  seized  and 
carried  away  25  Copies  of  the  Gospel  of  St  Luke  in  the 
Gitano  language,  being  the  entire  number  exposed  there 
for  sale. 

Mr  Borrow  is  an  agent  of  the  British  Bible  Society, 
who  has  for  some  time  past  been  in  Spain,  and  in  the  year 
1836  obtained  permission  from  the  Government  of  Her 
Catholic  Majesty  to  print,  at  the  expense  of  the  Society, 
Padre  Scio's  translation  of  the  New  Testament.  He 
subsequently  sold  the  work  at  a  moderate  price  and  had 
no  reason  to  believe  that  in  so  doing  he  infringed  any  law 
of  Spain  or  exposed  himself  to  the  animadversion  of  the 
Authorities,  otherwise,  from  my  knowledge  of  Mr  Borrow's 
character,  I  feel  justified  in  assuring  Your  Excellency  that 
he  would  at  ,once,  although  with  regret,  have  desisted  from 
his  meritorious  task  of  propagating  the  Gospel.  Some 
months  ago,  however,  the  late  Civil  Governor  of  Madrid, 
after  having  sent  for  and  examined  a  copy  of  the  work, 
thought  proper  to  direct  that  its  further  sale  should  be 
suspended,  which  order  was  instantly  complied  with. 

Mr  Borrow  is  a  man  of  great  learning  and  research  and 
master  of  many  languages,  and  having  translated  the 
Gospel  of  St  Luke  into  the  Gitano,  he  presented  a  copy  of 
it  to  Don  Ramon  Gamboa,  the  late  Civil  Governor,  and 
announced  his  intention  to  advertise  it  for  sale,  to  which  no 
objection  was  made. 

Since  that  time  neither  Mr  Borrow  nor  the  persons 
employed  by  him  received  any  communication  from  the 
present  Civil  Governor  forbidding  the  sale  of  this  work 
until  it  was  seized  in  the  manner  I  have  above  described  to 
Your  Excellency. 

I  feel  convinced  that  the  mere  statement  of  these  facts 
without  any  commentary  on  my  part  will  be  sufficient  to 
induce  your  Excellency  to  take  .steps  for  the  indemnifica- 
tion of  Mr  Borrow,  who  is  not  only  a  very  respectable 
British  subject  but  the  Agent  of  one  of  the  most  truly 
benevolent  and  philanthropic  Societies  in  the  world. 

I  have,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

GEORGE  VILLIERS. 
His  Excellency  Count  Ofalia. 


CHAPTER   XV 

MAY  1-13,  1838 

N  the  morning  of  3Oth  April,  whilst  at  breakfast, 
Borrow,  according  to  his  own  account,  received  a 
visit  from  a  man  who  announced  that  he  was  "  A  Police 
Agent."  He  came  from  the  Civil  Governor,  who  was 
perfectly  aware  that  he,  Borrow,  was  continuing  in  secret 
to  dispose  of  the  "  evil  books  "  that  he  had  been  forbidden 
to  sell.  The  man  began  poking  round  among  the  books 
and  papers  that  were  lying  about,  with  the  result  that 
Borrow  led  his  visitor  by  the  arm  down  the  three 
flights  of  stairs  into  the  street,  "  looking  him  steadfastly 
in  the  face  the  whole  time,"  and  subsequently  sending 
down  by  his  landlady  the  official's  sombrero,  which,  in  the 
unexpectedness  of  his  departure,  he  had  left  behind  him. 

The  official  report  of  Pedro  Martin  de  Eugenio,  the 
police  agent  in  question,  runs  as  follows  : — 

MADRID,  y>th  April  1838. 

OFFICIAL  REPORT  OF  THE  POLICE  AGENT  OF 
THE  LANGUAGE  HELD  BY  MR  BORROW. 

Public  Security. —  In  virtue  of  an  order  from  His 
Excellency  the  Civil  Governor,1  I  went  to  seize  the  Copies 
Entitled  the  Gospel  of  St  Luke,  in  the  Shop  Princes  Street 

1  Sometimes  this  personage  is  referred  to  in  official  papers  as  the 
"  Political  Chief,"  a  too  literal  translation  of  Gefe  Politico.  In  all 
cases  it  has  been  altered  to  Civil  Governor  to  preserve  uniformity. 
Many  of  the  official  translations  of  Foreign  Office  papers  can  only  be 
described  as  grotesque. 

231 


232   IMPRISONMENT— A  DIPLOMATIC  CRISIS  [1838 

No.  25,  belonging  to  Mr  George  Borrow,  but  not  finding 
him  there;  I  went  to  his  lodgings,  which  are  in  St  James 
Street,  No.  16,  on  the  third  floor  and  presenting  the  said 
order  to  Him  He  read  it,  and  with  an  angry  look  threw  it 
on  the  ground  saying,  that  He  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
Civil  Governor,  that  He  was  authorised  by  His  Ambassador 
to  sell  the  Work  in  question,  and  that  an  English  Stable 
Boy,  is  more  than  any  Spanish  Civil  Governor,  and  that  I 
had  forcibly  entered  his  house,  to  which  I  replied  that  I 
only  went  there  to  communicate  the  order  to  Him,  as 
proprietor  as  he  was  of  the  said  Shop,  and  to  seize  the 
Copies  in  it  in  virtue  of  that  Order,  and  He  answered  I 
might  do  as  I  liked,  that  He  should  go  to  the  House  of  His 
Ambassador,  and  that  I  should  be  responsible  for  the 
consequences ;  to  which  I  replied  that  He  had  personally 
insulted  the  Civil  Governor  and  all  Spain,  to  which  He 
answered  in  the  same  terms,  holding  the  same  language 
as  above  stated. 

All  of  which  I    communicate   to  you  for  the   objects 

required  THE  POLICE  AGENT 

PEDRO  MARTIN  DE  EucENio.1 

Borrow  felt  that  the  fellow  had  been  sent  to  entrap 
him  into  some  utterance  that  should  justify  his  arrest.  In 
any  case  a  warrant  was  issued  that  same  morning.  The 
news  caused  Borrow  no  alarm ;  for  one  thing  he  was 
indifferent  to  danger,  for  another  he  was  desirous  of 
studying  the  robber  language  of  Spain,  and  had  already, 
according  to  his  own  statement,2  made  an  unsuccessful 
effort  to  obtain  admission  to  the  city  prison. 

The  official  account  of  the  interview  between  Borrow 
and  the  "  Police  Agent "  is  given  in  the  following  letter 
from  the  Civil  Governor  to  Sir  George  Villiers : — 

To  the  British  Minister,— 

MADRID,  -$oth  April  1838. 
SIR, 

The  Vicar  of  the  Diocese  having,  on  the  i6th  and 
26th  Instant,  officially  represented  to  me,  that  neither  the 

1  This  is  the  official  translation  among  the  Foreign  Office  papers 
at  the  Record  Office.  >J  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  539. 


xv.]         THE  CIVIL  GOVERNOR  EXPLAINS          233 

publication  nor  the  sale  of  the  Gospel  of  St  Luke  translated 
into  the  romain,  or  Gitano  Dialect  ought  to  be  permitted, 
until  such  time  as  the  translation  had  been  examined  and 
approved  by  the  competent  Ecclesiastical  Authority,  in 
conformity  with  the  Canonical  and  Civil  regulations 
existing  on  the  matter,  I  gave  an  order  to  a  dependent  of 
this  civil  administration,  to  present  himself  in  the  house  of 
Mr  George  Borrow,  a  British  Subject,  charged  by  the 
London  Bible  Society  with  the  publication  of  this  work, 
and  to  seize  all  the  Copies  of  it.  In  execution  of  this 
order  my  Warrant  was  yesterday  morning1  presented  to 
the  said  Mr  George  Borrow ;  who,  so  far  from  obeying 
it,  broke  out  in  insults  most  offensive  to  my  authority, 
threw  the  order  on  the  ground  with  angry  gestures,  and 
grossly  abused  the  bearer  of  it,  and  said  that  he  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  Civil  Governor.  The  detailed 
report  in  writing  which  has  been  made  to  me  of  this 
disageeeable  occurrence  could  not  but  deeply  affect  me, 
being  a  question  of  a  British  Subject,  to  whom  the 
Government  of  Her  Catholic  Majesty  has  always  afforded 
the  same  protection  as  to  its  own.  As  Executor  of  the 
Law  it  is  my  duty  to  cause  its  decrees  to  be  inviolably 
observed ;  and  you  will  well  understand,  that  both  the 
Canonical  as  the  Civil  Laws  now  existing,  in  this  kingdom, 
relative  to  writings  and  works  published  upon  Dogmas, 
Morals,  and  holy  and  religious  matters,  are  the  same 
without  distinction  for  the  Subjects  of  all  Countries 
residing  in  Spain.  No  one  can  be  permitted  to  violate 
them  with  impunity,  without  detriment  to  the  Laws 
themselves,  to  the  Royal  Authority  and  to  the  Evangelical 
Moral  which  is  highly  interested  in  preventing  the  pro- 
pagation of  doctrines  which  may  be  erroneous,  and  that 
the  purity  of  the  sublime  maxims  of  our  divine  Faith 
should  remain  intact. 

In  conformity  with  these  undeniable  principles,  which 
are  in  the  Laws  of  all  civilised  nations,  you  must  acknow- 
ledge that  the  offensive  conduct  of  Mr  George  Borrow,  and 
his  disobedience  to  a  legitimate  Authority  sufficiently 
authorised  the  proceeding  to  his  arrest.  ... 
I  have,  etc.,  etc. 

DEIGO  DE  ENTRENA. 

1  There  is  an  error  in  the  dating  of  this   letter.     It   should   be 
1st  May. 


234   IMPRISONMENT— A  DIPLOMATIC  CRISIS  [1838 

The  "  Police  Agent "  seems  to  have  boasted  that 
within  twenty-four  hours  Borrow  would  be  in  prison ; 
Borrow,  on  the  other  hand,  determined  to  prove  the 
"Police  Agent"  wrong.  He  therefore  spent  the  rest  of 
the  day  and  the  following  night  at  a  cafe.1  In  the  evening 
he  received  a  visit  from  Maria  Diaz,2  his  landlady  and  also 
his  strong  adherent  and  friend,  whom  he  had  informed  of 
his  whereabouts.  From  her  he  learned  that  his  lodgings 
had  been  searched  and  that  the  alguazils,  who  bore  a 
warrant  for  his  arrest,  were  much  disappointed  at  not 
finding  him. 

The  next  morning,  1st  May,  at  the  request  of  Sir 
George  Villiers,  Borrow  called  at  the  Embassy  and 
narrated  every  circumstance  of  the  affair,  with  the  result 
that  he  was  offered  the  hospitality  of  the  Embassy,  which 
he  declined.  Whilst  in  conversation  with  Mr  Sothern,  Sir 
George  Villiers'  private  secretary,  Borrow's  Basque  servant 
Francisco  rushed  in  with  the  news  that  the  alguazils  were 
again  at  his  rooms  searching  among  his  papers,  whereat 
Borrow  at  once  left  the  Embassy,  determined  to  return 
to  his  lodgings.  Immediately  afterwards  he  was  arrested,3 
within  sight  of  the  doors  of  the  Embassy,  and  conducted 
to  the  office  of  the  Civil  Governor.  Francisco  in  the 
meantime,  acting  on  his  master's  instructions,  conveyed 

1  In   a  letter  to   Count   Ofalia,   Sir   George   Villiers  states  that 
"  George  Borrow,  fearing  violence,  prudently  abstained  from  going  to 
his  ordinary  place  of  abode." 

2  Borrow  pays  a  magnificent  and  well-deserved  tribute  to  this 
queen  among  landladies.     (The  Bible  in  Spain,  pages  256-7.)     She 
was  always  his  friend  and  frequently  his  counsellor,  thinking  nothing 
of  the  risk  she  ran  in  standing  by  him  during  periods   of  danger. 
She  refused  all   inducements   to  betray   him   to  his   enemies,  and, 
thoroughly  deserved  the  eulogy  that  Borrow  pronounced  upon  her. 

3  It  was  subsequently  stated  that  the  arrest  was  ordered  because 
Borrow  had  refused  to  recognise  the  Civil  Governor's  authority  and 
made   use   "of  offensive    expressions"    towards    his    person.     The 
Civil  Governor  had  no  authority  over  British  subjects,  and   Borrow 
was  right  in  his  refusal  to  acknowledge  his  jurisdiction. 


xv.]  THE  ARREST  235 

to  him  in  Basque  that  the  alguazils  might  not  understand, 
proceeded  immediately  to  the  British  Embassy  and  in- 
formed Sir  George  Villiers  of  what  had  just  taken  place, 
with  such  eloquence  and  feeling  that  Mr  Sothern  after- 
wards remarked  to  Borrow,  "  That  Basque  of  yours  is 
a  noble  fellow,"  and  asked  to  be  given  the  refusal  of 
his  services  should  Borrow  ever  decide  to  part  with  him. 
With  his  dependents  Borrow  was  always  extremely 
popular,  even  in  Spain,  where,  according  to  Mr  Sothern, 
a  man's  servant  seemed  to  be  his  worst  enemy. 

Borrow  submitted  quietly  to  his  arrest  and  was  first 
taken  to  the  office  of  the  Civil  Governor  (Gefatura 
Politico],  and  subsequently  to  the  Carcel  de  la  Corte,  by 
two  Salvaguardias,  "  like  a  common  malefactor."  Here 
he  was  assigned  a  chamber  that  was  "  large  and  lofty, 
but  totally  destitute  of  every  species  of  furniture  with  the 
exception  of  a  huge  wooden  pitcher,  intended  to  hold  my 
daily  allowance  of  water." 1  For  this  special  accommodation 
Borrow  was  to  pay,  otherwise  he  would  have  been  herded 
with  the  common  criminals,  who  existed  in  a  state  of  foul- 
ness and  misery.  Acting  on  the  advice  of  the  Alcayde, 
Borrow  despatched  a  note  to  Maria  Diaz,  with  the  result 
that  when  Mr  Sothern  arrived,  he  found  the  prisoner  not 
only  surrounded  by  his  friends  and  furniture,  but  enjoying 
a  comfortable  meal,  whereat  he  laughed  heartily. 

Borrow  learned  that,  immediately  on  hearing  what 
had  taken  place,  Sir  George  Villiers  had  despatched  Mr 
Sothern  to  interview  Sefior  Entrena,  the  Civil  Governor, 
who  rudely  referred  him  to  his  secretary,  and  refused  to 
hold  any  communication  with  the  British  Legation  save 
in  writing.  Nothing  further  could  be  done  that  night, 
and  on  hearing  that  Borrow  was  determined  to  remain 
in  durance,  even  if  offered  his  liberty,  now  that  he 
had  been  illegally  placed  there,  Mr  Sothern  commended 
his  resolution.  The  Government  had  put  itself  grievously 
in  the  wrong,  and  Sir  George,  who  had  already  sent  a 
1  The  Bible  in  Spain^  page  547. 


236   IMPRISONMENT— A  DIPLOMATIC  CRISIS  [1838 

note  to  Count  Ofalia  demanding  redress,  seemed  desirous 
of  making  it  as  difficult  for  them  as  possible,  now  that 
they  had  perpetrated  this  wanton  outrage  on  a  British 
subject.  He  determined  to  make  it  a  national  affair. 

It  is  by  no  means  certain  that  Borrow  was  anxious 
to  leave  the  Carcel  de  la  Corte,  even  with  the  apologies 
of  Spain  in  his  pocket.  The  prison  afforded  him  unique 
opportunities  for  the  study  of  criminal  vagabonds.  An 
entirely  new  phase  of  life  presented  itself  to  him,  and. 
but  for  this  arrest  and  his  subsequent  decision  to  involve 
the  authorities  in  difficulties,  The  Bible  in  Spain  would 
have  lacked  some  of  its  most  picturesque  pages.  It  would 
have  been  strange  if  he  had  not  encountered  some  old 
friend  or  acquaintance  in  the  prison  of  the  Spanish  capital. 
At  the  Carcel  de  la  Corte  he  found  the  notorious  and 
immense  Gitana,  Aurora,  who  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Busne  for  defrauding  a  rather  foolish  widow. 

"  A  great  many  people  came  to  see  me,"  Borrow  wrote 
to  his  mother,  "amongst  others,  General  Quiroga,  the 
Military  Governor,  who  assured  me  that  all  he  possessed 
was  at  my  service.  The  Gypsies  likewise  came,  but  were 
refused  admittance."  His  dinner  was  taken  to  him  from 
an  inn,  and  Sir  George  Villiers  sent  his  butler  each  day 
to  make  enquiries.  There  was,  however,  one  very 
unpleasant  feature  of  his  prison  life,  the  verminous  con- 
dition of  the  whole  building.  In  spite  of  having  fresh 
linen  taken  to  him  each  day,  he  suffered  very  much  from 
what  the  polished  Spaniard  prefers  to  call  miseria. 

Sir  George  Villiers  took  active  and  immediate  steps, 
not  only  to  secure  Borrow's  release,  but  to  obtain  an 
unqualified  apology.  Referring  to  the  letter  he  had 
received  from  the  Civil  Governor  (3Oth  April),  he 
expressed  himself  as  convinced  that  "  a  gentleman  of 
Borrow's  character  and  education  was  incapable  of  the 
conduct  alleged,"  and  had  accordingly  requested  Mr 
Sothern  to  enquire  into  the  matter  and  then  to  call 
upon  the  Civil  Governor  to  explain  in  what  manner  he 


xv.]  A  GRAVE  SITUATION  237 

had  been  misinformed.  As  the  Civil  Governor  refused  to 
receive  Mr  Sothern,  Sir  George  adds  that  he  need  trouble 
him  no  further,  as  the  affair  had  been  placed  before  Her 
Catholic  Majesty's  Government ;  but  during  his  five 
years  of  office  at  the  Court  of  Madrid,  he  proceeded, 
"  no  circumstance  has  occurred  likely  to  be  more  pre- 
judicial to  the  relations  between  the  two  Countries  than 
the  insult  and  imprisonment  to  which  a  respectable 
Englishman  has  now  been  subjected  upon  the  unsupported 
evidence  of  a  Police  Officer,"  acting  under  the  orders  of 
the  Civil  Governor. 

On  3rd  May  Sir  George  Villiers1  wrote  again  to 
Count  Ofalia,  reminding  him  that  he  had  not  received 
the  letter  from  him  that  he  had  expected.  In  the  course 
of  a  lengthy  recapitulation  of  the  occurrences  of  the  past 
ten  days,  Sir  George  reminded  Count  Ofalia  that,  as 
a  result  of  their  interview  on  3Oth  April  about  the  ill- 
usage  of  Borrow,  the  Count  had  written  on  1st  May  to 
him  a  private  letter  stating  that  measures  had  been  taken 
to  release  Borrow  on  parole,  he  to  appear  when  necessary, 
and  that  if  Sir  George  would  abstain  from  making  a 
written  remonstrance,  Count  Ofalia  would  see  that  both 
he  and  Borrow  received  the  ample  satisfaction  to  which 
they  were  entitled.  Borrow  had  been  taken  by  two 
Guards  "  like  a  Malefactor,  to  the  Common  Prison,  where 
he  would  have  been  confined  with  Criminals  of  every 
description  if  he  had  not  had  money  to  pay  for  a  Cell 
to  Himself."  The  British  Minister  complained  that  every 
step  that  he  had  taken  for  Borrow's  protection  was 
followed  by  fresh  insult,  and  he  further  intimated  that 
Borrow  refused  to  leave  the  prison  until  his  character  had 
been  publicly  cleared. 

The  Spanish  Government  now  found  itself  in  a 
quandary.  The  British  Minister  was  pressing  for  satisfac- 
tion, and  he  was  too  powerful  and  too  important  to  the 
needs  of  Spain  to  be  offended.  The  prisoner  himself 
refused  to  be  liberated,  because  he  had  been  illegally 


238   IMPRISONMENT— A  DIPLOMATIC  CRISIS  [1838 

arrested,  inasmuch  as  he,  a  foreigner,  had  been  committed 
to  prison  without  first  being  conducted  before  the  Captain- 
General  of  Madrid,  as  the  law  provided.  Furthermore, 
Borrow  advised  the  authorities  that  if  they  chose  to  eject 
him  from  the  prison  he  would  resist  with  all  his  bodily 
strength.  In  this  determination  he  was  confirmed  by  the 
British  Minister. 

A  Cabinet  Council  was  held,  at  which  Sefior  Entrena 
was  present.  The  Premier  explained  the  serious  situation 
in  which  the  ministry  found  itself,  owing  to  the  attitude 
assumed  by  the  British  Minister,  and  he  remarked  that 
the  Civil  Governor  must  respect  the  privileges  of 
foreigners.  Sefior  Entrena  suggested  that  he  should  be 
relieved  of  his  duties  ;  but  the  majority  of  the  Cabinet 
seems  to  have  been  favourable  to  him.  The  Affaire 
Borrow  is  said  to  have  come  up  for  debate  even  during  a 
secret  session  of  the  Chamber. 

When  Count  Ofalia  had  called  at  the  British  Embassy 
(4th  May)  he  was  informed  by  Sir  George  Villiers  that  the 
affair  had  passed  beyond  the  radius  of  a  subordinate 
authority  of  the  Government,  and  that  he  "considered 
that  great  want  of  respect  had  been  shown  to  me,  as  Her 
Majesty's  Minister,  and  that  an  unjustifiable  outrage  had 
been  committed  upon  a  British  Subject,"1  and  that  the 
least  reparation  that  he  was  disposed  to  accept  was  a 
written  declaration  that  an  injustice  had  been  done,  and 
the  dismissal  of  the  Police  Officer.2 

The  value  of  a  British  subject's  freedom  was  brought 
home  to  the  Spanish  Government  with  astonishing  swift- 
ness and  decision.  The  Civil  Governor  wrote  to  Sir 
George  Villiers  (3rd  May),  apparently  at  the  instance  of 
the  distraught  premier,  discoursing  sagely  upon  the 
Civil  and  Canon  Laws  of  Spain,  and  adding  that  the  25 
copies  of  the  Gitano  St  Luke  were  seized,  "  not  as  being 

1  Dispatch  from   Sir   George   Villiers    to   Viscount    Palmerston, 
5th  May. 

2  Ibid. 


xv.]  THE  AFFAIRE  BORROW  239 

confiscated,  but  as  a  deposit  to  be  restored  in  due  time." 
He  concluded  by  hoping  that  he  had  convinced  the 
British  Minister  of  his  good  faith. 

In  his  reply,  Sir  George  considered  that  the  Civil 
Governor  had  been  led  to  view  the  matter  in  a  light  that 
would  not  "  bear  the  test  of  impartial  examination."  The 
result  of  this  interchange  of  letters  was  twofold.  Sir 
George  dropped  the  correspondence  with  "that  Func- 
tionary [who]  displays  so  complete  a  disregard  for  fact," l 
and  as  Count  Ofalia  evaded  the  real  question  at  issue, 
holding  out  "slender  hopes  of  the  matter  ending  in  the 
reparation  which  I  considered  to  be  peremptorily  called 
for,"2  he  advised  Borrow  to  claim  protection  from  the 
Captain-General,  the  only  authority  competent  to  exercise 
any  jurisdiction  over  him.  The  Captain-General  Quiroga, 
jealous  of  his  authority,  entered  warmly  into  the  dispute 
and  ordered  the  Civil  Governor  to  hand  over  the  case  to 
him.  There  was  now  a  danger  of  the  Affaire  Borrow 
being  made  a  party  question,  in  which  case  it  would  have 
been  extremely  difficult  to  settle. 

The  intervention  of  the  Captain-General  rendered  all 
the  more  obvious  the  illegality  of  the  Civil  Governor's 
action,  and  increased  the  embarrassment  of  Count  Ofalia, 
who  called  on  Sir  George  to  ask  him  to  have  Borrow's 
memorial  to  the  Captain-General  withdrawn.  He  refused, 
and  said  the  only  way  now  to  finish  the  affair  was  that 
"  His  Excellency  should  in  an  official  Note  declare  to  me 
that  Mr  Borrow  left  the  prison,  where  he  had  been 
improperly  placed,  with  unstained  honour, — that  the 
Police  Agent,  upon  whose  testimony  he  had  been  arrested, 
should  be  dismissed, — that  all  expenses  imposed  upon 
Mr  Borrow  by  his  detention  should  be  repaid  him  by  the 
Government, — that  Mr  Borrow's  not  having  availed 
himself  of  the  *  Fuero  Militar '  should  not  be  converted 

1  Despatch  from   Sir   George    Villiers  to  Viscount   Palmerston, 
1 2th  May  1838. 

2  Ibid. 


240   IMPRISONMENT— A  DIPLOMATIC  CRISIS  [1838 

into  a  precedent,  or  in  any  way  be  considered  to  prejudice 
that  important  right,  and  that  Count  Ofalia  should  add 
with  reference  to  maintaining  the  friendly  relations 
between  Great  Britain  and  Spain,  that  he  hoped  I  would 
accept  this  satisfaction  as  sufficient."  l 

Borrow  states  that  Sir  George  Villiers  went  to  the 
length  of  informing  Count  Ofalia  that  unless  full  satisfac- 
tion were  accorded  Borrow,  he  would  demand  his  passports 
and  instruct  the  commanders  of  the  British  war  vessels 
to  desist  from  furnishing  further  assistance  to  Spain.2 
There  is,  however,  no  record  of  this  in  the  official  papers 
sent  by  Sir  George  to  the  Foreign  Office.  What  actually 
occurred  was  that,  on  8th  May,  the  British  Minister, 
determined  to  brook  no  further  delay,  wrote  a  grave  official 
remonstrance,  in  which  he  stated  that,  "  if  the  desire 
had  existed  to  bring  it  to  a  close,"  the  case  of  Borrow 
could  have  been  settled.  "  Having  up  to  the  present 
moment,"  he  proceeds,  "  trusted  that  in  Your  Excellency's 
hands,  this  affair  would  be  treated  with  all  that  considera- 
tion required  by  its  nature  and  the  consequences  that 
may  follow  upon  it.  ...  I  have  forborne  from  denouncing 
the  whole  extent  of  the  illegality  which  has  marked  the 
proceedings  of  the  case  "  (viz.,  the  Civil  Governor's  having 
usurped  the  right  of  the  Captain-General  of  the  Province 
in  causing  Borrow's  arrest).  In  conclusion,  Sir  George 
states  that  he  considers  the 

"  case  of  most  pressing  importance,  for  it  may  com- 
promise the  relations  now  existing  between  Great 
Britain  and  Spain.  It  is  one  that  requires  a  complete 
satisfaction,  for  the  honor  of  England  and  the  future 
position  of  Englishmen  in  the  Country  are  concerned  ; 
and  the  satisfaction,  in  order  to  be  complete,  required  to 
be  promptly  given." 

"  This  disagreeable  business,"  Sir  George  writes  in 
another  of  his  despatches,  "  is  rendered  yet  more  so 
by  the  impossibility  of  defending  with  success  all 

1  Despatch  from  Sir  George  Villiers  to  Viscount  Palmerston. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  i7th  May  1838. 


xv.]  AN  OBJECT  OF  SUSPICION  241 

Mr  Sorrow's  proceedings.  .  .  .  His  imprudent  zeal  likewise 
in  announcing  publicly  that  the  Bible  Society  had  a 
depot  of  Bibles  in  Madrid,  and  that  he  was  the  Agent 
for  their  sale,  irritated  the  Ecclesiastical  Authorities, 
whose  attention  has  of  late  been  called  to  the  proceedings 
of  a  Mr  Graydon, — another  agent  of  the  Bible  Society, 
who  has  created  great  excitement  at  Malaga  (and  I 
believe  in  other  places)  by  publishing  in  the  Newspapers 
that  the  Catholic  Religion  was  not  the  religion  of  God, 
and  that  he  had  been  sent  from  England  to  convert 
Spaniards  to  Protestantism.  I  have  upon  more  than  one 
occasion  cautioned  Mr  Graydon,  but  in  vain,  to  be  more 
prudent.  The  Methodist  Society  of  England  is  likewise 
endeavouring  to  establish  a  School  at  Cadiz,  and  by  that 
means  to  make  conversions. 

"  Under  all  these  circumstances  it  is  not  perhaps 
surprising  that  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  and  the  Heads 
of  the  Church  should  be  alarmed  that  an  attempt  at 
Protestant  Propagandism  is  about  to  be  made,  or  that 
the  Government  should  wish  to  avert  the  evils  of  religious 
schism  in  addition  to  all  those  which  already  weigh  upon 
the  Country  ;  and  to  these  different  causes  it  must,  in  some 
degree,  be  attributed  that  Mr  Borrow  has  been  an  object 
of  suspicion  and  treated  with  such  extreme  rigor.  Still, 
however,  they  do  not  justify  the  course  pursued  by  the 
Civil  Governor  towards  him,  or  by  the  Government 
towards  myself,  and  I  trust  Your  Lordship  will  consider 
that  in  the  steps  I  have  taken  upon  the  matter,  I  have  done 
no  more  than  what  the  National  honor,  and  the  security  of 
Englishmen  in  this  Country,  rendered  obligatory  upon  me."1 

Whilst  Borrow  was  in  the  Carcel  de  la  Corte,  a  grave 
complication  had  arisen  in  connection  with  the  misguided 
Lieutenant  Graydon.  Borrow  gives  a  strikingly  dramatic 
account2  of  Count  Ofalia's  call  at  the  British  Embassy. 
He  is  represented  as  arriving  with  a  copy  of  one  of  Gray- 
don's  bills,  which  he  threw  down  upon  a  table  calling  upon 
Sir  George  Villiers  to  read  it  and,  as  a  gentleman  and  the 
representative  of  a  great  and  enlightened  nation,  tell  him  if 

1  Despatch  from  Sir  George  Villiers  to  Viscount  Palmerston,  5th 
May  1838. 

a  In  a  letter  to  the  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  i;th  May  1838. 

Q 


242    IMPRISONMENT— A  DIPLOMATIC  CRISIS  [1838 

he  could  any  longer  defend  Borrow  and  say  that  he  had  been 
ill  or  unfairly  treated.  According  to  the  Foreign  Office 
documents,  Count  Ofalia  wrote  to  Sir  George  Villiers  on 
5th  May,  enclosing  a  copy  of  an  advertisement  inserted  by 
Lieutenant  Gray  don  in  the  Boletin  Oficialde  Malaga^  which, 
translated,  runs  as  follows  : — 

"  The  Individual  in  question  most  earnestly  calls  the 
greatest  attention  of  each  member  of  the  great  Spanish 
Family  to  this  divine  Book,  in  order  that  through  it  he 
may  learn  the  chief  cause,  if  not  the  sole  one,  of  all  his 
terrible  afflictions  and  of  his  only  remedy,  as  it  is  so  clearly 
manifested  in  the  Holy  Scripture.  ...  A  detestable 
system  of  superstition  and  fanaticism,  only  greedy  for  money, 
and  not  so  either  of  the  temporal  or  eternal  felicity  of  man, 
has  prevailed  in  Spain  (as  also  in  other  Nations)  during 
several  Centuries,  by  the  absolute  exclusion  of  the  true 
knowledge  of  the  Great  God  and  last  Judge  of  Mankind  : 
and  thus  it  has  been  plunged  into  the  most  frightful 
calamities.  There  was  a  time  in  which  precisely  the  same 
was  read  in  the  then  very  little  Kingdom  of  England,  but 
at  length  Her  Sons  recognising  their  imperative  Duty 
towards  God  and  their  Neighbour,  as  also  their  unquestion- 
able rights,  and  that  since  the  world  exists  it  has  never 
been  possible  to  gather  grapes  from  thorns,  or  figs  from 
thistles,  they  destroyed  the  system  and  at  the  price  of  their 
blood  chose  the  Bible.  Oh  that  the  unprejudiced  and 
enlightened  inhabitants  not  only  of  Malaga  and  of  so 
many  other  Cities,  but  of  all  Spain,  would  follow  so  good 
an  example."1 

The  result  of  Graydon's  advertisement  was  that  "  the 
people  flocked  in  crowds  to  purchase  it  [the  Bible],  so  much 
so  that  200  copies,  all  that  were  in  Mr  Graydon's 
possession  at  the  time,  were  sold  in  the  course  of  the  day. 
The  Bishop  sent  the  Fiscal  to  stop  the  sale  of  the  work, 
but  before  the  necessary  measures  were  taken  they  were 
all  disposed  of." 2  In  consequence  Graydon  "  was  detained 

1  The  Official  Translation  among  the  Foreign  Office  Papers  at  the 
Record  Office. 

2  Mr  William    Mark's  (the  British   Consul   at   Malaga)   Official 
account  of  the  occurrence,  i6th  May  1838. 


xv.]      GRAYDON'S  CONDUCT  INDEFENSIBLE      243 

and  under  my  [the  Consul's]  responsibility  allowed  to 
remain  at  large."  1  A  jury  of  nine  all  pronounced  the 
article  to  contain  "  matter  subject  to  legal  process  "  ; 2  but 
a  second  jury  of  twelve  at  the  subsequent  public  trial 
"  unanimously  absolved  "  Graydon. 

Sir  George  Villiers  acknowledged  the  letter  from  Count 
Ofalia  (Qth  May)  saying  that  he  had  written  to  Graydon 
warning  him  to  be  more  cautious  in  future.  He  stated 
that  from  personal  knowledge  he  could  vouch  for  the 
purity  of  Lieutenant  Graydon's  intentions ;  but  he 
regretted  that  he  should  have  announced  his  object  in  so 
imprudent  a  manner  as  to  give  offence  to  the  ministers  of 
the  Catholic  religion  of  Spain.  In  a  despatch  to  Lord 
Palmerston  he  states  that  he  has  not  thought  it  in  the 
interests  of  the  Bible  Society  to  defend  this  conduct  of 
Graydon,  "whose  zeal  appears  so  little  tempered  by 
discretion," 3  as  he  had  written  to  Count  Ofalia.  "  Had  I 
done  so,"  he  proceeds,  "  and  thereby  tended  to  confirm 
some  of  the  idle  reports  that  are  current,  that  England 
had  a  national  object  to  serve  in  the  propagation  of 
Protestantism  in  Spain,  it  is  not  improbable  that  a 
legislative  Enactment  might  have  been  introduced  by  some 
Member  of  the  Cortes,  which  would  be  offensive  to 
England,  and  render  it  yet  more  difficult  than  it  is  the 
task  the  Bible  Society  seems  desirous  to  undertake  in  this 
Country."  4  Sir  George  concludes  by  saying  that  he  gave  to 
"  these  Agents  the  best  advice  and  assistance  in  my  power, 
but  if  by  their  acts  they  infringe  the  laws  of  the  Country," 
it  will  be  impossible  to  defend  them. 

Sir  George  thought  so  seriously  of  the  Affaire  Borrow, 
as  endangering  the  future  liberty  of  Englishmen  in  Spain, 
that  he  went  so  far  as  to  send  a  message  to  the  Queen 
Regent,  "by  a  means  which  I  always  have  at  my  dis- 

1  Mr  William    Mark's   (the   British   Consul  at   Malaga)  Official 
account  of  the  occurrence,  i6th  May  1838. 
3  Ibid. 
3  Despatch  to  Viscount  Palmerston,  I2th  May  1838.        4  Ibid. 


244  IMPRISONMENT— A  DIPLOMATIC  CRISIS  [1838 

posal,"1  in  which  he  told  her  that  he  thought  the  affair 
"  might  end  in  a  manner  most  injurious  to  the  continuance 
of  friendly  relations  between  the  two  Countries."2  He 
received  a  gracious  assurance  that  he  should  have  satisfac- 
tion. Later  there  reached  him 

"  a  second  message  from  the  Queen  Regent  expressing 
Her  Majesty's  hope  that  Count  Ofalia's  Note  [of  nth 
May]  would  be  satisfactory  to  me,  and  stating  that  Her 
Ministers  had  so  fully  proved  their  incompetency  by 
giving  any  just  cause  of  complaint  to  the  Minister  of  Her 
only  real  Friend  and  Ally,  The  Queen  of  England,  that 
she  should  have  dismissed  them,  were  it  not  that  the 
state  of  affairs  in  the  Northern  Provinces  at  this  moment 
might  be  prejudiced  by  a  change  of  Government,  which 
Her  Majesty  said  she  knew  no  one  more  than  myself 
would  regret,  but  at  the  same  time  if  I  was  not  satisfied  I 
had  only  to  state  what  I  required  and  it  should  be  immedi- 
ately complied  with.  My  answer  was  confined  to  a  grate- 
ful acknowledgement  of  Her  Majesty's  condescension  and 
kindness.  Count  Ofalia  has  informed  me  that  as  President 
of  the  Council  He  had  enjoined  all  his  Colleagues  never 
to  take  any  step  directly  or  indirectly  concerning  an 
Englishman  without  a  previous  communication  with  Him 
as  to  its  propriety,  and  I  therefore  venture  to  hope  that 
the  case  of  Mr  Borrow  will  not  be  unattended  with  ultimate 
advantage  to  British  subjects  in  Spain." 3 

The  "  Note  "  referred  to  by  the  Queen  Regent  in  her 
message  was  Count  Ofalia's  acquiescence  in  Sir  George 
Villiers'  demands,  with  the  exception  of  the  dismissal  of 
the  Police  Officer.  His  communication  runs  : — 

"nth  May  1838. 

"  SIR, — The  affair  of  Mr  Borrow  is  already  decided  by 
the  Judge  of  First  Instance  and  his  decision  has  been 
approved  by  the  Superior  or  Territorial  Court  of  the 
Province.  As  I  stated  to  you  in  my  note  of  the  fourth 
last,  the  foundation  of  the  arrest  of  Mr  Borrow,  who  was 

1  Despatch  to  Viscount  Palmerston,  I2th  May  1838.          2  Ibid. 
3  Sir   George   Villiers'   Despatch  to   Viscount   Palmerston,   I2th 
May  1838. 


xv.]  COUNT  OFALIA  YIELDS  245 

detained  (and  not  committed),  was  an  official  communica- 
tion from  the  Agent  of  Police,  Don  Pedro  Martin  de 
Eugenio,  in  which  he  averred  that  on  intimating  to  Mr 
Borrow  the  written  order  of  the  Civil  Governor  relative  to 
the  seizure  of  a  book  which  he  had  published  and  exposed 
for  sale  without  complying  with  the  forms  prescribed  by 
the  Civil  and  Ecclesiastical  Laws  of  Spain,  he  (Mr  Borrow) 
had  thrown  on  the  floor  the  order  of  the  Superior 
Authority  of  the  Province  and  used  offensive  expressions 
with  regard  to  the  said  Authority. 

"  The  judicial  proceedings  have  had  for  their  object 
the  ascertainment  of  the  fact.  Mr  Borrow  has  denied  the 
truth  of  the  statement  and  the  Agent  of  Police,  who  it 
appears  entered  the  lodgings  of  Mr  Borrow  without  being 
accompanied  by  any  one,  has  been  unable  to  confirm  by 
evidence  what  he  alleged  in  his  official  report,  or  to  pro- 
duce the  testimony  of  any  one  in  support  of  it. 

"  This  being  the  case  the  judge  has  declared  and  the 
Territorial  Court  approved  the  superceding  of  the  cause, 
putting  Mr  Borrow  immediately  at  complete  liberty,  with 
the  express  declaration  that  the  arrest  he  has  suffered  in 
no  wise  affects  his  honor  and  good  fame,  and  that  the 
1  celador  of  Public  Security/  Don  Pedro  Martin  de  Eugenio, 
be  admonished  for  the  future  to  proceed  in  the  discharge 
of  his  duty  with  proper  respect  and  circumspection  accord- 
ing to  the  condition  and  character  of  the  persons  whom  he 
has  to  address. 

"  In  accordance  with  the  judicial  decision  and  anxious 
to  give  satisfaction  to  Mr  Borrow,  correcting  at  the  same 
time  the  fault  of  the  Agent  of  Police  in  having  presented 
himself  without  being  accompanied  by  any  person  in  order 
to  effect  the  seizure  in  the  lodging  of  Mr  Borrow,  Her 
Majesty  has  thought  proper  to  command  that  the  aforesaid 
Don  Pedro  Martin  de  Eugenic  be  suspended  from  his 
office  for  the  space  of  Four  Months,  an  order  which  I  shall 
communicate  to  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  and  that  Mr 
Borrow  be  indemnified  for  the  expenses  which  may  have 
been  incurred  by  his  lodging  in  the  apartment  of  the 
Alcaide  (chief  gaoler  or  Governor)  for  the  days  of  his 
detention,  although  even  before  the  expiration  of  24 
hours  after  his  arrest  he  was  permitted  to  return  to  his 
house  under  his  word  of  honor  during  the  judicial  pro- 
ceedings, as  I  stated  to  you  in  my  note  already  cited.  I 
flatter  myself  that  in  this  determination  you  as  well  as 


246  IMPRISONMENT- A  DIPLOMATIC  CRISIS  [1838 

your  Government  will  see  a  fresh  proof  of  the  desire  which 
animates  that  of  H.M.  the  Queen  Regent  to  maintain 
and  draw  closer  the  relation  of  friendship  and  alliance 
existing  between  the  two  countries.  And  with  respect  to 
the  claim  advanced  by  Mr  Borrow,  and  of  which  you  also 
make  mention  in  Your  Note  of  the  8th  inst,  I  ought  to 
declare  to  you  that  when  the  Judge  of  First  Instance 
received  official  information  of  the  said  claim  the  business 
was  already  concluded  in  his  tribunal,  and  consequently 
there  was  nothing  to  be  done.  Without,  for  this  reason, 
there  being  understood  any  innovation  with  respect  to 
the  matter  of  privilege  (fuero)  according  as  it  is  now 
established." l 

Borrow  was  liberated  with  unsullied  honour  on  I2th 
May,  after  twelve  days'  imprisonment.  He  refused  the 
compensation  that  Sir  George  Villiers  had  made  a 
condition,  and  later  wrote  to  the  Bible  Society  asking 
that  there  might  be  deducted  from  the  amount  due  to 
him  the  expenses  of  the  twelve  days.  He  states  also 
that  he  refused  to  acquiesce  in  the  dismissal  of  the  Agent 
of  Police,  by  which  he  doubtless  means  his  suspension, 
giving  as  a  reason  that  there  might  be  a  wife  and  family 
likely  to  suffer.  In  any  case  the  man  was  only  carrying 
out  his  instructions.  Borrow's  reason  for  refusing  the 
payment  of  his  expenses  was  that  he  was  unwilling  to 
afford  them,  the  Spanish  Government,  an  opportunity  of 
saying  that  after  they  had  imprisoned  an  Englishman 
unjustly,  and  without  cause,  he  condescended  to  receive 
money  at  their  hands.2 

The  greatest  loss  to  Borrow,  consequent  upon  his 
imprisonment,  no  government  could  make  good.  His 
faithful  Basque,  Francisco,  had  contracted  typhus,  or 
gaol  fever,  that  was  raging  at  the  time,  and  died  within 
a  few  days  of  his  master's  release.  "  A  more  affectionate 
creature  never  breathed,"  Borrow  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram. 

1  The  Official  Translation  among  the  Foreign  Office  Papers  at  the 
Record  Office. 

2  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  578. 


xv.]  THE  RETURN  OF  ANTONIO  247 

The  poor  fellow,  who,  "  to  the  strength  of  a  giant  joined 
the  disposition  of  a  lamb  .  .  .  was  beloved  even  in  the 
patio  of  the  prison,  where  he  used  to  pitch  the  bar  and 
wrestle  with  the  murderers  and  felons,  always  coming  off 
victor."1  The  next  day  Antonio  presented  himself  at 
Borrow's  lodging,  and  without  invitation  or  comment 
assumed  the  duties  he  had  relinquished  in  order  that  he 
might  enjoy  the  excitements  of  change.  "  Who  should 
serve  you  now  but  myself?"  he  asked  when  questioned 
as  to  the  meaning  of  his  presence,  "  N'est  pas  que  le  sieur 
Francois  est  mort !  " 

John  Hasfeldt's  comment  on  his  friend's  imprisonment 
was  characteristic.  In  September  1838  he  wrote  : — 

"  The  very  last  I  heard  of  you  is  that  you  have  had 
the  great  good  fortune  to  be  stopping  in  the  carcel  de  corte 
at  Madrid,  which  pleasing  intelligence  I  found  in  the 
Preussiche  Staats-Zeitung  this  last  spring.  If  you  were 
fatter  no  doubt  the  monks  would  have  got  up  an  Auto  de 
Ft  on  your  behalf,  and  you  might  easily  have  become  a 
nineteenth-century  martyr.  Then  your  strange  life  would 
have  been  hawked  about  the  streets  of  London  for  one 
penny,  though  you  never  obtained  a  fat  living  to  eat  and 
drink  and  take  your  ease  after  all  the  hardships  you  have 
endured." 

1  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  241. 

2  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  579. 


CHAPTER     XVI 

MAY — JULY    1838 

1DORROW  was  now  to  enter  upon  that  lengthy  dispute 
•*^  with  the  Bible  Society  that  almost  brought  about  an 
open  breach,  and  eventually  proved  the  indirect  cause 
that  led  to  the  severance  of  their  relations.  Graydon's 
mistake  lay  in  not  contenting  himself  with  printing  and 
distributing  the  Scriptures,  of  which  he  succeeded  in 
getting  rid  of  an  enormous  quantity.  He  had  advertised 
his  association  with  the  Bible  Society  and  proclaimed 
Borrow  as  a  colleague,  and  the  authorities  at  Madrid 
were  not  greatly  to  blame  for  being  unable  to  distinguish 
between  the  two  men.  Whereas  Graydon  and  Rule,  who 
was  also  extremely  obnoxious  to  the  Spanish  Clergy,  were 
safe  at  Gibraltar  or  generally  within  easy  reach  of  it, 
Borrow  was  in  the  very  midst  of  the  enemy.  He  was  not 
unnaturally  furiously  angry  at  the  situation  that  he  con- 
ceived to  have  been  brought  about  by  these  evangelists  in 
the  south.  He  referred  to  Graydon  as  the  Evil  Genius  of 
the  Society's  Cause  in  Spain. 

It  may  be  felt  that  Borrow  was  a  prejudiced  witness, 
he  had  every  reason  for  being  so ;  but  a  despatch  from  Sir 
George  Villiers  to  the  Consul  at  Malaga  shows  clearly 
how  the  British  Minister  viewed  Lieutenant  Graydon's 
indiscretion : 

"You  will  communicate  Count  Ofalia's  note  to  Mr 
Graydon,"  he  writes,  "  and  tell  him  from  me  that,  feeling 
as  I  do  a  lively  interest  in  the  success  of  his  mission,  I 

248 


XVL]    "MR  GRAYDON  MUST  LEAVE  SPAIN "      249 

cannot  but  regret  that  he  should  have  published  his 
opinions  upon  the  Catholic  religion  and  clergy  in  a  form 
which  should  render  inevitable  the  interference  of  ecclesi- 
astical authority.  I  have  no  doubt  that  Mr  Graydon,  in 
the  pursuit  of  the  meritorious  task  he  has  undertaken,  is 
ready  to  endure  persecution,  but  he  should  bear  in  mind 
that  it  will  not  lead  him  to  success  in  this  country,  where 
prejudices  are  so  inveterate,  and  at  this  moment,  when 
party  spirit  disfigures  even  the  best  intentions.  Unless 
Mr  Graydon  proceeds  with  the  utmost  circumspection  it 
will  be  impossible  for  me,  with  the  prospect  of  good  result, 
to  defend  his  conduct  with  the  Government,  for  no  foreigner 
has  a  right,  however  laudable  may  be  his  object,  to  seek 
the  attainment  of  that  object  by  infringing  the  laws  of  the 
country  in  which  he  resides." 1 

In  writing  to  Mr  Brandram,  Borrow  pointed  out  that 
although  he  had  travelled  extensively  in  Spain  and  had 
established  many  depots  for  the  sale  of  the  Scriptures,  not 
one  word  of  complaint  had  been  transmitted  to  the 
Government.  He  had  been  imprisoned ;  but  he  had  the 
authority  of  Count  Ofalia  for  saying  that  it  was  not  on 
account  of  his  own,  but  rather  of  the  action  of  others. 
Furthermore  the  Premier  had  advised  him  to  endeavour  to 
make  friends  among  the  clergy,  and  for  the  present  at  least 
make  no  further  effort  to  promote  the  actual  sale  of  the 
New  Testament  in  Madrid. 

On  the  day  following  his  release  from  prison  (i3th  May) 
Borrow,  after  being  sent  for  by  the  British  Minister,  wrote 
to  Mr  Brandram  as  follows  : — 

"  Sir  George  has  commanded  me  ...  to  write  to  the 
following  effect : — Mr  Graydon  must  leave  Spain,  or  the 
Bible  Society  must  publicly  disavow  that  his  proceed- 
ings receive  their  encouragement,  unless  they  wish  to  see 
the  Sacred  book,  which  it  is  their  object  to  distribute, 
brought  into  universal  odium  and  contempt.  He  has 
lately  been  to  Malaga,  and  has  there  played  precisely  the 
same  part  which  he  acted  last  year  at  Valencia,  with  the 
addition  that  in  printed  writings  he  has  insulted  the  Spanish 

1  History  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society.     By  W.  Canton. 


250  STRAINED  RELATIONS  [1838 

Government  in  the  most  inexcusable  manner.  A  formal 
complaint  of  his  conduct  has  been  sent  up  from  Malaga, 
and  a  copy  of  one  of  his  writings.  Sir  George  blushed 
when  he  saw  it,  and  informed  Count  Ofalia  that  any  steps 
which  might  be  taken  towards  punishing  the  author  would 
receive  no  impediment  from  him.  I  shall  not  make  any 
observation  on  this  matter  farther  than  stating  that  I  have 
never  had  any  other  opinion  of  Mr  Graydon  than  that 
he  is  insane — insane  as  the  person  who  for  the  sake  of 
warming  his  own  hands  would  set  a  street  on  fire. 
Sir  George  said  to-day  that  he  (Graydon)  was  the  cause 
of  my  harmless  shop  being  closed  at  Madrid  and  also  of 
my  imprisonment.  The  Society  will  of  course  com- 
municate with  Sir  George  on  the  subject,  I  wash  my 
hands  of  it." 

On  23rd  May  Borrow  wrote  again  to  Mr  Brandram  : 
"  In  the  name  of  the  Most  Highest  take  steps  for  pre- 
venting that  miserable  creature  Graydon  from  ruining  us 
all."  Sorrow's  use  of  the  term  "  insane  "  with  regard  to 
Graydon  was  fully  justified.  The  Rev.  W.  H.  Rule  wrote 
to  him  on  I4th  May  : 

"  Our  worthy  brother  Graydon  is,  I  suppose,  in  Granada. 
I  overtook  him  in  Cartagena,  endured  the  process  of 
osculation,  saw  him  without  rhime  or  reason  wrangle  with 
and  publicly  insult  our  Consul  there.  Had  his  company 
in  the  steamer  to  Almeria,  much  to  my  discomfort.  Never 
was  a  man  fuller  of  love  and  impudence,  compounded  in 
the  most  provoking  manner.  In  Malaga,  just  as  we  were 
to  part,  he  broke  out  into  a  strain  highly  disagreeable,  and 
I  therefore  thought  it  a  convenient  occasion  to  tell  him 
that  I  should  have  no  more  to  do  with  him.  I  left  him 
dancing  and  raving  like  an  energumen." 

This  letter  Borrow  indiscreetly  sent  to  Mr  Brandram, 
much  to  Mr  Rule's  regret,  who  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram, 
saying  that  whilst  he  had  nothing  to  retract,  he  would  not 
have  written  for  the  eyes  of  the  Bible  Society's  Committee 
what  he  had  written  to  Borrow.  To  Mr  Rule  Lieut. 
Graydon  was  "  a  good  man,  or  at  least  a  well-meaning 
[one],  who  has  not  the  balance  of  judgment  and  temper 


xvi.]  THE  ADVERTISEMENT  251 

necessary  for  the  situation  he  occupies."  He  was  given 
to  "the  promulgation  of  Millenianism,"  and  to  calling 
the  Bible  "  the  true  book  of  the  Constitution." 

Marin  had  confirmed  all  the  rumours  current  about 
Graydon.  In  order  to  remove  from  his  shoulders  "the 
burden  of  obloquy,"  Borrow's  first  act  on  leaving  prison 
was  to  publish  in  the  Correo  Nacional  an  advertisement 
disclaiming,  in  the  name  of  the  Bible  Society,  any 
writings  which  may  have  been  circulated  tending  to 
lower  the  authorities,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  in  the  eyes 
of  the  people.  He  denied  that  it  was  the  Society's 
intention  or  wish  to  make  proselytes  from  the  Roman 
Catholic  form  of  worship,  and  that  it  was  at  all  times 
prepared  to  extend  the  hand  of  brotherhood  to  the 
Spanish  clergy.  This  notice  was  signed  "  George  Borrow, 
Sole  authorised  Agent  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible 
Society  in  Spain." 

El  Gazeta  Oficial^  in  commenting  on  the  situation,  saw 
in  the  anti-Catholic  tracts  circulated  by  Graydon  "part  of 
the  monstrous  plan,  whose  existence  can  no  longer  be 
called  in  question,  concocted  by  the  enemies  of  all  public 
order,  for  the  purpose  of  inaugurating  on  our  unhappy  soil 
a  social  revolution,  just  as  the  political  one  is  drawing  to  a 
close."  The  Government  was  urged  to  allow  no  longer 
these  attacks  upon  the  religion  of  the  country.  Rather 
illogically  the  article  concludes  by  paying  a  tribute  to  the 
Bible  Society,  "  considered  not  under  the  religious  but  the 
social  aspect."  After  praising  its  prudence  for  "  accommo- 
dating itself  to  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  laws  of  each 
country,  and  by  adopting  the  editions  there  current," 
it  concludes  with  the  sophisticated  argument  that,  "  if  the 
great  object  be  the  propagation  of  evangelic  maxims,  the 
notes  are  no  obstacle,  and  by  preserving  them  we  fulfil  our 
religious  principle  of  not  permitting  to  private  reason  the 
interpretation  of  the  Sacred  Word." 

The  General  Committee  expressed  themselves,  some- 
what enigmatically,  it  must  be  confessed,  as  in  no  way 


252  STRAINED  RELATIONS  [1838 

surprised  at  this  article,  being  from  past  experience  learned 
enough  in  the  ways  of  Rome  to  anticipate  her. 

"  That  advertisement,"  Borrow  wrote  six  months  later 
in  his  Report  that  was  subsequently  withdrawn,  "  gave 
infinite  satisfaction  to  the  liberal  clergy.  I  was  compli- 
mented for  it  by  the  Primate  of  Spain,  who  said  I  had 
redeemed  my  credit  and  that  of  the  Society,  and  it  is  with 
some  feeling  of  pride  that  I  state  that  it  choked  and  pre- 
vented the  publication  of  a  series  of  terrible  essays  against 
the  Bible  Society,  which  were  intended  for  the  Official 
Gazette,  and  which  were  written  by  the  Licentiate  Albert 
Lister,  the  editor  of  that  journal,  the  friend  of  Blanco 
White,  and  the  most  talented  man  in  Spain.  These 
essays  still  exist  in  the  editorial  drawer,  and  were  com- 
municated to  me  by  the  head  manager  of  the  royal 
printing  office,  my  respected  friend  and  countryman  Mr 
Charles  Wood,  whose  evidence  in  this  matter  and  in  many 
others  I  can  command  at  pleasure.  In  lieu  of  which 
essays  came  out  a  mild  and  conciliatory  article  by  the 
same  writer,  which,  taking  into  consideration  the  country 
in  which  it  was  written,  and  its  peculiar  circumstances,  was 
an  encouragement  to  the  Bible  Society  to  proceed,  although 
with  secrecy  and  caution ;  yet  this  article,  sadly  misunder- 
stood in  England,  gave  rise  to  communications  from  home 
highly  mortifying  to  myself  and  ruinous  to  the  Bible 
cause." 

Borrow  had  written  from  prison  to  Mr  Brandram l 
telling  him  that  it  had  "  pleased  God  to  confer  upon  me 
the  highest  of  mortal  honors,  the  privilege  of  bearing 
chains  for  His  sake."  After  describing  how  it  had  always 
been  his  practice,  before  taking  any  step,  to  consult  with 
Sir  George  Villiers  and  receive  his  approval,  and  that  the 
present  situation  had  not  been  brought  about  by  any  rash- 
ness on  his,  Borrow's,  part,  he  proceeds  to  convey  the 
following  curious  piece  of  information  that  must  have 
caused  some  surprise  at  Earl  Street : — 

"I  will  now  state  a  fact,  which  speaks  volumes  as  to 
the  state  of  affairs  at  Madrid.  My  arch-enemy,  the 
Archbishop  of  Toledo,  the  primate  of  Spain,  wishes  to 

1  On  [nth]  May  1838. 


XVL]  THE  ARCHBISHOP  S  KISS  253 

give  me  the  kiss  of  brotherly  Peace.  He  has  caused  a 
message  to  be  conveyed  to  me  in  my  dungeon, 
assuring  me  that  he  has  had  no  share  in  causing  my 
imprisonment,  which  he  says  was  the  work  of  the  Civil 
Governor,  who  was  incited  to  the  step  by  the  Jesuits. 
He  adds  that  he  is  determined  to  seek  out  my  persecutors 
amongst  the  clergy,  and  to  have  them  punished,  and  that 
when  I  leave  prison  he  shall  be  happy  to  co-operate  with 
me  in  the  dissemination  of  the  Gospel ! !  I  cannot  write 
much  now,  for  I  am  not  well,  having  been  bled  and 
blistered.  I  must,  however,  devote  a  few  lines  to  another 
subject,  but  not  one  of  rejoicing  or  Christian  exultation. 
Marin  arrived  just  after  my  arrest,  and  visited  me  in 
prison,  and  there  favoured  me  with  a  scene  of  despair, 
abject  despair,  which  nearly  turned  my  brain.  I  despised 
the  creature,  God  forgive  me,  but  I  pitied  him ;  for  he 
was  without  money  and  expected  every  moment  to 
be  seized  like  myself  and  incarcerated,  and  he  is  by 
no  means  anxious  to  be  invested  with  the  honors  of 
martyrdom." 

That  the  Primate  of  Spain  should  have  sent  to  Borrow 
such  a  message  is  surprising ;  but  what  is  still  more  so  is 
that  six  days  later  Borrow  wrote  telling  Mr  Brandram 
that  he  had  asked  a  bishop  to  arrange  an  interview 
between  him  and  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  and  Sir 
George  Villiers,  who  was  present,  begged  the  same 
privilege.1  On  23rd  May  Borrow  wrote  again  to  Mr 
Brandram  :  "  I  have  just  had  an  interview  with  the  Arch- 
bishop. It  was  satisfactory  to  a  degree  I  had  not  dared  to 
hope  for."  In  his  next  letter  (25th  May)  he  writes  : 

"  I  have  had,  as  you  are  aware,  an  interview  with  the 
Archbishop  of  Toledo.  I  have  not  time  to  state  partic- 
ulars, but  he  said  amongst  other  things,  *  Be  prudent,  the 
Government  are  disposed  to  arrange  matters  amicably, 
and  I  am  disposed  to  co-operate  with  them.'  At  parting 
he  shook  me  most  kindly  by  the  hand  saying  that  he  liked 
me.  Sir  George  intends  to  visit  him  in  a  few  days.  He 
is  an  old,  venerable  -  looking  man,  between  seventy  and 
eighty.  When  I  saw  him  he  was  dressed  with  the  utmost 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  I7th  May  1838. 


254  STRAINED  RELATIONS  [1838 

simplicity,  with  the  exception  of  a  most  splendid  amethyst 
ring,  the  lustre  of  which  was  truly  dazzling." 

There  is  only  one  conclusion  to  be  drawn  from  this 
archiepiscopal  condescension,  if  the  interview  were  not 
indeed  sought  by  Borrow,  that  it  was  a  political  move  to 
pacify  the  wounded  feelings  of  an  outraged  Englishman 
at  a  time  when  the  goodwill  of  England  was  as  necessary 
to  the  kingdom  of  Spain  as  the  sun  itself. 

The  upshot  of  the  Malaga  Incident  was  that  "  the 
Spanish  Government  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  Bible 
transactions  in  Spain,  and  forthwith  gave  orders  for  the 
seizure  of  all  the  Bibles  and  Testaments  in  the  country, 
wherever  they  might  be  deposited  or  exposed  for  sale. 
They  notified  Sir  George  Villiers  of  the  decision,  expressly 
stating  that  the  resolution  was  taken  in  consequence  of 
the  *  Ocurrido  en  Malaga? " 1  The  letter  in  which  Sir 
George  Villiers  was  informed  of  the  Government's  decision 
runs  as  follows  : — 

MADRID,  iqth  May  1838. 

SIR, 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  You  that  in  conse- 
quence of  what  has  taken  place  at  Malaga  and  other 
places,  respecting  the  publication  and  sale  of  the  Bible 
translated  by  Padre  Scio,  which  are  not  complete  (since 
they  do  not  contain  all  the  Books  which  the  Catholic 
Church  recognises  as  Canonical)  nor  even  being  complete 
could  they  be  printed  unless  furnished  with  the  Notes 
of  the  said  Padre  Scio,  according  to  the  existing  regula- 
tions ;  Her  Majesty  has  thought  proper  to  prevent  this 
publication  and  sale,  but  without  insulting  or  molesting 
those  British  Subjects  who  for  some  time  past  have  been 
introducing  them  into  the  Kingdom  and  selling  them  at 
the  lowest  prices,  thinking  they  were  conferring  a  benefit 
when  in  reality  they  were  doing  an  injury. 

I  have  also  to  state  to  You  that  in  order  to  carry  this 
Royal  determination  into  effect,  orders  have  been  issued 
to  prohibit  its  being  printed  in  Spain,  in  the  vulgar 
tongue,  unless  it  should  be  the  entire  Bible  as  recognised 
by  the  Catholic  Church  with  corresponding  Notes,  pre- 

1  Letter  from  Borrow  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  25th  May  1838. 


XVL]  BORROW  UNDISMAYED  255 

venting  its  admittance  at  the  Frontiers,  as  is  the  case  with 
books  printed  in  Spanish  abroad ;  that  the  Bibles  exposed 
for  public  sale  be  seized  and  given  to  their  owners  in 
a  packet  marked  and  sealed,  upon  the  condition  of  its 
being  sent  out  of  the  country  through  the  Custom  Houses 
on  the  Frontier  or  at  the  Ports. 

I  avail  myself,  etc.,  etc. 

THE  COUNT  OF  OFALiA.1 

Borrow  and  Graydon  were  advised  of  this  inhibition, 
and  both  ordered  their  establishments  for  the  sale  of 
books  to  be  closed,  thus  showing  that  they  were  "  Gentle- 
men who  are  animated  with  due  respect  for  the  Laws 
of  Spain." 2  At  Valladolid,  Santiago,  Orviedo,  Pontevedra, 
Seville,  Salamanca,  and  Malaga  the  decree  was  at  once 
enforced.  On  learning  that  the  books  at  his  depots  had  all 
been  seized,  Borrow  became  apprehensive  for  the  safety  of 
his  Madrid  stock  of  New  Testaments,  some  three  thousand 
in  number.  He  accordingly  had  them  removed,  under 
cover  of  darkness,  to  the  houses  of  his  friends. 

Borrow  was  not  the  man  to  accept  defeat,  and  he 
wrote  to  Mr  Brandram  with  great  cheerfulness : 

"  This,  however,  gives  me  little  uneasiness,  for,  with  the 
blessing  of  God,  I  shall  be  able  to  repair  all,  always 
provided  I  am  allowed  to  follow  my  own  plans,  and  to 
avail  myself  of  the  advantages  which  have  lately  been 
opened — especially  to  cultivate  the  kind  feeling  lately 
manifested  towards  me  by  the  principal  Spanish  clergy.3 

Later  he  wrote : 

"  Another  bitter  cup  has  been  filled  for  my  swallowing. 
The  Bible  Society  and  myself  have  been  accused  of 
blasphemy,  sedition,  etc.  A  collection  of  tracts  has  been 
seized  in  Murcia,  in  which  the  Catholic  religion  and  its 

1  The  Official  Translation  among  the  Foreign  Office  Papers  at 
the  Record  Office. 

-  Sir  George  Villiers  to  Count  Ofalia,  25th  May  1838. 
3  Letter  to  Mr  A.  Brandram,  25th  May  1838. 


256  STRAINED  RELATIONS  [1838 

dogmas  are  handled  with  the  most  abusive  severity ; 1 
these  books  have  been  sworn  to  as  having  been  left  by  the 
Committee  of  the  Bible  Society  whilst  in  that  town^  and 
Count  Ofalia  has  been  called  upon  to  sign  an  order  for 
my  arrest  and  banishment  from  Spain.  Sir  George, 
however,  advises  me  to  remain  quiet  and  not  to  be 
alarmed,  as  he  will  answer  for  my  innocence." 2 

Borrow  strove  to  galvanise  the  General  Committee 
into  action.  The  Spanish  newspapers  were  inflamed 
against  the  Society  as  a  sectarian,  not  a  Christian  institu- 
tion. "  Zeal  is  a  precious  thing,"  he  told  Mr  Brandram, 
"when  accompanied  with  one  grain  of  common  sense." 
The  theme  of  his  letters  was  the  removal  of  Graydon. 
"  Do  not  be  cast  down,"  he  writes  ;  "  all  will  go  well  if  the 
stumbling  block  [Graydon]  be  removed." 

Borrow's  state  of  mind  may  well  be  imagined,  and  if  by 
his  impulsive  letters  he  unwittingly  harmed  his  own  cause 
at  Earl  Street,  he  did  so  as  a  man  whose  liberty,  perhaps 
his  life  even,  was  being  jeopardised,  although  not  deliber- 
ately, by  another  whom  the  reforming  spirit  seemed 
likely  to  carry  to  any  excess.  It  must  be  admitted 
that  for  the  time  being  Borrow  had  forgotten  the  idiom  of 
Earl  Street. 

The  president  (a  bishop)  of  the  body  of  ecclesiastics 
that  was  engaged  in  examining  the  Society's  Spanish 
Bible,  communicated  with  Borrow,  through  Mr  Charles 
Wood,  the  suggestion  that  "  the  Committee  of  the  Bible 
Society  should  in  the  present  exigency  draw  up  an  exposi- 
tion of  their  views  respecting  Spain,  stating  what  they  are 
prepared  to  do  and  what  they  are  not  prepared  to  do ; 
above  all,  whether  in  seeking  to  circulate  the  Gospel  in  this 

1  At  the  time  of  writing   Borrow   had   not   seen   any  of  these 
tracts  himself;    but   Sir   George   Villiers,  who  had,   expressed  the 
opinion  that  "  one  or  two  of  them  were  outrages  not  only  to  common 
sense  but   to   decency." — Borrow   to  the   Rev.   A.   Brandram,   25th 
June  1838. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  I4th  June  1838. 


xvi.]  ANOTHER  BIBLICAL  TOUR  257 

Country  they  harbour  any  projects  hostile  to  the  Govern- 
ment or  the  established  religion  ;  moreover,  whether  the 
late  distribution  of  tracts  was  done  by  their  connivance  or 
authority,  and  whether  they  are  disposed  to  sanction  in 
future  the  publication  in  Spain  of  such  a  class  of  writings."  * 

Borrow  was  of  the  opinion  that  this  should  be  done, 
although  he  would  not  take  upon  himself  to  advise  the 
Committee  upon  such  a  point,  he  merely  remarked  that 
"  the  Prelate  in  question  is  a  most  learned  and  respectable 
man,  and  one  of  the  warmest  of  our  friends." 2  The  Society 
very  naturally  declined  to  commit  itself  to  any  such  under- 
taking. It  would  not  have  been  quite  logical  or  conceiv- 
able that  a  Protestant  body  should  give  a  guarantee  that 
it  harboured  no  projects  hostile  to  Rome. 

Undeterred  by  the  official  edict  against  the  circulation 
in  Spain  of  the  Scriptures,  Borrow  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram 
(i4th  June) : 

"I  should  wish  to  make  another  Biblical  tour  this 
summer,  until  the  storm  be  blown  over.  Should  I  under- 
take such  an  expedition,  I  should  avoid  the  towns  and 
devote  myself  entirely  to  the  peasantry.  I  have  sometimes 
thought  of  visiting  the  villages  of  the  Alpujarra  Mountains 
in  Andalusia,  where  the  people  live  quite  secluded  from 
the  world  ;  what  do  you  think  of  my  project  ?  " 

All  this  time  Borrow  had  heard  nothing  from  Earl 
Street  as  to  the  effect  being  produced  there  by  his  letters. 
On  1 5th  or  i6th  June  he  received  a  long  letter  from  Mr 
Brandram  enclosing  the  Resolutions  of  the  General 
Committee  with  regard  to  the  crisis.  They  proved  con- 
clusively that  the  officials  failed  entirely  to  appreciate  the 
state  of  affairs  in  Spain,  and  the  critical  situation  of  their 
paid  and  accredited  agent,  George  Borrow.  Their  pride 
had  probably  been  wounded  by  Borrow's  impetuous 
requests,  that  might  easily  have  appeared  to  them  in  the 
light  of  commands.  It  may  have  struck  some  that  the 

1  Letter  from  Borrow  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  I4th  June  1838. 
-  Ibid. 

R 


258  STRAINED  RELATIONS  [1838 

Spanish  affairs  of  the  Society  were  being  administered 
from  Madrid,  and  that  they  themselves  were  being  told, 
not  what  it  was  expedient  to  do,  but  what  they  must  do. 
Another  factor  in  the  situation  was  the  Committee's 
friendliness  for  their  impulsive,  unsalaried  servant  Lieut. 
Graydon,  who  was  certainly  a  picturesque,  almost  melo- 
dramatic figure.  In  any  case  the  letter  from  Mr  Brandram 
that  accompanied  the  Resolutions  was  couched  in  a  strain 
of  fair  play  to  Graydon  that  became  a  thinly  disguised 
partizanship.  At  the  meeting  of  the  Committee  held  on 
28th  May  the  following  Resolutions  had  been  adopted  : — 

First. — "  That  Mr  Borrow  be  requested  to  inform  Sir 
George  Villiers  that  this  Committee  have  written  to 
Mr  Graydon  through  their  Secretary,  desiring  him  to 
leave  Spain  on  account  of  his  personal  safety." 

Second. — "  That  Mr  Borrow  be  informed  that  in  the 
absence  of  specific  documents,  this  Committee  cannot 
offer  any  opinion  on  the  proceedings  of  Mr  Graydon,  and 
that  therefore  he  be  desired  to  obtain,  either  in  original 
or  copy,  the  objectionable  papers  alleged  to  have  been 
issued  by  Mr  Graydon  and  to  transmit  them  hither." 

Third. — "  That  Mr  Borrow  be  requested  not  to  repeat 
the  Advertisement  contained  in  the  Correo  Nacional  of 
the  1 7th  inst,  and  that  he  be  cautioned  how  he  commits 
the  Society  by  advertisements  of  a  similar  character.  And 
further,  that  he  be  desired  to  state  to  Sir  George  Villiers 
that  the  advertisement  in  question  was  inserted  by  him 
on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  and  without  any  opportunity 
of  obtaining  instructions  from  this  Committee." 

In  justice  to  the  Committee,  it  must  be  said  that  they 
did  not  appreciate  the  delicacy  of  the  situation,  being  only 
Christians  and  not  diplomatists.  Perhaps  they  were 
unaware  that  the  whole  of  Spain  was  under  martial  law, 
or  if  they  were,  the  true  significance  of  the  fact  failed  to 
strike  them.  Mr  Brandram's  letter  accompanying  these 
Resolutions  is  little  more  than  an  amplification  of  the 
Committee's  decision : 

".I  have,  I  assure  you,"  he  writes,  "endeavoured  to 
place  myself  in  your  situation  and  enter  into  your  feelings 


XVL]          A  REBUKE  FROM  EARL  STREET  259 

strongly  excited  by  the  irreparable  mischief  which  you 
suppose  Mr  G.  to  have  done  to  our  cause  so  dear  to  you. 
Under  the  influence  of  these  feelings  you  have  written 
with,  what  appears  to  us,  unmitigated  severity  of  his 
conduct.  But  now,  let  me  entreat  you  to  enter  into  our 
feelings  a  little,  and  to  consider  what  we  owe  to  Mr 
Graydon.  If  we  have  at  times  thought  him  imprudent, 
we  have  seen  enough  in  him  to  make  us  both  admire  and 
love  him.  He  has  ever  approved  himself  as  an  upright, 
faithful,  conscientious,  indefatigable  agent ;  one  who  has 
shrunk  from  no  trials  and  no  dangers ;  one  who  has  gone 
through  in  our  service  many  and  extraordinary  hardships. 
What  have  we  against  him  at  present?  He  has  issued 
certain  documents  of  a  very  offensive  character,  as  is 
alleged.  We  have  not  seen  them,  neither  does  it  appear 
that  you  have,  but  that  you  speak  from  the  recollections 
ofMrSothern."1 

1  The  quotations  from  Lieut.  Graydon's  tracts  were  not  sent  by 
Borrow  to  Mr  Brandram  until  some  weeks  later.  They  ran :— A 
True  History  of  the  Dolorous  Virgin  to  whom  the  Rebellious  and 
Fanatical  Don  Carlos  Has  Committed  His  Cause  and  the  Ignorance 
which  It  Displays. 

EXTRACTS. 

Page  17.  You  will  readily  see  in  all  those  grandiose  epithets 
showered  upon  Mary,  the  work  of  the  enemy  of  God,  which  tending 
essentially  towards  idolatry  has  managed,  under  the  cloak  of 
Christianity,  to  introduce  idolatry,  and  endeavours  to  divert  to  a 
creature,  and  even  to  the  image  of  that  creature,  the  adoration  which 
is  due  to  God  alone.  Without  doubt  it  is  with  this  very  object  that 
on  all  sides  we  see  erected  statues  of  Mary,  adorned  with  a  crown, 
and  bearing  in  her  arms  a  child  of  tender  years,  as  though  to  accustom 
the  populace  intimately  to  the  idea  of  Mary's  superiority  over  Jesus. 

Page  30.  This,  then,  is  our  conclusion.  In  recognising  and 
sanctioning  this  cult,  the  Church  of  Rome  constitutes  itself  an 
idolatrous  Church,  and  every  member  of  it  who  is  incapable  of 
detecting  the  truth  behind  the  monstrous  accumulation  of  impieties 
with  which  they  veil  it,  is  proclaimed  by  the  Church  as  condemned  to 
perdition.  The  guiding  light  of  this  Church,  which  they  are  not 
ashamed  to  smother  or  to  procure  the  smothering  of,  by  which  never- 
theless they  hold  their  authority,  to  be  plain,  the  word  of  God,  should 
at  least  teach  them,  if  they  set  any  value  on  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  that 
their  Papal  Bulls  would  be  better  directed  to  the  cleansing  of  the 
Roman  Church  from  all  its  iniquities  than  to  the  promulgation  of  such 
unjust  prohibitions.  Yet  in  struggling  against  better  things,  this 
Church  is  protecting  and  hallowing  in  all  directions  an  innumerable 
collection  of  superstitions  and  false  cults,  and  it  is  clear  that  by  this 
means  it  is  abased  and  labelled  as  one  of  the  principal  agents  of 
Anti-Christ." 


260  STRAINED  RELATIONS  [1838 

The  letter  goes  on  to  say  that  if  it  can  be  shown  that 
Lieut.  Graydon  is  acting  in  the  same  manner  as  he  did  in 
Valencia,  for  which  he  was  admonished, 

"  he  will  assuredly  be  recalled  on  this  ground.  You 
wonder  perhaps  that  we  for  a  moment  doubt  the  fact  of 
his  reiterated  imprudence ;  but  audi  alteratn  partem  must 
be  our  rule  —  and  besides,  on  reviewing  the  Valencia 
proceedings,  we  draw  a  wide  distinction.  Had  he  been 
as  free,  as  you  suppose  him  to  be,  of  the  trammels  of 
office  in  our  service,  many  would  say  and  think  that  he 
was  prefectly  at  liberty  to  act  and  speak  as  he  did  of  the 
Authorities,  if  he  chose  to  take  the  consequences.  Really 
in  such  a  country  it  is  no  marvel  if  his  Spirit  has  been 
stirred  within  him  !  Will  you  allow  me  to  remind  you  of 
the  strong  things  in  your  own  letter  to  the  Valencia 
ecclesiastic,  the  well  pointed  and  oft  repeated  Vae  !  " 

Mr  Brandram  points  out  that  strong  language  is 
frequently  the  sword  of  the  Reformer,  and  that  there 
are  times  when  it  has  the  highest  sanction  ;  but 

"the  judgment  of  all  [the  members  of  the  Committee] 
will  be  that  an  Agent  of  the  Bible  Society  is  a  Reformer, 
not  by  his  preaching  or  denouncing,  but  by  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  Bible.  If  Mr  G's.  conduct  is  no  worse  than  it 
was  in  Valencia,"  the  letter  continues,  rather  inconsistently, 
in  the  light  of  the  assurance  in  the  early  part  that  recall 
would  be  the  punishment  for  another  such  lapse  into 
indiscretion,  "you  must  not  expect  anything  beyond  a 
qualified  disavowal  of  it,  and  that  simply  as  unbecoming 
an  Agent  of  such  a  Society  as  ours. 

"  After  what  I  have  written,  you  will  hardly  feel 
surprised  that  our  Committee  could  not  quite  approve 
of  your  Advertisement.  We  have  ever  regarded  Mr 
Graydon  as  much  our  Agent  as  yourself.  In  three  of 
our  printed  reports  in  succession  we  make  no  difference 
in  speaking  of  you  both.  We  are  anxious  to  do  nothing 
to  weaken  your  hands  at  so  important  a  crisis,  and  we 
conceive  that  the  terms  we  have  employed  in  our 
Resolution  are  the  mildest  we  could  have  used.  Do 
not  insert  the  Advertisement  a  second  time.  Let  it 
pass ;  let  it  be  forgotten.  If  necessary  we  shall  give 
the  public  intimation  that  Mr  G.  was,  but  is  not  our 


xvi.]          NO  SYMPATHY  WITH  BORROW  261 

agent  any  longer.  Remember,  we  entreat  you,  the  very 
delicate  position  that  such  a  manifesto  places  us  in,  as  well 
as  the  effect  which  it  may  have  on  Mr  Graydon's  personal 
safety.  We  give  you  full  credit  for  believing  it  was  your 
duty,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case,  to  take 
so  decided  and  bold  a  step,  and  that  you  thought  yourself 
fully  justified  by  the  distinction  of  salaried  and  unsalaried 
Agent,  in  speaking  of  yourself  as  the  alone  accredited  Agent 
of  the  Society.  Possibly  when  you  reflect  a  little  upon  the 
matter  you  may  view  it  in  another  light.  There  are 
besides  some  sentiments  in  the  Advertisement  which  we 
cannot  perhaps  fully  accord  with.  .  .  .  If  to  our  poor  friend 
there  has  befallen  the  saddest  of  all  calamities  to  which 
you  allude,  should  we  not  speak  of  him  with  all  tenderness. 
If  he  be  insane  I  believe  much  of  it  is  to  be  attributed  to 
that  entire  devotion  with  which  he  has  devoted  himself  to 
our  work. 

No  complaint  can  be  urged  against  the  Committee  for 
refusing  to  condemn  one  of  their  agents  unheard,  and 
without  documentary  evidence  ;  but  it  was  strange  that 
they  should  pass  resolutions  that  contained  no  word  of 
sympathy  with  Borrow  for  his  sufferings  in  a  typhus- 
infested  prison.  It  is  even  more  strange  that  the  covering 
letter  should  refer  to  Graydon's  sufferings  and  hardships 
and  the  danger  to  his  person,  without  apparently  realising 
that  Borrow  had  actually  suffered  what  the  Committee  feared 
that  Gray  don  might  suffer.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Borrow's 
impulsive  letters  had  greatly  offended  everybody  at  Earl 
Street,  where  Lieut.  Graydon  appears  to  have  been 
extremely  popular;  and  the  few  words  of  sympathy 
with  Borrow  that  might  have  saved  much  acrimonious 
correspondence  were  neither  resolved  nor  written. 

The  other  side  of  the  picture  is  shown  in  a  vigorous 
passage  from  Borrow's  Report,  which  was  afterwards 
withdrawn : 

"  A  helpless  widow  [the  mother  of  Don  Pascual  Marin] 
was  insulted,  her  liberty  of  conscience  invaded,  and  her 
only  son  incited  to  rebellion  against  her.  A  lunatic 
[Lieut.  Graydon]  was  employed  as  the  repartidor,  or 


262  STRAINED  RELATIONS  [1838 

distributor,  of  the  Blessed  Bible,  who,  having  his  head 
crammed  with  what  he  understood  not,  ran  through  the 
streets  of  Valencia  crying  aloud  that  Christ  was  nigh 
at  hand  and  would  appear  in  a  short  time,  whilst 
advertisements  to  much  the  same  effect  were  busily 
circulated,  in  which  the  name,  the  noble  name,  of  the 
Bible  Society  was  prostituted ;  whilst  the  Bible,  exposed 
for  sale  in  the  apartment  of  a  public  house,  served  for 
little  more  than  a  decoy  to  the  idle  and  curious,  who 
were  there  treated  with  incoherent  railings  against  the 
Church  of  Rome  and  Babylon  in  a  dialect  which  it  was 
well  for  the  deliverer  that  only  a  few  of  the  audience 
understood.  But  I  fly  from  these  details,  and  will  now 
repeat  the  consequences  of  the  above  proceedings  to 
myself;  for  I,  I,  and  only  I,  as  every  respectable  person 
in  Madrid  can  vouch,  have  paid  the  penalty  for  them  all, 
though  as  innocent  as  the  babe  who  has  not  yet  seen 
the  light" 

If  the  General  Committee  at  a  period  of  anxiety  and 
annoyance  failed  to  pay  tribute  to  Borrow's  many 
qualities,  the  official  historian  of  the  Society  makes  good 
the  omission  when  he  describes  him  as  "  A  strange,  impul- 
sive, more  or  less  inflammable  creature  as  he  must  have 
occasionally  seemed  to  the  Secretaries  and  Editorial 
Superintendent,  he  had  proved  himself  a  man  of  excep- 
tional ability,  energy,  tact,  prudence  —  above  all,  a  man 
whose  heart  was  in  his  work."  1 

Borrow's  acknowledgment  of  the  Resolutions  was 
dated  i6th  June.  It  ran  : — 

"  I  have  received  your  communication  of  the  3Oth  ult. 
containing  the  resolutions  of  the  Committee,  to  which 
I  shall  of  course  attend. 

"  Of  your  letter  in  general,  permit  me  to  state  that  I 
reverence  the  spirit  in  which  it  is  written,  and  am 
perfectly  disposed  to  admit  the  correctness  of  the  views 
which  it  exhibits ;  but  it  appears  to  me  that  in  one  or 
two  instances  I  have  been  misunderstood  in  the  letters 
which  I  have  addressed  [to  you]  on  the  subject  of  Graydon. 

1  The  History  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society •,  by  W. 
Canton. 


xvi.]  A  JUSTIFICATION  263 

"  I  bear  this  unfortunate  gentleman  no  ill  will,  God 
forbid,  and  it  will  give  me  pain  if  he  were  reprimanded 
publicly  or  privately ;  moreover,  I  can  see  no  utility  likely 
to  accrue  from  such  a  proceeding.  All  that  I  have  stated 
hitherto  is  the  damage  which  he  has  done  in  Spain 
to  the  cause  and  myself,  by  the — what  shall  I  call  it  ? — 
imprudence  of  his  conduct ;  and  the  idea  which  I  have 
endeavoured  to  inculcate  is  the  absolute  necessity  of  his 
leaving  Spain  instantly. 

"  Take  now  in  good  part  what  I  am  about  to  say, 
and  O !  do  not  misunderstand  me !  I  owe  a  great  deal 
to  the  Bible  Society,  and  the  Bible  Society  owes  nothing 
to  me.  I  am  well  aware  and  am  always  disposed  to  admit 
that  it  can  find  thousands  more  zealous,  more  active, 
and  in  every  respect  more  adapted  to  transact  its  affairs 
and  watch  over  its  interests  ;  yet,  with  this  consciousness 
of  my  own  inutility,  I  must  be  permitted  to  state  that, 
linked  to  a  man  like  Graydon,  I  can  no  longer  consent  to 
be,  and  that  if  the  Society  expect  such  a  thing,  I  must 
take  the  liberty  of  retiring,  perhaps  to  the  wilds  of  Tartary 
or  the  Zingani  camps  of  Siberia. 

"  My  name  at  present  is  become  public  property,  no 
very  enviable  distinction  in  these  unhappy  times,  and 
neither  wished  nor  sought  by  myself.  I  have  of  late  been 
subjected  to  circumstances  which  have  rendered  me 
obnoxious  to  the  hatred  of  those  who  never  forgive,  the 
Bloody  Church  of  Rome,  which  I  have  [no]  doubt  will 
sooner  or  later  find  means  to  accomplish  my  ruin ;  for  no 
one  is  better  aware  than  myself  of  its  fearful  resources, 
whether  in  England  or  Spain,  in  Italy  or  in  any  other 
part.  I  should  not  be  now  in  this  situation  had  I  been 
permitted  to  act  alone.  How  much  more  would  have  been 
accomplished,  it  does  not  become  me  to  guess. 

"  I  had  as  many  or  more  difficulties  to  surmount  in 
Russia  than  I  originally  had  here,  yet  all  that  the  Society 
expected  or  desired  was  effected,  without  stir  or  noise,  and 
that  in  the  teeth  of  an  imperial  Ukase  which  forbade  the 
work  which  I  was  employed  to  superintend. 

"  Concerning  my  late  affair,  I  must  here  state  that  I 
was  sent  to  prison  on  a  charge  which  was  subsequently 
acknowledged  not  only  to  be  false  but  ridiculous ;  I  was 
accused  of  uttering  words  disrespectful  towards  the  Geft 
Politico  of  Madrid ;  my  accuser  was  an  officer  of  the 
police,  who  entered  my  apartment  one  morning  before  I 


264  STRAINED  RELATIONS  [1838 

was  dressed,  and  commenced  searching  my  papers  and 
flinging  my  books  into  disorder.  Happily,  however,  the 
people  of  the  house,  who  were  listening  at  the  door,  heard 
all  that  passed,  and  declared  on  oath  that  so  far  from 
mentioning  the  Gefl  Politico,  I  merely  told  the  officer 
that  he,  the  officer,  was  an  insolent  fellow,  and  that  I 
would  cause  him  to  be  punished.  He  subsequently 
confessed  that  he  was  an  instrument  of  the  Vicar 
General,  and  that  he  merely  came  to  my  apartment 
in  order  to  obtain  a  pretence  for  making  a  complaint.  He 
has  been  dismissed  from  his  situation  and  the  Queen 
[Regent]  has  expressed  her  sorrow  at  my  imprisonment. 
If  there  be  any  doubt  entertained  on  the  matter,  pray  let 
Sir  George  Villiers  be  written  to  ! 

"  I  should  be  happy  to  hear  what  success  attends  our 
efforts  in  China.  I  hope  a  prudent  conduct  has  been 
adopted ;  for  think  not  that  a  strange  and  loud  language 
will  find  favour  in  the  eyes  of  the  Chinese ;  and  above  all, 
I  hope  that  we  have  not  got  into  war  with  the  Augustines 
and  their  followers,  who,  if  properly  managed,  may  be  of 
incalculable  service  in  propagating  the  Scriptures.  .  .  . 
P.S. — The  Documents,  or  some  of  them,  shall  be  sent  as 
soon  as  possible." 

