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The Life of 

Henry, Third Earl of Southampton, 
Shakespeare's Patron 










The Life of 

Henry, Third Earl of Southampton, 
Shakespeare's Patron 



Author of The Bacon-Shakespeare Question Answered, British 
Freeivomen, Shakespeare's Family, Shakespeare's Warwickshire 
Contemporaries, William Hunnis and the Revels of the Chapel 
Royal, Burbage and Shakespeare's Stage, Shakespeare's Environ- 
ment, Shakespeare's Industry, Editor of Shakespeare's Sonnets, etc. 




IT would have been more correct to have called this volume a 
collection of materials towards a Life. For anything approaching a 
real life can only be written by the subject himself, by an intimate 
friend, such as Fulke Greville was to Philip Sidney, or by one who 
has the command of a long series of private letters, heart-revealing 
writings, and contemporary information, such as Spedding had of 
Francis Bacon. Southampton kept no diaries, he did not pour forth 
his heart readily in effusive letters, he wrote no signed poems or 
papers, and few of his correspondents kept his epistles. The best that 
could be done was to arrange the facts concerning him in chrono- 
logical order and set these in his natural surroundings, so that the 
work at best gives but a mosaic with many lacunae. I have not 
attempted to fill in the blanks as if with oil colours to make a 
complete "portrait"; I have attempted no oratory to move the 
feelings of others to judge him as I do. It is "but a plain blunt 
tale," but it was necessary to tell it as a background to that of 
Shakespeare and to help forward the writing of the Life of the 
Earl of Essex, which awaits some eager student. 

From a plain statement of facts, however, we may sometimes 
secure legitimate inferences. Hence I dwelt, some may think unduly, 
on his work in the Virginia Company. We find him there, always 
in the van, among all his anxieties. A troublesome minority made 
so much noise that the king crushed it "because of the disagreement 
among themselves," but Southampton could have pulled it through 
had he been let alone. And from what we know of his actions there, 
we may argue back to the other "brawls" with which he has been 
credited, feeling sure he would always be on the side which he 
thought was right. 

I must confess that I did not start this work for his sake, but in 
the hope that I might find more about Shakespeare, which hope 
has not been satisfied. In my earlier Shakespearean work, of 
course, I had read Drake, Malone, Gerald Massey, and Halliwell- 
Phillipps, and had collected a few new facts, but the person who 
impelled me to do this work in a thorough way was Mr Thomas 
Tylor. He first brought out the hypothesis which has been called 


"the Herbert-Fitton theory" in a paper read at a meeting of the 
New Shakespeare Society in 1 890. Everybody present (which does 
not mean all the members of the society) was in sympathetic ad- 
miration of such a neatly fitted group of interesting facts, supposed 
to be connected with each other, and they all, including Dr Furni- 
vall, accepted it. As I said good-bye to Mr Tylor, I said " I hope I 
may live long enough to be able to contradict you!" "No, you 
won't, for my theory is going down Time!" "Not if I live long 
enough," said I, in full faith that evidence must be forthcoming to 
confute a theory so injurious to the good name of Shakespeare. 
Another relevant incident which I must relate happened some time 
afterwards (I forget how long). A small portrait, asserted to be con- 
temporary, of the 3rd Earl of Pembroke had been offered to the 
then-existing holder of the title, for sale at a reasonable price. On 
the back a slip of paper was pasted containing the quotation from 
Sonnet LXXXI: 

Your monument shall be my gentle verse 
Which [eyes not yet created shall o'er -read]. 

The Earl of Pembroke invited certain leaders in art, literature, and 
criticism to meet at his house and give him their opinion. Dr 
Furnivall, having a card for himself and friend, took me as his 
"friend." The portrait was handed round, examined, and accepted 
by all as genuine and worth buying. It was handed round for a 
second time, in regard to the inscription. I do not remember the 
remarks made. I was last, and when it reached me I said, "The 
ink which wrote that was made in 1832!" thinking of the publica- 
tion of Boaden's theory. This caused a commotion; Dr Furnivall 
laughingly cried " I forgot ! Turn her out, turn her out. She is a 
Southamptonite. We are all Pembrochians here!" This made me 
go on all the more eagerly in my research and attempts to convert 
Dr Furnivall, which I eventually did, chiefly through two articles in 
The Athenaum, March, 1898, on "The Date of the Sonnets," and 
another in August, 1900, "Who was Mr W. H.?" 

In the collection of my materials I have many to thank. The 
officers of the British Museum and the Record Office have been 
unfailingly helpful and considerately patient with my troublesome 
enquiries. The Librarians of the Bodleian have been as good, 
though I troubled them on fewer occasions. 


I have to thank the Marquis of Salisbury for courteously allowing 
me to see his historical manuscripts, and his private secretary, Mr 
Gunton, who generously aided me in my search; the Duke of 
Portland for leave to include the Welbeck Abbey portraits; the 
Walpole Society for the loan of blocks used in the article on 
Wriothesley Portraits, by Mr R. W. Goulding, in their eighth 
volume; also Mrs Holman Hunt for the copyright of her 
treasured "Rubens portrait" of the Earl of Southampton. The Rev. 
Mr Matthews, formerly of Titch field Church, not only admitted 
me to the Registers, but laid all his notes and photographs out before 
me that I might choose. Thanks are also due to Captain Charles 
Cottrell- Dormer of Rousham, Oxfordshire, for allowing me to 
spend a whole day among his manuscripts and to transcribe those 
concerning the Countess of Southampton. The Town Clerk of 
Southampton also cheerfully opened his Town-books, and Mr Chitty 
and Mr Jaggard sent me notes from Winchester. I have also to thank 
Mr R. F. Scott, Master of St John's College, Cambridge, for telling 
me where Thomas, the second son (and heir) of Southampton, was 
born, for the reprints of his articles in The Eagle^ and for permission 
to use the College portrait of the Earl. Mr Previte Orton, the 
Librarian of the College, and his assistant were most kind to me 
in trying to solve the puzzles of the donation of books to the 



April z^rd, 1921. 


1. All MSS. not referred to any other collection are to be found 
in the British Museum. 

2. All legal cases, State Papers, etc., are in the Public Record 

3. All wills, unless otherwise noted, are in Somerset House. 

4. P.C.C. means Prerogative Court of Canterbury; P.C.R., the 
Privy Council Register; L.C., Lord Chamberlain's Papers. 

5. The Cecil Papers and Salisbury Papers are the same, all being 
at Hatfield. But the former are the originals, the latter the printed 
Calendars, where the same articles appear as abstracts in greater or 
less degree. 

Before 1906 I did my work at Hatfield, where I have secured 
many originals, some of which, however, have been contracted by 
Mr Gunton or myself. Several volumes of the Calendar have 
come out since then; hence occasionally I give both references. 

6. Many statements could have been referred back to several 
sources, but as I have lost so much of my work through the failure 
of my eyes and their inability to read even my own writing in 
pencil (which is used compulsorily in the Record Office), I have 
been unable to check various authorities, and have been forced to 
be contented occasionally with the one I could best secure. 

7. My work strives to be accurate, above all things, but where, 
through long study and logical inference, I have used my imagina- 
tion to fill up gaps, I always putsuch suggestions in large parentheses, 
to shew that I am aware that these passages contain an element of 
uncertainty, and are frequently controversial. 

8. The limits of space have prevented my including many minor 
facts and allusions to the 3rd Earl of Southampton and his friends, 
as of course, I had to choose for publication the most significant. 



PREFACE . . . . . .: . , v 

CHAP. HINTS TO READERS . . , **. . . viii 








VII CAUSES OF GOSSIP . > . . . 79 


X THE IRISH CAMPAIGN . . . . .139 


1604 , '. * . . . .163 

XII THE PERILS OF "CONTEMPT," 1599-1600 . 172 

XIII THE CONSPIRACY, 1600-1 . . . .186 

XIV JUDGMENTS . . . . ... 206 

XV CLEARING UP ..;... 223 

XVI A LAMPOON OF THE DAY, 1601 . . . 235 


XIX FESTIVITIES, 1604-5 . . . . . 279 











XXIX THE HEIR OF ALL . . . . 473 





AMPTON ....... 499 



NOTE TO CHAPTER XXI .'..'. . . 529 

INDEX . . . .... . . 530 




(From the monument in Titchfield Church) 


WHITE, WITH ARMOUR ..... ,,94 
(At Welbeck Abbey) 


ELIZABETH . . . . . . . ,,114 

(At Hodnet Hall) 



(At Welbeck Abbey) 


(Attributed to Rubens; Mrs Holman-Hunt's collection) 


(At Welbeck Abbey) 


(At St John's College, Cambridge) 



HENRY, LORD WRIOTHESLEY, second of the Christian name and 
third of the title, came as the Son of Consolation to his parents on the 
6th of October, 1573. His father, the second Earl of Southampton, 
a noted recusant, had suffered much discomfort and a very severe 
illness through his imprisonment in the Tower for the matter of 
the Duke of Norfolk. His mother Mary, daughter of Sir Anthony 
Browne, first Viscount Montague, had suffered nearly as much, 
through her intense sympathy, constant anxiety, and never-resting 
efforts on his behalf to move the Queen to mercy. At last the 
tide turned in his favour. On the ist of May, 1573, Southampton 
was allowed to go forth from the Tower to the comparatively com- 
fortable house of Sir William More in Loseley, where he had pre- 
viously been detained. There he still fretted against captivity, and his 
petitions were strengthened by Sir William More, who found the 
office of jailor incompatible with his other public duties. In July 
the disconsolate Earl was suddenly permitted to rejoin his wife and 
friends, under the hospitable roof of his father-in-law, where he was 
subject to no further supervision than that of Lord Montague, and 
was permitted even to go and see his building operations at Dogmars- 
field 2 , if he made sure he never spent more than one night out of 
Cowdray. The kindness of Lady More to the captive had roused the 
gratitude of Lady Southampton, and the relations of Sir William 
More to his charge had always been friendly. Thus it was first to 
Loseley that the great news went forth post, on the 6th of October, 
" Yt has so hapned by the sudden seizing of my wife today, we could 
not by possibility have your wife present, as we desired. Yet have I 
thought goode to imparte unto you such comforte as God hath sente 
me after all my longe troubles, which is that this present morning 
at three of the clock, my wife was delivered of a goodly boy (God 
bless him.)... Yf your wife will take the paynes to visit her, we shall 
be mighty glad of her company. From Cowdray this present Tuesday 
1 As to ancestral matters, see also Addenda. * Loseley Papers, iv. 16. 
s. s. i 


1573. Your assured frend H. Southampton." 1 Thus was the only 
son 2 of the second Earl of Southampton born, not at Titch field, but 
at Cowdray, the house of his mother's people. This "goodly boy" 
was the first grandson born to the Viscount Montague, and it is 
certain that he had as much attention and care as was good for him. 
Besides all that the loving care of his mother could shower upon 
him, there was the experience of her stepmother, the Viscountess 
Montague 3 , a notable authority in the bringing up of children. It is 
strange that there has been preserved no record of his baptism. He 
must have been "made a Christian" in a much more modest way 
than his father was, who had a King and a Queen as sponsors; but 
there appears to be no later allusion to the godparents of the young 
Lord. It must be taken for granted that the ceremony was per- 
formed after the ritual of the Catholic church, and that his sponsors 
were chosen from among his father's friends, rather for his spiritual 
strengthening than his worldly advancement. The Registers of 
Titch field for that period are not extant. We know very little 
about the young Lord's childhood; but the first event that could 
have at all affected him was the visit of his parents to London. 
Whether the Earl of Southampton had been summoned to Court 
to be admonished and finally forgiven, or whether he had received 
permission to visit his mother, the Lady Jane, we know not. But 
we know that he went, and meant to make it a happy pilgrimage 
by inviting his father-in-law and his brother-in-law to accompany 
him, probably leaving the child, at that early age, under the kind 
supervision of the Viscountess Montague. He wrote to Sir William 
More, " Although I have lately divers wayes pestered your howse 
yet sins your request is so, I mynd, God willing, with my wife, to 
be with you in our journey towards London on Tuesday even 
sennight and my brother Anthony Browne and his wiffe in my 
company. My Lord Montague upon this occasion is not coming, 
ist November, I573-" 4 The young people would go to London 
together, but would probably separate at London Bridge, the 

1 Loseley Papers, iv. 18. 

1 It has always been said he was "the second son," but there is no 
authority for that. The error must have begun in confusing the second with 
the first Henry. 

3 See her Life by the Rev. Richard Smith. 

4 Loseley Papers, iv. 21 and x. 51. 


Brownes going to their town house, St Mary Overies, the 
Wriothesleys to Southampton House in Holborn. 

Anthony Browne was the eldest son and heir-apparent of Cow- 
dray by Viscount Montague's first marriage to Jane, daughter of 
Robert, Earl of Sussex, and he was the only full-brother of the Lady 
Mary, Countess of Southampton. The Southamptons seem to have 
returned and spent some time longer at Cowdray, where, four months 
afterwards, another grandson came to the Viscount. Anthony 
Browne had married, the year before, Mary, the daughter of Sir 
William Dormer, and lived in Riverbank House, a dwelling which 
had been built for their use in Cowdray Park. There was born in 
March 1574 Anthony Maria Browne afterwards heir. We may 
imagine the meeting of the two babes, when the new-comer at 
Riverbank was first brought over to his inheritance at Cowdray, 
their staring at each other with dim sub-conscious intelligence. 
The Wriothesley interloper had the advantage of four months, a 
period long enough to instil into the infant's mind a sense of posses- 
sion and a scorn of new-comers smaller than himself. Four months 
gives a great precedence in the first year of life. 

I have been able to find only two MS. references to the Wrio- 
thesley baby during his whole childhood. The first is in the will of 
his grandmother, the Lady Jane, 26th July, I574 1 . By it she left 
various bequests "to my Son's son, Harrye, Lord Wriothesley." 
That gives us at least the clue to his baby-name, and a reference to 
his baby "expectations." We know nothing, except by its results, 
of the child's education up to a certain date, save that it must have 
been equal to his rank and conducted on strictly Catholic lines. 

The other allusion to the child is made in relation to a painful 
episode in the family history. The Earl of Southampton was taken 
into favour again and was given certain county offices to perform, 
which, with his own interests in house-building and farming, seem 
to have placidly filled his time. He and his wife seem to have 
continued on affectionate terms until about 1577, and then some 
misunderstanding arose, fostered by constant mischief-making 
through the Earl's gentleman servants, the chief of whom was 
Thomas Dymock. The Earl secluded himself more and more 
among his followers and estranged himself from his wife; he would 

1 Martyn, 43. 

I 2 


have no communication with her, except verbally through the 
servants who had been the cause of the continuance, if not of the 
initiation, of the Earl's bad feeling. The friends of the Countess 
became anxious; her father wrote her a long letter asking her to 
explain fully her position and confess to what degree she was to 
blame. Unfortunately that letter has disappeared. But the full and 
frank reply of the poor wife has been preserved, which must be 
read in full to be understood in so far as she was concerned. The 
postscript mentions the child 1 . "That yowr Lordship shalbe witnes 
of my desier to wyn my Lorde by all such meanes as resteth in me, 
I have sent yowe what I sent him by my little boye. Butt his harte 
was too greate to bestowe the reading of it, coming from me. 
Yett will I do my parte so longe as I am with him, but good my 
Lorde, procure so soone as conveniently yowe may, some end to 
my miserie for I am tyred with this life." It is to be regretted that 
the enclosed letter has not been preserved. 

By later correspondence we learn that she never saw her boy 
again during the life-time of his father, who kept him with himself 
and his servants. 

This letter forces the reader to sympathise with the Countess, to 
long to hear how the Earl could explain his conduct, and to wonder 
if he could possibly put himself in the right. He leaves nothing 
further than his will, and that only puts him still further in the 
wrong. It is dated the 24th of June, 1581, and is very long 2 . 

In it he describes himself as in "health and perfect memory,'* 
though its contents belie this statement, for they shew him to have 
disregarded time, place, circumstances, and the amount available to 
be distributed. The uses of the money are limited by an indenture 
made on loth May, 1568, between the testator and the Viscount 
Montague and others deceased, " until the issue male of the 
testator should come to the age of 21 years." 

One thousand pounds were to be devoted to monuments, one of 
his father and mother and the other of himself. His funeral was 
not to cost more than another thousand. A liberal allowance to the 
poor was to be paid as promptly as possible, that they might pray for 
his soul and the souls of his ancestors. He left a ring to the Queen; 

1 Cotton MS., Titus, bk. n. art. 174, f. 366. 

2 Rowe, 45. 


"beseeching her to be good to my little infants, whom I hope to 
be good servants and subjects of her Majesty and of the State." 1 He 
left liberal allowances to servants and friends, and to his daughter 
Mary 2000, if she obeys his executors and does not live in the 
same house as her mother. 

As an afterthought, he remembered the father-in-law to whom 
he owed so much, by leaving him a George and a Garter, which 
could not have been his own, as he never had been made Knight 
of the Order, and it could not have been his father's, as the first 
Earl left his to Sir William Pembroke. He left as executors Charles 
Paget, brother to Lord Paget, Edward Gage of Bartley Co. Sussex, 
Gilberd Wells of Brainebridge Co. Southampton, Ralph Hare, 
bencher of the Inner Temple, and "lastly my good and faithful 
servant Thomas Dymock, Gent." For "overseers" he appointed 
" Henry Earl Northumberland, my Lord Thomas Paget and my 
loving brother Thomas Cornwallis." 

Of course, the bulk of the property was to come to his son Henry. 
The will also gives information as to his relatives on his father's 
side his sister Katharine, Lady Cornwallis, his sister Mabel 
Sandys, his aunts Lawrence, Pound, and Clerke, his cousin John 
Savage, son of Sir John Savage, and others. 

From a fulsome panegyric on the Earl of Southampton by 
John Phillipps, called an "Epitaph," 2 we learn that both of his 
children were with him at the last, that he lovingly blessed them, 
and that they wept and wailed at his death. The account was 
evidently intended to pass by the wife, though "In wedlock hee 
observed the vow that hee had made." 

The Earl of Southampton died at Itchell, a house of his not far 
from Titchfield, on 4th October, 1581, when his son and heir was 
two days short of completing his eighth year. He was buried on 3Oth 
November in Titchfield Church beside his mother Jane, the first 
Countess of Southampton of that creation. 

Little public notice was taken of his departure. Camden even 
mistakes the year in which he died; Dugdale says, "His well 
wishes towards the marriage of the Duke of Norfolk and Mary 
Queen of Scots, to whom and to whose religion he stood not a little 
affected, occasioned him no little trouble." Once he is mentioned 
1 Addenda. * Huth Ballads, 58. 


with flattery in literature. In that strange book 1 Honour in its 
perfection the notice of the third Earl is prefaced by an account of 
the first Earl, his grandfather. "After this noble Prince succeeded 
his sonne Henry Earle of Southampton, a man of no lesse vertue, 
promesse and wisedom, ever beloved and favoured of his Prince, 
highly reverenced and favoured of all that were in his own ranke, 
and bravely attended and served by the best gentlemen of those 
countries wherein he lived; his muster roll never consisted of foure 
lackeys and a coachman, but of a whole troupe of at least a hundred 
well-mounted gentlemen and yeomen. He was not known in the 
streets by guarded liveries, but by gold chains, not by painted 
butterflies ever runing as if some monster pursued them, but by 
tall goodly fellowes that kept a constant pace, both to guard his 
person, and to admit any man to their Lord which had serious 
business. This Prince could not steale or drop into an ignoble place, 
neither might doe anythinge unworthy of his great calling, for he 
ever had a world of testimonies about him. When it pleased the 
divine goodnesse to take to his mercy this great Earle he left behinde 
to succeede him Henry Earle of Southampton his sonne, being then 
a child." 2 

1 By Gervase Markham. 

2 The Earl of Southampton was summoned to repair the roads in St 
Andrew's, Holborn, near his own house in 1578 (Coram Rege Roll, Hilary 
20 Eliz. f. 119) and 1580. The summons was repeated again and again to 
his heir (Controlment Rolls, Trin. 22-23 Eliz. f. 94, et seq.). 

A later reference should be given here to throw some light upon the 
beginning of Lady Southampton's troubles. A Catholic in Brussels, writing 
to a friend, warns him against Charles Paget, who is still "tampering in 
broils and practices between friend and friend, man and wife, Prince and 
Prince ... I will overpass his youthful crimes, as the unquietness he caused 
betwixt the late Earl of Southampton and his wife, yet living." (D S.S.P. 
Eliz. CCLXXI. 74, July 4-14, 1599, et seq.). 




IT is never an easy thing to step into a great estate, and in the 
sixteenth century the difficulties were much increased for those 
under age. Henry Wriothesley, the third Earl of Southampton, 
would become in due order a Royal Ward; but the Queen would 
either sell his Wardship and Marriage, or bestow it as a gift on some 
of her favourites. It was probably as such that she bestowed it on 
Lord Charles Howard, Lord High Admiral. 

Then began arithmetical calculations of an abstruse nature, dull 
enough for readers even after the details have been mastered, but 
still necessary to consider, as they have a direct bearing on the 
future career of the minor. 

It is a little difficult to estimate the true character of the Thomas 
Dymock who had so bewitched his master that he was practically 
left, at the Earl's death, "the man in possession." He might have 
been a man of good intentions, confused only by a blind devotion to 
his master and obedience to his wishes, instead of the evil spirit 
that Lady Southampton and others described. Whatever he really 
was, he took the first step towards settlement. Without consulting 
his fellow executors, Lord Montague the next of kin, or Lord 
Paget the "overseer," he set off alone to prove the will in which 
he was so much personally concerned. It might be that he inno- 
cently needed ready money to keep the house going, to prepare 
for the funeral, and to pay at once for the volumes of prayers 
necessary to free his master's soul, as soon as possible, from pur- 
gatorial fires. It might have been, on the other side, a feverish 
haste to get his own affairs and those of his favourites settled, 
for he knew well there would not be sufficient assets to cover all, 
for years to come. 

It was a good lesson for him, and a great advantage for the 
other legatees, that the Registrar in Chief then refused to allow 
him to prove the will. 


The widowed lady whom he had so deeply wronged had at 
last bestirred herself in earnest. She was no longer held back from 
publicity by the lingering ties of old affection, no longer afraid to 
befoul her own nest, to help her own children. She had no fear of 
fighting the "dead hand" which tried to dominate and humiliate 

She had many personal friends; so had her father. With her 
acute intelligence the Countess saw that nothing could be done now 
for herself, but that a very great deal could yet be done for her 
children. This could only be done by or through the Queen herself. 
The Crown had a right to protect the person of the heir and to super- 
intend the settlement of his property, and in face of such a flagrant 
defiance of justice and precedent as the late Earl's will the Crown, 
and the Crown alone, could ignore in certain points the wishes of 
the testator. But the Crown had to be dealt with warily. In spite of 
his own offensive marriage, and of the Queen's French suitors, the 
Earl of Leicester was still the man best able to do this successfully. 
He could carry the Council with him; he was doubly related to 
Lady Southampton's family, he had helped her husband before, at 
her request, and he had offered again to help her if need be now; so 
he would be sure to do the best he could for her. She made up her 
mind to write first to the Earl of Leicester 1 . He liked to be con- 
sulted first, Burleigh could bide his time. 

She wrote, accordingly 2 , as early as she could reasonably have 
done so, only ten days after the death of her husband. 

1 The knowledge of how she did so came into my hands in this way. 
Searching as I did for everything concerning the name, I found in the 
Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission a reference to letters 
written by the Countess of Southampton to the Earl of Leicester in 1592. 
Knowing that she could not have written them then, or at least that he 
could not have received them, I applied to the owner of the letters, Capt. 
Charles Cottrell-Dormer of Rousham, to let me see them, and was kindly 
allowed to go down and copy them for myself. I cannot understand how 
these letters got to Rousham; neither does the present possessor. The 
Countess of Southampton's brother Anthony had married Mary, daughter 
of Sir William Dormer ; her step-sister Elizabeth married Sir Robert 
Dormer, afterwards Baron Dormer of Wing. The Dormer family were also 
related to Lord Leicester, but it is difficult to account for these special 
letters travelling from the Earl of Leicester's study to the possession of 
the Dormers. 

* I found, as I expected, that the secretary had committed an error in 
date. Apparently the first of the Countess's letters dated " i4th October," 
and endorsed "1582," must have been written in 1581. 


My Lord, as ever I helde myself greatly beholding unto you, for your 
favour and well wyshing of me, so that yt pleased yor Lordship, now in the 
tyme of my greatest dyscomfort and neede of assestance to offer so honourably 
of yor owen mocion your helpe to raise my greved mynd and defende me 
from the mallis of those that my unkynd Lord (God forgeve him) hath left 
in over great trust behynd hym. I acknowledg myself most bownd, besechynge 
yor Lordship to show that favor towards me at this tyme as you have often 
promysed and I have assured myself to fynd when inded I should have 
cause to crave the same with effecte. That my boye is past yor hande I can 
but sorrow, not remedy but that the holl stat of this erldom he is of trust 
to injoy should rest in the hands of so unworthy a person as gentell Mr 
Dymocke voyde of either wytte, abelity, or honesty to dischardg the same 
doth so vexe me as in troth my Lord I am not able to expresse. How to 
better yt I knowe no menes but by yor menes to her Majestic to have 
consideracion of the man, and great matters that resteth in his hands un- 
accomptable but by Her prerogative, which I trust by yor Lordships menes 
to procure for the good of the child. Mr Dymock proved the wyll the next 
day after my Lord his death, by his owen bare othe without the knowledge 
of any of the rest of the executors, such worthy persons as are not in stat 
to undertake yt, which makes me hope that the wyll is not of such force as 
he would have yt either in substance or surcomstance, that I intend to put 
to the (Dr Drury's) tryall, not to undo any resonable matter my Lord hath 
don herin, but to defend my chyldern and my selfe from ther fingers that 
mynd no good to either of us. Yor Lordship's ayde and assestance I desyre 
herein, that yor credytt may be used for my releife cheflye with her Majestic 
and that it wyll plese you to bestow yor breth to Doctor Drury (befor 
whom the probatt is to be made) to show all the favor he may to make yt 
voyd, and thereby the admynistration to be granted to me, upon such 
sufficient assurance for the honorable dyschardge thereof as shalbe to the 
content of all parties. That his Lordship contynewed his hard mynd towards 
me till his last, I greeve more for his sowll than any harme he hathe don to 
me therein, for my assurance of lyving rested not in his hands to bare. 
For the rest I way not, but by my troth am rather glad he hath gevyn me 
so just cawse to forgett him that otherwyse I should have caryed my 
rememberance with grefe more then enoughe to my last howere. 

Ten thousand tymes have I remembered yor speches to me full often 
touching the dyspocion of the man. I think I shall hold you for more then 
half a profiyt, that I wyshe sholde not prophecy in the worste parte of me. 
Well my Lord, I am now free, and be you sure, to the graitest prince that 
lyveth wyll I not put myself in the lyke condicyon nether for my quyett 
nor welth. Yor helping hand put to, good Lord, 'with so much good wyll 
as my affection towards yourself ever hath deserved, the matter is honorable 
and as resonable to be granted by yor menes whose credytt I hope shall ever 
be able to incounter Mr Dymocke, although my Lord of nowt made him, 


and many mo. I wold not tyer you with many lines....! rest you to God, 
and myself to your Lordships affectionate rememberance, from Battell this 
1 4th of October, Your Lordships most assured poure frend and cosyn, 


Good my Lord, borne this and tak no knowladge of my wryting for this 
tyme, for I have not made any cretur prevy to yt, but cold not be quyett 
tyll I had don, nether shalbe tyll I here from you 1 . 

The Earl of Leicester's answer to this impulsive and perhaps 
slightly imprudent letter may be inferred from her next letter dated 
clearly 25th October, 1581. 

My good Lord, 

I have receyved by my Lord my father notis of your honorable care 
had of me, in this great extremyte that bade persons dryves me into, wherfore 
I acknowlege myselfe bownd unto yor Lordship praying the contynuance of 
yor favor so fare as consyence and honor may warant the sam. The hard 
delling of my Lord towards me in his lyffe was not unknowne unto your 
Lordship, and how he hath left me at his death is to aparant to all, makyng 
his sarvant his wyffe, by geving to him all and to myself nothing that he 
colde put from me. His only dawghter is lyttle preferred in benefytt before 
his man, who surly, my Lord, colde never deserve yt with awght that is in 
him, except with feding my Lord his humour agaynst me to incresse his 
owen credytt to that heytte as now (with dyshonor more then enoughe) yt 
is comen unto. What greffe yt is to me, I can not make known unto yor 
Lordship, the rather for that yt is now remedyles. Yt resteth now that by 
yor Lordships good menes and other my frendes ther may be that don for 
the good of the chyld and surty of that which his father hath left unto 
him that yor authoritie or credytt may afford, that his evell stat may not 
rest at the devocion of Dymocke, who hath sufficed in no way to dyschardge 
yt, and for my self my desyre is not unresolved ? but as a wyffe to be con- 
sydered, and so do mynd to dell as I am delt withall by them. That my 
lyttyle sonne refused to here (hear) service is not my fawlt that hath not 
seen him almost this twoo yeres. I trust yor Lordship esteemes me to have 
some more discrecion then to forbyd him that which his fewe yeres can not 
judge of. Truly my Lord, yf my self had kept him he shold in this howse 
have come to yt as my Lord my father and all his doth. I pray yor Lordship 
that he may understand this much from me to put her (Majestic) out of 
doubt I was not gylty of that folly. With my very herty well-wyshing unto 
yor Lordship I rest in assurance of your favor and assestance which I wyll 
deserve by all the good menes I may, from Cowdray this 25th of October 
yor assured frend and cosyn, , , 


1 Letter xvn. Cottrell-Dormer MSS. 
1 Letter v. Cottrell-Dormer MSS. 


It may have struck readers of the printed series of the Privy 
Council Register 1 as peculiar that Edward Gage, who had been 
sent to prison as a stubborn recusant, should have been let out 
so often and so long (on his word of honour to return) in order 
that he should superintend the settling of the late Earl of South- 
ampton's affairs, though he was but one of five executors. 

It is probable that the Countess, who knew each of the executors 
personally, had dropped a hint to the Earl of Leicester that the only 
executor both able and willing to counteract Dymock's influence 
was her own cousin Edward Gage. If he could do nothing else, he 
could cause delay in settlement by insisting on arithmetical exactitude 
in each detail. A good many sums in Proportion would of necessity 
have to be worked out in an over-estimated will, so that the heir 
should not be the sole loser. 

Apparently Leicester's influence had been sufficient to do this at 
first, without attracting notice; to induce Dr Drury to quash 
Dymock's attempt to prove the will on his own account; and to 
urge the Queen to take things into her own high hand, with a view 
probably of securing the real wardship for himself. One item of 
the will was apparently set aside by the Queen, namely that 
compulsorily separating the daughter from the mother. There is 
unexpected corroboration of this opinion in an obscure corner of 
the Loseley Papers. Anthony Garnett, the confidential secretary 
and general manager of Lord Montague's affairs 2 , wrote to Sir 
William More on the 2Qth of November, 1581, in answer to a 
list of his queries about the characters of the four sons of Lady 
Cripps (a recusant), John, Henry, Edward, and George. Garnett 
said John had married Mr Roper's daughter, and lived in London, 
near St Mary Overies; " Henry was once my Lord's man in the 
household, and departed from us three years past, and since hath 
married Mr Culpepper's daughter of Aylesford, Kent, and dwells 
there." Edward formerly served the Earl of Warwick; George, 
the youngest "hath served in the household of the last Earl of 
Southampton for sundry years past, and is now one of his at Titch- 
field till the funeral be past None of them have been one night 

] Privy Council Registers, i3th Aug. 1580, zoth June 1581, igth Dec. 
1581, nth Jan. 1582, ist April 1582. 
1 Loseley Papers, x. 129. 


with us for these two years saving George, yesternight, who, with 
others, his fellows, brought the young Lady Wresley 1 to us, and 
departed again to Titch field." This letter was written the day 
before the funeral. 

I know not by whose authority the daughter was brought to the 
mother, but there she was. It is perfectly certain that Lord Mon- 
tague would neglect no honour he could pay to the deceased as one 
of the chief mourners in the great funeral cortege of his son-in-law, 
and would insist on being in his due place by the side of the young 
heir. After the funeral the winding up of affairs would begin afresh 
with increased difficulty through the heavy expenses entailed by 
its grandeur. Unfortunately for the family, Edward Gage's time of 
leave from prison to attend to his relative's entangled affairs was 
about to expire long before the duties necessary had been overtaken. 
To leave things to the decision of Thomas Dymock unchecked just 
then was more dangerous even than it had been. So on the 1 1 th of 
December the Countess wrote again to the Earl of Leicester 

My good Lord, as from the begynning I have rested and relyed upon the 
honorable promyse yt plesed you to make to ayde and asseste me and myne 
in all resonable cawses. So am I now ernestly to requeste yor helpe in a 
matter that conserns my chylde so much as his well or evell doing rests much 
thereupon. By my father his letter yor Lordship shall understand an 
agreement is past between my Lord his executors and us, to our resonable 
contents. Yt resteth now that yor Lordship wyll afford that favor to us, as 
my cosyn Gage, being the only man in casse to undertake and dyschardge 
this great matter of my Lord his wyll, may have furder liberty upon such 
resonable condicions as I trust will be well lyked of by yor Lordship and 
all others. 

Mr Hare is a weak sykly body, and refuseth to deal in yt, except the other 
may be in casse to perform what he shall advyse and sett downe for the 
surety of the chyldern and dischardge of the wyll. Yf possibly yt may be, 
which truly, my Lord can never be (without over great hinderance to the 
chyld) except such travell and pavnes which may ever be taken for yt, as 
I know none can or wyll do, but he who is tyed to the chyld, both in natur 
and kynship. That your Lordship shall judge my Lord my father his meaning, 
nor myne, is not to make an undutyfull motion to her Majestic or her state. 
His Lordship hath travylled with him and hath drawn him to consent to 

1 Mr Bray has written on the margin of the letter, against this name, 
"Lady Wesley." He has altered the spelling to make it into a name he 
knew, not realising apparently that Wresley was the phonetic spelling of 


enter in to such band, with such condicion as in effecte was offered unto 
him before. Good my Lord, lett me by yor menes obtayn this resonable 
favor, the great nesesity of the cause reqyryng it and the good of one so 
nere yorself as the child is, depending upon yt. Myself wyll acknowledge 
myself bound unto your Lordship therfore, and myn have cause to pray for 
you ever, and thus my good Lord, resting in assured hope of yor favor and 
furderance to this my ernest request, with my hartye well-wyshing to you as 
to my owen self, I leve to troble yor Lordship, from Cowdray this nth of 
December yor Lordships most assured poure cosyn and frend, 


I must not forget to tell your Lordship bis [Gage's] day to returne is now 
before Crysmas eve, and therfore must crave yor helpe for longer lybertye more 
speedyly as also for that as yett ther is not order takyn in any thing, nor the 
inventory made, neither such consideracion as they are to make unto my 
self perfytted which makes me with great reson the more ernest to procure 
his lyberty 1 ." 

Addressed "To my singuler good Lord the Earle of Leycester 
geve this." Endorsed "nth Decb. 1581." 

It is evident that the Earl of Leicester moved the Queen and 
Court to agree to the writer's special pleading. Court feeling was 
with the Countess, the will was an infringement of class custom, 
and the widow had many friends and relatives in power. Her 
father's letter of the I4th December supports her loyally. 

It may please yor Lordship tunderstand that after moch travaile and other 
conference with the executors of the late Erie of Southampton, we have att 
the last geven to a quiett resolution, so muche as maybe both honorable to 
the wife and surtye to the children. It falleth now out that the chardge of 
the will is so great, and so far surmounteth the matter appoynted to dis- 
chardge it, thatt without an extraordinary fidelitye, care, and attendance it 
is hardly possible the same may be performed without 2 
of the younge chylde. 


The cheffe (and indeede the only) personne that is reputed likely and able 
by care and travaill to do good therein is my cousin Edward Gage, without 
whom Mr Hare (being indeede wise, learned and honest, yett weake and 
subject to extraordinarye infirmities, refuseth in effect all dealinge), my 
humble sute therfor to yor Lordship is that in this case so moche towching 
the well or evil doing of these chylderne, yor Lordship wolde vowchsafe to 
putt to yor helpinge hande for the liberty of the said Edward Gage, and yett 

1 Letter iv. Cottrell-Dormer MSS. 

* Spaces have been left where the handwriting becomes uncertain. 


lothe in any wise, to seeme forgetfull eyther of his present state, or of my 
duty to the honor of that bonde, and I have ernestly delt with him to frame 
himselfe to accept of some such band as I learne hath bin before offered, 
and he then refused, the rather to move all your Lordships to favour this 
sute for his libertye. 

A note of that he is unto I sende yor Lordship herewith 

hoping that the same will be to your Lordships likynge. The tyme of his 
retorne to prison is before Crismas, and therefore I am the more bound to 
crave your Lordships honorable assistance and 

And thus my good Lord, I doo wish unto you long and happie liffe, from 
my howse att Cowdraye the I4th of December 1581. Your Lordships 

assured friend and kynsman, A , , 


It would be interesting to compare the items of the will of the 
first Earl of Southampton, who had made the family fortune 2 , and 
that of the second Earl, who had neither earned nor gained nor been 
granted any new supplies, who had been appointed to no lucrative 
office and had not inherited anything from any one (except his 
mother), who had lost considerably through fines and imprisonment, 
and who had lived at an extravagant rate, even for his rank. He 
had willed in what was meant to be ready money in pounds 6830, 
in marks 1420, with many fees and annuities for life or periods of 
years, and "the Queen's Thirds." Edward Gage was to reduce 
the late Earl's dreams to the reality, and his liberty was extended 
on the 1 8th December. But Lord Montague did not use his 
influence, probably did not wish to do so, to shield his daughter 
from the search in Southampton House in Holborn ordered on 
the 20th December of that year. 

The chief question was to find sufficient ready money for urgent 
needs and legacies. The heralds who conducted the funeral on 
3Oth November, 1581, would not like to be kept waiting, nor the 
servants, who were to be retained for three months and leave with 
40 apiece (some of them more), nor the poor bedeswomen ; and there 
were current necessary expenses. It is perfectly certain that Lord 
Montague in his liberality, sympathy, and family pride, would have 
to advance large sums to ease the burdens of the other executors, 
none of them men of means like himself. The monuments could 

1 Letter xn. Cottrell-Dormer MSS. 

2 Thevalueof the lands of Thomas, Earl of Southampton, is 1350. ios.6d. 
Cecil Papers, Petitions, 2138. 


wait, and would have to wait; and Lord Montague was the only 
person concerned, who had the taste and magnificence sufficient 
to select and plan the design of the tomb which still survives in the 
little church at Titch field. 

Doubtless his influence likewise helped to hasten on the Inquisi- 
tion Post Mortem. This was commenced on 30th May, 1582, and 
completed on the i8th June of same year at Alton, Hampshire, 
before the escheators 1 Benjamin Tichbourne, Thomas Vuedale, 
John Snell, armigers, from the statements of the friends and servants 
of the deceased. The list of the manors is given Bloomsbury in 
Holborn, Bugle Hall or Bull Place in Southampton, Beaulieu, 
Titchfield, etc.; the will of the first Earl is recalled and the 
indenture between the second Earl and the Viscount Montague 
and others to protect the interests of the Countess Mary recorded, 
as is the Earl's will of the i oth May 1 1 Eliz., when his daughter 
the Lady Jane was his heir presumptive, with instructions what 
was to be done when she attained her full age (a whole sheet 
is wanting here, at the most interesting part). 

The Inquisition then deals with the Earl's will drawn up on 
24th June, 1581^ The will, which was attested 4 by Thomas 
Lord Paget and Thomas Dymock, was proved by Edward Gage, 
Gilberd Wells, Ralf Hare, Thomas Dymock on yth November 
1582, when things were settled as well as they could be at the 
time 2 . 

The contents of the office drawn after the death of Henry late Earl of 
Southampton 3 . 

First the jointure of the Countess by indenture made the 10 of February 
anno x mo Rne. Eliz. between the said Earl of the one party and the Lord 
Mountegue and Symon Lowe of the other party. 

Item that the said Earl after, by indenture dated x mo die Maii ao x m Rne. 
Eliz. made between the said Earl of the one party and the Lord Mountegue 
and John Hippesley Esquere of the other party, did for the consideration 
therein recited covenant with the said Lord Mountague and John Hippesley, 
that he the said Earl and all persons &c. should stand seized of all his Lord- 
ship's manors lands and tenements to the use of the said Earl for term of 
his life natural without impeachment of waste and after his decease to the 
use of the Lord Mountague Raffe Scrope and John Hippesley their executors 

1 Inq. P. M. Eliz. Part i. 196/46. * Rowe, 45. 

8 Mr Gunton kindly checked my copy of some notes from Cecil Papers, 
206. 99. 


and assigns until one of the sons of the said Earl should be of the full age of 
21 years, with divers remainders to his own issue and for want thereof to 
others upon trust that the said Lord Mountague &c. shall pay the debts and 
legacies of the said Earl &c. with a proviso that the said Earl may demise 
his manors lands and tenements aforesaid. 

A proviso that the said Earl may change and alter the uses. 

A proviso for leases to stand in force. 

Item, the said Earl's will, That the said Earl divided and set out the third 
part to the Queen's Majesty and the other 2 parts to the executors for per- 
formance of his will. 

The Queen's Majesty's third part descended to the young Earl. 

The part left to the executors. 

The tenures and values of the lands &c. 

Endorsed "Contents of the Earl of Southampton's Office." 

In a book called The Sale of Wards at the Record Office 1 , it is 
stated that the annual sum of the property by the assets had been 
found on the I3th day of June 1582, to be ^1097. ^ Il %d. 
There is no mention of a guardian. 

At the beginning of the following year a tabulated report was 
prepared by the executors and handed in by Lord Howard 2 . 

The yearly value of the Erie of Southampton his Lands as well in possession 
as in reversion. The yearely value of the Countess of Southampton her 
revenewe parcell of the Premises 362. 19*. o< 

The Lands dyscended to the nowe Earle in her Majestie's hands per 
Annum 370. l6s. 8%d. 

The Lands devysed by the late Erles last wyll to the Executors per 
Annum 363. us. ^\<L. 

Summa total. 1097. 6s. fyd. 

The yerely revenue which the said Erie shall receive at his full age Imprimis 
his Landes which are in her Majestie's hands because of his mynoritie, and 
the landes which the Executors have by the devyce of the last Erie's wylle 
shalbe out of lease at his full age to grant which will be yearly worth^ooo, 
over and above the said Countess' joynture being of the yerely value of 
362. 195. o$d. 

Item, there wylbe made also by a greate fyne at the least 2000. 

Item the Leases of Micheldever, Estratton and West Stratton, and of the 
Parsonage of Tychfield with the other leases wylbe yearly worth ^400. 

Sum of the said Erles yerely Revenue 4000, over and above the said 
Countess joynture being of the yerely rent of 362. 19^. oj</. 

Item the Executors may not by the said Erles wyll lett or grant any 
1 Vol. 21-30 Eliz. no. 157. z Lansdowne MS. xxxvu. 30. 


(From the monument in Titchfield Church) 


copyhold or ferine, but the same must be at the disposition of the Erie at 
his full age. 

Item that the said Erie shall have his howses well furnishyd, and stuffed 
with all manner of furnyture, Armor and plate, and his grounds well stocked 
and stored with cattell, which the executors must performe, beside the great 
quantitye of woode growing uppon the said Erles lands. 

Lands and Leases which presentlie oughte to be in the saide Erles posession 
The Manor of Ytchell, purchased in the Erie's name, of the yerely value of 

Item the Leases of Estratton Westratton and Mycheldever, and the 
parsonage of Tychfield of the yearely value of ^300. summa ^400. 

Endorsed "3rd January 1582/3. Noting of the Erie of South- 
ampton's Leases from ye Lord Howard." 

With the exception of attesting that the copy of the Earl's will 
made for probate was the same as that which the Earl had written, 
Lord Thomas Paget seems to have taken no trouble with his departed 
friend's testament; Charles Paget, his brother, is never heard of 
again and was probably absent in settling his own affairs, so that "the 
casting vote " on points of differences in opinion would always lie 
with Thomas Dymock; the Lord Admiral, finding this Wardship 
involved much trouble, some humiliation, and no present prospect 
of remuneration, seems to have resigned it into the Queen's hands, 
or sold it to Lord Burleigh. 

In one of the Wriothesley Pedigrees in the British Museum 1 the 
note is added " Henry Earl of Southampton, now living, under age, 
and the Queen's Ward." No mention is made of a guardian, but 
later events shew that Burleigh acted as one, for the Queen as Master 
of the Wards. We may have gathered that the Countess rather 
regretted that the Earl of Leicester had not secured the office; but 
Lord Burleigh was in every way a better and more suitable guardian 
than Leicester could have been at his best. 

Burleigh seems to have taken the boy away, in the first instance, 
to a place where Thomas Dymock dared not follow, to his own 
home, with only occasional visits allowed to his mother and grand- 
father. Lord Burleigh was very fond of children, his wife was 
educated up to the highest level of women's learning of the time, 
and his son Robert, about 1 2 years the young Earl's senior, a model 

1 Harl. MS. f. 44. See also his most ambitious Pedigree, Had. Rot. O. 12. 
s. s. 2 


of industry, patience, and learning. Above all, Lord Burleigh could 
inculcate conformity to the Queen's will in matters of religion 
without undue harshness; and we may be sure that never more 
would the boy have the courage to refuse to be present at the 
reading of the English service. 

Lord Burleigh also knew how to manage great estates ; we can 
well imagine him content that the recusant Edward Gage should 
be free so long as he did him such excellent service in the Office at 
Titch field. 

We have, however, no clearer information concerning the Earl's 
boyish education than we have concerning his childish training, 
except through inferences. 

His grandfather would be sure to take him to see how his 
various manors were being kept by care-takers or tenants. He would 
ere long notice that there was something wanting in all of them 
which he found in Cowdray the recognition of harmony, sym- 
metry, and ordered art. The pictures of Cowdray themselves helped 
in his education. He would never weary of hearing his grandfather 
describe the portraits, the historical pictures, the curios, the carvings 
that surrounded them. One thing must have at some time or other 
bewildered the child. How was it that all this came through the 
" Earl of Southampton," and did not come to him ? We can justly 
imagine he asked that question, and that the grandfather kindly and 
wisely explained the rather mixed relations of the two. He would 
probably say some such words as " Long since, my boy, our family 
held high place. We can trace back our descent to Edward I and 
Edward III and John of Gaunt 1 . But it is enough to begin with 
the Nevilles. Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury, and the Lady Alice 
Montacute were the parents of Richard, the great Earl of War- 
wick, called u the King-Maker "; their third son was Sir John, who 
was made the Marquis of Montacute (or Montague) by Edward IV. 
He was slain at the Battle of Barnet in 1471. His son George died 
childless, but he left five daughters, co-heiresses, by his wife Isabella 
Ingoldsthorpe ; the eldest, Anne, married Sir William Stonor; 
Elizabeth married Lord Scrope of Upsall and Masham ; Margaret, 
Sir John Mortimer ; Lucy, Sir Thomas Fitzwilliam, of Aldwark, 
Yorkshire ; and Isabel, William Huddleston. The fourth daughter, 
1 British Archaeological Journal, xxin. p. 231. 


Lucy Neville, lost her husband. She had several sons, who, all but the 
youngest, died. With that son, William, she came to Court, married 
my grandfather, the first Sir Anthony, and had by him one son, my 
father, and two daughters. William Fitzwilliam adored his mother 
and her younger children. He rose in the favour of Henry VIII 
till he was rich enough to buy Cowdray from Sir David Owen, 
who had got it through his wife, the heiress of the De Bohuns. 
Then the King made him Earl of Southampton. That is why, 
when he rebuilt this place, he wrought his own arms on the fretted 
roof W. S. and a trefoil and an anchor, because he was Lord 
Admiral. He made a settlement on himself and wife for ///<?, then 
on my father and his male heirs. When he died, everybody thought 
the King would give my father the tide, as he had received the 
property he deserved it! The King let it lapse. In the reign of 
Edward VI, when all the Councillors but my father gave themselves 
tides in the name of the young King, Lord Thomas Wriothesley, 
your own grandfather, was offered an Earldom, proposed to be of 
Winchester, afterwards of Chichester; but he chose Southampton, 
probably because the town was near his chief manor of Titchfield. 
So, when Queen Mary made me a peer, I chose my tide from my 
grandmother's pedigree, and was allowed. An Earl does take pre- 
cedence of a Viscount, boy ; but do not forget your mother comes 
of an older stock than your father's. 

" And never forget, boy, that the chief value of nobility is as a 
training in virtue 'Noblesse oblige'; and our mottoes are to help 
us to bear in mind the thoughts of our ancestors. 

"The first Earl of Southampton's motto was 'Loyaulte se prou- 
uera,' your grandfather's was ' Ung par tout, tout par ung,' a good 
motto, which is now your own, and ours is 'Suivez Raison.' 

" I feel that I bear my uncle Southampton's motto as well as my 
father's. Grieved am I that my father never came to his great 
inheritance, though he had to fulfil his brother's will. It is not that 
I wished Mabel Clifford, his beloved wife, to die sooner (we all loved 
her), but I did wish and pray that my father should have lived 
longer and enjoyed the fruits of his strenuous labours, which all 
came to me. I try to fulfil his will, and I am completing his plans 
for Cowdray, which my aunt in her goodwill allowed him to use 
as his own till the end of his life. He had high ideas, my father; 

2 2 


you can see something of his designs. I strive to complete them, 
for him and his memory." 

The boy's cousin, younger by four months, would stand by 
listening open-eyed, and beg some stories of their ancestors' doings 
and thus young Henry Wriothesley would hear what was expected 
of men of his rank and learn to dream of martial glory. 

The young Earl's thoughts would also unconsciously be moulded 
by the events of which the news and the world's criticism came 
to that many-voiced "House of Rumour" where Burleigh dwelt. 
Robert Cecil would tell him of the university life he had led, of 
the characters of the men he met in his guardian's galleries, of the 
hopes he had for England. Altogether, even as a child, the Earl 
might secure a much broader outlook than could ever have been 
given to him in the narrow-circled haunts of his father. 

Meanwhile, though probably the young Earl knew nothing of it, 
Lord Burleigh had been making strict enquiries about all the tenants 
and dwellers in the various houses belonging to the property; all the 
more carefully because all of them would necessarily be Catholics, 
so strict had been the practices of the late Earl. One paper is 
interesting enough to give as an illustration 1 . 

Account of Bewley 

1st. The House of Bewly occupied by Mr John Chamberlain who hath the 
same by Mr William Chamberlain his brother who had the same of the 
executors of the Earle. 

And the said Mr John Chamberlain hath the personage and all the grounds 
within the wall, which by estimation is thought to be about fifty acres, and 
Mr Chamberlain pays to the Executors yearly, the some of 30. And also 
towards the repairing of the House yearely .5 ; and for surveing the cure to 
the Minister of Bewley 12, and the said John Chamberlain paid for his 
brother for a fyne during the yeres of the young Erie's minoritie the sum 
of 200. 

The names of the persons remaining there 
Mr John Chamberlain the eldest and his wife 
Mr John Chamberlain his son, and Elizabeth his wife 
Mrs Margaret Kingston, widow, aunt to Mr John Chamberlain the elder 
Elizabeth daughter to Mr John Chamberlain the elder, 
4 women servants, 6 menservants. 
The names of the persons lately departed 
Mr Thomas Gifford and Cycely his wife and Mary Lyon 

1 Lansdowne MS. XLIII. (63). 


Mr Michael Chamberlain and Elizabeth his wife 
Another Chambermaid with Mr Gifford, Two men of Mr Gifford's 
Mr Richard Chamberlain his servants, Ursula Trussell his maide 
Elizabeth Hussey her kinswoman, Thomas Jennings and Nicholas Lockley 
Item, about the Hay, Mr Chamberlain has from certain meadows called 
the Fulling Mill lande for which he paid for during the minority of the 
Earle to Mr Coxe and Mr Dudson, my Lord Chamberlain's servants 10. 
Mem. All these notes are set down by me John Chamberlain the Younger 
and Elizabeth his Mother. 

8th daie of Maie 1585. (Signatures of attesting witnesses) 

The Chamberlains had been well-known servants of the second 

One would hardly expect to find much about the young Earl in 
Church Records, yet there are some references which do concern 
him, directly as well as indirectly. Southampton House was in the 
Parish of St Andrew's, Holborn, and that living was in the family 
gift. Ely Place, the residence of his grandfather until the days of 
Edward VI, stood just to the west of the church, as may be seen in 
the old map in the British Museum Print Room, bound up with 
the Cowdray pictures. His grandmother, the Countess Jane, had 
appointed Ralph Whytlin 1 as Rector in 1558. John Proctor 2 , a 
literary man, was appointed on his death in 1578 (Humphrey Donat 
pro hac vice ratione advoc. ei concess. per Henry Com. Southampton), 
On his death in 1584 the distinguished Dr Bancroft succeeded, and 
remained Rector until 1597, wnen he was raised to the Bishopric 
of London; and the Queen had taken the Royal Privilege of 
nominating the successor when the Crown had promoted the in- 
cumbent. On raising the Rector to the Bishopric of London, she 
appointed John King, S.T.B., loth May, 1597. S we may gather 
the character of the men who, during his life, officiated in the 
church which the Earl was bound to attend when he was dwelling 
in his Bloomsbury house. 

About the appointment of Bancroft we have some information 
from Nicolas. Sir Christopher Hatton had written to Lord Burleigh 
to allow his Chaplain, Dr Richard Bancroft, to hold the Rectory 
of St Andrew's. Burleigh replied 3 : 

1 Newcourt's Repertorium, i. p. 272. 

J He wrote the story of Wyat's rebellion. 

* Nicolas, Life of Sir Christopher Hatton, p. 384. 


I perceive by your courteous letters, your desire to procure your Chaplain 
Mr Bancroft to succeed in the place of the parson of St Andrews, lately 
deceased, the patronage of which belonging to the Earl of Southampton 
now in Wardship and so as you suppose, to be disposed of by us. Herein 
I am very willing, both for your own sake, and for Mr Bancroft, being very 
meet for the place, to do what in me lieth. The doubt I have is that the 
patronage appertaineth to the Earl in right of his house in Holborn, that 
was aforetime the Bishop of Lincoln's, and then the right of presentation 
belongs to the executors, whereof one of the heirs is principal, and Edward 
Gage another, and one Wells another, with whom you may do well to deal; 
and if it be not in them, you shall have my assent. And for the better 
knowledge thereof, I have given your chaplain my letter to the Auditor of 
the Wards, who can best inform you whether it remains to the Queen or 
to the Executors. From my house at Theobald's the 6th of August 1584 
Yours assuredly as any 


Backed by Sir Christopher Hatton and Lord Burleigh, Dr Ban- 
croft was bound to succeed with the executors, even if it were in 
their gift; and Newcourt says it was. Bancroft was appointed I4th 
September 1584. Something else happened in St Andrew's Church, 
in the following year, very much more interesting to the young Earl. 
We find from the Bishop of London's Marriage Licences 1 that his 
only sister Mary was married there in June 1585. Though the 
Bishop of London was quite sure about the bride, he (or his clerk), 
for he was but a new-made Bishop, was not quite so sure about 
the bridegroom. He said he was "Sir Matthew Arundle Knt.," 
whereas the name should have read "Mr Thomas, son of Sir 
Matthew Arundle Knt." (It is pleasant to note this flagrant error, 
as so many have tried to fix scandal upon Shakespeare 2 by a clerk's 
error in his marriage licence at Worcester.) Taken in full the entry 
should have read "Mr Thomas Arundel son of Sir Matthew 
Arundel Knight and Mary Wrisley (Wriothesley) spinster, daughter 
of Henry, late Earl of Southampton, to marry in the Chapel of 
Mary Countess of Southampton in St Andrew's, Holborn." We 
do not know who married them, as they were both Catholics and 
probably would have a private marriage first. Here was the very 
thing the young Earl would delight in a real brother-in-law, all 

1 Harleian Publications, vol. xxv. 140. 

1 See my Shakespeare's Family, p. 62, and Shakespeare's Environment, 
p. 92. 


his own, young, and yet old enough in his thirteen extra years of 
life to have travelled, to have been imprisoned for his faith (in 
1580), to have had military training and service so thorough that 
he had been designated "the Valiant"; a man who could fill the 
young Earl's soul with the stories that he most desired, of war and 
foreign fields and glory. Burleigh and his son Robert were too 
pacific to stimulate that side of their ward's nature. This Thomas 
was the son of Sir Matthew, by Margaret, daughter of Sir Henry 
Willoughby 1 of Wollaton, Notts, known to gossip as a shrew. 

The lady would be a mother-in-law that her son's wife must 
have somewhat dreaded. The Wriothesleys were of the new 
nobility, the Arundels were oldest of the old. Many Earls were 
in their pedigree, some Dukes, and a few Queens. 

Thomas Arundel subscribed jioo to help the English fleet 
against the Armada in 1588, as he was then engaged in fighting 
against the Turks in Hungary 2 . All shades of Christians could 
unite then in thrusting back the Infidels. The Emperor Rudolf II, 
on 1 4th December, 1595, made him a Count of the Holy Roman 
Empire, a title that Elizabeth did not allow him to assume. He 
succeeded to his father as owner of Wardour in 1598, and was 
made Baron in 1 605. Many letters about his troubles appear among 
the Salisbury Papers. 

Thomas had a highly cultured younger brother, William, who 
probably attracted young Southampton to art and literature 3 . 

1 See New Review, Oct.-Dec. 1889, p. 542. 

1 G. E. C. His wife Mary Wriothesley died on 2yth June, 1607, and was 
buried at Tisbury, Wilts. He married again, and had a son baptized at St 
Andrew's, Holborn "Matthew the son of Thomas Lord Arundell baptized 
1 9th June 1609." Both Lord Thomas and his wife were buried at Tisbury, 

8 Pym Yeatman's House of Arundel and Vivian's Visitation of Cornwall. 



IN the autumn of the year 1585 the Earl's guardian sent him to 
the University. He was admitted at St John's College, Cambridge, 
as Fellow-Commoner at Michaelmas 1585. In the Register is the 
entry "Ego Henricus comes Southamptoniensis admissus eram in 
alumnum huius Collegii diui Johannis Euangelistae decimo sexto 
die Octobris anno Domini 1585" (St John's College). "Dec. n, 
1585, Hen. Comes Southampton impubes 12 annorum admissus 
in Matriculam Acad. Cant:" (Matric. University). There, young 
as he was, he would meet with other youths of the same age, all 
engaged in mental work in various branches of learning. Even at 
this stage in his life, we learn few details concerning him; yet we 
have the broad general appreciative testimony of Camden: "Edward 
VI,conferred the tide on Thomas Wriothesley x Lord Chancellor. . . 
and his grandson Henry, by Henry his son now enjoys that tide, 
who, in his younger years, has armed the nobility of his birth, with 
the ornaments of Learning and military arts, that in his riper years, 
he may employ them in the service of his country." 2 Henry Wrio- 
thesley did not find a fellow-student at College (as his grandfather 
had done) enthusiastic enough to record his youthful beauties, his 
"golden hair," his talent for acting, his dabbling in the Muses' fount, 
attributed by Leland to Thomas Wriothesley 2 in his Encomia. But, 
on this one side of his character, he does seem to have inherited 
his literary and histrionic tastes from that grandfather. 

Some of his College exercises were sent to Lord Burleigh, to 
allow him to measure the exactitude of his scholarship and the 
excellence of his caligraphy. These are hardly worth giving in 
extenso, as it is not at all likely that the thoughts expressed were 
his own. It is most likely that a sample of supposed good English 
had been given him to translate into good Latin. The earliest I have 
seen is endorsed "June 1586," wherein he proves to his own 

1 Britannia, p. 123. * See Addenda. 


satisfaction the soundness of the tide "Igitur laboriosa juventutis 
studia sunt, jucunda senectutis otia." 1 It is written in a beautiful 
clear Italian handwriting, upright, and obedient to a broad margin 
on the left hand, but breaking through the proportional margin to 
the right, crowding the letters. He signed it with a larger, bolder 
hand, modelled upon that of his father, and, like that of the other 
jeunesse doree of his day, acutely angular. 

Another similar exercise has been preserved, dated July 22nd, 
I586 2 . He must have had approval of this, or he would not have 
sent it to his guardian. It is written in a similar handwriting. The 
title was "Omnes ad studium virtutis incitantur spe premii." He 
gives his arguments in correct Latin, but he must have somewhat 
varied his text, as he ends with the tide modified in his conclusion, 
"Facile igitur videri potest quod omnes ad studium virtutis inci- 
tantur spe gloriae." 

By the following year, Latin letters took the place of Latin 
exercises to send to his guardian, and there the thoughts and 
composition were probably his own, as well as the Latin. He wrote 
to thank Lord Burleigh for taking care of his affairs: 

Magnas tibi gratias ago (honoratissime Domine) quod res mea tibi tanto- 
pere curae sunt utinam gratitudinem tibi ostendere possem aut saltern 
aliquo modo earn significare sed obsecro (quia his Nuntius tarn cito discessit 
ut tempus non erat satis longum ad scribendum amplius hoc tempore) ut in 
bonam partem accipies hanc meam brevem epistolam posthac spondeo et 
polliceor me te et pluribus verbis et sepius velle affari et te oro ut quemad- 
modum cepisti mihi in omnibus rebus, opem prestari, ita pergas facere id 
quod facis et ita me tibi semper deuinctum curabis. Deus te servet incolu- 
mem. Cantabrigiae x Junii 1587 Honori tui deuinctissimus. 


The writing is not quite so careful as that of the two essays. The 
right-hand margin is still somewhat crowded by completions of words. 

Several letters of a similar handwriting are preserved in a volume 
of the Lansdowne manuscripts (No. xvn), some of which suggest 
that they had been written by the writing master who had taught 
the young Earl this style. 

As was to be expected, a will like the second Earl's produced a 
plentiful crop of little law-suits, which of course meant expenditure 

1 Lansdowne MS. L. .23. * Cecil Papers, MS. 302. 

* Lansdowne MS. LIII. .51. 


of the estate, whichever side won. For instance, there is one noted 
in the Book of Wards and Liveries*. "Charles Lord Howard, 
Lord Admiral of England Committee of the bodye and landes of 
Henry Earl of Southampton, her Majestys Ward, hath on behalf 
of the said Earl exhibited a bill in this court, against the executors 
of Henry late Earl father of the ward, to have the yearly leases of 
Micheldever, Stratton, and Titchfield parsonages, which are let on 
lease to divers persons until the said young Earl shall accomplish 
his age of 1 8 years," the first two for the yearly rent of 40. 1 3*. \d., 
and Titchfield for the yearly rent of 100; and various days had 
been appointed for the meeting of the learned counsel on both sides 
and debating the question, and "it hath plainely appeared unto this 
court, that the rents and profits of the said leases in right and equitie 
appertayne properly to the said ward, and that the late Earle his 
father could not justly by will or otherwise, dispose of these leases, 
as pretended by the executors, the same being devised unto the 
nowe young Earle by the last will of Jane Countess of Southampton 
his grandmother, and the said late Earl having no interest in the 
same but only as executor to the Lady Jane. It is therefore ordered 
that the farmers of the parsonages shall henceforth during the 
minority of the young Earl, pay yearly to the Lord Treasurer, who 
is now Committee of the said Ward, to the use of the young Earl, 
their yearely rents of 40. 13*. 4^., and of 100, and the Lord 
Treasurer will give them a receipt, which will secure them, and 
also the executors, against the young Earl and any other person. 
As the young Earl is now grown into some years, whereby the small 
exhibition allowed by her Highness suificeth not for his convenyent 
mayntenance and expense, which exhibition is so much the less and 
cannot conveniently be increased by reason that the said Earl's lands 
in her majesties hands during the minoritie are but of small value 
because of several conveyances made by the late Earl for yearly 
payments of annuities, and the dischardge of great dettes by him 
owing for certain legacies given by him, it is therefore ordered that 
the said rents be made payable to the Lord Treasurer to defray the 
necessary expenses and honorable mayntenance of the young Earl 
over and above the small annuity allowed him by the Queen, as 
appertain to the estate and years of the young Earl." 
1 Vol. LXXXV, Trinity, 28 Eliz. 


Thus were the greater expenses of his University life met. 

In the Hilary term of the following year Richard Kingsmill Esq. *, 
her Majesty's Attorney for Henry, Earl of Southampton, her 
Majesty's ward, complained that the Earl's father was in his lifetime 
lawfully seized in demesne as of fee, in the Manor of Broadhenbury 
in the parish of Broadhenbury, Co. Devon, and in the grange thereof 
and of divers other lands, and about five years last past died seized. 
They descended to the young Earl, but the tenants and farmers paid 
their tithes to the Vicar of Broadhenbury. The grounds were 
formerly parcel of the Abbey, and at the dissolution belonged to 
Henry VIII, to whom they paid their tithes. Now Roger Carre, 
Vicar of Broadhenbury, hath commenced a suit sent before Thomas 
Barrett, Archdeacon and officer to the Bishop of Exon., against 
Thomas Ellis, one of the tenants, for his tithes, which ought not 
to be paid, contrary to the ancient custom, and the disherison of the 
young Earl." The answer is dated 31 st Oct. 1588. Roger Carre 
knew of a truth the lands belonged to the young Earl, but having 
heard that the previous Vicar had tithes, he had begun suit for 
them On hearing that he ought not to have done so, he apparently 
gave in. 

Another bill in the same Court, in the same term of the following 
year, lay nearer home. Thomas Dymock, Gent. 2 , on behalf of Henry, 
Earl of Southampton, her Majesty's ward, complains that Richard 
Pitts, being an ill neighbour to his Park at Whiteley Park, Co. 
Southampton, came with others by night and stole the deer there- 
from, with guns, dogs, etc., and beat the keepers. This suggests that 
Thomas Dymock was employed as Steward still. His interest in 
Whiteley Park was great. He was paid for living in it, to keep it 
for the young Earl, and his perquisites were large. 

Lord Montague had written to Sir William More 3 on the 28th of 
June, 1584, telling him about a cause in law which would affect 
the interests both of Lord Southampton and of his own son Anthony, 
and begging Sir William to try to procure an equal trial, free from 
any indirect practices. I have not been able to determine to which 
case this refers. 

The threatening attitude of Spain caused an enquiry into the 

1 Court of Wards and Liveries, Hil., 29 Eliz., Bundle 27. 

2 Ibid. Hil., 30 Eliz., Bundle 29. Loseley Papers, x. 96. 


amount of armour in the country. The supplies at Titchfield were 
not forgotten 1 . Hence ensued, 24th February, 1586-7, "A letter 
to the executors of the Erie of Southampton, that forasmuche as 
her Majestic thinketh it convenient, that the armor, weapons and 
suche like furniture belonging to the young Erie of Southampton, 
and remayning at his house at Tytchefelde, should be removed from 
thence and committed to the custody of some person who should 
looke into the same to be so kept and preservid that it might nether 
be increased or diminished, nor fall into decaye by meanes of rust 
or otherwise, nor to come to the handes of any ill affected persons, 
the rather in respecte of the doubtfullnes of theis times, of some 
forraine attemptes that might be intendid upon the seacost of that 
shire, and, namely, at Portesmouth, her Highnes' will and pleasure 
is, and so she hathe willed us to signifye unto you, that ye shall 
make delivery of suche armour, weapons and furniture as is at 
Tychfelde unto suche person or persons whome our very good Lord 
the Erie of Sussex shall direct unto yow to receave the same, which 
shalbe by bylle indented betwixt them and you, to the end that both 
the quantities and sortes thereof maye be knowne and annswerid 
hereafter, and in the meane time carefully looked unto, the better 
to preserve the same to the use of the said Erie hereafter or other- 
wise of her Majesty, if nede shoulde requier to use the same for 
her Majesties service upon any occasion happening thereof against 
forraine enemies or other ill attemptes ; in which case if any parte 
of the said armor and munition shoulde happen to be decayed or 
diminished, allowance shalbe made thereof by her Majestye as 
reason is." 

On June I4th, 1587, the Earl of Southampton's armour is to be 
scoured and dressed by his Executors. A Royal Order in the State 
Papers 2 supports and expresses this order. 

Southampton might well have been present at his holiday time 
as a spectator of a comedy played at Gray's Inn on the i6th 
January, 1587-8. Most of the great noblemen are recorded to 
have been present : the Earls of Warwick and Leicester, the Earl of 
Ormond, Lord Burleigh, Lord Gray of Wilton, and others. On the 
28th of February following, The Misfortunes of Arthur, written by 

1 Privy Council Register, xiv. 340. 
* D.S.S.P. Eliz. ecu. 25. 


Thomas Hughes, was acted by eight of the members of the Society 
before the Queen at Greenwich, and he might have seen that also. 

The very next day the Earl of Southampton was admitted 
member of Gray's Inn, introduced by his guardian. But that did not 
necessitate his leaving Cambridge until all his terms had been kept. 

About the same time Francis Bacon offered to produce a masque 
for Lord Burleigh. So the young Lord had at least the opportunities 
of seeing dramatic performances other than those of his own College. 

The young student had not passed these years of his life without 
hearing something of the great national and European events. He 
would know of the mysterious wooing of Elizabeth by the Due 
d'Anjou, of his brother's death and his succession, of his arrested 
courtship inherited by the Due d'Alen^on; and his mind would 
draw his own conclusions from the results. He would hear of the 
doings of the Scottish Queen from both sides from the most en- 
thusiastic admirers and the most unfriendly critics. He would hear 
of the undeserved execution of Edward Arden of Park Hall, on a 
charge of supposed conspiracy ; of the real conspiracy of Francis 
Throgmorton, abetted by some of those who, before he was born, 
had been imprisoned in the Tower along with his father. He would 
gather suggestions of the increasing determination of the Pope to 
regain his toll of Peter's Pence from England ; of the lazy pre- 
parations of Philip II of Spain to invade England; of the exciting 
stories of Sir Francis Drake's dashing and successful exploits in the 
West Indies and at the very gates of Spain; of Sir Philip Sidney's 
escape from Court with his beloved Fulke Greville, to take 
possession of his grant of 300,000 acres of land in Virginia "yet 
to be discovered"; of their flight to Plymouth to embark with Sir 
Francis Drake 1 ; of Elizabeth's parental chase after them to bring 
them back to Court on their allegiance; of Sir Philip's permission to 
go, under his uncle the Earl of Leicester, to the Low Country wars, 
there to be wounded, and, denied the loving attendance of Fulke 
Greville, to die after lingering pain, embalmed for ever in the 
hearts of poets in the odour of romance. He would hear also 
of the urgent collection of the Subsidies to secure the sinews 
of war. His property does not seem to have been assessed, but 

1 This must have been in September, 1585. 


the contrasts in the assessments of the people among whom he 
moved are both mysterious and interesting. So I give a small 

Lord Burleigh entered his lands as worth 200 marks, and was 
assessed at 8. 17*. yd. in 1586; Robert, Earl of Leicester, owned 
300 in land and paid 20, as did Edward, Earl of Rutland, on 26th 
May, 1587; Viscount Montague had 500 worth of land, for which 
he paid 33. 6s. 8<, the same sum as Philip, Earl of Arundel ; 
Henry, Earl of Sussex, had only 200 marks in land and paid the 
same as Burleigh; Henry, Earl of Pembroke, paid 40 on 600 
worth of land; William, Earl of Worcester on 200 worth paid 
i 3. 6s. 8d. ; Elizabeth, Countess of Lincoln, on the same extent of 
land paid the same subsidy; Mary, Countess of Southampton, upon 
120 worth of land paid 8; Arthur, Lord Grey of Wilton, on 
jioo worth paid 6. 8s. ^d. The need for preparedness increased. 

The young Lord would hear, horror-struck, the joy-bells of the 
churches ringing on the execution of the Scottish Queen, whom all 
Catholics were bound to consider the legal, if not the elected, 
Queen of England. Then Philip, giving up further delays, hastened 
his preparations to invade in his own right and with his own 
claims to the Crown. Southampton would see his guardian's 
brows knit in anxious thought how to evade the consequences of 
Henry VI IPs actions; he would hear of the massing of men all 
over the country ; he would fret at his trammelled youth, desirous 
to do something, to win "glory." Was he present with the Court 
at the Queen's review of her land forces at Tilbury, when the first 
nobleman who appeared was his grandfather (loyal to his country, 
in spite of his faith) leading 200 men fed, clothed, and armed by 
himself "to see that no stranger should land"? With him were 
Anthony, his son and heir, his other sons, George and Henry, some 
of his brothers, and a "fair young child," all mounted on horseback 
and leading their bands, to shew that Montague at least was willing 
to risk his all in the Queen's cause and that "fair child" was 
Southampton's own cousin, born four months after him in Cowdray 
Park! The example of Montague had a weighty influence among 
loyal Catholics and it gave profound discouragement to the Pope's 
allies. We know this through " A copy of a letter left by the 
priest Leigh in his cell when he was taken to execution, edited and 


published by Richard Field, and printed for him by J. Vautrollier, 
in Blackfriars." We do not know whether young Southampton in 
rivalry fled with his former " Committee " Lord Howard, to be taken 
aboard his man-of-war on the great occasion; or if he attempted 
to move some of his younger friends who had secured boats to rush 
to the sea and follow Drake to victory. He would have no money 
to secure a boat for himself, and fatherless youth no doubt became 
bitter to him for awhile. 

There was a certain Mr William Harvey, a friend of his mother's, 
who prepared to go, and signalised himself at sea. How the boy 
would envy him. It may be well to introduce him formally here, 
as he becomes very important to the family in later years. 

The Thomas Harvey 1 of Henry VI IPs reign had four sons, John, 
Nicholas, Francis, and Anthony, The second son distinguished 
himself as " the Valiant Esquire," and was the challenger at Some 
of Henry's VI IPs jousts. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir 
Thomas Fitzwilliam (widow of Sir Thomas Mauleverer), by whom 
he had issue Sir Thomas, who had only two daughters. Sir Nicholas 
married second Bridget, daughter of Sir John Wiltshire (and widow 
of Sir Richard Wingfield). They had issue Sir George Harvey, 
Lieutenant of the Tower, and Henry Harvey Esq. ; the latter 
married Jane, daughter of James Thomas of Glamorgan, and his 
son and heir was this William; he had also two daughters. Now this 
William seems to have been left poor and without influence ; but 
he was capable, hard-working, and ambitious. He had travelled, he 
had served in the Low Countries, he had kept his ears and eyes 
open and his mouth shut. So he was able to write a letter to 
Elizabeth on the 2Oth December, 15852, giving a private account of 
the keeping of the Netherlands and of Calais, of the friends on 
whom she might reckon, of the men she should "decipher." He 
advised action on Sir Thomas Cecil's part, encouragement of the 
Colonies in Terra Virginea, and the increase of the Navy. He stated 
the amount of money in the ship taken by Sir Richard Grenville as 
600,000 ducats by Register. 

You may quiet King Philip by Portugal and Barbary, without any charge, 
in order to get possession of King Philip's purse, the cause of so many wars. 

1 Hasted's Kent, I. 136; Collins' Peerage, G. E. C. 

2 Cotton MS. Galba, c. vnr. 222. 


Brancha Leone, a Florentine and near companion of Parries, sometime a 
follower of Sir E. Hobbies, now governing the French Ambassador is a person 
necessary to be noted, as a malicious practiser, poisoner, and intelligencer, 
near of kin to the Bishop of Paris, by whom he is here mayntayned. Thus, 
right gracious sovereign in obeying your commandment, I have here set 
downe my knowledge in the premises, commending them humbly to your 
Majesties high wisdome, censure, and secrecy wherewith in all lowly duetie 
I furnish you. Your Majesties loyall devoted pore servant 

W. H. 

P.S. It may please your Majestic withal to make a Salamander of these 
my papers and observations, for I have none to behold or trust to but 
yourself, nor after your life any assurance in earth to build on. Be good to 
me therefore in tyme, lest I perish by necessitie. " In fide et sedulo sit 
princeps propensior quam in caeteris." 

Now, this man William Harvey had his chance at the Armada 
time and took it. Though Elizabeth does not seem to have rewarded 
him, and though his name has not entered into the official or 
scholastic histories of the period, he was shrouded in an atmosphere 
of romance with his contemporaries 1 . 

Another man whom Southampton would know was the cousin of 
his cousin, Anthony Copley, afterwards to be mixed up with Cobham 
and Grey. He was then living abroad, for the sake of freedom and 
religion. He would have liked to have come home at the Armada 
he only wanted toleration in religion, but was determined to keep all 
foreign powers out of England. He was a minor poet and wrote 
quaintly 2 . 

In his Answer to a disjesutted gentleman (i.e. his cousin), he tells 
a story 3 that probably came over long before in correspondence. 
" Did I not see, after our firing the Spanish Fleet in the narrow 
seas, the young Prince of Ascoli at his fugitive arrival at Dunkirk 
the morrow after when the Duke of Parma entertained him on the 
Strond, him (I say) in answer to the Duke's question what news of 
the Armado, uncap himself, and grining towards Heaven swear by 
it, that he thought not onelie all the foure elements were Lutheran 
that night, and all the morning, but also God Himself, so 
blasphemous was his Spanish Spirit." 

1 Baker's Chronicles, 2nd edition. Richard Field's pamphlet of the 
Jesuit's letter. 

1 He was author of A Fig for Fortune and Wits, Fits, and Fancies 
p. 62. 


After the excitement of the Armada died down, Sir Thomas 
Arundel wrote to Lord Burleigh on Oct. 25, I588 1 ; the letter 
begins: "If I importune your Lordship in the behalf of the 
Earl of Southampton concerning the New Forest my love and 
care of this young Earl enticeth me Beauly, the most ancient 
house that he hath is so near the Forest... the very situation 
may be of sufficient force to persuade. Your Lordship did helpe 

the Earl of Rutland, in his nonage to the Forest of Sherwood 

Your Lordship doth love him Such as have good wills together 
with great minds are not so soon won any way as with favour, 
neither is any favour so thankfully taken and so long remembered 
of men, as that which they receive in their minority. That my Lord 
of Pembroke (his most feared co-rival) having neither land nor house 
near thereunto should, as it were by a perpetuity, bear the Forest 
from him in his own sphere and joining to his doors, were a great 
discourtesy. I may more truly say, a wrong. 

From Ichell 25th October, 1588." 

In spite of all these distractions Southampton managed to do good 
work in his College. 

In the following year Southampton took his degree " Reg. Acad. 
Cantab. Henricus Wriothesley Conies Southampton Cooptatus in 
ordinem Magistrorum in artibus per gratiam, June 6th 1589, St 
John's College." 2 

In Burleigh 's Diary there is a note made that autumn: 

6th October 1589 Henry Co. Southampton erat aetatis 16 annorum 
Edward Co. Bedford erat aetatis 15 annorum 
Roger Co. Rutland erat aetatis 1 3 annorum 3 

It was not that the 6th of October was the birthday of all three 
it was only that of Southampton and Rutland. They were all 
Burleigh 's wards. I think he was comparing their ages for a certain 
purpose. Southampton, having already graduated, could write himself 
down a Master in Arts; and it was not the fault of his guardian 
that he could not also write himself "Benedick the married man." 

1 Salisb. Papers, in. 365. 
1 University Register. 

3 The relative ages of these three are too often forgotten, and their 
strange relations to each other in later years. 

s, s. 


THE story of Southampton's life for the next few years has not been 
fully followed or understood. The present writer has sketched it in 
the preface to her edition of the Sonnets^ in The Athenaum J , and 
in her Shakespeare 's Environment 2 . But much needs yet to be dis- 
covered. The guardianship of a royal ward at that time generally 
included what was technically called "his marriage," that is, the 
right to choose him a partner for life, to make all arrangements, 
and to receive a sum of money for the transaction. There were 
certain limitations as to rank, property, and suitability of the proposed 
lady, but mutual affection was rarely considered as a real or a 
necessary condition. Burleigh had been successful in marrying his 
children into noble families. He was very pleased when he wrote in 
his Diary that the Earl of Oxford wished to marry his daughter 
Anne. But it had been an unhappy marriage, and his daughter had 
died on June 5th, 1588. The careful statesman was now doing his 
best to ensure her daughter Elizabeth a happier life. She had been 
born on July 2nd, 1575, and was therefore of suitable enough age 
for Southampton. Burleigh 's own wife, Lady Mildred, "fell asleep 
in Westminster" on April 5th, 1589, and was buried beside her 
daughter, the Countess of Oxford, in Westminster. Lord Oxford was 
careless as a family man, and Burleigh felt himself bound to be 
mother and grandmother to the girl, as well as grandfather. Now, 
he really liked his brilliant young ward, he trusted him, he approved 
of his property and the dwellings he would have to live in on his 
coming of age a little ready money put into them as the bride's 
dower would make them quite satisfactorily comfortable to settle 
in for life. There is no allusion at any time to the inclinations of the 
young lady, but the matter had evidently been well discussed with 
the youth and with his immediate relations. They had agreed readily 
enough; the bridegroom elect's one idea was how to postpone 

1 March igth and 26th, 1898. * p. 135. 


Many writers have described Southampton as a lascivious youth; 
but there is not the slightest authority for such a statement. 
The facts, which have been twisted so as to support that opinion, 
are capable of a very different explanation, as will be seen here- 

We must remember that he had no evil predisposing tendencies 
from hereditary influences. His grandfather Southampton, whatever 
his other faults may have been, was noted for conjugal devotion. His 
father, it is true, had at the end of his disappointed life lost his early 
affection for his wife; but the only authority we have concerning 
him was that he had kept his vows of wedlock. His grandfather 
Browne was noted for the chastity of his thought, speech, and 
behaviour; he was indeed "a very perfect, gentle knight." 1 In regard 
to his environment and training, Burleigh was a very safe guide in 
questions of morality, and he kept a watchful eye over the youth's 
motions for his own sake. Further, the young man was full of 
occupation. He had to read law at Gray's Inn to please his 
guardian; to make a figure at Court to please the Queen; to prepare 
for war in order to be able, if need be, to defend his country; and 
to study literature and the arts to please himself. So he had no 
temptation through idleness and ennui. Through all his interests 
there floated the memory of his College paper "All men are incited 
to study through the hope of glory \" Since the death of his mother's 
relative and good friend, the Earl of Leicester, he had come more 
into contact with Leicester's stepson, the Earl of Essex. To South- 
ampton Essex became the ideal knight, to whom he was willing to 
become esquire, or even page. Southampton's first love came in the 
shape of a man ; his heart had no room as yet for love of woman. 
The youth had no active disinclination to the Lady Elizabeth, but 
he had a very strong disinclination to be fettered by any ties that 
did not leave him free to follow his own career. I do not know 
exactly on what terms he stood with Burleigh in regard to his 
granddaughter. Southampton may have said that possibly in 
some remote future he might learn to love her. His mother and 
grandfather evidently appreciated the advantages of this match. 
Theirs was but a new nobility compared with the Veres; their faith 
was a proscribed faith, and what a shield the Lord Treasurer could 
1 Life of Magdalen Lady Montagite. 



be to them against the most unpleasant consequences of conscientious 
devotion ! Everything waited for the bridegroom-elect. 

Burleigh had become suspicious at his delay and feared a possible 
rival. He was not accustomed to be trifled with, and said so. The 
following straightforward letter from Sir Thomas Stanhope 1 
removed one of his causes of annoyance. 

Ryght honorable, my humble duty premised, yt may please the same to 
understand, that of late I have been advysed by some of my friends about 
how it should be reported, that whilst I lay in London I sought to have 
the Earl of Southampton in marriage for my daughter; that I offered with 
her 3000 in money and 300 by yere for threescore yeres &c. Even true it 
is my Lord, that I have been beholding to my Lady of Southampton of long 
tyme, and so was I to my Lord her late husband during his lyf, and therfor 
bothe I and my wyfe did willingly our dutyes to see her when helth did 
permitte. Unto her Ladyship I appele yff she can apeche me of such sim- 
plicity or presumption as to intrude myselfe, or of the meaning of so treach- 
erous a part towarde your honor, having evermore found myself so bound 
unto you as I have donne, I name it treachery, because I heard before then, 
you intended a matche that waye to the Lady Vayre (Vere) to whom you 
know also, I am akin. And my Lord, I confesse that talking with the Countess 
of Southampton thereof she told me you had spoken to her in that behalf. 
I replyed she should doo well to take holde of it, for I knew not whear my 
Lord her sonne should be better bestowed. Herself could tell what a stay 
you would be to him and his, and for perfect experience did teache her how 
beneficial you had been unto that Lady's father (though by hym litteU 
deserved). She answered I sayd well, and so she thought, and would in 
good fayth doo her best in the cause, but sayth she I doo not fynd a dis- 
position in my sonne to be tyed as yett, what wilbe hereafter time shall 
trye, and no want shalbe found on my behalfe. I think once or twyse such 
like wordes we had and not to any other effecte, which I referre to her 
Ladyship's creditt to tell, who I thinke will no ways dissemble with your 
Honor in any cawse. For other part of honorable curtasyes both to my wyfe 
and dowghter I found myself much bownd to her for she bade us twyse to 
her house. And herself having occasion to come with my Lord her son to 
Mr Harvies' house of the warde, I did all that in me was to invite them to 
a simple supper at my house, being the next house adjoyning. And this, 
most honorable, hathe been all my proceeding that way, for yf it can be 
proved I made any attempt, or had the thought of anything that way, let 
me lose my credit with your Honor, and with all the world besydes, whiche 
truly I would not doe for the wourthe of the best marriage that ever my 
daughter shall have,' and yet Sir, I love her very well, and have given her 

1 D.S.S.P. Eliz. xxxm. n. 


advice accordingly, and would be as glad to bestowe her thereafter. Thus 
much my very good Lord, in discharge of my humble duty, I have presumed 
as beforesayd, and I shall (wish) yor Honor fynd me faytheful, in all the 
service I can, though not able to be thankeful as I desire. So praying for 
the continuance of yor good helthe and long lyfe I humbly take my leave. 
Shelf ord, this ifth of July 1590. Yor Honors humble cousin to command 


The summer passed on, and the Queen did not reach Cowdray 
in her progress. Montague was invited instead to come and see the 
Queen at Oatlands 1 . Lord Burleigh was puzzled. He could not 
understand any intelligent young man in his senses refusing such 
an eligible offer. He had a good long talk over the matter with 
Lord Montague when he was at Oatlands, and gave him advice how 
to act when he had his grandson alone with him. 

That nobleman wrote him as soon as he could after he got home. 

Aly very good Lord 2 , 

As I well remember your late speach to me at Otelands, touching 
my Lord of Southampton, so I have nott forgotten, so carefully as I might, 
and orderly as I could, to acquaint first his mother, and then himself there- 
withal, his Lordship late being with me at Cowdray. And being desirowse 
as orderly as I could, and as effectually as I was able to satisfye your Lordship 
of my knowledge in the matter, I thought itt best likely of, and I hope 
most liking to your Lordship to returne unto you what I find. First my 
daughter affirms upon her faith and honor that she is not acquaynted with 
any alteration of her sonnes mynd from this your grandchild. And wee have 
layd abrode unto hym both the comodityes and hindrances likely to grow 
unto him by chaunge; and indeede receave to our perticular speach this 
generall answer that your Lordship was this last winter well pleased to yeld 
unto him a further respite of one yere to enshure resolution in respecte of 
his younge yeres. I answered that this yere which he speaketh of is nowe 
almost upp and therefore the greater reason for your Lordship in honor 
and in nature to see your child well placed and provided for, wherunto my 
Lord gave me this answere and was content that I shoulde imparte the same 
to your Lordship. And this is the most as towching the matter I can now 
acquaint yor Lordship with. The care of his personne, and the circumstances 
of him, I can butt most effectually recommend to your Lordship's ruling. 
I mean God willing, and my dawghter also, at the beginning of the term to 
be in London, and then by your Lordship's favour will more particularly 
discourse with you, and will be sure to frame myself (God assisting me) to 
your Lordship's liking in this matter; and in the mean tyme require the 

1 Loseley Papers. * D.S.S.P. Eliz. xxxur. 71. 


continuance of your Lordship's very good will and opinion, and being lothe 
to be tediowse wish to your Lordship all honor health and happiness, From 
my house at Horsley igih September 1590, Your Lordship's assured to 



Lord Montague was probably at West Horsley, taking possession. 
His father had built it for his second wife, and had interwoven the 
arms of the Geraldines with his own, as he left it for her to dwell 
in; which she did. 

She probably died in that house, and certainly was buried in 
that year 1 . She would be of a strange interest to the young Earl, for 
she was Elizabeth, Countess of Lincoln not only "the fair 
Geraldine" of Surrey's Sonnets, but a connection by marriage of 
his own. While still a girl of 15, she had married the second Sir 
Anthony Browne (not by any means so old a man as her, or as his, 
biographers make out, as I have shewn in his Life) 2 . Some time after 
his death she married Sir Edward Clinton, afterwards Earl of 
Lincoln, and they lived much at her dower house at West Horsley. 
As Viscount Montague's sister married her brother Gerald, Earl of 
Kildare, there was a double connection, and a certain family 
acquaintance. In her will she desired little expense in her 
funeral, as expenses do no good to the dead, and sometimes 
hinder the living. She left to the Queen her emerald ring; to the 
Earl of Kildare her best bed and other remembrances; "to the 
Lord Montague the six pieces of hangings of the Story of Hercules 
which usually hang in my great chamber at Horsley," and all her 

1 Beside her second husband, the Earl of Lincoln, in St George's Chapel, 
Windsor. All authorities are wrong in the date of her death, even G. E. C., 
who says she made her will in March 1589, proved May 1589. I knew this 
to be impossible, for I had seen a letter of hers among the Loseley Papers 
about poaching in the Park, dated 8th December 1589, with her clear 
beautiful signature shewing no sign of age or illness. Another letter there 
from Lord Howard backing up her application was dated the gth of 
December 1589. I went to Somerset House and found her will (Somerset 
House, 21 Drury). To my surprise the probate was dated March i3th 1589, 
so 'that I saw it must have been by the old calendar. But on reading the 
will I found that it had been originally copied as having been drawn up on 
i5th April, 3oth Eliz., which would be 1588; but a tiny interpolation of 
" one and " made it 31 Eliz., that is, 1589. It had not been finally corrected, 
hence the errors. But, as it was quite evident that a will could not have 
been proved in March 1589 if it were written in April of that year, the 
officer in charge has now corrected it. So that March 1589 should read 
1589-90. * See Addenda. 


brewing implements and the brewing house there. To Lieutenant 
Edward Fitzgerald of her Majesty's Pensioners and to her niece 
Lettice Coppinger she left remembrances, to her sister Margaret 
substantial aid; also "to my nephew Francis Ainger and his wife 
Douglas. To Sir William More (of Loseley) 5 pieces of hangings of 
the story of Abraham, and to my cousin George More 5 pieces at 
Horsley. To Sir Thomas Heneage one piece of plate worth 20, 
and to Mr Roger Manners one piece worth i 5." She speaks of her 
daughters, but they must have been her stepdaughters. Her exe- 
cutors were to be her cousin Sir Henry Grey, her nephew Gerald 
Fitzgerald, and her nephew Francis Ainger; her overseers Sir 
Christopher Hatton and Lord Cobham. 

Till the end of 1 590 Southampton was far too busily occupied 
to think much of such trifles as love-making, or of such plans as 
those of matrimony. He knew that the Queen was yielding in her 
foreign policy and that she was about to send help to Henry IV of 
France, this time under the Earl of Essex. The form of "glory" 
Southampton sought was to be had in following this brilliant leader, 
and he was trying to make himself fit for the duty. Fencing and 
the military arts would absorb as much of his time as he dared. For 
some reason he found himself in Southampton 1 on gth January, 
1590-1, for on that date the Corporation granted him the freedom 
of the city. It is quite likely that he slipped over to France under 
his own sails. There is no doubt that this unexpected journey was 
something of the nature of an escapade; he hoped to surprise oppor- 
tunity by being in advance of refusal. It was not his fault that 
Essex's help was delayed. We can best realise the situation from his 
letter to Essex, a remarkable one for a youth aged 1 7 years and less 
than 6 months. 

Though I have nothing to write about worth your reading, yet can I not 
let pass this messenger without a letter, be it only to continue the profession 
of service which I have heretofore verbally made unto your Lordship, which 
howsoever in itself it is of small value, my hope is, seeing it wholly proceede 
from a true respect borne to your own worth, and from one who hath no 
better present to make you than the offer of himself to be disposed of by 
your commandment, your Lordship will be pleased in good part to accept 
it, and ever afford me your good opinion and favour, of which I shall be 

1 Southampton Corporation Books, vol. III. 


exceedingly proud, endeavouring myself always with the best means to 
deserve it. As I shall have opportunity to send into England I will be bold 
to trouble your Lordship with my letter, in the mean time wishing your 
fortune may even prove answerable to the greatness of your own mind, 
I take my leave &c. Dieppe 2nd March (i 590-1)*, 

He may have looked long over the sea from the Plage du Nord 
at Dieppe, or from its Castle on the steep fa/aise; but no Essex came, 
and any letter that came could only be a refusal of his generous 
offer. Essex himself was in trouble with the Queen about his own 
marriage with the widow of Sir Philip Sidney, and he would not 
risk offending her farther by taking possession of the person of a royal 
ward without permission. The best he could do for Southampton, 
then, was to hurry him home and to keep his trip and his letter as 
secret as it might be. 

Here must be introduced, in parenthesis, the present writer's 
theory of Southampton's life, based upon long work and logical 

fit seems most likely that when Southampton was ordered home 
from Dieppe, he was not only disappointed but moody and petulant. 
To distract his thoughts, he went (as we are told he afterwards did 
in like case) to the theatre every day, first to see a play, then to 
hear a play, and then to study the art of the actor. No suggestion 
is here offered as to the date of the first time Southampton 
heard of Shakespeare, as something different from the ordinary run 
of players; and no date can be assigned to the circumstances under 
which he first spoke to the player. Shakespeare says it was "in the 
Spring," 2 and this present spring of 1591 best suits the lives of 
both peer and player. It seems most likely that Southampton 
introduced himself, willing the player to come to him, because he 
wanted, while thanking him for a good representation, to find fault 
with him on some minor points, perhaps in his accent, his gesture, 
his posing, or in the play itself. He was in the habit of giving good 
advice about their business to all the players, as is often the way 
with amateurs. But the answers of this man impressed him. He felt, 
by a subtle intuition, an interest in him, because he felt that the poet 
also was suffering something of what he suffered, rebellion against 

1 Salisb. Papers, iv. 96. 

2 See Preface to my edition of the Sonnets. 


his fate and its limitations. He felt he must have a private talk with 
this "man from Stratford," and took him home with him to supper. 
And this was not once or even twice. They had each met the other 
in a psychic moment in their lives, and the player brought a new 
interest into Southampton's life. He had never before met one of 
these "puppets" who was able to recast and alter his play-books to 
suit his own notions; he pressed his conceits and wishes upon the 
poet's acceptance. Shakespeare was not likely to have ever had so 
intelligent a critic rising up to him from amid his audience. It 
was one of the poet's practical aims to please his hearers, and he 
did not turn away scornfully from the young lord's suggestions, 
even though he represented but a small fraction of the theatre-goers. 
A certain amount of self- revelation ensued on either side; their 
tastes, their beliefs, their opinions harmonised in a wonderful way; 
and, while Shakespeare cried "Oh for my sake do you with Fortune 
chide" or 

When in disgrace with fortune and men's eyes 

I all alone beweep my outcast state x 

Southampton tried to stimulate his ambition to higher walks of 
literature than the dramatic was then esteemed. He would shew 
his visitor some of the books he read and give bright analyses of 
their contents; he would dwell on the delights of pure poetry and 
the lack of it in the ordinary popular drama, of the books best 
likely to help as Sir Philip Sidney's Art of Poesie^ Webbe's book 
on the same, Thomas Wilson's Art of Rhetoric; and he might be 
surprised to find that the player knew both of the latter. Southampton 
would encourage the rustic actor to make trial of his powers in 
the new form of verse introduced by Wyat and Surrey from Italy; 
all the nobles and gentry were trying their skill in their efforts to 
turn a well-filed line to rival those of authors preserved in the book 
of Songs and Sonettes. Then, being tired of indoor air, he would 
swear Shakespeare his servant for the day, mount him, and lead 
him off to Hampstead Heights 2 , by the Wych Elm grove (old then, 
but not extinct even yet), up past the Well to the crest of the Horse 

1 Sonnets cxi and xxix. 

2 We know from the State Papers that the Spanish Ambassador at that 
time had his house upon the hill, and many came and went secretly to 
him. So there was always a little curiosity as to the intentions of those 
who went in that direction. 


Shoe Hill, where he would fling himself down on the heath, drink 
in the pure air, and glory in the extensive views. Then came more 
heart to heart talks than could take place in rooms, and both went 
refreshed to their homes. Sometimes the peer would ask the player 
to supper with him after the play; he was not always alone then, 
but it gave Shakespeare a chance of listening to the tones in which 
upper class equals addressed each other, to their forms of gossip, to 
their methods of criticism. Southampton would always bring them 
back to his favourite Colin Clout^ Thomas Watson's Passionate 
Century^ the Faerie Queene^ Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia^ and his 
Astrophel and Stella, just then coming through the press. And 
among the young nobles, but somewhat apart, would sit Master 
William Harvey, of Armada fame, silent, like Shakespeare, and 
willing to hear. My theory is that he was the man who suggested 
to Shakespeare that, if he wanted to please the young noble's friends, 
he might weave some of the arguments of Arcadia into Sonnets 
(which Southampton was so anxious that he should try); for it 
would be greatly for the good of all that the young Earl should 
yield to Burleigh's wishes, and marry his granddaughter. 

These feasts of reason were not in Southampton's "Lodgings in 
the Strand," nor in Burleigh House, nor Arundel House; but 
on odd occasions at Southampton House in Holborn where 
then most probably there hung his mother's portrait (now at 
Welbeck). Shakespeare's time was not wholly his own ; beside the 
playing time, there were rehearsals, consultations on the one hand 
to get through, and on the other hand the alteration of old plays. 
There would be no time for him to become weary of his young friend. 

To be sure, some people think that Southampton was not the 
young friend addressed in the Sonnets. Various other friends have 
been suggested, but the only theory which has held the ear of the 
public for any time is Mr Thomas Tyler's " Herbert-Fitton 
Theory," that is, that Lord William Herbert, afterwards the Earl 
of Pembroke, was the friend addressed 1 . That theory assumes 
that the whole of the Sonnets must have been written after 
1598, when Lord Herbert first appeared at Court, at the age 
of eighteen. But that means that Shakespeare was at once 

1 I have treated this in full both in my Preface to the Sonnets, and also 
in my Shakespeare's Environment, p. 144. 


introduced to him, became intimate with him, and began to 
write sonnets to him in which he ascribes to Lord Herbert not 
only inspiration but " education out of rude ignorance," and the 
guidance of" his pupil pen," after he had written not only both of 
his poems, but A Midsummer Night's Dream, Romeo and Juliet^ and 
The Merchant of Venice. It assumes that he had warmed up for this 
second young Lord the same feelings which he had assured another 
he would never change not only the same feelings, but the same 
phrases, which he had already publish ed,"Lord of my Love," etc. We 
are asked to believe that the three-year Sonnet Story had happened, 
and that Meres had had time to read them, to put a reference to 
them in his book, to get his book finished, passed by the censor, 
consigned to the printer and registered to him, within six months ! 
The whole beauty of the Sonnets dies out before the thought. 
Nothing in the description of Shakespeare's youth suits Herbert. 
He was not the sole hope of his great House, as he had both a father 
and a brother; he was not fair, but dark, and he never wore long 
curling locks. Sonnets had become commonplace by the date of 
1598. Shakespeare's cannot be read as a hackneyed imitation of 
past fashions. They have all the verve of a fresh impulse, all the 
ideal transport of a newly discovered power, all the original treat- 
ment of a new method of art expression. The twined threads of 
biography and autobiography are there on which to string the pearls 
of Shakespeare's thought. And these twined threads can only be 
woven to fit Henry, the third Earl of Southampton. Shakespeare 
had no second dream; all his songs and praises were addressed 

To one, of one, still such, and ever so. 

This was but a variant of Southampton's motto "Ung par tout, 
tout par ung." Perhaps the most telling are the phrases of personal 
description : 

Thou art thy mother's glass and she in thee 
Recals the lovely April of her prime 1 . 

The portrait of Southampton's mother can still be seen; it 
determines Shakespeare's painting. His young friend wore long 
locks curling like buds of marjoram; he was beautiful, but his special 
beauty was in his eyes, twin stars, that governed his poet's path. 

1 Sonnet xui. 


The youth was at the time the Sonnets were written "the world's 
fresh ornament," a "child of state" (or royal ward), being under age, 
and the sole hope of his great house. He was interested in heraldry 
and astrology, acquainted with law and philosophy, and devoted to 
poetry. He was kind and sympathetic, though critical. Now, it is 
not desired to assert that the later Sonnets are prose diaries of events; 
they are sparks struck off from some fervour, echoes of some con- 
versation; they often contradict each other; there is a constant 
clearing up of misunderstandings, and one can find many of the 
situations painted in Shakespeare's plays. Perhaps, more than we 
realise, the Sonnets give the key to the plays.] 

Meanwhile, though he tried, Southampton could not forget his 
dreams of foreign service; he heard all about Lord Essex and his 
doings. Burleigh entered in his Diary the main points to be 
remembered. It would be as well to record them in toto for the 
next few months, as printed at the end of Murdin's State Papers. 

July 1 9th 1591. The Queen at my House to see the Erie of Essex' horses 
in Covent Garden. 3000 men appointed to be 
embarked for Diepe to serve under the Erie of Essex. 

July 2 1 st. The Erie of Essex's Commission for Normandy. 

August 3rd. The Erie of Essex landed at Diepe. 

August 4th. At Guldeford. Mr H. Killigrew appointed to attend the 
Erie of Essex in France. 

September. Thomas Leighton sent to attend the Erie of Essex in 

Oct. 1 8th. The Erie of Essex took his leave at Richmond. 

October 24-th. Roan invested by Marshal Biron and the Erie of Essex. 

November 23rd. The Erie of Essex came to Westminster unlocked for. 

Dec. 5th The Erie of Essex returned to Normandy. 

Dec. yth Sir Thomas Leighton sent out of Guernsey to assist the 

Erie of Essex in Normandy. 

February 1591-2. Sixteen hundred new men sent to Normandy. 

And still Southampton kept out of it. 