Nine  days  later  (25th  June)  Borrow  wrote : 

"  I  now  await  your  orders.  I  wish  to  know  whether  I 
am  at  liberty  to  pursue  the  course  which  may  seem  to  me 
best  under  existing  circumstances,  and  which  at  present 
appears  to  be  to  mount  my  horses,  which  are  neighing  in 
the  stable,  and  once  more  betake  myself  to  the  plains  and 
mountains  of  dusty  Spain,  and  to  dispose  of  my  Testaments 
to  the  muleteers  and  peasants.  By  doing  so  I  shall 
employ  myself  usefully,  and  at  the  same  time  avoid  giving 
offence.  Better  days  will  soon  arrive,  which  will  enable 
me  to  return  to  Madrid  and  reopen  my  shop,  till  then, 
however,  I  should  wish  to  pursue  my  labours  in  com- 
parative obscurity." 

Replying  to  Borrow's  letter  of  i6th  June,  Mr  Brandram 
wrote  (29th  June) :  "  I  trust  we  shall  not  easily  forget  your 
services  in  St  Petersburg,  but  suffer  me  to  remind  you 
that  when  you  came  to  the  point  of  distribution  your 


XVL]  A  DISCREDITABLE  REPROACH  265 

success  ended."1  This  altogether  unworthy  remark  was 
neither  creditable  to  the  writer  nor  to  the  distinguished 
Society  on  whose  behalf  he  wrote.  Borrow  had  done  all 
that  a  man  was  capable  of  to  distribute  the  books.  His 
reply  was  dignified  and  effective. 

"  It  was  unkind  and  unjust  to  taunt  me  with  having 
been  unsuccessful  in  distributing  the  Scriptures.  Allow  me 
to  state  that  no  other  person  under  the  same  circumstances 
would  have  distributed  the  tenth  part ;  yet  had  I  been 
utterly  unsuccessful,  it  would  have  been  wrong  to  check  me 
with  being  so,  after  all  I  have  undergone,  and  with  how 
little  of  that  are  you  acquainted."  2 

In  response,  Mr  Brandram  wrote  (28th  July) : 

"  You  have  considered  that  I  have  taunted  you  with 
want  of  success  in  St  Petersburg.  I  thought  that  the  way 
in  which  I  introduced  that  subject  would  have  prevented 
any  such  unpleasant  and  fanciful  impression." 

That  was  all !  It  became  evident  to  all  at  Earl  Street  that 
a  conference  between  Borrow,  the  Officials  and  the  General 
Committee  was  imperative  if  the  air  were  to  be  cleared  of  the 
rancour  that  seemed  to  increase  with  each  interchange  of 
letters.3  Unless  something  were  done,  a  breach  seemed 
inevitable,  a  thing  the  Society  did  not  appear  to  desire. 
When  Borrow  first  became  aware  that  he  was  wanted  at 
Earl  Street  for  the  purpose  of  a  personal  conference,  he 
in  all  probability  conceived  it  to  be  tantamount  to  a 

1  This  letter  reached  Borrow  when  his  "foot  was  in  the  stirrup," 
as  he  phrased  it,  ready  to  set  out  for  the  Sagra  of  Toledo.     He  felt 
that  it  could  only  have  originated  with  "  the  enemy  of  mankind  for 
the  purpose  of  perplexing  my  already  harrassed  and  agitated  mind  "  ; 
but  he  continues,  "  merely  exclaiming  '  Satan,  I  defy  thee,'  I  hurried 
to  the  Sagra.  .  .  .  But  it  is  hard  to  wrestle  with  the  great  enemy." 
General  Report,  withdrawn. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  I4th  July  1838. 

3  Mr  Brandram  informed  Borrow  that   the  General  Committee 
wished  him  to  visit  England  if  he  could  do  so  without  injury  to  the 
cause  (2Qth  June). 


266  STRAINED  RELATIONS  [1838 

recall,  and   he  was   averse   from  leaving  the  field  to  the 
enemy. 

"  In  the  name  of  the  Highest,"  he  wrote,1  "  I  entreat 
you  all  to  banish  such  a  preposterous  idea ;  a  journey 
home  (provided  you  intend  that  I  should  return  to  Spain) 
could  lead  to  no  result  but  expense  and  the  loss  of  precious 
time.  I  have  nothing  to  explain  to  you  which  you  are  not 
already  perfectly  well  acquainted  with  by  my  late  letters. 
I  was  fully  aware  at  the  time  I  was  writing  them  that  I 
should  afford  you  little  satisfaction,  for  the  plain  unvarnished 
truth  is  seldom  agreeable ;  but  I  now  repeat,  and  these  are 
perhaps  among  the  last  words  which  I  shall  ever  be  per- 
mitted to  pen,  that  I  cannot  approve,  and  I  am  sure  no 
Christian  can,  of  the  system  which  has  lately  been  pursued 
in  the  large  sea-port  cities  of  Spain,  and  which  the  Bible 
Society  has  been  supposed  to  sanction,  notwithstanding 
the  most  unreflecting  person  could  easily  foresee  that  such 
a  line  of  conduct  could  produce  nothing  in  the  end  but 
obloquy  and  misfortune." 

Borrow  saw  that  his  departure  from  Spain  would  be 
construed  by  his  enemies  as  flight,  and  that  their  joy  would 
be  great  in  consequence. 

The  Spanish  authorities  were  determined  if  possible  to 
rid  the  country  of  missionaries.  The  Gazeta  Oficial  of 
Madrid  drew  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  Valencia  there 
had  been  distributed  thousands  of  pamphlets  "  against  the 
religion  we  profess."  Sir  George  Villiers  enquired  into 
the  matter  and  found  that  there  was  no  evidence  that  the 
pamphlets  had  been  written,  printed,  or  published  in 
England ;  and  when  writing  to  Count  Ofalia  on  the 
subject  he  informed  him  that  the  Bible  Society 
distributed,  not  tracts  or  controversial  writings,  but  the 
Scriptures. 

The  next  move  on  the  part  of  the  authorities  was  to 
produce  sworn  testimony  from  three  people  (all  living  in 
the  same  house,  by  the  way)  that  they  had  purchased 
copies  of  "  the  New  Testament  and  other  Biblical  transla- 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  I4th  July  1838. 


XVL]  COUNT  OFALIA'S  ADVICE  267 

tions  at  the  Despacho  on  5th  May.*'  Borrow  was  in  prison 
at  the  time,  and  his  assistant  denied  the  sale.  Documents 
were  also  produced  proving  that  the  imprint  on  the  title- 
page  of  the  Scio  New  Testament  was  false,  as  at  the  time 
it  was  printed  no  such  printer  as  Andreas  Borrego  (who  by 
the  way  was  the  Government  printer  and  at  one  time  a 
candidate  for  cabinet  rank)  lived  in  Madrid.  In  drawing 
the  British  Minister's  attention  to  these  matters,  Count 
Ofalia  wrote  (313!  May)  : 

"  It  would  be  opportune  if  you  would  be  pleased  to 
advise  Mr  Borrow  that,  convinced  of  the  inutility  of 
his  efforts  for  propagating  here  the  translation  in  the 
vulgar  tongue  of  Sacred  Writings  without  the  forms 
required  by  law,  he  would  do  much  better  in  making 
use  of  his  talents  in  some  other  class  of  scientifical  or 
literary  Works  during  his  residence  in  Spain,  giving  up 
Biblical  Enterprises,  which  may  be  useful  in  other 
countries,  but  which  in  this  Kingdom  are  prejudicial  for 
very  obvious  reasons." 


CHAPTER  XVII 

JULY — NOVEMBER    1838 

TOORROW'S  spirit  chafed  under  this  spell  of  enforced 
-*-*  idleness.  His  horses  were  neighing  in  the  stable 
and  "  Senor  Antonio  was  neighing  in  the  house,"  as 
Maria  Diaz  expressed  it ;  and  for  himself,  Borrow  required 
something  more  actively  stimulating  than  pen  and  ink 
encounters  with  Mr  Brandram.  He  therefore  determined 
to  defy  the  prohibition  and  make  an  excursion  into  the 
rural  districts  of  New  Castile,  offering  his  Testaments  for 
sale  as  he  went,  and  sending  on  supplies  ahead.  His  first 
objective  was  Villa  Seca,  a  village  situated  on  the  banks 
of  the  Tagus  about  nine  leagues  from  Madrid. 

He  was  aware  of  the  danger  he  ran  in  thus  disregard- 
ing the  official  decree. 

"  I  will  not  conceal  from  you."  he  writes  to  Mr 
Brandram  on  I4th  July,  "  that  I  am  playing  a  daring 
game,  and  it  is  very  possible  that  when  I  least  expect  it  I 
may  be  seized,  tied  to  the  tail  of  a  mule,  and  dragged 
either  to  the  prison  of  Toledo  or  Madrid.  Yet  such  a 
prospect  does  not  discourage  me  in  the  least,  but  rather 
urges  me  on  to  persevere ;  for  I  assure  you,  and  in  this 
assertion  there  lurks  not  the  slightest  desire  to  magnify 
myself  and  produce  an  effect,  that  I  am  eager  to  lay  down 
my  life  in  this  cause,  and  whether  a  Carlist's  bullet  or  a 
gaol-fever  bring  my  career  to  an  end,  I  am  perfectly 
indifferent." 

He  was  not  averse  from  martyrdom ;  but  he  objected 
to  being  precipitated  into  it  by  another  man's  folly.  In 

268 


XVIL]     THE  SPANIARDS  OF  DON  QUIXOTE       269 

his  interview  with  Count  Ofalia,  he  had  been  solemnly 
warned  that  if  a  second  time  he  came  within  the  clutches 
of  the  authorities  he  might  not  escape  so  easily,  and  had 
replied  that  it  was  "  a  pleasant  thing  to  be  persecuted 
for  the  Gospel's  sake." 

In  his  decision  to  make  Villa  Seca  his  temporary  head- 
quarters, Borrow  had  been  influenced  by  the  fact  that  it 
was  the  home  of  Maria  Diaz,  his  friend  and  landlady. 
Her  husband  was  there  working  on  the  land,  Maria  herself 
living  in  Madrid  that  her  children  might  be  properly 
educated.  Borrow  left  Madrid  on  loth  July,  and  on 
his  arrival  at  Villa  Seca  he  was  cordially  welcomed  by 
Juan  Lopez,  the  husband  of  Maria  Diaz,  who  continued  to 
use  her  maiden  name,  in  accordance  with  Spanish  custom. 
Lopez  subsequently  proved  of  the  greatest  possible  assist- 
ance in  the  work  of  distribution,  shaming  both  Borrow  and 
Antonio  by  his  energy  and  powers  of  endurance. 

The  inhabitants  of  Villa  Seca  and  the  surrounding 
villages  of  Bargas,  Coveja,  Villa  Luenga,  Mocejon,  Yuncler 
eagerly  bought  up  "  the  book  of  life,"  and  each  day  the 
three  men  rode  forth  in  heat  so  great  that  "the  very 
arrieros  frequently  fall  dead  from  their  mules,  smitten  by 
a  sun-stroke." 1 

It  was  in  Villa  Seca  that  Borrow  found  "  all  that 
gravity  of  deportment  and  chivalry  of  disposition  which 
Cervantes  is  said  to  have  sneered  away  " ; 2  and  there  were 
to  be  heard  "  those  grandiose  expressions  which,  when  met 
with  in  the  romances  of  chivalry,  are  scoffed  at  as  ridiculous 
exaggerations."3  Borrow  so  charmed  the  people  of  the 
district  with  the  elaborate  formality  of  his  manner,  that  he 
became  convinced  that  any  attempt  to  arrest  or  do  him 
harm  would  have  met  with  a  violent  resistance,  even  to  the 
length  of  the  drawing  of  knives  in  his  defence. 

In  less  than  a  week  some  two  hundred  Testaments  had 
been  disposed  of,  and  a  fresh  supply  had  to  be  obtained 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  602.  2  Ibid.>  page  606. 

3  Ibid.,  page  606. 


270  A  RECKLESS  MISSIONARY  [1838 

from  Madrid.  Sorrow's  methods  had  now  changed.  He 
had,  of  necessity,  to  make  as  little  stir  as  possible  in  order 
to  avoid  an  unenviable  notoriety.  He  carefully  eschewed 
advertisements  and  hand-bills,  and  limited  himself  almost 
entirely  to  the  simple  statement  that  he  brought  to  the 
people  "  the  words  and  life  of  the  Saviour  and  His  Saints  at 
a  price  adapted  to  their  humble  means."1 

It  is  interesting  to  note  in  connection  with  this  period 
of  Borrow's  activities  in  Spain,  that  in  1908  one  of  the 
sons  of  Maria  Diaz  and  Juan  Lopez  was  sought  out  at 
Villa  Seca  by  a  representative  of  the  Bible  Society,  and 
interrogated  as  to  whether  he  remembered  Borrow. 
Eduardo  Lopez  (then  seventy-four  years  of  age)  stated  that 
he  was  a  child  of  eight 2  when  Borrow  lived  at  the  house  of 
his  mother ;  yet  he  remembers  that  "  El  ingles  "  was  tall 
and  robust,  with  fair  hair  turning  grey.  Eduardo  and  his 
young  brother  regarded  Borrow  with  both  fear  and 
respect ;  for,  their  father  being  absent,  he  used  to  punish 
them  for  misdemeanours  by  setting  them  on  the  table  and 
making  them  remain  perfectly  quiet  for  a  considerable 
time.  The  old  man  remembered  that  Borrow  had  two 
horses  whom  he  called  "  la  Jaca "  and  "  el  Mondragon," 
and  that  he  used  to  take  to  the  house  of  Maria  Diaz  "  his 
trunk  full  of  books  which  were  beautifully  bound."  He 
remembered  Borrow's  Greek  servant,  "  Antonio  Guchino  " 
(the  Antonio  Buchini  of  The  Bible  in  Spain),  who  spoke 
very  bad  Spanish. 

The  most  interesting  of  Eduardo  Lopez'  recollections 
of  Borrow  was  that  he  "  often  recited  a  chant  which  nobody 
understood,"  and  of  which  the  old  man  could  remember 
only  the  following  fragment : — 

"  Sed  un  la  in  la  en  la  la 
Sino  Mokhamente  de  resu  la." 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  i;th  July  1838. 

2  This  would  have  been  impossible.     If  his  age  were  seventy-four, 
he  would  of  necessity  have  been  four  years  old  in  1838. 


XVIL]  A  FREE  HAND  271 

It  has  been  suggested,1  and  with  every  show  of 
probability,  that  "this  is  the  Moslem  kalzmah  or  creed 
which  he  had  heard  sung  from  the  minarets  " : 

"  La  illaha  ilia  allah 
Wa  Muhammad  rasoul  allah." 

Borrow  recognised  that  he  must  not  stay  very  long  in 
any  one  place,  and  accordingly  it  was  his  intention,  as  soon 
as  he  had  supplied  the  immediate  wants  of  the  Sagra  (the 
plain)  of  Toledo,  "  to  cross  the  country  to  Aranjuez,  and 
endeavour  to  supply  with  the  Word  the  villages  on  the 
frontier  of  La  Mancha."2  As  he  was  on  the  point  of 
setting  out,  however,  he  received  two  letters  from  Mr 
Brandram,  which  decided  him  to  return  immediately  to 
Madrid  instead  of  pursuing  his  intended  route. 

Borrow  was  informed  that  if,  after  consulting  with 
Sir  George  Villiers,  it  was  thought  desirable  that  he 
should  leave  Madrid,  he  was  given  a  free  hand  to  do  so. 
Furthermore,  the  President  of  the  Bible  Society  (Lord 
Bexley),  with  whom  Mr  Brandram  had  consulted,  was  of 
the  opinion  that  Borrow  should  return  home  to  confer  with 
the  Committee.  It  was  clear  from  the  correspondence 
that  nothing  short  of  an  interview  could  remove  the  very 
obvious  feeling  of  irritation  that  existed  between  Borrow 
and  the  Society.  In  his  reply  (23rd  July),  Borrow  showed 
a  dignity  and  calmness  of  demeanour  that  had  been 
lacking  from  his  previous  letters ;  and  it  most  likely 
produced  a  far  more  favourable  effect  at  Earl  Street  than 
the  impassioned  protests  of  the  past  two  months  : — 

"  My  answer  \vill  be  very  brief,"  he  wrote,  "  as  I  am 
afraid  of  giving  way  to  my  feelings ;  I  hope,  however, 
that  it  will  be  to  the  purpose. 

"  It  is  broadly  hinted  in  yours  of  the  7th  that  I  have 
made  false  statements  in  asserting  that  the  Government, 
in  consequence  of  what  has  lately  taken  place,  had  come 

1  By  Mr  A.  G.  Jayne  in  "  Footprints  of  George  Borrow,"  in  The 
Bible  in  the  World,  July  1908. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  i;th  July  1838. 


272  A  RECKLESS  MISSIONARY  [1838 

to  the  resolution  of  seizing  the  Bible  depots  in  various 
parts  of  this  country.  [Borrow  had  written  to  Mr 
Brandram  on  25th  June,  "  The  Society  are  already  aware 
of  the  results  of  the  visit  of  our  friend  to  Malaga;  all 
their  Bibles  and  Testaments  having  been  seized  through- 
out Spain,  with  the  exception  of  my  stock  in  Madrid."  ] 

"In  reply  I  beg  leave  to  inform  you  that  by  the  first 
courier  you  will  receive  from  the  British  Legation  at 
Madrid  the  official  notice  from  Count  Ofalia  to  Sir  George 
Villiers  of  the  seizures  already  made,  and  the  motives 
which  induced  the  Government  to  have  recourse  to  such  a 
measure. 

"  The  following  seizures  have  already  been  made, 
though  some  have  not  as  yet  been  officially  announced  : — 
The  Society's  books  at  Orviedo,  Pontevedra,  Salamanca, 
Santiago,  Seville,  and  Valladolid. 

"It  appears  from  your  letters  that  the  depots  in  the 
South  of  Spain  have  escaped.  I  am  glad  of  it,  although 
it  be  at  my  own  expense.  I  see  the  hand  of  the  Lord 
throughout  the  late  transactions.  He  is  chastening  me ; 
it  is  His  pleasure  that  the  guilty  escape  and  the  innocent 
be  punished.  The  Government  gave  orders  to  seize  the 
Bible  depots  throughout  the  country  on  account  of  the 
late  scenes  at  Malaga  and  Valencia — I  have  never  been 
there,  yet  only  my  depots  are  meddled  with,  as  it  appears ! 
The  Lord's  will  be  done,  blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord  ! 

"  I  will  write  again  to-morrow,  I  shall  have  then  arranged 
my  thoughts,  and  determined  on  the  conduct  which  it 
becomes  a  Christian  to  pursue  under  these  circumstances. 
Permit  me,  in  conclusion,  to  ask  you  : 

"  Have  you  not  to  a  certain  extent  been  partial  in  this 
matter?  Have  you  not,  in  the  apprehension  of  being 
compelled  to  blame  the  conduct  of  one  who  has  caused 
me  unutterable  anxiety,  misery  and  persecution,  and  who 
has  been  the  bane  of  the  Bible  cause  in  Spain,  refused  to 
receive  the  information  which  it  was  in  your  power  to 
command  ?  I  called  on  the  Committee  and  yourself  from 
the  first  to  apply  to  Sir  George  Villiers ;  no  one  is  so 
well  versed  as  to  what  has  lately  been  going  as  himself; 
but  no.  It  was  God's  will  that  I,  who  have  risked  all  and 
lost  almost  all  in  the  cause,  be  taunted,  suspected,  and  the 
sweat  of  agony  and  tears  which  I  have  poured  out  be 
estimated  at  the  value  of  the  water  of  the  ditch  or  the 
moisture  which  exudes  from  rotten  dung ;  but  I  murmur 


XVIL]  "I  WILL  NOT  LEAVE  SPAIN"  273 

not,  and  hope  I  shall  at  all  times  be  willing  to  bow  to  the 
dispensations  of  the  Almighty. 

"  Sir  George  Villiers  has  returned  to  England  for  a 
short  period ;  you  have  therefore  the  opportunity  of 
consulting  him.  /  will  not  leave  Spain  until  the  whole 
affair  has  been  thoroughly  sifted.  I  shall  then  perhaps 
appear  and  bid  you  an  eternal  farewell.1  Four  hundred 
Testaments  have  been  disposed  of  in  the  Sagra  of  Toledo. 

"  P.S. — I  am  just  returned  from  the  Embassy,  where 
I  have  had  a  long  interview  with  that  admirable  person 
Lord  Wm.  Hervey  [Charge  d'Affaires  during  Sir  George 
Villiers'  absence].  He  has  requested  me  to  write  him  a 
letter  on  the  point  in  question,  which  with  the  official 
documents  he  intends  to  send  to  the  Secretary  of  State  in 
order  to  be  laid  before  the  Bible  Society.  He  has  put 
into  my  hands  the  last  communication  from  Ofalia;2  it 
relates  to  the  seizure  of  my  depots  at  Malaga,  Ponte- 
vedra,  etc.  I  have  not  opened  it,  but  send  it  for  your 
approval." 

It  is  pleasant  to  record  that  the  Sub-Committee 
expressed  itself  as  unable  to  see  in  Mr  Brandram's  letter 

1  This  letter,  in  which  there  was  a  hint  of  desperation,  disturbed 
the  officials  at  Earl  Street  a  great  deal.     Mr  Brandram  wrote  (28th 
July)  that  he  was  convinced  that  the  Committee  would  "  still  feel  that 
if  you  are  to  continue  to  act  with  them  they  must  see  you,  and  I  will 
only  add  that  it  is  utterly  foreign  to  their  wishes  that  you  should  expose 
yourself  in  the  daring  manner  you  are  now  doing.     I  lose  not  a  post 
in  conveying  this  impression  to  you." 

2  The  Translation  of  this  communication  runs  : — "  Madrid,  7th  July 
1838 — I  have  the  honour  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  according  to 
official   advices  received  in  the   first  Secretary   of  State's   Office,  it 
appears  that  in  Malaga,  Murcia,  Valladolid,  and  Santiago,  copies  of 
the  New  Testament  of  Padre  Scio,  without  notes,  have  been  exposed 
for  sale,  which  have  been  deposited  with  the  political  chiefs  of  the  said 
provinces,  or  in  the  hands  of  such  persons  as  the  chiefs  have  entrusted 
with  them  in  Deposit ;  it  being  necessary  further  to  observe  that  the 
parties  giving  them  up  have  uniformly  stated  that  they  belonged  to 
Mr  Borrow,  and  that  they  were   commissioned  by  him  to  sell  and 
dispose  of  them. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,   Her  Majesty's   Government  have 
deemed  it  expedient  that  I  should  address  your  Excellency,  in  order 

S 


274  A  RECKLESS  MISSIONARY  [1838 

what  Borrow  saw.  There  was  no  intention  to  convey  the 
impression  that  he  had  made  false  statements,  and  regret 
was  expressed  that  he  had  thought  it  necessary  to  apply 
to  the  Embassy  for  confirmation  of  what  he  had  written. 
All  this  Mr  Brandram  conveyed  in  a  letter  dated  6th 
August.  He  continues :  "  I  am  now  in  full  possession  of 
all  that  Mr  Graydon  has  done,  and  find  it  utterly 
impossible  to  account  for  that  very  strong  feeling  that  you 
have  imbibed  against  him." 

On  2Oth  July  Mr  Brandram  had  written  that,  after 
consulting  with  two  or  three  members  of  the  Committee, 
they  all  confirmed  a  wish  already  expressed  that  their 
Agent  should  not  continue  to  expose  himself  to  such 
dangers.  If,  however,  he  still  saw  the  way  open  before 
him, 

"  as  so  pleasantly  represented  in  your  letter  .  .  .  you  need 
not  think  of  returning.  ...  Do  allow  me  to  suggest  to 
you,"  he  continues,  "to  drop  allusion  to  Mr  Graydon  in 
your  letters.  His  conduct  is  not  regarded  here  as  you 
regard  it.  I  could  fancy,  but  perhaps  it  is  all  fancy,  that 
you  have  him  in  your  eye  when  you  tell  us  that  you  have 
eschewed  handbills  and  advertisements.  Time  has  been 
when  you  have  used  them  plentifully.  .  .  .  Sir  George 
Villiers  is  in  England — but  I  do  not  know  that  we  shall 
seek  an  interview  with  him — We  are  afraid  of  being 
hampered  with  the  trammels  of  office." 

The  Committee,  however,  did  not  endorse  Mr 
Brandram's  view  as  to  Borrow  continuing  in  Spain,  and 
further,  they  did  "  not  see  it  right,"  the  secretary  wrote 

that  the  above  may  be  intimated  to  the  beforementioned  Mr  Borrow, 
so  that  he  may  take  care  that  the  copies  in  question,  as  well  as 
those  which  have  been  seized  in  this  City,  and  which  are  packed  up 
in  cases  or  parcels  marked  and  sealed,  may  be  sent  out  of  the 
Kingdom,  of  Spain,  agreeably  to  the  Royal  order  with  which  your 
Excellency  is  already  acquainted,  and  through  the  medium  of  the 
respective  authorities  who  will  be  able  to  vouch  for  their  Exportation. 
To  this  Mr  Borrow  will  submit  in  the  required  form,  and  with  the 
understanding  that  he  formally  binds  himself  thereto,  they  will  remain 
in  the  meantime  in  the  respective  depots." 


XVIL]  A  FURTHER  ENTERPRISE  275 

(6th  August),  "after  the  confidential  communication  in 
which  you  have  been  in  with  the  Government,  that  you 
should  be  acting  now  in  such  open  defiance  of  it,  and 
putting  yourself  in  such  extreme  jeopardy."  Later  Borrow 
made  reference  to  the  remark  about  the  handbills. 

"  It  would  have  been  as  well,"  he  wrote,  "  if  my 
respected  and  revered  friend,  the  writer,  had  made 
himself  acquainted  with  the  character  of  my  advertise- 
ments before  he  made  that  observation.  There  is  no  harm 
in  an  advertisement,  if  truth,  decency  and  the  fear  of  God 
are  observed,  and  I  believe  my  own  will  be  scarcely  found 
deficient  in  any  of  these  three  requisites.  It  is  not  the  use 
of  a  serviceable  instrument,  but  its  abuse  that  merits 
reproof,  and  I  cannot  conceive  that  advertising  was  abused 
by  me  when  I  informed  the  people  of  Madrid  that  the 
New  Testament  was  to  be  purchased  at  a  cheap  price  in 
the  Calle  del  Principe."  * 

Elsewhere  he  referred  to  these  same  advertisements  as 
"  mild  yet  expressive." 

In  spite  of  the  strained  state  of  his  relations  with  the 
Bible  Society,  Borrow  had  no  intention  of  remaining  in 
Madrid  brooding  over  his  wrongs.  Encouraged  by  the 
success  that  had  attended  his  efforts  in  the  Sagra  of 
Toledo,  and  indifferent  to  the  fact  that  his  renewed 
activity  was  known  at  Toledo,  where  it  was  causing  some 
alarm,  he  determined  to  proceed  to  Aranjuez,  and,  on  his 
arrival  there,  to  be  guided  by  events  as  to  his  future  move- 
ments. Accordingly  about  28th  July  he  set  out  attended 
by  Antonio  and  Lopez,  who  had  accompanied  him  from 
Villa  Seca  to  Madrid,  proceeding  in  the  direction  of  La 
Mancha,  and  selling  at  every  village  through  which  they 
passed  from  twenty  to  forty  Testaments.  At  Aranjuez 
they  remained  three  days,  visiting  every  house  in  the  town 
and  disposing  of  about  eighty  books.  It  was  no  unusual 
thing  to  see  groups  of  the  poorer  people  gathered  round 
one  of  their  number  who  was  reading  aloud  from  a  recently 
purchased  Testament. 

1  General  Report^  withdrawn. 


276  A  RECKLESS  MISSIONARY  [1838 

Feeling  that  his  enemies  were  preparing  to  strike, 
Borrow  determined  to  push  on  to  the  frontier  town  of 
Ocana,  beyond  which  the  clergy  had  only  a  nominal  juris- 
diction on  account  of  its  being  in  the  hands  of  the  Carlists. 
Lopez  was  sent  on  with  between  two  and  three  hundred 
Testaments,  and  Borrow,  accompanied  by  Antonio,  followed 
later  by  a  shorter  route  through  the  hills.  As  they 
approached  the  town,  a  man,  a  Jew,  stepped  out  from  the 
porch  of  an  empty  house  and  barred  their  way,  telling  them 
that  Lopez  had  been  arrested  at  Ocana  that  morning  as  he 
was  selling  Testaments  in  the  streets,  and  that  the  author- 
ities were  now  waiting  for  Borrow  himself. 

Seeing  that  no  good  could  be  done  by  plunging  into 
the  midst  of  his  enemies,  who  had  their  instructions  from 
the  corregidor  of  Toledo,  Borrow  decided  to  return  to 
Aranjuez.  This  he  did,  on  the  way  narrowly  escaping 
assassination  at  the  hands  of  three  robbers.  The  next 
morning  he  was  rejoined  by  Lopez,  who  had  been  released. 
He  had  sold  27  Testaments,  and  200  had  been  confiscated 
and  forwarded  to  Toledo.  The  whole  party  then  returned 
to  Madrid. 

The  unfortunate  affair  at  Ocana  by  no  means  dis- 
couraged Borrow.  It  was  his  intention  "with  God's 
leave  "  to  "  fight  it  out  to  the  last."  He  saw  that  his  only 
chance  of  distributing  his  store  of  Testaments  lay  in 
visiting  the  smaller  villages  before  the  order  to  confiscate 
his  books  arrived  from  Toledo.  His  enemies  were 
"numerous  and  watchful";  but  Borrow  was  as  cunning 
as  a  gypsy  and  as  far-seeing  as  a  Jew.  Thinking  that  his 
notoriety  had  not  yet  crossed  the  Guadarrama  mountains 
and  penetrated  into  Old  Castile,  he  decided  to  anticipate 
it.  Lopez  was  sent  ahead  with  a  donkey  bearing  a  cargo 
of  Testaments,  his  instructions  being  to  meet  Borrow  arid 
Antonio  at  La  Granja.  Failing  to  find  Lopez  at  the 
appointed  place,  Borrow  pushed  on  to  Segovia,  where  he 
received  news  that  some  men  were  selling  books  at  Abades, 
to  which  place  he  proceeded  with  three  more  donkeys 


XVIL]  "A  CONTEST  OF  FIENDS"  277 

laden  with  books  that  had  been  consigned  to  a  friend  at 
Segovia.  At  Abades  Lopez  was  discovered  busily  occupied 
in  selling  Testaments. 

Hearing  that  an  order  was  about  to  be  sent  from 
Segovia  to  Abades  for  the  confiscation  of  his  Testaments, 
Borrow  immediately  left  the  town,  donkeys,  Testaments 
and  all,  and  for  safety's  sake  passed  the  night  in  the  fields. 
The  next  day  they  proceeded  to  the  village  of  Labajos. 
A  few  days  after  their  arrival  the  Carlist  leader  Balmaceda, 
at  the  head  of  his  robber  cavalry,  streamed  down  from  the 
pine  woods  of  Soria  into  the  southern  part  of  Old  Castile, 
Borrow  "  was  present  at  all  the  horrors  which  ensued — the 
sack  of  Arrevalo,  and  the  forcible  entry  into  Marrin 
Munoz  and  San  Cyprian.  Amidst  these  terrible  scenes 
we  continued  our  labours  undaunted."1  He  witnessed 
what  "  was  not  the  war  of  men  or  even  cannibals  ...  it 
seemed  a  contest  of  fiends  from  the  infernal  pit." 
Antonio  became  seized  with  uncontrollable  fear  and 
ran  away  to  Madrid.  Lopez  soon  afterwards  disap- 
peared, and,  left  alone,  Borrow  suffered  great  anxiety  as 
to  the  fate  of  the  brave  fellow.  Hearing  that  he  was  in 
prison  at  Vilallos,  about  three  leagues  distant,  and  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  Balmaceda's  cavalry  division  was  in  the 
neighbourhood,  Borrow  mounted  his  horse  and  set  off  next 
day  (22nd  Aug.)  alone.  He  found  on  his  arrival  at 
Vilallos,  that  Lopez  had  been  removed  from  the  prison 
to  a  private  house.  Disregarding  an  order  from  the 
corregidor  of  Avila  that  only  the  books  should  be  con- 
fiscated and  that  the  vendor  should  be  set  at  liberty,  the 
Alcalde^  at  the  instigation  of  the  priest,  refused  to  liberate 
Lopez.  It  had  been  hinted  to  the  unfortunate  man  that 
on  the  arrival  of  the  Carlists  he  was  to  be  denounced  as  a 
liberal,  which  would  mean  death.  "  Taking  these  circum- 
stances into  consideration,"  Borrow  wrote,2  "  I  deemed  it 

1  Sorrow's  letter  to  the  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  ist  Sept.  1838. 

2  To  Lord  William  Hervey,  Charge  d' Affaires   at   Madrid  (23rd 
Aug.  1838). 


278  A  RECKLESS  MISSIONARY  [1838 

my  duty  as  a  Christian  and  a  gentleman  to  rescue  my 
unfortunate  servant  from  such  lawless  hands,  and  in 
consequence,  defying  opposition,  I  bore  him  off,  though 
perfectly  unarmed,  through  a  crowd  of  at  least  one  hundred 
peasants.  On  leaving  the  place  I  shouted  '  Viva  Isabella 
Segunda.' " 

In  this  affair  Borrow  had,  not  only  the  approval  of 
Lord  William  Hervey,  but  of  Count  Ofalia  also.  In  all 
probability  the  Bible  Society  has  never  had,  and  never 
will  have  again,  an  agent  such  as  Borrow,  who  on  occasion 
could  throw  aside  the  cloak  of  humility  and  grasp  a  two- 
edged  sword  with  which  to  discomfit  his  enemies,  and  who 
solemnly  chanted  the  creed  of  Islam  whilst  engaged  as  a 
Christian  missionary.  There  was  something  magnificent 
in  his  Christianity ;  it  savoured  of  the  Crusades  in  its 
pre-Reformation  virility.  Martyrdom  he  would  accept  if 
absolutely  necessary ;  but  he  preferred  that  if  martyrs 
there  must  be  they  should  be  selected  from  the  ranks  of 
the  enemy,  whilst  he,  George  Borrow,  represented  the 
strong  arm  of  the  Lord. 

After  the  Vilallos  affair,  Borrow  returned  to  Madrid, 
crossing  the  Guadarramas  alone  and  with  two  horses.  "  I 
nearly  perished  there,"  he  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram  (ist  Sept.), 
"  having  lost  my  way  in  the  darkness  and  tumbled  down  a 
precipice."  The  perilous  journey  north  had  resulted  in  the 
sale  of  900  Testaments,  all  within  the  space  of  three 
weeks  and  amidst  scenes  of  battle  and  bloodshed. 

On  his  return  to  Madrid,  Borrow  found  awaiting  him 
the  Resolution  of  the  General  Committee  (6th  Aug.), 
recalling  him  "  without  further  delay." 

"  I  will  set  out  for  England  as  soon  as  possible," 
he  wrote  in  reply ; 1  "  but  I  must  be  allowed  time.  I  am 
almost  dead  with  fatigue,  suffering  and  anxiety ;  and  it 
is  necessary  that  I  should  place  the  Society's  property  in 
safe  and  sure  custody." 

1  To  Rev.  G.  Browne,  one  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Bible  Society, 
2Qth  Aug.  1838. 


xvii.]       CONFERENCES  AT  EARL  STREET          279 

On  1st  September  he  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram  that  he 
should  "probably  be  in  England  within  three  weeks." 
Shortly  after  this  he  was  attacked  with  fever,  and 
confined  to  his  bed  for  ten  days,  during  which  he  was 
frequently  delirious.  When  the  fever  departed,  he  was 
left  very  weak  and  subject  to  a  profound  melancholy. 

"  I  bore  up  against  my  illness  as  long  as  I  could,"  he 
wrote,1  "but  it  became  too  powerful  for  me.  By  good 
fortune  I  obtained  a  decent  physician,  a  Dr  Hacayo, 
who  had  studied  medicine  in  England,  and  aided  by 
him  and  the  strength  of  my  constitution  I  got  the  better 
of  my  attack,  which,  however,  was  a  dreadfully  severe 
one.  I  hope  my  next  letter  will  be  from  Bordeaux.  I 
cannot  write  more  at  present,  for  I  am  very  feeble." 

The  actual  date  that  Borrow  left  Madrid  is  not  known. 
He  himself  gave  it  as  3ist  August,2  which  is  obviously 
inaccurate,  as  on  I9th  September  he  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram  ; 
"  I  am  now  better,  and  hope  in  a  few  days  to  be  able  to 
proceed  to  Saragossa,  which  is  the  only  road  open."  He 
travelled  leisurely  by  way  of  the  Pyrenees,  through  France 
to  Paris,  where  he  spent  a  fortnight.  Of  Paris  he  was 
very  fond;  "for,  leaving  all  prejudices  aside,  it  is  a 
magnificent  city,  well  supplied  with  sumptuous  build- 
ings and  public  squares,  unequalled  by  any  town  in 
Europe." 3  Having  bought  a  few  rare  books  he  proceeded 
to  Boulogne,  "and  thence  by  steamboat  to  London,"4 
where  in  all  probability  he  arrived  towards  the  end  of 
October. 

He  had  "  long  talks  on  Spanish  affairs " 5  with  his 
friends  at  Earl  Street,  where  personal  interviews  seem 
to  have  brought  about  a  much  better  feeling.  The 
General  Committee  requested  Borrow  to  put  into 
writing  his  views  as  to  the  best  means  to  be  adopted 
for  the  future  distribution  of  the  Scriptures  in  Spain.  He 

1  To  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  igih  September  1838. 

2  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  621. 

3  Letter  to  Dr  Usoz,  22nd  Feb.  1839.        4  Ibid.        *>  Ibid. 


280  A  RECKLESS  MISSIONARY  [1838 

accordingly  wrote  a  statement,1  a  fine,  vigorous  piece  of 
narrative,  putting  his  case  so  clearly  and  convincingly 
as  to  leave  little  to  be  said  for  the  unfortunate  Graydon. 
He  expressed  himself  as  "  eager  to  be  carefully  and 
categorically  questioned."  This  Report  appears  subse- 
quently to  have  been  withdrawn,  probably  on  the  advice  of 
Borrow's  friends,  who  saw  that  its  uncompromising  blunt- 
ness  of  expression  would  make  it  unacceptable  to  the 
General  Committee.  It  was  certainly  presented  to  and 
considered  by  the  Sub-Committee.  Another  document 
was  drawn  up  entitled,  "  Report  of  Mr  Geo.  Borrow  on 
Past  and  Future  Operations  in  Spain."  This  reached  Earl 
Street  on  28th  November.  In  it  Borrow  states  that  as  the 
inhabitants  of  the  cities  had  not  shown  themselves  well- 
disposed  towards  the  Scriptures,  it  would  be  better  to 
labour  in  future  among  the  peasantry.  It  was  his  firm 
conviction,  he  wrote, 

"  that  every  village  in  Spain  will  purchase  New  Testaments, 
from  twenty  to  sixty,  according  to  its  circumstances. 
During  the  last  two  months  of  his  sojourn  in  Spain 
he  visited  about  forty  villages,  and  in  only  two  instances 
was  his  sale  less  than  thirty  copies  in  each.  ...  If 
it  be  objected  to  the  plan  which  he  has  presumed  to 
suggest  that  it  is  impossible  to  convey  to  the  rural 
districts  of  Spain  the  book  of  life  without  much  difficulty 
and  danger,  he  begs  leave  to  observe  that  it  does  not 
become  a  real  Christian  to  be  daunted  by  either  when  it 
pleases  his  Maker  to  select  him  as  an  instrument ;  and 
that,  moreover,  if  it  be  not  written  that  a  man  is  to 
perish  by  wild  beasts  or  reptiles  he  is  safe  in  the  den  even 
of  the  Cockatrice  as  in  the  most  retired  chamber  of  the 
King's  Palace ;  and  that  if,  on  the  contrary,  he  be  doomed 
to  perish  by  them,  his  destiny  will  overtake  him  notwith- 
standing all  the  precautions  which  he,  like  a  blind  worm, 
may  essay  for  his  security." 

In  conclusion  Borrow  calls  attention,  without  suggesting 
intimate  alliance  and  co-operation,  to  the  society  of  the 

1  The  Report  has  here  been  largely  drawn  upon   and  has  been 
referred  to  as  "  Original  Report,  withdrawn.'' 


XVIL]  A  TRIBUTE  TO  BORROW  281 

liberal-minded  Spanish  ecclesiastics,  which  has  been  formed 
for  the  purpose  of  printing  and  circulating  the  Scriptures 
in  Spanish  without  commentary  or  notes.  This  had  reference 
to  a  movement  that  was  on  foot  in  Madrid,  supported  by 
the  Primate  and  the  Bishops  of  Vigo  and  Jden,  to 
challenge  the  Government  in  regard  to  its  attempt  to 
prevent  the  free  circulation  of  the  Scriptures.  It  was  held 
that  nowhere  among  the  laws  of  Spain  is  it  forbidden  to 
circulate  the  Scriptures  either  with  or  without  annotations. 
The  only  prohibition  being  in  the  various  Papal  Bulls. 
Charles  Wood  was  chosen  as  "  the  ostensible  manager  of 
the  concern  " ;  but  had  it  not  been  for  the  trouble  in  the 
South,  Borrow  would  have  been  the  person  selected. 

It  would  have  been  in  every  way  deplorable  had 
Borrow  severed  his  connection  with  the  Bible  Society  as 
a  result  of  the  Graydon  episode.  Borrow  had  been 
impulsive  and  indignant  in  his  letters  to  Earl  Street,  Mr 
Brandram,  on  the  other  hand,  had  been  "  a  little  partial," 
and  on  one  or  two  occasions  must  have  written  hastily 
in  response  to  Borrow's  letters.  There  is  no  object  in 
administering  blame  or  directing  reproaches  when  the 
principals  in  a  quarrel  have  made  up  their  differences ; 
but  there  can  be  no  question  that  the  failure  of  the  Officials 
and  Committee  of  the  Bible  Society  to  appreciate  the 
situation  in  Spain  retarded  their  work  in  that  country  very 
considerably.  This  fact  is  now  generally  recognised.  Mr 
Canton  has  admirably  summed  up  the  situation  when  he 
says : 

"  Borrow  had  his  faults,  but  insincerity  and  lack  of  zeal 
in  the  cause  he  had  espoused  were  not  among  them.  Both 
Sir  George  Villiers  and  his  successor  [during  Sir  George's 
visit  to  England],  Lord  William  Hervey,  were  satisfied 
with  the  propriety  of  his  conduct.  Count  Ofalia  himself 
recognised  his  good  faith — '  cuia  buena  fe  me  es  conocida? 
To  see  his  plans  thwarted,  his  work  arrested,  the  objects  of 
the  Society  jeopardised,  and  his  own  person  endangered 
by  the  indiscretion  of  others,  formed,  if  not  a  justification, 
at  least  a  sufficient  excuse  for  the  expression  of  strong 


282  A  RECKLESS  MISSIONARY  [1838 

feeling.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  difficult  for  those  at 
home  to  ascertain  the  actual  facts  of  the  case,  to  under- 
stand the  nicety  of  the  situation,  and  to  arrive  at  an 
impartial  judgment.  Mr  Brandram,  who  in  any  case 
would  have  been  displeased  with  Borrow's  unrestrained 
speech,  appears  to  have  suspected  that  his  statements 
were  not  free  from  exaggeration,  and  that  his  discretion 
was  not  wholly  beyond  reproach.  Happily  the  tension 
caused  by  this  painful  episode  was  relieved  by  Lieut. 
Graydon's  withdrawal  to  France  in  June." l 

1  History  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

DECEMBER    1838— MAY    1839 

ON  1 4th  December  1838  it  was  resolved  by  the  General 
Committee  of  the  Bible  Society  that  Borrow  should 
proceed  once  more  to  Spain  to  dispose  of  such  copies  of 
the  Scriptures  as  remained  on  hand  at  Madrid  and  other 
depots  established  by  him  in  various  parts  of  the  country. 
He  left  London  on  the  2ist,  and  sailed  from  Falmouth  two 
days  later,  reaching  Cadiz  on  the  3ist,  after  a  stormy 
passage,  and  on  2nd  January  he  arrived  at  Seville,  "  rather 
indisposed  with  an  old  complaint,"  probably  "the 
Horrors." 

In  such  stirring  times,  to  be  absent  from  the  country, 
even  for  so  short  a  period  as  two  months,  meant  that  on 
his  return  the  traveller  found  a  new  Spain.  Borrow 
learned  that  the  Duke  of  Frias  had  succeeded  Count 
Ofalia  in  September.  The  Duke  had  advised  the  British 
Ambassador  in  November  that  the  Spanish  authorities 
were  possessed  of  a  quantity  of  Borrow's  Bibles  (?  New 
Testaments)  that  had  been  seized  and  taken  to  Toledo, 
and  that  if  arrangements  were  not  made  for  them  to  be 
taken  out  of  Spain  they  would  be  destroyed.  Sir  George 
Villiers  had  replied  that  Mr  Borrow,  who  was  then  out  of 
the  country,  had  been  advised  of  the  Duke's  notification, 
and  as  soon  as  word  was  received  from  him,  the  Duke 
should  be  communicated  with.  Then  the  Duke  of  Frias 
in  turn  passed  out  of  office  and  was  succeeded  by  another, 
and  so,  politically,  change  followed  change. 

283 


284  SPANISH  OFFICIAL  METHODS  [1839 

The  Government,  however,  had  no  intention  of  putting 
itself  in  the  wrong  a  second  time.  Great  Britain's  friend- 
ship was  of  far  too  great  importance  to  the  country  to  be 
jeopardised  for  the  mere  gratification  of  imprisoning 
George  Borrow.  An  order  had  been  sent  out  to  all  the 
authorities  that  an  embargo  was  to  be  placed  upon  the 
books  themselves ;  but  those  distributing  them  were  not 
to  be  arrested  or  in  any  way  harmed. 

At  Seville  he  found  evidences  of  the  activity  of  the 
Government  in  the  news  that  of  the  hundred  New  Testa- 
ments that  he  had  left  with  his  correspondent  there, 
seventy-six  had  been  seized  during  the  previous  summer. 
Hearing  that  the  books  were  in  the  hands  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  Governor,  Borrow  astonished  that  "  fierce, 
persecuting  Papist  by  calling  to  make  enquiries  concerning 
them."  The  old  man  treated  his  visitor  to  a  stream  of 
impassioned  invective  against  the  Bible  Society  and  its 
agent,  expressing  his  surprise  that  he  had  ever  been  per- 
mitted to  leave  the  prison  in  Madrid.  Seeing  that  nothing 
was  to  be  gained,  although  he  had  an  absolute  right  to  the 
books,  provided  he  sent  them  out  of  the  country,  Borrow 
decided  not  to  press  the  matter. 

On  the  night  of  I2th  Jan.  1839,  he  left  Seville  with  the 
Mail  Courier  and  his  escort  bound  for  Madrid,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  i6th  without  accident  or  incident,  although 
the  next  Courier  traversing  the  route  was  stopped  by 
banditti.  It  was  during  this  journey,  whilst  resting  for 
four  hours  at  Manzanares,  a  large  village  in  La  Mancha, 
that  he  encountered  the  blind  girl  who  had  been  taught 
Latin  by  a  Jesuit  priest,  and  whom  he  named  "the 
Manchegan  Prophetess."1  In  telling  Mr  Brandram  of 
the  incident,  Borrow  tactlessly  remarked,  "  what  wonderful 
people  are  the  Jesuits ;  when  shall  we  hear  of  an  English 

1  On  the  publication  of  The  Bible  in  Spain  the  Prophetess  became 
famous.  Thirty-six  years  later  Dr  Knapp  found  her  still  soliciting 
alms,  and  she  acknowledged  that  she  owed  her  celebrity  to  the 
Ingles  rubiO)  the  blonde  Englishman. 


XVIIL]  A  STRANGE  DREAM  285 

rector  instructing  a  beggar  girl  in  the  language  of 
Cicero  ? "  Mr  Brandram  clearly  showed  that  he  liked 
neither  the  remark,  which  he  took  as  personal,  nor  the  use 
of  the  term  "  prophetess." 

On  reaching  Madrid  a  singular  incident  befell  Borrow. 
On  entering  the  arch  of  the  posada  called  La  Reyna,  he 
found  himself  encircled  by  a  pair  of  arms,  and,  on  turning 
round,  found  that  they  belonged  to  the  delinquent  Antonio, 
who  stood  before  his  late  master  "  haggard  and  ill-dressed, 
and  his  eyes  seemed  starting  from  their  sockets."  The 
poor  fellow,  who  was  entirely  destitute,  had,  on  the  previous 
night,  dreamed  that  he  saw  Borrow  arrive  on  a  black 
horse,  and,  in  consequence,  had  spent  the  whole  day  in 
loitering  about  outside  the  posada.  Borrow  was  very  glad 
to  engage  him  again,  in  spite  of  his  recent  cowardice  and 
desertion.  Borrow  once  more  took  up  his  abode  with  the 
estimable  Maria  Diaz,  and  one  of  his  first  cares  was  to  call 
on  Lord  Clarendon  (Sir  George  Villiers  had  succeeded  his 
uncle  as  fourth  earl),  by  whom  he  was  kindly  received. 

A  week  later,  there  arrived  from  Lopez  at  Villa  Seca 
his  "largest  and  most  useful  horse,"  the  famous  Sidi 
Habismilk  (My  Lord  the  Sustainer  of  the  Kingdom),  "  an 
Arabian  of  high  caste  .  .  .  the  best,  I  believe,  that  ever 
issued  from  the  desert," 1  Lopez  wrote,  regretting  that  he 
was  unable  to  accompany  "  The  Sustainer  of  the  Kingdom  " 
in  person,  being  occupied  with  agricultural  pursuits,  but  he 
sent  a  relative  named  Victoriano  to  assist  in  the  work  of 
distributing  the  Gospel. 

Borrow's  plan  was  to  make  Madrid  his  headquarters, 
with  Antonio  in  charge  of  the  supplies,  and  visit  all  the 
villages  and  hamlets  in  the  vicinity  that  had  not  yet  been 
supplied  with  Testaments.  He  then  proposed  to  turn 
eastward  to  a  distance  of  about  thirty  leagues. 

"  I  have  been  very  passionate  in  prayer,"  he  writes,2 
"during  the  last  two  or  three  days  ;  and  I  entertain  some 

1  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  627. 

2  To  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  25th  Jan.  1839. 


286  SPANISH  OFFICIAL  METHODS  [1839 

hope  that  the  Lord  has  condescended  to  answer  me,  as  I 
appear  to  see  my  way  with  considerable  clearness.  It 
may,  of  course,  prove  a  delusion,  and  the  prospects  which 
seem  to  present  themselves  may  be  mere  palaces  of 
clouds,  which  a  breath  of  wind  is  sufficient  to  tumble  into 
ruin  ;  therefore  bearing  this  possibility  in  mind  it  behoves 
me  to  beg  that  I  may  be  always  enabled  to  bow  meekly 
to  the  dispensations  of  the  Almighty,  whether  they  be  of 
favour  or  severity." 

Mr  Brandram's  comment  on  this  portion  of  Borrow's 
letter  is  rather  suggestive  of  deliberate  fault-finding. 

"  May  your  (  passionate '  prayers  be  answered,"  he 
writes.1  "  You  see  I  remark  your  unusual  word — very 
significant  it  is,  but  one  rather  fitted  for  the  select  circle 
where  '  passion '  is  understood  in  its  own  full  sense — and 
not  in  the  restricted  meaning  attached  to  it  ordinarily. 
Perhaps  you  will  not  often  meet  with  a  better  set  of  men 
than  those  who  assembled  in  Earl  Street,  but  they  may 
not  always  be  open  to  the  force  of  language,  and  so 
unwonted  a  phrase  may  raise  odd  feelings  in  their  minds. 
Do  not  be  in  a  passion,  will  you,  for  the  freedom  of  my 
remarks.  You  will  perhaps  suppose  remarks  were  made 
in  Committee.  This  does  not  happen  to  be  the  case, 
though  I  fully  anticipated  it.  Mr  Browne,  Mr  Jowett  and 
myself  had  first  privately  devoured  your  letter,  and  we 
made  our  remarks.  We  could  relish  such  a  phrase." 

Sometimes  there  was  a  suggestion  of  spite  in  Mr 
Brandram's  letters.  He  was  obviously  unfriendly  towards 
Borrow  during  the  latter  portion  of  his  agency.  It  was 
clear  that  the  period  of  Borrow's  further  association  with 
the  Bible  Society  was  to  be  limited.  If  he  replied  at  all 
to  this  rather  unfair  criticism,  he  must  have  done  so 
privately  to  Mr  Brandram,  as  there  is  no  record  of  his 
having  referred  to  it  in  any  subsequent  letters  among  the 
Society's  archives. 

All  unconscious  that  he  had  so  early  offended,  Borrow 
set  out  upon  his  first  journey  to  distribute  Testaments 
among  the  villages  around  Madrid.  Dressed  in  the 
1  On  6th  Feb.  1839. 


XVIIL]  VICTORIANO  IMPRISONED  287 

manner  of  the  peasants,  on  his  head  a  montera,  a  species 
of  leathern  helmet,  with  jacket  and  trousers  of  the  same 
material,  and  mounted  on  Sidi  Habismilk,  he  looked  so 
unlike  the  conventional  missionary  that  the  housewife  may 
be  excused  who  mistook  him  for  a  pedlar  selling  soap. 

In  some  villages  where  the  people  were  without  money, 
they  received  Testaments  in  return  for  refreshing  the 
missionaries.  "Is  this  right?"  Borrow  enquires  of  Mr 
Brandram.  The  village  priests  frequently  proved  of  con- 
siderable assistance  ;  for  when  they  pronounced  the  books 
good,  as  they  sometimes  did,  the  sale  became  extremely 
brisk.  After  an  absence  of  eight  days,  Borrow  returned  to 
Madrid.  Shortly  afterwards,  when  on  the  eve  of  starting 
out  upon  another  expedition  to  Guadalajara  and  the  villages 
of  Alcarria,  he  received  a  letter  from  Victoriano  saying  that 
he  was  in  prison  at  Fuente  la  Higuera,  a  village  about 
eight  leagues  distant.  Acting  with  his  customary  energy 
and  decision,  Borrow  obtained  from  an  influential  friend 
letters  to  the  Civil  Governor  and  principal  authorities  of 
Guadalajara.  He  then  despatched  Antonio  to  the  rescue, 
with  the  result  that  Victoriano  was  released,  with  the 
assurance  that  those  responsible  for  his  detention  should 
be  severely  punished. 

Whilst  Victoriano  was  in  prison,  Borrow  and  Antonio 
had  been  very  successful  in  selling  Testaments  and 
Bibles  in  Madrid,  disposing  of  upwards  of  a  hundred 
copies,  but  entirely  to  the  poor,  who  "  receive  the  Scrip- 
tures with  gladness,"  although  the  hearts  of  the  rich  were 
hard.  The  work  in  and  about  Madrid  continued  until 
the  middle  of  March,  when  Borrow  decided  to  make  an 
excursion  as  far  as  Talavera.  The  first  halt  was  made 
at  the  village  of  Naval  Carnero.  Soon  after  his  arrival 
orders  came  from  Madrid  warning  the  alcaldes  of  every 
village  in  New  Castile  to  be  on  the  look  out  for  the  tall, 
white-haired  heretic,  of  whom  an  exact  description  was 
given,  who  to-day  was  in  one  place  and  to-morrow  twenty 
leagues  distant.  No  violence  was  to  be  offered  either  to 


288  SPANISH  OFFICIAL  METHODS  [1839 

him  or  to  his  assistants ;  but  he  and  they  were  to  be 
baulked  in  their  purpose  by  every  legitimate  means. 

Foiled  in  the  rural  districts,  Borrow  instantly  deter- 
mined to  change  his  plan  of  campaign.  He  saw  that  he 
was  less  likely  to  attract  notice  in  the  densely-populated 
capital  than  in  the  provinces.  He  therefore  galloped  back 
to  Madrid,  leaving  Victoriano  to  follow  more  leisurely. 
He  rejoiced  at  the  alarm  of  the  clergy.  "  Glory  to  God  !  " 
he  exclaims,  "  they  are  becoming  thoroughly  alarmed,  and 
with  much  reason."1  The  "reason"  lay  in  the  great 
demand  for  Testaments  and  Bibles.  A  new  binding- 
order  had  to  be  given  for  the  balance  of  the  500  Bibles 
that  had  arrived  in  sheets,  or  such  as  had  been  left  of  them 
by  the  rats,  who  had  done  considerable  damage  in  the 
Madrid  storehouse. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Borrow's  extensive 
acquaintance  with  the  lower  orders  proved  useful. 
Selecting  eight  of  the  most  intelligent  from  among  them, 
including  five  women,  he  supplied  them  with  Testaments 
and  instructions  to  vend  the  books  in  all  the  parishes  of 
Madrid,  with  the  result  that  in  the  course  of  about  a 
fortnight  600  copies  were  disposed  of  in  the  streets 
and  alleys.  A  house  to  house  canvass  was  instituted 
with  remarkable  results,  for  manservant  and  maidservant 
bought  eagerly  of  the  books.  Antonio  excelled  himself 
and  made  some  amends  for  his  flight  from  Labajos,  when, 
like  a  torrent,  the  Carlist  cavalry  descended  upon  it. 
Dark  Madrid  was  becoming  illuminated  with  a  flood  of 
Scriptural  light.  In  two  of  its  churches  the  New  Testa- 
ment was  expounded  every  Sunday  evening.  Bibles  were 
particularly  in  demand,  a  hundred  being  sold  in  about  three 
weeks.  The  demand  exceeded  the  supply.  "  The  Marques 
de  Santa  Coloma,"  Borrow  wrote,  "  has  a  large  family,  but 
every  individual  of  it,  old  or  young,  is  now  in  possession  of 
a  Bible  and  likewise  of  a  Testament."  2 

1  Letter  to  Mr  W.  Hitchin  of  the  Bible  Society,  9th  March  1839. 

2  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  26th  March  1839. 


XVTTI.]  A  MIDNIGHT  VISITANT  289 

Borrow  appears  to  have  enlisted  the  aid  of  other 
distributors  than  the  eight  colporteurs.  One  of  his  most 
zealous  agents  was  an  ecclesiastic,  who  always  carried 
with  him  beneath  his  gown  a  copy  of  the  Bible,  which  he 
offered  to  the  first  person  he  encountered  whom  he 
thought  likely  to  become  a  purchaser.  Yet  another 
assistant  was  found  in  a  rich  old  gentleman  of  Navarre, 
who  sent  copies  to  his  own  province. 

One  night  after  having  retired  to  bed,  Borrow  received 
a  visit  from  a  curious,  hobgoblin-like  person,  who  gave  him 
grave,  official  warning  that  unless  he  present  himself  before 
the  corregidor  on  the  morrow  at  eleven  A.M.,  he  must  be 
prepared  to  take  the  consequences.  The  hour  chosen  for 
this  intimation  was  midnight.  On  the  next  day  at  the 
appointed  time  Borrow  presented  himself  before  the 
corregidor,  who  announced  that  he  wished  to  ask  a  question. 
The  question  related  to  a  box  of  Testaments  that  Borrow 
had  sent  to  Naval  Carnero,  which  had  been  seized  and 
subsequently  claimed  on  Borrow's  behalf  by  Antonio.  In 
Spain  they  have  the  dramatic  instinct  If  it  strike  the 
majestic  mind  of  a  corregidor  at  midnight  that  he  would  like 
to  see  a  citizen  or  a  stranger  on  the  morrow  about  some 
trifling  affair,  time  or  place  are  not  permitted  to  interfere 
with  the  conveyance  of  the  intimation  to  the  citizen  or 
stranger  to  present  himself  before  the  gravely  austere 
official,  who  will  carry  out  the  interrogation  with  a  solemnity 
becoming  a  capital  charge. 

By  the  middle  of  April  barely  a  thousand  Testaments 
remained  ;  these  Borrow  determined  to  distribute  in  Seville. 
Sending  Antonio,  the  Testaments  and  two  horses  with  the 
convoy,  Borrow  decided  to  risk  travelling  with  the  Mail 
Courier.  For  one  thing,  he  disliked  the  slowness  of  a 
convoy,  and  for  another  the  insults  and  irritations  that 
travellers  had  to  put  up  with  from  the  escort,  both 
officers  and  men.  His  original  plan  had  been  to  pro- 
ceed by  Estremadura ;  but  a  band  of  Carlist  robbers  had 
recently  made  its  appearance,  murdering  or  holding  at 

T 


290  SPANISH  OFFICIAL  METHODS  [1839 

ransom  every  person  who  fell  into  its  clutches.  Borrow 
wrote  : — 

"  I  therefore  deem  it  wise  to  avoid,  if  possible,  the  alterna- 
tive of  being  shot  or  having  to  pay  one  thousand  pounds 
for  being  set  at  liberty.  ...  It  is  moreover  wicked  to 
tempt  Providence  systematically.  I  have  already  thrust 
myself  into  more  danger  than  was,  perhaps,  strictly 
necessary,  and  as  I  have  been  permitted  hitherto  to  escape, 
it  is  better  to  be  content  with  what  it  has  pleased  the  Lord 
to  do  for  me  up  to  the  present  moment,  than  to  run  the 
risk  of  offending  Him  by  a  blind  confidence  in  His  forbear- 
ance, which  may  be  over-taxed.  As  it  is,  however,  at  all 
times  best  to  be  frank,  I  am  willing  to  confess  that  I  am 
what  the  world  calls  exceedingly  superstitious ;  perhaps 
the  real  cause  of  my  change  of  resolution  was  a  dream, 
in  which  I  imagined  myself  on  a  desolate  road  in  the 
hands  of  several  robbers,  who  were  hacking  me  with  their 
long,  ugly  knives." 1 

In  the  same  letter,  which  was  so  to  incur  Mr  Brandram's 
disapproval,  Borrow  tells  of  the  excellent  results  of  his 
latest  plan  for  disposing  of  Bibles  and  Testaments,  three 
hundred  and  fifty  of  the  former  having  been  sold  since  he 
reached  Spain.  He  goes  on  to  explain  and  expound  the 
difficulties  that  have  been  met  and  overcome,  and  hopes 
that  his  friends  at  Earl  Street  will  be  patient,  as  it 
may  not  be  in  his  power  to  send  "  for  a  long  time  any 
flattering  accounts  of  operations  commenced  there."  In 
conclusion,  he  assures  Mr  Brandram  that  from  the  Church 
of  Rome  he  has  learned  one  thing, "  Ever  to  expect  evilt  and 
ever  to  hope  for  good." 

Nothing  could  have  been  more  unfortunate  than  the 
effect  produced  upon  Mr  Brandram's  mind  by  this  letter. 

"  I  scarcely  know  what  to  say,"  he  writes.  "  You  are  in  a 
very  peculiar  country ;  you  are  doubtless  a  man  of  very 
peculiar  temperament,  and  we  must  not  apply  common 
rules  in  judging  either  of  yourself  or  your  affairs.  What, 
e.g.,  shall  we  say  to  your  confession  of  a  certain  super- 
stitiousness?  It  is  very  frank  of  you  to  tell  us  what  you 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  loth  April  1839. 


xviii.]  A  LAPSE  291 

need  not  have  told ;  but  it  sounded  very  odd  when  read 
aloud  in  a  large  Committee.  Strangers  that  know  you 
not  would  carry  away  strange  ideas.  ...  In  bespeaking 
our  patience,  there  is  an  implied  contrast  between  your 
own  mode  of  proceeding  and  that  adopted  by  others — a 
contrast  this  a  little  to  the  disadvantage  of  others,  and 
savouring  a  little  of  the  praise  of  a  personage  called 
number  one.  .  .  .  Perhaps  my  vanity  is  offended,  and  I 
feel  as  if  I  were  not  esteemed  a  person  of  sufficient  discern- 
ment to  know  enough  of  the  real  state  of  Spain.  .  .  . 

"  Bear  with  me  now  in  my  criticisms  on  your  second 
letter  [that  of  2nd  May].  You  narrate  your  perilous 
journey  to  Seville,  and  say  at  the  beginning  of  the 
description :  '  My  usual  wonderful  good  fortune  accom- 
panying us.'  This  is  a  mode  of  speaking  to  which  we  are 
not  well  accustomed  ;  it  savours,  some  of  our  friends  would 
say,  a  little  of  the  profane.  Those  who  know  you  will  not 
impute  this  to  you.  But  you  must  remember  that  our 
Committee  Room  is  public  to  a  great  extent,  and  I  cannot 
omit  expressions  as  I  go  reading  on.  Pious  sentiments 
may  be  thrust  into  letters  ad  nauseam,  and  it  is  not  for 
that  I  plead  ;  but  is  there  not  a  via  media  ?  "  We  are  odd 
people,  it  may  be,  in  England  ;  we  are  not  fond  of  prophets 
or  '  prophetesses '  [a  reference  to  her  of  La  Mancha  about 
whom  Borrow  had  previously  been  rebuked].  I  have  not 
turned  back  to  your  former  description  of  the  lady  whom 
you  have  a  second  time  introduced  to  our  notice.  Perhaps 
my  wounded  pride  had  not  been  made  whole  after  the 
infliction  you  before  gave  it  by  contrasting  the  teacher  of 
the  prophetess  with  English  rectors." 

Borrow  replied  to  this  letter  from  Seville  on  28th  June, 
and  there  are  indications  that  before  doing  so  he  took 
time  to  deliberate  upon  it. 

"  Think  not,  I  pray  you,"  he  wrote,  "  that  any  observa- 
tion of  yours  respecting  style,  or  any  peculiarities  of 
expression  which  I  am  in  the  habit  of  exhibiting  in  my 
correspondence,  can  possibly  awaken  in  me  any  feeling 
but  that  of  gratitude,  knowing  so  well  as  I  do  the  person 
who  offers  them,  and  the  motives  by  which  he  is 
influenced.  I  have  reflected  on  those  passages  which 
you  were  pleased  to  point  out  as  objectionable,  and  have 
nothing  to  reply  further  than  that  I  have  erred,  that  I  am 


292  SPANISH  OFFICIAL  METHODS  [1839 

sorry,  and  will  endeavour  to  mend,  and  that,  moreover, 
I  have  already  prayed  for  assistance  to  do  so.  Allow  me, 
however,  to  offer  a  word,  not  in  excuse  but  in  explanation 
of  the  expression  '  wonderful  good  fortune '  which 
appeared  in  a  former  letter  of  mine.  It  is  clearly 
objectionable,  and,  as  you  very  properly  observe,  savours 
of  pagan  times.  But  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  I  am  much 
in  the  habit  of  repeating  other  people's  sayings  without 
weighing  their  propriety.  The  saying  was  not  mine  ;  but 
I  heard  it  in  conversation  and  thoughtlessly  repeated  it. 
A  few  miles  from  Seville  I  was  telling  the  Courier  of  the 
many  perilous  journeys  which  I  had  accomplished  in 
Spain  in  safety,  and  for  which  I  thank  the  Lord.  His 
reply  was,  *  La  mucha  suerte  de  Usted  tambien  nos  ha 
acompanado  en  este  viage.' " 

Thus   ended    another    unfortunate    misunderstanding 
between  secretary  and  agent. 

Borrow  had  taken  considerable  risk  in  making  the 
journey  to  Seville  with  the  Courier.  The  whole  of  La 
Mancha  was  overrun  with  the  Carlist-banditti,  who, 
"whenever  it  pleases  them,  stop  the  Courier,  burn  the 
vehicle  and  letters,  murder  the  paltry  escort  which 
attends,  and  carry  away  any  chance  passenger  to  the 
mountains,  where  an  enormous  ransom  is  demanded, 
which  if  not  paid  brings  on  the  dilemma  of  four  shots 
through  the  head,  as  the  Spaniards  say."  The  Courier's 
previous  journey  over  the  same  route  had  ended  in  the 
murder  of  the  escort  and  the  burning  of  the  coach,  the 
Courier  himself  escaping  through  the  good  offices  of  one 
of  the  bandits,  who  had  formerly  been  his  postilion. 
Borrow  was  shown  the  blood-soaked  turf  and  the  skull 
of  one  of  the  soldiers.  At  Manzanares,  Borrow  invited 
to  breakfast  with  him  the  Prophetess  who  was  so 
unpopular  at  Earl  Street.  Continuing  the  journey,  he 
reached  Seville  without  mishap,  and  a  few  days  later 
Antonio  arrived  with  the  horses.  It  was  found  that  the 
two  cases  of  Testaments  that  had  been  forwarded  from 
Madrid  had  been  stopped  at  the  Seville  Customs  House, 


XVIIL]         A  QUESTION  OF  EXPEDIENCY  293 

and    Borrow   had  recourse  to  subterfuge  in  order  to  get 
them  and  save  his  journey  from  being  in  vain. 

"  For  a  few  dollars,"  he  tells  Mr  Brandram  (2nd  May), 
"  I  procured  a  fiador  or  person  who  engaged  that  the  chests 
should  be  carried  down  the  river  and  embarked  at  San 
Lucar  for  a  foreign  land.  Yesterday  I  hired  a  boat  and 
sent  them  down,  but  on  the  way  I  landed  in  a  secure  place  all 
the  Testaments  which  I  intend  for  this  part  of  the  country." 

1\\z  fiador  had  kept  to  the  letter  of  his  undertaking, 
and  the  chests  were  duly  delivered  at  San  Lucar ;  but  a 
considerable  portion  of  their  contents,  some  two  hundred 
Testaments,  had  been  abstracted,  and  these  had  to  be 
smuggled  into  Seville  under  the  cloaks  of  master  and 
servant.  The  officials  appear  to  have  treated  Borrow  with 
the  greatest  possible  courtesy  and  consideration,  and  they 
told  him  that  his  "  intentions  were  known  and  honored." 

Borrow  had  great  hopes  of  achieving  something  for  the 
Gospel's  sake  in  Seville  ;  but  the  operation  would  be  a 
delicate  one.  To  Mr  Brandram  he  wrote  : — 

"  Consider  my  situation  here.  I  am  in  a  city  by 
nature  very  Levitical,  as  it  contains  within  it  the  most 
magnificent  and  splendidly  endowed  cathedral  of  any  in 
Spain.  I  am  surrounded  by  priests  and  friars,  who  know 
and  hate  me,  and  who,  if  I  commit  the  slightest  act  of 
indiscretion,  will  halloo  their  myrmidons  against  me.  The 
press  is  closed  to  me,  the  libraries  are  barred  against  me, 
I  have  no  one  to  assist  me  but  my  hired  servant,  no  pious 
English  families  to  comfort  or  encourage  me,  the  British 
subjects  here  being  ranker  papists  and  a  hundred  times  more 
bigoted  than  the  Spanish  themselves,  the  Consul,  a  renegade 
Quaker.  Yet  notwithstanding,  with  God's  assistance,  I 
will  do  much,  though  silently,  burrowing  like  the  mole  in 
darkness  beneath  the  ground.  Those  who  have  triumphed 
in  Madrid,  and  in  the  two  Castiles,  where  the  difficulties 
were  seven  times  greater,  are  not  to  be  dismayed  by 
priestly  frowns  at  Seville." x 

On  arriving  at  Seville  Borrow  had  put  up  at  the  Posada 
de  la  Reyna,  in  the  Calle  Gimios,  and  here  on  4th  May  (he 
1  Letter  to  the  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2nd  May  1839. 


294  SPANISH  OFFICIAL  METHODS  [1839 

had  arrived  about  24th  April)  he  encountered  Lieut.  - 
Colonel  Elers  Napier.  Borrow  liked  nothing  so  well  as 
appearing  in  the  role  of  a  mysterious  stranger.  He  loved 
mystery  as  much  as  a  dramatic  moment.  His  admiration 
of  Baron  Taylor  was  largely  based  upon  the  innumerable 
conjectures  as  to  who  it  was  that  surrounded  his  puzzling 
personality  with  such  an  air  of  mystery.  That  May 
morning  Colonel  Napier,  who  was  also  staying  at  the 
Posada  de  la  Reyna^  was  wandering  about  the  galleries 
overlooking  \hz  patio.  He  writes : — 

"whilst  occupied  in  moralising  over  the  dripping  water 
spouts,  I  observed  a  tall,  gentlemanly-looking  man  dressed 
in  a  semarra  \zamarra,  a  sheepskin  jacket  with  the  wool  out- 
side] leaning  over  the  balustrades  and  apparently  engaged 
in  a  similar  manner  with  myself.  .  .  .  From  the  stranger's 
complexion,  which  was  fair,  but  with  brilliant  black  eyes,  I 
concluded  he  was  not  a  Spaniard  ;  in  short,  there  was 
something  so  remarkable  in  his  appearance  that  it  was 
difficult  to  say  to  what  nation  he  might  belong.  He  was 
tall,  with  a  commanding  appearance ;  yet,  though  appar- 
ently in  the  flower  of  manhood,  his  hair  was  so  deeply 
tinged  with  the  winter  of  either  age  or  sorrow  as  to  be 
nearly  snow  white." 1 

Colonel  Napier  was  thoroughly  mystified.  The 
stranger  answered  his  French  in  "the  purest  Parisian 
Accent "  ;  yet  he  proved  capable  of  speaking  fluent  English, 
of  giving  orders  to  his  Greek  servant  in  Romaic,  of  con- 
versing "  in  good  Castillian  with  '  mine  host,' "  and  of 
exchanging  salutations  in  German  with  another  resident 
at  the  fonda.  Later  the  Colonel  had  the  gratification  of 
startling  the  Unknown  by  replying  to  some  remark  of  his 
in  Hindi ;  but  only  momentarily,  for  he  showed  himself 
"  delighted  on  finding  I  was  an  Indian,  and  entered  freely, 
and  with  depth  and  acuteness,  on  the  affairs  of  the  East, 
most  of  which  part  of  the  world  he  had  visited."  - 

1  Excursions  Along  the  Shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  by  Lt.-Col. 
E.  Napier,  46th  Regt.     Colburn,  1842,  2  vols. 

2  Ibid. 


xviii.]  THE  BEAUTIFUL  GYPSY  295 

No  one  could  give  any  information  about  "the 
mysterious  Unknown,"  who  or  what  he  was,  or  why  he 
was  travelling.  It  was  known  that  the  police  entertained 
suspicions  that  he  was  a  Russian  spy,  and  kept  him  under 
strict  observation.  Whatever  else  he  was,  Colonel  Napier 
found  him  "  a  very  agreeable  companion." l 

On  the  following  morning  (a  Sunday)  Colonel  Napier 
and  his  Unknown  set  out  on  horseback  on  an  excursion 
to  the  ruins  of  Italica.  As  they  sat  on  a  ruined  wall  of 
the  Convent  of  San  Isidoro,  contemplating  the  scene  of 
ruin  and  desolation  around,  "  the  '  Unknown  '  began  to  feel 
the  vein  of  poetry  creeping  through  his  inward  soul,  and 
gave  vent  to  it  by  reciting  with  great  emphasis  and  effect " 
some  lines  that  the  scene  called  up  to  his  mind. 

"  I  had  been  too  much  taken  up  with  the  scene,"  Colonel 
Napier  continues,  "  the  verses,  and  the  strange  being  who 
was  repeating  them  with  so  much  feeling,  to  notice  the 
approach  of  a  slight  female  figure,  beautiful  in  the  extreme, 
but  whose  tattered  garments,  raven  hair,  swarthy  com- 
plexion and  flashing  eyes  proclaimed  to  be  of  the  wander- 
ing tribe  of  Gitanos.  From  an  intuitive  sense  of  politeness, 
she  stood  with  crossed  arms  and  a  slight  smile  on  her  dark 
and  handsome  countenance  until  my  companion  had 
ceased,  and  then  addressed  us  in  the  usual  whining  tone  of 
supplication  —  *  Caballeritos>  una  limosnita  !  Dios  se  la 
pagard  a  ustedes  ! ' — '  Gentlemen,  a  little  charity  ;  God  will 
repay  it  to  you  ! '  The  gypsy  girl  was  so  pretty  and  her 
voice  so  sweet,  that  I  involuntarily  put  my  hand  in  my 
pocket. 

"  '  Stop  ! '  said  the  Unknown.  '  Do  you  remember  what 
I  told  you  about  the  Eastern  origin  of  these  people  ?  You 
shall  see  I  am  correct.' — '  Come  here,  my  pretty  child/ 
said  he  in  Moultanee, '  and  tell  me  where  are  the  rest  of 
your  tribe.' 

"  The  girl  looked  astounded,  replied  in  the  same  tongue, 
but  in  broken  language ;  when,  taking  him  by  the  arm, 
she  said  in  Spanish,  '  Come,  cabellero — come  to  one  who 
will  be  able  to  answer  you ' ;  and  she  led  the  way  down 

1  Excursions  Along  the  Shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  by  Lt.-Col. 
E.  Napier,  46th  Regt.  Colburn,  1842,  2  vols. 


296  SPANISH  OFFICIAL  METHODS  [1839 

amongst  the  ruins,  towards  one  of  the  dens  formerly 
occupied  by  the  wild  beasts,  and  disclosed  to  us  a  set  of 
beings  scarcely  less  savage.  The  sombre  walls  of  the 
gloomy  abode  were  illumined  by  a  fire  the  smoke  from 
which  escaped  through  a  deep  fissure  in  the  mossy  roof; 
whilst  the  flickering  flames  threw  a  blood-red  glare  on  the 
bronzed  features  of  a  group  of  children,  of  two  men,  and 
a  decrepit  old  hag,  who  appeared  busily  engaged  in  some 
culinary  preparations. 

"  On  our  entrance,  the  scowling  glance  of  the  males  of 
the  party,  and  a  quick  motion  of  the  hand  towards  the 
folds  of  the  '  faja '  [a  sash  in  which  the  Spaniard  carries  a 
formidable  clasp-knife]  caused  in  me,  at  least,  anything 
but  a  comfortable  sensation ;  but  their  hostile  intentions, 
if  ever  entertained,  were  immediately  removed  by  a  wave 
of  the  hand  from  our  conductress,  who,  leading  my  com- 
panion towards  the  sibyl,  whispered  something  in  her  ear. 
The  old  crone  appeared  incredulous.  The  '  Unknown ' 
uttered  one  word  ;  but  that  word  had  the  effect  of  magic  ; 
she  prostrated  herself  at  his  feet,  and  in  an  instant,  from 
an  object  of  suspicion  he  became  one  of  worship  to  the 
whole  family,  to  whom,  on  taking  leave,  he  made  a 
handsome  present,  and  departed  with  their  united  bless- 
ings, to  the  astonishment  of  myself  and  what  looked  very 
like  terror  in  our  Spanish  guide. 

"  I  was,  as  the  phrase  goes,  dying  with  curiosity,  and  as 
soon  as  we  mounted  our  horses,  exclaimed — *  Where,  in  the 
name  of  goodness,  did  you  pick  up  your  acquaintance  with 
the  language  of  those  extraordinary  people?' 

" '  Some  years  ago,  in  Moultan,'  he  replied. 

"  *  And  by  what  means  do  you  possess  such  apparent 
influence  over  them  ?  '  But  the  '  Unknown  '  had  already 
said  more  than  he  perhaps  wished  on  the  subject.  He 
drily  replied  that  he  had  more  than  once  owed  his  life  to 
gypsies,  and  had  reason  to  know  them  well ;  but  this  was 
said  in  a  tone  which  precluded  all  further  queries  on  my 
part.  The  subject  was  never  again  broached,  and  we 
returned  in  silence  to  the  fonda.  .  .  .  This  is  a  most  extra- 
ordinary character,  and  the  more  I  see  of  him  the  more 
am  I  puzzled.  He  appears  acquainted  with  everybody 
and  everything,  but  apparently  unknown  to  every  one 
himself.  Though  his  figure  bespeaks  youth — and  by  his 
own  account  his  age  does  not  exceed  thirty  [he  would  be 
thirty-six  in  the  following  July] — yet  the  snows  of  eighty 


XVIIL]  "A  SECOND  MELMOTH"  297 

winters  could  not  have  whitened  his  locks  more  completely 
than  they  are.  But  in  his  dark  and  searching  eye  there  is 
an  almost  supernatural  penetration  and  lustre,  which,  were 
I  inclined  to  superstition,  might  induce  me  to  set  down  its 
possessor  as  a  second  Melmoth." 1 

1  A  reference  to  Charles  Robert  Maturin's  Melmoth  the  Wanderer, 
4  vols.,  1820.  This  book  was  republished  in  3  vols.  in  1892,  an  almost 
unparalleled  instance  of  the  reissue  of  a  practically  forgotten  book  in 
a  form  closely  resembling  that  of  the  original.  Melmoth  the 
Wanderer  was  referred  to  in  the  most  enthusiastic  terms  by  Balzac, 
Thackeray  and  Baudelaire  among  others. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

MAY — DECEMBER    1839 

T)ORROW  confesses  that  he  was  at  a  loss  to  know  how 
-*-*  to  commence  operations  in  Seville.  He  was  entirely 
friendless,  even  the  British  Consul  being  unapproachable 
on  account  of  his  religious  beliefs.  However,  he  soon 
gathered  round  him  some  of  those  curious  characters  who 
seemed  always  to  gravitate  towards  him,  no  matter  where 
he  might  be,  or  with  what  occupied.  Surely  the  Scriptures 
never  had  such  a  curious  assortment  of  missionaries  as 
Borrow  employed  ?  At  Seville  there  was  the  gigantic 
Greek,  Dionysius  of  Cephalonia ;  the  "  aged  professor  of 
music,  who,  with  much  stiffness  and  ceremoniousness, 
united  much  that  was  excellent  and  admirable " ; l  the 
Greek  bricklayer,  Johannes  Chysostom,  a  native  of  Morea, 
who  might  at  any  time  become  u  the  Masaniello  of 
Seville."  With  these  assistants  Borrow  set  to  work  to 
throw  the  light  of  the  Gospel  into  the  dark  corners  of  the 
city. 

Soon  after  arriving  at  Seville,  he  decided  to  adopt  a 
new  plan  of  living. 

"  On  account  of  the  extreme  dearness  of  every  article 
at  the posada"  he  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram  on  I2th  June, 
"where,  moreover,  I  had  a  suspicion  that  I  was  being 
watched  [this  may  have  reference  to  the  police  suspicion 
that  he  was  a  Russian  spy],  I  removed  with  my  servant 
and  horses  to  an  empty  house  in  a  solitary  part  of  the 

1   The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  663. 


xix.]  BORROW  TAKES  A  HOUSE  299 

town.  .  .  .  Here  I  live  in  the  greatest  privacy,  admit- 
ting no  person  but  two  or  three  in  whom  I  had  the 
greatest  confidence,  who  entertain  the  same  views  as 
myself,  and  who  assist  me  in  the  circulation  of  the  Gospel." 

The  house  stood  in  a  solitary  situation,  occupying  one 
side  of  the  Plazuela  de  la  Pila  Seca  (the  Little  Square  of 
the  Empty  Trough).  It  was  a  two-storied  building  and 
much  too  large  for  Borrow's  requirements.  Having  bought 
the  necessary  articles  of  furniture,  he  retired  behind  the 
shutters  of  his  Andalusian  mansion  with  Antonio  and 
the  two  horses.  He  lived  in  the  utmost  seclusion, 
spending  a  large  portion  of  his  time  in  study  or  in  dreamy 
meditation.  "  The  people  here  complain  sadly  of  the 
heat,"  he  writes  to  Mr  Brandram  (28th  June  1839),  "but 
as  for  myself,  I  luxuriate  in  it,  like  the  butterflies  which 
hover  about  the  macetas,  or  flowerpots,  in  the  court."  In 
the  cool  of  the  evening  he  would  mount  Sidi  Habismilk 
and  ride  along  the  Dehesa  until  the  topmost  towers  of  the 
city  were  out  of  sight,  then,  turning  the  noble  Arab,  he 
would  let  him  return  at  his  best  speed,  which  was  that  of 
the  whirlwind. 

Throughout  his  work  in  Spain  Borrow  had  been 
seriously  handicapped  by  being  unable  to  satisfy  the 
demand  for  Bibles  that  met  him  everywhere  he  went.  In 
a  letter  (June)  from  Maria  Diaz,  who  was  acting  as  his 
agent  in  Madrid,1  the  same  story  is  told. 

"  The  binder  has  brought  me  eight  Bibles,"  she  writes, 
"which  he  has  contrived  to  make  up  out  of  the  sheets 
gnawn  by  the  ratsy  and  which  would  have  been  necessary 
even  had  they  amounted  to  eight  thousand  (y  era 
necesario  se  putieran  vuelto  8000),  because  the  people  are 

1  Maria  Diaz  had  written  on  24th  May  :  "  Calzado  has  been  here 
to  see  if  I  would  sell  him  the  lamps  that  belong  to  the  shop  [the 
Despacho\  He  is  willing  to  give  four  dollars  for  them,  and  he  says 
they  cost  five,  so  if  you  want  me  to  sell  them  to  him,  you  must  let  me 
know.  It  seems  he  is  going  to  set  up  a  beer-shop."  It  is  not  on 
record  whether  or  no  the  lamps  from  the  Bible  Society's  Despacho 
eventually  illuminated  a  beer-shop. 


300  A  STRANGE  MENAGE  [1839 

innumerable  who  come  to  seek  more.  Don  Santiago  has 
been  here  with  some  friends,  who  insisted  upon  having  a 
part  of  them.  The  Aragonese  Gentleman  has  likewise 
been,  he  who  came  before  your  departure,  and  bespoke 
twenty-four ;  he  now  wants  twenty-five.  I  begged  them 
to  take  Testaments,  but  they  would  not."  1 

The  Greek  bricklayer  proved  a  most  useful  agent. 
His  great  influence  with  his  poor  acquaintances  resulted 
in  the  sale  of  many  Testaments.  More  could  have  been 
done  had  it  not  been  necessary  to  proceed  with  extreme 
caution,  lest  the  authorities  should  take  action  and  seize 
the  small  stock  of  books  that  remained. 

When  he  took  and  furnished  the  large  house  in  the 
little  square,  there  had  been  in  Borrow's  mind  another 
reason  than  a  desire  for  solitude  and  freedom  from  prying 
eyes.  Throughout  his  labours  in  Spain  he  had  kept  up 
a  correspondence  with  Mrs  Clarke  of  Oulton,  who,  on  i$th 
March,  had  written  informing  him  of  her  intention  to  take 
up  her  abode  for  a  short  time  at  Seville. 

For  some  time  previously  Mrs  Clarke  had  been  having 
trouble  about  her  estate.  Her  mother  (September  1835) 
and  father  (February  1836)  were  both  dead,  and  her 
brother  Breame  had  inherited  the  estate  and  she  the 
mortgage  together  with  the  Cottage  on  Oulton  Broad. 
Breame  Skepper  died  (May  1837),  leaving  a  wife  and  six 
children.  In  his  will  he  had  appointed  Trustees,  who 
demanded  the  sale  of  the  Estate  and  division  of  the 
money,  which  was  opposed  by  Mrs  Clarke  as  executrix 
and  mortgagee.  Later  it  was  agreed  between  the  parties 
that  the  Estate  should  be  sold  for  ^11,000  to  a  Mr  Joseph 
Cator  Webb,  and  an  agreement  to  that  effect  was  signed. 
Anticipating  that  the  Estate  would  increase  in  value,  and 
apparently  regretting  their  bargain,  the  Trustees  delayed 
carrying  out  their  undertaking,  and  Mr  Webb  filed  a  bill 
in  Chancery  to  force  them  to  do  so.  Mrs  Clarke's  legal 
advisers  thought  it  better  that  she  should  disappear  for  a 
1  Letter  from  Borrow  to  the  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  28th  June  1839. 


xix.]          THE  ARRIVAL  OF  MRS  CLARKE  301 

time.  Hence  her  letter  to  Borrow,  in  replying  to  which 
(29th  March),  he  expresses  pleasure  at  the  news  of  his 
friend's  determination  "  to  settle  in  Seville  for  a  short 
time — which,  I  assure  you,  I  consider  to  be  the  most 
agreeable  retreat  you  can  select  ...  for  there  the  growls 
of  your  enemies  will  scarcely  reach  you."  He  goes  on  to 
tell  her  that  he  laughed  outright  at  the  advice  of  her 
counsellor  not  to  take  a  house  and  furnish  it. 

u  Houses  in  Spain  are  let  by  the  day :  and  in  a  palace 
here  you  will  find  less  furniture  than  in  your  cottage  at 
Oulton.  Were  you  to  furnish  a  Spanish  house  in  the 
style  of  cold,  wintry  England,  you  would  be  unable  to 
breathe.  A  few  chairs,  tables,  and  mattresses  are  all  that 
is  required,  with  of  course  a  good  stock  of  bed-linen.  .  .  . 