By comparing this Diary with the Queen's proceedings, we may 
notice that, as soon as the Earl of Essex left the court, she began 
her arrangements for her summer progress. She went via Sir 
William More's house at Loseley to Guildford, and there she sent 
a messenger after Essex into France. Southampton would now be 
occupied at Court, for during this progress the Queen had arranged 


at last to visit Cowdray and Titch field, and he probably would be 
interested in plans to give her a fit reception in both places. 

It would seem from a letter of his in the Loseley Papers that his 
grandfather had already sketched the device of which he told Sir 
William More. But he would want some one to write it up, some 
company of men to play it. Now Lord Montague, with all his 
wealth, was not one of the noblemen known to have a company 
of players of his own. This left him all the more likely to be willing 
to hire men from the metropolis, some of the companies going on 
their summer tours, and it was quite as likely as not that he had a 
selection from the Burbage Company to govern and train local 
talent. The present writer looked up the accounts of the Treasurer 
of the Chamber to see if any special details about the route could 
be found, through the preliminary expenses of the gentlemen 
servants and assistants who were always sent in advance of her 
Majesty to make her loyal subjects' homes fit for her temporary 
sojourn in them. Unluckily three lots seemed to have been sent at 
once, to suit her convenience, so we cannot from them reckon the 
stages of the progress as consecutive steps in a story. However, 
they do tell us some little things about it 1 . 

In August 1591 Simon Bowyer and his fellows were allowed pay- 
ment for preparing Lord Lumley's house at Stanstede; for making 
ready Sir William M ore's house at Loseley; for making ready a 
standing for the Queen in Guildford Park; "for making ready a 
dininghouse at Katharine Hall"; "to him also by a bill for ex- 
penses" "for making ready my Lord Montague's house at Cowdray 
for her Majestic, 6 dayes in August 1591 ; To the same for making 
readye the Priorye House at my Lord Montague's; for making 
ready a Lodge in the North Park, for her Majesty to rest as she 
came to Cowdray; for making ready three standings for her 
Majestic at the Lord Montague's"; for making ready Mr Richard 
Lewknor's house for the Queen to dine in between Cowdray and 
Chichester; "To making ready the Earl of Sussex's house in 
Portsmouth ; to making ready a Standing outside of Portsmouth to 
see the Soldiers." "For making ready at Abberston...for making 
ready a dining house at Mr Tichborne's in September... for making 

1 Declared accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber, Audit Office, 
Bundle 385, Roll 29. 


ready a Dining House at Mr William Wallop's House between 
Abberston and Fareley." There were preparations also at Bishops- 
walton, at the Bishop of Winchester's house at Winchester, at the 
Lord of Hertford's house at Elverton, and a dining house at the 
Earl of Hertford's. 

The expenses then go back to accounts for similar work done by 
others under Richard Coningsby, "for making ready the Church at 
Chichester in August... also Lord Delawarre's in the Hault;...Mr 
Marven's house at Bramshott. . .a dininghouse between Bramshott 
and Sir Henry Weston's.v, for making ready a House at Southamp- 
ton 1 Sept. 1 591;... at Bagshott on her return. A dininghouse at 
Fayrethorne...Mr Cornwallys' 2 house at Horsley in August;... for 
making ready at Mr Tilney's house 3 at Letherhyde for her Majesty 
to dine at in August... a dining house at Mr Weston's at Clandon." 

To another groom of the Chamber was given the duty of making 
ready at Titchfield in September "for two standings for her 
Majesty at Titchfield"; there was a dining house between 
Titchfield and the next stage, and so on homewards. 

The chief events of the royal visit to Cowdray are told in a 
little pamphlet of the time, printed by Thomas Scarlet (reprinted 
by Mr John Nichols in the Progresses of Queen Elizabeth^ in. 90). 

There we find that the Queen arrived on I5th August at Cow- 
dray at 8 o'clock "after her rest in the North Park" (as prepared 
for her). At the gate of Cowdray the porter, in presenting the key 
to the Queen as "the wisest, fairest, and most fortunate of creatures," 
said that "the owner's tongue is the key to his heart, and his heart 
the lock of his soul. Therefore what he speaks you may constantly 
believe." Her Highness took the key and said she u would answer 
for him." At the entrance of the house the Queen embraced the 
Lady Montague and the Lady Dormer her daughter; the Mistress 
of the House (as it were weeping in her bosom) said, " O happie 
Time! O joyful daie!" 

The next day was Sunday, and the Queen, or at least the story- 
writer, managed to do without any religious service, but there was 
a substantial breakfast of three oxen and a hundred and forty geese 

1 Was this Bull Place in Southampton, the Wriothesleys' town house? 

1 Southampton's uncle, Sir Thomas Cornwallis. 

3 Mr Edmund Tilney was the'n Master of the Revels. 


with et ceteras, which would occupy some time. The house which 
had been begun by William, Earl of Southampton, Montague's uncle, 
had only lately been completed and redecorated; and this was made 
an excuse for the lavish expenditure of the reception. Probably the 
Queen would inspect the Picture Gallery, containing so many 
portraits of people she had known, from her father to her young 
brother. There was enough to interest a resting day in the house. 

Monday was devoted to hunting, which was ordered by 
Henry Browne, Lord Montague's third son, Ranger of Windsor 
Forest. It may be noted that there were "three standings" made 
ready for the Queen in Cowdray Park 1 . 

The Queen killed three deer, one at each "standing," and Mabel, 
Countess of Kildare, sister of her host, the only lady who had the 
courage to try, killed one. It is said that the Queen was displeased 
at her audacity and did not ask her afterwards to sit at her own 
table. But the Royal Huntress carried away the honours of the day, 
and the bow with which she killed the deer was hung up in the Buck 
Hall of Cowdray. After the hunt there were masques, and nymphs 
in sweet arbours sang harmonious songs of the Queen's glory. 
On Tuesday the Queen "went to dinner in the Priory, where my 
Lord kept house." Masques of the pilgrims, of the anglers, and 
of the wild man gave the Queen sufficient flattery, even for 
her accustomed ear. On the last day of her visit the Queen 
knighted some young gentlemen, among them Sir George Browne, 
Lord Montague's second son (the second Lady Montague's eldest), 
and Sir Robert Dormer, his son-in-law, afterwards Lord Dormer. 
Montague's eldest son, who had led the family horsemen to the 
famous gathering at Tilbury Fort, was not knighted. Perhaps the 
Queen thought he did not need it, as he would be Viscount some 
day; perhaps she wished to honour her hostess through her son and 
her daughter; perhaps he was, even then, too ill to appear. 

Anthony Browne 2 , writing to Sir William More from Horsley 
on 30th December of that year, regretted that he could not at 
present accept his kind invitation; but before the twelve days are 
ended, if he is fit to leave his dear friend Cornwallis and travel, he 
will come, "But I assure you I have been very weak and faint 
since Christmas." 

1 Prepared for driving deer past. * Loseley Papers, x. 122. 


After leaving Cowdray, Elizabeth visited Chichester and Ports- 
mouth, whence she reached Titchfield, the home of her ward. He 
would be certain to be present to strengthen his mother in her 
responsibility. We do not hear if the Queen was fortunate at the 
"two standings "prepared for her at Titchfield; nor have we heard if 
there were any masques prepared and performed. The family were 
too poor at the time to do great things. Once before the Queen 
had been at Titchfield under more painful circumstances, when the 
Duke of Norfolk was discovered to have intended to marry the 
Queen of Scots, and Leicester l feigned to be ill, in order to confess 
the faults of others and secure his own safety. That was the 
beginning of the troubles of Southampton's father, and of his 
mother's too. 

1 See Addenda. 


THE year 1592 entered gently and gave no early sign of its 
malevolent intentions, though there was "a great drought." 

A letter of Southampton's shews that he was paying some 
attention to his property by that time: 

Mr Hyckes, Whereas I am gyven to understand that my manor house at 
Beaulye, with dyvers parcells of my inheritance there, are lyke to fall in 
greate decaye and daunger to be lost thoroughe wante of meanes to supplye 
the charge of the reparacions during 'my wardship I woulde hartely request 
you to move my Lord Treasurer, accordinge to the note I doe sende, to 
yealde me his honorable favor in taking such course as shall seeme best to 
his wisdome whereby the sayd chardges and reparacions may be supply ed; 
in doing whereof I shall rest most bounde unto his Lordship, and wilbe redye 
to require yor curtesye in what I maye, from my lodging in the Strand this 
26th of June 1592, 

Your loving friend H. SOUTHAMPTON 2 . 

This indirect method of application to Lord Burleigh was 
probably the result of the strained relations between the guardian 
and ward, Southampton not having as yet consented to marry 
Lord Burleigh's granddaughter. 

Domestic sorrows were coming on apace. Anthony, the heir 
apparent of Cowdray, always delicate, lay dying, at the age of 39. 
He departed this life on the 2gth of June, at Riverbank, in a house 
built for him in Cowdray Park. His father felt his loss keenly, 
though he had no lack of heirs. There were his sons, Sir George 
and Henry, to comfort him, and his eldest son's sons, three handsome 
youths, to carry on the direct line. The eldest of these, Anthony 
Maria, was the baby which arrived four months after the Earl of 
Southampton at Cowdray "the fair child" of the Armada 
gathering. He married Lady Jane Sackville, daughter of Thomas 
Sackville, first Earl of Dorset, in February 1591. Viscount Montague 

1 The earliest Dedication to Southampton is that of John Clapham. 1591, 
printed before his Poem on "Narcissus." It has probably been hitherto 
kept out of the record because it was written in Latin. 

2 Lansdowne MS. LXXI. 72. 

s. s. 4 


made a great funeral procession for his son at Midhurst, when he 
buried him on the ist of August, 1592. Lord Southampton would 
certainly be present among the chief mourners, as Anthony was 
his mother's only brother of the full blood, and his only uncle 
of the Ratcliffe descent. 

The next affair we know him to be concerned in was "a vessel 
of St Malo in Brittany laden with sugar from Brazil, taken as a 
prize by Sir Martin Frobisher and brought into Portsmouth. The 
Earl of Southampton, Mr Ralph Bowes, and Mr Carew Raleigh 
lay claim to shares in it." 1 The Privy Council told the Mayor of 
Portsmouth to take charge of it on September 6th. When the 
Court was at Oxford on September 26th, the Privy Councillors 
wrote to the customers of the Port of London that the prize had 
arrived, and they were to keep it until the shares were divided 
between these three. But a dispute was waged about it until March 
and April of the following year, so that it is not likely that much 
would come to Southampton after all. 

The Earl of Southampton was incorporated of Oxford in August 
1592. This incident becomes worth noting, because during 
Elizabeth's visit to Oxford in that year she was surrounded by a 
gallant bevy of distinguished noblemen, of whom he was one. The 
visit began on September 22nd, 1592, and the proceedings lasted 
until the 28th 2 . The glories of the Queen's reception were recorded 
by Mr Philip Stringer in Latin verse, dated October loth, 1592. 

In the poem, Apollo and all the Muses describe the great men of 
their University in appropriate terms and their youthful visitors 
with more personal flattery Dr Bond, the Vice- Chancellor, the 
French Ambassador, Lord Treasurer Cecil (the Nestor of his time), 
the Earl of Worcester, Lord Herbert, Lord Henry Somerset, the Earl 
of Cumberland, the Earl of Pembroke; the Earl of Essex, noble and 
learned, "whom learned men admired, more learned himself," "a 
Maecenas with wisdom unmatched." "After him followed a Prince 
of a distinguished race, whom (rich in her right) Southampton 
blazons as a great hero. No youth there present was more beautiful or 
more brilliant inthelearned arts than this youngprinceof Hampshire, 
although his face was yet scarcely adorned by a tender down." 

1 Privy Council Register, 6th Sept. 1592. 
s Reprints by C. Plummet, pp. 249, 292. 


Less than a month after this brilliant concourse met at Oxford, 
Viscount Montague of Cowdray, the last of the three great Anthony 
Brownes of the sixteenth century, died at his manor-house of West 
Horsley on October igth, 1592. With his grandfather, South- 
ampton lost the last vestige of paternal control and guidance, and 
instead of the genial old man in his second home at Cowdray, he 
would henceforth find only his cousin Anthony Maria, his junior 
by four months, a personage of no particular use to him either in 
influence or example. Southampton's mother would be overwhelmed 
with grief, for she had always been a devoted daughter. She had now 
no elder male member of the family to lean upon, and it would be 
a sad time in the Southampton home as well as at Cowdray. Viscount 
Montague's great public funeral took place on December 6th, 1 592, 
when he was carried from West Horsley to Midhurst. He had not, 
like his father, designed his own tomb (as his biographers say). But 
shortly after, to fulfil his will, a noble monument was commenced, 
with figures of himself and his two wives, after the model he had 
chosen for that of his son-in-law, the second Earl of Southampton, 
at Titch field. It is a curious coincidence that, just as Edward Gage 
had been allowed to leave prison to take up his executorship to the 
second Earl of Southampton, so the Privy Council Register records 
on April ist, 1593, "Edward Gage Esq., one of the executors of 
the last will of the late Lord Montague, restrained in the custody 
of Richard Shelley Esq., to be allowed to go out on bonds to confer 
with the heir, Lord Montague, about the will of the late Lord." 
This Edward Gage must have been a trustworthy man with a good 
head for figures. 

The death of Viscount Montague seems to have been due to 
a long-standing disease. But wide ravages of death were near. 
Just after the courtly gaieties at Oxford, the Terror stalked into 
the land. 

The Michaelmas Term was held in Hertford. 

No Bartholomew Fair was kept in London that year for fear 
of the Plague, which was very hot in the city, says Stow 1 , between 
Dec. 29th, 1592, and Dec. 3Oth, 1593. 

On October 23rd died Sir William Rowe, Lord Mayor; on 
November ist, William Elken; on December 5th, Sir Rowland 
1 Annals, p. 1274. 



Hayward; on January gth, Sir Wolston Dixie all Aldermen. 
Five-eighths of all deaths were caused by the Plague. 

From the Privy Council Registers we can gather that on the 
9th March, 1592-3, "the matter of the Prize Ship arose into a new 
controversy between the Earl of Southampton and Mr Ralph Bowes 
on the one part, and Sir Martin Frobisher for her Majestic on the 
other." Finally the Privy Council wrote a letter on the ist of April, 
1593, to Sir Thomas Wilkes and Henry Clethro, as legal counsel, 
"to tell them what they think of the claims touching a prize taken 
at sea by Sir Martin Frobisher," "whereunto our verie good Lord 
The Earl of Southampton and Mr Ralph Bowes, pretend tide." 

The claims seem to have been settled, in some way, out of 
court; for we do not hear anything more about them, at least 
at that time. 

In that very month of April, on the i8th day, something happened 
which has done more than anything else to keep the Earl of 
Southampton in memory. Yet a commonplace enough event it 
was the registration of a book in the Stationers' Registers. But the 
name of the book was Venus and Adonis^ the name of the author 
was William Shakespeare, the name of the printer was Richard 
Field, the Stratford friend of the poet, and it was dedicated to the 
Earl of Southampton dedicated timidly, because the poet did not 
know how the public would take his venture, and he wanted to 
leave his patron as free as possible to slip out, should the venture 
prove a failure. It happens that the first preserved fragment of 
Shakespeare's prose writing is this dedication: 

To the Right Honorable Henrie Wriotheseley, Earle of Southampton, and 
Baron of Titchfield. Right Honorable, I know not how I shall offend in 
dedicating my unpolisht lines to your Lordship, nor how the worlde will 
censure me for choosing so strong a propp to support so weak a burthen, 
onely, if your Honour seeme but pleased, I account myself e highly praised, 
and vowe to take advantage of all idle houres, till I have honoured you with 
some graver labour. But, if the first heire of my invention prove deformed, 
I shall be sorie it had so noble a god-father, and never after eare so barren 
a land, for feare it yeeld me still so bad a harvest. I leave it to your Honour- 
able survey, and your Honor to your heart's content; which I wish may 
always answere your owne wish, and the world's hopeful expectation. Your 
Honor's in all dutie. 



The immediate recognition of the poem of Venus and Adonis 
must have surprised both patron and poet. It raised the writer out 
of the rank of players, above the rank of dramatists, into the rank 
of poets, where he sat at the feet of Spenser and became a member 
of his school. It brought reflected honour to his patron, 
gave him new subjects of conversation, and widened his circle of 
friends and admirers. He became Shakespeare's sole patron for life; 
but Shakespeare, though in 1593 ms so ^ e P rot ege, wa s not allowed 
long to remain so. 

He was but one hour mine. (Sonnet xxxm.) 

Eager aspirants crowded round the brilliant young nobleman who 
had proved his taste through his poet; they brought their poems, 
which they thought well fitted for like honours; some even ventured 
to dedicate their productions to him without permission, when 
Southampton learned how to turn a cold shoulder and deaf ears 
towards too audacious courtiers. 

The poem which dazzled the world of 1 593 (then wrapped in 
lugubrious memories) may be looked at under many aspects. It was 
a period of translations. Golding's Ovid had been a text-book for 
translations from 1 565-7 ; scholars and poets were essaying transla- 
tions; Marlowe had left unfinished his Hero and Leander, Drayton 
had written \\isEndymton and Phoebe, Chapman his Ovid's Banquet of 
Sence, Thomas Peend his Hermaphroditus and Salmacis, Lodge his 
Scylla. But Venus and Adonis was unlike any of these in style, 
rhythm, and imagery, and though the measure is nearest to that of 
Lodge, how superior it was to its predecessor any one can measure. 
Those who pause in wonder before its lyric beauties will best find 
an expression in Mr George Wyndham's sympathetic description. 
It cannot here be dwelt upon as regards Shakespeare, since South- 
ampton is now in question. Now, it was quite the custom of the 
period to enfold in poems a second intention, such as was fully illus- 
trated by Spenser in his Faerie Queene. Therefore, while mere 
strangers could see in the exquisite verse of Venus and Adonis a poetic 
rendering of an ancient tale, artistically combined from materials 
gathered from various sources to which the every-day charms of 
English natural scenery formed a harmonious setting some of the 
friends of the patron would pause to wonder whether in it there were 
a secondary intention. Was Adonis intended to represent the youth 


himself? If so, what was the attitude of the youth to voluptuous 
temptation? Clearly repellent, if the answers of Adonis are analysed, 

"For shame," he cries, "let go and let me go." 

"I know not love," quoth he, "nor will not know it." 

Remove your siege from my unyielding heart, 
To Love's alarms it will not ope the gate. 

...My heart stands armed in mine ear, 

And will not let a false sound enter there; 
Lest the deceiving harmony should run 
Into the quiet closure of my breast. 

I hate not love, but your device in love 
That lends embracements unto every stranger. 

Love comforteth like sunshine after rain 
But Lust's effect is tempest after sun. 

Therefore in sadness, now I will away; 
My face is full of shame, my heart of teen: 

Mine ears that to your wanton talk attended 

Do burn themselves for having so offended. 

And that is the end of the dialogue. 

Shakespeare was only just in time to be first, for Barnabe Barnes 
had also been writing during 1592 a poem, or collection of poems, 
sonnets, madrigals, elegies, and odes which he called Parthenophil 
andParthenophe^ which he managed to get printed in May 1 593, and 
in it he included a sonnet to Southampton, though the dedication 
was "to Mr William Percy Esq. his deerest friend." At the end 
are six sonnets: I. To the Right Noble Henry, Earl of Northumber- 
land; II. To the Right Honourable Robert, Earl of Essex, the most 
renowned and valiant; III. To the right noble and vertuous Lord 
Henry, Earle of Southampton; IV. To the most vertuous learned 
and beautiful lady Maria, Countess of Pembroke; V. To the right 
vertuous and most beautiful the Lady Strange; VI. To the beautiful 
lady the Lady Bridget Manners. 

The sonnet to Southampton certainly suggests that Barnabe 
Barnes knew that this Earl had been guide, helper, and patron to 
some other poet, and that he would like to have the same advantages 
himself. If he did receive any it was in a minor degree. His 
inferiority to Shakespeare is best shewn by himself. 


Receave (sweet Lord) with thy thrice sacred hande 

Which sacred muses make their instrument 

These worthless leaves, which I to thee present, 

Sprong from a rude and unmanured lande 
That with your countenance grac'de, they may withstande 

Hundred ey'de enuies' rough encounterment 

Whose patronage can give encouragement 

To scorne back-wounding Zoilus his hande. 
Voutchsafe (right vertuous Lord) with gracious eyes 

Those heavenly lamps which give the Muses light 

Which give, and take (in course) that holy fier 

To view my muse with your judicial sight. 
Whom when Time shall have taught by flight to rise 

Shall to thy vertues of much worth aspyre *. 

One amusing point is that the only unmarried lady here, 
the Lady Bridget Manners, "Rose of the garland, fairest and 
sweetest," was the very lady next year advised to turn her 
attention to the Earl of Southampton. 

Perhaps the praise of the Oxford panegyrist, the brilliance of his 
protege's dedicated poem, or a turn of Elizabeth's favour at the 
time encouraged Southampton's friends to propose that he should 
be made a Knight of the Garter this year He was not appointed, 
but the fact of his name having been proposed was in itself an 
honour so great at his early age that it had never before been paid 
to any one not of Royal Blood. 

It is possible that Southampton's bailiff, Richard Nash, was a 
relative to the satirist who made a desperate bid for Southampton's 
approval. His wit and conversation may have pleased the young 
lord, for his dedications suggest some degree of acquaintance. 
(It is very important to pay attention to these Dedications, and their 
results.) He evidently had written by 1593 his first prose novel, as 
the Stationers' Registers 2 refer to it. 

"John Wolf Entred for his copie under thandes of the Archbishop 
of Canterbury and the Wardens a booke entitled The unfortunate 
traveller bd" It is not clear that this entry remained in force, for 
the tide-page of the first edition known informs us : "The unfortunate 
Traveller or the Life of Jack Wilton. Thomas Nashe. Printed by 

1 From Dr Grosart's reprint of the unique copy in the possession of the 
Duke of Devonshire. 2 Arber, it. 636 


T. Scarlet for C. Burby, and are to be sold at his shop adjoyning 
to the Exchange 1 594. London." 

Whether this dedication was included in the manuscript as it 
reached John Wolfe or not, it certainly appears in the first edition, 
and is withdrawn from all later ones. By way of contrast to 
Shakespeare's it may preferably be treated here: 

To the Right Honorable Lord Henrie Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton 

and Baron of Tichfeeld. 

Ingenuous honorable Lord, I know not what blind custome methodical! 
antiquity hath thrust upon us, to dedicate such books as we publish to one 
great man or other; in which respect, least anie man should challenge these 
my papers as goods uncustomed, and so extend uppon them as forfeite to 
contempt to the scale of your excellent censure loe here I present them to 
bee scene and allowed. Prize them as high or as low as you list: if you set 
anie price on them, I hold my labor well satisfide. Long have I desired to 
approove my wit unto you. My reverent duetifull thoughts (even from 
their infancie) have been retayners to your glorie. Now at last I have enforst 
an opportunitie to plead my devoted minde. All that in this phantasticall 
Treatise I can promise, is some reasonable conveyance of historic, and varietie 
of mirth. By divers of my good frends have I been dealt with to employ 
my dul pen in this kinde, it being a cleane different vaine from other my 
former courses of writing. How wel or ill I have done in it, I am ignorant : 
(the eye that sees round about it selfe, sees not into it selfe:) only your 
Honours applauding encouragement hath power to make arrogant. In- 
comprehensible is the heigth of your spirit both in heroical resolution and 
matters of conceit. Unrepriueably perisheth that book whatsoever to wast 
paper which on the diamond rock of your judgement, disasterly chanceth to 
be shipwrackt. A dere lover and cherisher you are, as well of the lovers of 
Poets, as of Poets themselves. Amongst their sacred number, I dare not 
ascribe my selfe, though now and then I speak English: that smal braine 
I have to no further use I convert, save to be kinde to my frends and fatall 
to my enemies. A new brain, a new wit, a new stile, a new soule will I get 
mee, to canonize your name to posteritie, if in this, my first attempt I be 
not taxed of presumption. Of your gracious favor I despaire not, for I am 
not altogether Fame's out-cast. This handfull of leaves I offer to your view, 
to the leaves I compare, which as they cannot grow of themselves, except 
they have some branches or boughes to cleave too, and with whose iuice 
and sap they be evermore recreated and nourisht : so except these unpolisht 
leaves of mine have some braunch of Nobilitie whereon to depend and cleave 
and with the vigorous nutriment of whose authorized commendation they 
may be continually foster'd and refresht, never wil they grow to the world's 
good liking, but forthwith fade and die on the first hour of their birth. 


Your Lordship is the large spreading branch of renown, from whence these 
my idle leaves seeke to derive their whole nourishing: it resteth you either 
scornfully shake them off as worm-eaten and worthless, or in pity preserve 
them and cherish them for some litle summer frute you hope to finde 
amongst them. Your Honors in all humble service 


It is evident from this dedication that Nash knew of Shakespeare's 
when he wrote it; I think that he printed it without permission 
having been asked or received. Besides the faults and peculiarities 
of "this phantasticall Treatise" as a work of art, it certainly lacked 
"some reasonable conveyance of historic" on the two points about 
which Southampton would best know. He was intimate with the 
Howards, he was a student of literature, and he would know that 
the whole story of the Earl of Surrey was false and disparaging to his 
character. He would also know that the vision of the fair Geraldine 
at the Emperor's court could not have been founded on fact; and 
was moreover discreditable to her, as she could not have bewailed 
him as "her Lord" while he was married to another, and she 
was preparing to marry another. Her connection with his own 
family would give Southampton the facts, which shewed that other 
of Nash's statements might be false. 

It is probable, therefore, that when Southampton saw this dedi- 
cation in print he was displeased, and told Nash that he would not 
have it; at all events it was withdrawn from all subsequent editions. 

Meanwhile, having witnessed the success of Shakespeare's Venus 
and Adonis, Nash, though he had not dared to describe himself as 
among the "sacred number" of the poets, seems to have fancied 
that he might be more successful with this patron if he could become 
one. He therefore wrote some verses, entitled The Choice of 
Valentines^ which he also dedicated to Southampton. The contents, 
however, of these verses, or their "English," seems to have been 
even more distasteful to Southampton (or the Censor); for the effort 
remained in manuscript till lately. It has a prologue and an 
epilogue both addressed to Southampton. 

Pardon, sweete flower of matchless Poetrie 
And fairest bud the red rose ever bore, 
Althoughe my Muse devor'st from deeper care 
Presents thee with a wanton Elegie, 


Ne blame my verse of loose unchastitie 

For painting forth the things that hidden are 

Since all men acte what I in speeche declare 

Onelie induced by varietie. 
Complaints and praises everie one can write, 

And passion out their panges in statelie rhymes 

But of Love's pleasures none did ever write 

That hath succeeded in theis latter times 
Accept of it Dear Lord, in gentle grace 

And better lynes ere long shall honor thee 1 . 

At the end of the poem: 

Thus hath my penne presumed to please my frend 

Oh mightst thow lykewise please Apollo's eye, 

No : Honor brookes no such impietie, 

Yet Ovid's wanton muse did not offend. 
He is the fountaine whence my streames doe flowe 

Forgive me if I speake as I was taught 

A lyke to women utter all I knowe 

As longing to unlode so bad a fraught. 
My mynde once purg'd of such lascivious witt 

With purifide words and hallowed verse 

Thy praises in large volumes shall rehearse 

That better maie thy graver view befitt. 
Meanwhile yett rests, you smile at what I write 

Or for attempting, banish me your sight 2 . 

It is evident that Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis is referred to in 
the fourth line of the latter address, the author not realising the 
difference between Shakespeare's Muse and his own. Southampton 
did so, and, accepting Nash's challenge, followed the alternative his 
would-be protege suggested in his last line, and "banished" him. 

ln connection with the private theories here advanced, it may be 
suggested that Shakespeare, alone and neglected, may have mingled 
with the crowd when the Queen passed through Oxford in 1 592. But 
he would have no eyes for any but the young " Prince of Hampshire," 
his vision of youthful beauty, mounted on a steed to awaken of itself 
a poet's fervour. The poet gazed and felt, but dared not speak. The 
sight helped him in his work, a secret work, which he had been 
keeping from his friend through the beautiful spring, the hot summer, 

1 From Mr McKerrow's edition of Nash's Works, vol. in. p. 403. 

2 Ibid. p. 415. 


and the heavy autumn airs of 1 592. At every opportunity he had 
enjoyed the lively gossip and critical dissertations of the young Earl. 
But he had been often out of town, and in his solitude Shakespeare 
had been studying hard and working hard. One book which was 
able to strengthen and correct much of his patron's advice was The 
drte of English poesie, Contrived into three bookes^ the first of Poets 
and Poesie; the second of Proportion^ the third of Ornament. This 
work was printed by Shakespeare's friend Richard Field, and was 
dedicated by the author to the Queen and by the printer to Lord 
Burleigh. Shakespeare would know then, what the world did not 
surely know, but we now know, that its author was George Putten- 
ham. That book was of great use to the poet. Besides general advice, 
it strongly advocates the use of blank verse in plays and suggests the 
suitability of the six-lined and seven-lined stanza for narrative verse, 
both of which Shakespeare essayed in his two poems. He had also 
been studying in Dick Field's shop Sir Thomas North's translation 
of Amyot's Plutarch's Lives. But, more than anything else, he had 
been studying Richard Field's new edition of Ovid. Thence he seized 
his motto, a choice which has not been sufficiently noticed. He 
set it before him, he headed his paper with it, and he began to be a 
translator, a poetic translator of the poet who wrote 

Villa miretur vulgus ; mihi flavus Apollo 
Pocula Castalia plena ministret aqua. 

While his friend spoke to him of Golding and Marlowe, Drayton 
and Chapman, he had hugged his secret, until his work was done 
and then he had to break it to his friend, so as to prepare the way for 
a formal request for liberty to dedicate his poem to him. 

In one sonnet he betrays his study: 

Describe Adonis, and the Counterfeit 
Is poorly imitated after you. 

He had to shew his friend that he believed in his own work: 

So long as men can breathe, or eyes can see, 
So long lives this, and this gives life to thee. 

Yea do thy worst, old Time ; despite thy wrong 
My love shall in my verse live ever young 

were not spoken of the sonnet but the poem. 


When he had finished the poem, with the manuscript he sent 
the special sonnet (xxvi): 

Lord of my love, to whom in vassalage 

Thy merit hath my duty strongly knit, 

To thee I send this written embassage 

To witness duty, not to shew my wit. 

Duty so great, which wit so poor as mine 

May make seem bare, in wanting words to shew it; 

But that I hope some good conceit of thine 

In thy soul's thought, all naked, will bestow it; 

Till whatsoever star that guides my moving 

Points on me graciously with fair aspect 

And puts apparel on my tattered loving 

To shew me worthy of thy sweet respect; 

Then may I dare to boast how I do love thee, 

Till then, not shew my head where thou dost prove me 

which seems to signify, " My duty requires me to shew that the 
trouble you have taken with me has been worth taking. When my 
pages are printed and bound^ and you are satisfied with them, and 
the world approves, then shall I dare to boast how I do love thee." 
But he put a timid and far-off address of dedication to his first poem 
he would not have his friend discredited for his sake. Southampton 
was poet himself enough to understand the beauties of the poem, 
to accept the dedication, to hurry up Richard Field, and to wait 
eagerly for the result. Alas! Southampton was kept much out of 
London by the Plague, delays were multiplied among printers, proof 
correctors, Archbishops, and Master Wardens, so that it was the 1 8th 
of April, 1 593, when Richard Field " entered for his copy, under 
the handes of the Archbishop of Canterbury and Master Warden 
Stirrup a book intituled Venus and Adonis 6d" Yet the book, written 
chiefly in 1592, had time to know the beginning of "the great 
sickness," for, speaking of Adonis' lips, it says 

their verdure still endure 
To drive infection from the dangerous year. 
That the Star-gazers having writ on death 
May say the Plague is banished by thy breath. 

Ven. and. Adon. LXXXV. 

The date of the poem helps to date the Sonnets. The poet had 
used certain phrases to urge the youth to marry, and these same 


phrases Venus used in her passionate pleadings. Shakespeare could 
never have used them in his Sonnets after she had soiled them in 
her poisoned speech. 

Thomas Edwards, a little-known contemporary poet, in his 
Envoy to his Narcissus 1 , gives a list of poets under the names of their 
chief characters. When he wrote of this poem, 

Adon deafly masking thro' 
Stately troupes, rich-conceited 
Shewed he well deserved to 

Love's delight on him to gaze, 
And had not Love herself entreated 

Other nymphs had sent him bayes. 

did he refer to the poet or the patron?] 

1 Narcissus, with Cephalus and Procris, was registered to John Wolfe 
on 22nd Oct. 1593, and (though apparently not printed until 1595) was 
the first allusion to Venus and Adonis. It was satirised by Nash, and lost 
to us until 1 867, when a fragment with title-page was discovered at Lamport 
Hall. A complete copy was found in 1878, in the Cathedral Library at 
Peterborough, by the Rev. W. E. Buckley, and reprinted by him in 1882. 


THE Countess of Southampton had become a widow at 28 or 
29 years old; she was a beautiful and popular woman of wide- 
reaching connections, and she must certainly have received many 
offers of a second marriage. But, either from devotion to her son, 
distaste of matrimony, or the difficulty of finding anyone who 
satisfied her critical taste, she had remained unmated for 13 years. 
The death of her father had left her without a counsellor of her 
own kin, and she felt that she needed one. It may be remembered 
that Viscount Montague had appointed as the overseer of his will 
Sir Thomas Heneage, an old friend of the family. Sir Thomas 
Heneage wrote to Sir Robert Cecil, November 27th, 1593, from 
"the woful Lodge of Copthall," so styled because of his late loss. 
When Heneage lost his wife on igth November, 1593, ne was at 
first very disconsolate. He was ageing and ill, and his only daughter 
Elizabeth had in 1572 married Moyle Finch (eldest son of Sir 
Thomas Finch) who had been kind neither to his wife nor to his 
father-in-law. Apparently when Heneage turned his eyes for com- 
fort to the Countess of Southampton, her heart melted towards him 
in his loneliness and failing health, and early in 1 594 the news went 
round that the two bruised hearts were planning to comfort each 
other. Camden says that Sir Thomas Heneage "for his elegancy of 
life and pleasantness of speech was born for the court." Indeed, he 
was about as perfect a man as had graced it learned and cultured, 
a lover of the muses and patron of their followers, honest and capable 
in business, he was honoured and trusted by the Queen, and was 
powerful in his offices of Treasurer of the Chamber, Vice-Chancellor 
of the Household, and Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. He was 
the very man to affect for good the habits and opinions of the young 
and somewhat headstrong Earl. The Queen had given Heneage 
many grants of land, chiefly in Essex, where his headquarters were 
at Copt Hall. In London he had removed from Heneage House to 
the official residence for the Duchy, the Savoy. 

The Countess of Southampton was given another chance of 


shewing what a good wife she could be, and on 2nd of May, 1594, 
these two were happily married. The marriage promised well for 
her son, and incidentally proved to be of use to her son's poet and 
that poet's company. 

Apparently the Countess of Southampton was living at South- 
ampton House before her marriage, as among examinations of 
priests and suspects a good many are noted to have frequented 
Southampton House, or lived near it. 

It is well to remember, what is too often forgotten, that Sir 
Thomas Heneage wrote verses himself, and that he also had 
dedications made to him. 

Fox dedicated to him an appendix to his De 0/iva Evange/ica, 
1577, as "ornatissimo viro D. Thomae Hennagio," but he did not 
say much about his literary tastes. 

A more important Encomium of him was penned by the learned 
Thomas Newton, when he dedicated to him his edition (1589) of 
The Encomia of Leland, "Honoratissimo, splendidissimo ac orna- 
tissimo Viro, D. Thomae Henneagio, Equiti Aurato, Camerae 
Regineae Gazophylaci perspicacissimo, eidem Reg. Ma. Procame- 
rario dignissimo, &c. Consiliario fidelissimo, Literarum ac Litera- 
torum patrono summo; Domino mihi multis nominibus suspiciendo. 

Newton says to Heneage: "Let others give gems, gold, bronzes, 
ivories, pearls from Eastern waters; give myrrh and spices and wine, 
give coloured carpets, Chinese wools, Scarlet cloaks, Assyrian tapestry, 
yellow talents of the Phrygian Midas. No such gifts does Newton 
offer thee, Heneage, thou well-born flower of a famous flock; not 
for him does Pactolus, nor the goldbearing Hermus, nor the Tagus 
flow, rather for him does the Castalian wave roll, which, like a 
graving-tool strives to immortalise those who cultivate the sacred 
gifts of the muses, among whom ever remembered by me, Heneage 
most brightly shines, and most conspicuously sparkles. 

" Leland celebrated in song the learned Treasurer of the Chamber 
to Henry the Eighth, Brian Tuke; experienced Heneage flourishes 
as treasurer under the divine and learned Princess, and discharges 
the offices of Tuke; Leland remembers Tuke, Newton remembers 
Heneage, distinguished in honor, in song, in mind, in prayer. 

" Let these poems submitted by his own hand be a sign of the 


sincere love he consecrates to you, which if only you favour, and 
honour with a serene aspect, you will give a great gift for a little 
service; whilst I, as with a shield, covered by such a protection 
against the crowd which scorns and criticises... will despise them 
all. May celestial Jupiter give you Nestor's years, since he has given 
to you his mind and eloquence. 

Yours most devotedly Thomas Newton.'* 

And Thomas Newton's most intimate friend, William Hunnis, 
Master of the Children of the Chapel Royal, also honoured him x . 

During the previous year Shakespeare had been working to 
redeem his promise of taking advantage of all idle hours to complete 
his "graver labour," and during the same time he had been 
growing in intimacy with his lord, increasing in gratitude, and 
becoming bolder in expression. The love he had kept hidden in his 
heart when he published the first poem he now had no fear in 
expressing and therefore the Dedication to the Rape of Lucrece 
almost goes back in terms, certainly in feeling, to the 2oth of his 
private Sonnets to his friend. For Shakespeare's prose runs thus: 
To the Right Honourable Henry Wriothesley Earle of Southampton, and 
Baron of Titchfield. 

The loue 1 dedicate to your Lordship is without end; whereof this Pam- 
phlet without beginning is but a superfluous Moity. The warrant I have of 
your Honourable disposition, not the worth of my untutored Lines, makes it 
assured of acceptance. What I have done is yours, what I have to do is 
yours, being part in all I have, devoted yours. Were my worth greater, my 
duety would shew greater, meane time, as it is, it is bound to your Lordship ; 
To whom I wish long life still lengthened with all happiness, 

Your Lordship's in all duety 


Southampton's family motto had a meaning for Shakespeare apart 
from the world, "Ung par tout, tout par ung." Therefore he 
mortgaged his life-work to Southampton "What I have to do is 
yours.' 1 '' The book was registered gth May, 1594. 

The poem, being expected, was eagerly and preparedly welcomed; 
admirers were satisfied in their expectations, censors were silenced. 
The story of Lucretia had never been more tenderly or perfectly 

1 See Dedication from Hunnies Recreations, "printed by P.S. [Philip 
Short] for W. Jaggard and are to be sold at his shoppe at the east end of 
S. Dunston's Church, 1595." 


treated; the seven-line stanza of Chaucer's Troylus and Cryseyde had 
never been more musically breathed, not even by Daniel in his 
Complaint of Rosamond. 

It may not be out of place here to say a little about a lady 
associated with both Heneage and Southampton. Much has been 
built upon the Lady Bridget Manners' opinion of Southampton 
as "so young, fantasticall, and easily carried away" and it is there- 
fore as well to have the real truth about the speaker. Sir Thomas 
Heneage wrote to Elizabeth, Countess of Rutland, November 20, 
I592 1 , "the exceeding good modest and honorable behaviour and 
carriage of my lady Bridget your daughter with her careful and 
dilligent attendance of her Majestic ys so contentynge to her 
Highness and so commendable in this place where she lives where 
vyces will hardly receive vyzards, and vertues will most shyne, as 
her Majestic acknowledges she hath cause to thank you for her, and 
you may take comforte of so vertuous a daughter, of whose beeynge 
here and attendance her Majestic hath bidden mee to tell your 
Ladyship that you shall have no cause to repent The token of her 
Majesties remembrance, which, consydering from whence yt comes 
deserves never to be forgotten, I refer to the deliverye of the bearer." 

The young lady had been away from her mother some time 
before 1 594, had grown tired of the Court, and had secret marriage 
plans of her own on hand. It is likely to have been common Court 
gossip that Burleigh had offered Southampton his granddaughter, 
and that he had not accepted her. But he was probably prudent 
enough not to pay attentions to any other Court lady sufficient to 
arouse his guardian's reproach. It is quite possible that the Lady 
Bridget had cast eyes on him and found no response. 

Now, on June igth, I594 2 , Roger Manners, her uncle, wrote to 
her mother that he was "very glad of the conclusion you have made 
with the executors of Mr Tyrwhitt, for the wardship and marriage 
of the young gentleman." Since she would like to see her daughter, 
he advises her to get the Lord Treasurer to ask the Queen's leave 
to have her home for a visit. Mary Harding, attendant on the 
Lady Bridget, wrote from Greenwich to the Countess on July 5th, 
proposing a match for her young lady with the Lord Wharton, a 

1 From the originals at Belvoir. See also Hist. MSS. Comm. Rep. xn. i. 304. 

2 Ibid. 320. 

s. s. 5 


widower with children. " If your Ladyship ask Mr Manners his 
advice, he will speake stryghte of my Lord of Bedford, or my Lord 
Southampton. If they were in her choice, she saith, she would 
choose my Lord Wharton before them, for they be so younge, and 
fantasticall, and would be so caryed awaye, that yf anything should 
come to your Ladiship but good, being her only stay, she doubteth 
their carridge of themselves, seynge some expearynce of the lyke 
in this place.... If your ladyship did know how weary my lady wer 
of the courte, and what little gain there is gotten in this time, her 
Majesties favourable countenance excepted, which my lady hath, 
your honour would willinglie be contented with a smaller fortune 
to help her from here... .Ask Mr Manners. I think the nearest 
way were to fayne the messelles so she might have leve for a month 
to ayre her. And when she wer once with your honor, you might 
send to get the Queen's favour." 1 The Countess thereupon wrote to 
her cousin Mary Ratcliffe on July i8th and entreated her to beg 
the Queen to let her daughter come home after five years' absence. 
She longed much to see the girl, especially as she was in great danger 
through sickness and weakness. Now, either through her own 
imaginary measles, or her mother's supposed illness, Lady Bridget 
got home but that was not the end of her trickery. She knew that 
neither Lord Bedford nor Lord Southampton was within her choice. 
She had no fancy for the middle-aged widower Lord Wharton, and, 
with Mary Harding's help, no doubt, she found a young husband 
for herself without asking the leave of Queen or mother. In those 
days such a step was no trifle. She must have known it could not 
be passed by. The next known of her is a distressed letter from 
Thomas Scri ven, the family bailiff, who lived in the Holy well House 
by the theatre. He had delivered the Countess's letter 2 to both the 
Lord Chamberlain and the Vice-Chamberlain, "lest either should 
side with her Majesty's conceipt of contempt." They both promised 
to try to clear the Countess of blame for this late marriage; but the 
Queen could not believe her ignorant of it she was too wise and 
her daughter too obedient. "The marriage of your own daughter, 
in your own house, and by your own chapeleyn, Lady Bridget could 
not have ventured so great a breach of duty. Time and submission 
must satisfy and good friends may prevail in staying further pro- 
1 Hist. MSS. Comm. Rep. xn. i. 321. 8 Ibid. 329. 


eeedings." Mr Tyrwhitt must be sent up at once, and was like 
to be imprisoned; the Lady Bridget also, though the Queen granted 
her the grace of being committed to the custody of one lady. The 
Queen was highly offended. "It could never have been done she 
says without your Ladyship, and she says you were bold to do it, 
as if neither you nor your son should ever need her Majestic." 
Lord Hunsden wrote in the same strain and blamed her severely 
for not sending Lady Bridget up at once to Lady Bedford's custody." 1 
On October i6th, 1594, Thomas Scriven wrote again that the 
Countess of Bedford came to London last night with Lady Bridget; 
" . . .Mr Tyrwhitt amendeth well and greatly desireth liberty." But 
it was November 27th before Lord Hunsden sent to Belvoir to 
say that the Queen had set them both at liberty, and blamed the 
Countess more than either of them; though the Lady Bridget took 
the blame on herself, the Queen insists it was only to shield her 
mother. Now she was to be sent for at once ' Lady Bedford had 
been burdened with her long enough. Her husband could come 
down with her.' From the house-books of the Countess we can see 
that the young lady was far from economical. Her mother allowed 
her at Court as much money as she allowed her son Roger at Cam- 
bridge; yet Bridget left debts in London to the amount of 125. 

The girl sank into obscurity after that. We hear of some Court 
gossip about Lady Bridget's child. She lived ten years and was 
buried in Bigby Church 2 : "July loth 1604 the wife of Robert 
Tyrwhitt, and daughter of John Earl of Rutland, leaving 4 children 
William, Robert, Rutland and Bridget." 

On September 3rd, 1 594, there was entered on the Stationers' 
Registers a book entitled Willobie his Aviso and the true picture 
of a modest maid, and of a chast and constant wife. (In Hexameter 
verse. The like argument whereof was never before published.) 
The Preface is written by Hadrian Darell. 

The interest to Shakespeareans lies in one of the laudatory poems 
to the author "in praise of Willobie his Avisa." ' Hexameton ' gives 
the first clear reference to Shakespeare by name as the author of 
his second poem, that spring: "And Shake-speare paints poore 
Lucrece rape." 

Another interest has been dragged into it, through the resem- 
i Hist. MS5. Comm. Rep. xn. i, 3Z3. * 317. 



blance of two pairs of initials, which were either accidentally or 
intentionally used to represent two of theactors in the story. " H. W.," 
ostensibly Henry Willobie himself, has been supposed to represent 
Henry Wriothesley, and "W.S.,"" the old player," has been supposed 
to mean William Shakespeare, who from experience could give the 
younger man advice how to prosecute his unlawful love. Such a 
translation of the friendship which had resulted in the writing of 
the Sonnets, and of the two poems descriptive of two aspects of 
chastity in man and woman, could only have been made by the 
enemies of both. A good deal of heated controversy went on over 
the intention of the book, and eventually it was called in. The whole 
publication seemed purposely wrapped in a mantle of mystification 
and descriptive self-contradiction. 

Mr Charles Hughes, completing Dr Grosart's work on the 
poem, tried to treat it as descriptive of real facts, places, and people. 
He searched the county histories and Oxford registers to advantage 
and found that a real Henry Willoughby was born in West 
Knoyle, in the hundred of Mere, "at wester side of Albion's isle" 
and had matriculated at St John's in 1591, and that in local registers 
Avice or Avisa was a common name of girls. He brings South- 
ampton on the scene as a visitor to his brother-in-law Thomas 
Arundel, son of Sir Matthew Arundel of Wardour, not very far off, 
and believes that Sir Thomas was living then at Abbey Court, 
Shaftesbury. Sir Thomas's mother was an Elizabeth Willoughby 
of Wollaton, but might have been connected with the West 
Knoyle Willoughbys. Mr Hughes can only bring Shakespeare 
on as a companion to the Earl of Southampton. He also identifies 
the Horseys of Melcombe Regis as the persons honoured in 
Penelope's Complaint^ which was published along with a second 
issue of Willobie's Avisa in 1 596 These facts are interesting, 
but have still to be sifted, collated, and corrected. H. W. might really 
have meant Henry Willoughby, and W.S. might have represented 
William Stanley before he became the Earl of Derby, or any other 
man in the country. 

I had surmised that after his mother's marriage Southampton had 
devoted himself more to Italian studies, intending to travel on the 
continent, but now I have discovered proof of it, in a strange way. 
In 1598, in John Florio's preface to his World ofWordes he says 


that he had been some years in the "pay and patronage of the Earl 
of Southampton." The years were at first not easy to reckon, but 
Florio is found residing at Titchfield with the Earl in the late 
autumn of 1594 (see page 83). Southampton came of age on the 
6th of October of that year; but there is no trace of any rejoicings 
at the occasion. Sir Thomas Arundel and his wife (Southampton's 
sister Mary) were at Titchfield not only they, but their cook, as 
if they expected to help at some festivities. But alas!, if there had 
been any plans for mirth and jollity, they were swept away by 
the horrors and anxieties connected with a murder committed in 
Wiltshire by Sir Charles and Sir Henry Danvers, special friends 
of the young Earl, on Friday the 4th of October. The hue and 
cry out against them reached Titchfield by Saturday; the men them- 
selves had fled thither, and were put up between 8 and 9 o'clock 
in the morning in Whitley Lodge, where Thomas Dymock, South- 
ampton's bailiff, resided. Southampton's cook dressed their food, 
and he himself came to the Lodge on Monday night, supped with 
them, spent the night, and departed with them two hours before 
day next morning. After considerable difficulty he managed to get 
them shipped over to France, and made them his grateful and 
adoring friends for life. 

The two Danvers were the two elder sons of Sir John Danvers 
of Dauntsey, Wiltshire, by Elizabeth, fourth daughter and co-heiress 
of John Neville, last Baron La timer; Sir Charles was probably born 
in 1571, Sir Henry on 28th June, 1573, so that he was less than 
four months older than Southampton. He had been the page of Sir 
Philip Sidney, and went with him to the Low Countries. After 
Sidney's death he served the Earl of Essex and was knighted by 
him; so there was a double bond of union between the two young 
men. Henry was very highly praised and admired by his con- 
temporaries. Aubrey says in his Wiltshire that " Henry Danvers had 
a magnificent and munificall spirit. He made the noble physic 
garden at Oxford, and endowed it." 

These two fine young men, having thus burdened their lives and 
clouded Southampton's, were well received in France. When he 
was assured that his friends were safe, Southampton was prudent 
enough to do the best he could for himself, rode up to London, and, 
almost certainly, went to stay with his step-father, Sir Thomas 


Heneage, at the Savoy. The Vice-Chamberlain had great influence 
both with the Queen and the Privy Council, and to him the youth 
would pour out the whole truth and ask advice. It is certain that 
Heneage helped him, for no unpleasant consequences to him 
followed, at least in public. Yet I seem to hear the echo of a 
rumour about his doings in Shakespeare's Sonnets. 

A letter preserved at Loseley makes it probable that Southampton 
was spending his Christmas holidays with his mother and Sir 
Thomas Heneage. 

He had by that time taken over the responsibilities of his position, 
and had something to ask Sir William More 1 , his father's old friend. 
Sir, understanding that one Christopher Buckle, a late servant of yours, 
receyved by my cosen Haull to be the Underkeeper of Dogmarsfield Parke. 
whereof I have commytted the charge to hym, is an humble suitor for your 
good favour to be continued unto hym, as to a person that would be most 
sorye for your discountenance, or yll opynyon of hym, I shall pray you for 
my request's sake to vouchsafe such allowance of his humble desyre in this 
behalfe as may give me cause to yeelde yow thanks for hym. Wherewith, 
wishing you very hartely well, I leave you to the good keeping of our Lord 
Jesus. At the Savoy, the 2ist December 1594 

Your assured frende 


A few days later, events occurred at Gray's Inn which have never 
been fully explained. The students, who had not had their usual 
revels for two or three years because of the plague and other causes, 
had resolved to make up for it this year. For this they elected a 
Mr Henry Helmes 2 to be their Lord of Misrule, entitling him 
"Henry, Prince of Purpoole, Archduke of Stapulia and Bernardia, 
Duke of High and Nether Holborn, Marquis of St Giles and 
Tottenham, Count Palatine of Bloomsbury and Clerkenwell etc." 
They were going to frame round him all the paraphernalia of a 
court, had selected Innocent's night, December 28th, as the day of 
their first special revels, and had invited the Templars to join them, 
so that they might heal the breach that had unfortunately risen 
between them. They had erected in the Hall a great stage, which 

1 Loseley Papers, vol. vin. 

8 Gesta Grayorum, or the History / the High and Mighty Prince of 
Purpoole who reigned and died 1594. Printed by Canning, reprinted in 
Nichols' Royal Progresses of Elizabeth (vol. in. 262), lately reprinted from the 
original MS., and edited by W. W. Greg for the Malone Society. 


we still can measure, whereon to represent their device. But the 
goodly company of great folks whom they had invited were not 
amenable to the mock Prince's discipline; they all seemed to have 
aspired to the seats of honour on the stage, and "the very good 
inventions and conceptions" could not be performed for the uproar 
and disorder. The Templars rose up and went away dissatisfied; 
as the masque had been intended for their benefit, it was not then 
played, and those who remained had "to content themselves with 
ordinary dancing and revelling, and when that was over, with a 
comedy of errors like to Plautus his Menaechmi, which was 
playd by the players." This play was considered the crowning 
disgrace of the evening, which was ever afterwards called "the 
night of errors." 

Next day they held a mock court, examined witnesses, arraigned 
a "conjurer" on the charges of having caused the confusion by 
magic and "of having foisted a company of base and common fellows 
to make up our disorders with a play of Errors and confusions." 
The officers of the Christmas court were sent to the Christmas 
Tower for neglect of their duty of careful watching. But it may 
be noticed that nobody asked " How were the ' base and common 
fellows' introduced?" nor the even more pertinent question, "Who 
paid the players?" I think that the Earl of Southampton most likely 
had something to do with that. 

The Prince and the Privy Council held a great consultation how 
to regain the lost honour of Gray's Inn "by some graver conceipt." 
During their efforts to arrange something to do this, the year of 
Southampton's majority closed. 

[Now, in regard to the Gray's Inn Revels of 1594, I should like 
to bring forward a hypothesis which would account for much of 
the mystery regarding the Play of Errors. I think it is quite possible 
that Southampton was associated with it much more closely than 
has been supposed. At Gray's Inn he still might be reckoned as 
among the students; he could not have risen higher than an inner 
barrister, and there is no record that he had risen so far. It is 
possible that, knowing how popular he had been in his own 
circle, he might have expected to have been chosen the Prince of 
Purpoole himself, all the more that it would be a natural compli- 
ment to him on his coming of age. When he found another selected, 


trifles might have the effect of rubbing him the wrong way. He might 
think that it was because he had sheltered his friends the Danvers 
that he was left out of the ring. Some of Henry Helmes' titles were 
taken from his property: "The Duke of High and Nether Holborn," 
"Count Palatine of Bloomsbury and Clerkenwell." The powers 
given to the Prince might have annoyed him, the device intended to 
have been played might have offended him, but he would have done 
nothing but for the accidental over-crowding of people, and the uproar 
and confusion among the crowds. Then he would see an innocent 
way, even yet, of becoming a " Lord of Misrule." He would almost 
certainly have been at Court at Greenwich for the forenoon per- 
formance, and as certainly would return to town for the Gray's Inn 
evening festivities. Possibly he went up to town about the same time 
as the players and offered them a rere-supper at one of the Holborn 
Inns, promising to come round and join them as soon as he could. 
When the Templars departed and he knew the device was spoiled, he 
might send for them, get them somehow admitted (they could not 
have got in by their own wits), and tell them to play the comedy they 
had just shewn the Queen. Somehow they did find an entrance, 
and a cleared stage, and the noise ceased as a performance began. 
Thereafter the players would slip away, secure in the knowledge 
of a coming reward from Southampton. Supposing all that, what 
follows? Next day the Gray's Inn revellers, after legal forms, held 
an enquiry as to the causes of the tumult. They charged a "Sorcerer 
or Conj urer" with having done the mischief, who appealed for j ustice, 
and blamed every one else. So the Court punished their officials for 
lack of due discipline and sent them to the Christmas Tower. They 
never found the real offender, because they did not want to find him \ 
They knew so far that somebody well known must have guided 
the players," the base and common fellows," into their sanctum, and 
that somebody must have paid them. Was it Southampton? If any 
one ever brings forward a simpler explanation, I am willing to give 
this up. I am quite aware that some have made a difficulty about 
the date of the play at Greenwich. Even Mr Greg and Mr E. K. 
Chambers have done so. 

It would perhaps help to clear away some dust from a literary 
question to pause for a moment here. Mr Greg published his new 
and careful edition of the Gesta Grayorum for the Malone Society's 


reprints. The date printed on the volume is April 1914; the date 
in the Museum copy is stamped May 1915; the date of actual 
delivery to subscribers was the I3th March 1916 (this is on 
the late Mr Wheatley's authority). A reviewer of my book 
Shakespeare's Industry^ published on the 8th of March and sent 
to the Press on the i oth, suggested that I should have referred to 
this edition in the reprint of my article on the subject which had 
appeared in the Shakespeare Jahrbuch^ 1895! 

In the preface to this edition of the Gesta y Mr Greg, as general 
editor, states, "There are certain difficulties which have not always 
been recognized. The performance at Gray's Inn took place in the 
evening of December 28, and if the play was Shakespeare's play, 
we must suppose that the company was Shakespeare's company and 
the Lord Chamberlain's men. But the accounts of the Treasurer 
of the Chamber show payments to this company for performances 
before the Court both on the 26th December and 28th December. 
The Court was at Greenwich, and the performances were in the 
evening. These accounts, however, also shew a payment to the Lord 
Admiral's men in respect of 28th December. It is true that instances 
of two Court performances on one night do occur elsewhere, but 
in view of the double difficulty involved, it is perhaps best to assume 
that in the Treasurer's accounts 28th December is an error for 
2;th December." Mr Greg refers to Mr E. K. Chambers' article 
in the Modern Language Review^ Oct. 1906, n. 10. Now Mr 
Chambers says that "both in the 'Pipe Roll' and in the Treasurer of 
the Chamber's original account (Harl. MS. 1642, f. 19 b) records of 
the payments for the 26th and 28th December are given It 
is not unlikely that the second play of the Chamberlain's men 
before Elizabeth was really on St John's day, Dec. 27th." 

Why so? Why assume an error until other alternatives are ex- 
hausted? Now it is notable among these records that the usual 
form of an entry runs, "on New Year's day at night," "on Inno- 
cent's day at night"; but this particular entry runs "on Innocent's 
Day" So there was surely sufficient time for the Chamberlain's 
men to perform twice on that occasion, at Greenwich by day, at 
Gray's Inn at night. I treated this fully in my Jahrbuch article on 
"The earliest Official Record of Shakespeare's name," reprinted in 
Shakespeare's Industry, p. 218, and also in my Atheneeum article 


of April 30th, 1904; but neither Mr Chambers nor Mr Greg 
seems to have read them, or checked the originals quoted. In 
the " Declared accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber, Pipe 
Office" (not the Pipe Roll as Mr Chambers says) and also in the 
same "Declared accounts" in the Audit Office, to which he does 
not seem to have referred, the statement is quite clear " Innocent's 
Day." It is not like Mr Chambers to mix his references; but he 
says the payments discussed are given also in Harleian MS. 1642 
f. 19 b. There is no such record at that reference, because the 
Harleian MS. in question concerns itself with the year previous to 
that in which these plays were performed at Greenwich. 

This story cannot be dismissed without a few words on the first 
form of the Bacon -Shakespeare Question. It is quite probable that 
Bacon designed, or had something to do with designing, the device 
intended to have been performed at Gray's Inn on 28th December, 
1594 only, it was not played. It was Shakespeare's Comedy 
of Errors^ played by base and common fellows (himself certainly 
being one), which was reckoned as the crowning disgrace of the 
evening. But during the following few days, when the disap- 
pointed performers laid their heads together to recover the lost 
glory of Gray's Inn, there is no doubt that Bacon helped them. 
Mr Spedding, his biographer, says that the speeches of the Six 
Councillors "carry his signature in every line." With that dictum 
careful readers agree. The history says that the performances of 
the 3rd January, 1 594, quite restored the lost honour of the Night 
of Errors and made the Graians and the Templars friends that 
is, that his legal contemporaries preferred Bacon's Six Councillors. 
But dramatic posterity prefers Shakespeare's Comedy of Errors. 

The story of the Sonnets fits in wonderfully with the story of 
Southampton's life just then. Anyone may search and see some 
slight associated idea. For instance, it must have been about July, 
1 594, when the company went on its travels, that the talks of the 
friends led them to discuss what would be done after the coming 
of age, and marked a poetic fervour in Sonnet civ: 

To me, fair friend, you never can be old, 
For as you were when first your eye I eyed 
Such seems your beauty still. Three winters' cold 
Have from the forests shook three summers' pride; 


Three beauteous springs to yellow autumn turned 
In process of the seasons have I seen; 
Three April perfumes in three hot Junes burn'd 
Since first I saw you fresh which yet are green. 

In regard to Shakespeare's private relations to the Earl, little 
is definitely known. Though I do not wish to put it forward 
as founded on authority^ 1 may say that there are a good many 
reasons to suggest the opinion that, considering the circumstances, 
Shakespeare wrote A Midsummer Night's Dream for the wedding 
festivities of Sir Thomas Heneage and the Countess of Southampton. 
The stately central figures of Theseus and Hippolyta harmonised 
with the representation of the Bridegroom and the Bride; the inter^ 
weaving of fairies sprang from dreams of perpetual youth; the lovers' 
fancies controlled by the fairies' will, was a tribute of associated ideas 
for his beautiful young friend; Bottom and his group was a gentle 
satire on his own company as they had appeared to his youthful eyes 
at Kenilworth in 1575. For it seems certain that Shakespeare had 
been taken there by his father as a boy of eleven, and had remembered 
the spell of the masque and music of The Lady of the Lake by Master 
William Hunnis, which so inspired Master Robert Laneham "the 
hole armonny conveyed in tyme, tune, and temper, thus incom- 
parably melodious; with what pleazure, with what sharpnes of 
conceyt, with what lyvely delighte, this moughte pears into the 
heerer's harts, I pray ye imagine yourself as ye may..., for by all the 
wit and cunning I have, I cannot express, I promis you." It is not 
at all certain that the Earl and Countess of Southampton had been 
there; but it is quite certain that Sir Thomas Heneage had been, 
and who so well as that faithful old courtier could have appreciated 
the memorable lines to Elizabeth 1 ? 

Now, if that play was performed at his mother's wedding, it 
would give Southampton a chance of being stage manager, whether 

1 M.N.D. n. i. ! saw _ 

Cupid all arm'd : a certain aim he took 
At a fair vestal, throned by the west; 
And loosed his love-shaft smartly from his bow, 
As it should pierce a hundred thousand hearts ; 
But I might see young Cupid's fiery shaft 
Quench'd in the chaste beams of the watery moon ; 
And the imperial votaress passed on 
In maiden meditation fancy free. 


the performance was at Southampton House, at Horsham, at the 
Savoy, in the rural surroundings of Copthall, or even at Titchfield; 
and he would have enjoyed that. 

We do know that it was after the Heneage marriage that 
we have the first official record of Shakespeare's name as playing 
at Court, in the accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber, Dec. 
28th, I594 1 -] 

Mr Bertram Dobell on Sept. 1 4th, 1901, wrote to The Athenaum* 
stating that he had purchased a manuscript book entitled A Register 
of all the Noble Men of England stthence the Conquest Created 
probably written between 157090. On the fly-leaves at the end 
are some poems by Sir Thomas Heneage, to one of which Sir 
Walter Raleigh wrote a reply. As he had not found any of the 
former printed, Mr Dobell includes them, as follows: 


Most welcome love, thou mortall foe to lies, 
thou roote of life and miner of debate, 
an impe of heaven that troth to vertue ties, 
a stone of choise that bastard lustes doth hate 
a waye to fasten fancy most to reason 
in all effects, and enemy most to treason. 

A flowre of faith that will not vade for smart, 
mother of trust and murderer of oure woes 
in sorrowes seas, a cordiall to the hart 
that medcyne gives to every grief that growes ; 
a schoole of witt, a nest of sweet conceit, 
a percynge eye that findes a gilt disceit. 

A fortress sure which reason must defend, 
a hopefull tayle, a most delyghtinge band, 
affection mazed that leades to happy ende 
to ranginge thoughtes a gentle ranginge hande, 
a substaunce sure as will not be undone, 
a price of joye for which the wisest ronne. 


The markes of thoughtes and messengers of will 
(my friend) be wordes, but they not all to trust, 

1 See my paper "The earliest Official Record of Shakespeare's name," 
Jahrbuch, 1895. 

1 Athenceum, September I4th, 1901, p. 349. 


for wordes be good full oft when thoughtes be ill, 
at fair is falce though sometymes sweet and juste, 
then friends to judge aright and scape the scof 
trust none till tyme shall putt their vysardes of. 


Farewell falce love, thou oracle of lies, 

a mortall foe and enemy to rest, 
an envious boye from whome all cares arise 

a bastard vile, a beast with rage possest, 
a way of error, a temple full of treason, 
in all effectes contrary unto reason. 

A poysened serpent, covered all with flowers, 
mother of sighes and murderer of repose, 

a sea of sorrowe from whence are drawen such showers 
as moysture lendes to every griefe that growes, 

a schoole of gyle, a nest of deep deceit, 

a gylded hook that holdes a poysened bait. 

A fortress foiled whome reason did defend, 

a Cyren's songe, a feaver of the mynde, 
a maze wherin affection findes no ende, 

a raginge clowde that ronnes before the winde, 
a substaunce lyke the shadow of the sunne, 
a goale of griefe for which the wysest ronne. 


Madame who once in paper puts his thoughte 
doth send to daunger that was safe at home, 
and meaning well doth make his judgment noughte 
to thrall his wordes he wotes not well to whome; 
yet pullinge back his penne he must confesse 
to show his witt he proves his love the lesse. 


Idle or els but seldom busied best 

in court (my Lord) we leade the vaynest life, 

where hopes with feares, where joyes with sorrowes rest, 

but faith is rare, tho fayrest wordes be rife. 

Heare learne we vice, and looke one vertuous bookes, 
heare fine deceit we hould be courtly skill; 
our care is heare to waite one wordes and lookes, 
and greatest work to follow others will. 


Heare scorne a grace, and pride is pleasant thought, 
mallice but might and fowlest shifte no shame, 
lust but delyght, and plainest dealing nought, 
whear flattery lykes, and trothe beares oftest blame 

Yet is the cawse not in the place, I finde, 
but all the fault is in the faulty minde. 


Seldome and short be all our happiest houres 
we hear can hold, for why? oure hopes and joies 
roulinge and fake their broding tyme devoures, 
which when we trust, alas we finde but toyes. 

Hard to obtain, but yet more haistly gon, 
be greatest happ, with grudginge envie matcht, 
of fairest seedes the fruit is nought or none 
with good and evill our lyfe so much is patcht. 

Owr twisted blis by tyme is soon untwynde, 

to hope and love and fear doth gyve a lashe, 

so change gives checke to each unstable mynde 

to all delyght, and daunger gyves the dashe, 
Thus dasht who yet fast troth to vertues lynckes 
mak faith to shine, however fortune shrinckes. 

Farewell fake Love first appeared in print in William Byrd's 
Psalms Sonnets and Songs^ 1588, says Mr Dobell, referring to Mr 
Bullen's Lyricks from the Song-books of the Elizabethan age. 


No doubt one of the reasons which made the Gray's Inn men so 
ashamed of The Comedy of Errors was that it was an exceedingly 
free, if not a bad, translation of the Latin of Plautus. No wonder 
that they took Bacon into consultation as to how they might have 
something dignified and fitting. The Prince of Purpoole and his 
Christmas court planned another great evening on the 3rd of 
January. They invited the Templars, with due apologies, to come 
and see their actually intended plan. They reared an altar to the 
goddess of Amity, surrounded with nymphs and fairies who filled 
the air with sweet music. Then, apparently, the originally planned 
masque, revised, corrected and expanded, was performed in stately 
dignity for the benefit of the Templars. It represented a series 
of historical friends, Theseus and Pirithous, Achilles and Patroclus, 
Pylades and Orestes, Scipio and Lelius. To these they added Graius 
and Temp/arius. Then six Lords of the Prince's Privy Council 
discoursed, the ist on Ware, 2nd on Philosophy, 3rd on Eternize- 
ment and fame by Buildings and Tombstones, 4th on the Ab- 
soluteness of State and Treasure, 5th on Vertue and Good Govern- 
ment, 6th on Pastime and Sports. This last Councillor advised all 
present to enjoy their opportunities. The Prince made a suitable 
reply, chose a lady to dance with, and so did all the others. "The 
performance of which night being carefully and orderly handled 
did so delight and please... that thereby Gray's Inn did not only 
recover their lost credit and quite take away all the disgrace that 
the former 'Night of Errors' had incurred, but got instead honour 
and good report," and Gray's Inn and the Temple were made 

Among the honourable personages invited on the great occasion 
were the Earls of Essex and Southampton, Sir Thomas Heneage, 
Sir Robert Cecil, and many knights and ladies, who all had 
"convenient places and very good entertainment to their good liking 
and contentment." 


Sir Henry Helmes went on an imaginary visit to Muscovy, and 
a real visit to the Queen at Greenwich, where she honoured him 
and his company; and their revels only closed at Shrovetide. 

The mysterious rumours which had been floating about through 
November and December 1 about the cause of the flight of the two 
Danvers and the association of the Earl of Southampton with it 
were intensified in January, 1594-5, when some of those concerned 
in it were examined before Sir Thomas West and other Justices of 

Later notes to frame an indictment before the Wiltshire assizes 
in the Lent term were collected in a remarkable document, of which 
two copies are preserved in the Lansdowne MSS. 2 , entitled "A 
lamentable discourse taken out of sundry examinacions concerning 
the wilful escape of Sir Charles and Sir Henrie Danvers, Knights, 
and their followers, after the murder committed in Wiltshire upon 
Henrie Long, gent." These notes are considerably fuller than the 
first set, and seem fairly trustworthy as to the escape, the only 
unsupported evidence being that of the manner of the death of the 
victim. The writer, probably the attorney of Sir Walter Long, says, 
"The said wilful murder executed upon Henrie Longe, gent, 
sitting at his dinner in the company of Sir Walter Longe his brother, 
Anthony Mildmay, Thomas Snell, Henrie Smith Esquires, Justices 
of her Majesties Peace for Wilts, and divers other gents att one 
Chamberlain's house in Cosham by Sir Charles and Sir Henry 
Davers and their followers to the number of 17 or 1 8 persons in 
most riotous manner appointed for that foul facte on Fridaie the 
4th of October 1594." Another account says that Henry Long had 
challenged Charles Danvers, that he was pressing an unfair advan- 
tage and had his arm raised to kill, when Henry Danvers thrust 
himself between to ward off the blow, was wounded in the act, and 
striking upwards with his dagger killed Henry Long accidentally. 

It is evident that they had confided in Southampton, before they 
went out, "to settle up with the Longs"; and that they had laid 
some plans, in case of the worst happening. 

On the other hand 3 Lady Danvers brought a case against 
Sir Walter Long, and there is to be considered a letter of John 

1 Salisb. Papers, v. 84-90. 2 Lansdowne MSS. 827. 5 and 830. 13. 3. 
3 D.S.S.P. Eliz. CCLI. 123-124. 


Galley to Cecil 1 , later. He was servant to Lady Danvers and 
devoted to her and his young masters, and wrote, entreating pardon 
for them: "My Lords of the Circuit and a grand jury of gentlemen 
had an upright regard for justice We of our side at the assizes 
preferring one bill for the killing of our man better than a year past, 
the same was found accordingly as also some of Mr Danvers neigh- 
bours preferring one other bill against Broome, a very base and lewd 
fellow, and a chief countenanced and abetted witness by Sir Walter 
Long for indictment of Mr Danvers at Lent assizes, is now at this 

assizes indicted of felony for robbing of a church Touching my 

poor selfe, whom Sir Walter Longe doth malice in the highest 
degree.... In his continual malicious proceedings he could never 
reprove me for a disobedient subject towards her Majesty and her 
laws I could find matter for his utter disgrace." Meanwhile he 
implored Cecil to help his young masters home, July 23rd, 1 595. 

This account is supported by a later letter of Lady Danvers to 
Sir Robert Cecil, saying that she hears her Majesty is inclined to 
mercy, but still delays granting it. She suggests that this may be so as 
not to grieve the relatives, and asks if a reasonable composition 
might help. She would be willing to consider that, "beseeching you 
that in the matter you will not begin at the death of Mr Long, 
but at the murder of one of Mr Danvers' men, the cunning con- 
triving of the saving of his life that did it, derisions and foul abuses 
offered to my husband's chief officers, and open scorns of him and 
his in saying that they had knighted him with a glass of beer; last 
of all, letters addressed to my son Charles, of such form as the heart 
of a man indeed had rather die than endure, how the beginning of 
all this quarrel was prosecuting of justice against thieves, harboured 
and maintained by the Longs, all the country knows. And if a life 
notwithstanding must be answered with a life, what may be trulier 
said than that my son slew Long with a dagger, and they have 
been the cause of slaying my husband with dolour and grief; and 
if Sir John Danvers were a worthier man, and his life of more 
worth than Harry Long's, so much odds the Longs have had already 
of our good name and house." 

The story of the "escape," however, can be gathered from the 
examinations, in reading which one is held in breathless suspense at 

1 Scdisb. Papers, v. 288. 
s.s. 6 


times, unless the result is known. The facts are interesting, the details 
are sometimes amusing. There is an almost universal desire evident 
among all they meet to help the Danvers to escape. 

The fugitives arrived about 8 or 9 in the morning of Saturday the 
5th at Whitley Lodge near Titchfield, where Thomas Dymock 
lived, and there they remained till Tuesday morning, and "John, 
the Earl of Southamptons servant dressed their meat." The hue 
and cry followed them through the day. John gave Dymock's 
servant girl two shirts to wash, and one of them was bloody. The 
Danvers' servant, Gilbert Scott, stayed at Titchfield secretly for 10 
days and was sent post haste to London and to the various ports, to 
secure a passage for France. On Sunday the 6th, the Earl remained 
at home for his 2ist birthday. On Monday October yth Mr 
Dymock and Mr Robinson had a controversy as to who should have 
Sir Henry Danvers' bloody velvet saddle. On the same Monday the 
Earl went with seven or eight followers to Whitley Lodge, supped 
with his friends, and tarried all night. On Tuesday morning, two 
hours before dawn, the Earl departed with the Knights and company to 
Burselldon Ferry, where Henry Meedes awaited them by command 
of Dymock. The Earl required Meedes to take the party either to 
Calshot Castle or Bewly, a-hunting. They went towards Calshot 
Castle, but did not land until Wednesday the Qth. Now the Captain, 
Master Perkinson, was a great friend of the Danvers, and he was 
absent from the Castle at the time, whether by accident or intention 
is not clear. The Deputy also was absent for a shorter time. In their 
absence the master gunner admitted the party, but, having some 
doubts, took their arms from them and put them in the Deputy's 
room to wait. There were five in the first boat, the Knights and 
Thomas Dymock included, and thirteen in the second boat. Mean- 
while "Mr Francis Robinson, the gentleman of the Earl's stables, 
told Dredge the stable-boy to go into the kitchen to Austin, the cook 
of Sir Thomas Arundel (who with his lady was then at Titchfield), 
and get a basket of cooked meats, and carry it to Mr Dymock"; and 
the party in the Deputy's room supped there, the Deputy arriving 
in time to join them. They stayed at the Castle till Friday the nth, 
many messages coming and going. Then Captain Perkinson sent 
private information to the Earl that he had received official letters 
from Sir Thomas West to apprehend them. Southampton sent his 


servant Payne to warn his friends; the master gunner gave them 
back their arms, though all knew by this time that they were the 
men wanted; and they hurried out pell-mell, overcrowding the boat 
in their haste. It is not quite clear where they went; but on Friday 
night seven strange men supped in Whitley Lodge kitchen and 
rode away. Then more arrived, who only had boiled milk for food, 
but spent the night there and went away on foot in the morning 
with Dymock. On Saturday, Master Captain Perkinson sent to his 
Deputy to apprehend the fugitives, but the latter told the messenger 
they had already gone, and he feared he would lose his office; but the 
Captain said he was very glad they were gone, whatever it cost him. 

Master Lawrence Grose, Sheriff of Southampton, being at Hamble, 
the Constable there told him about the murder and asked him to 
inform the Mayor of Southampton of what was going on, which 
he did. "The said Grose, passing over Itchen's Ferry with his wife 
that Saturday the 1 2th, one Florio an Italian, and one Humphrey 
Drewell a servant of the Earl of Southampton, being in the said 
passage boat threatened to cast Grose overboard, and said they 
would teach him to meddle with their fellows, with many other 
threatening words." 

So "resolute John Florio," being even then "in the pay and 
patronage" of the Earl, backed his friends in their efforts to escape. 

We do not know where they were meanwhile; but on Monday 
night, the 1 4th, Mr Robinson ordered Dredge to saddle seven horses 
and go to bed, and the horses went away at midnight; one of 
the Earl's servants brought back four of them on Thursday at 
daybreak to Titch field, telling Dredge to feed them and treat them 
well, for the Earl was going to London with them that day. The 
author of "the lamentable discourse" concludes with the words, 
"names of the principal menservants of the Earl of Southampton, 
not yet examined, but it is very necessary they should." Thirteen 
are noted, of which the first are "Hennings, his Steward; Payne, 
keeper of his wardrobe; Robinson, gentleman of his horses; the 
Barber, Humphrey Drewell, who threatened Mr Grose the Sheriff; 
Signior Florio, an Italian, that did the like; Richard Nash, the 
Earl's Bayly at Tichfield." 

The Danvers brothers, apparently secreted in Titch field House 
itself, by the Earl's help managed to escape from some port to France, 



where they were well received. The Earl of Essex was ready to 
believe in his old soldier and receive him to his service again. 

On the ist of January, 1 594-5 *, Sir Henry Danvers wrote to the 
Earl of Essex from Paris thanking him for his "royal proceeding in 
my favour I am informed you intend a journey this spring where 
or whether I little regard to know (so it be without the confines of 
a constable)." He added that if he were allowed to follow him, he 
would await his directions; if not, he would attend the King to 
Lyons. "The end of my life is the limit of your commandment and 
without exception are the bounds against whom you will employ 
me I wish to give a blow wherein you may equalise your fortune 
to your worth." 2 The King of France became personally interested 
in the brothers, and wrote to Essex on September 25th, 1595, 
that he would be very ungrateful did he not employ himself on 
behalf of Danvers and his brother, who had proved their affection 
in his service, in trying to obtain her Majesty's pardon for them. 
He wrote in a similar strain several times. 

The brothers did not escape a certain amount of suffering for 
their sins 3 . Their estates were forfeited and taken into the Queen's 
hands, and they wrote pitifully to their friends of their lack of 
money 4 . 

Yet Fynes Moryson, after having been robbed of all his gold by 
soldiers in France, reached Paris, with but little to go further 5 . There 
he met Sir Charles and Sir Henry Danvers "who for an ill accident 
lived there as banished men,... yet did they not cast off all care to 
provide for me but with great importunitie perswaded a Starveling 
merchant to furnish me with ten French crowns," which brought 
him home to England by May 1 3th, 1 595. 

From London (in June?) Southampton wrote to Sir John Stanhope 
about an advowson 6 (it is strange how often the Queen's rights 
interfered with his gifts): "I hear that the Queen's answer to my 
suit about bestowing the Worthing parsonage, which is in my gift, 
but in the Queen's disposition by promotion of the Bishop of 
Winchester, is that she stays a grant to the person recommended by 
me, on pretence of an advowson granted to Mr Carew by the late 

1 Salisb. Papers, v. go. 2 Ibid. 389 

3 Ibid. 129. * Ibid. 463, 464, 532. 

6 Itinerary, part I. p. 156. * D.S.S.P. Eliz. CCLIX. 42. 


Earl's (my father's) executors. This advowson being made in my 
minority is void unless I were still a ward. Had the advowson 
fallen in otherwise than by procuration, I should have bestowed it 
without regarding the advowson, and now it cannot affect the 
Queen's prerogative. It would have been in the Master of the 
Wards, if it had fallen in during my minority. For all these reasons, 
I hope the Queen will admit the person recommended by me." 

The overweening ambition of Southampton's cousin Anthony 
tempted him to challenge precedence over Lord Thomas Howard, 
the second son of the late Duke of Norfolk. The case was decided 
against him on January the i6th, 1594-5!. 

Now, for twenty years I had been searching in vain for some 
account of Southampton's methods of escape from matrimony, when 
quite by accident I came upon the fact. It is involved in a con- 
temporary story which deserves to be introduced because of its own 

Among Southampton's most brilliant contemporaries had been 
Ferdinando Stanley, Lord Strange, the Amyntas of the poets. He 
succeeded his father, Henry, as fifth Earl of Derby on September 
25th, 1593; an d on tne J 6th of April, 1594, he died in great pain, 
so mysteriously that many said he was "bewitched." 

The legal heir to the Earldom was William Stanley, the second 
son of Henry, fourth Earl of Derby, his brother having left only 
daughters. Apparently, however, he was not immediately forth- 
coming. Here ensues an imbroglio, caused by there being another 
Sir William Stanley 2 , openly serving the Spaniards against England. 
A well-known ballad of Sir William recites a semi-fabulous account 
of wonderful exploits on his travels, which have been fathered on 
this William Stanley. He had been travelling, and apparently by 
the time he came home the estate had been wound up in favour of 
his brother's widow and daughters. But as the indubitable heir 
to certain estates and to the tide, Lord Burleigh bethought 
himself he would be a suitable match for the granddaughter 
who had been waiting five years for the Earl of Southampton. 
The new Earl of Derby accepted her at once, and they were about 

1 Eg. MS. 1047. f. 2646. 

2 See Stanley Papers, Cheetham Society, and Ballad of Sir William 


to be married. But there is a letter from Henry Garnet, the Priest, 
in I594 1 , which states: "The marriage of the Lady Vere to the new 
Earl of Derby is deferred, by reason that he standeth in hazard to 
be unearled again, his brother's wife being with child, until it is 
seen whether it be a boy or no. The young Earl of Southampton, 
refusing the Lady Vere, payeth 5000 of present payment ." And this 
is the hitherto unsuspected cause of Southampton's poverty. Just 
at the most critical time of his finances, when he was trying to plan 
a harmonious life of travel and economy^ he was called on to pay 
this heavy sum,*?/ once the first recorded "breach of promise" case. 
Though he was relieved of any further obligations towards the 
lady, still the loss of the money must have pinched him. Lady 
Derby's child proved a girl, and on "26th January 37 Eliz. 
William Stanley, Earl of Derby, married the Earl of Oxford's 
daughter at the Court at Greenwich, which marriage feast was 
there most royally kept." 2 

Sir John Vernon of Hodnet, the husband of the Earl of Essex's 
aunt, had died in 1591, leaving one son and four daughters. The 
Earl of Essex had been able to help the son, Robert, and to get one 
of the daughters, Elizabeth, into the royal service. He was himself 
frequently out of the country, and we may well imagine that the 
young maid of honour often found it convenient to send messages 
to him by his friend the Earl of Southampton, to enquire what he 
had said in his letters, to tell what the Queen said of him, and to 
surmise, from what she had noticed, what the Queen meant to do 
with him or for him. Their common affection to the Queen's 
favourite drew them together; their signals, their signs of a private 
understanding, began to make people talk, probably before either 
knew that any personal affection for each other had entered their 
hearts. Rowland Whyte writes to Sir Robert Sidney, September 
23rd, I595 3 : "I was told that Sir William Cornwallis doth often 
trouble her majesties eares with tales of my Lord of Essex, who is 
thought to be an observer of all his doings and to examine Mudriff, 
which brings unquietnes in the Queene and occasions the like in my 
Lord. My Lord of Southampton doth with too much familiarity court e 
the faire Mrs Vernon y while his frends, observing the Quene's 

1 Foley's English Jesuits, iv. 49. 2 Stow's Chronicles, pp. 766-768, 

8 Sidney Papers, I. 348. 


humours towards my Lord of Essex, doe what they can to bring her 
to favour him, but it is yet in vain." There is not the slightest 
sign that Whyte attached an evil meaning to the words italicised, 
though Southampton's biographers have generally done so. 

It was imprudent, in any young man, to pay too much attention 
to any young lady in the Queen's presence at any time, and it was 
especially so in anyone who was supposed to have even the 
faintest desire to attract the Queen's interest sufficiently to rival the 
Earl of Essex 1 . Yet it was quite possible that some of the evil- 
thinkers of the Court might have read unintended meanings in their 
open friendship, all the more since the insidious detractors might 
find support for their gossip in the supposed allusions to the character 
of Southampton in Willobie his Aviso, by that time widely read 
and discussed. The real fact seems to have been that, as Adonis had 
been able to repel the pleadings of Venus because of his heart being 
occupied with the pleasures of the chase, so the Earl of Southampton 
found as yet no room in his heart for visions of matrimony, since it 
was already filled with visions of glory to be won in war, somewhere 
and somehow, under his adored leader. His absorption was all the 
greater, as he had already enrolled himself as the champion of Essex 
against all the open enmity and insidious evil-feeling which 
surrounded him. Rowland Whyte wrote to Sidney on November 
5th, 1 595 2 , " Upon Monday last the Queen shewed the Earl of Essex 
a printed book in which there is I hear dangerous praises of his 
valour and worthiness, which doth hym harm here. At his coming 
from courte,hewas observed to look wan and pale, being exceedinglie 
troubled at this great piece of villainie donne unto him. He is sick 
and continues very ill, 5th Nov. 1595. P.S. The Book I spake of is 
dedicated to my Lord Essex, and printed beyond the sea, and 'tis 
thought to be treason to have it. To write of these things are 
dangerous in so perillous a tyme but I hope yt wilbe no offence to 
impart unto you thactions of this place." Two days after, Whyte 
continued the story: "My Lord of Essex, as I wryt unto you in 
my last, was infinitely troubled with a printed book that the Queen 

1 The probable position seems to have been that Southampton was so 
delighted to be free from his engagement that he felt at liberty to be more 
attentive to all the court ladies, and to Elizabeth Vernon in particular 
(cousin of Essex). Shakespeare refers to the gossip in his Sonnets. 

8 Sidney Papers, I. 357, 359, 360. 


shewed hym; but since he is prepared to endure the malice of his 
enemies; yet doth he keep his chamber." Five days after this, Whyte 
ends the episode satisfactorily: "My Lord of Essex hath put off 
the melancholy he fell into by a printed book delivered to the 
Queene; wherein the Harme was meant hym, by her majesties 
gracious favor and wisdom is turned to his good, and strengthens 
her Love unto hym, for I heare that within these 4 days many 
letters sent to herself from forren Countries, were delivered only 
to my Lord of Essex and he to answer them, I2th November." 
Encouraged by this favour, the Earl presented a device to the 
Queen on the 22nd of that month, and Southampton would be sure 
to be present. 

It is necessary to go back to Sir Thomas Heneage and to trace 
the course of his last illness, even in the new happiness of having a 
kind and careful wife to nurse him. 

Heneage wrote to Cecil from the Savoy, June 6th, 1595: "Your 
love which I love, is shewed to me by your letter... it comforted 
me during an extreme fit of the Stone." 1 Lord Hunsdon dates a 
letter from Southampton House on June 23rd, 1595, as if he were 
visiting there. "Memorandum. On loth July 1595, the book 
about the pretended marriage of the Earl of Hertford and the Lady 
Katherine, deceased, daughter of the late Duke of Suffolk, was 
handed over by Heneage to Burleigh." 2 

On July nth Sir Thomas wrote to Cecil 3 , "I am very glad of 
your Progress, the rather because you make your return by my 
poor Lodge of Copt Hall, where I will make as much of you all 
as I can, though it will be far short of what I would and where 
you shall be not the least welcome. Myself am troubled greatly 
by an unkind and injurious son-in-law, and being to meet him with 
my learned council this afternoon, at my Lord Keeper's, I shall not 
be able to see you till tomorrow at night, at the Court....! and my 
wife commend us to you and my best beloved cousin, as to those 
we specially love and account of. At the Savoy." 

On July 25th from Copthall he writes to Cecil 4 that he had a 
touch of the gout, and would be grateful to know when the Queen 
is coming. "I hope that her Majestic will hold her determination 

1 Salisb. Papers, v. 233. * Ibid. 273. 

3 Ibid. 277. * Ibid. 290. 


towards the end of gresse time to visit this poor Lodge, which I love 
for nothing so much as that she gave it to me, and that I hope, 
ere I die, to see her Highness here, though not pleased as my heart 
desires, yet contented with such mean entertainment as my most 
power can perform, with most goodwill; and so give her Majestic 
occasion to like better her forest that lieth so near here, and that 
of late her Highness hath come so little over." 

On July 29th the Countess wrote to Sir Robert Cecil 1 : "You do 
well to comfort those who love you, especially when with one 
labour you can comfort us both; Mr Heneage taketh your sending, 
and I your saying, very kindly. This hath been a painful night to 
him, I hope better of the day. Little do I doubt of your readiness 
upon any occasion, to do that I desired and may have need of, 
believe, I pray you, to find my true thankfulness for that, and more, 
which I lay up in store. At Heneage House, well freed from 
visitation, which at this time would be very cumbersome. P.S. I 
pray you commend me to that wicked woman, that loves you and 
likes me. They call her my Lady Katherine." 

She wrote Cecil again on the 2nd of August 2 : "Your letter, 
shewing her Majesties liking to continue her purpose in coming to 
our poor lodge at Copthall, hath given him more comfort than 
anything else, the rather, for that he esteems it grows from her 
own goodness. That he most desires is to know the certainty of her 
time of coming, without the which he shall be evil able to do that 
he desires and shall become him. In this he specially reposes himself 
in you to be assured so soon as you can. He thanks you for your 

On August gth, 1595, the Countess jestingly wrote 3 to Cecil: 
"We hold it a great infortunite for us that any occasion moved her 
Majesty to speak of us to so great an enemy as we esteem yourself 
to be to us both, assuring ourselves you took the present occasion 
to pour forth your malice which we must hear and desire no better. 
Mr Heneage was much revived by your letter, as indeed he is ever 
glad to hear from you, believing in your love, and of his desire to 
see her majesty well content in Copthall, I think you are sufficiently 
perswaded, but that we may have certainty is that we wish, and 
in such time as may leave us possibility to shew our harts to her in 

1 Salisb. Papers, v. 294. * Ibid. 299. 3 Ibid. 309. 


some measure, rather now than any other time, yet am I at this 
time much troubled with hearing that the smallpox is full at Epping, 
and at Waltham, and in some houses between that and Copthall." 
She asks Sir Robert to consider what were best to be done. 

On Aug. 25th Sir Thomas thanked Cecil for his care for him 
"that can yet little boast of good amendment." 1 

On September 2nd he wrote again to Cecil 2 : " I love your letters, 
and to hear from you rejoiceth me, specially when you record your 
love to me, which can never be more than can be fully requited. 
Well have you discharged the office of a friend, in the matter and 
manner of delivering the humble remembrance of my most bounden 
duty to her excellent majesty, by whose grace only the heart of a 
healthless body is uphelde, which surely without the unspeakable 
comfort of her goodness in this long, weary, and most painful 
sickness of mine, would have sank and yet to tell you truly I can 
evil boast of great amends yet never man was more cared for by a 
most kind companion that cares not to kill herself to cure me. 
God reward her, for I cannot but by the favour of that grace which 
upon earth is the fountain of our grace." The letter is written from 
Sir John Petre's house at Thorndon, where he is very happy. 

On the 4th Sir Thomas Shelley 3 asked Heneage to reconcile him 
to Sir Robert Cecil and my Lady Cobham, whom he had wronged 
in his marriage with one he had fallen in love with. 

After this, Heneage lingered about six weeks, during which the 
young Earl of Southampton would be sympathetic with his mother 
and sorrowful for himself, and again his birthday would be clouded 
by a great sorrow. The Privy Council Register implies that Mr 
Vice-Chamberlain signed on October igth. On the 2Oth the Earl 
of Oxford wrote to Cecil that, considering the danger of life in 
which Mr Vice-Chamberlain lay, he begged Sir Robert Cecil to 
secure him the Forest of Waltham and Havering, which had been 
in Heneage's care. On the 28th the Bailiff and Aldermen of 
Colchester wrote to Sir Robert Cecil about his desire of holding 
the Recordership of that town, void by Heneage's death. 

Probyn, who seems to have been a servant of Sir Thomas, 
wrote to Cecil on October 21 with some peculiar notes. He had 
both yesternight and this day sought John Arden and found 
1 Salisb. Papers, v. 309. 8 Ibid. 359. 3 Ibid. 427. 


his lodging in Southwark, near to the place where hawks are sold 
there 5 but he has gone into the country (as the host says) for a few 
days. On his return he is to be sent to Heneage House and due 
notice will be given. "The cabinet wherein is the written de- 
scription of Ireland 1 with the map which was Mr Secretary's and 
written by Mr [DavisonJ when he was in the Tower is come to 
Heneage House and my Lady says only Cecil shall have it or 
anything else there is to pleasure him." In the same cabinet are 
other books which will also be kept for him. His Lady sent by 
Mr Heneage this forenoon to Cecil, or he would have waited on him 
before, but in seeking for Arden and compounding with Pawles 
for burying the corpse he found no time to come 2 . Probyn's name 
appears as Proby in Bishop Fletcher's letter (quoted below) and there 
is mention of John Arden going to Cecil's house to clear himself. 

The Mayor and Aldermen of Hull offered Cecil the High 
Stewardship 3 of the town on November 4th; and the Bishop of 
Salisbury sent him, on November 1 2th, the patent for the Clerkship 
of Sarum, vacant by the death of Sir Thomas Heneage 4 . Whyte said 
on 22nd November, 1595, that Sir Thomas Heneage's "funerals 
were solemnised on Thursday, his offices all unbestowed." 

There seems to have been some trouble about his funeral, because 
Richard Fletcher, Bishop of London, wrote to Cecil on November 
27th, I595 5 , telling him that he had called to see him "about some 
matter it pleased you to mention to my very good friend Mr Richard 

Stanhope I do very heartily pray you to think that there hath 

passed not one word, I may truly say thought touching either the late 
deceased or any other person, only, I not being made privy to the 
funeral, nor satisfied for my fees due, being both keeper and repairer 
of the body of the church, did overnight charge my officer of the 
place to go to my Lady Southampton and acquaint her with the 
usage, I wrote also to her in as kind wise as I could. Proby came 
to me thereabout, and gave me his word for it, with whom there 
was not a note. Until I can speak with you I earnestly desire 
you to be persuaded whatever the malignant invention is, that I 
love you as unfeignedly as any good friend in England." 

Sir Thomas Heneage had done his best to reward his wife for 

1 Preserved in B.M. Add. MS. 33,743 (Gr. xv). 2 Salisb. Papers, v. 525. 
8 Ibid. 439. * Ibid. 454. 8 Ibid. 475- 


all her love and care by expressing his gratitude to his friends. But 
he also expressed it in his will 1 . He did all he could to leave her 
comfortable and free from any interference at the hands of his 
"injurious son-in-law." He also appointed as sole executrix his 
"dearly beloved wife Marie." This trust was to prove a burden and 
a trouble to the poor Countess in one case which her dying husband 
little expected could befal. "In December William Killigrew 
was deputed to make payment in the Office of the Chamber upon 
the death of SirThomas Heneage." 2 The Inquisition of his property 
was taken the following year 3 . 

The gossip about Southampton did not prevent him from being 
courted by poets and other writers. We have seen that Florio dated 
his special association with him at least from 1594, though he did 
not dedicate to him directly until 1598. 

From a close reading of the Sonnets^ it would seem that George 
Chapman had striven to win Southampton's notice by this time. 
His special original effort has not been preserved, but the allusions 
which have been traced to him cannot be ignored. (See 

Gervase Markham too, a lifelong admirer of his, first published 
in that year a sonnet on the young Earl his narrative poem on 
the death of Sir Richard Grenville must have been written at least 
earlier in the year. On September gth, 1595, "James Robartes 
entered for his copie under the Warden's Handes a Booke intituled 
The Most Honorable Tragedie of Sir Richard Grinville, Knight," 
printed that year by J. Roberts for Richard Smith. It is prefaced by 
four addresses, the first in prose "To the Right Honorable his 
singular Good Lord Charles Lord Montjoye"; the second, a 
sonnet to the Right Honorable Robert, Earl of Sussex; the third, 
a sonnet 

To the Right Honorable Henrie Wriothesley Earl of Southampton and 
Baron of Tichfielde. 

Thou glorious Laurell of the Muses Hill 

Whose eyes doth crowne the most victorious pen 
Bright Lampe of vertue, in whose sacred skill 
Lives all the blisse of eares inchanting men 

1 70 Scott. * Burleigh's Diary. 

8 Inq. P. M. 38 Eliz. Part n. 107. Thomas Heneage, Miles, Essex. 


From graver subjects of thy grave assayes, 
Bend thy coragius thoughts unto these lines, 
The grave from whence mine humble Muse doth raise 
True honors spirit in her rough deseigns; 

And when the stubborne stroke of my harsh song 
Shall seasonlesse glide through almightie eares, 
Vouchsafe to sweet it with thy blessed tong 
Whose well-tun'd sound stills musick in the spheres 

So shall my tragick layes be blest by thee 

And from thy lips suck their eternitie. G. M. 

Another sonnet follows, "To the Honorable Knight Sir Edward 

The poem is in remembrance of Sir Richard Grenville's last fight 
in the little Revenge against the whole Spanish fleet, when he 
was only conquered at last by the yielding of his men. The story 
as told must have stirred the blood of the young men of the time, 
who thirsted for glory. It certainly stirred Southampton's, as will 
be seen later. 

We can gather from a later dedication that the Earl of South- 
ampton, before he came of age, had studied Italian very closely 
under John Florio, in company with the young Earl of Rutland. 
Probably he then intended to travel to Italy, but various causes 
hindered him. Rutland went. 

This young man was about three years younger than South- 
ampton, and they were much attached to each other. His town 
house becomes interesting to Shakespeareans because it was on part 
of the old Holywell Priory Estate, of which the other part, granted 
to Henry Webbe, was eventually sold to Giles Alleyn and let to 
James Burbage, who was then in trouble with his landlord. Now, 
on July 4th, 1595, Roger, Earl of Rutland, brought a suit by James 
Morice his attorney in the Court of Wards 1 , stating that his father 2 
Edward, Earl of Rutland, was in possession of the Mansion House of 
the late dissolved house of St John's in Holywell, by a lease from 
her Majesty for divers years yet unexpired. In 1573 his father 2 had 
granted a lease of 21 years to "William Adams of a tenement 
adjoyning to the Holywell gate, and next adjoyning to the Porter's 

1 Court of Wards and Liveries, Michaelmas, 38 Eliz.; also Inq. P. M. 
Edward Earl of Rutland 30 Eliz. Part n. no. 52. 

2 Should be "uncle." 


Lodge of his great Mansion House for 21 years." Adams was to 
keep it in repair. But he assigned it to Stephen Lorymer, who 
had died; Lorymer's widow had married Robert Braynesford, and 
Morice applied to the Court to make him pay cost of reparations. 
Braynesford pleaded that the only person liable for repairs was 
William Adams. Was this the navigator William Adams of 
Japanese fame? 

The young Earl of Rutland went abroad in September, 1595. 
SirThomasLake wrote to Sidney on October ist, I595 1 , "My Lord 
of Rutland hath leave to Travayle and departed within ten days. 
His first visit will be to you." George Gilpin, writing to Sidney 
from the Hague on the 22nd, said " I hope ere long, to see you here 
with my Lord of Rutlande." 2 On the 2gth of November Rowland 
Whyte told Sidney he had "delivered his letter to Mr Roger 
Manners, with praises of his nephew at which he is glad." 3 

So Southampton would not at that time have him for a com- 
panion, and this would throw him even more into the society of 
Elizabeth Vernon. She may be supposed to have been one of "the 
faire ladies who doe daily trip the Measures in the Council 
Chamber" as Whyte told Sidney on December 8th, 1595. 

. A curious letter of that year I cannot pass by without noting, 
because of the peculiar phrase about the "moon's eclipse." 4 If we 
could discover to what person it applies, we could throw light on 
Sonnet cvu. "I left the moon in the wane at my last being at the 
Court; I hear now it is a half moon again, yet I think it will never 
be at the full, though I hope it will never be eclipsed, you know 
whom I mean," said Sir Thomas Cecil to his brother Sir Robert 
on July gth, 1595. 

One of the popular dramatists essayed to glorify the Queen 
and honour her favourites in the quaint poem "Anglorum Feriee 
Englandes Hollydayes. By George Peele. 1596," an account of 
the jousts arranged to celebrate the anniversary of the accession 
of Q. Elizabeth "celebrated the iyth of Novemb. last, 1595." A 
list of knights who were present is given: "Reno wined Cum- 
berland " the Challenger, the Earl of Essex and Ewe, the Earl of 
Sussex led as defendants. 

1 Sidney Papers, I. 352. 2 Ibid. 355 

8 Ibid. 356. * Salisb. Papers, v. 273. 




Then Bedforde and South-Hampton made up five 

Five valeant English Earles. South-Hampton ran 

As Bevis of South-Hampton yt good knighte 

Had iusted in the honor of the day, 

And certes Bevis was a mighty man, 

Valeant in armes gentle and debonaire. 

And suche was younge Wriothesley yt came 

As yf in dutie to his Soveraigne. 

And honors race for all that he had donne, 

He wolde be of the noblest over nunne. 

Lyke to himselfe and to his Ancestors, 

Ran Bedforde to express his redyness. 


SIR JOHN HAWKINS had died on 12 November, 1595, near Panama, 
and on the 28th day of the first month of the year 1595-6 Sir 
Francis Drake 1 , the terror of the Spaniards, worn out by disease and 
disappointments, died in his ship The Defiance off the coast of Porto 
Bello, Panama. Prince, in his Worthies of Devon^ quotes some lines 
by an unknown author concerning the end of this great captain : 

The waves became his winding sheet, the waters were his tomb; 
But for his fame the ocean sea was not sufficient room. 

It is surprising how soon the sad news crossed the sea and moved 
the hearts of his fellow-countrymen. At the same time it hastened 
Elizabeth's naval activities in waters nearer home. She proclaimed the 
intended expedition under the Lord Admiral and the Earl of Essex. 
" Her Majesty hath good intelligence of perfect amity with all Kings 
and princes of Christendom, saving with theKing of Spain." 2 When 
Calais was besieged by the Spaniards, Elizabeth offered to help the 
French King against them, and raised troops in Kent to repair to 
Dover for the purpose; but the offer was declined and Calais taken, 
and a large English and Dutch fleet was sent to attack Cadiz. By 
April 1596 a warrant for ^4000 was granted the leaders 3 . By the 
1 5th of May, Essex and the Admiral were at Plymouth with the 
army. They started early in June, but, being set back by contrary 
winds, it was the gth of that month before they finally set sail. 
The Lord Admiral was in the Ark, Essex in the Due Repulse^ Lord 
Thomas Howard, second son of the Duke of Norfolk, in the 
Miranore^ and the Rear- Admiral Sir Walter Raleigh in the War- 
spite. The Dutch Admiral Duvenvoord was in the Neptune. The 
question is, did the Earl of Southampton go with them? Modern 
biographers say he did, but I can find no support for that opinion, 
except the manuscript copy of Thomas Wilson's translation of the 
Diana* from the Spanish of Gorges de Montemayor, 1596. He 

1 D.S.S.P. Eliz. CCLVII. 48. a Stow, 768. 

8 Burleigh's Diary. 4 B.M. Add. MS. 18,638. 


dedicated it to "the Earl of Southampton, now upon the Spanish 
voyage with my Lord the Earl of Essex." 