"  Bring  with  you,  therefore,  your  clothes,  plenty  of 
bed-linen,  etc.,  half-a-dozen  blankets,  two  dozen  knives 
and  forks,  a  mirror  or  two,  twelve  silver  table  spoons,  and 
a  large  one  for  soup,  tea  things  and  urn  (for  the  Spaniards 
never  drink  tea),  a  few  books,  but  not  many, — and  you 
will  have  occasion  for  nothing  more,  or,  if  you  have,  you 
can  purchase  it  here  as  cheap  as  in  England." 

Borrow's  ideas  of  domestic  comfort  were  those  of  the 
old  campaigner.  For  all  that,  he  showed  himself  very 
thorough  in  the  directions  he  gave  as  to  how  and  where 
Mrs  Clarke  should  book  her  passage  and  obtain  "  a  pass- 
port for  yourself  and  Hen. "  (Henrietta  her  daughter,  now 
nearly  twenty  years  of  age),  and  the  warning  he  gave 
that  no  attempt  should  be  made  to  go  ashore  at  Lisbon, 
"  a  very  dangerous  place." 

On  /th  June  Mrs  Clarke  and  her  daughter  Henrietta 
sailed  from  London  on  board  the  steam-packet  Royal  Tar 
bound  for  Cadiz,  where  they  arrived  on  the  i6th,  and,  on  the 
day  following,  entered  into  possession  of  their  temporary 
home  where  Borrow  was  already  installed,  safe  for  the 
time  from  Mr  Webb's  Chancery  bill.  It  was  no  doubt  to 
Mrs  and  Miss  Clarke  that  Borrow  referred  when  he  wrote 
to  Mr  Brandram  1  saying  that  "two  or  three  ladies  of  my 

1  28th  June. 


302  A  STRANGE  MENAGE  [1839 

acquaintance  occasionally  dispose  of  some  [Testaments] 
amongst  their  friends,  but  they  say  that  they  experience 
some  difficulty,  the  cry  for  Bibles  being  great." 

Borrow  continued  to  reside  at  7  Plazuela  de  la  Pila 
Seca,  and  Mrs  Clarke  and  Henrietta  soon  learned  some- 
thing of  the  vicissitudes  and  excitements  of  a  missionary's 
life.  On  Sunday,  8th  July,  as  Borrow  "happened  to  be 
reading  the  Liturgy,"  he  received  a  visit  from  "various 
alguacils,  headed  by  the  Alcalde  del  Barrio,  or  headborough, 
who  made  a  small  seizure  of  Testaments  and  Gypsy 
Gospels  which  happened  to  be  lying  about." *  This 
circumstance  convinced  Borrow  of  the  good  effect  of  his 
labours  in  and  around  Seville. 

The  time  had  now  arrived,  however,  when  the  whole  of 
the  smuggled  Testaments  had  been  disposed  of,  and  there 
was  no  object  in  remaining  longer  in  Seville,  or  in  Spain 
for  that  matter.  There  were  books  at  San  Lucar  that 
might  without  official  opposition  be  shipped  out  of  the 
country,  and  Borrow  therefore  determined  to  see  what 
could  be  done  towards  distributing  them  among  the 
Spanish  residents  on  the  Coast  of  Barbary.  This  done, 
he  hoped  to  return  to  Spain  and  dispose  of  the  900 
odd  Testaments  lying  at  Madrid.  On  i8th  July  he 
wrote  to  Mr  Brandram  : — 

"  I  should  wish  to  be  permitted  on  my  return  from  my 
present  expedition  to  circulate  some  in  La  Mancha.  .  .  . 
The  state  of  that  province  is  truly  horrible ;  it  appears 
peopled  partly  with  spectres  and  partly  with  demons. 
There  is  famine,  and  such  famine ;  there  is  assassination 
and  such  unnatural  assassination  [another  of  Borrow's 
phrases  that  must  have  struck  the  Committee  as  odd]. 
There  you  see  soldiers  and  robbers,  ghastly  lepers  and 
horrible  and  uncouth  maimed  and  blind,  exhibiting 
their  terrible  nakedness  in  the  sun.  I  was  prevented 
last  year  in  carrying  the  Gospel  amongst  them.  May 
I  be  more  successful  this." 

Antonio  had  been  dismissed,  his  master  being  "com- 
1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  i8th  July  1839. 


xix.]  AN  INSTINCTIVE  MISSIONARY  303 

pelled  to  send  [him]  back  to  Madrid  ...  on  account  of  his 
many  irregularities,"  and  in  consequence  it  was  alone,  on 
the  night  of  3ist  July,  that  Borrow  set  out  upon  his 
expedition.  From  Seville  he  took  the  steamer  to  Bonanza, 
from  whence  he  drove  to  San  Lucar,  where  he  picked  up  a 
chest  of  New  Testaments  and  a  small  box  of  St  Luke's 
Gospel  in  Gitano,  with  a  pass  for  them  to  Cadiz.  It  proved 
expensive,  this  claiming  of  his  own  property,  for  at  every 
step  there  was  some  fee  to  be  paid  or  gratuity  to  be  given. 
The  last  payment  was  made  to  the  Spanish  Consul  at 
Gibraltar,  who  claimed  and  received  a  dollar  for  certifying 
the  arrival  of  books  he  had  not  seen. 

Borrow  was  instinctively  a  missionary,  even  a  great 
missionary.  At  the  Customs  House  of  San  Lucar  some 
questions  were  asked  about  the  books  contained  in  the 
cases,  and  he  seized  the  occasion  to  hold  an  informal 
missionary  meeting,  with  the  officials  clustered  round  him 
listening  to  his  discourse.  One  of  the  cases  had  to  be 
opened  for  inspection,  and  the  upshot  of  it  was  that,  to 
the  very  officials  whose  duty  it  was  to  see  that  the  books 
were  not  distributed  in  Spain,  Borrow  sold  a  number  of 
copies,  not  only  of  the  Spanish  Testament,  but  of  the 
Gypsy  St  Luke.  Such  was  the  power  of  his  personality 
and  the  force  of  his  eloquence. 

From  San  Lucar  Borrow  returned  to  Bonanza  and 
again  took  the  boat,  which  landed  him  at  Cadiz,  where  he 
was  hospitably  entertained  by  Mr  Brackenbury,  the  British 
Consul,  who  gave  him  a  letter  of  introduction  to  Mr 
Drummond  Hay,  the  Consul-General  at  Tangier.  On  4th 
August  he  proceeded  to  Gibraltar.  It  was  not  until  the 
8th,  however,  that  he  was  able  to  cross  to  Tangier,  where 
he  was  kindly  received  by  Mr  Hay,  who  found  for  him  a 
very  comfortable  lodging. 

Taking  the  Consul's  advice,  Borrow  proceeded  with 
extreme  caution.  For  the  first  fortnight  of  his  stay  he 
made  no  effort  to  distribute  his  Testaments,  contenting 
himself  with  studying  the  town  and  its  inhabitants, 


[1839 
304  A  STRANGE  MENAGE 

occasionally  speaking  to  the  Christians  in  the  place 
(principally  Spanish  and  Genoese  sailors  and  their 
families)  about  religious  matters,  but  always  with  the 
greatest  caution  lest  the  two  or  three  friars,  who  resided  at 
what  was  known  as  the  Spanish  Convent,  should  become 
alarmed.  Again  Borrow  obtained  the  services  of  a  curious 
assistant,  a  Jewish  lad  named  Hayim  Ben  Attar,  who 
carried  the  Testaments  to  the  people's  houses  and  offered 
them  for  sale,  and  this  with  considerable  success.  On  4th 
September  Borrow  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram  : — 

"  The  blessed  book  is  now  in  the  hands  of  most  of  the 
Christians  of  Tangier,  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest,  from 
the  fisherman  to  the  consul.  One  dozen  and  a  half  were 
carried  to  Tetuan  on  speculation,  a  town  about  six  leagues 
from  hence ;  they  will  be  offered  to  the  Christians  who 
reside  there.  Other  two  dozen  are  on  their  way  to  distant 
Mogadore.  One  individual,  a  tavern  keeper,  has  purchased 
Testaments  to  the  number  of  thirty,  which  he  says  he  has 
no  doubt  he  can  dispose  of  to  the  foreign  sailors  who  stop 
occasionally  at  his  house.  You  will  be  surprised  to  hear 
that  several  amongst  the  Jews  have  purchased  copies  of 
the  New  Testament  with  the  intention,  as  they  state,  of 
improving  themselves  in  Spanish,  but  I  believe  from 
curiosity." 

During  his  stay  in  Tangier,  Borrow  had  some  trouble 
with  the  British  Vice-Consul,  who  seems  to  have  made 
himself  extremely  offensive  with  his  persistent  offers  of 
service.  His  face  was  "  purple  and  blue  "  and  in  whose 
blood-shot  eyes  there  was  an  expression  "  much  like  that 
of  a  departed  tunny  fish  or  salmon,"  and  he  became  so 
great  an  annoyance  that  Borrow  made  a  complaint  to 
Mr  Drummond  Hay.  This  is  one  of  the  few  instances 
of  Borrow's  experiencing  difficulty  with  any  British 
official,  for,  as  a  rule,  he  was  extremely  popular.  In 
this  particular  instance,  however,  the  Vice-Consul  was  so 
obviously  seeking  to  make  profit  out  of  his  official  position, 
that  there  was  no  other  means  open  to  Borrow  than  to 
make  a  formal  complaint. 


xix.]  BACK  IN  SPAIN  305 

In  the  case  of  Mr  Drummond  Hay,  he  obtained  the 
friendship  of  a  "  true  British  gentleman."  At  first  the 
Consul  had  been  reserved  and  distant,  and  apparently  by 
no  means  inclined  to  render  Borrow  any  service  in  the 
furtherance  of  his  mission ;  but  a  few  days  sufficed  to 
bring  him  under  the  influence  of  Sorrow's  personal 
magnetism,  and  he  ended  by  assuring  him  that  he  would 
be  happy  to  receive  the  Society's  commands,  and  would 
render  all  possible  assistance,  officially  or  otherwise,  to  the 
distribution  of  the  Scriptures  "  in  Fez  or  Morocco." 

Borrow  was  thoroughly  satisfied  with  the  result  of  his 
five  weeks'  stay  in  Tangier.  He  reached  Cadiz  on  his 
way  to  Seville  on  2ist  Sept.,  after  undergoing  a  four 
days'  quarantine  at  Tarifa,  when  he  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram 
(29th  Sept.) : 

"  I  am  very  glad  that  I  went  to  Tangier,  for  many 
reasons.  In  the  first  place,  I  was  permitted  to  circulate 
many  copies  of  God's  Word  both  among  the  Jews  and 
the  Christians,  by  the  latter  of  whom  it  was  particularly 
wanted,  their  ignorance  of  the  most  vital  points  of  religion 
being  truly  horrible.  In  the  second  place,  I  acquired  a 
vast  stock  of  information  concerning  Africa  and  the  state 
of  its  interior.  One  of  my  principal  Associates  was  a 
black  slave  whose  country  was  only  three  days'  journey 
from  Timbuctoo,  which  place  he  had  frequently  visited. 
The  Soos  men  also  told  me  many  of  the  secrets  of  the 
land  of  wonders  from  which  they  come,  and  the  Rabbis 
from  Fez  and  Morocco  were  no  less  communicative." 

Borrow  had  started  upon  his  expedition  to  the 
Barbary  Coast  without  any  definite  instructions  from  Earl 
Street.  On  29th  July  the  Sub-Committee  had  resolved 
that  as  his  mission  to  Spain  was  "  nearly  attained  by  the 
disposal  of  the  larger  part  of  the  Spanish  Scriptures  which 
he  went  out  to  distribute,"  the  General  Committee  be 
recommended  to  request  him  to  take  measures  for  selling 
or  placing  in  safe  custody  all  copies  remaining  on  hand 
and  returning  to  England  "  without  loss  of  time."  This 
was  adopted  on  5th  Aug. ;  but  before  it  received  the 

U 


306  A  STRANGE  MENAGE  [1839 

formal  sanction  of  the  General  Committee  Mr  Browne 
had  written  (29th  July)  to  Borrow  acquainting  him 
with  the  feeling  of  the  Sub-Committee,  thinking  that  he 
ought  to  have  early  intimation  of  what  was  taking  place. 
This  letter  Borrow  found  awaiting  him  at  Cadiz  on  his 
return  from  Tangier.  He  replied  immediately  (2ist  Sept.)  : 

"  Had  I  been  aware  of  that  resolution  before  my 
departure  for  Tangier  I  certainly  should  not  have  gone  ; 
my  expedition,  however,  was  the  result  of  much  reflection. 
I  wished  to  carry  the  Gospel  to  the  Christians  of  the 
Barbary  shore,  who  were  much  in  want  of  it ;  and  I  had 
one  hundred  and  thirty  Testaments  at  San  Lucar,  which 
I  could  only  make  available  by  exportation.  The  success 
which  it  has  pleased  the  Lord  to  yield  me  in  my  humble 
efforts  at  distribution  in  Barbary  will,  I  believe,  prove  the 
best  criterion  as  to  the  fitness  of  the  enterprise. 

"  I  stated  in  my  last  communication  to  Mr  Brandram 
the  plan  which  I  conceived  to  be  the  best  for  circulating 
that  portion  of  the  edition  of  the  New  Testament  which 
remains  unsold  at  Madrid,  and  I  scarcely  needed  a 
stimulant  in  the  execution  of  my  duty.  At  present, 
however,  I  know  not  what  to  do ;  I  am  sorrowful,  dis- 
appointed and  unstrung. 

"  I  wish  to  return  to  England  as  soon  as  possible ;  but 
I  have  books  and  papers  at  Madrid  which  are  of  much 
importance  to  me  and  which  I  cannot  abandon,  this 
perhaps  alone  prevents  me  embarking  in  the  next  packet. 
I  have,  moreover,  brought  with  me  from  Tangier  the 
Jewish  youth  [Hayim  Ben  Attar],  who  so  powerfully 
assisted  me  in  that  place  in  the  work  of  distribution. 
I  had  hoped  to  have  made  him  of  service  in  Spain,  he  is 
virtuous  and  clever.  .  .  . 

"  I  am  almost  tempted  to  ask  whether  some  strange, 
some  unaccountable  delusion  does  not  exist :  what  should 
induce  me  to  stay  in  Spain,  as  you  appear  to  suppose 
I  intend?  I  may,  however,  have  misunderstood  you. 
I  wish  to  receive  a  fresh  communication  as  soon  as 
possible,  either  from  yourself  or  Mr  Brandram ;  in  the 
meantime  I  shall  go  to  Seville,  to  which  place  and  to 
the  usual  number  pray  direct." 

It  would  appear  that  the  Bible   Society  had  become 


xix.]        LORD  PALMERSTON  INTERVENES          307 

aware  of  Borrow's  manage  at  Seville,  and  concluded  that 
he  meant  to  take  up  his  abode  in  Spain  more  or  less 
permanently. 

Borrow's  next  plan  was  to  order  a  chest  of  Testaments 
to  be  sent  to  La  Mancha,  where  he  had  friends,  then  to 
mount  his  horse  and  proceed  there  in  person.  With  the 
assistance  of  his  Jewish  body-servant  he  hoped  to  circu- 
late many  copies  before  the  authorities  became  aware  of 
his  presence.  Later  he  would  proceed  to  Madrid,  put 
his  affairs  in  order,  and  make  for  France  by  way  of 
Saragossa  (where  he  hoped  to  accomplish  some  good),  and 
then — home. 

In  September  a  circular  signed  by  Lord  Palmerston 
was  received  by  all  the  British  Consuls  in  Spain,  strictly 
forbidding  them  "  to  afford  the  slightest  countenance  to 
religious  agents. 1  What  was  the  cause  of  this  last 
blow  ? " 2  Borrow  rather  unfortunately  enquired  of  Mr 
Brandram.  The  Consul  at  Cadiz,  Mr  Brackenbury, 
explained  it,  according  to  Borrow,  as  due  to  "  an  ill- 
advised  application  made  to  his  Lordship  to  interfere 
with  the  Spanish  Government  on  behalf  of  a  certain 
individual B  [Lieut.  Graydon]  whose  line  of  conduct  needs 
no  comment."4  After  pointing  out  that  once  the  same 
consuls  had  received  from  a  British  Ambassador  instruc- 

1  Letter  from  Borrow  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  29th  Sept.  1839. 

2  Ibid. 

3  Mr  John  M.  Brackenbury,  in  writing  to  Mr  Brandram,  made  it 
quite  clear  that  he  had  no  doubt  that  the  "  inhibition  was  assuredly 
accelerated,  if  not  absolutely  occasioned,  by  the  indiscretion  of  some 
of  those  who  entered  Spain  for  the  avowed  object  of  circulating  the 
Scriptures,  and  of  others  who,  not  being  Agents  of  the  British  and 
Foreign  Bible  Society,  were  nevertheless  considered  to  be  connected 
with  it,  as  they  distributed  your  editions  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments.    Our  objects  were  defeated  and  your  interests  injured,  there- 
fore, when  the  Spanish  Government  required  the  departure  from  this 
country  of  those  who,  by  other  acts  and  deeds  wholly  distinct  from 
the  distribution  of  Bibles  and  Testaments,  had  been  infracting  the 
Laws,  Civil  and  Ecclesiastical." 

4  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  291*1  Sept.  1839. 


308  A  STRANGE  MENAGE  [1839 

tions  to  further,  in  their  official  capacity,  the  work  of  the 
Bible  Society,  he  concludes  with  the  following  remark,  as  ill- 
advised  as  it  is  droll :  "  When  dead  flies  fall  into  the 
ointment  of  the  apothecary  they  cause  it  to  send  forth  an 
unpleasant  savour." l 

It  must  have  been  obvious  to  both  Borrow  and  Mr 
Brandram  that  matters  were  rapidly  approaching  a  crisis. 
Mr  Brandram  seems  to  have  been  almost  openly  hostile, 
and  draws  Borrow's  attention  to  the  fact  that  after  all  his 
distributions  have  been  small.  Borrow  replies  by  saying 
that  the  fault  did  not  rest  with  him.  Had  he  been  able 
to  offer  Bibles  instead  of  Testaments  for  sale,  the  circula- 
tion would  have  been  ten  times  greater.  He  expresses 
it  as  his  belief  that  had  he  received  20,000  Bibles  he 
could  have  sold  them  all  in  Madrid  during  the  Spring 
of  1839. 

"  When  the  Bible  Society  has  no  further  occasion  for 
my  poor  labours,"  he  wrote2  somewhat  pathetically, 
"  I  hope  it  will  do  me  justice  to  the  world.  I  have  been 
its  faithful  and  zealous  servant.  I  shall  on  a  future 
occasion  take  the  liberty  of  addressing  you  as  a  friend 
respecting  my  prospects.  I  have  the  materials  of  a 
curious  book  of  travels  in  Spain  ;  I  have  enough  metrical 
translations  from  all  languages,  especially  the  Celtic  and 
Sclavonic,  to  fill  a  dozen  volumes ;  and  I  have  formed  a 
vocabulary  of  the  Spanish  Gypsy  tongue,  and  also  a 
collection  of  the  songs  and  poetry  of  the  Gitanos,  with 
introductory  essays.  Perhaps  some  of  these  literary 
labours  might  be  turned  to  account.  I  wish  to  obtain 
honourably  and  respectably  the  means  of  visiting  China 
or  particular  parts  of  Africa." 

It  is  clear  from  this  that  Borrow  saw  how  unlikely  it 
was  that  his  association  with  the  Bible  Society  would  be 
prolonged  beyond  the  present  commission.  For  one 
thing  Spain  was,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  closed  to 
the  unannotated  Scriptures.  Something  might  be  done 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2Qth  Sept.  1839. 
a  Ibid. 


xix.]  A  FRENZY  OF  HATE  309 

in  the  matter  of  surreptitious  distribution  ;  but  that  had 
its  clearly  defined  limitations,  as  the  authorities  were 
very  much  alive  to  the  danger  of  the  light  that  Borrow 
sought  to  cast  over  the  gloom  of  ignorance  and 
superstition. 

At  Earl  Street  it  was  clearly  recognised  that  Borrow's 
work  in  Spain  was  concluded.  On  1st  November  the 
Sub-Committee  resolved  that  it  could  "  not  recommend 
to  the  General  Committee  to  engage  the  further  services 
of  Mr  Borrow  until  he  shall  have  returned  to  this  country 
from  his  Mission  in  Spain."  Again,  on  loth  January 
following,  it  recommends  the  General  Committee  to 
recall  him  "without  further  delay." 

Although  he  had  been  officially  recalled,  nothing  was 
further  from  Borrow's  intentions  than  to  retire  meekly 
from  the  field.  He  intended  to  retreat  with  drums 
sounding  and  colours  flying,  fighting  something  more 
than  a  rearguard  action.  This  man's  energy  and  resource 
were  terrible — to  the  authorities!  Seville  he  felt  was 
still  a  fruitful  ground,  and  sending  to  Madrid  for  further 
supplies  of  Testaments,  he  commenced  operations. 
"  Everything  was  accomplished  with  the  utmost  secrecy, 
and  the  blessed  books  obtained  considerable  circulation." l 
Agents  were  sent  into  the  country  and  he  went  also 
himself,  "  in  my  accustomed  manner,"  until  all  the  copies 
that  had  arrived  from  the  capital  were  put  into  circulation. 
He  then  rested  for  a  while,  being  in  need  of  quiet,  as  he 
was  indisposed. 

By  this  action  Borrow  was  incurring  no  little  risk. 
The  Canons  of  the  Cathedral  watched  him  closely.  Their 
hatred  amounted  "  almost  to  a  frenzy,"  and  Borrow  states 
that  scarcely  a  day  passed  without  some  accusation  or 
other  being  made  to  the  Civil  Governor,  all  of  which  were 
false.  People  whom  he  had  never  seen  were  persuaded 
to  perjure  themselves  by  swearing  that  he  had  sold  or 
given  them  books.  The  same  system  was  carried  on 
1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  25th  Nov.  1839. 


310  A  STRANGE  MENAGE  [1839 

whilst  he  was  in  Africa,  because  the  authorities  refused 
to  believe  that  he  was  out  of  Spain. 

There  now  occurred  another  regrettable  incident,  and 
Borrow  once  more  suffered  for  the  indiscretion  of  those 
whom  he  neither  knew  nor  controlled.  To  Mr  Brandram 
he  wrote : 

"  Some  English  people  now  came  to  Seville  and 
distributed  tracts  in  a  very  unguarded  manner,  knowing 
nothing  of  the  country  or  the  inhabitants.  They  were 
even  so  unwise  as  to  give  tracts  instead  of  money  on 
visiting  public  buildings,  etc.  [!].  These  persons  came  to 
me  and  requested  my  cooperation  and  advice,  and  likewise 
introductions  to  people  spiritually  disposed  amongst  the 
Spaniards,  to  all  which  requests  I  returned  a  decided 
negative.  But  I  foresaw  all.  In  a  day  or  two  I  was 
summoned  before  the  Civil  Governor,  or,  as  he  was  once 
called,  the  Corregidor,  of  Seville,  who,  I  must  say,  treated 
me  with  the  utmost  politeness  and  indeed  respect ;  but  at 
the  same  time  he  informed  me  that  he  had  (to  use  his  own 
expression)  terrible  orders  from  Madrid  concerning  me  if 
I  should  be  discovered  in  the  act  of  distributing  the 
Scriptures  or  any  writings  of  a  religious  tendency  ;  he  then 
taxed  me  with  having  circulated  both  lately,  especially 
tracts ;  whereupon  I  told  him  that  I  had  never  distributed 
a  tract  since  I  had  been  in  Spain  nor  had  any  intention 
of  doing  so.  We  had  much  conversation  and  parted  in 
kindness." * 

For  a  few  days  nothing  happened  ;  then,  determined  to 
set  out  on  an  expedition  to  La  Mancha  (the  delay  had 
been  due  to  the  insecure  state  of  the  roads),  Borrow  sent  his 
passport  (24th  Nov.)  for  signature  to  the  Alcalde  del  Barrio. 

"This  fellow,"  Borrow  informs  Mr  Brandram,  "is  the 
greatest  ruffian  in  Seville,  and  I  have  on  various  occasions 
been  insulted  by  him  ;  he  pretends  to  be  a  liberal,  but  he 
is  of  no  principle  at  all,  and  as  I  reside  within  his  district 
he  has  been  employed  by  the  Canons  of  the  Cathedral  to 
vex  and  harrass  me  on  every  possible  occasion." 

In  the  following  letter,  addressed  to  the  British  Charge 
d' Affaires  (the  Hon.  G.  S.  S.  Jerningham),  Borrow  gives  a 
1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  2$th  Nov.  1839. 


xix.]  THE  ALCALDE  DEL  BARRIO  311 

full   account   of  what   transpired    between   him    and    the 
Alcalde  of  Seville  :— 

SIR,— 

I  beg  leave  to  lay  before  you  the  following 
statement  of  certain  facts  which  lately  occurred  at  Seville, 
from  which  you  will  perceive  that  the  person  of  a  British 
Subject  has  been  atrociously  outraged,  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  a  foreigner  in  Spain  violated,  and  the 
sanctuary  of  a  private  house  invaded  without  the  slightest 
reason  or  shadow  of  authority  by  a  person  in  the  employ 
of  the  Spanish  Government. 

For  some  months  past  I  have  been  a  resident  at  Seville 
in  a  house  situated  in  a  square  called  the  "  Plazuela  de 
la  Pila  Seca."  In  this  house  I  possess  apartments,  the 
remainder  being  occupied  by  an  English  Lady  and  her 
daughter,  the  former  of  whom  is  the  widow  of  an  officer  of 
the  highest  respectability  who  died  in  the  naval  service  of 
Great  Britain.  On  the  twenty-fourth  of  last  November,  I 
sent  a  servant,  a  Native  of  Spain,  to  the  Office  of  the 
"  Ayuntamiento  "  of  Seville  for  the  purpose  of  demanding 
my  passport,  it  being  my  intention  to  set  out  the  next  day 
for  Cordoba.  The  "  Ayuntamiento "  returned  for  answer 
that  it  was  necessary  that  the  ticket  of  residence  (Billete 
de  residential}  which  I  had  received  on  sending  in  the 
Passport  should  be  signed  by  the  Alcalde  of  the  district  in 
which  I  resided,  to  which  intimation  I  instantly  attended. 
I  will  here  take  the  liberty  of  observing  that  on  several 
occasions  during  my  residence  at  Seville,  I  have 
experienced  gross  insults  from  this  Alcalde,  and  that  more 
than  once  when  I  have  had  occasion  to  leave  the  Town,  he 
has  refused  to  sign  the  necessary  document  for  the  recovery 
of  the  passport ;  he  now  again  refused  to  do  so,  and  used 
coarse  language  to  the  Messenger ;  whereupon  I  sent  the 
latter  back  with  money  to  pay  any  fees,  lawful  or  unlawful, 
which  might  be  demanded,  as  I  wished  to  avoid  noise  and 
the  necessity  of  applying  to  the  Consul,  Mr  Williams ;  but 
the  fellow  became  only  more  outrageous.  I  then  went 
myself  to  demand  an  explanation,  and  was  saluted  with  no 
inconsiderable  quantity  of  abuse.  I  told  him  that  if  he 
proceeded  in  this  manner  I  would  make  a  complaint  to 
the  Authorities  through  the  British  Consul.  He  then  said 
if  I  did  not  instantly  depart  he  would  drag  me  off  to  prison 
and  cause  me  to  be  knocked  down  if  I  made  the  slightest 


312  A  STRANGE  MENAGE  [1839 

resistance.  I  dared  him  repeatedly  to  do  both,  and  said 
that  he  was  a  disgrace  to  the  Government  which  employed 
him,  and  to  human  nature.  He  called  me  a  vile 
foreigner.  We  were  now  in  the  street  and  a  mob  had 
collected,  whereupon  I  cried  :  "  Viva  Inglaterra  y  viva  la 
Constitution."  The  populace  remained  quiet,  notwith- 
standing the  exhortations  of  the  Alcalde  that  they  would 
knock  down  "  the  foreigner,"  for  he  himself  quailed  before 
me  as  I  looked  him  in  the  face,  defying  him.  At  length 
he  exclaimed,  with  the  usual  obscene  Spanish  oath,  "  I  will 
make  you  lower  your  head  "  (Yo  te  hare  abajar  la  cabeza), 
and  ran  to  a  neighbouring  guard-house  and  requested  the 
assistance  of  the  Nationals  in  conducting  me  to  prison.  I 
followed  him  and  delivered  myself  up  at  the  first  summons, 
and  walked  to  the  prison  without  uttering  a  word ;  not  so 
the  Alcalde,  who  continued  his  abuse  until  we  arrived  at 
the  gate,  repeatedly  threatening  to  have  me  knocked  down 
if  I  moved  to  the  right  or  left. 

I  was  asked  my  name  by  the  Authorities  of  the  prison, 
which  I  refused  to  give  unless  in  the  presence  of  the 
Consul  of  my  Nation,  and  indeed  to  answer  any  questions. 
I  was  then  ordered  to  the  Patio,  or  Courtyard,  where 
are  kept  the  lowest  thieves  and  assassins  of  Seville,  who, 
having  no  money,  cannot  pay  for  better  accommodation, 
and  by  whom  I  should  have  been  stripped  naked  in  a 
moment  as  a  matter  of  course,  as  they  are  all  in  a  state 
of  raging  hunger  and  utter  destitution.  I  asked  for  a 
private  cell,  which  I  was  told  I  might  have  if  I  could  pay 
for  it.  I  stated  my  willingness  to  pay  anything  which 
might  be  demanded,  and  was  conducted  to  an  upper  ward 
consisting  of  several  cells  and  a  corridor ;  here  I  found 
six  or  seven  Prisoners,  who  received  me  very  civilly,  and 
instantly  procured  me  paper  and  ink  for  the  purpose  of 
writing  to  the  Consul.  In  less  than  an  hour  Mr  Williams 
arrived  and  I  told  him  my  story,  whereupon  he  instantly 
departed  in  order  to  demand  redress  of  the  Authorities. 
The  next  morning  the  Alcalde,  without  any  authority  from 
the  Political  [Civil]  Governor  of  Seville,  and  unaccom- 
panied by  the  English  Consul,  as  the  law  requires  in  such 
cases,  and  solely  attended  by  a  common  Escribano,  went  to 
the  house  in  which  I  was  accustomed  to  reside  and 
demanded  admission.  The  door  was  opened  by  my  Moorish 
Servant,  Hayim  Ben-Attar,  whom  he  commanded  instantly 
to  show  the  way  to  my  apartments.  On  the  Servant's 


xix.]  SEARCHING  BORROWS  ROOMS  313 

demanding  by  what  authority  he  came,  he  said,  "  Cease 
chattering  "  (Deje  cuentos),  "  I  shall  give  no  account  to  you  ; 
show  me  the  way  ;  if  not,  I  will  take  you  to  prison  as  I  did 
your  master  :  I  come  to  search  for  prohibited  books."  The 
Moor,  who  being  in  a  strange  land  was  somewhat  intimi- 
dated, complied  and  led  him  to  the  rooms  occupied  by  me, 
when  the  Alcalde  flung  about  my  books  and  papers,  finding 
nothing  which  could  in  the  slightest  degree  justify  his 
search,  the  few  books  being  all  either  in  Hebrew  or 
Arabic  character  (they  consisted  of  the  Mitchna  and  some 
commentaries  on  the  Coran) ;  he  at  last  took  up  a  large 
knife  which  lay  on  a  chair  and  which  I  myself  purchased 
some  months  previous  at  Santa  Cruz  in  La  Mancha  as  a 
curiosity — the  place  being  famous  for  those  knives — and 
expressed  his  determination  to  take  it  away  as  a  prohibited 
article.  The  Escribano,  however,  cautioned  him  against 
doing  so,  and  he  flung  it  down.  He  now  became  very 
vociferous  and  attempted  to  force  his  way  into  some  apart- 
ments occupied  by  the  Ladies,  my  friends ;  but  soon 
desisted  and  at  last  went  away,  after  using  some  threatening 
words  to  my  Moorish  Servant.  Late  at  night  of  the 
second  day  of  my  imprisonment,  I  was  set  at  liberty  by 
virtue  of  an  order  of  the  Captain  General,  given  on  applica- 
tion of  the  British  Consul,  after  having  been  for  thirty 
hours  imprisoned  amongst  the  worst  felons  of  Andalusia, 
though  to  do  them  justice  I  must  say  that  I  experienced 
from  them  nothing  but  kindness  and  hospitality. 

The  above,  Sir,  is  the  correct  statement  of  the  affair 
which  has  now  brought  me  to  Madrid.  What  could  have 
induced  the  Alcalde  in  question  to  practise  such  atrocious 
behaviour  towards  me  I  am  at  a  loss  to  conjecture,  unless 
he  were  instigated  by  certain  enemies  which  I  possess  in 
Seville.  However  this  may  be,  I  now  call  upon  you,  as 
the  Representative  of  the  Government  of  which  I  am  a 
Subject,  to  demand  of  the  Minister  of  the  Spanish  Crown 
full  and  ample  satisfaction  for  the  various  outrages  detailed 
above.  In  conclusion,  I  must  be  permitted  to  add  that  I 
will  submit  to  no  compromise,  but  will  never  cease  to  claim 
justice  until  the  culprit  has  received  condign  punishment. 
I  am,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

GEORGE  BORROW. 

MADRID  (no  date). 

Recorded  6th  December  [1839]." 1 

1  From  the  Public  Record  Office. 


314  A  STRANGE  MENAGE  [1839 

Thus  it  happened  that  on  iQth  December  Mr  Brandram 
received  the  following  letter  :— 

PRISON  OF  SEVILLE,  25^  Nov.  1839. 

I  write  these  lines,  as  you  see,  from  the  common  prison 
of  Seville,  to  which  I  was  led  yesterday,  or  rather  dragged, 
neither  for  murder  nor  robbery  nor  debt,  but  simply  for 
having  endeavoured  to  obtain  a  passport  for  Cordoba,  to 
which  place  I  was  going  with  my  Jewish  servant  Hayim 
Ben-Attar. 

When  questioned  by  the  Vice-Consul  as  to  his  authority 
for  searching  Borrow's  house,  the  Alcalde  produced  a  paper 
purporting  to  be  the  deposition  of  an  old  woman  to  whom 
Borrow  was  alleged  to  have  sold  a  Testament  some  ten 
days  previously.  The  document  Borrow  pronounced  a 
forgery  and  the  statement  untrue. 

Borrow's  fellow-prisoners  treated  him  with  unbounded 
kindness  and  hospitality,  and  he  was  forced  to  confess  that 
he  had  "  never  found  himself  amongst  more  quiet  and  well- 
behaved  men."  Nothing  shows  more  clearly  the  power  ot 
Borrow's  personality  over  rogues  and  vagabonds  than  the 
two  periods  spent  in  Spanish  prisons — at  Madrid  and  at 
Seville.  Mr  Brandram  must  have  shuddered  when  he 
read  Borrow's  letter  telling  him  by  what  manner  of  men 
he  was  surrounded. 

"  What  is  their  history  ? "  he  writes  apropos  of  his 
fellow-prisoners.  "  The  handsome  black-haired  man,  who 
is  now  looking  over  my  shoulder,  is  the  celebrated  thief, 
Pelacio,  the  most  expert  housebreaker  and  dexterous 
swindler  in  Spain — in  a  word,  the  modern  Guzman 
D'alfarache.  The  brawny  man  who  sits  by  the  brasero  of 
charcoal  is  Salvador,  the  highwayman  of  Ronda,  who  has 
committed  a  hundred  murders.  A  fashionably  dressed  man, 
short  and  slight  in  person,  is  walking  about  the  room  :  he 
wears  immense  whiskers  and  mustachios  ;  he  is  one  of  that 
most  singular  race  the  Jews  of  Spain  ;  he  is  imprisoned  for 
counterfeiting  money.  He  is  an  atheist ;  but,  like  a  true 
Jew,  the  name  which  he  most  hates  is  that  of  Christ.  Yet  he 
is  so  quiet  and  civil,  and  they  are  all  so  quiet  and  civil, 


xix.]          THE  COURTESY  OF  CRIMINALS  315 

and  it  is  that  which  most  horrifies  me,  for  quietness  and 
civility  in  them  seems  so  unnatural." 1 

Such  were  the  men  who  fraternised  with  an  agent  of  a 
religious  society  and  showed  him  not  only  civility  but 
hospitality  and  kindness.  It  is  open  to  question  if  they 
would  have  shown  the  same  to  any  other  unfortunate 
missionary.  In  all  probability  they  recognised  a  fellow- 
vagabond,  who  was  at  much  at  issue  with  the  social 
conventions  of  communities  as  they  were  with  the  laws  of 
property. 

On  this  occasion  the  period  of  Borrow's  imprisonment 
was  brief.  He  was  released  late  at  night  on  25th  Nov., 
within  thirty  hours  of  his  arrest,  and  he  immediately  set  to 
work  to  think  out  a  plan  by  which  he  could  once  more 
discomfit  the  Spanish  authorities  for  this  indignity  to  a 
British  subject.  He  would  proceed  to  Madrid  without 
delay  and  put  his  case  before  the  British  Minister,  at  the 
same  time  he  would  "  make  preparations  for  leaving  Spain 
as  soon  as  possible." 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  25th  Nov.  1839. 


I 


CHAPTER   XX 

DECEMBER    1839 — MAY    1840 

T  was  probably  about  this  time  (1839)  that 


"  The  Marques  de  Santa  Coloma  met  Borrow  again 
at  Seville.  He  had  great  difficulty  in  finding  him  out; 
though  he  was  aware  of  the  street  in  which  he  resided,  no 
one  knew  him  by  name.  At  last,  by  dint  of  inquiry  and 
description,  some  one  exclaimed, '  Oh  !  you  mean  el  Brujo ' 
(the  wizard),  and  he  was  directed  to  the  house.  He  was 
admitted  with  great  caution,  and  conducted  through  a  lot 
of  passages  and  stairs,  till  at  last  he  was  ushered  into  a 
handsomely  furnished  apartment  in  the  '  miradorl  where 
Borrow  was  living  with  his  wife  and  daughter.  ...  It  is 
evident  .  .  .  that,  to  his  Spanish  friends  at  least,  he  thus 
called  Mrs  Clarke  and  her  daughter  Henrietta  his  wife  and 
daughter:  and  the  Marques  de  Santa  Coloma  evidently 
believed  that  the  young  lady  was  Borrow's  own  daughter, 
and  not  his  step-daughter  merely  (!).  At  the  time  the 
roads  from  Seville  to  Madrid  were  very  unsafe.  Santa 
Coloma  wished  Borrow  to  join  his  party,  who  were  going 
well  armed.  Borrow  said  he  would  be  safe  with  his 
Gypsies.  Both  arrived  without  accident  in  Madrid  ;  the 
Marques's  party  first.  Borrow,  on  his  arrival,  told  Santa 
Coloma  that  his  Gypsy  chief  had  led  him  by  by-paths  and 
mountains ;  that  they  had  not  slept  in  a  village,  nor  seen 
a  town  the  whole  way." 1 

It  must  be  confessed  that  Mr  Webster  was  none  too 
reliable  a  witness,  and  it  seems  highly  improbable  that 
Borrow  would  wish  to  pass  Mrs  Clarke  off  as  his  wife 

1  Rev.  Wentworth  Webster  in   The  Journal  of  the   Gypsy  Lore 
Society. 

316 


xx.]  AN  OFFICIAL  PROTEST  317 

before  their  marriage.  The  fact  of  their  occupying  the  same 
house  may  have  seemed  to  their  Spanish  friends  compromis- 
ing, as  it  unquestionably  was ;  but  had  he  spoken  of  Mrs 
Clarke  as  his  wife,  it  would  have  left  her  not  a  vestige  of 
reputation. 

On  arriving  at  Madrid  Borrow  found  that  Lord  Claren- 
don's successor,  Mr  Arthur  Aston,  had  not  yet  arrived,  he 
therefore  presented  his  complaint  to  the  Charge  d*  Affaires, 
the  Hon.  G.  S.  S.  Jerningham,  who  had  succeeded  Mr  Sothern 
as  private  secretary.  Mr  Sothern  had  not  yet  left  Madrid 
to  take  up  his  new  post  as  First  Secretary  at  Lisbon,  and 
therefore  presented  Borrow  to  Mr  Jerningham,  by  whom  he 
was  received  with  great  kindness.  He  assured  Mr 
Jerningham  that  for  some  time  past  he  had  given  up 
distributing  the  Scriptures  in  Spain,  and  he  merely  claimed 
the  privileges  of  a  British  subject  and  the  protection  of  his 
Government.  The  First  Secretary  took  up  the  case 
immediately,  forwarding  Borrow's  letter  to  Don  Perez  de 
Castro  with  a  request  for  "  proper  steps  to  be  taken,  should 
Mr  Borrow's  complaint  .  .  .  be  considered  by  His 
Excellency  as  properly  founded."  Borrow  himself  was 
doubtful  as  to  whether  he  would  obtain  justice,  "  for  I 
have  against  me,"  he  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram  (24th 
December),  "  the  Canons  of  Seville ;  and  all  the  arts  of 
villany  which  they  are  so  accustomed  to  practise  will  of 
course  be  used  against  me  for  the  purpose  of  screening  the 
ruffian  who  is  their  instrument.  ...  I  have  been,  my  dear 
Sir,  righting  with  wild  beasts." 

The  rather  quaint  reply  to  Borrow's  charges  was  not 
forthcoming  until  he  had  left  Spain  and  was  living  at 
Oulton.  It  runs  : l 

MADRID,  nth  May  1840. 
SIR, 

Under  date  of  2Oth  December  last,  Mr  Perez  de 
Castro  informed  Mr  Jerningham  that  in  order  to  answer 

1  The   phrasing  of  the  official  translation  has  everywhere  been 
followed. 


318  DEPARTURE  FROM  SPAIN  [1840 

satisfactorily  his  note  of  8th  December  re  complaint  made 
by  Borrow,  he  required  a  faithful  report  to  be  made.  These 
have  been  stated  by  the  Municipality  of  Seville  to  the 
Civil  Governor  of  that  City,  and  are  as  follows  : — 

"  When  Borrow  meant  to  undertake  his  journey  to 
Cadiz  towards  the  end  of  last  year,  he  applied  to  the 
section  of  public  security  for  his  Passport,  for  which  purpose 
he  ought  to  deliver  his  paper  of  residence  which  was  given 
to  him  when  he  arrived  at  Seville.  That  paper  he  had  not 
presented  in  its  proper  time  to  the  Alcalde  of  his  district, 
on  which  account  this  person  had  not  been  acquainted  as 
he  ought  with  his  residence  in  the  district,  and  as  his 
Passport  could  not  be  issued  in  consequence  of  this 
document  not  being  in  order,  Borrow  addressed,  through 
the  medium  of  a  Servant,  to  the  house  of  the  said  district 
Alcalde  that  the  defect  might  be  remedied.  That  function- 
ary refused  to  do  so,  founded  on  the  reasons  already 
stated  ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  overcoming  his  resistance 
he  was  offered  a  gratification,  the  Servant  with  that  intent 
presenting  half  a  dollar.  The  Alcalde,  justly  indignant, 
left  his  house  to  make  the  necessary  complaint  respecting 
their  indecorous  action  when  he  met  Borrow,  who,  sur- 
prised at  the  refusal  of  the  Alcalde,  expressed  to  him  his 
astonishment,  addressing  insulting  expressions  riot  only 
against  his  person  but  against  the  authorities  of  Spain,  who, 
he  said,  he  was  sure  were  to  be  bought  at  a  very  small 
price — crying  on  after  this,  Long  live  the  Constitution, 
Death  to  the  Religion,  and  Long  live  England.  These  and 
other  insults  gave  rise  to  the  Alcalde  proceeding  to  his 
arrest  and  the  assistance  of  the  armed  force  of  Veterans, 
and  not  of  the  National  Militia,  as  Borrow  supposed, 
making  a  detailed  report  to  the  Constitutional  Alcalde, 
who  forwarded  it  original  to  the  Captain  General  of  the 
Province  as  Judge  Protector  of  Foreigners,  leaving  him 
under  detention  at  his  disposition.  He  did  the  same 
with  another  report  transmitted  by  the  said  functionary,  in 
which  reference  to  a  Lady  who  lived  at  the  Gate  of  Xerez  ; 
he  denounced  Borrow  as  a  seducer  of  youth  in  matters  of 
Religion  by  facilitating  to  them  the  perusal  of  prohibited 
books,  of  which  a  copy,  that  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  Governor,  was  likewise  transmitted  to  the 
Captain  General.  These  antecedents  were  sufficient  to 
have  authorised  a  summary  to  have  been  formed  against 
Borrow,  but  the  repeated  supplications  of  the  British  Vice- 


xx.]  A  BELATED  EXPLANATION  319 

Consul,  Mr  Williams,  who  among  other  things  stated  that 
Borrow  laboured  under  fits  of  madness,  had  the  effect  of 
causing  the  above  Constitutional  Alcalde  to  forgive  him 
the  fault  committed  and  recommend  to  the  Captain 
General  that  the  matter  should  be  dropped,  which  was 
acceded  to,  and  he  was  put  at  liberty.  The  above  facts, 
official  proofs  of  which  exist  in  the  Captain  General's 
Office,  clearly  disprove  the  statement  of  Borrow,  who 
ungrateful  for  the  generous  hospitality  which  he  has 
received,  and  for  the  consideration  displayed  towards  him 
on  account  of  his  infirmity,  and  out  of  deference  to  the 
request  of  the  British  Vice-Consul,  makes  an  unfounded 
complaint  against  the  very  authorities  who  have  used 
attentions  towards  him  which  he  is  certainly  not  deserving  ; 
it  being  worthy  of  remark,  in  order  to  prove  the  bad  faith 
of  his  procedure,  that  in  his  own  expose,  although  he 
disfigures  facts  at  pleasure,  using  a  language  little  decorous, 
he  confesses  part  of  his  faults,  such  as  the  offering  of 
money  to  pay,  as  he  says,  '  the  legal  or  extra-legal  dues  that 
might  be  exacted,  and  his  having  twice  challenged  the 
Alcalde: 

"  I  should  consider  myself  wanting  towards  your  en- 
lightened sense  of  justice  if,  after  the  reasons  given,  I 
stopped  to  prove  the  just  and  prudent  conduct  of  Seville 
authorities. 

"  Hope  he  will  therefore  be  completely  satisfied, 
especially  after  the  want  of  exactitude  on  Borrow's  part. 

From 

EVARISTO  PEREZ  DE  CASTRO." 
To  Mr  Aston.1 

And  so  the  matter  ended.  The  Spanish  authorities  knew 
that  they  no  longer  had  a  Sir  George  Villiers  to  deal  with, 
and  had  recourse  to  that  trump  card  of  weak  and  vacillat- 
ing diplomatists — delay.  Whatever  Borrow's  offence,  the 
method  of  his  arrest  and  imprisonment  was  in  itself 
unlawful. 

It  was  Borrow's  intention  on  his  return  to  England  to 
endeavour  to  obtain  an  interview  with  some  members 

1  The  Official  Translation  among  the  Foreign  Office  Papers  at  the 
Record  Office. 


320  DEPARTURE  FROM  SPAIN  [1840 

of  the  House  of  Lords,  in  order  to  acquaint  them  with  the 
manner  in  which  Protestants  were  persecuted  in  Spain. 
They  were  debarred  from  the  exercise  of  their  religion 
from  being  married  by  Protestant  rites,  and  the  common 
privileges  of  burial  were  denied  them.  He  was  anxious 
for  Protestant  England,  lest  it  should  fall  a  victim  to 
Popery.  This  fear  of  Rome  was  a  very  real  one  to  Borrow. 
He  marvelled  at  people's  blindness  to  the  danger  that  was 
threatening  them,  and  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  entreat 
his  friends  at  Earl  Street  "  to  drop  all  petty  dissensions 
and  to  comport  themselves  like  brothers"  against  their 
common  enemy  the  Pope. 

Unfortunately  Borrow  had  shown  to  a  number  of  friends 
one  of  his  letters  to  Mr  Brandram  dealing  with  the  Seville 
imprisonment,  and  had  even  allowed  several  copies  of  it  to 
be  taken  "  in  order  that  an  incorrect  account  of  the  affair 
might  not  get  abroad."  The  result  was  an  article  in  a 
London  newspaper  containing  remarks  to  the  disparage- 
ment of  other  workers  for  the  Gospel  in  Spain.  Borrow 
disavowed  all  knowledge  of  these  observations. 

"  I  am  not  ashamed  of  the  Methodists  of  Cadiz"  he 
assures  Mr  Brandram,  "  their  conduct  in  many  respects  does 
them  honor,  nor  do  I  accuse  any  one  of  fanaticism  amongst 
our  dear  and  worthy  friends ;  but  I  cannot  answer  for 
the  tittle-tattle  of  Madrid.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  reflect 
upon  any  one,  I  am  but  too  well  aware  of  my  own 
multitudinous  imperfections  and  follies."1 

There  is  nothing  more  mysterious  in  Borrow's  life  than 
his  years  of  friendship  with  Mrs  Clarke.  He  was  never  a 
woman's  man,  but  Mary  Clarke  seems  to  have  awakened 
in  him  a  very  sincere  regard.  The  menage  at  Seville  was  a 
curious  one,  and  both  Borrow  and  Mrs  Clarke  should  have 
seen  that  it  was  calculated  to  make  people  talk.  There 
may  have  been  a  tacit  understanding  between  them. 
Everything  connected  with  their  relations  and  courtship 
is  very  mysterious.  Dr  Knapp  is  scarcely  just  to  Borrow  or 
1  28th  Dec.  1839. 


xx.]  A  MYSTERIOUS  ENGAGEMENT  321 

gracious  to  the  woman  he  married,  when  he  implies  that 
it  was  merely  a  business  arrangement  on  both  sides.  Mrs 
Clarke's  affairs  required  a  man's  hand  to  administer  them, 
and  Borrow  was  prepared  to  give  the  man's  hand  in 
exchange  for  an  income.  The  engagement  could  scarcely 
have  taken  place  in  the  middle  of  November  1839,  as 
Dr  Knapp  states,  for  on  the  day  of  his  arrest  at  Seville 
(24th  Nov.)  Borrow  wrote  : — 

MY  DEAR  MRS  CLARKE, — Do  not  be  alarmed,  but  I 
am  at  present  in  the  prison,  to  which  place  the  Alcalde 
del  Barrio  conducted  me  when  I  asked  him  to  sign  the 
Passport.  If  Phelipe  is  not  already  gone  to  the  Consul, 
let  Henrietta  go  now  and  show  him  this  letter.  When  I 
asked  the  fellow  his  motives  for  not  signing  the  Passport, 
he  said  if  I  did  not  go  away  he  would  carry  me  to  prison. 
I  dared  him  to  do  so,  as  I  had  done  nothing ;  whereupon 
he  led  me  here. — Yours  truly, 

GEORGE  BORROW. 

This  is  obviously  not  the  letter  of  a  man  recently 
engaged  to  the  woman  who  is  to  become  his  wife.  On 
the  other  hand,  Borrow  may  have  been  writing  merely  for 
the  Consul's  eye. 

On  hearing  the  news  of  the  engagement  old  Mrs 
Borrow  wrote : — 

"  I  am  not  surprised,  my  dear  Mrs  Clarke,  at  what  you 
tell  me,  though  I  knew  nothing  of  it.  It  put  me  in  mind 
of  the  Revd.  Flethers ;  you  know  they  took  time  to 
consider.  So  far  all  is  well.  I  shall  now  resign  him  to 
your  care,  and  may  you  love  and  cherish  him  as  much  as 
I  have  done.  I  hope  and  trust  that  each  will  try  to  make 
the  other  happy.  You  will  always  have  my  prayers  and 
best  wishes.  Give  my  kind  love  to  dear  George  and  tell  him 
he  is  never  out  of  my  thoughts.  I  have  much  to  say,  but  I 
cannot  write.  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  you  all  safe  and  well. 
Give  my  love  to  Henrietta  ;  tell  her  /  can  sing  '  Gaily  the 
Troubadour' ;  I  only  want  the  'guitar.' x  God  bless  you  all." 

1  Henrietta  played  "remarkably  well  on  the  guitar— not  the 
trumpery  German  thing  so-called — but  the  real  Spanish  guitar." — 
Wild  Wales,  page  6. 

X 


322  DEPARTURE  FROM  SPAIN  [1840 

There  is  no  doubt  that  a  very  strong  friendship  had 
existed  between  Mrs  Clarke  and  Borrow  during  the  whole 
time  that  he  had  been  associated  with  the  Bible  Society. 
She  it  was  who  had  been  indirectly  responsible  for  his 
introduction  to  Earl  Street.  It  is  idle  to  speculate  what 
it  was  that  led  Mrs  Clarke  to  select  Seville  as  the  place  to 
which  to  fly  from  her  enemies.  There  is,  however,  a 
marked  significance  in  old  Mrs  Borrow's  words,  "  I  am  not 
surprised,  my  dear  Mrs  Clarke,  at  what  you  tell  me." 
Whatever  his  mother  may  have  seen,  there  appears  to 
have  been  no  thought  of  marriage  in  Borrow's  mind  when, 
on  29th  September  1839,  he  wrote  to  Mr  Brandram  telling 
him  of  his  wish  to  visit  "  China  or  particular  parts  of 
Africa." 

Borrow  paid  many  tributes  to  his  wife,  not  only  in 
his  letters,  but  in  print,  every  one  of  which  she  seems 
thoroughly  to  have  merited.  "Of  my  wife,"  he  writes,1 
"  I  will  merely  say  that  she  is  a  perfect  paragon  of 
wives — can  make  puddings  and  sweets  and  treacle  posset, 
and  is  the  best  woman  of  business  in  East  Anglia." 
On  another  occasion  he  praises  her  for  more  general 
qualities,  when  he  compares  her  to  the  good  wife  of  the 
Triad,  the  perfect  woman  endowed  with  all  the  feminine 
virtues.  His  wife  and  "old  Hen."  (Henrietta)  were  his 
"  two  loved  ones,"  and  he  subsequently  shows  in  a  score  of 
ways  how  much  they  had  become  part  of  his  life. 

After  his  return  to  Seville,  early  in  January,  Borrow 
proceeded  to  get  his  "papers  into  some  order."  There 
seems  no  doubt  that  this  meant  preparing  The  Zincali  for 
publication.  In  the  excitement  and  enthusiasm  of  author- 
ship, and  the  pleasant  company  of  Mrs  and  Miss  Clarke, 
he  seems  to  have  been  divinely  unconscious  that  he  was 
under  orders  to  proceed  home.  Week  after  week  passed 
without  news  of  their  Agent  in  Spain  reaching  Earl  Street, 
and  the  Officials  and  Committee  of  the  Bible  Society 
became  troubled  to  account  for  his  non-appearance.  The 
i  Wild  Wales,  page  6. 


xx.]  THE  BIBLE  SOCIETY  ANXIOUS  323 

last  letter  from  him  had  been  received  on  I3th  January. 
Early  in  March  Mr  Jackson  wrote  to  Mr  Brackenbury 
asking  for  news  of  him.  A  letter  to  Mr  Williams  at 
Seville  was  enclosed,  which  Mr  Brackenbury  had  discre- 
tionary powers  to  withhold  if  he  were  able  to  supply  the 
information  himself.  Two  letters  that  Borrow  had 
addressed  to  the  Society  it  appears  had  gone  astray,  and 
as  "  one  steamer  .  .  .  arrived  after  another  and  yet  no  news 
from  Mr  Borrow,"  some  apprehension  began  to  manifest 
itself  lest  misfortune  had  befallen  him.  On  the  other 
hand,  Borrow  had  heard  nothing  from  the  Society  for  five 
months,  the  long  silence  making  him  "  very,  very  unhappy." 
In  reply  to  Mr  Brandram's  letter  Borrow  wrote : — 

"  I  did  not  return  to  England  immediately  after  my 
departure  from  Madrid  for  several  reasons.  First,  there  was 
my  affair  with  the  Alcalde  still  pending  ;  second,  I  wished 
to  get  my  papers  into  some  order  ;  third,  I  wished  to  effect 
a  little  more  in  the  cause,  though  not  in  the  way  of  dis- 
tribution, as  I  have  no  books :  moreover  the  house  in 
which  I  resided  was  paid  for  and  I  was  unwilling  altogether 
to  lose  the  money ;  I  likewise  dreaded  an  English  winter, 
for  I  have  lately  been  subjected  to  attacks,  whether  of 
gout  or  rheumatism  I  know  not,  which  I  believe  were 
brought  on  by  sitting,  standing  and  sleeping  in  damp 
places  during  my  wanderings  in  Spain.  The  Alcalde  has 
lately  been  turned  out  of  his  situation,  but  I  believe  more 
on  account  of  his  being  a  Carlist  than  for  his  behaviour  to 
me  ;  that,  however',  is  of  little  consequence,  as  I  have  long 
forgotten  the  affair." 1 

There  was  no  longer  any  reason  for  delay ;  the  English 
winter  was  over,  he  had  one  book  nearly  ready  for  publi- 
cation and  two  others  in  a  state  of  forwardness. 

"I  embark  on  the  third  of  next  month  [April],"  he 
continued,  "and  you  will  probably  see  me  by  the  i6th.  I 
wish  very  much  to  spend  the  remaining  years  of  my  life 
in  the  northern  parts  of  China,  as  I  think  I  have  a  call  for 
those  regions,  and  shall  endeavour  by  every  honourable 
means  to  effect  my  purpose." 2 

1  Letter  to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  i8th  March  1840.  2  Ibid* 


324  DEPARTURE  FROM  SPAIN  [1840 

These  words  would  seem  to  imply  that  his  marriage 
with  Mrs  Clarke  was  by  no  means  decided  upon  at  the 
date  he  wrote,  although  during  the  previous  month  he  had 
been  in  correspondence  with  Mr  Brackenbury  regarding 
Protestants  in  Spain  being  debarred  from  marrying.  It  is 
inconceivable  that  Mrs  Clarke  and  her  daughter  con- 
templated living  in  the  North  of  China ;  and  equally 
unlikely  that  Mrs  Clarke  would  marry  a  potential 
"  absentee  landlord,"  or  one  who  frankly  confessed  "  I  hope 
yet  to  die  in  the  cause  of  my  Redeemer." 

Sidi  Habismilk  had  at  first  presented  a  grave  problem ; 
but  Mr  Brackenbury,  who  secured  the  passages  on  the 
steamer,  arranged  also  for  the  Arab  to  be  slung  aboard  the 
Steam-Packet.  On  3rd  April  the  whole  party,  including 
Hayim  Ben  Attar  and  Sidi  Habismilk,  boarded  the  Royal 
Adelaide  bound  for  London. 

Borrow  never  forgave  Spain  for  its  treatment  of  him, 
although  some  of  the  happiest  years  of  his  life  had  been 
spent  there.  "  The  Spaniards  are  a  stupid,  ungrateful  set 
of  ruffians,"  he  afterwards  wrote,  "  and  are  utterly 
incapable  of  appreciating  generosity  or  forbearance."  He 
piled  up  invective  upon  the  unfortunate  country.  It  was 
"the  chosen  land  of  the  two  fiends — assassination  and 
murder,"  where  avarice  and  envy  were  the  prevailing 
passions.  It  was  the  "  country  of  error  "  ;  yet  at  the  same 
time  "  the  land  of  extraordinary  characters."  As  he  saw 
its  shores  sinking  beneath  the  horizon,  he  was  mercifully 
denied  the  knowledge  that  never  again  was  he  to  be  so 
happily  occupied  as  during  the  five  years  he  had  spent 
upon  its  soil  distributing  the  Scriptures,  and  using  a 
British  Minister  as  a  two-edged  sword. 

The  party  arrived  in  London  on  i6th  April  and  put  up 
at  the  Spread  Eagle  in  Gracechurch  Street.  On  23rd 
April,  at  St  Peter's  Church  in  Cornhill,  the  wedding  took 
place.  There  were  present  as  witnesses  only  Henrietta 
Clarke  and  John  Pilgrim,  the  Norwich  solicitor.  In  the 
Register  the  names  appear  as  : — 


xx.]  MARRIAGE  325 

"George  Henry  Borrow — of  full  age — bachelor — 
gentleman — of  the  City  of  Norwich — son  of  Thomas 
Borrow — Captain  in  the  Army. 

"  Mary  Clarke — of  full  age— widow — of  Spread  Eagle 
Inn,  Gracechurch  Street — daughter  of  Edmund  Skepper — 
Esquire." 

On  2nd  May  an  announcement  of  the  marriage 
appeared  in  The  Norfolk  Chronicle.  A  few  days  later  the 
party  left  for  Oulton  Cottage,  and  Borrow  became  a  landed 
proprietor  on  a  small  scale  in  his  much-loved  East 
Anglia. 

On  2 1st  April  Mr  Brandram  had  written  to  Borrow  the 
following  letter : — 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND,  —  Your  later  communications 
have  been  referred  to  our  Sub-Committee  for  General 
Purposes.  After  what  you  said  yesterday  in  the  Com- 
mittee, I  am  hardly  aware  that  anything  can  arise  out  of 
them.  The  door  seems  shut.  The  Sub-Committee  meet  on 
Friday.  Will  you  wish  to  make  any  communications  to 
them  as  to  any  ulterior  views  that  may  have  occurred  to 
yourself?  I  do  not  myself  at  present  see  any  sphere  open 
to  which  your  services  in  connection  with  our  Society  can 
be  transferred.  .  .  .  With  best  wishes — Believe  me — 
Yours  truly, 

A.  BRANDRAM. 

On  24th  April,  the  day  after  Borrow's  wedding,  the  Sub- 
Committee  duly  met  and 

"  Resolved  that,  upon  mature  consideration,  it  does  not 
appear  to  this  Sub-Committee  that  there  is,  at  present, 
any  opening  for  employing  Mr  Borrow  beneficially  as  an 
Agent  of  the  Society  .  .  .  and  that  it  be  recommended  to 
the  General  Committee  that  the  salary  of  Mr  Borrow  be 
paid  up  to  the  loth  June  next." 

The  Bible  Society's  valediction,  which  appeared  in  the 
Thirty-Sixth  Annual  Report,  read  : — 

"  G.  Borrow,  Esq.,  one  of  the  gentlemen  referred  to  in 
former  Reports  as  having  so  zealously  exerted  themselves 
on  behalf  of  Spain,  has  just  returned  home,  hopeless  of 


326  DEPARTURE  FROM  SPAIN  [1840 

further  attempts  at  present  to  distribute  the  Scriptures  in 
that  country.  Mr  B.  has  succeeded,  by  almost  incredible 
pains,  and  at  no  small  cost  and  hazard,  in  selling  during 
his  last  visit  a  few  hundred  copies  of  the  Bible,  and  most 
that  remained  of  the  edition  of  the  New  Testament  printed 
in  Madrid." 

Thus  ended  George  Borrow's  activities  on  behalf  of  the 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,  and  incidentally  the 
seven  happiest  and  most  active  years  of  his  life.  On  the 
whole  the  association  had  been  honourable  to  all  concerned. 
There  had  been  moments  of  irritation  and  mistakes  on 
both  sides.  It  would  be  foolish  to  accuse  the  Society  of 
deliberately  planting  obstacles  in  the  path  of  its  own  agent ; 
but  the  unfortunate  championing  of  Lieutenant  Graydon 
was  the  result  of  a  very  grave  error  of  judgment.  Borrow 
had  no  personal  friends  among  the  Committee,  to  whom  the 
impetuous  zeal  of  Graydon  was  more  picturesque  than  the 
grave  and  deliberate  caution  of  Borrow.  The  Officials 
and  Committee  alike  saw  in  Graydon  the  ideal  Reformer, 
rushing  precipitately  towards  martyrdom,  exposing  Anti- 
Christ  as  he  ran.  Had  Borrow  been  content  to  allow 
others  to  plead  his  cause,  the  history  of  his  relations  with 
the  Bible  Society  would,  in  all  probability,  have  been 
different.  He  felt  himself  a  grievously  injured  man,  who  had 
suffered  from  what  he  considered  to  be  the  insane  antics 
of  another,  and  he  was  determined  that  Earl  Street  should 
know  it.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr  Brandram  does  not 
appear  to  have  understood  Borrow.  He  made  no  attempt 
to  humour  him,  to  praise  him  for  what  he  had  done  and 
the  way  in  which  he  had  done  it.  Praise  was  meat  and 
drink  to  Borrow;  it  compensated  him  for  what  he  had 
endured  and  encouraged  him  to  further  effort.  He 
hungered  for  it,  and  when  it  did  not  come  he  grew  dis- 
couraged and  thought  that  those  who  employed  him 
were  not  conscious  of  what  he  was  suffering.  Hence  the 
long  accounts  of  what  he  had  undergone  for  the  Gospel's 
sake. 


xx.]  AN  HONOURABLE  ASSOCIATION  327 

During  his  six  years  in  Spain  he  had  distributed  nearly 
5000  copies  of  the  New  Testament  and  500  Bibles,  also 
some  hundreds  of  the  Basque  and  Gypsy  Gospel  of  St 
Luke.  These  figures  seem  insignificant  beside  those  of 
Lieut.  Graydon,  who,  on  one  occasion,  sold  as  many  as 
1082  volumes  in  fourteen  days,  and  in  two  years  printed 
13,000  Testaments  and  3000  Bibles,  distributing  the  larger 
part  of  them.  During  the  year  1837  he  circulated  alto- 
gether between  five  and  six  thousand  books.  But  there 
was  no  comparison  between  the  work  of  the  two  men. 
Graydon  had  kept  to  the  towns  and  cities  on  the  south 
coast;  Borrow's  methods  were  different.  He  circulated 
his  books  largely  among  villages  and  hamlets,  where  the 
population  was  sparse  and  the  opportunities  of  distribution 
small.  He  had  gone  out  into  the  highways,  risking  his  life 
at  every  turn,  penetrating  into  bandit-infested  provinces  in 
the  throes  of  civil  war,  suffering  incredible  hardships  and 
fatigues  and  never  sparing  himself.  Both  men  were 
earnest  and  eager ;  but  the  Bible  Society  favoured  the 
wrong  man  —  at  least  for  its  purposes.  But  for  Lieut. 
Graydon,  Borrow  would  in  all  probability  have  gone  to 
China,  and  what  a  book  he  would  have  written,  at  least 
what  letters,  about  the  sealed  East ! 

Borrow,  however,  had  nothing  to  complain  of.  He  had 
found  occupation  when  he  badly  needed  it,  which  indirectly 
was  to  bring  him  fame.  He  had  been  well  paid  for  his 
services  (during  the  seven  years  of  his  employment  he  drew 
some  £2300  in  salary  and  expenses),  his  £200  a  year  and 
expenses  (in  Spain)  comparing  very  favourably  with  Mr 
Brandram's  £300  a  year. 

He  was  loyal  to  the  Bible  Society,  both  in  word  and 
thought.  He  honourably  kept  to  himself  the  story  of  the 
Graydon  dispute.  He  spoke  of  the  Society  with  enthu- 
siasm, exclaiming,  "  Oh  !  the  blood  glows  in  his  veins !  oh  ! 
the  marrow  awakes  in  his  old  bones  when  he  thinks  of 
what  he  accomplished  in  Spain  in  the  cause  of  religion 
and  civilisation  with  the  colours  of  that  society  in  his 


328  DEPARTURE  FROM  SPAIN  [1840 

hat." 1     In  spite  of  the  misunderstandings  and  the  rebukes 
he  could  write  fourteen  years  later  that  he  "  bade  it  adieu 
with  feelings  of  love  and  admiration."2     He  "had  done 
with  Spain  for  ever,  after  doing  for  her  all  that  lay  in  the 
power  of  a  lone  man,  who  had  never  in  this  world  anything 
to  depend  upon,  but  God  and  his  own  slight  strength."3 
In  the  preface  to  The  Bible  in  Spain  he  pays  a  handsome 
tribute  to   both   Rule   and    Graydon,  thus   showing   that 
although  he  was  a  good  hater,  he  could  be  magnanimous. 
It    has    been    stated    that,   during   a   portion   of    his 
association  with   the    Bible    Society,  Borrow   acted   as   a 
foreign  correspondent  for  The  Morning  Herald.     Dr  Knapp 
has  very  satisfactorily  disproved  the  statement,  which  the 
Rev.  Wentworth  Webster  received  from  the  Marques  de 
Santa  Coloma.      Either  the  Marques  or  Mr  Webster  is 
responsible  for  the  statement  that  Borrow  was  wrecked, 
instead  of  nearly  wrecked,  off  Cape  Finisterre.     As  the 
Marques  was  a  passenger  on  the  boat,  the  mistake  must 
be  ascribed  to  Mr  Webster.     The  further  statement  that 
Borrow  was    imprisoned    at   Pamplona    by   Quesada    is 
scarcely  more  credible  than  that  about  the  wreck.     His 
imprisonment  could    not  very  well  have  taken  place,  as 
stated,  in  1837-9,  because  General  Quesada  was  killed  in 
1836.      Mention    is  made   of  this    foreign   correspondent 
rumour  only  because  it  has  been  printed  and  reprinted. 
It    may   be   that   Borrow   was   imprisoned   at    Pamplona 
during    the    "  Veiled    Period " ;    there    is    certainly    one 
imprisonment    (according     to    his    own    statement)    un- 
accounted   for.     It   is   curious  how  the  fact  first  became 
impressed  upon  the  Marques'  mind,  unless  he  had  heard 
it  from  Borrow.     It  is  quite  likely  that  he  confused  the 
date. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  identify  the  two  men  whom 
Borrow  describes  in  Lavengro  as  being  at  the  offices 
of  the  Bible  Society  in  Earl  Street,  when  he  sought  to 

1   The  Romany  Rye,  page  312.  2  Ibid.)  page  313. 

3  Wild  Welles^  page  289. 


xx.]  TWO  WORTHIES  329 

exchange  for  a  Bible  the  old  Apple-woman's  copy  of 
Moll  Flanders.  "  One  was  dressed  in  brown,"  he  writes, 
"  and  the  other  was  dressed  in  black  ;  both  were  tall  men — 
he  who  was  dressed  in  brown  was  thin,  and  had  a  particu- 
larly ill-natured  countenance ;  the  man  dressed  in  black 
was  bulky,  his  features  were  noble,  but  they  were  those 
of  a  lion." x  Again,  in  The  Romany  Rye,  he  makes  the 
man  in  black  say  with  reference  to  the  Bible  Society : — 
"  There  is  one  fellow  amongst  them  for  whom  we  enter- 
tain a  particular  aversion :  a  big,  burly  parson,  with  the 
face  of  a  lion,  the  voice  of  a  buffalo,  and  a  fist  like  a 
sledge-hammer."2  Who  these  two  worthies  were  it  is 
impossible  to  say  with  any  degree  of  certainty.  Caroline 
Fox  describes  Andrew  Brandram  no  further  than  that  he 
"  appeared  before  us  once  more  with  his  shaggy  eyebrows."  3 
Mr  Brandram  was  not  thin  and  his  countenance  was  not 
ill-natured. 

1  Lavengro,  page  261.  2  The  Romany  Rye,  page  22. 

3  The  Journals  of  Caroline  Fox. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

MAY    1840— MARCH    1841 

"GNARLY  in  May,  Borrow,  his  wife  and  step-daughter 
*-'  left  London  to  take  up  their  residence  at  Oulton,  in 
Suffolk.  After  years  of  wandering  and  vagabondage  he 
was  to  settle  down  as  a  landed  proprietor.  His  income, 
or  rather  his  wife's,  amounted  to  £450  per  annum,  and  he 
must  have  saved  a  considerable  sum  out  of  the  £2300  he 
had  drawn  from  the  Bible  Society,  as  his  mother  appears 
to  have  regarded  the  amounts  he  had  sent  to  her  as  held 
in  trust.  He  was  therefore  able  to  instal  himself,  Sidi 
Habismilk  and  the  Jew  of  Fez  upon  his  wife's  small 
estate,  with  every  prospect  of  enjoying  a  period  of  comfort 
and  rest  after  his  many  years  of  wandering  and  adventure. 
Oulton  Cottage  was  ideally  situated  on  the  margin  of 
the  Broad.  It  was  a  one-storied  building,  with  a  dormer- 
attic  above,  hanging  "  over  a  lonely  lake  covered  with 
wild  fowl,  and  girt  with  dark  firs,  through  which  the  wind 
sighs  sadly.1  A  regular  Patmos,  an  ultima  Thule ;  placed 
in  an  angle  of  the  most  unvisited,  out-of-the-way  portion 
of  England."  2  A  few  yards  from  the  water's  edge  stood 
the  famous  octagonal  Summer-house  that  Borrow  made 
his  study.  Here  he  kept  his  books,  a  veritable  "  polyglot 
gentleman's"  library,  consisting  of  such  literary  "tools"  as 
a  Lav-engro  might  be  expected  to  possess.  There  were 

1  The  Letters  of  Richard  Ford,  1797-1858.— Edited,  R.  E.  Prothero, 
M.V.O.,  1905. 

2  Ibid. 

330 


xxi.]       THE  OCTAGONAL  SUMMER-HOUSE        331 

also  books  of  travel  and  adventure,  some  chairs,  a  lounge 
and  a  table ;  whilst  behind  the  door  hung  the  sword  and 
regimental  coat  of  the  sleeping  warrior  to  whom  his 
younger  son  had  been  an  affliction  of  the  spirit,  because 
his  mind  pursued  paths  that  appeared  so  strangely 
perilous. 

Here  in  this  Summer-house  Borrow  wrote  his  books. 
Here  when  "  sickness  was  in  the  land,  and  the  face  of 
nature  was  overcast — heavy  rain-clouds  swam  in  the 
heavens — the  blast  howled  amid  the  pines  which  nearly 
surround  the  lonely  dwelling,  and  the  waters  of  the  lake 
which  lies  before  it,  so  quiet  in  general  and  tranquil,  were 
fearfully  agitated,"  Borrow  shouted,  " '  Bring  lights  hither, 
O  Hayim  Ben  Attar,  son  of  the  miracle ! '  And  the  Jew 
of  Fez  brought  in  the  lights," 1  and  his  master  commenced 
writing  a  book  that  was  to  make  him  famous..  When 
tired  of  writing,  he  would  sometimes  sing  "  strange  words 
in  a  stentorian  voice,  while  passers-by  on  the  lake  would 
stop  to  listen  with  astonishment  and  curiosity  to  the 
singular  sounds." 2 

Life  at  Oulton  Cottage  was  delightfully  simple. 
Borrow  was  a  good  host.  "  I  am  rather  hospitable  than 
otherwise,"3  he  wrote,  and  thoroughly  disliked  anything  in 
the  nature  of  meanness.  There  wras  always  a  bottle  of 
wine  of  a  rare  vintage  for  the  honoured  guest.  Some- 
times the  host  himself  would  hasten  away  to  the  little 
Summer-house  by  the  side  of  the  Broad  to  muse,  his 
eyes  fixed  upon  the  military  coat  and  sword,  or  to  scribble 
upon  scraps  of  paper  that,  later,  were  to  be  transcribed  by 
Mrs  Borrow.  Borrow  would  spend  his  evenings  with  his 
wife  and  Henrietta,  generally  in  reading  until  bedtime. 

In  the  Norwich  days  Borrow  had  formed  an  acquaint- 
ance with  another  articled-clerk  named  Harvey  (probably 

1  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  xiv. 

2  Elizabeth]    H[arveyJ   in    The  Eastern   Daily   Press,    1st   Oct. 
1892. 

3  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  238. 


332  LIFE  AT  OULTON  COTTAGE  [1840 

one  of  his  colleagues  at  Tuck's  Court).  They  had  kindred 
tastes,  in  particular  a  love  of  the  open  air  and  vigorous 
exercise.  After  settling  at  Oulton,  the  Borrows  and  the 
Harveys  (then  living  at  Bury  St  Edmunds)  became  very 
intimate,  and  frequently  visited  each  other.  Elizabeth 
Harvey,  the  daughter  of  Borrow's  contemporary,  has  given 
an  extremely  interesting  account  of  the  home  life  of  the 
Borrows.  She  has  described  how  sometimes  Borrow 
would  sing  one  of  his  Romany  songs, "  shake  his  fist  at  me 
and  look  quite  wild.  Then  he  would  ask :  c  Aren't  you 
afraid  of  me  ? '  '  No,  not  at  all,1  I  would  say.  Then  he 
would  look  just  as  gentle  and  kind,  and  say, '  God  bless 
you,  I  would  not  hurt  a  hair  of  your  head.' " 1 

Miss  Harvey  has  also  given  us  many  glimpses  into 
Borrow's  character.  "  He  was  very  fond  of  ghost  stories," 
she  writes,  "and  believed  in  the  supernatural."-  He 
enjoyed  music  of  a  lively  description,  one  of  his  favourite 
compositions  being  the  well-known  "  Redowa "  polka, 
which  he  would  frequently  ask  to  have  played  to  him 
again. 

As  an  eater  Borrow  was  very  moderate,  he  "  took  very 
little  breakfast  but  ate  a  very  great  quantity  of  dinner, 
and  then  had  only  a  draught  of  cold  water  before  going  to 
bed.  .  .  .  He  was  very  temperate  and  would  eat  what  was 
set  before  him,  often  not  thinking  of  what  he  was  doing, 
and  he  never  refused  what  was  offered  him."3  On  one 
occasion  when  he  was  dining  with  the  Harveys,  young 
Harvey,  seeing  Borrow  engrossed  in  telling  of  his  travels, 
handed  him  dish  after  dish  in  rapid  succession,  from  all  of 
which  he  helped  himself,  entirely  unconscious  of  what  he 
was  doing.  Finally  his  plate  was  full  to  overflowing,  per- 
ceiving which  he  became  very  angry,  and  it  was  some 
time  before  he  could  be  appeased.  A  practical  joke 
made  no  appeal  to  him.4 

Elizabeth  Harvey  also  tells  how,  when  a  cousin  of  hers 

1  Elizabeth]  H[arvey]  in  The  Eastern  Daily  Press,  ist  Oct.  1892. 
2  Ibid.  3  Ibid.  4  Ibid. 


XXL]  LIFE  AT  OULTON  COTTAGE  333 

was  staying  at  Cromer,  the  landlady  went  to  her  one  day 
and  said,  "  O,  Miss,  there's  such  a  curious  gentleman  been. 
I  don't  know  what  to  think  of  him,  1  asked  him  what  he 
would  like  for  dinner,  and  he  said,  '  Give  me  a  piece  of 
flesh.'  "  "  What  sort  of  gentleman  was  it  ?  "  enquired 
the  cousin,  and  on  hearing  the  description  recognised 
George  Borrow,  and  explained  that  the  strange  visitor 
merely  wanted  a  rump  -  steak,  a  favourite  dish  with 
him. 

As  he  did  not  shoot  or  hunt,  he  obtained  exercise 
either  by  riding  or  walking.  At  times  "  he  suffered  from 
sleeplessness,  when  he  would  get  up  and  walk  to  Norwich 
(25  miles)  and  return  the  next  night  recovered " ; x  yet 
Borrow  has  said  that  "he  always  had  the  health  of  an 
elephant." 

He  was  proud  of  the  Church  and  took  great  pleasure 
in  showing  to  his  friends  the  brasses  it  contained,  including 
one  bearing  an  effigy  of  Sir  John  Fastolf,  whom  he  con- 
sidered to  be  the  original  of  Falstaff.  He  was  also  "  very 
fond  of  his  trees.  He  quite  fretted  if  by  some  mischance 
he  lost  one."2 

His  methods  with  the  country  people  round  Oulton 
were  calculated  to  earn  for  him  a  reputation  for  queerness. 
"  Curiosity  is  the  leading  feature  of  my  character " 3  he 
confessed,  and  the  East  Anglian  looks  upon  curiosity  in 
others  with  marked  suspicion.  It  was  impossible  for 
Borrow  to  walk  far  without  getting  into  conversation  with 
someone  or  other.  He  delighted  in  getting  people  to  tell 
their  histories  and  experiences;  "when  they  used  some 
word  peculiar  to  Norfolk  (or  Suffolk)  country  men,  he 
would  say  *  Why,  that's  a  Danish  word.'  By  and  bye  the 
man  would  use  another  peculiar  expression,  *  Why,  that's 
Saxon  ' ;  a  little  further  on  another,  *  Why,  that's  French.' 
And  he  would  add, '  Why,  what  a  wonderful  man  you  are 
to  speak  so  many  languages.'  One  man  got  very  angry, 

1  Elizabeth]  H[arvey]  in  The  Eastern  Daily  Press,  1st  Oct.  1892. 

2  Ibid.  3  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  41. 


334  LIFE  AT  OULTON  COTTAGE  [1840 

but  Mr  Borrow  was  quite  unconscious  that  he  had  given 
any  offence."  1 

He  took  pleasure  in  puzzling  people  about  languages. 
Elizabeth  Harvey  tells2  how  he  once  put  a  book  before 
her  telling  her  to  read  it,  and  on  her  saying  she  could  not, 
he  replied,  "  You  ought ;  it's  your  own  language."  The 
volume  was  written  in  Saxon.  Yet  for  all  this  he  hated 
to  hear  foreign  words  introduced  into  conversation.  When 
he  heard  such  adulterations  of  the  English  language  he 
would  exclaim  jocosely,  "  What's  that,  trying  to  come  over 
me  with  strange  languages  ?  "  3 

Borrow's  first  thoughts  on  settling  down  were  of 
literature.  He  had  material  for  several  books,  as  he  had 
informed  Mr  Brandram.  Putting  aside,  at  least  for  the 
present,  the  translations  of  the  ballads  and  songs,  he 
devoted  himself  to  preparing  for  the  press  a  book  upon 
the  Spanish  Gypsies.  During  the  five  years  spent  in 
Spain  he  had  gathered  together  much  material.  He  had 
made  notes  in  queer  places  under  strange  and  curious 
conditions,  "  in  moments  snatched  from  more  important 
pursuits — chiefly  in  ventas  and  posadds  "  4 — whilst  engaged 
in  distributing  the  Gospel.  It  was  a  book  of  facts  that  he 
meant  to  write,  not  theories,  and  if  he  sometimes  fostered 
error,  it  was  because  at  the  moment  it  was  his  conception 
of  truth.  Very  little  remained  to  do  to  the  manuscript. 
Mrs.  Borrow  had  performed  her  share  of  the  work  in 
making  a  fair  copy  for  the  printer.  Borrow's  subsequent 
remark  that  the  manuscript  "was  written  by  a  country 
amanuensis  and  probably  contains  many  ridiculous  errata," 
was  scarcely  gracious  to  the  wife,  who  seems  to  have  com- 

1  Eflizabeth]  H[arvey]  in  The  Eastern  Daily  Press,  ist  Oct.  1892. 

2  In  The  Eastern  Daily  Press,  ist  Oct.  1892.     She  also  tells  how 
"at  the  Exhibition  in  1851,  whither  we  went  with  his  step-daughter, 
he  spoke  to  the  different  foreigners  in  their  own  languages,  until  his 
daughter  saw  some  of  them  whispering  together  and  looking  as  if 
they  thought  he  was  *  uncanny,'  and  she  became  alarmed,  and  drew 
him  away." 

3  Ibid.  4  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  vii. 


XXL]          BORROW  MEETS  JOHN  MURRAY          335 

prehended  so  well  the  first  principle  of  wifely  duty  to  an 
illustrious  and,  it  must  be  admitted,  autocratic  genius — 
viz.,  self-extinction. 

"  No  man  could  endure  a  clever  wife,"  Borrow  once 
confided  to  the  unsympathetic  ear  of  Frances  Power 
Cobbe  ;  but  he  had  married  one  nevertheless.  No  woman 
whose  cleverness  had  not  reached  the  point  of  inspiration 
could  have  lived  in  intimate  association  with  so  capricious 
and  masterful  a  man  as  George  Borrow.  John  Hasfeldt, 
in  sending  his  congratulations,  had  seemed  to  suggest  that 
Borrow  was  one  of  those  abstruse  works  of  nature  that 
require  close  and  constant  study.  "When  your  wife 
thoroughly  knows  you,"  he  wrote,  "she  will  smooth  the 
wrinkles  on  your  brow  and  you  will  be  so  cheerful  and 
happy  that  your  grey  hair  will  turn  black  again." 

"  In  November  1840  a  tall  athletic  gentleman  in  black 
called  upon  Mr  Murray,  offering  a  manuscript  for  perusal 
and  publication." l  Fifteen  years  before,  the  same  "  tall 
athletic  gentleman  "  had  called  a  dozen  times  at  5oa  Albe- 
marle  Street  with  translations  of  Northern  and  Welsh 
ballads,  but  "never  could  see  Glorious  John."  Borrow 
had  determined  to  make  another  attempt  to  see  John 
Murray,  and  this  time  he  was  successful.  He  submitted 
the  manuscript  of  The  Zincali,  which  Murray  sent  to 
Richard  Ford  2  that  he  might  pronounce  upon  it  and  its 
possibilities.  "  I  have  made  acquaintance,"  Ford  wrote  to 
H.  U.  Addington,  I4th  Jan.  1841,  "with  an  extraordinary 
fellow,  George  Borrow,  who  went  out  to  Spain  to  convert 
the  gypsies.  He  is  about  to  publish  his  failure,  and  a 
curious  book  it  will  be.  It  was  submitted  to  my  perusal 
by  the  hesitating  Murray." 3  On  Ford's  advice  the  book 

1  A  Publisher  and  His  Friends.     Samuel  Smiles. 

2  Richard   Ford,   1796-1858.     Critic  and  author.     Spent  several 
years  in   touring  about   Spain   on  horseback.     Published  in    1845, 
Hand-Book  for  Travellers  in  Spain.     Contributed  to  the  Edinburgh, 
Quarterly,  and  Westminster  Reviews  from  1837. 

3  The  Letters  of  Richard  Ford,  1797-1858.     Ed.  R.  E.  Prothero, 
M.V.O.,  1905. 


336  LIFE  AT  OULTON  COTTAGE  [1841 

was  accepted  for  publication,  it  being  arranged  that  author 
and  publisher  should  share  the  profits  equally  between 
them. 

On  i /th  April  1841  there  appeared  in  two  volumes 
The  Zincali;^  or,  An  Account  of  the  Gypsies  in  Spain. 
With  an  original  Collection  of  their  Songs  and  Poetry,  and 
a  copious  Dictionary  of  their  Language.  By  George  Borrow, 
late  Agent  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  in 
Spain.  It  was  dedicated  to  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  G.C.B. 
(Sir  George  Villiers),  in  "  remembrance  of  the  many 
obligations  under  which  your  Lordship  has  placed  me,  by 
your  energetic  and  effectual  interference  in  time  of  need." 
The  first  edition. of  750  copies  sufficed  to  meet  the  demand 
of  two  years.  Ford,  however,  wrote  to  Murray :  "  The 
book  has  created  a  great  sensation  far  and  wide.  I  was 
sure  it  would,  and  I  hope  you  think  that  when  I  read  the 
MS.  my  opinion  and  advice  were  sound." 2 

The  Zincali  had  been  begun  at  Badajos  with  the 
Romany  songs  or  rhymes  copied  down  as  recited  by 
his  gypsy  friends.  To  these  he  had  subsequently  added, 
being  assisted  by  a  French  courier,  Juan  Antonio  Bailly, 
who  translated  the  songs  into  Spanish.  These  trans- 
lations were  originally  intended  to  be  published  in 
a  separate  work,  as  was  the  Vocabulary,  which  forms 
part  of  The  Zincali.  Had  Borrow  sought  to  make  two 
separate  works  of  the  "  Songs  "  and  "  Vocabulary,"  there 
is  very  considerable  doubt  if  they  would  have  fared  any 
better  than  the  everlasting  Ab  Gwilym  ;  but  either  with 
inspiration,  or  acting  on  some  one's  wise  counsel,  he 
determined  to  subordinate  them  to  an  account  of  the 
Spanish  Gypsies. 