The State papers do not include his name, nor do Camden, Stow, 
Baker,nor any other contemporaryhistorian. It is most likely that the 
translator had forgotten 1 . It is quite certain that Southampton had 
wished to go. As early as March I ;th, 1 595-6, the Lord Admiral, 
writing to Cecil, said 2 , " I thank you for your good news. My Lord 
Thomas Howard and the Earl of Southampton was with me when 
your letter came. There came to us, being aboard of the Due Repulse, 
the Earl of Cumberland, and he seemed to be much grieved with 
that he is stayed; but I dealt so with him, as he knoweth how it must 
be." On April I3th, when they were at Dover 3 , the Queen 
instructed Essex to take only such as had licence to go, viz. 
"Sussex, Rich, Herbert, Burgh, but not Derby and Southampton." 
A letter of the 1 6th, from Essex to Cecil, must have crossed this, 
in which Essex says, " I know not whether Lords Southampton and 
Compton, who are here, have licence to go. I have charged them 
to return else, and if they come on board without it will send them 
back. Lord Mountjoy has shewn me his warrant. I am resolved 
that obedience is better than sacrifice." 4 

In the list of the "names of the army that went abroad" that 
of Southampton does not appear, but in the Earl of Sussex's Regi- 
ment Captain William Harvey is mentioned, with 300 soldiers 5 . 

On theother hand, from London in June, 1 596, Southampton wrote 
to Sir John Stanhope 6 about the advowson of Worthing Vicarage, 
and on July ist executed 7 a power of attorney to William Rounching 
to receive of George, Earl of Cumberland, and John Taylor his 
servant one thousand pounds 8 . It does not seem very likely that 
Southampton was in the army, seeing that Sir George Gifford 
wrote him news of the events 9 : " Departing from Plymouth the gth 
of June," hallyng "between 30 or 40 leagues off, for fear of being 
discovered upon the coast, we ran in upon our height, the 2Oth of 
the same for Cales (Cadiz) and the day before Sir Walter Rawly 
having given chase with some other of his squadron to 9 sail bound 

1 Add. MS. 18,638, see p. 3. * Salisb. Papers, vi. 102. 

D.S.S.P. Eliz. CCLVII. 24. Ibid. 35. 

6 Ibid. 60. ' Ibid. CCLIX. 42. See ante, p. 84. 

7 In possession of Mr. Thomas Orde, says Gerald Massey. 

Birch. Mem. Eliz. n. ' Salisb. Papers, xm. 577. 



for the Indies, was by 4 o'clock in the afternoon in manner come 
up with them and an unfortunate and sudden fog, despite the good 
success that we were in hope to have, took us, that we were not able 
that night till 12 of the clock to see two ships long from us, whereby 
we were frustrated of that hope.... Sunday our generals anchored at 
mouth of the harbour of Cadiz where one fort played on us to little 
purpose." Gifford, describing the fight, says that u Sir Walter Rawly 
and our general defeated the Spaniards who set themselves on fire. 
Our general landed 4000 men, others were to follow. Cadiz was 
14 miles off, but they never stopped until they reached the market 
place. Sir John Wingfield was killed, and two more of command, 
two hundred in all slain." They stayed 14 days, and buried there 
Sir John Wingfield in the church of St Sebastian with great honour. 
"They won great honour for their mercifulness, letting the men, 
women and children depart. In Cales Road, 5th July 1596." 
The Lord Admiral wrote to his father-in-law 1 : "I can assure you 
there is not a braver man in the world than the Earl is, in my simple 
poor judgement, a grave soldier, for what he did is in great order 
and good discipline performed. We finished our business in Cadiz by 
the 3rd of July." Among the knights made for signal bravery before 
Cadiz on the 2jth June were Sir Matthew Browne, Sir Humphrey 
Drewell, Sir William Harvey,and Sir Gelly Meyrick 2 . Essex wanted 
to keep Cadiz and go on to the Azores. But many of them wanted 
to return home with their booty, others thought they had not 
sufficient men for further action, and Essex was forced against his 
will to come home. They arrived in England on the yth-Sth 
of August. Burleigh in his Diary notes: "August. Letters written 
to the Lord Admirall arryved at Plymouth, and to the Earl of Essex 
arrived at Portsmouth, and to the Dutch commander Duvenvoord, 
of thanks for their services." If Southampton started, it must have 
been as stowaway, and he must have been duly sent back. But 
nowhere is there any notice of his presence. 

A statement becomes important when it is made to bear the whole 
weight of proof. Hence it is necessary to check the oft-repeated 
assertion that Southampton took part in the Spanish voyage of 1 596. 
The manuscript copy of the Diana of Montemayor in the British 
Museum was transcribed by the translator himself for presentation 

1 Add. MS. 18,638. 2 Stow's Chronicles, and Collins, iv. 146. 


"to the Right Honourable Sir FulkeGreville Knt. Privie Councillor 
to his Majestic and Chancellor of the Exchequer, my most honorable 
and truly worthy to be honoured frend." He states "Sir, heere have 
you att length the transcription of this peece of my ydle younger 
labours, which I have clothed in greene, as being some of the fruits 
of my greene yeares, and done only to entertaine my thoughts 
and to keep my English in journeying... (after fifteen years painfully 
spent in university studies) I know that you will esteem of them, 
because that your most noble and never enough honoured friend Sir 
Philip Sidney did very much affect and imitate the excellent author 
thereof." Now, as he transcribed the translation, he also noted on 
its first page another association of his early work, "Diana de 
Montemayor done out of Spanish by Thomas Wilson Esquire, in 
the yeare 1 596, and dedicated to the Erie of Southampton who was 
then uppon ye Spanish voiage with my Lord the Erie of Essex." 

It is quite clear that he translated this dedication in 1596; but 
there is just a possibility that he dedicated his work after he came 
home, and, looking back after the lapse of years, confused Essex's 
first and second voyages. 

The next question which arises is, why is there no notice taken 
of this dedication by the contemporary world? Why was the work 
not printed? Now, if it had been dedicated in 1597, ^ ^ think it 
must have been, Southampton had already fallen into the whirl of 
public life, absorption in love-making, royal disfavour. Demands upon 
his time and purse would be necessarily delayed, and then, somebody 
else was known to be translating the Diana not only translating 
it, but having it printed, in 1 598, and dedicated to no less a personage 
than Lady Rich. Wilson himself might not wish his translation to 
compete with the other; Southampton might not like to have 
anything printed which could in any way displease Lady Rich. 
The Diana was "translated out of Spanish into English by Bar- 
tholomew Yong of the Middle Temple Gentleman." Yong dedi- 
cated it to Lady Rich, praising her linguistic learning, from High 
Ongar in Essex, on the 28th of November, 1598. It was printed 
by Edmund Bollifant, 1598. 

Gerald Massey said that Mr Astle had seen Southampton's name 
included among those who went to Cadiz in 1596, under the head 
of "Militaria," in the Record Office. I have been unable to find it 



under what is left of that section; though I find communications 
about the taking of Cadiz and the Spanish loss of four million pounds. 
It is strange that the defeat of the Spanish Armada should have 
been left unnoticed at the time in English literature. But Essex's 
success at Cadiz has been commemorated by the greatest poet of 
the day. Spenser in his Prothalamium says of him 

A worthy Peer 

Great England's glory, and the world's wide wonder 

Whose dreadful name late thro' all Spain did thunder 

And Hercules two pillars standing near 

Did make to quake and fear : 

Fair branch of honor, flower of chivalry 

That fillest England with the triumph's fame 

Joy have thou of thy noble victory, 

And endless happiness of thine own name, 

That promisest the same; 

That thro' thy prowess and victorious arms 

Thy country may be freed from foreign harmes 

And great Eliza's glorious name may ring 

Thro' all the world, filled with thy wide alarms 

Which some brave muse may sing 

To ages following. 

There is a lengthy report of the Spanish voyage, which does not 
seem to have been printed, among the Loseley Papers. At first the 
Queen even thought more might have been done than was done, 
considering the expense; and, when news came in September that 
the Spanish West India Fleet had arrived in Lisbon two days after 
Essex was practically forced to return without finishing his plan, 
she became very dissatisfied 1 . 

Though there is no record of Southampton at Court that year, 
we must believe that he stayed in the country, mortified and fretting, 
with a good deal of unpleasant legal business to get through. He 
was very much handicapped by the extravagance and liberality of 
his father. There seems to have been many hitches in his affairs, 
and he had little power to work his own will. He attempted to 
earn something by mercantile transactions. Anthony Ashley 2 , who 
made the financial preparations for the Spanish expedition, writing 
to Cecil, referred to the important matter committed to his charge. 

1 Birch, Memoirs of Reign of Elizabeth, vol. n. pp. 271-3. 

2 Salisb. Papers, vi. 158. 


"I do find that some parties interested have been earnestly dealt 
with from the Earls of Derby and Southampton to buy the thing 
with warrant to save themselves harmless from all danger, April 
28th 1596." It is not quite clear what "the thing" was, but it 
was probably a foreign prize. Southampton 1 had evidently not then 
gained possession of all his property from the crown, and had applied 
for it. After a list of the "cases adjudged for the Queen 1596" is 
entered "My Lord of Southampton's case for the inheritance of 
all his lands 2000 marks per annum." 

In later days Edward Gage and William Chamberlain implored 
Cecil to realise the burdens on the Earl's property 2 . They shew that 
the land in the Earl's possession, with houses and park, was valued 
at 1045. 18*. per annum and certain common fields etc. at about 
100 in all 1145. i8/. Annuities issuing out of this amounted 
to 395 per annum; leaving 750. 18^., out of which other rents, 
fees, and annuities payable are 80, and in charges of houses, park, 
and office at least 100. So there was not remaining sufficient to 
pay his heavy debts and keep himself. "The now Earl, by a deed 
of gift dated loth February 1596 did grant all his leases unto the 
said Ralph Hare, Edward Gage and William Chamberlain," for 
purposes of repaying them, and the trustees bought the inheritance 
with their money, to enable him to do so, from the Lord Treasurer. 
They then explain other leases until 1602. "The late Earl died 
being greatly indebted," and the now Earl handed over all his 
leases to his executors to meet his liabilities, the Countess's 
fortune not included. 

Yet he wanted to serve the Queen. To this date should probably 
be referred Southampton's letter to Cecil, giving no news but 
referring to past favours. "P.S. Though my fortune was never so 
good as to enjoy any favour from her Majesty, that might make 
me desire to stay in her court, yet should I account myself infinitely 
unhappy, if with the loss of serving her, I should likewise lose her 
good conceit of me, wherefore I pray you to study to prosecute that, 
and I will direct the whole course of my life to do her service." 3 

The Earl of Rutland, after he came back from the continent, 
desired to see something of war. " Among the Captains named as 

1 Salisb. Papers, vi. 553. D.S.S.P. Eliz. CCLXXVIII. 132, 133, 134. 
* Ibid. CCLXIV. 2. 


suitors to be employed in Ireland" in 1596 is "the Earl of Rutland." 1 
He seems to have been allowed to go, or to have taken leave, as 
in a letter to Cecil he says, "You will give me leave amongst the 
rest of your friends to recommend my service and best affection to 
you, being infinitely glad that her Majestic was not acquainted 
with my going, for I protest I should not have been stayed for 
anything in the world, so much I desire to know and see the wars." 2 

Dr Richard Fletcher, Bishop of London, who had been trouble- 
some about Heneage's burial fees, died on June 1 6th, 1 596. 

Sir Henry Carey, Lord Hunsdon, the Lord Chamberlain, died 
at Somerset House in the Strand on July 23rd, 1596 (Stow says 
the 22nd). His son succeeded to his tide, but not to his office, which 
was bestowed on Lord Cobham. Hence arose the change in the 
title of Burbage's players from 'the Lord Chamberlain's servants ' to 
'Lord Hunsdon 's servants' but not for long, for Lord Cobham 
died early in the following year. He had signed the petition against 
the players in Blackfriars and against the use of the name Oldcastle 3 . 

On August i gth the Scots made a firm peace with England 4 . 
Sir Thomas Wilkes wrote to Thomas Edmondes 5 , "Sir Richard 
Bingham has come over without leave, and the oldest Countess of 
Derby hath departed this life, 3Oth September 1596, Greenwich." 
Camden in his Annals records her death. He says of her: "Only 
daughter of Henry Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, and Eleanor 
Brandon niece of Henry VIII, who, out of her womanish fancy 
and curiosity, consulting with wizards with a vain credulity, and 
out of I know not what ambitious hope, did in a manner lose the 
Queen's favour before she died." 6 

James Burbage 7 , the founder of the British stage, was buried on 
February 2nd, 1596-7 in St Leonard's, Shoreditch. He left two 
sons, Cuthbert and the famous Richard. 

Birch 8 tells an amusing story of the quarrel between the Earl 
of Northumberland (Essex's brother-in-law) and the Earl of South- 
ampton early in 1 5967 It seemed very likely to have proceeded to 
a duel, as it produced a challenge. The copies of the papers which 

1 Salisb. Papers, vi. 559. l Ibid. vn. 329. 

* My Burbage and Shakespeare's Stage, p. 66. 

4 Burleigh's Diary. D.S.S P. Eliz. CCLX. 39. 

' Gamden's Elizabeth, p. 596. 7 ~M.y Burbage and Shakespeare's Stage, p. 66. 

Birch, Memoirs of Reign of Elizabeth, n. 274. 


had passed between them were sent to Mr A. Bacon, with a letter, 
dated from the Court, giving an account of the affair. "The gentle- 
man whom the Earl of Southampton sent with his rapier, coming 
to do his message, upon his naming Lord Southampton, his Lordship 
instantly embraced him, asking him if he had brought him a challenge 
which (he says) if he did I accept it beforehand. His answers were, 
that he did not; only he brought his rapier, which the night before 
he promised to send, withal appointing time and place that same 
day. My reply was that Southampton had not a novice in hand, 
I knew well when I was before or behind on points of honour; and 
therefore I had nothing to say further, unless I were challenged. 
After his departure he returned within the space of half an hour 
and brought me a challenge absolutely, but in mine opinion stuffed 
with strange conditions, for he would both have assigned the place 
and the time, and have chosen the rapier single, because his arm 
was hurt with the ballon. My reply was that I knew the Earl 
played not with his left hand, and that I would stay to press him, 
till his arm were well. Afterwards I would appoint everything apt 
in such a case. But within one hour after, her Majesties command- 
ment was laid upon us with the bond of allegiance. We went to 
court, where we were called before the Lords. The conclusion was 
this, that they assured of their honours, they knew that he had not 
spoken these words, which afterwards he affirmed. My answer was, 
that I rather believed their Lordships than any other; and therefore 
the lie I had given was nothing; and so revoked he his challenge, 
and we made friends. This is the end of an idle tale." Like Touch- 
stone in As you like it (v. 4. 92): 

We quarrel in print by the book. 

A few other things that happened during 1597 should be noted. 

George Brooke 1 , second son of Lord Cobham, wrote of the 
serious illness of his father at Blackfriars on the 5th of March 
1596-7. He died during that night. The second Lord Hunsdon 
succeeded him as Lord Chamberlain, his son Henry, Lord Cobham, 
as Warden of the Cinque Ports. On the 7th the latter wrote very 
much distressed about the arrangements for his father's funeral. 
For some unexplained reason Burleigh 2 would not allow the funeral 

1 Salisb. Papers, vn. 96. 2 Birch, Mem. n. 274. 


to take place from London. This prohibition would entail his 
"bringing all the staff from Blackfriars and Canterbury to this mean 
house, Cobham Hall lyth March 1597." 

After that, Lord Hunsdon's players became the Lord Chamber- 
lain's again 1 . Richard Bancroft, appointed in 1584 Rector of 
St Andrew's, Holborn, became Bishop of London in 1597, an ^ 
the Queen, by her prerogative, named his successor John King to 
St Andrew's (loth May). The living was in the gift of South- 
ampton; but the Queen's privilege conceded it. 

There is no recorded notice of Southampton's love-making the 
young people evidently took more care now not to attract attention. 
But gossip had another, even more spicy, morsel for society. Whyte 
told Sir Robert Sidney "a Speech goes that my Lady Southampton 2 
will have Sir William Harvey, 2Oth May 1597." Perhaps he had 
been helping her again through some little bits of business. I found 
lately among the uncalendared papers of the Court of Requests a 
Book of Orders in fragments, with the entries : " On 1 6th April 1 597 
The Countess of Southampton to shew cause why she should not 
answer, and deliver evidences upon her othe on Tuesday next." 3 
"Tuesday igth April 1597 Smallfinch and Countess Southampton. 
The plaintiff to amend his bill in this point, that the lands are 
houlden in capite^ and that, by reason thereof prymer seizen is due 
to her Majestic, and then her Ladyship to answer on her othe." 

One of the Queen's young subjects was already longing to join 
the whirl of Court life, the young William, Lord Herbert, son of 
the Earl of Pembroke (born 1580). Whyte tells Sidney that "he 
hath with much adoe, brought his father to consent that he may 
live in London, but not until next spring.... My Lady Rich is 
recovered of her small pox, without any blemish to her beautiful 
face igth April 1597."* 

Rowland Whyte gives us a little bit of private life at the beginning 
of 1596-7. Sir Robert Sidney's wife had a daughter in London, 
but she would settle nothing about the christening until she heard 
from her husband about his plans; he was abroad 5 . 

The Earl of Southampton was invited on February 2ist; on the 
next day Whyte wrote: "My Lord of Southampton did take it 

1 Newcourt's Repertorium, I. 272. Salisb. Papers, vn. 147. 

2 Sidney Papers, n. 53. ! U.C.R. Eliz. Bundle, various, 377. 
4 Sidney Papers, n. 43. 5 Ibid. n. 20, 21, 22. 


exceeding kindly that he was desired to be a godfather, and will most 
willingly do it." "My Lady Sussex and my Lady Bedford invited 
for the christening on ist of March. My Lady Sussex named her 
Bridget. The two countesses of Derby and Southampton were there. 
My Lord of Southampton, my Lord Compton,Sir Thomas Garrett, 
and Mr Roger Manners bid them all welcome in your name." 
(This Bridget, the Earl's goddaughter, died on the 25th March, 1 599, 
at the age of two years and four months, and was buried in the chancel 
of Penshurst, before her father was estranged from her godfather 
through the Essex rising.) On the 2nd March, Whyte goes on to 
say that "L. Southampton hath leave to travel for a year, and 
purposes to be with you before Easter." 1 But he changed his mind, 
for on April gth, 1597, Whyte told Sidney, "My Lord Thomas 
Howard, by the end of next week, goes to sea, and Sir Walter Rawley 
with them. My Lord Southampton by 200 meanes hath gotten 
leave to goe with them, and is appointed to goe in the Garland." 2 
They were not quite so quick about it as Whyte at first expected, 
for by 4th May they were still on land. " My Lord Borow went 
to St Albans yesternight, very well accompanied; for my Lords 
Southampton and Compton, Lord Thomas and Sir Walter Rawley 
lay with them there all night. Yesterday morning he was with my 
Lord of Essex at Barnes, and came back with him in his coach." 3 
A little bit of indirect information concerning Southampton is 
found in a petition to Cecil on May yth 4 . Sir Humphrey Drewell, 
his old servant, who, with Florio, wanted to duck the Sheriff of 
Southampton for interfering in the Danvers affair in 1594, was 
now imprisoned for his supposed connection with Sir Thomas 
Arundel's servant, Smallman. He said that on Monday he had been 
to see Lord Southampton, who was evidently staying with or visiting 
his sister, Lady Mary Arundel, in Arundel House in the Strand. On 
Tuesday he went there again, because he heard that Smallman 
wanted to see him, and he went out at the back door to advise 
Smallman to give himself up, or it would go worse with his master. 
That was all he had to do with the man, and Drewell begged Cecil 
to secure him liberty. 

1 Sidney Papers, n. 24. 

2 Ibid. n. 37. Cipher number for Sir Robert Cecil 200. Essex was 1000, 
Southampton 3000. 

3 Ibid. ii. 50. * Salisb. Papers, vii. 189. 


Southampton would be specially careful of his own doings at this 
time, for at last he seemed about to secure the desire of his heart, 
a good sea-fight. Whyte says on the 2nd of June, "My Lord of 
Essex's patent is drawing" and enumerates those who he thought 
were going to sea. Chamberlain 1 , on the 1 1 th, tells nearly the 
same story to Carleton even more fully: "The Erie of Essex is 
general both by sea and land; the Lord Thomas Howard Vice- 
Admiral, Sir Walter Raleigh rear-vice Admirall, who is newly re- 
stored to the executing his place in Court of Captain of the Garde; 
the Earl of Southampton the Lord Mountjoy and the Lord Rich, go 
as adventurers, though some say Lord Mountjoy is to be Lieutenant 
General on land; the Earle of Darbie, the Lord Gray, the Lord 
Windsor, and William Compton pretend likewise to go, but it is 
thought shall not get leave It is said that the Earl of Essex takes 
his leave at Court on Sunday next the 1 2th of this present, and hopes 
to be gone in 10 days after. The presse is great We have here a 
new play of humours in very great request and I was drawn alonge 
to it by the common applause but my opinion of it is (as the fellow 
said of the shearing of hogges) that there was a great cry for so little 
wool." So Chamberlain does not seem to have been impressed by 
Shakespeare's judgment of Jonson's play, or his acting in it. 

On July ist 2 Southampton wrote Cecil a friendly letter, saying 
that nothing had happened yet worth his knowledge; he writes again 
on July loth 3 in a very similar style; on July igth he writes, "You 
will have an account of our unlucky beginning from the bearer." 4 

Raleigh wrote a letter from Plymouth on July 6th, 1 597, to Cecil, 
containing an allusion which ought to be re-read in the light of 
later events. "Wee have all written for supply, without it we can 
do little or nothing and we shall not be abell to retch the place of our 
greatest hopes. I acquainted my Lord Genrall with your letter to 
mee, and your kind acceptance of your entertaynment. He was also 
wonderfull merry att your consait of Richard II. I hope it shall never 
alter, and whereof I shalbe most gladd if it is the trew way to all 
our good, quiet and advancement, and most of all for her sake whose 
affairs shall truely fynd better progression I will ever be yours." 5 

Southampton's cousin, Lord Montague, was in some way con- 

1 D.S.S.P. Eliz. CCLXIII. 99. 2 Ibid. CCLXIV. 2. 

3 Ibid. 20. * Ibid. 34. 6 Ibid. 10. 


nected with the expedition. He wrote to Cecil in July, " If you will 
grant me a warrant for some post horses for myself and company, 
I shall make the more haste after my Lord of Essex. I have now 
dispatched all he charged me with. If you command me I will 
come to Court for your commands, but am loath to do so." Essex 
reported on the 2Oth that they had found Raleigh, Carew, Harvey, 
Throgmorton, but not Lord Thomas, Southampton, or Mountjoy. 
On the 3 ist, however, he reported these were safe, and Lord 
Thomas notified the violence of the storm 1 . 

Palavicino on July 26th wrote: "Lord Howard has shewn valour 
and constancy in keeping his course. May God prosper him also 
in his other actions. It is well that he has the Earl of Southampton 
and Lord Mountjoy with him." 2 

Collins includes with Whyte's letters others to Sir Robert Sidney. 
Sir William Browne (a relative of Southampton by the mother's side), 
wrote on July 24th from Plymouth. They had put out on Sunday, 
July loth, in three squadrons, led by my Lord of Essex, Lord 
Thomas Howard, Vice- Admiral, and Sir Walter Raleigh, Rear- 
Admiral. On the first day all went well, but severe storms arose. 
"On Monday night, Rawley left us, our ship being the Mary Rose, 
not the swiftest of sail or the best of steerage." "Lost my Lord 
General on Friday, beat about until the Sunday after, when we were 
driven to go home, as we had sprung a great leak, and arrived at 
Plymouth on Tuesday, and found Rawley there. A day after my 
Lord General reached Falmouth and came here by land. His ship 
is much injured but he wants to start again. There is sickness on 
board, want of victuals and many repairs needed." 3 No reply from 
Court. On 3rd of August he wrote again : " My Lord of Essex went 
up to Court, to solicit that something might yet be done, Rawley 
went with him, my Lord of Southampton is also gone after him." 4 

A short account of the Island Voyage is given by Purchas with 
no mention of Southampton. Monson, in his Voyages, gives a fuller 
account of his own action, minimising the importance of Southamp- 
ton's exploit, and giving an ingenuous story of Essex's seamanship. 

Camden gives a general, all-round history of the effort made by 
Essex to carry out his frustrated plans of the preceding year. 

1 D.S.S.P, CCLXIV. 64-65. 2 Salisb. Papers, vn. 319. 

Sidney Papers, n. 57 * Ibid. 59. 


Stow also follows the events with interest. 

Elizabeth sent Essex orders on the nth August that he was not 
to attack Ferrol in person. On the same date Sir George Carew, 
writing to Cecil, says, "Without flattery or affection he is a 
worthy commander." 1 

Essex himself, in a letter to Mr Knollys on August 28th, sends 
instructions how to give the details to Elizabeth: "We set sail from 
Plymouth 17 th of this month; on the 25th we made land east of Cape 
Ortegal, on Thursday manoeuvred for wind, on Saturday discovered 
the St Andrew which we had lost sight of, no sooner had I got her 
up but Rawleigh shot a signal of distress, having broken his main yard. 
I willed him to keep along the coast the berth he was in. I had to 

be by to stop a desperate leak Next morning we came to Finisterre, 

but St Matthew breaking her foremast went home, and the War- 
spite and Dreadnought went on without stop to South Cape. We 
did not attack the fleet at Farrol, because we had not the St Matthew 
the principal ship for that action, nor the St Andrew, till my own 
was almost sunk, and I not able to make sail until Rawleigh, the 
Dreadnought and 20 ships were gone. On 3ist last night heard 
from Rawleigh that the Spanish Fleet which was at Farroll had gone 
to the Islands to waft home the Indian Fleet, and that he would 
lie 20 leagues off Burlings till he heard from me. Council agreed to 
make for the Islands, and 4 pinnaces sent to advertise Rawleigh." 2 

We have Sir George Carew's account 3 of the troubles of his ship, 
the St Matthew. "On the 22nd of August we had foul weather, 
my ship laboured more than the others, and broke her bowsprit and 
foremast. We shot off our ordnance and hanged out lights, but the 
ships which were ahead could not hear it, or discern it, except the 
Garland the Earl of Southampton's who an hour after day came 
to me, and did not leave me till evening. At that time my Lord of 
Southampton seeing no possibility for my ship to follow the Fleet, 
and understanding from us that we were in great peril to be lost 
by reason of great leaks, sent his pinnace unto me to come 
aboard his ship. Although the danger I was in were inducement 
enough unto this, yet that my departure might not discourage the 
gentlemen and others aboard me, I resolved to take the fortune of 
my ship. The Earl, fearing to be embayed, and to lose the Fleet 
1 Salisb. Papers, VII. 345, 371. * Ibid. 368. * Ibid. 371. 


which all that day was never in sight, headed for his course, and 
left me a wreck carried every way at the pleasure of the sea.... I had 
rather have lost mine arm than be absent from his service, as now 
I am. Rochelle 3ist August." 

Southampton did make up to the fleet; for amongst the news 
sent home was a common letter written to Cecil 1 . "We that 
subscribe this letter, send you many good wishes, and are desirous 
to have all our friends know that we live and hope yet to do some- 
thing worth her Majesty's charges. We are your assured friends 
Essex, Rutland, H. Southampton, Howard, C. Mountjoy, T. Gray, 
Chr. Blount, Fr. Vere, A. Sherley." In Essex's handwriting there 
is written against the signature of Lord Grey, "This is one whom 
I never saw, I protest, until I was on this coast. August 28th 1597." 

Whyte wrote to Sidney later: "My Lord Grey is in great dis- 
pleasure and the Queen threatens to imprison him, for his pre- 
sumption to goe without leave. And many other Pensioners, on 
their return, shall suffer for their faults." 2 

Camden gives materials for the remainder of the voyage. It had 
been arranged that Essex and Raleigh should attack together, but 
Raleigh, outsailing Essex, landed independently at Fayal, took and 
spoiled the island. "Enemies made Essex think that Raleigh had 
done this to rob him of glory"; he cashiered Raleigh and his 
followers. But Lord Thomas Howard mediated and persuaded Ra- 
leigh to acknowledge his fault, and Essex forgave him. "For Essex 
being a man of most mild nature, slow to take offence, and apt to 
lay down displeasures, forgave old enmities which were now wearing 
out for the Commonwealth's sake, which notwithstanding on both 
sides were rather laid asleep than quite taken away." Essex meant 
to have landed at Gratiosa, but unluckily a pilot dissuaded him, 
because of inconvenient roads. So he set sail for St Michael's, com- 
manding Vere and Sir Nicholas Parker to watch with their ships 
between St George's Isle and Gratiosa, and the Earl of Southampton 
and Sir William Monson with their ships to do so likewise on the 
west side of Gratiosa. But an hour or two after, the American 
fleet, seven of them laden with treasure, arrived, and hearing of 
the presence of the English, fled to Terceira. As they passed by 
Monson, he gave notice, and he, Southampton, and Vere followed 
1 Salisb. Papers, vil. 369. a Sidney Paptrs, n. 74. 


them, waiting for help. Only three rich ships strayed from the line 
and were taken, one of them by Southampton. He and Vere, in 
great boats, attempted to enter the harbour at Terceira at night to 
cut the cables of the nearest ships, that they might be blown out 
to sea; but, the Spaniards keeping diligent watch, they lost their 
labour. On the arrival of Essex there was a council of war. When the 
others saw the strength of the defences of Terceira and the contrary 
winds, they refused to adventure a landing. After knighting South- 
ampton, Rutland, and others for their valour, Essex landed at Villa 
Franca and found rich pillage there. A great tempest rising on 
the gth of October, he gave the signal to go home. The Spanish 
fleet gave chase, but the English never saw them. All of them 
reached home safely, but many Spanish ships perished. 

On the 28th of October, 1597, Whyte wrote to Sidney: "This 
morning my Lord Essex's letters came to court of his safe landing 
in Plymouth. He had unfortunately missed the King's own ships 
with the Indian Treasure but fell on the merchant fleet. Four of 
them he hath taken, and sunk many more, my Lord of Southampton 
fought with one of the King's great men of war, and sunk her." 1 

There is one curious remembrance of this enterprise, which 
students are apt to miss, since it is preserved among the papers of 
James I, entered as "Account of an expedition made in Elizabeth's 
time to take the Islands of Azores." 2 It is a MS. of 60 pages, much 
damaged; the headings are given in the Calendar, "Good com- 
manders are not to be judged by success. The names of commanders, 
captains and ships. The design of the Voyage. The islands are of 
great use to Spain. Contrary winds the hindrance of this voyage. 
The fleet dispersed by great tempest. Lord Rich leaves the voyage. 
The common grief for the loss of time. An old custom. The 
general changes his ship, and the Vice Admiral the same. Great 
storm in the Bay. The Master of the Ordnances ship distressed, 
the Earl of Southampton comes to his relief. The St Matthew lands 
at Rochelle. The Warspite in distress. A false report. Their plans 
designed for the whole fleet. The Warspite again distressed and 
repaired. They meet at the Islands. A dead calm. A rainbow seen 
at night. Pliny's opinion of rainbows at night. The Rear- Admiral 
meets the fleet at Flores. The Admiral satisfied of the falsehoods 
1 Sidney Papers, n. jz\ * D.S.S.E. Jarnes 1,-Addenda xxxvi. 94. 


given out against the rear admiral. Lord Grey. Other rainbows 
seen, with the use thereof." 

I cannot find what was said of Lord Grey; but we know that 
by November he was in the Fleet prison for contempt of the 
Queen's orders in joining the expedition. 

Some time that autumn Lady Southampton wrote to Cecil 1 : 
" Yesterday's storm filled my heart with sourest thoughts. I purpose 
to send presently to him, whereto I beg a warrant for post horses 
for my trusty servant Smith for his better speed. P.S. I purpose 
Thursday to thank the Queen for her favour, I hope you may have 
some fresh news for me then." 

Another letter to Cecil 2 , entered as November, 1597, says: "to 
prevent the fortunes of my son's letter to you and myself I send mine 
to him, to expect next dispatch, hoping by your favour it shall be 
conveyed to him, all well done that were set to be done, I wish 
I might hear of his speedy home-coming, which, if you think I may 
hope for, I pray you give me a little light." 

On the return of the fleet at the end of October Essex was met 
with the news that the Queen had appointed to the Royal Secre- 
taryship Sir Robert Cecil, a fast friend of Raleigh, instead of his 
nominee, Sir Thomas Bodley. Cecil was also made Chancellor of 
the Duchy of Lancaster, which Essex had hoped for himself. 

The Queen received Essex coldly. She thought he ought to have 
done more, and given more prominence to Raleigh and Monson. 
Grudges grew again between Essex and Raleigh. She was also 
displeased with Essex for making so many knights. 

One of the complex causes which induced her to be cold to Essex 
was a slander, started by his enemies, that before he went he had 
behaved improperly with a certain great lady. Lady Bacon, whose 
sons had benefited so much from his kindness, took it on her to 
reproach him with this, and exhort him to repentance He denied 
the story absolutely: "Worthy Lady, think me a weak man full of 
imperfections, but be assured I endeavour to be good, and had 
rather mend my faults than cover them." 3 

Southampton received no recognition whatever for his special 
bravery in action. Disappointed and embittered, he turned anew 

1 Salisb. Papers, vn. 539. z Ibid. 499. 

8 Birch, Mem. u. Salisb. Papers, vn. 392. 


to his chief consoler Elizabeth Vernon, who noted for his 
benefit all the Queen's varying and discontented words. A fresh 
and binding attachment was cemented between them. The Queen 
frowned upon matrimony, and they took a forbidden path. 

Parliament began on 24th October, 1597, and Southampton was 
duly summoned. He was present on the yth and 26th November 
and on the I3th and I4th December, and Parliament rose on the 
8th February, 1597-8!. 

Lady Southampton had by this time learned that, if it were 
painful and humiliating to be ignored in her husband's will, it 
might be difficult and even dangerous to be left "sole executrix.'* 
Probably through his illness, Sir Thomas Heneage had left the 
onerous duties of his place to deputies, who had both delayed and 
confused the making up of his accounts. The Countess found it 
difficult to square things that she did not understand. Already the 
courtiers gossiped about her affairs Sir John Fortescue wrote to 
Cecil on June gth, 1596, "It grieveth me not a little that for my 
Lady of Southampton my Lord your father should be blamed, 
whose carefulness for her majesty therein I can be a witness of." 2 

But it is clear to those who have been through the accounts of 
the Treasurer of the Chamber, in the Pipe Office and in the Audit 
office, as well as the first payments, that the fault was not hers, 
but that of the invalid Sir Thomas Heneage himself, or of his 
representatives. It is not clear whether this following debt refers to 
Lady Southampton or her husband. 

On December gth, 1 597, "At the Savoy 275 upon Mr Sydney's 
order Particular Receiver of Norfolk, Suffolk and Cambridge. Money 
to be applied for the Lady of Southampton, for a debt of 163." 

At last, the Queen herself wrote to the Countess of Southampton 
on December 1 6th, 1 596 3 , to say that, at the decease of her late 
husband, Sir Thomas Heneage, he had ^1314. 15*. 4^. in hand 
as Treasurer of the Chamber. "You as executrix have paid 
401. 6s. iod. and 394. qs. lid. to the Guard. We require im- 
mediate payment of the balance ^528. i8j. yd. to the treasury 
of the Chamber, on which you shall receive acquittance for the 
whole sum." This is a damaged draft, and the calculation is obscure. 

1 Journal of the House of Lords, n. 192. 

1 Salisb. Papers, vi. 213. Cal. D.S.S.P. Eliz. CCLXI. 14. 


But the matter seems to have been finally settled, as no further 
notice of it is preserved after the above was copied into the accounts 
of the Chamber rendered by the Countess of Southampton for one 
year and 61 days 1 . This was to let Killigrew 2 start clear. More 
information concerning this debt comes in James' time. 

In Henry Lok's Sonnets of the Author to divers, collected by the 
Printer published with Ecclesiastes, otherwise called the Preacher^ 
by H. L. Gentleman, and The First Part of Christian Passions, 
containing a hundred Sonets of meditation, humiliation, and prayer by 
H. L., and printed by Richard Field in 1597, ^ e I 7 t ^ 1 Sonnet in 
the collection To divers noblemen is addressed 

To the Right Ho. the Earle of Southampton. 
Amongst most noble, noble everyway, 
Among the wise, wise in a high degree; 
Among the vertuous, vertuous may I say; 
You worthy seeme, right worthy Lord to mee. 
By bloud, by value, noble we you see, 
By nature, and by learnings travell wise, 
By love of good, ils hate, you vertuous bee: 
Hence publike honor, private love doth rise, 
Which hath inuited me thus to devise, 

To show my selfe nor slacke to honour you, 
By this meane gift (since powre more fit denies) 
Which let me crave be read, and held for true : 
Of honor, wisedome, vertue, I delate, 
Which (you pursuing) will advance your state. 

1 Treasurer of the Chambers' accounts, Pipe Office, 542 (257), and Audit 
Office, Bundle 386, roll 33. 

2 Official Treasurer, pro tern., to receive accounts from the Countess of 
Southampton and band them over to Sir Thomas Heneage's successor, Sir 
John Stanhope. 




THE year 1598 was a critically important one in the fortunes of 
the Wriothesley family. The Earl of Southampton was being driven 
by cross-currents hither and thither, becoming bitter in the lack 
of royal appreciation and consideration, hampered by insufficient 
means in fulfilling any of his plans in the lordly way he would have 
liked to do. He wanted to travel, he wanted to fight, and, had things 
gone smoothly with him, and had the Queen been kind, he would 
probably then have quietly married and been happy. He had not 
confided in his loving mother, he was irritated at her actions, and the 
spreading gossip about her galled him. He had dealt secretly with 
his mentors; he had grown suspicious and cold to the' girl he loved. 
He had done wrong, and he tried to remedy it imprudently; he had 
become what is called, in a young man like him, "a little wild." 
In a half frenzied hope that fortune at least might favour him if 
he wooed her properly, he had turned to hazard what he had at 
games of chance, and he lost in these also. Meanwhile those who 
loved him suffered, those whom he loved counselled him faithfully; 
but he could satisfy neither them nor himself. Much of this story 
may be read in contemporary letters, which can only be pieced 
together by comparing and translating. The five thousand pounds 
which he had to pay Burleigh for refusing his granddaughter was 
a loss which hampered all his plans. 

The newsmonger Whyte tells Sir Robert Sidney a great deal for 
our benefit. On the I4th January, "I heare my Lord of South- 
ampton goes with Mr Secretary to France and so onwards on his 
travels, which course of his doth exceedingly grieve his Mistress, 
that passes her tyme in weeping and lamenting." 1 On the igth he 
says, " I hard of some unkindnes should be betweene 3000 (the 
Earl of Southampton) and his mistress, occasioned by some report 
of Mr Ambrose Willoughby, 3000 called him to account for it, but 
the matter was made known to the Earl of Essex and my Lord 
1 Sidney Papers, n. 81. 




Chamberlain, who had them under examination; what the cause 
is, I could not learne for yt was but new; but I see 3000 is full of 
discontentments." 1 It is most probable that Ambrose Willoughby 
had said there was another man to whom the fair Elizabeth was 
more friendly than she should have been, and that this roused the 
Earl to a hasty challenge of the tale-teller, and caused a coldness 
towards the lady, whom, being the cousin of the Earl of Essex, he 
dared not rate as if she had been a person of lesser import. 

On the 2 ist the news is: "The quarrel of my Lord Southampton 
to Ambrose Willoughby was this. That he, with Sir Walter Rawley 
and Mr Parker, being at Primero in the Presence Chamber, the 
Queen was gone to bed, and he being there as squire of the body 
required them to give over. Soone after he spake to them againe, 
that if they would not leave, he would call on the guard to put 
down the bord, which Sir Walter Rawley seeing, put up his money 
and went his wayes. But my Lord of Southampton took exceptions 
at him, and told him he would remember it, and soe, fynding him 
between the Tennis Court Wall and the garden, struck him, and 
Willoughby pulled off some of his locks. The Queen gave Wil- 
loughby thankes for what he did in the presence and told him, he 
had done better if he had sent him to the porter's lodge to see who 
durst have fetched him out." 1 Now this has been read as a purely 
comic incident, but, taken with the previous letter, we can see a 
much more serious question involved. Willoughby had been spread- 
ing unpleasant gossip about the only woman Southampton appears 
ever to have cared for, and he wanted to punish the slanderer, but 
Essex and Hunsdon prevented this. When Willoughby found South- 
ampton trying to finish a game, probably as an expectant winner, he 
stopped it rudely (Primero was not a noisy game). When he spoke 
of the guard, Sir Walter was bound to go, as he was nominally their 
Captain then. Then, left alone with the officious Squire, South- 
ampton evidently said sharp words about his gossip and this mean 
way of punishing a superior. Southampton knew that he dared not 
make a noise in the Presence Chamber, but when fortune shewed 
him his adversary in the garden, he could not forbear striking him. 
Willoughby not only retaliated, but told the tale, and the Queen 
thanked him. It must have added a new bitterness to the Ea 
1 Sidney Papers, u. 82. * Ibid. 83. 



feeling to be made ridiculous at Court, while his heart was sore over 
other things, for it is evident he was punished by being banished the 
Presence for some days. On the 28th January we hear, " My Lord 
Southampton is now at court, who for a while by her Majesties com- 
mand, did absent himself from it 1 "; and on the ist February, "My 
Lord of Southampton is much troubled at her Majesties straungest 
usage of him. Somebody hath played unfriendly parts with him. 
Mr Secretary hath procured him licence to travell. His faire mistress 
doth wash her fairest face with too many teares. I pray god his going 
away bring her to no such infirmity, which is, as yt were, hereditary 
to her name." 2 The meaning of the last four words remains obscure. 

The information of 2nd February was: "yt is secretly said that 
my Lord of Southampton shall be married to his faire mistress "; 
but apparently, as he had done in his younger days, "he asked for a 
little respite." 3 

On the 6th of February he had final permission and " Licence 
to the Earl of Southampton to travel beyond seas, and remain two 
years, with ten servants, six horses and ^200 in money." 4 

On the same day, a certain Humphrey Basse instructed William 
Wollaston, merchant of Rouen, that he had "agreed with Edward 
Gage, and William Chamberlain servants [?] of the Earl of South- 
ampton to furnish him with 1000 crowns 'soil' (current money) 
which makes ^300 sterling, at Southampton's pleasure." 5 

Sir Robert Cecil, Lord Brooke, and their train started on their, 
journey on the loth of February, and with them the Earl of South- 
ampton 6 . Whyte wrote to Sidney on Sunday the I2th February: 
" My Lord of Southampton is gone and hath left behind him a very 
desolate gentlewoman, that hath almost wept out her fairest eyes. 
He was at Essex House with 1000 (Essex) and there had much 
private talk with him in the court below." 7 

When the Ambassador's party reached Paris, the King was at 
Angers, and thither they had to follow him 8 . They took thirty days 
in travelling from Dieppe to Angers in this way. The places were 
300 miles apart, but they only spent sixteen days in travelling, the 

1 Sidney Papers, u. 86. * Ibid. 87. Ibid. 88. 

4 D.S.S.P. CCLXVI. docquet. * Salisb. Papers, vm. 37. 

' Birch's Memoirs, vol. u, and Camden's Memorabilia. 

1 Sidney Papers, II. 90. 

Salisb. Papers, vm. 91. Birch's Negotiations, n. 323. 


rest being accounted for byan accident, and delayed dispatches. They 
were received with great honour when they reached the Court Cecil 
specially presented to the King the Earl of Southampton "who had 
come with deliberation to serve him, whereupon the King welcomed 
and embraced the Earl." 

After the conference Cecil asked the Queen to send ships for 
them to Caen, which would save 200 miles of riding, by which 
means he got home again by the 2gth of April, "after a vile journey 
that route." 1 Of course, Southampton did not go the whole way 
home with them. He made straight for Paris. 

On the 20th May Chamberlain told Carleton that "Sir William 
Harvey is said to have married the Countess of Southampton." 2 

Southampton wrote to Essex in June, thanking the Earl for 
accepting a present from him. " I would willingly give you an account 
of my meanings, but I have hitherto been altogether uncertain how 
to dispose of myself, nor do I yet know well how to resolve, nor 
can I be better assured what will be determined in England con- 
cerning this peace now spoken of." 3 He knew that things were 
done slowly in England, and tried to be patient (the letter is en- 
dorsed June 1598, in France). 

Then something happened, sweet and bitter at once, which 
tended further to disarrange his plans. The two Danvers for whom 
he had risked so much and pleaded so much, unable to return to 
England, had agreed to go with him to travel in Italy. Then, un- 
expectedly the Queen yielded to the entreaties of their friends and 
the representations of Cecil, and forgave them. As she had con- 
fiscated their property, they had to give up the Italian tour, for 
which the arrangements were nearly completed. It was absolutely 
necessary they should both go home and express their gratitude for 
their pardon in person, or there would be little hope of the Queen's 
grace being extended to restitution. Sir Henry, being the younger, 
and less burdened with the responsibilities of property, hoped he 
might be able to return to Paris shortly and redeem his promise 
of going to Italy with the friend to whom he owed so much. On 
the 30th June was dated "The Pardon to Sir Henry and Sir Charles 
Danvers, for killing Henry Long." 4 Sir Charles 5 , on the i ith July, 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXVII. 5. Ibid. 23. * Salisb. Papers, vnr. 241. 
4 D.S.S.P. CCLXVII. docquet 3oth June. * Ibid. CCLXVIII. 2. 


thanked Cecil for his "comfortable news," and "for having wrought 
so mightily with the Queen for him." He will take leave of the 
King tomorrow, and go to the seaside to wait for instructions. " I 
have delivered your commendations to the Earl of Southampton." 

Sir Thomas Edmondes the English agent in Paris, sent on to 
Sir Robert Sidney on July 15th 1 "certain songs which were 
delivered me by my Lord Southampton to convey to your Lordship 
from Cave/as." 

Southampton had an application from a gentleman called George 
Cranmer, who would like to enter his service or that of Sir Henry 
Danvers, from Orleans on 23rd July 2 . 

But alas for all plans. More misfortune followed Southampton 
through the illness of the Danvers 3 . Carleton, then in London, 
wrote to Chamberlain on the yth of August, "The two Knights 
Danvers are stayed at Paris by sickness. Their pardon is conditional 
on their contenting Sir Walter Long by paying him 1500; 1200 
is paid, the rest they think too late in receipt." So, even if they 
could manage to pull through their own difficulties, neither of them 
would be in a position to help their friend. 

It must have been during Southampton's absence, on 8th March, 
1 598, that a suit in Chancery was brought forward in his name 
against Richard Cobbe, who resided at Swarrton, a dependency of 
the manor of Micheldever, and owed him 3 a year as quit-rent. It 
is only interesting because it marshals all his ancestors in the field, 
in relation to the Abbot of Hyde. Their oldest witness was 80 years 
old. He knew that the manor of Micheldever was part of the Abbey 
of Hyde, and that the Abbot sold the stock. He had been on the 
Homage list, and with the rest of the jury had presented Richard 
Cobbe for default of suit of court. He had heard the officers say that 
Richard Cobbe and Thomas, his father, had to pay 3 rent. Another 
old witness said he had not known the Abbot, but he knew that 
Micheldever was part of the Abbey lands. He had also heard that the 
late Anthony, Viscount Montague, owned lands for 40 years which 
were held of the manor of Micheldever, and that he had to pay 3, 
and owed suit of court for them. Jane late Countess of Southampton, 
had told him in her house at Titchfield that Thomas Cobbe, the 

1 Sidney Papers, n. 101. 2 Salisb. Papers, vm. 270. 

3 D.S.S.P. CCLXVIII. 18. 


father, had withheld the rent of 3 and that she meant to sue him. 
He had been a Homager of Micheldever, and had presented 
Richard and Thomas Cobbe for default of suit of court. He did 
not know if they paid rent. The next aged witness said that he had 
always heard it credibly reported that Anthony, late Viscount Mon- 
tague, held the lands of Micheldever and had passed them to Cobbe, 
and that he had paid the rent to Jane, Countess of Southampton. 
The lands came from Sir William Fitzwilliam to Viscount Mon- 
tague, and from him to the Cobbes. Thomas Cobbe did eventually 
pay to Jane, Countess of Southampton, 30 for arrears. The next 
witness said that Thomas Cobbe himself told him he had paid. The 
next witness was sure that Fitzwilliam's lands became Montague's; 
that Montague had conveyed the manor to Thomas Cobbe; that 
he had seen the collector's books with the entry that Thomas Cobbe 
owed ^3 rent, and the said Thomas did not deny it, but paid it 
eventually to the officers of Henry, the late Earl of Southampton. 
He shewed the book of collections, where it is shewn further that a 
certain quit-rent of %d. a year should be paid for a certain tenement 
which Thomas Cobbe purchased of Mr Harris of Broughton and 
Jane, the said Countess, for Peter his son. The next witness was 
servant of Edmond Clark, thirty years ago, for 16 years, and often 
heard that rent had to be paid to Jane, Countess of Southampton, 
and of the composition by Thomas Cobbe. The chief query for both 
sides was whether Sir William Fitzwilliam was lord of the manor 
or grange of Swarrton, and if he held it of the said Abbot as part of 
the manor of Micheldever (one of the possessions of the Abbey). 
Was this before or after the Dissolution ? The defendant's witnesses 
only knew that Fitzwilliam's lands were the same as Montague's, 
but they did not know if Montague ever paid rent for Swarrton to 
the lord of Micheldever. The depositions were taken on April 6th, 
1598. The first "Decree and order" 1 after the deposition only 
appoints another commission to hear the depositions and to give 14 
days notice to either side. Nothing further is recorded, but South- 
ampton's case is so strong that it evidently must have led to a 
composition by Richard, such as his father Thomas had made with 
Countess Jane. Now, it may be noted that this suit is brought by 

1 D. and O., A.B. 732, and B.B. 710. It is a curious coincidence that in 
the same volume is the Shakespeare's Case against Lambert (B.B. 886). 


Southampton in relation to the title of his cousin Anthony, Viscount 
Montague, who inherited from his great-grandfather lands be- 
queathed him by his step-brother Sir William Fitzwilliam, who 
became Earl of Southampton, though this is never once mentioned 
in the course of the proceedings. (Another case was tried over the 
same property in Car. I, 17, 24th July, by Thomas, fourth Earl.) 

Southampton's hopes of service in France were frustrated by the 
results of the treaty of Verviers, and his alternative plan was to go 
to Italy with the two Danvers. While waiting for them, he was 
one of those who witnessed the quarrel between Sir Charles Blount 
and Sir Melgar Leven 1 , which led to a duel, forbidden alike by the 
French King and the Earl of Essex. Southampton wrote to Essex 
in June thanking him for accepting a present 2 . 

"On Aug. 4th being Friday died the Lord Burghley, the Lord 
Treasurer, at Cecil House in the Strand," said his son Robert in 
his Diary. His funeral was on the 2gth of the month. R. Lytton 
wrote to Carleton the same day " that there were many great men 
present, my Lord of Essex, to my judgment, did more than cere- 
moniously shew his sorrow." 3 

Chamberlain the next day expanded the news: "There were 
about 500 mourners, among the rest the Earl of Essex, who carried 
the heaviest countenance of all." 4 He incidentally added that the 
Earl of Essex, not being received at Court, retired to Wanstead. 
Many of his friends implored him to return to Court, among them 
Egerton, who lovingly advised him " You leave your friends open 
to contempt, and encourage foreign enemies by the news that her 
Majesty and the realm are maimed of so worthy a member, who 
has so often daunted them, August I598." 5 Essex replied 6 , 
"I would sooner make you a judge than another, but I must 
appeal from earthly judgment when the highest has imposed 
the heaviest punishment without trial. I am not unreasonably 
discontent, but the passionate indignation of a Prince is an un- 
seasonable tempest, when a harvest for painful labours is expected, 
and the smart must be cured, or the senseless part cut off. The 
Queen is obdurate and I cannot be senseless. I see an end of my 

1 Salisb. Papers, vin. 228. * Ibid. 241. 

8 D.S.S.R CCLXVIII. 31. * Ibid. 33. 

5 Ibid. 43. 4 Ibid. 45 (an abstract from). 


fortune, and have set an end to my desire. When present, my 
enemies were absolute, and I could do nothing for my friends. I am 
released from duty to my country by my dismissal. I will always 
owe duty to her Majesty as an Earl Marshal of England, and I 

have served her as a clerk, but cannot do so as a slave I cannot 

yield truth to be falsehood. Princes may err, and subjects receive 
wrong, as I have done, but I will shew constancy in suffering." 

Southampton wrote to Sir Robert Cecil on August 2Oth, "Though 
I have very little matter of business to write of, yet can I not see 
this bearer depart without a letter unto you, though it be but only 
to put you in mind of one, whom you have given cause in the best 
kind ever to remember you, and to acknowledge the debt in which 
by your many favours I am bound unto you. For the return of 
him and his brother I cannot but rejoice with you, though in respect 
of myself, I find more reason to mourn the loss of so pleasing 
companions, but such is my affection to them, as I do prefer their 
good before the satisfaction of myself. If it had not been for their 
departure, I should ere this time have written unto you out of 
Italy, but now by means of that my journey is stayed until I hear 
out of England, for if, after the dispatch of his business there, I may 
not have the company of the younger, my voyage will be infinitely 
unpleasing unto me, being to pass into a country of which I am 
utterly ignorant, without any companion. I cannot here imagine 
what may hinder him, but if any let should happen, I beseech you 
if you can, remove it, for I protest it will be an exceeding maim 
unto me, if I miss him." 1 

The friend is evidently Sir Henry Danvers, inasmuch as he seems 
to have been "the bearer" referred to. For Sir Henry wrote to Sir 
Robert Cecil in London that month, saying, " I have hitherto kept 
this letter of my Lord of Southampton's 2 , hoping an opportunity to 
deliver it myself, but your Honor's going to the Court, and uncertain 
return hither hath made me rather choose to present both it and 
my most humble duty and thanks for your Honor's so high a favour, 
the value whereof is sufficiently shewn by what we have endured, 
and the many fruitless intercessions we have made; which benefit 
having solely received from your Honour, I may freely profess thaf 
what I am, or by the continuance of your favour may be, must of 
1 Salisb. Papers, VIH. 313. * Ibid. 323. 


due only remain at your Lordship's devotion. So craving your 
Lordship's resolution in my Lord of Southampton's request, where- 
upon I would be glad to govern my sooner or later return to this 
town, I most humbly take my leave." 

Something more serious during that month startled the Earl of 
Southampton and awakened him to a sudden sense of new responsi- 
bilities. It probably came in the first place through some letter 
from Elizabeth Vernon herself, which has not been preserved. 
For it is evident that he had learned, before the news grew into 
gossip, that the consequences of their past intimacy had fallen 
heavily upon her, and that she had been forced to leave Court 
and go to Essex House, under pretext of an ordinary illness. 
It is probable that they had been betrothed with the knowledge 
and approval of the Earl of Essex, who had apparently been acting 
as the lady's guardian at Court, since there was never the slightest 
shadow of reproach from Essex or ruffling of their friendship by 
the incident. But, young as he was, Southampton knew that, 
though a betrothal might make the condition of his beloved perfectly 
respectable in the eyes of the world, there would be difficulties 
about dower, and title, and Court precedence for her, and loss of 
the inheritance to the coming heir (if such there were), without the 
sanction of the religious service of marriage, a sacrament to a 
Catholic. This difficulty was not to be solved by delay and patience, 
but by courage and promptness. So he rushed off to London as 
he thought, secretly to do what he could to mitigate the conse- 
quences of his imprudence. He had leave of absence for two years, 
and he contemplated no trouble in going or coming. He knew that 
the Queen would be wrathful at his daring to marry one of her 
maids of honour without receiving her royal permission; he 
remembered what a noise was made when the Lady Bridget Man-r 
ners had secretly married Mr Tyrwhitt without leave of anybody. 
But he probably reckoned that the royal temper would smooth 
down after a few formalities of appearance, confinement, confession, 
and petition. He also trusted probably too much to the influence of 
Essex, as well as to the power of time, in minimising his fault. 
Chamberlain wrote to Carleton on the 3Oth August, 1598: "Sir 
Charles and Sir Henry Danvers have come. Mrs Vernon is from 
Court, and lies at Essex House; some say she hath taken a venew 


under the girdle and swells upon it, yet she complains not of foule 
playbut says the Erie of Southampton will justi fie it,and it is bruited, 
underhand, that he was latelie here fowre days in great secret, of 
purpos to marry her, and effected it accordingly." 1 What Chamber- 
lain had heard "underhand," Cecil and the Queen had already 
heard from some secret "informers." The Royal Secretary wrote 2 
to the Earl of Southampton on the 3rd of September, 1 598, " I am 
grieved to use the style of a councillor to you to whom I have evere 
rather wished to be the messenger of honour and favour, by laying 
her Majesty's command upon you; but I must now put this gall 
into my ink, that she knows that you came over very lately, and 
returned very contemptuously; that you have also married one of 
her maids of honour, without her privity, for which, with other 
circumstances informed against you, I find her grievously offended, 
and she commands me to charge you expressly (all excuses set 
apart) to repair hither to London, and advertise your arrival, 
without coming to the Court, until her pleasure be known. Sept. 
3rd 1 598. From the Court at Greenwich." 

At the same time, or at all events by the same post, came over 
two important missives, one from Sir Robert Cecil to Mr Edmondes, 
English agent at the French Court, enclosing another from the 
Queen herself to her "trustie and well-beloued Thomas Edmondes 
Esq. our Agent with the French King." 

Sir Robert Cecil to Sir Thomas Edmondes, English agent at the 
French Court, on the 3rd of September sent commands: 

Mr Edmondes, the haste I have to send away this messenger forbydds mee 
to spend longer tyme than I must of necessitie; But so it is, that my Lord 
of Southampton's coming hither is known and what he hath done for which 
the Queen is much offended. You know the nature of his offence, and what 
it is lyke to prove, which makes me wishe that his Lordship should take heed 
[not] to make it worse with any contempt, being the first day it is knowne, 
a matter that cannot danger his fortune further then the cloude of her 
Majesties' favour, who punisheth the forme rather than the substance. By 
this letter you shall perceave what you have to doe, and for any further 
matter from hence, there is no accident worth the wryting, and therefore 
I do here conclude that I remayne your loving friend assuredly Ro. Cecil. 
Greenwich 3rd September 3 . 

Enclosed in this was the following: 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXVIII. 33. 2 Ibid. 47. Stowe MSS. 167, 7, ff. 38-4. 


Elizabeth R. 

Trustie and well beloved we greet you well. 

Where we have understoode that the Earle of Southampton hath been in 
England privily, and is passed over again without our knowledge contemptu- 
ously: And where we are informed that he hath behaved himselfe in other 
things contrary to his duety and to the dishonour of our Court, we doe 
commande you to charge him in our name precisely and uppon his duety 
to return presently upon the sight hereof: And therefore doe commande you 
to use all truthe and diligence to enquire him out, and to make our pleasure 
known to him, as you will answer it at your perill. Given under our Signett 
at our Manor of Greenwich this 3rd of September in the 4Oth year of our 
reign 1 . 

A servant of Essex, on September yth, wrote to Carleton, "I 
find by Edward Reynolds my Lord's Secretary, that yesterday the 
Queen was informed of the new Lady of Southampton and her 
adventures, whereat her patience was so much moved that she came 
not to chapel. She threats them all to the Tower, not only the 
parties, but all that are partakers in the practice. It is confessed that 
the Earl was lately here, and solemnized the act himself, and Sir 
Thomas German accompanied him on his return to Margate. 
My Lord of Essex is sick. I now understand that the Queen has 
commanded that there shall be provided for the new Countess the 
sweetest and best appointed Chamber in the Fleet; her Lord is by 
command to return upon his allegiance with all speed. These are 
but the beginning of evils, well may he hope for that merry day 
ev davara) which I think he did not find ev OaXafio}." 2 

Tobie Matthew also had his word to say to Carleton about the 
gossip on the I5th of the month, "Mrs Vernon has spun a fair 
thread, so fair, that I hold her a better spinner than painter. Fulke 
Greville is made Vice Admirall of the navy ,but whether Sir Henry 

Palmer or Sir William Harvey be chosen comptroller, I know not 

My Lord of Essex is reinstated in the Queen's favour[?]." 3 

The date of two letters puzzle me not a little; both are entered 
as of September. But. they seem more suitable to the events of 
August. Southampton writes to Essex 4 : 

The chief cause of my coming to this town is to speak with your Lordship. 
If you will be therefore pleased to give me assignation of some time and place 

1 Stowe MSS. B.M. Thomas Edmondes' corr. calendared by Dr Edward 
Scott. Athen&um, 1891, Sept. 26th, p. 864. 

* D.SS.P. CCLXYIII. 50. 3 Ibid. 56. Salisb. Papers, vm. 373. 


where I may attend you to find you alone, so that I may come unknown, 
I will not fail to perform your appointment. I beseech you to let me know 
your will by this bearer, either by letter or word of mouth, and bind me so 
much unto you, as not to take notice of my being here to any creature, 
until I have seen you. 

Endorsed "To the Earl of Essex on his coming over." 
The following seems a reply to this; it is endorsed " 

I do purpose, God willing, to be at Barn Elmes or London the next week, 
and do long to see your Lordship in one of these places. I commanded 
Cuffe to attend your Lordship upon your first coming, and to acquaint you 
what was the course which I thought would be of most advantage to you, 
to solicit kissing of the Queen's hand by Mr Secretary, and to spend some 
of your first time in that suit. I did also note down of your being so good a 
husband as to make a journey down to "Leaze." Your Lordship shall from 
day to day know by Cuffe what hath become of me, and your messengers 
shall find him out, if they seek him at Barn Elmes. I can say no more for the 
present than that I cannot be gladder of anything than I am of your Lord- 
ship's health, happiness and return hither. Newton Lodge 25th September. 

This might fit either August or November 1598, or the follow- 
ing year. 

Now,as Cecil noted that information had only reached the Queen 
on the 3rd of September, these letters of that date are not likely to 
have been written until the afternoon, and, even if the Queen were 
in haste, the messenger would probably not start until the following 
day at the earliest. There would be some days spent in travelling, and 
some days possibly spent by Edmondes in finding Southampton; but it 
does seem that a long time was allowed to pass before the culprit made 
up his mind to let his sovereign know his position. It was the igth 
of September before he wrote to the Earl of Essex 2 , " I have by your 
messenger sent a letter to Mr Secretary wherein I have discovered 
unto him my marriage with your Lordship's cousin, withal desiring 
him to find the means to acquaint her majesty therwith in such 
sort as may least offend; and if I may be so happy to procure of 
her a favourable toleration of that which is past, which obtained, 
I shall account myself sufficiently fortunate, for I assure you, only 
the fear of having her Majesty's displeasure is more grievous unto 
me than any torment I can think of would be. I trust therefore 

1 Salisb. Papers, vm. 537. * Ibid. 353. 


that as my offence is but small, so her anger will not be much, and 
so consequently it will not be very difficult to get my pardon. To 
your Lordship's best direction I must leave all, assuring myself that 
you will be pleased to favour me as one who will be ever ready to 
do your servyse, and always remain your poor cousin to command. 
I beseech you to impute not the stay here of your servant Mr Cuff 
as his fault, for I have taken on me the boldness to hold him here 
until my departure. Paris igth September." 

He must have received Cecil's paralysing communication the 
very next day, and have written at once to him 1 . " I have received 
a letter by the post in your name, charging me, as from her Majesty, 
to repair to London, which, being unable to perform, I entreat you 
to satisfy her that no man lives who will with more duty receive 
her commands, though now I am forced to break this for this 
reason : I have stayed here for some time, only to attend the receipt 
of some money, which was to be made over to me to carry me 
further: that received will, if the Queen desires it, serve to bring me 
back to England, but till then, I have no means to stir from here. 
This is unfeignedly true." Even then, he does not seem to have 
received the Queen's personal command through Edmondes. But 
this he must have expected to follow, and he was left at his wit's 
end. He had no friend to help him but the Earl of Essex. 

The Earl of Essex seems to have been still out of favour, and 
was still out of town. Tobie Mathew wrote to Carleton that 
" Divers Almains were with the Earl of Essex. One lost 300 crowns 
at a new play called * Every man's humour.' 2Oth September." 2 

Southampton wrote again on the 22nd, alarmed and excited 3 : 
"Since I last wrote unto your Lordship, I have received a letter by this 
bearer from Mr Secretary, which doth signify her Majesty's heavy 
displeasure conceived against me, and withall lays a charge upon me 
in her name to make my present repair to London, which news, as it 
came unexpected so I assure your Lordship it was nothing welcome. 
Her anger is most grievous unto me, but my hope is, that time (the 
nature of my offence being rightly considered) will restore me to 
her wonted good opinion; but my so sudden return is a kind of 
punishment, which I imagine her Majesty's will is not to lay upon 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXVIII. 67. 2 Ibid. 61. 

3 Salisb. Papers, vm. 357. 


me: I mean, because when I am returned I protest unto your 
Lordship I scarce know what course to take to live, having at my 
departure let to farm that poor estate I had left for the satisfying 
of my creditors, and payment of these debts which I came to owe 
by following her Court, and have reserved only such a portion as 
will maintain myself, and a very small train in my time of my 
travel. I assure you I speak not this in hope by deferring to lessen 
any part of my punishment, for to satisfy her Majesty's displeasure 
I will willingly submit myself to endure whatsoever she shall be 
pleased to inflict, but I would only crave so much favour as to 
abide it in such a time, when the satisfying for my offence should 
be all the hurt I should receive. I beseech you therefore make me 
bound unto you by letting me hear from you as soon as may be, 
whereby I may know how to direct my course, for according as 
you shall think fit I will not fail to do; and for the excuse I have 
already made, I assure myself, it is such as no man can take exception 
unto Paris, 22nd September." (Endorsed "1598.") 

In a day or two he must have received a letter written to him on 
the 2Oth by Lord Cobham from his rooms in Blackfriars (under the 
same roof as Burbage had bought his share for the rearing of a 
private theatre). "In my love unto you, I am bold to advise you 
that by any means you return, for I durst almost assure your 
Lordship the Queen's displeasure will not long continue. The 
exception that is now taken, is only your contempt to marry one of 
her maids and not to acquaint her withal; but for any dishonour 
committed by your Lordship, that conceit is clean taken away, so 
that your Lordship hath no manner of cause to doubt any disgrace, 
but for some time absence from Court, which I hope will not be 
long before it be restored unto you. If you forbear to come, I assure 
you it would aggravate the Queen, and put conceits into her which 
at present she is free of. Thus my Lord, with that love which I 
have ever professed to you, I hold this the meetest course for you 
to take, yet leave it to your better consideration, for I have my 
desire if you take that determination which shall fall out for the 
best." 1 Now, Lord Cobham was a person likely to know, for he was 
the son of the Lord Chamberlain (elected to succeed Lord Hunsdon) 
who had died in March, 1596-7. 

1 Salisb. Papers, vm. 355. 


Even after receiving this good advice, so kindly given, the Earl 
of Southampton delayed. He little knew the evil consequences 
that delay would be the means of bringing to him, and, even more, 
its far-reaching effects on the fortunes of his dearest friend. He 
did not realise the measure of the Queen's towering wrath against 
him, nor how so many nursed that wrath to keep it warm. 
Common gossip had not reached him yet 1 . She guessed by this 
time that Lord Essex had known, and had been silent to her; this 
galled her, and she wanted the real culprit to vent her wrath upon, 
failing whom, she turned it on one she cared more for. 

Still Southampton delayed, and apparently in his distressing per- 
plexities turned to gambling. Of course he hoped to win ; perhaps 
he believed in his stars, or his skill, or the power of his will. He was 
well aware that a full hand paved a pleasant path, and he wanted 
money, money, money, for so many objects, and at once. Un- 
fortunately he lost it; and Cecil mysteriously heard of this of course 
the Queen heard also,andhis frantic efforts to extricate himself were 
naturally used to multiply the measure of his faults. The news came 
to Cecil in an anonymous letter (probably from one of his many 
spies abroad), dated Sept. 22nd /Oct. 2nd 2 . In the third paragraph 
"Je vous supplie Monsieur, de faire scavoir ce mot a Monsieur le 
Comte, que votre Comte de Southampton, qui est du present dans 
Paris, s'en va de tout se ruenir, si on ne le retire de la France dans 
peu de jours. Car il fait de partys de 2, 3, et 4000 crowns a la 
paulone, mesmes Marechall de Biron dans peu de jours lui gaigna 
3000 crowns, et chaqu'un se moque de lui, tellement que le Comte 
d'Essex faira un grand coup pour le dit Comte, de le retirer de bonne 
heure. Car autrement, il perdra tout son bien et reputation tant 
en France qu'en Engleterre, dont j'en suis bien marry [i.e. vexed] 
scachant que Monseigneur le Comte 1'ayme." This seems to be a 
genuine letter, and not a mere cipher hiding a double meaning, but 
it would do the Earl of Southampton no good at Court. 

Southampton had heard that the Queen had blamed Essex for 
not telling her of Elizabeth Vernon's marriage, and on the 1 6th 
October he wrote 3 , "I am sorry your Lordship hath by my means 
received blame, but I hope, seeing it was not in my power to avoid 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXVIII. 50. 2 Salisb. Papers, vm. 358. 

8 Ibid. 392. 


it, you will be pleased to pardon that which is past, and believe that 
hereafter I will ever be more ready to serve you than any way for 
my sake to procure your Lordship the hazard of a second displeasure. 
For myself I assure your Lordship the thought of her Majesty's 
indignation conceived against me, is much more grievous than the 
fear of what soever punishment can be laid upon me, which, since 
she is unwilling to defer, I am resolved (as soon as I can with 
conveniency leave the country) to present myself to endure what- 
soever she shall be pleased to inflict, hoping that when I have once 
abid penance sufficient for the offence committed, I shall be restored 
to her former good opinion, and have liberty to take what course 
shall be fittest for me, which is the only suit I intend to make, and 
that granted I shall account myself enough favoured. If the winds 
hinder me not, I will land in some such part of England as 
I will not fail to give your Lordship first notice of my arrival, 
and so be ready, before my coming to London to receive what 
direction you shall send me to Rouen, i6th October 1598." 
Endorsed "Earl of Southampton 6th October 1598." 

So the Earl spent his 25th birthday in these anxieties. 

In the list of the Queen's horses for October 1 there are mentioned 
"Grey Poole, Black Wilford for her Majesty's saddle, a bay that 
my young Lady of Southampton rode. Rone Howard, for Mrs 
Elizabeth Russell, Grey Fytton for Mrs Fytton." 

We find the approximate date of Southampton's departure from 
Paris by a letter from Sir Thomas Edmondes to Sir Robert Sidney 
on 2nd November: "My Lord of Southampton, that now goeth 
over, can inform your Lordship at large, of the state of all things 
here, to whose better report I will therefore referre your Lordship." 2 
This does not suggest that Edmondes thought Southampton in any 
great danger, nor does it seem that he had in any way kept himself 
secluded from the affairs of the time by the royal threat which 
clouded his career. There must be again a confusion of the two 
calendars; for Essex writes to his friend on the 4th November as 
if he were already home and in trouble. 

Another person who had been fretting and fuming about the 

Earl's actions was his mother. There are certain unexplained 

references to her money matters that year, in which she may 

1 Salisb. Papers, vm. 417. * Sidney Papers, II. 104. 

s. s. 9 


have needed her son's help. She had doubtless written often to 
him, but nothing has been preserved of their correspondence. She 
had certainly heard the gossip. She justly felt herself ill-used in 
being kept in the dark as to his intentions. Since her marriage with 
Sir Thomas Heneage, her son had been more free from paying her 
the ordinary duties of unmarried sons to widowed mothers. He had 
evidently also come under the influence of Thomas Dymock, who 
had been the cause of so much of her unhappiness with her first 
husband. Something had made a breach between the Countess and 
her son possibly his secret love-making absorbed his free time and 
he neglected to visit his mother. At any rate she had felt very much 
hurt so much so, that she could not offer her son her confidence as 
to her own affairs. The Earl of Essex, peace-loving and peace- 
making as he was, had written her a kind, yet monitory, letter, and 
wisely asked her favour to help his young cousin. This letter has not 
been preserved, but the Countess (now Dowager) received it pleasantly 
and answered it fairly; her reply runs: "Your letter shews truly 
yourself ever noble and ready to perform best offices to all, if to 
your kinswoman with more care is agreeable with the rest and 
honours yourself as most becomes. A few days I perceive will bring 
your Lordship to the town, when it will please you to look into the 
Savoy, then shall I willingly hear your Lordship, and will not doubt 
to give you such satisfaction as in your judgment you will allow, 
assuring your Lordship in the mean, your kinswoman shall find 
your favour in me, and more should if she were not his that never 
was kind to me, but in this matter and manner unnatural, undutiful, 
God grant, not unfaithful; to your Lordship's heart I leave it that 
is a parent, but I hope shall never find that I have felt, for ever and 
ever.... Savoy 6th October." 1 Endorsed "CountesseSowth. Senior." 
The Earl of Essex had his hands full, through the matrimonial 
troubles of the Southamptons. The young Earl had heard the gossip 
about his mother's marriage, and it had annoyed him, not only 
because she had arranged it without consulting him, or merely 
because of the general objection young men have to stepfathers, 
but partly because Sir William Harvey was not in such a good social 
position as his mother and he were, and partly, also, because it 
might lead to financial rearrangements that would be embarrassing 
1 Salisb. Papers, viu> 379. 


to him in the present state of his affairs. It was necessary for him 
to settle some dower upon his young wife; she had little of her 


The Earl of Essex wanted to find out how he could best have the 
Countess prepared to meet her son amicably, when he did return; 
but, entangled as he was with all the other demands on his time 
since his return to Court, he could not devote so much of his leisure 
as he could have wished. When Southampton did start, he seems to 
have travelled quickly, but he was incarcerated in the Fleet prison 
as soon as he arrived. Essex might find that convenient, as being 
a likely means of softening his mother before she saw him. Then, 
another event was about to take place. I believe that an apparently 
unconnected and undated letter of Lady Penelope Rich was written 
about this time to Mr William Downhall, one of Essex's servants 2 . 
"Mr Downall, This bearer tells me my brother would have me 
come to court in the morning early. I am here scarce well, and in 
my night clothes, having nothing else here, but yet I will come 
and desire not to be seen by any but himself, wherefore I pray you 
come for me as early as you think good, and devise how I may come 
in very privately. If it had not been for importuning my brother's 
rest, I would have come in the night, to have kept myself from any 
other's eyes. Good Mr Downall let me not fail to see you early." 
Now Essex was "at the Court" at that period. He did not stay 
long; he was not often there; and he never resided there after the 
following spring. It is likely he wanted to see his sister in order to 
effect through her certain arrangements with both of the Countesses. 

The young Countess had just at that time a daughter, called 
Penelope after her godmother, the Lady Rich, who always remained 
on affectionate terms with her cousin Elizabeth Vernon. 

Chamberlain's news to Carleton of the 8th November were: 
"The new Countess of Southampton is brought abed of a daughter, 
and to mend her portion, the Erie her father hath lately lost 1 800 
crowns at Tennis in Paris." 3 On the nth it was: "At night the 
Earle of Southampton was committed to the Fleet." 4 On the 22nd 

1 Among "the Disbursements of Lord Essex 1598," is one entry "For 
the Countess of Southampton," probably a substantial wedding gift in 
money, Salisb. Papers, vin. 554. 

2 Cecil Papers. D.S.S.P. cCLXVin. 108. 
Ibid. 115. 



it was: "The Erie of Southampton is come home, and for his 
welcome is committed to the Fleet, but I hear he is already upon 
his delivery." 

While he was spending his energy at home in favour of his friend, 
the Earl of Essex was also writing to him of his dealings with his 
mother. There is some difficulty about the dates, probably on 
account of the use of the double calendar at the time by travellers. 
But the three following letters seem to be consecutive, and they 
explain themselves. The first contained either Lord Henry Howard's 
report of his visit to the Dowager Countess of Southampton given 
below, or some later one which took a more business form, which 
has not been preserved. 

The Earl of Essex to the Earl of Southampton: 

Your Lordship shall by the sight of this enclosed letter know the success 
of my Lord Harry [i.e. Howard] his negotiation. Since which time that he 
writes of I spake with my Lady your Mother this afternoon in the privy 
Chamber. The apartment served not for long conference or for private, but 
she doth profess to be very kind to me, and saith she told the Queen 
enough to make her see that I and she were kind one to the other. I will go 
of purpose to her to her house as soon as the coming day is past, and then 
your Lordship shall have account of all 1 . 

Apparently it was to save some time for himself, and also to 
collect a larger number of facts and opinions, that Lord Essex had 
enlisted the co-operation of Lord Henry Howard. He knew that 
the Countess of Southampton would be drawn on by his courtly 
flattery to speak more freely than she would have done to himself. 
The result proved his j udgment wise, for Lord Henry wrote to Essex : 

According to your direction, most dear and worthy Lord I have pressed 
my honourable friend to enlarge her meaning touching the mystery you were 
desirous to understand; and found her no less favourably attentive to my 
motion, than warily discreet in her answer. Upon acquainting her with your 
demand of me (not out of curiosity but of love and honour) whether she 
were married, as many thought, or at the very point of marriage, as some 
gave out, she did assure me on her honour that the knot of marriage was 
yet to tie, although she would be stinted at no certain time, but ever reserve 
her own liberty to dispose of herself when and where it pleased her. She 
told me that you, in your discourse with her had so wisely tempered your 
affection to her son, with care of herself, as she would ever value your advice 
and love your virtue. I replied that out of the same kind regard of her 
1 Cecil Papers, 1597, Nov. 16, CLXXIX. 151. 


honour and her good success, you required me to advise her not to give any 
scandal to the world by matching during her son's disgrace; for the greater 
pause and leisure she took in the last match, the greater hazard she would 
run in this by marrying unseasonably. I told her you thought the world 
would wonder what offence her son could make to purchase such a strange 
contempt at a mother's hand, and either make the ground thereof his 
matching in your blood, which you must take unkindly, or tax her own 
judgment which you should be sorry for. I told her that you spake not this 
out of partiality to my Lord her son in this particular (though you made 
his fortune yours and wished to him in every way as to yourself) but out of 
friendly care and tender sense of her reputation, which might receive hard 
measure upon accomplishment, because it raised some strange bruits only 
upon likelihood. She answered again that she found your doubt to stand 
upon such likely grounds, as she would warily provide for her own honour, 
howsoever she had heretofore been dealt withal. I proceeded further, giving 
her Ladyship to understand that your Lordship, fearing also lest unkindness 
might hereafter grow between her husband and her son upon the marriage 
accomplished before order were discreetly taken by her wisdom to prevent 
the motives of debate, could wish that she would tie their loves together 
by such strong and certain ligaments of confidence and kind affection, as no 
cause might arise hereafter of dissension, for so she might be free to take 
her choice at all times without the world's exception, her son's unkindness, 
or the wound of her posterity. My Lady told me that her son could take no 
just exception to the party who had been more plain with her in his defence 
during this time of separation and unkindness than any man alive. To your 
Lordship she would ever give all honourable satisfaction in this, or any 
matter, so far as she might with regard of her own estate and liberty, that 
she could possibly devise, but hoped that her son would look for no account 
of her proceedings in the course of marriage that made her so great a stranger 
to his own ; and therefore as she would give no cause of unkindness by her 
fault, so she would not imagine that unkindness could arise without a just 
occasion. She said that children by the laws of God ought duty to their 
parents, not parents to those that sprang of them. Nature bound her to 
love, but nature and the law of God bound him both to love and reverence. 
I replied that your Lordship spake according to the judgment of a man that 
felt the passions of men, fearing that if order were not taken by her provi- 
dence in time, somewhat might fall out to her great grief, which would be 
tried out by other means than the ten commandments. The draught of a 
pen and the settling of all proportions might do that in time, which hereafter 
could not be provided for so easily. In the end she said that Sir William 
Harvey would speak with her son before the marriage (if she forbade it not) 
but whether that fell out or not, yet he should speak with you whom he 
honoured. She would not only take hold of sundry words cast out by me 
about the rating of proportions and conditions of agreement, etc. but ever 


stood upon the quality of the person, her son's strange dealing to herself 
and her own liberty. She takes in so good part all I can affirm, both of your 
wise foresight of future harm and of your care to cut off causes that may 
breed them for want of safe provision in due time, together with your noble 
dealing with herself, as I do constantly believe that either you or no subject 
in the land shall do good with her, and bring matters to the pass that may 
satisfy. Your Lordship hath so absolute a state in all my vows and services, 
and doth so fully comprehend all faculties and forces of my mind and body 
within the precinct of -that love I owe to you alone more than to all the 
world tanquam in genere generalissimo as I cannot show my own particular 
desire to do service to this honourable Lord in ind.ivid.uo as the case now 
stands, because your single word in giving me this charge to deal doth swallow 
all other obligations. But whensoever it shall please him to make proof of 
my service when it is not shadowed with your prerogative both he and the 
world shall judge in what degree I honour him ; and a great deal more, since 
to his own good parts, he hath added your affinity. In haste at xi a clock 1 . 

The letter is undated; possibly it was written in October, before 
the Earl came home. 

The Earl of Essex to the Earl of Southampton : 

I have according to my promise been this morning with my Lady your 
mother. I have told her how sad I found you, how the grounds of it were 
her unkindness, the discomfort and discontentment you took in her marriage 
and scorn that Sir William Harvey should think to offer any scorn to you. 
I told her if it had been mine own cause I should have apprehended them 
as much as you did, and I fortified my opinion that mischief would grow if 
she did not prevent* it, by many reasons. I made her see what a certain 
pillar and bulk she had to lean to in having so noble and worthy a son, what 
a fire would be kindled in her house, if she did not satisfy you, and what 
need she was like to have of you, if she divide herself from you, how dangerous 
and miserable a life she was like to lead. I do assure myself this has taken 
.great impression. Sir William Harvey will be with her tomorrow, and to- 
morrow night I will be with your Lordship, if I may get hence. Else you 
shall have by letter what passeth betwixt him and me. 

I hope tomorrow to get a gaol delivery, and so I shall not come so far to 
you, by the length of Fleet Street. 4th November 2 . 

The Earl of Essex to the Earl of Southampton, Nov. 5th, 1597: 

This day about 10 o'clock Sir William Harvey came to me directed, as 
he said, by my Lady your mother. I told him I had dealt freely with my 
Lady, and so must do with him, that I thought both she and he had not 

1 Salisb. Papers, vm. 371. 

8 Cecil Papers, CLXXIX. 153. Holograph with seal. 


carried themselves towards your Lordship as they should hare done. For 
by their match, if it went forward, there was a certain mischief to fall upon 
you, and they added to that unkind and unmannerly carriage. 

He answered that for his match, it was not an exception against him. 
For if my Lady should not marry him, she might marry another, and that 
were all one. But I replied that whosoever it were, it were a mischief to 
you, and you could not love him that were cause of it. To my experience 
that he never had shewed that respect of you since your coming over that 
your favourable usage of him heretofore did require, and that he had spoken 
carelessly, as though he regarded not whether you were angry or pleased. 
To those I say he answered laying the first to your mother's charge, who 
stayed him when he was going to you, and that he agreed with her. For the 
latter, he denied the words that he spoke anything unrespectfully of you, 
but when he was threatened, he said generally that they that were angry 
without cause, must be pleased without amends. After I had told him what 
I thought of his words, I bade him think advisedly now having given you 
advantage already, and being cause of mischief to you, how he did cross my 
sollicitation of my Lady giving of satisfaction to you before she married, for 
I did assure myself they would both repent it. He then began to make my Ladies 
state worse than it is thought, and said he would be glad to know what 
your Lordship did desire, but protested he thought it was not the way to 
threaten or to force my Lady. I told him you did not desire that which she 
had not, but that she would assure you that which she had. He speaks but 
generally that he will not cross or hinder you, but to deal truly with your 
Lordship I think he will not thank my Lady for it if she do it. 

I concluded plainly what he was to trust unto from me, since now your 
Lordship and I were thus tied one to the other and that, when I was a 
friend, I went with my friends as far as any bond of honour nature or reason 
could tie a man. I do give your Lordship this hasty account, and would 
myself have come with it, but that I am not thorough well, and I attend 
better to sollicit your deliverance. 5th Nov. 1 

Southampton was released ere long, and seems to have made only 
half-hearted apologies to the Queen. My opinion is that she took 
a permanent distaste to him because he could not, or would not, 
give her sufficient flattery and admiration to satisfy her vanity. 
But he was free, at last, to cherish his wife and child and serve his 

Affairs had been going from bad to worse in Ireland. Raleigh, 
Sidney, Blount had all been offered and had refused the troublesome, 
expensive, and thankless task of becoming Deputy. The nation 
1 Cecil Papers, CLXXIX. 152. Holograph with seal. 


looked towards Essex, but he was unwilling to leave Court so soon 
after his reconciliation. The Queen thought she wan ted him to go, in 
her belief in his power to succeed; his enemies wished him to go, being 
certain they could secure his failure, when once out of the Queen's 
sight. The Queen granted all his demands and conditions, and his 
patent gave him power to choose all his subordinates, to plan his 
action, to have power to grant peace or continue war. In December, 
1598, Southampton was as happy as a man hampered by poverty 
could be. He was settled in life with the woman of his choice, and 
he was about to have an active campaign under his beloved leader, 
who on December 8th chose him provisionally general of the horse 1 . 
But, alas, in both of these positions he required money. Elizabeth 
was economical. She did not pay in coin great noblemen who 
volunteered to serve her, and let them win their glory for themselves. 
A busy winter it would be for Southampton as well as for Essex 
in preparation for the Irish campaign. 

Southampton wrote to Essex in November in favour of the 
bearer, who desired to be muster-master in Essex 2 . 

Taking the advice of Essex, the dowager Countess of South- 
ampton had postponed her marriage with Sir William Harvey 
until her son's affairs ran more smoothly, and probably she also 
submitted to his judgment in the matter of her marriage settlements. 

Sir Thomas Arundel wrote to Cecil from Anstey on the last day 
of December, 1598, that Mr Donnington, sometime servant of the 
Earl of Southampton, called there on Sunday on his return from 
Spain and he refused to see him, in case of doing anything to dis- 
please her Majesty 3 . 

Even through all the distractions of that year the Earl of 
Southampton had not given up the pursuit of literature. 

Many new writers still wooed the impecunious patron, but 
one, in gratitude for past favours without begging for favours to 
come, had dedicated to him (with two others) the great work 
of his life. The Preface was certainly written and probably 
published in the earlier part of the year, before the crowding 
obstructions hindered Southampton's projected tour in Italy. 

John Florio, formerly his Italian tutor and servant, this year 
1598 brought out his World of Wordes, an Italian Dictionary, 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXIX. 6. * ScUisb. Papers, vin. 469. s Ibid. 528 


dedicating it to the Right Hon. Patrons of Learning patterns of 
Virtue, the Earl of Rutland, the Earl of Southampton and the 
Countess of Bedford, collectively, as to three sponsors 1 . In prose he 
writes "May it please your Honors to join hand in hand." "I was 
to entreate three witnesses, to the entrie of it into Christendom... 
and so jointly to lend an eare to a Poor man that invites your 
Honours to a christening. Your birth, highly noble, more than 
gentle; your place, above others as in degree; so in height of bountie, 
and other virtues, your custome, never wearie of well-doing, your 
studies, much in al, most in Italian excellence; your conceits by 
understanding others to work above them in your owne; your 
exercise to reade what the world's best wits have written, and to 
speake as they write In truth I acknowledge an entyre debt, not 
only of my best knowledge, but of all, yea, of more than I know 
or can, to your bounteous Lordship, most noble, most vertuous, and 
Most Honorable Earle of Southampton, in whose paie and patronage 
I have lived some yeares; to whom I owe and Vowe the yeare$ 
I have to live, But as to me, and manie more, the glorious and 
gracious sunne-shine of your Honor, hath infused light and life; sc> 
may my lesser borrowed light, after a principall respect to your 
benigne aspect, and influence, afford some lustre to some others. 
In loyal tie I may averre (my needle toucht and drawne, and held 
by such an adamant) what he in love assumed that sawe the other 
stars, but bent his course by the Pole Starre, and two guardes, 
avowing Aspicit imam, One guideth me, though more I see. Good 
parts imparted are not empaired; your springs are first to serve your 
selfe, yet may yield your neighbour sweet water; your taper is light 
to you first, and yet it may light your neighbour's candle. I might 
make doubte, least I or mine be not now of any further use to your 
selfe-sufficiencie, being at home so instructed for Italian, as teaching 
or learning could supplie, that there seemed no neede of travel; and 
none by travell so accomplished as what wants perfection? wherein 
no lesse must be attributed to your embellisht graces (my most noble, 
most gracious, and most gracefull Earle of Rutland) well entred in 
the toong, ere your Honor entred Italic, there therein so perfected 
as what needeth a Dictionarie? Naie, if I offer service but to them 

1 ist edition. Note how he echoes Shakespeare's phrases, especially 
"to one, of one still such and ever so" (Sonnet v). 


that need it, with what face seeke I a place with your excellent 
Ladiship (my most most honored, because best adorned Madam), 
who by conceited Industrie, or industrious conceite, in Italian as in 
French, in French as in Spanish, in all as in English, understand. 
What you reade, write as you reade, and speake as you write." 
After a little dissertation he continues, "that as Henricus Stephanus 
dedicated his Treasure of the Greeke toong unto Maximilian the 
Emperor, to Charles the French King, and to Elizabeth our dread 
Soveraigne, and by their favours to their Universities; so may I 
consecrate this lesser volume of little less value, but of like import 
first to your triple Honors, then under your protection to all Italian 
English Students. . .kissing your thrice-honored handes John Florio." 
An address "To the Reader" follows, as long and much less 
interesting. He chiefly spends his wit and satire in vituperative 
denunciation of one H. S., who has been unpleasant to him in 
literature. He gives no clue to the personality of H. S., but suggests 
many in Latin or English, as "Hugh Sot," etc. He does not guard 
against his enemies accepting it as "Henry Southampton." He 
addresses a sonnet to each of the three to whom the book is dedi- 
cated. Sonnet II is addressed: 

To the Right Honorable Henrie, Earle of Southampton, etc. 
Brave Earle, bright Pearle of Peeres, peerelesse Nobilitie, 

The height of armes and artes in one aspiring 

Valor with grace, with valor grace attiring, 

Who more to amplifie vertues habilitie, 
To adde to fore-learn'd facultie facilitie, 

Now liv'st in trauell, forraine rytes inquiring, 

Honors ingendered sparkles thereto firing, 

Immutable in trauels mutabilitie. 
Though there your Honor see what heere we heare, 

And heare what here we learne at second hand; 

Yet with good grace accept what was invented 
For your more-ease, by yours denoted here, 

So may you more conceive, more understand 

Returne more complete, trauell more contented. 


The other two sonnets have the same signature. 


THE fortunes of the Earl of Essex form part of the materials of 
our national history, but no one has worked out for him a careful 
biography, such as Spedding has done for Bacon. Because his 
enemies triumphed, his history has suffered much in the telling. It 
is always so vae victis. 

Essex had a character far in advance of his times. He believed 
in some liberty for the subject, even during the life of a Tudor 
sovereign; he desired toleration in religion at a period when both 
parties held forcible conversion to be an article of faith; his political 
scheme was to give Spain no rest until she knew she was beaten, 
but to pursue a course of conciliation in Ireland, at a time when 
the gentle poet Spenser thought that there was no chance of peace 
but by the extermination of its inhabitants. Brave, generous, pains- 
taking, self-sacrificing, patriotic, truthful (except in the matter of 
the Queen's beauty) as he was, one could well wish the last chapter 
of Elizabeth's reign re-written with an Essex who died of his own 
ague instead of her axe, in the same year that she died. He would 
not have got on with her successor. 

He was descended from great ancestors, through the Bourchiers 
from Edward III 1 . A patent was granted in 18 Hen. VII T to his 
predecessor Walter Devereux, Knight of the Garter, Lord of Ferrers 
and Chartley, to be " Seneschal Chancellor and Chamberlain of the 
house of our most dear and firstborn daughter Mary, Princess of 
Wales." He was afterwards made Viscount Hereford. His son 
Richard died in his lifetime, leaving a young family Walter, George, 
Elizabeth who married John Vernon, and Anne who married 
Henry Clifford. Walter, the second Viscount Hereford, succeeded 
his grandfather and married Lettice, the daughter of Sir Francis 
Knollys, in 1561-2. He helped the Earl of Shrewsbury to quench 
the rebellion in the north in favour of Mary Stuart, was made 
Knight of the Garter in April, 1572, and Earl of Essex in May 

1 Patents Hen. VIII, pt. i. m. 10. zoth May. 


following. He was sent to Ireland then, and was there in 1575, 
when the Queen, after the Kenilworth festivities, was received at 
Chartley by his wife. He wished to retire then, but Leicester's 
influence forced him to return to Ireland where he died a sad but 
religious death 1 , leaving four children, Penelope born in 1563, 
Dorothy in 1565, Robert on November loth, 1567, and Walter on 
October 3ist, 1569 (Francis died early) 2 . His steward Waterhouse 
wrote to Sir Henry Sidney," Her Majesty hath bestowed on the young 
Earl his marriage, all his father's rules in Wales, and the remittance 
of his debts. The Lords generally favour him... I do not think that 
there is at this day so strong a man in England of friends as the little 
Earl of Essex." He also refers to the "treaty between Mr Philip and 
my Lady Penelope," the "Stella" of Sidney's sonnets. Nothing 
shews why that match was broken off, and she given to the base 
Lord Rich. Waterhouse wrote to the boy's guardian, Lord Burleigh, 
"The young Earl can express his mind in Latin and French as well 
as English, very courteous, modest, rather disposed to hear than to 
answer, given greatly to learning, rather weak and tender of body, 
but very comely." The Earl of Leicester made haste to marry his 
widowed mother, and the Earl of Essex succeeded to the favour of 
his stepfather with Elizabeth. He had risen in that favour through 
his own attractions, but now he had come to the crisis of his life. 

The earliest Court news of the year 1 599 comes from Chamber- 
lain, dated I7th January: "The Queen danced with the Erie of 
Essex upon Twelfth Day. His journey is somewhat prolonged 
He shall carry a great troupe of gallants with him, if all go that 
are spoken of. Spenser, our principal poet, coming lately out of 
Ireland, died at Westminster on Saturday last." 3 On the last day 
of the month he writes 4 , "Sir William Harvey's marriage with the 
Countess of Southampton that hath been smouldering so long comes 
to be published." It is not clear whether or not her son was present 
at the wedding, but it is likely that Lord Essex managed that he 
should be, with his wife and sister. Chamberlain's letter also tells 
us, "The Erie of Essex's commission for Ireland agreed to. The 

1 See verses attributed to him in Paradise of Dainty Devices, 1596, and 
account of his death by Edward Waterhouse, Add. MS. 5845, ff. 337-49. 

2 See my Hunnis and the Revels of the Chapel Royal, p. 172. 
D.S.S.P. CCLXX. 16. Ibid. 25. 


presse of his followers will be much abated by reason that the Queen 
countermands many, as namely and first, all her own servants, the 
Earl of Rutland, and the Lord Grey, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir 
Charles Danvers and many others." 

Chamberlain writes on the I5th of March: "The Earle of Essex 
hath all his demandes, the Queen shewing herself very gracious and 
willing to content him 1 .... He gives out that he will be gone the 
1 9th of this month. The Erles of Southampton and Rutland (who 
hath lately married the Countess of Essex's daughter), the Lords 
Grey, Audley and Cromwell do accompany him." (The young 
Countess of Rutland was the only daughter and heir of Sir Philip 
Sidney by Frances, daughter of Sir Francis Walsingham, who after- 
wards married the Earl of Essex.) 

On 3 1 st March, "Thomas Purfoot Senior and Junior entered for 
their copie London's Loathe to depart to the noble Earle of Essex 
Earle Marshall of England, and Lord General of her Majesties 
forces against the Irish Rebels."* 

Essex left London on March 27th, marching to Beaumaris. He 
had a very rough passage, landing at Dublin on the I4th of April. He 
intended to have marched directly north against Tyrone, a plan 
rejected by the Council for Ireland, as they said he could not feed 
an army there. He also thought it unwise to leave enemies behind 
him, who might combine, follow, and hem him in when he did 
go north. So he commenced proceedings south and west. 

On April 1 5th was signed by the Earl of Essex, as Lieutenant 
and Governor General of Ireland, a warrant appointing the Earl of 
Southampton Lord General of the Horse in Ireland. Thereafter he 
did some hard marching and hard fighting. News came home of 
a "very brave charge by the Earl of Southampton." 3 

Lord Grey also made "a brave and successful charge," as the 
public described it, "without the orders of his general." But in the 
Diary of events it is described as "against the orders of the general," 
who for discipline's sake committed him to the marshal for one night. 
Sir Henry Danvers also had fought well and was wounded in the face. 

Early in April Lord Henry Howard wrote to the Earl of 
Southampton 4 : 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXX. 57. * Stationers' Registers. 

3 Salisb. Papers, ix. 133. * Ibid. 125. 


Though the time be short if we numbered days since you departed hence, 
yet hath it seemed overlong to those that resolve accidents and observe 
revolutions. Since these took their leave of their best company the pleasant 
moods which appear in sundry persons give me great cause to judge that 
all men were not created of one mould, but they that build upon a rock 
are not afraid of foul weather. I take no great delight in hearing strange 
exceptions cast over against my worthy Lord for moderate journeys, when 
Wiseman his servant was fitted by the same person for riding in post with 
so great expedition. For strange it is that those burdens should be laid upon 
such a master, which in .an ordinary servant deserve compassion. If you too 
have heard the manner of proceeding with my Lord about Sir Christopher 
Blounte you will then conceive whether I had reason, as well out of judgment 
as out of tenderness, to shrink in the behalf of my dearest and most worthy 
friend, at the beginning of this enterprise. For this is only at the first 
tentare patientiam without any ground, and after as advantage riseth upon 
accident, to prove inconstancy. The Body of the Court begins now to grow 
wholly and entirely into one part, and that not the best. I doubt for awhile I 
shall not be able to give you account of "crust rattiones" in this place, suitable 
to your worthy general's deserts in those, but the greater shall be the shame 
of peevish prejudice when demonstrations shall deface emulations. Pardon 
my post haste, worthy Lord, for I have left in the world but one quarter of 
an hour to despatch my salutations to my dear friends amongst you, and 
besides my spirits which I left at Stony Stratford are scant returned to their 
old seat back again. As matters of importance occur you shall understand as 
a person dear to me for your own kind and honourable parts, but most dear 
of all for being near and dear to him in whom alone, concerning joys and 
comforts of this world, I protest to God my soul is satisfied. Be ever in this 
action, and in all others, as happy as I wish and so shall you not be troubled 
with wishing to yourself what was gained before by your constant friend's 
anticipation. I should account it happiness in summo gradu, which is more 
than pepper itself is hot, to be commanded by you in anything that might 
either do you service, or afford you satisfaction any way, until which time 
I recommend my resolution as a spotless paper, wherein you shall write 
your pleasure, and so far as my strength can stretch I will perform it faithfully. 
This letter, being written after that to my only Lord, stands instead of a 
new messenger to present my most affectionate and humble service to his 
Lordship. Wednesday. P.S. I beseech you that I may be commended to 
my Lord Grey, my Lord Burgh, and Sir Thomas Jermyne. 

(That friendly remembrance to Lord Grey comes strangely in 
at this date.) 

Fynes Moryson (brother of Sir Richard Moryson), who had 
received such timely help from the brothers Danvers in Paris in 


1595, became afterwards secretary to Lord Mountjoy, and wrote a 
history of Tyrone's rebellion, reprinted in 1603, with additions, as 
a history of Ireland. He notes of this period that Essex had sent 
Sir Conyers Clifford, Governor of Connaught, to attack the rebels 
with 400 foot, and the Earl of Southampton's troop of 100 horse 
under the leading of Captain John Jepson. The English were 
attacked among woods and bogs, and the rebels drove them back. 
Every one would have perished, but for the timely help of South- 
ampton's horse. 

Lord Henry Howard wrote to the Earl of Southampton on 
April 27th, I599 1 : 

I doubt not but you shall hear by some other means of the constancy of 
some friends of yours at this last election. Northumberland was very gallant 
on your side. So were Worcester and Mountjoy, notwithstanding the 
Queen's special bar with special injury. But there was another 2 whom I will 
not name, that was not afraid to run upon the pikes of some that will be 
thought to be very special friends of his, to shew that he valued your friend- 
ship and noble virtues more than other men's caprices and partialities. But 
herof you must never take notice, because I tell tales out of school, and 
would not impart so much to any other than yourself. The world is more 
calm with us of late since your worthy General's and my dear Lord's arrival. 
Even now the Queen perceives, though somewhat too late for the world's 
satisfaction, (that wondered at so many showers without clouds) that a 
course was taken rather to prove constancy than to tax negligence. I have 
learned by these storms, raised without ordinary causes, to seek out new 
grounds in philosophy, and to prepare myself with patience against the next 
assaults, when probability may give shadows to exceptions, or envy take 
advantage out of best deserts to check forwardness. 

The Queen begins to storm exceedingly at my Lord of Rutland's incor- 
poration into Jason's fleet, and means, she says, to make him an example of 
contemning princes' inhibitions to all that shall come after him. God send 
him a good share in the golden fleece of honour which our worthy Lord 
shall compass by his valour, and then we will less fear the punishment that 
is inflicted upon generosity. The whole Court rejoiceth much at your safe 
arrival, and will rejoice a great deal more at the next news of your happy 
success against the enemy. There want not some in this place that set light 
the service, as an enterprize achievable with weaker force than the State 
employs. Many of your friends are well, and some are too well, if you will 

1 Salisb. Papers, ix. 438. 

8 This might have seemed to have meant Lord Henry himself, but he 
was not then a Knight of the Garter. It may refer to his cousin Thomas. 


give me leave to be merry. We are only occupied by entertaining Dutch 
ambassadors 1 , that before dinner speak not very wisely, and after dinner not 
very warily. We are only now in expectation of your first attempts, and 
thereupon I shall be able to give you some light of the Court's construction, 
The Queen excluded my Lord Keeper from nomination in this last choice 
of Knights, and though she named him not, yet gave cause to some to 
conceive that his being named at the election before was the cause why she 
would not suffer any enrolment of the scrutiny. Keep this to yourself, 
I beseech you, or I might be made a reporter of his disgrace, whom, for his 
virtue, and his kind love to my dear Lord, I love and honour. Please you 
to advertise my Lord of this, because I had forgotten to write of it. 

By reason of the incompleteness of the registers of the Garter in 
Elizabeth's reign, this is new material, both in Southampton's life 
and the history of the Garter. It was not the first time he had 
been nominated. 

The list of the army in Ireland 2 on April 28th, 1599, contains 
"Horse appointed to go with the Lord Lieutenant; his Lordship's 

own company, the Earl of Southampton, Sir H. Danvers, Lord 

Monteigle, Sir J. Leigh," and others, with from 25 to 100 men 
to each. 

A touching little letter 3 from one who was always kept in the 
background because of her Majesty's ill-will, Frances, Countess of 
Essex, begging news from the Earl of Southampton of her lord's 
happy proceedings against the proud rebels, is dated May I3th. 

Then came a letter from his mother, saying 4 : 

This is the third letter of mine to you since I received one from you, 
though Wyseman and Tracye came from you, it made me a little doubtful 
of your well-doing, till they did assure me they left you well; so we presume 
for certain you are before now in the field, and some service undertaken. 
You may believe I carry a careful heart while you are in these dangers. I am 
desired by my Lady Cutts (whom you know that I may not deny) to commend 
a kinsman of hers, a Crockatt, to your favour. I have written by him to 
you, but leave it to yourself being assured you have more friends to favour 
than means to satisfy half. I greatly desire to hear from you. This i8th of 
May. P.S. We have a new Lord Treasurer, and my Lord Chief Justice sworn 
councillor. Sir Thomas Fortescue utterly refuseth "The Wards," whereat 
most marvel. My Lord of Rutland is sent for in great bitterness, it is feared 
the Tower will be his lodging for the time. 

1 See p. 55. 2 Salisb. Papers, ix. 145. 

8 Ibid. 1 66. * Ibid. 173. 


Endorsed "The old La. Southampton to her son the E. of South- 

In regard to the Earl of Rutland, he had written to his uncle 
Mr Roger Manners, who replied on May 25th: "I am always ready 
to serve you. My credit in court is very little for that I come here 
very seldom. But Mr Scriven, who knows your designs and friends 
there, no doubt solicits them. I am going to Enfield until term 
begins, unless Mr Scriven recals me At the Savoy May 25th." 1 
A heavy post must have come over to the army of letters written 
on loth June. Of these, not because of its importance, but because 
it completes Rutland's story, I take first Sir Charles Danvers' of 
that date to Southampton himself. 

My Lord, I have been this month absent in the country upon very earnest 
business of mine own, and am only returned within these two days. Thus 
much I am desirous to let your Lordship know that you may not impute 
the miss of my letters all this tyme unto mee as a fault. At my coming to the 
towne I understand of ye order hath been taken here touching your place, 
the particulars where of will come soone enough to your ears : And yourselfe, 
of all others, is best able to directe yourselfe in this, as in all other cases yt 
concerneth you. Your friendes here find her Majestic possessed with a very 
hard conceipt and as they doubt not but your deserts in tyme will be of 
force sufficient to cancel a greater displeasure than this so doe they will yt 
yor Lordshippe would not omitt in the meane tyme, to hasten the returne of 
her favor by such means as you judge will be most pleasing to hir humour. 
Your Lordship hath many friends that love you, and esteem you, but among 
those which are able to doe you service I feare there are few that will prove so 
good pleaders in your owne cause as you once founde. If your Lordship take 
that course I will doe the best I can to see you seconded by your friends and 
shall be able to doe it the more effectually if I be governed by your instructions. 
My Lord of Rutland is come over, and from the Bathe, where he remains 
to cure himself of a swelling falen downe into his legs, hath written to the 
Council to know their pleasure whither he shall still come up or be dismissed. 
The Tower and the Star Chamber have been spoken of, but the Fleete, 
we feare, shall be his punishment. My Lord of Cumberland hath been 
dealing with Sir Edward Carye for Grafton, and as Sir Ed. Careye hath 
affirmed hath offered $oo 2 . I spoke with Mr Chamberlain, and lett him 
knowe your Lordship's desire to have it, he feares the place will not yield 
you sufficient commodity of wood, for the maytenance of such a house as 
you must necessarily keepe, and that having no other land in yt, you will 
want many other as necessary comodityes, notwithstanding I have dealt 
1 Salisb. Papers, ix. 180. * Add. MS. 6177, ff. 57-107. 

s. s. 10 


with my mother to stay the sale, till I understand what you will have done 
in case my Lord of Cumberland continues in this humour; but if your 
Lordship list to defer it, you may possess my Lord of Essex beforehand, 
-without whose consent, I think no man will undertake to buy it. I finde 
Sir Robert Sidney willing to be rid of his government and desirous that 
your Lordship should have the offer of it before all others, but he thinks 
your course now directed ends, and that you are neither in place nor state 
of favour with the Queen to make the Sute which must be undertaken by 
whomsoever shall deale with him for it. for he will be content, but not be 
a sutor to leave it. 

Sir Ed. Stafford, Sir John Stanhope, and Lord Herbert are named to the 
Chancellorships of the Duchy, and Sir W. Rawley to be Vice Chamberlain.... 
A Progress is appointed to begin the I2th of July to Wimbledon, and so 
through part of Surrey and Hampshire to Windsor. So I humbly take my leave. 
Prom London the loth June 1599. Your Lordship's humbly to command 1 . 

The letter of the Privy Council to Essex of the same date was 
the most paralysing that a man in his position could have. He had 
come as a forlorn hope to Ireland, to do the best he could for Queen 
and country, with full powers to act. He had specially insisted on 
being free to choose his own officers. As soon as he landed he felt 
the shortage in supply, and the lack of preparedness. He wanted 
to march north at once, but the Irish Council voted against it. He 
had marched west and south, partly, no doubt, to disintegrate the 
foes he had to leave behind him. During his difficult march he 
learnt many painful lessons, and he returned eastward to face 
threatened famine, disease, desertions, disaffection, even in one case 
shameful cowardice before the foe. He felt his hands weakened by 
the work of spies and informers, his prestige marred through lack 
of the moral support of an approving sovereign 2 , and now the one 
in whom most he trusted, the Earl of Southampton, who served 

1 Salisb. Papers, ix. 197. 

2 And through that spring had been running, at the new theatre called 
the Globe, the patriotic play of Henry V, where the model for the hero 
was evidently the Earl of Essex. In the chorus of Act v. Shakespeare 
boldly bids his hearers behold 

"How London doth pour out her citizens... 
As, by a lower but loving likelihood, 
Were now the general of our gracious empress 
(As in good time he may) from Ireland coming 
Bringing rebellion broached upon his sword, 
How many would the peaceful city quit 
To welcome him ! " 
Very probably both manager and poet would be rebuked for that. 


his country through him with courage, self-denial, and prudence, 
with all the powers of his body and brain, heart and soul, purse and 
influence, was to be torn from him and publicly degraded! What 
could he make of it? What would be the effect of it upon the 
flagging spirits of the army, on his own power, on the rebels* 
audacity, on the success of his aim? He could not believe that the 
Queen could purpose such a thing. But the letter of the Privy 
Council of June loth was clear 1 . The Queen had taken it as an 
offence that he should have made Southampton General of her 
Horse in Ireland, when she had expressly denied it. Therefore 
she bade Essex no longer continue him in that office, but dispose 
of it to another. 

He took some time to consider, and, as Sir Charles Danvers had 
suggested to Southampton, he wrote to ask if such a course must 
be before he took it. On the 1 1 th of July Essex sent a long report 
of things in Ireland to the Lords of the Council. The fourth 
paragraph runs: 

To leave this, and to come to that, which I never looked should have come 
to me, I mean your Lordship's letter touching the displacing of the Earl 
of Southampton; your Lordships say that her Majestic thinketh it strange, 
and taketh it offensively that I should appoint him general of the horse, 
seeing that not only her Majestic denied it, when I moved it, but gave an 
express prohibition to any such choice. Surely my Lords it shall be far from 
me to contest with your Lordships, much less with her Majestic, howbeit 
God and mine own soul are my witnesses, that I had not in this nomination 
any disobedient or irreverent thought. That I ever moved her Majesty for 
the placing of any officer, my commission freely enabling me to make free 
choice of all officers and commanders of the army, I remember not. That her 
Majesty in the privy chamber at Richmond, I only being with her, shewed 
a dislike of him having any office, I do confess. But my answer was that if 
her Majesty would revoke my commission I would cast both myself and it 
at her Majesty's feet; but if it pleased her Majesty that I should execute it, 
I must work with mine own instruments. And from this profession and 
protestation I never varied. Wheras if I had held myself barred from giving 
my Lord of Southampton place and reputation some way answerable to his 
degree and expense, no man I think doth imagine that I loved him so ill as 
to have brought him over. Therefore if her Majestic punish me for this choice 
-poena dolenda venit. 

And now, my Lords, were it as then it was, that I were to choose, or were 

1 Carew Papers, 1599, cccvi. p. 313; Birch's Mem. II. 421; 7mA State 
Papers, ccv. 79. 


there nothing in a new choice but my Lord of Southampton's disgrace and 
my discomfort, I should easily be induced to displace him, and to part 
with him. But when, in obeying this commandment, I must discourage all 
my friends, who now, seeing the days of my suffering draw near, follow me 
afar off, and are some of them tempted to renounce me, when I must dismay 
the army, which Hready looks sadly upon me, as pitying both me and itself 
in this comfortless action when I must encourage the rebels, who doubtless 
will think it time to hew upon a withering tree, whose leaves they see beaten 
down, and the branches in part cut off when the world now clearly per- 
ceiving that I either want reason to judge of merit, or freedom to right it 
(disgraces being there heaped where in my opinion rewards are due) give 
just grief leave once to exclaim, "O miserable employment, and more 
miserable destiny of mine, that makes it impossible for me to please and 
serve her Majesty at once!" Was it treason in my Lord of Southampton 
to marry my poor kinswoman, that neither long imprisonment nor no 
punishment besides that hath been usual in like cases, can satisfy or 
appease? Or will no kind of punishment be fit for him, but that which 
punisheth not him, but me, this army, and poor country of Ireland? 
Shall I keep this country when the army breaks, or shall the army stand 
when all our voluntaries leave it? Or will my voluntaries stay when 
those whom they have will and cause to follow are thus handled? No, my 
Lords, they already ask passports, and that daily; yea, I protest before God, 
they that have best conditions here are as weary of them as prisoners of fetters. 
They know this people. know yea the rebels know, my discomforts and 
disgraces. It is a common demand "How shall he long prosper, to whom 
they which have her Majesty's ear as much as any wish worse than to Tyrone 

I do prostrate myself at her Majesty's feet, I will humbly and contentedly 
suffer whatsoever her Majesty will lay upon me, I will take any disgraceful 
displacing of me or after punishing of me dutifully and patiently. But I 
dare not, whilst I am her Majesty's minister in this great action, do that 
which will overthrow both me and it. Deal with me therefore, as with one 
of yourselves whose faith and services you know. Deal with this action, as 
with that which will make you all joy or mourn. Deal with her Majesty 
according to her infinite favours and your oaths, that she do not one day 
resume the saying of Augustus, " Had Maecenas or Agrippa been alive, she 
should sooner have been put in mind of her own danger...." 1 

The appointment of Southampton as General of Horse, though 
made before the forces left London, did not seem to have aroused 
the Queen's wrath until fostered by spies and enemies and by the 
complaints of Lord Grey. 

1 Irish State Papers, ccv. 79, also Salisb. Papers, ix. 236. 


H. Cuffe wrote to Edward Reynolds on July 1 8, 1 599, from Dublin : 
"' In the last part of the journal sent unto you by Francis Greene, in 
setting down the skirmish near Arkloughe there is mention of a very 
brave charge given on the rebels by our horse under the leading of 
my Lord of Southampton, where Captain Constable was hurt, and 
Mr Cox was slain. We set down the names of the gentlemen of 
quality engaged, and by some accident we have omitted Sir H. Carey, 
who is reported to have done very well. His Lordship was advertised 
of this and charged us with it, which I denied." 1 

It is evident that Sir Henry Danvers had been wounded severely, 
as in the same month his brother Charles wrote to the Earl of 
Southampton : 

I humbly thank you for the pains you have taken in delivering the par- 
ticularities of my brother's Charting" amendment, and freedom from danger, 
which, being now past, I hope will turn him to some good, for that wounds 
in the wars, being the mark of well deservers, cannot lose their reward in a 
grateful time. 

I doubt not but by this time you have received the verdict which has 
passed against you here, wherein as you will find sufficient cause of dis- 
contentment in that it is a proof of your Prince's displeasure, so have you 
this cause of comfort, that your greatest enemies (by the proof you have 
given of yourself) are forced to confess you to be more worthy of the place 
you hold than any that can be named, and unto your deserts and government 
are not able to take the least exception. There is great expectation what 
course will be taken by my Lord of Essex and yourself, upon the receipt of 
your discharge. It is vulgarly conceived that the Council's letters, written 
in the Queen's name will be presently obeyed, and that your Lordship will 
presently dispose yourself to return, they looking no further than unto the 
ordinary course which men in this time do take in cases of such disfavour, 
and some friends of yours do persuade the like, both for the same cause, 
and judging it moreover, in their conceit not altogether so honourable for 
you to remain there, if you be sequestered from your command. But those 
who love you no less do wish that my Lord of Essex, retaining you in your 
place, would reply and expect the redoubling of the former commandment, 
so much being held, as the case stands very warrantable; or else that your 
Lcrdship would of yourself, at the first, without shew of esteeming it, 
resign your authority into my Lord's hands, where it might rest undisposed 
of to any other so long as you continued in the army, which should be even 
as long as otherwise you had determined. In the first place your friends 
do judge that such reasons and unanswerable arguments may be alleged by 

1 Salisb. Papers, ix. 236. 


my Lord as may move her Majesty to alter her mind, and that, they assure 
themselves, would be much the more easily effected if you would be moved 
to use your own pen in such a style as is no less fit for this time than contrary 
to your disposition, it being apparent that her Majesty's ill conceit is as 
much grounded upon the sternness of your carriage, as upon the foundation 
of any other offence. And though this course take not such effect as is 
wished, yet your continuance there will shew that you embarked not yourself 
into the journey for the authority of such a place, but for higher and more 
worthy respects, esteeming not to have taken reputation from your office, 
but to have given very much thereunto. I know all this is needless, both 
for that I am acquainted with your mind in this case, and that you are of 
all other the wisest to give yourself advice, yet have I thought good to deliver 
you the conceits of others as matter for your own judgment to work upon. 
The Progress was first appointed to Wimbledon, to my Lord Keeper's at 
Parford, to my Lord Treasurer's at Horsley, to Otelands, and so to Windsor, 
but by reason of an intercepted letter, wherein the giving over of long 
voyages was noted to be a sign of age, it hath been resolved to extend the 
Progress to Basing, and so to Wilton." 

After general news the letter concludes: 

Your Lordship shall do me a favour to burn these letters July 1599. 
P.S. Mrs Bess Russell, when I was last at the Court, desired me to 
remember her to your Lordship 1 . 

Another letter of uncertain date, from Lord Henry Howard to 
the Earl of Southampton, should, I think, come in here. 

It grieves me very much to call to mind how just cause you shall have 
rather to increase your complaint of wrongs offered to you without cause or 
colour before this come to your hand, but against that supreme force that 
wieldeth actions by sovereign predominance, opposition availeth not. The 
civil law termeth enforcements of this kind vim invincitibilcm, rather to 
be put into the hand of mediation than relieved by subordinate authority. 
The matter was disputed here, as forcibly and pithily as the very conscience 
and honour of the cause did require. They that wanted credit spake reason; 
some used both their credit and their reason to make the Queen behold the 
horror of the case, and yet I do persuade myself that some others, though 
invisible, were willing to strain all their faculties in riveting into the Queen's 
own resolution a moveless negative. Mr Secretary [Cecil] commanded the 
messenger to linger five days after the Queen's first severe injunction in 
hope that time would qualify the sharpness of her humour, but it fell out 
otherwise. I took the advantage of that interim to send Udall away to my 
Lord [Essex], which Expedition took small effect, for though my end were 

1 Salisb. Papers, ix. 245. 


to have prepared him before the blow, yet as I perceive by Mr Bushell, 
Udall was not with my dear Lord at his setting out, which proves him to 
have been strangely crossed by the winds, and holden off with hard weather. 
What course my Lord will take is disputed here; the likeliest conjecture is 
that he will suspend the decree, till he have advertised the reasons that should 
stay proceeding in a matter of great moment without any reasonable cause 
against a person of your quality. I doubt not, if this course be taken, but her 
Majesty upon good consideration will rather relent in rigour than discourage 
her most faithful ministers. England is not so furnished at this day with 
forward hopes that those of the better sort should in this manner be dejected 
into forlorn destinies. But the truth is, howsoever flaws be coloured, the 
main blow is not stricken at yourself. The most worthy gentleman that lives 
is pierced through your side, and many here that hear, observe and under- 
stand, do likewise sympathize in their affections. This fury began first upon 
the speeches between my Lord Gray and your Lordship, which makes men 
more sorry that, since right was on your side, revenge should be the reward 
of good consideration. Be patient, noble Lord, and the rather because your 
worth doth shine more brightly by the confront of accidents. They are 
rather to be pitied than complained of, as a wise man says, that strive to 
please their humours with the prejudice of their own particular. To those 
that aim by appearances this charge hath mail speciem; but to the wiser sort, 
that look into your carriage and formally compare it with the cause of anger, 
it seemed to be seges gloriae. Upon our knowledge of the course your worthy 
General will take you may assure yourself, that as many heads and hands 
as have in them either discretion or diligence will endeavour, so far as they 
can, to keep the measure that his judgment sounds to them. The Queen 
hath not been so sharp in speeches since that order given as before, for 
showers lay great winds, and choler purged leaves the veins more temperate. 
Some look for stronger contradiction than your general's best friends in 
their discretion could wish, but they that are acquainted with his judgment 
in the matter, and your love to him, expect that he will plead according 
to the principles that are in request, and you will suffer much before you 
make him strain above his ability. 

Haste in dispatching Udall away upon the first ejaculation withheld my 
hand from writing to you, as I had an infinite desire, because I love you 
much and would shew my love when matters are in greatest extremities. 
I hope that discouragement shall not untwine you from the service while 
that Lord commands, that loves you as himself, for rather than your absence 
should disarm him of so dear a friend, I could wish you out of your own 
judgment to take such a course, if this decree proceed, as might more 
improve your honour than abate your countenance. Men of your worth and 
haviour receive no glory from their places, but give honour to the place. 
That room is highest which contains the most worthy man, and therefore 


the more you abase yourself in serving under some true friend of yours 
inferior in quality, to shew that duty to the public with affection to your 
best friend prevail against unkindness in your own particular, the more you 
grace your worth in making wrong a foil to constancy. I speak as one that 
loves you, and would speak thus to my nephew Thomas if he were in your 
state, for your wisdom in applying this occasion to the best advantage of 
your judgment will erect a trophy to your honour in the eyes of Christendom. 
We live here in the same distrust of any great effect to be wrought by this 
year's service [in Ireland] that we have done ever since your arrival on the 
other side. Our faith is neither like a grain of mustard seed wherein the 
birds should build their nests, nor like the seeds of charity that increase by 
scattering. Every man enquires after effects, none judge by possibility. They 
never look into the means, but call for miracles against the doctrine of the 
time itself, which proves their date to be determined. I pray with my 
soul for your prosperous success; but howsoever that fall out, by want of 
seconding or discouragement of spirits, yet my knees shall bow thrice a day 
to God for the prospering of your safe return, with honour, to your native 
state, that once again my deaf Lord may debate his own conclusions, and 
prove those things to have been disposed with great judgment that are now 
most unjustly imputed to strength of humour. I beseech your Lordship, as 
I trust in you, acquaint me before your departure from Dublin with your 
opinions concerning my Lord's purpose either to return this winter, or to 
tarry where he is, for I protest to God, the fear of it doth cramp me at the 
very heart, and secret speeches and advertisements from thence to that 
effect hath raised certain crests of men, that in his absence hunt after 
glory. We live still in expectation of credit yet reserved for some others of 
the company that hath reasonably sped; but the triumphant cars are not 
conveyed into the Capitol with so great haste as was looked for. 1 

The answer to Essex's appeal in favour of Southampton came on 
July i gth in a long fault-finding letter from the Queen herself In 
the last paragraph 

For the matter of Southampton, it is strange to us that his continuance 
or displacing should work so great an alteration either in yourself (valuing 
our commandments as you ought) or in the disposition of our army, where 
all the Commanders cannot be ignorant that we not only not allowed of 
your desire for him, but did expressly forbid it, and being such a one whose 
counsel can be of little, and experience of less use; yea such a one as, were 
he not lately fastened to yourself by an accident, wherein for our usage of 
ours we deserve thanks, you would have used many of your old lively 
arguments against him for any such ability or commandment ; it is therefore 
strange to us, we knowing his worth by your report, and your own disposition 
1 Salisb. Papers, ix. 340. 


from ourself in that point, will dare thus to value your own pleasing in 
things unnecessary, and think by your private arguments to carry for your 
own glory a matter wherein our pleasure to the contrary is made notorious. 
And where you say further that divers or the most of the voluntary gentlemen 
are so discouraged thereby, as they begin to desire passports and prepare to 
return, we cannot as yet be persuaded that the love of our service, and the 
duty which they owe us, have not been as strong motives to these their travails 
and hazards as any affection to the Earl of Southampton or any other. If it 
prove otherwise (which we will not so much wrong ourselves as to suspect) 
we shall have the less cause either to acknowledge it or reward it. 1 

By the same post, though dated the day following, came the reply 
of the Lords of the Council 1 , not an encouraging one. On this 
point it says: 

Where your Lordship used many arguments to persuade the inconvenience 
the Earl of Southampton's disgracing would procure amongst the army; and 
where you urged one point of the disposition in voluntaries the rather in 
this respect to leave her service, we found it rather did increase than diminish 
her displeasure in that point, as taking it a diminution of her greatness that 
anybody's zeal should be the colder for any private man's disgrace. 2 

It was made a clear duty now; so Essex discharged his friend 
(it may be certain as kindly as he could), and told the Comptroller 
to take Southampton's name off the official list. He sent official 
notice to the Council of his obedience to this "second signification 
of her Majesty's pleasure for the despatching of my Lord South- 
ampton from the government of the horse." 

Fortunately for us, the impartial records in the Carew MSS shew 
how bravely Southampton had borne himself in Ireland and how 
fortunate individually he had been. He had saved the life of his 
brother-in-law and other gentlemen of note; he obeyed the Lieu- 
tenant-General without fear or hesitation; and he inspired others to 
do the same. He was a gallant soldier. 

Painful as the position was to both of them, they bravely did 
their best to endure. Essex proudly held his right in his hand to 
be his own General of Horse; and Southampton, having followed 
his lord in hope, come fair come foul, adhered to him to the end, 
and did the work as a captain that he would have done as general. 

There is no doubt that Lord Grey expected to be "the other" to 

1 Irish State Papers, ccv. 113. Ibid. 115. 


be appointed to that office. He had headed the list of the knights 
made, in spite of his breach of discipline, but he left the army about 
that time, and appeared in London, "discontented." It is certain 
that he gave his own version of the events in Ireland, and that not 
a friendly one. 

Essex was ill when he returned to Dublin, but was absorbed in 
numerous consultations and plans, and in interminable reports. As he 
wrote to the Court, "I perform the uttermost of my body's, mind's, 
and fortune's ability, but it agrees not with my health." He sent 
home Southampton's private troop of horse, now that their master 
had taken the place of an ordinary captain; he summoned a council 
of war, and Southampton's was among the names of those who dis- 
suaded him from going north. News of Tyrone's position and 
actions, however, decided him to go and attack him on 28th August 
a fortunate move, for it brought Tyrone to a reconsideration of the 
opinions he had built on gossip. In a very few days he sent a message 
to Essex that he was willing to submit himself to the Queen's mercy, 
and appointed a meeting by the ford of Ballynahinch on the Lagan, 
between Monaghan and Louth. Essex agreed, and appointing 
Southampton with a body of horsemen to stand on the rising ground 
behind, to keep off eavesdroppers, he went down alone to the edge of 
the water, and Tyrone, saluting him with reverence, stood alone, 
in the ford, the water reaching to his saddle girths. 

That was on the 6th of September. The next day there was 
another meeting, with six witnesses on either side. Southampton 
was there, of course, now by the side of Essex. On the gth Essex 
accepted the terms, and gave his word to Tyrone; and both parties 
went to their own quarters. On the I7th of September he received 
a passionate letter from Elizabeth disavowing his agreements. He 
felt that it had become necessary for the sake of Ireland and himself^ 
for the honour of his country and his Queen, to put matters fully 
and privately before her. No time was to be lost, and he returned 
to Dublin. 

Sir Gelly Meyrick to Edward Reynolds, who as Essex's 
secretary was concerned with keeping the diary of events, wrote in 
August: "There was foul errors and great cowardice committed, 
light where it will. All things done here are but toys, but I would 
they that esteem it so were here and then they would find it other- 


wise. To the north we will; and my 'Lord will disobey no command- 
ments, but better, had been better.... The scorns we receive from 
England hinder her Majesty's service more in a year than any 
money will repair. Let Rayleigh and Carey prate. They are in- 
famous for their service here." 1 

Towards the end of their stay in Ireland William Udall wrote to 
the Queen, shedding light upon the methods employed in the trans- 
action. "According to your Majesty's direction received by Sir John 
Stanhope, she shall understand the means used to discover the speeches 
which passed between the Earl of Essex and Tyrone. Three gentle- 
men went to the Waterside, where Essex was to meet Tyrone; my 
Lord of Southampton had charge to keep all men from hearing, but 
these gentlemen had opportunity by a hollow place to shroud them- 
selves from sight, and so heard every word." 2 Thomas Blount, an 
esquire of good worth, of Astley in Worcestershire, was one of them. 
Udall told the Queen what "he thought he heard" and understood. 

Such was the treachery that brought low the men who might 
have succeeded. 

After making hasty arrangements for the safety of Ireland and 
the army, and appointing Chancellor Loftus and Sir George Carey 
as special justices ad interim^ Essex started homeward on September 
24th, had a calm and prosperous voyage, a breathless ride across Eng- 
land, and reached London on the 28th. "Coming to Westminster 
Bridge he took oars, and went to Lambeth, and took what horses he 
could. Sir Thomas Gerard overtook him, and understanding Lord 
Grey was a little in advance, overtook him also, and prayed him to 
let the Earl of Essex ride before and give news of his own coming, 
but he refused, saying 'I have business,' and pushed on, reaching 
Nonesuch a quarter of an hour before the Earl, which time he 
passed with Sir Robert Cecil. But the news had not yet gone up- 
stairs. Essex lighted at the Court Gate in post, and made all haste 
up to the Queen's bedchamber, where he found the Queen newly 
up, the hair about her face. He kneeled to her, kissed her hands, and 
had some private speech with her, which seemed to give him great 
contentment, for coming from her majesty to goe shifte himself in 
his chamber, he was very pleasant and thancked God, though he had 
suffered much trouble and storms abroad, he found a sweet calm 
1 Salisb. Papers, ix. 343. * Ibid. 384. 


at home. Tis much wondered at here, that he went so boldly to 
her Majesty's presence, she not being ready, and he so full of dirt 
and mire that his face was full of it. About 1 1 he was ready and 
went up again to the Queen, and conferred with her until half an 
hour after twelve. As yet all was well, and her usage very gratious 
towards him. He went to dinner and discoursed of his travels... and 

was visited of all sorts Then he went up to the Queen, and found 

her much changed in that small time, for she began to call him in 
question for his return She appointed the Lords to hear him" 1 
and she never saw him again. Between 10 and n a command 
came to him to keep his chamber. On the 2gth, Michaelmas day, he 
was summoned to answer the Lords, and sent as prisoner to York 
House in charge of Sir Thomas Egerton, Lord Keeper. On the 
3Oth his wife had a daughter, and he was refused permission to 
see her or any of his friends. On the ist of October William Wood 
entered "as his copie The Welcome Home of the Earl of Essex by 
Thomas Churchyard^" which would doubtless lead both author and 
publisher into some trouble. 

The gossip spread that Essex had brought over with him " many 
Lords and gentlemen." The following is an extract from the 
Earl of Essex's report of the captains he brought over with him: 
"The Earl of Southampton, a private Captain, came over to see if 
there would be a conclusion of the wars, which if it fell out, 
he purposed to sue for leave to seek some other war Sir H. 
Dockwra, nominated to the government of Connaught, the last to 
be allowed or otherwise employed by her Majesty Sir Henry 
Danvers for his private state, and a great wound in his head, comes 

back to seek remedy Captain Thomas Lee, to speak about his 

own business with his brother, Sir Henry Lee, and two others." 2 

There is a group of most interesting domestic letters, which have 
not been brought into the history of this year by any one, and have 
not been dated correctly by the editors of either the manuscript or 
printed calendar. After very long cogitation, I have found an ap- 
proximate date for the undated first one, and a sure date for the later 
ones, through Lady Rich's allusion to the great wound in Sir Henry 
Danvers' head. The letter I place first must have been written late in 
March or early in April, 1599. The Countess of Southampton had 

1 Speede's Hist. pp. 1205-1213. 2 Irish State Papers, ccv. 188. 


left her husband, who was preparing to start with Essex for Ireland. 
She writes to him from an unnamed house, either on the way to 
Chartley or at the house itself. He must have been in London, as she 
gives him commissions to do there, one of them being to ask after 
the health of their baby, who seems to have been put out to nurse 
there, as she could not have been more than six months old. Essex 
was about to start from Beaumaris, and would be sure to take the 
route by his own home, in order to arrange matters with steward 
and tenants. Premising this, we can turn to the frank avowals of 
the young wife's love and appreciate the ingenuous simplicity of 
her character, the freedom of her style, and fine examples of 
phonetic spelling, illustrative at once of her times and her character. 

My dear Lord and only joye of my life, being very wery comme to this 
howes with my long jurney I wase very quickly healyde of that paine with 
the reding your kinde letter I receved by Sir T. Egerton the nexte daye 
which hade the same force that all those dearly estimed ons to me I have 
already hade and which I most sartanly knoe wil worke the same effecte in 
me continually at the site of any hereafter I shall receve from you, that is 
to bring as much contentment to my minde as it can posably receave when 
I ame severd from you whom I do and ever wil most infinitly and truly love. 
I hope you wilnot faile to do as you say in your letter, to shorten your jurney 
that sone I may have you heare with me I pray you fale not to do so, for 
I most infinitly longe for you, and my dear and only joye I beciche you 
love forever most faithfully me that everlastingly will remain your fatheful 
and obedyent wife, 


I pray you remember to send wane to your dafter before you come hether 
that I maye sartantly hear by you howe she dos whoe next yourselfe I will 
ever love most, and loke that your pickter be very finly done and brot 
hither so soon as may be, or else I wil do nothing but chide with you when 
you come to me. 

Sweet my Lord let your man Foulke bye me a stringer of scarlet haulf a 
yeard brode and as long at least, lined with plush, to kepe my body warm 
a days which I must ride. I send you word I groe bigger and bigger every 
day. 1 

There are two monogram seals on silk (cut). The address is 
only "To my dearly Loved husband the Earl of Southampton." 

Following this letter are those dated the days and months which 
could fit no other year than 1599. Some seem to have been lost 
1 Cecil Papers, cix. 31. 


and no wonder; the wonder is that so many have been preserved by 
Southampton during the vicissitudes of the Irish campaign, for 
they must have fallen into Cecil's hands, when Southampton's 
papers were seized on his attainder. 

loth May. Lady Rich to the Earl of Southampton: 

Noble Sir, 

I hope my first letter will excuse some parte of my faulte, and I 
assure you nothing shall make me neglect to yealde you all the ernest assur- 
ances I can of my affection and desires to be helde deare in your favour 
whose worthy kindness I will strive to merit by the faithfullest endeavours 
my love can perform towards you who shall ever finde me unremovedly, 
Your Lo. faithfull cosin and true friend, 


Your Lordships daughter is exceeding faire and well, and I hope by your 
sonn to winne my wager. Chartley this loth of May 1 . 

The Countess to the Earl of Southampton in the same month : 

My deare Lord and only joye of my Life, this gentleman giving me notige 
of his coming to wher you are must not come from me without some lines 
to you that may be a mean to plase me into yor minde wher I wolde ever 
remain yet his haste is such as I have no time to saye more to you whom 
I love as my sole therfor excuis my cribbling whoe end praing to God to 
kepe you from all danger parfitly wel and fast and son to bring you to me 
that ever wil rest your faithful and obedient wife, 


My Lady Rich that writ to you but very latly desirs you nowe to excuis 
her not writing being so il of a colde as she cannot nowe endure to write 
a word. Chartley the 3Oth May 2 . 

The Countess to the Earl of Southampton : 

My deare Lorde and only joye of my life never came any of your letters 
to me in a better time for my comfort then that you sent me by this knite, 
for my longing to heare of you was never mor nor my desir infiniter to have 
from yourselfe sartain knolige that you weare parfitely wel in the jurney 
which I harde you wear gon and I protest unto you the assurance your 
letter guiefs me that you ar so is the nues that my harte only delites in, 
and which caries as muche contentment unto it as it can posably inioye 
whilst you ar from me whom I far dearer love then it is posabel with any 
wordes to expres the witness you give me in your letter that you ar not 
trobelt for my not being as I protest unto you I infinitly desirde to have 
bin is much to my content and though I be not now in that happye state 
yet I doute not but that in good time and for the infinit comforte of you 
1 Cecil Papers, xcix. 167. * Ibid. c. 61. 


and myselfe God wil bles me with bering you as many boayes as your owen 
hart desires to have and I bechiche him nowe and ever to presarve you 
from all dangers and son to bringe you parfitely wel to me and my only 
joye I praye ever let me inioye your love as I nowe assur myself I do to the 
infinit joye and contentment of my harte and from it nowe I sende you 
thousandes of thankes for your most kinde letter which brot to it infinit 
comfort and so end remaining endlessly, Your faithful and obedient wife, 

Chartley this nth of Juin. 

Sir Francis Darsis staye at corte is very longe God send when he comes 
wher you ar his nues may be as pleasing as I wish it that is so bad it allwaies 
corns better from that place thence it springes as I have nede not to send it 
to you at any time, but feare it wil by others to sone come wheare you ar 
to ease discontented mindes. 

I pray you send to me agane as son as is posabel for I do already mor 
than longe to heare from you whom I every cure wishe my selfe with and 
I can never live contented til I do enioye that happiness 1 . 

2 ist June. The Countess to the Earl of Southampton : 

My deare Lord and only joye of my life this letter inclosed I purposed 
when I writ it Sir Francis darsi sholde have brote yowe, but nowe his staye 
is so longe as I begine to thinke he shale not move befoote to come wher 
you ar and therfor I do take and am very glade of it the opertunity this 
berer geuifs me of sending unto you that I love as my soul and everlastingly 
wel and I do bechich you to send to me assone as you maye posably for 
I extremely longe for suche like assurance as I have allready to my infinit 
comfort receafde from you of your parfit well being, which I wil never sease 
to praye to God for and that most sone I maye enioye the site of you and 
ever your most faithful love which wil make me knoe myselfe to be the 
hapiest woman of the world and in it ever be your faithful and obedient 


The date of this enclosed letter is so olde as I might wel forbeare to send 
it you but having wonst ment it to you canot alter from that porpos. 
Chartley the 21 of June. 

Excuis what fakes be in this leter for I have very hastily writen it and 
my deare Lorde and only joye I praye you send unto mee quickly for I am 
far from any of weat with the long time we think it is senc you sent unto me 
whoe loves you and the thoughts of you above all thinges in this earthe. 
Your dafter Penelope who next you is my chefe joy is very wel I heare of 
hir buty and faire graye eyes in all my La: Riches letters thither and much 
ioye to hear of but I feare you do not to because I have many leters sent 
you word of it and I canot have a word of you agayne of her 2 . 

1 Cecil Papers, c. 91. Ibid. 116. 

8th July. The Countess to the Earl of Southampton : 

My deare Lord and only joye of my life, I bechich you love me ever and 
be pleasd to knoe that my La: Riche wil nides have me send 'you word how 
importunat my Lo: Riche is with her to come to London fearing he shall 
lose most of his lande, which my Lo: Chamberlan hopes to recover but he 
thinkes if she wer neare London she wolde make means to have the swet 
not proved tel her brothers coming home which else he fears well goe on to 
his Lordships befor that tune therefore goe to him nides she must. 

She is, she teles me very loth to leave me heare alone, and most desirus 
I thanke hir to have me with hir in Essex, tel your retorne unto me and 
teles me she hath writen both to you and hir brother that it maye be so, 
for myself I protest unto you that your wil is either in this or any theng 
else shale be most plesing to me and my mind is alike to all plasis in this il 
time to me of your absence from me being at quiet in no plase I pray you 
resolve what you wil have me do, and sende me worde of it, if you wil have 
me goe with her she desirs that you wil write a letter to my Lord Riche 
that I maye do so and she hath sent to her brother to do the like, for she 
ses she knoes his houmer so wel as he wil not be pleasde unles that corse be 
taken she wil be gon befor bartolmy daye therfor before that time let me 
I praye you knoe your pleasur. What I shale do which no earthly power shal 
make me disobaye and what you dislike in this letter I bechiche you laye not 
to my charge for I protest unto you I was most unwilling to give you case 
of troble with thinking of any such matter for me in your absence but that 
she infinitly desireth me to do it and this lastly protesting unto you again 
that wher you like best i shold be that plas shal be most pleasing to me, and 
all others to be in most hatfull for me. I end never ending to praye to God 
to kepe you ever from all dangers parfitly wel and sone to bring you to me 
who wil endlissly be your faithfull and obedyent wife, 

Chartley the 8th of July 1 . 

The address runs u To my dearely loved husband the Earl of 
Southampton." There are two seals, monograms and device. 

A postscript written upside down on the last page of this letter 
is "All the nues I can send you that I thinke will make you mery 
is that I reade in a letter from London that Sir John Falstaf is by 
his Mistress Dame Pintpot made father of a goodly milers thumb, 
a boye thats all heade and veri litel body, but this is a secret." 2 

1 Cecil Papers, ci. 16. 

2 This has been read by some as referring to Shakespeare. To my mind 
this is an impossible conjecture. It would rather seem to mean some person 
they had nicknamed Sir John Falstaff, or the actor of the character. 


The Lady Rich to the Earl of Southampton : 

The exseeding kindnes I reseve from your Lo: in hering often from you 
doth geve me infinit contentement bothe in reseving assurance of your health 
and that I remaine in your constant favour, which I will endevour to merit 
by my affection unto your Lo. My Lo: Riche doth so importune me dayly 
to retorne to my owne house, as I can not stay here longer then Candlemas, 
which I do against his wil, and the cause of his ernest desire to have me 
come up is his being persecuted for his lande as he is in feare to loose the 
greateste parte he hathe, this next time who would have me a soliseder to 
heare parte of his trebles, and is moche discontented with my staing so 
longe, wherfore I beseche your Lo. to speake with my brother since I am 
lothe to leve my La: here alone, and if you resolve she shall go with me into 
Essex which I very much desire, then you were best to write to me, that 
you would have her go with me which wil make my Lo: Riche the more 
willing though I knowe he wil be wel contented To whom I have writen 
that I wil come so sone as I knowe what my brother and yourselfe determine 
for my leding. 

I am sorry for Sir Hary Davers hurte though I hope it is so littel as it 
wil not marr his good face and I go in hast and wish your Lo: all the honor 
and hapiness you desire. Your Lo: most affectionat cosin, 

Chartley this gth of July 1 . 

Addressed "To the most honorable The Earle of South- 
am ton." There are two seals, different, one a sort of monogram, 
the other armorial. 

These letters were written before the news reached his wife of 
the Earl's "degradation." 

The relatively trifling things which concerned the Earl of South- 
ampton during this year were few. The Stationers' Registers on 4th 
June, 1599, note, "Theis bookes were burnt in the Hall. Pymalion 
. . . Davies Epigrammes. Theis were staied. Caltha Poetarum, Hall's 
Satires, Willobie's Adviso to be called in (licenced to John Windet 
3 rd Sept. 1594)-" 

Doubtless in relation to her third marriage settlement, Mary, 
Countess of Southampton, writes to Mr Secretary Cecil on August 
1 9th: 

I pray you take knowledge that Sir William Harvey hath spoken with 
her Majesty and given her full satisfaction in the business that concerns 
us. It resteth now in your favour soon to despatch us, whereof we 

1 Cecil Papers, ci. 25. 
S. S. II 


make little doubt. He sought you there and here yesterday, but durst 
no longer stay, my Lord Thomas appointing this day to depart; now 
myself is left to follow the despatch, which I pray further with your 
favour. If it pleases you to deliver it to Mr Luke, he will make it ready 
for the seal 1 . 

This particular Irish campaign had far-reaching effects on all 
concerned, which can only be followed by studying and comparing 
the correspondence and the State Papers. More than a volume could 
be written from these, but I dare only treat of those points which 
in some way concern directly the subject of this memoir. 

It may be interesting here to enter a short letter by the Lady 
Elizabeth (whom Southampton refused to marry) to her cousin Sir 
Robert Cecil, as it is related to the history of the stage and of her 
husband, the Earl of Derby. 

I am importuned by my Lord to intreat your favour that his man Browne, 
with his company, may not be barred from their accustomed "plaing" in 
maintenance whereof they have consumed the better part of their substance. 
I desire your furtherance to uphold them, for, my Lord taking delight in 
them, it will keep him from more prodigal courses, and make your credit 
prevail with him in a greater matter for my good 2 . 

This is undated, but I place it in 1 599, because of two entries 
found by Mr Greenstreet in 1891. Two letters of secret news, of 
June 3Oth, 1599, rec ord that the "Earl of Derby is busyed only in 
penning comedies for the common players," 3 when he was expected 
to be in some Catholic mischief. Now, as he was plain William 
Stanley (W. S.) until 1 594, this gives some ground to those who 
believe that the Earl of Derby wrote Shakespeare's plays. 

1 Cecil Papers, LXXII. 104. 

2 Ibid. CLXXXVI. 24. 

3 D.S.S.P. CCLXXI. 34, 35 (Genealogist, April, 1891). 



THE story of the quarrel forced by the Lord Grey of Wilton upon 
the Earl of Southampton must be treated as a thing apart, as its 
details would break into the more important historical events 
of his life. It may be remembered that Arthur, Lord Grey of 
Wilton, Lord Deputy of Ireland, and patron of the poet Spenser, 
died in 1593, an( ^ was succeeded by his son Thomas, who was 
seventeen years and eleven months old at that date 1 . In 
1597 ne na< ^ gone with Essex on the Island Voyage without 
permission, and was sent to the Fleet on his return for a short 
imprisonment; in the spring of 1599 he had volunteered to follow 
Essex to Ireland, and had been permitted to do so. There the Earl of 
Southampton had been appointed General of Horse and was there- 
fore Grey's military superior. At an action in the south of Ireland 
Grey had charged on his own initiative; and, though he had been 
successful, the Earl of Southampton, as a lesson in discipline to an 
undisciplined army, had sent Grey to the care of the Marshal (Sir 
Christopher Blount) for one night. Little was thought of it at the 
time. Sir Robert Cecil, writing to Sir Henry Neville on the gth 
of June, said, "If you chance to heare any flying tale that my Lord 
Gray should be committed in Ireland, the accident was only this, 
that he being only a Colonell of Horse, and my Lord of Southampton 
Generall, he did charge without directions, and so, for order's sake, 
was only committed to the Marshall one night." 2 Lord Grey never 
forgave what he thought an unjustifiable indignity, reproached 
Southampton openly, complained of him privately, and finally sent 
him a challenge. His complaints intensified the Queen's indignation 
against Essex for appointing Southampton, and then came the 
thunderous order to discharge his chief officer at once. Essex 
1 Inq. P. M. 140/92. 2 Winwood, Memorials, I. 47. 


expostulated and then yielded. Southampton bore the affront with 
dignified manliness, sympathising most with his friend Essex. It 
seems to me that an undated letter of Grey's to Lord Cobham 
should come in this year: "Of late my Lord of Essex, doubting 
whereuppon I should be so well favoured at Court and especially 
by her Majesty, has forced me to declare myself either his only, 
or friend to Mr Secretary and his enemy, protesting there could 
be no nutrality, I answered that no base dependency should 
ever fashion my love or hate to his Lordship passions; as for Mr 
Secretary, I had sincerely tasted of his favour, I would never be 
dishonest or ungrateful." 1 July 2ist. 

Though he headed the list of the knights made by Essex in 
Ireland, it is evident that he must have left Essex's army on its 
march to the north, shortly after that date; for Whyte, writing on 
4th August, says, " My Lord Grey is newly come to court, some 
say discontented. He is named to be captain of a company of horse." 2 

He would be able to give his own version of Irish affairs before 
Essex returned. No information is given as to whether Grey stayed 
at Court or went back to Ireland, and again returned in front of 
Essex. The next notice of him was on the day before Michaelmas 
at Westminster, when Essex was racing home to surprise his enemies 
and see the Queen for himself. 

By November, 1599, Lord Mountjoy was appointed to be the 
new Lord Deputy in Ireland. Whyte said on 5th January, 1599- 
1600, that reinforcements were to be sent, and that Lord Grey 
desired to command them. "Lord Mountjoy opposes this as a thing 
dishonourable to him, so some unkindness grows between them." 3 
On the 24th January Whyte tells us: "My Lord Southampton 
goes over to Ireland, having only charge of 200 foot and 100 horse. 
My Lord Grey hath sent him a challenge which I heare he answered 
thus: That he accepted it, but for the weapon and the place, being 
by the laws of honour to be chosen by hym, he would not prefer 
that combat in England, knowing that danger of the laws, and the 
little grace and mercy he was to expect, if he ran into the danger 
of them. He therefore would let him know ere yt were long, what 

1 Salisb. Papers, ix. 269. 

2 See my articles on Southampton and Grey, Athenaum, Nov. iath and 
igth, 1904, pp. 658, 695. 3 Sidney Papers, u. 156. 


tyme, what weapon and what place he would choose." 1 Whyte 
seems to have been pretty well informed of the matter in its early 
stages, but his notes do not clear up the whole affair as well as 
their letters do. Unfortunately the challenge itself has disappeared. 
The letters which have been preserved are in two groups among 
the Cecil Papers, undated, but with conjectural dates affixed, which 
rarely can be correct. The fourth letter of the second group (sug- 
gested to have been written in August) I would place first, with a 
conjectural date before 2Oth January, 1599-1600, based upon 
Whyte's reference. This runs 

If you ask why I have so long deferred to seek right of the wrong you did 
me in Ireland, I answer my Lord of Essex's restraint hath been the cause, 
for I seek not advantage, not to brave mine enemy in misfortune. Now your 
return [to Ireland], likely to prevent [precede] his delivery, I cannot longer 
defer to call you to perform what you there promised, and to right me in 
the field, referring unto you your due elections, you are too honourable by 
denial or distinction to seek evasion, for thereby the wrong will be more 
unworthy and the end less noble. My Lodging in King Street London 2 . 

The fifth of the second group gives the reply alluded to by 
Whyte on the 24th of January. 

I have received your letter and am resolved to satisfy you in the answer 
you desire, not as to right any wrong I have done you, for I acknowledge 
none, neither am I ignorant that in this case, the question between us arising 
about a command of mine when I had a place in the army above you, I 
might with my reputation refuse your challenge, though I never meant to 
claim that privilege, being determined from the beginning to bring myself 
to some such place to answer you (if you should call me) as there you might 
fully discharge your heart of the spleen you bear me. But you well know 
that I have reason to proceed in this with much caution, you having now so 
great advantage of the time, by reason of the Queen's disfavour to me. You 
know also that the laws of England are severe to those that in this fashion 
compound their controversies. Wherefore if I now go into Ireland, I shall 
hold that the fittest place to end this matter, which, in respect of the friend- 
ship of the Deputy shall be no ways advantageous to me, for I will bind 
myself by my promise to meet you in any port town of Ireland, assuring 
myself you may make choice of such a one where you need not fear any 
partiality to me. If I go not thither I will, at any time, agree to put myself 
in a bark with you, and go into what part of France you will choose where 
we may soon, and with much safety, bring this business to a conclusion. 

1 Sidney Papers, u. 164. 2 Salisb. Papers, x. 263. 


Whatsoever you determine, keep your counsel, and I will assure you by my 
means it shall not be spoken of 1 . 

The evident reply to this has strayed to the first group of letters, 
undated, but entered as circa Feb. loth 1599-1600, possibly on 
January 23rd. Lord Grey says: 

Your right in nomination of place extends not to my disadvantage, but 
you propounding divers, I must elect one. To which end you have offered 
me two Ireland, France. In the former, how unlikely for us ever to draw 
sword the general notice of our question, the respect of our qualities, the 
danger to those in whose government we must dispute it concludeth; how 
disadvantageous to me the partiality of the Deputy, the command and 
adherents you possess demonstrate. I therefore conclude of the latter, most 
indifferent, least distant, and expect to hear from you the day you will 
arrive at Dover; the sooner, the more will be your honour, the less your 
impediment to Irish affairs. I seek not disputation, but a speedy and honour- 
able conclusion. GREY 2 . 

The Earl of Southampton to Lord Grey of Wilton, circa Feb. 
loth (probably January a6th): . 

Though I love disputation in this kind as ill as any, yet understand I so 
well how to maintain my right, as I shall not lose the least part of it. What 
offer I made you in my first letter I will be ready to perform, which, if you 
read again, you will find France not spoken of, unless I go not into Ireland; 
for how little leisure I can have to make other journeys before my departure 
you may easily imagine, since my Lord Mount joy, to whom I am engaged 
for that design, is appointed to take his leave on Sunday next. If I stay any 
time, it is likely I am detained by some occasion of that importance as will 
tie me to this place, and not yield me further liberty. Ireland therefore is 
the fittest and only place I can now appoint to meet you in; the country 
you know is large, and there are in it many port towns, far off from either 
deputy or governor, to any of which I will not fail to come, according to 
our agreement. As to any doubt you have to receive bad measure by means 
of some friends or dependents of mine, you may banish the thought of it, 
for I assure you I hate to think of any unjust proceeding, and therefore 
will engage myself so far as to undertake you shall have no wrong offered 
there by any that is tied to me in friendship or otherwise. (A copy in 
Southampton's own hand.) 3 

Lord Mountjoy having gone to Ireland, Lord Grey next wrote: 

As the chief impediment why you refused France, you alleadged the 
deputies speedy departure. Hee is gon, you are heer, and yet I hear not of 
1 Salisb. Papers, x. 263. z Ibid. 34. 8 Ibid, 34. 


you. But to conclude all wordy disputations (worthy rather of women than 
of men of war). If I made it clear to you by my third letter, I expect the 
performance of your first, that you, going not presently into Ireland wee 
may into France, but if by the Queen's leave you hast for Ireland, I may 
now receive from you, the English port (on the way by this passadge) and 
day wee shale meet in thence to imbark together and with equall number, 
for sum such indifferent place in Ireland, as by the liberty of your first I am 
to chuse ? If you accept not this what can I offer ? Only my cleering must 
be the divulging of your slack proceeding. GREY 1 . 

Southampton answers: 

I wonder you can so rightly censure verbal disputations in matters of this 
nature, and yet yourself wade so deeply into the error. For my part, I have 
given no cause to multiply words, but do assure myself you might have been 
satisfied by my first letter, wherein you know I offered more than I was 
bound to, making no doubt but that a reasonable answer would satisfy a 
reasonable creature, which, if you be, I have said enough ; if not, I will cease 
to think further of this business, referring to your choice the publishing of 
what hath past, which I am sure is not such as I shall ever blush to hear 
repeated 2 . 

Lord Mountjoy left London; Southampton delayed, still hoping 
to be allowed to kiss the Queen's hand before his departure. On 
March 3Oth Lord Buckhurst wrote to Sir Robert Cecil that the 
Earl of Southampton had asked him to "move her Majesty on his 
behalf for her favour to kiss her hand, and yf that may not be for 
licence to go again into Ireland." But he was too ill to do this 
himself, and prayed Sir Robert Cecil to do it for him, "though 
the first may be denied, yet that her Majesty will be pleased to 
grant the last, whereby he shall the better redeem his fault, and do 
his country some service." 

On the 3rd of May Whyte wrote, "My Lord Southampton, upon 
his going away, sent my Lord Grey word that what in his first 
letter he promised, he was now ready in Ireland to perform, and 
if he would send him word of his being in any Port Town, he 
would not faile to come unto him, and so it rests." 3 

Sir Charles Danvers on the 5th told Southampton, "You are not 
like so far as I can hear to see my Lord Gray in Ireland, but of 
that Sir R. Drury will yield you an account." 4 

1 Cecil Papers. * Salisb. Papers, x. 34. 

Sidney Papers, n. 192. * Salisb. Papers, x. 139. 


On May I3th Whyte told Sidney that Lord Grey "is resolved to 
follow the wars in the Low Countries in hope to have the command 
that Sir Francis Vere had." 

On May 28th Chamberlain wrote 

The Lord Gray and Sir Robert Drury are gon over with 12 or 14 horse 
to serve the States, but it is geven out underhand that the Lord [Grey] 
means to make a start into Ireland to meet with the Earl of Southampton 
in Mounster, whither he called him, but methinks it is very far set and 
might be dere bought to take such a compas 1 . 

The present writer has fortunately found a letter from Sir Robert 
Drury himself to Southampton: 

Noble Lord, ye small power I have leaves me only power to observe your 
commandments to give you advertisements of what worthy matter of action 
was to be looked for in this place. All that I can by any meanes of intelligence 
receave at this tyme, is that order is nowe giuven for ye army presently to 
drawe to a head and in all mens expectations is to goe into Flanders. If one 
may beleve ye greatest, they pretend great actions to be proiected this 
somer. If your Lordship lose contentment in Ireland, he hath such as that 
this place may give you expectation of better, in any particular. I shold 
have great cause to be gladd to see you here, And in our general envy to be 
revenged of my Lord Graye who overtopps us with a baronny, we should 
be very gladd that you were here, to shadowe him with your earledom. 
Now whether it happen or otherwyse, I shall desyer in all places to do your 
Lordship any service. R. DRURY 2 . 

The letter is addressed "To the Rt. Hon. Earl Southampton 
in Ireland" and is slightly damaged. 

Grey was fortunate in the Low Countries, and the praises of 
his valour were sounded in the Queen's ears and were reported 
in Ireland in July. Shortly afterwards, hopeless of doing any good 
there, the Earl of Southampton left the Irish army and went to 

There are two copies of a letter written to him by Grey ap- 
parently about the end of July: 

Your cominge hether shews your repentance of your former coole answers, 
now neither disadvantage of times, perille, or your promise can be pretended. 
I call on you to right me and your former letters. GREY 3 . 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXXIV. 438. 

* Lansdowne MS. cvn. 84. 

8 D.S.S.P. CCLXXV. 58, 59. Cecil Papers, xcvni. 1083. 


But the Privy Council had directed special letters to both the 
adversaries and sent them by Sir Robert Drury to stop the combat. 
These were dated 3rd of August, and would not reach their destina- 
tions until some days later. Southampton seems to have received his 
copy at Middleburg, earlier than Grey received his in Brabant. 

Southampton replied to the above: 

I perceive you will ever mistake me, and as you have misunderstood my 
former letters, so you will not rightly conceive of my coming hither, which, 
assure yourself was not caused by any repentance, for I know too well what 
hath passed between us I need not wish undone; though it shall little trouble 
me if you still please yourself in your error. But you are acquainted with 
the commandment I have received which forbids me to answer you, which 
howsoever you respect not, I must obey, and therefore do directly refuse 
your challenge. But because you shall not think I dare not walk alone for 
fear of you, I will tomorrow in the morning ride an English mile out of 
the ports, accompanied by none but this bearer, and a lacquey to hold my 
horses who shall bear no weapons. 

I will wear this sword which I now send you, and a dagger, which you 
shall see before my going, when you shall know the way I intend to go, 
where I will attend you 2 hours. If in the meantime I meet you, you 
may do your pleasure, for I will give no ground, but defend myself with 
the arms I carry against whatsoever you shall offer 1 . 

The royal order to Southampton was as follows: 

Her Majesty, understanding that your Lordship hath withdrawn yourself 
out of Ireland into the Low Countries, where the Lord Grey is also at this 
present, because it is publicly known there is unkindness and heartburn 
between you and him, and that you are noblemen of valour who are fit to 
reserve yourselves for her Majesty's services, and not to hazard them upon 
private quarrels, it has pleased her Majesty, from her own mouth to give 
express directions unto us to command your Lordship in her name (upon 
your allegiance) in no sort to offer, accept, or hearken to any challenge or 
meeting with the Lord Grey. Wherein as your Lordship is a nobleman, 
and knoweth more than a common person, with what respective care you 
ought to obey the express commandment of your Sovereign, so it is expected 
that you carry that heedful regard to her Majesty's commandment hereby 
delivered unto your Lordship, as her Highness may have no cause to note 
any contempt in your Lordship, by anything that may happen between you, 
for she neither can nor will suffer the breach of any of these notorious and 
wilful disobediences to remain unpunished, according to the quality of so 
great an offence. And because you shall pretend no note of disgrace to be 

1 Salisb. Papers, x. 262. 


offered unto you in imposing this upon you, the like commandment is given 
by like letters and directions to the Lord Gray, whereof we send you a copy. 
From the Court at Nonsuch 3rd August lobo 1 . 

The letter to Lord Grey is also preserved. The question is, then, 
did Lord Grey, knowing that the Privy Council had sent to stay 
the combat, though he had not yet received his dispatch, take 
Lord Southampton at his word, meet him, and attack him? It 
is probable that he did meet and attack his opponent, and that he 
was worsted in the first encounter. 

His own letter to the Lords of the Council, dated August 1 2th, 

You either are, or shortly will be, informed of my disobedience. My letter 
was at Middleburgh, and there failing, was here delivered, though after I 
received that from your Lordships, yet before I could make stay of it. How, 
if in time delivered, your letter would have swayed, my future conformity 
to your pleasure shall best demonstrate. BERGES 2 . 

Lord Grey wrote to Cecil, probably some time in September, " I 
cannot think myself at home until you know of my return by whose 
command I expect my direction. I have a message of ceremony, 
but would willingly rest two or three days if you so think good." 3 

About the same time, Southampton wrote to Cecil that it was 
not his fault that he had not seen Cecil since his arrival, but he 
was assured by Lord Cobham that the Secretary purposed not to be 
in London last week. Otherwise he had resolved to attend his 
coming, as Lord Cobham and Lord Thomas Howard can bear 
witness 4 . 

Whyte says on 3rd October, "The Earl of Southampton and 
Lord Grey are both in London, little speech of their quarrel." 

On the loth Chamberlain tells Carleton that they had both 
"come out of the Low Countries unhurt, though it were constantly 
reported they had fought and spoiled each other." 

Early in the new year, gth January, Lord Grey with a party 
of attendants attacked Southampton in the streets of London near 
Duresme House, when he was quietly riding alone with only a boy 
to hold his horse. Southampton defended himself till help came, but 
the boy lost his hand in helping his master. Sir Henry Neville told 

1 Salisb. Papers, x. 262. * Ibid. 273. 

Ibid. 333- * Ibid. 333- 


this to Winwood on 2Qth January, 1600-1. "My Lord Gray, 
upon some new conceived discontent, assaulted my Lord South- 
ampton on horseback in the street, for which contempt against her 
Majesty's commandment given to them both he was committed to 
the Fleet." 1 

Grey was soon released, and lost no favour by his "contempt" 
and breach of the peace. The malcontent Earls renewed their 
scheming, and before they knew what they were about, they 
were branded as traitors to the Queen. Within three weeks of his 
breach of the peace and "contempt" of the Queen's orders, Grey 
was put in charge of the little army sent out to take them. 

1 Winwood, Mem. i. 292. 



THE Earl of Essex on October 2nd, 1 599, was committed as prisoner 
to the charge of a friendly jailor, Sir Thomas Egerton, Lord Keeper 
at York House. It was a large and rambling old building, where 
Essex was allowed to take his choice of rooms and where such com- 
forts as could be given him were provided. But, as Sir Thomas said, 
*' I have always found the air and accidents of this place noisome and 
unwholesome to my weak body. I wish it may be good for his." 1 In 
this undesired residence, separated from his wife and new-born child, 
from his relatives and friends, Essex was examined and re-examined 
on his actions and the causes of his actions during the preceding six 
months. Whyte said, "Never any one answered with more temper, 
more gravity, more discretion to the matters laid to his charge." On 
October 6th he said, "Essex is ill, no one goes to see him. Old Lady 
Walsingham begged the Queen to let him write to his wife, but it 
has not been allowed as yet." The main charges against him were: 
that he did not march northwards against Tyrone immediately on his 
arrival in Ireland, as had been arranged; that he had made the Earl 
of Southampton General of the Horse against the Queen's will; that 
he had made too many knights; that he had made a treaty with 
Tyrone dishonourable to England ; and that he came home against 
orders 2 . He might have appealed to his Commission, as all these 
points were allowed him therein; but in detail he said that he had 
planned to go north at once, it was true, but when he saw the 
state of the country and the supplies, he yielded to the advice of 
the Irish Council and settled the southern provinces first. To the 
second charge he acknowledged that the Queen had objected to his 
nomination of Southampton in December, 1598, as being too soon 
after that youth's "contempt" in his marriage, but he had answered 
that he was willing to cast his Commission and himself at her 

1 Salisb. Papers, ix. 412. 

8 See Licence Carew Papers, p. 295. Lingard, History, vi. 597. 


Majesty's feet; yet if he were to do any good, he must be allowed 
to choose his own instruments, and it was some months later that 
he had appointed Southampton, after his "contempt" had been 
purged by the punishment usually inflicted in such cases. The 
making of knights was of those who had deserved well for their service 
under great difficulties and without other reward. He did go north 
against Tyrone, but he made no overtures of peace; Tyrone had 
come and humbly begged an armistice, which he felt would work 
out better for the conclusion of his enterprise than anything else 
which could be done; and when the Queen wrote severely, he felt 
it was necessary that he should see her at once, face to face, that he 
might explain the position. "All the Lords that were his friends 
would have released him; but the Queen angrily told them, such a 
contempt should be publicly punished." 1 

Southampton's wife and Essex's sister had evidently been staying 
with the Countess of Essex in her anxious time, and to Essex 
House Southampton himself would naturally go on his return from 
Ireland, there to rest, and await his friend, who, to the anxiety of 
them all, did not come home. We may be sure he would do what he 
could for him and his. "A house is kept at Essex House for the Lord 
and Lady Southampton and the family," wrote Whyte on the 3rd 
of October. The press of people who came to visit them annoyed 
the Queen, or at least the Court, and, being prudent for their 
friends' sakes, the Ladies Southampton and Rich went out of 
town, evidently not far off. Whyte wrote on the nth, "The 
Ladies Southampton and Rich were at Essex House but have 
gone to the Country to shunne the Company that daily were 
wont to visit them in towne because yt gave offence at Court. 
Essex's very servants are afraid to meet in any place to make merry, 
lest it might be ill taken. At the Court, my Lady Scrope is only 
noted to stand firm unto him. My Lord Southampton and Lord 
Rutland come not to the court, the one doth, but very seldom, 
they pass the time in London merely in going to plaies every day." 2 
Southampton probably went to stay with Rutland at the time, his 
own house being leased out. Rutland's town house was in Holywell, 
a stone's throw from the site of the Theatre and the house of the 
Curtain. But the materials of the Theatre by this time had been 
1 Sidney Papers, 25th October, 1599, *35- z Ibid - I 3 2 - 


carried away by the Burbages to the Surrey side of the water, and 
had reared their heads high on Bankside under the new name of 
"The Globe." Interested in the drama, the players, and the poets, 
these two would find some rest and relaxation in witnessing even 
daily performances, some strength and consolation in the philosophy 
of human life as sketched by Shakespeare. We know that Henry V 
was on the boards that year; it would probably be forbidden when 
troubles grew great in Ireland. We are not sure of the other 
performances, but there is reason to believe that Hamlet was even 
then soliloquizing. 

Before the i6th of October "My Lady Essex's daughter was 
christened by the Earl of Southampton, the Lady Cumberland and 
Lady Rutland, without much ceremony." So the Earl was for the 
second time at least a godfather to a girl. 

By November the speeches in the Star Chamber 1 shewed the 
laboured efforts of the Council to please the Queen by finding 
Essex guilty of something serious. He said himself that he might 
have been in error, but there was no contempt in him, only an effort 
to serve the Queen, and to seek the greatest good for England. 
But he grew very weary of the wrangles. 

The speeches in the Star Chamber against Essex were eagerly 
followed. The general feeling in this country found expression in a 
letter of John Petit from Antwerp in December. "We hear that 
the Earl of Essex is still deprived of Liberty, and that his enemies, 
wanting substantial matter to charge him, make mountains of 
molehills. The Council of England's repute for wisdom and dis- 
cretion is much lost, men say that they are either carried away with 
passion, or yield too much to the passions of others. All wonder that 
for an imputed contempt^ one who has so well deserved of her 
Majesty and the Commonwealth should be so deeply disgraced. 
His troubles are imputed to proceed from the malice of his adver- 
saries, and the Queen's inconstancy, suffering herself to be carried 
away by the false information of his known enemies." 2 

About that time Essex wrote his memorable letter to his friend and 

cousin, the Earl of Southampton: "I have ceased to be a Martha 

caring about many things, and believe with Mary I wish you the 

comfort of unfeigned conversion. I was only called by Divines, 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXXIII. 35, 36, 37, 38. 2 Ibid. 45. 


but your Lordship now has the call of one who knows the end of 
all this world's contentment. I have explained the way of salvation, 
and will never go to sleep or awake without prayer for you." 1 

His sister Penelope begged to be allowed to visit her brother; 
both of his sisters implored the Queen to let him be removed to a 
more healthful place; reproachful criticisms regarding his treatment 
were hung up in the Court. For the overspent and weakly body 
finally succumbed to the wear and tear, the anxiety of mind, the 
aching of heart, the hopelessness of his prospects, combined with 
confinement in unwholesome air, and he had fallen very seriously 
ill. He was prayed for in the churches. He was said to be at the 
point of death it was even reported that he was dead 2 . The 
Queen at last sent eight physicians. He managed to survive them 
all, and by the new year he was able to get up and be dressed. 
There was no improvement in his position, but his wife was 
allowed to come during the day and nurse him. 

The Queen did not like to leave Ireland ungoverned, and wanted 
to send Lord Mount] oy. At first he refused, hoping to induce the 
Queen to send Essex back. Many in Ireland as well as England 
hoped he would return and solve their difficulties. Elizabeth was 
determined he should not. By 1st December Lord Mount] oy's 
patent was signed, and he was ordered to make himself ready. 
Seeing that he could do no good to his friend Essex, Southampton 
agreed to return with Mount] oy. 

He had many things to arrange before then. There is one 
curious letter to Julius Caesar, Master of Requests. 

A certain Francis Marr has brought a case against Bullock, the bearer, a 
late servant of Mr Heneage and mine, concerning a pretended title unto 
the Bailiwick of the Strond. Her Majestic referred the case to you, but she 
evidently does not know that it has already been heard thrice in Mr Heneage's 
time, once in the open court before the complainant, when Mr Secretary was 
Chancellor, and he saw no reason to rippe up a suit decided by his predecessor, 
which were a bad example. . . . 
From the Savoy this 1 6th of December, 1599. Your very frynd, 


He prays Caesar's careful consideration to this. 

Whyte's letters to Sir Robert Sidney are very full of the "young 

1 D.S.S.P. Add. xxxiv; 17. * Add. MS. 12,507. 


Lord Herbert," Sidney's nephew. His ague was keeping him at 
Ramsbury, "to his own greatest griefe who desires to be here at 
this time." A little later he notes that Lord Southampton, my Lord 
Effingham, and Sir Charles Danvers were at Ramsbury; that Lord 
Herbert was better and hopes to come to town; and that "Mrs 
Fitton is sick and gone from court to her fathers." "My Lady 
Pembroke desires some of your excellent tobacco." This was for 
the use of Lord Herbert, whose frequent headaches it eased. 

In 1599 the Countess of Southampton also had a dedication. 
Anthony Gibson, who either wrote, translated, or edited a little 
volume called A woman's woorth, defended against all the men in 
the worl^ dedicated it " to the Right Honourable Lady Elizabeth, 
Countess of Southampton." 

The Love (most honoured Lady) that I owe 
To your high vertues, cannot be confin'd 
In words or phrases; nor can paper show 
The obiect-lesse endevours of my mind. 
How then shall any (though the purest spirit 
That sucks the seau'n-fold flower of art) expresse 
The genuine glories of your Angell-merit, 
Which shine the more, in that you make them lesse ? 
Now could I wish I had a plenteous braine, 
That thence (as from Invention's clearest floud) 
Those forms might flow, compos'd in a rich Vaine : 
That crowne your noblesse, and enrich your bloud. 
Then would my zeale breake forth like morning's fier 
That now lyes spent in sparkes of my desier 1 . 

Whyte wrote on the 1 5th of March, " My Lord of Southampton 
is in very good hope to kiss the Queen's hand before his going to 
Ireland. Mr Secretary is his good friend, and he attends it. His 
horses and stuffe are gone thither." On the i6th he wrote again to 
Sidney, "The time draws near her Majestic should send to Embden 
to discuss the controversy with the King of Denmark's Commis- 
sioners. The Earl of Southampton was named, and yourself also, as 
fittest for that employment." By the 22nd of March Southampton 
had not kissed the Queen's hand. 

The Dutch Commissioners had come to court. On March 8th 

1 Printed by John Wolfe, 1599. Three sonnets follow the dedication, the 
first to Mistress Anne Russell, the second to Mistress Margaret Radcliffe, the 
third to Mistress Mary Fitton. 


Whyte wrote to Sidney, "All this week the Lords have been in 
London and passed away the time in feasting and plays ____ Upon 
Thursday my Lord Chamberlain feasted Vereiken, and made him 
a very great and delicate dinner, and there in the afternoon his 
plaiers acted before Vereiken, "Sir John Oldcastle" to his great 
contentment." 1 (This suggests a literary puzzle.) 

On the 29th of March Whyte said, "My Lady Rich and Lady 
Southampton are gone to Lies in Essex." 

Southampton's cousin, Lord Montague, had got into some 
trouble, probably about his religion. On the 1 3th of April, relying on 
the support of his father-in-law, the Lord Treasurer Sackville, he 
wrote from Sackville House to Cecil, " I am emboldened to make my 
suit unto you that whereas I am by her Majesty's favour now shortly 
to appear before you and the Council for my further enlargement 
I may by your favour be graced with such equal and upright 
conditions as may be offered to a Subject; who giveth place to no 
man living in obedience to his Prince, nor holdeth any other 
religion than by which I am taught to prefer her Majesty to all 
other Potentates" a letter suggestive of many things 2 . Whyte on 
1 9th April said, "My Lord of Southampton deferred his departure 
for one week longer, hoping to have access to Her Majesties presence 
but it cannot be obtained. Yet she very graciously wished him safe 
going and returning." 3 

On 26th May, 1600, he notes, "This morning my Lord Herbert 
and Sir Charles Danvers have taken water and gone to see my 
Lady Rich and Lady Southampton almost as far as Gravesend, it 
will be Thursday ere they return." 4 

Lord Mount) oy was to go to Ireland after the holidays; rein- 
forcements were to be sent over to strengthen his army. Whyte 
said on the 5th of January, 1599-1600, "Lord Gray desires the 
command of the forces. ... Lord Mountjoy opposes this as a thing 
dishonourable to him, so some unkindness grows between them." 5 
This was but a reflection of the "unkindness" grown between 
Lord Grey and the Lords Essex and Southampton. Already Lord 
Grey had sent the challenge to the latter. 

In February they stopped the proceedings in the Star Chamber 

1 Sidney Papers, n. 175. * Salisb. Papers, X. 109. 

Sidney Papers, n. 189. * Ibid. 197. 6 Ibid. 156. 

s. s. 


because they could prove no offence against Essex, and this made 
the Queen furious again. She also was very angry when she heard 
that his mother, Southampton, and some of his friends had gone to 
a house next door to York House and from a window saluted the 
captive as he was walking in the garden. Lady Rich was com- 
manded to keep her own house. The Queen made up her mind to 
send Essex to his own house, as Egerton was weary of his responsi- 
bility; but that was delayed, it was said, because some of his friends 
had gone thither to welcome him. Whyte says on nth March, 
"By command Lady Leicester, Lord and Lady Southampton, 
Mr Greville and Mr Bacon are all removed from Essex House. My 
Lord is expected to remain with 2 keepers, Sir Drue Drury and 
Sir Richard Barkley." 1 He was removed thither on igth March, 
and things seemed to mend. 

Southampton was to follow Mountjoy, delaying only to take his 
leave of the Queen, if he could find sufficient grace. Lord Buck- 
hurst wrote to Sir Robert Cecil on March 30, 1600, "I had for- 
gotten to write you of the earnest desire which my Lord of South- 
ampton yesterday did make unto me, that I would move her 
Majesty on his behalf for her favour to kiss her hand, and yf that 
may not be for licence to go again into Ireland. Since my indisposi- 
tion will not permit me to accomplish his desire myself I pray that 
you will in my behalf, and though the first part may be denied, yet 
that her Majesty may be pleased to grant the last, whereby he shall 
the better redeem his fault, and do his country some service." 2 

It seems to have been April before he actually started. Whyte, 
writing on the 26th,said, "My Lord of Southampton went away on 
Monday last, Sir Charles Danvers brought him as far as Coventry, 
and returned yesterday night. He is a very fine gentleman and 
loves you well." It is a little dubious which of the two Whyte 
means to praise, but I believe that in this case the last sentence 
refers to Southampton rather than to Danvers. In his following 
letter he says that on his going away Southampton wrote to Lord 
Grey, to say that he was now ready to perform what he had pro- 
mised him. 

Sir Charles Danvers wrote to Southampton on the 5th of May: 
"I will not let any messenger pass without a letter to the end, 
1 Sidney Papers, n. 179. z Salisb. Papers, x. 86. 


though I can write you nothing, you may at the least, know there 
is nothing to be written. I have not heard from you yet from the 
sea-side, but the wind having served you so well all this week I make 
no doubt you have been in Ireland three or four days and that, at 
the first turning of the wind, your friends here shall hear from you. 
My Lord of Essex is still where he was, and as he was, with no 
more hope of better than when you left him. All other things stand 
likewise in the same state. You are not like so far as I can hear to 
see my Lord Gray in Ireland, but of that Sir R. Druery will yield 
you an account. PS. I have just received your letter from 
Lerpoole" [Liverpool] 1 . 

The next day Danvers wrote again: "Three letters of mine to 
yourself, my Lord Deputy, and my brother went away this morning, 
whereby your Lordship may guess that I have little to write. Only 
this news, that Doctor Herbert shall on Sunday be sworn a Coun- 
cillor and Secretary." 2 

On 2nd June the Lord Deputy writes that in some skirmishes 
by the way the rebel was beaten back, and that my Lord South- 
ampton with a few horse, finding some of our foot engaged, "made 
a valiant charge and brought them off to his reputation here." 

On Saturday jth June Whyte wrote: "On Thursday the matter 
passed with my Lord of Essex His speech was very discreet My 
Lord Keeper said that the Contempts deserved imprisonment in the 
Tower, to be fined, and to have all his offices taken from him. 
My Lord Treasurer left out the Tower, my Lord Admiral the 
fine. Mr Secretary made a wise grave speache of these contempts of 

his towards her Majestic It was concluded he should return to 

the place whence he came till her Majestie's further pleasure were 
known. The poor Earle then besought their Honours to be a 
means to her Majestic for grace and mercy, seeing there appeared 
in his offences no disloyalty to her Majestic, but ignorance and 
indiscretion in himself. I heare it was a most pitiful and lamentable 
sight to see him that was the mingnon of Fortune, now unworthy 
the least honour he had : many that were present burst out in tears 
at his fall to such misery." 3 

Sir Gelly Meyrick wrote to Southampton more fully on the nth 

1 Salisb. Papers, x. 139. * Ibid. 140. 

* Sidney Papers, n. 200. 

12 2 


(Sir Charles Danvers had -been present): "The first charge was 
the making of your Lordship General of the Horse, being clouded 
with her Majesties' displeasure. It was bitterly urged by the 
Attorney, and very worthily answered by my Lord.... Many 
invectives were urged by the attorney, with letters shewed from 
Ormond, Bowcher, and Warren Saintleger. My Lord in answer- 
ing that said God knew the truth of things, and has rewarded 
two of them for their perfidiousness. Then his Lordship was 
interrupted, and wished to continue as he had begun, which was 
to submit to her Majesty's gracious favour. In the end the Lords 
did deliver their opinions, and in that council did sentence that my 
Lord should forbear the execution of his Councillor's place, and the 
Marshall's place, and the Master of the Ordnance' Place until it 

were her Majesty's further pleasure to restore him To all my 

Lord spake with a reference to his ends. The Lords and the rest 
freed his Lordship from any disloyalty. All delivered their opinion 
concerning the sequestration of the offices saving my Lord of 
Worcester. My Lord of Cumberland dealt very nobly. The rest 
all had one counsel, which was fitting to clear the Queen's Honour, 
with which, God be thanked, I hear she is well satisfied, and yet 
a part is tomorrow to be handled in the Star Chamber, and a Sunday 
Liberty. Then will we all thank God." 1 

One can imagine how interested Southampton was in his home 
despatches just then. A strange project of his own, however, seemed 
to have taken shape, either suggested by some friend, or elaborated 
by himself. He wished to be made Governor of Connaught in these 
stormy times. I gather that the two following letters refer to this. 

Sir Henry Danvers, who was in Ireland, but not serving near him, 
wrote his friend on June I4th: 

I have imparted to my Lord Deputy your desire, which he seems most 
desirous to satisfy, as you shall find more at large by his own letters....! have 
sent you hereinclosed all such letters as here I find for you, with a particular 
English relation of their good fortune in the Low Countries, to increase our 
misfortune here, that can never have the like occasion, but, buried in 
obscurity, die like dogs. The news that I know will best please you is the 
liberty of my Lord of Essex, yet at Walsingham House, and preparing to 
lie at Grafton, rather advised than commanded to retain few followers, and 
to let little company come unto him. My Lord hath not yet received the 
1 Salisb. Papers, x. 178. 


packet that brings the resolution concerning yourself, yet particular letters 
shew that the 2000 foot and 200 horse are granted. The famous Earls of 
Rutland and Northumberland moved with the Low Country Honour, are 
embarked thither, where the report goes my Lord Gray received a hurt in 
the face, and had lost his life if Sir Robert Drurye had not rescued him.... 
My Lord will be within twoo days at the Nanau, and Sir Oliver Lambert 
goes out of Leace into the County of Washfourd with those forces.... Your 
horses are arrived 1 . 

The letter is endorsed in error "Ch. Davers." 
On June Qth Southampton wrote to Cecil from Dublin: 
My Lord Deputy having at this time written unto you to move the 
Queen in my behalf concerning the government of Connaught, I must of 
necessity be so far troublesome unto you as to let you know how I affect it 
and then to leave it to your discretion whether you think fit to farther it or 
no. It is a place I protest unto you I am nothing greedy of, neither would 
I at all desire it, but in hope by that means to effect somewhat whereby 
to recover her Majesty's good conceit, which is my only end, and all the 
happiness I aspire unto. If she hold me fit to do her service in it, I shall 
gladly employ my time and hazard my life, to perform what can be in reason 
expected; if not, I shall without grudging receive her denial. My only suit 
to you is to procure an answer with as much expedition as may be: and how- 
ever it prove I assure you I shall account myself exceedingly bound unto you 2 . 

A letter of the Lord High Admiral, the Earl of Nottingham, to 
the Earl of Southampton, which has been entered as of 1599, 
evidently should come in here: 

Your first letter I received a fortnight since by Sir Francis Rush, but 
could do nothing in Sir Edward Herbert's absence. Now he is come I will 
assist his relief the best I may. Another letter I received yesterday from 
your Lordship, which signifies a purpose of the Deputy to employ you in 
Connaught, of which charge, and a much greater, I know you to be very 
worthy, and the first sight I get of Mr Secretary, I will labour to make for 
you a speedy, and I hope a good answer, knowing no cause but that the 
State should be glad to be sufficiently served by a nobleman of your quality 
in those places of trust, and in these barren times that afford so few so willing 
as yourself. But my fear is that a former despatch before the arrival of Mr 
Fenton doth appoint Sir Arthur Savadge to that place to hold it as he did 
before, may give impediment to my Lord Deputy's purpose, for so much 
I heard Mr Secretary say he had written by command. I will not fail to 
assist these captains you have named with my best help for their employment. 
By the next despatch I will give you an honest account of my devotion to 

1 Salisb. Papers, x. 182. 

2 Irish State Papers, vol. ccvu. pt. 3, no. 101, Calendar, 231. 


do you service in these things you have committed to me.... Howard House 
1 9th June 1 . 

Nothing followed. For the third time Southampton's valiant 
services went without royal recognition, and for the second time 
the Queen's representative in Ireland thought him suited for a 
command, and the royal grant was refused because of his "con- 
tempt" in marrying the woman of his choice. 

The next letter from Sir Charles Danvers on the 2gth June was 
a disappointing one 2 . All things stood still. Essex's delivery from 
his keeper had been expected; but delay after delay had taken place 
"lest he should think mercy to be showed without discretion.'* 
The Queen would hear of no motion for his release until plans 
were made for the degrading of the knights that he had made. 
Many had represented to her the inconvenience of doing this. "You 
will hear of the success of our great battle in Flanders from 
Deputy." Danvers would have delayed writing until he could give 
Southampton clearer information, but his messenger could wait no 
longer. Essex really remained a prisoner in his own house through 
July. The Carew Papers give much information regarding Irish 
affairs, which cannot here be followed but it is worth noting that 
on ist July, Lord Deputy Mountjoy told Sir George Carew "one 
day in the morning Tyrone did think to have taken a great 
advantage over the Earl of Southampton and the Sergeant Major 
in their passage, but by the valour of them two especially, and 
by my drawing out the forces at the same time to meet them, he 
departed with loss." 3 Probably this is the year of a letter dated 
July 1 4th from Mountjoy to Southampton, saying that he had 
given Fitzgarret a protection against his will, not fitting the course 
he held with the knave Udall 4 . 

Southampton wrote to Sir Robert Cecil on July 22nd from 

I wrote unto you not long since by Sir Geoffrey Fenton, about a request 
which my Lord Deputy made in my behalf for the government of Connaught, 
of which he hath of late received no answer, wherewith he hath acquainted 
me. The trouble you put yourself to in moving it is an addition to the 
many favours you have been pleased to shew me, wherefore for that with 

1 Salisb. Papers MS. 93, 144. * Salisb. Papers, x. 208. 

3 Carew MSS. * Cecil Papers, cvr. i. 


the rest, I must and will acknowledge myself bound unto you, though for 
the bad success you found (more than I am sorry her Majesty thinks me so 
little able to do her service) it grieves me nothing, the place being such 
that I protest unto you I think any that doth understand it aright will not 
greatly desire it. How far and why I did affect it, I made you know in my 
last letter, my hope being by that means to cancel her Majesty's ill conceit 
of me, and to be settled in her good opinion, which if I have already recovered 
by any punishment I have endured, or service I have done her, I am much 
more happy than if I were put there to seek it with so great pain and hazard 
as must of necessity belong to him that undertakes that work. And now 
since I have here nothing to do, but as a private man, which condition 
cannot afford me means to performe aught worth the thinking of, and that 
I do desire to spend my time so as I may best be enabled to serve her Majesty, 
I doe intend, God willing to go hence into the Low Countries, to live the 
rest of this summer in the States' army, where perhaps I may see somewhat 
worth my pains, and I hope her Majesty will not be offended with it, seeing 
both now and ever I will study nothing more than to direct my course to 
do her service. Sir, I have still found you kind and friendly unto me, and 
therefore I beseech you in this which concerns me nearest, which is the 
recovery of her favour, yield me all the furtherance you may, and assure 
yourself I will never be ungrateful but ready to deserve it any way I may, 
and remain always willing to obey your commandments 1 . [Endorsed" 1600."] 

Sir Arthur Chichester, asking Cecil for some promotion in 
Ireland on August 23rd, said, "My Lord of Southampton's horse 
are, as I hear, already given." 2 

On the 2nd August Cecil wrote to Carew; the last paragraph 
runs: "I pray you, commend me affectionately to the Earl of 
Thomond, of whom the Queen is infinitely satisfied. For the feare 
he had to be commanded by any other, named to Connaught, let 
him be assured he shold never have come under him, but that is 
dissolved, for the Earl of Southampton is come away, and goes into 
the Low Country." 3 

It is evident that promotion of any kind was to be denied South- 
ampton in Ireland. 

Whyte by the 8th of August had heard that Southampton was in 
the Low Countries, and that Sir Robert Drury had letters to stay 
the combat between him and Lord Grey. Royal orders were sent 
to both, forbidding a duel 4 . Apparently, however, Southampton, 

1 Irish State Papers, 1600, vol. ccvii, part 4, 42, Calendar, p. 328. 
* Salisb. Papers, x. 285. s Camden Series, 82, p. 14. 

4 Salisb. Papers, x. 285. 


though outwardly obedient, put himself in a position of peril, and 
Lord Grey, not having received as yet his official instructions, 
attacked him, but no wounds seem to have been received on either 

By August 23rd Cecil heard from Middleburg, "My Lords of 
Northumberland and Southampton are here. My Lord of Rutland 
is in Hollan, and my Lord Gray in service with the horse troops 
in Brabant." 1 

The Earl of Essex was still a prisoner in his own house on July 
24th 2 , so the Earl of Southampton may have seen him in passing. 

Chamberlain wrote on the loth October, that Essex was at 
Barne Elms. "His frends make great means that he may run on 
Queen's Day (November lyth) and are very confident to see him 
shortly in favour, beleve as much as you list, I nere a whit." 3 

Essex made one last pitiful appeal to be received back into the 
ranks of the Queen's loyal servants, and his letter remained un- 
answered. He was, however, allowed to go to his own properties, 
to visit his friends and relatives in the country, and his health was 
doubtless benefited much by his freedom, rest, and change of air. 

An undated letter to him is placed in the Calendar as about this 
period, but must have really been written in 1589*. It is from the 
Countess of Essex (his mother), announcing that her marriage to 
Sir Christopher Blount was "to come a Tuesday sennight," and 
regretting that her son could not be present. This was an unfortunate 
marriage; Sir Christopher had but little money of his own, and got 
through his wife's with amazing rapidity. He was devoted to his 
stepson, who made him one of the trustees of his property, with the 
Earl of Southampton. There is no clear record of Southampton's 
doings through the last three months of the year, but one dedication. 

"To the most Noble and aboundant president both of Honor and 
vertue, Henry Earle of Southampton. 

" 'The Historie of the Uniting of Portugall to Castill" 
Right honorable and most woorthy Earle, 

It is not my fortune to be so infortunately read, as to begin (after 
the common stampe of dedication) with a grai-headed apophthegme, or 
some straied sentence out of Tully, but in such proper and plaine language, 

1 Salisb. Papers, x. 291. z Ibid. 243. 

8 D.S.S.P. CCLXXV. 89. * Cecil Papers, CLXXIX. 164. 


as a most humble and affectionate dutie can speake, I do heere offer up on 
the altar of ray hart, the first fruits of my long-growing endevors; which 
(with much constancie and confidence) I have cherisht, onely waiting this 
happie opportunitie to make them manifest to your Lordship : where nowe 
if (in respect of the knowne distance, betwixt the height of your Honorable 
spirit, and the flatnesse of my poore abilities) they turne into smoake and 
vanish ere they can reach a degree of your merite, vouchsafe (yet most 
excellent Earle) to remember it was a fire that kindled them, and gave them 
life at least, if not lasting. Your Honors patronage is the onely object 
I aime at ; and were the worthinesse of this Historic I present such as might 
warrant me an election out of a worlde of Nobilitie, I woulde still pursue 
the happines of my first choise; which has since beene confirmed to me by 
my respected friend the translator, a Gentleman most sincerely devoted to 
your Honor : For the subject it selfe I dare say nothing; since it is out of my 
element to judge. But I have heard others report it (and some of them also 
judicious) to be a thing first and excellently written in Italian; then trans- 
lated into French, and generally received in both these toongs through all 
christendome for a faithfull, elegant, sinewie, and well digested historic: 
what the beauties of it are now in this English habite, I make your Honorable 
Lordship the first and most competent Censor; wishing that before you 
begin to read farther, you could but reade my silence, 

By him that wants much to expresse 
his dueties to your Honor 

EoW. BLOUNT 1 . 

1 The printer of the book. 




THE Earl of Essex returned to London after Christmas, still hoping 
against hope for access to the Queen's presence. His friends became 
all the more eager to help him to attain his desire. The blow that 
struck the knell of peace was Lord Grey's attack upon the Earl 
of Southampton 1 in the streets of London on the 9th of January, 
in contempt of the Queen's definite order to both of them to keep 
the peace. It is true that Grey was shortly after sent to the Fleet 
prison, where, according to Chamberlain 2 , he remained only until 
the 2nd of February, when he was released and restored to the 
Queen's favour. 

This incident deeply affected the Earl of Essex, and made him 
feel that some action had become necessary. To his soldier's mind 
a forlorn hope might even yet succeed, if it were but brave enough. 
He and his friends were busy with plans. To limit the number 
of his visitors and avert suspicion from some of them, he arranged 
that those who meant business should meet at Sir Charles Danvers* 
lodging in Drury House in Wych Street (now removed for the 
widening of the Strand). He never went there himself; South- 
ampton took his place. The subject of discussion was always the 
same, "How can we best help the Earl to remove his enemies from 
the Queen's ear, and leave him free to plead his own cause with 
her?" Every answer was hedged with difficulty 

The Earl of Southampton must have been sometimes absent from 
these meetings. On January 26th, 1600-1, Sir Gelly Meyrick 
wrote to Captain John Jephson, then at Carrickfergus, " I was the 
other day at Itchin at my Lord of Southampton's, where I saw your 
noble brother." 3 ("Itchin," or Itchell, was one of Southampton's 
places in Hampshire, the house in which his father died.) This 

1 Sir Henry Neville to Winwood, Winwood Papers, i. 292. 

2 D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 27. 3 Salisb. Papers, xi. 20. 


remark must be remembered, and one or two contemporary facts 
must also be noted. 

William, Lord Herbert 1 , on the 5th of January desired to stay at 
Wilton with his sick father. On January 1 8th he said, " I doubt he 
will not live 48 hours. There have been many false and scandalous 
reports forged of me." 2 The Countess of Pembroke had written 
for herself and her lord to thank the Queen for her kindness to 
their son 3 . On the igth Henry, second Earl of Pembroke, died 4 , 
bequeathing his title, his property, and as much of his possessions 
as he could to his elder son William, and leaving as little as 
possible to his wife. Whyte's letters to Sir Robert Sidney follow 
the young lord's career closely. 

In Chamberlain's letter of 3rd February 5 he foreshadows trouble 
for him through his amour with Mistress Mary Fitton. On the 
5th Cecil wrote to Carew, "We have no news but that there is a 
misfortune befallen Mistress Fitton... the Earl of Pembroke being 
examined confesseth a fact, but utterly renounceth all marriage. I 
feare they will both dwell in the Tower awhile, for the Queen 
hath vowed to send them thither." 6 

The contrast of Pembroke's with the Earl of Southampton's 
dealings with a Queen's maid of honour, and the consequences to 
each, are worthy of close consideration. 

In discussing grievances, plans for amendment, methods of action, 
the time passed until the ist of February, which was a Sunday. 
Essex had been rilling his house with friends, sympathisers, 
preachers, and advisers a sort of exoteric court; but whenever he 
became sure of his men, or thought he might be so, he sent them 
to the esoteric teaching at Drury House. Friends were being 
collected from a distance. One such friend was Sir Charles Percy, 
brother of the Earl of Northumberland, of whom we know one 
interesting fact. He had married a Miss Cocks, and through her 
had become Lord of the Manor of Dumbleton in Gloucestershire. 
He found the society and intellectual atmosphere there very dull, 
and he heartily endorsed Shakespeare's view of the inhabitants. 
Then, on the 2jth day of an uncertain December, queried in State 

1 Sahsb. Papers, xi. 3. 2 Ibid. 13. 

3 Cecil Papers, xc. 147. * Salisb. Papers, xi. 14. 

5 D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 6 Camden Series, R. Ac. 8113/82, p. 64. 


Papers as 1600?, he wrote to his friend Carleton, "I am so pestered 
with Country business that I cannot come to London. If I stay 
here long, you will find me so dull, that I shall be taken as a Justice 
Silence or a Justice Shallow, therefore take pity of me, and send me 
news from time to time, the knowledge of which, though perhaps 
it will not exempt me from the opinion of a justice Shallow in 
London, yet will make me pass for a very sufficient gentleman in 
Gloucestershire. If I do not always answer, pray do not desist from 
your charitable office, that place being so fruitful and here so barren, 
that it will make my head ache for invention. P.S. You need not 
forbear sending news hither in respect of their staleness, for I assure 
you they will be very new here." 1 

It is possible that this letter belongs to the end of the previous 
year, but that Essex's need was sufficient to bring him to London, 
the place where news were manufactured. At any rate, we find 
him among the Drury House band in February. It was on his 
suggestion that Richard II was played. It is a possibility the first 
part of Henry IV was played, in the rendering which included the 
killing of Richard II; that he had not seen Richard II performed; 
and that quite innocently he wished to do so, in order to relate 
it to the Henry IV Pt. 7, which in 1597 included old Blunts and 
Vernons and Percys among its characters, and to Henry IV Pt. //, 
which in I59& 2 had introduced Justices Shallow and Silence to 
the gorgeous humours of Falstaff. Also, he wanted to know what 
the joke was which made the assembled gallants at Plymouth so 
wonderfully merry in I597 3 over Sir Robert Cecil's "conceipt 
of Richard II " according to Sir Walter Raleigh. It is quite possible 
that all the "evil intent" of the play had been conceived and 
inserted by unwise friends and interested enemies of the fated Earl. 
It was one of their methods of attack. 

So we can picture the party who went over the water to the 
Globe, possibly to listen to Shakespeare's company playing Shake- 
speare's tragedy in the poet's words, some of them, perhaps, from 
his own mouth, on February the yth, the eve of the fatal day 4 . 
True, it is quite possible that it was a play by some other dramatist; 
for the subject was very much discussed at the time. 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXXV. 146. 2 Supposed date of play. 

3 D.S.S.P. CCLXIV. 10. See ante, p. 106. 4 Feb. 8th, 1600-1. 


Essex did not go out of doors that day. In the morning he had 
been warned that there was a plot among the Jesuits to kill him; in 
the afternoon he had been cautioned by a friend in Court that on 
no excuse was he to leave the house, for there was a confederacy 
to kill him either as he went or returned. In the evening he was 
summoned by Secretary Herbert to come before the Lords at 
Whitehall. He had been freed from such subordination when he 
had been allowed to go to the country, and no charge had been laid 
against him since, so he refused to go. Many men slept in Essex 
House that night who had not intended to do so. For things had 
come to a crisis: Essex was in a worse case than when he was a 
prisoner, for then his life at least was protected. The morrow was 
fixed for the adventure, but even then few knew on what lines it 
was intended that it should move; he trusted few with the whole 
of his schemes; one examinate incidentally said that they could 
not trust Rutland for more than two hours before anything was to 
be done. 

It is necessary to realise their actual position at the time, and not 
read into it all the weighty matters which have been since imported 
into it. Essex felt himself deeply wronged. He attributed all his 
troubles to the ill-will of those courtiers to whom the Queen listened, 
and who had made up their mind that the only safe course for them 
was to prevent her from seeing theEarl and "hearing the other side." 
He knew that too, and it was in order to circumvent them that he 
desired to force a way into her presence, and with humble rever- 
ence pour forth his passionate pleadings at her feet. He knew that 
he could move her. There was no thought of treason, as we under- 
stand it, in any of their hearts. Rather was it, if I may draw a 
simple parallel, like the boys of a great public school, where troubles 
had arisen through some of the bigger boys turning tell-tales on 
their enemies to such an extent that the head-master refused to 
hear the other side, or to see them, or indeed even to listen to 
witnesses for them. And the ostracised boys, feeling hot and 
injured, agreed to force their way into their master's study, and 
when they had caught his eye, and he had realised there were so 
many of them discontented, he would be sure to hear them, and 
with fair play all would be well. The worst that could happen to 
them would be expulsion. So they would plan how to prevent 


janitors, butlers, and tutors from interfering in what they thought 
their righteous plan of self-defence. 

In some such way Essex sketched his little plan of surprising the 
Court, a very similar one to that which he had tried on September 
28th, 1599. But he was taking followers now. Sir Christopher 
Blount was to guard the outer gate, Sir John Davies the hall, Sir 
Charles Danvers the presence chamber, and the Earls of Essex 
and Southampton alone were to enter the privy chamber. 

They were stirring early on the 8th if, indeed, any had slept at 
all. Evidently Essex had originally intended to make his attempt 
on the Court before divine service began. But some friends, ap- 
parently Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Sir Charles Danvers, brought 
back the news from Court that alarm had been taken and that they 
had doubled their forces. Sir Christopher Blount advised Essex first 
to secure his friends in London; Sir Charles Danvers advised him 
to fly to the sea-coast. Hesitation ensued. An interesting MS. 1 
rendering of the story of that 8th of February says that the Queen, 
having, of course, heard of the preparations, sent about 9 o'clock 
to Essex House Sir Thomas Egerton, Lord Keeper, the Earl of 
Worcester, Sir William Knollys, and the Lord Chief Justice, with a 
message that Essex should dissolve his company and himself speedily 
come to the Court, and promising that his griefs should be graciously 
heard. The house was buzzing as if it were a hive of angry bees 
when they knocked at the gate. They were suffered to enter, but 
none of their followers. The Earl met them in the court, which 
was filled with men, took them through two rooms well guarded; 
then they asked him to speak with them privately. He led the way 
to his study, which they unsuspiciously entered; whereupon he told 
them he had business in the city and would come back in half an 
hour. He turned the key in the door, put them in charge of Sir 
John Davies and Sir Gelly Meyrick, bidding that faithful adherent, 
if he loved him, not to let them go before his return. He himself, 
with the Eafls of Rutland, Bedford, and Southampton, and about 
60 followers, went out and turned eastward towards Ludgate, 
calling out that he would have been murdered by the Lord Cobham 
and Sir Walter Raleigh. The gates were shut; but they opened for 
them, and they went into Cheapside to Sheriff Smith's house, then 
1 Lent me by Dr Smedley. 10 o'clock is the time usually given. 


to Gracechurch Street, where they had some parley with the 
mayor. Their numbers had now risen to 300, and thereupon Lord 
Burleigh was sent with the King of Heralds to proclaim them 
traitors, with the promise of 1000 reward to any one who should 
take Essex's person, and of pardon to all who should forsake him. 
Lord Burleigh's horse was hurt under him "at which time the 
Earl of Bedford and the Lord Cromwell left him and many others." 
Seeing his company lessened, Essex turned to Ludgate again, in- 
tending to pass to his house 1 . But the Bishop of London and Sir 
John Leveson had put up the chain there, under St Paul's, and there 
was a body of pikemen drawn up to withstand them. There Sir 
Christopher Blount (the unlucky) was sorely wounded in the head 
and Essex's page slain, so he turned and went to the water and took 
boats to Essex House. " It was about 4 of the clocke when the 
Earl came to Essex House. The Lords whom he had left there 
prisoners were by a happie accident delivered by Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges who, as it seemeth, in policie to save his owne life came 
with a feigned message from the Erie to Sir Gillie Meyricke and 
Sir John Davies for the setting of them at libertie, upon which they 
were suffered to go to court by water, taking Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
with them." They must by this time have been badly in need of 
food, if the Countess and Lady Rich did not provide for them when 
Sir John Davies went and brought them down, "to pass the time 
more quickly." Half an hour afterwards Essex returned, foiled in 
his secondary scheme, to go with the Lords to the Court 

The postscript to Sir Robert Cecil's letter of the i oth to Carew 
says, "The Commanders of our little army were the Lord Admiral, 
Lord General; Earl of Cumberland, Lord Lieutenant; Lord 
Thomas, Marshall; Lord Gray, General of the Horse; Lord 
Burghley, Colonel General of the foot." 2 These were sent to Essex 
House, the Lord Burleigh on the street side, and the Lord Admiral 
and Sir Robert Sidney on the water side, who soon had taken the 
garden; Lord Burleigh had broken the gate and entered the court, in 
which only two common soldiers were slain 3 . The Earl with four or 

1 Salisb. Papers, xi. 3. 

2 Camden Series, 82, p. 67. 

3 Egerton MS. 2606. Sir Egerton Brydges' Life of Sir Thomas Egerton, 
p. 29. 


five others shewed themselves on the leads, flourishing their swords, 
and went in again. They had fortified the doors of the house and 
set books in the windows, which made shot of little effect. About 
9 o'clock the Admiral sent Sir Robert Sidney to summon them to 
yield, a parley sounded, and the Earl of Southampton came upon 
the leads and replied, "Dear Cosen Sidney to whom would you 
have us to yield, to our enemies?" "Noe," said Sir Robert, "You 
must yeald yourselves to her Majestic." "That would wee will- 
inglie," answered Southampton, "but that thereby we should confess 
ourselves gyltie, before we had offended, yet if my Lord Admirall 
will yeald us honorable hostages for a safe returne to this place, 
wee will goe, and present ourselves before her Majestic, to whom 
God knows wee never intended the least harme and whose royall 
disposition we know to be such that if wee might but freely declare 
our mindes before her, she would pardonne us, and blame them 
that are most blameworthy, those Atheists and Caterpillers, I meane, 
that laid plottes to bereave us of our lives, for safeguard whereof as 
the lawe of nature willeth us, wee have taken up these armes 
though wee both doe and will acknowledge our dutie and obedience 
to her Majestic to our lives' end, for is it likelie that wee who have 
so often ventured our lives in defence of her Majestic and this 
Realme should now prove traitors to the Queen and state? Noe, 
Noe, Cosen we detest that name, and all traitorous actions." "My 
Lord, you must not capitulate with your prince, and knowe that my 
Lord Admirall will not yeald to any such conditions of hostages." 
"Good cosen, I doe not capitulate with my prince, I doe but 
expostulate with you. You are a man of armes and knowe well 
what belongs thereto, you know we are bound by nature to defend 
ourselves against our equals, much more against our inferiors. And 
cosen, you cannot but knowe, or at least wiselie conjecture, that if 
wee shall yeald ourselves, we shall willinglie put ourselves into the 
wolves' mouthe, I meane these hands who will keepe us farre enough 
from coming to her Majestic to speak for ourselves, or if that were 
admitted us, yett coming before her as captives, theire lyes through 
the greatnes of her favor towards them overballance our truthes. 
Then good cosen Sidney what would you doe if you were in our 
case?" " Good my Lord, put noe such questions. I hold you are best 
to yeald, for you knowe this house is of no such force as yt can longe 


preserve you and my Lorde Admirall hath already sent for powder 
and ordnance for battery, and if that will not prevaile he is purposed 
to blowe it up, and then there is but one waie with you." "Let 
his Lordship doe his pleasure, wee purpose not to yield without 
hostages, for will rather make choice to dye like men with our 
swords in our hands, then goe ten days hence to end our lives upon 
a scaffold." "By standing out there is noe hope, but by yealding 
there is some hope offered you." "Well Cosen, that hope is so 
little that without hostages, we will rather make choice of this noe 
hope then of that hope." And at these words came the Earl of 
Essex to Southampton and said to Sir Robert and the people, "Good 
brother Sidney, and you my loving countrymen, nothing doth so 
much grieve me as that you who my conscience tells me doe all 
love me, and for whose safetie I have so often exposed myself to 
perill, that you, my friends whose least drop of blood would greatlie 
perplex me, should be made agents in this quarrell against mee, who 
would rather flinge myselfe headlonge from hence then you should 
be endangered, and that those Atheists my enemies keepe aloofe off 
from perill and dare not once aproache me, in fighting against whom, 
if I might but end my life, I would thinke my death most honorable 
yf by my death I might lykewyse end their lives, and that I had 
done God, my prince, and my contry good service by rooting out 
such Atheists and Caterpillers from the earth." 