As  a  piece  of  bookmaking  The  Zincali  is  by  no  means 
notable.  Borrow  himself  refers  to  it  (page  354)  as  "this 

1  Dr.  Knapp  points  out  that  the  title  is  inaccurate,  there  being  no 
such  word  as  "  Zincali."     It  should  be  "  ZincaleV' 

2  The  Letters  of  Richard  Ford,  1797-1858.     Ed.  R.  E.  Prothero, 
M.V.O.,  1905. 


RICHARD   FORD 

(From  the  painting  by  Antonio  Chatelain). 


[  To  /ace  page  336. 


XXL]  BORROW  AND  THE  GYPSIES  337 

strange  wandering  book  of  mine."  In  construction  it 
savours  rather  of  the  method  by  which  it  was  originally 
inspired ;  but  for  all  that  it  is  fascinating  reading, 
saturated  with  the  atmosphere  of  vagabondage  and  the 
gypsy  encampment.  It  was  not  necessarily  a  book  for  the 
scholar  and  the  philologist,  many  of  whom  scorned  it  on 
account  of  its  rather  obvious  carelessnesses  and  inac- 
curacies. Borrow  was  not  a  writer  of  academic  books.  He 
lacked  the  instinct  for  research  which  alone  insures 
accuracy. 

It  was  particularly  appropriate  that  Sorrow's  first  book 
should  be  about  the  Gypsies,  who  had  always  exercised  so 
strange  an  attraction  for  him  that  he  could  not  remember 
the  time  "  when  the  very  name  of  Gypsy  did  not  awaken 
within  me  feelings  hard  to  be  described." l  His  was  not 
merely  an  interest  in  their  strange  language,  their  tradi- 
tions, their  folk-lore ;  it  was  something  nearer  and  closer 
to  the  people  themselves.  They  excited  his  curiosity,  he 
envied  their  mode  of  life,  admired  their  clannishness, 
delighted  in  their  primitive  customs.  Their  persistence  in 
warring  against  the  gentile  appealed  strongly  to  his 
instinctive  hatred  of  "gentility  nonsense";  and  perhaps 
more  than  anything  else,  he  envied  them  the  stars  and 
the  sun  and  the  wind  on  the  heath. 

"  Romany  matters  have  always  had  a  peculiar  interest 
for  me,"2  he  affirms  over  and  over  again  in  different 
words,  and  he  never  lost  an  opportunity  of  joining  a  party 
of  gypsies  round  their  camp-fire.  His  knowledge  of  the 
Romany  people  was  not  acquired  from  books.  Apparently 
he  had  read  very  few  of  the  many  works  dealing  with  the 
mysterious  race  he  had  singled  out  for  his  particular 
attention.  With  characteristic  assurance  he  makes  the 

1  The   Gypsies   of  Spain,   page    I.     As   the  current  edition   of 
The  Zincali  has  been   retitled  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  reference  is 
made  to  it  throughout  this  work  under  that  title  and  to  the  latest 
edition. 

2  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  32. 

Y 


338  LIFE  AT  OULTON  COTTAGE  [1841 

sweeping  assertion  that  "  all  the  books  which  have  been 
published  concerning  them  [the  Gypsies]  have  been 
written  by  those  who  have  introduced  themselves  into 
their  society  for  a  few  hours,  and  from  what  they  have 
seen  or  heard  consider  themselves  competent  to  give  the 
world  an  idea  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
mysterious  Romany."1 

His  attitude  towards  the  race  is  curious.  He  recog- 
nised the  Gypsies  as  liars,  rogues,  cheats,  vagabonds,  in 
short  as  the  incarnation  of  all  the  vices ;  yet  their 
fascination  for  him  in  no  way  diminished.  He  could  mix 
with  them,  as  with  other  vagabonds,  and  not  become 
harmed  by  their  broad  views  upon  personal  property,  or 
their  hundred  and  one  tricks  and  dishonesties.  He  was 
a  changed  man  when  in  their  company,  losing  all  that 
constraint  that  marked  his  intercourse  with  people  of  his 
own  class. 

He  had  laboured  hard  to  bring  the  light  of  the  Gospel 
into  their  lives.  He  made  them  translate  for  him  the 
Scriptures  into  their  tongue ;  but  it  was  the  novelty  of  the 
situation,  aided  by  the  glass  of  Malaga  wine  he  gave  them, 
not  the  beauty  of  the  Gospel  of  St  Luke,  that  aroused  their 
interest  and  enthusiasm.  To  this,  Borrow's  own  eyes  were 
open.  "  They  listened  with  admiration,"  he  says  ;  "  but, 
alas !  not  of  the  truths,  the  eternal  truths,  I  was  telling 
them,  but  to  find  that  their  broken  jargon  could  be  written 
and  read." 2 

On  one  occasion,  having  refused  to  one  of  his  congrega- 
tion the  loan  of  two  barias  (ounces  of  gold),  he  proceeded 
to  read  to  the  whole  assembly  instead  the  Lord's  Prayer 
and  the  Apostle's  Creed  in  Romany.  Happening  to 
glance  up,  he  found  not  a  gypsy  in  the  room,  but  squinted, 
"  the  Gypsy  fellow,  the  contriver  of  the  jest,  squinted  worst 
of  all.  Such  are  Gypsies." 3 

It  was   indeed    the    novelty   that   appealed    to   them. 

1  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  81.  2  Ibid.^  page  186. 

3  Ibid.)  page  283. 


JOHN  MURRAY  THE  SECOND. 
The  ' '  Glorious  John  "  of  Lavengro. 

(From  a  portrait  by  H.  W.  Pickersgill,  R.A.,  in  the  possession  of  Mr  Murray). 

[To  face  page  338. 


XXL]  "THE  WHITE-HEADED  ROMANY  RYE*   339 

They  greeted  with  a  shout  of  exultation  the  reading 
aloud  a  translation  that  they  themselves  had  dictated ;  but 
they  remained  unmoved  by  the  Christian  teaching  it 
contained.  For  all  these  discouragements  Borrow  per- 
sisted, and  perhaps  none  of  his  efforts  in  Spain  produced 
less  result  than  this  "  attempt  to  enlighten  the  minds  of 
the  Gitanos  on  the  subject  of  religion." 1 

If  the  Gypsies  were  all  that  is  evil,  judged  by  conven- 
tional standards,  they  at  least  loyally  stood  by  each  other 
in  the  face  of  a  common  foe.  Borrow  knew  Ambrose 
Petulengro  to  be  a  liar,  a  thief,  in  fact  most  things  that 
it  is  desirable  a  man  should  not  be ;  yet  he  was  equally 
sure  that  under  no  circumstances  would  he  forsake  a 
friend  to  whom  he  stood  pledged.  There  seems  to  be 
little  doubt  that  Borrow's  fame  with  the  Gypsies  spread 
throughout  England  and  the  Continent.  "  Everybody  as 
ever  see'd  the  white-headed  Romany  Rye  never  forgot 
him." 

Borrow  was  by  no  means  the  first  Romany  Rye.  From 
Andrew  Boorde  (i5th-i6th  Century)  down  the  centuries 
they  are  to  be  found,  even  to  our  day,  in  the  persons  of 
Mr  Theodore  Watts-Dunton  and  Mr  John  Sampson ;  but 
Borrow  was  the  first  to  bring  the  cult  of  Gypsyism  into 
popularity.  Before  he  wrote,  the  general  view  of  Gypsies 
was  that  they  were  uncomfortable  people  who  robbed  the 
clothes-lines  and  hen-roosts,  told  fortunes  and  incidentally 
intimidated  the  housewife  if  unprotected  by  man  or  dog. 
Borrow  changed  all  this.  The  suspicion  remained,  so 
strongly  in  fact  that  he  himself  was  looked  at  askance  for 
consorting  with  such  vagabonds ;  but  with  the  suspicion 
was  more  than  a  spice  of  interest,  and  the  Gypsies  became 
epitomised  and  immortalised  in  the  person  of  Jasper 
Petulengro.  Borrow's  Gypsyism  was  as  unscientific  as  his 
"  philology."  Their  language,  their  origin  he  commented 
on  without  first  acquainting  himself  with  the  literature 
that  had  gathered  round  their  name.  Francis  Hindes 
1  The  Gypsies  of  Spain^  page  274. 


340  LIFE  AT  OULTON  COTTAGE  [1841 

Groome,   "that  perfect  scholar-gypsy  and  gypsy-scholar," 
wrote : — 

"  The  meagreness  of  his  knowledge  of  the  Anglo-Gypsy 
dialect  came  out  in  his  Word  Book  of  the  Romany  (1874)  ; 
there  must  have  been  over  a  dozen  Englishmen  who  have 
known  it  far  better  than  he.  For  his  Spanish-Gypsy 
vocabulary  in  The  Zincaii  he  certainly  drew  largely  either 
on  Richard  Bright's  Travels  through  Lower  Hungary  or  on 
Bright's  Spanish  authority,  whatever  that  may  have  been. 
His  knowlege  of  the  strange  history  of  the  Gypsies  was 
very  elementary,  of  their  manners  almost  more  so,  and  of 
their  folk-lore  practically  nil.  And  yet  I  would  put 
George  Borrow  above  every  other  writer  on  the  Gypsies. 
In  Lavengro  and,  to  a  less  degree,  in  its  sequel,  The 
Romany  Rye,  he  communicates  a  subtle  insight  into 
Gypsydom  that  is  totally  wanting  in  the  works — mainly 
philological — of  Pott,  Liebich,  Paspati,  Miklosich,  and  their 
confreres."1 

Groome  was  by  no  means  partial  to  Borrow,  as  a 
matter  of  fact  he  openly  taxed  him  2  with  drawing  upon 
Bright's  Travels  in  Hungary  (Edinburgh  1819)  for  the 
Spanish-Romany  Vocabulary,  and  was  strong  in  his 
denunciation  of  him  as  a  poseur. 

Borrow  scorned  book-learning.  Writing  to  John 
Murray,  Junr.  (2ist  Jan.  1843),  about  The  Bible  in  Spain, 
he  says,  "  I  was  conscious  that  there  was  vitality  in  the 
book  and  knew  that  it  must  sell.  I  read  nothing  and  drew 
entirely  from  my  own  well.  I  have  long  been  tired  of 
books ;  I  have  had  enough  of  them,"  3  he  wrote  later,  and 
this,  taken  in  conjunction  with  another  sentence,  viz., 
"  My  favourite,  I  might  say  my  only  study,  is  man," 4 
explains  not  only  Borrow's  Gypsyism,  but  also  his 
casual  philology.  Languages  he  mostly  learned  that 
he  might  know  men.  In  youth  he  read — he  had  to  do 
something  during  the  long  office  hours,  and  he  read 

1  Introduction  to  Lavengro.     The  Little  Library,  Methuen,  2  vols., 
I,  xxiii.-xxiv.    C.  G.  Leland  expressed  himself  to  the  same  effect. 

2  Academy,  I3th  Jjpiy  1874.  3  Wild  Wales,  page  186. 
4  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  64. 


XXL]  PHILOLOGY  AND  HORSES  341 

Danish  and  Welsh  literature ;  but  he  did  not  trouble 
himself  much  with  the  literary  wealth  of  other  countries, 
beyond  dipping  into  it.  He  had  a  brain  of  his  own, 
and  preferred  to  form  theories  from  the  knowledge  he  had 
acquired  first  hand,  a  most  excellent  thing  for  a  man  of 
the  nature  of  George  Borrow,  but  scarcely  calculated  to 
advance  learning.  He  hated  anything  academic. 

"  I  cannot  help  thinking,"  he  wrote,  "  that  it  was 
fortunate  for  myself,  who  am,  to  a  certain  extent,  a 
philologist,  that  with  me  the  pursuit  of  languages  has 
been  always  modified  by  the  love  of  horses.  ...  I  might, 
otherwise,  have  become  a  mere  philologist ;  one  of  those 
beings  who  toil  night  and  day  in  culling  useless  words  for 
some  opus  magnum  which  Murray  will  never  publish  and 
nobody  ever  read — beings  without  enthusiasm,  who, 
having  never  mounted  a  generous  steed,  cannot  detect  a 
good  point  in  Pegasus  himself." 1 

This  quotation  clearly  explains  Borrow's  attitude 
towards  philology.  As  he  told  the  hnigrt  priest,  he  hoped 
to  become  something  more  than  a  philologist. 

There  was  nothing  in  the  sale  of  The  Zincali  to 
encourage  Borrow  to  proceed  with  the  other  books  he  had 
partially  prepared.  Nearly  seven  weeks  after  publication, 
scarcely  three  hundred  copies  had  been  sold.  In  the 
spring  of  the  following  year  (i8th  March)  John  Murray 
wrote  :  "  The  sale  of  the  book  has  not  amounted  to  much 
since  the  first  publication ;  but  in  recompense  for  this  the 
Yankees  have  printed  two  editions,  one  for  twenty  pence 
complete"  As  Borrow  did  not  benefit  from  the  sale  of 
American  editions,  the  news  was  not  quite  so  comforting 
as  it  would  have  been  had  it  referred  to  the  English  issue. 
1  Lavengro,  page  81. 


CHAPTER   XXII 

APRIL    1841 — MARCH    1844 

TOURING  his  wanderings  in  Portugal  and  Spain 
-*^  Borrow  had  carried  out  his  intention  of  keeping  a 
journal,  from  which  on  several  occasions  he  sent  transcrip- 
tions to  Earl  Street  instead  of  recapitulating  in  his  letters 
the  adventures  that  befell  him.  Many  of  his  letters  went 
astray,  which  is  not  strange  considering  the  state  of  the 
country.  The  letters  and  reports  that  Borrow  wrote  to 
the  Bible  Society,  which  still  exist,  may  be  roughly 
divided  as  follows  : — 

From   his  introduction   until  the  end 

of  the  Russian  expedition  .  .     17.50 

Used  for  The  Bible  in  Spain  .  .     30.00 

Others  written  during  the  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  periods  and  not  used 
for  The  Bible  in  Spain  .  .  52.50 


IOO.OQ 

Thirty  per  cent,  of  the  whole  number  of  the  letters 
was  all  that  Borrow  used  for  The  Bible  in  Spain.  In 
addition  he  had  his  Journal,  and  from  these  two  sources 
he  obtained  all  the  material  he  required  for  the  book 
that  was  to  electrify  the  religious  reading-public  and  make 
famous  its  writer. 

Between  Borrow  and  Ford  a  warm  friendship  had 
sprung  up,  and  many  letters  passed  between  them.  Ford, 
who  was  busily  engaged  upon  his  Hand-Book,  sought 

342 


XXIL]  RICHARD  FORD'S  CRITICISMS  343 

Borrow's  advice  upon  a  number  of  points,  in  particular 
about  Gypsy  matters.  There  was  something  of  the  same 
atmosphere  in  his  letters  as  in  those  of  John  Hasfeldt : 
a  frank,  affectionate  interest  in  Borrow  and  what  affected 
him  that  it  was  impossible  to  resent.  "  How  I  wish  you 
had  given  us  more  about  yourself,"  he  wrote  to  Borrow 
apropos  of  The  Zincali,  "  instead  of  the  extracts  from 
those  blunder-headed  old  Spaniards,  who  knew  nothing 
about  Gypsies !  I  shall  give  you  ...  a  hint  to 
publish  your  whole  adventures  for  the  last  twenty  years." 
But  Hayim  Ben-Attar,  son  of  the  miracle,  had  already 
brought  lights,  and  The  Bible  in  Spain  had  been  begun. 

Ford's  counsel  was  invariably  sound  and  sane.  He 
advised  El  Gitano,  as  he  sometimes  called  Borrow, 
"to  avoid  Spanish  historians  and  poetry  like  Prussic 
acid ;  to  stick  to  himself,  his  biography  and  queer 
adventures," x  to  all  of  which  Borrow  promised  obedience. 
Ford  wrote  to  Borrow  (Feb.  1841)  suggesting  that  The 
Bible  in  Spain  should  be  what  it  actually  was.  "  I  am 
delighted  to  hear,"  he  wrote,  "  that  you  meditate  giving 
us  your  travels  in  Spain.  The  more  odd  personal 
adventures  the  better,  and  still  more  so  if  dramatic ;  that 
is,  giving  the  exact  conversations." 

In  June  1841  Borrow  received  from  Earl  Street  the 
originals  of  his  letters  to  the  Bible  Society,  and  when  he  was 
eventually  called  upon  to  return  them  he  retained  a  number, 
either  through  carelessness  or  by  desiga  It  was  evidently 
understood  that  there  should  be  no  reference  to  any  con- 
tentious matters.  Borrow  set  to  work  with  the  aid  of  his 
"  Country  Amanuensis  "  to  transcribe  such  portions  of  the 
correspondence  as  he  required.  The  work  proceeded  slowly. 

"  I  still  scribble  occasionally  for  want  of  something 
better  to  do,"  he  informs  John  Murray,  Junr.  (23rd  Aug. 
1841),  and  continues:  "...  A  queer  book  will  be  this 
same  Bible  in  Spain,  containing  all  my  queer  adventures 

1  Ford  to  John  Murray.  The  Letters  of  Richard  Ford,  1797-1858. 
Ed.  R.  E.  Prothero,  M.V.O.,  1905. 


344  THE  BIBLE  IN  SPAIN  APPEARS          [1842 

in  that  queer  country  whilst  engaged  in  distributing  the 
Gospel,  but  neither  learning,  nor  disquisitions,  fine 
writing,  or  poetry.  A  book  with  such  a  title  and  of 
this  description  can  scarcely  fail  of  success." 

Through  a  dreary  summer  and  autumn  he  wrote  on, 
complaining  that  there  was  "  scarcely  a  gleam  of  sunshine." 
Remote  from  the  world  "  with  not  the  least  idea  of  what 
is  going  on  save  in  my  immediate  neighbourhood,"  he 
wrote  merely  to  kill  time.  Such  an  existence  was,  to  the 
last  degree,  uncongenial  to  a  man  who  for  years  had  been 
accustomed  to  sunshine  and  a  life  full  of  incident  and 
adventure. 

He  grew  restless  and  ill-content.  He  had  been  as  free 
as  the  wind,  with  occupation  for  brain  and  body.  He  was 
now,  like  Achilles,  brooding  in  his  tent,  and  over  his  mind 
there  fell  a  shadow  of  unrest.  As  early  as  July  1841  he 
had  thought  of  settling  in  Berlin  and  devoting  himself 
to  study.  Hasfeldt  suggested  Denmark,  the  land  of  the 
Sagas.  Later  in  the  same  year  Africa  had  presented 
itself  to  Borrow  as  a  possible  retreat,  but  Ford  advised 
him  against  it  as  "  the  land  from  which  few  travellers 
return,"  and  told  him  that  he  had  much  better  go  to 
Seville.  Still  later  Constantinople  was  considered  and  then 
the  coast  of  Barbary.  Into  his  letters  there  crept  a  note 
of  querulous  complaint.  John  Hasfeldt  besought  him  to 
remember  how  much  he  had  travelled  and  he  would 
find  that  he  had  wandered  enough,  and  then  he  would 
accustom  himself  to  rest. 

The  manuscript  of  The  Bible  in  Spain  was  completed 
early  in  January  (1842)  and  despatched  to  John  Murray, 
who  sent  it  to  Richard  Ford.  From  the  "  reader's  report " 
it  is  to  be  gathered  that  in  addition  to  the  manuscript 
Borrow  sent  also  the  letters  that  he  had  borrowed  from 
the  Bible  Society.  Ford  refers  to  the  story  of  the  man 
stung  to  death  by  vipers1  "in  the  letter  of  the  i6th 

1  Ford  to  John  Murray.     The  Letters  of  Richard  Ford,  1797-1858. 
Ed,  R,  E.  Prothero,  M.V.O.,  1905. 


XXIL]  SAGE  COUNSEL  345 

August  1837,"  and  advises  that  "Mr  Borrow  should 
introduce  it  into  his  narrative."  He  further  recommends 
him  "  to  go  carefully  over  the  whole  of  his  Letters,  as  it 
is  very  probable  that  other  points  of  interest  which  they 
contain  may  have  been  omitted  in  the  narrative.  Some 
of  the  most  interesting  letters  relate  to  journies  not 
given  in  the  MS." 

The  work  when  it  reached  Ford  was  apparently  in  a 
very  rough  state.  In  addition  to  many  mistakes  in 
spelling  and  grammar,  a  number  of  words  were  left 
blank.  In  a  vast  number  of  instances  short  sentences 
were  run  together.  Mrs  Borrow  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  a  very  successful  amanuensis  at  this  period.  Perhaps 
the  most  interesting  indication  of  how  much  the  manu- 
script, as  first  submitted,  differed  from  the  published  work 
is  shown  by  one  of  Ford's  criticisms  : — 

"  In  the  narrative  there  are  at  present  two  breaks  —one 
from  about  March  1836  to  June  1837  [Chapters  XIII.-XX.], 
— and  the  other  from  November  1837  to  July  1839 
[Chapters  XXXVL-XLIX.] 

This  represents  a  third  of  the  book  as  finally  printed. 
Ford  objected  to  the  sudden  ending;  but  Borrow  made 
no  alteration  in  this  respect.  There  were  a  number  of 
other  suggestions  of  lesser  importance  in  this  admirable 
piece  of  technical  criticism.  Ford  disliked  Sorrow's 
striving  to  create  an  air  of  mystery  as  "taking  an 
unwarrantable  liberty  with  the  reader "  ;  he  suggested  a 
map  and  a  short  biographical  sketch  of  the  author,  and 
especially  the  nature  of  his  connection  with  the  Bible 
Society.  Finally  he  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  it  is 
neither  necessary  nor  advisable  to  insert  any  of  his  letters 
to  the  Bible  Society,  either  in  the  body  of  the  book  or  as 
an  Appendix. 

"The  Dialogues  are  amongst  the  best  parts  of  the 
book,"  Ford  wrote;  "but  in  several  of  them  the  tone  of 
the  speakers,  of  those  especially  who  are  in  humble  life, 
is  too  correct  and  elevated,  and  therefore  out  of 


346  THE  BIBLE  IN  SPAIN  APPEARS          [1842 

character.  This  takes  away  from  their  effect.  I  think  it 
would  be  very  advisable  that  Mr  Borrow  should  go  over 
them  with  reference  to  this  point,  simplifying  a  few  of  the 
turns  of  expression  and  introducing  a  few  contractions — 
dorits,  carits,  etc.  This  would  improve  them  greatly." 

This  criticism  applies  to  all  Borrow's  books,  in 
particular  to  the  passages  dealing  with  the  Gypsies,  who,  in 
spite  of  their  love  of  high-sounding  words,  which  they 
frequently  misuse,  do  not  speak  with  the  academic 
precision  of  Borrow's  works  any  more  than  do  peers  or 
princes  or  even  pedagogues.  Borrow  met  Ford's  criticism 
with  the  assurance  that  "the  lower  classes  in  Spain  are 
generally  elevated  in  their  style  and  scarcely  ever  descend 
to  vulgarity." 

Borrow's  first  impulse  appears  to  have  been  to  dis- 
regard the  suggestion  that  the  two  breaks  should  be  filled 
in.  On  1 3th  Jan.  he  wrote  to  John  Murray,  Junr. : 

"  I  have  received  the  MS.  and  likewise  your  kind  letter. 
.  .  .  Pray  thank  the  Gentleman  who  perused  the  MS.  in 
my  name  for  his  suggestions,  which  I  will  attend  to.  [By 
this  it  is  clear  that  Borrow  was  not  told  that  Ford  was  *  the 
Gentleman.']  I  find  that  the  MS.  was  full  of  trifling 
mistakes,  the  fault  of  my  amanuensis ;  but  I  am  going 
through  it,  and  within  three  days  shall  have  made  all  the 
necessary  corrections." 

No  man,  of  however  sanguine  a  temperament,  could 
seriously  contemplate  the  mere  transcription  of  some 
eighty  thousand  words,  in  addition  to  the  correction  of 
twice  that  amount  of  manuscript,  within  three  days.  Nine 
days  later  Borrow  wrote  again  to  John  Murray,  Junr. 
"  We  are  losing  time ;  I  have  corrected  seven  hundred 
consecutive  pages  of  MS.,  and  the  remaining  two  hundred 
will  be  ready  in  a  fortnight."  That  he  had  taken  so  long 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  greater  part  of  the  preceding 
week  had  been  occupied  with  other  and  more  exciting 
matters  than  correcting  manuscript. 

"  During  the  last  week,"  he  continues,  "  I  have  been 
chiefly  engaged  in  horse-breaking.  A  most  magnificent 


XXIL]  THE  FEUD  OF  THE  DOGS  347 

animal  has  found  his  way  to  this  neighbourhood — a  half- 
bred  Arabian — he  is  at  present  in  the  hands  of  a  low 
horse-dealer ;  he  can  be  bought  for  eight  pounds,  but  no 
person  will  have  him  ;  it  is  said  that  he  kills  everybody 
who  mounts  him.  I  have  been  charming  him,  and  have  so 
far  succeeded  that  at  present  he  does  not  fling  me  more 
than  once  in  five  minutes.  What  a  contemptible  trade  is 
the  Author's  compared  to  that  of  the  jockey." 

It  was  not  until  towards  the  end  of  February  that  the 
corrected  manuscript  of  the  first  volume  of  The  Bible  in 
Spain  reached  Albemarle  Street.  Later  and  better 
counsels  had  apparently  prevailed,  and  Borrow  had 
become  reconciled  to  filling  up  the  breaks. 

Borrow  had  other  occupations  than  preparing  his 
manuscript  for  the  printer's  hands.  He  was  ill  and  over- 
wrought, and  small  things  became  magnified  out  of  all 
proportion  to  their  actual  importance.  There  had  been  a 
dispute  between  Sorrow's  dog  and  that  of  the  rector  of 
Oulton,  the  Rev.  E.  P.  Denniss,  and  as  the  place  was 
small,  the  dogs  met  frequently  and  renewed  their  feud. 
Finally  the  masters  of  the  animals  became  involved,  and 
an  interchange  of  frigid  notes  ensued.  It  appears  that 
Borrow  threatened  to  appeal  to  the  Law  and  to  the  Bishop 
of  the  Diocese,  and  further  seems  to  have  suggested  that 
in  the  interests  of  peace,  the  rector  might  do  away  with 
his  own  dog.  The  tone  of  the  correspondence  may  be 
gathered  from  the  following  notes  : — x 

"  Mr  Denniss  begs  to  acknowledge  Mr  Borrow's  note, 
and  is  sorry  to  hear  that  his  dog  and  Mr  Borrow's  have 
again  fallen  out.  Mr  Denniss  learns  from  his  servant 
that  Mr  D's  dog  was  no  more  in  fault  than  Mr  B's,  which 
latter  is  of  a  very  quarrelsome  and  savage  disposition,  as 
Mr  Denniss  can  himself  testify,  as  well  as  many  other 
people.  Mr  Denniss  regrets  that  these  two  animals 
cannot  agree  when  they  meet,  but  he  must  decline  acced- 
ing to  Mr  Borrow's  somewhat  arbitrary  demand,  conceiv- 
ing he  has  as  much  right  to  retain  a  favourite,  and  in 
reality  very  harmless,  animal,  as  Mr  Borrow  has  to  keep 

1  Dr  Knapp's  Life  of  George  Borrow. 


348  THE  BIBLE  IN  SPAIN  APPEARS         [1842 

a  dog  which  has  once  bitten  Mr  Denniss  himself,  and 
oftentimes  attacked  him  and  his  family.  Mr  Borrow  is  at 
perfect  liberty  to  take  any  measure  he  may  deem  advis- 
able, either  before  the  magistrates  or  the  Bishop  of  the 
Diocese,  as  Mr  Denniss  is  quite  prepared  to  meet  them." 

"OULTON  RECTORY,  22nd  April  1842." 

Sorrow's  reply  (in  the  rough  draft  found  among  his 
papers  after  his  death)  ran  : 

"  Mr  Borrow  has  received  Mr  Denniss'  answer  to  his 
note.  With  respect  to  Mr  Denniss'  recrimination  on  the 
quarrelsome  disposition  of  his  harmless  house-dog,  Mr 
Borrow  declines  to  say  anything  further.  No  one  knows 
better  than  Mr  Denniss  the  value  of  his  own  assertions. 
.  .  .  Circumstances  over  which  Mr  Borrow  has  at  present 
no  control  will  occasionally  bring  him  and  his  family 
under  the  same  roof  with  Mr  Denniss  ;  that  roof,  however, 
is  the  roof  of  the  House  of  God,  and  the  prayers  of  the 
Church  of  England  are  wholesome  from  whatever  mouth 
they  may  proceed." 

Borrow's  most  partisan  admirer  could  not  excuse  the 
outrage  to  all  decency  contained  in  the  last  paragraph  of 
his  note,  if  indeed  it  were  ever  sent,  in  any  other  way  than 
to  plead  the  writer's  ill-health. 

It  had  been  arranged  that  The  Bible  in  Spain  should 
make  its  appearance  in  May.  In  July  Borrow  wrote  show- 
ing some  impatience  and  urging  greater  expedition. 

"  What  are  your  intentions  with  respect  to  the  Bible  in 
Spain  ? "  he  enquires  of  John  Murray.  "I  am  a  frank 
man,  and  frankness  never  offends  me.  Has  anybody  put 
you  out  of  conceit  with  the  book  ?  .  .  .  Tell  me  frankly 
and  I  will  drink  your  health  in  Romany.  Or  would  the 
appearance  of  the  Bible  on  the  first  of  October  interfere 
with  the  avatar,  first  or  second,  of  some  very  wonderful 
lion  or  Divinity,  to  whom  George  Borrow,  who  is  neither, 
must  of  course  give  place  ?  Be  frank  with  me,  my  dear 
Sir,  and  I  will  drink  your  health  in  Romany  and 
Madeira." 

He  goes  on  to  offer  to  release  John  Murray  from  his 
"  share  in  the  agreement "  and  complete  the  book  himself, 


XXIL]  "THIS  WILD  MISSIONARY"  349 

remitting   to   the   printer   "  the  necessary  money  for  the 
purchase  of  paper." 

To  Ford,  who  had  acted  as  a  sort  of  godfather  to 
The  Bible  in  Spain,  it  was  "  a  rum,  very  rum,  mixture  of 
gypsyism,  Judaism,  and  missionary  adventure,"  as  he 
informed  John  Murray.  He  read  it  "  with  great  delight," 
and  its  publisher  may  "  depend  upon  it  that  the  book  will 
sell,  which,  after  all,  is  the  rub."  He  liked  the  sincerity,  the 
style,  the  effect  of  incident  piling  on  incident.  It  reminded 
him  of  Gil  Bias  with  a  touch  of  Bunyan.  Borrow  is  "  such 
a  trump  ...  as  full  of  meat  as  an  egg,  and  a  fresh-laid  one." 
All  this  he  tells  John  Murray,  and  concludes  with  the  assur- 
ance, "  Borrow  will  lay  you  golden  eggs,  and  hatch  them 
after  the  ways  of  Egypt ;  put  salt  on  his  tail  and  secure 
him  in  your  coop,  and  beware  how  any  poacher  coaxes  him 
with  *  raisins  '  or  reasons  out  of  the  Albemarle  preserve." 1 

Ford  was  never  tired  of  applying  new  adjectives  to 
Borrow  and  his  work.  He  was  "  an  extraordinary  fellow," 
"  this  wild  missionary,"  "  a  queer  chap."  Borrow,  on  the 
other  hand,  cherished  a  sincere  regard  for  the  man  who 
had  shown  such  enthusiasm  for  his  work.  To  John 
Murray,  Junr.,  he  wrote  (4th  April  1843)  :  "  Pray  remember 
me  to  Ford,  who  is  no  humbug  and  is  one  of  the  few 
beings  that  I  care  something  about." 

Throughout  his  correspondence  with  Borrow,  Richard 
Ford  showed  a  judgment  and  an  appreciation  of  what 
the  public  would  be  likely  to  welcome  that  stamped  him 
as  a  publishers'  "  reader  "  by  instinct.  Such  advice  as  he 
gave  to  Borrow  in  the  following  letter  set  up  a  standard 
of  what  a  book,  such  as  Borrow  had  it  in  his  power  to 
write,  actually  should  be.  It  unquestionably  influenced 
Borrow : — 

\Qth  June  1842. 

"  My  advice  again  and  again  is  to  avoid  all  fine 
writing,  all  descriptions  of  mere  scenery  and  trivial 

1  The  Letters  of  Richard  Ford,  1797-1858.  Edited,  R.  E. 
Prothero,  M.V.O.,  1905. 


350  THE  BIBLE  IN  SPAIN  APPEARS          [1842 

events.  What  the  world  wants  are  racy,  real,  genuine 
scenes,  and  the  more  out  of  the  way  the  better.  Poetry 
is  utterly  to  be  avoided.  If  Apollo  were  to  come  down 
from  Heaven,  John  Murray  would  not  take  his  best 
manuscript  as  a  gift.  "  Stick  to  yourself,  to  what  you  have 
seen,  and  the  people  you  have  mixed  with.  The  more  you 
give  us  of  odd  Jewish  people  the  better.  .  .  .  Avoid  words, 
stick  to  deeds.  Never  think  of  how  you  express  yourself; 
for  good  matter  must  tell,  and  no  fine  writing  will  make 
bad  matter  good.  Don't  be  afraid  that  what  you  may  not 
think  good  will  not  be  thought  so  by  others.  It  often 
happens  just  the  reverse.  .  .  .  New  facts  seen  in  new  and 
strange  countries  will  please  everybody ;  but  old  scenery, 
even  Cintra,  will  not.  We  know  all  about  that,  and  want 
something  that  we  do  not  know.  .  .  .  The  grand  thing 
is  to  be  bold  and  to  avoid  the  common  track  of  the  silver 
paper,  silver  fork,  blue-stocking.  Give  us  adventure,  wild 
adventure,  journals,  thirty  language  book,  sorcery,  Jews, 
Gentiles,  rambles,  and  the  interior  of  Spanish  prisons — the 
way  you  get  in,  the  way  you  get  out.  No  author  has  yet 
given  us  a  Spanish  prison.  Enter  into  the  iniquities,  the 
fees,  the  slang,  etc.  It  will  be  a  little  a  la  Thurtell,  but 
you  see  the  people  like  to  have  it  so.  Avoid  rant  and 
cant.  Dialogues  always  tell ;  they  are  dramatic  and  give 
an  air  of  reality." 

The  Bible  in  Spain  was  published  loth  December,  and 
one  of  the  first  copies  that  reached  him  was  inscribed  by 
the  author  to  "  Ann  Borrow.  With  her  son's  best  love, 
1 3th  Deer.  1842." 

From  the  critics  there  was  praise  and  scarcely  anything 
but  praise.  It  was  received  as  a  work  bearing  the  unmis- 
takable stamp  of  genius.  Lockhart  himself  reviewed 
it  in  The  Quarterly  Review,  confessing  the  shame  he  felt 
at  not  having  reviewed  The  Zincali.  "  Very  good — very 
clever — very  neatly  done.  Only  one  fault  to  find — too 
laudatory,"  was  Borrow's  comment  upon  this  notice. 

And  through  the  clamour  and  din  of  it  all,  old  Mrs 
Borrow  wrote  to  her  daughter-in-law  telling  her  of  the 
call  of  an  old  friend,  whom  she  had  not  seen  for  twenty- 
eight  years,  and  who  had  come  to  talk  with  her  of  the 


XXIL]  "MURRAY  IS  IN  HIGH  BONE"  351 

fame  of  her  son,  "  the  most  remarkable  man  that  Dereham 
ever  produced.  Capt.  Girling  is  a  man  of  few  words,  but 
when  he  do  speak  it  is  to  some  purpose."  Ford  wrote  also 
(he  was  always  writing  impulsive,  boyish  letters)  telling 
how  Borrow's  name  would  "  fill  the  trump  of  fame,"  and 
that  "  Murray  is  in  high  bone  "  about  the  book.  Hasfeldt 
wrote,  too,  saying  that  he  saw  his  "  friend  '  tall  George,' 
wandering  over  the  mountains  until  I  ached  in  every  joint 
with  the  vividness  of  his  descriptions." 

In  all  this  chorus  of  praise  there  was  the  complaint  of 
the  Dublin  Review  that  "  Borrow  was  a  missionary  sent 
out  by  a  gang  of  conspirators  against  Christianity." 
Borrow's  comment  upon  this  notice  was  that  "  It  is  easier 
to  call  names  and  misquote  passages  in  a  dirty  Review 
than  to  write  The  Bible  in  Spain" 

A  second  edition  of  The  Bible  in  Spain  was  issued  in 
January,  to  which  the  author  contributed  a  preface,  "  very 
funny,  but  wild,"  he  assured  John  Murray,  Junr.,  and  he 
promised  "yet  another  preface  for  the  third  edition,  should 
one  be  called  for."  The  third  edition  appeared  in  March, 
the  fourth  in  June,  and  the  fifth  in  July.  When  the 
Fourth  Edition  was  nearing  completion  Borrow  wrote  to 
Murray :  "  Would  it  be  as  well  to  write  a  preface  to  this 
fourth  edition  with  a  tirade  or  two  against  the  Pope,  and 
allusions  to  the  Great  North  Road  ?  "  To  which  Murray 
replied, "  With  due  submission  to  you  as  author,  I  would  sug- 
gest that  you  should  not  abuse  the  Pope  in  the  new  preface." 

In  the  flush  of  his  success  Borrow  could  afford  to  laugh 
at  the  few  cavilling  critics. 

"  Let  them  call  me  a  nonentity  if  they  will,"  he  wrote 
to  John  Murray,  Junr.  (i3th  March).  "  I  believe  that  some 
of  those,  who  say  I  am  a  phantom,  would  alter  their  tone 
provided  they  were  to  ask  me  to  a  good  dinner ;  bottles 
emptied  and  fowls  devoured  are  not  exactly  the  feats  of 
a  phantom.  No !  I  partake  more  of  the  nature  of  a 
Brownie  or  Robin  Goodfellow,  goblins,  'tis  true,  but  full 
of  merriment  and  fun,  and  fond  of  good  eating  and 
drinking." 


352  THE  BIBLE  IN  SPAIN  APPEARS         [1843 

America  echoed  back  the  praise  and  bought  the  book 
in  thousands.  Publishers  issued  editions  in  Philadelphia 
and  New  York ;  but  Borrow  did  not  participate  in  the 
profits,  as  there  was  then  no  copyright  protection  for 
English  books  in  the  United  States  of  America.  The 
Athenceum  reported  (27th  May  1843)  that  30,000  copies 
had  been  sold  in  America.  "  I  really  never  heard  of 
anything  so  infamous,"  wrote  Borrow  to  his  wife.  The 
only  thing  that  America  gave  him  was  praise  and  (in 
common  with  other  countries)  a  place  in  its  biographical 
dictionaries  and  encyclopaedias.  The  Bible  in  Spain  was 
translated  into  French  and  German  and  subsequently 
(abridged)  into  Russian. 

What  appeared  to  please  Borrow  most  was  Sir  Robert 
Peel's  reference  to  him  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
although  he  regretted  the  scanty  report  of  the  speech 
given  in  the  newspapers.  Replying  to  Dr  Bowring's  (at 
that  time  Borrow's  friend)  motion  "  for  copies  of  the 
correspondence  of  the  British  Government  with  the  Porte 
on  the  subject  of  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,"  Sir  Robert 
remarked:  "If  Mr  Borrow  had  been  deterred  by  trifling 
obstacles,  the  circulation  of  the  Bible  in  Spain  would 
never  have  been  advanced  to  the  extent  which  it  had 
happily  attained.  If  he  had  not  .persevered  he  would 
not  have  been  the  agent  of  so  much  enlightment." x 

There  were  many  things  that  contributed  to  the 
instantaneous  success  of  The  Bible  in  Spain.  Apart  from 
the  vivid  picture  that  it  gave  of  the  indomitable  courage 
and  iron  determination  of  a  man  commanding  success, 
its  literary  qualities,  and  enthralling  interest,  its  greatest 
commercial  asset  lay  in  its  appeal  to  the  Religious  Public. 

1  Times,  I2th  April  1843,  Hansard's  summary  reads:  "It  might 
have  been  said,  to  Mr  Borrow  with  respect  to  Spain,  that  it  would  be 
impossible  to  distribute  the  Bible  in  that  country  in  consequence  of 
the  danger  of  offending  the  prejudices  which  prevail  there  ;  yet  he,  a 
private  individual,  by  showing  some  zeal  in  what  he  believed  to  be 
right,  succeeded  in  triumphing  over  many  obstacles." 


XXIL]  A  GREAT  SUCCESS  353 

Never,  perhaps,  had  they  been  invited  to  read  such  a  book, 
because  never  had  the  Bible  been  distributed  by  so 
amazing  a  missionary  as  George  Borrow.  Gil  Bias  with 
a  touch  of  Bunyan,  as  Ford  delightfully  phrased  it,  and 
not  too  much  Bunyan.  Thieves,  murderers,  gypsies, 
bandits,  prisons,  wars — all  knit  together  by  the  missionary 
work  of  a  man  who  was  persona  grata  with  every  lawless 
ruffian  he  encountered,  and  yet  a  sower  of  the  seed.  The 
Religious  Public  did  not  pause  to  ponder  over  the  strange- 
ness of  the  situation.  They  had  fallen  among  thieves, 
and  with  breathless  eagerness  were  prepared  to  enjoy  to 
the  full  the  novel  experience. 

Here  was  a  religious  book  full  of  the  most  exquisite 
material  thrills  without  a  suggestion  of  a  spiritual  moral. 
Criminals  were  encountered,  their  deeds  rehearsed  and  the 
customary  sermon  upon  the  evils  arising  from  wickedness 
absent.  It  was  a  stimulating  drink  to  unaccustomed 
palates.  The  Bible  in  Spain  sold  in  its  thousands. 

The  accuracy  of  the  book  has  never  been  questioned ; 
if  it  had,  Borrow's  letters  to  the  Bible  Society  would 
immediately  settle  any  doubt  that  might  arise.  If  there 
be  one  incident  in  the  work  that  appears  invented, 
it  is  the  story  of  Benedict  Moll,  the  treasure-hunter ;  yet 
even  that  is  authentic.  In  the  following  letter,  dated  22nd 
June  1839,  Rey  Romero,  the  bookseller  of  Santiago,  refers 
to  the  unfortunate  Benedict  Moll : — 

"  The  German  of  the  Treasure"  he  writes,  " came  here 
last  year  bearing  letters  from  the  Government  for  the 
purpose  of  discovering  it.  But,  a  few  days  after  his 
arrival,  they  threw  him  into  prison ;  from  thence  he 
wrote  me,. making  himself  known  as  the  one  you  intro- 
duced to  me ;  wherefore  my  son  went  to  see  him  in 
prison.  He  told  my  son  that  you  also  had  been  arrested, 
but  I  could  not  credit  it.  A  short  time  after,  they  took 
him  off  to  Coruna ;  then  they  brought  him  back  here 
again,  and  I  do  not  know  what  has  become  of  him  since." * 

1  This  is  obviously  the  letter  that  Borrow  paraphrases  at  the  end 
of  Chapter  XLII.  of  The  Bible  in  Spain. 

Z 


354  THE  BIBLE  IN  SPAIN  APPEARS         [1843 

Borrow  now  became  the  lion  of  the  hour.  He  was 
feted  and  feasted  in  London,  and  everybody  wanted  to 
meet  the  wonderful  white-haired  author  of  The  Bible  in 
Spain.  One  day  he  is  breakfasting  with  the  Prussian 
Ambassador,  "  with  princes  and  members  of  Parliament,  I 
was  the  star  of  the  morning,"  he  writes  to  his  wife.  "  I 
thought  to  myself  '  what  a  difference  ! ' '  Later  he  was 
present  at  a  grand  soiree,  "  and  the  people  came  in  throngs 
to  be  introduced  to  me.  To-night,"  he  continues,  "  I  am 
going  to  the  Bishop  of  Norwich,  to-morrow  to  another 
place,  and  so  on." * 

Borrow  had  been  much  touched  by  the  news  of  the 
death  of  Allan  Cunningham  (1785-1842). 

"  Only  think,  poor  Allan  Cunningham  dead ! "  he 
wrote  to  John  Murray,  Junr.  (25th  Nov.  1842).  "  A  young 
man — only  fifty-eight — strong  and  tall  as  a  giant ;  might 
have  lived  to  a  hundred  and  one,  but  he  bothered  himself 
about  the  affairs  of  this  world  far  too  much.  That  statue 
shop  was  his  bane ;  took  to  book  making  likewise,  in  a 
word  too  fond  of  Mammon — awful  death — no  preparation 
— came  literally  upon  him  like  a  thief  in  the  dark.  Am 
thinking  of  writing  a  short  life  of  him  ;  old  friend — twenty 
years'  standing,  knew  a  good  deal  about  him  ;  Traditional 
Tales  his  best  work.  .  .  . 

"  Pray  send  Dr  Bowring  a  copy  of  Bible.  Lives  No.  i, 
Queen  Square,  Westminster,  another  old  friend.  Send 
one  to  Ford — capital  fellow.  Respects  to  Mr  M.  God 
bless  you.  Feel  quite  melancholy,  Ever  yours." 

In  these  Jinglelike  periods  Borrow  pays  tribute  to  the 
man  who  praised  his  Romantic  Ballads  and  contributed 
a  prefatory  poem.  He  returned  to  the  subject  ten  days 
later  in  another  letter  to  John  Murray,  Junr.  "  I  can't 
get  poor  Allan  out  of  my  head,"  he  wrote.  "  When  I  come 
up  I  intend  to  go  and  see  his  wife.  What  a  woman  !  " 

Fame   did    not   dispel    from    Borrow's   mind   the   old 

1  In  the  Appendix  to  The  Romany  Rye  Borrow  wrote,  "  Having 
the  proper  pride  of  a  gentleman  and  a  scholar,  he  did  not,  in  the  year 
'43,  choose  to  permit  himself  to  be  exhibited  and  made  a  zany  of  in 
London."  Page  355. 


XXIL]  A  WAVE  OF  PESSIMISM  355 

restlessness,  the  desire  for  action.  He  was  still  unwell, 
worried  at  the  sight  of  "  Popery  .  .  .  springing  up  in  every 
direction  .  .  .  There's  no  peace  in  this  world" x  A  cold 
contracted  by  his  wife  distressed  him  to  the  point  of 
complaining  that  "there  is  little  but  trouble  in  this  world  ; 
I  am  nearly  tired  of  it." 2  Exercise  failed  to  benefit  him. 
He  was  suffering  from  languor  and  nervousness.  And 
through  it  all  that  Spartan  woman  who  had  committed 
the  gravest  of  matrimonial  errors,  that  of  marrying  a 
genius,  soothed  and  comforted  the  sick  lion,  tired  even  of 
victory. 

Small  things  troubled  him  and  honours  awakened  in 
him  no  enthusiasm.  The  Times  in  reviewing  The  Bible  in 
Spain  had  inferred  that  he  was  not  a  member  of  the 
Church  of  England,3  and  the  statement  "  must  be  con- 
tradicted." The  Royal  Institution  was  prepared  to  confer 
an  honour  upon  him,  and  he  could  not  make  up  his  mind 
whether  or  not  to  accept  it. 

"  What  would  the  Institute  expect  me  to  write  ? "  he 
enquires  of  John  Murray,  Junr.,  25th  Feb.  1843.  "(I  have 
exhausted  Spain  and  the  Gypsies.)  Would  an  essay  on 
the  Welsh  language  and  literature  suit,  with  an  account 
of  the  Celtic  tongues?  Or  would  something  about  the 
ancient  North  and  its  literature  be  more  acceptable  ?  .  .  . 
Had  it  been  the  Royal  Academy,  I  should  have  consented 
at  once,  and  do  hereby  empower  you  to  accept  in  my 
name  any  offer  which  may  be  made  from  that  quarter.  I 
should  very  much  like  to  become  an  Academician,  the 
thing  would  just  suit  me,  more  especially  as  '  they  do  not 
want  clever  men,  but  safe  men.'  Now  I  am  safe  enough, 
ask  the  Bible  Society,  whose  secrets  I  have  kept  so  much 

1  Letters  to  John  Murray,  27th  Jan.  and  I3th  March,  1843. 

2  Letters  to  John  Murray,  27th  Jan.  and  I3th  March,  1843. 

3  Borrow  wrote  later  on  that  he  was  "  a  sincere  member  of  the  old- 
fashioned   Church  of  England,  in  which  he  believes  there  is  more 
religion,  and  consequently  less  cant,  than  in  any  other  Church  in  the 
world"  (The  Romany  Rye,  page  346).     On  another  occasion  he  gave 
the  following  reason  for  his  adherence  to  it :  "  Because  I  believe  it  is 
the  best  religion  to  get  to  heaven  by  "  ( Wild  Wales,  page  520). 


356  THE  BIBLE  IN  SPAIN  APPEARS         [1843 

to  their  satisfaction,  that  they  have  just  accepted  at  my 
hands  an  English  Gypsy  Gospel  gratis" l 

He  declined  an  invitation  to  join  the  Ethnological 
Society. 

"  Who  are  they  ?  "  he  enquires  in  the  same  letter.  "  At 
present  I  am  in  great  demand.  A  Bishop  has  just  requested 
me  to  visit  him.  The  worst  of  these  Bishops  is  that  they 
are  all  skinflints,  saving  for  their  families ;  their  cuisine 
is  bad  and  their  Port-wine  execrable,  and  as  for  their 
cigars .  .  .  ." 

Borrow  strove  to  quiet  his  spirit  by  touring  about 
Norfolk,  "  putting  up  at  dead  of  night  in  country  towns 
and  small  villages."  He  returned  to  Oulton  at  the  end 
of  a  fortnight,  having  tired  himself  and  knocked  up  his 
horse.  Even  the  news  that  a  new  edition  of  The  Bible  in 
Spain  was  required  could  not  awaken  in  him  any 
enthusiasm.  He  was  glad  the  book  had  sold,  as  he  knew 
it  would,  and  he  would  like  a  rough  estimate  of  the  profits. 
A  few  days  later  he  writes  to  John  Murray,  Junr.,  with 
reference  to  a  new  edition  of  The  Zincali,  saying  that  he 
finds  "  that  there  is  far  more  connection  between  the  first 
and  second  volumes  than  he  had  imagined,"  and  begging 
that  the  reprint  may  be  the  same  as  the  first.  "  It  would 
take  nearly  a  month  to  refashion  the  book,"  he  continues, 
"  and  I  believe  a  month's  mental  labour  at  the  present  time 
would  do  me  up."  The  weather  in  particular  affected  him. 
For  years  he  had  been  accustomed  to  sun-warmed  Spain, 
and  the  gloom  and  greyness  of  England  depressed  him. 

"  Strange  weather  this,"  he  had  written  to  John  Murray 
(3 1st  Dec.  1842) — "very  unwholesome  I  believe  both  for 
man  and  beast.  Several  people  dead  and  great  mortality 
amongst  the  cattle.  Am  intolerably  well  myself,  but 
get  but  little  rest — disagreeable  dreams — digestion  not 
quite  so  good  as  I  could  wish — been  on  the  water  system — 
won't  do — have  left  it  off,  and  am  now  taking  lessons 
in  singing." 

1  No  trace  can  be  found  among  the  Bible  Society  Records  of  any 
such  translation. 


XXIL]        A  NEW  CURE  FOR  INDIGESTION  357 

Many  men  have  earned  the  reputation  of  madness  for  less 
eccentric  actions  than  taking  lessons  in  singing  as  a  cure 
for  indigestion,  after  the  failure  of  the  water  cure. 

Although  he  was  receiving  complimentary  letters  from 
all  quarters  and  from  people  he  had  never  even  heard  of, 
he  seemed  acutely  unhappy. 

"  I  did  wrong,"  he  writes  to  his  wife  from  London  (29th 
May  1 843),  "  not  to  bring  you  when  I  came,  for  without 
you  I  cannot  get  on  at  all.  Left  to  myself,  a  gloom  comes 
upon  me  which  I  cannot  describe.  I  will  endeavour  to  be 
home  on  Thursday,  as  I  wish  so  much  to  be  with  you, 
without  whom  there  is  no  joy  for  me  nor  rest.  You  tell 
me  to  ask  for  situations ;  etc.  I  am  not  at  all  suited  for 
them.  My  place  seems  to  be  in  our  own  dear  cottage, 
where,  with  your  help,  I  hope  to  prepare  for  a  better 
world.  ...  I  dare  say  I  shall  be  home  on  Thursday, 
perhaps  earlier,  if  I  am  unwell ;  for  the  poor  bird  when  in 
trouble  has  no  one  to  fly  to  but  his  mate."  And  a  few 
days  later :  "  I  wish  I  had  not  left  home.  Take  care  of 
yourself.  Kiss  poor  Hen." 

During  his  stay  in  London,  Borrow  sat  to  Henry 
Wyndham  Phillips,  R.A.,  for  his  portrait.1  On  2ist  June 
John  Murray  wrote  :  "  I  have  seen  your  portrait.  Phillips 
is  going  to  saw  off  a  bit  of  the  panel,  which  will  give  you 
your  proper  and  characteristic  height.  Next  year  you  will 
doubtless  cut  a  great  figure  in  the  Exhibition.  It  is  the 
best  thing  young  Phillips  has  done."  The  painting  was 
exhibited  at  the  Royal  Academy  in  1 844  as  "  George 
Borrow,  Esq.,  author  of  The  Bible  in  Spain?  and  is  now 
in  the  possession  of  Mr  John  Murray. 

There  is  a  story  told  in  connection  with  the  painting 
of  this  portrait.  Borrow  was  a  bad  sitter,  and  visibly 
chafed  at  remaining  indoors  doing  nothing.  To  overcome 
this  restlessness  the  painter  had  recourse  to  a  clever  strata- 
gem. He  enquired  of  his  sitter  if  Persian  were  really  a 
fine  language,  as  he  had  heard ;  Borrow  assured  him  that  it 

1  This  portrait  has  sometimes  been  ascribed  to  Thomas  Phillips, 
R.A.,  in  error. 


358  THE  BIBLE  IN  SPAIN  APPEARS         [1843 

was,  and  at  Phillips'  request,  started  declaiming  at  the  top 
of  his  voice,  his  eyes  flashing  with  enthusiasm.  When  he 
ceased,  the  wily  painter  mentioned  other  tongues,  Turkish, 
Armenian,  etc.,  in  each  instance  with  the  same  result,  and 
the  painting  of  the  portrait  became  an  easy  matter. 

On  23rd  June  John  Murray  (the  Second)  died,  at  the 
age  of  sixty-five,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son.  "  Poor 
old  Murray  ! "  Ford  wrote  to  Borrow,  "  We  shall  never  see 
his  like  again.  He  .  .  .  was  a  fine  fellow  in  every  respect." 
In  another  letter  he  refers  to  him  as  "  that  Prince  of 
Bibliophiles,  poor,  dear,  old  Murray."  Borrow's  own 
relations  with  John  Murray  had  always  been  most  cordial. 
On  one  occasion,  when  writing  to  his  son,  he  says  :  "  I  shall 
be  most  happy  to  see  you  and  still  more  your  father,  whose 
jokes  do  one  good.  I  wish  all  the  world  were  as  gay  as 
he."  Then  without  a  break,  he  goes  on  to  deplore  the  fact 
that  "  a  gentleman  drowned  himself  last  week  on  my 
property.  I  wish  he  had  gone  somewhere  else."  Such 
was  George  Borrow. 

For  some  time  past  Borrow's  thoughts  had  been 
directed  towards  obtaining  a  Government  post  abroad. 
The  sentence,  "  You  tell  me  to  ask  for  situations,  etc.,"  in 
a  letter  to  his  wife  had  reference  to  this  ambition.  He 
had  previously  (2ist  June  1841)  written  to  Lord  Clarendon 
suggesting  for  himself  a  consulship ;  but  the  reply  had  not 
been  encouraging.  It  was  "quite  hopeless  to  expect  a 
consulship  from  Lord  Palmerston,  the  applicants  were  too 
many  and  the  appointments  too  few." 

Borrow  recognised  the  stagnation  of  his  present  life. 

"  I  wish  the  Government  would  give  me  some  command 
in  Ireland  which  would  call  forth  my  energies,"  he  wrote  to 
John  Murray  (25th  Oct.  1843).  "  If  there  be  an  outbreak 
there  I  shall  apply  to  them  at  once,  for  my  heart  is  with 
them  in  the  present  matter :  I  hope  they  will  be  firm,  and 
they  have  nothing  to  fear;  I  am  sure  that  the  English 
nation  will  back  them,  for  the  insolence  and  ingratitude 
of  the  Irish,  and  the  cowardice  of  their  humbug  chief,  have 
caused  universal  disgust."  Later  he  wrote,  also  to  John 


JOHN  MURRAY  THE  THIRD 
(From  a  photograph  by  Maull  and  Fox). 


[To  face  page  358 


XXIL]  SHARING  THE  PROFITS  359 

Murray,  with  reference  to  that  "  trumpery  fellow  O'Connell. 
...  I  wish  I  were  acquainted  with  Sir  Robert  Peel.  I 
could  give  him  many  a  useful  hint  with  respect  to  Ireland 
and  the  Irish.  I  know  both  tolerably  well.  Whenever 
there's  a  row  I  intend  to  go  over  with  Sidi  Habismilk  and 
put  myself  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  volunteers." 

He  had  previously  written  "  the  old  Duke  [Wellington] 
will  at  last  give  salt  eel  to  that  cowardly,  bawling  vagabond 
O'Connell."  Borrow  detested  O'Connell  as  a  "Dublin 
bully  ...  a  humbug,  without  courage  or  one  particle  of 
manly  feeling."  Again  (i/th  June)  he  had  written: 
"  Horrible  news  from  Ireland.  I  wish  sincerely  the  black- 
guards would  break  out  at  once ;  they  will  never  be  quiet  until 
they  have  got  a  sound  licking,  and  the  sooner  the  better." 

The  finer  side  of  Borrow's  character  was  shown  in  his 
eagerness  to  obtain  employment.  There  is  a  touch  of 
pathos  in  the  sight  of  this  knight,  armed  and  ready  to 
fight  anything  for  anybody,  wasting  his  strength  and  his 
talents  in  feuds  with  his  neighbours. 

In  the  profits  on  the  old  and  the  preparation  of  new 
editions  of  The  Bible  in  Spain,  Borrow  took  a  keen 
interest.  The  money  he  was  making  enabled  him  to 
assist  his  wife  in  disembarrassing  her  estate.  "  I  begin  to 
take  considerable  pleasure  in  making  money,"  he  wrote  to 
his  publisher, "  which  I  hope  is  a  good  sign  ;  for  what  is  life 
unless  we  take  pleasure  in  something?"  Again  he 
enquires,  "  Why  does  not  the  public  call  for  another  edition 
of  them  [The  Gypsies  of  Spain].  You  see  what  an  un- 
conscionable rascal  I  am  becoming."  During  his  lifetime 
Borrow  received  from  the  firm  of  Murray,  £3437,  195., 
most  of  which  was  on  account  of  The  Bible  in  Spain  and, 
consequently,  was  paid  to  him  during  the  first  years  of  his 
association  with  Albemarle  Street. 

Caroline  Fox  gives  an  interesting  picture  of  Borrow 
at  this  period  as  he  appeared  to  her : — 

"25//fc  Oct.  1843. 

"  Catherine  Gurney  gave  us  a  note  to  George  Borrow, 
so  on  him  we  called, — a  tall,  ungainly,  uncouth  man,  with 


360  THE  BIBLE  IN  SPAIN  APPEARS          [1843 

great  physical  strength,  a  quick  penetrating  eye,  a  confident 
manner,  and  a  disagreeable  tone  and  pronunciation.  He 
was  sitting  on  one  side  of  the  fire,  and  his  old  mother  on 
the  other.  His  spirits  always  sink  in  wet  weather,  and  to- 
day was  very  rainy,  but  he  was  courteous  and  not 
displeased  to  be  a  little  lionised,  for  his  delicacy  is  not  of 
the  most  susceptible.  He  talked  about  Spain  and  the 
Spaniards  ;  the  lowest  classes  of  whom,  he  says,  are  the 
only  ones  worth  investigating,  the  upper  and  middle  class 
being  (with  exceptions,  of  course)  mean,  selfish,  and  proud 
beyond  description.  They  care  little  for  Roman  Catholi- 
cism, and  bear  faint  allegiance  to  the  Pope.  They  generally 
lead  profligate  lives,  until  they  lose  all  energy  and  then 
become  slavishly  superstitious.  He  said  a  curious  thing  of 
the  Esquimaux,  namely,  that  their  language  is  a  most 
complex  and  highly  artificial  one,  calculated  to  express 
the  most  delicate  metaphysical  subtleties,  yet  they  have 
no  literature,  nor  are  there  any  traces  of  their  ever  having 
had  one — a  most  curious  anomaly  ;  hence  he  simply  argues 
that  you  can  ill  judge  of  a  people  by  their  language." l 

One  of  the  strangest  things  about  Borrow's  personality 
was  that  it  almost  invariably  struck  women  unfavourably. 
That  he  himself  was  not  indifferent  to  women  is  shown  by 
the  impression  made  upon  him  by  the  black  eyes  of  one 
of  the  Misses  Mills  of  Saxham  Hall,  where  he  was  taken  to 
dinner  by  Dr  Hake,  who  states  that  "  long  afterwards,  his 
inquiries  after  the  black  eyes  were  unfailing."2  He  was 
also  very  kind  and  considerate  to  women.  "  He  was 
very  polite  and  gentlemanly  in  ladies'  society,  and  we 
all  liked  him,"  wrote  one  woman  friend 3  who  frequently 
accompanied  him  on  his  walks.  She  has  described  him  as 
walking  along  "singing  to  himself  or  quite  silent,  quite 
forgetting  me  until  he  came  to  a  high  hill,  when  he  would 
turn  round,  seize  my  hand,  and  drag  me  up.  Then  he 
would  sit  down  and  enjoy  the  prospect."  4 

1  Memories  of  Old  Friends  (1835-1871).     London  1 882. 

2  Memories  of  Eighty  Years,  page  164. 

3  Eflizabeth]  H[arvey]  in  The  Eastern  Daily  Press,  1st  Oct.  1892. 

4  Elizabeth]    H[arvey]   in     The    Eastern    Daily     Express,     1st 
Oct.  1892. 


CHAPTER    XXIII 

MARCH    1844—1848 

IN  March  1844  Borrow,  unable  longer  to  control  the 
Wanderlust  within  him,  gave  up  the  struggle,  and 
determined  to  make  a  journey  to  the  East.  He  was  in 
London  on  the  2Oth,  as  Lady  Eastlake  (then  Miss  Elizabeth 
Rigby)  testifies  in  her  Journal.  "Borrow  came  in  the 
evening,"  she  writes :  "  now  a  fine  man,  but  a  most  dis- 
agreeable one ;  a  kind  of  character  that  would  be  most 
dangerous  in  rebellious  times — one  that  would  suffer  or 
persecute  to  the  utmost.  His  face  is  expressive  of  wrong- 
headed  determination."  * 

He  left  London  towards  the  end  of  April  for  Paris, 
from  which  he  wrote  to  John  Murray,  1st  May  : — 

"  Vidocq  wishes  very  much  to  have  a  copy  of  my 
Gypsies  of  Spain,  and  likewise  one  of  the  Romany  Gospels. 
On  the  other  side  you  will  find  an  order  on  the  Bible 
Society  for  the  latter,  and  perhaps  you  will  be  so  kind  as 
to  let  one  of  your  people  go  to  Earl  Street  to  procure  it. 
You  would  oblige  me  by  forwarding  it  to  your  agent  in 
Paris,  the  address  is  Monsr.  Vidocq,  Galerie  Vivienne, 
No.  13.  ...  V.  is  a  strange  fellow,  and  amongst  other 
things  dabbles  in  literature.  He  is  meditating  a  work 
upon  Les  Bohemiens,  about  whom  I  see  he  knows  nothing 
at  all.  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  Zincali,  were  it  to  fall 
into  his  hands,  would  be  preciously  gutted,  and  the  best 
part  of  the  contents  pirated.  By  the  way,  could  you  not 

1  Journals  and  Correspondence  of  Lady  Eastlake,  ed.  by  C.  E. 
Smith,  1895. 

361 


362  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1844 

persuade  some  of  the  French  publishers  to  cause  it  to  be 
translated,  in  which  event  there  would  be  no  fear.  Such  a 
work  would  be  sure  to  sell.  I  wish  Vidocq  to  have  a  copy 
of  the  book,  but  I  confess  I  have  my  suspicions  ;  he  is  so 
extraordinarily  civil." 

From  Paris  he  proceeded  to  Vienna,  and  thence  into 
Hungary  and  Transylvania,  where  he  remained  for  some 
months.  He  is  known  to  have  been  "in  the  steppe  of 
Debreczin,"1  to  Koloszvar,  through  Nagy-Szeben,  or 
Hermannstadt,  on  his  journey  through  Roumania  to 
Bucharest  He  visited  Wallachia  "  for  the  express  purpose 
of  discoursing  with  the  Gypsies,  many  of  whom  I  found 
wandering  about." 2 

So  little  is  known  of  Borrow's  Eastern  Journey  that 
the  following  account,  given  by  an  American,  has  a 
peculiar  interest : — 

"  My  companions,  as  we  rode  along,  related  some 
marvellous  stories  of  a  certain  English  traveller  who  had 
been  here  [near  Grosswardein]  and  of  his  influence  over 
the  Gypsies.  One  of  them  said  that  he  was  walking  out 
with  him  one  day,  when  they  met  a  poor  gypsy  woman. 
The  Englishman  addressed  her  in  Hungarian,  and  she 
answered  in  the  usual  disdainful  way.  He  changed  his 
language,  however,  and  spoke  a  word  or  two  in  an 
unknown  tongue.  The  woman's  face  lighted  up  in  an 
instant,  and  she  replied  in  the  most  passionate,  eager 
way,  and  after  some  conversation  dragged  him  away 
almost  with  her.  After  this  the  English  gentleman 
visited  a  number  of  their  most  private  gatherings  and 
was  received  everywhere  as  one  of  them.  He  did  more 
good  among  them,  all  said,  than  all  the  laws  over  them, 
or  the  benevolent  efforts  for  them,  of  the  last  half  century. 
They  described  his  appearance — his  tall,  lank,  muscular 
form,  and  mentioned  that  he  had  been  much  in  Spain, 
and  I  saw  that  it  must  be  that  most  ubiquitous  of 
travellers,  Mr  Borrow."3 

This  was  the  fame  most  congenial  to  Borrow's  strange 

1  The  Romany  Rye,  page  344. 

2  Dr  Knapp's  Life  of  George  Borrow,  ii.  44. 

3  Hungary  in  1851.     By  Charles  L.  Brace. 


XXIIL]      BORROWS  CONCEPTION  OF  FAME          363 

nature.  Dinners,  receptions,  and  the  like  caused  him  to 
despise  those  who  found  pleasure  in  such  "crazy 
admiration  for  what  they  called  gentility."  It  was  his 
foible,  as  much  as  "gentility  nonsense"  was  theirs,  to 
find  pleasure  in  the  rdle  of  the  mysterious  stranger,  who 
by  a  word  could  change  a  disdainful  gypsy  into  a  fawning, 
awe-stricken  slave.  Fame  to  satisfy  George  Borrow  must 
carry  with  it  something  of  the  greatness  of  Olympus. 

A  glimpse  of  Borrow  during  his  Eastern  tour  is 
obtained  from  Mrs  Borrow's  letters  to  John  Murray. 
After  telling  him  that  she  possesses  a  privilege  which  many 
wives  do  not  (viz.),  permission  to  open  her  Husband's 
letters  during  his  absence,  she  proceeds : — 

"  The  accounts  from  him  are,  I  am  thankful  to  say, 
very  satisfactory.  It  is  extraordinary  with  what  marks 
of  kindness  even  Catholics  of  distinction  treat  him  when 
they  know  who  he  is,  but  it  is  clearly  his  gift  of  tongues 
which  causes  him  to  meet  with  so  many  adventures,  several 
of  which  he  has  recorded  of  a  most  singular  nature." J 

At  Vienna  Borrow  had  arranged  to  wait  until  he 
should  receive  a  letter  from  his  wife,  "  being  very  anxious 
to  know  of  his  family,"  as  Mrs  Borrow  informed  John 
Murray  (24th  July). 

"  Thus  far,"  she  continues,  "  thanks  be  to  God,  he  has 
prospered  in  his  journey.  Many  and  wonderful  are  the 
adventures  he  has  met  with,  which  I  hope  at  no  distant 
period  may  be  related  to  his  friends.  Doctor  Bowring 
was  very  kind  in  sending  me  flattering  tidings  of  my 
Husband." 

Borrow  was  at  Constantinople  on  I7th  Sept.  when  he 
drew  on  his  letter  of  credit.  Leland  tells  an  anecdote 
about  Borrow  at  Constantinople;  but  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  it  was  written  when  he  regarded  Borrow 
with  anything  but  friendly  feelings : — 

"Sir  Patrick  Colquhoun  told  me  that  once  when  he 
was  at  Constantinople,  Mr  Borrow  came  there,  and  gave 

1  Mrs  Borrow  to  John  Murray,  4th  June  1844. 


364  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1844 

it  out  that  he  was  a  marvellous  Oriental  scholar.  But 
there  was  great  scepticism  on  this  subject  at  the  Legation, 
and  one  day  at  the  table  d'hote,  where  the  great  writer  and 
divers  young  diplomatists  dined,  two  who  were  seated 
on  either  side  of  Borrow  began  to  talk  Arabic,  speaking 
to  him,  the  result  being  that  he  was  obliged  to  confess 
that  he  not  only  did  not  understand  what  they  were 
saying,  but  did  not  everi  know  what  the  language  was. 
Then  he  was  tried  in  Modern  Greek,  with  the  same 
result."1 

The  story  is  obviously  untrue.  Had  Borrow  been 
ignorant  of  Arabic  he  would  not  have  risked  writing  to 
Dr  Bowring  (nth  Sept.  1831  ;  see  ante,  page  85)  express- 
ing his  enthusiasm  for  that  language.  Arabic  had,  appar- 
ently, formed  one  of  the  subjects  of  his  preliminary 
examination  at  Earl  Street.  With  regard  to  Modern 
Greek  he  confessed  in  a  letter  to  Mr  Brandram  (i2th 
June  1839),  "though  I  speak  it  very  ill,  I  can  make 
myself  understood." 

Having  obtained  a  Turkish  passport,  and  after  being 
presented  to  Abdul  Medjid,  the  Sultan,  Borrow  proceeded 
to  Salonika  and,  crossing  Thessaly  to  Albania,  visited 
Janina  and  Prevesa.  He  passed  over  to  Corfu,  and  saw 
Venice  and  Rome,  returning  to  England  by  way  of 
Marseilles,  Paris  and  Havre.  He  arrived  in  London  on 
1 6th  November,  after  nearly  seven  months'  absence,  to 
find  his  "  home  particularly  dear  to  me  .  .  .  after  my 
long  wanderings." 

It  is  curious  that  he  should  have  left  no  record  of  this 
expedition ;  but  if  he  made  notes  he  evidently  destroyed 
them,  as,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  letters,  nothing  was 
found  among  his  papers  relating  to  the  Eastern  tour. 
There  is  evidence  that  he  was  occupied  with  his  pen 
during  this  journey,  in  the  existence  at  the  British 
Museum  of  his  Vocabulary  of  the  Gypsy  Language  as  spoken 
in  Hungary  and  Transylvania,  compiled  during  an  inter- 
course of  some  months  with  the  Gypsies  in  those  parts  in  the 
1  Memoirs,  C.  G.  Leland,  1893. 


XXIIL]         THE  GENIUS  OF  THE  MOSQUE  365 

year  1844,  by  George  Borrow.  In  all  probability  he  pre- 
pared his  Bohemian  Grammar  at  the  same  time.1 

From  the  time  that  he  became  acquainted  with 
Borrow,  Richard  Ford  had  constituted  himself  the  genius 
of  La  Mezquita  (the  Mosque),  as  he  states  the  little 
octagonal  Summer-house  was  called.  He  was  for  ever 
urging  in  impulsive,  polyglot  letters  that  the  curtain  to 
be  lifted.  "  Publish  your  whole  adventures  for  the  last 
twenty  years,"  he  had  written.2  Ford  saw  that  a  man  of 
Borrow's  nature  must  have  had  astonishing  adventures, 
and  with  his  pen  would  be  able  to  tell  them  in  an 
astonishing  manner. 

As  early  as  the  summer  of  1841  Borrow  appears  to 
have  contemplated  writing  his  Autobiography.  On  the 
eve  of  the  appearance  of  The  Bible  in  Spain  (i^th  Dec.) 
he  wrote  to  John  Murray :  "  I  hope  our  book  will  be 
successful ;  if  so,  I  shall  put  another  on  the  stocks. 
Capital  subject :  early  life ;  studies  and  adventures ; 
some  account  of  my  father,  William  Taylor,  Whiter,  Big 
Ben,  etc.  etc." 

The  first  draft  of  notes  for  Lavengro,  an  Autobiography ', 
as  the  book  was  originally  advertised  in  the  announce- 
ment, is  extremely  interesting.  It  runs  : — 

"  Reasons    for    studying    languages :    French,    Italian, 

D'Eterville. 

Southern  tongues.     Dante. 

Walks.     The  Quaker's  Home,  Mousehold.     Petulengro. 
The  Gypsies. 

The  Office.     Welsh.     Lhuyd. 
German.     Levy.     Billy  Taylor. 
Danish.     Kcempe  Viser.     Billy  Taylor.     Dinner. 
Bowring. 

Hebrew.     The  Jew. 
Philosophy.     Radicalism.     Ranters. 
Thurtell.     Boxers.     Petulengres." 3 

1  Both  these  MSS.  were  acquired  by  the  Trustees  of  the  British 
Museum  in  1892  by  purchase.     The  Gypsy  Vocabulary  runs  to  fifty- 
four  Folios  and  the  Bohemian  Grammar  to  seventeen  Folios. 

2  24th  April  1 84 1 .      3  Dr  Knapp's  Life  of  George  Borrow ',  ii.  page  5. 


366  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1843 

Lavengro  was  planned  in  1842  and  the  greater  part 
written  before  the  end  of  the  following  year,  although  the 
work  was  not  actually  completed  until  1846.  There  are 
numerous  references  in  Sorrow's  letters  of  this  period  to 
the  book  on  which  he  was  then  engaged,  and  he  invariably 
refers  to  it  as  his  Life.  On  2ist  January  1843  ne  writes 
to  John  Murray,  Junr.  :  "  I  meditate  shortly  a  return  to 
Barbary  in  quest  of  the  Witch  Hamlet,  and  my  adventures 
in  the  land  of  wonders  will  serve  capitally  to  fill  the  thin 
volume  of  My  Life,  a  Drama,  By  G.  B."  Again  and  again 
Borrow  refers  to  My  Life.  Hasfeldt  and  Ford  also  wrote 
of  it  as  the  "  wonderful  life  "  and  "  the  Biography:' 

In  his  letters  to  John  Murray,  Borrow  not  only  refers 
to  the  book  as  his  Life,  but  from  time  to  time  gives 
crumbs  of  information  concerning  its  progress.  The 
Secretary  of  the  Bible  Society  has  just  lent  him  his  letters 
from  Russia,  "  which  will  be  of  great  assistance  in  the  Life, 
as  I  shall  work  them  up  as  I  did  those  relating  to  Spain. 
The  first  volume,"  he  continues,  "will  be  devoted  to 
England  entirely,  and  my  pursuits  and  adventures  in 
early  life."  He  recognises  that  he  must  be  careful  of  the 
reputation  that  he  has  earned.  His  new  book  is  to  be 
original,  as  would  be  seen  when  it  at  last  appears  ;  but  he 
confesses  that  occasionally  he  feels  "  tremendously  lazy." 
On  another  occasion  (27th  March  1843)  ne  writes  to  John 
Murray,  Junr. :  "  I  hope  by  the  end  of  next  year  that  I 
shall  have  part  of  my  life  ready  for  the  press  in  3  vols." 
Six  months  later  (2nd  Oct.  1843)  ne  writes  to  John 
Murray : — 

"  I  wish  I  had  another  Bible  ready ;  but  slow  and  sure 
is  my  maxim.  The  book  which  I  am  at  present  about 
will  consist,  if  I  live  to  finish  it  of  a  series  of  Rembrandt 
pictures  interspersed  here  and  there  with  a  Claude.  I 
shall  tell  the  world  of  my  parentage,  my  early  thoughts  and 
habits ;  how  I  became  a  sap-engro,  or  viper-catcher ;  my 
wanderings  with  the  regiment  in  England,  Scotland  and 
Ireland.  .  .  .  Then  a  great  deal  about  Norwich,  Billy 
Taylor,  Thurtell,  etc. ;  how  I  took  to  study  and  became  a 


XXIIL]  FORD  VISITS  BORROW  367 

lav-engro.  What  do  you  think  of  this  as  a  bill  of  fare  for 
\hefirst  Vol.  ?  The  second  will  consist  of  my  adventures 
in  London  as  an  author  in  the  year  '23  (sic),  adventures  on 
the  Big  North  Road  in  '24  (sic),  Constantinople,  etc.  The 
third  —  but  I  shall  tell  you  no  more  of  my  secrets." 


In  a  letter  to  John  Murray  (25th  Oct.  1843),  tne  titie  is 
referred  to  as  Lavengro  :  A  Biography.  It  is  to  be  "  full 
of  grave  fun  and  solemn  laughter  like  the  Bible"  On  6th 
December  he  again  writes  :  — 

"  I  do  not  wish  for  my  next  book  to  be  advertised  yet  ; 
I  have  a  particular  reason.  The  Americans  are  up  to 
everything  which  affords  a  prospect  of  gain,  and  I  should 
not  wonder  that,  provided  I  were  to  announce  my  title, 
and  the  book  did  not  appear  forthwith,  they  would  write 
one  for  me  and  send  forth  their  trash  into  the  world  under 
my  name.  For  my  own  part  I  am  in  no  hurry,"  he  pro- 
ceeds. "  I  am  writing  to  please  myself,  and  am  quite  sure 
that  if  I  can  contrive  to  please  myself,  I  shall  please  the 
public  also.  Had  I  written  a  book  less  popular  than  the 
Bible,  I  should  be  less  cautious  ;  but  I  know  how  much  is 
expected  from  me,  and  also  know  what  a  roar  of  exultation 
would  be  raised  by  my  enemies  (and  I  have  plenty)  were  I 
to  produce  anything  that  was  not  first  rate." 

Time  after  time  he  insists  upon  his  determination  to 
publish  nothing  that  is  not  "  as  good  as  the  last."  "  I  shall 
go  on  with  my  Life"  he  writes  to  Ford  (9th  Feb.  1844), 
"  but  slowly  and  lazily.  What  I  write,  however,  is  good. 
I  feel  it  is  good,  strange  and  wild  as  it  is."  * 

From  24th-27th  Jan.  1  844  that  "  most  astonishing  fellow  " 
Richard  Ford  visited  Borrow  at  Oulton,  urging  again  in 
person,  most  likely,  the  lifting  of  the  veil  that  obscured 
those  seven  mysterious  years.  Ford  has  himself  described 
this  visit  to  Borrow  in  a  letter  written  from  Oulton  Hall. 

"  I  am  here  on  a  visit  to  El  Gitano  ;  "  he  writes,  "  two 
*  rum  '  coves,  in  a  queer  country.  ...  we  defy  the  elements, 
and  chat  over  las  cosas  de  Espana,  and  he  tells  me  portions 

1  As  late  even  as  I3th  March  1851,  Dr  Hake  wrote  to  Mrs 
Borrow  :  "  He  [Borrow]  had  better  carry  on  his  biography  in  three 
more  volumes. 


368  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1844 

of  his  life,  more  strange  even  than  his  book.  We  scamper 
by  day  over  the  country  in  a  sort  of  gig,  which  reminds 
me  of  Mr  Weare  on  his  trip  with  Mr  THURTELL 
[Borrow's  old  preceptor] ;  *  Sidi  Habismilk'  is  in  the  stable 
and  a  Zamarra  [sheepskin  coat]  now  before  me,  writing 
as  I  am  in  a  sort  of  summer-house  called  La  Mezquita,  in 
which  El  Gitano  concocts  his  lucubrations,  and  paints  his 
pictures,  for  his  object  is  to  colour  up  and  poetise  his 
adventures." 

By  this  last  sentence  Ford  showed  how  thoroughly  he 
understood  Borrow's  literary  methods.  A  fortnight  later 
Borrow  writes  to  Ford  : — 

"  You  can't  think  how  I  miss  you  and  our  chats  by  the 
fireside.  The  wine,  now  I  am  alone,  has  lost  its  flavour, 
and  the  cigars  make  me  ill.  I  am  frequently  in  my  valley 
of  the  shadows,  and  had  I  not  my  summer  jaunt  [the 
Eastern  Tour]  to  look  forward  to,  I  am  afraid  it  would  be 
all  up  with  your  friend  and  Batushka" 

The  Eastern  Tour  considerably  interfered  with  the 
writing  of  Lavengro.  There  was  a  seven  months'  break ; 
but  Borrow  settled  down  to  work  on  it  again,  still  deter- 
mined to  take  his  time  and  produce  a  book  that  should  be 
better  than  The  Bible  in  Spain. 

Ford's  Hand- Book  for  Travellers  in  Spain  and  Readers 
at  Home  appeared  in  1845,  a  work  that  had  cost  its  author 
upwards  of  sixteen  years  of  labour.  In  a  letter  to  Borrow 
he  characterised  it  as  "a  rum  book  and  has  queer  stuff  in 
it,  although  much  expurgated  for  the  sake  of  Spain." 
Ford  was  very  anxious  that  Borrow  should  keep  the 
promise  that  he  had  given  two  years  previously  to  review 
the  Hand-Book  when  it  appeared.  "  You  will  do  it 
magnificently.  '  Thou  art  the  man,' "  Ford  had  written 
with  the  greatest  enthusiasm.  On  2nd  June  an  article  of 
thirty-seven  folio  pages  was  despatched  by  Borrow  to  John 
Murray  for  The  Quarterly  Review,  with  the  following  from 
Mrs  Borrow : — 

"  With  regard  to  the  article,  it  must  not  be  received 
as  a  specimen  of  what  Mr  Borrow  would  have  produced 


xxiii.]  BORROW  AS  REVIEWER  369 

had  he  been  well,  but  he  considered  his  promise  to  Mr 
Ford  sacred — and  it  is  only  to  be  wished  that  it  had  been 
written  under  more  favourable  circumstances."  Borrow 
was  ill  at  the  time,  having  been  "  very  unwell  for  the  last 
month,"  as  Mrs  Borrow  explains,  "  and  particularly  so 
lately.  Shivering  fits  have  been  succeeded  by  burning  fever, 
till  his  strength  was  much  reduced ;  and  he  at  present 
remains  in  a  low,  and  weak  state,  and  what  is  worse,  we 
are  by  no  means  sure  that  the  disease  is  subdued." 

Ford  saw  in  Borrow  "a  crack  reviewer."  "...  You 
have,"  he  assured  him  in  1843,  "  only  to  write  a  long  letter, 
having  read  the  book  carefully  and  thought  over  the 
subject."  Ford  also  wrote  to  Borrow  (26th  Oct.  1843): 
"  I  have  written  several  letters  to  Murray  recommending 
them  to  bag  you  forthwith,  unless  they  are  demented." 
There  was  no  doubt  in  his,  Ford's,  mind  as  to  the  accept- 
ance of  Borrow's  article. 

"  If  insanity  does  not  rule  the  Q.  R.  camp,  they  will 
embrace  the  offer  with  open  arms  in  their  present  Erebus 
state  of  dullness,"  he  tells  Borrow,  then,  with  a  burst  of 
confidence  continues,  "  But,  barring  politics,  I  confi- 
dentially tell  you  that  the  Edinburgh]  Rev.  does  business 
in  a  more  liberal  and  more  business-like  manner  than 
the  Q\uarterly\  Rev.  I  am  always  dunning  this  into 
Murray's  head.  More  flies  are  caught  with  honey  than 
vinegar.  Soft  sawder,  especially  if  plenty  of  gold  goes 
into  the  composition,  cements  a  party  and  keeps  earnest 
pens  together.  I  grieve,  for  my  heart  is  entirely  with 
the  Q.  R.,  its  views  and  objects." 

The  article  turned  out  to  be,  not  a  review  of  the  Hand- 
Book^  but  a  bitter  attack  on  Spain  and  her  rulers.  The 
second  part  was  to  some  extent  germane  to  the  subject, 
but  it  appears  to  have  been  more  concerned  with  Borrow's 
view  of  Spain  and  things  Spanish  than  with  Ford's  book. 
Lockhart  saw  that  it  would  not  do.  In  a  letter  to  John 
Murray  he  explains  very  clearly  and  very  justly  the 
objections  to  using  the  article  as  it  stood. 

"I  am  very  sorry,"  he  writes  (i3th  June),  "after 
Borrow  has  so  kindly  exerted  himself  during  illness,  that 

2  A 


370  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1845 

I  must  return  his  paper.  I  read  the  MS.  with  much 
pleasure ;  but  clever  and  brilliant  as  he  is  sure  always 
to  be,  it  was  very  evident  that  he  had  not  done  such  an 
article  as  Ford's  merits  required  ;  and  I  therefore  intended 
to  adopt  Mr  Borrow's  lively  diatribe,  but  interweave  with 
his  matter  and  add  to  it,  such  observations  and  extracts 
as  might,  I  thought,  complete  the  paper  in  a  review  sense. 

"  But  it  appears  that  Mr  B.  won't  allow  anybody  to 
tamper  with  his  paper ;  therefore  here  it  is.  It  will  be 
highly  ornamental  as  it  stands  to  any  Magazine -,  and 
I  have  no  doubt  either  Blackwood  or  Fraser  or  Colburn 
will  be  [only]  too  happy  to  insert  it  next  month,  if 
applied  to  now. 

"  Mr  Borrow  would  not  have  liked  that,  when  his 
Bible  in  Spain  came  out,  we  should  have  printed  a  brilliant 
essay  by  Ford  on  some  point  of  Spanish  interest,  but 
including  hardly  anything  calculated  to  make  the  public 
feel  that  a  new  author  of  high  consequence  had  made  his 
appearance  among  us — one  bearing  the  name,  not  of 
Richard  Ford,  but  of  George  Borrow." 

Lockhart  was  right  and  Borrow  was  wrong.  There 
is  no  room  for  equivocation.  Borrow  should  have  sunk 
his  pride  in  favour  of  his  friendship  for  Ford,  who  had, 
even  if  occasionally  a  little  tedious  in  his  epistolary 
enthusiasm,  always  been  a  loyal  friend ;  but  Borrow  was 
ill  and  excuses  must  be  made  for  him.  Lockhart  wrote 
also  to  Ford  describing  Borrow's  paper  as  "just  another 
capital  chapter  of  his  Bible  in  Spain"  which  he  had  read 
with  delight,  but  there  was  "  hardly  a  word  of  review ',  and 
no  extract  giving  the  least  notion  of  the  peculiar  merits 
and  style  especially,  of  the  Hand- Book"  "He  is  unwell," 
continued  Lockhart,  "  I  should  be  very  sorry  to  bother 
him  more  at  present;  and,  moreover,  from  the  little  he 
has  said  of  your  style,  I  am  forced  to  infer  that  a  review 
of  your  book  by  him  would  never  be  what  I  could  feel 
authorised  to  publish  in  the  Q.  R"  The  letter  concludes 
with  a  word  of  condolence  that  the  Hand-Book  will  have 
to  be  committed  to  other  hands. 