Sidney. "I hope my Lord you doe not mean my Lord Ad- 

Essex. "Noe, God knowes I have ever taken him to be as 
honorable in minde as he is by birthe, though there hath bene 
some publique jarres amongst us, which I knowe, on his parte came 
by others' provocations, rather than anie waie by his own disposition; 
but I mean men of more base condition, though in greater favour 
with her Majestic, who have laid secret plotts and damnable devyces 
to bereave me of my liffe, from which purpose my conscience tells 
me my Lord is free. Yet good brother, excuse me if I yeald not, 
for I will stand to my Lord of Southampton's resolution. As for 
my liffe, I hate it, I have lothed to live anie tyme this twelvemonth 
and more, and I have thought it one of the greatest punishments 
that ever God laid uppon me to scape that sickness which then 
attacked me, for judge you, brother, whether it be a griefe or noe 
s. s. 13 


for a man discended as I am to have lived in accord and of estimacion 
that I have done, to be pinned up for long together, to be trodden 
underfoote by so base upstarts, yea, and more, that to have my liffe 
so nearlie sought by them? Would it not trouble you? Yes I know 
it would. Well it is no matter, deathe will end all, and sithe I must 
die and they enioye their wishes, I will dye so honorablie as I maie, 
and soe good brother enforme my Lord Admiral." 

"Well, my Lord, I will returne your answere to his Lordship." 
The Lord Admiral would not hear of hostages to rebels, but sent 
Sir Robert again, who told Southampton that the Lord Admiral 
understood that the ladies and gentlewomen were in the house, and 
that he would delay in order that they should be sent forth, and they 
should be safely and honorably conveyed to any place they pleased. 
Southampton thanked the Lord Admiral, "but we desire him to 
pardon us if we prefer our safetie before their freedom. We have 
now fortified our doors, which stood us in a good whiles work; if 
we should unfortifye them to sett our ladies forth, we shall make 
an open passage for your forces to enter. Yet if the Lord Admiral 
would grant us an hour's space to open the passage for our ladies, 
and another hour when they are gone to make it good againe, we 
will willinglie suffer our ladies to depart." To this the Admiral 
agreed, and it was about 9 o'clock. Great store of powder, shot, and 
ordnance had come from the Tower. This made them prefer to 
take some of their time in consultation; they would then realise 
that they were not determining a death glorious for themselves, 
but preparing one for many followers who were willing to fight, 
but not willing to die for them in that manner. Doubtless Lady 
Rich had a word of common-sense to say, and Lady Essex would 
tearfully wish them to seize the little hope, rather than accept 
the "no hope" terms. So "they came forthe again upon the leads 
and the Earl tould Sir Robert they would yeald upon these con- 
ditions, first that they might be used as honorable prisoners; 
secondlie that the Lord Admirall should make faithfull relation 
to her Majestic of what they should say for themselves in their 
own defence; thirdly that they should have an honorable trial; 
and lastly during their imprisonment they should have divines to 
instruct them in matters of religion." To this the Lord Admiral 
agreed, whereupon they went down, opened their doors, and each 


of them upon their knees delivered up his sword. The Earl of Essex 
desired the Admiral to request her Majesty to inflict all her punish- 
ments upon him, and that the punishment of the rest might be 
diminished, who had entered into that accord with him some for 
friendship, some for kindness, some for affection, and some as 
servants to their lord. "And the Earl of Southampton requested 
that things doubtfully said or donne might be construed to the best, 
which the Lord Admirall said should be done. Soe they went to 
their several places of imprisonment." 

I could not omit much from this narrative; the tragical picture 
haunts the imagination. The Strand, St Clement Danes, Essex 
House lit up by the lurid light of smoky torches for it was the dark 
night of a gloomy February day; a seething flood of men around, 
silent and spell-bound, and the slight figures of the doomed men, 
against the smoky light, first standing on the leads, then coming 
down to yield all that life holds dear; and the group of tear-stained 
ladies in the hall seeing them depart. Perhaps after all the ladies 
did not leave the house that night. If they did, it would probably 
be to go to Walsingham House, where Lady Essex's loving 
mother tearfully waited. One part of the Lord Admiral's promise 
was not kept. Lady Rich was not allowed to go whither she 
would; she was taken prisoner and sent to the care of Mr Sackford. 
She had been helping her brother all day. 

There is no record of either Countess of Southampton. The 
elder one was still at the Savoy, and I believe that Elizabeth 
Vernon had been purposely taken down by her husband to 
Itchell and left there with her child, to keep her out of the way, 
while he did a little bit of business in town, which completed, he 
expected he would return to his family. 

The so-called "Rebellion" was crushed, the Queen slept 1 , and 
probably far away from London Elizabeth Vernon also slept, 
unwitting of the disturbances in which her husband was engaged. 
The undated and unaddressed letter that he wrote to her would 
seem to have been written that night by him, trying, in order to 
comfort her, to minimise his danger. This, written under such 
tragic conditions, is the only one of his love-letters which has 
come down to us (though undelivered then), through Cecil. 
1 She had said she would not go to sleep till they were secured. 



Sweetheart, I doubt not but you shall hear ere my letter come to you of 
the misfortune of your friends. Be not too apprehensive of it, for God's 
will must be done, and what is allotted to us by destiny cannot be avoided. 
Believe that in this time there is nothing that can so much comfort me, as 
to think that you are well, and take patiently what hath happened, and 
contrariwise I shall live in torment if I find you vexed for my cause. Doubt 
not but that I shall do well, and please yourself with the assurance that I 
shall ever remain your affectionate husband 1 . 

The letter is addressed only "To my Bess," and is endorsed 
"My Lord of Southampton to his Lady." 

Sometime within the next few days that poor lady wrote to 

Fear to have my doings misconstrued hath hitherto made me forbear to 
shew the duty of a wife in this miserable distress of my unfortunate husband. 
Longer I could not, and live, suffer the sorrow sustained in the place where 
I was, in not shewing some effects of my infinite and faithful love unto him, 
therefore have I adventured hither, having no other meaning but prayers to 
God, and umble petitions to His holy anointed, prostrate at her feet if it 
might be to beg some favour, and by unfolding this my simple intention to 
obtain your good opinion of allowance that my doing be not mistaken; but 
may move you to pity me, the most miserable woman in the world, by my 
Lord's miserable state. 

And in that, through the heavy disfavour of her sacred majesty unto 
myself, I am utterly barred from all means to perform those duties and good 
to him I ought to do, this being of all others my cross the most heavy, easily 
in your wisdom can you look into my woeful condition, which, if you be 
pleased to do I doubt not but you will pity me, and allow of this I do 2 . 

"In twelve hours' time was this commotion suppressed" says 
Camden. The great leader who had hitherto always led his followers 
to victory was at last defeated by fate. Unwillingly he yielded, to 
save the lives of others, and to let her Majesty go to sleep. The 
two chief prisoners were taken by the Admiral to the Archbishop's 
Palace at Lambeth, because the night was dark and the river not 
passable under the bridge. Thence, by the Queen's command, they 
were shortly afterwards carried to the Tower 3 by water; some of 

1 Cecil Papers, CLXXXIII. 21. 

2 Ibid. LXXXIV. 12, also Salisb. Papers, xi. 70, dated c. igth February 
but it must have been earlier. 

3 D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 31, 34, 35, 38, 39, 43, 44. Their rooms were not 
comfortably furnished till two days later. Salisb. Papers, xi. 39. Belvoir 
Papers, xiv. Feb. gth. 


the others followed "The Earl of Rutland, Lord Sandys, Lord 
Cromwell, Lord Mounteagle, Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Charles 
Danvers." "The Earl of Sussex was committed on suspicion to 
Sir John Stanhope's house; the Earl of Bedford committed -on 
suspicion to the Alderman Holliday of London. He was afterwards 
taken to Sir John Stanhope's; and Lady Rich to Mr Sackford's." 

Another list gives 28 in the Compter, Poultry, the chief of 
whom are "Sir Francis Smith, John Arden, Thomas Cundell, 
Francis Manners, Sir William Constable, John Vernon, Gregory 
Sheffield. In Wood Street Sir Thomas West anil others. In the 
Lord Mayor's house Sir Henry Carew, Sir Henry Parker, Sir 
Charles Percy, Sir Joscelyne Percy, Sir Ferdinando Gorges. In 
Sheriff Gamble's house Sir Robert Catesby, Sir John Littleton. 
In the house of one Holland, at Paul's Chain, Sir Christopher 

Many others follow: Edward Bushell, Sir Gelly Meyrick, 
Sir Christopher Heydon, Sir John Heydon, Sir John Davies, 
Sir Henry Linley, Sir Robert Vernon, Sir Edward Bainham, 
Henry Cuffe, Charles Ogle, etc. 

Another list appears among the Conway papers. 

Another list of 100 includes "Lady Rich at Mr Sackford's, the 
Earl of Bedford at Sir John Stanhope's." " Dr Fletcher, committed 
to Alderman Lowine, Dr Hawkins committed to Alderman Lee." 1 

Captain Owen Salisbury, an enthusiastic follower of Essex, when 
he saw that hope was fled had courted death by standing as a mark 
in a window. He is said to have been killed by a shot from the 
steeple of St Clement Danes Church. An entry can still be 
seen in the Register of the church: "Owin Salisbury, Captain, 

slain within Essex Gallery, and James footman to the Earl 

of Southampton, who both were buryed at night the i oth February 

The proclamation of the earls as traitors was suspiciously 
prompt. It was read on Sunday, printed on Monday, published 
on Tuesday. 

Cecil had already made up his mind. He immediately empowered 
the Deputy Lieutenants to instruct the people to arm in defence, 
Essex and his confederates having taken up arms against the Queen. 
1 Salisb. Papers, xi. 34. 


His letter to Sir George Carew with the Proclamation on the i oth 
of February, from Whitehall, runs: "Because I am not ignorant 
that greatest accidents are most liable to be misreported...! have 
thought it very fit to acquaint you with a most dangerous attempt 
which hath happened on Sunday last, wherein both her Majesty's 
own person and the usurpation of this kingdom was openly shot at x . 
By this Proclamation the proceedings of the Earl of Essex will 
appear, and therefore . I shall onely need say this unto you, that I 
thinke by that tyme my letters shall come unto you, both he and 
the Erie of Southampton, with some others of the principals, shall 

have lost their heads If the Queen had not put herself in strength 

that morning and barricaded Charing Cross, and the other back 
parts of Westminster, their resolution was to have been in court 
at noon." 2 Official letters were likewise sent to all ambassadors. 
"The long Proclamation" mentioned could hardly have been 
exactly the same as that read to the people on Sunday morning, 
copies of which are preserved in the British Museum. 

There was a busy week of examinations and depositions, during 
which all other legal business came to a standstill. 

A curious little side-light is thrown on the case by a paper 
among Stratford-on-Avon Records. The town had a suit against 
Sir Edward Greville, who claimed certain rights as Lord of the 
Manor. John Shakespeare was mentioned among those who helped 
to draw up the case (the last public duty he did); Richard Queeney 
and Thomas Greene went up to London to take counsel on it. 
Among the town expenses for January and February 1600-1 
appears: "Given to one of Mr Cooke hys clerkes, and his door- 
keeper, that we might have accesse to their master for his councill, 
upon whom the said Clerk, Mr Green and myself did often attend, 
and Mr Morgan, Mr Greene and myself 3 dayes together, but 
could not have him at leisure, because of these troubles. 

For privy scale, and other expenses together 38*. 4^." 3 

The indictments were sent out on Saturday the 1 4th. 

Besides the general charges, printed in every history of the period,, 
the examinations yielded many little biographical details. Edward 
Whitelock called for the Earl of Rutland about 9 o'clock on 8th 

1 Camden Series, 82, p. 65. 3 Ibid. p. 66 

3 Strut. Misc. Doc. v. 148. 


February to go to Court, but found that he had gone out at 6 to 
the Earl of Southampton's lodgings; he followed him, but found 
that Rutland had gone thence to Essex House, where Whitelock 
sought him, and went out with the Earl and other gentlemen 1 . 

William Reynolds (probably brother of Essex's secretary, Edward 
Reynolds) on February i3th "marvelled what had become of Piers 
Edmonds, the Earl of Essex's man, born in the Strand near me, 
who had many preferments by the Earl. His villainy I have often 
complained of. He was Corporal General of the Horse in Ireland 
under the Earl of Southampton. He ate and drank at his table and 
lay in his tent. The Earl of Southampton caressed him, and gave 
him privileges 2 ." 

Piers Edmonds wrote to Mr Wade in February 1600-1. He had 
spent 20 years in the Queen's service. For his old hurts received in 
that service bursting out afresh, he was enforced to come to London 
for remedy but "two days before that dismal day," by which 
mischance, being among his Lordship's people innocently, he stands 
in the like danger they do. He asks Mr Wade's advice whether 
he should give himself up, or wait for the general pardon 3 . 

John Bird speaks of John Barlow, "an Esquire of a thousand 
pounds in land, a noted recusant, near Milford Haven," whose 
power was sufficient to prevent the serving of indictments 4 . His 
son and heir, George Barlow, had married one of the Vernons, 
a cousin to the Earl of Essex and sister to the Countess of South- 

"Sir George Devereux, uncle to the Earl of Essex, came and 
stayed with him at Christmas and lives with his father all in one 

Sir John Davies (Surveyor of the Ordnance in the Tower) 
wrote to Robert Cecil on March 2nd: 

I know that it is the course of men in misery to make protestations of their 
affections. But if you will consider from whom this cometh, it will work no 
doubt better effect, in your noble heart. If I knew of the least hurt intended 
to her Majesty, let me be made an example to all ages. If I were true to 
him whom I once served, and from whom I received all my advancement, 

1 Salisb. Papers, xi. 40. 

* Ibid. xi. 48, 93. Cecil Papers, LXXXIII. 62. 

* Salisb. Papers, xi. 99. Cecil Papers, xc. 76. 

4 Salisb. Papers, xi. 92. Cecil Papers, LXXXIII. 54. 


it is a good consequent that I will ever be true to you....! pray that either 
my Lord Harry Howard, my Lord Gray or Mr Fulke Greville may hear 
my overtures. I humbly beseech your Honour to command my bolts to be 
taken off, which have almost lamed me already 1 . 

On the same date there is another letter, entreating that 
he should not be brought to trial. He will give up his wardship 
or anything; let them consider "how much any further disgrace 
will disable and deject a spirit of a modest carriage and never 
before tempted." 

The Earl of Bedford on February I4th 2 said that he had only 
spoken once with the Earl of Essex since he had his liberty. He 
was preparing to serve God about I o o'clock on the 8th when Lady 
Rich came to his house and desired to speak with him. She said 
her brother had need of him, and he went to Essex House in her 
coach about 1 1 . The Earl of Essex went to a secret conference to 
which he (Bedford) was not invited. When the Lords went out 
he followed them, but escaped at the earliest opportunity. 

Captain Thomas Lea said that since Christmas "there had been 
many secret meetings in Lord Mountjoy's house in Holborn," 3 
but, however he might sympathise, his Lordship was safely away 
in the bogs of Ireland, carrying out the policy that Essex had 
planned to pacify it. The prosecutors did not want him to stop his 
work, and they turned their blind eye in his direction. Cuffe 4 said 
that he had seen Lord Essex destroy a book of his own writing, 
being the story of his troubles, and wished he had not done so. 
(This was the real book that was imitated by other people and 
misnamed his Apology^ which his enemies used against him.) 

Sir William Constable dined at Gunter's and went to the Globe. 
He said "Owen Salisbury, espying Mr Bacon passing by, said 
'There is one of them; let us pull him in, to be doing withall.'" 5 

Bushell said "There supped at Essex House on the yth Lord 
Southampton, Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Charles Danvers, Lady 
Rich, Robert Vernon." 6 

Lord Sandys of Sherburn (Cowdray, Co. Southampton), held 
out till the last, but confessed that he saw Essex burn papers, "to 
tell no tales to hurt his private friends." 7 

1 Salisb. Papers, xi. 101. Cecil Papers, LXXVII, 21. 

2 Salisb. Papers, xi. 50. s D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 61. 

* Ibid. 70. 5 Ibid. 72. Ibid. 69. 7 Ibid. 75. 


Christopher Blount 1 does not contribute much that others did 
not tell to the story of the action on February 8th; but he mentions 
one fact which no one else knew that in Dublin, when he lay 
wounded in the Castle in a chamber that had once been the Earl 
of Southampton's, the Earl of Essex came to him (no one else 
being present but the Earl of Southampton), and asked their advice 
whether he should take over with him on his return 2000 or 3000 
soldiers to secure his access to the Queen the more easily. They 
both advised him against that plan, and therefore he came but 
poorly attended at Michaelmas 1599. 

Sir Gelly Meyrick on Saturday dined with the others at Gunter's, 
and a party of them, on Sir Charles Percy's motion, afterwards 
went all together to the Globe, where the Lord Chamberlain's 
men used to play, and were there somewhat before the play began, 
Percy telling them that the play would be of Henry IV, and the 
killing of Richard II. He could not tell who procured the play, 
but thinks it was Percy. He himself did not arrive until after the 
play began 2 . 

Sir John Leveson declared how he defended St Paul's Chain 3 . 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges, on the Tuesday before the rising, was 
summoned to Drury House, and was told their plans. He could 
not see how they meant to work it. Sir John Davies took ink and 
paper, and began to make a plan as to how they meant to dispose 
of their men. When he saw what they led to, he went back and 
released the Lords. Gorges said he utterly misliked it, because of 
the horror as well as the impossibility of the thing. At Drury 
House he would not agree to that course, whereupon Southampton 
in a rise of passion demanded, "Shall we resolve upon nothing then ? " 
Davies said, "Let him have his friends well placed in the city," but 
they resolved upon nothing, and left all to Lord Essex 4 . 

Augustine Phillipps on February i8th on his oath said: "On 
Friday last was a sennight Sir Charles and Sir Joscelyn Percy, Lord 
Monteagle and others spoke to'some of the players in his presence, 
to have the play of the deposing and killing of Richard II on 
Saturday. They thought it too old a play to fetch an audience, 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 77. * Ibid. 78. 

* Salisb. Papers, xi. 59. 

* D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 84. Salisb. Papers, xi. 69. 


but Sir Charles Percy offered them 40^. beyond their profits, so 
they agreed to play it, and had their forty shillings." 1 (It 
may be noted that this deposition is signed with a very good 

Sir Christopher Blount further remembered that on 2Oth 
January, when sending letters of compliment to his wife, the Earl 
of Essex asked him to come up to town soon to settle affairs 2 . 
(Blount's wife, it may be remembered, was the Countess of Essex, 
the mother of the present Earl, and afterwards Countess of Leicester; 
she married Blount in July 1589.) He did not advise the surprising 
of the Court, because Gorges had assured him the guard was. 
doubled. He did not like to put the Queen in fear, though Essex 
was a man not disposed to shed blood. He acknowledged that the 
Earl had said to him that if he came to authority he should have 
toleration, for he liked not that any man should be troubled for 
his religion. Blount also reminded his examiners that he had 
served the Queen for many years, and that he had laid open the 
way of the Earl of Leicester and Mr Secretary Walsingham to 
discover the practices of the Queen of Scots. If the Queen knew 
his clear heart towards her, she would never take his life. 

Sir Charles Danvers was the last to yield and confess. But when 
they shewed him the signed depositions of the others he disburdened 
himself 3 . When he came back from the Court on Saturday morning, 
finding there would be resistance, he advised Essex to give up the 
notion and fly to Wales. He came to London about a month 
after Essex had been put in the Lord Keeper's care. Southampton 
and Mount) oy, to whom Essex had committed the care of his 
fortunes, advised him then to go to the continent, and they would 
go with him. Ireland was forced on Mountjoy; Harry Lea was 
sent to the Scotch King, to say that they looked to him as suc- 
cessor. Southampton and he were willing to risk their lives for 
Essex, but not Mountjoy. 

Sir Henry Neville had prepared to return to France as am- 
bassador, 'but was arrested on the way for complicity with Essex 
and taken to the Tower. He had been somewhat unwillingly made 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 85. 

2 Cecil Papers, LXXXIII. 32, printed Camden Series, 78, Appendix. 

3 Birch's Mem. II. 470. D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 89. 


cognizant of the designs of the discontented ones, and in his 
examination 1 said that he had not seen Lord Essex, but had seen 
Cuffe, who desired him to come and consult with the Earl of 
Southampton and Sir Charles Danvers at Drury House. On 
Monday, Candlemas Day, at four of the clock, on coming out of 
Sergeant's Inn he saw a coach pass by, containing the Earls of 
Essex and Southampton, Sir Christopher Blount, and Sir Charles 
Danvers. As they had seen him, he thought it wise to pay his long 
promised visit, so he shortly afterwards went to Drury House, 
where he found the Earl of Southampton and Sir Charles Danvers. 
"There, after some ordinary salutations, because I had never spoken 
with my Lord of Southampton since he was a child in my old 
Lord Treasurer's House, my Lord began to break to me their 
plans." He misliked them, and had had no further communication. 
He saw now that he should have given information. 

It is interesting to note here what the Venetian ambassador said 
two years afterwards: "It has now been discovered that the whole 
action of the Earl of Essex was based on a document signed by six 
conspirators. This contained only two points, first that there was 
to be a rising in which Secretary Cecil and Councillor Raleigh 
were to be killed, as the cause of the Earl of Essex's disgrace, and 
second that they were immediately to cry 'Long live the Queen 
and after her long live King James of Scotland, the sole and rightful 
heir to the English Crown '...a declaration which the Queen had 
always refused to make." 2 (Indeed any discussion of the succession 
she had threatened to proclaim an act of treason.) 

Among the speeches at the Star Chamber on the 1 3th February, 
Sir Robert Cecil stated that for five or six years before the Earl 
had been working to become King of England. 

Lord Dudley 3 said to Sir Robert Cecil that it was vulgarly re- 
ported last summer that Mr John Littleton was in the Low 
Countries and that (as his followers gave it out) by commandment 
of the Privy Council, to stay the quarrel between the Earl of 
Southampton and the Lord Grey. He was sure Littleton was in 
the Essex plot. 

1 Salisb. Papers, xi. 76, 88, 103. D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 598. 

2 Venetian Papers. Ambassador's letter I5th May, 1603. 


The Bishop of Winchester told Cecil that Mr Richard Gifford 
of Somborne, near Winchester, was known to have cleaned his 
armour on the 8th. "He is a great follower of the Earl of South- 
ampton, and his two cousins now at home with him, as also some of 
his brethren, served in Ireland under the said Earl of Southampton 
and were very kindly used by him. It would be well to examine 
them." He had written to the mayor and justices of Winchester 
about the ammunition 1 . 

Winwood, the junior ambassador at Paris, waiting for the 
return of his chief, Sir Henry Neville, wrote to him on iyth 

Yesterday, being at the Louvre, the King took me aside and asked me 
what news I had from England. I told him I had not lately received any. 
He then told me of a strange commotion which should lately be in London 
(which he compared to the Barricades at Paris), intended he said by the 
Earls of Essex and Southampton, followed by divers Knights and other 
Quality, to the number of 2000. I asked him if he had received this news 
from his Ambassador. He said no, but by M. de Rohan, who freshly came 
out of England, and arrived this morning in post. He told me many other 
particulars, which. I take no pleasure to recite. Your Lordship may judge of 
the affliction I feel of that I know and the fear I conceive of that I know 
not. I attend hourly to hear from your Lordship so far to be informed as 
in your Discretion you shall think the knowledge of the truth to be available 
to her Majesty's service. These men here sollace the remembrance of their 
kte miseries with the hopes of their neighbours' calamities, and speak that 
which my heart doth break to think of, and my hand trembles to put down 2 . 

This letter never reached Sir Henry Neville, and Winwood had 
no reply, except the formal announcement, until Sir Robert Cecil 
wrote to him on yth March, "A late unhappy accident hath thrown 
a cloud over my cousin Sir Henry Neville's fortunes." 3 

A letter of Sir Walter Raleigh printed among the Cecil Papers 
and dated 1600?, printed also on the last page but one of Murdin's 
State Papers, evidently should be entered here. It must have been 
written between the gth and the 23rd of February that year, or it 
would tell even more against the writer's character. 

I am not wise enough to give you advice, but if you take it for a good 
counsel to relent towards this tyrant, you will repent it when it shall be 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 89. * Winwood, Mem. i. 294. 

8 Ibid. 299. 


too late. His malice is fixed, and will not evaporate by any your mild courses, 
for he will ascribe the alteration to her Majesty's pusillanimity and not to 
your good nature, knowing that you work but upon her humour, and not 
out of any love towards him. The less you make him, the less he shall 
be able to harm you and yours, and if her Majesty's favour fail him, he will 
again decline to a common person. For after revenges, fear them not; for 
your own father that was esteemed to be the contriver of Norfolk's ruin, 
yet his son followeth your father's son and loveth him. Humours of 
men succeed not, but grow by occasions and accidents of time and power. 
Somerset made no revenge on the Duke of Northumberland's heirs. North- 
umberland that now is thinks not of Hatton's issue. Kelleway lives that 
murdered the brother of Horsey, and Horsey let him go by all his lifetime. 
I Kx>uld name you a thousand of those, and therefore after fears are but 
prophecies, or rather conjectures, from causes remote. Look to the present 
and you do wisely. His son shall be the youngest Earl of England but one, 
and if his father be now kept down, Will Cecil shall be able to keep as many 
men at his heels as he, and more too. He may also match in a better house 
than his, and so that fear is not worth the fearing. But if the father continue, 
he will be able to break the branches and pull up the tree, root and all. 
Lose not your advantage. If you do, I read your destiny. 

Yours to the end, W. R. 

[P.S.] Let the Queen hold Bothwell 1 while she hath him. He will ever 
be the canker of her estate and safety. Princes are lost by security and pre- 
served by prevention. I have seen the last of her good days and all ours 
after his liberty. W. R. [Endorsed "Sir Walter Raleigh."] 2 

Anything more unknightly to the man who had been his chief 
and his benefactor, anything more contemptible than the methods 
by which Raleigh here tempts the Prime Minister, I have not met 
in the chronicles of English history. It is true that we must 
weigh each word, that we must read between the lines and study 
the examples given ; but the meaning is clear. The advice is Death 
to Essex means a life of prosperity to Cecil. How else could "the 
son of Essex" become the youngest Earl in England but one? 

1 A name given here to Essex. * Salisb. Papers, x. 439. 


THE degree of success that attends political actions determines the 
phrases by which they are known. What would have been 
remembered as a coup d'etat^ as a new method of turning out an 
old government, was entered in history as a "rebellion^" because it 

An independent attempt of Captain Thomas Lea 1 to force the 
Queen to send a pardon to the imprisoned Earls, and an order to 
have them brought before herself to be heard and judged fairly, 
hastened and embittered proceedings. When apprehended in the 
court and reproached with his intended coercion of his sovereign, 
Lea said with some insight into her character and her future that 
he "would have made her angry for one half hour, to have lived 
the merrier all the rest of her life." He loved his general Essex 
more than his own life, and was willing to risk it to bless his Queen 
and country by trying to get him set free. Short work was made 
with him; examined on the I3th, to ensure consternation, he had a 
hasty form of trial on the i6th and was executed on the iyth 
of February. 

Eleven days after their apprehension, Essex and his main sup- 
porter, Southampton, were brought before their judges "in West- 
minster Hall in a court made of purpose, square and spacious 
At the lower end of the Hall sat the Queen's Counsell, and at 
their backs, a space railed in for the Earls." 2 

In a bill of the Queen's charges 3 , rendered on 28th September, 
after all the domestic decorations and the Robes of the Garter for 
the French King, the last item runs, "For Brodecloth, Saye, canvas 
nailes and workmanship employed and used in Westminster Hall 
at the arraignment of the two late Earls of Essex and Southampton." 
Everyone knows the pitiful story, every historian and letter writer 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 61, 62. Vincent Hussey, 94. Cecil to Carew, 
March 4th. 

2 Ibid, et seq. * Add. MS. 5751. 

CH. xiv] JUDGMENTS 207 

of the period record it more or less fully, and it need not here be 
repeated in extenso. I have made transcripts at the Record Office 
of over 200 closely written pages concerning the whole mattec, 
but they cannot be utilised here. Some of the special incidents and 
sayings which bear on the main question must, however, be pointed 
out. The prisoners did not seem to notice the names of their 
judges or jury, as read out to them, until the name of Lord Grey 
was called. Then Essex jogged Southampton on the elbow and 
laughed a scornful laugh. He knew no good was intended then, 
when a chief enemy was set in power of place over them. Essex 
asked if they might challenge any of their peers for known 
inimical feeling, as meaner persons might. This right of English 
jury custom was denied them. 

Chamberlain's account becomes interesting because of his 
evident impartiality, and it shews how the list of charges, like a ball 
of snow, gathered as it rolled. On February 24th, 1600-1, he 
wrote to Carleton: "The iQth hereof the Erles of Essex and South- 
ampton were arraigned at Westminster before the Lord Treasurer, 
the Lord High Steward of England for that day, and 25 of their 
peeres, of whom were 9 Erles and 1 6 barons. The only matters 
objected were his practice to surprise the court, his comming into 
London to raise rebellion, and the defending his house against the 
Queen's forces. To the two later he answered that he was driven 
for safety of his life, to the former that it was a matter only in con- 
sultation, and not resolved upon, and if it had taken effect, it was 
only to prostrate himselfe at her Majestie's feet, and there manifest 
such matters against his enemies as should make them odious, remove 
them from about her person, and recal him to her former favour. 
This was the summe of his answer, but delivered with such bravery, 
and so many wordes that a man might easilie perceve that, as he 
had ever lived popularly, so his chiefe care was to leave a good 
opinion in the people's minds now at parting. But the worst of all 
was his many and lowd protestations of his faith and loyaltie to 
the Queue and state, which no doubt caught and carried away a 
great part of the hearers; but I cannot be so easilie led to beleve 
protestations (though never so deep) against manifest proofe, yet I 
must needes say that one thing stickes much in many men's mindes, 
that, whereas divers preachers were commanded the Sunday before 


to deliver to the people, amongst his other treasons, that he had 
complotted with Tirone, and was reconciled to the Pope, and 
whereas Mr Attorney (Coke), at Tom Lea's arraignment, averred 
the same combining with Tirone, and that he had practised by the 
means of Seminarie priests with the Pope and the King of Spaine 
to be king of England, there was no such matter once mentioned 
at his arraignment, and yet there was time enough for it between 
nine o'clock in the morning until almost seven at night. "..."The 
Erie of Southampton spake very well (but methought somewhat 
too much, as well as the other) and as a man that would faine live, 
pleaded hard to acquite himself, but all in vaine, for it could not 
be, whereupon he descended to entreatie, and moved great com- 
miseration; and though he were generally well liked, yet methought 
he was somewhat too lowe and submisse, and semed too loth to die 
before a prowde ennemie." In most accounts, together with the 
true facts, Essex was charged with the "seeking to deprive her 
Majestic of life and government, to sett the crowne upon his own 

Dr Smedley kindly allowed me to see his manuscripts belonging 
to this period, among which is an account of the proceedings. It 
does not vary much from other accounts, but has been written 
by a more friendly auditor than most. "The chief points were the 
rebelling at Essex House, the seeking to deprive her Majesty of 
life and government, to set the Crowne upon his owne head," etc. 

Mr Attorney Coke declared Essex guilty of treason upon each 
count and taunted him with ingratitude for the favours he had 
received from her Majesty! "My hope is that you shall be Robert 
the last Earl of your house, that would have been Robert the first 
King of this land." "Also the Earle of Southampton hath received 
divers favours from her Majestic, though for his misdemeanour, it 
hath pleased her to thinke worse of him." 

Essex in his reply said: "That which I speak is more in justifica- 
tion of this noble man that stands by me, and the rest that are 
ingaged with me, whose hartes are purely affected and whose bodies 
are able to serve their Sovereign and Country." He saw, indeed, 
that " the commandment of allegiance could not protect the Erie of 
Southampton from the late injury done unto him by the Lord Gray," 
and therefore he resolved to stand upon his guard, "having certen 

xiv] JUDGMENTS 209 

advertisements that his private enemies were up in armes against 
him I have had verie unjust courses used against me, papists 
sought out to accuse me, scriveners to counterfeit my hand. .7. 
Here the Lord Gray stood up and protested he did not now malise 
the Erie of Southampton, for he delighted not to presse men of an 
abject fortune, and that which he offered to him in the street was 
in respect of an injurye (which quoth the Earl of Southampton, 
was never meant you). The Lord Steward commanded an end of 
private expostulation." 

Depositions were read. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Governor of 
Plymouth, had been written to that he should come up and meet 
Essex on 2nd* February. He came up without leave, "which being 
known to Sir Walter Rawley his kinsman and friend, he asked 
him to meet him on the water, and advised him to depart instantly." 
Then were urged their consultations at Drury House, and "the Earl 
of Southampton replied with protestations of all loyalty in his hart 
towards her Majestic. And in that he offended her, he was hartilie 
sorie and did in all humbleness beseech her pardon, but touching 
the consultation at Drury House manie things were propounded 
but nothing resolved upon (all being left in the end to the Erie of 
Essex himself). 'But' (quoth he) 'put the case as you would have it, 
it was advised both to attempt the Court and the Tower at once; 
neither of the two was done, how then can it be treason? It is true 
that we did consult at Drury House about the securing my Lord 
of Essex his accesse, free from impediments, and that for no other 
end than to prostrate ourselves at her Majesty's feet, humbly 
submitting ourselves to her mercie, and laying forth our grievances 
to herself, whereof we thought she had not soe true information 
from others. This was the end of our meeting, and with no 

treasonable thought When I was in London I heard not the 

Proclamation... I never drew my sword all day. I am charged to 
have carried a pistol. I had none when I went out, but (being in 
the street) I saw one having a pistol. I desired it of him and had it, 
but it had no stone, nor could it have hurt a fly. At my return to 
Essex House I did what I could to hinder the shooting. For that 
I was too far carried away with love to my Lord of Essex I confess 
to have offended, that being the only scope of all my purposes in 
this business.... Good Mr Attorney' (quoth he) 'let me ask you what 

s. s. 14 


you think in your conscience we would have done to the Queene, 
if we had gained the Court?' 'I protest upon my soule and 
conscience ' (quoth Mr Attorney) ' I doe beleeve she should not have 
long lived after she had been in your power. Note but the pre- 
cedents of former ages, how long lived Richard the Second after he 
was surprised in the same manner? The pretence was alike for the 
removing of certain counsellors, but yet shortly after it cost him his 
life. '...The judges were required to deliver their several opinions 
for the question before propounded by the Earl of Southampton, and 
they said it was treason." 

Then was read the deposition of Sir Charles Danvers, that 
before Christmas Essex had deliberated to secure his access to 
the Queen by surprising the Captain of the Guard. He had 
rather wished the Earl to fly with a few friends; but he had agreed 
to the consultations at Drury House, from the love he bore to 
the Earl of Southampton, to whom he owed his life. Then the 
deposition of Sir Christopher Blount was read. Essex answered: 
"These men are in the same case as we are, and speak as men that 
would fain live. I was drawne into this by those which have the 
Queen's ear and do abuse it, informing unto her many untruths 

of me Being demanded who were the persons at whom he 

principally aimed, he answered Mr Secretary, My Lord Cobham, 
and Sir Walter Raleigh. The Lord Cobham rose up to excuse 
himself, but the Lord Steward cut him short. Then Bacon spoke 
against the Earls." 

Essex resumed at the close: "'I was informed by those of good 
credit that an honourable, grave and wise councillor did with tears 
lament the courses which they were taking with us... .When I 
spake in London about the Infanta it was because it had been told 
me that Mr Secretary should say to one of his fellow councillors 
that the Infanta's tide comparatively was as good as any other in 
the succession. Besides, I saw so many oppressions in the State that 
I was desirous to sacrifice myself in the redress thereof by doing 
anything that a loyal subject could do for the prevention of these 
imminent evils.' Herewith Mr Secretary on his knees asked leave 
to answer the Earl : * I stand here in the person of an honest man, 
and you there in the place of a traitor, wherefore I do challenge you, 
if you dare, to name the Councillor." 3 

xiv] JUDGMENTS 211 

Essex naturally refused, but said that Southampton had heard it 
too; on which Cecil turned to Southampton: "Then, my Lord, I 
conjure you by all the love and friendship that hath been betwixt 
us... to name the Councillor." Southampton asked the opinion of 
the court as to whether he should. " I protest (quoth Mr Secretarie) 
before God and heaven that you shall do your prince and country 
a most acceptable service, for I were a very unworthie man to hold 
that place I do in the state if I were touched in that sort." South- 
ampton named Sir William Knollys, and Cecil begged he should 
be sent for, which was done, and Sir William Knollys cleared him 
by saying it was only in the discussion of the seditious book by 
Doleman the Jesuit (which had been dedicated to the Earl of Essex 
in 1595). Cecil had thought it strange that Doleman should give 
equal right to the Infanta in succession. 

I pause over this incident to consider Cecil's terror and excite- 
ment at Essex's reference to himself, so out of all proportion to the 
statement, even if it had been true. The laws of inheritance in 
this country formed one bar, the determinations of Henry VI IPs 
will formed another, which would prevent any legal mind accepting 
the Infanta's tide, though she had descended from the blood royal 
of England. But it may be remembered that Essex, calling to the 
people in London on the 8th, had said not only that his adversaries 
"would give the Kingdom to the Infanta!" but also that "the 
crown of England is sold to the Spaniard!" 1 

It is more than likely that, through some of the many spies who 
had sought the liberality of Essex, some hint had been given that 
Cecil was among the English pensioners of the King of Spain. 
Unable to charge him without producing authority which might 
have injured others, Essex found himself in the position of Hamlet, 
when, unsure of his ghost, he made up his mind to test its utterances 
by a personal method and said 

The play's the thing 
Wherein I'll catch the conscience of the King (n. 2). 

Thus Essex hazarded the remark about the Infanta as possible 
heiress to the Crown a statement which could more easily be 

1 Comp. note to Cecil's Letter to Carew. Camden Series, 82, p. 68, 
also Add. MS. 5482, f. 206. 



discussed. Cecil's consternation would prove to his satisfaction 
(though he was either generous enough or prudent enough to say 
no more then) that there was something in the charge. As we 
now know certainly that Cecil received not only secret presents 
from Spain during his whole life under James I, but also a 
regular pension, it is much more than likely he had begun to 
do so even towards the close of Elizabeth's reign. This was a 
much more fitting period for the Spanish King to begin to tempt 
the English courtiers than the commencement of the reign of 
her legitimate and approved heir. One phrase among the letters 
of Sir John Digby, ambassador at Madrid, who discovered this 
weighty secret, suggests the idea that the pension was "con- 
tinued." 1 No wonder that Cecil was excited. It was bad enough 
to discuss the Succession at all, to discuss a Spanish Succession worse, 
but to be charged as guilty of taking Spanish gold ! That would 
soon make him change places with the "traitors" (prisoners at the 

Meanwhile "the Queen's Council objected to the Earl of Essex 
his hypocrisy in having in his house continual preachers, yet he was 
content to promise toleration in religion." 

The Earl of Southampton said he was ignorant of the law; that 
he had stirred only because of his love to the Earl. He saw his 
friend's case very desperate for favour, and so he consulted with 
him and others to clear the passage to her Majesty for him. He 
craved pardon if he had transgressed. "Her Majestic being God's 
Lieutenant upon earth, I hope she will imitate Him in looking into 
the heart." The deposition of Sir John Davies was then read. The 
judges agreed that to make a passage to the Queen was treason. 
Then they read the examinations of the Earl of Rutland, Lord 
Cromwell, and Lord Sandys. The Earl of Essex interrupted and 
said: "Make me as wicked as any of your harts would, but do not 
make me so absurd as to go into the city after such a fashion, if 
I apprehended any imminent danger." Mr Attorney objected to 
the Earl of Southampton that he was a papist and had conversation 
with priests. He answered that he knew no priests but only Wright,. 
and he had had no conversation with him. The Attorney next 

1 Letters of Sir John Digby. in S. R. Gardiner's History of England, 1863,. 
vol. II. app. p. 356; also note p. 68. 

xiv] JUDGMENTS 213 

charged Lord Essex with directing Captain Lea to attempt the 
Queen, which he denied. Mr Attorney then stated that the Earl of 
Essex had said he must go home for a black bag, that it should tell 
no tales how he had been betrayed in London. " You were confident 
the city was with you, and in your pride and overweening of your 
heart, you contemned the Queen's Royal authentic, and the 
Herald would not be hearkened unto." The Earl said that he did 
not believe the herald had authority to read a Proclamation, being 
a man of noted dishonesty 1 . "I never attempted anything but 
to serve my Queen and country by making her understand us." 
Mr Attorney told him, " It was impossible but your purpose must 
be to sett the Crown upon your head for you had brought so many 
Earls, Barons, and gentlemen of great houses into this business with 
you. How could it be thought you could have rewarded them out 
of such a broken estate as yours?" Then Bacon remarked that 
"the variety of matters hath severed the judgments of the Lords," 
and pointed out the legal bearings of each step. 

The Lord Steward bade the Lieutenant of the Tower remove 
the prisoners from the bar, and asked each Lord singly if they 
were guilty of treason. And all held them guilty. They were 
recalled to hear their sentence. Essex said that he would not 
contemn the Queen's mercy, but he would not desire it. 

The Earl of Southampton desired her Majesty's mercy according 
to the innocency of his heart. He never had a disloyal thought in 
his life. He desired the Lord Steward and the Peers to be 
intercessors for him. 

The Commission for the trial was dissolved at 6 o'clock 
in the evening, having sat since 9 o'clock in the morning. The axe 
turned towards them, the prisoners were led away back to their 
cells in the Tower that Thursday night Essex to come forth no 
more until the last scene at the block. 

It may be noted in this account, as well as in that of Chamberlain, 
that, except in the words of the Proclamation charge and the 
vituperations of Attorney-General Coke, there was no allusion to 
Essex having intended usurpation of the crown, no evidence brought 
forward, no judgment made upon such a charge. The advisers of 

1 There is a case against Dethick in the uncalendared Court of Requests 


the Crown evidently thought it a sufficient, as it certainly was an 
easier and more logical, process, to try to secure against him a 
particular rather than a universal affirmative conclusion. If they 
convicted him, that was all that they wanted. 

It seems almost necessary to cite a third report of the proceedings, 
partly because it records some facts not mentioned in any other 
account, and partly because it shewed Englishmen at that crisis c as 
others saw them.' It was preserved among the papers of Winwood, 
the ambassador in Paris, being a copy in his own handwriting of a 
letter purporting to have been written by the French ambassador 
in London, M. de Boisisse, to the Due de Rohan. 

Doubts have been thrown upon the letter by some, because the 
ambassador afterwards denied having written it; but, if the details 
are carefully examined, one can find no reason to doubt that either 
M. de Boisisse was present at the trial and made a report of it, 
or that some one representing him did so. An official denial might 
have been based on policy, on its being only a copy, on its having 
been improperly secured, on many things. 

Apart from natural errors in proper names, even in dates, the 
facts seem to be fairly accurate, though stated in a partisan spirit. 

Copy of a letter from Monsieur de Boisisse (the French ambassador then 
residing in England) to Monsieur de Rohan 1 . 

De Londres 4 mars 1600. O.S. 


Je croy que le malheur qui est arrive au Conte d'Essex quand vous 
esties en Angleterre, vous a fait juger soudainement quelle seroit Tissue de 
ceste tragedie. Laquelle ayant este accompagnee a son commencement de 
beaucoup d'infortuns et de disgrace, il s'en est ensuivi la fin, telle qu'un 
chacun la redoubtoit, pleine de cruaute et de tristesse; qui a este un 
Jugement de mort, centre le Conte d'Essex, et le Conte de Southampton. 
Auquel ayant assiste, par un desir de veoir une chose si nouvelle, et aussi de 
remarquer la contenance de ses Ennemis, qui 1'avoyent petit a petit pousse 
a ceste ruine; j'ay pense que ce feroit trop oublier mon devoir, si je ne vous 
escrivois particulierement, tout ce qui c'est passe en ce Jugement. 

Le I7 me de Fevrier, le Conte d'Essex s'estant rendu entre les mains de 
1'Admiraut sur les onze heures de la nuict, avec promesses d'infinies curtoisies, 
fut mene le lendemain a la Tour; et peu apres les Contes de Southampton 
et de Rutland, le Chevalier Christophe Blond beaupere dudit Conte, 
Ferdinando Gorge Gouverneur de [Plymouth] Charles Davers, et quelques 

1 Winwood, Mem. I. 296. 

xiv] JUDGMENTS 215 

autres Gentilshommes, qui furent imprisonnes autre part. Ou ayant este 
quelque temps, il arriva qu'un Capitain nomine Lee, estime un de plus 
braves d'Angleterre, fort serviteur dudit Conte, se hazarda de dire a un sien 
amy, n'y a-t-il point moyens, que sept ou huit bons compagnons commes 
nous sommes, puissent se jetter aux pieds de sa Majeste, en despit de ces 
Milords et de ce petit Bossu, pour luy remonstrer 1'injure qu'on fait a tant 
de brave noblesse, qui est du tout innocente de ce qu'on luy impose, et qui 
pourroit quelque jour luy rendre quelque bon service. L'autre luy respondit 
froidement, qu'il ne trouvoit point de moyen. Or bien dit il, je luy en 
parlera quant je devrois mourir; aussi bien, j'ay une requeste a luy presenter 
pour mes affayres, et par mesme moyen, je pourray aisement executer mon 
desseign. Ce que 1'autre ayant entendu, il ne fallit (comme c'est la coustume 
des Anglois de se trahir 1'un 1'autre), d'en advertir le Secretaire Cecille. 
Lequel prenant 1'occasion par les cheveux, se servoit de ce que ce Capitaine 
avoit dit, et le changeant tout au rebours, fait acroire a la Royne avec ceux 
de son party, qu'un tel avoit este trouve par le Chancelier en sa Chambre, 
ou elle a accoustume de manger, avec un pistolet pour cest effect. 

La Royne tout epouvantee, et craignant fort la mort, commandait qu'il 
soit cruellement puni : Ce qui ne fut pas differe car il fut plus tost execute, 
qu'il ne sceut 1'occasion pourquoi on le faisoit mourir. La peine fut telle, 
on luy arracha la nature, puis on la jetta au feu; apres, on luy ouvroit le 
ventre, luy arrachant le cceur et les entrailles, ce qu'estant consume par le 
feu, on fait plusieurs quartiers de son corps, lesqueles ils meirent en parade 
sur les Tours de la Ville (Ilz ont accoustume de punir ainsi, ceux qu'ilz 
appellent Traistres). 

Or 1'execution de ce Gentilhome estant fait, les ennemis du Conte d'Essex 
ayant beau jeu, ne manquent point de belles raisons pour retenir ceste 
princesse en sa premiere craincte, et luy persuader, que cela venoit de la 
part du Conte d'Essex, qu'il y en avoit bien d'autres qui trainoient un 
mesme desseing. Surquoy, elle commande a ceux de son Conseil d'examiner 
le Conte d'Essex et le Conte de Southampton, et d'en faire brieve Justice. 
Lesquelz ne voulantz respondre, demandent d'estre juges devant leurs payrs. 
Ce qu'estant accorde (plutost pour forme de Justice, et pour faire mieux 
acroire au peuple qu'ilz estoyent Traistres, que par desir qu'ilz y eussent), 
ilz sont conduictz en la grande Salle de Westminster le premier jour de 
Mars, pour respondre aux accusations qu'on leur mettoit dessus. 

Leur juges, estoyent neuf Contes et Seize Barons. Le Grand Seneschal, 
qu'ilz appellent Stuuard, estoit le Grand Tresorier, fort mal propre pour 
ceste charge. II y avoit aussy huict Conselliers de leur Parlement, lesquelz 
estoyent assis un peu bas que les Pairs. Les Noms de Contes estoyent, le 
Conte de Oxford, Parent fort proche du Secretaire, le Conte Shreusbery, 
grand Ennemi du Conte d'Essex, le Conte Derby, le Conte Sussex, le Conte 
d'Erford, le Conte Oustre, le Conte Nottingham qui est PAdmiral, le Conte 
Cumberland, le Conte de Lyncolne. Les Nom s de Barons, Chandos, Darcey, 


Thomas Havart, Cobham, Gray, Bourgley, frere du Secretaire, Riche, 
beaufrere de Conte d'Essex, Compton, Lumley, Hunsdund, qui est le 
Chambellan, De la Warre, Morlay; il y avait aussy un Viconte que s'appelle 
Byndon. Les Accusateurs estoyent un sergent en Loy, et Advocat de la 
Royne qu'ilz appellent le Atturnay Bacon. 

Les Accusations estoyent en General, qu'il n'estoit Sorty de sa Maison 
que pour esmouvoir le peuple a le suivre; qu'il avoit empesche 1'Heraut de 
faire sa Proclamation, qu'il avoit fait resistence en une rue, ou son escuyer 
fut tue, son beaupere fort blesse, et luy mis en grand danger de sa vie 
ayant eu le chapeau perce de deux harquebuzades; qu'il avoit retenu le 
Chancellier, le Chef de Justice, le Conte de Oustre, et Knolles son oncle, 
prisonniers en sa Maison; qu'il estoit papiste; qu'il retenoit les Jesuits en 
sa Maison; qu'il vouloit usurper la Couronne; qu'il avoit de grands Intelli- 
gences en Escosse, et en Irelande avec le Conte de Tyrone. Bref, qu'il avoit 
vendu la Ville de Londres a PInfante, et qu'il en avoit receu quelque Argent. 
Voila ce que generallement ilz luy objecterent. Les Accusations principalles, 
et dont ils faisoyent plus de bruit, sont celles cy : D'avoir retenu le Chancellier, 
le Chef de Justice, le Conte de Oustre, et Knolles, prisoniers; d'estre sorty 
de sa Maison; et d'avoir escrit une lettre, par laquelle ilz se forcoyent de le 
rendre coulpable. Les autres n'estoyent que pour le charger d'avantage, et 
pour le rendre plus odieux. Ayant fait que bien peu d'instance devant que 
respondre a toutes ses Accusations, il pria ses Juges de luy permettre une 
chose, que n'est point refusee aux personnes les plus Viles ; c'estoit, de n'estre 
point juge par ses ennemis propres, et de reprocher ceux qu'il voudroit. 
II luy fut respondu par les huict Conseilliers fort malicieusment, qu'il 
n'estoit pas possible, que ses ennemis, Gens de grand qualite, quand ils 
avoyent fait le serment On mi honour, comme ilz disent (qui vaut autant 
que sur mon honeur), qu'ilz voulussent rompre un serment, qui leur doit 
estre plus cher cent fois que la vie. 

Cette demande luy estant deniee avec beaucoup d'iniquite, il respondit 
a tout mot a mot avec une telle asseurance et contenance, qu'il rendoit ses 
ennemis si estonnes, que voulant parler centre luy ilz demeuroyent muetz; 
ou s'ilz parloyent, c'estoit avec un begayement qui tesmoignoit assez leur 
crainte, accompagnee d'une mauvaise volonte. II disoit soventes fois, qu'il 
n'estoit pas venu la pour sauver sa vie, mais pour deffendre son honneur; 
qu'il y avoit long temps que ses ennemis le desiroyent la pour avec leur 
chiquanries et leur tortues inventions luy faire perdre la teste, ce que cer- 
tainement n'estoit point si cache qu'il ne le fut connu a un chacun. En 
outre, cecy doit bien tenir le premier lieu de la plus grand mechancete qu'il 
se puisse commettre, c'est, que les loix d'Angleterre veulent, que les tesmoigns 
soient examines devant les juges, et devant le criminel; au contraire, boule- 
versant les loix, et les servant a leur poste, meirent en avant quelques fausses 
examinations du Conte de Rutland et du Chevalier Christophle Blond et 
Charles Davers, lesquelz devoyent estre oiiys, et non pas le papier, qui 

xiv] JUDGMENTS 217 

estoit rempli de tout ce qui pouvoit nuire audit Conte d'Essex. Et pour 
mieux joiier leur role, Us feirent venir Ferdinand Gorge, le plus grand Amy 
qui eust le Conte d'Essex, etle premier qui sortit avec luy; lequel, corrumpu 
par ses ennemis avec promesses de ne mourir point, accusa le Conte d'Essex, 
mais depuis, vaincu par sa Conscience, et des demandes du Conte qui le 
pressoyent fort, il confessa que le dit Conte ne luy avoit jamais parle qu'il 
eust desseing de sayser la Royne, comme ses ennemis luy reprochoyent. 

Or ne se contentant pas de ceste faussete, et d'autres petites Galanteries 
de leur bon esprit, ilz font venir le Secretaire, comme personne interposee 
en leur tragedie. Lequel ayant plus de deux ans passes, bien songe a ce qu'il 
avoit a dire, tonna une quantite de paroles contre le Conte d'Essex. Lequel 
n'eut faute de responce de moyens pour maintenir au Secretaire, qu'il avoit 
eu Intelligence avec le feu Roy d'Espagne 1'annee de la Grande Flotte. Ce 
que picqua si fort le Secretaire (pour en estre paraventure quelque chose) 
qu'il se prit a crier tout hault, qu'il ne feroit jamais service a sa Majeste, si 
on ne luy ostoit la teste comme a un Traistre. Et continuant son discours, 
il se mit a genoux, protestant devant Dieu de sa Fidellite (il n'avoit pas 
oublie ce jour la petite boiste, car en ma vie je ne le veis plus beau). Aussitost 
les Pairs se leveront de leur places, et le chapeau au poing, le prierent se 
relever; disant, qu'ilz croyoyent fermement, que sa Majeste n'avoit point 
de mellieur Serviteur que luy, et que sa Fidellite leur estoit assez connue 
(a leur contenance ilz redoubtoyent plus ce petit homme, que leur conscience 
et que leur Royne). Le Secretaire ayant done relasche a ses injures, un peu 
apres les Advocatz meirent fin a leur Accusation, et Messieurs les Pairs a 
leur confitures, et a la biere; car ce pendant que le Conte et les Advocatz 
playdoyent, Messieurs bauffroyent comme s'ilz n'eussent mange de 15 jours, 
prenant aussi force Tabac, entre autres le Conte Cumberland; puis, s'en 
allerent en une Salle pour donner leur voix; ou, bien saouls et bien yvres de 
Tabac, condemnerent les deux Contes au mesme supplice que le Capitaine 
Lee, les appellans Traistres et Rebelles. 

Le Conte d'Essex oyant prononcer son Arrest, fut aussy content et asseure 
comme si on 1'eust mene dancer avec la Royne. Le Jugement dura depuis 
huict heurs de matin jusques a sept du soir, auquel une quantite de Gentilz- 
homes et de Dames se trouverent; lesquelz ayant lasche la boucle de leur 
yeux, verserent tant de larmes, que si les Juges n'eussent eu un courage de 
Tygre (que ne cherche que le sang) ils eussent sans doute revoque leur 
Sentence. Depuis peu il a couru un bruit, que le Conte Southampton avoit 
sa grace, et que le Conte Rutland, qui n'est pas encore juge, seroit quite 
pour d'Argent. II m'a este dit aussi de bonne part, que le Conte d'Essex 
le petit Cecile ayant celebre la Cene ensemble, est qu'ilz estoyent recon^ 

Voyla tout ce que j'ay peu veoir et recognoistre de ce malheur; lequel 
pour estre arrive a la personne d'Angleterre qui a plus de vertus, et qui 
cherit plus la France, ne peut qu'il n'apporte un extreme regret a un chacun, 


principalement a vous, qui pour estre extremement vertueux et scavant en 
la valeur de ses galands, la recognoissies mieu que personne cette perte 
inestimable. C'est pourquoy je mettray fin a ce triste discours me contentant 
seulement du jugement que vous en ferez, et de 1'honneur que j'auray, si 
j'ay tant de faveur en vostre endroit, d'estre tenu 

Monsieur, pour 
Vostre tres humble & tres obeissant serviteur, 

De Londres 4 Mars 
1600, S.N. 

Winwood wrote to Cecil on 2Oth April that M. de Rohan, or 
one of his people, divulged this French libellous letter. A copy 
came to the States agent, as written by Boisisse, from whom he 
received it. The signature seemed to avow the same and many 
other circumstances, as well as the date. The day afterwards the 
ambassador despatched La Motte with letters to the King. M. de 
Messe said that his brother-in-law Boisisse was too wise to write 
such a letter, but his son might do it, and their signatures were 
alike. " M. de Fontaine will return soon and may clear it, he has 
seen the original letter, and thinks it by the son." He had been 
told that one jealous of the good reputation of M. de Boisisse 
had written it. Boisisse is willing to deny it 1 . 

Southampton's wife and mother, probably present at the trial 
among the ladies mentioned, certainly, if they had courage to be 
present, among those who had shed tears, wrote to Cecil at once. 
The first is dated by the writer's words. 

The woeful news to me of my Lord's condemnation passed this day makes 
me in this my most amazed distress address myself unto you and your 
virtues as being the only likely means to yield me comfort. Therefore I do 
beseech you and conjure you by whatsoever is dearest unto you that you 
will vouchsafe so much commiseration unto a most afflicted woman as to be 
my means unto her sacred Majesty that I may by her divine self be permitted 
to come to prostrate myself at her feet, to beg for mercy for my Lord. 
Oh ! let me I beseech you in this my great distress move you to have this 
compassion of me I sue for, and in doing so you shall oblige me to acknowledge 
myself most bound unto you, to pray for your honour and prosperity. So 
kept alive only with hope to obtain mercy I restlessly remain the most 
unhappy and miserable 


1 Winwood, Mem. i. 315. 2 Salisb. Papers, xi. 70. 

xiv] JUDGMENTS 219 

About the same date the mother pleaded: 

God of heaven knows I can scarce hold my hand steady to write and less 
hold steady in my heart how to write, only for what I know, which is to pray 
mercy to my miserable son. Good Mr Secretary, let the bitter passion of 
a perplexed mother move you to plead for her only son for whom, if he had 
led the dance of this disloyalty, I protest to God I would never sue, but 
being first surprised by an alliance, seduced and circumvented by that 
wicked acquaintance and conversation, good Sir give me leave and believe 
that with duty nature may speak and my continual tears may plead for 

It appeared to me many times his earnest desire to secure her Majesty's 
favour, his doleful discontented behaviour when he could not obtain it, 
how apt despair made him at length to receive evil counsel and follow such 
company. I rather fear it than know certainly what bewitched him that he 
should not know of practice and conspiracy before the execution of it, this 
induceth much upon my duty. I have examined and do believe will be found 
true, he had not forty shillings about him nor in his store, yet, upon sale oi 
land lately before, he might have received a far greater sum, which he refused, 
and willed it to be paid to his creditors, a thing I think no man would have 
done that had such a business in hand and at hand. O Good Mr Secretary, 
as God hath placed you near a Prince, so help to move her Majesty to do 
like a God whose mercy is infinite, which I hope may be with her safety, 
when the head of this confusion is taken away. Nothing is fitter than her 
safety, nor any virtue can better become her place and power than mercy, 
which let my prayer move you to beg for me and God move her Majesty 
to grant the most sorrowful and afflicted mother. M.S. 1 

Failure seems to change the characters of men who have ex- 
perienced nothing but success. Hardly had Essex been condemned 
than a radical change came over him in thought, speech, and 
behaviour. There is an often repeated romantic story regarding 
him at that period, which has been doubted of late; but several 
other incidents tend to corroborate it, and it is very much in 
harmony with the romantic nature of the relations between 
Elizabeth and her favourites. In the palmy days of his fortunes 
it was said that the Queen gave Essex a ring by which he could 
appeal to her favour when he should come into dire straits. He 
is said to have remembered this, to have relied on her word, and 
to have sent the ring to her by the Countess of Nottingham, who 
shewed it to Cecil, and he advised her to refrain from interfering 

1 Salisb. Papers, xi. 71-72. 


with the course of events. It is no argument against this story 
that no official record has come down of it; such state secrets were 
** con trolled," at least, at that time 1 . The story survives under 
various embellishments and variations. 

Another account finds the cause of the change in Essex in the 
ultra-Puritanism of his attendant chaplain. Something definite at 
least had changed the feelings of the unfortunate man. Feeling 
that he was doomed to die, he gave up all further concern with 
the affairs of this world. The imaginative nature of his deep-seated 
religious feelings magnified his faults, even to himself, into crimes, 
and, with exaggerated humility, he begged pardon of all those 
whom he had rightly called his enemies. In his utterances there 
is a pathetic relevance to those of his father in his closing days, 
when he is said to have written and sung the lines which appear in 
the 1 596 edition of the Paradise of Dainty Devices*. His other- 
worldliness did not desert him at the block on Ash Wednesday, 
February 25th, though he would fain have cleared himself, even 
then, of any disloyalty in intention to the Queen. The reports of 
his closing hours appeared in every record of the time; Camden's 
ends as follows: "Thus most piously and truly Christianly died 

Robert Devereux Earle of Essex in the 34th year of his age No 

man was more ambitious of glory by virtue, no man more careless 
of all things else." 3 

A long breath was drawn in the nation at large when the 
news spread by the adversaries of Essex with a sense of relief; 
by the bulk of the people with a feeling of awed repulsion; by the 
condemned men in the Tower with a new terror. It is one thing 
to meet death bravely in a field of battle, with dreams of patriotism, 
love, and glory; it is another thing to meet it in the shambles of 
an attainder, with loss and shame and execration. Many confessed 
what they were told to confess, even though they did not all 

Bacon, as charged with part of the prosecution, wrote The 
Declaration of the Treasons of the Earl of Essex to justify the 

1 Strickland's Elizabeth, p. 772. 

2 " The Complaint of a Sinner " sung by the Earl of Essex, on his death- 
bed in Ireland. It is not in early editions of the collection. 

8 Camden, Elizabeth, ed. 1630, book iv. pp. 179-188. 

xivj JUDGMENTS 221 

Queen and the Council in the eyes of the people (Robert Barker, 

It would be interesting to know how much of it he believed. 
The people responded by singing " Well-a-day" and other ballads in 
honour of the departed hero, who had carried the fame of England 
so far 1 . Richard Bancroft, Bishop of London, was on the hunt for 
this ballad, as if it had contained a pernicious heresy. "A fellow 
goeth about the streets selling the Ballads whereof here is a copy 
enclosed. He giveth it out that the Countess of Essex made it, 
which induced many to buy. I am told the ballad was ready 
half a year ago, upon some other occasion. I have sent for the 
Wardens of the Stationers. These villainous printers trouble me 
more than I write of." 2 (ayth Feb. 1600-1.) 

Essex had urged James of Scotland to send up ambassadors by 
the ist of February 3 they did not start till the middle of the 
month or reach London until the 6th of March. Too late. 
Their instructions were delayed by "that unfortunate accident." 
In James' first letter to Cecil under cipher numbers 30 to 10 he 
says, "30 doth protest upon his conscience and honour that Essex 
had never any dealing with him which was not most honourable 
and avowable. As for his misbehaviour there, it belongs not to 30 
to judge of it, for though 30 loved him for his virtues, 30 was 
in no ways obliged to embrace his quarrels." 4 Camden himself 
said of this "conspiracy": "This commotion which some call a 
fear and mistrust, others an oversight; others who censured it 
more hardly termed it an obstinate impatience, and seeking of 
revenge; and such as spoke worst of it called it an unadvised and 
indiscreet rashness, and to this day there are few that ever thought 
it a capital crime." 5 

A later comparison was drawn between Essex and the Due de 
Biron. "After Biron had been condemned to death, it was found 
that he had not been guilty of any of these conspiracies for which 
he was arraigned; but only had offended the King by writing a 
discontented letter, and had given the charge of the army to one 

1 Roxburgh Ballads, I. nos. 402, 563, 571. 

2 Cecil Papers, LXXXVII. 

3 Secret Correspondence of James (Lord Hailes). 

4 Camden Series, LXXVIII. 73, no. i. 

5 Camden, Elizabeth, ed. 1630, bk. iv. p. 178. 


whom the King did not like Though Biron had offended in 
Law he might have been pardoned." 1 The tragedy filled the 
hearts of foreigners with horror, especially in the States and in 

It is not likely that Elizabeth ever heard what people abroad 
thought of her action. It is impossible to dwell on it here, but 
there is one letter which I should like to quote. It is written at 
some place in Flanders, not far from Liege, on the 23rd of March 
(N.S.), 1601. 

Good Mr Halynes....Your last I take the date to be about the end of 
February, or the first inst with you. All newes here have been of the late 
Essexical Stirres in England. The States of Holland do take that Earles 
death grievously, some have written from thence that England is more 
bloody than all the world besydes. I am unwilling to wryte what else they 
wryte and speake as it soundeth so il and reprochful to that country and 
nation. This fal of the Earle of Essex, with the late great arrest and con- 
fiscating of Hollanders ships and goods by Spaine, together with the peace of 
Savoy are three things that concurring at once, can make the States wel 
able to keep their countenance from laughing.... Many are of opinion and 
great presumption they have thereof that som few of the States of most 
secret counsell were privy to the Earl of Essex's designe, and should have 
concurred to his assistance, some of them have said since his death that their 
very patron and father was now taken away by the bloody axe of England, 
who, if he had prevailed, would never have abandoned them. 

Yours, J. SAur: 2 

The Venetian ambassador in Rome wrote to the Doge on 
April 28th (N.S.): "I am informed from a very sure quarter that 
the tumults in England, which have cost the Earl of Essex his 
head, are of Spanish intrigues." 3 

In his chapter on "Impresses" Camden says, referring to an 
earlier occasion: "Excellent was that device of the late Lord Essex, 
who, when he was cast down by sorrow, and yet to be employed 
in arms, wore a black mourning shield without any figure inscribed 
'Parnullafigura Dolor'." 4 

1 Cecil Papers, xcvn. 13. z Foreign Correspondence, Flanders, I. 

3 Venetian Papers, ix. 4 Camden's Remains, 1605. 



THE chief offender having paid the extreme penalty of his audacity, 
the Privy Council turned to minor matters and smaller men. On 
February 26th was drawn up a list 1 of the prisoners and what 
course to be taken with them: "Persons already indicted and fit 
to be arraigned, Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Charles Danvers, Sir 
Gelly Mericke, Sir John Davies. . . .Not yet indicted, but fit to be 
indicted, five. Already indicted, but to be forborne to be arraigned, 
but to be fined, 16," among whom are "Sir Henry Carew, Sir 
Robert Vernon, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Charles Percy, Sir 
Joscelin Percy, Robert Catesby. Attainted, and fit to be executed " 
(a blank, probably intended to have been filled with the name of 
Southampton). "Fit to be forborne from being indicted but yet 
to be fined, 1 6," among whom are Francis and George Manners, 
John Vernon, Sir Edward Littleton. "To be discharged without 
bonds, without indictment, arraignment, or fines, 32," among whom 
were Edward Throgmorton, John Vaughan, John Arden, Francis 
Kinnersley. "Such as were in the action, and not yet taken, 
seven," among whom was Sir Christopher Heydon. "Fit to be 
kept in prison without indictment or any other prosecution against 
them, Francis Smith," etc. 

On the 2nd of March Sir John Davies wrote to Cecil that he 
had not had the help he expected from others, but to him he owed 
everything, "at what tyme you gave order unto Sir W. Rawley 
that if I were endited, that it should be stayed, if otherwise that it 
should go no further." 2 He thanks Cecil warmly and offers his 
faithful service. 

On the same day Cecil wrote to Mountjoy, "The man that 
grieveth me to think what may become of him is the poor young 
Earl of Southampton." 3 Then he uses the same phrases as he does 
in the following letter. 

1 Cecil Papers, LXXXIII. 92. * Add. MS. 6177/73. 

4 Irish State Papers, evil. p. 198, also D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 125. 


In Cecil's historical letter in March to Sir George Carew, 
explaining fully the course of events, he says that on March the 
5th Sir Christopher Blount, Sir Charles Danvers, Sir John Davies, 
Sir Gelly Meyrick, and Henry Cuffe were all arraigned and 
condemned. "It remayneth now that I lett you know what is lyke 
to become of the poore young Earle of Southampton, who, meerely 
for the love of the Earle hath been drawen into this action, who, 
in respect that most of the conspiracies were at Drury House, where 
he was always cheefe, and where Sir Charles Davers laye, those 
that would deale for him (of which number I protest to God I am 
one, as far as I dare) are much disadvantaged of arguments to save 
him, and yet, when I consider how penitent he is, and how merciful 
the Queen is, and never in thought or deed, but in this conspiracy 
he offended, as I cannot write in despaire, so I dare not flatter 
myself with hope." 1 He helps to date this by saying, "three or 
four days since arrived the Earl of Mar, ambassador to the King 
of Scots." Writing to Winwood on March yth, he says, "yesterday 
here arrived Earl of Mar." 2 

On the 1 3th of March Meyrick and Cuffe suffered at Tyburn, 
and two days afterwards Sir Christopher Blount and Sir Charles 
Danvers were beheaded in the Tower 3 . "Danvers had offered 
i 0,000 to redeem his life, yet with a most quiet mind and coun- 
tenance took his death most Christianly." It is quite possible that 
he was comforted by thinking that if he died for the Drury House 
conspiracy, it would give his friend Southampton a better chance of 
escaping (as it certainly did). 

On March the 22nd the Council indited a letter to Sir John 
Peyton, Lieutenant of the Tower: 

Whereas we do understand that the Earl of Southampton, by reason of 
the continuance of his quartern ague, hath a swelling in his legges and other 
parts, you may admytt Doctor Paddy, who is acquainted with, the state of 
his bodie, in your presence to have accesse unto him, and to conferre with 
him for those things that shall be fitt for his health 4 . 

It seems probable that "the continuance" of Southampton's 
illness had finally crushed his pride, and led him to those effusive 

1 Camden Series, 82. D.S.S.P. Cecil seems to forget the Queen's wrath 
about Southampton's marriage in 1598. 

2 Winwood, Mem. i. 299. 3 Camden's Elizabeth, bk. iv. p. 178 
4 Reg. Privy Council. 

xv] CLEARING UP 225 

petitions and confessions which are entered among the Salisbury 
Papers as "after Feb. igth 1600-1." By them may have been spread 
among the Lords of the Council the opinion of his "penitence," 
expressed openly by Cecil in his correspondence, which encouraged 
them to grant him this degree of consideration not much in 
itself, it is true, but it marks the beginning of the turn of the 
tide 1 . 

Though these effusions are printed in extenso already, they seem 
important enough to be repeated here, as his contribution to the 
story of the previous year of his life 2 . The fourth paper, which 
appears among the Salisbury Papers as his "Statement," I shall 
contract, as the facts are noted elsewhere. 

At an uncertain date, but entered in the Salisbury Papers, vol. xi. 
p. 72, as "after Feb. igth 1600-1," occurs the following: 

Henry Earl of Southampton to the Council 

My Lordes, 

I beseech your Lordships bee pleased to receaue the petition of a 
poore condemned man, who doth, with a lowly and penitent hart, confess 
his fautes and acknoledge his offences to her Maiestie. Remember, I pray 
your Lordships, that the longest lyuer amongest men hath but a short time 
of continewance, and that there is none so iust vppon earth but hath a 
greater account to make to our creator for his sinnes then any offender can 
haue in this world. Beleeue that God is better pleased with those that are 
the instrumentes of mercy then with such as are the persuaders of severe 
iustice, and forgett not that hee hath promised mercy to the mercifull. 

What my fawte hath been your Lordships know to the vttermost, wherein, 
howsoeuer I have offended in the letter of the law, your Lordships I thinke 
cannot but find, by the proceedings att my triall, that my harte was free 
from any premeditate treason against my souerayne, though my reason was 
corrupted by affection to my friend (whom I thought honest) and I by that 
caried headlonge to my mine, without power to preuent it, who otherwise 
could neuer haue been induced for any cawse of mine owne to haue hazarded 
her Maiesties displeasure but in a trifle : yet can I not dispayre of her fauor, 
nether will it enter into my thought that shee who hath been euer so re- 
nowned for her uertues, and especially for clemency, will not extend it to 
mee, that doe with so humble and greeued a spirit prostrate my self att her 
royall feete and craue her pardon. O lett her neuer sufer to bee spiled the 
bloud of him that desiers to live but to doe her sendee, nor loose the glory 
shee shall gaine in the world by pardoninge one whose harte is without 

1 Salisb. Papers, xi. 2 Camden Series, 73, app. 93-100. 

s.s. 15 


spott, though his cursed destiny hath made his actes to bee condemned, 
and whose life, if it please her to graunte it, shallbe eternally redy to bee 
sacrifised to accomplish her least comandement. 

My lords, there are diuers amongest you to whom I owe particular obli- 
gation for your fauors past, and to all I haue euer performed that respect 
which was fitt, which makes me bould in this manner to importune you, 
and lett not my faultes now make me seem more vnworthy then I haue been, 
but rather lett the misery of my distressed estate moue you to bee a mean 
to her Maiestie, to turne away her heauy indignation from mee. O lett not 
her anger continew towardes an humble and sorrowfull man, for that alone 
hath more power to dead my spirites then any iron hath to kill my flesh. 
My sowle is heauy and trobled for my offences, and I shall soon grow to 
detest my self if her Maiestie refuse to haue compassion of mee. The law 
hath hetherto had his proceedinge, wherby her Justice and my shame is 
sufficiently published ; now is the time that mercy is to be shewed. O pray 
her then, I beseech your lordships, in my behalf to stay her hand, and stopp 
the rigorus course of the law, and remember, as I know shee will neuer 
forgett, that it is more honor to a prince to pardon one penitent offender, 
then with severity to punish mayny. 

To conclude, I doe humbly entreate your Lordships to sound mercy in 
her eares, that therby her harte, which I know is apt to receaue any impression 
of good, may be moued to pity mee, that I may Hue to loose my life (as 
I have been euer willing and forward to venture it) in her service, as your 
lordships herein shall effect a worke of charity, which is pleasinge to God ; 
preserue an honest-harted man (howsoeuer now his fautes haue made him 
seem otherwise) to his contry; winn honor to yourselues, by fauoringe the 
distressed; and saue the bloud of one who will Hue and dy her Maiesties 
faythfull and loyall subiect. 

Thus, recommendinge my self and my sute to your Lordships' honorable 
considerations; beseechinge God to moue you to deale effectually for mee, 
and to inspire her Maiesties royall harte with the spirite of mercy and 
compassion towardes mee, I end, remayninge, 

Your Lordships most humbly, of late Southampton, but now of all men 
most vnhappy, 


At an uncertain date, but entered in the Salisbury Papers, vol. xi. 
p. 72, as "after Feb. igth 1600-1" occurs the "Confession of 
Henry, Earl of Southampton." 1 

Att my first comminge out of Ireland and vppon the committment of 
my Lord of Essex, my Lord Mountioy came to my lodginge to Essex howse, 
where he tould mee that hee had before his cominge foreseen his ruine, and 

1 Correspondence of James VI of Scotland, ed. Bruce, p. 96. 

xv] CLEARING UP 227 

desieringe to saue him if it mought bee, had sent a messenger to the King 
of Skottes to wish him to bethinke him self, and not suffer, if hee could 
hinder it, the gouerment of this state to bee wholy in the handes of his 
ennimies; and if hee would resolue of any thinge that was fitt, he should 
find him forward to doe him right, as farr as he mought with a safe conscience 
and his duty reserued to her Maiestie; that hee expected, within a while 
after, to receaue answer, which when he did I should know it. Not long 
after hee towld mee hee had heard from him, and shewed mee a lettre 
which hee sent him, wherin was nothinge but complimentes, allowinge of 
his reseruations, and referringe him for the matter to the bearer, who 
deliuered unto him that the King would think of it, and putt himself in a 
rediness to take any good occation; whereuppon hee sent him againe with 
this proiect, that hee should prepare an army att a conuenient time, declare 
his intent, that hee would bee redy to assist him with the army in Ireland, 
whether hee was goinge, and mought for the healfe of those doe that which 
was fitt in establishinge such a course as should bee best for our contry; 
houldinge euer his former reseruations. Att this time I lykewise wrote a 
lettre to the Kyng professinge my self to be willinge to doe him sendee, as 
farr as I mought with my alleageance to her Majestic, and by the messengers 
sent him woord that in this course I would assist him with my endeauors 
and my person. 

To this dispach wee receaued no answer duringe the time of his aboade 
heare; but within a while after, the messenger returned, and brought for 
answer that he lyked the course well, and would prepare him self for it; 
but the yeare growinge on, and it beeinge thought by Sir Charles Danvers 
that the army of Ireland would suffice alone, I made my Lord of Essex 
acquainted by lettres, hee beeinge then att Essex howse, what had been doon, 
and that opinion hee allowed of, and it was resolued that I should breake 
the matter to my Lord Mountioy att my cominge into Ireland, which 
I did, and hee vtterly rejected it as a thinge which hee could no way thinke 
honest, and diswaded mee from thinkinge of any more such courses, which 
resolution I toke and wrote ouer to Sir Charles Danvers heere what I fownd, 
and that I had geeuen ouer thinkinge of such matters; wheruppon, willinge 
to spend my time in her Majesties sendee, to redeem the fault I had made 
in thinkinge that which mought bee offensiue to her, I was desierus to seat 
my self in Ireland, so that the Deputy makinge a motion to mee to stand 
for the gouerment of Conagh, I desiered that hee would moue it, meaninge, 
if I could obtayne it, to settle there; which beeinge denied mee, and I 
vnable to lyue att so great a charge as I could not chuse but bee att there, 
I resolued presently to go into [the] Low Countries, leauinge him, and 
parttinge my self without any imagination (as I protest before God) to thinke 
any more of any matters of that nature, but resoluinge to take my fortune 
as it should fall out, and as by my meritt hir Majestic should hould me 
worthy; or, if the woorst happined, that her Majestic should continew her 



displeasure against mee, which I hoped would not [be], to retire my self into 
the contry, and liue quietly and pray for her. I doe protest also before God, 
I left the Deputy, as I thought and so I assure my self, resolued to doe her 
Majestic the best seruice hee could, and repentinge that hee had euer 
thought that which mought offend her. 

I went into the Low Contries with that mind, and so continewed vntill, 
a few dayes before my comminge thence, Mr Littleton came to mee, as he 
sayed from my Lord of Essex, and towld mee that hee was resolued on the 
course which is confessed for his coming to the courte; att the hearinge of 
which I protest before the Majestic of God I was much trobled in my 
harte, yet because hee protested in it all sincerely and loyally to her Majestic, 
I sent him woord that I would att any time venture both my fortune and 
life for him, with any thinge that was honest. Vppon my first seeinge him 
hee confirmed as much, and what passed afterward concerninge that I nead 
not speak of, it beeinge so well knowen. 

Mr Littleton lykewise towld mee that Sir Charles Danvers was sent into 
Ireland by my Lord of Essex to perswade my Lord Mountjoy to write a 
lettre to him wherin hee should complaine of the ill gouerment of the 
state, and to wishe that some course mought be taken to remooue from about 
her Majesties person those which weare bad instrumentes, protesting that 
it should neuer bee knowen till hee had been with her Majestic and satisfied 
her of his intent, and then hee would shew it her, that shee mought see that 
not only him self, who perhappes shee would thinke desiered it by reason 
of his discontentmentes and priuate offences, but also those that weare in 
good estat and in her fauor, wished to. I then towld him that I did not 
thinke my Lord Deputy would doe it, for I lett him know how I left him, 
and that I did not thinke there was any spiritt in him to such a course. 
Within a while after I came into England, Sir Charles Danvers returned, 
and towld me that hee fownd my Lord Deputy much against any such 
course, and that hee had sett his hart only vppon followinge of the Queen's 
seruice, and thought not of any such matters; but if he would neades runn 
that course (which hee did not lyke and gaue him [for] lost in) hee should 
send him woord, and hee would write to him; this hee towld mee hee 
yealded to very vnwillingly, and withall towld him, that if any there of his 
followers would goe ouer, hee would not hinder them. 

For that which was proiected for my Lord of Essex eskape out of my 
Lord Kepers house, I protest before God I alwayes diswaded from it; and 
the same eueninge before, not three howers before it should have been 
attempted, I protested against it vnder my hand, and so brake it, incurringe 
much imputation amongest them for want of affection to my Lord, and 
slackness to doe him good. 

This haue I sett down all trewly as I can remember it, without ether 
wronging any or fauoringe my self; and will only conclud with this, that I 
protest before the Almighty God I neuer sett any of these thinges on foote 

xv] CLEARING UP 229 

or beeinge proiected did instigate any to folow them, nor neuer bare disloyall 
or vnreuerent hart to her Majestic, but was drawen into them meerly by 
my affection to my Lord of Essex, whom I thought honest to her and to 
her state; and, had I not been inuited when I was in the Low Gentries to 
this last woorke, for which I was directly sent by my Lord of Essex, the 
world should haue wittnessed with me the duty I had borne to her Majestic, 
and I did not then doute but with my honest endeuors in her sendee in 
few yeares to haue deserued forgiueness of my former offensiue thoughtes, 
which I am now by my accursed fortune cutt off from. I doe therfore now 
prostrate my self att her Majesties princely feete, with a trew penitent 
sowle for my fautes past, with horror in my conscience for my offences, and 
detestation of mine owne life if it bee displeasinge vnto her. I doe with all 
humility craue her pardon. The shedinge of my bloud can no way auayle 
her; my life, if it please her to graunt, shall euer bee redy to be lost in her 
sendee, and, lett my sowle haue no place in Heauen, if euer I harbour 
thought in my harte which I shall thinke may bee any way offensiue vnto 
her, but remayne to the end of my dayes as honest and faythfull a subiect 
vnto her as is in the world; and I doe on the knees of my hart beseech her 
Majestic not to imagen that these are the wordes of a condemned man, 
who, fearinge death, would promise any thinge, and afterward, beeinge free, 
would as soon forgett it. O, no! The world will wittness with mee, that 
in her sendee I haue geuen sufficient testemony, more then once, that 
I feare nether death nor danger, but they are protestations that proceed 
from the honest harte of a penitent offender. O, the Kinge of Heauen hath 
promised forgiueness of their sinnes that with sorrow and fayth aske pardon, 
and I that doe know her Majestic to be gratius, and doe with soe greiued a 
mind begg forgiueness, cannot dispayre but hope that the God of Mercy, 
who doth neuer shutt his eares to the afflicted that cry unto him, howsoeuer 
they haue offended, nor is euer weary of beeinge compassionate to those 
which vnfaynedly repent and call to him for grace, and hath promised 
forgiueness of sinnes to those that forgeeue in this world, will moue her 
Majestic to pyty mee, that I may lyve to make the world know her great 
merritt and seme her; for whom I will euer pray and lyue and dy her humble 
loyall and faythfull vassall. 


There bee two thinges which I haue forgotten to sett in their right 
places, your Lordship must bee therfore pleased to take them in this post- 
script. One is, that not longe before the day of our misfortune my Lord of 
Essex towld mee that Sir Henry Neuill, that was to goe embassador into 
Fraunce, was a man wholy att his deuotion, and desiered to runn the same 
fortune with him, and therfore hee towld mee that hee would appoint him 
to come to my lodginge in Drury House, and I should make him acquainted 
with his porpose of goinge to the Courte, which I did ackordingly, after 
this manner; I towld him that I vnderstood by Cuff (who had lykewise made 


mee know his disposition) that hee had deuoted him selfe to my Lord of 
Essex, and that hee desiered to engadge him self in any thinge wherby his 
fortune mought bee re-established. If it weare so, I had somewhat to say 
to him from my Lord of Essex, and therfore wished him to lett mee know 
his mind. Hee answered mee, that what Mr Cuff had sayed hee would 
performe, therfore desiered mee to say on. So I deliuered vnto him what 
my Lord of Essex intended, which hee allowed of, and concluded that when 
hee should bee appointed, hee would bee att the Courte before, to gyue 
him fartherance with himself and his people. The other is: that not longe 
agoe my Lord of Essex wrote to the King of Skottes which hee shewed mee, 
of three sides of paper and more, the effect of which as I remember was, 
to discredite the faction (as he termed it) contrary vnto him, and to entreate 
him to send hether the Earle of Marr with commandement to folow those 
directions which hee should geeue, and with all in what woordes hee should 
geeue him notice if hee would performe it, which he receaued, and that 
was it he ware in the blak purse about his necke. He drew also, as he towld 
mee, instructions for him against his cominge, but I neuer saw them. This 
haue you, I protest before God, all that I remember, or doe know, wherin 
I once again beseech your Lordship to marke, that I haue neuer been mouer 
nor instigator of any of these thinges, but drawen into them by my best 

At an uncertain date, but entered in the Salisbury Papers, vol. xi, 
p. 72, as "after Feb. igth 1600-1" occurs the following: 
Henry, Earl of Southampton to Sir Robert Cecil. 

Sir, because I receaued a charge from you and the rest of the Lords, 
when I last spake with you, that I should conceale the matter which was 
in hand, I thought fitt to acquaynt you with what I fownd this morninge 
by the Lieuetenant, who, talkinge with mee, made me see that he knew as 
much as I could tell him. From whence hee had it I know not, but I protest 
before God I haue trewly obayed your commandement, and haue not 
opened my mouth of it to any, nor say this to bring blame vppon any, but 
only to free my self from imputation. 

But now, seeinge my cheef hope is in your desier to effect my good, next 
vnto the fauor of God and the mercy of her Majestic, I cannot but remember 
you of thease particulers, which before I had forgotten. First that the 
owld matter, as soon as I could acquaynt my Lord of Essex with it, I did, 
lettinge him know that it was only thought of in respect of him, and how 
that without his approbation it should bee desisted, in which he was so 
farr from diswadinge that he gaue mee the directions I haue made knowen. 
Then, the thought of that beeinge abandoned, hee sent directly for mee 
into the Low Countries, lettinge me know, before my opinion was asked, 
that hee had resolued it. Lastly, to make you see that I was neuer willing 

xvj CLEARING UP 231 

to stirr in these thinges, thise same morninge the matter happned between 
my Lord Grey and mee, I telling him that I thought, in respect the thinge 
was so notorius, the counsell would take notice of it, and send for mee 
aboute it, he answered me that it was lyke enough, but if they did without 
question it was but a collor to lay handes of mee, and therfore wished me 
not to goe; to which I replied, that he should not enter into any violent 
course for mee, for I knew I had made no fawte, and I would trust in the 
iustice of the state; so, beeinge sent for, I only tooke two with mee and 
went. Now, out of thease circumstances, I beseech you make your coniecture, 
whether I was likely to bee an instigator in these businesses. For this that 
I haue sett down, I protest before God is trew, and I doe rely so much 
vppon your fauor that I doute not but you will make vse of them for my 
aduantage, and I shall continew bound vnto you, as I protest I doe account 
my self alredy, more then to any man lyuinge, which whether I Hue or dy 
I make the world know to your honor. I beseech you pardon the bad writinge 
of this, for I write in hast 1 . 

The statement, "according to commandment," tells the 
story of the incident in Dublin Castle 2 , when Essex took him 
to the room where Sir Christopher Blount, his stepfather, lay 
wounded. He there proposed to take a part of the army back with 
him, but both Blount and Southampton advised him against this, 
and he gave it up. But he was determined to come over, so both 
of them advised him "to go well attended to secure himself from 
private enemies... if his life were in danger he knew there was 
none of us but would adventure ours to save him." Southampton 
had been within sight, but not within hearing, of the conference 
with Tyrone; but Essex told him afterwards some of the points 
discussed. Tyrone had tempted him to leave the Queen's service, 
but Essex rejected the notion. Essex knew nothing of Tom Lea's 
going to Tyrone before. "Of some part of this Sir Christopher 
Blunt was a witness, who though the world knows he never loved 
me, yet do I beseech your honour and Mr H. [?] that he may be 
asked of it, and I doubt not but for the truth's sake he will confirm 
and make you see how much I did detest it. For the rest, I can 
produce no testimony, only God knows my heart that I lie not 
I had resolved that whatsoever concerned her Majestic I would 
have revealed, and he [BlountJ had only the start of me by reason 

1 Correspondence of James VI of Scotland, ed. Bruce, Camd. Soc. p. 95. 

2 Cecil Papers, LXXXIV. 10. 


he spake first with you." He says that if he had only been allowed 
to live in her Majesty's presence this evil would never have come 
to him. His heart had never been cankered with a disloyal thought 
and he hopes she will forgive him. 

The allusion to Sir Christopher Blount shews that he was still 
alive; therefore the "statement" must have been made before the 
1 5th of March probably, indeed, after the 5th of March when 
Blount was tried. It. is evident that the most important part of his 
information concerned Lord Mountjoy. This was probably the 
secret part that he was told not to speak of. For the Councillors 
were in a difficulty. Here was a man definitely concerned with 
Essex's discontent^ yet who was acting as his successor and was 
actually the representative of her Majesty in Ireland! They could 
not recal him without damaging English prestige; it was evident 
that he had repented when he was put in trust, and they wisely 
determined to ignore the past, being sure that he would be doubly 
dutiful, to save the risks of examination and recal. Hence the Earl 
of Nottingham was able to write to him encouragingly about the 
prospects of Southampton, as both he and Sir Robert Cecil were 
earnestly working in his favour " we use all our power and wits 
for it." 1 

The arrest of Sir Henry Neville, as he was returning to France 2 , 
was a great distress to his assistant and coadjutor, Mr Ralph Win- 
wood, who wrote to him on February iyth that the French King 
had told him of the rising of Essex and Southampton, but he added 
that he would wait to believe it until Neville himself gave him 
information. Neville was silent. Cecil told Winwood the bare 
official truth, and on iyth March Winwood again wrote to his 
chief a sympathetic and trustful letter, saying that he knew his 
loyalty to the Queen and country. There are many more letters 
of Winwood in a volume of Foreign Correspondence at the 
Record Office 3 . Sir Robert Cecil put all his strength forth to save 
his cousin Neville. 

It was not to be expected that the Privy Council would 
neglect to seize the available property of the chief conspirators. On 

1 Spedding's Bacon, I. 411. 

2 State Papers, Foreign News Letters, France, ix. 

3 Foreign Correspondence, 45. 

xv] CLEARING UP 233 

February I3th they entered "The property to be seized Bever 
Castle of the Earl of Rutland, Chartley of the Earl of Essex, the 
houses of the Earl of Southampton, the one called The V'tne^ the 
other [?] "*. Some mistake lay here "The Vine" never belonged to 
Southampton. A seizure was made of his horses, for some of which 
an innkeeper made a heavy charge for feeding 2 . His trustees were 
closely examined as to his financial affairs 3 ; and an enquiry was 
made whether the Earls of Essex, Southampton, or Rutland had 
held any lands in the Cinque Ports, March I3th 4 . The Earl of 
Essex's family were left in destitution. 

As soon as the Privy Council felt safe by the apprehension of 
the chief offenders, they turned their attention towards possible 
mercy, in order to ingratiate themselves with the people. This 
rarely meant politic mercy, as in the case of Mountjoy, who was 
needed where he was; or even compassionate mercy, as in the case 
of the Earl of Southampton. It in general expressed itself as 
mercantile mercy, measured in proportion, not to the degree of 
the offender's guilt, but of his capacity to pay. 

As early as February 23rd Thomas Scriven, the family steward 5 , 
conveyed to Mr John Manners (the uncle of the Earl of Rutland) 
his hope for his master's life. He knew that a fine was certain, 
rated at that date at 30,000, but he hoped that amount might be 

On the 27 th May, 1601, John Chamberlain wrote to Dudley 
Carleton : 

Sir Harry Neville is in the Tower, which at first made many men think 
he should come to his answer, but this whole term having past without any 
arraignment, makes me think there shall be no more blood drawn in this 
cause. The rather for there is a commission to certain of the counsaile to 
ransome and fine the Lords and Gentlemen that were in the action, and 
have already rated Rutland at 30,000, Bedford at 20,000, Sands at 10,000, 
Mounteagle at 8000, and Cromwell at 6000, Catesby at 4000 marks, 
Tresham at 3000 marks, Percies and Manners at 500 and 500 marks, the 
rest at other summes....Our two new Knights of the Garter, the Erie of 
Darbie and the Lord Burghley were installed yesterday at Windsor. Anthony 

1 Reg. Privy Council. 

2 Accounts Exchequer, K. R., Bdle 522, no. n. 

3 D.S.S.P. CCLXXIX. 91. 

* MSS. of the Corporation of Rye. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. xm. app. iv. 
p. 123. * Belvoir Papers, xiv. 366. 


Bacon has died so deep in debt that his brother Francis is little the better 
by him 1 . 

By June loth these fines were mitigated in some cases: 

Fynes imposed on the noblemen and other confederates in the late 
rebellion. The Earl of Rutland 30,000 to 20,000, the Earl of Bedford 
20,000 to 10,000, Baron Sandys 10,000 5000, Baron Cromwell 
5000 to 2000, Lord Mounteagle 8000 to 4000, Sir Charles Percy 500, 
Sir Joscelin Percy 500, Sir Henry Gary 400 marks 200 marks, Sir Robert 
Vernon 500 marks 100, Sir William Constable 300 m. 100, Robert 
Catesby 4000 marks, Francis Tresham 3000 m. Francis Manners 400 m. Sir 
George Manners 400 m. Sir Thomas West 1000 m. Gray Bridges looo m. 
Sir Edward Middleton 500 m. 200, Thomas Crompton 400, Walter 
Walsh 4002. 

On June a6th there is a note that the Earl of Bedford, being 
urged to make speedy payment, begs leave to be allowed to pay in 
instalments. He also entreats the Queen to aid him in his efforts 
to do so 3 . 

There also appears in the Salisbury Papers the following entry: 
"Persons living that are condemned, the Earl of Southampton, 
Sir John Davys, Sir Edward Baynham, John Littleton." 4 None of 
these were executed Sir John Davies probably from policy; John 
Littleton died of illness. It went hard with Southampton also. 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXXIX. 91. 2 Ibid. 106. 3 Ibid. 121. 

* Salisb. Papers, xi. 86, 214. Cecil Papers, LXXXIV. 5, and ibid. 23. 



A REMARKABLE metrical effusion without title or date is preserved 
in the special volume of State Papers which contains the records 
of the conspiracy and trial 1 . The only allusion to authorship lies 
in the words "our men lost the day," so that it must have been 
written by a sympathiser with Essex who had managed to escape 
capture. It is not of a nature to have been safely printed then, but 
it is probable that many MS. copies spread. There have been 
preserved two copies at least among the State Papers, and I have 
discovered another among the Harleian MSS. 2 in a volume which 
the Calendar seems to have entered as collected by the third Randle 
Holmes as a book of "Songs and Sonnets." These were considered 
to be too inferior to be worth fuller description than "Epitaphs, 
Lampoons and Satires." This rescension contains some variant 
readings, so I shall distinguish the three copies by A, B, and C, and 
number the verses, to make clear my elucidation of their meanings. 
This c lampoon ' was copied many years ago for Dr Brandl, and it 
appeared in the volume of the Shakespeare 'Jahrbuch for 1910. 

It is probably, in all three cases, incomplete, as certain names 
are omitted which would naturally have been included in one or 
other of the groups. 


Chamberlin, Chamberlin 

hees of hir graces Hnne 

foole hath he euer bin 

with his Joane silverpin 
She makes his cockescombe thin 

and quake s in euerie limme 

quicksilver is in his head 

but his wit's dull as lead 
Lord for thy pittie. 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 23. * Harl. MS. 2127, f. 34. 

3 A shakes. 



partie beard was aferd 
when they rann at the heard 
the Raine deer was imbost 
the white doe shee was loste 
pembrooke strooke her downe 
and tooke her from the clowne 
Lord for thy pittie. 


litell Cecill tripps up and downe 
he rules boet court & croune 
with his brother Burlie clowne 
in his great fox-furred gowne 
with the long proclamation 
hee swore 1 hee sav'd the towne 
is it not likelie ? 

IV 2 

Bedford hee ranne awaie 
when ower men lost the daie 
so 't is assigned 
except his fine dancing Dame 
do their hard hartes tame 
and swear it is a shame 
fooles should bee fined. 

litell Graie, litell Graie 

(made a souldier in the month of Mate) 3 
hee made a Ladies fraie 
turned his heeles* and ranne awaie 
yet must hee be advanc't they saie 5 
for to bear some swaie 
Lord for thy pittie. 

1 C saith. 2 This verse follows the next in C. 

* This line only in C copy. 4 C borne aboute. 

5 C as men say. 



foulke and John, foulke and John 
you two shall rise anon 
when greater 1 men bee gon 
you two can prie as farre 
where honors fined 2 are 
as any man of warre 
(yfnon your hands doe barr) 3 
Lord for thy pittie. 


Rawleigh doth time bestride 
he sits* twixt winde and tide 
yet uppe hill hee cannot ride, 
for all his bloodie pride, 
hee seeks taxes in the tinne 
hee powles 5 the poor to the skinne 
yet hee sweares 6 tis no sinne 
Lord for thy pittie. 

It would be impossible in notes to give even the little I know 
of the inner meanings of these lines, so I must arrange some facts 
under reference to each verse. The thin veil of mystery must have 
been transparent to contemporaries. In some cases I can pierce this 
to some extent, in others I can only suggest a possible explanation. 
No. I refers to "Chamberlain." This, of course, means George 
Carey, who had succeeded his father as second Lord Hunsdon on 
22nd-23rd July, 1596, and as Lord Chamberlain in March, 
1596-7. His family was related to Elizabeth; hence there is some 
disrespect to the Queen herself implied in the words, 

of hir graces kinne 
foole hath he euer bin. 

His health had always been uncertain, and in later years he 
suffered from palsy. The uncomplimentary suggestion that his wife 
was shrewish I cannot corroborate. He had married Elizabeth, 
daughter of Sir John Spencer of Althorpe, a patron of the poet 
Spenser, who claimed kinship with her. 

1 B wiser. * C riffeled. 

3 Extra line C. C lyeth. 

5 C strips. C saith. 


There is no allusion here to Lord Hunsdon's company of players, 
of which Shakespeare was a member. 

No. II has had an undue prominence given to it of late years 
through having been confusedly seized by the advocates of the 
Herbert-Fitton theory of the Sonnets. Though not nearly so clear 
in its subject as No. I, I have no doubt that "partie beard" meant 
Sir William Knollys, who, having been born in 1547, may be 
supposed to have had a beard streaked with grey. He was the uncle 
of the Earl of Essex, and was supposed not to have done all he 
could for his unfortunate nephew. He had reason to be "aferd," on 
some unspecified occasion, "when they rann at the heard," which 
evidently means the Queen's maids of honour, and refers to the 
great scandal case of the day. These ladies on June I4th, 1600, 
at the marriage of "the other Lord Herbert" 1 to Mrs Anne Russell, 
had performed a masque of the eight muses seeking the ninth. Their 
names were "My Ladie Dorothy, Mrs Fitton, Mrs Carey, Mrs 
Onslow, Mrs Southwell, Mrs Bess Russell, Mrs Darcy and my 
Lady Blanche Somerset." Mrs Fitton, as being the best dancer, led; 
and she came to the Queen and asked her to join them. The 
Queen asked her what was her name. She answered "Affection!" 
"Affection is false," said the Queen; yet she rose and danced. 
(She should have said "Terpsichore," the muse of dancing.) 
Lord William Herbert was present at that masque, and on igth 
January, 1600-1, he became Earl of Pembroke on the death of 
his father. Sir William Knollys was connected with Mary Fitton 
in a very remarkable way, which we may learn from his own letters 
preserved at Arbury. Sir Edward Fitton's elder daughter, Anne, 
had been maid of honour to the Queen until she married John 
Newdigate of Arbury. Then she resigned, and her younger sister 
Mary, at 17, took her place in 1595. 

Sir Edward Fitton wrote to Sir William Knollys, his old friend 
(also a relative of the Queen), to ask him to look after his young 
daughter. Sir William replied, "I will not fail to fulfil your desire 
in playing the Good Shepherd, and will to my power defend the 
innocent lamb from the wolfish cruelty and fox-like subtlety of the 
tame beasts of this place I will with my counsel advise your 
faire daughter, with my true affection love her, and with my sword 
1 Sidney Papers, II. 201. 


defend her if need be I will be as careful of her well-doing as if 
I were her true father." Sir William had married Dorothy, 
daughter of Lord Bray and widow of Edward Bridges, Lord 
Chandos. She was older than he was, and was a confirmed invalid. 
So it happened that the attractions of his fair young ward soon 
proved too much for Sir William's judgment and discretion. He 
began to offer her attentions so conspicuous that the Court knew 
that he sought to engage her affections honourably, he thought. 
He offered the reversion of his hand and heart not only to the 
girl, but, on his own behalf, to her relatives for her, as his second 
wife before the first had gone. Abundant proof of this is to be 
found in his letters, printed by Lady Newdigate in her Gossip from 
an old Muniment Room. 

Mary Fitton had evidently flirted with and hoodwinked her 
guardian lover, while she trod the flowery paths of dalliance, as 
secretly as she could, with Lord William Herbert, who had just 
become Earl of Pembroke. By January 26th Sir John Stanhope 
had written to Sir G. Carew about "Mary Fitton 's afflictions." 
But it seems to have been the 4th of February before the Court 
knew that "Pembrooke strooke her downe," and "the Raine deer" 
(the Queen) was "imbost" (or raging). 

Cecil himself wrote on the 5th of February to Carew: "We have 
no news but that there is a misfortune befallen Mistress Fitton... 
and the Earl of Pembroke being examined confessed! a fact, but 
utterly renounceth all marriage. I feare they will both dwell in the 
Tower awhile, for the Queen hath vowed to send them thither." 
By the 8th, however, the Tower was filled with more important 
offenders; the Queen partially relented to these, Pembroke was 
committed to the Fleet, where he stayed some time (as Tobie 
Matthew told Carleton on March 25th), and Mary Fitton was 
entrusted to the care of Lady Hawkins. The last phrase, "and 
tooke her from the downe" is held by the Herbert-Fittonites 
to mean Shakespeare and to prove that this was his "dark Lady." 1 
The case is too long to be argued here, but the construction of the 
sentence and the parallel of other verses make it seem clear to me 
that "the clowne" means the subject of the sentence, "partie 

1 See the article "Shakespeare's friends of the Sonnets, " in Shakespeare's 
Environment, etc. 


beard," Sir William Knollys. The courtiers evidently thought this 
piece of scandal highly entertaining, and the satirist used the most 
mortifying and scathing incident known to him to gall the man 
who had been forced to range himself with the Earl of Essex's 
enemies, though he was his uncle. 

III. There is no disguise about "litell Cecill." Sir Robert, 
the second son of the great Lord Burleigh, was said to have had 
a curvature of the spine and a peculiar gait in walking; his enemies 
frequently referred to his personal peculiarities, doubtless even 
his friends occasionally made him wince. He was really little 
Elizabeth sometimes called him her "little Elf," King James 
described him as his "little Beagle." But he had the brains of the 
family; his elder brother Thomas, who succeeded to the title, had 
only "average ability" the satirist here calls him also a "clowne." 
The "great fox-furred gowne" is mentioned in Burleigh's will. 
The "long proclamation" was certainly written by Sir Robert, and 
his brother, Lord Burleigh, with about 10 horse carried it to the 
city and supported the herald. It was printed, published, and dated 
two days later. A copy is preserved in the same volume of the 
State Papers 1 as the records of the examinations and trial. One 
might almost think the writer of the lampoon a citizen of London, 
by the compressed scorn of the phrase "sav'd the towne is it not 

IV. Through this verse we can glean the approximate date of the 
lampoon. The Calendar queries it as "January? 1600-1." That 
date is impossible. It refers to the Earl of Bedford's "fine," which 
was not announced until nth May 2 . We may take it therefore to 
have been written in May or June 1 60 1 . The chief offenders were 
already executed, the term was over, no more trials were expected, 
the sympathisers were able to breathe and to vent their scorn on 
those who had done to death so many gallant gentlemen. The 
Earl of Bedford is the only one mentioned here who started with 
the Earl of Essex, but, changing sides in the middle of the action, 
is held up with the others to the scorn of any readers. In his own 
examination 3 he stated that he knew nothing of the designs before- 
hand; that Lady Rich had come in her coach, while he was hearing 


3 Ibid. CCLXXVIII. 49, 50. 


a sermon in his own house, and had carried him away to her brother 
in Essex House, who had need of him. He had gone out with the 
Earls, but left them soon. 

Henry Woodrington on I3th February 1 confessed that he and 
his uncle had gone to see the Earl of Rutland in Essex House and 
there, being carried along by the throng, on the 8th of February 
followed the company with purpose to withdraw the Earl of 
Bedford from them, he being a near kinsman and his uncle Ephraim 
Woodrington a servant to the Earl of Bedford. As soon as they 
could get a fit opportunity without danger to the Earl or to them- 
selves, they got him from that company and carried him away by 
water. Bedford immediately got some horsemen together and 
galloped to the Court, but, being suspected, was seized there and 
committed first to the care of Alderman Holliday, and then to the 
house of Sir John Stanhope. Among the chronological notes 
regarding the Essex "rebellion" 2 it is stated that Lord Bedford was 
fined j2O,ooo (an enormous sum for those days), afterwards reduced 
to ^ 1 0,000. We may imagine, therefore, the writer to be chuckling 
at the fact that he had to pay as much as if he had gone on with 
his friends to the end of their enterprise. What the little fling at 
his wife means I cannot be quite sure. She was a daughter of Sir 
John Harington, and the chief patron of Drayton, though his tone 
of praise changed somewhat in his publications of 1 603. 

V. All of the Essex and Southampton party must have special 
reason to dislike "litell Graie," because his choleric and jealous 
temperament had been one of the chief means of fanning the wrath 
kindled against them at Court. His story is given in a special 
chapter above 3 . I do not know why he should here be called "little," 
nor why he should be charged with "turning his heels to run away," 
except what may be gleaned from the previous chapter on the 
Conspiracy. He was protected from behind. But the writer must 
have had some little ground for whetting on him the arrows of his 
scorn. None expected then that Nemesis should come to him in 
a suffering similar to that of Southampton, through a trumpery 
charge, unglorified by sentiment, during long years spent in the 
doleful Tower, and a lonely death there, the last of his family. 

1 D.S.S.P. CCLXXVIII. 56. z Ibid. CCLXXXI. 67. 

8 Chap. xi. p 163. 

s. s. 


VI. The two persons aimed at here are not so surely to be 
identified. I think that "foulke" must mean Fulke Greville, 
afterwards Lord Brooke, the friend of Sir Philip Sidney. He had 
been friendly with both Earls, especially with Southampton, but 
was strictly obedient and loyal to the Queen. Only an enemy could 
charge him with venality, as he kept his hands singularly clean 1 . 
Neither is "John" quite clear. I am inclined to believe that it means 
Sir John Stanhope, who had been very friendly with the Southampton 
family, but had kept clear of any complicity with the doings of Essex. 
He had been appointed Treasurer of the Chamber in 1 596. The 
Earl of Bedford was committed to his custody on February i oth. 
He married, first, Joan, daughter of Sir William Knollys, and, 
second, Margaret, daughter of Mr Henry Williams. He was 
created Baron Stanhope of Harrington in 1605. 

VII. Raleigh's hatred and jealousy of Essex had been publicly 
known ever since the Spanish voyage of 1596. Elizabeth often 
made use of him to punish her favourite when he offended her, 
and it must have been bitter indeed to Essex to feel his merciless 
rival triumph over him at last. Raleigh was Warden of the Stan- 
neries and Lord Lieutenant of Cornwall 2 . In the Parliament of 
1 60 1 he defended monopolies in general, and his own monopoly 
of tin in particular. Him, like Grey, Nemesis awaited. He may 
have been innocent of the charge which led directly to his execution, 
but against him the blood of Essex called out in judgment. 

Perhaps it was something akin to this satire that the Lords of 
the Council aimed at on loth May, 1601, when they noted: 
"Certain players at the Curtaine in Moorfields do represent in 
their interlude the persons of some gentlemen of good desert and 
quality that are yet alive, under obscure manner but yet in such 
sorte that all the hearers may take notice both of the matter and 
the persons that are meant thereby. All are to be examined " 

1 See my Shakespeare's Warwickshire Contemporaries, p. 170. 
3 Journal of the House of Commons. 


THE fall of Essex may be said to date the end of the reign of 
Elizabeth in regard to her activities and glories. After that she 
was Queen only in name. She listened to her councillors, signed 
her papers, and tried to retrench in expenditure; but her policy was 
dependent on the decisions of Sir Robert Cecil. He had secured the 
only form of sovereignty that Essex had desired. Her last Parlia- 
ment 1 was summoned for 27th October, 1601, and she staggered 
under the weight of the Royal robes and would have fallen, but 
that eager hands were held out to support her. 

Francis Osborne speaks of Essex's death as cruel and disastrous. 
"The Queen had no comfort after.... The people were wrathful 

at the death of their favourite, and she lost their honour and glory 

The death of Essex, like a melancholy cloud, did shade the prospect 
of her people's affection....! have heard it, though looked upon 
by me as a paradox, that Essex would have vindicated English 
freedom by reviving such ancient privileges as had been preter- 
mitted during the tyrannical reigns of the two last Henrys." 2 Even 
Speed says: "As the death of this nobleman was much lamented by 
the subjects whose love towards him was so ingrafted (as I think 
I may well say never subject had more), so her Majestic likewise 
having such a starre falne from her firmament, was inwardly 
moved and outwardly oftentimes would shew passions of her griefe, 
even till the time of her approaching end, when two yeares after 
she laid her heade in the Grave, as the most resplendent sunne 
setteth at last in a western cloud." 3 

She seemed to recover in 1 602, and went a-maying to Lewisham 
on May day. She let Sir Roger Aston, James's ambassador, see her 
dancing, to prevent his master being too eager for any speedy 
personal advantage. She is said to have danced with the Due de 
Nevers when he was here. Yet at the beginning of June she had 

1 Lingard, Part. Hist. D'Ewes. * Essays, Elizabeth, p. 353. 
* 3rd edition, p. 1214. 

1 6 2 


told the French ambassador "she was aweary of Life, and alluded 
touchingly to the death of Essex." She was very gay in her festivities 
in July; but it was noticed that she did not go far from home. 
Chamberlain was puzzled on October 2nd why Cecil should dismiss 
his invaluable secretary, Willes. It was afterwards found that he 
feared his servant would discover his correspondence with the 
Scottish King 1 . Cecil gave a great entertainment to the Queen on 
December 23rd, and as a special favour allowed Walter Cope to 
share in it. The Lord Admiral feasted the Queen, but neither his 
preparations nor his gifts were as good as were expected. Christmas 
seemed flat and dull. 

And into the Court came a sense of mystery and secrecy. Few 
dared speak out their minds. Who was to succeed this failing life ? 
Whither was England drifting? 

Meanwhile, the Earl of Southampton lay in the Tower, and 
there seem to be only two sources whence we may glean some 
facts about him. 

The letter indited by the Council to Sir John Peyton on March 
22nd, 1600-1, has already been quoted 2 . Probably Southampton's 
illness necessitated extra care from his attendants and induced 
E. Harte, his keeper, to write on May 24th to Sir Robert Cecil 
to beg a change: 

As to your good liking, I was put in trust to be keeper unto the Lord of 
Southampton, I desire you so to continue your good opinion of me, as by 
your good means to her Majestic, my libertie may be returned to her 
presence, that I may enjoy the countenance of such favours as she has 
bestowed on others her servants which did her service in the suppressing 
of the rebels. My long continuance in this manner is little better than a 
prisoner, and without your good remembrances may be so forgotten as both 
my time and my services here spent will little avail my preferment 3 . 

His application was answered as he wished on I4th June through 
the Lieutenant: 

Whereas Captain Hart hath been appointed to attend on the Earl of 
Southampton ever since his first commitment to the Tower, her Majestic 
is pleased that the said Captain Hart may now have libertie to follow his 
businesse, and therefore you may signifie so much to him and appoint some 

1 D.S.S.P. Eliz. 285, 23. 

2 Reg. Privy Council, xxxi. 237. (See p. 224.) 

8 Cecil Papers, LXXXVI. 58. Salisb. Papers, xn. 205. 


such person as you shall make choice of for that purpose to attend upon the 
Earl 1 . 

We do not know whom the Lieutenant chose, but it was 
probably some satisfactory person, as Sir John Peyton had become 
interested in his prisoner. On August i8th he wrote to the 
Council : 

My Lord of Southampton, by reason of his close imprisonment and want 
of all manner of exercise being grown weak and very sickly, has desired me 
to send you his letters of petition, here inclosed, upon which occasion I have 
prepared for him another lodging. But without some exercise, and more 
air than is convenient for me to allow without knowledge from your honours 
of her Majesties pleasure, I do much doubt of his recovery. 

Southampton's letter has not been preserved, but there is appa- 
rently the answer to it on the i gth of the same month. The Council 
wrote to the Lieutenant of the Tower: 

Forasmuch as her Majesty hath understood by a letter from yourself and 
another enclosed from the late Earle of Southampton that he, suspecting 
himself to be in some danger by the growing on of a long sicknesse (which 
he hath had before his trouble), is now an humble suyter (for the ease and 
comforte of his minde) to have the favour to see his mother, and to conferre 
with her and some others that were putt in trust with his estate, his hope 
beinge thereby to obtaine at her hands some favour towards his child, from 
whom his great offences hath taken all which otherwise should descend unto 
her: Wee do hereby give you to understand, that her Majesty is pleased, 
and the rather at the humble and importunate suit of the Countesse his 
mother, to give you warrante to admit her Ladyshippe, and any two of 
those persons whom he shall desier, that have been dealers in his estate, to 
repaire unto him in this time of his indisposition to conferre with him, so 
provided that it be done at due tune in private manner, in your presence 
and hearing, and this shall be your warrant 2 . 

It is most probable that Edmund Gage and William Cham- 
berlain would be chosen to perform this doleful duty. Incidentally 
this shews that Lady Rich in 1599 na( ^ l st ner wa g er > anc ^ tnat 
he had no son living at the time 3 . 

I am inclined to believe that the following list of expenses refers 
to this date. "Last paste 1602," could not have been so written 
in 1603, but "last paste," meaning 1601, account rendered in 

1 Reg. Privy Council, xxxi. 430. * Ibid. 175. 

8 See p. 158. 


1602, would fit times, seasons, and other records. The MS., four 
leaves stitched together and written on both sides by the Deputy 
Surveyor of her Majesty's Works, is a request for payment: 

Maye it please your Honours to understand ye extraordinarye charges that 
have grown on soundry her Majesties howses in ye monethes of Auguste 
and September last paste 1602. The Tower of London the howse in mending 
and repairinge a lodging neare unto ye Queenes Gallerye, wher ye Earle of 
Southampton is lodged, and making a partition of fir poles and slitte deales 
at ye east ende of ye gallerye for a withdrawing chamber; ye mending with 
lyme and haire some faultes in ye frette and ceiling in ye Earles Bedchamber 
and whitewashing all ye walles and ceilinges, ye mending soundry faultes 
and decayed places in Mr Lieutenant's Lodging etc. 22. 2. 4*. 

This bill has come into the possession of Dr Smedley, who 
kindly allowed me to copy and make use of it. 

On October nth came an order of happier omen: "the Countess 
his wife was to be admitted for his comfort." 2 The news was 
contained in a letter to " Mr George Harvie, Esq., having charge 
of the prisoners in the Tower in the absence of Mr Lieutenant": 

Whereas her Majestic is informed that the Earle of Southampton is of 
late growne very sickly, in the which respect her Highness is pleased that for 
his comforte the Countess his wife shalbe permitted to have accesse unto 
him, these are therefore accordingly to will and requyer you to suffer her at 
conveniyent tymes to repayre unto him, for the which these shalbe your 

One likes to believe that it was her happy thought to take his 
favourite cat with her to help to comfort, and to help to calm the 
excitement of meeting again after such a long and anxious 
separation. No memorial is left us of the Countess's visit; but 
there is a portrait painted of him, with the cat in attendance; and 
it probably stayed with him during the rest of his captivity. 

By a strange coincidence, Henry IV sent Biron as an envoy to 
Elizabeth about this time. He was imprudent enough to mention 
Essex. Elizabeth at first was wrathful, then told him that, in spite 
of his faults, if Essex had only taken the advice of his friends and 
fully submitted and entreated pardon, she would have forgiven him. 
This seems to point to some keeping back of his communications. 
Cecil, on July i8th, 1602, writing to Carew about Biron, said, "It 

1 Original MS. Deputy Surveyor of Works. 

* Reg. Privy Council, xxxi. 256. 3 Ibid. 


pleased me not a little (seeing God had appointed our Earl to dye) 
that we had other manner of proof of his conspiracy, that we 
beheld him in open rebellion and heard him before his death 
confirm all with open confession, for otherwise, who doth not 
know how partial this kingdom was to condemne his opposite* of 
malice and practice." 

There is no other allusion to Southampton's doings during the 
two years he spent in the Tower, except in private letters, especially 
those of the secret correspondence with the Scottish King, now 

Essex had begged James to send ambassadors speedily and had 
suggested a line of action for them. James was willing, but they 
were delayed, and the crisis came before their arrival. Had they 
come at the time Essex proposed, things might have worked out 
differently. James had given them a paper of instructions, which 
could not be followed after Essex's death. 

When the Scottish King sent his second paper of instructions on 
the 1 8th of April, 1601, from Linlithgow to the ambassadors 1 , he 
acknowledged that "at the time of your despatch things were so 
miscarried by that unfortunate accident" He therefore gave them 
new instructions "how to walk surely between these two precipices 
of King and people, who now appear to be in so contrary terms," 
how to deal with the ministers "especially Mr Secretary, who is 
King there in effect '," "to renew and confirm your acquaintance 
with Lieutenant of the Tower." Shortly after their arrival, the 
ambassadors held a conference with Cecil. He insisted that, while 
the Queen lived, there must be absolute respect paid to her wishes, 
and also that (though he was quite in favour of the King's claims) 
any correspondence between them must be kept absolutely secret. 
The Earl of Mar and Mr Edward Bruce sent a report to the King, 
and shortly after receiving this, James wrote his first personal 
letter to Cecil, dated June 3, 1602, in the Calendar^ under the 
cipher numbers of "30" and " 10" This shews that there had been 
dealings between them before 2 . "That Cecil (10) mistrusted the 

1 The first instructions have not been preserved. The originals are in 
the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh. Secret Correspondence James I and 
Cecil, ed. by Lord Hailes. Letter i. 

2 Camden Series, LXXIII. pp. 15, 16. Cecil Papers, cxxxv, 63, 4. 


aspiring mind of Essex, James (30) could not but commend, taking it 
as a sure signe that Cecil (10) would never allow a subject to climb 
to so high a roome." It is endorsed by Cecil "1600. 30 first letter 
to 10." "The King" and "Secretary" are written after. This was a 
form of communication which it was not safe to use frequently. 
James recommended Lord Henry Howard as an intermediary, and 
hence arose the series of letters by that effusive nobleman, formerly 
so devoted to Essex and now hand in hand with Cecil. But he 
retained his affection for the Earl of Southampton. It is chiefly 
in relation to the latter that I have noted some points in these two 
series, and compared them with Cecil's letters to Sir George Carew. 

On August 1 3th Cecil asked Sir George Carew to back his 
influence with Mountjoy; whereby he shews the delicate position 
in which the new Lord Deputy stood. 

It is evident from Cecil's next letter that it was known that he 
had made a compact with Cobham, Raleigh, Grey, and others to 
crush Essex; that done, there came a slack time with them all. 

On September 5th, 1601, Cecil writes, "I keep all things quiet 
amongst our trowpe, but if you remember what Meg Ratlyff 
prophesyed, she said the pack would break, but I heare all and find 
nothing." 1 

Lord Henry Howard, writing to the Earl of Mar on November 
22nd, 1 60 1, speaks of the nearly contemporary events of the fall 
of the Scottish King, of the French King, and of the stumbling 
of the English Queen under the weight of her robes on the first 
day of her Parliament. None of these seemed to have any serious 
effects, but Queen Elizabeth never actually sat on her throne 
again 2 . 

In his following letter, this time to Mr Edward Bruce, Lord 
Henry said, " I gave you notice of the diabolical triplicity," 3 that is 
Cobham, Raleigh, and the Earl of Northumberland (the latter of 
whom had married the sister of Essex, whom he did not use well). 
He tried to keep up a correspondence with the Scottish King on his 
own account. James listened to him, but did not commit himself. 
Lord Henry now tells some of his tricks. "In conclusion he 
assured them out of such scraps as he had raked out of the alms- 

1 Camden Series, Cecil to Carew. 

2 Secret Cow. Hailes, Letter n. 3 Ibid. Letter in. 


basket, that all the partisans of the last tragedy resorted to South- 
ampton without impeachment, by the Lieutenant's sufferance, that 
new practises were set on broach; that his own brother Sir Joseline 
Percy did ordinarily lie with him in the Tower, and that in his 
conscience he would, ere it were long, make an escape, or attempt 
a worse enterprise. These two wicked villains Cobham and 
Raleigh, handled the fool so cunningly." Northumberland was to 
tell the Queen himself, but shrank from doing so. Cobham told 
part of the story to Cecil, who, "rinding that the practice meant 
against Southampton formally did pierce himself through the other 
side," dissuaded Northumberland from informing, and advised him 
"rather to merit Southampton's thankfulness by warning him 
of the danger imminent both to him and to the Lieutenant, with 
the commendation of all, than to incur the censures of the world 
by raking in the bowels of a man half dead, and informing upon a 
poor forlorn hope in extremity. ..Cecil sware unto me this day that 
he and they (Cobham and Raleigh) could never live under one 
apple-tree." He dwells on the miserable state of Cobham and 
Raleigh, "who are fain to put their heads under the girdle of him 
they envy most." 

In his letter to the King of December 4th, Lord Henry writes 
evil words of Cobham and Raleigh's hypocrisy, and advises extreme 
caution with them x . They seek to scant the scope of Southampton's 

Lord Henry's next letter was to Mr Edward Bruce 2 , in which 
he said, " Cobham hath once again incensed the Queen against the 
lease which Southampton made years before this mishap for pay- 
ment of his debts, and therefore out of compass of forfeiting. She 
hath pressed for it with all importunity, but it will prove good in 
law. These are the fruits of Cobham's everburning charity." This 
letter is undated, but as it refers to Northumberland's challenging 
Sir Francis Vere, it must have been written about the end of 
April 1602. Lord Henry's long-winded and obscure perorations 
are not always dated and may therefore be sometimes out of order 
Letter vi makes little contribution to the great subjects. Letter vn, 
however, is dated 27th April, and refers to some whose suspicions 
had been aroused and were making efforts to intercept the King's 
1 Letter iv. 2 Letter v. 


packet. The following letter, dated May ist, 1602, is chiefly 
about Northumberland: 

The man is beloved of none, followed by none, trusted by no one save his 
faction.... The Queen repeated one month since when she was moved in his 
favour for a regiment, that Raleigh had made him as odious as himself, 
because he would not be singular. There is no secret that he revealeth not 
to all his own men. He came to King James upon anger and vexation at 
the Queen's deep hatred and invectives.... He seeks to bind himself upon the 
future, finding Mountjoy and Southampton planted there, against whom 
his practices work everlastingly 1 . 

Letter ix from James discusses with Lord Henry Howard the 
report of Arabella's Stuart's change of religion to Catholic 2 . 

Letter x is an important one in many ways. Lord Henry 
Howard writes to the Earl of Mar on June 4th, 1 602 : 

Raleigh and Cobham boast to have agreed with the Duke of Lennox to 
further all plots against you and Mr Bruce.. . .Your Lordship may believe that 
Hell did never spew up such a couple when it cast up Cerberus and Phle- 
gethon. They are now set on the pin of making tragedies by meddling in 
your affairs... since among us, longer than they follow the Queen's humour 
in disclaiming and disgracing honest men, their credit serves them not.... 
My Lord Admiral 3 the other day wished from his soul that he had but the 
same commission to carry the cannon to Durham House 4 that he had this 
time twelvemonth to Essex House to prove what sport he could make in 
that fellowship....! must tell your Lordship in secret betwixt you and me, 
in the wonted manner, without commission to advertise that Cecil's fear 
lest the Duke (of Lennox) or Beltrees 5 had expressed fables in strange figures 
could not guess at any other ground than some chimeras tendered from 
Cobham Raleigh and Northumberland upon their offer to comply, p. 123. 

Now as all these letters are written for the inspection of King 
James, one has not far to seek for the cause of his arriving in 
England with a distrust of Cobham and Raleigh already implanted 
in his soul. 

Lord Grey does not appear in this correspondence he was not 
at Court. Chamberlain writes on May 8th, 1602: "The Lord 
Gray prepares to go into the Low Countries and to have the 

1 Letter vin. 

2 He "thinks she has been very evil attended." 
8 Earl of Nottingham. 

4 Durham House, where Cobham and Raleigh met. 

6 Lord Semple of Beltrees, ambassador to Elizabeth in 1599. 


command of 3 or 4 hundred horse, though whether he provide 
them there or here I know not." On the lyth he corrects himself: 
"The Lord Gray carries over neither men nor horse, but relies 
entirely on the States for his entertaynement." On June the 27 th, 
"The Lord Gray hath not that command nor entertainment in 
the Low Countries that he propounded to himself." By the I5th of 
October, "The Lord Gray is newly come out of the Low Countries 
and rails freely on Sir Francis Vere." On 28th February, 1602-3, 

he says, "One Griffith a Welsh pirate his lands geven to the 

Lord Gray, to hold him up a little longer." 

Now about this period Cecil confided to his friend Carew on 
2nd September, 1602: "Two old friends use me unkindly, but I 
have covenanted with my heart not to know it, for in shewe we 
are great, and all my revenge shall be to heap coals on their heade." 
Going back to Lord Henry Howard's epistles, we find him writing 
to the King on 24th August, 1602 l : "Cecil is infinitely glad that 
Mount] oy and Southampton are so strange to the mystery, and that 
all was not true which was advertised For Mountjoy hath begun 
to sound... Cecil hath saved the life of the one out of respect to his 
affection to King James, though it was neither ancient nor very 
meritorious. He hath preserved the reputation and credit of the 
other for the same respect, though his adventure therein was not 
small; the rest must be wrought out with opportunity and time." 

Letter xi is only flattery of the King, and Letter xii is chiefly 
about the relations of the King and the Queen. 

Letter xin is about the dangers of the carriage of the letters, 
and Letter xiv about the disagreements between King James and 
his wife in some respects, especially in matters of religion. 

In Letter xv Howard tells the Earl of Mar, "In this place all 
is quietness, and hath been without disturbance, since Cobham by 
sickness, and Raleigh by direction were absent from Court. The 
Queen our sovereign was never so gallant these many years, nor 
so set on jollity." This must have been at the beginning of Sep- 
tember, 1602, as the letter mentions the wound received by Sir 
Francis Vere. 

A letter of Mr Edward Bruce to Lord Henry Howard tells us 
"The Earle of Southampton hath written to 30 ane earnest letter 

1 Letter xii. 


for a warrant of his libertie immediatelie upon 24 (Elizabeth's) 
dethe, which 30 refuseth to grant without consent and authoritie 
of the Council, and is to write to him to deale by way of supplication 
to the Council, and what they advise him to do shall be performed 
with diligence; it is enjoyned to you by 30 to speak with 10, and 
if he find it expedient to enlarge him, and that his present service 
may be of any use in the State, he shall be content, and assents he 
be presentlie relieved oth.erways to let him stay till further resolution 
be taken for the best course in the business." The letter is undated, 
but, as it alludes to the Queen's imminent danger, it can be placed. 

On January I2th, 1602-3, Cecil wrote to Raleigh a friendly 
letter about the ship Fortune under Captain Richard Gifford, which, 
having acted as a pirate, is to be confiscated to the Admiral. He 
asks Raleigh to inspect her, to fit her out again, and says that he 
would be willing to take the third share of the adventure in her 
with Cobham and Raleigh. " I pray you as much as may be conceal 
our adventure, at least my name above any other." 1 

On February I2th, 1602-3, Father Rivers notes that "The 
Earl of Southampton in the Tower is newly recovered of a dangerous 
disease, but in no hope of Liberty." 2 Two years and more had 
passed since he entered the Traitor's Gate. The Queen remembered 
Still that disastrous day. She had four special causes of trouble at 
the time. Rumours of what Arabella Stuart had done, or was about 
to do, made her fretfully impatient; knowledge that the love of her 
people had gone from her grieved her; information that the Earl 
of Tyrone was willing to submit on the same terms that Essex 
had offered him (and these alone) put her in a state of Royal wrath. 
Was it for this she had degraded and destroyed her old favourite, to 
have but two years more of loss of men and money, of energy and 
thought, and to have no more than he could have secured so long 
ago ? She absolutely refused to consider it. Then she was forced 
to consider. Her Lord Treasurer Sackville and Sir John Fortescue 
wrote to her 3 that her Treasury was empty, and money was 
needed for the Irish wars. She raged at them and their announce- 
ment so violently that they were afraid to appear in Court. What 
was to be done? She could not afford to fight any longer, and she 

1 Salisb. Papers, xn. 599, 625. z Foley's Eng. Jes. vol. I. 

3 D.S.S.P. Eliz. CCLXXXVII. 52. 



(At Welbeck Abbey) 


had perforce grudgingly to pardon Tyrone. The dimming of her 
eyesight seemed to open her inward eyes. It dawned upon her that 
her judgment had been wrong, that others had deceived her, that it 
would have been better for the country as well as for herself if 
she had saved her hero's life. "Our Queen doth love to sit alone 
in the darkness, and bewail with tears, the death of Essex," said a 
servant 1 . Then something mysterious happened. The Countess 
of Nottingham, wife of the Lord Admiral, was very ill, and begged 
the Queen to come and see her. The Queen came, and was much 
affected. She had loved her faithful subject well. But she went 
home and mourned, with a new passion, for Essex, and she felt at 
last that she too, Queen though she might be, was but a mortal. 
Was there some foundation for the story of the ring the Queen had 
given Essex 2 ? 

Early in March, 1 602-3, Sir Robert Cecil wrote to Sir John 
Cary of the death of the Countess of Nottingham, and of the 
beginning of Elizabeth's last illness. 

By the Qth of March the ambassadors and gossip-mongers of 
the country were spreading the great news, and all Europe listened. 
The Queen was ill seriously ill a disease without a name, or 
rather a combination of diseases. "I am not ill, and yet I cannot 
eat!" she said, bewildered. Then, she could not sleep. Her phy- 
sicians might have said, as Lady Macbeth's did, 

Not so sick... 

As she is troubled with thick-coming fancies 
That keep her from her rest. 

She refused to go to bed, for she thought that it was there "she 
saw things." She had cushions laid on the floor, and tried to rest 
She refused physic. 

The Lord Admiral mourned bitterly for his wife and kept his 
chamber; but he had to leave it, for the Queen missed him and 
trusted him more than the others. He coaxed her to try to take 
a little broth; he urged her to go to bed, to take more rest. At last 
she yielded and went. She listened patiently and hopefully to the 
ministrations of the clergy, and then she slept. 

1 Strickland's Elizabeth, p. 765. 

2 Ibid. p. 772 and Lady Elizabeth Spelman's narrative, Francis Osborne's 


The Lord Admiral had the courage to ask her whom she would 
have as her successor. She said "her throne had always been the 
seat of Kings, none but a King should sit in it." Already she had 
said to the Duke of Sully, when ambassador of Henry IV of 
France, "that it was well she had not married, for now her successor 
would govern the whole of Great Britain." 1 She lingered more 
than three weeks. During all that time she made no sign that she 
ever troubled her head about the fate of Southampton, who had 
so greatly loved her Essex. During ten years she had left un- 
rewarded and unappreciated his deeds of valour; she had over- 
severely punished his faults; she had left his youth to be drained 
from him in the Tower. Never more would men call him "the 
young Earl of Southampton." Even then, she did not pardon 
him, together with Tyrone, for the sake of her lamented Essex, 
his friend. There was a time of tension in the Court and in the 
country, even more so in the Tower, where languishing prisoners 
waited feverishly for a general amnesty from a new sovereign. Cecil 
had taken every step necessary to keep the peace; he had in his 
pocket the proclamation, which James had already seen and 
approved; and he, like all others, waited. A ring of courtiers stood 
around the room; a group of weeping women knelt around the 
bed, in which the Queen peacefully slept through the night of the 
23rd of March till the early morning of the 24th. Then, between 
2 and 3 o'clock, the Angel of Death slipped through their ranks, 
and bore her away unconsciously from the care of the Angel of 
Sleep. At once everything awoke into ordered activity, while Sir 
Robert Carey stole out through the gates to bear secretly a blue 
ring from Lady Scrope to the King of Scotland, on fleet dark 
horses through the long north miles. 

Speed says: "Queen Elizabeth's celebrations were such that 
future ages will somewhat stagger and doubt as to whether they 
were rather affectionately poetical than faithfully historical." We 
need not attempt even to give examples of the lamentations here. 

1 Sully 's Memoirs, 2nd volume, I2th book, p. 80, edition 1747. 



THE almost universal sorrow felt for the loss of the English 
Queen was intensified by the fact that the inheritance did not 
follow on its usual lines. The people had not been given the 
opportunity of seeing the heir and of preparing him for the 
duties of their throne. James had been brought up as an alien, 
in an alien country, with alien customs and laws. He had 
nominally reigned since his infancy, in all 36 years, as heir to 
the Stuart Kings, before he travelled south to become heir of the 
Tudor sovereigns. The people he came to govern, though glad 
of a peaceable succession, were not, even at first, quite satisfied 
with him, and they became less so as he lived. Yet on the whole 
they looked on him more unfavourably than he deserved. If he 
was inclined to despotism, he was only following his Tudor pre- 
decessors. He was unwise enough to express his views of the 
Divine Right of Kings in print, so that all might read in cool 
blood claims which they would never have resisted under Henry and 
Elizabeth. If he did not understand English political theories, it 
was greatly the fault of Cecil, who, accustomed for so many years to 
pull the strings of government, did not attempt to teach him, but 
encouraged his sovereign to go and enjoy himself at the chase, that 
he might himself be free to continue in his old methods. If James 
was blamed as extravagant, he had a wife and family to keep as well 
as himself, and that wife was generally extravagant, and especially 
in her costly amusement of masques. The value of money had 
depreciated. He had come into England with a belief in its inex- 
haustible wealth, a belief increased by the enthusiastic welcome he 
received from his subjects in the north. His gratitude expressed itself 
in disproportionate liberality; his very " making of Knights," at 
first, was but an attempt to please those who pleased him. But he 
soon found, as we have seen, that the Treasury was empty, and 
he did not stop his extravagance. The Royal income did not 


come in freely or regularly. Some scorned him for his cowardice. 
In that he did not resemble his Stuart ancestors, who were brave 
to the last. But the second strain of Tudor blood in him came to 
him vitiated by the feeble health and loose life of young Darnley, 
and the pre-natal effects of his mother's experiences hardened hi* 
whole life. There must have been some of the heroic strain left 
in him when he took ship and dared "the devil and the deep 
sea" to go and bring home his Danish bride amid the winter 
storms, and heroically endured the difficulties of his return. He 
was a patient and faithful husband to her all her life. 

One really feels that his English subjects must have been 
repelled by his speech. The southern Scots had built up their 
language from the Anglian dialect; the English had built up theirs 
from the Saxon dialect. English people are proverbially impatient 
with languages they do not understand. When the Anglian dialect 
came to them with the rough northern accent, they must have 
found it as unpleasant, and as difficult to be understood at times 
as Dutch Even the English pronunciation of Latin was different 
from that of other nations. 

Yet there were certain advantages in James which have not 
perhaps been duly appreciated, because of dwelling so much on 
his deficiencies. He did not come empty-handed, he came with a 
kingdom in his pocket, to bring union instead of wars, to add a 
fourth foot to a throne that had hitherto stood on three (and one 
of them very shaky). The unity necessarily made of the country a 
new thing, a Great Britain (a phrase, as noted by Miss Strickland, 
first used by Queen Elizabeth). 

His objection to war was partly an economic one; he had 
to pay Elizabeth's debts for her wars. He was learned above the 
average, and encouraged learning, not only of classics, but of 
science, to which he added an entirely new interest in natural 
history; his delight was to collect new animals from foreign 
countries. He had new ideas regarding commerce and national 
improvement. He eagerly desired to introduce silk-growing and 
weaving into this country; he superintended his silkworms him- 
self, and had a groom of the chamber (called Lecavell) to carry 
some about with him to study. For their sakes he imported a 
shipload of young mulberry trees in 1609, and we know, from 


the survivors of that cargo, that Shakespeare's mulberry tree 
could have lived on till to-day if it had been let alone. He had 
wider ideas of art and literature. One ancestor was a poet, but 
James I is probably the only King who has tried to lead his 
subjects to exercise their poetic powers, as he did in his Estate 
of a Prentice in the Divine art of Poesie. He recognised dramatists 
as poets, actors as artists, and both as gentlemen. He honoured 
Shakespeare more than Elizabeth had ever done, or ever would 
have done; he honoured Bacon more as a man of science than 
as an official; he was interested in Southampton as the survivor 
of a romantic and tragic "rising" (which he supposed to have 
been in his own favour). Hence, he advanced the young Earl and 
favoured him at first as much as he himself desired, and afterwards 
as much as Salisbury allowed. Later what good qualities he had 
gradually deteriorated through submitting his will to that of self- 
seeking favourites. The noble Catholic subject, whom the King 
had fondly believed he had converted, had in turn to try to teach 
his King, with all due deference and loyalty, that the meaning of 
Protestantism is religious freedom and political liberty for each 
individual subject, whether under King or under Pontiff. We 
are only concerned here with King James and his life as a back- 
ground to Southampton's life. That conglomeration of incon- 
gruous elements which has been called the King's character 
remains yet to be sufficiently studied and duly estimated. 

Sir Robert Carey had galloped to the north at dawn on the 24th 
of March in hot haste, proclaiming James twice by the way, and 
giving all news to his brother, Sir John Carey, Governor of 
Berwick. He reached Holyrood late on Saturday the 26th 1 . The 
King had gone to bed, but he saw the overspent courier, who 
brought the sign of the blue ring 2 . Next day, the 27 th, the news 
was announced in the churches. Cecil had prepared a more 
dignified and suitable form of announcement by sending Sir 
Charles Percy and Mr Somerset to Scotland, and Sir Henry 
Danvers to Ireland. 

A busy week followed, both in London and in Edinburgh. The 
earliest mention of Southampton's name occurs in a deposition 

1 D.S.S.P. James, I. 2. 

2 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Aud. Off. 387, 40. 



of the time, a striking example of how false news may be 
coined l . 

The information of John Arkinstall, trumpeter, taken before the Con- 
stables of the Town of Lewes : Upon Sunday being the 27th of March being 
with Richard Archer, Barker, and Anthony Word, his fellows (being all four 
Common Players of Interludes, shewing a Licence to authorize them) were 
lodging at an Inn in Hastings in Sussex, and one Holland a Schoolmaster at 
Rye, who served a cure under Dr Joy, at Brightling, came into their com- 
pany and said that the King of Scotland had been proclaimed King at 
London, and after the King was proclaymed, then my Lord Beauchamp 
was proclaymed by one who was then at liberty, and being asked who that 
was, said, "by the Earl of Southampton and that he, the said Holland had 
a great Horse, and would have a Saddle, and spend his blood in the Lord 
Beauchamp's behalf." 2 

Nothing further is heard of the matter, but we know that the 
"Earl of Southampton" was out of that trouble. 

Manningham, who, in his Diary, had, on February 2nd, 

At our Feast we had a play Twelfth Night or What you Will, much like 
the Comedy of Errors, like Menoechmi, but most like to that in Italian 
called Inganni 

noted in March 1602, after the Queen's death, that 

on the occasion of the demise of a Sovereign, the Lord Mayor remains the 
Chief Subject in the Country; for all other officers had their appointments 
only during their Sovereign's lifetime 3 . 

He also adds: 

One wishes that the Earl of Southampton and some others were pardoned 
and at liberty; others could be content some men of great place might pay 
the Queen's debts, because they gathered enough under her. 

The State Papers contain relatively few notices of the events 
which immediately followed this great crisis. A sort of inter- 

1 MSS. of Rye Corporation. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. xm. app. IV. p. 26. 
March 3oth, 1603. 

2 The Statutes which remained in force till nearly a twelvemonth after 
the accession of James I vested the legal right in Edward Seymour, Lord 
Beauchamp, the eldest son of the Earl of Hertford by Lady Catharine 
Grey, from whom her son inherited the Suffolk claim. See Sir Harris Nicolas, 
The Chronology of History (Cabinet Cyclopaedia, 1833), p. 320. 

3 Page 18. 


regnum took place in the Privy Council Registers, but we know 
that Cobham and Grey, and also Raleigh, signed the common letter 
of the Council to the King on the 26th l . Manningham would be 
pleased to know how near Southampton was to liberty. The tenth 
day after King James learnt of his new power, having settled a 
special government for Scotland in his absence and prepared the 
order of his going, he had written the letter which carried release 2 . 
And it may be noted that it was the last thing he did in his 
Scottish Palace; for he left that day, the 5th of April. He was at 
Berwick by the 6th. 

The King's letter to the Nobility, Peers and Councillors was 
practically an order for release: 

Although we are now resolved, as well in regard of the great and honest 
affection borne unto us by the Erie of Southampton as in respect of his good 
parts enabling him for ye service of us, and ye state, to extend our grace and 
favour towards him, whom we perceive also ye late Queene our sister, not- 
withstanding his fault towards her, was moved to exempt from the stroke 
of justice, nevertheless because we would be loathe in such a case as this 
wherein the peeres of our Realme have proceeded in the honorable formes 
used in lyke cases, to take any such course as maie not stand with our greatnes 
and the gravity fitt to be observed in such matters, we have thoughte meet 
to give you notice of our pleasure (though ye same be to be executed by 
our owne regal power) which is only this : Because the place is unwholesome 
and dolorous to hym to whose bodye and mynde we would give present 
comforte, intending unto him much further grace and favour, we have 
written to ye Lieutenant of ye Tower to deliver him out of prison presently 
to goe to any such place as he shall choose in or neare our cytye of London, 
there to carry himself in such quiet and honest forme as we knowe he 
will think meete in his owne discrecion, until the body of our state, now 
assembled, shall come unto us, att which tyme we are pleased he shall also 
come to our presence, for that as yt is on us that his onlie hope dependeth, 
soe we will reserve those workes of further favours untill the tyme hee be- 
holdeth our owne eies, whereof as wee knowe the comforte will be great 
unto hym soe yt will bee contentment to us to have opportunitye to declare 
our estymacion of hym in anye thereto belonging wherein ye shall be doubt- 
full, wee have now by our letters directed our servant the Lord of Kinlosse 
to give you satysfaccion, whoe bothe before his coming in parte, and nowe by 
these our letters sent after him, is best instructed therein. We have alsoe 
written to our aforesaid Leiftenant for the present delivery of Sir Henry 

1 D.S.S.P. James, i. i. Cecil Papers, n. 14. 

2 Nichols' Prog. i. 60. 



Neville Knight, whom we are pleased you of your counsell shall bring with 
you, when you shall wayte upon us. 

From our Palace at Holyrood House the 5th of April 1603, 


To our trustie and right well-beloved ye nobilitie and peeres of our 
Realme of England, and to our right trustie, and welbeloved our Coun- 
cillors of State now assembled at White Hall 1 . 

Edward Bruce, afterwards Lord Kinloss, soon joined the Council. 
He and Cecil together wrote on the gth of April that they had 
stayed the journey of Sir Walter Raleigh, who was conducting a 
great many suitors to meet the King 2 . 

Manningham, continuing his journal, notes: 

loth April 1603, I heard that the Earl of Southampton and Sir Henry 
Neville were set at large yesterday from the Tower 3 . 

The loth is the date always given, but Manningham must be 
correct. The King's letter probably reached the Lieutenant at 
night, and he set the two prisoners free at once, con amore. The 
letter to the Council would reach the Court the following morning, 
and the news would be formally announced. I take it that this 
was the occasion on which the Countess Dowager of Southampton 
sent her undated letter to Cecil: 

Sir I colde now hate myselfe and sexe that barres me from shewing my 
love to you as most I wolde, yet as I can, I dessyr to assure you that no 
alteracion of tyme or fortune (that is far from you) can make me forget my 
bond to you for me and myne, who under God breathe by your menes. 
God give him menes, as I believe he hath mynd, to be trewely thankful to 
Him and you. Greve not yourselfe to hurt, for that cann not be recalled, 
let it be your comfort, your own trew worthyness has made you more hapy 
(thoughe for the present less greate). All wysse and honest give you dew 
commendacion for your exceeding wysdome and temper in the carage of 
this great cause. God I doubt not wyll blyss you and your services for that 
endevore and I wyll remaine whyll I have breth your trewe thankful frynd. 


But, before the I oth, Southampton's conditions were improved. 
The death of the Queen thawed the ice in the Tower. The 

1 Add. MS. 33,051, f. 53, also 34,395, f. 46. Also Tanner MS. 75, f. 63. 
Stowe MS. 156, f. 45. 

1 D.S.S.P. James I, I. 10. 3 Diary, p. 168. 

4 Cecil Papers, xcvii. 115. Salisb. Papers, xn. 562. 


prisoner's friends flocked to him, and the Lieutenant made no 
difficulty. Beyond his mother and wife and little daughter Penelope, 
we can almost surely name some of them; Lady Rich would be 
there, with a choke in her voice as she thought of the last day she 
had met him, with her brother; Sir William Harvey, his step- 
father; John Florio, the resolute, who had seen his former master 
through his troubles with theDanvers; Sir Henry Danvers himself, 
still mourning his brother's loss; the Arundels, Sir Thomas and 
his wife (Southampton's sister Mary); his cousin Anthony, Viscount 
Montague; Sir Henry Howard would have been there too, but he 
was off to meet the King; Rutland and his brothers, and Joscelyn 

And it is possible his poet Shakespeare would peep in to see, 
rather than to address, him in the crowd. 

One person whom we know to have eagerly presented himself, 
and who was not at first welcomed, was Sir John Davies, formerly 
Master of the Ordnance in the Tower. It may be remembered 
that he was one of the most trusted of Essex's followers; that, when 
Essex went into the city, he left the charge of the Queen's mes- 
sengers to him and Sir Gelly Meyrick. They were both obedient 
to their leader and would not have let the Lords leave, in spite of 
the long delay, had not Sir Ferdinando Gorges come back, as if from 
Essex, and ordered their keepers to release the Lords, going back 
with them to the Court. Both Meyrick and Davies were condemned, 
and the first was executed. Davies escaped, no one knew how, but 
the rumour went abroad that he had purchased his own life by 
informing on others. As they concern Lord Southampton so 
closely at this time, I think it is wise to include two letters here 
(though written a little later) and let them speak for themselves 
the one an impromptu letter, and the other written according to 
order. In what is apparently the earlier, Davies tells Sir Robert Cecil 
that he could not understand by what means a strange imputation 
had been laid upon him concerning the Earl of Essex's trouble 1 . 
He had given his friends a true account; to those prejudiced against 
him he desires to be silent (his innocence would appear later), 
rather than to revive those matters which he knew would not be 
pleasing to the State. 

1 Add. MS. 6177/181. 


Since the Queen's death, out of the exceeding desire I had to give a true 
and full satisfaction unto my Lord of Southampton, whose noble favour I 
have so highly prized and as much sought to obtayne as it is possible within 
the compass of my witt and means, I made a full relation of all these passages 
before his coming out of the Tower. His Lordship was then content honor- 
ably to free me from all falsehood and malice towards my Lord of Essex and 
himself; yet intimated error and weakness in being over-credulous to Sir 
Walter Rawley's othes, who, the better to gaine my confession had sworn 
unto me that Sir Ferd. Gorges had confessed all, and alleged some parti- 
culars of our projects at Drury House, as the possessing of the Courte and the 
calling of a Parliament, which, as his Lordship said, Sir Ferd: Gorges denied 
to be his confession, but it was thrust into the book among other untruths. 
Since that time, upon the continuance of his Lordship's disfavour (as I 
tooke it) because his followers continued much to wrong me, at my coming 
to the Court in Mr Cromwell's house, in the Presence Chamber before my 
Lord Harry Howard, I besought his Lordship's favour again, made repetition 
of my carriage in that business and brought it to the same pass again, that 
his Lordship in his honor and conscience, did clear me as before from malice 
or falsehood, but could not take off the tax of error or weakness, which I 
tolde his Lordship was as heavy to me as villainy or treachery. I could with 
as much willingness undergo the one as the other and therefore humbly 
besought him better to esteem my judgment and discretion, than to think 
I could be so overtaken, for, it appeared to be his true confession by the 
testimony of my Lord Keeper, my Lord Treasurer, my Lord Admirall and 
your Honour. His Lordship, upon the naming of my Lord Admirall and 
yourself, was pleased to come unto this honorable conclusion, that if the 
confession which is published to be taken on the 1 6th February, be testified 
by your Honors to be Sir Ferd. Gorges' true confession, that then his Lord- 
ship would acquit me of all and be content no less worthily to esteeme me 
than he had formerly donne, which condition I 'also accepted, and therefore 
humbly beseech you (by the same honor whereby you nobly saved my life) 
justly to determine this controversie, the matter being absolutely referred 
to my Lord Admirall and yourself. 

So I ever reste your Honors most faithful servant, 


The other, from Sir John Davies to Lord Cecil^ runs: 

According unto your Lordship's direction, I wrote unto you, signifying 
what had passed from my Lord of Southampton, how farre his Lordship 
has charged me, yet was honorably pleased to remove that tax likewise, if 
so be my Lord Admirall and your Lordship advertised him that that was 
Sir Ferd. Gorges' true confession. How much I have thought to obtayne 


his most noble favour, his Lordship can best witness, having used all the 
meanes that I could possibly devise. 

Since it is intimated unto me, that his Lordship should be informed, 
that I should applie myself to some, between whom and his Lordship there 
is not so much kindness as were to be wished to lose the favour or friend- 
ship of any noble and worthy gentleman were but small discretion in me, 
considering the strange practises for my disgrace that have binne of late 
against me, but to make any particular donation of my service to any man 
living, I must call God to witness I never have done, but only to your 
Lordship, knowing that the obligation whereby your Lordship hath bounde 
me is no less than my life, which is more than I hope ever to receive from 
any man againe, so that if my Lord of Southampton be assured to your 
Lordship he cannot make any doute but that I must ever be faithful to 
him. Therefore I humbly beseeche your Lordship to be the Mediator for 
his noble favour, which I will never faill honestly to deserve by so worthy 
servyce as shall be in my power to performe. So with my prayers for your 
Lordship's continual increase in honor and happinesse I ever rest your 
Lordship's faithful servant T ^ , 

J. DAVIS 1 . 

Another letter was addressed directly to Southampton by a 
man whom no one would expect to have done so the writer 
of The Declaration of the practises and treasons attempted and 
committed by Robert, late Earl of Essex and his complices. This 
letter runs: 

It may please your Lordship I would have been very gladd to have pre- 
sented my humble service to your Lordship by my attendance, if I could 
have foreseene that it should not have been unpleasing to you. And there- 
fore because I would commit noe errour, I choose to write, assuring your 
Lordship (how credible soever it may seeme to you at first) yet it is as true 
a thinge that God Knoweth, that this great change hath wrought in me 
noe other change towards your Lordship than this, that I may safely bee 
nowe that which I was truly before. And soe craving noe other pardon 
than for troubling you with this letter, I doe not now begin, but continue 
to be your Lordship's humble and much devoted 


On the 1 2th of April Chamberlain said that "John Davis was 
sworn the King's man, and Neville restored to title and fortune." 

On the 1 3th Manningham wrote: 

The Earl of Southampton must present himself with the nobles, and Sir 
Henry Neville with the Councillors, like either shall be one of their ranks 3 . 

1 Cecil Papers, en. 171. 2 Add. MS. 5505, f. 23^. 

8 Diary, p. 171. 


Many others noticed this arrangement. 

A letter preserved at Hatfield was written by Southampton to 
Sir Robert Cecil. It is sealed with his own seal, bearing the four 
falcons but has neither date nor address. It must have been before 
Cecil was ennobled. 

Sir I am very sorry you should have any occasion to think unkindly of 
Mr Crofts, but being assured that what passed from him to discontent you 
proceeded rather from his present grief than out of any want of respect, I 
beseeche you, lett me entreat you to banish the memory of it, and for my 
sake to procure him by your meanes the order of Knighthood, for which I 
shall account myself exceedingly behouldyng to you to whom I will ever 
remayne most assured. 


Metcalfe's Book of Knights enters Sir Herbert Croft on yth May, 
1603, Sir James Croft on 23rd July, 1603, Sir Henry Croftes 
on 22nd January, 1610. I do not know which of these might be 
the "Mr Crofts" whom Southampton so earnestly supported. 

A Privy Seal granted on May 3ist was probably the outcome 
of the King's interest in Southampton 2 . Sir Thomas Heneage, the 
second husband of the Countess Dowager of Southampton, had left 
her sole executrix, but had left his books in disorder and his payments 
in arrears. Queen Elizabeth had been severe upon her, and "the 
injurious son-in-law" did not mend matters. Hence the King to 
Sir Thomas Egerton: 

Whereas Sir Thomas Henneage Knight, late Treasurer of the Chamber, 
stood indebted to our late dear sister in divers somes of money amountyng 
in the whole to the some of thirteen thousand and three hundred pounds, 
and had made an arrangement with Sir Moyle Finch who had married his 
sole daughter and heir that if he survived and should pay six hundred 
pounds a year for thirteen years, he should have all his farms houses and 
lands, so as to pay the Queen's debt first, and if any were over Sir Thomas's 
own debts. Since which time Sir Thomas is dead and by his last will con- 
stituted the Lady Mary, Countess of Southampton, his sole and only execu- 
trix. And as our late sister considering her need of money would not accept 
the payment of her debt by six hundred pounds yearely commanded the 
said Lady Mary to make payment of the said debt owing by Sir Thomas 
with all convenient expedition, which the said Lady Mary dutifully did 
take order for the speedy payment of the said debt of thirteen thousand 

1 Cecil Papers, c. 17. a Privy Seal i, James I, 2yth May, 1603. 


three hundred pounds, and thereupon hath payd the same so as there was 
not anything remayning due unto our said sister, she willed that the sayd 
Lady Mary should receyve 600 paid by the sayd Moyle Finch into the 
receipt for so long time as the said is payable, to be employed by her either 
in the payment of Sir Thomas' debts or at his will and pleasure by her 
letters Privy Seal dated at Nonesuch 2yth day of August 41 Eliz., that she 
should always pay this sum to Lady Mary or her assigns, and if Sir Moyle 
Finch did not pay the treasurer to take means to compel him. Wee therefore 
give you warrant this is to be continued. Humble suit hath been made by 
the said Lady Mary for warrant and command that the said payments from 
tyme to tyme be paid over to her or her assigns. Given under our hand 
a/th May in the first year of our reign. 

Among the New Year "Free Giftes out of the Exchequer" the 
first is "to Mary the Countess of Southampton 600." 1 

It has not been recorded where, after his release, Southampton 
went first, as he had no home. He might have stayed with his mother 
at the Savoy, or with his sister at Arundel House, or he might 
have gone, with sad memories, to Drury House, where Sir Charles 
Danvers used to live. It is not likely that his wife would have kept 
up a separate establishment during his imprisonment. It must have 
taken a considerable time to get his affairs into practical order, to 
supply suitable clothing, and to regain health sufficient to allow him 
to undertake a long and exciting journey. But, as John Barbour 

O Fredome is a noble thing, 
It maketh man to have likyng. 

The King was at Newcastle on the day Southampton was 
liberated 2 . He passed through York, Worksop, Beauvoir Castle, etc. 
On Monday the 25th the King fell and hurt his arm, and had to 
ride back to Sir John Harington's for treatment. On Wednesday 
the 2/th he reached Huntingdon, where the Bailiff gave him the 
sword of State. Southampton had come to meet him there, and 
James gave him the sword to bear before him. The King was the 
guest of Sir Oliver Cromwell, who gave him the greatest enter- 
tainment he had received during his journey. Had these three men 
but been able to look into the glass of Time and to see the relations 
their sons would bear to each other, they would have been astonished 

1 Nichols' Prog. James I. * Ibid. p. 52 


and incredulous. The royal party thence went to Sir Robert Cecil's 
at Theobalds, where they stayed four days. The great officers of 
State, the Lord Keeper, the Lord Admiral, the Lord Treasurer, 
and the old servants of Queen Elizabeth, having buried their former 
mistress, came thither to meet their new master. He went on the 
yth of May to London, was the guest of Lord Thomas Howard 
at the Charter House, and thence went to the Tower on the nth. 
The King had been making knights all the way, and be began 
to make lords on the 1 3th. Cecil was the first of this rank, as Baron 
of Essenden. On the i6th James granted Southampton a special 
pardon 1 , with restitution in blood to him and his heirs, and resti- 
tution of titles, lands and property of all kinds. 

The Venetian ambassador's reports of this period are worth 
study (checking the dates into Old Style). He says: 

On his journey the King has destined to great rewards the Earl of South- 
ampton, Sir Henry Neville, and others. He has received the 12-year-old 
son of the Earl of Essex in his arms and kissed him, openly and loudly de- 
claring he was the son of the most noble Knight England had ever produced. 
The Coronation has been put off till the King's name day; till then the 
King will not make his entry into London, only taking possession of the 
Tower, and awaits the Queen to save the expense of a double coronation 2 . 

Dudley Carleton wrote to Chamberlain that 

the plague spread rapidly in London.... Sonday last at Windsor the King 
gave the order of the Garter to Prince Henry, the Duke of Lennox, the 
Earl of Mar, the Earls of Southampton and Pembroke 3 . 

The Venetian added that the King had invested Southampton 
with his own hand with great pomp, and had added a post worth 
6000 crowns a year. He no doubt refers to the Captaincy of the 
Isle of Wight and the Stewardship of the Royal Demesnes on 
the Island, in reversion after Lord Hunsdon 4 . He was also made 
Custos Rotulorum of Hampshire. 

Cecil had advised the King that he should, in the first instance, 
enter the Kingdom alone, as the great ladies and the Queen's 
servants could not come to greet his Queen until after the funeral 
of Elizabeth. That performed on the 28th of April, amid universal 

1 D.S.S.P. James, i. 84. Patent Rolls, i James, pt. 2. Ind. Wt. Bk. p. 3. 

* Venetian Papers, 1603, May I5th, vol. x. (40-66), p. 81. 

8 D S.S.P. James, n. 40. Ibid. Patent Rolls, 14, d. 


mourning, the ladies were free. The Queen of Scotland was 
somewhat delayed by arrangements concerning her younger children; 
but the King went out to meet her at Sir George Fermor's at 
Easton Neston on June 2yth. Among the great ladies who there 
kissed Queen Anne's hand was "My Lady of Southampton." 1 

The Court returned to Windsor on Thursday the 3Oth of June. 
Carleton wrote thence on the 3rd of July: 

The Lords of Southampton and Grey, the first night the Queen came 
hither, renewed old quarrels, and fell flatly out in her presence. She was in 
discourse with my Lord of Southampton, touching the Lord of Essex's 
action, and wondered, as she said, that so many great men did so little for 
themselves; to which Lord Southampton answered, that the Queen being 
made a party against them, they were forced to yield; but if that course had 
not been taken, there was none of their private enemies, with whom only 
their quarrel was, that durst have opposed themselves. This being over- 
heard by Lord Grey, he would maintain the contrary party durst have done 
much more than they, upon which he had the lie at him. The Queen bade 
them remember where they were, and soon after sent them to their lodgings, 
to which they were committed with guards upon them. The next day they 
were brought out and heard before the Council, and condemned to the 
Tower. But soon after the King sent for them, and taking the quarrel upon 
him, and the wrong and disgrace done to her Majesty, and not exchanged 
between them, so forgave it to make them friends, which was accordingly 
effected and they set at liberty 2 . 

The date of this incident is significant. Arthur Wilson's History 
of Great Britain begins with the reign of James. He says 3 : 

The Earl of Southampton, covered long with the ashes of great Essex his 
ruins, was sent for from the Tower and the King looked on him with a 
smiling countenance; though displeasing haply to the new Baron of Essendon 
Robert Cecil, yet it was much more so to the Lords of Cobham and Grey, 
and Sir Walter Raleigh, who were forbidden their attendance. This damp 
upon them, being spirits full of acrimony, made them break into murmurs, 
then into conspiracy with two Romish Priests. 

Wilson describes their conspiracy, arrest, and trial as "strong proofs, 
and weak denials... much muddy water." Raleigh's chief accuser 
was Lord Cobham, who afterwards withdrew his charge and then 
reaffirmed it. 

1 Lady Anne Clifford's Diary, Knole MS. Nichols' Prog. James I, p. 173. 

2 Also Nichols' Prog. p. 187. 
* History, p. 4. 


Lodge says in his Life of Cecil; 

Raleigh is known to have presented a memorial to James on his arrival in 
England charging Cecil with the ruin of Essex, and his father with the 
murder of Queen Mary of Scots 1 . 

If this be true, it was a very unwise step, for of course Cecil would 
see that memorial and be moved thereby. Raleigh also was known 
to have used very imprudent words about the King. "The Pack" 
was at last and definitively "broken up." 

The first of James's personal proclamations was for the appre- 
hension of William and Patrick Ruthven, brothers of the Earl of 
Gowry. The second was for the capture of Anthony Copley, 
"younger brother of one Copley, that is lately returned from 
foreign parts into this country, and hath dealt with some to 
be of a conspiracie to use some violence upon our person, etc." 
Anthony Copley was the recusant, minor poet, and essayist, who 
approved of toleration in religion, but wanted no papal rule in 
England. The Court was shortly afterwards startled by the news of 
the arrest of Lord Grey on the 1 2th of July. Sir Walter Raleigh, 
examined on the I4th, was sent to the Tower on the iyth; Lord 
Cobham, George Brooke his brother, and Anthony Copley joined 
him; Griffin, Griffith, or Gervase Markham was looked for. 

The Venetian ambassador says: 

When Anthony Copley was arrested he betrayed a plot of twelve gentle- 
men to kill the King and some of the Council; among these were Lords 
Grey and Cobham, Sir Walter Raleigh, George Brooke, GrifFen Markham, 
and the two priests Watson and Clarke 2 . 

The behaviour of Raleigh was very unexpected 3 . The Lieutenant 
of the Tower told Cecil he had never seen any prisoner so distracted 
as he. He protested his innocence loudly, and yet in despair at his 
disgrace, he tried to commit suicide by stabbing himself to the heart. 
He did not go deep enough, so survived to endure the humiliations 
he strove to escape. 

On the 2nd of July the King had kept the feast of the Garter 
at Windsor for the installation of the new knights, Prince Henry, 

1 Illustrations of History, n. 4. 

2 Venetian Papers, x. 95, 101. Harl. MS. 293. 

3 Cecil Papers, ci. 85, etc. Winwood Papers, n. 8 and n. 10. Edward's 
Life of Raleigh, I. 375. 


the Duke of Lennox, and the Earls of Southampton, Mar, and 
Pembroke 1 . 

On the 2 ist of July, in the Great Hall at Hampton Court, there 
was a creation of peers, and Henry Wriothesley was created anew 
Earl of Southampton and Baron of Titchfield; Charles Blount, 
Lord Mountjoy, was created Earl of Devonshire; Sir Henry 
Danvers, Lord Danvers of Dauntsey. On the 23rd Francis Bacon 
was knighted, after eager efforts to win the honour; on the 24th 
was issued a general pardon, with certain exclusions; on the 25th, 
the usual procession through the city being omitted because of the 
plague, the King and Queen were crowned at Westminster on the 
Stone of Destiny from Scone. The Earl of Tyrone, now willing 
to submit, had been brought over by Lord Mountjoy, who had 
followed out successfully the thwarted plans of his friend Essex. 
Probably it was in part through his connection with the Earl of 
Southampton that Sir William Harvey was remembered in July 
1603. Among the Privy Signet Bills for that month is found: 

The Office of Remembrancer of the First Fruits and Tenths in His 
Majesties Exchequer with the usual fees and allowances thereunto belonging 
to Sir William Harvey Knight, one of his Highness' gentlemen Pensioners 
during his Life, after the decease of Sir Edward Stafford Knight. (Pro- 
cured by Sir Thomas Lake at the suit of Mr Murray, Laird of Tullibardine. 
Fee 6/8.) 

One little note on Southampton's affairs has been preserved by 
Mr Halliwell Phillipps: 

A conveyance of Land by the Earl of Southampton of properly at Romsey, 
near Southampton 2 . 

He probably needed ready money so sorely that he had to realise 
what he could lay his hands upon. Later the King seems to have 
refunded that 3 . One letter of the Venetian ambassador should have 
been mentioned, as it throws some light upon Southampton's 
religious feelings. He says: 

Queen Anne has secretly become a Catholic, though she goes to the 
heretical church with her husband. She insists on educating her daughter 
as a Catholic, and the King keeps the Prince from her, as much as he can. 
The King has made himself the Head of the Anglican Church, and exacts 

1 Ashmole, List of Garters, p. 53. 

2 Hall. Phill. Short List, etc., p. 10, no. 6. 

3 D.S.S.P. James, ix. Docquet Oct. 28th, 1604, and x. 63. 


the oath. Old Howard, who has lately been appointed to the Council, and 
Southampton, who were both Catholics, declare that God has touched 
their hearts, and that the example of the King has more weight with them 
than the disputes of Theologians. They have become Protestants, and go 
to Church in the train of the King. The Plague is increasing, it is unusually 
hot 1 . 

The Royal Progress began on the i cth of August from Hampton 
Court by Loseley, Farnham, and Basing to Hurstbourne, on the 
2Oth and 2ist to Salisbury, and on the 2gth and 30th to Wilton, 
with some days at Woodstock (nth to I5th September), then back 
to Basing 2 . 

On August 2Oth the King wrote to Lord Treasurer Buckhurst 3 : 

Having directed you to consider a suit moved unto me by the Earl of 
Southampton, for the farming of the Import on Sweet Wines coming into 
this country, at the rent of 6000, and received answer that you knew of no 
inconvenience likely to arise to us by such a grant : We require you to order 
the demise of the said impost for a terme of years, with such clauses and 
covenants as in the demise to the late Earls of Leicester and Essex, or with 
such other as you think meet 4 . [Draft.] 

On the 22nd this grant was duly made out to him in the 
usual form. Strange that what the Queen would not renew to 
Essex in 1600, but kept in her own hands, should be given by 
her successor to Essex's friend ! 

On the 6th of October the King and Queen were back at Wilton, 
and seem to have spent their time between Wilton, Basing, and 
Winchester until the beginning of December 5 . On the loth of 
October Southampton was made Master of the Queen's Game 
and Keeper of her Forests, and on December i oth Master of the 
King's Game in Hampshire 6 . 

Meanwhile Raleigh was examined again, before Lord Henry 
Howard, Lord Wotton and the virulent Sir Edward Coke, on the 
1 4th August. The charges against him were urged to the point of 
treason. Thereupon he wrote a pitiful letter to the Earls of South- 
ampton, Suffolk, and Devonshire 7 , declaring his innocence of the 

1 Venetian Papers, x. par. 66. 2 Nichols' Prog. p. 250. 

3 D.S.S.P. Addenda James, xxxv. 35. 4 D.S.S.P. James, m. Docquet. 

8 Ibid. James, iv. 13. 6 Ibid. James, V. Docquet. 
7 Raleigh's Works, ed. Birch, n. 379. 


two main points, "that he had been offered money as a bribe, and 
that he was privy to Lord Cobham's Spanish Journey." 
He implored their Lordships 

not to leave me to the cruelty of the Laws of England.... There is no glory 
in shedding innocent blood....! know your Lordships have a reputation of 
conscience, as well as of Industry....! know the King is too merciful &c. 
Your Lordships' humble and miserable suitor, 


I have not found any allusion to their reply. Grey did not write to 
Southampton, but did so repeatedly to Cecil, and sometimes directly 
to the King himself. It was decided they should be tried at Win- 
chester. In preparation for that there was a warrant signed for 
"green cloth to be used for the Arraynement of Lord Graie, 
Lord Cobham, George Brooke, and Sir Walter Raleigh, apud 
Civitat. Wmton, Baize and hangings." 1 

The confessions of Brooke and Raleigh were taken at Winchester 
on November 25th, 1603. Raleigh unnecessarily gave informa- 
tion against Cobham which so enraged his fellow-prisoner that 
he charged Raleigh with a number of misdeeds. He afterwards 
confessed that he had not spoken the truth in his statement, but 
again confirmed what he had said. There were two branches of 
the plot, which had been planned to be carried out on June 24th 2 
(curiously near the last quarrel between Grey and Southampton). 
Sir G. Markham had advised them to work it by night, and to 
remember that the King was not King till he was crowned. Lord 
Grey meant to have secured a body of men, ostensibly to lead to 
the Low Countries; but he really meant to use them for this 
design. He expressed his desire to his companions that afterwards 
he should be made Earl Marshal of England and Master of the 
Horse. Watson and the priests devised a scheme which was called 
the Bye Plot. Raleigh's was called the Main Plot "to kill the 
King and all his Cubs." Whether Raleigh had been in earnest 
or not, he had been extremely imprudent, and he now learned how 
charges can multiply against a man at the bar. The Earl of South- 
ampton and his cousin Lord Montague were both on the jury for 
trying Cobham and Grey. All the conspirators were found guilty 

1 Wardrobe Accounts Audit Office 2345/32. 

2 Add. MS. 34,218, f. 226. 


on yth of December. The priests were executed, with George 
Brooke, who died accusing his brother and Raleigh. He seems also 
to have accused his brother-in-law Cecil, since the latter wrote to 
Shrewsbury 1 on the 23rd December "of the base and viperous 
accusation before he died"; but this, of course, was not believed. 
Sir John Harington did what he could to help his cousin, 
G. Markham. Harington wrote, "It is almost incredible with 
what bitter speeches and execrations Raleigh was exclaimed upon, 
all the way he went through London and the towns, which general 
hatred of the people would be to me more bitter than death." 2 

The other three stood on the scaffold expecting death, when the 
King's clemency prevailed, and, with a dramatic surprise, their 
prayers in preparation for death were changed into thanks for a 
prolongation of life. They were not pardoned, however, and were 
all taken back to the Tower. 

During the course of these proceedings Southampton had written 
on November 1 1 th from Wilton to Julius Caesar, to hasten the 
pardon of Captain Edward Thynne 3 . 

We may turn now to a pleasanter record. Very shortly after the 
King arrived in the metropolis, while he was yet in the Tower, he 
planned a reformation in the theatre. He had large views of the 
prerogatives of Kings and a liberal interest in the players' art; so he 
took away from noblemen their power of licensing their servants as 
players, reserving all such power for himself and the members of the 
Royal Family. In choosing his own royal company he was apparently 
tied by some old promise made to Laurence Fletcher, chief of the 
English comedians who used to come to Scotland, for whose sake 
he had fought the ministers of Edinburgh, coerced the burghers 
of Aberdeen, and threatened Elizabeth's agent, that if the rumour 
was true that Fletcher had been hanged in England, he, the King, 
would hang the English agent in Edinburgh 4 . The rujnour was not 
true. This promise performed, he chose the Lord Chamberlain's 
company for his own, partly to please Southampton, no doubt, who 
knew them, and partly to please himself. For were they not the 
company who included a real poet, who could satisfy all the 

1 Nich. Prog. p. 300. 2 Harington's Brief Notes and Remembrances. 

8 Add. MS. 12,506, ff. 107, 121. 

4 See my Burbage, and Shakespeare's Stage, pp. 99 and 253. 


canons of his poetic criticism? It may not have been noted that 
James put Shakespeare's name above that of Burbage, or the other 
members of the company. Was he not a protege of the Earl of 
Southampton? So there was here something of the nature of a 
compliment to the patron who, on the i6th of May, had been 
restored in blood and in title. 

On the i yth of May James signed the Privy Seal for the 
patent of "the King's Players" (the patent itself was drawn up 
on the i gth). Anyone may read it clearly, in the revolving frame 
in the Museum of the Record Office "Pro Laurentio Fletcher, 
Willielmo Shakespeare, et aliis," to give them authority to play 
comedies and tragedies, etc., 

as well for our Solace and Pleasure as publicly to their best commoditie, 

within any convenient place in any University, Town, or Borough, 
commanding all officers not only to permit them, but to aid and 
assist them, 

also what further favour you shall shewe to these our servants for our sake, 
we shall take it kindly at your hands. 

As his Majesty's Servants, they took rank with the Grooms of the 
Chamber without fee. They were paid when they performed at 
Court, or elsewhere, for the King. The Cecil Papers copy, with the 
Great Seal, dated the igth, contains the names Laurence Fletcher, 
William Shakespeare, Richard Burbage, Augustine Phillipps, John 
Hemings, Henry Condell, and the others; and Augustine Phillipps 
had the last vestige of the discredit he had suffered, by being called 
in question over the Percy performance, washed away. The other 
companies were licensed by the Queen and Prince. This altered 
the whole status of "the quality," made playing a profession, and 
gave its members new opportunities of development. Unfortunately 
the plague somewhat spoiled the prospects of their first year, 
though they probably toured through the country. The King was 
in Wilton by December. John Hemings, one of his Majesty's 
Players, received "a warrant on the 3rd December 1603, for the 
payment of the expenses of himself and the rest of his company 
coming from Mortlake and presenting one play before the King 
on the 2nd December at the Court at Wilton 30." l So we know 

1 See my Burbage, and Shakespeare's Stage, pp. 99 and 253. 
s. s. 18 


where the King, the Earl of Southampton, and his poet Shake- 
speare were at that date. The King allowed them the payment 
of three plays for one, reckoning the distance. They also played 
at Hampton Court after their return, on St Stephen's day at night, 
St John's day at night, and Innocents' day, probably performing 
on one of these occasions "The fair maid of Bristol," entered at 
Stationers' Hall 8th February 1604-5. 

A good many notices, which at the time could not be supposed 
likely to have any relation to Southampton, might have been inserted 
here; but I must content myself with one a letter from Wildgoose 
and Lennard, reporting that Mr Annesley, of Lee in Kent, was 
unfit to manage his own affairs, and begging to have charge of him, 
on 1 8th October, I6O3 1 . Concerning this, his daughter wrote to 

I most humbly thank you for the sundry letters that it hath pleased you 
to direct unto gentlemen of worship in these parts, requesting them to take 
into their custodies the person and estate of my poor aged and daily dying 
father: But that course so honorable and good for all parties, intended by 
your Lo., will by no means satisfy Sr John Willgosse, nor any course else, 
unless he may have him begged for a Lunatic, whose many years service to 
our late dread Sovereign Mistress and native country deserved a better 
agnomination, than at his last gasp to be recorded and registered a Lunatic, 
yet find no means to avoid so great an infamy and endless blemish to us and 
our posterity, unless it shall please your Lo. of your honourable disposition, 
if he must needs be accompted a Lunatic, to bestow him upon Sir James 
Croft, who out of the love he bare unto him in his more happier days, and 
for the good he wishetb. unto us his children, is contented upon entreaty to 
undergo the burden and care of him and his estate, without intendment to 
make any one penny benefit to himself by any goods of his, or ought that 
may descend to us his children, as also to prevent any record of Lunacy 
that may be procured hereafter. Lewsham 23 October 1603. 


This good daughter, who thus brought her father to rest in peace, 
after the Dowager Countess of Southampton passed away, married 
Sir William Harvey, Southampton's step-father. 

The printers were busy till the end of 1603. Funeral elegies on 
the great Eliza were poured forth, good and bad. Adulatory verses 
to welcome the new Sovereign were hastily indited. Some tried to 

1 Cecil Papers, ci. 163. 2 Ibid. CLXXXVII. 119. 


combine both and succeeded in neither. Some thought more of 

Southampton. The writer of "a mournful dittie entituled Elizabeth's 
Losse" invited 

You poets all, brave Shakspere, Jonson, Greene, 
Bestowe your time to write for England's Queene; 
Lament, lament, lament you English Peeres, 
Lament your losse possest so many yeares, 
Return your songs and Sonnets and your laies 
To set forth Sweet Elizabetha's praise 1 . 

No, Shakespeare had no thought of pretending to lament the hard 
jailor of "The Lord of his Love." In dignified silence he let the 
new King come as he had let the old Queen go. This silence was 
noted. He did not care. Chettle, in his England's Mourning 
Garment^ entreats him: 

Nor doth the silver-tongued Melicert 

Drop from his honied muse one sable teare 
To mourn her death who graced his desert, 
And to his laies opened her Royal eare. 
Shepherd, remember our Elizabeth 
And sing her rape, done by that Tarquin, Death ! 

Shakespeare was deaf even to that appeal. If he wrote anything 
in connection with this subject, it did not see the light for years. 
Many think that the loyth Sonnet was his welcome to South- 
ampton. I have had my doubts of it; the first half does not follow 
Shakespeare's usual methods of construction, the close falls beneath 
his level. Yet, since it has been regarded as Shakespeare's address 
to Southampton, it ought to be included here. 


Not mine own fears, nor the prophetic soul 
Of the wide world, dreaming on things to come, 
Can yet the lease of my true love control, 
Suppos'd as forfeit to a confin'd doom. 
The mortal moon hath her eclipse endur'd, 
And the sad augurs mock their own presage; 
Incertainties now crown themselves assur'd, 
And peace proclaims olives of endless age. 
Now with the drops of this most balmy time 
My love looks fresh, and Death to me subscribes, 

1 Greene was dead, but the rhyme was too useful to lose. 

1 8 2 


Since spite of him I'll live in this poor rhyme, 
While he insults o'er dull and speechless tribes : 
And thou in this shalt find thy monument 
When tyrants' crests, and tombs of brass are spent. 

A more jubilant note was struck by John Davies not he of 
the Essex trouble, but John of Hereford, writing-master and poet. 
In the Preface to Microcosmus^ singing the praises of James, the first 
man that he calls on to join him is Southampton. 

Then let's be merry in our God and King, 

That made us merry being ill bestadd: 
South-Hampton up the cappe to Heaven fling 
And on the Violl there sweet praises sing 
For he is come that grace to all doth bring. 
If thou did'st fault, (judge Heav'n, for I will spare thee 

Because my faults are more than can be cast) 
It did to greater glorie but prepare thee, 

Sithe greater Vertue now thereby thou hast 

Before our troubles we seeme goodnesse past 
But cold Affliction's water cooles the heate 

Which youth and greatness oft too much doth waste. 
And Queenes are coy and cannot brooke the sweat 
That such heate causeth, for it seems unsweete. 
But yet thy woorth doth wrest from what soere 

Thereto opposed by unseene violence, 
Acknowledgment of what in thee is deere 

That is, the glory of much excellence 

Fitt for the use of high'st preheminence. 
The World is in the wane, and worthy men 

Have not therein in each place residence : 
Such as are worthy should be cherisht then 
And being overthrown, rais'd up agen. 

He also wrote a Sonnet "To the right noble and intirely beloved 
Earl of Southampton." 

Welcome to shore, unhappie-Happie Lord 

From the deep seas of danger and distresse 
Where, like thou wast to be thrown overboard 

In every storm of discontentednesse. 
O living death to die when others please ! 

O dying life to live how others will; 
Such was thy case (deere Lord), such as thine ease, 

O Hell on earth, can Hell more vex the Will ? 


This Hell being harrowed by his substitute 

That harrowed Hell, thou art brought forth from thence 
Into an earthly Heaven absolute 
To tast his sweetnesse, see his excellence 

Thy Liege well wotts true Love that soule must wound 
To whom Heaven's grace and His doth so abound. 

Davies also wrote praises of Penelope, Lady Rich, of Lord 
Mount) oy, and of the Earl of Pembroke, 

Pembroke, to Court, to which thou wast made strange. 

At the time of the Essex troubles and his own disgrace, the Earl 
of Pembroke had written about "bringing those (men, I cannot call 
them) to their ruin for their wicked action." 1 

Yet it was his family poet who now wrote the noblest praise of 
Southampton : 

To Henry Wriothesley, Earle of Southampton. 
Nonfert ullum ictum illcesa fcelicitas 

He who hath neuer warr'd with miserye, 

Nor euer tugg'd with Fortune & distresse, 
Hath had n'occasion, nor no field to trie 

The strength and forces of his worthinesse: 
Those parts of iudgement which felicitie 
Keepes as conceal'd, affliction must expresse; 
And onely men shew their abilities, 
And what they are, in their extremities. 

The world had neuer taken so full note 

Of what thou art, hadst thou not beene undone; 
And onely thy affliction hath begot 

More fame, then thy best fortunes could haue done; 
For euer, by aduersitie are wrought 
The greatest workes of admiration. 
And all the faire examples of renowne 
Out of distresse and miserie are growne. 9 

Mutius the fire, the tortures Regulus, 

Did make the miracles of faith and zeale, 
Exile renown'd, and grac'd Rutilius; 

Imprisonment and poyson did reueale 

1 Salisbury Papers, xi. 40. Cecil Papers, LXXVI. 51. 


The worth of Socrates; Fabrttius' 

Pouertie did grace that Common-weale 

More than all Syllaes riches, got with strife; 
And Catoes death did vie with Ccesars life. 

Not to b'unhappy is unhappynesse; 

And misery not t'haue knowne miserie : 
For the best way unto discretion, is 

The way that leades us by adversitie. 
And men are better shew'd what is amisse, 
By th'expert finger of calamitie, 

Then they can be with all that Fortune brings; 
Who neuer shewes them the true face of things. 

How could we know that thou could'st haue indur'd 

With a reposed cheere, wrong and disgrace; 
And with a heart and countenance assur'd 

Have lookt sterne death and horror in the face ? 
How should we know thy soule had beene secur'd 
In honest counsels and in way unbase ! 
Hadst thou not stood to shew us what thou wert, 
By thy affliction, that discri'd thy heart. 

It is not but the tempest that doth show 

The Sea-man's cunning; but the field that tries 
The Captaines courage : and we come to know 
Best what men are, in their worst ieoperdies : 
For lo, how many haue we scene to grow 
To high renown from lowest miseries, 

Out of the hands of death, and many a one 
T'have been undone, had they not beene undone. 

He that indures for what his conscience knowes 

Not to be ill, doth from a patience hie 
Looke onely on the cause whereto he owes 

Those sufferings, not on his miserie : 
The more h'endures, the more his glory growes, 
Which never growes from imbecillitie: 

Onely the best compos'd and worthiest harts 
God sets to act the hard'st and constant'st parts. 


1 From Certaine Epistles, 1601-3. 



THE King's Own Players performed at Hampton Court on New 
Year's day at night, but we do not know the name of the play 1 . 

The first year of United Britain was signalised by a new form 
of Court extravagance, which would have scandalised Queen 
Elizabeth. Costly masques were produced, in which the characters, 
hitherto reserved for men, were played by women performers, con- 
sisting of the noblest ladies (and the Queen, of all ladies in the 
land, acted the leading character). A new style of writing was 
necessary for these, with a new style of dressing. The courtiers 
crowded to see some to admire, some to criticise. Southampton 
certainly saw the masques; we may wonder what he and Shake- 
speare thought of them 2 . 

On the 1 1 th of January Southampton had his summons to 
Parliament duly forwarded; on the I2th there was a conference 
regarding toleration in religion. 

On the 1 8th of January the King's Players had a warrant for 
the payment of ^53 for their performances; and what was doubtless 
more welcome to them, as being unexpected, was a free gift from 
the King, on the 8th of February, of j30 3 to help towards their 
maintenance while prohibited from playing publicly because of the 

The King left Hampton Court early in February for Whitehall, 
proceeding thence to Royston and Newmarket. His players seem 
to have played at Whitehall, for a warrant was granted on the 28th 
of February for the plays performed before his Majesty, the one 
on Candlemas day at night, the other on Shrove Sunday at night 4 . 
Southampton duly sat in the Parliament of 1604, where the first 

1 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Audit Off. 388, 41. 

2 Nich. Prog. p. 424. 
8 Audit Off., 388, 41. 

4 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Pipe Off. 542 


bills passed were for the restitution of himself in blood, as well as of 
the children of the Earl of Essex 1 . But he did not sit through the 
session. The Lord Chamberlain announced to the House of Lords 
that the Earls of Southampton and Pembroke were to be excused, 
having been commanded to attend the King to Royston. On the 
1 2th of March the King, Queen, and Prince came to their palace 
in the Tower, prepared to complete the proper ceremonies of a 
coronation by a procession through the city. On the 1 3th of March 
the King created Lord Henry Howard Earl of Northampton, and 
Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckhurst, Earl of Dorset. The Earl of 
Southampton was in the next day's procession, and his mother (not 
his wife, who was otherwise engaged). 

Howes' Chronicle and Nichols' Progresses give accounts of the 
seven triumphal arches on the route, of the devices and masques 
prepared by Ben Jonson, Drayton, Webster, Dekker, Daniel, and 
others. Gilbert Dugdale's descriptions state that 

King James gave not only to those worthy of honour, but to the mean 
gave grace, as taking unto him the Lord Chamberlain's servants, now the 
King's Actors, the Queen taking to her the Earl of Worcester's servants 
that are now her Actors, and the Prince their son Henry took to him the 
Earl of Nottingham's servants, who are now his Actors, so that of Lord's 
servants they have become the servants of the King, Queen and Prince.... 
The prisoners in the Tower, Cobham, Grey, Raleigh, were removed to 
other prisons for the time 2 . 

The Players, as Royal Servants, were in the Procession. This 
has been disputed. But the Lord Chamberlain's books 3 are clear 
about it, mentioning the quantity allowed for the cloth of their 
garments, the occasion of its being used, and the names of the 
wearers. In great dashing writing, heading the list of the King's 
Players, is the name of "William Shakespeare," spelt correctly. 

Foley tells us that on the 24th of the month (probably March) 
"there was a solemn tilting before Whitehall, the Earls of Cum- 
berland and Southampton with the greatest commendation." 4 

On April ist, 1604, Southampton wrote to Sir Julius Caesar, 
Master of Requests, about a ship left at Portsmouth by a Frenchman, 
which had been seized by his Deputy. His action had now been 

1 Lords Journals, n. 264-266. * Nichols' Prog. p. 413. 

3 Lord Chamb. Books, n. 4 (5). * Foley's Eng. Jes. i. 59. 

xix] FESTIVITIES, 1604-5 281 

called into question. "I thought that when I was made Vice- 
Admirall by the Admirall he had given me somewhat. I now find 
that without my privity such courses are taken, that I shall hold 
a thing in name and shew only." If the Frenchmen who now 
claim it shew no cause for their claim, he desires "my Deputy 
should suffer neither loss nor disgrace, neither any dishonour." He 
suggests that both parties should be heard before Caesar. 

On the loth of April Southampton recommended a soldier to 
Sir Julius Caesar who had been wounded and maimed in service 
in Elizabeth's time, and required that the help should be continued. 
On the same day from the Court he writes in favour of a poor 
man, called Evans. He also asks Sir Julius Caesar to help Thomas 
Jones, who has lost money in a case with Clement Greene; 
Greene had three small ships laden with commodities for the Isle 
of Wight, but the Admiralty attached the same 1 . 

Thomas Whitefield, who was of a troublesome and contentious 
disposition, had commenced a suit against Henry Needier in his 
Majesty's Court at Whitehall. Southampton asks Sir Julius Caesar 
to attend to it, on May I7th, 1604. 

A year after Southampton's liberation, his wife brought him a 
second daughter 2 . Doubtless there was some disappointment in 
this, as he wished this time for a son and heir. But the child was 
welcomed with honour. The Queen stood godmother to "Anne 
the daughter of the right honourable therll of Southampton baptized 
in April 1604 m tne Chapel, in the second yere of his Majesties' 
Reign." 3 A bill is sent in for "making readie the Chappel at 
Whitehall for her Majesty for the Christening of the Earl of 
Southampton's Child." 

On April i8th Southampton and the Earl of Devonshire were 
appointed joint Lieutenants of Hampshire 4 . Southampton was then 
also doing good service as Commissioner for the Union 5 . 

On the ist of May the King was at Highgate, at the house 
of Sir William Cornwallis, where Ben Jonson's masque, which 
Gifford calls The Penates, was performed before him. 

1 Add. MS. 12,506, ff. 139, 145. i4 8 . 199- 

2 Orig. Cheque Book, Chap. Roy. p. 75. 

3 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Audit Off. 388, 41. 

4 Patent 25 d, also Doyle's Heraldry. 

5 Wilson's History of England, p. 29. 


On the 8th of May, 1604, ne signed a warrant: 

James R. Wee will and command you immediately upon the sight thereof, 
to deliver, or cause to be delivered to our right trustie and right welbeloved 
cosins Henry, Earl of Southampton, and William, Earl of Pembroke, chosen 
and elected to be Knights and companions of our Honorable order of the 
Garter, eyther of them eighteen yards of crimson velvet for their robes, 
kirtle, hoode and Tippets of our saide Order, and twelve yardes of white 
sarcenet to eyther of them for lyning of , the same as hath been accustomed. 
And these our letters, signed with our own hand shalbe your sufficient 
warrant and discharge in this behalfe. Given at Westminster eighth day of 
May in the second year of our reigne &c. To Sir George Howme Master of 
our greate wardrobe 1 . 

That would naturally have been in preparation for the feast of 
St George of that year. 

Southampton was mysteriously and suddenly arrested in June, 
1604, and as suddenly released, without trial or explanation 2 . 
Rumour was rife. The Venetian ambassador notes the fact with 
concern. He says on July 6th, 1604: 

On Sunday night was arrested the Earl of Southampton, Baron Danvers 
and others, who were confined separately and examined, but all set at liberty 
yesterday morning. I have not heard the reason, probably the malignity of 
their enemies, of whom they have many 3 . 

He writes later: 

I have not found out the real reason. It is said that it was a charge of 
treason against Southampton that he meant to kill some Scots who are much 
about the King, charged by unknown enemies. Southampton went to the 
King and said that if he knew the name of his enemy he would challenge 
him, but it passed off with fair words 4 . 

Malone says that it was by the machinations of Cecil (soon 
afterwards made Lord Cranborne) that the King was persuaded to 
believe that too great an intimacy subsisted between Southampton 
and his Queen 5 . It is true they might have been thrown a good 
deal together, as Southampton had literary and artistic tastes, as 
well as goodwill to help her about her masques. Probably Malone 
gathered this from that prejudiced and self-contradictory book, 

1 Add. MS. 5756, f. 233. 2 Sir Eg. Brydges, Peers, p. 321. 

8 Venetian Papers, vol. x. no. -238-242. 
* Birch's James I, pp. 494-5. 
8 Shakespeare, x. 69. 

xix] FESTIVITIES, 1604-5 283 

Anthony Weldon's Court and Character of King James 1 . Having 
discussed the trial and condemnation of Cobham, Grey, and 
Raleigh, Weldon says: 

Now doth the King return to Windsor, when there was an apparition of 
Southampton being a Favourite to his majesty, by that privacy and dear- 
nesse presented to the Court view, but Salisbury, liking not that any of 
Essex his faction should come into play, made that apparition appeare as it 
were in transitu, and so vanished, by putting some jealousies into the King's 
Head, which was so far from jealousie, that he did not much desire to be 
in his Queen's companie, yet love and regality must admit of no partner- 

Southampton was present at the prorogation of Parliament on 
the 7th of July, i6c>4 2 . 

In July of that year the King granted Sir Fulke Greville the 
ruined castle of Warwick, at a nominal rent of ^5 a year, and of 
the mills and meadows belonging thereto at the yearly rent of ^2O 3 . 
He rebuilt and improved the castle at enormous cost to himself. 
The tide of the plague had rolled away from London, and it had 
now become the healthiest place in the kingdom. "Now the Queen 
has come, the King will stay at Windsor." "The ordinances of 
the King's Household" were drawn up I7th July 4 . 

From Sir Robert Carey's Life 5 we learn that the King and 
Queen went back to Easton Neston to meet their delicate young 
son Charles, who could not walk at four years of age. Those who 
intended to beg his custody feared to undertake it; Sir Robert, 
however, and his wife risked it, after which the child improved 
every day. Sir Robert had not been otherwise rewarded for his 
wild ride to the north. The Councillors whom he had forestalled 
united to hinder him; but in securing this office he made a path 
for his future. 

On July 25th Southampton had grants of Basildon, co. Gloucester, 
Dunmow in Essex, and other lands. 

The King being peaceably settled in his new kingdom, ambassa- 
dors poured in to congratulate him. There were some peculiarly 
interesting incidents connected with the Spanish ambassador sent 

1 Shakespeare, x. 41. 2 Lords Journal, II. 266. 

3 D.S.S.P. James, vin. July 4. My Shak. Warwick. Contemp. p. 169. 

4 Harl. MSS. 642, f. 228. 6 Page 164. 


to his Court. Many years since, Halliwell-Phillipps appealed to 
Shakespeareans to tell him where he might find the reference to the 
fact that Shakespeare's Company was in attendance on the Spanish 
embassy. About twenty years ago, in doing other work, I found 
this reference, but did not use it until I had collected further 
material for my paper on "The Shakespeares of the Court" in the 
Athenteuml. On this occasion the special envoy of Philip III of 
Spain was the Constable of Castille, who had power to agree to 
and ratify the terms of peace between Spain and Great Britain. 
Great preparations had been made to receive him, and Somerset 
House, the second palace in London, was prepared for his recep- 
tion. All expenses were to be defrayed by the King, hence extra 
servants (not of the Constable's train,nor of the resident ambassador's 
household) were provided for him. And among these other servants 
were the King's Players, who then acted as Grooms of the Chamber. 
We know this from the account of their payment, among the other 
expenses of the Treasurer of the Chamber 2 . 

To Augustine Phillipps and John Hemyngs for th' allowance of them- 
selves and tenne of their fellowes his Majesties Groomes of the Chamber 
and Players, for waytinge and attending on his Majesties Service, by com- 
mandmente, upon the Spanish ambassador at Somerset House for the space 
of 1 8 dayes viz. from the gth day of Auguste 1604 untill the 2/th day of 
the same as appeareth by a bill thereof signed by the Lord Chamberlain 
xxi/z xiir. 

Shakespeare is not mentioned, but was probably included. It is a 
quaint idea to imagine him being taught Spanish Court Etiquette 
by the Majordomo of the Ambassador, but as for any romance 
about Shakespeare (or his fellows) being allowed to hear (or even to 
see) the secret commission which sat at Somerset House, we must 
let that go. The picture of the members of that historic meeting 
may be seen in the National Portrait Gallery, Robert Cecil and 
Lord Mount] oy among them. We may be sure that Shakespeare 
was one of the many who wanted no peace with the Spaniard. 
But there was not the same reserve on the public occasions and gala 
days of that time; so that the King's Players probably enjoyed their 
little job. 

1 1 2th March, 1910, and my Burbage and Shak. Stage, p. 101. 
* Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Audit Off. 388, 41; Pipe Off. 543. 

xixj FESTIVITIES, 1604-5 285 

Southampton was appointed Councillor to the Queen on the 
gth of August 1 , and Cecil was created Viscount Cranborne on 
the 20th. 

The Venetian ambassador wrote that the King came to London 
on the Qth (English Style) 2 . The Constable came next day to 
Court attended by Lord Southampton and Lord Effingham, the 
son of the Lord Admiral. The great banquet given them at 
Whitehall on that occasion is noteworthy. We can find all about 
it in the Journal of the Constable's doings (in Spanish) printed at 
the time, now in the British Museum. Also parts of the story have 
been garnered by Rye in his England as seen by Foreigners. 

The Earls of Pembroke and Southampton officiated as gentlemen-ushers. 
...The Constable being at the King's side, and the Conte of Villamediana 
on the Queen's.... The principal noblemen of the Kingdom were likewise at 
the table, in particular, The Duke of Lennox, Earl of Arundel, Earl of Suffolk, 
Lord Chamberlain, Earl of Dorset, Lord Treasurer, Earl of Nottingham, 
High Admiral, the Earls of Devonshire, Southampton and Pembroke, and 
many others.... There was plenty of instrumental music, and the Banquet 
was sumptuous and profuse.... Dancing began in the Audience Chamber. 
At this ball there were more than fifty Ladies of Honour.... Prince Henry 
danced a Galliard....The Earl of Southampton then led out the Queen and 
three other gentlemen their several partners, who all joined in dancing a 
brando. In another the Queen danced with the Duke of Lennox.... The 
Prince stood up to dance a correnta which he did very gracefully.... The 
Earl of Southampton was now again the Queen's partner and they went 
through the Correnta likewise. Afterwards there was bear-baiting. 

After all this glory and lavish extravagance came 

The Royal Proclamation upon the Peace with Spain and the Archduke 
whereunto the people made no manner of sign of joy their way or in any 
way soever. I have heard it from those who heard it at Whitehall 3 . 

The articles of the Peace between England and Spain are given 
in the same paper. The display probably led the Constable to advise 
liberal rewards to Cecil, who had made things move. 

A list of the fees of the Queen's officials at that time includes 
the names of Southampton, Lord Cranborne, Lord Sidney, Sir 
George Carew, Mr Ralph Ewens, &c. 4 Nichols gives the list in his 

1 Doyle's Off. Baronage, i. 373. Nichols' Prog. p. 268. D.S.S.P. James, 
cvn. 3. 

2 Rye, p. 123. * Add. MS. 38,139, ff. 71, 71 b. Manwood's Notes. 
* Add. MS. 38,139, f. 186 b. 


Progresses of James I. Immediately after the Spanish Commissioners 
left, the Court dispersed for the King's hunting progress. Fowler, 
on Oct. 3rd, wrote from Hampton Court, "The Spanish Ambassa- 
dor hath been here, and presented gifts to Pembroke, Southampton, 
and others." 

The Privy Council's Register of this period was accidentally 
burnt, but part of a copy has been preserved. Thence we find that 
on November 3Oth, 1 604 \ the Council wrote a letter to the Lord 
President and Council of York, to 

commit one Nalton, a minister, to prison, for speaking of lewd words against 
the Earl of Southampton, and after to certifie the nature of the wordes, 
that such order may be taken for his further punishment and reparation of 
his Lordship's order as shall be fit. 

Most likely Nalton called him "Recusant." Nothing further 
seems to have been done that year. On January 28th, 1604-5 
Lord Sheffield wrote to Cranborne: 

After the writing of my letter, I wrote a letter to the Counsayle at York 
who have advertised me of the imprisonment of one Nalton, a minister, who 
was committed by your Lordship for speaking unfitting spitches of my Lord 
of Southampton....! should be glad to know what course is to be pursued 
with him, because the man exclaims he is not brought to triall. 

A letter of Southampton's to Viscount Cranborne shews that 
he has settled at Southampton House in Holborn by November 
3rd, 1 604 2 . It is in favour of Mr John Ferrour, 

who had been dispatched by Mr Hudson, the Kinges then agent to her 
Majesty with business of great trust and important (wherein myself was 
interested) a day before the decease of the late Queene. 

He had received no reward, though the King had commanded 
him to wait on him for a place in ordinary. Little would con- 
tent him. 

I know your Lordship's forwardnesse out of your own good inclination 
to grace the well-deserver....This courtesie I shall acknowledge as done to 
myself.... He will prove a grateful and honest minded man. Your Lordship's 

To do you service, 


1 Add. MS. 11,402. z Cecil Papers, cvn. 113 and cxi. 23. 

xix] FESTIVITIES, 1604-5 287 

In another undated letter, not very legible, returning some letters 
sent from Lord Cecil to him to look over, Southampton says: 

I will be with you in the morning, to follow such directions as you shall 
give me. P.S. I am very sorry for the mischaunce happened to ye King, but I 
hear it is not much, and therefore I hope will not long trouble him l . 

[Endorsed " 1604."] 

The special attendants who went before to prepare the Royal 
apartments sent in their bill to the Treasurer of the Chamber for 
preparing "The greate Chamber at Whitehall for 2 days in 

November 1604, for the King's Majestic to see the plaies For 

making ready the Banqueting House at Whitehall against the 
plaie, November 1604.... For making ready the Hall for Plays at 
Christmas, December 1604. For making ready the great Hall 
for Sir Philip Herbert's wedding the same month December 
1 604. For making ready the Banqueting House at Whitehall for 
the mask... preparing the Hall for Candlemas and Shrovetyde to 
see the plaies January 1604-5. " 2 

We know from the same declared Accounts that the King's 
company of players had performed on "All Saints Day at night, 
the Sunday at night following, being the 4th November 1604, 
St Stephen's Day at night and Innocents' Day at night." 3 The 
payment for each play was 10, but there is no clue to the titles 
of the plays. Chamberlain wrote to Winwood on December 1 8th : 

Sir Philip Herbert and Lady Susan Vere are to be married on St John's 
Day at Whitehall. Three thousand pounds are already delivered for the 
expenses of the great Masque to be performed on Twelfth Night. The 
Queen's brother, the Duke of Holstein, is still at Court. The tragedy of 
Gowry has been twice performed by the King's Players to crowded audiences 
but the King is displeased and it will be forbidden. Princes should not be 
set on the Stage during their lifetime*. 

The marriage between Sir Philip Herbert and Lady Susan Vere 
provided gossip for many a day. 

There was a minor masque, the name of which has not come 
down to us, performed at Whitehall on St John's Day at night 
for Sir Philip Herbert, acted by private performers, Lord Pem- 
broke, Lord Willoughby, and others. 

1 Cecil Papers, cix. 40. 2 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Audit Off. 388, 42. 

Ibid. * Winwood, Mem. I. 41. 


"New Year's Day passed without any solemnity." 1 
On Twelfth Day Prince Charles was created Duke of York. 
There was a great display the Earl of Northampton and the Earl 
of Dorset bore the robes of estate, the Earl of Southampton carried 
the coronet, the Earl of Cumberland the golden rod, the Earl of 
Worcester the cap of estate; and the little prince himself, unable 
to walk, was carried in the arms of the Earl of Nottingham, supported 
by the Earl of Dorset 2 . In the evening the gorgeously appointed 
Masque of Blackness by Ben Jonson was performed at Whitehall. 
Carleton wrote very disparagingly of the Masque itself and of the 
dress of the performers: "Blackness became them nothing so well 
as their own red and white, you cannot imagine anything more 
ugly than a troupe of lean-cheeked Moors." One courteous 
ambassador kissed a black hand, and curious glances were cast at 
him to see if he had carried any colour away. The King's 
Players performed on the yth and 8th of January. 