Ford  realised  the  difficulty  of  the  situation  in  which 


XXIIL]  THE  EMBODIMENT  OF  EVIL  371 

he  was  placed,  and  strove  to  wriggle  out  of  it  by  telling 
Borrow  that  his  wife  had  said  all  along  that 

"'Borrow  can't  write  anything  dull  enough  for  your 
set;  I  wonder  how  I  ever  married  one  of  them,' — I  hope 
and  trust  you  will  not  cancel  the  paper,  for  we  can't 
afford  to  lose  a  scrap  of  your  queer  sparkle  and  '  thousand 
bright  daughters  circumvolving.'  I  have  recommended 
its  insertion  in  Blackwood,  Fraser,  or  some  of  those 
clever  Magazines,  who  will  be  overjoyed  to  get  such  a 
hand  as  yours,  and  I  will  bet  any  man  £$  that  your 
paper  will  be  the  most  popular  of  all  they  print." 

It  is  evident  that  Ford  was  genuinely  distressed,  and 
in  his  anxiety  to  be  loyal  to  his  friend  rather  overdid 
it.  His  letter  has  an  air  of  patronage  that  the  writer 
certainly  never  intended.  The  outstanding  feature  is 
its  absolute  selflessness.  Ford  never  seems  to  think  of 
himself,  or  that  Borrow  might  have  made  a  concession 
to  their  friendship.  Happy  Ford !  The  unfortunate 
episode  estranged  Borrow  from  Ford.  Letters  between 
them  became  less  and  less  frequent  and  finally  ceased 
altogether,  although  Borrow  did  not  forget  to  send  to  his 
old  friend  a  copy  of  Lavengro  when  it  appeared. 

Worries  seemed  to  rain  down  upon  Borrow's  head 
about  this  time.  Samuel  Morton  Peto  (afterwards  Sir 
Samuel)  had  decided  to  enrich  Lowestoft  by  improving 
the  harbour  and  building  a  railway  to  Reedham,  about 
half-way  between  Yarmouth  and  Norwich.  He  was 
authorised  by  Parliament  and  duly  constructed  his  line, 
which  not  even  Borrow's  anger  could  prevent  from 
passing  through  the  Oulton  Estate,  between  the  Hall 
and  the  Cottage.  Borrow  could  not  fight  an  Act  of 
Parliament,  which  forced  him  to  cross  a  railway  bridge 
on  his  way  to  church ;  but  he  never  forgave  the  man 
who  had  contrived  it,  or  his  millions.  His  first  thought 
had  been  to  fly  before  the  invader.  All  quiet  would 
be  gone  from  the  place.  "Sell  and  be  off,"  advised 
Ford ;  "  I  hope  you  will  make  the  railway  pay  dear 


372  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1845 

for  its  whistle,"  quietly  observed  John  Murray.  At  first 
Borrow  was  inclined  to  take  Ford's  advice  and  settle 
abroad  ;  but  subsequently  relinquished  the  idea. 

He  was  not,  however,  the  man  quietly  to  sit  down  before 
what  he  conceived  to  be  an  unjustifiable  outrage  to  his 
right  to  be  quiet.  He  never  forgave  railways,  although 
forced  sometimes  to  make  use  of  them.  Samuel  Morton 
Peto  became  to  him  the  embodiment  of  evil,  and  as 
"  Mr  Flamson  flaming  in  his  coach  with  a  million "  he  is 
immortalised  in  The  Romany  Rye. 

It  is  said  that  Sir  Samuel  boasted  that  he  had  made 
more  than  the  price  he  had  paid  for  Borrow's  land  out 
of  the  gravel  he  had  taken  from  off  it.  On  one  occasion, 
after  he  had  bought  Somerleyton  Hall,  happening  to 
meet  Borrow,  he  remarked  that  he  never  called  upon 
him,  and  Borrow  remembering  the  boast  replied,  "  I  call 
on  you !  Do  you  think  I  don't  read  my  Shakespeare  ? 
Do  you  think  I  don't  know  all  about  those  highwaymen 
Bardolph  and  Peto  ?  " l 

The  neighbourhood  of  Oulton  appears  to  have  been 
infested  with  thieves,  and  poachers  found  admirable 
"cover"  in  the  surrounding  plantations,  or  small  woods. 
On  several  occasions  Borrow  himself  had  been  attacked 
at  night  on  the  highway  between  Lowestoft  and  Oulton. 
Once  he  had  even  been  shot  at  and  nearly  overpowered. 
John  Murray  (the  Second)  on  hearing  of  one  of  these 
assaults  had  written  (1841)  artfully  enquiring,  "Were 
your  wood  thieves  Gypsies,  and  have  the  Ca//s  got  notice 
of  your  publication  [  The  Zincali~\  ?  " 

Borrow  had  written  to  John  Murray,  Junr.  (loth  May 
1842):— 

"  I  have  been  dreadfully  unwell  since  I  last  heard  from 
you — a  regular  nervous  attack.  At  present  I  have  a  bad 
cough,  caught  by  getting  up  at  night  in  pursuit  of 
poachers  and  thieves.  A  horrible  neighbourhood  this — 
not  a  magistrate  dares  do  his  duty."  On  i8th  September 

1  Mr  A.  Egmont  Hake  in  Atkenceum,  I3th  Aug.  1881. 


XXIIL]  MR  GLADSTONE'S  CRITICISM  373 

1843  he  again  wrote  to  John  Murray:  "One  of  the 
Magistrates  in  this  district  is  just  dead.  Present  my 
compliments  to  Mr  Gladstone  and  tell  him  that  the  The 
Bible  tn  Spain  would  have  no  objection  to  become  'a 
great  unpaid  ! ' ' 

Gladstone  is  said  greatly  to  have  admired  The  Bible  in 
Spain,  even  to  the  extent  of  writing  to  John  Murray 
counselling  him  to  have  amended  a  passage  that  he 
considered  ill-advised.  Gladstone's  letter  was  sent  on  to 
Borrow,  and  he  acknowledges  its  receipt  (6th  November 
1 843)  in  the  following  terms  : — 

"  Many  thanks  for  the  perusal  of  Mr  Gladstone's  letter. 
I  esteem  it  a  high  honour  that  so  distinguished  a  man 
should  take  sufficient  interest  in  a  work  of  mine  as  to 
suggest  any  thing  in  emendation.  I  can  have  no 
possible  objection  to  modify  the  passage  alluded  to.  It 
contains  some  strong  language,  particularly  the  sentence 
about  the  scarlet  Lady,  which  it  would  be  perhaps  as  well 
to  omit." 

The  offending  passage  was  that  in  which  Borrow  says, 
when  describing  the  interior  of  the  Mosque  at  Tangier : 
"  I  looked  around  for  the  abominable  thing,  and  found  it 
not ;  no  scarlet  strumpet  with  a  crown  of  false  gold  sat 
nursing  an  ugly  changeling  in  a  niche."  In  later  editions 
the  words  "  no  scarlet  strumpet,"  etc.,  were  changed  to 
"the  besetting  sin  of  the  pseudo-Christian  Church  did  not 
stare  me  in  the  face  in  every  corner." 

The  amendment  was  little  likely  to  please  a  Church- 
man of  Gladstone's  calibre,  or  procure  for  the  writer  the 
magistracy  he  coveted,  even  if  it  had  been  made  less 
grudgingly.  "  We  must  not  make  any  further  alterations 
here,"  Borrow  wrote  to  Murray  a  few  days  later,  "  otherwise 
the  whole  soliloquy,  which  is  full  of  vigor  and  poetry,  and 
moreover  of  truth,  would  be  entirely  spoiled.  As  it  is,  I 
cannot  help  feeling  that  [it]  is  considerably  damaged." 
There  seems  very  little  doubt  that  this  passage  was 
referred  to  in  the  letter  that  John  Murray  encloses  in  his 


374  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1847 

of  loth  July  I8431  with  this  reference:  "(The  writer  of 
the  enclosed  note  is  a  worthy  canon  of  St  Paul's,  and 
has  evidently  seen  only  the  ist  edition)."  Borrow 
replied  : — 

"  Pray  present  my  best  respects  to  the  Canon  of  St 
Paul's  and  tell  him  from  me  that  he  is  a  burro,  which 
meaneth  Jackass,  and  that  I  wish  he  would  mind  his  own 
business,  which  he  might  easily  do  by  attending  a  little 
more  to  the  accommodation  of  the  public  in  his  ugly 
Cathedral." 

Borrow  appears  to  have  set  his  mind  on  becoming  a 
magistrate.  He  had  written  to  Lockhart  (November 
1843)  enquiring  how  he  had  best  proceed  to  obtain  such  an 
appointment.  Lockhart  was  not  able  to  give  him  any  very 
definite  information,  his  knowledge  of  such  things,  as  he 
confessed,  "  being  Scotch."  For  the  time  being  the  matter 
was  allowed  to  drop,  to  be  revived  in  1847  by  a  direct 
application  from  Borrow  to  Lord  Clarendon  to  support 
his  application  with  the  Lord  Chancellor.  His  claims 
were  based  upon  (i)  his  being  a  large  landed-proprietor 
in  the  district  (Mrs  Borrow  had  become  the  owner  of  the 
Oulton  Hall  Estate  during  the  previous  year)  ;  (2)  the 
fact  that  the  neighbourhood  was  over-run  with  thieves 
and  undesirable  characters ;  (3)  that  there  was  no  magis- 
trate residing  in  the  district.  Lord  Clarendon  promised 
his  good  offices,  but  suggested  that  as  all  such  appoint- 
ments were  made  through  the  Lord-Lieutenant  of  the 
County,  the  Earl  of  Stradbroke  had  better  be  acquainted 
with  what  was  taking  place.  This  was  done  through  the 
Hon.  Wm.  Rufus  Rous,  Lord  Stradbroke's  brother,  whose 
interest  was  obtained  by  some  of  Borrow's  friends. 

After  a  delay  of  two  months,  Lord  Stradbroke  wrote 
to  Lord  Clarendon  that  he  was  quite  satisfied  with  "  the 
number  and  efficiency  of  the  Magistrates"  and  also 

1  There  is  something  inexplicable  about  these  dates.  On  6th 
November  Borrow  agrees  to  alter  a  passage  that  in  the  I4th  of  the 
previous  July  he  refers  to  as  already  amended. 


XXIIL]  A  GYPSY  RIOT  375 

with  the  way  in  which  the  Petty  Sessions  were  attended. 
He  could  hear  of  no  complaint,  and  when  the  time  came 
to  increase  the  number  of  J.P.'s,  he  would  be  pleased  to 
add  Borrow's  name  to  the  list,  provided  he  were  advised 
to  do  so  by  "  those  gentlemen  residing  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, who,  living  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  them  [the 
Magistrates],  will  be  able  to  maintain  that  union  of  good 
feeling  which  .  .  .  exists  in  all  our  benches  of  Petty 
Sessions." 

Borrow  would  have  made  a  good  magistrate,  provided 
the  offender  were  not  a  gypsy.  He  would  have  caused  the 
wrong-doer  fear  the  instrument  of  the  law  rather  than  the 
law  itself,  and  some  of  his  sentences  might  possibly  have 
been  as  summary  as  those  of  Judge  Lynch. 

"  It  was  a  fine  thing,"  writes  a  contemporary,  "  to  see 
the  great  man  tackle  a  tramp.  Then  he  scented  the 
battle  from  afar,  bearing  down  on  the  enemy  with  a 
quivering  nostril.  If  the  nomad  happened  to  be  a  gypsy 
he  was  courteously  addressed.  But  were  he  a  mere  native 
tatterdemalion,  inclined  to  be  truculent,  Borrow's  coat  was 
off  in  a  moment,  and  the  challenge  to  decide  there  and 
then  who  was  the  better  man  flung  forth.  I  have  never 
seen  such  challenges  accepted,  for  Borrow  was  robust  and 
towering." l 

It  is  not  strange  that  Borrow's  application  failed ;  for 
he  never  refused  leave  to  the  gypsies  to  camp  upon  his 
land,  and  would  sometimes  join  them  beside  their  camp- 
fires.  Once  he  took  a  guest  with  him  after  dinner  to 
where  the  gypsies  were  encamped.  They  received  Borrow 
with  every  mark  of  repect.  Presently  he  "began  to 
intone  to  them  a  song,  written  by  him  in  Romany, 
which  recounted  all  their  tricks  and  evil  deeds.  The 
gypsies  soon  became  excited ;  then  they  began  to  kick 
their  property  about,  such  as  barrels  and  tin  cans ;  then 
the  men  began  to  fight  and  the  women  to  part  them ; 

1  Vestiges  of  Borrow :  Some  Personal  Reminiscences,  The  Globe, 
2  ist  July  1896. 


376  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1847 

an  uproar  of  shouts  and  recriminations  set  in,  and  the 
quarrel  became  so  serious  that  it  was  thought  prudent  to 
quit  the  scene." l  "  In  nothing  can  the  character  of  a 
people  be  read  with  greater  certainty  and  exactness  than 
in  its  songs," 2  Borrow  had  written.3 

These  disappointments  tended  to  embitter  Borrow, 
who  saw  in  them  only  a  conspiracy  against  him.  There 
is  little  doubt  that  Lord  Stradbroke's  enquiries  had 
revealed  some  curious  gossip  concerning  the  Master  of 
Oulton  Hall,  possibly  the  dispute  with  his  rector  over  the 
inability  of  their  respective  dogs  to  live  in  harmony ; 
perhaps  even  the  would-be  magistrate's  predilection  for 
the  society  of  gypsies,  and  his  profound  admiration  for 
"  the  Fancy  "  had  reached  the  Lord-Lieutenant's  ears. 

The  unfortunate  and  somewhat  mysterious  dispute 
with  Dr  Bowring  was  another  anxiety  that  Borrow  had  to 
face.  He  had  once  remarked,  "  It's  very  odd,  Bowring, 
that  you  and  I  have  never  had  a  quarrel."4  In  the 
summer  of  1842  he  and  Bowring  seem  to  have  been  on 
excellent  terms.  Borrow  wrote  asking  for  the  return  of 
the  papers  and  manuscripts  that  had  remained  in  Bowring's 
hands  since  1829,  when  the  Songs  of  Scandinavia  was 
projected,  as  Borrow  hoped  to  bring  out  during  the 
ensuing  year  a  volume  entitled  Songs  of  Denmark.  The 
cordiality  of  the  letter  may  best  be  judged  by  the  fact  that 

1  Mr  A.  Egmont  Hake  in  Athenaum,  I3th  Aug.  1881. 

2  The  Gypsies  of  Spain,  page  287. 

3  "  His  sympathies  were  confined  to  the  gypsies.    Where  he  came 
they  followed.     Where  he  settled,  there  they  pitched  their  greasy  and 
horribly  smelling  camps.     It  pleased  him  to  be  called  their  King. 
He  was  their  Bard  also,  and  wrote  songs  for  them  in  that  language  of 
theirs  which  he  professed  to  consider  not  only  the  first,  but  the  finest 
of  the  human  modes  of  speech.     He  liked  to  stretch  himself  large  and 
loose-limbed  before  the  wood  fires  of  their  encampment  and  watch 
their  graceful   movements  among  the  tents "  ( Vestiges  of  Borrow  : 
Some  Personal  Reminiscences,  Globe,  2ist  July  1896). 

4  This  was  said  in  the  presence  of  Mr  F.  G.  Bowring,  son  of  Dr 
Bowring. 


XXIIL]  THE  CANTON  CONSULSHIP  377 

in  it  he  announces  his  intention  of  having  a  copy  of  the 
forthcoming  Bible  in  Spain  sent  "  to  my  oldest,  I  may  say 
my  only  friend." 

In  1847  Bowring  wrote  to  Borrow  enquiring  as  to  the 
Russian  route  through  Kiakhta,  and  asking  if  he  could 
put  him  in  the  way  of  obtaining  the  information  for  the 
use  of  a  Parliamentary  Committee  then  enquiring  into 
England's  commercial  relations  with  China.  Borrow's  reply 
is  apparently  no  longer  in  existence ;  but  it  drew  from 
Bowring  another  letter  raising  a  question  as  to  whether 
" '  two  hundred  merchants  are  allowed  to  visit  Pekin  every 
three  years.'  Are  you  certain  this  is  in  practice  now? 
Have  you  ever  been  to  Kiakhta  ? "  It  would  appear  from 
Bowring's  "  if  summoned,  your  expenses  must  be  paid  by 
the  public,"  that  Borrow  had  suggested  giving  evidence 
before  the  Committee,  hence  Bowring's  question  as  to 
whether  Borrow  could  speak  from  personal  knowledge  of 
Kiakhta. 

Borrow's  claim  against  Bowring  is  that  after  promising 
to  use  all  his  influence  to  get  him  appointed  Consul  at 
Canton,  he  obtained  the  post  for  himself,  passing  off 
as  his  own  the  Manchu-Tartar  New  Testament  that 
Borrow  had  edited  in  St  Petersburg.  There  is  absolutely 
no  other  evidence  than  that  contained  in  Borrow's 
Appendix  to  The  Romany  Rye.  There  is  very  little  doubt 
that  Bowring  was  a  man  who  had  no  hesitation  in  seizing 
everything  that  presented  itself  and  turning  it,  as  far  as 
possible,  to  his  own  uses.  In  this  he  was  doing  what  most 
successful  men  have  done  and  will  continue  to  do.  He 
had  been  kind  to  Borrow,  and  had  helped  him  as  far  as 
lay  in  his  power.  He  no  doubt  obtained  all  the  informa- 
tion he  could  from  Borrow,  as  he  would  have  done  from 
anyone  else  ;  but  he  never  withheld  his  help.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  he  really  did  mention  Borrow  as  a 
candidate  for  the  Consulship  and  later,  when  in  financial 
straits  and  finding  that  Borrow  had  no  chance  of  obtaining 
it,  accepted  Lord  Palmerston's  offer  of  the  post  for  himself. 


378  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1847 

It  is,  however,  idle  to  speculate  what  actually  happened. 
What  resulted  was  that  Bowring  as  the  "Old  Radical" 
took  premier  place  in  the  Appendix-inferno  that  closed 
The  Romany  Rye.1 

Fate  seemed  to  conspire  to  cause  Borrow  chagrin. 
Early  in  1847  it  came  to  his  knowledge  that  there  were  in 
existence  some  valuable  Codices  in  certain  churches  and 
convents  in  the  Levant.  In  particular  there  was  said  to 
be  an  original  of  the  Greek  New  Testament,  supposed  to 
date  from  the  fourth  century,  which  had  been  presented 
to  the  convent  on  Mount  Sinai  by  the  Emperor 
Justinian.  Borrow  received  information  of  the  existence 
of  the  treasure,  and  also  a  hint  that  with  a  little  address, 
some  of  these  priceless  manuscripts  might  be  secured  to 
the  British  Nation.  It  was  even  suggested  that  application 
might  be  made  to  the  Government  by  the  Trustees  of  the 
British  Museum.2  Borrow's  reply  to  this  was  an  intima- 
tion that  if  requested  to  do  so  he  would  willingly  under- 
take the  mission.  Nothing,  however,  came  of  the  project, 
and  the  remainder  of  the  manuscript  of  the  Greek 
Testament  (part  of  it  had  been  acquired  in  1843  by 
Tischendorf)  was  presented  by  the  monks  to  Alexander  1 1. 
and  it  is  now  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  St  Petersburg. 

The  information  as  to  the  existence  of  the  manuscripts, 
it  is  alleged,  was  given  to  the  Museum  Trustees  by  the 
Hon.  Robert  Curzon,  who  had  travelled  much  in  Egypt 
and  the  Holy  Land.  It  was  certainly  no  fault  of  his  that 
the  mission  was  not  sent  out,  and  Borrow's  subsequent 
antagonism  to  him  and  his  family  is  difficult  to  understand 
and  impossible  to  explain. 

Borrow  had  achieved  literary  success :  before  the  year 

1  Mr  F.  J.  Bowring  writes  :   "  I   was   myself  present  at  Borrow's 
last  call,  when  he  came  to  take  tea  as  usual,  and  not  a  word  of  the 
kind  [as  given  in  the  Appendix],  was  delivered." 

2  There  is  no  record  of  any  correspondence  with  Borrow  among 
the  Museum  Archives.      Dr  F.  G.    Kenyon,  C.B.,  to  whom    I    am 
indebted  for  this  information,  suggests  that  the  communications  may 
have  been  verbal. 


XXIIL]  IMPRESSIONS  OF  BORROW  379 

1847  The  Zincali  was  in  its  Fourth  Edition  (nearly  10,000 
copies  having  been  printed)  and  The  Bible  in  Spain  had 
reached  its  Eighth  Edition  (nearly  20,000  copies  having 
been  printed).  He  was  an  unqualified  success ;  yet  he 
had  been  far  happier  when  distributing  Testaments  in 
Spain.  The  greyness  and  inaction  of  domestic  life,  even 
when  relieved  by  occasional  excursions  with  Sidi  Habismilk 
and  the  Son  of  the  Miracle,  were  irksome  to  his  tempera- 
ment, ever  eager  for  occupation  and  change  of  scene.  He 
was  like  a  war-horse  champing  his  bit  during  times 
of  peace. 

"  Why  did  you  send  me  down  six  copies  [of  The 
Zincali\l"  he  bursts  out  in  a  letter  to  John  Murray  (29th 
Jan.  1846).  "  Whom  should  I  send  them  to  ?  Do  you  think 
I  have  six  friends  in  the  world  ?  Two  I  have  presented 
to  my  wife  and  daughter  (in  law).  I  shall  return  three 
to  you  by  the  first  opportunity." 

In  1847,  through  the  Harveys,  he  became  acquainted 
with  Dr  Thomas  Gordon  Hake,  who  was  in  practice  at 
Brighton  1832-37  and  at  Bury  St  Edmunds  1839-53,  and 
who  was  also  a  poet.  The  two  families  visited  each  other, 
and  Dr  Hake  has  left  behind  him  some  interesting  stories 
about,  and  valuable  impressions  of,  Borrow.  Dr  Hake 
shows  clearly  that  he  did  not  allow  his  friendship  to 
influence  his  judgment  when  in  his  Memoirs  he  described 
Borrow  as 

"  one  of  those  whose  mental  powers  are  strong,  and  whose 
bodily  frame  is  yet  stronger — a  conjunction  of  forces  often 
detrimental  to  a  literary  career,  in  an  age  of  intellectual 
predominance.  His  temper  was  good  and  bad  ;  his  pride 
was  humility  ;  his  humility  was  pride  ;  his  vanity  in  being 
negative,  was  one  of  the  most  positive  kind.  He  was 
reticent  and  candid,  measured  in  speech,  with  an  emphasis 
that  made  trifles  significant." 1 

This    rather  laboured  series  of  paradoxes  quite  fails 
to   give  a  convincing  impression   of  the  man.     A  much 
1  Memoirs  of  Eighty  Years.     By  Dr  Gordon  Hake,  1892. 


380  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1847 

better  idea  of  Borrow  is  to  be  found  in  a  letter  (1847) 
by  a  fellow-guest  at  a  breakfast  given  by  the  Prussian 
Ambassador.  He  writes  that  there  was  present 

"  the  amusing  author  of  The  Bible  in  Spain,  a  man  who  is 
remarkable  for  his  extraordinary  powers  as  a  linguist,  and 
for  the  originality  of  his  character,  not  to  speak  of  the 
wonderful  adventures  he  narrates,  and  the  ease  and  facility 
with  which  he  tells  them.  He  kept  us  laughing  a  good 
part  of  breakfast  time  by  the  oddity  of  his  remarks,  as 
well  as  the  positiveness  of  his  assertions,  often  rather 
startling,  and  like  his  books  partaking  of  the  marvellous." 1 

Abandoning  paradox,  Dr  Hake  is  more  successful  in 
his  description  of  Sorrow's  person. 

"  His  figure  was  tall,"  he  tells  us,  "  and  his  bearing  very 
noble;  he  had  a  finely  moulded  head,  and  thick  white 
hair — white  from  his  youth ;  his  brown  eyes  were  soft,  yet 
piercing ;  his  nose  somewhat  of  the  '  Semitic '  type,  which 
gave  his  face  the  cast  of  the  young  Memnon.  His  mouth 
had  a  generous  curve ;  and  his  features,  for  beauty  and 
true  power,  were  such  as  can  have  no  parallel  in  our 
portrait  gallery."  2 

When  not  occupied  in  writing,  Borrow  would  walk 
about  the  estate  with  his  animals,  between  whom 
and  their  master  a  perfect  understanding  existed.  Sidi 
Habismilk  would  come  to  a  whistle  and  would  follow  him 

1  Annals  of  the  Harford  Family.     Privately  printed,  1909.     Mr 
Theodore  Watts- Dunton,  in  the  Athenaum^  25 th  March  1899,  has 
been  successful  in  giving  a  convincing  picture  of  Borrow  :  "  As  to  his 
countenance,"  he  writes,  " '  noble  '  is  the  only  word  that  can  be  used 
to   describe   it.     The   silvery   whiteness   of  the   thick   crop   of  hair 
seemed  to  add  in  a  remarkable  way  to  the  beauty  of  the  hairless  face, 
but  also  it  gave  a  strangeness  to  it,  and  this  strangeness  was  intensified 
by  a  certain  incongruity  between  the  features  (perfect  Roman-Greek 
in  type),  and  the  Scandinavian  complexion,  luminous  and  sometimes 
rosy  as  an  English  girl's.    An  increased  intensity  was  lent  by  the 
fair  skin  to  the  dark  lustre  of  the  eyes.     What  struck  the  observer, 
therefore,   was  not   the  beauty  but  the  strangeness   of  the   man's 
appearance." 

2  Memoirs  of  Eighty  Years.     By  Dr  Gordon  Hake,  1892. 


XXIIL]          BORROWS  LOVE  OF  ANIMALS  381 

about,  and  his  two  dogs  and  cat  would  do  the  same. 
When  he  went  for  a  walk  the  dogs  and  cat  would  set  out 
with  him ;  but  the  cat  would  turn  back  after  accompany- 
ing him  for  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile.1 

The  two  young  undergraduates  who  drove  in  a  gig 
from  Cambridge  to  Oulton  to  pay  their  respects  to  Borrow 
(circa  1846)  described  him  as  employed 

"  in  training  some  young  horses  to  follow  him  about  like 
dogs  and  come  at  the  call  of  his  whistle.  As  my  two 
friends  2  were  talking  with  him,  Borrow  sounded  his  whistle 
in  a  paddock  near  the  house,  which,  if  I  remember  rightly, 
was  surrounded  by  a  low  wall.  Immediately  two  beautiful 
horses  came  bounding  over  the  fence  and  trotted  up  to 
their  master.  One  put  his  nose  into  Sorrow's  outstretched 
hand  and  the  other  kept  snuffing  at  his  pockets  in  expecta- 
tion of  the  usual  bribe  for  confidence  and  good  behaviour." 

Borrow's  love  of  animals  was  almost  feminine.  The 
screams  of  a  hare  pursued  by  greyhounds  would  spoil  his 
appetite  for  dinner,  and  he  confessed  himself  as  "silly 
enough  to  feel  disgust  and  horror  at  the  squeals  of  a  rat 
in  the  fangs  of  a  terrier." 3  When  a  favourite  cat  was  so 
ill  that  it  crawled  away  to  die  in  solitude,  Borrow  went  in 
search  of  it  and,  discovering  the  poor  creature  in  the 
garden-hedge,  carried  it  back  into  the  house,  laid  it  in  a 
comfortable  place  and  watched  over  it  until  it  died.  His 
care  of  the  much  persecuted  "  Church  of  England  cat "  at 
Llangollen  4  is  another  instance  of  his  tender-heartedness 
with  regard  to  animals. 

Borrow  had  ample  evidence  that  he  was  still  a  celebrity. 
"  He  was  much  courted  ...  by  his  neighbours  and  by 
visitors  to  the  sea-side,"  Dr  Hake  relates ;  but  unfortun- 
ately he  allowed  himself  to  become  a  prey  to  moods 
at  rather  inappropriate  moments.  As  a  lion,  Borrow 

1  Elizabeth]  H[arvey]  in  The  Eastern  Daily  Press,  1st  Oct.  1892. 

2  The  story  is  narrated  by  Dr  Augustus  Jessopp  in  the  Athenaum, 
8th  July  1893. 

3  Wild  Wales,  page  487.  4  Wild  Wales,  page  36  et  seq. 


382  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1847 

accompanied  Dr  Hake  to  some  in  the  great  houses  of  the 
neighbourhood.  On  one  occasion  they  went  to  dine  at 
Hardwick  Hall,  the  residence  of  Sir  Thomas  and  Lady 
Cullum.  The  last-named  subsequently  became  a  firm 
friend  of  Borrow's  during  many  years. 

"  The  party  consisted  of  Lord  Bristol ;  Lady  Augusta 
Seymour,  his  daughter  ;  Lord  and  Lady  Arthur  Hervey ; 
Sir  Fitzroy  Kelly ;  Mr  Thackeray,  and  ourselves.  At 
that  date,  Thackeray  had  made  money  by  lectures  on 
The  Satirists^  and  was  in  good  swing ;  but  he  never  could 
realise  the  independent  feelings  of  those  who  happen  to 
be  born  to  fortune — a  thing  which  a  man  of  genius  should 
be  able  to  do  with  ease.  He  told  Lady  Cullum,  which  she 
repeated  to  me,  that  no  one  could  conceive  how  it 
mortified  him  to  be  making  a  provision  for  his  daughters 
by  delivering  lectures ;  and  I  thought  she  rather  sympa- 
thised with  him  in  this  degradation.  He  approached 
Borrow,  who,  however,  received  him  very  dryly.  As  a 
last  attempt  to  get  up  a  conversation  with  him,  he  said, 
*  Have  you  read  my  Snob  Papers  in  Punch  ? ' " 

"  *  In  Punch  ? '  asked  Borrow.  *  It  is  a  periodical  I 
never  look  at ! ' 

"  It  was  a  very  fine  dinner.  The  plates  at  dessert  were 
of  gold ;  they  once  belonged  to  the  Emperor  of  the 
French,  and  were  marked  with  his  "  N  "  and  his  Eagle. 

"  Thackeray,  as  if  under  the  impression  that  the  party 
was  invited  to  look  at  him,  thought  it  necessary  to  make 
a  figure,  and  absorb  attention  during  the  dessert,  by 
telling  stories  and  more  than  half  acting  them ;  the 
aristocratic  party  listening,  but  appearing  little  amused. 
Borrow  knew  better  how  to  behave  in  good  company,  and 
kept  quiet ;  though,  doubtless  he  felt  his  mane." l 

There  were  other  moments  when  Borrow  caused  acute 
embarrassment  by  his  rudeness.  Once  his  hostess,  a 
simple  unpretending  woman  desirous  only  of  pleasing 
her  distinguished  guest,  said,  "  Oh,  Mr  Borrow,  I  have 
read  your  books  with  so  much  pleasure  !  "  "  Pray,  what 
books  do  you  mean,  madam  ?  Do  you  mean  my  account 
books?"  was  the  ungracious  retort.  He  then  rose  from 

1  Memoirs  of  Eighty  Years.    By  Dr  Gordon  Hake,  1892. 


XXIIL]         UNCOMPROMISING  BLUNTNESS  383 

the  table,  fretting  and  fuming  and  walked  up  and  down 
the  dining-room  among  the  servants  "  during  the  whole  of 
the  dinner,  and  afterwards  wandered  about  the  rooms  and 
passage,  till  the  carriage  could  be  ordered  for  our  return 
home." l  The  reason  for  this  unpardonable  behaviour 
appears  to  have  been  ill-judged  loyalty  to  a  friend. 
His  host  was  a  well-known  Suffolk  banker  who,  having 
advanced  a  large  sum  of  money  to  a  friend  of  Borrow's, 
the  heir  to  a  considerable  estate,  who  was  in  temporary 
difficulties,  then  "struck  the  docket"  in  order  to  secure 
payment.  Borrow  confided  to  another  friend  that  he 
yearned  "  to  cane  the  banker."  His  loyalty  to  his  friend 
excuses  his  wrath ;  it  was  his  judgment  that  was  at  fault. 
He  should  undoubtedly  have  caned  the  banker,  in  pre- 
ference to  going  to  his  house  as  a  guest  and  revenging 
his  friend  upon  the  gentle  and  amiable  woman  who  could 
not  be  held  responsible  for  her  husband's  business 
transgressions. 

Unfortunate  remarks  seemed  to  have  a  habit  of 
bursting  from  Borrow's  lips.  When  Dr  Bowring  intro- 
duced to  him  his  son,  Mr  F.  J.  Bowring,  and  with 
pardonable  pride  added  that  he  had  just  become  a 
Fellow  of  Trinity,  Borrow  remarked,  "  Ah !  Fellows  of 
Trinity  always  marry  their  bed-makers."  Agnes  Strick- 
land was  another  victim.  Being  desirous  of  meeting  him 
and,  in  spite  of  Borrow's  unwillingness,  achieving  her 
object,  she  expressed  in  rapturous  terms  her  admiration 
of  his  works,  and  concluded  by  asking  permission  to  send 
him  a  copy  of  The  Queens  of  England,  to  which  he  ungra- 
ciously replied,  "  For  God's  sake,  don't,  madam  ;  I  should 
not  know  where  to  put  them  or  what  to  do  with  them." 
"  What  a  damned  fool  that  woman  is  ! "  he  remarked  to 
W.  B.  Donne,  who  was  standing  by.2 

There  is  a  world  of  meaning  in  a  paragraph  from  one 
of  John  Murray's  (the  Second)  letters  (2ist  June  1843)  to 

1  Memoirs  of  Eighty  Years.    By  Dr  Gordon  Hake,  1892. 

2  Memoirs  of  Eighty  Years.     By  Dr  Gordon  Hake,  1892. 


384  THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1848 

Borrow  in  which  he  enquires,  "  Did  you  receive  a  note 
from  Mme.  Simpkinson  which  I  forwarded  ten  days  ago  ? 
I  have  not  seen  her  since  your  abrupt  departure  from 
her  house." 

It  is  rather  regrettable  that  the  one  side  of  Borrow's 
character  has  to  be  so  emphasised.  He  could  be  just  and 
gracious,  even  to  the  point  of  sternly  rebuking  one  who 
represented  his  own  religious  convictions  and  supporting 
a  dissenter.  After  a  Bible  Society's  meeting  at  Mutford 
Bridge  (the  nearest  village  to  Oulton  Hall),  the  speakers 
repaired  to  the  Hall  to  supper.  One  of  the  guests,  an 
independent  minister,  became  involved  in  a  heated  argu- 
ment with  a  Church  of  England  clergyman,  who  reproached 
him  for  holding  Calvinistic  views.  The  nonconformist 
replied  that  the  clergy  of  the  Established  Church  were 
equally  liable  to  attack  on  the  same  ground,  because  the 
Articles  of  their  Church  were  Calvinistic,  and  to  these  they 
had  all  sworn  assent.  The  reply  was  that  the  words  were 
not  necessarily  to  be  taken  in  their  literal  sense.  At  this 
Borrow  interposed,  attacking  the  clergyman  in  a  most 
vigorous  fashion  for  his  sophistry,  and  finally  reducing  him 
to  silence.  The  Independent  minister  afterwards  confessed 
that  he  had  never  heard  "  one  man  give  another  such  a. 
dressing  down  as  on  that  occasion." l 

Borrow  was  capable  of  very  deep  feeling,  which  is  no- 
where better  shown  than  in  his  retort  to  Richard  Latham 
whom  he  met  at  Dr  Hake's  table.  Well  warmed  by  the 
generous  wine,  Latham  stated  that  he  should  never  do 
anything  so  low  as  dine  with  his  publisher.  "  You  do  not 
dine  with  John  Murray,  I  presume  ?  "  he  added.  "  Indeed 
I  do,"  Borrow  responded  with  deep  emotion.  "  He  is  a 
most  kind  friend.  When  I  have  had  sickness  in  the  house 
he  has  been  unfailing  in  his  goodness  towards  me.  There 
is  no  man  I  more  value." 2 

Borrow  was  a  frequent  visitor  to  the  Hakes  at  Bury  St 

1  George  Borrow  in  East  Anglia.    W.  A.  Dutt. 

2  Memoirs  of  Eighty  Years.     By  Dr  Gordon  Hake,  1892. 


XXIIL]        ON  DINING  WITH  PUBLISHERS  385 

Edmunds.  W.  B.  Donne  gives  a  glimpse  to  him  in  a 
letter  to  Bernard  Barton  (i2th  Sept.  1848). 

"  We  have  had  a  great  man  here — and  I  have  been 
walking  with  him  and  aiding  him  to  eat  salmon  and 
mutton  and  drink  port — George  Borrow — and  what  is 
more  we  fell  in  with  some  gypsies  and  I  heard  his  speech 
of  Egypt,  which  sounded  wondrously  like  a  medley  of 
broken  Spanish  and  dog  Latin.  Sorrow's  face  lighted  by 
the  red  turf  fire  of  the  tent  was  worth  looking  at.  He  is 
ashy-white  now — but  twenty  years  ago,  when  his  hair  was 
like  a  raven's  wing,  he  must  have  been  hard  to  dis- 
criminate from  a  born  Bohemian.  Borrow  is  best  on  the 
tramp:  if  you  can  walk  4!  miles  per  hour,  as  I  can  with 
ease  and  do  by  choice,  and  can  walk  15  of  them  at  a 
stretch — which  I  can  compass  also — then  he  will  talk 
Iliads  of  adventures  even  better  than  his  printed  ones. 
He  cannot  abide  those  Amateur  Pedestrians  who  saunter, 
and  in  his  chair  he  is  given  to  groan  and  be  contradictory. 
But  on  Newmarket-heath,  in  Rougham  Woods  he  is  at 
home,  and  specially  when  he  meets  with  a  thorough 
vagabond  like  your  present  correspondent."  * 

The  present  Mr  John  Murray  recollects  Borrow  very 
clearly  as 

"  tall,  broad,  muscular,  with  very  heavy  shoulders  "  and 
of  course  the  white  hair.  "  He  was,"  continues  Mr 
Murray,  "  a  figure  which  no  one  who  has  seen  it  is  likely 
to  forget.  I  never  remember  to  have  seen  him  dressed  in 
anything  but  black  broad  cloth,  and  white  cotton  socks 
were  generally  distinctly  visible  above  his  low  shoes.  I 
think  that  with  Borrow  the  desire  to  attract  attention  to 
himself,  to  inspire  a  feeling  of  awe  and  mystery,  must 
have  been  a  ruling  passion." 

Borrow  was  frequently  the  guest  of  his  publisher  at 
Albemarle  Street,  in  times  well  within  the  memory  of  Mr 
Murray,  who  relates  how  on  one  occasion 

"  Borrow  was  at  a  dinner-party  in  company  with  Whewell 2 
[who  by  the  way  it  has  been  said  was  the  original  of  the 

1  William  Bodham  Donne  and  His  Friends.    By  Catherine   B. 
Johnson. 

2  William    Whewell    (1794-1866),    Master    of    Trinity    College, 
Cambridge,    1841-66;    Vice-Chancellor    of    Cambridge    University, 

2  B 


THE  OLD  RESTLESSNESS  [1848 

Flaming  Tinman,  although  there  is  very  little  to  support  the 
statement  except  the  fact  that  Dr  Whewell  was  a  proper 
man  with  his  hands] — both  of  them  powerful  men,  and  both 
of  them,  if  report  be  true,  having  more  than  a  superficial 
knowledge  of  the  art  of  self-defence.  A  controversy 
began,  and  waxed  so  warm  that  Mrs  Whewell,  believing  a 
personal  encounter  to  be  imminent,  fainted,  and  had  to  be 
carried  out  of  the  room.  Once  when  Borrow  was  dining 
with  my  father  he  disappeared  into  a  small  back  room 
after  dinner,  and  could  not  be  found.  At  last  he  was 
discovered  by  a  lady  member  of  the  family,  stretched  on 
a  sofa  and  groaning.  On  being  spoken  to  and  asked  to 
join  the  other  guests,  he  suddenly  said :  "  Go  away !  go 
away !  I  am  not  fit  company  for  respectable  people." 
There  was  no  apparent  cause  for  this  strange  conduct, 
unless  it  were  due  to  one  of  those  unaccountable  fits  to 
which  men  of  genius  (and  this  description  will  be  allowed 
him  by  many)  are  often  subject. 

"On  another  occasion,  when  dining  with  my  father  at 
Wimbledon,  he  was  regaled  with  a  *  haggis,'  a  dish  which 
was  new  to  him,  and  of  which  he  partook  to  an  extent 
which  would  have  astonished  many  a  hardy  Scotsman. 
One  summer's  day,  several  years  later,  he  again  came  to 
dinner,  and  having  come  on  foot,  entered  the  house  by  a 
garden  door,  his  first  words — without  any  previous  greet- 
ings— were  :  '  Is  there  a  haggis  to-day  ? ' " l 

1843-56;  secured  in  1847  the  election  of  the  Prince  Consort  as 
Chancellor ;  enlarged  the  buildings  of  Trinity  College  and  founded 
professorship  and  scholarships  for  international  law.  Published  and 
edited  many  works  on  natural  and  mathematical  science,  philosophy, 
theology  and  sermons. 

1  Mr  John  Murray  in  Good  Words. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 
LAVENGRO— 1843—  1851 

TAURING  all  these  years  Lavengro  had  been  making 
**-^  progress  towards  completion,  irregular  and  spas- 
modic it  would  appear ;  but  still  each  year  brought  it 
nearer  to  the  printer.  "  I  cannot  get  out  of  my  old  habits/' 
Borrow  wrote  to  Dawson  Turner  (i5th  January  1844),  "  I 
find  I  am  writing  the  work  ...  in  precisely  the  same 
manner  as  The  Bible  in  Spain,  viz.,  on  blank  sheets  of  old 
account  books,  backs  of  letters,  etc.  In  slovenliness  of 
manuscript  I  almost  rival  Mahomet,  who,  it  is  said,  wrote 
his  Coran  on  mutton  spade  bones."  "  His  [Borrow's]  bio- 
graphy will  be  passing  strange  if  he  tells  the  whole  truth," 
Ford  writes  to  a  friend  (27th  February  1 843).  "  He  is 
now  writing  it  by  my  advice."  "  I  go  on  ...  scribbling 
away,  though  with  a  palpitating  heart,"  Borrow  informs 
John  Murray  (5th  February  1844),  "and  have  already 
plenty  of  scenes  and  dialogues  connected  with  my  life, 
quite  equal  to  anything  in  The  Bible  in  Spain.  The  great 
difficulty,  however,  is  to  blend  them  all  into  a  symmetrical 
whole."  On  i/th  September  1846  he  writes  again  to  his 
publisher : 

"  I  have  of  late  been  very  lazy,  and  am  become  more 
addicted  to  sleep  than  usual,  am  seriously  afraid  of 
apoplexy.  To  rouse  myself,  I  rode  a  little  time  ago  to 
Newmarket.  I  felt  all  the  better  for  it  for  a  few  days.  I 
have  at  present  a  first  rate  trotting  horse  who  affords  me 
plenty  of  exercise.  On  my  return  from  Newmarket,  I 
rode  him  nineteen  miles  before  breakfast." 

387 


388  THE  STORY  OF  LA  VENGRO  [1849 

Another  cause  of  delay  was  the  "  shadows  "  that  were 
constantly  descending  upon  him.  His  determination  to 
give  only  the  best  of  which  he  was  capable,  is  almost 
tragic  in  the  light  of  later  events.  To  his  wife,  he  wrote 
from  London  (February  1847):  "Saw  M[urray]  who  is  in 
a  hurry  for  me  to  begin  [the  printing].  I  will  not  be 
hurried  though  for  anyone." 

In  the  Quarterly  Review ',  July  1848,  under  the  heading 
of  Mr  Murray's  List  of  New  Works  in  Preparation,  there 
appeared  the  first  announcement  of  "  Lavengro,  an  Auto- 
biography^ by  George  Borrow,  Author  of  The  Bible  in 
Spain,  etc.,  4  vols.  post  8vo."  This  was  repeated  in 
October.  During  the  next  two  months  the  book  was 
advertised  as  Life ;  A  Drama,  in  The  Athenceum  and  The 
Quarterly  Review,  and  the  first  title-page  (1849)  was  so 
printed.  On  /th  October  John  Murray  wrote  asking 
Borrow  to  send  the  manuscript  to  the  printer.  This  was 
accordingly  done,  and  about  two-thirds  of  it  composed. 
Then  Borrow  appears  to  have  fallen  ill.  On  5th  January 
1849  John  Murray  wrote  to  Mrs  Borrow: 

"  I  trust  Mr  Borrow  is  now  restored  to  health  and 
tranquillity  of  mind,  and  that  he  will  soon  be  able  to 
resume  his  pen.  I  desire  this  on  his  own  account  and  for 
the  sake  of  poor  Woodfall  [the  printer],  who  is  of  course 
inconvenienced  by  having  his  press  arrested  after  the 
commencement  of  the  printing." 

Writing  on  2/th  November  1849,  John  Murray  refers 
to  the  work  having  been  "  first  sent  to  press — now  nearly 
eighteen  months."  This  is  clearly  a  mistake,  as  on  /th 
October  1848,  thirteen  and  a  half  months  previously,  he 
asks  Borrow  to  send  the  manuscript  to  the  printer  that  he 
may  begin  the  composition.  John  Murray  was  getting 
anxious  and  urges  Borrow  to  complete  the  work,  which  a 
year  ago  had  been  offered  to  the  booksellers  at  the  annual 
trade-dinner. 

"  I  know  that  you  are  fastidious,  and  that  you  desire 
to  produce  a  work  of  distinguished  excellence.  I  see  the 


xxiv.]  "I  MUST  THROW  IT  UP"  389 

result  of  this  labour  in  the  sheets  as  they  come  from  the 
press,  and  I  think  when  it  does  appear  it  will  make 
a  sensation,"  wrote  the  tactful  publisher.  "  Think  not, 
my  dear  friend,"  replied  Borrow,  "  that  I  am  idle.  I  am 
finishing  up  the  concluding  part.  I  should  be  sorry  to 
hurry  the  work  towards  the  last.  I  dare  say  it  will  be 
ready  by  the  middle  of  February."  The  correspondence 
grew  more  and  more  tense.  Mrs  Borrow  wrote  to  the 
printer  urging  him  to  send  to  her  husband,  who  has  been 
overworked  to  the  point  of  complaint,  "  one  of  your  kind 
encouraging  notes."  Later  Borrow  went  to  Yarmouth, 
where  sea-bathing  produced  a  good  effect  upon  his  health  ; 
but  still  the  manuscript  was  not  sent  to  the  despairing 
printer.  "  I  do  not,  God  knows !  wish  you  to  overtask 
yourself,"  wrote  the  unhappy  Woodfall ;  "  but  after  what 
you  last  said,  I  thought  I  might  fully  calculate  on  your 
taking  up,  without  further  delay,  the  fragmentary  portions 
of  your  ist  and  2nd  volumes  and  let  us  get  them  out  of 
hand." 

Letters  continued  to  pass  to  and  fro,  but  the  balance  of 
manuscript  was  not  forthcoming  until  November  1850, 
when  Mrs  Borrow  herself  took  it  to  London.  Another 
trade-dinner  was  at  hand,  and  John  Murray  had  written 
to  Mrs  Borrow,  "  If  I  cannot  show  the  book  then — I  must 
throw  it  up."  To  Mrs  Borrow  this  meant  tragedy.  The 
poor  woman  was  distracted,  and  from  time  to  time  she 
begs  for  encouraging  letters.  In  response  to  one  of  these 
appeals,  John  Murray  wrote  with  rare  insight  into 
Borrow's  character,  and  knowledge  of  what  is  most  likely 
to  please  him  :  "  There  are  passages  in  your  book  equal 
to  De  Foe." 

The  preface  when  eventually  submitted  to  John 
Murray  disturbed  him  somewhat.  "  It  is  quaint,"  he 
writes  to  Mrs  Borrow,  "but  so  is  everything  that  Mr 
Borrow  writes."  He  goes  on  to  suggest  that  the  latter 
portion  looks  too  much  as  if  it  had  been  got  up  in  the 
interests  of  "  Papal  aggression,"  and  he  calls  attention  to 


390  THE  STORY  OF  LA  VENGRO  [1851 

the  oft-repeated  "  Damnation  cry."  There  appears  to  have 
been  some  modification,  a  few  "  Damnation  Cries " 
omitted,  the  last  sheet  passed  for  press,  and  on  /th 
February  1851  Lavengro  was  published  in  an  edition  of 
three  thousand  copies,  which  lasted  for  twenty-one  years. 

The  appearance  of  Lavengro  was  indeed  sensational : 
but  not  quite  in  the  way  its  publisher  had  anticipated. 
Almost  without  exception  the  verdict  was  unfavourable, 
The  book  was  attacked  vigorously.  The  keynote  of  the 
critics  was  disappointment.  Some  reviews  were  purely 
critical,  others  personal  and  abusive,  but  nearly  all  were 
disapproving.  "Great  is  our  disappointment"  said  the 
Athenceum.  "We  are  disappointed,"  echoed  Blackwood. 
Among  the  few  friendly  notices  was  that  of  Dr  Hake,  in 
which  he  prophesied  that  "  Lavengro' s  roots  will  strike 
deep  into  the  soil  of  English  letters."  Even  Ford  wrote 
(8th  March) : 

"  I  frankly  own  that  I  am  somewhat  disappointed  with 
the  very  little  you  have  told  us  about  yourself.  I  was  in 
hopes  to  have  a  full,  true,  and  particular  account  of  your 
marvellously  varied  and  interesting  biography.  I  do 
hope  that  some  day  you  will  give  it  to  us." 

In  this  chorus  of  dispraise  Borrow  saw  a  conspiracy. 
"  If  ever  a  book  experienced  infamous  and  undeserved 
treatment,"  he  wrote,1  "  it  was  that  book.  I  was  attacked 
in  every  form  that  envy  and  malice  could  suggest."  In 
The  Romany  Rye  he  has  done  full  justice  to  the 
subject,  exhibiting  the  critics  "with  blood  and  foam 
streaming  from  their  jaws."  In  the  original  draft  of  the 
Advertisement  to  the  same  work  he  expresses  himself  as 
"proud  of  a  book  which  has  had  the  honour  of  being 
rancorously  abused  and  execrated  by  every  unmanly 
scoundrel,  every  sycophantic  lacquey,  and  every  political 
and  religious  renegade  in  Britain."  A  few  years  previously, 
Borrow  had  written  to  John  Murray,  "  I  have  always 

1  To  John  Murray  ;  the  letter  is  in  Mrs  Borrow's  hand  but  drafted 
by  Borrow  himself,  2Qth  Jan.  1855. 


xxiv.]    WHY  BORROW  CHANGED  HIS  MIND      391 

found  that  the  way  to  please  the  public  is  to  please 
myself.  If  you  wish  to  please  the  public  leave  the 
matter  [the  revision  of  The  Zincali\  to  me." *  From  this 
it  is  evident  that  Borrow  was  unprepared  for  anything 
but  commendation  from  critics  and  readers. 

Dr  Bowring  had  some  time  previously  requested  the 
editor  of  The  Edinburgh  Review  to  allow  him  to  review 
Lavengro  ;  but  no  notice  ever  appeared.  In  all  probability 
he  realised  the  impossibility  of  writing  about  a  book  in 
which  he  and  his  family  appeared  in  such  an  unpleasant 
light.  It  is  unlikely  that  he  asked  for  the  book  in  order  to 
prevent  a  review  appearing  in  The  Edinburgh,  as  has  been 
suggested. 

In  the  Preface,  Lavengro  is  described  as  "  a  dream " ; 
yet  there  can  be  not  a  vestage  of  doubt  that  Borrow's 
original  intention  had  been  to  acknowledge  it  as  an 
autobiography.  "  This  work  is  a  kind  of  biography  in  the 
Robinson  Crusoe  style,"  he  had  written  in  1844.  This  he 
contradicted  in  the  Appendix  to  The  Romany  Rye ;  yet  in 
his  manuscript  autobiography2  (i3th  Oct.  1 862)  he  says: 
"  In  1851  he  published  Lavengro,  a  work  in  which  he  gives 
an  account  of  his  early  life."  Why  had  Borrow  changed 
his  mind  ? 

When  Lavengro  was  begun,  as  a  result  of  Ford's 
persistent  appeals,  Borrow  was  on  the  crest  of  the  wave  of 
success.  He  saw  himself  the  literary  hero  of  the  hour. 
The  Bible  in  Spain  was  selling  in  its  'thousands.  The 
press  had  proclaimed  it  a  masterpiece.  He  had  seen 
himself  a  great  man.  The  writer  of  a  great  book,  however, 
does  not  occupy  a  position  so  kinglike  in  its  loneliness  as 
does  a  gentleman  gypsy,  round  whom  flock  the  gitanos  to 
kiss  his  hand  and  garments  as  if  he  were  a  god  or  a  hero. 
The  literary  and  social  worlds  that  The  Bible  in  Spain 
opened  to  Borrow  were  not  to  be  awed  by  his  mystery,  or 
disciplined  into  abject  hero-worship  by  one  of  those  steady 
penetrating  gazes,  which  cowed  jockeys  and  alguacils.  They 
1  i6th  April  1845.  2  See  post. 


392  THE  STORY  OF  LAVENGRO  [1851 

claimed  intellectual  kinship  and  equality,  the  very  things 
that  Borrow  had  no  intention  of  conceding  them.  He 
would  have  tolerated  their  "  gentility  nonsense "  if  they 
would  have  acknowledged  his  paramountcy.  He  found 
that  to  be  a  social  or  a  literary  lion  was  to  be  a  tame  lion, 
and  he  was  too  big  for  that.  His  conception  of  genius 
was  that  it  had  its  moods,  and  mediocrity  must  suffer 
them. 

Borrow  would  rush  precipitately  from  the  house  where 
he  was  a  guest ;  he  would  be  unpardonably  rude  to  some 
inoffensive  and  well-meaning  woman  who  thought  to 
please  him  by  admiring  his  books ;  he  would  magnify  a 
fight  between  their  respective  dogs  into  a  deadly  feud 
between  himself  and  the  rector  of  his  parish :  thus  he 
made  enemies  by  the  dozen  and,  incidentally,  earned  for 
himself  an  extremely  unenviable  reputation.  A  hero  with 
a  lovable  nature  is  twice  a  hero,  because  he  is  possessed  of 
those  qualities  that  commend  themselves  to  the  greater 
number.  Wellington  could  never  be  a  serious  rival  in  a 
nation's  heart  to  dear,  weak,  sensitive,  noble  Nelson,  who 
lived  for  praise  and  frankly  owned  to  it. 

Borrow's  lovable  qualities  were  never  permitted  to 
show  themselves  in  public,  they  were  kept  for  the  dingle, 
the  fireside,  or  the  inn-parlour.  That  he  had  a  sweeter 
side  to  his  nature  there  can  be  no  doubt,  and  those  who 
saw  it  were  his  wife,  his  step-daughter,  and  his  friends,  in 
particular  those  who,  like  Mr  Watts-Dunton  and  Mr  A. 
Egmont  Hake,  have  striven  for  years  to  emphasise  the 
more  attractive  part  of  his  strange  nature. 

Borrow's  attitude  towards  literature  in  itself  was  not 
calculated  to  gain  friends  for  him.  He  was  uncompromis- 
ingly and  caustically  severe  upon  some  of  the  literary  idols 
of  his  day,  men  who  have  survived  that  terrible  handicap, 
contemporary  recognition  and  appreciation. 

He  was  not  a  deep  reader,  hardly  a  reader  at  all  in  the 
accepted  meaning  of  the  word.  He  frankly  confessed  that 
books  were  to  him  of  secondary  importance  to  man  as  a 


xxiv.]  THE  GREATNESS  OF  SCOTT  393 

subject  for  study.  In  his  criticisms  of  literature,  he  was 
apt  to  confuse  the  man  with  his  works.  His  hatred  of 
Scott  is  notorious  ;  it  was  not  the  artist  he  so  cordially 
disliked,  but  the  politician  ;  he  admitted  that  Scott  "  wrote 
splendid  novels  about  the  Stuarts."1  He  hailed  him  as 
"  greater  than  Homer  "  ; 2  but  the  House  of  Stuart  he  held 
in  utter  detestation,  and  when  writing  or  speaking  of 
Scott  he  forgot  to  make  a  rather  necessary  distinction. 
He  wrote : 

"  He  admires  his  talents  both  as  a  prose  writer 
and  a  poet ;  as  a  poet  especially.3  ...  As  a  prose  writer 
he  admires  him  less,  it  is  true,  but  his  admiration  for  him 
in  that  capacity  is  very  high,  and  he  only  laments  that  he 
prostituted  his  talents  to  the  cause  of  the  Stuarts  and 
gentility  ...  in  conclusion,  he  will  say,  in  order  to  show 
the  opinion  which  he  entertains  of  the  power  of  Scott  as 
a  writer,  that  he  did  for  the  spectre  of  the  wretched 
Pretender  what  all  the  kings  of  Europe  could  not  do 
for  his  body — placed  it  on  the  throne  of  these  realms."  4 

In  later  years  Borrow  paid  a  graceful  tribute  to  Scott's 
memory.  When  at  Kelso,  in  spite  of  the  rain  and  mist,  he 
"  trudged  away  to  Dryburgh  to  pay  my  respects  to  the 
tomb  of  Walter  Scott,  a  man  with  whose  principles  I  have 
no  sympathy,  but  for  whose  genius  I  have  always 
entertained  the  most  intense  admiration."5  It  was  just 
the  same  with  Byron,  "  for  whose  writings  I  really 
entertained  considerable  admiration,  though  I  had  no 
particular  esteem  for  the  man  himself."6 

With  Wordsworth  it  was  different,  and  it  was  his 
cordial  dislike  of  his  poetry  that  prompted  Borrow  to 

1  The  Romany  Rye,  page  338. 

2  Life  of  Frances  Power  Cable,  by  herself. 

3  Borrow  goes   on   to   an   anti-climax    when   he   states    that  he 
"  believes  him  [Scott]  to  have  been  by   far  the  greatest  [poet],  with 
perhaps  the  exception  of  Mickiewicz,  who  only  wrote  for  unfortunate 
Poland,  that  Europe  has  given  birth  to  during  the  last  hundred  years." 

4  The  Romany  Rye,  pages  344-5. 

5  Romano  Lavo-Lil,  page  274.  6  The  Romany  Rye,  page  134. 


394  THE  STORY  OF  LA  VENGRO  [1851 

introduce  into  The  Romany  Rye  that  ineffectual  episode  of 
the  man  who  was  sent  to  sleep  by  reading  him.  Tennyson 
he  dismissed  as  a  writer  of  "  duncie  books." 

For  Dickens  he  had  an  enthusiastic  admiration  as  "  a 
second  Fielding,  a  young  writer  who  .  .  .  has  evinced 
such  talent,  such  humour,  variety  and  profound  knowledge 
of  character,  that  he  charms  his  readers,  at  least  those 
who  have  the  capacity  to  comprehend  him."1  He  was 
delighted  with  The  Pickwick  Papers  and  Oliver  Twist. 

His  reading  was  anything  but  thorough,  in  fact  he 
occasionally  showed  a  remarkable  ignorance  of  contem- 
porary writers.  Mr  A.  Egmont  Hake  tells  how : 

"  His  conversation  would  sometimes  turn  on  modern 
literature,  with  which  his  acquaintance  was  very  slight. 
He  seemed  to  avoid  reading  the  products  of  modern 
thought  lest  his  own  strong  opinions  should  undergo 
dilution.  We  were  once  talking  of  Keats  whose  fame 
had  been  constantly  increasing,  but  of  whose  poetry 
Borrow's  knowledge  was  of  a  shadowy  kind,  when 
suddenly  he  put  a  stop  to  the  conversation  by  ludicrously 
asking,  in  his  strong  voice,  '  Have  they  not  been  trying  to 
resuscitate  him  ? ' ' 

By  the  time  that  Lavengro  appeared,  Borrow  was 
estranged  from  his  generation.  The  years  that  intervened 
between  the  success  of  The  Bible  in  Spain  and  the 
publication  of  Lavengro  had  been  spent  by  him  in 
war ;  he  had  come  to  hate  his  contemporaries  with  a 
wholesome,  vigorous  hatred.  He  would  give  them  his 
book ;  but  they  should  have  it  as  a  stray  cur  has  a  bone — 
thrown  at  them.  Above  all,  they  should  not  for  a  moment 
be  allowed  to  think  that  it  contained  an  intimate  account 
of  the  life  of  the  supreme  hater  who  had  written  it.  When 
there  had  been  sympathy  between  them,  Borrow  was  pre- 
pared to  allow  his  public  to  peer  into  the  sacred  recesses 
of  his  early  life.  Now  that  there  was  none,  he  denied  that 

1  Letter  from  Borrow  to  Dr  Usoz,  22nd  Feb.  1839. 

2  Macmillaris  Magazine,  vol.  45. 


xxiv.]  DISCOURAGED  395 

Lavengro  was  more  than  "  a  dream,"  forgetting  that  he 
had  so  often  written  of  it  as  an  autobiography  had  even 
seen  it  advertised  as  such,  and  insisted  that  it  was  fiction. 

When  Lavengro  was  published  Borrow  was  an  unhappy 
and  disappointed  man.  He  had  found  what  many  other 
travellers  have  found  when  they  come  home,  that  in  the 
wilds  he  had  left  his  taste  and  toleration  for  conventional 
life  and  ideas.  The  life  in  the  Peninsula  had  been 
thoroughly  congenial  to  a  man  of  Borrow's  temperament : 
hardships,  dangers,  imprisonments, — they  were  his 
common  food.  He  who  had  defied  the  whole  power  of 
Spain,  found  himself  powerless  to  prevent  his  Rector  from 
keeping  a  dog,  or  a  railway  line  from  being  cut  through 
his  own  estate  and  his  peace  of  mind  disturbed  by  the 
rumble  of  trains  and  the  shriek  of  locomotive-whistles. 
He  had  beaten  the  Flaming  Tinman  and  Count  Ofalia, 
but  Samuel  Morton  Peto  had  vanquished  and  put  him  to 
flight  by  virtue  of  an  Act  of  Parliament,  in  all  probability 
without  being  conscious  of  having  achieved  a  signal 
victory.  Borrow's  life  had  been  built  up  upon  a  wrong 
hypothesis :  he  strove  to  adapt,  not  himself  to  the 
Universe ;  but  the  Universe  to  himself. 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  a  man  with  this  attitude  of  mind 
would  regard  as  sheer  vindictiveness  the  adverse  criticism 
of  a  book  that  he  had  written  with  such  care,  and  so 
earnest  an  endeavour  to  maintain  if  not  improve  upon 
the  standard  created  in  a  former  work.  It  never  for  a 
moment  struck  him  that  the  men  who  had  once  hailed  him 
"great,"  should  now  admonish  him  as  a  result  of  the 
honest  exercise  of  their  critical  faculties.  No;  there  was 
a  conspiracy  against  him,  and  he  tortured  himself  into  a 
pitiable  state  of  wrath  and  melancholy.  A  later  genera- 
tion has  been  less  harsh  in  its  judgment.  The  controversial 
parts  of  Lavengro  have  become  less  controversial  and  the 
magnificent  parts  have  become  more  magnificent,  and  it 
has  taken  its  place  as  a  star  of  the  second  magnitude. 

The  question  of  what  is  actual  autobiography  and  what 


396  THE  STORY  OF  LA  VENGRO  [1851 

is  so  coloured  as  to  become  practically  fiction,  must  always 
be  a  matter  of  opinion.  The  early  portion  seems  con- 
vincing, even  the  first  meeting  with  the  gypsies  in  the 
lane  at  Norman  Cross.  It  has  been  asked  by  an  eminent 
gypsy  scholar  how  Borrow  knew  the  meaning  of  the  word 
"  sap,"  or  why  he  addressed  the  gypsy  woman  as  "  my 
mother."  When  the  Gypsy  refers  to  the  "  Sap  there,"  the 
child  replies,  "  what,  the  snake  ?  "  The  employment  of  the 
other  phrase  is  obviously  an  inadvertent  use  of  knowledge 
he  gained  later. 

In  writing  to  Mrs  George  Borrow  (24th  March  1851) 
to  tell  her  that  W.  B.  Donne  had  been  unable  to  obtain 
Lavengro  for  The  Edinburgh  Review  as  it  had  been 
bespoken  a  year  previously  by  Dr  Bowring,  Dr  Hake  adds 
that  Donne  had  written  "  putting  the  editor  in  possession 
of  his  view  of  Lavengro^  as  regards  verisimilitude,  vouching 
for  the  Daguerreotype-like  fidelity  of  the  picture  in  the 
first  volume,  etc.,  etc.,  in  order  to  prevent  him  from  being 
taken  in  by  a  spiteful  article."  This  passage  is  very 
significant  as  being  written  by  one  of  Borrow's  most 
intimate  friends,  with  the  sure  knowledge  that  its  contents 
would  reach  him.  It  leaves  no  room  for  doubt  that, 
although  Borrow  denied  publicly  the  autobiographical 
nature  of  Lavengro^  in  his  own  circle  it  was  freely  admitted 
and  referred  to  as  a  life. 

"What  is  an  autobiography?"  Borrow  once  asked 
Mr  Theodore  Watts-Dunton  (who  had  called  his  attention 
to  "several  bold  coincidences  in  Lavengro"}.  "Is  it  the 
mere  record  of  the  incidents  of  a  man's  life?  or  is  it  a 
picture  of  the  man  himself — his  character,  his  soul  ? " 1 
Mr  Watts-Dunton  confirms  Borrow's  letters  when  he  says 
"  That  he  [Borrow]  sat  down  to  write  his  own  life  in 
Lavengro  I  know.  He  had  no  idea  then  of  departing  from 
the  strict  line  of  fact." 

At  times  Borrow  seemed  to  find  his  pictures  flat,  and 

1  "  Notes  upon  George  Borrow  "  prefaced  to  an  edition  of  Lavengro. 
Ward,  Lock  &  Co. 


xxiv.]  SPIRITUAL  AUTOBIOGRAPHY  397 

heightened  the  colour  in  places,  as  a  painter  might 
heighten  the  tone  of  a  drapery,  a  roof  or  some  other  object, 
not  because  the  individual  spot  required  it,  but  rather 
because  the  general  effect  he  was  aiming  at  rendered  it 
necessary.  He  did  this  just  as  an  actor  rouges  his  face, 
darkens  his  eyebrows  and  round  his  eyes,  that  he  may 
appear  to  his  audience  a  living  man  and  not  an  animated 
corpse. 

Borrow  was  drawing  himself,  striving  to  be  as  faithful 
to  the  original  as  Boswell  to  Johnson.  Incidents !  what 
were  they  ?  the  straw  with  which  the  bricks  of  personality 
are  made.  A  comparison  of  Lavengro  with  Sorrow's 
letters  to  the  Bible  Society  is  instructive  ;  it  is  the  same 
Borrow  that  appears  in  both,  with  the  sole  difference  that 
in  the  Letters  he  is  less  mysterious,  less  in  the  limelight 
than  in  Lavengro. 

Mr  Watts-Dunton,  with  inspiration,  has  asked  "  whether 
or  not  Lavengro  and  The  Romany  Rye  form  a  spiritual 
autobiography  ;  and  if  they  do,  whether  that  autobiography 
does  or  does  not  surpass  every  other  for  absolute  truth  of 
spiritual  representation."  Borrow  certainly  did  colour  his 
narrative  in  places.  Who  could  write  the  story  of  his  early 
life  with  absolute  accuracy?  without  dwelling  on  and 
elaborating  certain  episodes,  perhaps  even  adjusting  them 
somewhat  ?  That  would  not  necessarily  prove  them 
untrue. 

There  are,  unquestionably,  inconsistencies  in  Lavengro 
and  The  Romany  Rye — they  are  admitted,  they  have  been 
pointed  out  There  are  many  inaccuracies,  it  must  be 
confessed ;  but  because  a  man  makes  a  mistake  in  the 
date  of  his  birth  or  even  the  year,  it  does  not  prove  that 
he  was  not  born  at  all.  Borrow  was  for  ever  making  the 
most  inaccurate  statements  about  his  age. 

In  the  main  Lavengro  would  appear  to  be  auto- 
biographical up  to  the  period  of  Borrow's  coming  to 
London.  After  this  he  begins  to  indulge  somewhat  in 
the  dramatic.  The  meeting  with  the  pickpocket  as  a 


398  THE  STORY  OF  LA  VENGRO  [1851 

thimble-rigger  at  Greenwich  might  pass  muster  were  it 
not  for  the  rencontre  with  the  apple -woman's  son  near 
Salisbury.  The  Dingle  episode  may  be  accepted,  for 
Mr  John  Sampson  has  verified  even  the  famous  thunder- 
storm by  means  of  the  local  press.  Isopel  Berners  is  not 
so  easy  to  settle ;  yet  the  picture  of  her  is  so  convincing, 
and  Borrow  was  unable  to  do  more  than  colour  his 
narrative,  that  she  too  must  have  existed. 

The  failure  of  Lavengro  is  easily  accounted  for. 
Borrow  wrote  of  vagabonds  and  vagabondage  ;  it  did  not 
mitigate  his  offence  in  the  eyes  of  the  critics  or  the  public 
that  he  wrote  well  about  them.  His  crime  lay  in  his 
subject.  To  Borrow,  a  man  must  be  ready  and  able  to 
knock  another  man  down  if  necessity  arise.  When 
nearing  sixty  he  lamented  his  childless  state  and  said 
very  mournfully :  "  I  shall  soon  not  be  able  to  knock  a 
man  down,  and  I  have  no  son  to  do  it  for  me."1  He 
glorified  "  the  bruisers  of  England,"  in  the  face  of  horrified 
public  opinion.  England  had  become  ashamed  of  its 
bruisers  long  before  Lavengro  was  written,  and  this 
flaunting  in  its  face  of  creatures  that  it  considered  too  low 
to  be  mentioned,  gave  mortal  offence.  That  in  Lavengro 
was  the  best  descriptions  of  a  fight  in  the  language,  only 
made  the  matter  worse.  Sorrow's  was  an  age  of  gentility 
and  refinement,  and  he  outraged  it,  first  by  glorifying 
vagabondage,  secondly  by  decrying  and  sneering  at 
gentility. 

"  Qui  n'  a  pas  1'esprit  de  son  age, 
De  son  age  a  tout  le  malheur." 

And  Borrow  proved  Voltaire's  words. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  that  an  age  in  which 
prize-fighting  is  anathema  should  not  tolerate  a  book 
glorifying  the  ring ;  but  it  is  strange  that  Borrow's  simple 
paganism  and  nature-worship  should  not  have  aroused 
sympathetic  recognition.  Poetry  is  ageless,  and  such 

1  Mr  W.  Elvin  in  the  Athenaum,  6th  Aug.  1881. 


xxiv.]  A  PUZZLING  BOOK  399 

passages  as  the  description  of  the  sunrise  over  Stonehenge 
should  have  found  some,  at  least,  to  welcome  them,  even 
when  found  in  juxtaposition  with  bruisers  and  gypsies. 

Borrow  loved  to  mystify,  but  in  Lavengro  he  had 
overreached  himself.  "Are  you  really  in  existence?" 
wrote  one  correspondent  who  was  unknown  to  Borrow, 
"  for  I  also  have  occasionally  doubted  whether  things 
exist,  as  you  describe  your  own  feelings  in  former  days." 

John  Murray  wrote  (8th  Nov.  1851)  : — 

"  I  was  reminded  of  you  the  other  day  by  an  enquiry 
after  Lavengro  and  its  author,  made  by  the  Right  Honour- 
able John  Wilson  Croker.1  Knowing  how  fastidious  and 
severe  a  critic  he  is,  I  was  particularly  glad  to  find  him 
expressing  a  favourable  opinion  of  it ;  and  thinking  well 
of  it  his  curiosity  was  piqued  about  you.  Like  all  the 
rest  of  the  world,  he  is  mystified  by  it.  He  knew  not 
whether  to  regard  it  as  truth  or  fiction.  How  can  you 
remedy  this  defect  ?  I  call  it  a  defect,  because  it  really 
impedes  your  popularity.  People  say  of  a  chapter  or  of  a 
character:  'This  is  very  wonderful,  if  true ;  but  if  fiction 
it  is  pointless.' — Will  your  new  volumes  explain  this  and 
dissolve  the  mystery?  If  so,  pray  make  haste  and  get  on 
with  them.  I  hope  you  have  employed  the  summer  in 
giving  them  the  finishing  touches." 

"  There  are,"  says  a  distinguished  critic,2  "  passages  in 
Lavengro  which  are  unsurpassed  in  the  prose  literature  of 
England — unsurpassed,  I  mean,  for  mere  perfection  of 
style — for  blending  of  strength  and  graphic  power  with 
limpidity  and  music  of  flow."  Borrow's  own  generation 
would  have  laughed  at  such  a  value  being  put  upon 
anything  in  Lavengro. 

Another  thing  against  the  book's  success  was  its  style. 

1  John    Wilson    Croker   (1780-1857)  :    Politician    and    Essayist ; 
friend  of  Canning  and  Peel.     At  one  time  Temporary  Chief  Secretary 
for  Ireland  and  later  Secretary  of  the  Admiralty.     Supposed  to  have 
been  the  original  of  Rigby  in  Disraeli's  Coningsby. 

2  Mr    Theodore   Watts-Dunton,  "Notes   upon   George   Borrow" 
prefaced  to  an  edition  of  Lavengro.    Ward,  Lock  &  Co. 


400  THE  STORY  OF  LA  VENGRO  [1851 

It  lacked  what  has  been  described  as  "  the  poetic  ecstacy 
or  sentimental  verdure "  of  the  age.  Trope,  imagery, 
mawkishness,  were  all  absent,  for  Borrow  had  gone  back 
to  his  masters,  at  whose  head  stood  the  glorious  Defoe. 
Borrow's  style  was  as  individual  as  the  man  himself.  By 
a  curious  contradiction,  the  tendency  is  to  overlook 
literary  lapses  in  the  very  man  towards  whom  so  little 
latitude  was  allowed  in  other  directions.  Many  Borrovians 
have  groaned  in  anguish  over  his  misuse  of  that  wretched 
word  "  Individual."  A  distinguished  man  of  letters l  has 
written  : — "  I  would  as  lief  read  a  chapter  of  The  Bible  in 
Spain  as  I  would  Gil  Bias ;  nay,  I  positively  would  give 
the  preference  to  Sefior  Giorgio."  Another  critic,  and  a 
severe  one,  has  written : — 

"  It  is  not  as  philologist,  or  traveller,  or  *  wild  missionary, 
or  folk-lorist,  or  antiquary,  that  Borrow  lives  and  will  live. 
It  is  as  the  master  of  splendid,  strong,  simple  English,  the 
prose  Morland  of  a  vanished  road-side  life,  the  realist  who, 
Defoe-like,  could  make  fiction  seem  truer  than  fact.  To 
have  written  the  finest  fight  in  the  whole  world's  literature, 
the  fight  with  the  Flaming  Tinman,  is  surely  something 
of  an  achievement." Ci 

It  is  Borrow's  personality  that  looms  out  from  his 
pages.  His  mastery  over  the  imagination  of  his  reader, 
his  subtle  instinct  of  how  to  throw  his  own  magnetism 
over  everything  he  relates,  although  he  may  be  standing 
aside  as  regards  the  actual  events  with  which  he  is  dealing, 
is  worthy  of  Defoe  himself.  It  is  this  magnetism  that 
carries  his  readers  safely  over  the  difficult  places,  where, 
but  for  the  author's  grip  upon  them,  they  would  give  up  in 
despair ;  it  is  this  magnetism  that  prompts  them  to  pass 
by  only  with  a  slight  shudder,  such  references  as  "  the 
feathered  tribe,"  "fast  in  the  arms  of  Morpheus,"  and, 
above  all,  those  terrible  puns  that  crop  up  from  time  to 

1  The   Rt.  Hon.  Augustine  Birrell   in  Obiter  Dicta,  2nd   Series, 
1887. 

2  Francis  Hindes  Groome  in  Bookman^  May  1899. 


xxiv.]  TRUTH   F.  FICTION  401 

time.  There  is  always  the  strong,  masterful  man  behind 
the  words  who,  like  a  great  general,  can  turn  a  reverse 
to  his  own  advantage. 

In  his  style  perhaps,  after  all,  lay  the  secret  of  Borrow's 
unsuccess.  He  was  writing  for  another  generation ; 
speaking  in  a  voice  too  strong  to  be  heard  other  than  as  a 
strange  noise  by  those  near  to  him.  It  may  be  urged 
that  The  Bible  in  Spain  disproves  these  conclusions;  but 
The  Bible  in  Spain  was  a  peculiar  book.  It  was  a 
chronicle  of  Christian  enterprise  served  up  with  sauce 
picaresque.  It  pleased  and  astonished  everyone,  especi- 
ally those  who  had  grown  a  little  weary  of  godly 
missioners.  It  had  the  advantage  of  being  spontaneous, 
having  been  largely  written  on  the  spot,  whereas  Lavengro 
and  The  Romany  Rye  were  worked  on  and  laboured  at  for 
years.  Above  all,  it  had  the  inestimable  virtue  of  being 
known  to  be  True.  To  the  imaginative  intellectual, 
Truth  or  Fiction  are  matters  of  small  importance,  he 
judges  by  Art ;  but  to  the  general  public  of  limited 
intellectual  capacity,  Truth  is  appreciated  out  of  all  pro- 
portion to  its  artistic  importance.  If  Borrow  had  published 
The  Bible  in  Spain  after  the  failure  of  Lavengro^  it  would 
in  all  probability  have  been  as  successful  as  it  was 
appearing  before. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

SEPTEMBER    1849 — FEBRUARY    1854 

of  the  finest  traits  in  Borrow's  character  was  his 
devotion  to  his  mother.  He  was  always  thoughtful 
for  her  comfort,  even  when  fighting  that  almost  hopeless 
battle  in  Russia,  and  later  in  the  midst  of  bandits  and 
bloody  patriots  in  Spain.  She  was  now,  in  1849,  an  old 
woman,  too  feeble  to  live  alone,  and  it  was  decided  to 
transfer  her  to  Oulton.  An  addition  to  the  Hall  was  con- 
structed for  her  accommodation,  and  she  was  to  be  given 
an  attendant-companion  in  the  person  of  the  daughter  of 
a  local  farmer. 

For  thirty-three  years  she  had  lived  in  the  little  house 
in  Willow  Lane  ;  yet  it  was  not  she,  but  Borrow,  who 
felt  the  parting  from  old  associations.  "  I  wish,"  she 
writes  to  her  daughter-in-law  on  i6th  September  1849, 
"  my  dear  George  would  not  have  such  fancies  about  the 
old  house  ;  it  is  a  mercy  it  has  not  fallen  on  my  head  before 
this."  The  old  lady  was  anxious  to  get  away.  It  would 
not  be  safe,  she  thought,  for  her  to  be  shut  up  alone,  as  the 
old  woman  who  had  looked  after  her  could,  for  some  reason 
or  other,  do  so  no  longer.  She  urges  her  daughter-in-law 
to  represent  this  to  Borrow. 

"  There  is  a  low,  noisy  set  close  to  me,"  she  continues. 
"  I  shall  not  die  one  day  sooner,  or  live  one  day  longer. 
If  I  stop  here  and  die  on  a  sudden,  half  the  things  might 
be  lost  or  stolen,  therefore  it  seems  as  if  the  Lord  would 
provide  me  a  safer  home.  I  have  made  up  my  mind  to 

402 


xxv.]       REMOVAL  TO  GREAT  YARMOUTH         403 

the   change   and  only  pray  that   I   may  be  able  to  get 
through  the  trouble." 

It  would  appear  that  the  move,  which  took  place  at 
the  end  of  September,  was  brought  about  by  the  old  lady's 
appeals  and  insistence,  and  that  Borrow  himself  was  not 
anxious  for  it.  He  felt  a  sentimental  attachment  to  the 
old  place,  which  for  so  many  years  had  been  a  home 
to  him. 

In  1853  Borrow  removed  to  Great  Yarmouth.  During 
the  summer  of  that  year,  Dr  Hake  had  peremptorily 
ordered  Mrs  George  Borrow  not  to  spend  the  ensuing 
winter  and  spring  at  Oulton,  and  the  move  was  made  in 
August.  The  change  was  found  to  be  beneficial  to  Mrs 
Borrow  and  agreeable  to  all,  and  for  the  next  seven  years 
(Aug.  1 85  3 -June  1860)  Sorrow's  headquarters  were  to 
be  at  Great  Yarmouth,  where  he  and  his  family  occupied 
various  lodgings. 

Shortly  before  leaving  Oulton,  Borrow  had  received 
the  following  interesting  letter  from  FitzGerald  : — 

BOULGE,   WOODBRIDGE,  22nd  July   1853. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  you  a 
book  [Six  Dramas  from  Calderon],  of  which  the  title-page 
and  advertisement  will  sufficiently  explain  the  import.  I 
am  afraid  that  I  shall  in  general  be  set  down  at  once  as  an 
impudent  fellow  in  making  so  free  with  a  Great  Man ; 
but,  as  usual,  I  shall  feel  least  fear  before  a  man  like 
yourself,  who  both  do  fine  things  in  your  own  language 
and  are  deep  read  in  those  of  others.  I  mean,  that 
whether  you  like  or  not  what  I  send  you,  you  will  do  so 
from  knowledge  and  in  the  candour  which  knowledge 
brings. 

I  had  even  a  mind  to  ask  you  to  look  at  these  plays 
before  they  were  printed,  relying  on  our  common  friend 
Donne  for  a  mediator  ;  but  I  know  how  wearisome  all  MS. 
inspection  is ;  and,  after  all,  the  whole  affair  was  not  worth 
giving  you  such  a  trouble.  You  must  pardon  all  this,  and 
believe  me, — Yours  very  faithfully, 

EDWARD  FITZGERALD. 


404  THE  VISIT  TO  CORNWALL  [1852 

Soon  after  his  arrival  by  the  sea,  Borrow  performed  an 
act  of  bravery  of  which  The  Bury  Post  (i7th  Sept.  1852) 
gave  the  following  account,  most  likely  written  by  Dr 
Hake  :- 

"  INTREPIDITY. — Yarmouth  jetty  presented  an  extra- 
ordinary and  thrilling  spectacle  on  Thursday,  the  8th  inst, 
about  one  o'clock.  The  sea  raged  frantically,  and  a  ship's 
boat,  endeavouring  to  land  for  water,  was  upset,  and  the 
men  were  engulfed  in  a  wave  some  thirty  feet  high,  and 
struggling  with  it  m  vain.  The  moment  was  an  awful  one, 
when  George  Borrow,  the  well-known  author  of  Lavengro, 
and  The  Bible  in  Spain,  dashed  into  the  surf  and  saved  one 
life,  and  through  his  instrumentality  the  others  were 
saved.  We  ourselves  have  known  this  brave  and  gifted 
man  for  years,  and,  daring  as  was  this  deed  we  have  known 
him  more  than  once  to  risk  his  life  for  others.  We  are 
happy  to  add  that  he  has  sustained  no  material  injury." 

Borrow  was  a  splendid  swimmer.1  In  the  course  of  one 
of  his  country  walks  with  Robert  Cooke  (John  Murray's 
partner),  with  whom  he  was  on  very  friendly  terms, 

"he  suggested  a  bathe  in  the  river  along  which  they 
were  walking.  Mr  Cooke  told  me  that  Borrow,  having 
stripped,  took  a  header  into  the  water  and  disappeared. 
More  than  a  minute  had  elapsed,  and  as  there  were  no 
signs  of  his  whereabouts,  Mr  Cooke  was  becoming 
alarmed,  lest  he  had  struck  his  head  or  been  entangled  in 
the  weeds,  when  Borrow  suddenly  reappeared  a  consider- 
able distance  off,  under  the  opposite  bank  of  the  stream, 
and  called  out '  What  do  you  think  of  that  ? '" 2 

Elizabeth  Harvey,  in  telling  the  same  story,  says  that 
on  coming  up  he  exclaimed :  "  There,  if  that  had  been 
written  in  one  of  my  books,  they  would  have  said  it  was  a 
lie,  wouldn't  they  ?  " 3 

The  paragraph  about  Borrow's  courage  was  printed  in 
various  newspapers  throughout  the  country,  amongst 

1  "  Swimming  is  a  noble  exercise,  but  it  certainly  does  not  tend  to 
mortify  either  the  flesh  or  the  spirit." — The  Bible  in  Spain^  page  688. 

2  Mr  John  Murray  in  Good  Words. 

3  In  The  Eastern  Daily  Press ,  ist  October  1892. 


xxv.]    BORROW  AND  HIS  CORNISH  KINSMEN    405 

others  in  the  Plymouth  Mail  under  the  heading  of 
"  Gallant  Conduct  of  Mr  G.  Borrow,"  and  was  read  by 
Sorrow's  Cornish  kinsmen,  who  for  years  had  heard  nothing 
of  Thomas  Borrow.  Apparently  quite  convinced  that 
George  was  his  son,  they  deputed  Robert  Taylor,  a  farmer 
of  Penquite  Farm  (who  had  married  Anne  Borrow,  grand- 
daughter of  Henry  Borrow),  to  write  to  Borrow  and  invite 
him  to  visit  Trethinnick.  The  letter  was  dated  loth 
October  and  directed  to  "  George  Borrow,  Yarmouth." 
Borrow  replied  as  follows  : — 

YARMOUTH,  itfh  Octr.,  1853. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  beg  leave  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  your  letter  of  the  loth  inst.  in  which  you  inform  me  of 
the  kind  desire  of  my  Cornish  relatives  to  see  me  at 
Trethinnock  (sic).  Please  to  inform  them  that  I  shall  be 
proud  and  happy  to  avail  myself  of  their  kindness  and  to 
make  the  acquaintance  of  "  one  and  all  " x  of  them.  My 
engagements  will  prevent  my  visiting  them  at  present,  but 
I  will  appear  amongst  them  on  the  first  opportunity.  I  am 
delighted  to  learn  that  there  are  still  some  living  at 
Trethinnock  who  remember  my  honoured  father,  who  had 
as  true  a  Cornish  heart  as  ever  beat. 

I  am  at  present  at  Yarmouth,  to  which  place  I  have 
brought  my  wife  for  the  benefit  of  her  health  ;  but  my 
residence  is  Oulton  Hall,  Lowestoft,  Suffolk.  With  kind 
greetings  to  my  Cornish  kindred,  in  which  my  wife  and  my 
mother  join, — I  remain,  my  dear  Sir,  ever  sincerely  yours, — 

GEORGE  BORROW. 

Borrow  was  not  free  to  visit  his  kinsfolk  until  the 
following  Christmas.  First  advising  Robert  Taylor  of  his 
intention,  and  receiving  his  approval  and  instructions  for 
the  journey,  Borrow  set  out  from  Great  Yarmouth  on  23rd 
December.  He  spent  the  night  at  Plymouth.  Next 
morning  on  finding  the  Liskeard  coach  full,  he  decided  to 
walk.  Leaving  his  carpet-bag  to  be  sent  on  by  the  mail, 
and 'throwing  over  his  arm  the  cloak  that  had  seen  many 
years  of  service,  he  set  out  upon  his  eighteen-mile  tramp. 

1  Borrow's  reference  is  to  the  county  motto,  "  One  and  All." 


406  THE  VISIT  TO  CORNWALL  [1853 

He  arrived  at  Liskeard  in  the  afternoon,  and  was  met  by 
his  cousin  Henry  Borrow  and  Robert  Taylor,  as  well  as 
by  several  local  celebrities. 

After  tea  Borrow,  accompanied  by  Robert  Taylor, 
rode  to  Penquite,  four  miles  away.  "Ride  by  night  to 
Penquite,"  Borrow  records  in  his  Journal.  "  House  of 
stone  and  slate  on  side  of  a  hill.  Mrs  Taylor.  Hospitable 
reception.  Christmas  Eve.  Log  on  fire."  He  found 
alive  of  his  own  generation,  Henry,  William,  Thomas, 
Elizabeth  (who  lived  to  be  94  years  of  age)  and  Nicholas, 
the  children  of  Henry  Borrow,  Captain  Sorrow's  eldest 
brother.  Also  Anne,  daughter  of  Henry,  who  married 
Robert  Taylor,  and  their  daughter,  likewise  named  Anne, 
and  William  Henry,  son  of  Nicholas. 

In  the  Cornish  "  Note  Books  "  there  appears  under  the 
date  of  3rd  January  the  following  entry :  "  Rain  and 
snow.  Rode  with  Mr  Taylor  to  dine  at  Trethinnick. 
House  dilapidated.  A  family  party.  Hospitable  people." 
On  first  entering  his  father's  old  home  tears  had  sprung 
to  Sorrow's  eyes,  and  he  was  much  affected.  There  was 
present  at  the  dinner  the  vicar  of  St  Cleer,  the  Rev.  J.  R.  P. 
Berkeley,  "  a  pleasant  Irish  clergyman "  who,  years  later, 
was  able  to  give  to  Dr  Knapp  an  account  of  what  took 
place.  He  noticed  the  "  vast  difference  in  appearance  and 
manners  between  the  simple  yet  shrewd  Cornish  farmers 
and  the  betravelled  gentleman  their  kinsman " ;  yet  for 
all  this  there  were  shades  of  resemblance — in  a  look,  some 
turn  of  thought  or  tone  of  voice.  "  George  Borrow  was 
not  at  his  best  that  evening,"  Mr  Berkeley  relates  of  the 
dinner  at  Trethinnick : 

"his  feelings  were  too  much  excited.  He  was  think- 
ing of  the  time  when  his  father's  footsteps  and  his  father's 
voice  re-echoed  in  the  room  in  which  we  were  sitting.  His 
eyes  wandered  from  point  to  point,  and  at  times,  if  I  was 
not  mistaken,  a  tear  could  be  seen  trembling  in  them.  At 
length  he  could  no  longer  control  his  feelings.  He  left 
the  hall  suddenly,  and  in  a  few  moments,  but  for  God's 


xxv.]  BORROW  IN  CORNWALL  407 

providential  care,  the  career  of  George  Borrow  would  have 
been  ended.  There  was  within  a  few  feet  of  the  house  a 
low  wall  with  a  drop  of  some  feet  into  a  paved  yard.  He 
walked  rapidly  out,  and,  it  being  nearly  dark,  he  stepped 
one  side  of  the  gate  and  fell  over  the  wall.  He  did  not 
mention  the  accident,  although  he  bruised  himself  a  good 
deal,  and  it  was  some  days  before  I  heard  of  it.  His 
words  to  me  that  evening,  when  bidding  me  good-bye, 
were  :  *  Well,  we  have  shared  the  old-fashioned  hospitality 
of  old-fashioned  people  in  an  old-fashioned  house.'"1 

Borrow  created  something  of  a  sensation  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. As  a  celebrity  his  autograph  was  much  sought 
after ;  but  he  would  gratify  nobody.  His  hosts  experienced 
many  little  surprises  from  their  guest's  strange  ways.  He 
would  plunge  into  a  moorland  pool  to  fetch  a  bird  that 
had  fallen  to  his  gun,  or,  round  the  family  fireside,  he  would 
shout  his  ballads  of  the  North,  at  one  time  alarming  his 
audience  by  seizing  a  carving-knife  and  brandishing  it 
about  in  the  air  to  emphasize  the  passionate  nature  of  his 
song.  When  a  card-party  proved  too  dull  he  slipped  off 
and  found  his  way  into  some  slums,  "  picking  up  all  the 
disreputable  characters  he  could  find,  working  off  his 
knowledge  of  'cant'  on  them,  and  getting  out  of  them 
what  he  could." 2 

On  one  occasion  when  dining  at  the  house  of  a  local 
celebrity  he  was  suddenly  missed  from  table  during 
dessert. 

"  A  search  revealed  him  in  a  remote  room  surrounded 
by  the  children  of  the  house,  whom  he  was  amusing  by 
his  stories  and  catechising  in  the  subject  of  their  studies 
and  pursuits.  He  excused  his  absence  by  saying  that  he 
had  been  fascinated  by  the  intelligence  of  the  children, 
and  had  forgotten  about  the  dinner."  3 

His  hatred  of  gentility  led  him  into  some  actions  that 
can  only  be  characterised  as  childish.  Even  in  Cornwall 

1  The  Life  of  George  Borrow^  by  Dr  Knapp,  ii.,  79-80, 

2  George  Borrow,  by  R.  A.  J.  Walling. 

3  George  Borrow,  by  R.  A.  J.  Walling. 


408  THE  VISIT  TO  CORNWALL  [1854 

he  was  on  the  look-out  for  his  fetish.  On  one  occasion 
when  dining  with  the  ex-Mayor  of  Liskeard,  he  pulled 
out  of  his  pocket  and  used  instead  of  a  handkerchief,  a 
dirty  old  grease-stained  rag  with  which  he  was  wont  to 
clean  his  gun.1  This  was  done  as  a  protest  against 
something  or  other  that  seemed  to  him  to  suggest  mock 
refinement. 

When  at  Wolsdon  as  the  guest  of  the  Pollards  there 
arrived  "  a  lady  and  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Hambly," 
according  to  the  Note  Books.  In  spite  of  this  brief 
reference,  Borrow  immediately  recognised  a  hated  name. 
"  Never  was  one  of  the  name  good,"  he  informed  Mr 
Berkeley.  He  may  even  have  been  informed  that  they 
were  descendants  of  the  Headborough  whom  his  father  had 
knocked  down.  He  showed  his  detestation  for  the  name 
by  being  as  rude  as  he  could  to  those  who  bore  it. 

Borrow  was  as  incapable  of  dissimulating  his  dislikes 
as  he  was  of  controlling  his  moods.  Even  during  his 
short  stay  at  Penquite  he  was  on  one  occasion,  at  least, 
plunged  into  a  deep  melancholy,  sitting  before  a  huge  fire 
entirely  oblivious  to  the  presence  of  others  in  the  room. 
Mrs  Berkeley,  who,  with  the  vicar  himself,  was  a  caller, 
thinking  to  produce  some  good  effect  upon  the  gloomy 
man,  sat  down  at  the  piano  and  played  some  old  Irish 
and  Scottish  airs.  After  a  time  Borrow  began  to  listen, 
then  he  raised  his  head,  and  finally  "  he  suddenly  sprang 
to  his  feet,  clapped  his  hands  several  times,  danced  about 
the  room,  and  struck  up  some  joyous  melody.  From  that 
moment  he  was  a  different  man."  He  told  them  "  tales 
and  side-splitting  anecdotes,"  he  joined  the  party  at 
supper,  and  when  the  vicar  and  his  wife  rose  to  take  their 
leave  he  pressed  Mrs  Berkeley's  hands,  and  told  her  that 
her  music  had  been  as  David's  harp  to  his  soul. 

To  the  young  man  he  met  during  this  visit  who 
informed  him  that  he  had  left  the  Army  as  it  was  no 
place  for  a  gentleman,  Borrow  replied  that  it  was  no 

1  George  Borrow,  by  R.  A.  J.  Walling. 


xxv.]        "OUR  DISTINGUISHED  VISITOR"          409 

place  for  a  man  who  was  not  a  gentleman,  and  that  he 
was  quite  right  in  leaving  it.  To  speak  against  the  Army 
to  Borrow  was  to  speak  against  his  honoured  father. 

How  Borrow  struck  his  Cornish  kinsfolk  is  shown  in  a 
letter  written  by  his  hostess  to  a  friend.  "  I  must  tell 
you,"  she  writes,  "a  bit  about  our  distinguished  visitor." 
She  gives  one  of  the  most  valuable  portraits  of  Borrow 
that  exists.  He  was  to  her  : 

"  A  fine  tall  man  of  about  six  feet  three,  well-propor- 
tioned and  not  stout ;  able  to  walk  five  miles  an  hour 
successively ;  rather  florid  face  without  any  hirsute 
appendages ;  hair  white  and  soft ;  eyes  and  eyebrows 
dark ;  good  nose  and  very  nice  mouth ;  well-shaped 
hands — altogether  a  person  you  would  notice  in  a  crowd. 
His  character  is  not  so  easy  to  portray.  The  more  I 
see  of  him  the  less  I  know  of  him.  He  is  very  enthusi- 
astic and  eccentric,  very  proud  and  unyielding.  He 
says  very  little  of  himself,  and  one  cannot  ask  him  if 
inclined  to.  ...  He  is  a  marvel  in  himself.  There  is  no 
one  here  to  draw  him  out.  He  has  an  astonishing 
memory  as  to  dates  when  great  events  have  taken  place, 
no  matter  in  what  part  of  the  world.  He  seems  to 
know  everything." l 

Borrow  was  gratified  at  the  welcome  he  received,  and 
was  much  pleased  with  the  neighbourhood  and  its  people. 
"  My  relations  are  most  excellent  people,"  he  wrote  to 
his  wife,  "  but  I  could  not  understand  more  than  half  they 
said."  He  was  puzzled  to  know  why  the  head  of  a  family, 
which  was  reputed  to  be  worth  seventy  thousand  pounds, 
should  live  in  a  house  which  could  not  boast  of  a  single 
grate — "  nothing  but  open  chimneys." 

He  remained  at  Penquite  for  upwards  of  a  fortnight, 
at  one  time  galloping  over  snowy  hills  and  dales  with 
Anne  Taylor,  Junr.,  "  as  gallant  a  girl  as  ever  rode,"  at 
another,  alert  as  ever  for  fragments  of  folk-lore  or 
philology,  jotting  down  the  story  of  a  pisky- child  from  the 
dictation  of  his  cousin  Elizabeth. 

1  The  Life  of  George  Borrow^  by  Dr  Knapp. 


410  THE  VISIT  TO  CORNWALL  [1854 

On  9th  January  Borrow  left  Penquite  on  a  tour  to 
Truro,  Penzance,  Mousehole,  and  Land's  End,  armed 
with  the  inevitable  umbrella,  grasped  in  the  centre  by  the 
right  hand,  "  green,  manifold  and  bulging,"  that  so  puzzled 
Mr  Watts-Dunton  and  caused  him  on  one  occasion  to  ask 
Dr  Hake,  "  Is  he  a  genuine  Child  of  the  Open  Air?  "  It 
was  one  of  the  first  things  to  which  Borrow's  pedestrian 
friends  had  to  accustom  themselves.  With  this  "  damning 
thing  .  .  .  gigantic  and  green,"  Borrow  set  out  upon  his 
excursion,  now  examining  some  Celtic  barrow,  now  enquir- 
ing his  way  or  the  name  of  a  landmark,  occasionally 
singing  in  that  tremendous  voice  of  his,  "  Look  out,  look 
out,  Swayne  Vonved  ! " 

At  Mousehole  he  called  upon  a  relative,  H.  D.  Burney 
(who  was,  it  would  seem,  in  charge  of  the  Coast  Guard 
Station),  to  whom  he  had  a  letter  of  introduction  from 
Robert  Taylor.  Mr  Burney  entertained  him  with  stories, 
showed  him  places  and  things  of  interest  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, and  accompanied  him  on  his  visit  to  St 
Michael's  Mount.  Borrow  returned  to  Penquite  on  the 
25th  with  a  considerable  store  of  Cornish  legends  and 
Cornish  words,  and  the  knowledge  that  "you  can  only  see 
Cornwall  or  know  anything  about  it  by  walking 
through  it." 

The  next  excursion  was  to  the  North  Coast,  Pentire 
Point,  Tintagel,  King  Arthur's  Castle,  etc.  On  the  ist 
of  February  he  left  Penquite,  and  slept  the  night  at 
Trethinnick.  The  next  morning  he  set  out  on  horseback 
accompanied  by  Nicholas  Borrow. 

To  the  vicar  of  St  Cleer  and  his  family,  Borrow  was 
a  very  welcome  visitor.  Mr  Berkeley's  eldest  son,  a  boy 
of  ten  years  of  age,  on  being  introduced  to  the  dis- 
tinguished caller,  gazed  at  him  for  some  moments  and 
then  without  a  word  left  the  room  and,  going  straight 
to  his  mother  in  another  apartment  cried,  "  Well,  mother, 
that  is  a  man."  Borrow  was  delighted  when  he  heard  of 
the  child's  enthusiasm.  Mr  Berkeley  gives  a  picture  of 


xxv.]     THE  OLD  PRIZE-FIGHTER'S  RECEIPT      411 

his  distinguished  visitor  far  more  prepossessing  than 
many  that  exist.  He  was  particularly  struck,  as  was 
everybody,  by  the  beauty  of  Borrow's  hands,  and  their 
owner's  vanity  over  them  as  the  legacy  of  his  Huguenot 
ancestors.  Mr  Berkeley  found  Borrow's  "countenance 
pleasing,  betokening  calm  firmness,  self-confidence  and 
a  mind  under  control,  though  capable  of  passion."  He 
could  on  occasion  prove  a  delightful  talker,  and  he  gave 
to  the  vicar's  family  a  new  maxim  to  implant  upon  their 
Christianity,  the  old  prize-fighter's  receipt  for  a  quiet  life : 
"  Learn  to  box,  and  keep  a  civil  tongue  in  your  head." 
He  would  often  drop  in  at  the  vicarage  in  the  evening, 
when  he  would 

"  sit  in  the  centre  of  a  group  before  the  fire  with  his 
hands  on  his  knees — his  favourite  position — pouring  forth 
tales  of  the  scenes  he  had  witnessed  in  his  wanderings.  .  . .. 
Then  he  would  suddenly  spring  from  his  seat  and  walk 
to  and  fro  the  room  in  silence;  anon  he  would  clap 
his  hands  and  sing  a  Gypsy  song,  or  perchance  would 
chant  forth  a  translation  of  some  Viking  poem ;  after 
which  he  would  sit  down  again  and  chat  about  his  father, 
whose  memory  he  revered  as  he  did  his  mother's ; *  and 
finally  he  would  recount  some  tale  of  suffering  or  sorrow 
with  deep  pathos — his  voice  being  capable  of  expressing 
triumphant  joy  or  the  profoundest  sadness." 

It  was  Borrow's  intention  to  write  a  book  about  his 
visit  to  Cornwall,  and  he  even  announced  it  at  the  end  of 
The  Romany  Rye.  He  was  delighted  with  the  Duchy, 
and  evidently  gave  his  relatives  to  understand  that  it 
was  his  intention  to  use  the  contents  of  his  Note  Books 
as  the  nucleus  of  a  book.  "  He  will  undoubtedly  write 
a  description  of  his  visit,"  Mrs  Taylor  wrote  to  her  friend. 
"  I  walked  through  the  whole  of  Cornwall  and  saw  every- 
thing," Borrow  wrote  to  his  wife  after  his  return  to 
London.  "  I  kept  a  Journal  of  every  day  I  was  there,  and 
it  fills  two  pocket  books." 

1  This  is  rather  awkwardly  phrased,  as  Mrs  Borrow  was  alive  at 
that  date. 


412  THE  VISIT  TO  CORNWALL  [1854 

Borrow  left  Cornwall  the  second  week  in  February 
and  was  in  London  on  the  loth,  where  he  was  to  break  his 
journey  home  in  order  to  obtain  some  data  at  the  British 
Museum  for  the  Appendix  of  The  Romany  Rye^  On 
1 3th  February  he  writes  to  his  wife  : — 

"  For  three  days  I  have  been  working  hard  at  the 
Museum,  I  am  at  present  at  Mr  Webster's,  but  not  in  the 
three  guinea  lodgings.  I  am  in  rooms  above,  for  which 
I  pay  thirty  shillings  a  week.  I  live  as  economically  as 
I  can  ;  but  when  I  am  in  London  I  am  obliged  to  be  at 
certain  expense.  I  must  be  civil  to  certain  friends  who 
invite  me  out  and  show  me  every  kindness.  Please  send 
me  a  five  pound  note  by  return  of  post." 

His  wife  appears  to  have  been  anxious  for  his  return 
home,  and  on  the  i/th  he  writes  to  her : — 

"  It  is  hardly  worth  while  making  me  more  melancholy 
than  I  am.  '  Come  home,  come  home  ! '  is  the  cry.  And 
what  are  my  prospects  when  I  get  home?  though  it  is 
true  that  they  are  not  much  brighter  here.  I  have 
nothing  to  look  forward  to.  Honourable  employments 
are  being  given  to  this  and  that  trumpery  fellow;  while 
I,  who  am  an  honourable  man,  must  be  excluded  from 
everything." 

Of  literature  he  expressed  himself  as  tired,  there  was 
little  or  nothing  to  be  got  out  of  it,  save  by  writing 
humbug,  which  he  refused  to  do.  "My  spirits  are  very 
low,"  he  continues,  "  and  your  letters  make  them  worse. 
I  shall  probably  return  by  the  end  of  next  week ;  but  I 
shall  want  more  money.  I  am  sorry  to  spend  money  for 
it  is  our  only  friend,  and  God  knows  I  use  as  little  as 
possible,  but  I  can't  travel  without  it." 2  A  few  days  later 

1  The   first   reference  to  the   famous   Appendix  is   contained   in 
a  letter  to  John  Murray  (nth  Nov.   1853)  in  which  Borrow  writes: 
"In  answer  to  your  inquiries  about  the  fourth  volume  of  Lavengro, 
I  beg  leave  to  say  that  I  am  occasionally  occupied  upon  it.     I  shall 
probably  add  some  notes." 

2  The  Life  of  George  Borrow,  by  Dr  Knapp. 


xxv.]  "OUR  ONLY  FRIEND"  413 

there  is  another  letter  with  farther  reference  to  money, 
and  protests  that  he  is  spending  as  little  as  possible. 
"  Perhaps  you  had  better  send  another  note,"  he  writes, 
"  and  I  will  bring  it  home  unchanged,  if  I  do  not  want  any 
part  of  it.  I  have  lived  very  economically  as  far  as  I  am 
concerned  personally;  I  have  bought  nothing,  and  have 
been  working  hard  at  the  Museum." l 

These  constant  references  to  money  seem  to  suggest 
either  some  difference  between  Borrow  and  his  wife,  or 
that  he  felt  he  was  spending  too  much  upon  himself,  and 
was  anticipating  her  thoughts  by  assuring  her  of  how 
economically  he  was  living.  He  had  an  unquestioned 
right  to  spend,  for  he  had  added  considerable  sums  to  the 
exchequer  from  the  profits  of  his  first  two  books. 

Borrow  returned  to  Yarmouth  on  25th  February. 
The  Romany  Rye  was  now  rapidly  nearing  completion ; 
but  there  was  no  encouragement  to  publish  a  new  book. 
He  worked  at  The  Romany  Rye,  not  because  he  saw  profit 
in  it,  not  because  he  was  anxious  to  give  another  book  to 
an  uneager  public ;  but  because  of  the  sting  in  its  tail, 
because  of  the  thunderbolt  Appendix  in  which  he  paid  off 
old  scores  against  the  critics  and  his  personal  enemies. 
The  Romany  Rye  was  to  him  a  work  of  hate  ;  it  was  a 
bomb  disguised  as  a  book,  which  he  intended  to  throw 
into  the  camp  of  his  foes.  He  was  tired  of  literature,  by 
which  he  meant  that  he  was  tired  of  producing  his  best  for 
a  public  that  neither  wanted  nor  understood  it.  He 
forgot  that  the  works  of  a  great  writer  are  sometimes 
printed  in  his  own  that  they  may  be  read  in  another 
generation. 

1  The  Life  of  George  Borrow ',  by  Dr  Knapp. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

MARCH    1854— MAY    1856 

TOURING  the  months  that  followed  Borrow's  return 
-*^  to  Great  Yarmouth,  the  question  of  the  coming 
summer  holiday  was  discussed.  From  the  first  Borrow 
himself  had  been  for  Wales.  He  was  eager  to  pursue  his 
Celtic  researches  further  north.  "  I  should  not  wonder  if 
he  went  into  Wales  before  he  returns,"  Mrs  Robert  Taylor 
had  written  to  her  friend  during  Borrow's  stay  in 
Cornwall.  His  wife  and  Henrietta  had  "  a  hankering 
after  what  is  fashionable,"  and  suggested  Harrogate  or 
Leamington.  To  which  Borrow  replied  that  there  was 
nothing  he  "so  much  hated  as  fashionable  life."  He, 
however,  gave  way,  the  two  women  followed  suit,  as  he 
had  intended  they  should,  and  Wales  was  decided  upon. 
For  Borrow  the  literature  of  Wales  had  always  exercised 
a  great  attraction.  Her  bards  were  as  no  other  bards. 
Ab  Gwilym  was  to  him  the  superior  of  Chaucer,  and 
Huw  Morris  "  the  greatest  songster  of  the  seventeenth 
century."  It' was,  he  confessed,  a  desire  to  put  to  practical 
use  his  knowledge  of  the  Welsh  tongue,  "  such  as  it  was," 
that  first  gave  him  the  idea  of  going  to  Wales. 

The  party  left  Great  Yarmouth  on  2/th  July  1854, 
spending  one  night  at  Peterborough  and  three  at  Chester. 
They  reached  Llangollen,  which  was  to  be  their  head- 
quarters, on  ist  August.  On  Qth  August  Mrs  George 
Borrow  wrote  to  the  old  lady  at  Oulton,  "  We  all  much 
enjoy  this  wonderful  and  beautiful  country.  We  are  in  a 

414 


XXVL]          THE  FIRST  WELSH  HOLIDAY  415 

lovely  quiet  spot.  Dear  George  goes  out  exploring  the 
mountains,  and  when  he  finds  remarkable  views  takes  us 
of  an  evening  to  see  them." 

Borrow  wanted  to  see  Wales  and  get  to  know  the 
people,  and,  above  all,  to  speak  with  them  in  their  own 
language,  and  on  27th  August  he  started  upon  a  walk- 
ing tour  to  Bangor,  where  he  was  to  meet  his  wife  and 
Henrietta,  who  were  to  proceed  thither  by  rail.  It  was 
during  this  excursion  that  he  encountered  the  delightful 
Papist-Orange  fiddler,  whose  fortunes  and  fingers  fluctuated 
between  "  Croppies  Get  Up  "  and  "  Croppies  Lie  Down." 

From  Bangor  Borrow  explored  the  surrounding  places 
of  interest.  He  ascended  Snowdon  arm-in-arm  with 
Henrietta,  singing  "  at  the  stretch  of  my  voice  a  celebrated 
Welsh  stanza,"  the  boy-guide  following  wonderingly  behind. 
In  spite  of  the  fatigues  of  the  climb,  "  the  gallant  girl " 
reached  the  summit  and  heard  her  stepfather  declaim  two 
stanzas  of  poetry  in  Welsh,  to  the  grinning  astonishment 
of  a  small  group  of  English  tourists  and  the  great  interest 
of  a  Welshman,  who  asked  Borrow  if  he  were  a  Breton. 

There  is  no  question  that  Borrow  was  genuinely 
attached  to  Henrietta.  "  I  generally  call  her  daughter,"  he 
writes,  "  and  with  good  reason,  seeing  that  she  has  always 
shown  herself  a  daughter  to  me — that  she  has  all  kinds 
of  good  qualities,  and  several  accomplishments,  knowing 
something  of  conchology,  more  of  botany,  drawing 
capitally  in  the  Dutch  style,"  l  not  to  speak  of  her  ability 
to  play  on  the  Spanish  guitar.  She  was  "  the  dear  girl," 
or  "the  gallant  girl,"  between  whom  and  her  stepfather 
existed  a  true  spirit  of  comradeship.  In  1844  she  wrote 
to  him,  "  And  then  that  funny  look2  would  come  into  your 

1  Wild  Wales,  page  6. 

2  There  appears  to  have  been  a  slight  cast  in  his  (Borrow's)  left 
eye.     The  Queen  of  the  Nokkums  remarked  that,  like  Will  Faa,  he 
had  "  a  skellying  look  with  the  left  eye  "  (Romano  Lavo-Lil^  page  267). 
Mr  F.  H.  Bowring,  who  frequently  met  him,  states  that  he  "had  a 
slight  cast  in  the  eye." 


416  THE  WELSH  HOLIDAY  [1854 

eyes  and  you  would  call  me  'poor  old  Hen/"  He  seemed 
incapable  of  laughing,  and  one  intimate  friend  states  that 
she  "  never  saw  him  even  smiling,  but  there  was  a  twinkle 
in  his  eyes  which  told  you  that  he  was  enjoying  himself 
just  the  same." l 

About  this  time  Mrs  George  Borrow  wrote  to  old 
Mrs  Borrow  at  Oulton  Hall,  saying  that  all  was  well  with 
her  son. 

"  He  is  very  regular  in  his  morning  and  evening  devotions, 
so  that  we  all  have  abundant  cause  for  thankfulness.  .  .  . 
As  regards  your  dear  son  and  his  peace  and  comfort,  you 
have  reason  to  praise  and  bless  God  on  his  account.  .  .  . 
He  is  fully  occupied.  He  keeps  a  daily  Journal  of  all 
that  goes  on,  so  that  he  can  make  a  most  amusing  book 
in  a  month,  whenever  he  wishes  to  do  so." 

The  first  sentence  is  very  puzzling,  and  would  seem  to 
suggest  that  Borrow's  moods  were  somehow  or  other 
associated  with  outbursts  against  religion.  "  Be  sure  you 
burn  this,  or  do  not  leave  it  about,"  the  old  lady  is 
admonished. 

On  the  day  following  the  ascent  of  Snowdon,  Mrs 
Borrow  and  Henrietta  returned  to  Llangollen  by  train, 
leaving  Borrow  free  to  pursue  his  wanderings.  He  eventu- 
ally arrived  at  Llangollen  on  6th  September,  by  way  of 
Carnarvon,  Festiniog  and  Bala.  After  remaining  another 
twenty  days  at  Llangollen,  he  despatched  his  wife  and 
stepdaughter  home  by  rail.  He  then  bought  a  small 
leather  satchel,  with  a  strap  to  sling  it  over  his  shoulder, 
packed  in  it  "  a  white  linen  shirt,  a  pair  of  worsted 
stockings,  a  razor  and  a  prayer-book."  Having  had  his 
boots  resoled  and  his  umbrella  repaired,  he  left  Llangollen 
for  South  Wales,  upon  an  excursion  which  was  to  occupy 
three  weeks.  During  the  course  of  this  expedition  he 
was  taken  for  many  things,  from  a  pork-jobber  to  Father 
Toban  himself,  as  whom  he  pronounced  "  the  best  Latin 
blessing  I  could  remember  "  over  two  or  three  dozen  Irish 

1  Elizabeth]  H[arvey]  in  The  Eastern  Daily  Press,  ist  Oct.  1892. 


xxvi.]        THE  DESCENDANTS  OF  A  POET  417 

reapers  to  their  entire  satisfaction.  Eventually  he  arrived 
at  Chepstow,  having  learned  a  great  deal  about  wild 
Wales. 

One  of  the  excursions  that  Borrow  made  from  Bangor 
was  to  Llanfair  in  search  of  T£  Gronwy,  the  birthplace  of 
Gronwy  Owen.  He  found  in  the  long,  low  house  an  old 
woman  and  five  children,  descendants  of  the  poet,  who 
stared  at  him  wonderingly.  To  each  he  "  gave  a  trifle." 
Asking  whether  they  could  read,  he  was  told  that  the 
eldest  could  read  anything,  whether  Welsh  or  English. 
In  Wild  Wales  he  gives  an  account  of  the  interview. 

" '  Can  you  write  ? '  said  I  to  the  child  [the  eldest],  a 
little  stubby  girl  of  about  eight,  with  a  broad  flat  red  face 
and  grey  eyes,  dressed  in  a  chintz  gown,  a  little  bonnet 
on  her  head,  and  looking  the  image  of  notableness. 

"  The  little  maiden,  who  had  never  taken  her  eyes  off 
of  me  for  a  moment  during  the  whole  time  I  had  been  in 
the  room,  at  first  made  no  answer;  being,  however,  bid 
by  her  grandmother  to  speak,  she  at  length  answered  in  a 
soft  voice, '  Medraf,  I  can.' 

"  *  Then  write  your  name  in  this  book,'  said  I,  taking 
out  a  pocket-book  and  a  pencil,  *  and  write  likewise  that 
you  are  related  to  Gronwy  Owen — and  be  sure  you  write 
in  Welsh.' 

"  The  little  maiden  very  demurely  took  the  book  and 
pencil,  and  placing  the  former  on  the  table  wrote  as 
follows : — 

" '  Ellen  Jones  yn  perthyn  o  bell  i  gronow  owen.' 1 

"That  is,  *  Ellen  Jones  belonging,  from  afar  off  to 
Gronwy  Owen.' " 2 

Ellen  Jones  is  now  Ellen  Thomas,  and  she  well 
remembers  Borrow  coming  along  the  lane,  where  she  was 
playing  with  some  other  children,  and  asking  for  the 
house  of  Gronwy  Owen.  Later,  when  she  entered  the 

1  Ellen  Jones  actually  wrote— 

Ellen  Jones 
yn  pithyn  pell 
i  gronow  owen 

2  Wild  Wales^  pages  227-8. 

2  D 


418  THE  WELSH  HOLIDAY  [1854 

house,  she  found  him  talking  to  her  grandmother,  who  was 
a  little  deaf,  as  described  in  Wild  Wales.  Mrs  Thomas' 
recollection  of  Borrow  is  that  he  had  the  appearance  of 
possessing  great  strength.  He  had  "bright  eyes  and 
shabby  dress,  more  like  a  merchant  than  a  gentleman,  or 
like  a  man  come  to  buy  cattle  [others  made  the  same 
mistake].  But,  dear  me  !  he  did  speak  funny  Welsh,"  she 
remarked  to  a  student  of  Borrow  who  sought  her  out, 
"he  could  not  pronounce  the  '11'  [pronouncing  the  word 
"pell"  as  if  it  rhymed  with  tell,  whereas  it  should  be 
pronounced  something  like  "pelth"],  and  his  voice  was 
very  high ;  but  perhaps  that  was  because  my  grandmother 
was  deaf."  He  had  plenty  of  words,  but  bad  pronuncia- 
tion. William  Thomas x  laughed  many  a  time  at  him 
coming  talking  his  funny  Welsh  to  him,  and  said  he  was 
glad  he  knew  a  few  words  of  Spanish  to  answer  him  with. 
Borrow  was,  apparently,  unconscious  of  any  imperfec- 
tion in  his  pronunciation  of  the  "  11."  He  has  written : 
"  *  Had  you  much  difficulty  in  acquiring  the  sound  of 
the  "  11 "  ? '  I  think  I  hear  the  reader  inquire.  None 
whatever  :  the  double  1  of  the  Welsh  is  by  no  means  the 
terrible  guttural  which  English  people  generally  suppose 
it  to  be."2 

Mrs  Thomas  is  now  sixty-seven  years  of  age  (she  was 
eleven  and  not  eight  at  the  time  of  Borrow's  visit)  and 
still  preserves  carefully  wrapped  up  the  book  from  which 
she  read  to  the  white-haired  stranger.  The  episode  was 
not  thought  much  of  at  the  time,  except  by  the  child, 
whom  it  much  excited.3 

1  This  was  the  mason  of  whom  Borrow  enquired  the  way,  and  who 
"  stood  for  a  moment  or  two,  as  if  transfixed,  a  trowel  motionless  in 
one  of  his  hands,  and  a  brick  in  the  other,"  who  on  recovering  himself 
replied  in  "tolerable  Spanish." — Wild  Wales,  page  225. 

2  Wild  Wales,  page  5. 

3  These  particulars  have  been  courteously  supplied  by  Mr  George 
Porter  of  Denbigh,  who  interviewed  Mrs  Thomas  on  27th  Dec.  1910. 
Borrow's  accuracy  in  Wild  Wales  was  photograph.     The  Norwich 
jeweller  Rossi  mentioned  in   Wild  Wales  (page  159  et  seq.}  was  a 


xxvi.]     AN  ADVENTURE  ON  CADER  IDRIS         419 

It  was  in  all  probability  during  this,  his  first  tour  in 
Wales,  that  Borrow  was  lost  on  Cader  Idris,  and  spent  the 
whole  of  one  night  in  wandering  over  the  mountain  vainly 
seeking  a  path.  The  next  morning  he  arrived  at  the  inn 
utterly  exhausted.  It  was  quite  in  keeping  with  Sorrow's 
nature  to  suppress  from  his  book  all  mention  of  this 
unpleasant  adventure.1 

The  Welsh  holiday  was  unquestionably  a  success. 
Borrow's  mind  had  been  diverted  from  critics  and  his  lost 
popularity.  He  had  forgotten  that  in  official  quarters  he 
had  been  overlooked.  He  was  in  the  land  of  Ab  Gwilym 
and  Gronwy  Owen.  "  There  never  was  such  a  place  for 
poets,"  he  wrote  ;  "  you  meet  a  poet,  or  the  birthplace  of  a 
poet,  everywhere."2  He  was  delighted  with  the  simplicity 
of  the  people,  and  in  no  way  offended  by  their  persistent 
suspicion  of  all  things  Saxon.  At  least  they  knew  their 
own  poets ;  and  he  could  not  help  comparing  the  Welsh 
labouring  man  who  knew  Huw  Morris,  with  his  Suffolk 
brother  who  had  never  heard  of  Beowulf  or  Chaucer.  He 
discoursed  with  many  people  about  their  bards,  surprising 
them  by  his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  poets  and  the 
poetry  of  Wales.  He  found  enthusiasm  "  never  scoffed  at 
by  the  noble  simple-minded  genuine  Welsh,  whatever 
treatment  it  may  receive  from  the  coarse-hearted,  sensual, 
selfish  Saxon." 3  Sometimes  he  was  reminded  "  of  the 
substantial  yoemen  of  Cornwall,  particularly  ...  of  my 
friends  at  Penquite."  4  Wherever  he  went  he  experienced 
nothing  but  kindness  and  hospitality,  and  it  delighted  him 
to  be  taken  for  a  Cumro,  as  was  frequently  the  case. 

friend  of  Borrow's  with  whom  he  frequently  spent  an  evening 
conversing  in  Italian,  "being  anxious  to  perfect  himself  in  that 
language."  I  quote  from  a  letter  from  his  son  Mr  Theodore  Rossi. 
"  There  was  an  entire  absence  of  pretence  about  him  and  we  liked 
him  very  much — he  always  seemed  desirous  of  learning." 

1  This  story  is  told  by  Mr  F.  J.  Bowring,  son  of  Sir  John  Bowring. 
He  heard  it  from  Mrs  Roberts,  the  landlady  of  the  inn. 

2  Wild  Wales,  page  274.  3  Wild  Wales,  page  130. 
4  Wild  Wales,  page  130. 


420  THE  WELSH  HOLIDAY  [1855 

What  Borrow  writes  about  his  Welsh  is  rather 
contradictory.  Sometimes  he  represents  himself  as  taken 
for  a  Welshman,  at  others  as  a  foreigner  speaking  Welsh. 
"  Oh,  what  a  blessing  it  is  to  be  able  to  speak  Welsh  ! " 1 
he  exclaims.  He  acknowledged  that  he  could  read  Welsh 
with  far  more  ease  than  he  could  speak  it.  There  is 
absolutely  no  posing  or  endeavour  to  depict  himself  a 
perfect  Welsh  scholar,  whose  accent  could  not  be  distin- 
guished from  that  of  a  native.  The  literary  results  of  the 
Welsh  holiday  were  four  Note  Books  written  in  pencil,  from 
which  Wild  Wales  was  subsequently  written.  Borrow  was 
in  Wales  for  nearly  sixteen  weeks  (ist  Aug.  —  i6th 
November),  of  which  about  a  third  was  devoted  to  expedi- 
tions on  foot. 

In  the  annual  consultations  about  holidays,  Borrow's 
was  always  the  dominating  voice.  For  the  year  1855  the 
Isle  of  Man  was  chosen,  because  it  attracted  him  as  a 
land  of  legend  and  quaint  customs  and  speech.  Accord- 
ingly during  the  early  days  of  September  Mrs  Borrow 
and  Henrietta  were  comfortably  settled  at  Douglas,  and 
Borrow  began  to  make  excursions  to  various  parts  of  the 
island.  He  explored  every  corner  of  it,  conversing  with 
the  people  in  Manx,  collecting  ballads  and  old,  smoke- 
stained  carvel*  (or  carol)  books,  of  which  he  was  successful 
in  securing  two  examples.  He  discovered  that  the  island 
possessed  a  veritable  literature  in  these  carvels,  which 
were  circulated  in  manuscript  form  among  the  neighbours 
of  the  writers. 

The  old  runic  inscriptions  that  he  found  on  the  tomb- 

1  Wild  Wales,  page  150. 

2  These  carvels  were  written  by  such  young  people  as  thought 
themselves  "endowed  with  the  poetic  gift,  to  compose  carols  some 
time  before  Christmas,  and  to  recite  them  in  the  parish  churches. 
Those  pieces  which   were  approved  of  by  the  clergy  were  subse- 
quently chanted  by  their  authors   through  their  immediate  neigh- 
bourhoods."   (Introduction  to  Bayr  Jairgey,  Borrow's  projected  book 
on  the  Isle  of  Man.) 


xxvi.]  THE  ISLE  OF  MAN  421 

stones  exercised  a  great  fascination  over  Borrow.  He 
would  spend  hours,  or  even  days  (on  one  occasion  as 
much  as  a  week),  in  deciphering  one  of  them.  Thirty 
years  later  he  was  remembered  as  "an  accurate,  pains- 
taking man."  His  evenings  were  frequently  occupied  in 
translating  into  English  the  Manx  poem  Illiam  Dhoo,  or 
"Brown  William."  He  discovered  among  the  Manx 
traditions  much  about  Finn  Ma  Coul,  or  M'Coyle,  who 
appears  in  The  Romany  Rye  as  a  notability  of  Ireland. 
He  ascended  Snaefell,  sought  out  the  daughter  of  George 
Killey,  the  Manx  poet,  and  had  much  talk  with  her,  she 
taking  him  for  a  Manxman.  The  people  of  the  island  he 
liked. 

"  In  the  whole  world,"  he  wrote  in  his  *  Note  Books,' 
"  there  is  not  a  more  honest,  kindly  race  than  the  genuine 
Manx.  Towards  strangers  they  exert  unbounded 
hospitality  without  the  slightest  idea  of  receiving  any 
compensation,  and  they  are,  whether  men  or  women,  at 
any  time  willing  to  go  two  or  three  miles  over  mountain 
and  bog  to  put  strangers  into  the  right  road." 

During  his  stay  in  the  Isle  of  Man,  news  reached 
Borrow  of  the  death  of  a  kinsman,  William,  son  of  Samuel 
Borrow,  his  cousin,  a  cooper  at  Devonport.  William 
Borrow  had  gone  to  America,  where  he  had  "  won  a  prize 
for  a  new  and  wonderful  application  of  steam."  His 
death  is  said  to  have  occurred  as  the  result  of  "  mental 
fatigue."  In  this  Borrow  saw  cause  for  grave  complaint 
against  the  wretched  English  Aristocracy  that  forced 
talent  out  of  the  country  by  denying  it  employment  or 
honour,  which  were  all  for  their  "connections  and  lick- 
spittles." 

The  holiday  in  the  Isle  of  Man  had  resulted  in  two 
quarto  note  books,  aggregating  ninety-six  pages,  closely 
written  in  pencil.  Again  Borrow  planned  to  write  a 
book,  just  as  he  had  done  on  the  occasion  of  the  Cornish 
visit.  Nothing,  however,  came  of  it.  Among  his  papers 


422  THE  WELSH  HOLIDAY  [1855 

was    found    the    following    draft    of    a    suggested    title- 
page  :— 

BAYR  JAIRGEY 

AND 

GLION   DOO 

THE  RED  PATH   AND  THE  BLACK  VALLEY 
WANDERINGS   IN   QUEST  OF   MANX   LITERATURE 

A  curious  feature  of  Mrs  Borrow's  correspondence  is 
her  friendly  conspiracies,  sometimes  with  John  Murray, 
sometimes  with  Woodfall,  the  printer,  asking  them  to  send 
encouraging  letters  that  shall  hearten  Borrow  to  greater 
efforts.  On  26th  November  1850  John  Murray  wrote  to 
her :  "  I  have  determined  on  engraving  [by  W.  Holl] 
Phillips'  portrait1  ...  as  a  frontispiece  to  it  \Lavengro\. 
I  trust  that  this  will  not  be  disagreeable  to  you  and  the 
author — in  fact  I  do  it  in  confident  expectation  that  it 
will  meet  with  your  assent ;  I  do  not  ask  Mr  Borrow's 
leave,  remember." 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Mrs  Borrow  had  been 
in  London  a  few  days  previously,  in  order  to  deliver  to 
John  Murray  the  manuscript  of  Lavengro.  Mrs  Borrow's 
reply  to  this  letter  is  significant.  "  With  regard  to  the 
engraving,"  she  writes  (28th  November),  "  /  like  the  idea 
of  it,  and  when  Mr  Borrow  remarked  that  he  did  not  wish 
it  (as  we  expected  he  would)  I  reminded  him  that  his  leave 
was  not  asked." 

Again,  on  3Oth  October  1852,  Mrs  Borrow  wrote  to 
Robert  Cooke  asking  that  either  he  or  John  Murray 
would  write  to  Borrow  enquiring  as  to  his  health,  and 
progress  with  The  Romany  Rye,  and  how  long  it  would  be 
before  the  manuscript  were  ready  for  the  printer.  "Of 
course,"  she  adds,  "  all  this  is  in  perfect  confidence  to 
Mr  Murray  and  yourself,  as  you  both  of  you  know  my 
truly  excellent  Husband  well  enough  to  be  aware  how  much 
he  every  now  and  then  requires  an  impetus  to  cause  the 
1  Painted  by  H.  W.  Phillips  in  1843. 


XXVL]  THE  WORLD'S  GREATEST  423 

large  wheel  to  move  round  at  a  quicker  pace.  .  .  .  Oblige 
me  by  committing  this  to  the  flames,  and  write  to  him 
just  as  you  would  have  done,  without  hearing  a  word 
from  me?  On  yet  another  occasion  when  she  and  Borrow 
were  both  in  London,  she  writes  to  Cooke  asking  that  either 
he  "  or  Mr  Murray  will  give  my  Husband  a  look,  if  it  be 
only  for  a  few  minutes  ....  He  seems  rather  low.  Do 
not  let  this  note  remain  on  your  table,"  she  concludes, 
"  or  mention  it." 

If  Borrow  were  a  problem  to  his  wife  and  to  his 
publisher,  he  presented  equal  difficulties  to  the  country 
folk  about  Oulton.  To  one  he  was  "  a  missionary  out  of 
work,"  to  another  "  a  man  who  kep'  'isself  to  'isself " ;  but 
to  none  was  he  the  tired  lion  weary  of  the  chase.  "  His 
great  delight  .  .  .  was  to  plunge  into  the  darkening  mere 
at  eventide,  his  great  head  and  heavy  shoulders  ruddy 
in  the  rays  of  the  sun.  Here  he  hissed  and  roared  and 
spluttered,  sometimes  frightening  the  eel-catcher  sailing 
home  in  the  half-light,  and  remembering  suddenly  school 
legends  of  river-sprites  and  monsters  of  the  deep." l 

In  the  spring  following  his  return  from  the  Isle  of  Man, 
Borrow  made  numerous  excursions  on  foot  through  East 
Anglia.  He  seemed  too  restless  to  remain  long  in  one 
place.  During  a  tramp  from  Yarmouth  to  Ely  by  way  of 
Cromer,  Holt,  Lynn  and  Wisbech,  he  called  upon  Anna 
Gurney.2  His  reason  for  doing  so  was  that  she  was  one 
of  the  three  celebrities  of  the  world  he  desired  to  see. 
The  other  two  were  Daniel  O'Connell 3  and  Lamplighter 
(the  sire  of  Phosphorus),  Lord  Berners'  winner  of  the 
Derby.  Two  of  the  world's  notabilities  had  slipped 

1  Vestiges  of  Borrow :  Some  Personal  Reminiscences.     The  Globe^ 
2  ist  July  1896. 

2  The  Anglo-Saxon   scholar  (1795-1857),  who  though   paralysed 
during  the  whole  of  her  life  visited  Rome,  Athens  and  other  places. 
She  was  the  first  woman  elected  a  member  of  the  British  Association. 

3  To  judge  from  Sorrow's  opinion  of  O'Connell  previously  quoted, 
"  notoriety"  would  have  been  a  more  appropriate  word  in  his  case. 


424  THE  WELSH  HOLIDAY  [1855 

through  his  fingers  by  reason  of  their  deaths ;  but  he 
was  determined  that  Anna  Gurney,  who  lived  at  North 
Repps,  should  not  evade  him.  He  gave  her  notice  of 
his  intention  to  call,  and  found  her  ready  to  receive 
him. 

"  When,  according  to  his  account,1  he  had  been  but  a 
very  short  time  in  her  presence,  she  wheeled  her  chair 
round  and  reached  her  hand  to  one  of  her  bookshelves  and 
took  down  an  Arabic  grammar,  and  put  it  into  his  hand, 
asking  for  explanation  of  some  difficult  point,  which  he 
tried  to  decipher ;  but  meanwhile  she  talked  to  him 
continuously  ;  when,  said  he, '  I  could  not  study  the  Arabic 
grammar  and  listen  to  her  at  the  same  time,  so  I  threw 
down  the  book  and  ran  out  of  the  room.'  " 

It  is  said  that  Borrow  ran  until  he  reached  Old  Tucker's 
Inn  at  Cromer,  where  he  ate  "  five  excellent  sausages  "  and 
found  calm.  He  then  went  on  to  Sheringham  and  related 
the  incident  to  the  Upchers. 

These  lonely  walking  tours  soothed  Borrow's  restless 
mind.  He  had  constant  change  of  scene,  and  his  thoughts 
were  diverted  by  the  adventures  of  the  roadside.  He 
encountered  many  and  interesting  people,  on  one  occasion 
an  old  man  who  remembered  the  fight  between  Painter 
and  Oliver ;  at  another  time  he  saw  a  carter  beating  his 
horse  which  had  fallen  down.  "  Give  him  a  pint  of  ale, 
and  I  will  pay  for  it,"  counselled  Borrow.  After  the 
second  pint  the  beast  got  up  and  proceeded,  "  pulling 
merrily  .  .  .  with  the  other  horses." 

Ale  was  Borrow's  sovereign  remedy  for  the  world's  ills 
and  wrongs.  It  was  by  ale  that  he  had  been  cured  when 
the  "  Horrors  "  were  upon  him  in  the  dingle.  "  Oh,  genial 
and  gladdening  is  the  power  of  good  ale,  the  true  and 
proper  drink  of  Englishmen,"  he  exclaims  after  having 
heartened  Jack  Slingsby  and  his  family.  "  He  is  not 
deserving  of  the  name  of  Englishman,"  he  continues,  "  who 

1  Given  to  the  Rev.  A.  W.  Upcher  and  related  by  him  in   The 
Athenceum,  22nd  July  1893. 


xxvi.]  ALE  425 

speaketh  against  ale,  that  is  good  ale." l  To  John  Murray 
(the  Third)  he  wrote  in  his  letter  of  sympathy  on  the 
death  of  his  father :  "  Pray  keep  up  your  spirits,  and  that 
you  may  be  able  to  do  so,  take  long  walks  and  drink 
plenty  of  Scotch  ale  with  your  dinner  .  .  .  God  bless  you." 

He  liked  ale  "  with  plenty  of  malt  in  it,  and  as  little 
hop  as  well  may  be — ale  at  least  two  years  old."2  The 
period  of  its  maturity  changed  with  his  mood.  In  another 
place  he  gives  nine  or  ten  months  as  the  ideal  age.3  He 
was  all  for  an  Act  of  Parliament  to  force  people  to  brew  good 
ale.  He  not  only  drank  good  ale  himself;  but  prescribed 
it  as  a  universal  elixir  for  man  and  beast.  Hearing  from 
Elizabeth  Harvey  "  of  a  lady  who  was  attached  to  a 
gentleman,"  Borrow  demanded  bluntly, "  Well,  did  he  make 
her  an  offer?"  "No,"  was  the  response.  "Ah,"  Borrow 
replied  with  conviction,  "  if  she  had  given  him  some  good 
ale  he  would." 4 

He  loved  best  old  Burton,  which,  with  '37  port,  were 
his  favourites  ;  yet  he  would  drink  whatever  ale  the  road- 
side-inn provided,  as  if  to  discipline  his  stomach.  It  has 
been  said  that  he  habitually  drank  "swipes,"  a  thin  cheap 
ale,  because  that  was  the  drink  of  his  gypsy  friends ;  but 
Sorrow's  friendship  certainly  did  not  often  involve  him  in 
anything  so  distasteful. 

1  Lavengro,  page  361.  2  The  Romany  Rye,  page  309. 

3  Wild  Wales,  page  285.        4  The  Eastern  Daily  Press,  1st  Oct.  1892. 


CHAPTER   XXVII 

THE  ROMANY  RYE.      1854—1859 

D  ORROW  was  not  a  great  correspondent,  and  he  left 
-*-*  behind  him  very  few  letters  from  distinguished  men 
of  his  time.  Among  those  few  were  several  from 
Edward  FitzGerald,  whose  character  contrasted  so 
strangely  with  that  of  the  tempestuous  Borrow.  In  1856 
FitzGerald  wrote : — 

3 1  GREAT  PORTLAND  STREET, 
LONDON,  27 th  October  1856. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — It  is  /  who  send  you  the  new  Turkish 
Dictionary  [Redhouse's  Turkish  &  English  Dictionary] 
which  ought  to  go  by  this  Post ;  my  reasons  being  that  I 
bought  it  really  only  for  the  purpose  of  doing  that  little 
good  to  the  spirited  Publisher  of  the  book  (who  thought 
when  he  began  it  that  the  [Crimean]  War  was  to  last),  and 
I  send  it  to  you  because  I  should  be  glad  of  your  opinion, 
if  you  can  give  it.  I  am  afraid  that  you  will  hardly 
condescend  to  use  it,  for  you  abide  in  the  old  Meninsky ; 
but  if  you  will  use  it,  I  shall  be  very  glad.  I  don't  think  / 
ever  shall ;  and  so  what  is  to  be  done  with  it  now  it  is 
bought  ? 

I  don't  know  what  Kerrich  told  you  of  my  being  too 
lazy  to  go  over  to  Yarmouth  to  see  you  a  year  ago.  No 
such  thing  as  that.  I  simply  had  doubts  as  to  whether  you 
would  not  rather  remain  unlookt  for.  I  know  I  enjoyed 
my  evening  with  you  a  month  ago.  I  wanted  to  ask  you 
to  read  some  of  the  Northern  Ballads  too  ;  but  you  shut  the 
book. 

I  must  tell  you.  I  am  come  up  here  on  my  way  to 
Chichester  to  be  married !  to  Miss  Barton  (of  Quaker 
memory)  and  our  united  ages  amount  to  96  ! — a  dangerous 

426 


xxva]          "OUR  TIME  SEEMS  COMING"  427 

experiment  on  both  sides.  She  at  least  brings  a  fine  head 
and  heart  to  the  bargain — worthy  of  a  better  market. 
But  it  is  to  be,  and  I  dare  say  you  will  honestly  wish  we 
may  do  well. 

Keep  the  book  as  long  as  you  will.  It  is  useless  to 
me.  I  shall  be  to  be  heard  of  through  Geldeston  Hall, 
Beccles.  With  compliments  to  Mrs  Borrow,  believe 
me, 

Yours  truly, 

EDWARD  FITZGERALD. 

P.S. — Donne  is  well,  and  wants  to  know  about  you. 
A  few  months  later  FitzGerald  wrote  again  : 

ALBERT  HOUSE,  GORLESTON, 
6th  July  1857. 

DEAR  BORROW, — Will  you  send  me  [The  Rubaiyat 
of  Omar  Khayyam]  by  bearer.  I  only  want  to  look 
at  him,  for  that  Frenchman1  has  been  misquoting 
him  in  a  way  that  will  make  [Professor]  E.  Cowell  [of 
Cambridge]  answerable  for  another's  blunder,  which  must 
not  be.  You  shall  have  'Omar  back  directly,  or  whenever 
you  want  him,  and  I  should  really  like  to  make  you  a 
copy  (taking  my  time)  of  the  best  Quatrains.  I  am  now 
looking  over  the  Calcutta  MS.  which  has  500! — 
very  many  quite  as  good  as  those  in  the  MS.  you  have  ; 
but  very  many  in  both  MSS.  are  well  omitted. 

I  have  been  for  a  fortnight  to  Geldeston  where  Kerrich 
is  not  very  well.  I  shall  look  for  you  one  day  in  my 
Yarmouth  rounds,  and  you  know  how  entirely  disengaged 
and  glad  to  see  you  I  am  here.  I  have  two  fresh  Nieces 
with  me — and  I  find  I  gave  you  the  worst  wine  of  two 
samples  Diver  sent  me.  I  wish  you  would  send  word  by 
bearer  you  are  better — this  one  word  written  will  be 
enough  you  see. 

My  old  Parson  Crabbe  is  bowing  down  under 
epileptic  fits,  or  something  like,  and  I  believe  his  brave 
old  white  head  will  soon  sink  into  the  village  Church- 
sward.  Why,  our  time  seems  coming.  Make  way, 
Gentlemen  ! — Yours  very  truly, 

EDWARD  FITZGERALD. 

1  Garcin  de  Tassy.     Note  sur  les  Ruba'iyat  de  'Omar  Khaiyam, 
which  appeared  in  the  Journal  Asiatique. 


428  THE  ROMANY  RYE  [1854 

What  effect  the  sweet  gentleness  of  FitzGerald's 
nature  had  upon  that  of  Borrow  is  not  known,  for  the 
replies  have  not  been  preserved.  FitzGerald  was  a  man 
capable  of  soothing  the  angriest  and  most  discontented 
mind,  and  it  is  a  misfortune  that  he  saw  so  little  of 
Borrow.  In  the  early  part  of  the  following  year  (24th 
Jan.  1857)  FitzGerald  wrote  to  Professor  E.  B.  Cowell  of 
Cambridge : — 

"  I  was  with  Borrow  a  week  ago  at  Donne's,  and  also 
at  Yarmouth  three  months  ago :  he  is  well,  but  not  yet 
agreed  with  Murray.  He  read  me  a  long  Translation  he 
had  made  from  the  Turkish :  which  I  could  not  admire, 
and  his  Taste  becomes  stranger  than  ever." 1 

From  Wales  Mrs  George  Borrow  had  written  (Sept. 
1854)  to  old  Mrs  Borrow:  "He  [Borrow]  will,  I  expect  at 
Christmas,  publish  his  other  work  \The  Romany  Rye\ 
together  with  his  poetry  in  all  the  European  languages." 2 
In  November  (1854)  the  manuscript  of  The  Romany 
Rye  was  delivered  to  John  Murray,  who  appears  to  have 
taken  his  time  in  reading  it ;  for  it  was  not  until  23rd 
December  that  he  expressed  his  views  in  the  following 
letter.  Even  when  the  letter  was  written  it  was  allowed 
to  remain  in  John  Murray's  desk  for  five  weeks,  not 
being  sent  until  27th  January : — 

MY  DEAR  BORROW, — I  have  read  with  care  the  MS. 
of  The  Romany  Rye  and  have  pondered  anxiously  over  it ; 
and  in  what  I  am  about  to  write  I  think  I  may  fairly 
claim  the  privilege  of  a  friend  deeply  interested  in  you 
personally,  as  well  as  in  your  reputation  as  author,  and  by 
no  means  insensible  to  the  abilities  displayed  in  your 
various  works.  It  is  my  firm  conviction  then,  that  you 
will  incur  the  certainty  of  failure  and  run  the  risque  of 
injuring  your  literary  fame  by  publishing  the  MS.  as  it 

1  Letters  and  Literary  Remains  of  Edward  FitzGerald,  1889. 

2  Songs  of  Europe,  or  Metrical  Translations  from  All  the  European 
Languages,  With  Brief  Prefatory  Remarks  on  Each  Language  and 
its  Literature.    2  vols.    (Advertised  as  "  Ready  for  the  Press  "  at  the 
end  of  The  Romany  Rye.     See  page  438.) 


xxvii.]  JOHN  MURRAY'S  ADVICE  429 

stands.  Very  large  omissions  seem  to  me — and  in  this, 
Elwin,1  no  mean  judge,  concurs — absolutely  indispensable. 
That  Lavengro  would  have  profited  by  curtailment,  I 
stated  before  its  publication.  The  result  has  verified  my 
anticipations,  and  in  the  present  instance  I  feel  compelled 
to  make  it  the  condition  of  publication.  You  can  well 
imagine  that  it  is  not  my  interest  to  shorten  a  book  from 
two  volumes  to  one  unless  there  were  really  good  cause. 

Lavengro  clearly  has  not  been  successful.  Let  us  not 
then  risque  the  chance  of  another  failure,  but  try  to  avoid 
the  rock  upon  which  we  then  split.  You  have  so  great 
store  of  interesting  matter  in  your  mind  and  in  your 
notes,  that  I  cannot  but  feel  it  to  be  a  pity  that  you 
should  harp  always  upon  one  string,  as  it  were.  It  seems 
to  me  that  you  have  dwelt  too  long  on  English  ground 
in  this  new  work,  and  have  resuscitated  some  characters 
of  the  former  book  (such  as  F.  Ardry)  whom  your  readers 
would  have  been  better  pleased  to  have  left  behind. 
Why  should  you  not  introduce  us  rather  to  those  novel 
scenes  of  Moscovite  and  Hungarian  life  respecting  which 
I  have  heard  you  drop  so  many  stimulating  allusions. 
Do  not,  I  pray,  take  offence  at  what  I  have  written. 
It  is  difficult  and  even  painful  for  me  to  assume  the  office 
of  critic,  and  this  is  one  of  the  reasons  why  this  note  has 
lingered  so  long  in  my  desk.  Fortunately,  in  the  advice 
I  am  tendering  I  am  supported  by  others  of  better  literary 
judgment  than  myself,  and  who  have  also  deep  regard 
for  you.  I  will  specify  below  some  of  the  passages  which 
I  would  point  out  for  omission. — With  best  remembrances, 
I  remain,  my  dear  Borrow,  Your  faithful  publisher  and 
sincere  friend, 

JOHN  MURRAY. 

Suggestions  for  Omission. 

The  Hungarian  in  No.  6. 
The  Jockey  Story,  terribly  spun  out,  No.  7. 
Visit  to  the  Church,  too  long. 
Interview  with  the  Irishman,  Do. 

Learning   Chinese,  too  much  repetition  in  this  part  of  a 
very  interesting  chapter. 

1  Rev.  Whitwell  Elwin,  editor  of  The   Quarterly  Review.     See 
post,  p.  431. 


430  THE  ROMANY  RYE  [1855 

The  Postilion  and  Highwayman. 

Throughout  the  MS.  condensation  is  indispensable.     Many 

of  the  narratives  are  carried  to  a  tedious  length  by 

details  and  repetition. 
The  dialogue  with   Ursula,  the  song,  etc.,  border  on  the 

indelicate.     I  like  much  Horncastle  Fair,  the  Chinese 

scholar,  except  objection  noted  above. 
Grooming  of  the  horse. 
January  27,  1855. 

On  29th  January,  Mrs  Borrow  wrote  to  John  Murray 
a  letter  that  was  inspired  by  Borrow  himself.  Dr  Knapp 
discovered  the  original  draft,  some  of  which  was  in 
Borrow's  own  hand.  It  runs  : — 

DEAR  MR  MURRAY, — We  have  received  your  letters. 
In  the  first  place  I  beg  leave  to  say  something  on  a  very 
principal  point.  You  talk  about  conditions  of  publishing. 
Mr  Borrow  has  not  the  slightest  wish  to  publish  the  book. 
The  MS.  was  left  with  you  because  you  wished  to  see  it, 
and  when  left,  you  were  particularly  requested  not  to  let 
it  pass  out  of  your  own  hands.  But  it  seems  you  have 
shown  it  to  various  individuals  whose  opinions  you  repeat. 
What  those  opinions  are  worth  may  be  gathered  from  the 
following  fact. 

The  book  is  one  of  the  most  learned  works  ever 
written ;  yet  in  the  summary  of  the  opinions  which  you 
give,  not  one  single  allusion  is  made  to  the  learning  which 
pervades  the  book,  no  more  than  if  it  contained  none  at 
all.  It  is  treated  just  as  if  all  the  philological  and 
historical  facts  were  mere  inventions,  and  the  book  a 
common  novel.  .  .  . 

With  regard  to  Lavengro  it  is  necessary  to  observe 
that  if  ever  a  book  experienced  infamous  and  undeserved 
treatment  it  was  that  book.  It  was  attacked  in  every 
form  that  envy  and  malice  could  suggest,  on  account  of  Mr 
Borrow's  acquirements  and  the  success  of  The  Bible  in 
Spain,  and  it  was  deserted  by  those  whose  duty  it  was,  in 
some  degree  to  have  protected  it.  No  attempt  was  ever 
made  to  refute  the  vile  calumny  that  it  was  a  book  got 
up  against  the  Popish  agitation  of  '51.  It  was  written 
years  previous  to  that  period — a  fact  of  which  none  is 
better  aware  than  the  Publisher.  Is  that  calumny  to  be 
still  permitted  to  go  unanswered  ? 


xxvii.]     BORROW  REBUKES  HIS  PUBLISHER      431 

If  these  suggestions  are  attended  to,  well  and  good ; 
if  not,  Mr  Borrow  can  bide  his  time.  He  is  independent 
of  the  public  and  of  everybody.  Say  no  more  on  that 
Russian  Subject.  Mr  Borrow  has  had  quite  enough  of 
the  press.  If  he  wrote  a  book  on  Russia,  it  would  be 
said  to  be  like  The  Bible  in  Spain,  or  it  would  be  said 
to  be  unlike  The  Bible  in  Spain,  and  would  be  blamed 
in  either  case.  He  has  written  a  book  in  connection  with 
England  such  as  no  other  body  could  have  written,  and 
he  now  rests  from  his  labours.  He  has  found  England  an 
ungrateful  country.  It  owes  much  to  him,  and  he  owes 
nothing  to  it.  If  he  had  been  a  low  ignorant  impostor, 
like  a  person  he  could  name,  he  would  have  been  employed 
and  honoured. — I  remain,  Yours  sincerely, 

MARY  BORROW. 

On  5th  April  1856  Mrs  Borrow  wrote  again,  requesting 
Murray  to  return  the  manuscript,  but  for  what  purpose 
she  does  not  state.  Two  days  later  it  was  despatched 
by  rail  from  Albemarle  Street. 

Some  years  before,  Borrow  had  met  Rev.  Whitwell 
Elwin,  Rector  of  Booton,  somewhere  about  the  time  he 
(Elwin)  came  up  to  London  to  edit  The  Quarterly  Review, 
viz.,  I853.1  The  first  interview  between  the  two  men  has 
been  described  as  characteristic  of  both. 

"Borrow  was  just  then  very  sore  with  his  slashing 
critics,  and  on  someone  mentioning  that  Elwin  was  a 
'  Quartering  reviewer,'  he  said,  '  Sir,  I  wish  you  a  better 
employment.'  Then  hastily  changing  the  subject,  he 
called  out, (  What  party  areyvu  in  the  Church — Tractarian, 
Moderate,  or  Evangelical  ?  I  am  happy  to  say,  /  am 
the  old  High.1  '  I  am  happy  to  say  I  am  not1  was 
Elwin's  emphatic  reply.  Borrow  boasted  of  his  proficiency 
in  the  Norfolk  dialect,  which  he  endeavoured  to  speak 
as  broadly  as  possible.  '  I  told  him,'  said  Elwin,  '  that 
he  had  not  cultivated  it  with  his  usual  success.'  As  the 
conversation  proceeded  it  became  less  disputatious,  and 
the  two  ended  by  becoming  so  cordial  that  they  promised 

1  Elwin  could  not  very  well  have  known  Borrow  all  his,  Sorrow's 
life,  as  Dr  Knapp  states,  for  he  was  fifteen  years  younger,  being  born 
26th  Feb.  1816. 


432  THE  ROMANY  RYE  [1857 

to  visit  each  other.  Borrow  fulfilled  his  promise  in  the 
following  October,  when  he  went  to  Booton,  and  was 
4  full  of  anecdote  and  reminiscence/  and  delighted  the 
rectory  children  by  singing  them  songs  in  the  gypsy 
tongue.  Elwin  during  this  visit  urged  him  to  try  his 
hand  at  an  article  for  the  Review.  *  Never,'  he  said, 
*  I  have  made  a  resolution  never  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  such  a  blackguard  trade.' " l 

Elwin  became  greatly  interested  in  The  Romany  Rye. 
He  endeavoured  to  influence  its  composition,  and  even 
wrote  to  Borrow  begging  him  "  to  give  his  sequel  to 
Lavengro  more  of  an  historical,  and  less  of  a  romancing 
air."  He  was  not  happy  about  the  book.  He  wrote  to 
John  Murray  in  March  : — 

"  *  It  is  not  the  statements  themselves  which  provoke 
incredulity,  but  the  melodramatic  effect  which  he  tries  to 
impart  to  all  his  adventures.'  Instead  of '  roaring  like  a 
lion,'  in  reply,  as  Elwin  had  expected,  he  returned  quite  a 
'  lamb-like '  note,  which  gave  promise  of  a  greater  success 
for  his  new  work  than  its  precursor." 2 

Borrow  appears  to  have  become  tired  of  biding  his 
time  with  regard  to  The  Romany  Rye,  and  on  2/th  Feb. 
1857  he  wrote  to  John  Murray  to  say  that  "the  work 
must  go  to  press,  and  that  unless  the  printing  is  forthwith 
commenced,  I  must  come  up  to  London  and  make 
arrangements  myself.  Time  is  passing  away.  It  ought 
to  have  appeared  many  years  ago.  I  can  submit  to  no 
more  delays."  The  work  was  accordingly  proceeded  with, 
and  Elwin  wrote  a  criticism  of  the  work  for  The  Quarterly 
Review  from  the  proof-sheets  : — 

"  When  the  review  was  almost  finished,  it  was  on  the 
point  of  being  altogether  withdrawn,  owing  to  a  passage 
in  Romany  Rye  which  Elwin  said  was  clearly  meant  to  be 

1  Some  XV 111.  Century  Men  of  Letters.  Ed.  Warwick  Elwin, 
1902. 

*  Some  XVIII.  Centttry  Men  of  Letters.  Ed.  Warwick  Elwin. 
1902. 


XXVIL]  A  DIGNIFIED  REJOINDER  433 

a  reflection  on  his  friend  Ford,  *  to  avenge  the  presumed 
refusal  of  the  latter  to  praise  Lavengro  in  The  Quarterly 
Review'  '  I  am  very  anxious/  he  said,  '  to  get  Borrow 
justice  for  rare  merits  which  have  been  entirely  overlooked, 
but  if  he  persists  in  publishing  an  attack  of  this  kind  I 
shall,  I  fear,  not  be  able  to  serve  him.'  The  objectionable 
paragraphs  had  been  written  by  Borrow  under  a  mis- 
apprehension, and  he  cancelled  them  as  soon  as  he  was 
convinced  of  his  error." x 

John  Murray  determined  not  to  publish  the  book  unless 
the  offending  passage  were  removed.  He  wrote  to  Borrow 

the  following  letter  : — 

Wi  April  1857. 

My  DEAR  BORROW, — When  I  have  done  anything 
towards  you  deserving  of  apology  I  will  not  hesitate  to 
offer  one.  As  it  is,  I  have  acted  loyally  towards  you, 
and  with  a  view  to  maintain  your  interests. 

I  agreed  to  publish  your  present  work  solely  with  the 
object  of  obliging  you,  and  in  a  great  degree  at  the  strong 
recommendation  of  Cooke.  I  meant  (as  was  my  duty)  to 
do  my  very  best  to  promote  its  success.  You  on  your 
side  promised  to  listen  to  me  in  regard  to  any  necessary 
omissions ;  and  on  the  faith  of  this,  I  pointed  out  one 
omission,  which  I  make  the  indispensable  condition  of  my 
proceeding  further  with  the  book.  I  have  asked  nothing 
unfair  nor  unreasonable — nay,  a  compliance  with  the 
request  is  essential  for  your  own  character  as  an  author 
and  a  man. 

You  are  the  last  man  that  I  should  ever  expect  to 
"  frighten  or  bully  "  ;  and  if  a  mild  but  firm  remonstrance 
against  an  offensive  passage  in  your  book  is  interpreted 
by  you  into  such  an  application,  I  submit  that  the  grounds 
for  the  notion  must  exist  nowhere  but  in  your  own 
imagination.  The  alternative  offered  to  you  is  to  omit 
or  publish  elsewhere.  Nothing  shall  compel  me  to  publish 
what  you  have  written.  Think  calmly  and  dispassionately 
over  this,  and  when  you  have  decided  let  me  know. 

Yours  very  faithfully, 

JOHN  MURRAY. 

1  Some  XV1IL  Century  Men  of  Letters.    Ed.  Warwick  Elwin, 
1902. 

2  E 


434  THE  ROMANY  RYE  [1857 

The  reference  that  had  so  offended  Murray  and  Elwin 
had,  in  all  probability  been  interpolated  in  proof  form, 
otherwise  it  would  have  been  discovered  either  when 
Murray  read  the  manuscript  or  Elwin  the  proofs.  By 
return  of  post  came  the  following  reply  from  Borrow,  then 
at  Great  Yarmouth  : — 

DEAR  SIR, — Yesterday  I  received  your  letter.  You 
had  better  ask  your  cousin  [Robert  Cooke]  to  come  down 
and  talk  about  matters.  After  Monday  I  shall  be  dis- 
engaged and  shall  be  most  happy  to  see  him.  And  now 
I  must  tell  you  that  you  are  exceedingly  injudicious. 
You  call  a  chapter  heavy,  and  I,  not  wishing  to  appear 
unaccommodating,  remove  or  alter  two  or  three  passages 
for  which  I  do  not  particularly  care,  whereupon  you 
make  most  unnecessary  comments,  obtruding  your  private 
judgment  upon  matters  with  which  you  have  no  business, 
and  of  which  it  is  impossible  that  you  should  have  a 
competent  knowledge.  If  you  disliked  the  passages  you 
might  have  said  so,  but  you  had  no  right  to  say  anything 
more.  I  believe  that  you  not  only  meant  no  harm,  but 
that  your  intentions  were  good ;  unfortunately,  however, 
people  with  the  best  of  intentions  occasionally  do  a  great 
deal  of  harm.  In  your  language  you  are  frequently  in 
the  highest  degree  injudicious ;  for  example,  in  your  last 
letter  you  talk  of  obliging  me  by  publishing  my  work. 
Now  is  not  that  speaking  very  injudiciously?  Surely  you 
forget  that  I  could  return  a  most  cutting  answer  were  I 
disposed  to  do  so. 

I  believe,  however,  that  your  intentions  are  good, 
and  that  you  are  disposed  to  be  friendly. — Yours  truly, 

GEORGE  BORROW. 

The  tone  of  this  letter  is  strangely  reminiscent  of 
some  of  the  Rev.  Andrew  Brandram's  admonitions  to 
Borrow  himself,  during  his  association  with  the  Bible 
Society.  Borrow  bowed  to  the  wind,  and  the  offending 
passage  was  deleted,  and  The  Romany  Rye  eventually 
appeared  on  3Oth  April  1857,  in  an  edition  of  a  thousand 
copies.  The  public,  or  such  part  of  it  as  had  not  forgotten 
Borrow,  had  been  kept  waiting  six  years  to  know  what 


xxvii.]  A  QUESTION  OF  ACCURACY  435 

had  happened  on  the  morning  after  the  storm.  Lavettgro 
had  ended  by  the  postilion  concluding  his  story  with 
"  Young  gentleman,  I  will  now  take  a  spell  on  your  blanket 
—young  lady,  good-night,"  and  presumably  the  three, 
Borrow,  Isopel  Berners  and  their  guest  had  lain  down  to 
sleep,  and  a  great  quiet  fell  upon  the  dingle,  and  the  moon 
and  the  stars  shone  down  upon  it,  and  the  red  glow  from 
the  charcoal  in  the  brazier  paled  and  died  away. 

The  Romany  Rye  is  a  puzzling  book.  The  latter 
portion,  at  least,  seems  to  suggest  "  spiritual  autobio- 
graphy." It  reveals  the  man,  his  atmosphere,  his 
character,  and  nowhere  better  than  among  the  jockeys  at 
Horncastle.  It  gives  a  better  and  more  convincing  picture 
of  Borrow  than  the  most  accurate  list  of  dates  and 
occurrences,  all  vouched  for  upon  unimpeachable  authority. 
It  is  impressionism  applied  to  autobiography,  which  has 
always  been  considered  as  essentially  a  subject  for  photo- 
graphic treatment.  Borrow  thought  otherwise,  with  the 
result  that  many  people  decline  to  believe  that  his  picture 
is  a  portrait,  because  there  is  a  question  as  to  the  dates. 

Among  the  reviews,  which  were  on  the  whole 
unfriendly,  was  the  remarkable  notice  in  The  Quarterly 
Review,  by  the  Rev.  Whitwell  Elwin : — x 

"  Nobody,"  he  wrote,  "  sympathises  with  wounded 
vanity,  and  the  world  only  laughs  when  a  man  angrily 
informs  it  that  it  does  not  rate  him  at  his  true  value.  The 
public  to  whom  he  appeals  must,  after  all,  be  the  judge  of 
his  pretensions.  Their  verdict  at  first  is  frequently  wrong, 
but  it  is  they  themselves  who  must  reverse  it,  and  not  the 
author  who  is  upon  his  trial  before  them.  The  attacks  of 
critics,  if  they  are  unjust,  invariably  yield  to  the  same 
remedy.  Though  we  do  not  think  that  Mr  Borrow  is  a 
good  counsel  in  his  own  cause,  we  are  yet  strongly  of  the 
opinion  that  Time  in  this  case  has  some  wrongs  to  repair, 
and  that  Lavengro  has  not  obtained  the  fame  which  was  its 
due.  It  contains  passages  which  in  their  way  are  not 
surpassed  by  anything  in  English  Literature." 

1  Entitled  Roving  Life  in  England.    March  1857. 


436  THE  ROMANY  RYE  [1857 

The  value  of  these  prophetic  words  lies  in  the  fine 
spirit  of  fatherly  reproof  in  which  the  whole  review  was 
written.  It  is  the  work  of  a  critic  who  regarded  literature 
as  a  thing  to  be  approached,  both  by  author  and  reviewer, 
with  grave  and  deliberate  ceremony,  not  with  enthusiasm 
or  prejudice.  From  any  other  source  the  following  words 
would  not  have  possessed  the  significance  they  did,  coming 
from  a  man  of  such  sane  ideas  with  the  courage  to  express 
them : — 

"  Various  portions  of  the  history  are  known  to  be  a 
faithful  narrative  of  Mr  Borrow's  career,  while  we 
ourselves  can  testify,  as  to  many  other  parts  of  his 
volumes,  that  nothing  can  excel  the  fidelity  with  which  he 
has  described  both  men  and  things.  Far  from  his  showing 
any  tendency  to  exaggeration,  such  of  his  characters  as 
we  chance  to  have  known,  and  they  are  not  a  few,  are 
rather  within  the  truth  than  beyond  it.  However 
picturesquely  they  may  be  drawn,  the  lines  are  invariably 
those  of  nature.  Why  under  these  circumstances  he 
should  envelop  the  question  in  mystery  is  more  than  we 
can  divine.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  larger  part, 
and  possibly  the  whole,  of  the  work  is  a  narrative  of  actual 


The  Appendix  itself,  which  had  drawn  from  Elwin  the 
grave  declaration  that  "  Mr  Borrow  is  very  angry  with  his 
critics,"  is  a  fine  piece  of  rhetorical  denunciation.  It  opens 
with  the  deliberate  restraint  of  a  man  who  feels  the  fury 
of  his  wrath  surging  up  within  him.  It  tells  again  the 
story  of  Lavengroy  pointing  morals  as  it  goes.  Then  the 
studied  calm  is  lost — Priestcraft,  "  Foreign  Nonsense," 
"  Gentility  Nonsense,"  "  Canting  Nonsense,"  "  Pseudo- 
Critics,"  "  Pseudo-Radicals "  he  flogs  and  pillories  merci- 
lessly until,  arriving  at  "  The  Old  Radical,"  he  throws  off 
all  restraint  and  lunges  out  wildly,  mad  with  hate  and 

1  Elwin  had  already  testified,  also  in  The  Quarterly  Review,  to 
the  accuracy  of  Borrow's  portrait  of  B.  R.  Haydon  in  Lavengro,  as 
confirmed  by  documentary  evidence,  and  this  after  first  reading  the 
account  as  "  a  comic  exaggeration." 


xxvii.]  A  FAILURE  437 

despair.  As  a  piece  of  literary  folly,  the  Appendix  to  The 
Romany  Rye  has  probably  never  been  surpassed.  It 
alienated  from  Borrow  all  but  his  personal  friends,  and  it 
sealed  his  literary  fate  as  far  as  his  own  generation  was 
concerned.  In  short,  he  had  burnt  his  boats. 

Borrow  had  sent  a  copy  of  The  Romany  Rye  to 
FitzGerald,  which  is  referred  to  by  him  in  a  letter  written 
from  Gorleston  to  Professor  Cowell  (5th  June  1857) : — 

"  Within  hail  almost  lives  George  Borrow  who  has 
lately  published,  and  given  me,  two  new  Volumes  of 
Lavengro  called  Romany  Rye,  with  some  excellent  things, 
and  some  very  bad  (as  I  have  made  bold  to  write  to  him 
— how  shall  I  face  him  !).  You  would  not  like  the  Book 
at  all,  I  think."1 

Borrow  was  bitterly  disappointed  at  the  effect  pro- 
duced by  The  Romany  Rye.  On  someone  once  saying  that 
it  was  the  finest  piece  of  literary  invective  since  Swift,  he 
replied,  "  Yes,  I  meant  it  to  be ;  and  what  do  you  think 
the  effect  was  ?  No  one  took  the  least  notice  of  it !  "  2 

The  Romany  Rye  was  not  a  success.  The  thousand 
copies  lasted  a  year.  When  it  appeared  likely  that  a 
second  edition  would  be  required,  Borrow  wrote  to  John 
Murray  urging  him  not  to  send  the  book  to  the  press 
again  until  he  "  was  quite  sure  the  demand  for  it  will  at 
least  defray  all  attendant  expenses."  He  saw  that 
whatever  profits  had  resulted  from  the  publication  of  the 
first  edition,  were  in  danger  of  being  swallowed  up  in  the 
preparation  of  a  second.  When  this  did  eventually  make 
its  appearance  in  1858,  it  was  limited  to  750  copies,  which 
lasted  until  1872. 

Sorrow's  own  attitude  with  regard  to  the  work  and 
his  wisdom  in  publishing  it  is  summed  up  in  a  letter  to 
John  Murray  (i7th  Sept.  1857): — 

"  I  was  very  anxious  to  bring  it  out,"  he  writes ;  "  and 
I  bless  God  that  I  had  the  courage  and  perseverance  to  do 

1  Letters  and  Literary  Remains  of  Edward  FitzGerald,  1889. 

2  Mr  A.  Egmont  Hake  in  Athenaum^  I3th  Aug.  1881. 


438  THE  ROMANY  RYE  [1857 

so.  It  is  of  course  unpalatable  to  many ;  for  it  scorns  to 
foster  delusion,  to  cry  '  peace  where  there  is  no  peace/  and 
denounces  boldly  the  evils  which  are  hurrying  the  country 
to  destruction,  and  which  have  kindled  God's  anger 
against  it,  namely,  the  pride,  insolence,  cruelty,  covetous- 
ness,  and  hypocrisy  of  its  people,  and  above  all  the  rage 
for  gentility,  which  must  be  indulged  in  at  the  expense  of 
every  good  and  honourable  feeling." 

The  writing  of  the  Appendix  had  aroused  in  Borrow 
all  his  old  enthusiasm,  and  he  appears  to  have  come  to  the 
determination  to  publish  a  number  of  works,  including 
a  veritable  library  of  translations.  At  the  end  of  The 
Romany  Rye  appeared  a  lengthy  list  of  books  in  pre- 
paration.1 

1  Works  by  the  Author  of  The  Bible  in  Spain,  ready  for  the  Press. 

In  Two  Volumes,  Celtic  Bards,  Chiefs,  and  Kings.— In  Two 
Volumes,  Wild  Wales,  Its  People,  Language,  and  Scenery. — In  Two 
Volumes,  Songs  of  Europe ;  or,  Metrical  Translations  From  all  the 
European  Languages.  With  brief  Prefatory  Remarks  on  each 
Language  and  its  Literature. — In  Two  Volumes,  Koempe  Viser ; 
Songs  about  Giants  and  Heroes.  With  Romantic  and  Historical 
Ballads,  Translated  from  the  Ancient  Danish.  With  an  Introduction 
and  Copious  Notes. — In  One  Volume,  The  Turkish  Jester ;  or,  The 
Pleasantries  of  Cogia  Nasr  Eddin  Efendi.  Translated  from  the 
Turkish.  With  an  Introduction. — In  Two  Volumes,  Penquite  and 
Pentyre  ;  or,  The  Head  of  the  Forest  and  the  Headland.  A  Book  on 
Cornwall. — In  One  Volume,  Russian  Popular  Tales,  With  an  Intro- 
duction and  Notes.  Contents  : — The  Story  of  Emelian  the  Fool ; 
The  Story  of  the  Frog  and  the  Hero  ;  The  Story  of  the  Golden 
Mountain  ;  The  Story  of  the  Seven  Sevenlings  ;  The  Story  of  the 
Eryslan  ;  The  Story  of  the  Old  Man  and  his  Son,  the  Crane;  The 
Story  of  the  Daughter  of  the  Stroey  ;  The  Story  of  Klim ;  The 
Story  of  Prince  Vikor  ;  The  Story  of  Prince  Peter ;  The  Story  of 
Yvashka  with  the  Bear's  Ear. — In  One  Volume,  The  Sleeping 
Bard;  or,  Visions  of  the  World,  Death,  &  Hell.  By 
Master  Elis  Wyn.  Translated  from  the  Cambrian  British. — In 
Two  Volumes  (Unfinished),  Northern- Skalds,  Kings,  and  Earls.— 
The  Death  of  Balder  ;  A  Heroic  Play.  Translated  from  the  Danish 
ofEvald. — In  One  Volume,  Bayr  Jairgey  and  Glion  Doo  :  The  Red 
Path  and  the  Black  Valley.  Wanderings  in  Quest  of  Manx 
Literature. 


xxvii.]        DEATH  OF  OLD  MRS  BORROW  439 

In  August  1857  Borrow  paid  a  second  visit  to  Wales, 
walking  "  upwards  of  four  hundred  miles."  Starting  from 
Laugharne  in  Carmarthenshire,  he  visited  Tenby, 
Pembroke,  Milford  Haven,  Haverford,  St  David's,  Fish- 
guard,  Newport,  Cardigan,  Lampeter;  passing  into 
Brecknockshire,  he  eventually  reached  Mortimer's  Cross  in 
Hereford  and  thence  to  Shrewsbury.  In  October  he  was 
at  Leighton,  Donnington  and  Uppington,  where  he  found 
traces  of  Gronwy  Owen,  the  one-time  curate  and  all-time 
poet. 

Throughout  his  life  Borrow  had  shown  by  every 
action  and  word  written  about  her,  the  great  love  he  bore 
his  mother.  When  his  wife  wrote  to  her  and  he  was  too 
restless  to  do  so  himself,  he  would  interpolate  two  or 
three  lines  to  "  My  dear  Mamma."  She  was  always  in 
his  thoughts,  and  he  never  wavered  in  his  love  for  her 
and  devotion  to  her  comfort ;  whilst  she  looked  upon  him 
as  only  a  mother  so  good  and  so  tender  could  look  upon 
a  son  who  had  become  her  "  only  hope." 

For  many  years  of  her  life  it  had  been  ordained  that 
this  brave  old  lady  should  live  alone.1  In  the  middle  of 
August  1858  the  news  reached  Borrow  that  his  mother 
had  been  taken  suddenly  ill.  She  was  in  her  eighty- 
seventh  year,  and  at  such  an  age  all  illnesses  are 
dangerous.  Borrow  hastened  to  Oulton,  and  arrived  just 
in  time  to  be  with  her  at  the  last. 

Thus  on  i6th  August  1858,  of  "  pulmonary  congestion," 
died  Anne  Borrow,  who  had  followed  her  husband  about 
with  his  regiment,  and  had  reared  and  educated  her  two 
boys  under  circumstances  of  great  disadvantage.  She 
had  lost  one ;  but  the  other,  her  youngest  born,  whom 
she  had  so  often  shielded  from  his  father's  reproaches, 
had  been  spared  to  her,  and  she  had  seen  him  famous. 
Upon  her  grave  in  Oulton  Churchyard  the  son  caused 

1  "  She  was  a  lady  of  striking  figure  and  very  graceful  manners, 
perhaps  more  serious  than  vivacious."— Mr  A.  Egmont  Hake  in  The 
Athenceum%  i3th  August  1881. 


440  THE  ROMANY  RYE  [1859 

to  be  inscribed  the  words,  "  She  was  a  good  wife  and  a 
good  mother,"  than  which  no  woman  can  ask  more.1 

The  death  of  his  mother  was  a  great  shock  to  Borrow. 
"  He  felt  the  blow  keenly,"  Mrs  Borrow  wrote  to  John 
Murray,  "  and  I  advised  a  tour  in  Scotland  to  recruit  his 
health  and  spirits."  Accordingly  he  went  North  early  in 
October,  leaving  his  wife  and  Henrietta  at  Great 
Yarmouth.  He  visited  the  Highlands,  walking  several 
hundred  miles.  Mull  struck  him  as  "  a  very  wild  country, 
perhaps  the  wildest  in  Europe."  Many  of  its  place-names 
reminded  him  strongly  of  the  Isle  of  Man.  At  the  end 
of  November  he  finished  up  the  tour  at  Lerwick  in 
Shetland,  where  he  bought  presents  for  his  "  loved  ones," 
having  seen  Greenock,  Glasgow,  Perth,  Aberdeen,  Inver- 
ness, Wick,  Thurso  among  other  places.  His  impressions 
were  not  altogether  favourable  to  the  Scotch.  "  A  queerer 
country  I  never  saw  in  all  my  life,"  he  wrote  later  .  .  . 
"a  queerer  set  of  people  than  the  Scotch  you  would 
scarcely  see  in  a  summer's  day." 2 

In  the  following  year  (1859)  an  excursion  was  made 
to  Ireland  by  Borrow  and  his  family.  Making  Dublin 
his  headquarters,  where  he  left  his  wife  and  Henrietta 
comfortably  settled,  he  tramped  to  Connemara  and  the 
Giant's  Causeway,  the  expedition  being  full  of  adventure 
and  affording  him  "much  pleasure,"  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  he  was  "  frequently  wet  to  the  skin,  and  indifferently 
lodged." 

Borrow  had  inherited  from  his  mother  some  property 
at  Mattishall  Burgh,  one  and  a  half  miles  from  his  birth- 
place, consisting  of  some  land,  a  thatched  house  and 
outbuildings,  now  demolished.  This  was  let  to  a  small- 
holder named  Henry  Hill.  Borrow  thought  very  highly 
of  his  tenant,  and  for  hours  together  would  tramp  up  and 

1  She  bequeathed  to  her  son  by  will  "all  and  every  thing"  of 
which  she  died  possessed,  charging  him  with  the  delivery  of  any  gift 
to  any  other  person  she  might  desire. 

2  Wild  Wales,  page  548. 


XXVIL]  EAST  ANGLIAN  SUSPICION  441 

down  beside  him  as  he  ploughed  the  land,  asking  questions, 
and  hearing  always  something  new  from  the  amazing 
stores  of  nature  knowledge  that  Henry  Hill  had  acquired. 
This  Norfolk  worthy  appears  to  have  been  possessed  of 
a  genius  for  many  things.  He  was  well  versed  in  herbal 
lore,  a  self-taught  'cellist,  playing  each  Sunday  in  the 
Congregational  Chapel  at  Mattishall,  and  an  equally 
self-taught  watch-repairer ;  but  his  chief  claim  to  fame 
was  as  a  bee-keeper,  local  tradition  crediting  him  with 
being  the  first  man  to  keep  bees  under  glass.  He  would 
solemnly  state  that  his  bees,  whom  he  looked  upon  as 
friends,  talked  to  him.  On  Sundays  the  country  folk  for 
miles  round  would  walk  over  to  Mattishall  Burgh  to  see 
old  Henry  Hill's  bees,  and  hear  him  expound  their  lore. 
It  was  perforce  Sunday,  there  was  no  other  day  for  the 
Norfolk  farm-labourer  of  that  generation,  who  seemed 
always  to  live  on  the  verge  of  starvation.  Borrow  him- 
self expressed  regret  to  Henry  Hill  that  it  had  not  been 
possible  to  add  the  education  of  the  academy  to  that 
of  the  land.  He  saw  that  the  combination  would  have 
produced  an  even  more  remarkable  man. 