There is a very strange literary dispute concerning an event of 
this year, which ought not perhaps to pass quite unnoticed that is, 
the date of the revival of Lovis Labour's Lost. The Queen's brother 
was visiting her then; the Earl of Southampton and Lord Cran- 
borne, her Councillors, wished to honour her and her guest by 
a feast, and at the feast to give a play. Sir Walter Cope was trying 
to help and must be allowed to tell his own story, as he told it to 
Lord Cranborne 

From your library. 

Sir, I have sent and bene all thys morning hunting for players, juglers, 
and such kinds of creatures, but fynde them hard to fynde, wherefore 
leaving notes for them to seeke me, Burbage ys come, and says there is no 
new playe that the Queene has not scene, but they have revyved an olde one 
cawled "Love's Labour Lost," which for wytt and mirthe he says will 
please her exceedinglye, and this is apoynted to be played tomorrow night 
at my Lord of Southampton's, unless you send a wrytt to remove the 
Corpus cum causa to your house in the Strande. Burbage ys my messenger, 
ready attending your pleassur 3 . 

This is undated; but a date may be found for it in this way. 

1 Nichols' Prog. James I, p. 469. 

2 Ibid. pp. 475, 479. 

3 Salisb. Papers. Hist. MS. Rep. in. App. p. 148. D.S.S.P. James, xn. 
15. 19- 

xix] FESTIVITIES, 1604-5 289 

Apparently Cranborne did not appropriate that play, but found some 
other to suit his occasion. One of Carleton's gossipy letters, dated 
January I5th, 1604-5, say 8 } "Last night's revels were kept at my 
Lord of Cranborne's. . .and ye like two nights before at my Lord 
of Southampton's." So Cranborne's feast was the I4th, South- 
ampton's the 1 2th, and Cope's letter the nth. When was Love's 
Labour's Lost "revived"? There are three slips of paper, ostensibly 
lists of the Plays and part of the Revels Books, which used to 
be called " Cunningham's Forgeries," but of late have been raised 
to a higher level by some expert opinions. I regret to feel obliged 
to hold to the opinion expressed by previous authors on the 
ground of handwriting, doing so, however, because some of the 
entries given in Cunningham's papers do not agree with known 
facts. I now take only the one point relevant to my subject. 
Cunningham says, "By his Majesties plaiers Betwin Newers day 
and Twelfe Day A play of Loues Labours Lost." Now, such a 
method of dating is unknown to royal accounts of that nature; 
there is no record in the Treasurer of the Chamber's Accounts x 
of any preparation for any company playing just then; there is 
no payment made to the King's company for a play, and no other 
company dare perform that play. It might have been given on 
either the yth or 8th of January; but Twelfth Day is on the 6th. 
My further strictures appeared in the Athenaum, signed "Audi 
alteram partem," in 191 1 2 . However, we may visualise the fact of 
Love's Labour's Lost being performed in Southampton House, 
Holborn, for the benefit of the royal Dane. 

Chamberlain tells Winwood on the 26th of January, " Eight or 
ten days since there were above ^200 worth of Popish books 
taken about Southampton House, and burned in St Paul's Church- 
yard." 3 It is not quite clear whether the books were found in the 
neighbourhood of the house, whether they were seized, or whether 
they were given up. Chamberlain also tells his friend that "Sir 
Edward Stafford died suddenly last week, leaving the first fruits 
to Sir William Harvey." 4 

1 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Audit Off. 388, 42, also my Burbage, and Shake- 
speare's Stage, p. 102. 

* Athenesum, 3rd June, 1911, July 22nd and 2gth, and October 7th, 1911, 
p. 421. Times Lit. Supp. Dec. 2nd, 1920, p. 798 and Feb. 24th, 1921, p. 127. 

8 Winwood, Mem. i. 46. * Ibid. 49. 

s.s. 19 


On the Qth of February William Constable, one of Essex's party, 
wrote to Lord Cranborne begging help 

to support the remains of a wretched life which yesterday three years ago 
was forfeited. . .had not your honour above my merit preserved me.... Now 
my life and sword is at your service.... It pleased my Lord of Southampton 
at Woodstock to witness the presentation of my fidelity to your Lordship 1 . 

He also asks "the grant of a small thing, the importation of tobacco 
into Ireland though the country is poor." In the same month a 
grant was made to Viscount Cranborne of the interests and terms 
of William, late Lord Cobham, for his son Sir William Cecil and 
his daughter, heirs to his wife, Lord Cobham's eldest daughter 2 . 
In March an advice was sent to the Lord Treasurer "to grant 
out of the estate fallen to the Crown by the attainder of Lord 
Cobham, all that was settled on his wife the Countess of Kildare 
and his house in Blackfriars where he dwelt." 3 (This was next 
door to the theatre.) 

The most notable event of the month is given in Rowland 
Whyte's letter to Shrewsbury: 

My Lady Southampton was brought to bed of a young Lord upon St 
David's Day in the morning, a saint to be much honoured by that house for 
so great a blessing, by wearing a leek for ever upon that day. March 4th, 
1604-5 4 . 

(Whyte was of Welsh descent, his real name being Wynne.) More 
about that event may be noted. Southampton asked the King 
and Cranborne to be sponsors. Cranborne, writing to Sir Thomas 
Lake on March gth, 1 604-5, from Theobalds, explains that he is 
"hawking with the Chamberlain and the Earls of Cumberland, 
Southampton, and Devonshire, but to-morrow all go back to school." 
Of this Sir Thomas Lake wrote to Cranborne on the i6th: 

This morning while I was with his Majesty, my Lord of Southampton 
came to his Highness to invite him to the christening of his sonne, where- 
uppon his Majestic willed me to adde to my letter, that if my Lord had 
matched him with a Christian, he could have believed my Lord had good 
meaning in it, but having coupled him with a hound, he thinketh my Lord 
did it onely to flatter him because he knoweth his Majesty loveth hunting 
and the begle as well as any of the company at least 5 . 

1 Cecil Papers, civ. II, 66. * Ibid. 8 Ibid. 

* Lodge's Illust. in. 269. 6 Cecil Papers, xciv. 96. 

xix] FESTIVITIES, 1604-5 291 

James frequently called Cranborne his "little Beagle," but it is 
probable that the joke was not so pleasant to Cranborne's ear as it 
was to Lake's. The royal attendants for seeing after the King's 
palaces note their expenses for the preparation: 

For making ready the Chapel at Greenwich for the King's Majesty 
against christening of the Earl of Southampton's son. 

The christening is entered as on the 27th of March, but the 
Cheque Book of the Chapel Royal 1 and the Declared Accounts say 
the 26th 2 , as does the letter of Calvert to Winwood. There was 
also a gift given 

To the nurse and midwife at the christening of the Erie of Southampton's 
child being a sonne to whom his Majestic was godfather in person himself 
in his Highnesse Chappie at Greenwich 26th March 1605. 

So Lord James Wriothesley had a royal welcome. 

The King's own turn came next. The Princess Mary was born 
at Greenwich on April 8th, i6o5 3 . Two new Knights of the Garter 
were made the Duke of Holstein, the Queen's brother, and Lord 
Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton. Among the titles showered 
by the King on his nobles at the Royal Baptism on 4th May, James 
created Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury, Thomas, his elder brother, 
Earl of Exeter, Philip Herbert Earl of Montgomery, Sir Robert 
Sidney Viscount Lisle, Sir John Stanhope Baron Stanhope of 
Harington, Sir George Carew Baron Carew of Clopton, Sir Thomas 
Arundel (Southampton's brother-in-law) Lord Arundelof Wardour; 
Sir Robert Dormer (a cousin of Southampton) Lord Dormer of Wing. 

John Ferrour, the unlucky messenger to Scotland on the last 
day of the late Queen, wrote to thank Salisbury for his assurance of 
favour "through his most honourable good Lord, the Earl of 
Southampton" (the letter is undated, but endorsed "1605"). 
This emboldens him to ask the reversion of the lease of a manor 
in Norfolk near where he was born 4 . (He was afterwards of the 
Virginia Company.) 

In the Easter term it is noted that the Dowager Countess of 
Southampton received her 600 promised in part return for her 
paying the debts of Sir Thomas Heneage 5 . 

1 Original f. 71. * Audit Off. 388, 42. 

8 Nichols' Prog. pp. 505, 510. * Cecil Papers, ci. 23. 

6 Pell's Roll Issue, Easter 1605, mem. 10. 

19 2 


On Monday, June 3rd, the King, with many noblemen, South- 
ampton among them, went to see the lions in the Tower, and 
saw a novel form of lion-baiting, repulsive to modern feeling *. 

On Saturday next to the morrow of Ascension Day, this same 
term, the Earl of Southampton was summoned before the Justices 
of the King's Bench by Henry Collier, gent., servant of Sir Edward 
Fenner, Justice of the King's Bench, on a plea of debt for 300 
which he had borrowed from Collier (on the 2ist of March?) in 
the Parish of St Mary Arches Ward of Cheap 2 . Southampton 
had promised to repay this when asked and had not done so, to 
the damage of Collier of 50. John Coppuldyke, Southampton's 
attorney, could not deny this, and the Court determined that Collier 
should recover the ^300 from Southampton and i os. damages. 

Samuel Daniel this year published Certain small poems^ lately 
printed including Philotas. Now, Philotas suffered for a treasonable 
conspiracy against Alexander the Great. Daniel was summoned 
before the Council to explain his meaning, in its apparent connec- 
tion with the Earl of Essex and Mountjoy. He explained by 
saying that Philotas had been read by the Master of the Revels 
and Mountjoy before Essex was in any trouble. 

Apparently a very short time after this, Southampton was sent 
from the giddy rounds of Court life to his duties in the south. 
He acknowledged on 25th June having received a letter from 
Salisbury "yesterday being Monday," shewing that he knew that 
one Throgmorton had been in these parts to levy men for the 
Archduke's service and had raised some in the Isle of Wight by 
the sound of a drum. 

I sent a messenger to enquire and had the Mayor of Hampton to dine 
with me. Grimson pretends to be the Lieutenant for Throgmorton, and 
used a general passport for him and his, but there was no licence to recruit 
by sound of drum. I have not been there myself nor spoken with the 
Bayley of Newport. I would be loth to warrant all circumstances of this 
case to be trew, for I build not my fayth upon the relation of others. On 
Saturday, God willing, I mean to be there when I will advertise you of the 
truth, and have given orders that if he return, he will be stayed. I beseech 
your Lordship let me, as soon as you may, receave from you his Majesties- 
will how I shall proceed further in it because I am very unwilling to rely 

1 Nichols' Prog. p. 515. 

* Coram Rege Roll, Easter 3, James I, xxi. 

xix] FESTIVITIES, 1604-5 293 

upon my own discretion, but what directions you shall send me will, as nere 
as I can, be performed. Thus recommending unto your Lordship the best 
love and service I can yeald to any (next unto my Master unto whom I owe 
myself) rest your Lordships most faithfull frend to do you service. 

Tichfield, 25th June 1605. 

The answer must have been prompt, or the letters crossed, for 
the next reply runs : 

My Lord, I am bounde unto you for your care to howld me in a right 
way, which, God willing, I will not stray from, and follow the course your 
Lordship hath directed. And for the newes you wrote me, especially that of 
his majesty's health, it was the best I could heare. I pray God ever continue 
it, and make him as happy as he is of all men held worthy. The day after I 
wrote last unto your Lordship Grimson returned unto the Island 2 . 

Southampton had told him that none but the King might beat 
drums or display colours. Grimson answered that Lord Chenys had 
done it unchallenged a month before in Winchester. Southampton 
blamed the authorities and added, 

He is a known recusant, and therefore, as I take it, his act the more 
skandalous. It was done 3 weeks before my coming into the country, and 
till now I never heard of it, wherefore I hope I shall escape blame though 
I cannot excuse the Deputy Lieutenants and justices who were then in the 
shire.... if I shall heare of any fleet out of Spayne, I will advertise you.... 
Tichfield 2gth June 1605. 

P.S. I pray your Lordship doe me the favour to commend my service to 
my Lord Chamberlain and his Lady, unto whom I would have written, but 
that presently after dinner I must by the grace of God pass the sea, and I 
have many businesses to despach before my going. 

There is an undated letter from Southampton to Salisbury about 
the executors of Sir Edward Bell, endorsed i6o5 3 , and a letter 
from the Countess herself of about the same time. 

My Lord, 

I have been alredy so much bound unto your Lordship as it makes 
me presume att this tyme farther upon your favor in a business now brought 
unto mee which is this. I am entreated by a good frend of mine to move 
you for the wardship of the sonne of one Sir Read Stafford, which, if your 
Lordship have not already disposed of, and will bee pleased to bestow upon 

1 Cecil Papers, cxc. 106. 2 Ibid. cxi. 90-1. 

1 Ibid. cxcn. 48. 


mee, and yet receave some benifitt thereby, myself thus having performed 
what was desired of mee I refer it unto your Lordship's consideration and 
with my best wishes rest your Lordship's most assured to command, 


(It may be noted that her signature has now become angular 
and like her husband's.) 

It is interesting to note that Southampton's first sale of Romsey 
after his release was made good to him. The King gave him a 
regrant in fee farm of the manors of Romsey in Hampshire, and 
of Compton Magna, co. Somerset. Three grants were again made 
at the suit of the Earl of Southampton 2 , the first, of the manors of 
Romsey and Compton to his faithful servants or helpers Edward 
Gage and William Chamberlain, and two other grants of his own 
to two other servants 3 . 

About this time also Southampton was worried about a suspicious 
event 4 . Two men, Bream and Captain Dunscombe, had got a ship 
from Plymouth by underhand means, and tried to victual it secretly 
in the Isle of Wight, it was supposed, for piratical purposes. He 
wrote and told Julius Caesar, who answered, asking for details. 
Southampton replied on the 27th June, saying that he knew 
nothing of Bream personally but "on receipt of your letter I 
presently sent to the Isle of Wight to enquire of Bream and 
Dunscombe." He explained all the mysterious arrangements about 
the ship, "from Tichfield 27th June 1605." He writes again on 
the 2nd July from Carisbrooke Castle: 

Whether Bream have committed fresh insolencies as you speake of I 
know not... we have taken Captain Bream, and Dunscombe has fled... by 
this bearer I have sent Bream up to you, to use your discretion with him. 

On September 1 1 th, 1 605, Southampton wrote to Salisbury, 
giving information disclosed by Captain Burley, Yarmouth Castle, 
Isle of Wight, concerning one Booreman's issuing of counterfeit 
French crowns 5 . 

William Camden, who had always a good word to say for 
Southampton, records among his examples of anagrams one on 

Cecil Papers, cxcn. 49. 

D.S.S.P. James, ix. docquet, Oct. 28th, 1604. 

Ibid. x. docquet, Dec. iyth, 1604. See ante, p. 270. 

Add. MS. 12,506, x. ff. in, 123. 

D.S.S.P. James, xv. 57. 

xixj FESTIVITIES, 1604-5 295 

his name, "Henricus Wriothesleius" "Heroicus, Laetus, vi 
virens." This appears in Camden's Remains published that year, 
p. 156. 

It is rather singular that in an undated "List of recusants whose 
fines are granted to Lady Walsingham" there should appear the 
names of "Sir Thomas Monson, the Earl of Southampton," &c., 
1604-5 E?] 1 

Southampton, in his island, found himself somewhat like Robin- 
son Crusoe; he was monarch of all he surveyed, but he suffered from 
the lack of fit companions. He wrote to Salisbury touchingly in 
his next letter: 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship knows that all promises between frendes are to bee 
kept, which lest you should forget, I must put you in remembrance of a 
favour you promised when I saw you, whereof if your leasure will suffer you 
I shall expect the performance, which was to see this Hand sometime this 
somer, if your Lordship be still of that mind (as I hope you are not thus 
soone changed) I beseech you lett me heare of it 3 or 4 dayes before you 
come, not to make provision to feast you, for I will leave that to those who 
love you less, and endeavour to make known my affection to you in some- 
what else rather than in meate and drinke, but only that I may meete you 
at Titchfield, whither I would entreat your Lordship to direct your course, 
from whence I will convoy you (God willing) safely over the water (there 
being your best passage) and see you well on shore againe att your returne. 
This is all I have to treble your Lordship with att this time, therefore thus 
wishing unto you as much increase of happinesse as yourself can desier I 
rest your Lordship's most assuredly to do you service 

This July 22nd 1605 Carisbrooke Castle. 

There is no record whether or not that visit was paid 
Probably it was not. 

But Southampton next month had a peep into Court life. For 
the second time he was in the train of his sovereign visiting Oxford. 
He is not now described as one of the beautiful youths who followed 
Elizabeth, but as a more staid and responsible man in place of trust. 
As a noble incorporated of Oxford in 1592, he sat at one reception 
beside the Vice-Chancellor 3 . When the University rang the bell 
at 7 o'clock next morning for a royal sermon, the King was asleep, 

1 D.S.S.P. James, xi. 25. z Cecil Papers, cxcn. 

8 Nichols' Prog. I. 566. 


and it had to be postponed. About 9 o'clock the King came in 
great state to the church, the Earl of Southampton bearing the 
sword of state before him 1 . During the three crowded days of the 
visit, the King was more than once noted as being asleep at the 
plays, but very wide awake at the disputations, in which he took a 
share himself. Samuel Daniel's English pastoral The Queen's 
Arcadia, played at Christ Church, made amends to the audience 
for all the others they had endured. There was, however, one little 
interlude which should be noted. 

Dr Matthew Gwynne, author of Vertumnus, one of the dull plays, 
struck a varied note in this. As the King came by the gate of 
St John's College, he was surprised by a little dialogue in Latin, 
repeated afterwards in English for the benefit of the Queen and 
Prince (and others). The device of this was much approved. Three 
Sibyls appear as saluting Banquo, who was to be "no King, but to 
be the father of many Kings." 

These sibyls now in the name of England and Ireland saluted the King of 
Scotland as the fulfilment of the old prophecy, 

joining their welcomes to Anne, parent, wife, sister, daughter, of 
Kings, and to the Princes. Though the name of Macbeth is 
never mentioned, one cannot but see in the little production the 
germ of the idea of one part of that great play. The King was 
pleased with the allusion to his ancestor Banquo (fabulous as he 
was), and someone present was inspired to carry the idea further. 
Was it Southampton who saw, heard, and understood, and suggested 
it to his protege Shakespeare, or was the poet himself in the train 
of the King there, or merely as a traveller passing through Oxford 
on his way between London and "home for the holidays"? We 
can, however, see what Matthew Gwynne suggested, and what 
Holinshed's Chronicle filled up, in the three "weird sisters" and 
the witches of Macbeth^ the wonderful play which Shakespeare 
wrote as self-elected Laureate to the King who honoured him 2 . 
The King went from Oxford to Lord Knolles' at Greys, thence 
to Bisham Abbey, and back to Windsor. Southampton went back 
to his island. 

1 Nichols' Prog. i. 548. 

* See C. Stopes, "The Scottish and English Macbeth," in Shakespeare's 
Industry, p. 78. 

xix] FESTIVITIES, 1604-5 297 

There are descriptions of the reception by Isaac Wake in Latin 
and Anthony Nixon in English. 

The following letter to Salisbury seems to be of the same year, 
though that is not entered : 

My Lord, 

I humbly thank you for your letter, which I wish I could answer with 
any change worth your reading; but the barrenness of this place affords 
nothing to discourse of but heate in summer, and storms in winter, which 
is now with us begun. My Lord of Devon was, I imagine, with you before 
I received your letter, being no longer able to stay from his pleasures att 
Wanstead in the desolate partes of the New Forest : I wish myself also often 
att the court to enjoy the presence of your Lordship and the rest of my 
best frendes, though otherwise I thanke God I am enough pleased with the 
quiet life I lead heare, yett doe I intend ere longe to be with you, and in 
the mean and ever will rest as I ought your Lordship's most faithfully to 
doe you service. 


Carisbrooke Castle the 1 6 of September. 

Southampton soon after that date was on the move. He made a 
trifling request in favour of a person of the same name as some of 
his relatives and some of his servants. It is not clear whom he means. 

My Lord 

I am entreated by a good friend of mine to move your Lordship in 
the behalf of one Chamberlayne concerning a matter depending in the 
Star Chamber between him and one Green and to be heard (as I take it) 
this next term. My sute is no more but for that which I assure myselfe you 
would affoord without soliciting which is your lawful favour in that cause 
of Chamberlayne whose cawse as I am informed is just, and being so, I 
make no doute but my request shall be graunted, if otherwyse I leave it. 
Thus recommending unto your Lordship my best wishes I rest your Lord- 
ship's most assuredly to doe you service. 


Tichfield 3th of October. 

One more letter of this period has been preserved: 

My Lord 

There is one Captain Gifford, who is a servant and hath been employed 
by the Duke of Florence and who, as I am enformed, hath beene in England 
by proclamation declared a pirate. Now my Lord there is of late come into 
Portsmouth a ship laden with goodes belonging to this man. I beseech your 

1 Cecil Papers, cxn. 66. * Ibid. cxn. 106. 


Lordship therefore doe mee the favour to lett mee know whether he hath 
his pardon or not, or if you think fitt it should be winked att, for otherwise 
the ordinary course as in such cases is to bee taken, and a seasure to be made 
of the goodes. I hope your Lordship will pardon my troubling you att this 
present. By the grace of God I intend the next weeke to see you att London 
and ever rest your Lordship's most assuredly to doe you service, 


Tichfield ?3rd October 1605. 

He was preparing, as many others were, to go to London for 
the Parliament summoned for February yth, 1604-5, prorogued till 
3rd October, and again till the 5th of November. Philip Henslowe 
and Edward Allen, Masters of the Game at Paris Garden, were 
empowered to take up mastiff dogs to send from the King to the 
Emperor 2 . The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury was sworn one of 
the Privy Council; and the Lord Mayor was told to forbid plays 
and keep all infected persons in their houses. 

The Earl of Southampton gave 100 to the Bodleian Library 
in 1605. Probably the gift was partly in remembrance of his 
friend the Earl of Essex, who appreciated Sir Thomas Bodley so 
much 3 . 

1 Cecil Papers, cxn. 130. 

2 MS. copy Regis. Privy Council, Add. MS. 11,402. 

8 Annals of the Bodleian Library, ed. W. D. Murray, 1890, p. 422. 



THE story of the Gunpowder Plot has been remembered more 
effectually than most events in history, through its commemoration 
giving schoolboys an opportunity for unlimited squibs, crackers, 
marches with straw-stuffed old clothes, blazes, and bonfires. It 
would be impossible to reckon how many times Guy Fawkes has 
been burnt in effigy. Many rhymes have been written about him; 
perhaps the most popular has been : 

The Fifth of November shall ne'er be forgot 
As long as a soldier wears a red coat. 

Through repetition this has become a prophecy, and by waiting 
long enough for it the prophecy has become fulfilled. The soldier 
no longer wears a red coat, and the explosion which did not take 
place on the 5th of November, 1605, has dropped out of memory, 
through the real pictures of terrific explosions which have since 
taken place. It is only when great events are lacking that might- 
have-beens are so faithfully commemorated. Still, at the time it 
was a warning signal of an explosive state of mind among certain 
people, and necessitated the use of serious statecraft. The King 
patted himself on the head for having himself discovered the 
meaning of the veiled message sent to Lord Monteagle 1 . Most 
of the Members of Parliament, Peers and Commons alike, felt 
some grateful recognition to him for having preserved them, with 
himself, from the designed desolating horrors. 

In a letter written by Salisbury on the Qth, describing the course 
of events, he himself claims to have discovered, from Monteagle's 
letter, the intention of the use of powder; but having given the 
secret letter into the King's hand without comment, the royal critic 
came to the same conclusion. 

Southampton must have shivered even at the imagination of the 

1 Nichols' Prog. i. 577, 586. 


terrors he had escaped. To him no friendly warning had been 
sent, though some of his personal friends some of his relatives 
even had been involved in the conspiracy, at least according to 
popular report. 

Guy Fawkes, who bore the assumed name of Johnson, was taken 
in the act. For him there was no hope. Some of the others fled 
to Warwickshire, partly because many of them lived there, partly 
because it was a part of the plot to secure the Princess Elizabeth 
and make her Queen 1 . Some of them made a brave fight, but were 
overpowered by numbers. Fire in one case cut off retreat, some 
were slain. Priests were captured everywhere, of whom the chief 
was Father Garnett. "Viscount Montague has been committed 

to Sir Thomas Bennethore Alderman of London Tyrwhitt, who 

married my Lady Bridget Manners, and Sir Edward Digby have 
gone to the rebels." 2 

The scared Parliament met on the gth of November, but it 
was chiefly to thank God for His wonderful preservation and to 
prorogue itself until the 2ist, so as to give time for examinations, 
as the conspirators were to be tried in Parliament. 

Little more was thought of until the end of the year 1605. 
Some of the conspirators fled from Warwickshire to Worcestershire. 
"Tyrwhitt has come to London ... Montague, Mordant and 
Tresham were sent to the Tower on the I5th." 3 

Cobham's, Grey's, and Raleigh's plots faded into insignificance 
before the magnitude of this; yet it could do their case no good 
that a definite recusant confederation should plan such a subversion 
of King and Government. 

Perhaps it was because people required an unusual stimulant to 
think of other things that so many plays were performed that 
winter 4 . On I5th December the Lord Mayor and the justices of 
Middlesex were instructed to permit the King's, the Queen's, and 
the Prince's Players to play and recite their interludes at their 
accustomed places, that they might be prepared to be fit for royal 
service. Beside the performances of the other companies, John 
Hemings had a warrant for his own company for the payment of 

1 D.S.S.P. James, xvi. 6, 7, 17, 19, 22. z Ibid. xvi. 83; xvn. 2, 62. 
* Ibid. xvi. 44. 4 Add. MS. 11,402. 


100 for 10 plays during last Christmas and since. This warrant 
was given on March 24th, 1605-6, i.e. James' Accession Day 1 . 

Southampton's poet had already begun to devise his play of 
Macbeth. From the examination of Garnett the Jesuit, the great 
" Equi vocator," he had introduced one of its few topical allusions. 

Faith, here's an Equivocator that could swear in both the scales against 
either scale; who committed treason enough for God's sake yet could not 
equivocate to heaven; O come in, Equivocator 2 . 

Viscount Mpntague had dined with his aunt, Lady South- 
ampton, a fortnight before the discovery, but no suggestion had 
been given of danger then. 

Perhaps, as they have not been printed, some allusion may be 
made to the doings of the Privy Council 3 . On I5th November: 

A letter to Sir William Waad Lieutenant of the Tower, to receive the 
Lord Viscount Montague without suffering any to have accesse unto him 

On 1 6th November: 

Letters to the Aldermen to receive into their houses wives and kinswomen 
of the Traitors who it was not thought fit to commit to prison. Dorothy 
Grant, wife of John Grant was to be sent to Sir Henry Roe, Elizabeth Cole 
wife of William Cole, Mary Morgan wife of Henry Morgan, Martha Percy 
wife of Thomas Percy, Dorothy Wright wife of John Wright and Margaret 
wife of Christopher Wright, Mistress Rookwood wife of Ambrose Rookwood 
to be placed in various safe houses. 

It is noted that 

Robert Chamberlain in Aldermanburie was not John Chamberlain's 
brother.... Mistress Key and Mistress Vaux were discharged upon Mr 
Lewis Pickering's bond. 

On iyth November: 

A letter to the High Sheriff of Stafford to take up the bodies of Percy, 
Catesby, the two Wrights and other traitors that have been slain and buried, 
and send their heads to London. 

On 28th November 48 prisoners were sent up from Worcester 

1 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Audit Off. 388, 43. 

* Macbeth, n. 3. 3 Add. MS. 11,402. 


and Warwick. On 2yth December the Lord Treasurer was in- 
structed that 

Maintenance was to be allowed to the prisoners apprehended and for 
their wives children and families, that his Majesty's Clemency may appeare 
even towards those that to him intended such barbarous and savage crueltie. 

On 28th January the Lieutenant is told to try by way of persua- 
sion with Digby, Winter, and others that are to suffer, to make 
choice of some of the clergy for their spiritual comfort. The chief 
executions were on the 3Oth and 3ist of January. 

Lord Montague 1 had a peculiar risk in the open and determined 
recusancy of his grandmother, Magdalene, Viscountess dowager of 
Montague, who lived in the family mansion at St Mary Overies, 
and gave every facility to the coming and going of priests. That she 
knew of the scheme may be inferred, as she warned her grandson. 

On August 1 6th, 1606, the Lord Treasurer had a warrant to 
keep Lord Viscount Montague prisoner in his house " without 
suffering any accesse of Papists, etc." 

On September 1 3th, 1 606, the Lord Treasurer is instructed to 
send Viscount Montague to his house at Cowdray, there "to be 
restrayned without accesse of any unto him but his own servants, 
and to go no further than his Park." 

It was the 28th of June, 1608, before the Council decreed that 
Viscount Montague may come as often as he likes from Cowdray 
to London, and remain as long as he pleases, but when he leaves 
he must go straight to Cowdray. 

Among the New Year's gifts, Southampton is mentioned 
as receiving a cup of gilt plate, weighing thirty-two ounces, 
in which were 20 pounds in gold. The King's Grooms of the 
Chamber were paid "for making ready several rooms in and 
about Westminster Hall for the King and Queen against the 
arraignment of Sir Everard Digby and others in January." 2 

To Bartholomew Hales, Esq. upon the Council's Warrant dated at the 
Court of Whitehall I5th November 1605 for the paynes and expenses he 

1 The Parish Books have an entry in 1593, that a new door should be 
opened in the Church wall opening into my Lord Montague's house, in 
place of the old door, stopped up. In 1597, the Register states that Mr 
Gray, a priest from old Lady Montague's house, was buried here. 

8 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Aud. Off. 388, 43. 


hath been at in bringing upp thither from the town of Warwick certen 
gentlewomen and others, that are wives, sisters, and others of allyance unto 
some of those of the late traiterous conspirators, in which service he hired 
a waggon for the conveying of them to London and for dyett and other 
necessaries by the way, the some of 26. 

To Adam King messenger by a warrant dated I9th November 1605, for 
the apprehension of sondrie prisoners and bringing them up, and again for 
the carrying of letters to the High Sheriff of Worcester i6th Novr. 

Many men are entered as carrying letters about the conspiracy; 
William Bradley is allowed payment for taking Stephen Littleton 
and Robert Winter from Worcester; and the expenses of many 
other prisoners are noted. Dudley Carleton himself was supposed 
to be involved in the treason, but was able to clear himself. 

With these doleful surroundings wedding festivities seemed out 
of harmony x ; yet on the eleventh and twelfth nights after Christmas 
were performed Hymenaei^ to celebrate the marriage of the Earl of 
Essex to Frances Howard, the second daughter of the Earl of 
Suffolk. The masque performed on Sunday was written by Ben 
Jonson and designed by Inigo Jones. The Barriers took place on 
Monday, Twelfth Day. Nichols gives the words of the masque, 
and a description of the performances. 

On Saturday, 22nd March, an extraordinary rumour arose early 
in the morning that the King had been slain at Woking and all 
his nobles in defending him 2 . The authorities were in alarm, the 
gates of the city were locked, all precautions were taken. The 
Tower was put in defence, and people went about in tears, while 
swift messengers were sent to enquire. They had no long journey; 
for they met the King peaceably returning to London, nothing 
having happened even to suggest the report. The King was wel- 
comed with fervent joy by all classes of people, and it comforted 
him not a little. 

The event was considered important enough for James himself 
to issue a Proclamation that he was safe and well, which might be 
dispersed all over the country. Ben Jonson wrote a stanza on the 

A few letters concern the Earl of Southampton more or less, and 
may be included here. 

1 Nichols' Prog. n. 3. * Ibid. 39. 


Sir Maurice Berkeley to the Council (defending himself against 
the charge of intending to practise in favour of Catholics) : 

I do confess that the Countess of Southampton told me that there was. 
a very severe and terrible bill coming from the higher house against Catholic 
recusants, but that I promised her to speak against it, when it came amongst 
us, or not to speak for it, that I utterly deny. ..whereas I am accused that I 
wished the Papists would rise, if it be affirmed by two witnesses it is of no 
purpose for me to deny it... if I had used any words tending to that effect in 
the presence of two, the lady of Southampton being one of them, and the 
other one that I cannot yet call to mind, it might rather be interpreted 
apparent folly than secret malice... it might have proceeded from some 
humour to make her discover in what perplexity she was, being a Catholic, 
or to make her discover as much as she knew of the humour of the Catholic 
party... it might be interpreted anything rather than any practice intended 
for that faction, etc. 1 

The letter is undated, but is endorsed "1606." 

Southampton sent a letter by Mr Hawkesworth to Sir Charles 
Cornwallis in April, 1606: 


Having soe fitte an opportunity as the return of this gentleman to 
you, I could not let him passe without yielding thanks for the many kind 
remembrances I have received from you, having reason to esteem them at 
a high rate because it is more than I can any way challenge as due. All that 
I can therefore say at this time is that I acknowledge myself in your debte, 
the which if it shall hereafter lye in my power to satisfie by any affecte of 
friendshippe either to you or yours, I will by God's grace as honestly per- 
forme it as any with whome you have longer contracted Amity. Thus com- 
mending unto you my best wishes I rest your very assured friend 


To Sir Charles Cornwallis his Majesties Ambassador in Spain. 

The Countess of Leicester wrote to the Earl of Salisbury, 

"On behalf of my niece and nephew Digby, who can find no possibility of 
justice, considering the greatness of his adversary, who sits as judge in his 
own cause," unless Salisbury and the rest admit him "one of the council 
there." He is honest and sufficient to do his Majesty service. "If my 
daughter of Devonshire do not her best endeavours herein, she is much to 
blame, being tied thereto by promise and desert." 3 

[Undated. Endorsed " 1606."] 

1 Cecil Papers, cxvm. in. 2 Harl. MSS. 1875, 404 6. 

3 Cecil Papers, cxix. 26. 


Sir Allan Percy, writing to Carleton from Essex House on 
April ist, 1606, notes the illness of the Lord Chancellor and of 
the Earl of Devonshire 1 ; also that there had been "a great quarrel 
between three gentlemen on occasion of drinking the Earl of 
Southampton's health." What the real meaning of this was, I 
cannot discover. 

Penelope, Countess of Devonshire, writing to the Earl of Salis- 

is glad to hear of his safe recovery from sickness. Assures him of her 
affection. When she was at Drayton with her mother, the "young hunter" 
came very well pleased, till Salisbury's servant came to guide Ld Cranborne 
to Lady Derby. The fear of parting 3 days made them melancholy; so they 
concluded to go together. She fears nothing but their riding so desperately; 
but Ld C. is a perfect horseman. Her mother will grow young with their 

Wansted this Monday 2 . 

[Endorsed " 1606."] 

Another event of that spring which deeply affected Southampton 
was the death on the 3rd of April, 1606, of Sir Charles Blount, 
Lord Mountjoy and Earl of Devonshire, his friend for years. His 
romantic and tragic career is known to all students of the period. 
Born in 1563, blessed with health, strength, good looks, and good 
wit, he had an early fight with Fate. His father's search after 
the "philosopher's stone" and his brother's pursuit of pleasure had 
beggared the family. He vowed to restore its good name, to rebuild 
the old house. He began well; as courtier, soldier, Member of 
Parliament, and scholar, he seemed able to rival even Essex in the 
Queen's favour. He had the audacity to challenge his rival, and, 
better still, by skill and good fortune to defeat him. They were, 
however, too like each other in generosity to remain enemies 
indeed, they became warm friends. Essex's elder sister Penelope 
became the one passion of Mountjoy's life. 

Rarely has a woman had more poetry poured forth in her praise. 
In her youth she was beloved by Sir Philip Sidney, who wrote for 
her his Amoretti\ Spenser mourned with her and for her when 
Sidney died. It is evident that her father had intended her to marry 
Sidney, but his death in Dublin changed many things. The 

1 D.S.S.P. James, xx. 4. 2 Cecil Papers, cxcm. 15. 

S.Sj 20 


arrangements had not gone so far as a formal betrothal, as that 
would have prevented the sorrows of her future life. She was 
forcibly married, protesting all the while, to a man she detested. 
But she was a Ward of State. It is difficult to understand how it 
could have been done, but Burleigh, her step-father Leicester, and 
the Queen herself cannot be held free from blame. Possibly his 
father, Sir Henry Sidney, could not make such a good money 
offer to her guardians as Lord Rich could. Sir Philip sought to 
console himself with literature and the company of his sister 
Mary, Countess of Pembroke; tried to slip away with Sir Fulke 
Greville to the colony of Virginia, but was brought back from 
Plymouth by the Queen's orders; was, however, allowed to go to 
the Netherlands, where he died of the results of a badly treated 
wound. He had married Frances, the daughter of Sir Francis 
Walsingham, who afterwards became Countess of Essex. Spenser, 
Daniel, Davies, and other poets poured forth eulogies of Sir 
Philip Sidney, and associated her with his memory. The unhappy 
Penelope in her brother's house met the consoler, who afterwards 
became her adorer, Sir Charles Blount. Afterwards ensued the 
most extraordinary romance of real life. Her husband would not 
divorce her, Lord Mount] oy would not give her up. She never lost 
her place in society, until, in the reign of James, Lord Rich did 
divorce her, and Mount] oy, then Earl of Devonshire, married her. 
A howl of denunciation went up at the act from Church and 
Court. The pair might have lived it down, but the Earl took a 
severe cold and died of it at the Savoy on 3rd April, I606 1 . 
People said he died of a broken heart, but that was a fiction. 
Doubtless his heart was sore, for his marriage could not legitimise 
his children. 

Then it fell to Southampton not only to mourn for the departed, 
but to help the survivors. 

Dudley Carleton, writing to John Chamberlain on May 2nd, 

My Lord of Devonshire's funerals will be performed on Wednesday next, 
in which my Lord of Southampton is chief mourner, my Lords of Suffolk 
and Norfolk assistants and 3 other earls.... It is determined not to have my 
Ladie Rich's armes empaled with his. His Arms shall be set up single without 

1 D.S.S.P. James, xx. 4, 36. 


his wife's, i.e. though Ladie Rich had been divorced, they are tied in the 
conclusion not to marry any other x . 

On Sunday, June 22nd, Sophia, the youngest daughter of James 
and Anne, was born at Greenwich, and she died the next day. 
The Queen was still keeping her chamber when her brother, 
Christian IV of Denmark, after many postponements arrived at 
Gravesend on the 1 6th of July, 1 606. He naturally went first to 
see his sister in her chamber, but afterwards the two Kings toured 
together about the country in a royal way. 

The Register of the Privy Council, on the iyth July, makes a 
minute of the Lords and Ladies summoned to do honour to the 
King of Denmark. Among these were the Countess Dowager of 
Pembroke and the Countess Dowager of Southampton. Then 
follows a long list of noblemen and their wives, among whom were 
"the Earl of Southampton and his Lady." 2 

1 D.S.S.P. James, xxi. 4. 

a A minute of letters written to Lords and Ladies to come and honour the 
King of Denmark &c. 

tyth July 1606. 
Countess of Oxford 

of Cumberland Dowager 

of Pembroke Dowager 

of Southampton Dowager 
Lady Chandos dowager of the late Lord Giles 
Lord Marquis of Winchester and his Lady 
Earl of Hertford and his Lady 
Earl of Southampton and his Lady 
Earl of Sussex and his Lady 
Lord Denny 

Earl of Rutland and his Lady 
Earl of Pembroke and his Lady 
Earl of Bedford and his Lady 
Lord Willoughby d'Eresby and his Lady 
Lord Mounteagle and his Lady 
Lord Howard of Emngham and his Lady 
Lord North and his Lady 
Lord Chandos and his Lady 
Lord Hunsdon and his Lady 
Lord Norris 

Lord Russell and his Lady 
Lord Danvers 
Earl of Lincolne 
Lord Spencer 

Lord Cavendish and his Lady 
Earl of Cumberland and his Lady 
Add. MS. 11,402. 


The Earl of Bedford and other noblemen were called to 
prepare themselves for a tilting before the Danish King; Salisbury 
received both the Kings in his house of Theobalds, and, after a 
great deal of feasting, hunting, and sightseeing, King Christian 
regretfully left his hospitable brother-in-law on I4th August, 

Among the general free gifts of that year, there were three worth 

To Magnus Guildenstern, attending on the King of Denmark, one chain 
of gold; To Dr Bull [the famous musician] one chain of gold; given by the 
Queen's Highness to Mr Florio, at his grandchild's christening, one cup and 

Shortly after the King of Denmark's departure, the King set out 
on his southern progress 1 . He visited the Bishop of Winchester at 
Farnham, and reached Beaulieu, the Earl of Southampton's place 
on the skirts of the New Forest, on the 3Oth of August. The King 
was very much delighted, both with the place and the manner of 
his reception. 

Sir Thomas Lake wrote to Salisbury the next day: 

...This day his Majesty dined with the Earl of Southampton and received 
much entertainment. . . . 

Beaulieu 1st September 1606. 

It is probable that it was on this occasion that the following 
anecdote was related to the King by the Earl, who had learnt his 
master's taste for Natural History: 

In his hawking brook at Shellingford 2 he sawe divers fowls upon the river, 
and a little waye up the stream a Foxe very busie by the banckside. He 
delayed his sport to see what that creature would doe. The Foxe stepps by, 
and sheeres up, sometimes a scare brake, sometimes a green meede, puts 
them in the water, and so lets them drive down upon the Fowle. After he 
had well emboldened them by this stratagem, he putts many in together 
and himself after them, with one in his mouth, and under this covert, 
gaining upon the thickest part of the fowle, suddenly darts from his ambush, 
and catches one.- This did the Earl report as an eye-witnesse. Authority 
Sir W. Springe 3 . 

1 Nichols' Prog. n. 95. 

2 Query, Little Shelf ord, Cambridgeshire? 
8 L'Estrange's Anecdotes, no. 48, 204. 


Another of L'Estrange's anecdotes is amusing : 

Charles Chester, a Court Fool in Elizabeth's time, used always to be 
girding at Sir Walter Rawley and Lord Knolles. Rawley once waxed his 
mouth his upper and nether beard together, and once built him up in a 
corner, with a mason or two, up to the chin, and left him there all night l . 

Some personal letters, not clearly dated, should come in here, of 
which those concerning Southampton's anxiety for his sweet wine 
privilege should stand first 

My Lord, 

I understand that of late there have been divers marchands before 
your Lo and the rest of the Lo s , unto whom you made knowen that it was 
his Ma ties purpose for the speedier payment of his dettes to rayse new 
imposicions of all kinds of comodities that have not alredy their costomes 
lately raysed, which newes makes me feare the burthen will fall as well 
uppon mee as upon the marchantes, for if there shall bee a new imposicion 
raysed uppon the sweet wines (whereof I am farmer) I have great reason to 
feare that it will impayre that kind of trade, and so consequently much 
preiudice mee. My Lo, I have no other to seeke help of for aught concerns 
mee, but yourself, and therefore you must pardon mee if I bee more troble- 
some unto you then I should and I humbly beseech your Lo, before this bee 
engrossed bee pleased to remember (as I protest it is trew) that the best 
meanes I have to subsist is by this farme, which if it should be overthrowen 
I should bee enforced to lyve in a very mean fashon. I am nothing doubtful 
of your Lo: favor and therefore I will use no more wordes, assuringe myself 
in this that concernes in a manner the best part of my estate, you will bee 
pleased to have some care of mee : only I thoughte fitt to putt your Lo. in 
minde of it, least by the mayny more important affayres that depend uppon 
your care, this small one mought bee forgott, and thus wishing a long con- 
tinewance of your honour & happy fortune I rest 

Your Lordships most assuredly to doe you service 


The 1 5th of June. 

If there must neades bee an imposicion layd uppon sweet wines, I beseech 
your Lo. lett the lyke bee imposed proportionably uppon French wines, for 
otherwise if the price of them bee so farr under Spanish as there then will 
bee, all the meaner sort in probability will geve over the buyinge them, & 
serve themselves only with French. Your Lo. must geve me leave to putt 
you by this in minde of the course you resolved of for Sanddam Castle of 
which I yet heare nothing. 

1 No. 100. 

1 Cecil Papers, cxxv. 169. 

The Earl of Southampton to the Earl of Salisbury: 

My Lo: I have understoode by this bearer her Heynes how carefull your 
Lo. is of mee, that I should receave no prejudice by the late imposition 
layed upon sweet wines, wherof I am farmer, as herin I find my self nothinge 
deceaved, for though uppon the first hearinge of a proposition lately made 
unto the Marchantes, concerninge the raysinge of costomes, by your Lo. 
and the rest of the Lo: I apprehended what would lykewise fall uppon mee, 
and theruppon was bould to write unto your Lo. Yett was it rather (as my 
letter will testify when it shall be delivered) to putt you in remembrance of 
mee, then that I any whitt douted your favor towardes mee, w h I am so 
well assured of that I can geeve place to no suspicion of the contrary, and 
am also perswaded that your Lo. is so well satisfied of my affection and 
fayth unto you, that it weare frivolus to fill paper w 01 y> aldinge numbers 
of thankes, seeinge if I should send you a whole volume of acknowledge- 
mentes and protestations, I can express no more then in few wordes to say 
I am and ever will bee to you as I have professed w ch by gods grace I will 
alwayes faythfully performe. This bearer did also make mee understand the 
course your Lo. intended to howld to save mee from loss, unto the w 011 I 
willingely submit my self, only one feare I have w 011 to your Lo. I dare lay 
open, vf^ is that there beeing now but few yeares to come in my lease, 
when I shall bee driven every yeare (if my former profitt bee empayred) to 
crave large deductions, wherby the commodity of both what I have or shall 
receave will bee apparant, it will perhappes rise to a larger proportion then 
the Kinge will bee content I shall howld, and so overthrow my hope of 
renewinge my lease, w** then once expired I shall become bankrowte, 
wherfore I humbly beseech your Lo. if you thinke it fitt lett me now by your 
meanes renew my lease, and augment the number of my yeares for the w * 1 
in my opinion I can never have so fayre an opportunity, for first I have no 
condition in the lease I have alredy wherby I can clayme any such satis- 
faction as your Lo. propoundes, and to have a covenant wherby I may 
demaund it doth of necessity imply the new drawinge of my lease w th such 
a condition inserted, then I have at this time just reason to expect the more 
favor in regard I have alredy a covenant in my lease wherby the Kinge doth 
tie himself not to rayse any new imposition uppon these wines, and if any 
bee raysed I am by vertew of that covenant to have the profitt of it, and yet 
notw th standinge willingly submitt my self unto his pleasure, and doe not 
mentione this w th any purpose to contest, but only name it as a motive to 
procure mee the greater favor in the renewinge my time, w^ the longer it 
bee the more shall your Lo. make mee and mine bound unto you. I have 
only one thinge more to move unto your Lo. and then for this time I will 
treble you no farther, w** is that if his Ma 11 purpose to lett this new imposi- 
tion uppon sweet wines, that I may farme it, otherwise if it bee not intended 
to bee lett, that my officer may collect it for the Kinge, puttinge in sufficient 


security to bee accountable for what hee shall receave to the uttermost. 
There beseeching &c. 

The 17 of June 1 . 

[Endorsed " 1606."] 

The Earl of Southampton to the Earl of Salisbury: 

In this time of my absence (though it be not likely to be long), this bearer 
has desired me to recommend him to your favour. His business your L. is 
already acquainted with and if you please when you have an idle time to 
make him attend upon you, & help him in this necessity of his with some 
good direction how to carry himself to win the favour of his Majesty & 
appease my Lo. of Worcester, I doubt not but you shall find him ready to 
follow it. i o July 2 . 

[Endorsed " 1606." Holograph.] 

The Earl of Southampton to the Earl of Salisbury: 

My Lo: this gentleman S r James Fitz-Pierce hath been of late very 
earnest w th mee to make him knowen unto your Lo: the w ch findinge no 
oportunity to performe by reason of this busy time, I am enforced to 
satisfy him w th my letter and all that I have to say is no more but that I 
knew him in Ireland well esteemed both by my Lo. of Essex and by my Lo. 
of Devon., by the later of w h (as I take it) for his good desertes hee was 
made knight : I am acquainted w** 1 no sute hee hath ether to your Lo. or the 
state & therfore having done what hee desired I rest, &c. 

The 12 of August 3 . 

[Endorsed " 1606."] 

Again, on the 25th of August, Southampton was pleading with 
Cecil for a friend whose suit in the Duchy of Lancaster had been 
unduly delayed: 

If I did think it any way contrary to the common course of Justice, I 
would not move it, yet referring .your Lordship to your better Judgment 
&c. 4 

The Earl of Southampton to the Earl of Salisbury: 

My Lo: I had much rather doe your Lo: service then bee so often troble- 
some unto you as I am, yett must I now of necessity renew an owld sute in 
the behalf of my poore aunt Katherin Cornwallis, who by your Lo. favour 
hath hetherto lived free from troble for her recusancy, but is now by malice 
lykely to bee indited if your Lo. interpose not some mean to healp her. 
My Lo. I can say no more for her then I have alredy done, shee is an owld 

1 Cecil Papers, cxcv. 18. z Ibid. cxcu. 104. 

3 Ibid. cxcu. 120. 4 Ibid. cxcu. 


woman, that liveth w th out skandall, I am in expectation of some good 
from her, & I assure my self shee will take no thinge so kindly of mee as 
to preserve her from this danger : if therefore your Lo. hould it fitt and will 
healpe her, it will bee to mee (I thinke) a very good turn. Thus wishinge &c. 
28 Septr. 1 
[Endorsed "1606."] 

Southampton wrote to Salisbury at the end of the year: 

My Lord, if this poore corner of the world did afford any things worth 
the writing I should ere this have often trobled your Lordship with my 
letters, but since the receyte of your last (for the which I humbly thank 
you) I have been as diligent to enquire as I could, and can heare of no 
shipp in these quarters that came newly out of Spayne, though before that 
time we heard almost every day somewhat or other. 

Now my Lord, I must move you in a business which much concerns me 
to have care of, wherein also yourself is as far interested as I am, it is con- 
cerning the estate of my Lord of Devonshire, whereof there is now an office 
to be founde, a jury out of Northamptonshire beeing appointed to appeare 
to that purpose in the Court of Wards the Thursday next after Allhallowday, 
att the which I beseech your Lordship be pleased to afford your owne pre- 
sence, not that we feare anything, but onely because in a matter of that 
importance I would be glad we mought proceed with as much security as 
may be. Another request I have to make to your Lordship, which is that, 
whereas the day appointed for the apparence of this Jury is the 5th of No- 
vember, which day is consecrated to the service of God in regard of his mercy 
shewed on that day in preserving his Majestic and all the estates of the 
realm, and therefore, as I imagine no court in Westminster will then sit, 
that your Lordship would be pleased to put it off until the Thursday fol- 
lowinge, which will be the 1 2th of November, before which time I purpose, 
God willing, to wait upon your Lordship, being myself also desirous to be 
there at such tune as the matter shall be handled. Thus wishing your Lord- 
ship as much contentment and happiness as your self desier I rest 
Your Lordship's most assuredly to do you service 


The 26th of Oct. 

P.S. I beseech your Lordship if at any time you chance to meet with my 
Lord Chief Justice before my coming up make him see that you take this 
business to hart, for in regard of the sute with Champernonne, which de- 
pendeth before him, his favor will much avayle us, whereof though I nothing 
doute, yet I assure my selfe, when he shall find that your Lordship affects 
it, he shall be much the more forward to do us good 2 . 

1 Cecil Papers, cxvm. 104. 
1 Ibid, cxciv. 14. 


The Earl of Southampton to the Earl of Salisbury: 

My Lo. I heare since the returne of my brother Arundell that hee taketh 
the marriage of his sonn much worse then I expected, w** makes me bould 
to putt your Lo. in minde of my request unto you, that you would bee 
pleased to use some part of your auctority w 111 him to make peace between 
them. I perswed myself your Lo. doth affect it & I am assured it is in your 
power to bringe it to pass : I doe therefore beseech your Lo. to bestow some 
small time about it, seeing, as the case standes, the good or ill fortune of the 
younge man (during his fathers life) dependeth wholy on his pleasure & I 
make no doute but little paynes will bringe it to a good effect. Thus recom- 
mendinge &C. 1 

This letter is undated, but is endorsed "1606." 
The commemoration of the Gunpowder Plot was duly per- 
formed on November 5th. Nothing very special took place at 
Court until Thomas Campion's masque was presented at Whitehall 
on Twelfth Night, 1606-7, at Lord Hay's marriage with the 
daughter of Lord Denny. 

A grant reached the Earl of Southampton, on I4th January, 
1607, of the office of Keeper of the New Forest for life 2 . 

I had looked in every place I could think of for the record of 
the birth of his second son, afterwards his heir, and I could not 
find it. Last year Mr R. F. Scott, Master of St John's College, 
Cambridge, kindly gave it me. It occurred in an unexpected 
place in the Register of Little Shelford, co. Cambridge. "1607. 
Thos Wryosley S. Henry and Eliz. Wroseley, Erie and Countess 
of Southampton, baptized 2nd April." (See the volume Ely Epi- 
scopal Records edited by Mr A. Gibbons, p. 354.) Why the Earl 
should have been there, it seems difficult to say. Probably it 
was because Shelford Parva was but 9 miles from Royston, so 
favoured by James, who liked Southampton as a hunting companion. 
He lived, while there, in a house built by Horatio Pallavicino, 
with a fine white marble portico in the Italian style. That his 
abode there was no flying visit may be proved. The same 
Register records the burial of John Cooke, his servant, in 1608, 
and of another servant, Valentine Metcalfe, in i6i5 3 . 

1 Cecil Papers, cxix. 103. 

2 D.S.S.P. James, xxvi. 12. Ind. Wt. Bk. p. 56. 

3 British Museum Add. MS. 5808, vol. vn. f. 304. 



THE call of the sea had rung in Southampton's ear from his youth 
up. Already the story of the first voyages to the West had become 
invested with the charms of tradition. His birth was nearly coin- 
cident with the early schemes for settlement, in which his own 
relatives took a prominent share. His chief dwellings were by the 
sea, his paths were on the sea. His title was taken from the great 
southern port of which he was made a freeman in I59O-I 2 . The 
expansion of the earthly horizon westwards stimulated men's 
imaginations to poetic flights; the circumnavigation of the globe 3 
taught them new ideas of science and philosophy. No wonder 
that Southampton's interest in maritime discovery was un- 

The first plan for a settlement on the continent of North America 
seems to have originated with Carleill in 1574, "to discover 
sundry rich and unknown lands fatally reserved... for England." 4 
With him were associated Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir George 
Peckham, Sir Richard Grenville, and others 5 . A new patent was 
granted Sir Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs and assigns, for planting 
people in North America in I578 6 . In 1580 Sir Thomas Gerrard 
and Sir George Peckham presented a petition that Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert had assigned to them his patent for discovering heathen 
lands 7 . Sir Philip Sidney has distinguished himself in so many ways 
that his association with early colonisation schemes has been over- 
looked. In 1581 he had a "grant of thirty hundred thousand 
acres of ground to be by him discovered and inhabited in certain 
parts of America not yet discovered." He had it duly enrolled in 
Chancery 8 . Of this he personally granted 30,000 acres to Sir 

1 Two Gentlemen of Verona, n. 3. 2 Corporation Books, in. 

3 Hakluyt, ed. Maclehose, vn. 285. 4 D.S.S.P. Eliz. xcv. 63. 

6 Colonial S.S.P. Eliz. i. i. Hakluyt, vin. 34. 

7 Ibid. vin. 40. * Close Roll, 23 Eliz. part vn. 1153. 


George Peckham, of Denham in Kent 1 . Each of these men was 
called by Southampton "cousin" (though not in the first degree 2 ). 
Sir Humphrey Gilbert's first voyage of 1583 was unfortunate, and 
he lost most of his money. But he planned another almost immedi- 
ately. He was much helped both in advice and money by Sir 
George Peckham. Walter Raleigh, who was also interested, sent 
his bark Raleigh to join his stepbrother's party, but the sickness 
of the men prevented its sailing with the rest. We all know the 
tragic end of Sir Humphrey Gilbert in his little boat in the storm. 
One account of the incident was written by Edward Hayes in 
the Golden Hind? and another by "Sir George Peckham, the 
chief adventurer and furtherer of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage 
to Newfoundland." 4 

Raleigh secured a new patent for himself on 25th March, 1584, 
and an expedition was sent out by him in the following month under 
Captains Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlow. They also "took 
possession" of a stretch of land, but returned to England in Septem- 
ber. In the following April a second fleet was sent out by Raleigh 
under his cousin, Sir Richard Grenville, who left about 37 N. 
a colony of 1 08 persons under Master Ralph Lane. In writing home 
to Walsingham not to attend to Grenville's complaints of certain 
gentlemen, "because his intolerable pride, insatiable ambition and 
harsh proceedings to all made him no fit judge," Lane said he had 
"already discovered rare and singular commodities in the Queen's 
new Kingdom of Virginia." 5 By the same ship he wrote to Sir 
Philip Sidney as his "dear friend," and urged him not to lose the 
chance of coming out to the place, "You only being fit for a chief 
command in the enterprise." 6 Hakluyt was then producing his 
first folio, which he meant to dedicate to Sir Philip Sidney. Fulke 
Greville, his friend, and he had drawn up by 1585 great schemes 
of conquest and colonization in that Far West land where Sidney's 
acres lay Sidney to find the funds and Drake to assume the public 
responsibility. They both knew that Elizabeth would not grant 
them permission to go personally, so they did not ask for it; the 

1 D.S.S.P. Eliz. CLXI. 44. 

2 George Peckham's mother was sister to Southampton's grandmother 
He lost so heavily that in later years he appealed to Cecil for help. 

3 Hakluyt, vm. 34. * Patent Rolls, 6 Eliz. I. 

5 Hakluvt, vm. 319. Colonial S.S.P. Eliz. i. 3, 5. 


secret was a delightful but dangerous one for all concerned. Fulke 
Greville, with pardonable pride, records how Sidney chose him 
out of all England, "to be his loving and beloved Achates in this 
journey." 1 They stole secretly down to Plymouth, where Drake 
was only waiting a favourable wind to start on one of his 
buccaneering expeditions. Someone (possibly Drake himself) gave 
information at Court. A royal mandate was sent to stay them. Sir 
Philip, with some disguised soldiers, stole it from the pursuivant, 
so that it was not formally delivered. It was, however, soon con- 
firmed by urgent letters conveyed by a formidable party. The wind 
was too late in changing, Drake's fleet had to sail without them, 
and the two youths were taken back to Court, where Greville 
was denied the foreign travel he so earnestly desired, and Sidney 
was allowed to go to his uncle in the Low Countries, there to 
lose his life, severed from his friend. Possibly, had they had their 
own way, the whole history of American colonisation would have 
been changed, and Sir Philip have shown the fruition of his riper 
manhood to the world. 

Raleigh's colony, under Lane, had many troubles that year and 
the next 2 , while Sir Francis Drake was performing wonderful 
exploits against the Spaniards. When he returned homewards north 
by Raleigh's colony, the tired and anxious survivors were only too 
glad to be allowed to return with him (igth June, 1586). They 
were the first to bring home tobacco. Raleigh had sent out a ship 
of stores for the colonists, which only reached 37 N. after they 
had departed. Sir Richard Grenville also went to visit them, but, 
finding no trace of them, left 50 men to search for them. In 1587 
Raleigh made another attempt to colonize, sending out a party of 
100 men under Captain John White, to found a city and call it 
Raleigh. But their supplies failed; White came home for more, and 
a small fleet was prepared to go to their help in 1588, when the 
order went out to stay all ships in English waters for defence against 
the Spaniards. Through the strenuous efforts of White two small 
ships were sent off full of provisions, but through the heavy storms 

1 Greville's Life of Sir Philip Sidney. My Shakespeare's Warwickshire 
Contemporaries, p. 167. 

* Hakluyt, vin. 345. Purchas, his Pilgrims, vol. xvi. Stith's Virginia, 
p. 24 et seq. 


they became so damaged that they were forced to return. Never- 
more did the sea bring back news of that colony. 

Raleigh having received for his services in Ireland a great reward 
out of the lands of the Earl of Desmond, on yth March, 1588-9, 
passed his Virginia patent to Sir Thomas Smith and Captain John 
White. They sent out a fleet of supplies to seek the colonists; but 
they had completely disappeared, and the fleet returned on 24th 
October, 1590. 

Southampton must have been moved also by the ocean career of 
his connection, the Earl of Cumberland 1 . He had been among the 
brave spirits who winged the chase of the Armada until it was 
"scattered by the breath of the Lord." His voyages in quest of the 
Golden Fleece are a series of romances. Probably it was in imitation 
of him that young Southampton learned to wear his hair long, 
unlike the fashion at Court. The Arundels would give him further 
food for interest, and the voyage of the Content even more. 
This was a ship of Sir George Carey, Lord Hunsdon, Governor 
of the Isle of Wight, which, with other two small ships, held a 
royal and satisfactory fight, from seven in the morning till sunset, 
with six Spanish men-of-war and galleys on I3th June, I59I 2 . 

Hakluyt also prints a most interesting account by Sir Walter 
Raleigh of "The last fight of the 'Revenge'" on 3ist August, 
1591. Sir Richard Grenville had been sent by the Queen to inter- 
cept the Spanish Plate fleet, had been separated from his com- 
panions, but encountered the Spaniards, and defied them all, alone 
amid so many. He would never have yielded, but after his fatal 
wounds his men surrendered. This narrative is certainly the 
foundation of Gervase Markham's poem, The Honorable Tragedy of 
Sir Richard Grenville, though it was dedicated not to Sir Walter, 
but to a rival 3 . 

Captain Raymond's excursion to the East and West Indies is 
worth noting, as, coming homewards, they were wrecked on the 
Bermudas, where the survivors stayed five months, built themselves 
a boat, and escaped in I592 4 . 

Sir Robert Dudley, son of the Earl of Leicester, after an ad- 
venturous journey passed the Bermudas in 1594; and his captain, 

1 Purchas, xvi. 5, 128. z Hakluyt, x. 179. 

8 Ibid. vii. 38. * Ibid. vn. 194. 


Wyatt gave an account of them 1 . Sir Walter Raleigh, when in the 
shadow of the Queen's wrath for his misdoings with her maid of 
honour, Elizabeth Throckmorton, paid his first visit to America 
(not in the northern parts, but in the southern) in 1 595. The fabled 
riches of Guiana fired his imagination and stimulated others to 
help him, with the hope of regaining the Queen's favour. He 
published the story of his adventures with a descriptive title, The 
Discoverie of the large, rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana, with 
the relation of the great and golden city of Manoa (which the Spaniards 
call El Dorado], etc., undertaken, as he said, in the winter of his life 
"so as to appease so powerful displeasure." 2 

A second voyage to Guiana was described by Laurence Keymis 
in a letter to Sir Walter Raleigh, who had subscribed liberally 
towards it. A third voyage to Guiana, set forth by Sir Walter 
Raleigh, is described by Thomas Masham. Sir Walter had left a 
servant of his, Francis Sparrey (or Sparrow) by name, when he 
was over there himself in 1595. This man had been taken by the 
Spaniards, but after long imprisonment had escaped and returned 
to England in 1602. 

Meanwhile the last voyage of Sir Francis Drake and Sir John 
Hawkins ended (after victorious exploits) in Panama, Hawkins 
dying on i2th November, 1595, Drake on 28th January, 
1 595-6 3 . 

Southampton had at last got on shipboard, meaning to go with 
Essex to fight the Spaniard at Cadiz, but was recalled by the 
Queen, as Sidney and Greville had been. He did command a ship 
in 1597, anc ^ distinguished himself. Hakluyt's volumes came out in 
1589, 1598, 1599, and 1600, and Southampton must have read 
them. William Strachey takes up the story. 

Thus Sir W. Raleigh, weried with so great expense and abused with the 
unfaithfulness of the ymployed, after he had sent (as you maye see by these 
fiue several tymes) collonies and supplies at his owne charges, and nowe at 
length both himself and his successors thus betrayed, he was even nowe 
content to submit the fortune of the poore men's lives and lief of the holy 
accion itself into the favour and proteccion of the God of all mercy, whose 
will and pleasure he submitted unto to be fulfilled, as in all things ells, so in 
this one particular. By which meanes, for seventeen and eighteen years 

1 Hakluyt, vii. 203. * Ibid. x. 348, 441. 8 Ibid. xn. 23, 66. 


together, yt lay neglected, untill yt pleased God at length to move againe 
the heart of a great and right noble earle amongst us, 

Candidus et talos a vertice pulcher ad imos, 

Henry Earle of Southampton, to take yt in consideration, and seriously 
advise how to recreate and dipp yt anew into spiritt and life; who therefore 
(yt being so the will of the Et email Wisdome, and so let all Christian and 
Charitable hearted believe in compassion to this people) begun to make 
new enquiries and much scruteny after the country to examyne the former 
proceedings, together with the lawfulnes and pious end thereof, and then, 
having well weighed the greatnes and goodnes of the cause, he krdgely 
contributed to the furnishing out of a shipp to be commanded by Capt. 
Bartholomew Gosnoll and Capt. Bartholomew Gilbert, and accompanyed 
with divers other gentlemen, to discover convenient place for a new colony 
to be sent thither, who accordingly in March, anno 1602, from Falmouth 
in a bark of Dartmouth called the Concord sett forward holding a course 
for the north parts of Virginia. At which tyme, likewise, Sir W. Raleigh 
once more bought a bark, and hired all the company... for chief Samuel More find those people he had sent thither... in I587 1 . 

They reached 34 N., but took little trouble to search, preferring 
to trade with the natives and return home. 

The good ship the Concord setting forth about the I4th Maye 

following, had more success. 

The following chapter 2 tells of the success of this good ship "set 
forthe by the Earl of Southampton." It made land about 43 N., 
and found it wonderfully fertile. The voyagers would have stayed 
as a colony; but they wanted to sell their merchandise at home, 
and returned by the middle of July. 

Much was commended the diligence and relation of Captain Gosnoll; 
howbeit this voyage alone could not satisfye his so intent a spirit and ambition 
in so great and glorious an enterprise as his Lordship the foresaid Earle of 
Southampton, who laboured to have yt so beginne, as that it might be con- 
tinued with all due and prepared circumstances and saffety. and therefore 
would his lordship be concurrent the second tyme in a new survey and dis- 
patch to be made thither with his brother in law Thomas Arundell Baron 
of Wardour who prepared a ship for Captain George Waymouth 3 . 

1 Travailes in Virginia by William Strachey, Secretary and Recorder 
there, book n. chap. v. p. 153. 
1 Ibid, book n. chap. vi. p. 155. 
3 Ibid. chap. vii. p. 158. Sloane MSS. 1622. 


He also found rich land with a fair river, and took possession of it 
in the name of the King. 

On Weymouth's return his good report joining with Captain Gosnoll's 
cawsed the business with soe prosperous and faire starres to be accompanied 
as it not only encouraged the said Earle (the foresaid Lord Arundell being 
by this tyme changed in his intendment this way, and engaged to the Arch 
Duke...) but likewise called forth many firme and harty lovers, and some 
long affected thereunto, who petitioned the King, and were granted a patent 
on the tenth of April 1606. 

These words of William Strachey, the first secretary of Virginia, 
are all the more necessary to be inserted here, because they are so 
little known. They give a new idea of the relation of Southampton 
to the colonies, he being made the figure-head of the new and 
abiding work of the seventeenth century and Jacobean settlement. 
Sixteenth century labours had been fruitless, nothing was left of 
them but a tradition, some experience, and the name "Virginia." 
To that James added "Britannica." 

There is no doubt that Southampton in the Tower would cheer 
himself by reading Hakluyt's new edition of 1600, which contained 
the records of the voyages to the West. Indeed, it seems nearly 
certain that the folio volume depicted at his right hand in the por- 
trait of him taken in the Tower was that very identical volume. 
But it seems surprising that Strachey should have claimed for a 
prisoner 1 the active energy of sending forth a new expedition. The 
puzzle is, not where he found the interest, but where he found the 

Captain Gosnoll and Captain Weymouth agreed as to the fertility 
and desirability of the Western land. The former had struck it 
about 43 N., and recorded the multitude of fish about Cape Cod, 
the multitude of vines on the islands, the richness of the soil, and the 
safety of the harbours 2 . Captain Weymouth's party was settled after 
Southampton was free. He was familiar with the care of forests, 
the qualities of soil; he understood ships and the management of 
them; he had made himself familiar with the views of experienced 
captains trading in all parts of the world; he had the power of 
attracting men to his service and keeping them there. Sooner than 

1 See also Brown's Genesis of the United States, I. 26. 
* Purchas, xm. 302. Brown's Genesis, p. 26. 


he expected it, he had succeeded to the government of the Isle of 
Wight, in reversion, after the death of Lord Hunsdon, and he had 
the command of money. Exactly five days after the christening of 
his first-born son James at Greenwich, with the King as sponsor, 
on 26th March, 1605, he would be seeing off this second great 
adventure. James Rosier, a servant of the Arundels, wrote the 
account of the voyage, and Purchas gives liberal extracts from it 1 . 
The Archangel started upon Easter Day, the last of March, about 
5 o'clock in the afternoon from the Downs, 

being well-victualled and furnished with munitions and all necessaries, our 
company being nine and twenty persons, of whome I dare boldly say few 
voyages have been manned forth with better seamen generally in respect of 
our small number. 

They drew near land at 41 N. on Monday, I3th May, and stood 
off till the dawn of Saturday, Whitsun Eve, when they took shelter 
in a well-wooded island with abundance of fruit and plentiful 
supplies of fowl and fish. Some canoes of savages came to see them 
from the east. They reached a fine harbour at the mouth of a beauti- 
ful river, whose banks were fertile and fit for pasture. 

We cannot describe the worthiness thereof, the abundant utilitie and 
sweet pleasantness, and its goodness for shipping... any man may conceive 
with what admiration we all consented in joy; many who had been travellers 
in sundry countries, and in the most famous rivers, yet affirmed them not 
comparable to this they now beheld. Some that were with Sir Walter Raleigh 
in his voyage to Guiana, in the discovery of the river Orinoco, which echoed 
fame to the world's ears, gave reason why it was not to be compared with 

There was no sign that any Christian had ever been on that shore; 
so Captain Weymouth erected a cross, and took possession of it in 
the name of King James. Many of the men wished to settle. "We 
all concluded we should never see the like river in any degree equal, 
until it pleased God we should see the same again." The captain 
reckoned that point, sixty miles up the river, as 43 N. One would 
like to know where in latitude 4iN. they had first seen land, 
and what is the modern name of that unequalled river. They were 
safely back in Dartmouth on i8th July, 1605. Mr Brown says: 
"The period between the return of Weymouth and the return 

1 Purchas, xvni. 335. Brown, p. 27. 
s. s. 21 


of Dale, June 1616, was the period of the First Foundation." 1 
Had that failed, the United States would not have been as they 
are to-day. Mr Brown notes a very mysterious agreement which 
no one else records. In the autumn of 1605 Captain Weymouth 
intended to make a merchant voyage back to Virginia, but was 
diverted from his intention by a more ambitious scheme. An agree- 
ment was drawn up by Sir John Zouch of Codnor, in the County 
of Derby, and Captain George Weymouth of Cockington, Co. 
Devon, that Zouch should pay the expenses of two vessels fully 
fitted, and Weymouth should be next in command under himself. 
Zouch was to give Weymouth jiOO in twenty-one days and allow 
him to fulfil his agreement with certain merchants to take their 
shipments. When they should arrive near land, Weymouth was to 
give Sir John the best advice he could as to a settlement; Sir John 
was to choose first what land he wanted, and Weymouth was to 
choose second. The agreement was signed by four witnesses, one 
of them James Rosier 2 . But nothing more is known as to this 
apparently poaching scheme. Captain Bartholomew Gosnoll had 
been on a voyage to the East and had returned to London. He had 
much admired the charms of Virginia and bestirred himself now 
to return. He prevailed on Edward Wingfield, Captain John 
Smith, and a few others to assist his efforts. Six months after the 
return of the Archangel, the Privy Council instructed Lord Chief 
Justice Popham and Sir John Herbert to call together those 
they thought fit and confer about the plantation of Virginia 3 , and 
they record the Patent of 10th April, i6o6 4 , not for one company 
only, that of London, but for a second for the Merchant Adventurers 
of Plymouth and the western ports. 

The first colony was to be at some convenient spot between 3 1 N. 
and 41 N., the second colony to be formed at least 100 miles north 
of the first. The chiefs of the first company were Sir Thomas 
Gates, George Somers, Dr Richard Hakluyt, Thomas Harman, 
Rawly Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham. The 
King's Colonial Council included Sir Walter Cope, Sir Ferdinando 

1 Brown's Genesis, i. 33. 2 Ibid. 33-64, 75-95- 

3 Privy Council Register. 

4 Colonial Entry Book, LXXIX. 1-12. Purchas, xvin. 400-459. Patent 
Roll, 4 James I, part 19, No. 1709. 


Gorges, Sir George More, Sir Henry Neville, Sir Fulke Greville, 
Sir Edwin Sandys, and Sir Thomas Roe. 

The literature of the time, in so far as it reflects the progress of 
western discovery, is not abundant. Daniel in 1 603, in Musophilus, 
alludes to the " unformed Occident." The satirical play EastwardHoe, 
1 605, brought Chapman, Marston,and even Benjonson into trouble. 
They were imprisoned, with a threat of having their ears cut off. 
Some said it was because the play was supposed to throw scorn on the 
Scotch as a nation; others, that it was because of the mockery of great 
men at Court in their schemes of adventure, discovery, and colonisa- 
tion. Southampton may have been marked as one of these. SirPetronel 
Flask says: " I am sorrie (by reason of my instant haste to so long a 
voyage as Virginia) I am without means by any kind amends to shew 
how affectionately I take your kindness." l Quicksilver says of him: 
"All he could any wise get he bestowed on a ship bound for Vir- 
ginia." 2 Captain Sea Gull gives a description of Virginia: "Wild 
Boar is common there, as tame Bacon with us, and gold commoner 
than copper." The Earl of Southampton and his brother-in-law 
were then known to be fitting out the Archangel', the four 
falcons of Southampton's arms have even been described by some 
heralds as sea-gulls; and Captain Sea Gull is possibly a satire on 
Gosnoll or Weymouth. It is possible that Ben Jonson's share was 
limited to the chaffing of his rivals, a habit rather encouraged at 
Court. The Spanish Tragedy is quoted; "Hamlet" is the name 
given to Lady Flash's footman 3 . Her sister's marriage was hastened 
"That the cold meats left at your wedding might serve to furnish 
the nuptial tables," and she herself sings Ophelia's ballad, "His 
head as white as milk, all flaxen was his haire." Ben Jonson implies 
that he voluntarily shared his friends' imprisonment; but he wrote 
a very humble appeal to Salisbury to work his pardon and deliver- 
ance, assuring him that all the objectionable parts had been put in 
by the players themselves. After due delay they seem to have been 
delivered without further punishment 4 . 

A very different spirit inspired Drayton's Ode, published in a 
small octavo volume, undated, but about that time. Drayton must 
have read Rosier's account of Weymouth's voyage; so it could not 

1 Eastward Hoe, in. i. 2 Ibid. i. i. 

Ibid. in. 2. * Cecil Papers. 


have been written before 1605, and, as it addresses those about to- 
start, it could not have been written after 1606. In the 1619 
edition it is the 1 1 th poem, Ode to the Virginian Voyage. 

You brave heroique minds 
Worthy your country's name. 

Captain Christopher Newport was in charge of the transport of 
the colony, and the fleet left London on 2Oth December, 1606. 
Contrary winds made it the 5th of January before they put out, to 
sail by the Canaries, then the customary route to Virginia 1 . On 
April the 26th they sighted the Chesapian Bay, where they meant 
to settle. The story of the settlement is one of trouble and difficulty 
caused by discord, chiefly arising from lack of discipline. Too 
many undesirables had been shipped over to get rid of them, ignorant 
of any useful industry. Everything being considered common 
property, these were not ashamed to eat what they had not earned. 
They had at first chosen an unhealthy site. Many died. "On the 
2Oth August, 1607, died Kenelm Throgmorton; on the 22nd died 
Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, both honourably buried." Starva- 
tion came. "If God had not put terror in our enemies' hearts, and 
also pity to bring us provisions, we should all have died." The 
labours of thirty of the best sustained the lives of nearly 200 of the 
others. These deserved well; but out of the chaos arises only one 
grand heroic figure, that of Captain John Smith, who possessed all 
the qualities necessary to make a successful settler. He taught them 
to dig, to build a fort, to fashion boats, to barter with the natives. 
He always took the difficult jobs himself, travelling through the 
neighbourhood to see how the land lay, to learn the language, to 
make treaties with the tribes. More than once he was nearly slain, 
and he was only saved by the courage of Pocahontas, the favourite 
daughter of the wily King Powhatan. On his life and fortunes hung 
the fates of many. But jealousies against him prevailed, and at last a 
cruel accident forced him to return. The second company sent out, 
on May 3ist, 1607, an expedition under Captain George Popham, 
President; Captain Rawly Gilbert, Admiral; and Captain Edward 
Harlow, Master of the Ordnance. They began ambitiously, but the 
weather was against them, and they returned to England on the 

1 Purchas, xvui. 459. Papers of Captain John Smith, principal agent 
and "patient" in Virginia. 


death of Sir John Popham, their President's father, in 1608. Not- 
withstanding the failure of the second colony, the Earl of Southamp- 
ton and his friends of the Isle of Wight employed Captain Edward 
Harlow to make another voyage of discovery and investigate the 
islands about Cape Cod, which Captain Weymouth found. The 
natives of the district called Aggawam treated the explorers kindly, 
and Aggawam was renamed Southampton by Prince Charles. The 
disorders in the first colony increased; everyone who came home 
told his own tale to screen himself. The Council read everything 
through a mist of lies. Sir Ferdinando Gorges wrote to Salisbury 
on yth February, 1607-8: "Our second ship has returned.... The 

people have split up into factions and disgraced each other We 

shall have much ado to go forward as we ought. For my own part, 
I should be proud if I might be thought worthy to be the man 
commanded to the accomplishment thereof." 1 His offer was not 

The King granted a new charter on the 23rd of May, i6o9 2 , 
abrogating the old, extending the bounds and the privileges of the 
colony, and forming a new London Company, which included 
some of the higher nobility the Earls of Salisbury, Suffolk, South- 
ampton, Pembroke, Lord Sheffield, and others. Sir Thomas Smith 
remained treasurer. Among the members were William Crashaw, 
clerk, B.D., and Raleigh Crashaw. 

This new company on the 2Qth of May invited the Englishmen 
resident in the Low Countries to join. The letter was signed by 
Southampton, Pembroke, Lord Lisle, Lord De la Warre, etc. 
These names attracted so many subscribers that they began 
preparing their fleet in that same month. The government was 
intrusted to Lord De la Warre, who sent Sir Thomas Gates as his 
deputy, Sir George Somers as Admiral, and Captain Newport as 
Vice-Admiral. The King insisted that each of these should be 
furnished with his new commission, and whoever should reach the 
colony first should read it to the inhabitants, and take order there- 
upon. Some question of priority having roused jealousy among the 
three leaders, they agreed all to go in the Admiral's ship, the Sea- 

1 Cecil Papers, cxx. 66. 

2 Colonial Papers, I. 17. Colonial Entry Book, vol. I. xxxix. 49, 728. 
Patent Roll, 7 James I, pt. 8, 23rd May. Brown's Genesis, 229. 


Adventure, with 150 men. There were eight ships and a small 
pinnace, the number of men in all being 500. They became 
separated from each other in a great storm. Seven of the ships 
arrived in Virginia by the nth of August, but the Admiral's ship and 
the pinnace were missing, and therefore there was no new governor 

Captain John Smith, the only survivor of the original Council, 
had been acting as president, but, meeting with nothing but con- 
tempt, he had sailed for England after his serious wound, leaving 
George Percy president in his stead 1 . He left "four hundred 
and ninety odd men, three ships, seven boats, commodities for ten 
weeks' provision, corn newly gathered, hogs, chickens, goats, sheep, 
ammunition, tools, nets, and necessaries sufficient." His greatest 
maligners soon cursed his loss. The Indians had no respect for 
any other man among them, they boldly stole, and cut off all 
stragglers from the camp. Fear kept even the industrious from 
hunting, fishing or planting. George Percy was far from well. 
In six months they had reached their "starving time." By the 
time the ships arrived, their numbers had been reduced from 500 
to 60. 

And the Council at London went on hopefully, knowing nothing 
of all this woe. 

The postscript of a letter written by Southampton to Salisbury 
on 1 5th December, 1609, ls interesting, as shewing the King's 
love of natural history. 

Talking with the King by chance I towld him of the Virginia Squirrels, 
which, they say, will fly, whereof there are divers brought into England, 
and hee presently and very earnestly asked mee, if none of them were pro- 
vided for him, and whether your Lordship had none for him, saying that he 
was sure you would gett him one of them. I would not have troubled you 
with this, but that you know so well how he is affected to these toyes, and 
with a little enquiry of any of your folks you may furnish yourself to present 
him att his coming to London, which will not be before Wensday next and 
the Monday before at Theobalds, and the Saturday before at Royston 2 . 

William Strachey, in his Travailes in Virginia, notes: 

A small beast they have which the Indians call Assapanick, not passing so 
big as a rat, but we call them flying Squirrels because, spreading their legges, 

1 Stith's Virginia, pp. 108-112. 

2 Col. Papers, I. 19. D.S.S.P. James, 65. 


from whence to either shoulder runnes a flappe or fynne, much like a bat's 
wing, and so stretching the largeness of their skynne, they have been seen 
to make a pretty flight from one tree to another, sometimes twenty or thirty 
yardes 1 . 

In the same year as this, in which he openly joined the Virginia 
Company, Southampton joined the East India Company. In their 
Court Minutes of May 3Oth, 1609, there is entered: 

Power to the Governors to admit the Lord Treasurer, the Lords of 
Worcester, Southampton and others, favourers of the Company, and no 
mere merchants, to be free of the East India Company, they being adven- 
turers or otherwise 2 . 

In the Court Minutes for July 6th, 1609, is noted: 

A brace of Bucks sent by the Earl of Southampton to the Company to 
make merry withal in regard of their kindness in accepting him of their 
company 3 . 

On October 2yth of that year: 

Lord Mounteagle asked to be made free of the Company, on the same 
conditions as Lord Southampton, he adventuring 500, and giving the 
Company a brace of Bucks yearly at the Election (willingly granted) 4 . 

On January gth, 1 609-1 o 5 , the Earl of Southampton asked the 
Company to admit Mr Haines, whom he had appointed to manage 
his adventures. In the year 1610 sad news travelled from West to 
East, which plunged the nation into dismay. The seven ships had 
arrived without their admiral, had found the colony crushed and 
despairing, calling for food and necessities. Mr Brown notes in his 
Genesis that the first time Virginia was mentioned in Parliament 
was in the debate on I4th February, 1609-10, whether or not 
Sir George Somers had lost his seat by going thither. They did not 
then know that he had not yet reached his destination. Lord De la 
Warre had not started as soon as he had intended, and William 
Crashaw preached what was meant to be a Godspeed sermon 
on the 2 ist of that month, "before the Right Honorable Lord 
la Warre Lord Governor and Captain General of Virginia, 
and others of his Majestie's Council for that Kingdom." South- 
ampton would certainly be present. The sermon has been printed, 

1 Strachey's Travailes in Virginia, bk I. p. 123, 1. 10. 

2 No. 433. 3 Bk n. 119-123, 448. 
4 Bk n. 143, 463. 6 Bk II. 479. 


and Brown gives copious selections from it. The preacher speaks of 
the lawfulness, excellency, goodness, and plain necessity of this 
present action, the principal end being the plantation of a Church 
of English Protestants and the conversion of the heathen. It sheds 
a curious light on the reverend gentleman's attitude to a burning 
question of the day. The discouragements have been from enemies. 

The Spaniard is not an enemy, the French follow our example, the 
Savages invite us. There are only three enemies, the Divell, the Papists and 
the Players... they play with Princes and Potentates, Magistrates and Min- 
isters... nothing that is good and holy can escape them, how then can this 
action?... The Divell hates us, so do the Players 1 because we resolve to suffer 
no idle persons in Virginia, which course, if it were taken in England, they 
know they might turn to new occupations.... Those of the Council are 
blessed, those of the Colony are the Lord's Apostles.... Blessed be the Lord 
God of Virginia....! am not worthy to be thy Apostle, but I vow and devote 
myself to be in England thy faithful factor and solicitor, and most desirous 
to do thee service. 

This is entered at Stationers' Hall as "A Sermon preached by 
Master Crashaw intituled a Newe Year's gift to Virginia by 
W. Crashaw B.D. and Preacher of the Middle Temple, March 
1 9th 1 6 10." 

Lord De la Warre finally started on April ist, 1610, and 
reached the settlement on June 9th of that year, to find that the 
company in the admiral's ship had been saved, and had brought 
succour to the colony; but this had been in vain, and all had already 
started homewards, while yet there was provision enough to let 
them reach Newfoundland. 

A series of miracles seems to have happened. Of the nine boats 
sent out by the Council of London, only the pinnace perished. The 
Sea-adventure^ or at least its company, had not been so hapless. 
They had been living through a great epic poem of the sea. They had 
lost sight of their party on the 25th of July, 1609; had been driven 
through the gates of death to a haven of hope; had saved all their 
party and much of their property; had been sheltered, fed, and 
encouraged in the Island of Devils (the Bermudas) to build two 
pinnaces under Sir George Somers' direction; and had escaped to 

1 Was Crashaw thinking of Eastward Hoe? And was he yet to learn to 
think of Chapman in another light ? 


the settlement, and found themselves there in much better con- 
dition than either the settlers or the voyagers in the seven other 
ships. The general hopelessness depressed even the leaders, and 
they planned, as we have seen, to save the lives of the men and 
sacrifice the colony. 

Lord De la Warre was just in time to stop them. He made them 
all turn their boats back to the fort, and sent Sir George Somers 
and Captain Argall in their new-built ships back to the Bermudas 
for an immediate supply of food, and Sir Thomas Gates back to 
England for many urgent necessaries. The governor, by that ship, 
sent an official letter narrating the circumstances, written by his 
secretary, W. Strachey, to Lord Salisbury, who endorsed it "received 
September 1610." Thus the country first heard a little of the 
tempest. Sir George Somers knew the difficulties he had to en- 
counter, but agreed cheerfully (it is said he suggested it) to go in 
search of food for his company. He again encountered storms, and 
had some difficulty in forcing his way into the island that he 
never expected to see again. He was not young, he overstrained 
himself in the efforts he made to fulfil a duty so urgent; he died 
there, and the island became his monument. His nephew and 
followers forgot their duty to the colony and returned home in his 
ship, leaving the island with but three men on it, while they 
carried the admiral's body home to bury it in his native place of 
Whitchurch, Dorset 1 . 

Captain Argall had missed finding the Bermudas altogether, but 
returned home with supplies that he had secured elsewhere. Not 
long afterwards Lord De la Warre fell ill, appointed Sir Thomas 
Dale president until the return of Sir Thomas Gates, went to the 
wonderful bath in the West Indies to refresh himself, and returned 
home. His speedy reappearance much discouraged the Company, 
seriously strengthened the evil reports of the colony's condition, 
and hampered home effort. But his Lordship gave a public oration 
on the charms and opportunities of Virginia, and on his own in- 
tention of going back to end his days there, and that restored hope. 

The literature of the period is extremely interesting, especially 
to those who search for contemporary events which throw light on 
Shakespeare's plays. Shortly after the return of Sir Thomas Gates 
1 Purchas, xvm. 528; xix. 85. 


the London Council drew up a declaration of the wonderful deliver- 
ance of the party in the Sea-adventure^ and the advantages to be 
expected from the improving state of the colony. This was dated 
1610, but it must not be forgotten that the year then ended on the 
25th March, so it is quite probable this meant March, 1611. 
Silvester Jourdan, one of the passengers on board the Sea-Ad- 
venture^ came home with Sir Thomas Gates, and, hurrying to 
reach the ears of the public first, hastened to dedicate his MS. to 
" Master John Fitz James Esquire, Justice of the Peace in Dorset- 
shire," probably a friend of Sir George Somers. He did not risk 
taking out a licence, in case he would be stayed, and he dates his 
little quarto 1610, but of course that also might mean any date 
before 25th March. Now, Malone thought that he had discovered 
these two publications, and by them he fixed the date at which 
Shakespeare must have secured his ideas for The Tempest. He ex- 
plains this in a little quarto privately printed by himself in 1 808, 
and this is reprinted in the Variorum edition of Shakespeare's 
works in i82i x . This view has been held by many writers since; 
but is quite insufficient to prove Malone's statement that Shake- 
speare's Tempest was probably completed in the spring of 1611; 
and Jourdan's account was insufficient to originate Shakespeare's 
vivid pictures in his early scenes. 

[We have no definite proof that Southampton carried on in his 
busier years the active interest in Shakespeare which he had felt in 
his youth. Neither is there anything to set against a possibility that 
he did continue this interest, though their meetings must necessarily 
have been at rarer intervals. Such a suggestion seems to arise in 
relation to this very question. Shakespeare may have read Silvester 
Jourdan's narrative early in 161 1, read it with interest, and might 
have taken notes. But it was not Silvester Jourdan who inspired 
him to the writing of The Tempest. It was the writing of another, 
who also had shared in the dangers of the Sea-adventure^ but had 
not come home with Sir Thomas Gates a writer whose work 
was not published till 1625. How then did Shakespeare know of 
it? None of his fellow- writers knew of it not Chapman, nor 
Daniel, nor Drayton, nor Jonson; how then did he find his 
inspiration? It evidently was from a private letter written by this 

1 Vol. xv. 385. 


William Strachey, secretary to Lord De la Warre, and afterwards 
appointed Recorder of Virginia, the very man who, a few years 
afterwards, described Southampton's work on the colonies in such 
glowing terms as have been recorded above. This private letter was 
addressed to an "Excellent Lady" whose name is not given. A 
"Noble Lady"? There were many "Excellent Ladies" in Eng- 
land. Who was this lady ? Much depends upon that. It might have 
been Lady Cecily, daughter of Sir Thomas Sherley (sister of the 
three adventurous brothers who made the world their home) and 
wife of Lord De la Warre. Or the letter may have been written 
to Elizabeth, Countess of Southampton, as likely to be interested in 
the accidents of the voyage as well as the affairs of the colony. She 
was the "most-honoured Lady" to whom Anthony Gibson 
dedicated his Defence of Women^ and the "Gracious Lady" later 
addressed by the Master and Fellows of St John's College, Cam- 
bridge. The position of her husband in regard to the colonies makes 
this quite possible, and the fact that the letter was not published 
until she was winding up her husband's affairs in 1625 rather 
strengthens than weakens the probability of the attribution. 

Whether Strachey's letter reached Lady De la Warre or Lady 
Southampton, Southampton himself would be sure to have seen it. 
And it is more than possible, it is even likely, that, after others con- 
cerned had perused it in the leisurely way of those days, he might 
secure it to lend to Shakespeare. This would probably be early in 
1611. Strachey himself came home at the end of 1611, and he 
might well have met Shakespeare, gossiped with him, and, finding 
his keen interest, might have shown him his draught copy of the 
letter. At least, in some way or other, Shakespeare saw that letter, 
and he could not have written his play until he had done so. To 
the spell of Strachey's impassioned word-painting Shakespeare 
surrendered himself; he could see through Strachey's eyes, and 
he conveys to us the visions he sees through Strachey's words and 

The Heavens looked black upon us, not a star by night not a sunbeam by 

day The winds singing and whistling through the shrouds The sea 

swelled above the clouds, and gave battaile unto heaven. ...Windes and seas 
were as mad as fury and rage could make them 1 . 

1 Purchas, xix. 6. 


He describes the labours at the pumps, the hopeless efforts continued 
only through custom, the recourse to the "strong waters." 

Prayers might be in many hearts and lips, but were drowned by the out- 
cries of the officers.... Nothing was heard that could give comfort.... Nothing 
was heard that might encourage hope 1 . 

They saw 

an apparition of a little round light, like a faint star trembling, and streaming 
along with a sparkling blaze, half the height of the maine mast, and shooting 
some time from shroud to shroud... three or four hours together 2 . 

When they were driven ashore, it was not on the rocks but between 
the rocks; and the miraculous calm came, and all on board landed 
on the "little sandy bay." It is in that letter Shakespeare discovered 
his "island far away." 

We know that Southampton discussed literary questions with 
Shakespeare in his youth "Thou art all my art." It is possible 
that he did so now. Let us imagine it. 

I took that letter to the Prince and Princess, Will; it moved them more 
than aught else that ended well. You must get these conceits somehow into 
the play you will write for her wedding. She will understand. They have 
not settled the Bridegroom yet. I feared that there might be some Spanish 
blood enriched. But the Prince has sworn to me she shall not marry against 
her own sweet will. That settled, I know whom she will choose. The Palsgrave 
of the Rhine, young, like herself, fair, true, and debonair. But that matters 
not for the substance of your play; whoever he be, he must come over the 
sea to win our precious Island Princess. Suit her, never mind him at present. 
I'll find up some new-old legends to help your plot, and I had a bundle of 
books ready for you, amongst them one by a Scotchman. In spite of their 
bare rocks some of them can produce rare flowers of poetry. Hear him : 

"These golden Palaces, these gorgeous Halls. 
Evanish all like vapours in the air." 3 

And, Will, bend thy proud soul to the new fashion of Masques. You can 
do them too none better, for her sake. When is Pandosto coming out? 
Were old Robert Greene alive, he would have more to say of "borrowed 
feathers." I am glad you saved Bellaria in your play. That was a rare con- 
ceipt of your Paulina a noble woman indeed. But, I forgot, Will. If ever 

1 Purchas, xvm. 403. 

2 The Greeks called the light "Castor and Pollux," the Italians "St Elmo's 

3 Darius, by William Alexander, Earl of Stirling, 1603. 


you send more royal babes out in boats again to seek their fortune, do not 
let the bears eat up their guardian. Do not try an Infans Mirabilis again. 
Fawnia might inherit her mother's nature and beauty, but she would not 
inherit her language, her manners, her thoughts without example and 
without instruction. (Don't I know with my own ?) And, Will, if you could 
give some faint reflection of the Sieur de Montaigne, it would please the 
Queen, and me, and my dear old tutor himself, the resolute John Florio. 
Begin at once, soul of invention ! 

The Winter's Tale came out that spring; Forman saw it at the 
Globe in May, and the poet turned to the wedding play. A work 
so full of art, philosophy, and characterisation could not have been 
written in a hurry. Malone says he was certain it was produced in 
161 1, but you may search his works in vain for any proof further 
than that he had discovered Jourdan's book 1 , and the Council's 
" Declaration," published in 1610, and therefore (not even thinking 
that the year ended on 25th March) that the poet must have 
done his work in a hurry, for no particular reason. Cunningham 
believed that too, but the three play lists of the seventeenth century 
make so many errors that we are not bound to believe they happened 
to be right on this one statement 2 . Shakespeare's play was ready in 
time, and awaiting the Princess; but she had to wait, not for the 
bridegroom, but for her brother. He died, and all the nation 
mourned. Plays were held back till February, 1612-13. Then 
Chapman wrote his long-winded Epicede on Prince Henry, and his 
version of The Tempest in the passage beginning "The poor Vir- 
ginian miserable sail." Then Daniel set on his Masque of the 
Virginian Priests of the Sun Then Shakespeare produced the 
wonderful creation miraculously initiated by the storm, 

A contract of true love to celebrate. 
And some donation freely to estate 
On the bless'd lovers. 

(Tempest, iv. i.)J 

1 See his Incidents of The Tempest, 1808; also vol. xv. Shakespeare, p. 404, 
edit. 1821. 

2 Extracts from Revels Books, 1842. Shak. Soc. Public. Times Lit. Supp. 
Dec. 2nd, 1920, p. 798, and Feb. 24th, 1921, p. 127. 



THERE was trouble among Southampton's elder relatives in 1607. 
The Dowager Lady Montague was very ill. Lord Shrewsbury 
wrote to Salisbury "very early on Thursday, i6th April, i6o7,' 51 
asking him to see that "order be taken that day for the old Lady 
Montague his kinswoman, or it would be too late." She was a very 
fervent Catholic, and her house at St Mary Overies was a residence 
and rendez-vous for priests. Yet powerful influence favoured her. 
"When under notice of search for the powder-treason, she ob- 
tained letters from the King's Council 5th April 1606... that none 
besides four by herself named should search her house." 2 Again she 
was sued for not going to Church, and she received protection. 
The King's Council, by letters addressed to the Attorney-General 
on i gth April, 1607, commanded that no sentence should proceed 
against her as to her true allegiance to the King. 

Probably reminded of her mortality by these dangers, the Countess 
Dowager of Southampton made her will on the 22nd of April, 
1607. This document is too important to the family history to be 
passed by without some analysis. 

In reasonable estate of body and perfect memory she willed her body to 
be interred... "as near as may be to the body of my dearly loved husband 
Henrie late Earl of Southampton in the church at Tychfield. My executors 
to see to this, inhibiting them to use any pompe, vain ostentation, ydle 
ceremonie, or any superfluous charge at or about my funerall; neither more 
blacks to be bestowed than on my household servants....! leave to my 
Honorable and deare sonne Henrie Earle of Southampton Ten pieces of 
hanging of the Story of Cirus: Six pieces of hanging in which the Months 
are described, Two pieces of hangings with gold wroughte in them and Sir 
Thomas Henneage his Armes. A Scarlet Bedde with gold lace, with all the 
furniture, stooles, chayres and cusshions, and all other thinges belonging to 
it; and a white Satin Bedde embroidered, with the Stooles, chayres, cusshions, 
and all other furniture. All my chayres, Stooles, and Cushions of greene 

1 Cecil Papers, cxx. 166. 

z Life of Lady Montague, by her Confessor. 


Clothe of Golde. Two of my best down beddes, with bolsters, pillows & 
Blanckets, Four of my best Turkey Carpets, whereof one of them is silk. 
Two of my best and fayrest basons and Ewers of Silver, with 4 pottes of 
silver belonging to them : Sixe of my best and greatest candlesticks of silver, 
and a ringe of gold with a fayre table diamond in it, which Sir Thomas 
Heneage had of Sir Walter Raleigh, Sixtene loose diamonds, which my 
desire is that my said deare sonne should set in a George of gold, and weare 
in memory of me, his loving mother. Also I give to my good and loving 
daughter-in-lawe Elizabeth Countess of Southampton, my double rope of 
round pearls which myself did accustom to weare about my necke; my best 
Tissue Kirtle, and 6 paire of my finest sheetes, with twelve pillowbeers. 
Also I bequeath to my good daughter the Ladie Arundell, wife unto the 
Lord Arundell, my Jewell of golde sett with dyamentss, called a Jesus, yf 
she happen to be living at the tune of my decease. I give to Katharine 
Poole, one of my waiting gentlewomen, one hundred pounds in redie money, 
within a year after my decease, and to the saide Katharine Poole, and 
Katharine Gates my other wayting gentlewoman, all my wearing apparel 
(except my garments of tissue, and such as have pearles in them) and all my 
wearing linen to be divided betwixt them. To John Brooke my servant 20. 
Among the rest of my servants men and women 40 to be distributed. To 
George, Lord Carew, Baron of Clopton, one gilt christening cup with a 
cover to it. All the rest of my goods and chattels, household stuff and estate, 
to my deare and well-beloved husband Sir William Harvey, whom I make 
sole executor of this my last will and testament, praying him as an argument 
of his love to me, that he will be careful of my page Robert Jones, his sister's 
son, and in his discretion, at my request, to provide for him that he may be 
enabled to live, and to know that I had a care for him. 

Lastly I appoint my good and loving friend George, Lord Carew, Baron 
of Clopton, to be the Overseer of this my last will, desiring him in a friendly 
care and assistance to see this performed. I have set my hand and seal to 
this on 22nd April 1607. 


Memorandum. I leave my deare son, all the pictures in the little gallerie 
at Copthall. 


Probatum fuit 1401 November 1607, by Sir William Harvey, Mil. 

This will reveals much of the personal character of the testatrix. 
She was unostentatious in a prudent way, because she was relatively 
poor, and had to be economical, if she wished to help her relatives. 
She was affectionate in disposition and forgiving in heart. One 
has only to compare her will with that of the husband who left 
1 P. C. C. Huddleston, 86. 


her "as bare as he could," to realise these points in her character. 
Her son had not pleased her at one time, but there is no reminiscent 
note of offence. He would naturally receive back the family 
property tied for her dower, and she was eager to keep up the 
family dignity through him, by bequeathing to him all her best and 
most showy furniture. At the same time, she is anxious to help her 
present husband, because he needed money help. He would under- 
stand just why she acted so, and the world would understand. 
Court gossips wrote .of her, "the old Countess of Southampton 
is dead, she hath left the best part of her stuff to her son, and 
the most part to her husband." 

On the 2nd of May, 1607, Gervase Markham, who had been 
exiled to Belgium for complicity in Lord Cobham's treason, ap- 
pealed to Salisbury from Brussels. He 

had been cleared at the Bar.... Mr Walton and Mr Brooke had hatched 
that unfortunate action. I could never be wonne until my Lord of Rutland 
had gotten from me those unfortunate packes which so much blinded my 
understanding as made me then be touched with a beastly, blind, inhuman 
humour which hath ever since made me odious to myself. My Lord Cob- 
ham and his brother had nothing taken from them, my Lord Gray had a 
book prepared for him, Sir Walter was displaced, but with recompense....! 
only had all taken from me... by the favour done me in dooming me banish- 
ment....! have had no opportunity to shew my sorrow for my fault 1 . 

He prays for mercy and pardon. 

In the following month he wrote again (24th June, iboj) 2 , 
He had lost both his father and his father-in-law, and through 
them 280 per annum. He again entreats pardon, that he may 
return and earn some money to live. His enemies here prevent 
him from doing so. (These appeals seem to have been in vain; he 
writes again in the same strain on 3ist March, i6o8 3 .) 

Salisbury, writing to Sir Thomas Lake, explains that he has been 
to take a last look at Theobalds before it passes to the King. The 
owners of the neighbouring lands are to meet him, to compound 
for enlarging the Park. The Earls of Suffolk, Worcester, and 
Southampton met him at Hatfield to discuss the site of his future 
habitation 4 . 

1 Cecil Papers, cxxi. 23. z Ibid. cxxi. 101. 

3 Ibid. cxxv. 69. * D.S.S.P. James, xxvu. 7. 


The King had always greatly admired Theobalds, the residence 
of the Earl of Salisbury, and wished it had been one of his own 
palaces 1 . The prudent Secretary gratified his master's wish, and 
formally handed it over to the King on 22nd May, in exchange for 
Hatfield. There were great doings at the delivery of Theobalds to 
the Queen, with a masque by Ben Jonson. 