In  Norfolk  all  strangers  are  regarded  with  suspicion. 
Lifelong  friendships  are  not  contracted  in  a  day.  The 
East  Anglian  is  shrewd,  and  requires  to  know  something 
about  those  whom  he  admits  to  the  sacred  inner  circle 
of  his  friendship.  Borrow  was  well-known  in  the 
Mattishall  district,  and  was  looked  upon  with  more  than 
usual  suspicion.  He  was  unquestionably  a  strange  man, 
in  speech,  in  appearance,  in  habits.  He  could  and  would 
knock  down  any  who  offended  him ;  but,  worst  of  all,  he 
was  the  intimate  of  gypsies,  sat  by  their  fires,  spoke  in 
their  tongue.  The  population  round  about  was  entirely 
an  agricultural  one,  and  all  united  in  hating  the  gypsies 
as  their  greatest  enemies,  because  of  their  depredations. 
Add  to  this  the  fact  that  Borrow  was  a  frequenter  of 
public-houses,  of  which  there  were  seven  in  the  village, 
and  was  wont  to  boast  that  you  could  get  at  the  true 


442  THE  ROMANY  RYE  [1859 

man  only  after  he  had  been  mellowed  into  speech  by 
good  English  ale.  Then  he  would  open  his  heart 
and  unburden  his  mind  of  all  the  accumulated  knowledge 
that  he  possessed,  and  add  something  to  the  epic  of  the 
soil.  Borrow's  overbearing  manner  made  people  shy  of 
him.  On  one  occasion  he  told  John,  the  son  and  successor 
of  Henry  Hill,  that  he  ought  to  be  responsible  for  the  debt 
of  his  half-brother ;  the  debt,  it  may  be  mentioned,  was 
to  Borrow. 

There  is  no  better  illustration  of  the  suspicion  with 
which  Borrow  was  regarded  locally,  than  an  incident  that 
occurred  during  one  of  his  visits  to  Mattishall.  He 
called  upon  John  Hill  at  Church  Farm  to  collect  his  rent. 
The  evening  was  spent  very  agreeably.  Borrow  recited 
some  of  his  ballads,  quoted  Scripture  and  languages,  and 
sang  a  song.  He  was  particularly  interested  on  account 
of  Mrs  Hill  being  from  London,  where  she  knew  many 
of  his  haunts.  He  remained  the  whole  evening  with  the 
family  and  partook  of  their  meal ;  but  was  allowed  to  go 
to  one  of  the  seven  public-houses  for  a  bed,  although  there 
were  spare  bedrooms  in  the  house  that  he  might  have 
occupied.  Such  was  the  suspicion  that  Borrow's  habits 
created  in  the  minds  of  his  fellow  East  Anglians.1 

1  These  particulars  have  been  kindly  supplied  by  Mr  D.  B.  Hill  of 
Mattishall,  Norfolk. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

JULY  1859 — JANUARY  1869 

AFTER  his  second  tour  in  Wales,  Borrow  had  sub- 
mitted to  John  Murray  the  manuscript  of  his  trans- 
lation of  The  Sleeping  Bard,  which  in  1830  had  so 
alarmed  the  little  Welsh  bookseller  of  Smithfield.  "  I 
really  want  something  to  do,"  Borrow  wrote,  "  and  seeing 
the  work  passing  through  the  press  might  amuse  me." 
Murray,  however,  could  not  see  his  way  to  accept  the 
offer,  and  the  manuscript  was  returned.  Borrow 
decided  to  publish  the  book  at  his  own  expense,  and 
accordingly  commissioned  a  Yarmouth  man  to  print  him 
250  copies,  upon  the  title-page  of  which  John  Murray 
permitted  his  name  to  appear. 

In  the  note  in  which  he  tells  of  the  Welsh  bookseller's 
doubts  and  fears,  Borrow  goes  on  to  assure  his  readers 
that  there  is  no  harm  in  the  book. 

"  It  is  true,"  he  says,  "  that  the  Author  is  any  thing 
but  mincing  in  his  expressions  and  descriptions,  but  there 
is  nothing  in  the  Sleeping  Bard  which  can  give  offence  to 
any  but  the  over  fastidious.  There  is  a  great  deal  of 
squeamish  nonsense  in  the  world ;  let  us  hope  however 
that  there  is  not  so  much  as  there  was.  Indeed  can  we 
doubt  that  such  folly  is  on  the  decline,  when  we  find 
Albemarle  Street  in  '60,  willing  to  publish  a  harmless 
but  plain  speaking  book  which  Smithfield  shrank  from 
in  '30." 

The  edition  was  very  speedily  exhausted,  largely  on 
account  of  an  article  entitled,  The  Welsh  and  Their 

443 


444  LIFE  IN  LONDON  [1859 

Literature,  written  years  before,  that  Borrow  adapted  as 
a  review  of  the  book,  and  published  anonymously  in  The 
Quarterly  Review  (Jan.  1861).  The  Sleeping  Bard  was  not 
reprinted. 

The  next  event  of  importance  in  Borrow's  life  was  his 
removal  to  London  with  Mrs  Borrow  and  Henrietta. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  Irish  holiday  (4th  Nov.  1859),  Mrs 
Borrow  had  written  to  John  Murray  :  "  If  all  be  well  in  the 
Spring,  I  shall  wish  to  look  around,  and  select  a  pleasant, 
healthy  residence  within  from  three  to  ten  miles  of 
London."  Borrow  may  have  felt  more  at  liberty  to  make 
the  change  now  that  his  mother  was  dead,  although  whilst 
she  was  at  Oulton  he  was  as  little  company  for  her  at 
Great  Yarmouth  as  he  would  have  been  in  London. 
Whatever  led  them  to  the  decision  to  take  up  their 
residence  in  London,  Borrow  and  his  wife  left  Great 
Yarmouth  at  the  end  of  June,  and  immediately  proceeded 
to  look  about  them  for  a  suitable  house.  Their  choice 
eventually  fell  upon  number  22  Hereford  Square,  Brompton, 
which  had  the  misfortune  to  be  only  a  few  doors  from 
number  26,  where  lived  Frances  Power  Cobbe.  The  rent 
was  £6$  per  annum.  The  Borrows  entered  upon  their 
tenancy  at  the  Michaelmas  quarter,  and  were  joined  by 
Henrietta,  who  had  remained  behind  at  Great  Yarmouth 
during  the  house-hunting. 

Miss  Cobbe  has  given  in  her  Autobiography  a  very 
unlovely  picture  of  George  Borrow  during  the  period  of  his 
residence  in  Hereford  Square.  No  woman,  except  his 
relatives  and  dependants,  will  tolerate  egoism  in  a  man. 
Borrow  was  an  egoist.  If  not  permitted  to  lead  the 
conversation,  he  frequently  wrapped  himself  in  a  gloomy 
silence  and  waited  for  an  opportunity  to  discomfit  the 
usurper  of  the  place  he  seemed  to  consider  his  own. 
Among  his  papers  were  found  after  his  death  a  large 
number  of  letters  from  poor  men  whom  Borrow  had 
assisted.  His  friend  the  Rev.  Francis  Cunningham  once 
wrote  to  him  a  letter  protesting  against  his  assisting 


XXVIIL]  MISS  COBBE'S  FRANKNESS  445 

Nonconformist  schools.  He  gave  to  Church  and  Chapel 
alike,  This  disproves  misanthropy,  and  leaves  egoism  as 
the  only  explanation  of  his  occasional  lapses  into  bitterness 
or  rudeness.  When  in  happy  vein,  however,  "  his  conversa- 
tion .  .  .  was  unlike  that  of  any  other  man  ;  whether  he 
told  a  long  story  or  only  commented  on  some  ordinary 
topic,  he  was  always  quaint,  often  humorous." l 

Miss  Cobbe  would  not  humour  an  egoist,  because 
constitutionally  women,  especially  clever  women,  dislike 
them,  unless  they  wish  to  marry  them.  When  she  heard 
it  said,  as  it  very  frequently  was  said,  that  Borrow  was  a 
gypsy  by  blood,  she  caustically  remarked  that  if  he  were  not 
he  "  ought  to  have  been."  Miss  Cobbe  had  living  with  her 
a  Miss  Lloyd  who, "  amused  by  his  quaint  stories  and  his  (real 
or  sham)  enthusiasm  for  Wales,  .  .  .  cultivated  his  acquaint- 
ance. I,"  continued  Miss  Cobbe  frankly,  "never  liked 
him,  thinking  him  more  or  less  of  a  hypocrite."  2 

On  one  occasion  Borrow  had  accepted  an  invitation  from 
Miss  Cobbe  to  meet  some  friends,  but  subsequently  withdrew 
his  acceptance  "  on  rinding  that  Dr  Martineau  was  to  be  of 
the  party  .  .  .  nor  did  he  ever  after  attend  our  little  assem- 
blies without  first  ascertaining  that  Dr  Martineau  would  not 
be  present ! "  This  she  explained  by  the  assertion  that  Dr 
Martineau  had  "  horsed "  Borrow  when  he  was  punished 
for  running  away  from  school  at  Norwich.  It  appeared 
"  irresistibly  comic  "  to  her  mind. 

There  is  an  amusing  account  given  by  Miss  Cobbe  of 
how  she  worsted  Borrow,  which  is  certainly  extremely 
flattering  to  her  accomplishments.  Once  when  talking 
with  him  she  happened  to  say 

"something  about  the  imperfect  education  of  women, 
and  he  said  it  was  right  they  should  be  ignorant,  and  that 
no  man  could  endure  a  clever  wife.  I  laughed  at  him 
openly,"  she  continues,  "and  told  him  some  men  knew 
better.  What  did  he  think  of  the  Brownings  ?  '  Oh,  he 

1  Mr.  A.  Egmont  Hake  in  The  Athenaum,  I3th  Aug.  1881. 

2  The  Life  of  Frances  Power  Cobbe,  by  Herself,  1894. 


446  LIFE  IN  LONDON  [i860 

had  heard  the  name ;  he  did  not  know  anything  of  them. 
Since  Scott,  he  read  no  modern  writer;  Scott  was  greater 
tJian  Homer!  What  he  liked  were  curious,  old,  erudite 
books  about  mediaeval  and  northern  things.'  I  said  I  knew 
little  of  such  literature,  and  preferred  the  writers  of  our 
own  age,  but  indeed  I  was  no  great  student  at  all.  There- 
upon he  evidently  wanted  to  astonish  me  ;  and,  talking  of 
Ireland,  said,  *  Ah,  yes;  a  most  curious,  mixed  race. 
First  there  were  the  Firbolgs, — the  old  enchanters,  who 
raised  mists.'  .  .  .  '  Don't  you  think,  Mr  Borrow,'  1 
asked,  'it  was  the  Tuatha-de-Danaan  who  did  that? 
Keatinge  expressly  says  that  they  conquered  the  Fir- 
bolgs by  that  means.'  (Mr  B.  somewhat  out  of  counten- 
ance), *  Oh !  Aye !  Keatinge  is  the  authority ;  a  most 
extraordinary  writer.'  '  Well,  I  should  call  him  the 
Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  of  Ireland.'  (Mr  B.  changing  the 
venue), '  I  delight  in  Norse-stories ;  they  are  far  grander 
than  the  Greek.  There  is  the  story  of  Olaf  the  Saint  of 
Norway.  Can  anything  be  grander?  What  a  noble 
character ! '  '  But,'  I  said,  '  what  do  you  think  of  his 
putting  all  those  poor  Druids  on  the  Skerry  of  Shrieks,  and 
leaving  them  to  be  drowned  by  the  tide  ? '  (Thereupon  Mr 
B.  looked  at  me  askant  out  of  his  gipsy  eyes,  as  if  he  thought 
me  an  example  of  the  evils  of  female  education  ! )  '  Well ! 
Well !  I  forgot  about  the  Skerry  of  Shrieks.  Then  there 
is  the  story  of  Beowulf  the  Saxon  going  out  to  sea  in  his 
burning  ship  to  die.'  c  Oh,  Mr  Borrow  !  that  isn't  a  Saxon 
story  at  all.  It  is  in  the  Heimskringla !  It  is  told 
of  Hakon  of  Norway.'  Then,  I  asked  him  about  the  gipsies 
and  their  language,  and  if  they  were  certainly  Aryans  ?  He 
didn't  know  (or  pretended  not  to  know)  what  Aryans 
were;  and  altogether  displayed  a  miraculous  mixture  of 
odd  knowledge  and  more  odd  ignorance.  Whether  the 
latter  were  real  or  assumed  I  know  not ! " 1 

These  were  some  of  the  neighbourly  little  pleasantries 
indulged  in  by  Miss  Cobbe,  regarding  a  man  who  was  a 
frequent  guest  at  her  house. 

"  His  has  indeed  been  a  fantastic  fate ! "  writes  Mr 
Theodore  Watts-Dunton.  "  When  the  shortcomings  of  any 
illustrious  man  save  Borrow  are  under  discussion,  *  les  ctifauts 
de  ses  qualites '  is  the  criticism — wise  as  charitable — which 

1  The  Life  of  Frances  Power  Cobbc^  by  Herself,  1894. 


xxviii.]  A  VEIN  OF  HUMOUR  447 

they  evoke.  Yes,  each  one  is  allowed  to  have  his 
angularities  save  Borrow.  Each  one  is  allowed  to  show 
his  own  pet  unpleasant  facets  of  character  now  and  then — 
allowed  to  show  them  as  inevitable  foils  to  the  pleasant 
ones — save  Borrow.  His  weaknesses  no  one  ever  condones. 
During  his  lifetime  his  faults  were  for  ever  chafing  and 
irritating  his  acquaintances,  and  now  that  he  and  they  are 
dead,  these  faults  of  his  seem  to  be  chafing  and  irritating 
people  of  another  generation.  A  fantastic  fate,  I  say,  for 
him  who  was  so  interesting  to  some  of  us  !  " l 

On  occasion  Borrow  could  be  inexcusably  rude,  as  he 
was  to  a  member  of  the  Russian  Embassy  who  one  day 
called  at  Hereford  Square  for  a  copy  of  Targum  for  the 
Czar,  when  he  told  him  that  his  Imperial  master  could  fetch 
it  himself.  Again,  no  one  can  defend  him  for  affronting  the 
"  very  distinguished  scholar  "  with  whom  he  happened  to 
disagree,  by  thundering  out,  "  Sir,  you're  a  fool !  "  Such 
lapses  are  deplorable  ;  but  why  should  we  view  them  in  a 
different  light  from  those  of  Dr  Johnson  ? 

What  would  have  been  regarded  in  another  distin- 
guished man  as  a  pleasant  vein  of  humour  was  in  Sorrow's 
case  looked  upon  as  evidence  of  his  unveracity.  A 
contemporary  tells  how,  on  one  occasion,  he  went  with 
him  into  "  a  tavern "  for  a  pint  of  ale,  when  Borrow 
pointed  out 

"  a  yokel  at  the  far  end  of  the  apartment.  The  foolish 
bumpkin  was  slumbering.  Borrow  in  a  stage  whisper, 
gravely  assured  me  that  the  man  was  a  murderer,  and 
confided  to  me  with  all  the  emphasis  of  honest  conviction 
the  scene  and  details  of  his  crime.  Subsequently  I 
ascertained  that  the  elaborate  incidents  and  fine  touches  of 
local  colour  were  but  the  coruscations  of  a  too  vivid 
imagination,  and  that  the  villain  of  the  ale-house  on  the 
common  was  as  innocent  as  the  author  of  The  Romany 
Rye."* 

1  "  In  Defence  of  Borrow,"  prefixed  to  The  Romany  Rye.    Ward, 
Locke  &  Co. 

2  Vestiges  of  Borrow ;  Some  Personal  Reminiscences.     The  Globe^ 
2  ist  July  1896. 


448  LIFE  IN  LONDON  [i860 

If  Borrow  had  been  called  upon  to  explain  this  little 
pleasantry  he  would  in  all  probability  have  replied  in  the 
words  of  Mr  Petulengro,  that  he  had  told  his  acquaintance 
"  things  .  .  .  which  are  not  exactly  true,  simply  to  make 
a  fool  of  you,  brother." 

It  is  strange  how  those  among  his  contemporaries  who 
disliked  him,  denied  Borrow  the  indulgence  that  is 
almost  invariably  accorded  to  genius.  Those  who  were 
not  for  him  were  bitterly  against  him.  In  their  eyes  he 
was  either  outrageously  uncivil  or  insultingly  rude.  Dr 
Hake,  although  a  close  friend,  saw  Sorrow's  dominant 
weakness,  his  love  of  the  outward  evidences  of  fame.  Dr 
Hake's  impartiality  gives  greater  weight  to  his  testimony 
when  he  tells  of  Borrow's  first  meeting  with  Dr  Robert 
Latham,  the  ethnologist,  philologist  and  grammarian. 
Latham  much  wanted  to  meet  Borrow,  and  promised  Dr 
Hake  to  be  on  his  best  behaviour.  He  was  accordingly 
invited  to  dinner  with  Borrow.  Latham  as  usual  began 
to  show  off  his  knowledge.  He  became  aggressive, 
and  finally  very  excited ;  but  throughout  the  meal 
Borrow  showed  the  utmost  patience  and  courtesy,  much 
to  his  host's  relief.  When  he  subsequently  encountered 
Latham  in  the  street  he  always  stopped  "to  say  a  kind 
word,  seeing  his  forlorn  condition." 

Dr  Hake  had  settled  at  Coombe  End,  Roehampton, 
and  now  that  the  Borrows  were  in  London,  the  two 
families  renewed  their  old  friendship.  Borrow  would 
walk  over  to  Coombe  End,  and  on  arriving  at  the  gate 
would  call  out,  "  Are  you  alone  ? "  If  there  were  other 
callers  he  would  pass  by,  if  not  he  would  enter  and 
frequently  persuade  Dr  Hake,  and  perhaps  his  sons,  to 
accompany  him  for  a  walk. 

"  There  was   something   not   easily  forgotten,"  writes 

Mr  A.  Egmont  Hake,  "in  the  manner  in  which  he  would 

unexpectedly  come  to  our  gates,  singing  some  gypsy  song, 

and  as  suddenly  depart." 1     They  had  many  pleasant  tramps 

1  The  Athenaum^  I3th  August  1881. 


xxviii.]  A  PLEASANT  TRIO  449 

together,  mostly  in  Richmond  Park,  where  Borrow  appeared 
to  know  every  tree  and  showed  himself  very  learned  in 
deer.  He  was 

"  always  saying  something  in  his  loud,  self-asserting  voice  ; 
sometimes  stopping  suddenly,  drawing  his  huge  stature 
erect,  and  changing  the  keen  and  haughty  expression  of 
his  face  into  the  rapt  and  half  fatuous  look  of  the  oracle, 
he  would  without  preface  recite  some  long  fragment  from 
Welsh  or  Scandinavian  bards,  his  hands  hanging  from  his 
chest  and  flapping  in  symphony.  Then  he  would  push  on 
again,  and  as  suddenly  stop,  arrested  by  the  beautiful 
scenery,  and  exclam,  *  Ah !  this  is  England,  as  the 
Pretender  said  when  he  again  looked  on  his  fatherland.' 
Then  on  reaching  any  town,  he  would  be  sure  to  spy  out 
some  lurking  gypsy,  whom  no  one  but  himself  would  have 
known  from  a  common  horse-dealer.  A  conversation  in 
Romany  would  ensue,  a  shilling  would  change  hands,  two 
fingers  would  be  pointed  at  the  gypsy,  and  the  interview 
would  be  at  an  end." l 

One  day  he  asked  Dr  Hake's  youngest  boy  if  he 
knew  how  to  fight  a  man  bigger  than  himself,  and  on 
being  told  that  he  didn't,  advised  him  to  "  accept  his 
challenge,  and  tell  him  to  take  off  his  coat,  and  while  he 
was  doing  it  knock  him  down  and  then  run  for  your  life."2 

Once  Borrow  arrived  at  Dr  Hake's  house  to  find 
another  caller  in  the  person  of  Mr  Theodore  Watts- 
Dunton,  and  they  "  went  through  a  pleasant  trio,  in  which 
Borrow,  as  was  his  wont,  took  the  first  fiddle.  .  .  .  Borrow 
made  himself  agreeable  to  Watts  [-Dunton],  recited  a 
fairy  tale  in  the  best  style  to  him,  and  liked  him."3 
Borrow  did  not  recognise  in  Mr  Watts-Dunton  the  young- 
man  whom  he  had  seen  bathing  on  the  beach  at  Great 
Yarmouth,  pleased  to  be  near  his  hero,  but  too  much 
afraid  to  venture  to  address  him.  Writing  of  this  meeting 
at  Coombe  End,  Mr  Watts-Dunton  says :  "  There  is  however 

1  Mr  A.  Egmont  Hake  in  Macmillaris  Magazine^  November  1881. 

2  Mr  A.  Egmont  Hake  in  The  Athenaum^  I3th  August  1881. 

3  Memoirs  of  Eighty  Years^  by  Dr  Gordon  Hake,  1892. 

2  F 


450  LIFE  IN  LONDON  [1861 

no  doubt  that  Borrow  would  have  run  away  from  me  had  I 
been  associated  in  his  mind  with  the  literary  calling.  But 
at  that  time  I  had  written  nothing  at  all  save  poems,  and 
a  prose  story  or  two  of  a  romantic  kind." l  Borrow  hated 
the  literary  man,  he  was  at  war  with  the  whole  genus. 

Mr  Watts-Dunton  confesses  that  he  made  great  efforts 
to  enlist  Borrow's  interest.  He  touched  on  Bamfylde 
Moore  Carew,  beer,  bruisers,  philology,  "gentility  non- 
sense," the  "  trumpery  great "  ;  but  without  success.  Borrow 
was  obviously  suspicious  of  him.  Then  with  inspiration 
he  happened  to  mention  what  proved  to  be  a  magic  name. 

"  I  tried  other  -  subjects  in  the  same  direction,"  Mr 
Watts-Dunton  continues,  "  but  with  small  success,  till  in 
a  lucky  moment  I  bethought  myself  of  Ambrose  Gwinett, 
.  .  .  the  man  who,  after  having  been  hanged  and  gibbeted 
for  murdering  a  traveller  with  whom  he  had  shared  a 
double-bedded  room  at  a  seaside  inn,  revived  in  the 
night,  escaped  from  the  gibbet-irons,  went  to  sea  as  a 
common  sailor,  and  afterwards  met  on  a  British  man-of- 
war  the  very  man  he  had  been  hanged  for  murdering. 
The  truth  was  that  Gwinett's  supposed  victim,  having 
been  attacked  on  the  night  in  question  by  a  violent 
bleeding  of  the  nose,  had  risen  and  left  the  house  for  a 
few  minutes'  walk  in  the  sea-breeze,  when  the  press-gang 
captured  him  and  bore  him  off  to  sea,  where  he  had  been 
in  service  ever  since.  The  story  is  true,  and  the  pamphlet, 
Borrow  afterwards  told  me  (I  know  not  on  what  authority), 
was  written  by  Goldsmith  from  Gwinett's  dictation  for  a 
platter  of  cow-heel. 

"  To  the  bewilderment  of  Dr  Hake,  I  introduced  the 
subject  of  Ambrose  Gwinett  in  the  same  manner  as  I 
might  have  introduced  the  story  of '  Achilles'  wrath,'  and 
appealed  to  Dr  Hake  (who,  of  course,  had  never  heard  of 
the  book  or  the  man)  as  to  whether  a  certain  incident  in 
the  pamphlet  had  gained  or  lost  by  the  dramatist  who,  at 
one  of  the  minor  theatres,  had  many  years  ago  dramatized 
the  story.  Borrow  was  caught  at  last.  '  What  ? '  said  he, 
'you  know  that  pamphlet  about  Ambrose  Gwinett?' 
'  Know  it  ? '  said  I,  in  a  hurt  tone,  as  though  he  had  asked 
me  if  I  knew  '  Macbeth ' ;  '  of  course  I  know  Ambrose 

1  The  Athenceum^  loth  September  1881. 


THE   REV.   ANDREW  BRANDRAM 

{From  an  old  silhouette  in  the  possession  of  the  British  and 
Foreign  Bible  Society). 


[To  face  page  450. 


XXVITI.]    THE  STORY  OF  AMBROSE  GWINP7TT    451 

Gwinett,  Mr  Borrow,  don't  you?'  'And  you  know  the 
play  ? '  said  he.  '  Of  course  I  do,  Mr  Borrow,'  I  said,  in  a 
tone  that  was  now  a  little  angry  at  such  an  insinuation  of 
crass  ignorance.  '  Why,'  said  he,  '  it's  years  and  years 
since  it  was  acted ;  I  never  was  much  of  a  theatre  man, 
but  I  did  go  to  see  that!  'Well  I  should  rather  think 
you  did,  Mr  Borrow,'  said  I.  '  But/  said  he,  staring  hard 
at  me,  'you — you  were  not  born  ! '  '  And  I  was  not  born,' 
said  I,  '  when  the  "  Agamemnon  "  was  produced,  and  yet 
one  reads  the  "  Agamemnon,"  Mr  Borrow.  I  have  read 
the  drama  of  "  Ambrose  Gwinett."  I  have  it  bound  in 
morocco,  with  some  more  of  Douglas  Jerrold's  early 
transpontine  plays,  and  some  ^Eschylean  dramas  by  Mr 
Fitzball.  J  will  lend  it  to  you,  Mr  Borrow,  if  you  like.' 
He  was  completely  conquered,  *  Hake ! '  he  cried,  in  a 
loud  voice,  regardless  of  my  presence,  *  Hake !  your  friend 
knows  everything.'  Then  he  murmured  to  himself. 
'  Wonderful  man  !  Knows  Ambrose  Gwinett ! ' 

"  It  is  such  delightful  reminiscences  as  these  that  will 
cause  me  to  have  as  long  as  I  live  a  very  warm  place  in 
my  heart  for  the  memory  of  George  Borrow."  l 

After  this,  intercourse  proved  easy.  At  Borrow's 
suggestion  they  walked  to  the  Bald-Faced  Stag,  in 
Kingston  Vale,  to  inspect  Jerry  Abershaw's  sword.  This 
famous  old  hostelry  was  a  favourite  haunt  of  Borrow's, 
where  he  would  often  rest  during  his  walk  and  drink  "  a 
cup  of  ale  "  (which  he  would  call  "  swipes,"  and  make  a 
wry  face  as  he  swallowed)  and  talk  of  the  daring  deeds  of 
Jerry  the  highwayman. 

Many  people  have  testified  to  the  pleasure  of  being  in  the 
company  of  the  whimsical, eccentric,  humbug-hating  Borrow. 

"  He  was  a  choice  companion  on  a  walk,"  writes  Mr 
A.  Egmont  Hake,  "whether  across  country  or  in  the 
slums  of  Houndsditch.  His  enthusiasm  for  nature 
was  peculiar ;  he  could  draw  more  poetry  from  a  wide- 
spreading  marsh  with  its  straggling  rushes  than  from  the 
most  beautiful  scenery,  and  would  stand  and  look  at  it 
with  rapture."  2 

1  The  Athenceum,  loth  September  1881. 

2  The  Athenaum^  I3th  August  1881, 


452  LIFE  IN  LONDON  [1861 

Since  the  tour  in  Wales  in  1854,  from  which  he  returned 
with  the  four  "  Note  Books,"  Borrow  had  been  working 
steadily  at  Wild  Wales.  In  1857  the  book  had  been 
announced  as  "  ready  for  the  press " ;  but  this  was 
obviously  an  anticipation.  The  manuscript  was  sub- 
mitted to  John  Murray  early  in  November  1861.  On  the 
20th  of  that  month  he  wrote  the  following  letter,  address- 
ing it,  not  to  Borrow,  but  to  his  wife : — 

DEAR  MRS  BORROW,— The  MS.  of  Wild  Wales  has 
occupied  my  thoughts  almost  ever  since  Friday  last. 

I  approached  this  MS.  with  some  diffidence,  recol- 
lecting the  unsatisfactory  results,  on  the  whole,  of  our  last 
publication — Romany  Rye.  I  have  read  a  large  part  of 
this  new  work  with  care  and  attention,  and  although  it  is 
beautifully  written  and  in  a  style  of  English  undefiled, 
which  few  writers  can  surpass,  there  is  yet  a  want  of 
stirring  incident  in  it  which  makes  me  fearful  as  to  the 
result  of  its  publication. 

In  my  hands  at  least  I  cannot  think  it  would  succeed 
even  as  well  as  Romany  Rye — and  I  am  fearful  of  not 
doing  justice  to  it.  I  do  not  like  to  undertake  a  work 
with  the  chance  of  reproach  that  it  may  have  failed 
through  my  want  of  power  to  promote  its  circulation,  and 
I  do  wish,  for  Borrow's  own  sake,  that  in  this  instance  he 
would  try  some  other  publisher  and  perhaps  some  other 
form  of  publication. 

In  my  hands  I  am  convinced  the  work  will  not 
answer  the  author's  expectations,  and  I  am  not  prepared 
to  take  on  me  this  amount  of  responsibility. 

I  will  give  the  best  advice  I  can  if  called  upon,  and 
shall  be  only  too  glad  if  I  can  be  useful  to  Mr  Borrow.  I 
regret  to  have  to  write  in  this  sense,  but  believe  me 
always,  Dear  Mrs  Borrow, 

Your  faithful  friend, 

JOHN  MURRAY. 

The  reply  to  this  letter  has  not  been  preserved.  It 
would  appear  that  some  "  stirring  incidents  "  were  added, 
among  others  most  probably  the  account  of  Borrow 
blessing  the  Irish  reapers,  who  mistook  him  for  Father 
Toban.  This  anecdote  was  one  of  John  Murray's  favourite 


XXVIIL]  A  FINANCIAL  SUCCESS  453 

passages.  It  is  evident  that  some  concession  was  made 
to  induce  Murray  to  change  his  mind.  In  any  case  Wild 
Wales  appeared  towards  the  close  of  1862  in  an  edition  of 
1000  copies.  The  publisher's  misgivings  were  not  justified, 
as  the  first  edition  produced  a  profit,  up  to  3<Dth  June  1863, 
°f  ^53  T>  I4S-J  which  was  equally  divided  between  author 
and  publisher.  The  second,  and  cheap,  edition  of  3000 
copies  lasted  for  thirteen  years,  and  the  deficiency  on 
this  absorbed  the  greater  part  of  the  publisher's  profit. 

In  a  way  it  is  the  most  remarkable  of  Borrow's 
books ;  for  it  shows  that  he  was  making  a  serious 
effort  to  regain  his  public.  It  is  an  older,  wiser  and 
chastened  Borrow  that  appears  in  its  pages,  striding 
through  the  land  of  the  bards  at  six  miles  an  hour,  his 
satchel  slung  over  his  shoulder,  his  green  umbrella 
grasped  in  his  right  hand,  shouting  the  songs  of  Wales, 
about  which  he  knew  more  than  any  man  he  met.  There 
are  no  gypsies  (except  towards  the  end  of  the  book  a 
reference  to  his  meeting  with  Captain  Bosvile),  no  bruisers, 
the  pope  is  scarcely  mentioned,  and  "  gentility-nonsense  " 
is  veiled  almost^  to  the  point  of  elimination.  It  seems 
scarcely  conceivable  that  the  hand  that  had  written  the 
appendix  to  The  Romany  Rye  could  have  so  restrained 
itself  as  to  write  Wild  Wales.  Borrow  had  evidently  read 
and  carefully  digested  Whitwell  Elwin's  friendly  strictures 
upon  The  Romany  Rye.  Instead  of  the  pope,  the  gypsies 
and  the  bruisers  of  England,  there  were  the  vicarage  cat, 
the  bards  and  the  thousand  and  one  trivial  incidents  of 
the  wayside.  There  were  occasional  gleams  of  the  old 
fighting  spirit,  notably  when  he  characterises  sherry,1  as 

1  "Sherry  drinkers,  ...  I  often  heard  him  say  in  a  tone  of  positive 
loathing,  he  despised.  He  had  a  habit  of  speaking  in  a  measured 
syllabic  manner,  if  he  wished  to  express  dislike  or  contempt,  which 
was  certainly  very  effective.  He  would  say:  'If  you  want  to  have 
the  Sherry  tang,  get  Madeira  (that's  a  gentleman's  wine),  and  throw 
into  it  two  or  three  pairs  of  old  boots,  and  you'll  get  the  taste  of  the 
pig  skins  they  carry  the  Sherry  about  in."— Rev.  J.  R.  P.  Berkeley's 
Recollections.  The  Life  of  George  Borrow,  by  Dr  Knapp. 


454  LIFE  IN  LONDON  [1862 

"  a  silly,  sickly  compound,  the  use  of  which  will  transform 
a  nation,  however  bold  and  warlike  by  nature,  into  a  race 
of  sketchers,  scribblers,  and  punsters, — in  fact,  into  what 
Englishmen  are  at  the  present  day."  He  has  created  the 
atmosphere  of  Wales  as  he  did  that  of  the  gypsy  encamp- 
ment. He  shows  the  jealous  way  in  which  the  Welsh 
cling  to  their  language,  and  their  suspicion  of  the  Saesneg, 
or  Saxon.  Above  all,  he  shows  how  national  are  the 
Welsh  poets,  belonging  not  to  the  cultured  few ;  but  to 
the  labouring  man  as  much  as  to  the  landed  proprietor. 
Borrow  earned  the  respect  of  the  people,  not  only  because 
he  knew  their  language ;  but  on  account  of  his  profound 
knowledge  of  their  literature,  their  history,  and  their 
traditions.  No  one  could  escape  him,  he  accosted  every 
soul  he  met,  and  evinced  a  desire  for  information  as  to 
place-names  that  instantly  arrested  their  attention. 

The  most  curious  thing  about  Wild  Wales  is  the 
omission  of  all  mention  of  the  Welsh  Gypsies,  who,  with 
those  of  Hungary,  share  the  distinction  of  being  the 
aristocrats  of  their  race.  Several  explanations  have  been 
suggested  to  account  for  the  curious  circumstance.  Had 
Borrow's  knowledge  of  Welsh  Romany  been  scanty,  he 
could  very  soon  have  improved  it.  The  presence  of  his 
wife  and  step-daughter  was  no  hindrance ;  for,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  they  were  very  little  with  him,  even  when  they  and 
Borrow  were  staying  at  Llangollen ;  but  during  the  long 
tours  they  were  many  miles  away.  In  all  probability  the 
Welsh  Gypsies  were  sacrificed  to  British  prejudice,  much 
as  were  pugilism  and  the  baiting  of  the  pope. 

In  spite  of  its  simple  charm  and  convincing  atmosphere, 
Wild  Wales  did  not  please  the  critics.  Those  who  noticed 
it  (and  there  were  many  who  did  not)  either  questioned  its 
genuineness,  or  found  it  crowded  with  triviality  and  self- 
glorification.  It  was  full  of  the  superfluous,  the  superfluous 
repeated,  and  above  all  it  was  too  long  (some  250,000 
words).  The  Spectator  notice  was  an  exception ;  it  did 
credit  to  the  critical  faculty  of  the  man  who  wrote  it.  He 


XXVIIL]     JUSTICE  TO  THE  WELSH  BARDS          455 

declined  "to  boggle  and  wrangle  over  minor  defects  in 
what  is  intrinsically  good,"  and  praised  Wild  Wales  as 
"the  first  really  clever  book  ...  in  which  an  honest 
attempt  is  made  to  do  justice  to  Welsh  literature." 

Borrow  had  much  time  upon  his  hands  in  London, 
which  he  occupied  largely  in  walking.  He  visited  the 
Metropolitan  Gypsyries  at  Wandsworth,  "the  Potteries," 
and  "the  Mounts,"  as  described  in  Romano  Lavo-Lil. 
Sometimes  he  would  be  present  at  some  sporting  event, 
such  as  the  race  between  the  Indian  Deerfoot  and 
Jackson,  styled  the  American  Deer — tame  sport  in  com- 
parison with  the  "  mills "  of  his  boyhood.  He  did  very 
little  writing,  and  from  1862,  when  Wild  Wales  appeared, 
until  he  published  The  Romano  Lavo-Lil  in  1874,  his 
literary  output  consisted  of  only  some  translations  contri- 
buted to  Once  a  Week  (January  1862  to  December  1863). 

In  1865  he  was  to  lose  his  step-daughter,  who  married 
a  William  MacOubrey,  M.D.,  described  in  the  marriage 
register  as  a  physician  of  Sloane  Street,  London,  and 
subsequently  upon  his  tombstone  as  a  barrister.  In  the 
July  of  1866  Borrow  and  his  wife  went  to  Belfast  on  a 
visit  to  the  newly  married  pair.  From  Belfast  Borrow 
took  another  trip  into  Scotland,  crossing  over  to  Stranraer. 
From  there  he  proceeded  to  Glen  Luce  and  subsequently 
to  Newton  Stewart,  Castle  Douglas,  Dumfries,  Ecclefechan, 
Gretna  Green,  Carlisle,  Langholm,  Hawick,  Jedburgh, 
Yetholm  (where  he  saw  Esther  Blyth  of  Kirk  Yetholm), 
Kelso,  Abbotsford,  Melrose,  Berwick,  Edinburgh,  Glasgow, 
and  so  back  to  Belfast,  having  been  absent  for  nearly 
four  weeks. 

Mrs  Borrow's  health  had  been  the  cause  of  the  family 
leaving  Oulton  for  Great  Yarmouth,  and  about  the  time 
of  the  Irish  visit  it  seems  to  have  become  worse.  When 
Borrow  was  away  upon  his  excursion  he  received  a  letter 
at  Carlisle  in  which  his  wife  informed  him  that  she  was 
not  so  well ;  but  urging  him  not  to  return  if  he  were 
enjoying  his  trip  and  it  were  benefiting  his  health. 


456  LIFE  IN  LONDON  [1867 

In  the  autumn  of  the  following  year  (1867)  they  were 
at  Bognor,  Mrs  Borrow  taking  the  sea  air,  her  husband 
tramping  about  the  country  and  penetrating  into  the 
New  Forest.  On  their  return  to  town  Mrs  Borrow 
appears  to  have  become  worse.  There  was  much  corre- 
spondence to  be  attended  to  with  regard  to  the  Oulton 
Estate,  and  she  had  to  go  down  to  Suffolk  to  give  her 
personal  attention  to  certain  important  details.  Miss 
Cobbe  throws  a  little  light  on  the  period  in  a  letter  to 
a  friend,  in  which  she  says : 

"  Mr  Borrow  says  his  wife  is  very  ill  and  anxious  to 
keep  the  peace  with  C.  (a  litigious  neighbour).  Poor  old 
B.  was  very  sad  at  first,  but  I  cheered  him  up  and  sent 
him  off  quite  brisk  last  night.  He  talked  all  about  the 
Fathers  again,  arguing  that  their  quotations  went  to 
prove  that  it  was  not  our  gospels  they  had  in  their  hands. 
I  knew  most  of  it  before,  but  it  was  admirably  done.  I 
talked  a  little  theology  to  him  in  a  serious  way  (finding 
him  talk  of  his  *  horrors ')  and  he  abounded  in  my  sense 
of  the  non-existence  of  Hell,  and  of  the  presence  and 
action  on  the  soul  of  a  Spirit,  rewarding  and  punishing. 
He  would  not  say  '  God ' ;  but  repeated  over  and  over 
again  that  he  spoke  not  from  books  but  from  his  own 
personal  experience." x 

On  24th  January  (1869)  Mrs  Borrow  was  taken 
suddenly  ill  and  the  family  doctor  being  out  of  town, 
Borrow  sent  for  Dr  W.  S.  Playfair  of  5  Curzon  Street. 
A  letter  from  Dr  Playfair,  25th  January,  to  the  family 
doctor  is  the  only  coherent  testimony  in  existence  as  to 
what  was  actually  the  matter  with  Mrs  Borrow.  It  runs  : 

"  I  found  great  difficulty  in  making  out  the  case 
exactly,"  he  writes,  "since  Mr  Borrow  himself  was  so 
agitated  that  I  could  get  no  very  clear  account  of  it.  I 
could  detect  no  marked  organic  affection  about  the  heart 
or  lungs,  of  which  she  chiefly  complained.  It  seemed  to 
me  to  be  either  a  very  aggravated  form  of  hysteria,  or, 
what  appears  more  likely,  some  more  serious  mental 

1  Life  of  Frances  Power  Cobbe ,  by  Herself,  1894. 


xxviii.]  DEATH  OF  MRS  BORROW  457 

affection.  In  any  case,  the  chief  requisite  seemed  very 
careful  and  intelligent  nursing  or  management,  and  I 
doubt  very  much,  from  what  I  saw,  whether  she  gets  that 
with  her  present  surroundings.  If  it  is  really  the  more 
serious  mental  affection,  I  should  fancy  that  the  sooner 
means  are  taken  to  have  her  properly  taken  care  of,  the 
better." 

Dr  Playfair  saw  in  Borrow's  highly  nervous  excitable 
nature,  if  not  the  cause  of  his  wife's  breakdown,  at  least 
an  obstacle  to  her  recovery,  and  was  of  opinion  that 
Mrs  Borrow's  disorder  had  been  greatly  aggravated  by 
her  husband's  presence. 

Mrs  Borrow  never  rallied  from  the  attack,  and  on  the 
30th  she  died  of  "valvular  disease  of  the  heart  and 
dropsy,"  being  then  in  her  seventy-seventh  year.  On  4th 
February  she  was  buried  in  Brompton  Cemetery,  and  the 
lonely  man,  her  husband,  returned  to  Hereford  Square. 
The  grave  bears  the  inscription,  "  To  the  Beloved  Memory 
of  My  Mother,  Mary  Borrow,  who  fell  asleep  in  Jesus, 
30th  January  1 869."  It  is  strange  that  this  should  be  in 
Henrietta's  and  not  Borrow's  name. 

Mrs  Borrow  evidently  made  over  her  property  to 
her  husband  during  her  lifetime,  as  there  is  no  will  in 
existence,  and  no  application  appears  to  have  been 
made  either  by  Borrow  or  anyone  else  for  letters  of 
administration. 


CHAPTER   XXIX 

JANUARY  1869 — 1 88 1 

/"TAHE  death  of  his  wife  was  a  last  blow  to  Borrow,  and 
he  soon  retired  from  the  world.  At  first  he  appears 
to  have  sought  consolation  in  books,  to  judge  from  the 
number  of  purchases  he  made  about  this  time  ;  but  it  was, 
apparently,  with  pitiably  unsuccessful  results.  In  a  letter 
to  a  friend  Miss  Cobbe  gives  a  picture  in  his  lonliness : 

"  Poor  old  Borrow  is  in  a  sad  state,"  she  wrote.  "  I 
hope  he  is  starting  in  a  day  or  two  for  Scotland.  I  sent 
C.  with  a  note  begging  him  to  come  and  eat  the  Welsh 
mutton  you  sent  me  to-day,  and  he  sent  back  word,  *  Yes.' 
Then,  an  hour  afterwards,  he  arrived,  and  in  a  most 
agitated  manner  said  he  had  come  to  say  'he  would 
rather  not.  He  would  not  trouble  anyone  with  his 
sorrows.'  I  made  him  sit  down,  and  talked  as  gently  to 
him  as  possible,  saying :  '  It  won't  be  a  trouble  Mr 
Borrow,  it  will  be  a  pleasure  to  me.'  But  it  was  all  of  no 
use.  He  was  so  cross,  so  rude>  I  had  the  greatest  difficulty 
in  talking  to  him.  I  asked  about  his  servant,  and  he  said 
I  could  not  help  him.  I  asked  him  about  Bowring,  and  he 
said  :  *  Don't  speak  of  it.'  (It  was  some  dispute  with  Sir 
John  Bowring,  who  was  an  acquaintance  of  mine,  and  with 
whom  I  offered  to  mediate.)  *  I  asked  him  would  he  look 
at  the  photos  of  the  Siamese,'  and  he  said :  '  Don't  show 
them  to  me  ! '  So,  in  despair,  as  he  sat  silent,  I  told  him  I 
had  been  at  a  pleasant  dinner-party  the  night  before,  and 

had  met  Mr  L ,  who  told  me  of  certain  curious  books 

of  mediaeval  history.      '  Did  he  know  them  ?  '      '  No,  and 

he   dare  said  Mr  L did  not,  either !      Who  was  Mr 

L ? '     I  described  that  obscure  individual,  (one  of  the 

458 


xxix.]  "HANS  BREITMANN"  459 

foremost  writers  of  the  day),  and  added  that  he  was 
immensely  liked  by  everybody.  Whereupon  Borrow 
repeated  at  least  twelve  times,  '  Immensely  liked !  As  if 
a  man  could  be  immensely  liked  ! '  quite  insultingly.  To 
make  a  diversion  (I  was  very  patient  with  him  as  he  was 
in  trouble), '  I  said  I  had  just  come  home  from  the  Lyell's 

and  had  heard '  .  .  .  But  there  was  no  time  to  say  what 

I  had  heard  !  Mr  Borrow  asked  :  '  Is  that  old  Lyle  I  met 
here  once,  the  man  who  stands  at  the  door  (of  some  den  or 
other)  and  bets  ? '  I  explained  who  Sir  Charles  was, l  (of 
course  he  knew  very  well),  but  he  went  on  and  on,  till  I 
said  gravely :  '  I  don't  think  you  will  meet  those  sort  of 
people  here,  Mr  Borrow.  We  don't  associate  with  black- 
legs, exactly.'"2 

In  the  Autumn  of  1870  Borrow  became  acquainted  with 
Charles  G.  Leland  ("  Hans  Breitmann ")  as  the  result  of 
receiving  from  him  the  following  letter : — 

BRIGHTON,  24*%  October  1870. 

DEAR  SIR, — During  the  eighteen  months  that  I  have 
been  in  England,  my  efforts  to  find  some  mutual  friend 
who  would  introduce  me  to  you  have  been  quite  in  vain. 
As  the  author  of  two  or  three  works  which  have  been 
kindly  received  in  England,  I  have  made  the  acquaintance 
of  many  literary  men  and  enjoyed  much  hospitality ;  but 
I  assure  you  very  sincerely  that  my  inability  to  find  you 
out  or  get  at  you  has  been  a  source  of  great  annoyance  to 
me.  As  you  never  published  a  book  which  I  have  not 
read  through  five  times — excepting  The  Bible  in  Spain  and 
Wild  Welles^  which  I  have  only  read  once — you  will 
perfectly  understand  why  I  should  be  so  desirous  of 
meeting  you. 

As  you  have  very  possibly  never  heard  of  me  before, 
I  would  state  that  I  wrote  a  collection  of  Ballads  satirising 
Germany  and  the  Germans  under  the  title  of  Hans 
Breitmann. 

I  never  before  in  my  life  solicited  the  favour  of  any 
man's  acquaintance,  except  through  the  regular  medium 
of  an  introduction.  If  my  request  to  be  allowed  the 

1  The  Geologist^  1797-1875. 

2  The  Life  of  Frances  Power  Cobbe>  by  Herself,  1894. 


460  A  LONELY  OLD  AGE  [1870 

favour  of  meeting  and  seeing  you  does  not  seem  too 
outre",  I  would  be  to  glad  to  go  to  London,  or  wherever 
you  may  be,  if  it  can  be  done  without  causing  you  any 
inconvenience,  and  if  I  should  not  be  regarded  as  an 
intruder.  I  am  an  American,  and  among  us  such  requests 
are  parfaitment  (sic)  en  rfgle. 

I  am,  .  .  . 

CHARLES  G.  LELAND. 

Borrow  replied  on  2nd  Nov. : 

SIR, 

I  have  received  your  letter  and  am  gratified  by 
the  desire  you  express  to  make  my  acquaintance. 

Whenever  you  please  to  come  I  shall  be  happy  to 
see  you. 

Truly  yours, 

GEORGE  BORROW.1 

The  meeting  unquestionably  took  place  at  Hereford 
Square,  and  Leland  found  Borrow  "a  tall,  large,  fine- 
looking  man  who  must  have  been  handsome  in  his 
youth." 2  The  result  of  the  interview  was  that  Leland  sent 
to  Borrow  a  copy  of  his  Ballads  and  also  The  Music  Lesson 
of  Confucius,  then  about  to  appear.  At  the  same  time 
he  wrote  to  Borrow  drawing  his  attention  to  one  of  the 
ballads  written  in  German  Romany  jib,  and  enquiring 
if  it  were  worth  anything.  Whilst  deprecating  his 
"  impudence "  in  writing  a  Romany  gilt  and  telling,  as  a 
pupil  might  a  master,  of  his  interest  in  and  his  association 
with  the  gypsies,  he  continues  :  "  My  dear  Mr  Borrow,  for 
all  this  you  are  entirely  responsible.  More  than  twenty 
years  ago  your  books  had  an  incredible  influence  on  me, 
and  now  you  see  the  results."  After  telling  him  that  he 
can  never  thank  him  sufficiently  for  the  instructions  he 
has  given  in  The  Romany  Rye  as  to  how  to  take  care 
of  a  horse  on  a  thirty-mile  ride,  he  concludes — "With 

1  Charles  Godfrey  Leland,  by  E.  R.  Pennell,  1908. 
3  Memoirs,  by  C.  G.  Leland,  1893. 


xxix.]  THE  RIVAL  LAV-ENGROS  461 

apologies  for  the  careless  tone  of  this  letter,  and  with 
sincere  thanks  for  your  kindness  in  permitting  me  to  call 
on  you  and  for  your  courteous  note, — I  am  your  sincere 
admirer." 

The  account  that  Leland  gives  of  this  episode  in  his 
Memoirs  is  puzzling  and  contradictory  in  the  light  of  his 
first  letter.  He  writes  : 

"There  was  another  hard  old  character  with  whom 
I  became  acquainted  in  those  days,  and  one  who,  though 
not  a  Carlyle,  still,  like  him,  exercised  in  a  peculiar  way 
a  great  influence  on  English  literature.  This  was  George 
Borrow.  I  was  in  the  habit  of  reading  a  great  deal  in 
the  British  Museum,  where  he  also  came,  and  there  I  was 
introduced  to  him.1  [Leland  seems  to  be  in  error  here  ;  see 
ante,  page  460.]  He  was  busy  with  a  venerable-looking 
volume  in  old  Irish,  and  made  the  remark  to  me  that  he  did 
riot  believe  there  was  a  man  living  who  could  read  old  Irish 
with  ease  (which  I  now  observe  to  myself  was  '  fished '  out 
of  Sir  W.  Betham).  We  discussed  several  Gypsy  words 
and  phrases.  I  met  him  in  the  same  place  several 
times."2 

Leland  states  that  he  sent  a  note  to  Borrow,  care  of 
John  Murray,  asking  permission  to  dedicate  to  him  his 
forthcoming  book,  The  English  Gypsies  and  Their 
Language;  but  received  no  reply,  although  Murray 
assured  him  that  the  letter  had  been  received  by  Borrow. 
"  He  received  my  note  on  the  Saturday,"  Leland  writes— 
"  never  answered  it — and  on  Monday  morning  advertised  in 
all  the  journals  his  own  forthcoming  work  on  the  same 
subject."3  Had  Borrow  asked  him  to  delay  publishing 
his  own  book,  Leland  says  he  would  have  done  so,  "  for 
I  had  so  great  a  respect  for  the  Nestor  of  Gypsyism,  that 

1  In  her  biography  of  Leland,  Mrs  Pennell  states  that  an  American 
woman,  a  Mrs  Lewis  ("  Estelle  ")  introduced  Leland  to  Borrow  at  the 
British  Museum  and  that  they  talked  Gypsy.     "  I  hear  he  expressed 
himself  as  greatly  pleased  with  me,"  was  Leland's  comment.     The 
correspondence  clearly  shows  that  Leland  called  on  Borrow. 

2  Memoirs  of  C.  G.  Leland,  1 893.      3  Memoirs  of  C.  G.  Leland,  1 893. 


462  A  LONELY  OLD  AGE  [1874 

I  would  have  been  very  glad  to  have  gratified  him  with 
such  a  small  sacrifice." x 

However  Borrow  may  have  heard  that  Leland  had  in 
preparation  a  book  on  the  English  Gypsies,  he  seemed  to 
feel  that  it  was  a  trespass  upon  ground  that  was  peculiarly 
his  own.  Having  revised  and  prepared  for  the  press  the 
new  edition  of  the  Gypsy  St  Luke  for  the  Bible  Society 
(published  December  1872),  and  the  one- volume  editions 
of  Lavengro  and  The  Romany  Rye,  he  set  to  work  to 
forestall  Leland  with  his  own  Romano  Lavo-Lil. 

In  spite  of  his  haste,  however,  Borrow  was  beaten  in 
the  race,  and  Leland  got  his  volume  out  first.  When  the 
Romano  Lavo-Lil*  appeared  in  March  1874,  Borrow  found 
what,  in  all  probability  he  had  not  dreamed  of,  that  the 
thirty-three  years  intervening  between  its  publication 
and  that  of  The  Zincali,  had  changed  the  whole  literary 
world  as  regards  "things  of  Egypt."  In  1841  Borrow 
had  produced  a  unique  book,  such  as  only  one  man  in 
England  could  have  written,  and  that  man  himself3; 

1  Leland's  annoyance  with  Borrow  did  not  prevent  him  paying 
to  his  memory  the  following  tribute  : — 

"  What  I  admire  in  Borrow  to  such  a  degree  that  before  it  his 
faults  or  failings  seem  very  trifling,  is  his  absolutely  vigorous, 
marvellously  varied  originality,  based  on  direct  familiarity  with 
Nature,  but  guided  and  cultured  by  the  study  of  natural,  simple 
writers,  such  as  Defoe  and  Smollett.  I  think  that  the  'interest'  in, 
or  rather  sympathy  for  gypsies,  in  his  case  as  in  mine,  came  not  from 
their  being  curious  or  dramatic  beings,  but  because  they  are  so  much 
a  part  of  free  life,  of  out-of-doors  Nature ;  so  associated  with  sheltered 
nooks  among  rocks  and  trees,  the  hedgerow  and  birds,  river-sides,  and 
wild  roads.  Borrow's  heart  was  large  and  true  as  regarded  English 
rural  life  ;  there  was  a  place  in  it  for  everything  which  was  of  the 
open  air  and  freshly  beautiful." — Memoirs  of  C.  G.  Leland,  1893. 

2  Romano   Lavo-Lil :    Word-Book  of  the   Romany,   or  English 
Gypsy    Language.      With    Specimens    of   Gypsy    Poetry,    and    an 
Account  of  Certain  Gypsyries  or  Places  Inhabited  by  Them,  and  of 
Various  Things  Relating  to  Gypsy  Life  in  England. 

3  "  There  were  not  two  educated  men  in  England  who  possessed 
the  slightest  knowledge  of  Romany." — F.  H.  Groome  in   Academy , 
1 3th  June  1874. 


xxix.]  A  SPENT  FORCE  463 

but  in  1874  he  found  himself  not  only  out  of  date,  but 
out-classed. 

The  title  very  thoroughly  explains  the  scope  of  the 
work.  The  Vocabulary  had  existed  in  manuscript  for 
many  years.  For  some  reason,  difficult  to  explain, 
Borrow  had  omitted  from  this  Vocabulary  a  number  of 
the  gypsy  words  that  appeared  in  Lavengro  and  The 
Romany  Rye.  In  spite  of  this  "  Mr  Borrow's  present 
vocabulary  makes  a  goodly  show,"  wrote  F.  H.  Groome, 
".  .  .  containing  no  fewer  than  fourteen  hundred  words, 
of  which  about  fifty  will  be  entirely  new  to  those  who  only 
know  Romany  in  books." l 

After  praising  the  Gypsy  songs  as  the  best  portion  of 
the  book,  Groome  proceeds : 

"  Of  his  prose  I  cannot  say  so  much.  It  is  the 
Romany  of  the  study  rather  than  of  the  tents  [!]  Mr 
Borrow  has  attempted  to  rehabilitate  English  Romany  by 
enduing  it  with  forms  and  inflections,  of  which  some  are 
still  rarely  to  be  heard,  some  extinct,  and  others  absolutely 
incorrect ;  while  Mr  Leland  has  been  content  to  give  it  as 
it  really  is.  Of  the  two  methods  I  cannot  doubt  that 
most  readers  will  agree  with  me  in  thinking  that  Mr 
Leland's  is  the  more  satisfactory." 2 

The  Athenczum  sternly  rebuked  Borrow  for  seeming 
"to  make  the  mistake  of  confounding  the  amount  of 
Rommanis  which  he  has  collected  in  this  book  with  the 
actual  extent  of  the  language  itself."  The  reviewer  pays 
a  somewhat  grudging  tribute  to  other  portions  of  the 
book,  the  accounts  of  the  Gypsyries  and  the  biographical 
particulars  of  the  Romany  worthies,  but  the  work  suffers 
by  comparison  with  those  of  Paspati  and  Leland.  He 
acknowledges  that  Borrow  was  one  of  the  pioneers 
of  those  who  gave  accounts  of  the  Gypsies  in  Eng- 
lish, who  gave  to  many  their  present  taste  for  Gypsy 
matters, 

1  F.  H.  Groome  in  Academy -,  I3th  June  1874. 

2  Ibid. 


464  A  LONELY  OLD  AGE  [1874 

"but,"  he  proceeds,  "we  cannot  allow  merely  senti- 
mental considerations  to  prevent  us  from  telling  the 
honest  truth.  The  fact  is  that  the  Romano  Lavo-Lil  is 
nothing  more  than  a  rechauffe  of  the  materials  collected  by 
Mr  Borrow  at  an  early  stage  of  his  investigations,  and  nearly 
every  word  and  every  phrase  may  be  found  in  one  form  or 
another  in  his  earlier  works.  Whether  or  not  Mr  Borrow 
has  in  the  course  of  his  long  experience  become  the  deep 
Gypsy  which  he  has  always  been  supposed  to  be,  we 
cannot  say;  but  it  is  certain  that  his  present  book 
contains  little  more  than  he  gave  to  the  public  forty  years 
ago,  and  does  not  by  any  means  represent  the  present 
state  of  knowledge  on  the  subject.  But  at  the  present 
day,  when  comparative  philology  has  made  such  strides, 
and  when  want  of  accurate  scholarship  is  as  little  tolerated 
in  strange  and  remote  languages  as  in  classical  literature, 
the  Romano  Lavo-Lil  is,  to  speak  mildly,  an  anachronism." 

This  notice,  if  Borrow  read  it,  must  have  been  very 
bitter  to  him.  All  the  loyalty  to,  and  enthusiasm  for, 
Borrow  cannot  disguise  the  fact  that  his  work,  as  far  as 
the  Gypsies  were  concerned,  was  finished.  He  had  first 
explored  the  path,  but  others  had  followed  and  levelled  it 
into  a  thoroughfare,  and  Borrow  found  his  facts  and 
theories  obsolete — a  humiliating  discovery  to  a  man  so 
shy,  so  proud,  and  so  sensitive. 

The  Romano  Lavo-Lil  was  Borrow's  swan  song.  He 
lived  for  another  seven  years ;  but  as  far  as  the  world  was 
concerned  he  was  dead.  In  an  obituary  notice  of  Robert 
Latham,  Mr  Watts-Dunton  tells  a  story  that  emphasizes 
how  thoroughly  his  existence  had  been  forgotten.  At  one 
of  Mrs  Procter's  "at  homes"  he  was  talking  of  Latham 
and  Borrow,  but  when  he  happened  to  mention  that  both 
men  were  still  alive,  that  is  in  the  early  Seventies,  and 
that  quite  recently  he  had  been  in  the  company  of 
each  on  separate  occasions,  he  found  that  he  had  lost 
caste  in  the  eyes  of  his  hearers  for  talking  about  men  as 
alive  "who  were  well  known  to  have  been  dead  years 


ago."1 


The  Athenceum,  i;th  March  1888. 


xxix.]  THE  CALM  COLOSSUS  465 

There  is  an  interesting  picture  of  Borrow  as  he  appeared 
in  the  Seventies,  given  by  F.  H.  Groome,  who  writes : 

"The  first  time  I  ever  saw  him  was  at  Ascot,  the 
Wednesday  evening  of  the  Cup  week  in,  I  think,  the  year 
1872.  I  was  stopping  at  a  wayside  inn,  half-a-mile  on  the 
Windsor  road,  just  opposite  which  inn  there  was  a  great 
encampment  of  Gypsies.  One  of  their  lads  had  on  the 
Tuesday  affronted  a  soldier;  so  two  or  three  hundred 
redcoats  came  over  from  Windsor,  intending  to  wreck  the 
camp.  There  was  a  babel  of  cursing  and  screaming, 
much  brandishing  of  belts  and  tent-rods,  when  suddenly 
an  arbiter  appeared,  a  white-haired,  brown-eyed,  calm 
Colossus,  speaking  Romany  fluently,  and  drinking  deep 
draughts  of  ale — in  a  quarter  of  an  hour  Tommy  Atkins 
and  Anselo  Stanley  were  sworn  friends  over  a  loving- 
quart.  "  Mr  Burroughs,"  said  one  of  the  Gypsies  (it  is  the 
name  by  which  Gypsies  still  speak  of  him),  and  I  knew 
that  at  last  I  had  met  him  whom  of  all  men  I  most  wished 
to  meet  Matty  Cooper,  the  '  celebrated  Windsor  Frog ' 
(vide  Leland),  presented  me  as  '  a  young  gentleman,  Rya, 
a  scholard  from  Oxford ' ;  and  "  H'm/  quoth  Colossus, '  a 
good  many  fools  come  from  Oxford.'  It  was  a  bad 
beginning,  but  it  ended  well,  by  his  asking  me  to  walk 
with  him  to  the  station,  and  on  the  way  inviting  me  to 
call  on  him  in  London.  I  did  so,  but  not  until  nearly  a 
twelve-month  afterwards,  when  I  found  him  in  Hereford 
Square,  and  when  he  set  strong  ale  before  me,  as  again  on 
the  occasion  of  my  third  and  last  meeting  with  him  in  the 
tent  of  our  common  acquaintance,  Shadrach  Herne,  at  the 
Potteries,  Notting  Hill.  Both  these  times  we  had  much 
talk  together,  but  I  remember  only  that  it  was  partly 
about  East  Anglia,  and  more  about  'things  of  Egypt.' 
Conversations  twenty  years  old  are  easy  to  imagine,  hard 
to  reproduce.  .  .  .  Probably  Borrow  asked  me  the  Romany 
for  *  frying-pan,'  and  I  modestly  answered,  *  Either 
maasalli  or  tasseromengri'*  (this  is  password  No.  i),  and 
then  I  may  have  asked  him  the  Romany  for  'brick,'  to 
which  he  will  have  answered,  that '  there  is  no  such  word ' 
(this  is  No.  2).  But  one  thing  I  do  remember,  that  he 
was  frank  and  kindly,  interesting  and  interested ;  I  was 
only  a  lad,  and  he  was  verging  on  seventy.  I  could  tell 
him  about  a  few  '  travellers '  whom  he  had  not  recently 

2  G 


466  A  LONELY  OLD  AGE  [1874 

seen — Charlie  Pinfold,  the  hoary  polygamist,  Plato  and 
Mantis  Buckland,  Cinderella  Petulengro,  and  Old  Tom 
Oliver  ('  Ha !  so  he  has  seen  Tom  Oliver,'  I  seem  to 
remember  that)."1 

There  was  nothing  now  to  keep  Borrow  in  London. 
Nobody  wanted  to  read  his  books,  other  stars  had  risen  in 
the  East.  His  publisher  had  exclaimed  with  energy,  as 
Borrow  himself  would  relate,  "  I  want  to  meet  with  good 
writers,  but  there  are  none  to  be  had  :  I  want  a  man  who 
can  write  like  Ecclesiastes."  There  is  something  tragic  in 
the  account  that  Mr  Watts-Dunton  gives  of  his  last 
encounter  with  Borrow : 

"  The  last  time  I  ever  saw  him,"  he  writes,  "  was  shortly 
before  he  left  London  to  live  in  the  country.  It  was,  I 
remember  well,  on  Waterloo  Bridge,  where  I  had  stopped 
to  gaze  at  a  sunset  of  singular  and  striking  splendour, 
whose  gorgeous  clouds  and  ruddy  mists  were  reeling  and 
boiling  over  the  West-End.  Borrow  came  up  and  stood 
leaning  over  the  parapet,  entranced  by  the  sight,  as  well 
he  might  be.  Like  most  people  born  in  flat  districts,  he 
had  a  passion  for  sunsets.  Turner  could  not  have  painted 
that  one,  I  think,  and  certainly  my  pen  could  not  describe 
it.  ...  I  never  saw  such  a  sunset  before  or  since,  not 
even  on  Waterloo  Bridge ;  and  from  its  association  with 
'  the  last  of  Borrow,'  I  shall  never  forget  it."  2 

In  1874  Borrow  withdrew  to  Oulton,  there  to  end  his 
lonely  life,  his  spirit  seeming  to  enjoy  the  dreary  solitude 
of  the  Cottage,  with  its  mournful  surroundings.  His  step- 
daughter, the  Henrietta  of  old,  remained  in  London  with 
her  husband,  and  Borrow's  loneliness  was  complete. 
Sometimes  he  was  to  be  seen  stalking  along  the  highways  at 
a  great  pace,  wearing  a  broad -brimmed  hat  and  a  Spanish 
cloak,  a  tragic  figure  of  solitude  and  despair,  speaking  to 
no  one,  no  one  daring  to  speak  to  him,  who  locally  was 
considered  as  "  a  funny  tempered  man." 

In  a  fragment  of  a  letter  from   Edward  FitzGerald  to 

1  The  Bookman,  February  1893. 

2  The  AthencBum,  loth  Sept.  1881. 


xxix.]      EDWARD  FITZGERALD'S  LETTERS         467 

W.  B.  Donne  (June  1874),  there  is  an  interesting  reference 
to  Borrow : — 

"  Wait ! "  he  writes.  "  I  have  one  little  thing  to  tell 
you,  which,  little  as  it  is,  is  worth  all  the  rest,  if  you  don't 
know  already. 

"  Borrow — has  got  back  to  his  own  Oulton  Lodge.  My 
Nephew,  Edmund  Kerrich,  now  Adjutant  to  some  Volunteer 
Battalion,  wants  a  house  near,  not  in,  Lowestoft :  and  got 
some  Agent  to  apply  for  Borrow's — who  sent  word  that  he 
is  himself  there — an  old  Man — wanting  Retirement,  etc. 
This  was  the  account  Edmund  got. 

"  I  saw  in  some  Athenaeum  a  somewhat  contemptuous 
notice  of  G.  B.'s  *  Rommany  Lil '  or  whatever  the  name  is. 
I  can  easily  understand  that  B.  should  not  meddle  with 
science  of  any  sort ;  but  some  years  ago  he  would  not  have 
liked  to  be  told  so,  however  Old  Age  may  have  cooled  him 
now."1 


Borrow  sent  a  message  to  FitzGerald  through  Edmund 
Kerrich  of  Geldeston,  asking  him  to  visit  Oulton  Cottage. 
The  reply  shows  all  the  sweetness  of  the  writer's  nature : — 

LITTLE  GRANGE,  WOODBRIDGE, 
Jan.  10/75. 

DEAR  BORROW, — My  nephew  Kerrich  told  me  of  a 
very  kind  invitation  that  you  sent  to  me,  through  him, 
some  while  ago.  I  think  the  more  of  it  because  I  imagine, 
from  what  I  have  heard,  that  you  have  slunk  away  from 
human  company  as  much — as  I  have !  For  the  last  fifteen 
years  I  have  not  visited  any  one  of  my  very  oldest  friends, 
except  the  daughters  of  my  old  [?  friend]  George  Crabbe, 
and  Donne — once  only,  and  for  half  a  day,  just  to  assure 
myself  by  my  own  eyes  how  he  was  after  the  severe 
illness  he  had  last  year,  and  which  he  never  will  quite 
recover  from,  I  think  ;  though  he  looked  and  moved  better 
than  I  expected. 

Well — to  tell  you  all   about  why  I   have  thus  fallen 

1  William  Bodham  Donne  and  His  Friends.  Edited  by  Catherine 
B.  Johnson,  1905. 


468  A  LONELY  OLD  AGE  [1875 

from  my  company  would  be  a  tedious  thing,  and  all  about 
one's  self  too — whom,  Montaigne  says,  one  never  talks 
about  without  detriment  to  the  person  talked  about. 
Suffice  to  say,  'so  it  is ' ;  and  one's  friends,  however  kind 
and  '  loyal '  (as  the  phrase  goes),  do  manage  to  exist  and 
enjoy  themselves  pretty  reasonably  without  one. 

So  with  me.  And  is  it  not  much  the  same  with  you 
also  ?  Are  you  not  glad  now  to  be  mainly  alone,  and 
find  company  a  heavier  burden  than  the  grasshopper  ?  If 
one  ever  had  this  solitary  habit,  it  is  not  likely  to  alter  for 
the  better  as  one  grows  older — as  one  grows  old.  I  like 
to  think  over  my  old  friends.  There  they  are,  lingering  as 
ineffaceable  portraits — done  in  the  prime  of  life — in  my 
memory.  Perhaps  we  should  not  like  one  another  so  well 
after  a  fifteen-years  separation,  when  all  of  us  change  and 
most  of  us  for  the  worse.  I  do  not  say  that  would  be  your 
case ;  but  you  must,  at  any  rate,  be  less  inclined  to  disturb 
the  settled  repose  into  which  you,  I  suppose,  have  fallen. 
I  remember  first  seeing  you  at  Oulton,  some  twenty-five 
years  ago ;  then  at  Donne's  in  London ;  then  at  my  own 
happy  home  in  Regent's  Park ;  then  ditto  at  Gorleston — 
after  which,  I  have  seen  nobody,  except  the  nephews  and 
nieces  left  me  by  my  good  sister  Kerrich. 

So  shall  things  rest  ?  I  could  not  go  to  you,  after 
refusing  all  this  while  to  go  to  older — if  not  better — friends, 
fellow  Collegians,  fellow  schoolfellows ;  and  yet  will  you 
still  believe  me  (as  I  hope  they  do) 

Yours  and  theirs  sincerely, 

EDWARD  FITZGERALD. 

Borrow  was  still  a  remarkably  robust  man.  Mr  Watts- 
Dunton  tells  how, 

"At  seventy  years  of  age,  after  breakfasting  at  eight 
o'clock  in  Hereford  Square,  he  would  walk  to  Putney, 
meet  one  or  more  of  us  at  Roehampton,  roam  about 
Wimbledon  and  Richmond  Park  with  us,  bathe  in  the 
Fen  Ponds  with  a  north-east  wind  cutting  across  the  icy 
water  like  a  razor,  run  about  the  grass  afterwards  like  a 
boy  to  shake  off  some  of  the  water-drops,  stride  about  the 
park  for  hours,  and  then,  after  fasting  for  twelve  hours,  eat 
a  dinner  at  Roehampton  that  would  have  done  Sir  Walter 
Scott's  eyes  good  to  see.  Finally,  he  would  walk  back  to 


xxix.]  CLOSING  YEARS  469 

Hereford  Square,  getting  home  late  at  night.  And  if  the 
physique  of  the  man  was  bracing,  his  conversation,  unless 
he  happened  to  be  suffering  from  one  of  his  occasional  fits 
of  depression,  was  still  more  so.  Its  freshness,  raciness 
and  eccentric  whim  no  pen  could  describe.  There  is  a 
kind  of  humour  the  delight  of  which  is  that  while  you 
smile  at  the  pictures  it  draws,  you  smile  quite  as  much  or 
more  to  think  that  there  is  a  mind  so  whimsical,  crotchetty, 
and  odd  as  to  draw  them.  This  was  the  humour  of 
Borrow."1 

He  was  seventy  years  of  age  when,  one  March  day 
during  a  bitterly-cold  east  wind,  he  stripped  and  plunged 
into  one  of  the  Fen  Ponds  in  Richmond  Park,  which  was 
covered  with  ice,  and  dived  and  swam  under  the  water 
for  a  time,  reappearing  some  distance  from  the  spot 
where  he  had  entered  the  water.2 

The  remaining  years  of  Sorrow's  life  were  spent  in 
Suffolk.  He  would  frequently  go  to  Norwich,  however ; 
for  the  old  city  seemed  to  draw  him  irresistibly  from  his 
hermitage.  He  would  take  a  lodging  there,  and  spend 
much  of  his  time  occupying  a  certain  chair  in  the  Norfolk 
Hotel  in  St  Giles.  There  were  so  many  old  associations 
with  Norwich  that  made  it  appear  home  to  him.  He  was 
possessed  of  sentiment  in  plenty,  it  had  caused  his  old 
mother  to  wish  that  "dear  George  would  not  have  such 
fancies  about  the  old  house  "  in  Willow  Lane. 

Later,  Dr  and  Mrs  MacOubrey  removed  to  Oulton 
(about  1878),  and  Borrow's  life  became  less  dismal  and 
lonely;  but  he  was  nearing  his  end.  Sometimes  there 
would  be  a  flash  of  that  old  unconquerable  spirit  His 
stepdaughter  relates  how, 

"on  the  2 ist  of  November  [1878],  the  place  [the  farm] 
having  been  going  to  decay  for  fourteen  months,  Mr 
Palmer  [the  tenant]  called  to  demand  that  Mr  Borrow 
should  put  it  in  repair ;  otherwise  he  would  do  it  himself 

1  Mr  T.  Watts-Dunton,  in  The  Athenaum,  3rd  Sept.  1881. 

2  Mr  A.  Egmont  Hake,  in  The  Athenattm,  I3th  Aug.  1881. 


470  A  LONELY  OLD  AGE  [1879 

and  send  in  the  bills,  saying,  *  I  don't  care  for  the  old 
farm  or  you  either/  and  several  other  insulting  things ; 
whereupon  Mr  Borrow  remarked  very  calmly,  *  Sir,  you 
came  in  by  that  door,  you  can  go  out  by  it' — and  so 
it  ended" l 

It  was  on  an  occasion  such  as  this  that  Borrow  yearned 
for  a  son  to  knock  the  rascal  down.  He  was  an  infirm 
man,  his  body  feeling  the  wear  and  tear  of  the  strenuous 
open-air  life  he  had  led.  In  1879,  according  to  Mrs 
MacOubrey,  he  was  "  unable  to  walk  as  far  as  the  white 
gate,"  the  boundary  of  his  estate.  He  was  obviously 
breaking-up  very  rapidly.  The  surroundings  appear  to 
have  reflected  the  gloomy  nature  of  the  master  of  the 
estate.  The  house  was  dilapidated,  "with  everything 
about  it  more  or  less  untidy," 2  although  at  this  period  his 
income  amounted  to  upwards  of  five  hundred  pounds 
a  year. 

"  During  his  latter  years,"  writes  Mr  W.  A.  Dutt,  "  his 
tall,  erect,  somewhat  mysterious  figure  was  often  seen  in 
the  early  hours  of  summer  mornings  or  late  at  night  on 
the  lonely  pathways  that  wind  in  and  out  from  the  banks 
of  Oulton  Broad  .  .  .  the  village  children  used  to  hush 
their  voices  and  draw  aside  at  his  approach.  They  looked 
upon  him  with  fear  and  awe.  ...  In  his  heart,  Borrow 
was  fond  of  the  little  ones,  though  it  amused  him  to  watch 
the  impression  his  strange  personality  made  upon  them. 
Older  people  he  seldom  spoke  to  when  out  on  his  solitary 
rambles ;  but  sometimes  he  would  flash  out  such  a  glance 
from  beneath  his  broad-brimmed  hat  and  shaggy  eyebrows 
as  would  make  timid  country  folk  hasten  on  their  way 
filled  with  vague  thoughts  and  fears  of  the  evil  eye." 3 

Even  to  the  last  the  old  sensitiveness  occasionally 
flashed  out,  as  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  from  the  Vicar 
of  Lowestoft,  who  drove  over  with  an  acquaintance  of 

1  The  Life  of  George  Borrow,  by  Dr  Knapp. 

2  East  Anglia,  by  J.  Ewing  Ritchie,  1883. 

3  George  Borrow  in  East  Anglia. 


xxix.]  THE  END  471 

Sorrow's  to  make  the  hermit's  acquaintance.  The  visitor 
was  so  incautious  as  to  ask  the  age  of  his  host,  when, 
with  Johnsonian  emphasis,  came  the  reply :  "  Sir,  I  tell 
my  age  to  no  man ! "  This  occurred  some  time  during 
the  year  1880.  Immediately  his  discomfited  guest 
had  departed,  Borrow  withdrew  to  the  summer-house, 
where  he  drew  up  the  following  apothegm  on  "  People's 
Age":- 

"  Never  talk  to  people  about  their  age.  Call  a  boy  a 
boy,  and  he  will  fly  into  a  passion  and  say,  '  Not  quite  so 
much  of  a  boy  either ;  Fm  a  young  man.'  Tell  an  elderly 
person  that  he's  not  so  young  as  he  was,  and  you  will 
make  him  hate  you  for  life.  Compliment  a  man  of  eighty- 
five  on  the  venerableness  of  his  appearance  and  he  will 
shriek  out :  *  No  more  venerable  than  yourself,'  and  will 
perhaps  hit  you  with  his  crutch." 

On  ist  December  1880  Borrow  sent  for  his  solicitor 
from  Lowestoft,  and  made  his  will,  by  which  he  bequeathed 
all  his  property,  real  and  personal,  to  his  stepdaughter 
Henrietta,  devising  that  it  should  be  held  in  trust  for  her 
by  his  friend  Elizabeth  Harvey.  It  was  evidently  Borrow's 
intention  so  to  tie  up  the  bequest  that  Dr  MacOubrey 
could  not  in  any  way  touch  his  wife's  estate. 

The  end  came  suddenly.  On  the  morning  of  26th 
July  1 88 1  Dr  and  Mrs  MacOubrey  drove  into  Lowestoft, 
leaving  Borrow  alone  in  the  house.  When  they  returned 
he  was  dead.  Throughout  his  life  Borrow  had  been  a 
solitary,  and  it  seems  fitting  that  he  should  die  alone. 
It  has  been  urged  against  his  stepdaughter  that  she 
disregarded  Borrow's  appeals  not  to  be  left  alone  in 
the  house,  as  he  felt  himself  to  be  dying.  He  may  have 
made  similar  requests  on  other  occasions ;  still,  whatever 
the  facts,  it  was  strange  to  leave  so  old  and  so  infirm  a 
man  quite  unattended. 

On  4th  August  the  body  was  brought  to  London,  and 
buried  beside  that  of  Mrs  George  Borrow  in  Brompton 


472  A  LONELY  OLD  AGE  [1881 

Cemetery.     On  the  stone,  which  is  what  is  known  as  a 
saddle-back,  is  inscribed : 

IN  LOVING  REMEMBRANCE  OF 
GEORGE  HENRY  BORROW,  ESQ., 

WHO  DIED  JULY  26TH,  l88l  (AT  HIS  RESIDENCE  "  OULTON 
COTTAGE,  SUFFOLK  ") 

IN  HIS  79TH  YEAR. 

(AUTHOR  OF  THE  BIBLE  IN  SPAIN,  LAVENGRO— AND 
OTHER  WORKS.) 

"IN  HOPE  OF  A  GLORIOUS  RESURRECTION." 

A  fruitless  effort  was  made  by  the  late  J.  J.  Colman  of 
Carrow  to  purchase  the  whole  of  Borrow's  manuscripts, 
library,  and  papers  for  the  Carrow  Abbey  Library;  but 
the  price  asked,  a  thousand  pounds,  was  considered  too 
high,  and  they  passed  into  the  possession  of  another. 
Eventually  they  found  their  way  into  the  reverent  hands 
of  the  man  who  subsequently  made  Borrow  his  hero,  and 
who  devoted  years  of  his  life  to  the  writing  of  his 
biography — Dr  W.  J.  Knapp. 

It  was  Borrow's  fate,  a  tragic  fate  for  a  man  so  proud, 
to  outlive  the  period  of  his  fame.  Not  only  were  his 
books  forgotten,  but  the  world  anticipated  his  death  by 
some  seven  or  eight  years.  His  was  a  curiously  complex 
nature,  one  that  seems  specially  to  have  been  conceived 
by  Providence  to  arouse  enmity  among  the  many,  and  to 
awaken  in  the  hearts  of  the  few  a  sterling,  unwavering 
friendship.  It  is  impossible  to  reconcile  the  accounts  of 
those  who  hated  him  with  those  whose  love  and  respect 
he  engaged. 

He  was  in  sympathy  with  vagrants  and  vagabonds — a 
taste  that  was  perhaps  emphasised  by  the  months  he 
spent  in  preparing  Celebrated  Trials.  If  those  months 


xxix.]          A  REMARKABLE  CHARACTER  473 

of  hack  work  taught  him  sympathy  with  pariahs,  it  also 
taught  him  to  write  strong,  nervous  English. 

He  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  characters  of 
his  century — whimsical,  eccentric,  lovable,  inexplicable ; 
possessed  of  an  odd,  dry  humour  that  sometimes  failed 
him  when  most  he  needed  it.  He  lived  and  died  a  stranger 
to  the  class  to  which  he  belonged,  and  was  the  intimate 
friend  and  associate  of  that  dark  and  mysterious  personage, 
Mr  Petulengro.  He  hated  his  social  equals,  and  admired 
Tamerlane  and  Jerry  Abershaw.  It  has  been  said 1  that 
he  was  born  three  centuries  too  late,  and  that  he  belonged 
to  the  age  when  men  dropped  mysteriously  down  the  river 
in  ships,  later  to  return  with  strange  stories  and  great 
treasure  from  the  Spanish  Main.  Mr  Watts-Dunton  has 
said  : — 

"When  Borrow  was  talking  to  people  in  his  own 
class  of  life  there  was  always  in  his  bearing  a  kind  of  shy, 
defiant  egotism.  What  Carlyle  called  the  'armed  neu- 
trality' of  social  intercourse  oppressed  him.  He  felt 
himself  to  be  in  the  enemy's  camp.  In  his  eyes  there  was 
always  a  kind  of  watchfulness,  as  if  he  were  taking  stock 
of  his  interlocutor  and  weighing  him  against  himself.  He 
seemed  to  be  observing  what  effect  his  words  were  having, 
and  this  attitude  repelled  people  at  first.  But  the  moment 
he  approached  a  gypsy  on  the  heath,  or  a  poor  Jew  in 
Houndsditch,  or  a  homeless  wanderer  by  the  wayside,  he 
became  another  man.  He  threw  off  the  burden  of 
restraint.  The  feeling  of  the  *  armed  neutrality '  was  left 
behind,  and  he  seemed  to  be  at  last  enjoying  the  only 
social  intercourse  that  could  give  him  pleasure.  This  it 
was  that  enabled  him  to  make  friends  so  entirely  with  the 
gypsies.  Notwithstanding  what  is  called  '  Romany  guile ' 
(which  is  the  growth  of  ages  of  oppression),  the  basis  of 
the  Romany  character  is  a  joyous  frankness.  Once  let 
the  isolating  wall  which  shuts  off  the  Romany  from  the 
'Gorgio'  be  broken  through,  and  the  communicativeness 
of  the  Romany  temperament  begins  to  show  itself.  The 
gypsies  are  extremely  close  observers;  they  were  very 
quick  to  notice  how  different  was  Borrow's  bearing 

1  W.  E.  Henley. 


474  A  LONELY  OLD  AGE  [1881 

towards  themselves  from  his  bearing  towards  people  of 
his  own  race,  and  Borrow  used  to  say  that  '  old  Mrs 
Herne  and  Leonora  were  the  only  gypsies  who  suspected 
and  disliked  him.' " l 

This  convincing  character  sketch  seems  to  show  the 
real  Borrow.  It  accounts  even  for  that  high-piping, 
artificial  voice  (a  gypsy  trait)  that  he  assumed  when 
speaking  with  those  who  were  not  his  intimate  friends, 
and  which  any  sudden  interest  in  the  conversation  would 
cause  him  to  abandon  in  favour  of  his  own  deep,  rich 
tones.  Mr  F.  J.  Bowring,  himself  no  friend  of  Borrow's 
for  very  obvious  reasons,  has  described  this  artificial 
intonation  as  something  between  a  beggar's  whine  and  the 
high  -  pitched  voice  of  a  gypsy  —  in  sort,  a  falsetto.  He 
tells  how,  on  one  occasion,  when  in  conversation  with 
Borrow,  he  happened  to  mention  to  him  something  of 
particular  interest  concerning  the  gypsies,  Borrow  became 
immensely  interested,  immediately  dropped  the  falsetto 
and  spoke  in  his  natural  voice,  which  Mr  Bowring  describes 
as  deep  and  manly. 

Even  his  friends  were  led  sometimes  into  criticisms 
that  appear  unsympathetic.2  He  was,  Dr  Hake  has  said, 
"  essentially  hypochondriacal.  Society  he  loved  and  hated 
alike :  he  loved  it  that  he  might  be  pointed  out  and 
talked  of;  he  hated  it  because  he  was  not  the  prince  that 
he  felt  himself  in  its  midst." 3  It  is  the  son  who  shows 
the  better  understanding,  although  there  is  no  doubt 
about  Dr  Hake's  loyalty  to  Borrow.  There  is  a  faithful 
presentation  of  a  man  such  as  Borrow  really  seems  to 
have  been,  in  the  following  words : — 

1  The  Athenaum,  25th  March  1899. 

2  Many  attacks  have  been  made  upon   Borrow's  memory  :   one 
well-known  man  of  letters  and  divine  has  gone  to  lengths  that  can 
only  be  described  as  unpardonable.     It  is  undesirable  to   do  more 
than  deplore  the  lapse  that  no  doubt  the  writer  himself  has  already 
deeply  regretted. 

3  Memoirs  of  Eighty  Years,  1892. 


xxix.]  A  PATRIOT  475 

"  Few  men  have  ever  made  so  deep  an  impression  on 
me  as  George  Borrow.  His  tall,  broad  figure,  his  stately 
bearing,  his  fine  brown  eyes,  so  bright  yet  soft,  his  thick 
white  hair,  his  oval  beardless  face,  his  loud  rich  voice  and 
bold  heroic  air  were  such  as  to  impress  the  most 
indifferent  lookers-on.  Added  to  this  there  was  some- 
thing not  easily  forgotten  in  the  manner  in  which  he 
would  unexpectedly  come  to  our  gates,  singing  some 
gypsy  song,  and  as  suddenly  depart." 1 

If  Borrow  wrote  that  he  was  ashamed  of  being  an 
Englishman  and  referred  to  their  "pinched  and  mortified 
expressions,"  if  he  found  the  virtues  of  the  Saxons 
"  uncouth  and  ungracious,"  he  never  permitted  others  to 
make  disparaging  remarks  about  his  country  or  his 
countrymen.2  He  was  typically  English  in  this :  agree 
with  his  strictures,  add  a  word  or  two  of  dispraise  of  the 
English,  and  there  appeared  a  terrifying  figure  of  a 
patriot ;  "  not  only  an  Englishman  but  an  East  English- 
man," which  in  Borrow's  vocabulary  meant  the  finest  of 
the  breed.  He  might  with  more  truth  have  said  a 
Cornishman.  "  I  could  not  command  myself  when  I 
heard  my  own  glorious  land  traduced  in  this  unmerited 
manner," 3  he  once  exclaimed.  He  permitted  to  himself, 
and  to  himself  only,  a  certain  latitude  in  such  matters. 

That  Borrow  exaggerated  is  beyond  all  question,  but 
it  must  not  be  called  deliberate.  He  desired  to  give 
impressions  of  scenes  and  people,  and  he  was  inclined 
to  emphasize  certain  features.  Isopel  Berners  he  wished 
it  to  be  known  was  a  queenly  creature,  and  he  described 
her  as  taller  than  himself  (he  was  6  feet  2  inches  without 
his  shoes).  Exaggeration  is  colour,  not  form.  A  disbelief 
in  his  having  encountered  the  convict  son  of  the  old 
apple-woman  near  Salisbury  does  not  imply  that  the 

1  Mr  A.  Egmont  Hake  in  The  Athen<zum>  I3th  August  1881. 

2  In  The  Bible  in  Spain.     "  Next  to  the  love  of  God,  the  love 
of  country  is  the  best  preventative  of  crime."    (Page  53.) 

3  The  Bible  in  Spain,  page  97. 


476  A  LONELY  OLD  AGE  [1881 

old  woman  herself  is  a  fiction.  Borrow  insisted  upon 
Norfolk  as  his  county,  "where  the  people  eat  the  best 
dumplings  in  the  world,  and  speak  the  purest  English." 
He  even  spoke  with  a  strong,  if  imperfect,  East  Anglian 
accent.  As  a  matter  of  fact  his  father  was  Cornish  and 
his  mother  of  Huguenot  stock.  It  would  be  absurd  to 
argue  from  this  obvious  exaggeration  of  the  actual  facts 
that  Borrow  was  a  myth. 

Then  he  has  been  taken  to  task  for  not  being  a 
philologist  as  well  as  a  linguist.  He  may  have  used  the 
word  philologist  somewhat  loosely  on  occasion.  "  Think 
what  the  reader  would  have  lost,"  says  one  eminent  but 
by  no  means  prejudiced  critic1  with  real  sympathy  and 
insight,  "had  Borrow  waited  to  verify  his  etymologies." 
In  all  probability  Nature  will  never  produce  a  Humboldt- 
Le  Sage  combination  of  intellect.  Language  was  to 
Borrow  merely  the  key  that  permitted  him  access  to  the 
chamber  of  men's  minds.  It  must  be  confessed  that 
sometimes  he  invaded  the  sacred  precincts  of  philology. 
His  chapter  on  the  Basque  language  in  The  Bible  in  Spain 
has  been  described  as  "  utterly  frantic,"  and  German 
philologists,  speechless  in  their  astonishment,  have 
expressed  themselves  upon  his  conclusions  in  marks  of 
exclamation !  He  was  not  qualified  to  discourse  upon 
the  science  of  language. 

He  was  a  staunch  member  of  the  Church  of  England, 
because  he  believed  there  was  in  it  more  religion  than  in 
any  other  Church;  but  this  did  not  hinder  him  from 
consorting  with  the  godless  children  of  the  tents,  or 
contributing  towards  the  upkeep  of  Nonconformist 
schools.  The  gypsies  honoured  and  trusted  him  because, 
crooked  themselves,  they  appreciated  straightness  and 
clean  living  in  another.  They  had  never  known  him  use  a 
bad  word  or  do  a  bad  thing.  He  was,  on  occasion,  arrogant, 
overbearing,  ungracious,  in  short  all  the  unattractive  things 
that  a  proud  and  masterful  man  can  be ;  but  his  friendship 
1  Mr  Thomas  Seccombe  in  The  Bookman,  Feb.  1892. 


xxix.]  UNDERSTANDING  FRIENDS  477 

was  as  strong  as  the  man  himself;  his  charity  above  the 
narrow  prejudices  of  sect.  When  he  threw  his  tremendous 
power  into  any  enterprise  or  undertaking,  it  was  with  the 
determination  that  it  should  succeed,  if  work  and  self- 
sacrifice  could  make  it.  "  The  wisest  course,"  he  thought, 
was,  "...  to  blend  the  whole  of  the  philosophy  of  the 
tombstone  with  a  portion  of  the  philosophy  of  the  publican 
and  something  more,  to  enjoy  one's  pint  and  pipe  and 
other  innocent  pleasures,  and  to  think  every  now  and  then 
of  death  and  judgment." l 

Borrow  loved  mystery  for  its  own  sake,  and  none  were 
ever  able  quite  to  penetrate  into  the  inner  fastness  of  his 
personality.  Those  who  came  nearest  to  it  were  probably 
Hasfeldt  and  Ford,  whose  persistent  good-humour  was 
an  armour  against  a  reserve  that  chilled  most  men.  Of 
all  Borrow's  friends  it  is  probable  that  none  under- 
stood him  so  well  as  Hasfeldt.  He  recognised  the 
strength  of  character  of  the  white-haired  man  who  sang 
when  he  was  happy,  and  he  refused  to  be  affected  by  his 
gloomy  moods.  "  Write  and  tell  me,"  he  requests,  "  if 
you  have  not  fallen  in  love  with  some  nun  or  Gypsy  in 
Spain,  or  have  met  with  some  other  romantic  adventure 
worthy  of  a  roaming  knight."  On  another  occasion  (June 
1845)  he  boasts  with  some  justification,  "Heaven  be 
praised,  I  can  comprehend  you  as  a  reality,  while  many 
regard  you  as  an  imaginary,  fantastic  being.  But  they 
who  portray  you  have  not  eaten  bread  and  salt  with  you." 

Borrow's  contemporary  recognition  was  a  chance;  he 
was  writing  for  another  generation,  and  some  of  the  friends 
that  he  left  behind  have  loyally  striven  to  erect  to  him 
the  only  monument  an  artist  desires — the  proclaiming  of 
his  works. 

Nature  it  appeared  had  framed  Borrow  in  a  moment 

of  magnificence,  and,  lest  he  should  be  enticed  away  from 

her,  had   instilled   into   his   soul   a   hatred   of  all   things 

artificial  and  at  variance  with  her  august  decrees.     He 

1   Wild  Wales,  page  628. 


478  A  LONELY  OLD  AGE  [1881 

was  shy  and  suspicious  with  the  men  and  women  who 
regulated  their  lives  by  the  narrow  standards  of  civilisation 
and  decorum  ;  but  with  the  children  of  the  tents  and  the 
vagrants  of  the  wayside  he  was  a  single-minded  man, 
eager  to  learn  the  lore  of  the  open  air.  He  recognised 
in  these  vagabonds  the  true  sons  and  daughters  of  "  the 
Great  Mother  who  mixes  all  our  bloods." 


THE  END 


LIST  OF  BORROWS  WORKS 


1825 

Celebrated  Trials,  and  Remarkable  Cases  of  Criminal  Jurisprudence, 

from  the  Earliest  Records  to  the  Year  1825.     Six  volumes,  with 

plates.     London. 
Faustus :  His  Life,  Death,  and  Descent  into  Hell.    Translated  from 

the  German  [of  F.    M.   von   Klinger].      W.   Simpkin  and   R. 

Marshall,  London. 

1826 

Romantic  Ballads.  Translated  from  the  Danish  :  and  Miscellaneous 
Pieces.  S.  Wilkin,  Norwich. 

1835 

Targum :  or,  Metrical  Translations  from  Thirty  Languages  and 
Dialects.  St  Petersburgh.  Reprinted  later  by  Jarrold  &  Sons, 
Norwich. 

The  Talisman.  From  the  Russian  of  Alexander  Pushkin.  With 
Other  Pieces.  St  Petersburg. 

1841 

The  Zincali;  or,  An  Account  of  the  Gypsies  of  Spain.  With  an 
Original  Collection  of  their  Songs  and  Poetry,  and  a  Copious 
Dictionary  of  their  Language.  Two  volumes.  John  Murray, 
London. 

1842 

The  Bible  in  Spain;  or,  the  Journeys,  Adventures,  and  Imprisonments 
of  an  Englishman  in  an  Attempt  to  Circulate  the  Scriptures  in 
the  Peninsula.  Three  volumes.  John  Murray,  London. 

479 


480  LIST  OF  BORROWS  WORKS 

1851 

Lavengro  :  The  Scholar — The  Gypsy — The  Priest.  Three  volumes. 
John  Murray,  London. 

1857 

The  Romany  Rye :  a  Sequel  to  Lavengro.  Two  volumes.  John 
Murray,  London. 

1860 

The  Sleeping  Bard;  or,  Visions  of  the  World,  Death,  and  Hell.  By 
Elis  Wyn.  Translated  from  the  Cambrian  British.  John  Murray, 
London. 

1862 

Wild  Wales:  Its  People,  Language,  and  Scenery.  Three  volumes. 
John  Murray,  London. 

1874 

Romano  Lavo-Lil :  Word-Book  of  the  Romany;  or,  English  Gypsy 
Language.  With  Many  Pieces  in  Gypsy,  Illustrative  of  the  Way 
of  Speaking  and  Thinking  of  the  English  Gypsies ;  with 
Specimens  of  Their  Poetry,  and  an  Account  of  Certain  Gypsyries 
or  Places  Inhabited  by  Them,  and  of  Various  Things  Relating  to 
Gypsy  Life  in  England.  John  Murray,  London. 

1884 

The  Turkish  Jester ;  or,  the  Pleasantries  ofCogia  NasrEddin  Effendi. 
Translated  from  the  Turkish.  Jarrold  &  Sons,  Norwich. 

1892 

The  Death  of  Balder.  Translated  from  the  Danish  of  Evald. 
Jarrold  &  Sons,  Norwich. 

From  the  foregoing  list  has  been  omitted  the  mysterious  Life  and 
Adventures  of  Joseph  Sell,  the  Great  Traveller,  and  those  works  that 
Borrow  edited  or  translated  for  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible 
Society. 


INDEX 


ABADES,  276 

Abbotsford,  455 

Aberdeen,  440 

Ab  Gwilym,  27,  29,  83,  336,  414,  418 

Academy,  F.   H.  Groome  in,  340,  462, 

463 

Acle,  24 

Adelung,  F.  von,  1 1 2 
Aldea  Gallega,  1 60 
Alquin,  State  Councillor,  131 
A  ntiquities  of  the  Royal  School  at  Nor- 
wich, by  J.  Burton,  25  n. 
Antonio,  Sorrow's  Greek  servant.     See 

Buchini,  Antonio 
Antonio,  Borrow's  Portuguese  servant, 

154,  155.  157,  160 
Aranjuez,  275,  276 
Arden,   Francis  (Ardrey  in  Lavengro), 

46,  54,  67,  68,  429 
Arrayolos,  160 
Arrevalo,  277 
Asmus,  Simondsen  &  Co.,  bankers  for 

British  &   Foreign  Bible  Society  at 

St  Petersburg,  94,  117 
Aston,    Arthur,     British     Minister    at 

Madrid,  317 
Astorga,  200 
Athenceum,  The,  6l,  64,  94  «.,  143,  146, 

352,  372,  380  ».,  388,  390,  398,  424, 

437,  439  ».,  445,  463,  464,  465,  466, 

468,  469,  474 
Autobiographical    notes,    MS.  supplied 

to  Mr  John  Longe,  quoted,  23  «.,  34, 

96  n. 

Autobiography.     See  Lavengro 
Aviles,  205  n. 


BADAJOS,  162, 164-166,  218,  336 
Bailly,  Juan  Antonio,  336 
Bala,  416 

Balmaceda,  Carlist  leader,  277 
Bangor,4l5,  417 
481 


Bargas,  269 

Barton,  Miss,  afterwards  Mrs  Fitz- 
Gerald,  426 

Basque  translation  of  Scriptures  (St 
Luke)  made  by  Dr  Oteiza,  and  put  in 
hand  to  print,  217  ;  completed  and 
published,  221  ;  all  copies  of  St  Luke 
at  shop  seized,  ordered  to  be  placed 
in  all  public  libraries,  228 

Bayonne,  75,  189 

Bayr  Jairgey  and  Glion  Doo,  420,  422 

Beckford,  William,  61 

Belfast,  455 

Bellotas,  Las,  205 

Bembibre,  201 

Bentley,  Lord,  180 

Berkeley,  Rev.  J.  R.  P.,  406,  408,  410, 

4",  453  «. 
Berners,  Isopel,   64,   65,  66,  398,  435, 

475 

Berwick,  455 

Betanzos,  202 

Bexley,  Lord,  271 

Bible  in  Spain,  The,  quoted  from,  17,  58, 
75,  76,  88,  153,  154,  159,  160,  161, 
162,  164,  165, 166, 167, 169, 171, 182, 
183,  185,  189, 190,  191,  201,  202,  204, 
205,  210,  217, 228,  232,  234,  235,  236, 

246, 247, 269, 279,  284  n.,  285,  298, 

340,  342,  343,  344-347,  348-354,  356, 
359,  365,  368,  370,  373,  377,  379,  39i, 
401,  404,  430,  431,  475,  476 

Bible  in  the  World,  271 

Binding  of  Manchu  Testament,  117, 
132  ;  Spanish  Testament,  194 

Birrell,  Hon.  Augustine,  400 

Black-wood's  Magazine,  370,  371,  390 

Bligh,  Hon.  J.  D.  (British  Minister  at 
St  Petersburg),  114,  170 

Bludoff,  M.  (Russian  Minister  of  the 
Interior),  114,  115 

Blyth,  Esther,  455 

Bognor,  456 

2  H 


482 


INDEX 


Bohemian  Grammar,  MS.  of  George 
Borrow  in  British  Museum,  365 

Bolelin  Oficial  de  Malaga,  242 

Bonanza,  303 

Bookman,  The,  86,  400,  476 

Boorde,  Andrew,  339 

Booton,  432 

Borrego,  Andreas,  192,  208,  267 

Borrow,  Ann,  wife  of  Captain  Thomas 
Borrow  and  mother  of  George 
Borrow — 

Daughter  of  Farmer  Perfrement  of 
East  Dereham,  4  ;  playing  as  super 
at  theatre,  4  ;  married  to  Thomas 
Borrow,  5  ;  becomes  acquainted  with 
John  Murray,  founder  of  publishing 
house,  5  ;  her  first  and  second  sons 
born,  6 ;  with  her  husband  and 
children  at  East  Dereham,  8  ;  to 
Norman  Cross,  n  ;  Colchester  and 
Edinburgh,  13;  Norwich,  15; 
Clonmel,  16  ;  Templemore,  17  ; 
Norwich,  18  ;  settled  at  Norwich,  19  ; 
Captain  Borrow's  savings  produce  for 
her  £100  per  annum,  40  ;  receives 
back  money  George  had  borrowed, 
106  ;  and  remittances  from  him  from 
Russia,  118,  119;  receives  ^"50  from 
sale  of  John's  effects,  126;  her 
anxiety  about  George's  Chinese  pro- 
ject, 139  ;  her  wish  to  have  him  with 
her,  148  ;  he  stops  with  her  for  a 
short  time,  149  ;  The  Bible  in  Spain 
dedicated  to  her,  350  ;  her  removal 
from  Norwich  to  Oulton  Hall,  402  ; 
her  death  at  Oulton,  439 

Borrow,  Ann,  mother  of  George  Borrow, 

letters  of — 

to  George  Borrow,  124,  137 
to  Mrs   Clarke,  321  ;  now   Mrs   G. 

Borrow,  q.v. 
to  Mrs  George  Borrow,  351,  402 

Borrow,  George  Henry,  his  birth,  6  ; 
and  christening,  7  ;  his  infancy  with 
the  regiment,  7  ;  his  characteristics 
as  a  child,  7  ;  before  three  seized  a 
viper  without  harm,  8  ;  with  his 
parents  at  East  Dereham,  8  ;  no 
application  to  book  learning,  9  ;  his 
vivid  recollections  of  early  years,  10  ; 
his  interest  in  Robinson  Crusoe,  10  ; 
at  Norman  Cross,  friendship  with 
snake-catcher,  n,  12  ;  present  of  a 
tame  viper,  12  ;  learning  Lilly's 
Latin  Grammar,  13  ;  removal  to 
Colchester  and  Edinburgh,  13  ; 
attending  the  High  School,  Edin- 
burgh, 14  ;  proves  himself  a  good 
fighter  in  school  "bickers"  14; 


Borrow,  George  Henry — contd. 

removal  to  Norwich,  goes  to  Gram- 
mar School  there,  15  ;  with  family 
to  Clonmel,  16 ;  attends  Protestant 
school  there,  meets  Murtagh,  who 
teaches  him  Erse,  17  ;  moved  on  to 
Templemore  and  learns  to  ride,  17  ; 
lasting  impressions  of  nine  months  in 
Ireland,  17  ;  return  to  Norwich,  18  ; 
back  at  Grammar  School  there,  19 ; 
previous  schooling  at  Huddersfield 
and  Sheffield,  19 ;  his  attainments 
contrasted  with  John's,  20  ;  some  of 
his  contemporaries  at  the  Grammar 
School,  20;  his  dislike  of  school 
routine,  20  ;  learning  French,  Spanish, 
and  Italian,  21  ;  fishing  in  the  Yare 
and  shooting,  22  ;  learning  to  box 
from  Thurtell,  22  ;  sees  prize-fight 
at  Eaton,  22  ;  meets  Ambrose 
Petulengro,  22  ;  learns  Romany,  his 
numerous  vagabond  acquaintances, 
saves  boy  from  drowning,  23  ;  with 
three  others  runs  away  from  home, 
but  captured,  24  ;  accretions  to  the 
story,  25  ;  his  inclination  for  the 
army,  a  serious  illness  and  attack  of 
"Horrors,"  articled  to  a  firm  of 
solicitors,  26 ;  leaves  home  to  live 
with  Mr  Simpson,  learns  Welsh  and 
translates  poems  of  Ab  Gwilym,  27  ; 
his  bargain  with  the  groom  who 
taught  him  Welsh,  his  method  of 
learning  the  language,  28  ;  Danish, 
Arabic,  Armenian,  and  Saxon  learnt 
in  this  period,  as  door-keeper  at  the 
office  excluded  the  best  clients  and 
admitted  those  who  interested  him 
most,  29  ;  his  great  regard  for  Mr 
Simpson,  30,  31  ;  his  admiration 
and  affection  for  John,  31  ;  at  a 
prize-fight  at  North  Walsham, 
32  ;  his  friendship  with  William 
Taylor,  33-35  ;  now  master  of  twenty 
languages,  34 ;  his  description  of 
Taylor,  35  ;  his  despair  of  his  future, 
meeting  with  Dr  Bowring,  36  ;  de- 
pendent on  his  own  earnings  after  his 
father's  death,  40  ;  leaves  Norwich 
for  London,  lodgings  at ;  Milman 
Street,  Bedford  Row,  41  ;  magazines 
in  which  he  had  already  published 
verse  translations,  41  ;  his  first  inter- 
view with  Sir  Richard  Phillips  and 
commission  to  write  a  story  in  style 
of  Dairyman's  Daughter,  42,  43  ; 
dinner  with  Sir  Richard,  commission 
for  Celebrated  Trials,  and  for  transla- 
tion of  Proximate  Causes  into  German, 


INDEX 


483 


Borrow,  George  Henry — contd. 
44-46  ;  his  leisure  spent  in  exploring 
the  city  with  Francis  Arden,  46  ;  a 
surprise  visit  from  John,  47  ;  Phillips' 
constant  interruptions  bring  on  an 
attack  of  "  Horrors,"  Kerrison's 
account  of  his  behaviour,  48  ;  his 
remuneration  for  editing  the  Trials 
and  translating  Proximate  Causes,  49  ; 
dispute  with  Phillips,  49-50 ;  Proxi- 
mate Causes  translated  by  another, 
50;  Trials  finished,  51;  translates 
Klinger's  Faustus,  52-54 ;  fails  to 
find  a  publisher  for  his  translation  of 
Ab  Gwilym,  Joseph  Sell,  an  un- 
published work,  54-5S  ;  written  in  a 
week,  when  reduced  to  half-a-crown, 
55-56  ;  and  sold  for  /2O,  56  ;  argu- 
ments for  and  against  the  existence 
of  the  story,  57-59 ;  after  fourteen 
months  there,  leaves  London,  60 ; 
coach  to  Amesbury,  walks  to  Stone- 
henge  and  Salisbury,  his  habit  of 
touching  against  the  evil  eye,  meets 
Jack  Slingsby,  61  ;  buys  his 
beat,  plant  and  pony,  and  starts 
tinker,  Mrs  Herne  tries  to  poison 
him,  62  ;  goes  as  far  as  the  Welsh 
border,  then  to  Willenhall,  63  ;  a  fit 
of  the  "  Horrors,"  fight  with  the 
Flaming  Tinman,  meets  Isopel 
Berners,  64 ;  his  attitude  towards 
her,  65 ;  his  story  of  buying  a  horse 
with  moneyborrowed  from  Petulengro, 
66  ;  doubts  about  the  story,  and  other 
experiences,  67  ;  discrepancies  in  his 
itinerary,  68,  69  ;  his  description  of 
his  own  character  at  this  time,  69  ; 
the  "  Horrors  "  again,  70  ;  returns  to 
Norwich,  finds  his  translation  of 
Faustus  has  been  destroyed,  71  ;  his 
probable  and  ascertained  adventures 
during  the  "Veiled  Period,"  72-91  ; 
adventures  of  characters  in  Lavengro 
and  Romany  Rye  probably  his 
own  during  this  time,  72  ;  pub- 
lishes Romantic  Ballads  from  the 
Danish,  73  ;  in  London  again, 
74 ;  a  sitting  to  Haydon,  74 ; 
his  "  Veiled  Period  "  assumed  to  be 
one  of  wandering,  75  ;  visits  to  Italy, 
France,  Spain,  and  Portugal,  75-77  ; 
in  1827  back  in  Norwich,  and  in  1829 
in  London,  proposes  a  translation  of 
the  Scoto-Gaelic  Bards,  78  ;  at  work 
on  Songs  of  Scandinavia,  80,  8 1  ; 
desires  a  commission  under  Prince 
Leopold  if  he  should  become  King 
of  Greece,  81,  82  ;  tries  for  an  ap- 


Borrow,  George  Henry — contd. 

pointment  at  the  British  Museum, 
82  ;  in  Norwich  once  more,  84  ;  his 
wish  for  an  Army  career,  84-85  ;  Songs 
of  Scandinavia  never  compiled,  86  ; 
commissioned  to  translate  The  Sleep- 
ing Bard,  87  ;  in  Paris  during  "The 
Three  Glorious  Days  "  of  Revolution, 
and  Norwich  again,  88  ;  writing  to 
Army  Pay  Office  about  John's  half- 
pay,  88-89  ;  thoughts  of  joining  John 
in  Mexico,  89  ;  his  failures  due  to  his 
hyper-sensitive  nature,  90-91  ;  Rev. 
F;  Cunningham  introduces  him  to 
the  secretary  of  the  Bible  Society, 
93  ;  walks  to  London  to  interview 
Bible  Society,  95  ;  their  satisfaction 
with  his  capabilities,  96  ;  returns  to 
Norwich  with  Manchu  books,  but 
wants  grammar,  97  ;  the  racy  style 
of  his  letters,  97-98  ;  proposes  to 
translate  St  John  into  Romany, 
suggests  his  brother  as  agent  in 
Mexico,  98 ;  reads  proofs  of  the 
Nahuatl  edition  of  St  Luke,  99 ; 
his  progress  in  Manchu,  still  without 
the  grammar,  100 ;  writes  that  he 
has  mastered  Manchu,  invited  to 
London  for  examination,  101  ;  re- 
commended by  Sub-Committee  to 
go  to  St  Petersburg  to  assist  with 
Manchu  Testament,  102 ;  rebuked 
for  spiritual  pride,  his  anxiety  to 
acquire  the  idiom  of  Earl  St.,  103  ; 
his  mild  reply,  his  appointment  and 
departure  for  Russia,  104 ;  not  a 
good  accountant,  Harriet  Martineau's 
opinion  of  his  appointment,  10^  ; 
letters  of  introduction,  104,  106  ; 
repays  money  he  had  borrowed  from 
his  mother,  106  ;  on  his  journey,  the 
"  Horrors  "  cured  at  Hamburg,  107  ; 
his  journey  by  Liibeck  and  Tra- 
vemiinde  to  St  Petersburg,  108  ;  his 
love  of  St  Petersburg  and  his  friends 
there,  109  ;  his  opinion  of  Russians  as 
linguists,  no  ;  learning  Russian  and 
making  acquaintances,  in  ;  transcrib- 
ing 2  Chronicles  and  St  Matthew, 
112  ;  to  complete  the  transcription 
took  him  all  the  year,  113  ;  petitions 
Russian  Government  for  permission 
to  print  Manchu  Scriptures,  114; 
permission  granted,  115  ;  feels  the 
severity  of  the  winter,  116;  finding 
printer  and  arranging  the  binding, 
and  improving  his  Manchu,  117; 
finds  the  difficulty  of  the  language 
greater  than  he  supposed,  remit- 


484 


INDEX 


Borrow,  George  Henry — contd. 

tances  to  his  mother,  118  ;  catches 
a  chill  and  has  an  attack  of 
"  Horrors,"  119;  realizing  difficulties 
of  distribution,  120;  suggests  means 
of  overcoming  them,  121  ;  bargaining 
with  printers,  122  ;  and  papermakers, 
123  ;  his  grief  at  his  brother's  death, 
description  of  Russian  living,  125  ; 
removes  to  larger  premises,  allows 
three  months  to  pass  without  writing 
to  the  Society,  126  ;  his  account 
of  difficulties  overcome  and  work 
done  in  three  months,  127-133  ; 
proposes  that  he  should  become  the 
Society's  agent  at  Kiakhta,  134 ; 
correcting  type  as  well  as  proofs, 
135  ;  he  sends  the  Society  copies  of 
the  Four  Gospels  in  Manchu,  137  ; 
disagrees  with  Lipovzoff  on  a  matter 
of  translation,  138  ;  still  intent  on 
going  to  China  to  distribute  the 
Bible,  139;  his  difficulty  in  getting 
permission  to  ship  Manchu  Testa- 
ment to  England,  140-141  ;  the 
translations  he  made  whilst  in 
Russia,  141-143  ;  he  visits  Moscow, 
143  ;  sees  much  of  the  gypsies  there, 
144-145  ;  returns  to  London,  146  ; 
his  wish  to  remain  in  the  service  of 
the  Society,  148-149;  stays  with  his 
mother  at  Norwich  and  visits  Oulton, 
149 ;  asked  for  his  opinion  whether 
he  should  go  to  China  or  Portugal, 
suggests  Portugal  and  Spain,  151  ; 
takes  letters  of  introduction  to  Lisbon, 
151  ;  sails  for  Lisbon,  and  on  arrival 
wishes  himself  in  Russia,  153  ;  his 
servant  Antonio,  154;  visits  every 
part  of  the  city  and  surroundings, 
154  ;  to  Mafra  and  Cintra,  and 
nearly  loses  his  life,  155  ;  asks  Mr 
Wilby  which  is  the  most  ignorant 
region,  and  goes  there,  156;  with 
Antonio  to  Evora,  distributing  Testa- 
ments and  talking  with  the  peasants, 
J57  >  gets  introductions  from  Dr 
Bowring,  and  returns  to  Lisbon, 
159 ;  sets  out  for  Spain,  160  ; 
his  idiot  guide,  161  ;  arrives  at 
Badajos,  162  ;  with  the  gypsies,  164- 

166  ;  settles  in  lodgings  at  Madrid, 

167  ;  at  first  unfavourably  impressed, 
later   revised   his  opinion,  168-169  ; 
obtains,    through    Hon.    G.  Villiers, 
audience  with  the   premier,    Mendi- 
zabal,  for  permission  to  print  Scrip- 
tures, or  sell  imported  ones,  but  is 
refused,    and  writes  to    the   Society 


Borrow,  George  Henry — contd. 

hopefully,  170-172;  a  change  in 
the  Government  increases  his  hopes, 
175  ;  suffering  from  the  climate  and 
the  delayed  permission,  178  ;  his  sense 
of  diplomacy,  180  ;  suffering  from 
the  reaction  after  long  suspense,  181  ;. 
ordered  home,  183  ;  leaves  Madrid 
and  reaches  Londpn,  184 ;  confers 
with  the  Society,  sends  his  mother 
money,  and  returns  via  Falmouth  to 
Lisbon,  185;  escape  from  fire  and  ship- 
wreck, and  on  to  Cadiz,  186  ;  thence 
to  Seville,  188;  Cordoba,  189;  and 
Madrid,  191  ;  advised  by  Mr  Villiers 
to  take  no  notice  of  change  of  Govern- 
ment, but  proceed  with  printing,  buys 
paper  for  Testament,  191  ;  arranges 
for  printing,  192  ;  proposes  to  ride 
into  the  wildest  parts  and  sell  Scrip- 
tures, 193  ;  obtains  permission,  194  ; 
finishes  printing,  195 ;  sets  forth 
with  his  Greek  servant  Antonio 
Buchini,  196 ;  his  efforts  to  sell 
through  the  booksellers,  197  ;  his 
method  of  proceeding  with  the  trade, 
and  in  advertising,  199  ;  prostrated 
for  a  week  at  Leon,  200  ;  his  account 
of  a  Spanish  Grand  Post,  201  ;  one 
horse  falling  sick,  he  bleeds  him,  and 
he  and  Antonio  lead  both,  202  ; 
dangers  from  robbers  and  Carlists, 
202-203  ;  selling  in  the  market-place, 
203-204  ;  arrested  at  Cape  Finisterre 
as  a  spy,  204  ;  sells  his  black  Anda- 
lusian  at  a  profit,  205  ;  a  night  visit 
at  Orviedo,  205-207  ;  anxious  to  get 
back  to  Madrid  on  account  of  the 
stock  and  his  health,  207  ;  Testaments 
he  had  written  for  not  arrived  at 
Santander  and  he  ill,  he  rides  through 
rebel  infested  country  to  Madrid,  208- 
209  ;  after  an  absence  of  five  and  a  half 
months,  209 ;  his  unconventional 
methods,  210  ;  finds  adverse  political 
changes  in  Madrid,  211  ;  his  methods 
of  advertisement  and  sale,  his  reply 
to  a  newspaper  attack  on  the  Society, 
212  ;  his  first  meeting  with  Lieut. 
Graydon,  and  the  beginning  of 
troubles  caused  by  him,  213  ;  find- 
ing the  Madrid  booksellers  so 
apathetic  he  opens  a  shop  for  the 
sale  of  Scriptures,  where  he  is  asked 
chiefly  for  complete  Bibles  and  orders 
them,  214 ;  engages  Francisco  in 
place  of  Antonio,  215  ;  more  adver- 
tising, 216  ;  starts  printing  Basque 
and  Gitano  St  Luke,  217  ;  the 


INDEX 


485 


Borrow,  George  Henry — contd. 

Gitano  translated  by  himself  with 
the  help  of  gypsies,  218  ;  suspicion 
caused  by  their  presence  at  his  lodg- 
ings, 218,  219;  ordered  by  Civil 
Governor  to  sell  no  more  Spanish 
New  Testaments  without  LOtes,  220  ; 
complies,  but  continues  to  sell  the 
Gitano  and  Basque  St  Luke,  221  ; 
the  intervention  of  Sir  George 
Villiers  alone  prevents  his  expulsion, 
222  ;  Count  Ofalia  applying  for  a 
Gitano  St  Luke,  Borrow  takes  it  in 
person,  223  ;  misunderstanding  re- 
garding Marin,  225-226;  his  anxiety 
about  his  stock  of  Bibles,  etc.,  227- 
228  ;  hires  a  room  for  safety  of  stock, 
228  ;  receives  a  call  from  a  police 
agent,  231  ;  followed  by  the  issue  of  a 
warrant,  232  ;  his  lodgings  searched 
in  his  absence  and  he  escapes  arrest, 
hears  of  the  warrant  and  returns  to 
his  lodgings  and  is  arrested,  234 ; 
imprisoned,  235  ;  glad  of  the  oppor- 
tunity of  studying  criminals,  236 ; 
refuses  to  leave  till  his  character 
is  cleared,  237  ;  Diplomatic  Action 
in  his  case,  237-241,  243-246  ;  compli- 
cated by  Lieut.  Graydon's  behaviour, 
241-243 ;  liberated  with  unsullied 
honour,  246  ;  his  differences  with  the 
Society  over  Graydon,  248-251,  254- 
264  ;  writes  to  the  Correo  National 
as  sole  authorised  agent  of  the 
Society,  251  ;  has  an  interview  with 
the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  253  ;  not 
having  heard  irom  the  Society  for 
some  time  he  proposes  to  go  on 
another  tour,  257;  receives  the 
Society's  resolutions  on  Graydon's 
affair,  257,  258 ;  and  Brandram's 
•covering  letter,  258-261  ;  a  conference 
with  him  desired  by  the  Society,  265  ; 
he  writes  explaining  why  he  does 
not  go — false  testimony  is  sworn 
against  him,  266  ;  a  rural  distributing 
excursion  in  New  Castile,  268-271  ; 
a  peasant's  recollections  of  him,  270  ; 
being  instructed  by  the  Society  to 
consult  Sir  George  Villiers,  he 
returns  to  Madrid,  271  ;  finds  Sir 
George  is  in  England,  273  ;  and  sets 
out  with  Antonio  and  Lopez  for  La 
Mancha,  275 ;  but  Lopez  being 
arrested  and  released,  they  return 
to  Madrid,  but  undiscouraged  start 
for  Old  Castile,  276-278  ;  he  loses 
both  his  companions,  rescues  Lopez 
from  prison,  277  ;  returns  alone  to 


Borrow,  George  Henry — contd. 

Madrid,  finds  resolution  recalling 
him  at  once,  278  ;  expects  to  be  in 
England  in  three  weeks  but  illness 
prevents  for  another  month,  279  ;  his 
report  to  the  Society,  withdrawn  later, 
280-282  ;  returns  to  Spain  to  find 
political  changes,  and  his  confiscated 
Testaments  threatened  with  destruc- 
tion, 283  ;  after  ten  days  in  Seville 
proceeds  to  Madrid,  284  ;  re-engages 
Antonio  Buchini  who  had  run  away, 
his  Arabian  horse  sent  to  him  by 
Lopez  with  Victoriano  to  assist 
in  distribution,  285  ;  a  tour  of  the 
villages  around  Madrid,  286  ;  leaves 
Victoriano  distributing  and  returns  to 
Madrid,  287  ;  employs  eight  col- 
porteurs amongst  the  poor  and 
servants  of  Madrid,  288  ;  a  midnight 
summons,  starts  for  Seville  to  dispose 
of  the  remainder  of  the  Testaments, 
289 ;  another  meeting  with  the 
Manchegan  Prophetess,  292  ;  his 
craft  with  the  Custom-house,  293  ; 
his  meeting  with  Lieut.-Col.  Napier, 
294-297  ;  his  assistants  at  Seville, 
298  ;  he  takes  a  house  there,  299  ;  had 
kept  up  correspondence  with  Mrs 
Clarke  of  Oulton,  300  ;  a  seizure  of 
Scriptures  at  his  house,  301  ;  an 
expedition  to  the  coast  of  Barbary, 
303 ;  engages  Hayira  Ben  Attar, 
trouble  with  the  Vice-Consul,  304 ; 
after  five  weeks  there  returns  to 
Seville,  instructions  to  sell  out  and 
return  to  England,  305 ;  proposes 
distributing  in  La  Mancha,  307,  309  ; 
realises  that  his  connexion  with  the 
Society  nears  its  end,  308  ;  his  trouble 
over  passport,  310-315;  imprisoned 
312-315  ;  his  meeting  with  the 
Marques  de  Santa  Coloma,  316  ;  his 
case  taken  up  by  the  Embassy,  317  ; 
his  friendship  with  Mrs  Clarke,  320, 
322  ;  their  engagement,  321  ;  his 
tributes  to  her  when  his  wife,  322  ; 
no  news  of  him  at  Earl  Street  for 
three  months,  nor  he  from  there  for 
five,  323  ;  his  return  to  England,  his 
marriage  to  Mrs  Clarke,  324 ;  his 
connexion  with  the  Bible  Society 
reviewed,  326-328  ;  goes  to  Oulton 
Cottage  to  live,  330  ;  writing  in  the 
Summer-house,  330-331  ;  as  host, 
331  ;  Miss  Harvey's  recollections  of 
him,  332-334 ;  leaves  MS.  of  The 
Zincali  with  Mr  Murray,  335  ;  his 
interest  in  the  gypsies,  337-339  J  trie 


486 


INDEX 


Borrow,  George  Henry — contd. 
journal  he  kept  in  the  Peninsula, 
his  friendship  with  Richard  Ford, 
342  ;  borrows  from  the  Bible 
Society  his  letters  to  them,  343  ; 
sends  MS.  of  Bible  in  Spain  to  Mr 
Murray,  344 ;  horse-breaking  and 
quarrelling  with  the  rector  about 
their  dogs,  347  ;  his  Bible  in  Spain 
published,  350 ;  its  reception  and 
sales,  351-353  5  translations,  352  ; 
fame,  354  ;  but  still  restless,  Royal 
Institution  wishes  to  honour  him, 
355;  his  portrait  by  Phillips,  357; 
trying  for  a  Government  post  abroad, 
358 ;  made  a  bad  impression  on 
women,  360  ;  makes  a  journey  to  the 
East,  361-364  ;  his  first  draft  of 
notes  for  Lavengro,  365  ;  writes  for 
The  Quarterly,  a  review  of  Ford's 
Handbook  to  Spain,  368  ;  rather  an 
attack  on  Spain  than  a  review,  369  ; 
worried  by  railway  at  Oulton,  371  ; 
would  like  to  be  J.P.,  373-376  ; 
tries  for  appointment  as  Consul  at 
Canton,  377  ;  the  sales  of  his  books, 
379  ;  his  love  of  animals,  381  ;  his 
occasional  rudeness  in  conversation, 
382  ;  capable  of  deep  feeling,  384  ; 
a  frequent  guest  of  Murray's,  385  ; 
more  strange  behaviour,  386  ;  slow 
progress  with  Lavengro,  387-389  ; 
MS.  sent  at  last,  389  ;  unfavourably 
received,  390-391  ;  the  finer  side  of 
his  nature,  392  ;  his  limitations  in 
literary  appreciation,  392-394 ;  his 
resentment  of  criticism  of  Lavengro, 
395-396 ;  his  personality  the  great 
factor  in  his  writings,  400 ;  his 
devotion  to  his  mother,  402  ;  his 
removal  from  Oulton  to  Great 
Yarmouth  for  his  wife's  health  sake, 
403  ;  his  prowess  as  swimmer,  404  ; 
visits  his  kinsfolk  in  Cornwall,  405- 
412  ;  his  intended  book  on  his 
Cornish  trip,  411  ;  in  London  for  a 
fortnight  working  at  the  British 
Museum,  412-413  ;  returns  to  Yar- 
mouth, 413;  a  summer  trip  with  his 
wife  and  daughter-in-law  to  Wales, 
414-420  ;  his  attachment  to  Henrietta, 
415  ;  his  wife  and  Henrietta  return- 
ing home,  he  tramps  Wales  for  two 
months,  416-420  ;  a  summer  holiday 
in  the  Isle  of  Man,  420-422  ;  his 
note-books  of  the  Tour,  421  ;  his 
reputation  amongst  the  villagers  at 
Oulton,  423  ;  his  opinions  of  good 
old  ale,  424-425  ;  another  visit  to 


Borrow,  George  Henry — contd. 

Wales,  439 ;  a  walking  tour  in 
the  Highlands,  a  trip  with  his 
family  to  Ireland,  440  ;  looking  after 
some  property  at  Mattishall,  440- 
442  ;  publishes  his  translation  of 
The  Sleeping  Bard,  443-444  ;  removal 
to  London,  444  ;  accounts  of  his  life 
in  London,  444-455  ;  with  his  wife  to 
Belfast,  and  a  trip  through  the  Low- 
lands of  Scotland,  455  ;  his  greater 
interest  in  books  after  his  wife's 
death,  458  ;  publishes  Romano  Lavo- 
Lil,  462  ;  his  return  to  Oulton,  466  ; 
takes  temporary  lodgings  at  Norwich, 
469  ;  his  apothegm  on  "  People's 
age,"  his  death,  and  burial  beside  his 
wife,  471 
Borrow,  George  Henry,  languages  he 

was  acquainted  with — 
Latin,  13,  20,  34  ;/.,  34,  142  n. 
Erse,  17,  31  n.,  34,  142  n. 
Greek,  20,  31  ;/.,  34 
French,  21,  31  n.,  34,  142  «.,  294 
Italian,  21,  31  n.,  34,  142  n. 
Spanish,  21,  31  «.,  34,  142  ».,  294 
Romany,  23,  34,  142  ». 
Welsh,  27,  31  «..  34,  98,  142  n. 
Danish,  29,  31  ».,  34,  76,  142  ». 
Arabic,  29,  31  n.,  142  n. 
Armenian,  29,  31  n. 
Saxon,  29 

German,  31  «.,  34,  142  «.,  294 
Hebrew,  31  «.,  34,  142  n. 
Gaelic,  31  «.,  142  n. 
Portuguese,  34,  76,  142  n. 
Celtic  and  Go;  hie  Dialects,  34 
Moultanee,  76,  295 
Manchu,  96-102,  117,  142  «. 
Nahuatl,  99 
Russian,  ill,  142  n. 
Turkish,  134,  142  «. 
Chinese,  134,  142  n. 
Ancient  British,  142  ;/. 

Danish,  142  n. 

Norse,  142  «. 

Irish,  142  n. 
Anglo-Saxon,  142  ». 
Dutch,  142  ». 
Finnish,  142  ». 
Malo-Russian,  142  n. 
Modern  Greek,  142  «.,  294 
Persian,  142  ». 
Polish,  142  ». 
Provencal,  142  «. 
Swedish,  142  n. 
Tartar,  134,  142  n. 
Tibetan,  142  «. 
Cambrian  British,  142  ». 


INDEX 


487 


Borrow,  George  Henry,  languages  he 

was  acquainted  with — contd. 
Basque,  217 
Gitano,  217,  218 
Hindi,  294 
Borrow,    George    Henry,    his    letters 

quoted — 

to  Roger  Kerrison,  40-41 
to  Simpkin  and  Marshall,  53  n. 
to  B.  R.  Haydon,  74 
to  his  mother,  75,  104,  106,  108,  109, 
no,  116  ».,  119,  123,  124,  125, 
148,  167,  168,  185,  236 
to  Rev.  A.  Brandram,  78  «.,  149,  150- 
151,  167,  173,175,176,177,178, 
180,  181,  182,  183,  187,  190, 191, 
192,  193,  194,  197,  198,  200,  204, 
205,  207,  209,  211,212,213,214, 

215,  2l6,  219,  220,  221,  224,  226, 
227,  240,  241,  249,  250,  2$2,  253, 
254,  255,  256,  257,  262-264,  265, 
266,  268,  270,  271-273,  277,  278, 
279,  284,  285,  288,  290,291,293, 
298,  299,  301,  302,  304,  305,307, 
308,  309,  310,  3H,  317,  320,  321, 
322,  323,  364 

to  Dr  J.  Bowring,  afterwards  Sir, 
79,81,82,83,84,87,158 

to  Secretary  of  State  for  War,  89 

to  Rev.  J.  Jowett,  93  ».,  97,  98,  loo, 
101, 102,  107,  no,  113, 114, 115, 
116,  117,  118,  120, 121,  122, 123, 
127-133,  134,  136,  138,  139,  HO, 
141,  150,  153,  154,  155 

to  Rev.  F.  Cunningham,  98,  118,  141, 
142 

to  J.  Tarn,  135 

to  Richard  Ford,  196,  367,  368 

to  Lord  William  Hervey,  277 

to  Rev,  G.  Browne,  278,  306 

to  Dr  Usoz,  279 

to  W.  Hitchin,  288 

to  Mrs  Clarke,  301,  321  ;  now  his 
wife  (?.v.) 

to  his  wife,  352,  357,  388,  409,  411, 
412,413 

to  Dawson  Turner,  387 

to   Hon.  G.  S.  S.  Jerningham,  311- 

313 

to  Rev.  Denniss,  348 

to  C.  G.  Leland,  4.60 

to  J.  G.  Lockhart,  374 

to  John  Murray  (I I.),  348,  349,  35*, 
355,  356,  358,  365 

to  John  Murray  (III.),  5,  34O,  343, 
346,  349,  351,  354,  356,  358,  361, 
366,  367,  372,  373,  374,  379,  387, 
389,  390,  425,  432,  434,  437 

to  Robert  Taylor,  405 


Borrow,  George  Henry,  his  reports  to 
the  Bible  Society,  95,  138,  143.  144, 
145,  147,  184,  192,  196,  203,  209, 

221-222,     229,     252,     261-262,      265, 
275,  280-282 

Borrow,  Henry, uncle  of  George  Borrow, 

3,405 
Borrow,     Henry,    cousin    of    George 

Borrow,  406 
Borrow,  John,  grandfather  of  George 

Borrow,  2 
Borrow,  John    Thomas,  first    son    of 

Thomas    and    Ann    Borrow,   and 

brother  of  George — 
His  birth,  6  ;  his  brother's  description 
of  him  as  a  child,  6  ;  making  quick 
progress  at  school,  9  ;  attending  the 
High  School,  Edinburgh,  14 ;  re- 
moval to  Norwich,  and  attending 
Grammar  School,  15  ;  studies 
drawing  and  painting  under  old 
Crome,  15  ;  gazetted  ensign  in  his 
father's  regiment,  with  regiment 
to  Clonmel,  16  ;  promoted  lieu- 
tenant, removal  to  Templemore, 
17  ;  disbanded  at  Norwich,  18 ; 
previous  schooling  at  Huddersfield 
and  Sheffield,  19 ;  his  attainments 
contrasted  with  George's,  20  ;  his  pro- 
fession closed  by  the  Peace,  making 
Erogress  with  Crome,  31  ;  goes  to 
ondon  to  study  under  Haydon,  and 
to  Paris,  32 ;  gives  no  address  for 
six  months,  his  return  during  his 
father's  last  illness,  38  ;  comes  to 
London  with  a  commission  for 
Haydon  and  visits  George,  47 ; 
goes  to  Mexico,  88  ;  his  death,  123  ; 
his  career  in  Mexico,  124;  leaves 
fifty  pounds,  126 
Borrow,  John  Thomas,  letters  of — 

to  George,  58,  81,  88,  90,  99 
Borrow,  Mary,  grandmother  of  George 

Borrow,  2 
Borrow,    Mary,   nee    Skepper,   wife   of 

George  Borrow — 

Her  birth  and  parentage,  married  to 
Henry  Clarke,  R.N.,  birth  of  her 
daughter  Henrietta,  92  ;  introduces 
Borrow  to  Rev.  Francis  Cunning- 
ham, 93  ;  keeps  up  correspond- 
ence with  Borrow,  137  ;  loss  of  her 
mother,  149 ;  purposes  to  settle 
in  Seville,  300  ;  comes  to  reside  in 
Borrow's  house  at  Seville,  301  ; 
Marques  de  Santa  Coloma  speaks  of 
her  as  Borrow's  wife,  316  ;  return  to 
England,  and  her  marriage  to 
Borrow,  324  ;  makes  fair  copies  of 


488 


INDEX 


Borrow,    Mary,   nee    Skepper,   wife  of 

George  Borrow — contd. 
his  MSS.,  334  ;  transcribes  from  his 
letters  to  the  Bible  Society,  343  ;  a 
trip  in  Wales  with  her  husband  and 
Henrietta,  414-416;  a  summer 
holiday  in  the  Isle  of  Man,  420; 
her  failing  health,  455  ;  a  visit  to 
Bognor,  and  return  to  London,  her 
last  illness,  456  ;  and  death,  457 

Borrow,  Mary,  wife  of  George  Borrow, 

letters  of — 

to  George  Borrow,  140 
to  John  Murray  (III.),  3^3,  368,  422, 

430,  431,  440,  444 
to  Mrs  Borrow,  sen.,  414,  416,  428 
to  Robert  Cooke,  422,  423 

Borrow,    Samuel,    cousin     of    George 
Borrow,  421 

Borrow,   Thomas,    father     of    George 

Borrow — 

Leader  of  the  Liskeard  men  in  a 
town  fight  at  Menheniot,  working 
on  his  father's  farm,  appren- 
ticed to  Edmund  Hambley,  2 ; 
enlists  in  Coldstream  Guards,  his 
previous  Militia  training,  3  ;  promo- 
tion and  transfer  as  Sergeant-Major 
to  West  Norfolk  Militia,  his  fight 
with  Ben  Bryan  in  Hyde  Park,  4  ; 
marries  Ann  Perfrement,  promoted 
to  Quartermaster  and  later  Adjutant, 
5  ;  in  quarters  at  East  Dereham,  8  ; 
removal  to  Norman  Cross,  n  ; 
Colchester  and  Edinburgh,  13 ; 
to  Norwich,  15  ;  with  regiment  to 
Clonmel,  16;  and  Templemore,  17; 
return  to  Norwich  and  disbanded, 
retired  on  full  pay,  18  ;  settled  there, 
19  ;  puzzled  what  to  do  with  George, 

25  ;  would  like  him  to  become  clergy- 
man, but  at  last  decides  on  the  law, 

26  ;  his  anxiety  for  George's  future, 
28,   29 ;    his  anxiety    about    John's 
career,    31  ;    his   failing   health,  and 
increased    anxiety    as    to    George's 
future,  37;  hisdeath,  38 ;  and  George's 
account  of  the  last  scene,  38,  39  ;  his 
pension  ceasing  at  death,  his  savings 
produce  /loo  per  annum  for  widow, 
his  will,  40 

Borrow,  William,  son  of  George  Bor- 

row's  cousin,  Samuel  Borrow,  421 
Boulogne,  279 
Bowring,  F.  G.,  376  «.,  378,  383,  41$  »•, 

419,  474 

Bowring,  Dr,  afterwards  Sir  John,  36- 
37,  58,  79-87,  106,  158,  "159,  352, 
354,  363,  376,  383,  391,  396 


Bowring,  Dr,  afterwards  Sir  John,  letters 

of,  to  George  Borrow,  83,  377 
Bowring,  Wilfred  J.,  79  n. 
Brace,  Charles    L.,   Hungary  in   1851, 

362 
Brackenbury,  J.  M.,  Consul  at  Cadiz, 

303,  307,  323,  324 
Letter  of,  to  George  Borrow,  307  n. 
Brandram,     Rev.    Andrew,    of     Bible 
Society,  76,  93,    95,  98,   101   «., 
133,  151,  188,  281,  306,  326,  327, 
334,  434 

Letters  of,  to  Rev.  E.Whitely,  76, 151 ; 
to  George  Borrow,  105,  148,  150, 
159,173,174,  175,177,183,187, 
194,  195,  207,  212,  213,  2l6,  258- 
261,  264,  273  n.,  274,  286,  290- 
291,  325 

to  Lieut.  Gray  don,  214 
Breame,  Anne.    See  Skepper,  Mrs  Anne 
Bristol,  Lord,  382 

Britannia,      The,      letter     from      "A 
School-fellow   of  Lavengro"   in,  20, 
21,  25,  33,  34 
British  &   Foreign   Bible  Society,  72, 

75,  93-329 

History  of.  See  Canton,  W.,  History 
of  British  &  Foreign  Bible 
Society 

Resolutions,  Minutes,  and  Reports 
of,  quoted,  104,  126,  129,  145- 
146,  151,  257,  258,  278,  305, 
309,  325 

Brooke,  Sir  James,  Rajah  of  Sarawak, 
schoolfellow  of  Borrow's  at  Norwich, 
20,  69 
Browne,    Rev.   G.,  Secretary  of  Bible 

Society,  278,  286 
Letter  of,  to  George  Borrow,  306 
Browning,  Robert  and  E.  B.,  445 
Bucharest,  362 

Buchini,  Antonio,  Borrow's  Greek  ser- 
vant, 196,  202,  204,   208,  209,  215, 
247,   268,    269,  270,  275,  276,  277, 
285,  287,  288,  289,  292,  299,  302 
Burcham,    Thos.   B.,   schoolfellow    of 

Borrow's  at  Norwich,  20 
Burney,  H.  D.,  410 
Bury  Post,  404 
Bury  St  Edmunds,  384 
Byron,  Lord,  393 


CACABELOS,  201 

Cadiz,  186-188,  283,  303,  307 

Calzado,  Jose  (Pepe),  salesman  at  the 

Madrid  Depot,  214 
Caniero,  the,  205 
Canton,  377 


INDEX 


489 


Canton,  W.,  History  of  the  British  fir 
Foreign  Bible  Society,  213,  224,  225  ;/., 
249,  262,  281-282 

Cardigan,  439 

Carey,  John,  45  ;/. 

Carlisle,  455 

Carnarvon,  416 

Castle  Douglas,  455 

Castro  Pol,  205 

Celebrated  Trials  and  Remarkable  Cases 
of  Criminal  Jurisprudence  from  the 
Earliest  Records  to  the  year  1825,  44, 

45,  49-53,  57,  472 

Chester,  414 

Chichester,  426 

Chrysostom,  Johannes,  298,  300 

Cintra,  155 

Clarendon,  Earl  of.  See  Villiers,  Hon. 
George 

Clarke,  Henrietta  Maria  (Hen.),  93  ;  her 
birth  and  parentage,  92-93  ;  arrives 
with  her  mother  at  Seville,  301  ; 
Marques  de  Santa  Coloma  speaks 
of  her  as  Borrow's  daughter,  316  ; 
her  guitar- playing,  321  ;  Borrow's 
affection  for  her,  322  ;  return  to 
England,  324  ;  a  trip  in  Wales  with 
Borrow  and  her  mother,  414-416  ; 
a  summer  holiday  in  the  Isle  of 
Man,  420  ;  married  to  Dr  William 
MacOubrey,  455  ;  goes  to  live  at 
Oulton  again,  469 
Letter  of,  to  George  Borrow,  415 

Clarke,  Mrs  Mary,  nee  Skepper.  See 
Borrow,  Mary,  wife  of  George 
Borrow 

Clonmel,  16 

Cobbe,  Frances  Power,  335,  444,  445, 

446,  458 
Life  of,  445,  446,  456,  459 

Coisa  d  Ouro,  205 

Colburn's  United  Service  Magazine,  370 

Colchester,  13 

Colman,  J.  J.,  472 

Colombres,  207 

Colquhoun,  Sir  Patrick,  363 

Colugna,  207 

Constantinople,  363,  367 

Convucion,  205 

Cooke,  Robert,  partner  with  John 
Murray,  404,  422,  433,  434 

Cordoba,  189,  314 

Cordoba,  Bishop  of,  227 

Corfu,  364 

Correo  National,  251,  258 

Coruna,  202,  203,  205 

Coveja,  269 

Cowell,  Prof.  E.  B.,  427,  428 

Crabbe,  Rev.  George,  427,  467 


Crabbe,  Rev.  James,  98 

Croker,  John  Wilson,  399 

Crome,   John,    landscape    painter,    15, 

31,  32 

Cromer,  423,  424 
Cullum,  Lady,  382 
Cullum,  Sir  T.,  382 
Cunningham,  Allan,  73,  74,  354 
Cunningham,  Rev.  Francis,  92,  93,  96, 

137,  444 
Letter  of,  to  Rev.  Andrew  Brandram, 

93 
Curzon,  Hon.  Robert,  378 

DALRYMPLE,   John,    schoolfellow    of 

Borrow,  25 

Danish  Songs  and  Ballads,  73 
Danish  Traditions  and  Superstitions,  73 
Death  of  Balder,   The,  translated   from 

the  Danish  of  Evald,  79 
Debreczin,  362 
Denniss,  Rev.,  letter  to  George  Borrow, 

347 

Despacho.     See  under  Madrid 
D'Etreville,    Rev.    Thomas,    Borrow's 

French  master,  21  n. 
Diaz,    Maria,    Borrow's     landlady    in 
Madrid,  191,  234,  235,   268,   269, 
270,  285,  299 

Letter  of,  to  George  Borrow,  299 
Dickens,  Charles,  394 
Dionysius  of  Cephalonia,  298 
Donne,  W.  B.,  61,  143,  385,  427 

Letter  of,  to  Bernard  Barton,  385 

William    Bodham    Donne    and    His 

Friends,  385,  467 
Donnington,  439 
Douglas,  420 
Drake,  Rev.  Wm.,  of  Mundesley,  27  «. 


Dryburgh,  393 
Dublin,  44C 


.440 

Dublin  Review,  351 
Duenas  Palencia,  200 
Dumfries,  455 

Dutt,  W.  A.,   George  Borrow   in  East 
Anglia,  476 

EARLHAM  Hall,  seat  of  J.  J.  Gurney, 

22 

East  Dereham,  4,  8 
Eastern    Daily    Press,   letter    of    Rev. 

Wm.  Drake,  27  «. 

Letters  of  Elizabeth  Harvey  to,  331, 
332,  323,  36o,  381,  404,  416, 
425 

Eastlake,   Lady,  Journals    and    Corre- 
spondence of,  361 
Ecclefechan,  455 
Edinburgh,  13,  455 


490 


INDEX 


Edinburgh  Review •,  369,  391,  396 
Elvas,  161,  162 

Elwin,   Warwick,   in  Athenceum,   398  ; 
Some  XVIII.  Century  Men  of  Letters, 
432,  433 
Elwin,    Rev.  Whitwell,   35,  429,   431, 

432,  434,  435,  453 

Letter  of,  to  John  Murray  (III.),  432 
Ely,  423 

Entrena,  Deigo  de,  Civil  Governor  of 
Madrid,  232,  234,  235,  236,  237, 
238,  239 
Letter  of,  to  Sir  George  Villiers,  232- 

233 

Espanol,  El,  173,  192  «.,  212 
Estremoz,  161 

Eugenio,  Pedro  Martin  de,  police 
officer,  231,  232,  234,  237,  238,  245 

FALMOUTH,  185,  186,  283 

Faustus :  His  Life,  Death,  and  Descent 

into  Hell,  translation,  53,  57,  71 
Fenn,  Lady,  wife  of  Sir  John  Fenn,  9 
Ferrol,  205  n. 
Festiniog,  416 
Finisterre,  77  n.,  78  n.,  185,  186,  204, 

328 

Fishguard,  439 
FitzGerald,  Edward,  437 

Letters  of,  to  George  Borrow,  403, 

426,  427,  467-468 
to  Prof.  E.  B.  Cowell,  428,  437 
to  W.  B.  Donne,  467 

Letters  and  Literary  Remains  of,  428, 

437 
Flaming    Tinman,    The.     See   Herne, 

Anselo 

Flethers,  Rev.,  321 

Ford,  Richard,  335,  342,  343,  344,  345, 
349,  354,  365,  367,  37i,  390,  391, 
433 

Letters  of,  to  George  Borrow,    343, 
349,   35i,    358,   365,    369,   371, 
390 
Ford,  Richard,  Letters  of,  196,  330,  335, 

336,  349,  367,  387 
Hand-Book  for  Travellers   in  Spain, 

368 

Foreign  Office  Papers  at  Record  Office, 
77  n.,  232,  242,  246,  255,  313  n., 
319  «. 

Foreign  Quarterly  Review,  86 
Fox,   Caroline,    her  Memories    of  Old 

Friends,  101,  329,  359 
Foz,  205 
Francisco,    Sorrow's    Basque    servant, 

215,217,234,235,246 
Fraser's  Magazine,  370,  371 
French  prisoners  at  Norman  Cross,  1 1 


Frias,  Duke  of,  283 
Fuente  la  Higuera,  287 

GALITZIN,  Prince  Alexander,  106,  in 

Letter  of,  to  John  Venning,  in  ». 
Galiano,  Alcala,  174,  175,  176 
Gamboa,  Don  Ramon  de,  224 
Gazeta  Oficial,  251,  266 
Genoa,  76,  77 
Gerling,  Capt,  351 
Geronimo,  Dom,  157 
Giant's  Causeway,  440 
Gibraltar,  212,  225,  248,  303 
Gifford,  William,  45  ». 
Gijon,  205  n. 

Gitano    translation    of    Scriptures    (St 
Luke),   made    by   Borrow   with   the 
assistance  of  gypsy  women,  217,  218  ; 
put  in  hand  to  print,  217  ;  completed 
and   published,   221  ;    all   copies    of 
St  Luke  at  shop  seized,   ordered  to 
be  placed  in  all  public  libraries,  228  ; 
new  and  revised  edition,  462 
Gladstone,  W.  E.,  373 
Glasgow,  440,  445 
Glen  Luce,  455 
Globe,  The,  Vestiges  of  Borrow  in,  375, 

376  «. 

Good  Words,  John  Murray  (IV.)  in,  404 
Granada,  184 
Granja,  La,  276 

Graydon,  Lieut.  Newenham,  179,  181, 

212-214,  224,  225,  226,  227,  241-243, 

248-251,  254-264,  274,  281,  307,  326, 

327,  328 

Great   Yarmouth,  403,  405,  426,   427, 

428 

Greenock,  440 
Gretch,  N.  1.,  112 
Gretna  Green,  455 
Groome,  F.  H.,  61,  339 

Introduction  to  Lavengro,  340 
in  the  Academy,  340,  462,  463 
in  the  Bookman,  400,  465 
Grosswardein,  362 
Grundtwig,  Dr,  82 
Guadalajara,  287 
Guadarrama,  209  n. 
Gurney,  Anna,  423,  424 
Gurney,  John  Joseph,  Norwich  banker, 

22,  92  n.,  93  «.,  101  n.,  137 
Gwinett,  Ambrose,  450,  451 
Gypsies,  337-341 

in  England,  12,  23,  36,  61-69,  375, 

376,  455 

in  Russia,  76,  143-145 
in  Hungary,  76,  362 
in  Turkey,  76 
in  France,  76 


INDEX 


491 


Gypsies — contd. 

in  Spain,  164-166,  186,  218,  221-222, 
295-296,  316 

in  Wallachia,  362 
Gypsies  of  Spain,   The,   52,  67,  75,  76, 

164,  165,   2l6,    217,   2l8,  221  «.,  222, 

247,  331,  334,  335,  336,  337,  338,339, 
343,  350,  356,  359,  361,  372,  376,  379, 
391,462 

Gypsies,  Southampton  Committee  for 
the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of, 
98 

HACAYO,  Dr,  279 

Haggart,  David,  14 

Hake,  A.  Egmont,  in  Athenceum,  372, 

376,  437,  439,  445,  448,  449,  45 1, 

469,  475 

in  Macmillan's  Magazine,  394,  449 
Hake,  Dr  Thomas  Gordon,  379,  448- 

451 

Letter  of,  to  Mrs  G.  Borrow,  396 
Memories  of  Eighty  Years,  360,  379, 
380,    381,    382,    383,    390,   402, 
404,  410,  449,  474 
Hambley,  Edmund,  2 
Hamburg,  107 
Harford  Bridge,  22 
Har ford  Family,  Annals  of,  380 
Harvey,  Elizabeth,  471 

Letters  in  Eastern  Daily  Press,  331, 
332,  333,  360,  381,  404,  416, 
425 

Hasfeldt,  J.  P.,  94,  ill,  126,  128,  129, 
135   ».,  143,  146,   343,   344,   366, 

477 

Letters  of,  to  George  Borrow,  112, 

141  «.,  247,  335,  351 
Hattersley,  John,  99,  101 
Havre,  304 
Hawick,455 
Hay,   Drummond,    Consul-General    at 

Tangier,  303,  304,  305 
Haydon,  B.  R.,  historical  painter,  32, 

47,  74,  436  n. 
Haydon,    B.    R.,    Correspondence    and 

Table-Talk  of,  74 
Hayim  Ben  Attar,  304,  306,  307,  312, 

314,  324,  330,  331 
Hayland,  Capt.  J.  R.,  155  n. 
Henley,  W.  E.,  473  n. 
Herne,  Anselo  (ffhe  Flaming  Tinman"), 

61,  64,  66 
Herne,  Mrs,  62 
Hervey,  Lord  Alfred,  382 
Hervey,  Lord  William,  Charge  d' Affaires 

at  Madrid,  273,  278,  281 
Hill,  D.  B.,  442  n. 
Hill,  Henry,  440,  441 


Hill,  John,  442 

Hitchin,  W.,  of  Bible  Society,  288 

Holland,  Rev.  Wm.,  5  n. 

Horncastle,  68,  435 

"Horrors,"  26,  36,  48,  64,    107,    119, 

125,  135,283 

Howard  de  Walden,  Lord,  158 
Hubbard,  Egerton,  no 
Huddersfield,  191 

INVERNESS,  440 

Isturitz,  Francisco  de,  Spanish  Prime 

Minister,  174,  178,  181,  191,  192 
Italica,  295 

JANE,  A.  G.,  "Footprints  of  George 
Borrow,"  in  The  Bible  in  the  World, 
271 

Janina,  364 
Jaraicejo,  1 66 
Jedburgh,  455 
Jerningham,    Hon.   G.   S.   S.,    Charge 

d 'Affaires  at  Seville,  310,  317 
Jessopp,  Dr  Augustus,   in   Athenceum, 

38i 
Journal  of  the  Gipsy  Lore  Society,  96  ;/., 

186  ».,  195,  316 

Jowett,  Rev.  Joseph,  Literary  Supt.  of 
British  &  Foreign  Bible  Society, 
95,  97,  98,  99,  ioo,  102,  103,  104, 
108,  286 

Letters   of,  to  George  Borrow,  102, 
103,126,  134,  136,  138 

KlAKHTA,  121,  134,  377 

Keats,  John,  394 

Kelly,  Sir  Fitzroy,  382 

Kelso,  393,  455 

Kenyon,  Dr  F.  G.,  378 

Kerrich,  Edmund,  426,  427,  467 

Kerrison,  Allday,  88,  126  n. 

Kerrison,  Roger,  26  n.,  40,  42,  48 
Letter  of,  to  John  Borrow,  48 

Killey,  George,  421 

King  Arthur's  Castle,  410 

Kingston  Vale,  451 

Knapp,  Dr  W.  J.,  Life  of  George 
Borrow,  25,  26,  31,  45  n.,  53  n.,  54, 
56,  57,  58,  60  «.,  65,  66,  75,  77  *., 
93  «-,  99,  155,  166,  320,  321,  328, 
347-348,  365,  406,  408, 412,  413,  430, 
431  «.,  453,  470,  472 

Kolsovar,  362 

LABAJOS,  277,  288 

Lampeter,  439 

Land's  End,  410 

Langholme,  455 

Latham,  Dr  Richard,  384,  448,  464 


492 


INDEX 


Laugharne,  439 

Lavengro,   4,   6,   7,   9,   IO,   II,   13,    15, 

21  «.,  22  «.,  24,  30,  31,  32,  35,  49, 
50.  52,  54,  55,  61,  62,  63,  64,  65,  66, 
68,  69,  75,  78  «.,  91,  162,  328,  329, 
340,  341,  365-368,  386,  387-401,  422, 
425,  429, 430,  432,  433, 435,  436,  462, 
4.63 

Leighton,  439 

Leland,  C.  G.  ("Hans  Breitmann  "  ), 
48,  340  «.,  363,  459,  460 

Letter  of,  to  George  Borrow,  459 

Leland,    Charles    Godfrey,    by    E.    R. 
Pennell,  460 

Memoirs,  460,  461,  462 
Leon,  200 
Lerwick,  440 
Levy  (Mousha  in  Lavengro},  Borrovv's 

instructor  in  Hebrew,  33 
Life  and  Adventures  of  Joseph  Sell,  the 

Great  Traveller,  54-58 
Lipovzoff,  S.  P.,  94,  ioi,  102,  113,  115, 

116,  131,  133,  135,  138,  139 
Lisbon,  152-156,  159,  185-186,  317 
Liskeard,  I,  2,  406 
Lister,  Albert,  252 
Llanes,  207 

Llangollen,  381,  414,  416 
Lockhart,  J.  G.,  350,  369,  370 

Letters  of,  to  J.  Murray  (III.),  369 

to  R.  Ford,  370 
London — 

1 6  Milman  St.,  Bedford  Row,  41 
26  Bryanston  St.,  Portman  Sq.,  74 

17  Great  Russell  Street,  78 
7  Museum  Street,  80 

Earl  Street,  95,  ioi,  104,  116,  185, 

279-282 

Spread  Eagle,  Gracechurch  St.,  324 
St  Peter's,  Cornhill,  324 

22  Hereford  Square,  444,  457 
Brompton  Cemetery,  457,  471,  472 
Waterloo  Bridge,  466 

Longe,  John,  to  whom  Borrow  supplied 
some  autobiographical  notes,  23,  25 

«.,  34 

Lopez,  Eduardo,  270 
Lopez,  Juan,  husband  of  Maria  Diaz, 

Borrow's   landlady  at   Madrid,    269, 

270,  275,  276,  277,  285 
Liibeck,  108 
Luarca,  205 
Lugo,  201,  202 
Lyell,  Sir  Charles,  459 
Lynn,  423 

MACOUBREY,    Henrietta    Maria.     See 

Clarke,  Henrietta  Maria 
MacOubrey,  Wm.,  M.D.,  455,  469,  471 


Madrid,  75,  77,  167-184,  191-198,  209- 
269,   271-275,   276,    284-289,  306, 
307,  309,  317-322 
Calle  de  la  Zara,  167-184 
12  Calle  de  Santiago,  191,  218,  231, 

234,  285 

Despacho   de  la  Sociedad  Biblica  y 
Estrangera,  25  Calle  de  Principe, 
214,  216,  220,  221,  228,  230,  231, 
250,267,275,299;?. 
Mafra,  155 

Mahmoud,    Borrow's    Tartar    servant, 
112,  126 

Malaga,  184,  242,  249,  250,  254,  255, 

272,  273 

Manchegan  Prophetess,  284,  292 
Manchu  translation  of  the  Bible — 
Lipovzoff  commissioned  by  Bible 
Society  to  translate  New  Testament, 
94 ;  Father  Puerot's  translation  of 
most  of  the  Old  Testament  and  two 
books  of  the  New  discovered  in  St 
Petersburg,  95  ;  Borrow  commis- 
sioned to  study  the  language,  with 
a  view  of  going  to  assist  Lipovzoff 
in  St  Petersburg,  97  ;  after  nineteen 
weeks'  study  he  is  selected,  ioi  ;  and 
sent  off,  104  ;  the  whole  of  Puerot's 
version  transcribed  and  collated  in  six 
months,  113  ;  permissions  granted  to 
print,  115  ;  the  type  had  been  stored 
in  damp  cellar.  117  ;  proposal  for 
binding,  117  ;  plans  for  distribution, 
1 20;  exorbitant  price  asked  for 
printing  reduced  by  58  per  cent.,  122, 
129 ;  and  of  paper  reduced  to  a 
third,  123,  128  ;  St  Matthew  set  and 
printed  from  bad  copy,  by  composi- 
tors who  did  not  know  the  language, 
127  ;  St  Mark  well  in  hand,  128  ; 
type  found  loose  and  trodden  into 
muddy  floor,  129;  compositors  to 
be  taught  the  alphabet,  indecipher- 
able copy,  paper  late  in  delivery  and 
short  in  quantity  and  bad  in  quality, 
bad  paper  printed,  130;  had  to  be 
replaced,  another  papermaker  found, 
131  ;  binding,  123-133  ;  copies  of  the 
Four  Gospels  sent  home  to  the 
Society,  137  ;  printing  of  New 
Testament  complete,  and  six  vols. 
bound,  140  ;  difficulties  of  shipment 
to  England,  140-141  ;  opinions  of  the 
work,  its  cost,  146 ;  the  whole 
edition  sent  to  Earl  St.,  146 
Manzanares,  284,  292 
Marin,  Don  Pascual,  225-227,  251,  261 
Marks,  William,  British  Consul  at 
Malaga,  242,  243,  248 


INDEX 


493 


Marrin  Munoz,  277 
Marseilles,  77,  364 
Martineau,  Dr  James,  schoolfellow  of 

Sorrow's  at  Norwich,  20,  25,  445 
Martineau,  Harriet,  Autobiography,   33, 

35,  105 

Mattishall  Burgh,  440,  441,  442 
Maturin,     C.     R.,    his     Melmoth     the 

Wanderer,  297  «. 
Medina  del  Campo,  200 
Melrose,  455 
Mendizabal,  Juan  Alvarez  y,  170,  171, 

174 

Menheniot,  I,  2 
Me'ridia,  166 
Mickiewicz,  143 
Milford  Haven,  439 
Mocejon,  269 
Mogadore,  304 
Moll,  Benedict,  353 
Montemor  Novo,  160 
Monthly  Magazine,   The,  41,  43,  45,  53, 

72,  73 

Monthly  Review,  8 1  ». 
Morris,  Huw,  414,  418 
Morshead,  Captain,  afterwards  General, 

Mortimer's  Cross,  439 
Moscow,  143-145 

Marina  Rotze,  144,  145 
Moultan,  296 
Mousehold  Heath,  23,  36 
Mousehole,  410 

Mousha,  in  Lavengro.     See  Levy 
Mull,  440 
Muros,  205 
Murray,  John  (I.),  5 
Murray,  John  (II.),  49,  335,  3 $8 

Letters  of,   to  George  Borrow,  341, 

351,  357,  372,  383 
Murray,  John  (III.),  5  ».,  433,  434,  443 

Letters  of,  to  George  Borrow,  371, 

374,  388,  389,  399,  428,  433 
to  Mrs  Borrow,  388,  389,  422,  452 

in  Good  Words,  404 
Murray,  John  (IV.),  385 
Murray,  Miss  Jane,  5 

NAPIER,  Lieut.-Col.  E.  H.  D.  E.,  76, 

294-297 
Excursions   along    the    Shores  of  the 

Mediterranean,  76  «.,  294,  297 
Navaia,  205 

Naval  Carnero,  287,  289 
New  Forest,  456 
New  Magazine,  The,  4 1 
New  Monthly  Magazine,  The,  41 
Newport  (Mon.),  439 
Newton  Stewart,  455 


Nogales,  201 

Norman  Cross,  II,  396 

French  prisoners  at,  II 
North  Repps,  424 
Norwich — 

Grammar  School,  15,  19,  20 

Willow   Lane,    19,  71,   72,  78,    loi, 
149,  402,  469 

Tuck's  Court,  St  Giles,  26,  27,  29,  332 

Upper  Close,  27 

Guildhall,  31 

21  King  Street,  33 

Horse  Fair,  78 

Lakenham,  123 

Norfolk  Hotel,  St  Giles,  469 
Novales,  205  n. 

OCANA,  276 
O'Connell,  D.,  359,  423 
Ofalia,  Count,  Prime  Minister  of  Spain, 
211,   220,    222,   223,  224,  229,  235- 

244,  248,  249,  250,  256, 266, 269, 

272,  273,  278,  281,  283,  395 
Letters  of,  to   Sir  George  Villiers, 
254-255,  267,  273 

Olivan,  Mr,  175,  176,  179 

Ofia,  209  n. 

Once  a  Week,  455 

Ontaneda,  209  n. 

Oporto,  76 

Orviedo,  205-207,  255,  272 

O'Shea,  Mr,  banker  at  Madrid,  196 

Oteiza,  Dr,  217 

Oulton  Cottage,  325,  33O-37I,  466,  469 

Oulton    Hall,  92,   149,   371,  374,  402, 
403,  416,  456 

Ounse,  203 

Owen,  Gronwy,  417,  418,  439 

PADRON,  203,  204 

Paget,  Lieut.  Henry,  5 

Palmerston,  Lord,  158,  307,  377 

Pamplona,  77,  328 

Paper,  cost   of,   in    Russia,    123,   128; 

in  Spain,  191 

Paris,  75,  77,  88,  279,  362,  364 
Peel,  Sir  Robert,  352 
Pembroke,  439 
Penquite,  406,  409,  410,  419 
Pentire  Point,  410 
Penzance,  410 
Perez  de  Castro,  Evarsto,  317 

Letter  of,  to  Mr  Aston,  317-319 
Perfrement,    Ann,    See    Borrow,    Ann, 

mother  of  George  Borrow 
Perfrement,    Samuel,    grandfather    of 

George  Borrow,  4 
Perth,  440 
Peterborough,  414 


494 


INDEX 


Peto,  Sir  S.  M.,  371,  372,  395 

Petulengro,  Mr,  12,  23,  36,  62,  63,  65, 
66,  67,  68,  473 

Petulengro,  Mrs,  65 

Petulengro,  Ambrose  (Jasper  in  Laven- 
gro),  12,  22,  339 

Phillips,  H.  W.f  R.A.,  357 

Phillips,  Sir  Richard,  publisher,  41-52, 
56,  57,  60,  72 

Phillips,  Richard,  jun.,  son  of  Sir 
Richard,  43 

Pitiegua,  200  n. 

Playfair,  Dr  W.  S.,  456,  457 

Pluchard,  M.,  printer,  St  Petersburg, 
129,  131 

Plymouth,  405 

Plymouth  Mail,  405 

Pontevedra,  203,  255,  272,  273 

Porter,  George,  of  Denbigh,  418 

Portugal,  154-162 

Prevesa,  364 

Primate  of  Spain.  See  Toledo,  Arch- 
bishop of 

Printing,  cost  of,  in  Russia,  122,  129; 
in  Spain,  192 

Prophetess,  the  Manchegan.  See 
Manchegan  Prophetess 

Proximate  Causes  of  the  Material  Pheno- 
mena of  the  Universe,  44,  45,  49-51 

Puerot,  Father,  95,  113 

Puerto  de  Fuencebadon,  201 

Puerto  Manzand.1,  201 

Purland,  Theodosius  and  Francis, 
schoolfellows  of  Borrow,  25 

Quarterly  Review,  350,  368,  369,  388, 
~  431,  432,  433,  435,  436  ».,  444 
Queen  Regent  of  Spain,  243,  244,  246, 

264 
Quiro^a,  General,  Military  Governor  of 

Madrid,  236,  239,  240 

REVOLUTION  of  La  Granja,  88,  182 

Riba  de  Sella,  207 

Richmond  Park,  468,  469 

Ritchie,  J.  Ewing,  East  Anglia,  470 

Rivadeo,  205 

Rivas,  Duke  of,  174,  175,  176,  179 

Roehampton,  448,  468 

Romano  Lavo-Lil,  12,  415  n.,  455,  462- 

464,  467 
Romantic   Ballads,    translated  from   the 

Danish,  and  Miscellaneous  Pieces,  41- 

42,  73,  79 

Romany  Rye  quoted  from,  36,  40,  49, 
55,  65,  66,  67,  68,  69,  90,  328,  329, 
354  *•,  355  ».,  372,  377,  378,  391, 
394,  397,  401,  411,  412,  413,  421, 
422,  425,  428-438,  462,  463 


Rome,  364 

Romero,  Rey,  353 

Rossi,  Theodore,  419  «. 

Rous,  Hon.  Wm.  Rufus,  374 

Rule,   Rev.  W.    H.,  of  the   Wesleyan 

Methodist  Society,  212,  213,  225- 

227,  248,  250,  328 
Letter  of,  to  Geo.  Borrow,  225 

ST  CLEER,  2,  3,  406,  410 

St  Davids,  439 

St  Michael's  Mount,  410 

St  Petersburg,  102,  104,  105,  106,  108- 
143,  145-146,  221  ;  Galernoy  Ulitza, 
no 

Salamanca,  199,  255,  272 

Salisbury,  6 1 

Salonika,  364 

Sampson,  John,  60,  68,  69,  339,  398 

Sanchez,  Mariano  Paz  y,  99 

San  Cyprian,  277 

San  Lucar,  293,  302,  303,  306 

Santa  Maria,  205  n. 

San  Sebastian,  229 

Santa  Coloma,  Marques  de,  186,  195, 
288,  328 

Santa  Cruz,  312,  313 

Santande'r,  207,  208 

Santiago,  202,  203,  255,  272,  273  «.,  353 

Santillana,  207 

San  Vincente,  207 

Schilling  de  Canstadt,  Baron,  94,  106, 
ill,  115,  117,  131,133,  137,  142 

Schmidt,  Dr  I.  J.,  104,  114,  116  «.,  133 

Schultz  &  Beneze,  printers,  St  Peters- 
burg, 122,  129,  130,  131,  135,  142, 

143 
Scio  de  San  Miguel,  Father  Felipe,  his 

Spanish  translation  of  the  Bible,  192, 

212,  214,  221,  227,  242,  254,  267,  273, 

299 

Scott,  Sir  Walter,  393 
Seccombe,  Thomas,  in  Bookman,  86,  476 
Segovia,  276 

Seville,  76,  188,  255,  272,  283,  284,  289, 
291-303,  305-317,  322-324 

Posada  de  la  Reyna,  293  ;  Piazuela 
de  la  Pila  Seca,  299,  303,  311- 
317,  322-324 

Seymour,  Lady  Augusta,  382 
Sheffield,  19 
Sherringham,  424 
Shrewsbury,  439 
Sidi     Habismiik,     Borrow's     Arabian 

horse,  285,  287,  299,  324,  330,  368, 

380 

Simpkin  &  Marshall,  53  «.,  57,  71 
Simpson      &       Rackham,      solicitors, 

Norwich,  26,  28,  40 


INDEX 


495 


Simpson,    William,     of     Simpson     & 

Rackham,  solicitors,  27,  28,  29,  30, 

31 

Skepper,  Mrs  Anne,  92,  149,  300 
Skepper,  Breame,  92,  300 
Skepper,  Edmund,  92,  149,  300 
Skepper,  Mary,  afterwards  Mrs  Henry 

Clarke.     See  Borrow,  Mary,  wife  of 

George  Borrow 
Sleeping  Bard,  The,  translated  from  the 

Welsh  of  Elis  Wyn,  87,  441 
Slingsby,  Jack,  61,  64,  424 
Smiles',  S.,  A  Publisher  and  his  Friends, 

335 

Smith,  Gypsy.     See  Petulengro 
Snaefell,  42 1 
Snowdon.  415 
Songs  of  Europe,  or  Metrical  Translations 

from   All   the   European    Languages, 

428  n. 

Songs  of  Scaudinavta,  80,  81,  377 
Sothern,  Mr,  private   secretary  to  Sir 

George  Villiers,  234,  235,  236,  237, 

259,  317 
Soto  Luino,  205 

Spain,  163-184,  186-279,  283-324 
Spanish  translation  of  Scriptures — 
Borrow  sent  to  Portugal  and  Spain, 
151  ;  application  to  the  Government 
for  permission  to  print,  171  ;  permis- 
sion granted,  180  ;  with  the  sugges- 
tion to  employ  Government  printer, 
181  ;  provisional  arrangements  made, 
183  ;  saving  in  cost  of  paper,  191  ; 
and  of  printing,  read  three  times  by 
Borrow  and  revised  by  Dr  Usoz, 
192  ;  five  thousand  copies  printed, 

195 

Spectator,  The,  454 
Stafford,  67 

Stephen,  Sir  Leslie,  45  n. 
Stoddart,  Col.  Charles,  schoolfellow  of 

Borrow's  at  Norwich,  20 
Stonehenge,  61,  399 
Stradbroke,  Earl  of,  374,  376 
Stranraer,  455 
Strickland,  Agnes,  383 
Swan,  Rev.  Wm  ,  94,  95,  104,  1 08,  109, 

114,  116 


TALAVERA,  167,  287 

7  alisman,    The,   from   the    Russian    of 

Alexander     Pushkin,      with      Other 

Pieces,  143 
Tamworth,  68,  69 
Tangier,  303-305 
Targum,  or  Metrical  Translations  from 

Thirty  Languages  and  Dialects,  142 


Tarn,  J.,  treasurer,  British  &  Foreign 

Bible  Society,  135  ». 
Tawno  Chikno,  23,  66 
Taylor,  Anne,  cousin  to  George  Borrow, 

405,411,414 
Taylor,  Anne,  jun.,  409 
Taylor,  Baron  I.  J.  Severin,  188,  294 
Taylor,  John,  publisher,  73 
Taylor,    Robert,   husband    of    George 

Borrow's  cousin,  Anne  Borrow,  405, 

410 

Taylor,  William,  of  Norwich,  33-35,  41, 
105,  366 

Memoir    of,\>y    J.    W.     Robberds, 

quoted,  34 
Templemore,  17 
Tenby,  439 

Tennyson,  Alfred,  Lord,  394 
Tetuan,  304 
Thackeray,  W.  M.,  382 
Thurso,  440 
Thomas,   Ellen  (Ellen  Jones  in   Wild 

Wales'),  417,  418 
Thurtell,  John,  22,  51,  366,  367 
Times,  The,  355 
Tintagel,  410 
Toledo,  216,  275,  283 
Toledo,    Archbishop    of,    Primate    of 

Spain,  17  n.,  241,  252,  253 
Truro,  410 
T£  Gronwy,  417 
Type-setting    of    Manchu    Testament, 

117,  127,  128,  130 

Universal  Review,  44,  45,  48 
University  Press,  St  Petersburg,  122 
Upcher,  Rev.  A.  W.,  in  Athenceum,  424 
Uppington,  439 

Usoz,    Dr     Louis    de,    editor    of    El 
Espanol,  174,  182,  192,  211 

VALENCIA,  212-214,  226,  262,  266,  272 
Valladolid,  200,  203,  209  n.,  255,  272, 

273  n. 
Valpy,  Rev.  E.,  Borrow's  schoolmaster 

at  Norwich,  20,  23,  25 
"Veiled   Period"  of  Borrow's  life,  57, 

72-91,  328 
Venice,  364 
Venning,  John,  106,  no,  in 

Memorials  of,  1 1 1 
Vestiges    of   Borrow:     Some    Personal 

Reminiscences,    in     The     Globe,    375, 

376  ». 

Victoriano,  285,  287,  288 
Vidocq,  Eugene  Francois,  361 
Vienna,  362,  364 
Vigo,  203 
Vilallos,  277 


496 


INDEX 


Villafranca,  201 

Villa  Luenga,  269 

Villa  Seca,  268,  269,  270 

Villa  Viciosa,  207 

Villiers,  Hon.  George,  afterwards  Sir 
George,  and  later  Earl  of 
Clarendon,  British  Minister  at 
Madrid,  170,  176,  178,  179,  180, 
181,  191,  192,  197,  211,  213,  215, 
219,  220,  222,  224,  232,  235-246, 

248,  249,  252,  2S3,  254,  256,  258, 

264,  266, 271, 272, 273,  274,  281, 

283,  285,  317,  336,  358,  374 
Letters  of,  to  George  Borrow,  179 
to  Lord  Palmerston,  215,  238,  239, 

240,  241,  243,  244 
to  Count  Ofalia,  229-230,  234  n., 

237,255 

to  Diego  de  Entrena,  236,  237 
Viviero,  205 

Vocabulary  of  the  Gypsy  Language  as 
spoken  in  Hungary  and  Transylvania, 
MS.  of  George  Borrow  in  British 
Museum,  364 

WALLING,    R.   A.   J.,  George  Borrow, 

407,  408 
Wandering  Children  and  the  Benevolent 

Gentleman,  The,  25 

Watts-Dunton,  Theodore,  339,  396, 
397,  4io,  446,  449,  451,  464,  466, 
468 

Notes  upon  George  Borrow^  introduc- 
tion to  Lavengro,  396,  399 


Watts-Dunton,  Theodore — contd. 
In  Defence  of  Borrow,  introduction  to 

Romany  Rye,  447  n. 
in     The    Athenceum,   464,    466,   468, 

473 

Webb,  Joseph  Cator.  300 
Webster,  Rev.  Wentworth,  12  «.,  17  n., 

95,  186  n.,  195,  316,  328 
Welsh  Preacher,  the,  62,  90 
Whewell,  Wm.,  385 
White,  Blanco,  252 
Whitely,  Rev.  E.,  of  Oporto,  76,  152, 

153 

Wick,  440 
Wilby,  John,  151,  152,  153,  156,  175, 

186 
Wild  Wales  quoted  from,  27,  28,  30,  31, 

41,  109  ».,  321,  322,  328,  355  ».-  38i, 

415,  417-420,  425,  452-455,  477 
Willenhall,  63,  68,  69 
Williams,   Mr,   Consul  at  Seville,  311, 

312,  323 
Wilson,  Sir  Archdale,  schoolfellow  of 

Borrow's  at  Norwich,  20 
Wisbech,  423 

Wood,  Charles,  192,  252,  256,  281 
Woodfall,  H.  D.,  printer,  389,  422 
Wordsworth,  393 

YARE,  river,  22,  23 
Yetholm,  455 
Yuncler,  269 

Zincali,  The.     See  The  Gypsies  of  Spain 


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The  life  of  George  Borrow 


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