Southampton's only sister, the "sweet Lady Arundel" of Court 
gossip, died on 2yth June of that year; so she probably did not 
receive the legacy left her by her mother. Her brother would 
certainly attend her funeral at Tisbury, Wiltshire. 

The Grooms of the Chamber note their expenses in making 
ready Beaulieu Church and the Earl of Southampton's house at 
Beaulieu for his Majesty in July, i6oy 2 ; also "for making readie 
the house of the Dean of Salisbury, July and August; for making 
readie two severall houses for his Majestic to dine at the Earl of 
Pembroke's at Wilton, and Mr Corrantes at Cranborne Chase, 
Aug. 1607." 

For the King was back again that year, to see sport in the New 
Forest. On the 5th of August Sir Thomas Lake wrote to the 
Earl of Salisbury from Winchester: 

Concerning the Proclamation sent from my Lord of Southampton, 
because his Lordship doth so earnestly in his letter desire that his Majesty 
would take an exact view of it, his Lordship hath putt off the consideration 
of it until his being at Beaulieu. This day being a festival day here, his 
Majesty was attended here this day by the Earls of Pembroke and Mont- 
gomery and others of the ordinary trayne, and besydes with the Earl of 
Southampton, the Lord Sandys, and the Lord Chief Justice and some 
gentlemen of your country, who have been fayne to scatter for their dynner. 
Wherewith his Majestic was much offended, that upon such a time for a 
meale there had not been a table for the receipt of the noblemen and gentle- 
men resorting to the Court 3 . 

Among the State Papers is preserved a List of Abstracts of 
Letters received by Salisbury, probably drawn up for him by his 
clerk. One of these notes runs: 

The Erie of Southampton 10 August. His debt was for arrerages of 
subsidy in the Queen's Time, part of which he will pay this next Terme, 

1 Nichols' Prog. u. 128. 

2 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Audit Off. 389, 46. 

3 Cecil Papers, cxxi. 168. 

s.s. 22 


other parts he can soon make appear no way to concern him. The rest 
of his debt is upon a forfeiture of a bond, for 1000 marks for woods, for 
which he desires forbearance until next Terme, and then he will submit 
himself when he shall speak with your Lordship to make order as your 
Lordship shall set downe 1 . 

On the i oth of August the King was at Beaulieu; by the 20th 
he was visiting Salisbury 2 . On the 1 6th of September the King's 
daughter, Lady Mary, died, but little notice was taken of the 
event 3 . 

Southampton wrote to Salisbury in November: 

My Lord, the Bearer, Captain Gosnell, having latelie returned from 
Constantinople in his journey hath lost his companion Captain Sasy [?] who 
died in the way homewards. He had a pension of the King of 3/ a day, the 
which the bearer thinketh will bee easily procured by your Lordship's 
meanes, though for my part I am not of his opinion, yet can I not deny 
him my letter, which he will neades have. All that I can say for him is that 
I thinke he both hath, and may hereafter depose as much, and if he had it 
I should be very glad of it. Thus recommending unto your Lordship my 
best wishes, I rest your Lordship's most assuredly to doe you service 


2nd Nov. [1607?] 

Chamberlain, writing to Carleton, starts the news, of the follow- 
ing year on the 5th of January. "All the holidays there were 
plays, but little company to them." On January 8th "there was 
golden play at Court. Nobody brought less than 300," and he 
records their losses. Southampton's name was not among the 

The Thames was frozen over that winter, and long remained so. 

The Queen's second great Masque of Beauty, which had been 
prepared for Twelfth Night, was postponed until I4th January, 
when it was performed at Whitehall. Ben Jonson in his Intro- 
duction explains that the Queen had " intermitted these delights 
for more than three years." Ben Jonson had another masque 
ready for the marriage of Viscount Haddington and Lady Eliza- 
beth Ratcliffe 5 , on Shrove Tuesday at night. 

1 D.S.S.P. James, xxxvi. 48. 2 Rymer's Foedera, xvi. 663. 

3 Nichols' Prog. n. 134. Cecil Papers, cxciv. 19. 

4 If the date is correct, this cannot be Captain Bartholomew Gosnoll, 
who died in Virginia 22nd August, 1607. But he is known to have had a 
brother of like tastes. 5 Nichols' Prog. n. 164. 


On the i gth of April, 1608, 

the Earl of Dorset being Lord Treasurer departed out of this world 
as he sat at the Council Table with the rest of the Lords, about three 
or four o'clock in the afternoon 1 . 

On the 6th of May following Lord Salisbury was appointed 
his successor in the office of Lord Treasurer, though he retained 
his secretaryship also. 

The Venetian ambassador wrote his official letter on May 21, 
1608, in which he said: 

They are very anxious here about Irish affairs, and beside the provisions 
already reported, they intend to send over with the title of Commander-in- 
Chief the Earl of Southampton, an officer who has fought with distinction 
on previous occasions in that Island 2 . 

But that proposition, as so many others concerning him had done, 
took no effect. People were anxious about the prospects of the 
harvest, and a proclamation was issued on the 2nd June to give 
orders how to deal with it. 

James wrote an extraordinary letter to Salisbury on 5th August, 
while he was on Progress. He addressed the new Lord Treasurer 
as "My little Beagle," 3 and while speaking of the Councillors 
who managed "a feminine Court" in his absence, added: 

For your part, Maister ro, I cannot but be jalous of your greatness with 
my wife, but most of all am I suspicious of 3... never having taken a wife in 
his youth. 

This seems to refer to Lord Henry Howard in "his grey hairs." 
Fulke Greville had also lived unmarried, but was little likely to 
be suspected in that way. I notice this because it seems to imply 
some allusion to the suggestion made against Southampton in 1604. 
Southampton made a claim through Salisbury to the half of La 
Motte's ship as Vice- Admiral 4 . 

The Earl of Southampton was much affected by the dearth. He 
wrote to Salisbury on the 25th of September, 1608 : 

The Skarsity of corn is so great in this Countrey that mayny are driven to 
supply themselves with seede for this sowing time out of other partes it 

1 Privy Council Register, Add. MS. 11,402. 

2 Vol. xi. p. 255. 3 Nichols' Prog. II. 203. 
4 D.S.S.P. James, xxxv. 63, 23rd September. 


being not heere to be had.... There hath been payd at Hampton (i.e. South- 
ampton) within these six weekes past out of the country the summe of 
.14,000 in redy money unto strangers for corne brought thither by them, 
as I am enformed by the Mayor 1 . 

On the 24th of October Southampton had a request to make: 

My Lord, I was purposed ere this to have attended upon your Lordship 
myself which caused me hitherto to forbeare to write; but having now 
occation to stay somewhat longer then I determined, and my rent daye 
drawinge neere, I must bee bowld to putt your Lordship in remembrance 
of my losses att Bristow by reason of Purveyance, to enquire whereof you 
were pleased to direct a commission, which hath accordingly been pro- 
ceeded in, and I perswade my self the witnesses that weare by vertue of it 
examined will testify for me that my complaint is just, for I protest unto 
your Lordship uppon my fayth and honesty I have abated it out of the rent 
I receave for that porte, as the farmer hath and will att any time bee redy 
to amrme upon his oath, wherfore I humbly beseech your Lordshippe to bee 
favourable to mee in allowinge it, which though it bee a matter of small 
vallew with the kinge yet is it a greate somme in my purse, and much more 
then out of the meanes of my fortune I can spare. I have also another sute 
unto your Lordship, which is that, if any in the behalf of the marchantes 
trouble you aboute the allowance for leakage which they desier, you will bee 
pleased to deferr any proceedings in it untill I may my self wayte uppon 
you which I purpose God willing shall be shortly. Thus recommending you 
&c I rest 


23rd October [1608? endorsed]. 

Mr Adam Newton, the Prince's tutor, as secretary for the 
Prince communicated to Lord Salisbury: 

His Highness hath commanded me to signifie his heartie thanks for your 
Lordship's three fold courtesies. First for the ger-falcon...a present fit for 
a Prince. for the scarf and gloves wishing to the parties fropitiam 
Junonem pronubam (to use his own words) for both their fathers' sakes whom 
he hath cause to love. And last, for the message sent by my Lord of South- 
ampton which (as his Highness sayeth) was nedeles, he having given but a 
small token of his love unto him, who he is desirous should remember him 
in his absence, and expect another day from him greater testimonies of his 

From the Court at Thetford. 1st December i6o8 3 . 

1 D.S.S.P. James, xxxvi. 34. 

2 Cecil Papers, CXLV. 54. 
8 Ibid, cxxvi. 76. 


Affixed to this letter at the side are some lines added in Prince 
Henry's own handwriting: 

My Lord instead of thanks, I send unto you the topps of half doson 
of those Herons your Ger faulcon hath killed, to make you a feather for 
St George's Day hoping you will not think me one of them quorum amor 
pluma gratia est. 


The next news of the Prince are not so amiable. The Venetian 
ambassador, on December 26th, 1608, noted: 

The Prince of Wales, who has been staying in the Country some distance 
from the King his father, complained to his majesty of the distance, and he 
was told that he might make what other arrangements he liked for himself. 
He sent to the Earls of Southampton and Pembroke to remove their house- 
holds and their horses, as he desired to occupy their lodgings. They refused, 
and the Prince had them removed by his people, to the indignation of these 
gentlemen, who are of very high rank. This is a great proof of spirit on the 
part of the Prince, who, though only fifteen years of age, gives the highest 
promise in all he does 1 . 

It does not appear how this breach of good manners was atoned 
for; something must have been done (if it were true) either by the 
Prince or his father to soothe the wounded feelings of these two 
proud noblemen. 

The Prince settled a yearly pension on Mr Silvester on December 
28th, 1608. In February he gave to Izaak, the painter, for his 
Highness' picture given to Sir Robert Douglas, 5. IO.T.; to Mr Lid- 
gate, the Chronicler, at his Highness' command, 26. 13*. 4^. 2 
On January 6th the Prince gave to the Schoolmaster of St Martin's, 
who presented the King's Book on Emblems and pictures to his 
Highness, 5, and on February ist for the great Spanish Bible he 
paid 20, and for a ring with 32 "dyamants" given to Sir John 
Harington jioo. 

Early in January, 1608-9, Chamberlain wrote: "We have had 
a dull and heavy Christmas, no manner of delight or lightsome 
news, only there were plays at Court." 

The Masque at Court was put off" till February 23rd. It was the 
Masque of Queens by Ben Jonson, with a magnified Witch Scene, 
which Inigo Jones helped to devise; and the Vision of the twelve 

1 Vol. xi. p. 393. 

* Prince Henry's expenses 


famous Queens of History, of whom the twelfth and last was the 
best, Bel- Anna, the present Queen of Britain. 

On February 25th Robert, the second Earl of Dorset, died at 
Dorset House (soon after his father); and, two days afterwards, his 
son Richard, the third Earl, married the celebrated Anne Clifford, 
daughter of George, Earl of Cumberland. On the 8th of April 
Magdalene, the old Viscountess Montague, who had been struck 
with paralysis in the intense cold of the previous winter, died in 
the odour of sanctity. 

It is evident that the Earl of Southampton had remained Vice- 
Admiral J . After a long and unavailing search through privy seals 
and patents I discovered that he had been appointed to the office 
by the trustee of his childhood, Lord Charles Howard, Lord 
Admiral. Southampton appointed as his deputy Vice-Admirals 
Edward Quinby and Edward Jennings, and sealed their patents 
with his own family seal in 1609. 

The Earl of Southampton to the Earl of Salisbury: 

My Lo: I have sent your Lo. by this bearer a couple of howndes for the 
hart deere, wherof the one w ch is the dogg I know to bee a good one, beeinge 
bredd and made in my owne grownd : the bich is geeven unto mee, and much 
recommended by some that understand those kind of creatures better I 
thinke then all the officers of the Exchequer, and therfore beleeve well of 
her, the time of the yeare beeinge such as I can make no trial! of her; I 
should be gladd to doe you some better service w ch till I may I hope you will 
be pleased to accept of this. I must now putt your Lo. in mind of a letter 
you wrote unto mee, this winter past about timber for the reparation of 
Hurst Castle, w ch your Lo. was willinge to bee enformed whether it mought 
bee spared of the Kinges in the He of Wight, unto w ch I made answer that 
it was a commodity very skarse there, from whence if there should bee any 
taken there beeinge much use of timber for the maintayninge of his Ma ties 
howses in the Hand, wee should ere longe find want our selves: w ch I dare 
now more boldly affirme havinge since more particularly enquired of it: 
your Lo. then seemed to bee satisfied with it, & towld mee when I was att 
London that you had appointed it to bee taken other where: yett since my 
cominge hither I am enformed that the commissioners appointed for the 
reparations of Hurst Castell, have geeven their warrant for the takinge of 
timber to his Ma tles use in the Hand, and have caused certayne trees to bee 
marked uppon M r Worseleyes [interlined: "his Ma ties ward"] land, & 
would have felled them but that I have caused stay to be made therof until! 

1 B.M. Lord Frederick Campbell's Charters, vn. n. 


your Lo. bee acquainted therewith, w 011 1 thought fitt, it beeinge strangely 
apprehended in that contry where in no mans memory was ever knowed any 
purveyance to bee allowed, w ch makes them greately affrayed of this begin- 
ninge wherfore I humbly beseech your Lo. bee pleased to deliver us from 
this scare, & suffer not more to bee imposed uppon us now then hath been 
in former times & wee shall have cause to pray for you thus ever wishing &c. 

The 14 of June. 

I beseech your Lo. be pleased to signify your pleasure unto mee con- 
cerninge this particular att the return of this bearer 1 . 

[Endorsed "1609."] 

On the i yth of July the Council granted a pass to Thomas 
Coryate to travel to parts beyond the sea, and the great walking 
tour was begun which resulted in his Crudities*. 

[One event happened in 1609 which should be specially noted. 
"Shakespeare's Sonnets" were entered on the Stationers' Registers 
on May 2Oth. It is clear that they were not published by the poet 
himself, or it would have read " Sonnets by William Shakespeare." 
It is equally evident that they were not published by the Earl of 
Southampton. Thomas Thorpe takes the responsibility of editing 
them. He dares not dedicate them to anybody, but he "wishes" 
something, which, read in ordinary prose, is quite clear. "Thomas 
Thorpe, the well-wishing adventurer, in setting forth wisheth 
Mr W. H., the only begetter of these ensuing sonnets, all 
happiness, and that eternitie promised by our ever-living poet." A 
great deal of conjecture has been written about Mr W. H., 
with none of which I agree. By far the most probable solution 
is the simplest, which I have often "set forth." There was one 
faithful friend of the family, known to have been associated with 
the Countess before the days of the young Earl's trouble with Lord 
Burleigh about his objection to being married against his will; 
this faithful friend became the Countess's third husband and con- 
sequently the Earl's step-father. She, as we have seen, left "the best 
part of her stuff to her son, and the most part to her husband" 
and executor. The Countess of Southampton died in 1607. After 
winding up her affairs, her widov/ed husband was married again 
in 1608, to Miss Cordelia Annesley of Lee, Kent. In the course 
of preparing his house to receive her, he could hardly fail to find a 

1 Cecil Papers, cxxvu. 79. 

z Privy Council Register, Add. MS. 11,402. 


manuscript copy of "Shakespeare's Sonnets," written either in his 
own handwriting, the poet's, or the Earl's. 

Now, as it is exceedingly probable that it was he who suggested 
to Shakespeare to pitch his Sonnets in the Arcadian key, urging 
the youth to matrimony, he looked at the collection with a critical 
eye, and thought "these are too good to let die." Thereupon he 
handed them to Thorpe and washed his hands of them. The 
grateful Thorpe published them, sending a copy, somewhat as a 
wedding present, wishing him "all happiness, and that eternitie 
promised by our ever-living poet"; which means 

Then what could death do if thou shouldst depart 
Leaving thee living in posterity ? 

{Sonnet vi, and others.) 

a very happy prospect for a childless widower who weds a young 
wife. There is no objection in the use of "Mr W. H." "Sir" was 
not a title in the same way as Earl or Baron. Lady Southampton 
always called her husbands in correspondence, "Master Heneage" 
and " Master Harvey," though both of them were knights. The 
late Dr Furnivall was argued into agreeing that though my theory 
was not absolutely certified, it was the best which had ever ap- 
peared. Dr Brandl has accepted it in his translation of the Sonnets.] 
The young Earl, we have seen, had been made free of the 
town of Southampton in 1591*. Among his fellow Burgesses 
were the worshipful Roger Manwood, one of the Queen's 
Majesty's Justices of the Court of Common Pleas, appointed in 
I 577 2 ' Fulke Greville, Esq., son and heir of Sir Fulke Greville, 
on 27th January, 1580; Martin Furbisher, gent., iyth March, 
1581; Sir Walter Raleigh, roth September 1586; the Right Hon. 
Sir Edward Seymour, Lord Beauchamp, and the Earl of Hertford, 
4th June, 1588; Right Hon. Robert, Earl of Essex, I3th August, 
1 589. Then come the Earl of Southampton on Qth January, 1591; 
Don Antonio, King of Portugal, nth May, 1591; Right Hon. 
Ferdinando, Lord Strange, 3rd October, 1591; Sir Christopher 
Blount in 1594; William, Earl of Pembroke, 2ist October, 1603; 
James, Lord Wriothesley, son and heir of Henry, Earl of South- 

1 Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. xi. App. in. p. 21. 

2 Original Corporation Books. 


ampton, 6th January, 1623-4; Thomas Wriothesley Esq., on the 
same date. 

The Earl's name had been temporarily removed from the 
books when he was convicted in 1601, but was replaced in 1603. 
In 1 605 the Earl started ironworks in his property, as his grand- 
father Viscount Montague had done in his 1 . But the Court Leet 
Jury complained that the chief master of them, Chamberlain, was 
engrossing the woods and underwoods which were formerly rented 
to the town (Court Leet Records, 1605). In 1508 one Tim- 
perley applied for a lease of the sweet wines from the port, but the 
corporation refused him, saying if they let them to any, it would 
be to their good lord the Earl of Southampton. However, that was 
never settled; another had the grant. The corporation entertained 
the Earl and other Knights of the Musters on 2nd August, 1608. 

In the summer of 1609 the Royal Progress passed again by 
Farnham, Salisbury, and Basing to Beaulieu. On the 3rd of 
August Sir John Drummond, Usher to the King at Beaulieu, 
wrote to the Mayor and Aldermen of Southampton to send twenty 
strong men to wait on the King in Beaulieu by 5th August 2 . This 
was thought a very strange request and strangely couched. Drum- 
mond evidently did not know the jealousies that existed between 
the town and the county, and a messenger was sent to enquire what 
was the meaning of the demand. But the Earl of Southampton 
had heard of it, understood the position, and, with Sir Thomas 
Lake, discharged the town from the order and found the necessary 
men in the shire. 

From the accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber we find 
that he paid 

To Walter Alexander gentleman usher one yeoman hanger, 2 groomes of 
the Chamber two groomes of the Wardrobe, and one groom porter... for 
riding, waiting and attending his Highness into the Isle of Wight to Cans- 
brook Castle, from thence to Tichfield, the Earl of Southampton's House, 
and so back again to Bewly, the space of 8 days July & August 3 . 

This would seem to refer to an unrecorded flying visit of the 
Prince. Among the Prince's expenses for August occurs the item: 

1 Assembly Books, Southampton. J. W. Horrocks, pp. 373, 430. 

2 Southampton Books, Town Clerk John Friar. 

3 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Audit Off. 389, 46. 


"To my Lord of Southampton's man with cheese and oysters. To 
my Lord of Southampton's Coachman ji." 

Occasionally the Earl of Southampton could give good advice 
to the Earl of Salisbury, as when, on I5th December, 1609, ne 

My Lord, Uppon Wednesday morning I went to Newmarket and before 
the Kinge went to dinner I delivered unto him what I received from your 
Lordship concerning the proiect of leasinge the Copps in Whittlewood; he 
gave me a very patient. and silent hearinge while I tould him with what 
caution your Lordship had proceeded, and answered nothing untill I sayd 
that notwithstanding what was done yet, your Lordship's end being chiefly 
his satisfaction, you had forborne to perfect any thinge in it untill it had 
received his approbation, as best able to judge of the fittness of it, and 
therefore resolved that the lease should pass without his owne hand unto 
it, then as it seemed I touched the right stringe and he answered mee unto 
that very ioyfully that therein you had done exceedinge well, addinge that 
the old treasurer was wont to let such leases without ever acquainting him 
with them. I tould him your Lordship respected too much the pleasing of 
him to lett any of this nature without his own allowance. In conclusion, 
for it would be too longe to relate all that passed between us, hee approved 
all your proceedings in this business, and spake of you as hee useth to doe 
when hee is best pleased, yett my Lord, if you will give me leave to tell you 
my conjecture, I thinke you will finde him very adverse to the letting of any 
lease of woodes in his forrests, for soe hee declared himself unto mee, unto 
which I tould him my opinion, and so left to dispute it further as a thinge 
not belonging unto mee, only I thought fitt to let your Lordship know what 
I found. I have also since my coming hither enquired how the King came 
to know of this matter and finde that Sir Robert Knowles coming lately out 
of these partes to the Courte spake ordinarily of it, as by that meanes it came 
to the Kinges eare all that my Lord Gerrard said was only that he heard of 
such a course intended, wherein if he committed an error in this respect 
towards your Lordship's privity it was not malliciously, for he acknowledgeth 
himself bound unto your Lordship in many wayes and especially for that 
forrest, for by your meanes he confesseth to have procured the custody of 
it, and therefore I should bee very gladde you would not continue your 
offence taken against him, and thus wishing a long continuance of your 
Lordships happy fortune I rest your Lordships most assuredly to doe you 


To this Southampton adds a happy thought, that the King had 
heard of the Virginia squirrels and would like one very much, and 
1 D.S.S.P. James, L. 65. 


advises Salisbury to make enquiries and get one, to bring to the 
King the next time he came to Court 1 . 

A contemporary diarist lets us know what people thought of 
Southampton as Governor of the Isle of Wight. 

When this island was fortunate, and enjoyed the companie of Sir Edward 
Horsey, my Lord Hunsdon, or my Lord of Southampton, then it flourished 
with gentlemen. I have seen with my Lord of Southampton on St Georges 
Downe at Bowles from thirty to forty knights and gentlemen, where our 
meetings were then twice every week, Tuesdays and Thursdays, and we had 
an ordinary there, and cards and tables. Mutamur. The gentlemen which 
lived in ye Island in the 7th yere of King James his reigne all lived well, and 
were most commonly at our ordinary.... His just, affable, and obliging de- 
portment gained him the love of all ranks of people, and raised the island to 
a most flourishing state 2 . 

Southampton found the castles in his charge very much dilapi- 
dated 3 . He appealed for 1000 for restoration, but acknowledged 
that much could be done for 300*. Salisbury instructed the 
Receiver for Hampshire on July Qth to pay^oo 5 to Southampton 
for repairs at Sandham and Yarmouth Castles. But the money was 
not forthcoming and Southampton advanced it, and wanted it 
refunded. A privy seal was granted to allow the money on 2Oth 
March, 1609-10; two particular books were made out, the one 
subscribed by Sir John Menny, and the other by Sir John Leigh. 
But still there was delay, examination, and re-examination before it 
was settled. 

Also allowed for repairs of Yarmouth by making of two buttresses to stay 
up the walls of the said Castle, footing the north west corner of the Castle 
and the foundation thereof between the same buttresses and the sea having 
worn away the ground, and divers coynes from thence; repairing the old 
wall at the east end of the Castle, facing of it with Ashlar that the sea may 
decay it no further 6 . 

On October 7th, 1609, Southampton asked Salisbury to stop 
sealing certain warrants to the King's tenants in the Isle of Wight, 
as it was better that he should deal with the contractors himself 7 . 

1 Given in Chapter xxi. 2 Sir John Oglander's Diary, p. 22. 

3 D.S.S.P. James, XLVII. 4. 4 Ibid. XLVII. 21. 

6 Ibid. XLVII. 22. 6 Dec. Ace. Treas. Ch., Audit Off. 2515. 

7 D.S.S.P. James, XLVIII. 89. 


Again a warrant was issued for payment of that 300* and new 

Mathias Brading, Mason, for his travell and charges in providing of stone 
to pave the platform 66/8. More to him for his travel to Salisbury and 
attending the Earl of Southampton 4 dayes, with a particular charge of the 
said reparation and to know his Lordship's pleasure and directions io/. More 
for his travel to Bewly and Tichfield to acquaint the said Earl with the pro- 
ceeding of the work 5/ & for 4 daies travel to Sandham & work there .4 iy/. 

The Venetian ambassador noted on 24th December, 1 609 : 

The Prince is to run the lists (combatter una bariera} on Epiphany. He 
will be the Challenger, backed by 5 comrades, three English, who are the 
Earl of Arundel the Earl of Southampton and Sir Thomas Somersett, and 
two Scotch, the Duke of Lennox and Sir Richard Preston. The Venturers 
are about forty in number. The Council arranges all 2 . 

Prince Henry was a youth ambitious of knightly glory, and he 
had arranged for Twelfth Night, 1609-10, a famous tournament 
called "Prince Henry's Barriers." 3 He and six assistants were to 
challenge fifty-six defendants, so that each challenger had to fight 
eight times. He chose for his assistants the Duke of Lennox, the 
Earl of Arundel, the Earl of Southampton, Sir Thomas Somerset, 
the Lord Hay, and Sir Richard Preston (shortly afterwards 
created Lord Dingwall). Though the Prince would not be sixteen 
years old until the igth of February, he shewed great agility and 
skill. He feasted his company afterwards all night until the morning, 
which was Sunday. The next day, yth January, there was a great 
feast, at which the best deserving among the defendants received 
prizes. These were the Earl of Montgomery, Sir Thomas Darcy, 
and Sir Robert Gordon, who obtained two. Speeches written by 
Ben Jonson were interwoven with the festivities, of which the first 
was The Lady of the Lake. 

On February 23rd there was trouble in Parliament about the 
King's debts. There is little wonder when we see how much 
went in such festivities, how irregular the grants had been, and how 
much he had had to pay up. 

The privy warrants on the Exchequer of ist March, 1609-10, 
should be noted: among these, that of 8000 to Sir Walter Raleigh 

1 D.S.S.P. James, vm. 115. Warr Bk, n. p. 114. 

2 Venetian Papers, vol. xi. p. 744. 3 Nichols' Prog. n. 264. 


for Sherborne. Elizabeth took all her "traitor's" lands; Lady 
Essex and her children were left with but 40 a year, according to 
one State Paper. James was more considerate. 

Chamberlain, in a letter to Winwood on 2nd May, 1610, tells 
him that Salisbury meant to send abroad his son, Lord Cranborne 
(who had just been married). 

The Lord Treasurer hath sent over his secretary Kirkham to take order to 
furnish the Lord Cranborne with all necessaries to follow the French King 
in the journey. More of our court gallants talk of taking the same course if 
the voyage hold. Indeed it were fitter they had some place abroad to vent 
their superfluous valour than to brabble so much as they do here at 
home, for in one week we had three or four great quarrels, the first twixt 
the Earls of Southampton and Montgomerie, that fell out at Tennis, where 
the Rackets flew about their ears; but the matter was taken up and com- 
pounded by the King without further bloodshed 1 . 

The "brabbles" of the other combatants were not so easily pacified. 

Lord Cranborne's plans were interfered with, for that very 
month of May rang with the dreadful news of the murder of 
Henry IV of France by Ravaillac 2 . This event gave a great scare to 
King James, who had all suspected persons exiled; and his subjects, 
through the House of Commons, took anew the oath of allegiance 3 . 
It gave a great shock to Prince Henry, who, young as he was, 
seems to have grasped the meaning of the great schemes which 
the French King had in hand. The British Court went into 
mourning, and the King sent over a special envoy, with messages 
of sympathy for their loss, to the French Queen and the Dauphin. 

But the festivity which had been planned went on. Prince 
Henry was to be made the twelfth Prince of Wales. He was to go 
to Richmond and return on Thursday, the last of May, i6io 4 . The 
Mayor and Aldermen of London planned to proceed by water to 
meet him at Chelsea and present an aquatic spectacle called 
"London's love to the Royal Prince Henry." An address was 
delivered by Corinea riding on a whale, and Amphion on a dolphin 
saluted the Prince with music. There was not room on the river 

1 Winwood, Mem. in. p. 154. 

2 Howes Chronicle, p. 995. Nichols' Prog. n. 310. 

3 Proc. James, 2nd June, 1610. 

4 Nichols' Prog. n. pp. 315, 346, and other histories of the time give full 


for all the boats that day, but they opened to let the Prince's 
barges pass. The King and Queen were watching the order of 
the show from Whitehall, and the Prince landed to salute them 
and then withdrew to rest. 

On Sunday, June 3rd, there were twenty- five Knights of the 
Bath created. A water-fight with pirates was intended to take 
place, but it was postponed till Wednesday. On Monday, June 
4th, the Prince was invested. The elder noblemen were in chief 
attendance on him, but others were present at the ceremony, 
including the Earls of Southampton, Bedford, Pembroke, and 
Montgomery. After the ceremony the King dined privately, but 
the Prince in the Great Hall, surrounded by all the eminent states- 
men. The Earl of Pembroke was server, the Earl of Southampton 
carver. On the 5th the Queen produced a "glorious masque," 
"Tethys or the Queen's Wake," devised by Samuel Daniel. On 
Wednesday there was a tilt, then the sea-fight with the pirates, 
winding up with fireworks. 

Immediately afterwards the King went on Progress to Holdenbyj 
on the 24th of August he was at Woodstock. On September 20th 
he was at Theobalds, which he left to see the launch of his new 
man-of-war. There was some hitch in the arrangements, and the 
launch did not take place till the next morning. The Prince was 
greatly interested in the Navy, and was having a ship built for 

The affairs of the Lady Arabella received much attention in 
the Privy Council till the end of the year 1 . The last entry of the 
copy of the Council Register was a comforting one. There was 
plenty of barley and wheat in Sussex ; prices were under the rate, 
and wheat might be exported. Therewith the copy abruptly stops, 
and is not commenced again until 1615. 

Upon New Year's night 1610-1, the Prince of Wales and 
twelve others gave a very stately masque of "Oberon or the Fairy 
Prince," by Ben Jonson 2 , and later the Queen gave two, also by 
Ben Jonson, "Love freed from Ignorance and Folly," and "Love 
restored." 3 These were performed by gentlemen the King's servants. 

Southampton's anxiety that his farm of sweet wines would be 
impoverished by the King laying a tax on the importation was 
1 Add. MS. 11,402. * Nichols' Prog. n. 376. s Ibid. n. 388. 


soothed by his being granted on 1 1 th June an annuity out of the 
customs on sweet wines to the amount of 2.000 per annum 1 . 
Some irregularity in the wording of the grant necessitated a 
regrant at the end of the same year 2 . 

There is an entry in the Titchfield Register on 24th June, 161 1 : 
"The same day Titchfield Haven was shut out by one Richard 
Talbot's industry, under God's permission, at the cost of the Rt. 
Hon. the Earl of Southampton." 

A letter on the 2yth of June states: "The Earl of Southampton 
hath been in speech to go Extraordinary Ambassador into France, 
but my Lord Wotton is now assigned." 

Chamberlain writes on November I3th, in the same year: 

The Earl of Southampton is appointed to go into Spain to condole the 
death of that Queen, which will be a step to a Councillorship, the missing 
of which he took very unkindly. 

He writes again on December 4th that 

The Earl Southampton's journey to Spain is laid aside, and the cere- 
mony of condoling shall be left to the Ambassador resident there, as 
likewise the Masque that was preparing here is put off as unseasonable 
so soon after the death of a neighbour Queen. 

This is accounted for by the Venetian ambassador, who, on 
23rd December, 161 1, explaining all the cross-embassies which had 
been caused by the Spanish coldness in regard to the marriage of 
Prince Henry, says: 

There is talk of sending an Ambassador Extraordinary on the excuse of 
conveying condolences for the death of the Queen. It is said that Lord 
Southampton hath excused himself, and perhaps to avoid talk they will 
content themselves with commissioning Secretary Cottington to deal 
with it who was long in Spain with Cornwallis 3 . 

It is quite likely that the Earl of Southampton did not care to 
go to Spain just then; but it is much more likely that Salisbury had 
given a hint that he did not wish him to do so. 

Chamberlain begins the following year with telling what he 
thought a good joke: 

One Copley, a priest, domestic Chaplain to Lord Montague, falling in 
love with an ancient Catholic maid there that attended the children, they 
have both, left their profession and fallen to marriage. 

1 D.S.S.P. James, LXIV. 16. 2 Ibid. LXXI. 28. 

3 Venetian Papers, vol. xn. p. 398. 


After that there are no news but of the Earl of Salisbury's 
health. He had been very ill the year before, but had recovered 
sufficiently to walk in his garden. But in 1612 the illness took a 
more serious turn. Anxious friends watched with him through 
the night. An undated letter of Southampton's to George, Lord 
Carew, I refer tentatively to this period. 

My Lord, I have received a letter from my Lord of Salisbury whereof I 
assure myself you know the contentes, for to you I am directed to return 
my answer, which is this-, that if you will come hether this night I will to 
Hatfield with you, God Willinge, to-morrow, otherwise if you will stay att 
London I will call you there to-morrow in the morninge and goe alonge 
with you to find Salisbury, but if you resolve upon that course, send your 
coach tonight to Waltham, whither mine shall carry us, for so wee shall 
despatch our journey the sooner. Thus in haste, &c. I rest. (This Monday 
2 of ye clock.) I pray you if you come not hether tonight yourself fayle 
not to send one unto mee that I may know how to steer my course 1 . 

From Paris Beaulieu wrote to Mr Trumbull, Resident at 
Brussels, on May 6th, 1612: 

We have been here a long time in Apprehension for my Lord Treasurer's 
Sickness, whereof we do now the more apprehend the danger, by reason of 
going to the Bath at this Time of the Duke of Bouillon's being here, and the 
Count of Hanaux, who have such important negociations in hand; and I will 
not conceall from you what Dr Mayerne the French Physitian, who is con- 
tinually about his Lordship, hath lately written to my Lord of the Nature 
and State of his Desease; which is "que c'est une disposition a Vbydropsie 
compliquee avec le scorbut, Lesquels sont deux mauvaises hastes en un corps 
faible et delicat: mais par la force de son courage invincible, nous ne laissons pas 
d 'avoir esperance de sa guerison, bien qu'elle soit longue et difficile" Whereby 
you may see what slender hopes he doth oppose to the force of such Evills. 
Of his Lordship's miscarrying, I do not doubt but you apprehend the 
Inconvenience as well as we, for the great Loss which the King & the State 
should have in his Person, and the particular Interest which my Lord Am- 
bassador should have therein, especially at this time of his Absence, which 
could not be but very prejudicial! unto him: But Deus...meliora dabit....\n 
that confidence I remain your most loving &c 


Mr Fynett wrote to Mr Trumbull the whole sad story from 
Hatfield on 28th May, 1612: 

1 Cecil Papers, CLXVII. 141. 

2 Winwood, Mem. in. p. 367. 


We left London the 2/th of April, with small hopes and less likelihood 
that such a journey could profit, otherwise than in his Lordship's Willingness 
(not the least part of cure in sickness) to undertake it. By the way of our 
six night-Baytes (at Ditton my Lord Chandois's, Caussam my Lord Knowles's, 
Newberry Mr Doleman's, Marlborough Mr Daniel's, and Laycock my Lady 
Stapleton's) his Lordship made many stops and shifts from his Coach to 
Ms litter and to his Chair, and all for that Ease that lasted no longer than 
his imagination.... The third of May he arrived at Bath, and upon his first 
Tryals (wherin as in the rest, he spent once a day but one hour of Time)... 
he discovered such cheerfulness of Humour, Riddance of pains, recovery of 
Sleep, Increase of Appetite and decrease of swellings.... After some days' 
joy for such blessed Effects, the Disease, that had taken Truce not Peace, 
began again to discover its malignant Qualities, brought new melancholly 
Faintings and other dangerous Symptoms, so frequent as the Intermissions 
were interpreted but for lucida intervalla. The Bath was no more used (as that 
which afforded the utmost virtue it had in making a kindly humour in his leg 
for the drayne of the Humour) but was thenceforth, in the speculation of his 
Lordship's then attending Physicians, Dr Atkins and Dr Poe, held hurtful 
rather than profitable. So after some sixteen days' Abode there and three or 
four severall Affrightings, that we should there have lost him, his Lordship 
was resolved to return to London, with all his weakness; and so did, the 
Thursday before the Sunday (the 24th of May) that he died at Marlborough. 
His sickness... had been long, and painfully lingering. In all that time his 
incomparable judgement and memory never Jailed him (now and then only 
nearest his End, and in the extremities of his Fits letting fall some wandering 
words, but far from distracted passion, or any way offending) his soul and 
mind for heavenly resolution so settled, and his Profession that way (expressed 
in often Conferences and Prayers with Mr Bowles, his household Chaplain) 
so clear and Christian, as brought Joy in our Sorrow, and in our greatest 
Discomfort full assurance of his best Happiness. I must not forget to tell 
your Lordship, that the day before our Departure from Bath, my Lord Hay 
arrived there sent purposely from his Majesty (who not long before had 
received some hopeful! likelihoods of his recovery) with a Token, a fair 
Diamond set or rather hung Square in a gold ring without a Foyle and a 
message accompanying it to this purpose; that the Favour and Affection he 
bore him was and should, he ever as the form and matter of that Ring, endless, 
pure, and most perfect. From the Queen he received by the same hand 
another gracious message and a Token, and at the same time the like Remem- 
brance from the Prince's Highness delivered by Sir John Hollis; all comforts, 
and confirmations of his never otherwise than most faithfull and best deserving 

My Lord of Cranbourne, (now Earl of Salisbury) posted down upon the 
news of his irrecoverable estate, having been in obedience of my Lord's 
pleasure till then absent, and had the unhappy happiness of a Son to be at 
s.s. 23 


the closing of the Eyes of his most happy Father. The Body is this day 
brought with the Attendance all the way of some thirty or forty of us his 
servants to Hatfield, where the Funerall, according to his will, is at fit time 
to be solempnized 1 . 

Salisbury, on the 8th of May, had written from Bath to his son, 
Lord Cranborne 2 , about his illness (his last letter to him). 

There is another account of that tragic journey preserved, 
written by his chaplain, John Bowles 3 . 

Salisbury had made his will on the iyth of March, i6n-i2 4 , 
adding a codicil on the 4th of May. It was proved on the 6th of June, 
1612. There was no remembrance of any kind of Southampton in 
the will, and his name is not mentioned among those who attended 
the relatively quiet funeral at Hatfield that month. It was but shortly 
after he and the rest of the Virginia Company obtained their new 
Charter that year that he departed, and it seemed fit that the two 
chapters of historical events should be brought up to an even date. 

Gossip was busy about the departed. Chamberlain wrote on 
May 2yth: 

Some think he hastened homewards to countermine his underminers, and 
cast dust in their eyes. As the case stands, it was best that he gave up the 
world, for they say his friends fell from him apace, & some near about him, 
and howsoever he had fared with his health, it is verily thought he would 
never have been the same man again in power or credit. I never knew so 
great a man so soon & so generally censured, for men's tongues talk very 
liberally and freely, but how truly I cannot judge.... It is generally thought 
that the Earl of Southampton and the Lord Sheffield shall be shortly sworn 
of the Council. Upon the Earl of Pembroke's preferment to that place, the 
Earl of Southampton retired himself into the country, but his spirit hath 
walked very busily about the court ever since. 

The Earl of Dorset, on June 23rd, 1613, adds : "When great men 
die, such is either their desert or the malice of people, or both together, 
as commonly they are ill spoken of, and so is one that died but lately, 
more I think than ever anyone was, and in more several kinds." 

In 1598 George Chapman published the first two and five 
other Books of his Translation of the Iliads and dedicated them to 
the Earl of Essex. Some years later not earlier than 1609 he 
published his Homer... in twelve Bookes of his Iliads^ dedicated to 

1 Winwood, Mem. in. 367. 2 Cecil Papers, cxxix. 106. 

3 Add. MSS. 34,218. f. 125. 4 Ibid. f. 138. 


Prince Henry. At the conclusion he added fourteen sonnets to 
likely patrons. Among these is included one 

To the right valorous and virtuous Lord, Henry, the Earle of 

In choice of all our Countries noblest spirits 

(Borne slavisher Barbarisme to conuince) 
I could not but invoke your honored merits 

To follow the swift vertue of our Prince. 
The cries of Vertue and her Fortresse Learning 

Brake Earth, and to Elysium did descend 
To call up Homer; who therein discerning 

That his excitements, to their good, had end 
(As being a Grecian) puts on English armes 

And to the hardy natures in these climes 
Strikes up his high and spiritfull alarmes, 

That they may cleare earth of those impious crimes 
Whose conquest (though most faintly ah 1 apply) 
You know (learn'd Earle) all live for, and should die. 

This evidently refers to Southampton's interest in colonisation. 
If Chapman really is "the rival poet" of Shakespeare's Sonnet, 
we cannot wonder that the patron continued to prefer Shake- 
speare's more mellifluous praise. 

The whole of the Works of Homer were published in 1616 
dedicated to the Memory of Prince Henry, In this some of the 
adulatory sonnets were removed, but Southampton's remains. 

George Wither also addressed him in his Epigrams in tentative 
lines, which seem to seek a patron. They begin 

To Henry, Earle of Southampton. 
Southampton since thy province gave me birth 
And on these pleasant mountains I yet Keepe, 
I ought to be no stranger to thy worth 1 . 

I have looked up all the Cambridge Subsidy Rolls and Court Rolls, 
all the Inquis. Post Mortems, but in vain, to account for South- 
ampton's residence at Little Shelford. It evidently was to be near 
the King's hunting box at Royston. Mr H. W. Eadon kindly 
tells me that the Earl gave a bell to the Parish Church of Little 
Shelford, on which appears "Ricardus Hitchfield me fecit. +13: 
Henry Wryesle, Earl of Southampton 1612." 

1 At end of Abuses Stript and Whipt, 1612. 

23 2 



THE feelings of the Earl of Southampton on the death of the Earl 
of Salisbury must have been strangely mixed. He had lost a friend, 
not only in the eyes of the world, but in private life a friend to 
whom he owed even life itself. The memory of his great debt 
must have pressed heavily on him at times, "so burdensome, still 
paying, still to owe." He was his own man now. To no other did 
he owe any obligations more than he could pay as an equal and a 
free man, to none did he owe any allegiance save to the King 
and his family. It was one of the great crises of his life, but 
unfortunately we have nothing to tell precisely how it affected him., 
By June, Chamberlain had discovered that the King was much 
troubled by competitors for the Secretaryship. On the lyth he 
wrote to Carleton: 

Sir Henry Neville will never see you wronged.... Too much soliciting hath 
hindered him; and the flocking of Parliament men about him and their 
meetings and consultations with the Lord of Southampton and the Lord 
Sheffield at Lord Rochester's Chamber hath done him no good. So the 
King says he will not have a Secretary imposed upon him by Parliament, 
and the Earl of Southampton is gone home as he came without a Councillor- 
ship. In the meantime the King himself supplies the Secretary's place and 
all packets are delivered to the Lord Chamberlain as to the King 1 . 

At Whitsuntide there were four priests hung at Tyburn; "the 
Earl of Arundel and his young son were present, and the Viscount 
Montague with divers ladies in coaches, yet it was early, between 
6 and 7 in the morning." 2 

About the middle of June, Prince Henry was preparing a new 
toy. He was passionately fond of ships, had just had a great one of 
his own built, and had commissioned Phineas Pette, the famous 
ship-builder, to shape him a small new boat as a pinnace to 

1 D.S.S.P. James, LXIX. 71. 2 Ibid. LXIX. 67. 


it. The King had been planning an extensive new Progress, 
and left Theobalds on the 2Oth July. On the ist of August Sir 
Charles Cornwallis began to refer to the Prince's indisposition. 
"He was subject to many strange and extraordinary qualms, which 
bleeding at the nose frequently relieved." Few noticed it at first; 
everybody was talking about his sister's intended marriage. He 
had always favoured the Palsgrave above the other competitors, and 
he was now eagerly looking forward to his arrival, and to the plays 
and jousts which would be associated with the marriage festivities. 
A sudden coolness had gathered round his own projected Spanish 
marriage, and the Prince did not seem to care. Some indefinable 
change had taken place in him; his natural enjoyment of life, 
exercise, and study seemed to have departed. Everything he did 
required an effort; yet he refused to give up engagements, though 
he was unfit for them. He went to Richmond, and would walk late 
in the mists and dews by the river, which was then thought very 
dangerous. He did worse. He would go out bathing after supper, 
and would practise swimming at night in the river. His father had 
commanded him to join him at Belvoir Castle on August yth; he 
put off the journey till too late, and then had two days of forced 
riding in order to arrive at the Court in time for the date appointed. 
The Earl of Rutland was not then Roger, the Earl of South- 
ampton's friend and connection. He had been carried out of the 
Castle to the family vault at Bottisford on July 22nd, and his 
brother Francis was Earl in his stead. So soon had festivities 
followed on the heels of woe. The King left Belvoir on the loth 
of August, hunting as he went. Apparently the Prince was with 
him. On the 26th of August the King and Queen, with a full 
Court, met at Woodstock. At that Palace, which belonged to the 
Prince, he entertained his father and mother from Wednesday 
until Sunday the 3Oth. The next day he went to Richmond, that 
he might be ready to meet the Count Palatine. But the young 
wooer did not arrive then; it was the i6th of October, Friday 
night at 1 1 o'clock, when he reached Gravesend. His first welcome 
was delivered next day by Lord Hay for the King. On Sunday, 
as he passed up the river to pay his first visit, thirty great guns 
saluted him from the Tower, and gave notice to the Earls of 
Shrewsbury, Sussex, Southampton, and others to wait upon the 


Duke of York at the Stairs at Whitehall, there to receive him 
and conduct him to the presence of the King, the Queen, the 
Prince, and the Princess. His reception was very cordial, and he 
shewed due appreciation of it. "He becomes himself well; and 
is well-liked of all," said Mr Fynett. There was talk of nothing but 
masques, tilts, and barriers, but the Count Palatine did not seem 
to care so much for these subjects, as for conversation with the 
Princess. Poor young lovers 1 . Already a dark shadow hung over 
their horizon. 

Thomas Dekker was employed for the pageant on Lord Mayor's 
Day. The Palsgrave dined in the Guildhall, and the Archbishop 
talked to him in Latin. 

Prince Henry was sick and unable to come. Doctors had long 
been consulted; some were obeyed, others defied. The Prince 
resented his loss of strength at such a time. He loved his sister 
dearly; he had looked forward to honour her as much as he could; 
he had intended to escort her, heading a guard of honour to the 
utmost confines of the States' dominion. Just at the beginning of 
the usual season of festivities, on November ist, his illness became 
serious 2 . He often called for his sister "Where is my dear sister?'* 
She tried to be with him and comfort him, but they kept her back, 
lest there might be infection in this strange disease. All efforts to 
help him failed, and he died on the evening of November the 6th 
"the expectation of Europe, the hope of all Britain, the pride and 
glory of his parents." He was torn away from all, and the page of 
history he had hoped to fill remains a blank. 

Southampton must have felt the death more than many; he had 
been much about the Prince and had been associated with many 
of his plans. In watching the youth develope into manhood he must 
have thought of his own son James and hoped that he might grow 
up a fit peer for such a Prince; but it was not to be. The mourning at 
the funeral on 7th December, 1612, was real mourning, not merely 
"inky cloaks." 3 Prince Charles, now heir-apparent, was chief 
mourner; Southampton was one of the twelve Earls assistants to the 

1 The date of the Princess's birth was August isth, 1596, that of the 
Palsgrave three days later. 

2 The whole history of the period can be found in Nichols' Progresses, 
ii. 446-526. 

8 See as to Southampton's mourning, L.C. ix. 6. 


chief mourner. At the offerings after the funeral, the late Prince's 
helmet and crest were borne by the Earls of Southampton and 
Pembroke. Princess Elizabeth was much afflicted, for she and her 
brother were special friends and alike in tastes. Of course, all plays 
and festivities were stayed, and the marriage was postponed until 
May Day. It must have been a peculiarly trying time to the Count 
Palatine, but he seems to have conducted himself well. 

Chamberlain had written on 6th November about some of the 
Court intrigues, and added, "Sir Henry Neville takes great pains 
to reconcile all, yet there are exceptions taken to him that he 
cannot come in himself but he must bring his man, Sir Ralph 
Winwood, and his champion, the Earl of Southampton, and who- 
soever he thinks good." On the I2th he speaks of the illness and 
death of the Prince: "the world here is much dismayed and the 
doctors blamed. Raleigh hath lost his greatest hope through him." 
On December iyth he found time to write "Sir Francis Bacon 
hath set out New Essays, where, in a Chapter of Deformity, the 
world takes notice that he paints out his little cousin [Salisbury] to 
the life." 

The Queen had been against the marriage at first, not thinking 
the Elector Palatine a magnificent enough match for her daughter. 
But she had learned to like her son-in-law, and possibly this was 
the reason that an earlier date for the marriage was fixed, and the 
solemnities relaxed with the New Year. "The affiancing of the 
Palsgrave and the Lady Elizabeth took place on Sunday ayth 
December 1612 (St John's Day) in the great Banqueting Room, 
before dinner," says Chamberlain. He wrote again on February 4th, 
"On Sunday last, and on Candlemas Day, the Prince Palatine and 
his Lady were solemnly asked openly in the Chapel, and next 

Sunday will be the last time of asking The Prince Palatine goes 

to be installed at Windsor on the jth. The time of their departure 
is prefixed to be on the 8th of April, after Easter. They go attended 
by the Duke of Lennox, the Earl of Arundel, Viscount Lisle and 
Lord Zouch. Lord and Lady Harington accompany them." 

They were married on St Valentine's Day, I4th February, 
1612-3, in the Royal Chapel at Whitehall. Her tutor, Lord 
Harington of Exton, preceded the bride, who was led between her 
younger brother, Charles, and the Earl of Northampton, the 


youngest and oldest bachelors at Court. She was dressed in a richly 
embroidered gown of white satin, and wore a coronet of gold set 
with pearls and diamonds shining above her amber-coloured hair, 
which hung down plaited to her waist, between every plait a roll of 
precious stones. Her train was carried by sixteen ladies, dressed in 
white satin adorned with jewels. The King was in a sumptuous 
black suit, the Queen in white embroidered satin. Chamberlain 

There was excessive bravery, the Lady Wotton had a gown that cost .50 
the yard for the embroidery, the Earl of Northumberland's daughter was 
very gallant, and the Lord Montague, that hath paid reasonably well for 
his recusancy, bestowed 1500 in apparell for his two daughters.... There 
was running at the ring.... The Lords' Masque, and another less fortunate.... 
Sir Francis Bacon was the chief contriver of the Masque of Gray's Inn 
The Marriage of the Thames and the Rhine.. . .By what ill fortune I know not, 
they came home as they went, the King was too tired to wait up longer. 

It was attempted again on the 24th, more successfully. 

One may wonder how the Rev. William Crashaw viewed the 
"Maske of the two houses, Middle Temple and Lincoln's Inn," 
on the 1 5th of February, by George Chapman, the very man who 
had scoffed at Virginia in Eastward Hoe, who now gave his chief 
maskers Indian garments, while their priests were elevated into 
being the Priests of the Sun; also whether, by any chance, his 
friend Strachey confided to him his satisfaction that the poet 
Shakespeare had used his letter in planning the gorgeous play of 
The Tempest^ "a contract of true love to celebrate." 

Southampton seems, long ere this, to have lived in open con- 
formity with the Church of England. But he was unable to shake 
off old ties with recusants, and remained a permanent believer in 
the right to freedom of conscience, as advocated by Essex. He 
sometimes got into trouble through his friends (perhaps Lady 
Southampton remained a Catholic), and one case crops up here. A 
certain pamphlet entitled Balaanfs Ass was found, dropped pur- 
posely in the Court on 28th April. It was supposed to be meant as 
an answer to the King's book, Monetary Preface, an Epistle, and 
was supposed to refer to the King as Antichrist. A recusant named 
John Cotton was accused, was proclaimed on 1 1 th June, and seems 
to have been secured at once, for his first examination was at 


Lambeth on I4th June. He stated his age to be 53; he denied 
writing the book. He had been at Southward and went over the 
water to go to my Lord Southampton's. In the boat he was very 
heavy, yet he proceeded on his way towards Southampton House, 
whither he went very warily about 4 o'clock. He landed at Temple 
Stairs, went to Mr Wotton's house in Chancery Lane, where his 
brother Richard and Mr Wakeman were. They went with him to 
Southampton House, where he was shown the Proclamation. He 
had been at Douay; his kinsman, Mr Anthony Copley, told him of 
EalaanCs Ass. The Earl of Southampton wrote to the Archbishop 
of Canterbury a letter undated, queried May? 1613 : 

I have sent your Lordship by this bearer the paper bookes found in John 
Cotton's Study (none of which, as his brother Richard assures me, to whom 
I shewed them) are written with his own hand. Hee can give no assurance, 
as he says, of bringing up John Cotton, for he still protesteth he knoweth 
not where he is, but he hath as he tells me sent to seek him, and doubteth 
not, if his messenger find him, he will readily come. This is all I have had 
from him this morning, whereof I thought fitt to advertise your Lordship 
that seeing there is no certaynety in this course, you mought not delaye 
what otherwise in your wisdom you woulde think fitt to be done. P.S. Your 
Lordship may boldly commit anything that concerns him by word of mouth 
to bearer 1 . 

It may be noted that Southampton is not recorded as being 
present at the royal marriage. He may have been on duty at the 
Isle of Wight, or he may have purposely absented himself, through 
some feeling of offence, or his name may simply have been 
omitted by accident from the accounts of the proceedings. As 
already shewn, he was supposed to have been disappointed at not 
being made a Councillor. Pembroke had been offered the honour, 
though his family nobility was no older than Southampton's, 
while in age he was seven years younger. 

It was not until after Easter that the bride and bridegroom set 
out to their home, with an escort of honour headed by the Duke of 
Lennox, the Princess, however, with very few personal attendants 
(and all of them Scots). Lord and Lady Harington accompanied 
her to her new home as guests for a visit. They travelled leisurely, 
so that the Princess might see the towns and the people might see 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., Earl of Ancaster's MSS. p. 362. 


her. It was the 6th of June before she arrived at her husband's 
Court at Heidelberg, where his mother and sister were waiting to 
receive her. There was much display of grandeur. A thousand 
knights and gentlemen escorted her, and tiltings and banquets 
formed part of the renewed wedding festivities. 

Now, it is rather strange to find that Southampton also was on 
the continent that summer. It seems possible that he may have 
combined a visit paid .ostensibly to the Spa with the fulfilling of 
Prince Henry's wish to escort his sister to the very bounds of the 
States' dominion, or to pay her a bridal visit of respect as soon as 
she was installed in her beautiful home at Heidelberg. At any 
rate, he was in the States and was returning from some port on the 
North Sea coast by August. 

Meanwhile, it had become known to nearly everybody that the 
young Earl of Essex had not been happy in his marriage to the 
Lady Frances Howard, daughter of the Earl of Suffolk. She had 
now taken a fancy to the King's favourite, desired to marry him, 
and had had the audacity to make out a case against her husband 
for nullity of marriage. The public were also very much interested 
in the affair of Sir Thomas Overbury, who had been secretary to 
Lord Rochester and disapproved of this proceeding. 

The Progress was expected to begin on the 1 2th of July by 
Farnham, Basingstoke, and Salisbury to the Earl of Southampton's 
at Beaulieu, where the King was to stay twelve nights. The owner 
of Beaulieu was waiting fair winds when he wrote to Sir Ralph 
Winwood on August 6th, 1613: 


I perceive by your last Letter that you have been of late particularly 
advertised of the Proceedings in England, and how the Busyness of which we 
desire so much to hear the Conclusion, is still in suspence. The Difficulty 
alledged is the not having as then accommodated the Matter of Sir Thomas 
Overbury, which many times bred Disturbance and kindred the Performance 
of the Resolution taken; and it is in vaine to hope for any good Issue of the other 
untill that be settled, which I thinke to be done long ere this after this manner ; 
that upon his Submission he shall have leave to travail, with a private Intima- 
tion not to return untill his Majestie's Pleasure be further known : And much 
adoe there hath been to keepe him from a publique Censure of Banishment 
and loss of Office, such a rooted Hatred lyeth in the King's Heart towards him; 
and that Blocke being now removed, I find the same Confidence that I left 


(Attributed to Rubens; Mrs Holman Hunt's collection) 


touching Sir Henry Neville; which I shall be as glad of as any, but (as I 
wrote before) this often deferring hath made me doubtfull. 

Of the Nullity 1 I see you have heard as much as I can write; by which you 
may discern the Power of a King with Judges, for of those which are now for it, 
I knew some of them when I was in England were vehemently against it, as the 
Bishops of Ely 2 and Coventry 3 . For the Business itself, I protest I shall be 
glad, if it may lawfully, that it may go forward; though of late I have been 
fearful of the Consequence, and have had my Fears encreased by the last Letters 
which came to me; but howsoever, the manner of interposing gives me no cause 
of contentment. 

I stay here only for a Winde, and purpose (God willing) to take the first 
for England, though, till Things be otherwise settled, I could be as well 
pleased to be any where else; but the King's coming to my House imposeth 
a Necessity at this time upon me of returning. When you come over I 
assure my self you will not so soon go back, but that I shall have opportunity 
to see you often. In the mean time recommending my best wishes to you, 
I rest, etc., 


There was a postscript of introduction of Captain John Tubbe, 
a man of extraordinary learning and valour, who had been abroad 
with the Earl; but unfortunately this has not been printed with 
the letter. Captain John Tubbe's elder son, Henry, had the Earl 
for godfather, while his younger son, Robert, had the Earl of Essex, 
and both families favoured the lads greatly 5 . 

Southampton did catch the fair wind which would carry him 
direct to Beaulieu in time for the King. He could not afford, at 
that time, to offend his easily-excited Sovereign, who always enjoyed 
the attention of his host at Beaulieu. 

The next information we have is through the Venetian ambassa- 
dor on 27th August. 

I set out early for the Court, reached Kingston the same evening, Win- 
chester the following day, and came on Sunday to Beaulieu where the King 
was.... He said he knew that the Spaniards had a hand in some of the Irish 
affairs. They foment but are not able to do much, there or elsewhere. The 

1 The suit brought against the young Earl of Essex by his wife. 

2 Lancelot Andrewes, afterwards translated to Winchester in the year 

3 Richard Neyle, translated to Lincoln on the 5th of December in this 
very year. 

4 Winwood, Mem. in. 478. 

5 J. C. Moore Smith's Life of Henry Tubbe, born at Southampton, 1619. 


King washed me to go to Scotland. Tomorrow I shall set out for the Baths 
to take leave of the Queen there, and then shall continue the journey 1 . 

In another letter written on the same day he says: 

The King spoke of the affairs of Germany. The Count of Schomberg is 
expected in a few weeks on behalf of the Elector Palatine.... The King 
decides on most matters for himself. In the execution of them he makes 
considerable use of the Viscount Rochester and another. Since the death of 
the Earl of Salisbury, affairs have been conducted with more secrecy 2 . 

The King must have found his prudence rewarded when he 
received a very secret letter from his ambassador in Spain (Sir John 
Digby), dated September Qth, i6i3 3 . This disclosed the embarrass- 
ing secret that not only the late Lord Salisbury, but other living 
members of his Council, with Sir William Monson, who was Admiral 
of the Narrow Seas Fleet, had been and were still receiving pensions 
from Spain. Sir John Digby proved his statement correct by later 
letters. The cipher name of Salisbury was Beltenbras^ but later 
information, and the memorials of Villa Mediana, give the name of 
the pensioner as well as the date of his death. Did Southampton 
hear it from the King? It is not clear, but the King sometimes 
poured out his thoughts to him about other men. 

Lord Rochester was created Earl of Somerset on the 4th of 
November, 1613; Lord Pembroke carried the sword of honour 
and Lord Southampton the cap of estate. Somerset's marriage 
quickly followed. On St Stephen's Day, December 26th, Lady 
Frances Howard had her second wedding festivity, and again a 
masque was presented before the company. There is no record of 
the Earl of Southampton having been present. It is possible that 
he was in town at the beginning of February, 1613-4, when 
Mrs Jane Drummond, one of the Queen's maids of honour, was 
married to Lord Roxburgh, and many great people were present. 
"The gentlemen servants belonging to the Earls of Pembroke, 
Worcester, and Southampton waited. On the morrow the Queen 
gave them a feast, and her hand to kiss." 

1 Venetian Papers, vol. xni. p. 31. 2 Ibid. pp. 32, 33. 

3 Dr S. R. Gardiner discovered the letters of Sir John Digby, and gave the 
contents in his History of England, 1863, and the enlarged history, vol. I. 
chap. i. p. 215. Zuniga noted how, since the death of "Beltenbras," the 
English match had grown cold. He was the only furtherer. Zuniga in March 
told the Spanish Secretary that the pension list would only have to be altered 
because of withdrawing that of the Earl of Salisbury. 


The Register at Titchfield records the death of "Edward 
Quinby Esquire, Steward to the Right Honorable the Earle of 
Southampton 27th day of Januarie 1613-4." This was one of the 
gentlemen whom he had appointed Deputy Vice- Admirals in 1609. 

Early in March the King had news that his daughter Elizabeth 
had brought the Palsgrave a son, which rejoiced the royal grand- 
father not a little. The child was christened on 6th March, 1613-4, 
at Heidelberg under the names of Frederick Henry. On the 1 5th 
June of that year died Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, "the 
oldest bachelor," who, with her brother, had led the Princess to 
her wedding. 

The Queen's brother paid her a surprise visit on I gth July and 
brought her great joy and excitement, for they were very much 
attached to each other. He professed to have no political intentions, 
or plans of his own to serve: he just came from pure love to see his 
sister. But it has been conjectured that he had an intention of 
expostulating with James on the slights thrown on his sister by the 
Earl of Somerset. Finding that the favourite's power was decreasing 
and grave suspicions were abroad, he thought it better to be silent. 
James, like his Tudor predecessors, was very susceptible to personal 
beauty in man or woman. In his first favourite he found not only 
that attraction, but had been moved by the feeling of warm sym- 
pathy for young Car's accident,- and a recognition of his, and his 
family's, support of the claims of Queen Mary. As Miss Strickland 
says, " If it was not in the power of James to revenge himself on 
his mother's foes, to do him justice, he never forgot her friends." 
Car, as he rose in favour, grew insolent, and James, though more 
blind than Elizabeth in spoiling favourites, had begun to tire of him. 

During that year Southampton received the dedication of a 
peculiar book of history, written by a remarkable man The 
Scholar's Medley, by Richard Brathwait, 1614. 

To the Right Honorable, Henry Lord Wriothsley, Earle of Southampton, 
Learnings Select Favourite; Ri. Brathwait wisheth perpetuall increase 
of best meriting Honours. 
Right Honorable, 

So rarely is Pallas Shield borne by the Noble, or supported by Such 
whose eminence might Revive her decayed hopes ; as Brittaines Pernassus (on 
which never were more inhabitants planted, and Homer-like, more usually 
expulsed) is growne despicable in herselfe, because protected by none but 


herself. Hinc ferrea Tempora Surgunt...: wanting their Cherishers (those 
Heroicke Patrons) whose countenance in former times made the studies of 
the Learned more pleasant (having their Labours, by such approbation, 
seconded). Yet in these times (my Honourable Lord) we may find some royall 
Seedes of pristine Nobility (wherin we may glory) reserved, as it were, from 
so great mines, for the preservation of Learning, and the continuance of all 
vertuous Studies; amongst which your Noble Selfe, as generally reputed 
learned, so a profest friend to such as be studious of Learning: a character 
which ever held best correspondency with honour, being a favorite to them 
who can best define honour: expressing to the life, what proprieties best 
concord with so exquisite a Maister-piece. 

It is observed, that all the Roman Emperours were singular in some 
peculiar Art, Science, or Mystery: and such of the Patricians as could not 
derive their native descent (with the particular relation of their Ancestours 
most noble Actions) were thought unworthy to arrogate any thing to them- 
selves by their Vertues. These Romanes were truely Noble, bearing their 
owne Annals ever with them, eyther to caution them of what was to be done, 
or excite them to prosecute what was by them commendably done: nor 
knew they Honour better limned, or more exactly proportioned, then when 
it was beautified by the internal! Ornaments of the mind. Many I know 
(my good Lord) whose greatnesse is derivative from their Ancestours unto 
themselves, but much Eclypsed by their owne defects : and Plants which had 
a Noble-Grafter, use now and then to degenerate. But so apparent is Tour 
Lustre, it borroweth no light but from your-Selfe; no eminence but from the 
Lampe of Tour Honour; which is ever ready to excite the Vertuous to the 
undertaking of Labours wel-meriting of their countrey, and generally profit- 
able to all Estates. In Subjects of this nature (my Honourable Lord) I cannot 
find any more exact than these Surveies of Histories, many we have depraved: 
and every lascivious Measure now becomes an Historian. No study in his 
owne nature more deserving, yet more corrupted none is there. O then, if 
those ancient Romans (Mirrours of true Resolution) kept their Armilustra 
with such solemnity, feasts celebrated at the Survey es of their weapons: We 
that enjoy these Halcyon dayes of Peace and Tranquillity, have reason to 
reserve some Time for the solemnizing this peaceable Armour of Histories, 
where we may see in what bonds of Duety and Affection we are tyed to the 
Almighty, not only in having preserved us from many hostile incursions, but 
in his continuing of his love towards us. We cannot well dijudicate of com- 
forts but in relation of discomforts : Nor is Peace with so generall acceptance 
entertained by any, as by them who have sustained the extremities of Warre. 
Many precedent experiments have we had, and this Isle hath tasted of 
misery with the greatest; and now revived in her selfe, should acknowledge 
her miraculous preservation, as not proceeding from her owne power, but 
derived from the Supreame influence of Heaven; whose power is able to Erect, 
support, Demolish, and lay wast, as he pleaseth: Hinc Timor, Hinc Amor\ 


Hence wee have arguments of Feare & Love\ F ear e from us to God; Love 
from God to us: Cause we have to Feare, that subject not our understandings 
to the direct Line and Square of Reason, but in our flourishing estate (imi- 
tating that once renowned Sparta) who was. . .Nunquam minus fcelix, quam 
cum fcelix visa...; Abuse those excellent gifts we have received, contemning 
the menaces of Heaven, and drawing upon ourselves the viols of Gods wrath, 
heavier diffused, because longer delayed. We should re-collect our selves, 
and benefit our ungratefull minds with these considerations: that our 
present felicity be not buried in the ruines of a Succeeding Calamity. 

These Histories (my noble Lord) be the best representments of these motives. 
And in perusing Discourses of this nature (next to the Sacred Word of God) 
we are strangely transported above humane apprehension, seeing the ad- 
mirable Foundations of Common-weales planted (to mans thinking) in the 
Port of security, wonderfully ruinated: grounding their dissolution upon 
some precedent crying sinne, which layd their honour in the Dust, and Trans- 
lated their Empire to some (perchance) more deserving people. Here Civill 
Wars, the Originall causes of the Realmes subversion: There Ambition bred by 
too long successe : here Emulation in Fertue, the first Erectresse of a flourish- 
ing Empire: There Parasites, the Scarabees of Honour, the corrupters of 
Royally disposed affections, and the chiefest Engineres of wrack and confusion, 
buzzing strange motions in a Princes Eare, occasioning his shame, and their 
owne mine. Here states happy before they raised themselves to the highest 
type and distance of happinesse. And generally observe we may in our 
Humane Compositions, nothing so firm as to promise to it selfe Constancy, so 
continuate as to assure itselfe perpetuity, or under the Cope of Heaven, any 
thing so solid as now subject to Mutability. 

This Survey (my Lord) have I presumed to Dedicate to your Honour, 
(sprung from a zealous and affectionate tender) not for any meriting Dis- 
course which it comprehends, but for the generality of the Subject: and 
Native harmony wherein Tour Noble disposition so sweetely closeth with it. 

Your Protection will raise it above it Selfe, and make me proud to have an 
Issue so highly Patronized : It presents it Selfe with Feare, may it be admitted 
with Favour: So shall my Labours be in all duty to Tour Honour devoted, my 

Prayers exhibited, and 
my selfe confirmed 
Tour Lordships 


One event of that year must certainly have impressed South- 
ampton deeply. Lord Grey of Wilton died in the Tower, an 
unpardoned prisoner, on 6th July, 1614. He was unmarried, but 
the devotion of his mother was touching, and her efforts to secure 


his comforts, if not his release, were unremitting. An elegiac poem 
was written on him, interesting for its sympathetic feeling, and 
some fine lines, though some of the facts stated in it are incorrect 
Tarn Martis quam Artis Nenia^ or the Soldier's Sorrow and 
Learning's losse^ by Robert Marston "An elegiacall poem upon 
the ever admired life, and never sufficiently deplored death of 
Thomas Lord Gray, Baron of Wilton." It gives the legends of 
his youth, the great work of "the dread father of this daring 
son." The poet describes his return to Oxford and the Court, 
and the Queen's favour. There is an evident allusion to South- 
ampton, who is possibly intended by the poet's phrase "an elder 
power " unless it be Essex, or Sir Francis Vere. 

Plumbean Saturne, dull malevolent 
Striving to crosse each peaceful exigent 
Moved an unkindly strife. . . 
Twixt Honor twyns faire emulation too 
Pointed att both, both dareing like to doe, 
Checked in his charge, though mateless in his mind, 
What best he might have held was there assigned 
Unto an elder power whose yeares beinge more 
At best but wrought as he had don before... 
Thyself sole patron both of Armes and Artes... 
The perfect test of matchless Chivalry. 

Southampton must have meditated on his own sad imprisonment 
in the Tower, when he too was like to die without an heir, and 
thought how narrowly he had escaped. How soon after his release 
had his rival taken his place there, never to come forth alive, and 
now his "Arms" and his "Arts" had been wiped out by a prison 
sponge! In him his line became extinct. Southampton must have 
felt it all the more clearly because it was he now who was waging 
war on the Continent, near the scene of Lord Grey's exploits. 
He and the young Earl of Essex had joined Lord Herbert of 
Cherbury and other volunteers, on behalf of Count Maurice of 
Nassau in the old dispute concerning Cleves and Juliers. 

Spinola had invaded the country. The Dutch, alarmed at his pro- 
gress, led by Count Maurice, also entered the disputed territories, and 
seized Emmerich and Rees in the Duchy of Cleves. In September, 
1614, an effort was made to induce James to send over an army to 


help the Protestants, and, failing that, to encourage volunteers. The 
effort was ineffectual. Southampton and Essex, disappointed in the 
lack of support, came home. Spinola entrenched himself before 
Wesel; Count Maurice followed. By the command of his King 
Sir Henry Wotton mediated for peace, and with the help of the 
French ambassador arranged a pacification at Xanten on November 
2nd, I6I4 1 . Lord Herbert interviewed Spinola and offered to help 
him if he went to fight the Turks. Spinola refused, and Lord 
Herbert went to Italy. 

George, Lord Carew, writing to Sir Thomas Roe in September, 
1615, says: "The Ladie Arabella is dead in the Tower, and by night 
buried in her grandmother's tomb in King Henry's Chappie." In 
October of that year he tells the same correspondent : 

The King being at Beaulieu, the Earl of Southamptons house, Mr Secretary 
Winwood informed the King that by indirect and mallitious meanes Sir 
Thomas Overbury was poysoned in the Tower. The King, who is impartially 
just in all his wayes (although the information poynted at the Earl of Somer- 
set) gave commandment for the enquiry of it. 

The Earl of Pembroke was made Lord Chamberlain in 1615, 
an appointment which becomes important in many ways to South- 
ampton in later years. 

What may be called (for the standard of the times) rather a 
grudging dedication was, about this date, presented to the Earl by 
Joshua Sylvester, a native of the town of Southampton, prefacing 

Memorials of Mortalitie. Written in Tablets or Quatrains by Pierre 
Mathieu. The first Centurie. Translated, and dedicated To the Right 
Honourable HENRY EARLE OF SOUTHAMPTON by Joshua Sylvester. 

Shall it be said (I shame it should be thought) 
When after ages shall record thy worth 
My sacred Muse hath left SOUTH-HAMPTON forth 
Of her Record, to whom so much shee ought ? 
Sith from Thy Town (where my Sarania taught) 
Her slender Pinions had their tender Birth; 
And all, the little all, she hath of worth 
Under Heav'ns blessing, only thence shee brought 
For lack therefore of fitter Argument, 

1 Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, v. pt 2, p. 259. 
s. s. 24 


And lother now it longer to delay : 

Heer (while the part of PHILIP'S Page I play) 

I consecrate this little monument 

Of gratefull Homage to Thy noble Bounty; 

And thankful love to (my deer Nurse) Thy County. 

Humbly devoted, JOSHUA SYLVESTER. 

It may be noted, in passing, that it was during the King's visit 
to Cambridge in 1615 that he first distinguished among his fol- 
lowers, a youth, George Villiers, who was fated not only to eclipse 
the Earl of Somerset, but to endanger the fortunes of the King and 
the safety of the country. With him came no other aids to grace 
beyond his own personal beauty and attractive manners. James saw 
in his face a likeness to one of the Italian masterpieces on his walls 
at Whitehall (a picture of St Stephen) and was strangely drawn to 
the owner, however unlike the soul beneath it was to that of the 
first martyr. The King, calling him "Steenie" (the pet name for 
Stephen), loaded him with favours. A further fact about Villiers 
is strange that he had previously attracted the Queen and called 
himself her servant, and that, throughout James' life and after his 
death, Prince Charles also was devoted to him. 

Some interesting episodes in Southampton's life are gleaned from 
the books of his own College. Perhaps it would be well to begin 
with the appointment of Owen Gwynne as Master of St John's 
College on 1 6th May, 1 6 1 2 1 . That year the Prince of Wales and 
the Prince-Elector Palatine, with a numerous train of nobility, 
visited Cambridge. "A public Act was kept before them in which, 
Mr Williams (formerly the Master's pupil) being concerned, he 
came down upon that great occasion. Being an active man, and 
already in the eye of the court, part of the streams of its favours 
were turned upon his college." A full account of the entertainment 
is entered in the College books. Trumpets sounded from the 
tower to welcome the Princes; the Master's gallery was furnished 
with great magnificence for their reception; speeches were delivered 
and verses distributed. The King's and Queen's pictures were sent 
down on that occasion, and have ever since hung in the gallery. 
"The Earl of Southampton, (who had formerly been a worthy 
member of the society) assisted at the Solemnity, and, the Master 

1 Baker's Hist, of St John's College, n. 201. 


being unacquainted with such ceremonies, Mr Williams bore the 
greater share, wherein he found his account." Two years afterwards 
the University was honoured with the presence of King James (in 
March, 1614-5) and he was so pleased with his entertainment 
that he came again in the May following, when he was entertained 
by the College at a cost of 500. 

Mr William Crashaw, who had been admitted Fellow of the 
College 1 by mandate from Queen Elizabeth (the See of Ely being 
vacant) on igth January, 1593-4, about the very date referred to 
as that of the King's visit, was engaged in a special transaction. 
There is some little mystery about it, the tradition being that 
Crashaw was so eager a bibliophile that he spent all, and more 
than all, of his money in purchasing books, and got into trouble. 
The Earl of Southampton came to the rescue. Apparently he 
purchased Crashaw's library, not to add to his own, but to 
leave it accessible, alike to Crashaw as to all the members of 
St John's College. There was one little hitch. The books were 
offered before any building in the College was ready to receive 2 
them. There was a discussion how to make some of the Fellows' 
rooms fit for the purpose, but ere long a munificent donation of 
the Mr Williams mentioned above enabled them to build the 
library as we see it now. The following letters tell the rest, or at 
least much, of the story. 

Salutem in Ckristo. Worshipful Sir, I will accordinge to my appointment 
with my Lord bee at Cambridge with you soon after Easter and then go 
forwarde God willinge in yielding my best assistance to his Lordship for the 
well managinge of that good motion his Lordship made to me for our 
librarye. And whilst I live it shall be my hartes ioye to do any service to the 
house; and for the present businesse you shall be furnished from me with 
3000 volumes if so many be found needful, whereof over 2000 1 will upholde 
to be as good books as are in any library in Christendom, and some such as 
are scarce in any other librarye of this land. And with some 500 Manuscript 
volumes (whereof I wonder you have none in your librarye) some very ancient, 
some very rare, and many never printed. Against that time his lordship 
desires you to consider of fitting the roome, and I am yet of mind Mr Hoordes 
chamber is better to be divided as it is, then put into the librarye; that so 
it may be as a private librarye for the small books and for many books of such 

1 Mr R. F. Scott, Master of St John's College, in The Eagle, vol. xxm. 
No. 126, December, 1901. 

2 Baker MS. B.M. 8364, f. no. 

24 2 


natures as are not fit to be obiects for every eye. But I leave that to your 
discretion. And do further desire, because you shall have no books from me 
but such or of such impressions as you have not alreadye, that therefore you 
would cause to be made an exact catalogue of all your books you have 
alreadye according to the manner of this note inclosed, so you shall have 
onely those you have not, and such as I have not fit for you may be fitt for 
some other librarye. So till then recommending my service and love to your- 
self Mr President and the rest of our good friends I rest 

Your servant in Christe 


Ag. Burton 

Mar. 23. 1614. 

To the worshipful my very good frende Mr Doctor Gwynn the Master 
of St Johnes College in Cambridge or in the Master's absence to the president, 
haste 1 . 

In the May following Crashaw writes again: 

Salutem in Christo. This noble Earl persists in his honourable intendment 
towards our Librarye and therefore willed me to write to you to sende up 
by the first the Catalogue of the Books you have alreadye and their impres- 
sions, and you are like shortly to have a faire parcel of bookes, some ancient 
manuscripts and others printed. So hopinge to receive it the next weeke 
(seeing I wrote out of the northe more than 2 months before that it might 
be readye) with my daily prayers and hartye endevours for the good of our 
house I take leave and rest, 

From my Lord Sheffeylds Your assured friend and servant in Christ 

house in St Martins in W. CRASHAWE. 

the fields May 5, 1615. 

To the right worshipfull my very good friends Mr Doctor Gwin the Master 
of St Johns College in Cambr. or in the Master's absence to Mr President, 
haste 2 . 

The replies from the College do not seem to have been preserved, 
and Crashaw writes again : 

Worshipful Sir, Having received your Catalogue I overviewed my 
Librarye exactly, and though you have good books, yet find I great store in 
mine that yours hath not, and for the good of the College am content to 
pick out such as you want. And to this end I have delivered alreadye into 
Southampton house almost 200 volumes of Manuscripts in Greeke Lattine 
English and frenche, and about 2000 printed books whereof you have not 

1 The Eagle, vol. xxni No. 126. 

2 Ibid. 


one in your librarye. You may therefore do well to have care to make your 
rowme fit, for his lordship intends to be very honourably bountifull to you 
in his kinde. But for my part I could wishe you would advise before you be 
at any cost whether some other part of the house were not a fitter place 1 
than either will or can be, though you take in Mr Hoordes chamber. I will 
be with you God willinge this July, wishing I might do you any further 
service and with remembrance of my love do rest till then and ever your 
servant in Christ 


June 3Oth 1615. Sir I pray let one of your men deliver me this inclosed, 
for he hath a booke or two I would not misse. 

To the Right Worshipfull my very good frend Mr Doctor Gwinn The 
Master of St John's College in Cambridge, haste 2 . 

The interval seems long before the next letter, and unbridged 
by any suggestion. 

Salutem in Cbristo. Sir, since my coming to towne I was with my Lord 
Southampton who willed me to learne how you proceeded with your 
librarye, for that he desired first to sende the books he formerly promised, 
and after to do more as he findes your occasions and his owne intendments 
and abilitye to corresponde. 

I am also a sutor to you for myself... for a lease.... 

Your assured frende and servant in Christ 


June II, 1618 

The Countesse of Shrewsburye is againe committed to the Tower for the 
olde cause wherein she againe refuseth to answer. The later newes of Sir 
Wa. Raleighes unfortunate voiage you will see by the proclamation. 

To the right worshipful My very good Frende Mr Doctor Gwinn the 
Master of St Johns Coll. in Cambr., these, haste. 

A much longer interval elapsed before this transaction was com- 
pleted, caused apparently by the recognition of the need of larger 
space for the College Library 4 , and the attempt to begin to build, 

1 "Whereof the chambers near the Butterie were fitted up, but the 
books not delivered till 1626," Baker MS. xix. 276 a. 

2 The Eagle, vol. xxm. No. 126, R. F. Scott. 8 Ibid. 

4 It may be remembered that Southampton kept a residence in Little 
Shelford. Now the fact that one of his servants was buried there in 1615 
suggests that his lord was then in residence. If so, he would be sure to ride 
over to Cambridge occasionally to see how the library buildings were 
getting on, and thus by conversation save correspondence. 


made easy for them by the munificent gift of another son of the 
College, referred to above, Bishop Williams, then Lord Chancellor 1 . 

It is interesting to realise that the Earl of Southampton seems to 
have made the acquaintance of William Crashaw through his 
connection with the Virginia plantation, as well as William 
Strachey, as may be found in my chapter on Virginia. 

It has always seemed to me extraordinary that a private Puritan 
divine should have had such a large library, at a time when large 
libraries were rare, and especially that he should have had so many 
books which might be termed "recusants' books." His letters are, 
I think, open to another meaning than that which has been gener- 
ally accepted, that the whole of the books which were designed for 
St John's had originally belonged to "William Crashaw." They 
certainly imply that the Earl of Southampton had agreed to buy 
(or compensate Crashaw for their loss), but they also imply that 
the Earl had arranged with him to take all the trouble of the 
transaction, in reading, naming, classifying, cataloguing, and com- 
paring catalogues. By the latter process, I ooo books were weeded 
out of the gift, as the St John's Library already owned copies of 
the same. These might do for some other "library." How? By 
the Earl's gift or Crashaw's? 

Now, while it appears almost too wonderful to be believed that 
William Crashaw should have become possessed of so extensive a 
library, especially of MSS., it would be very natural to believe that 
the Earl might have owned as large a library. There was more than 
one way in which he might have secured it. In the first place 
his grandfather, Thomas, founder of his title and fortune, had 
nearly a free hand in going through the freshly surrendered abbeys 
and priories at the Dissolution. He had no special literary tastes, 
but whatever books the houses owned would probably be left for 
him in Titchfield, Beaulieu, Quarr Abbey, and the branches of 
Hyde Abbey. Again, in 1596 Southampton had eagerly desired 
to go as a volunteer with his adored friend the Earl of Essex to the 
taking of Cadiz, and was only forbidden to do so at the last by the 
Queen's mandate. At the subsequent sacking of the city Essex had 
chosen for his share the contents of the library. Judging from the 

1 "The Earl of Southampton's picture in the Gallery is dated 1618," 
Baker MS. xix. 2760. 


characters of the two men, what would be more likely than that 
on his return the Earl of Essex should console his friend for his 
disappointment by giving him a share in the spoil ? Thirdly, he had 
travelled in at least three countries, Ireland, France and the Nether- 
lands, and he might have picked up many a prize, for he was known 
to be a patron of letters and rarities would be offered him. There 
are several notices of recusant books having been found in and 
confiscated from Southampton House, but now that he had himself 
given up the old ritual, and yet remained appreciative of the beauty 
and value of the old books, the Earl might wish to secure some of 
his prizes from future spoliation by enclosing them in the walls of 
St John's. From other examples we may infer that the Earl might 
wish to give Crashaw as much help and as much pleasure as 
he could in the transaction, concealing his own full share of the 
gift, content that the thing should be done, seeking no glory for 
himself other than was necessary. Therefore he might have sent 
packages of the books he had selected to Mr Crashaw 's house to be 
read, digested, patched and trimmed if necessary, and then to be 
returned to Southampton House before their final exodus. Crashaw 
would feel justified in speaking of the combined collection as "my 
books." It seemed only fair to the Earl to point out this possible 
explanation of a very peculiar relation between the two men. 

[While I have indulged in a little imagination on this subject, I 
may as well suggest another idea that has floated into my head. We 
have no knowledge of the relations that obtained between South- 
ampton and his poet in the seventeenth century. Shakespeare had 
retired to his native town; Southampton was involved in many 
public duties that kept him out of town. They were not likely to be 
able to meet often, even if they had the will. The last time we know 
that Shakespeare visited London was on the 1 6th of November, 
I6I4 1 , because on the I7th his cousin, Thomas Green, wrote in 
his Diary, "My cosen Shakspeare commyng yesterday to towne, I 
went to see him how he did." We do not know how long he stayed, 
or what he did during his visit. But he might have called at South- 
ampton House, on his patron's coming from the Low Countries, to 
"see him how he did," and to enquire if there were more news of 

1 My Shakespeare's Environment, p. 85 (Shakespeare and the Welcombe 


the young married pair whose "contract of true love" he had 
celebrated. Then, also, he might have heard of, and might have 
seen, some of the wealth of books Southampton was preparing to 
pour into the lap of his Alma Mater. This is, of course, pure 
fancy. But it is possible that my theory about the amassing of the 
books which helped to enlarge St John's Library and initiate its 
MS. collection may be discovered some day to be founded on fact.J 

Southampton seems to have handed over some of these books 
himself. In the Book of Memorials' 1 of those deposited in the 
Library is an acknowledgment of the receipt of 400 volumes worth 
360, a catalogue of which is among the MSS. As an old student 
he was liberal. "Ego Henricus Comes Southamptoniensis admissus 
eram in Alumnum hujus Collegii D. Johann. Evang. Oct. 26. 
An. Dom. 1585." 

The story of the final deposition of the gift is concluded in my 
last chapter 2 . 

1 Book of Memorials, pp. 329, 1127, line 20, St John's College. Baker 
MSS. xix. 276 a. 

2 Also see pamphlets reprinted from The Eagle articles by the Master of 
St John's College, vol. xxm. No. 126, Dec. 1901, vol. xxxvi. No. 166, 
March, 1915. Also volume for June, 1918. 



PERHAPS there should be mentioned here the special work of 
the industrious John Minsheu, author of a Spanish grammar and 
compiler of a Spanish dictionary, in which he had been helped 
by Sir Henry Spelman and many in Oxford and Cambridge, who 
was now trying to publish his Guide into Tongues. He had been 
granted a patent for its publication in 1 6 1 1 and for the sole 
printing of it for 21 years. He had been much helped and en- 
couraged by Oxford University; but he was poor, and could not 
pay the great expenses of publication, and wanted subscribers. 
These he found much more abundant in Cambridge 1 , and he 
himself records the fact, together with the names of the sub- 
scribers. There is a little literary question here. Some copies of 
his Guide into Tongues have not this list. Was it lost? Or was it 
withdrawn because he had stated that "the Stationers' Company 
would have nothing to do with the book"? It was finally published 
in 1617, folio. After the title-page should follow on the next 
page "A Catalogue and true note of the names of such persons 
(which upon the good liking they have to the worke, being a great 
helpe to memorie) have received the Etymological Dictionarie. . . 
from the hands of Maister Minsheu the author and publisher of 

the same in print " Among the subscribers are the King, the 

Queen, the Prince, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord 
Chancellor Sir F. Bacon, the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamber- 
lain, the Earl of Southampton Captain of the Isle of Wight, 
Mr Camden Clarentieux at Armes, Mr Brooke York Herald... 
Mr Davenant of Oxford, Mr Joshua Silvester, Dr Dunne. 

A Cambridge anecdote relates that an undergraduate, who was 
showing a country cousin round the Colleges, was asked. "Whose 
are these four statues?" "These? These are Faith, Hope and 
Charity!" "But there are four of them. Who is the fourth?" 

1 One right worthy nobleman had " disfurnished his Library for years to 
lend me books." 


"The fourth oh, of course, that is Geography]" It might have 
been true in the days of which we are writing for Geography 
had taken possession of many men's minds with a compelling 
power like that of a Christian grace or of a patron saint. We have 
seen examples of it in the chapters on the colonies but it also 
stimulated the love for, and the recognition of the need of, 
dictionaries, as a medium towards understanding the languages of 
far countries. 

Southampton was one of these who took the lead in that interest. 
Among his friends were many others. One of these was Sir Thomas 
Roe, knighted by James in 1 604. He was much liked by Henry, 
Prince of Wales (and his sister Elizabeth), who sent him on a voyage 
of discovery to the West Indies on 24th February, 1609-10, to 
the mouth of the Amazon, "then unknown to English explorers.'* 
He sailed 2OO miles up the river, and found it a much larger and 
more interesting one than the Orinoco. He explored the coast for 
thirteen months, but found no trace of gold; thence he returned to 
the Isle of Wight in 161 1. Twice again was he sent to "discover" 
in the same district, and he did much scientific work. In 1615 James 
sent him out, at the expense of the East India Company, to the 
Court of the Great Mogul, as his ambassador and as representative 
of the Company to arrange treaties for factories and other privileges. 
Roe took two years to accomplish this. (Afterwards he was am- 
bassador at Constantinople, also working there in the interests of 
the East India Company.) 

George, Lord Carew (a common friend of Southampton and of 
Roe), wrote to the latter on 3rd January, 1615-6: "It is said 
that the Lady Penelope Spencer, the Earle of Southampton's 
daughter, is dead." It has been noted that this is an error. Lady 
Penelope did not die until long after she was buried on July 1 6th, 
1667, "leaving a character for all female virtues." But it has not 
been noted that there was a foundation of truth in the error. The 
Earl of Southampton did lose a daughter either late in 1615 or 
early in 1616, for the Titchfield Register has the entry: "Buried 
The Lady Marie the daughter of the Right Honourable the Earl 
of Southampton the loth day of January 1615-6." Now, this 
must have been a late-born child, for, though I have found no 
entry of birth or christening, there remains in Titchfield Church 


(At Welbeck Abbey) 

xxiv] A LONG PROGRESS 379 

the white marble monument to this little child, dressed in the 
garb of an infant with hands palm to palm in the attitude of 
prayer. It remains the only tombstone of his family put up by 

Carew's letter fortunately did not reach Sir Thomas Roe before 
he sent the following, with part of his Diary, to Southampton on 
1 4th February, 1615-6: 

My Lord, Since my arrival in this country I have had but one month of 
health, and that mingled with many relapses, and am now your poor servant, 
scarce a crow's dinner. The fame of this place hath done it great credit in 
England, but lost as much with me, for though the King is as rich as a Turke 
and every way as great, yet, for want of care, learning and civill actes, all 
thinges, even the Court, are mingled with such barbarisme as makes all 
contemptible. The King sits out like a player in the gallery over a Stage to 
be scene, but no man but Eunuchs comes up to him, so that he spends all 
but hunting howres among his women. But what have I to doe with any 
descriptions, where the fates have provided me an Historiographer as fit for 
it as Xenophon for Cyrus, or Homer for Achilles, the unwearied Coriatt, 
who now is in my house and hath not left a pillar nor tombe nor old Character 
unobserved, almost in all Asia : and is now going to Samarkand in Tartary, 
from thence to Prester John in Afrike, and hath written more volumes than 
leaves in his last Venetian travell, wherein he holds still the correspondence 
of going on foote. He is already or shall be shortly the greatest traveller 
doubtless of the world. 

But to say a little of our estate here for myself, I stand in good terms with 
the King, who never gave that respect to any ambassador of Turke or Persian, 
but our residency here is inconstant, for we stand or fall, as the Portugall is in 
disgrace or creditt. They feare both, cannot hold friendship with both, and 
watch occasion to adhere to the stronger. These later years the Portugall 
was so decayed, being by us twice beaten and eaten out of trade; by the 
Persian besieged, disgraced and almost turned out of the Gulph, having 
nothing but the Castell of Ormus left, and that distressed for want of relief 
from the mayne, which, if it had been prosecuted, had utterly cast him in 
this quarter. But the Sophy in this noble purpose was diverted by necessity 
to defend himself, for the Turk is ready to enter his dominions with three 
armies, by 3 waies, by Bagdatt, Armenia, and Trebizond, which causes him 
to forbid the transport of his silkes, and soe, whiles he putt out his enemies 
eye he destroyed his own liver, for now no way was left to rayse money, 
the Spaniards being in disgrace, the Turk in armes. In this extremity Sir 
Robert Shirley (who was welcomed like bonum auspicium; for He arrived in 
the instant, wrought upon his wants, and by the assistance and suggestion of 
some Friars, procured him to release all the Portugall prisoners, to open the 


mayne, and to send him Ambassador to Spaine, to offer the King, not only- 
all the silkes and commodities of his Kingdomes, but, for security, his coaste 
to fortifie. He is departed with a great trayne in Jan. 1615, and will I feare 
arrive before my advice (which tryes a new way overland) in July 1616. 
However this seemes, because far off, a small matter, and yf we once in some 
haste refused it, yet it is of so great consequences, yf such poore under- 
standings as mine moorne thereat. 

First it will advance the King of Spaine's revenue a million of dollars 
yearely, enrich his subjects that shall engross the greatest commodityes of 
the East into their hands that will serve Europe at their price and pleasure. 
It will restore him all his credit here, where he lay languishing for breath, 
(O what happiness, how had it advanced the peace of Christendom, if he 
had lost these Indies, and it had been malum omen to have one branch fall off 
in the height of an Empire which hath his periode. But now he shall have 
occasion to send fleets hither, which the trade he had would not defray, 
that will master this Coast, and then all those wavering and inconstant 
princes will cast us off, and make peace with prosperity. I could enlarge 
this, but if your Lordship choose to consider it further, you shall see my 
grounds, if you will command the copy of my discourse to the Committee, 
though I know your own judgment will pierce to the inwards of this negotia- 
tion. I have wrote to the King somewhat amply, perhaps with more zeale 
than judgment, but were I brought to dispute this, I could urge such incon- 
veniences as were a work of much merrit to prevent, but as in all businesses 
the Starte half wins the goale. 

I thought all India a China Shop, and that I should furnish all my friends 
with rarityes, but this is not that part, here are almost no civill arts, but 
such as straggling Christians have lately taught, only good carpets, and fine 
lawne, all commodities of bulke, wherby I can make noe profytt but publique- 
ly. Muske, amber, civett, Diamonds as deare as in England, no pearle but 
taken for the King who is invaluable in Jewells. But I am not alone cossened 
in this here, but in the King's Liberallitye he allows me nothing but a House 
of Mudd, which I was enforced to build halfe, that is, it is as good as any 
favourytt of ^100,000 per annum dwells in, for no man having inheritance, 
no man will build, yea the King is heire to all men's goodes that dye and setts 
their children to begin the world anew with small pensions, which increase 
as they rise in favour, but all live upon his guifftes and government, except 
tradesmen, to whome he will be also heire. Yet though I live in such a house, 
perhaps many wayes in more state and with many more servants than any 
Ambassadour in Europe, such is the custom here, to be carried in a bede all 
richly furnished, by men's backes up and downe, though it needs not, for 
these are the finest horses that I ever sawe of Gennet size and infinite store, 
besides guards and footemen of which only I keep 24. But this my expected 
liberality fayling, makes all tedious and loathesome, for though the King 
hath often sent to me, yet the bounty is only expressed in whyle (sic) hogges. 

xxiv] A LONG PROGRESS 381 

You expect no Ceremony and I have learned none here, but I am ever, and 
will dye soe, your Lordships most affectionate servant , _ 

Give me leave to present my humble service to my Lady, my Lady 
Penelope^ my little lady mistress for whom I will be provided with presents. 
Adsmere, The Great Mogul's Court Feb. 15. i6i5-6 x . 

In the spring of that year died William Shakespeare, who had 
elected the Earl of Southampton the patron of his poems no mean 
honour. We know nothing of the relations of the two men in later 
years. Still we must suppose that a tender regret at least suffused 
the heart of the busy nobleman at the early death of one so gifted in 
both poetry and drama. That is to estimate his probable feeling at the 
lowest possible level. I have nothing authoritative to bring forward, 
but there is one suggestion which I must insert here in parenthesis. 
[It is evident that the two friends of the Sonnets had discussed 
what would happen if either of them should die. We can find the 
reference to this conversation in Sonnets LXXI, LXXII, LXXXI, and 

Or I shall live your epitaph to make, 

Or you survive when I in earth am rotten. (Sonnet LXXXI.) 
If the poet should depart first he begs his friend 

No longer mourn for me when I am dead, 

Than you shall hear the surly sullen bell 

Give warning to the world that I am fled... 

Do not so much as my poor name rehearse... 
Lest the wise world should look into your moan, 
And mock you with me after I am gone. (Sonnet LXXI.) 
The thought runs over to the next Sonnet: 

O, lest the world should task you to recite 

What merit liv'd in me, that you should love 

After my death dear love, forget me quite, 

For you in me can nothing worthy prove; 

Unless you would devise some virtuous lie 

To do more for me than mine own desert, 

And hang more praise upon deceased /, 

Than niggard truth would willingly impart; 

O, lest your true love may seem false in this, 

That you for love speak well of me untrue, 

My name be buried as my body is, 

And live no more to shame, nor me nor you. (Sonnet LXXII.) 

1 Add. MS. 6115, f. 886. 


Is there not somewhat of a challenge under this protest? Did 
Southampton altogether forget these old days? Is there anything 
he could do, anything he did do, to commemorate the friend of his 
youth ? Shakespeare left no poor orphans to rear, needed no monu- 
ment (though his friends might have chosen a better than they did), 
required no explanation of his love. But on his grave there was 
indeed no name, only a threat to those who would not leave his 
bones alone. There was no name placed upon the monument, until 
some admirer sent the epitaph. It has often been wondered who 
had written the lines; not a neighbour certainly, or he would not 
have spoken as if the body had been placed "within the monu- 
ment" (as was the way with the rich). I only wish to suggest that 
it is possible, and not even improbable, that the "Lord of his 
love" may have added a survivor's memorial on the cold stone, 
and that it ran : 

Judicio Pylium, Genio Socratem, Arte Maronem 
Terra tegit, populus maeret, Olympus habet. 

Stay passenger, why goest thou by so fast ? 
Read, if thou canst, whom envious Death hath plast 
Within this monument, Shakspeare, with whome 
Quick Nature dide; whose name doth decke ys tombe 
Far more then cost, sith all yt he hath writt 
Leaves living art, but page, to serve his witt. 

Obiit Ano dni 1616, Aetatis 53. Die 23. Ap. 

The suggestion is worth consideration and comparison. 

It may not have struck everybody that those who love libraries 
have one link with this Earl who loved literature and libraries. 
Our great National Library has been built on soil which once was 
his, and as near as possible to the site of the house in which he 
dwelt, and to which Shakespeare came when he visited his patron. 
All the literary world goes to read at the British Museum, some of 
them to mould out of old thoughts their "inventions new." Those 
who wish to dig for themselves in the mines of historical research 
go further, and walk along Oxford Street to Chancery Lane, down 
which they find the Record Office. Very few may realise that 
their steps trace their path all the way on land which once was 
his, granted in 1617, from Holborn Bars to the Rolls House in 
Chancery Lane. 

xxivj A LONG PROGRESS 383 

Another remarkable coincidence may also be noted. There has 
been no national memorial raised to Shakespeare such as has been 
done to lesser men. Perhaps men thought he was too great to 
need it. After three hundred years have passed, however, the 
national heart has been stirred, and all feel that we must have 
some important memorial raised to him and his work in London. 
Already the site has been secured, and that site is also on ground 
that belonged once to Southampton. These two are thus associated 
for all time, and, if the Patron did not "write his epitaph," he left 
the soil on which to build his monument.] 

A curious notice of Southampton is preserved among the Venetian 
Papers. "Upon the affairs of the Earl and Countess of Somerset 
an anonymous letter has been sent to the King from one who 
makes reproach of the successive greatness and sudden fall of 
Somerset, adding that it happened in order to satisfy the Earl of 
Arundell, head of the Catholics, the Earl of Pembroke, head of 
the Puritans, and the Earl of Southampton, head of the Mal- 
contents." 1 

On July 1 1 th, 1 6 1 6, there was executed a grant to the Earl of 
Southampton of pardon of a bond of a thousand marks forfeited 
for non-fulfilment of his pledge to make, and to pay for, a survey of 
"certain woods belonging to manors in the counties of Somerset, 
Essex, Suffolk and Wilts, with permission to dispose at pleasure of 
the aforesaid woods." 2 

On 4th November, 1616, Prince Charles was made Prince of 
Wales, among rejoicings such as had been made for his brother 
Henry. Of one honour he was deprived, the Duchy of Cornwall, 
after the precedent of Henry VIII, who, through the technical 
reading of the patent as being for "the first-born son" of the 
reigning King, was denied possession of it, as being the second- 
born son. After the ceremony the King dined alone, while the 
Prince feasted the nobility, the Earl of Southampton acting as 
cup-bearer and the Earl of Dorset as carver. The Earl had a 
double interest in that feast, because for the first time his son 
shared the day's honours. Among the Knights of the Bath created 
in honour of the Prince of Wales' creation were: "James, Lord 

1 xiv. 245. 

* Sign Manual, vol. vi. No. 25. D.S.S.P. James, LXXXVIII. 12. 


Maltravors, son and heir to the Earl of Arundel; Algernon, Lord 
Percy, son and heir to the Earl of Northumberland; James, Lord 
Wriothesley, son and heir to the Earl of Southampton." 

Nothing after that was talked of but the King's proposed visit to 
Scotland, and who was going with him. The Councillors and all 
his flatterers implored him not to go, but he had made up his mind. 
He started from Theobalds on 1 4th March, 1 6 1 6-7, and the Queen 
accompanied him as far as Ware. His chief companions were 
the Duke of Lennox, Lord Steward; the Earl of Pembroke, Lord 
Chamberlain; the Earl of Buckingham, Master of the Horse; the 
Earls of Arundel, Rutland, Southampton, Montgomery, Secretary 
Lake, and two Bishops. The King meditated reforms in Scotland. 
In one good thing he meant to imitate England in establishing 
parish registers of births, deaths, and marriages. He also meant to 
make it statutory to have a parish school in every parish. The 
matters of the form of religion and the Prayer Book also exercised 
his mind. 

Lovelace, writing to Carleton, said: "Sir Walter Raleigh is ready 
to sail on his expedition." 1 

Apparently the King had been moved by the representation of 
the East India Company and the traders in the Mediterranean to 
try to crush the Algerine pirates, for he seems at once to have 
written to his Council, while on his journey, on March 2Oth, 
i6i7 2 ; some instructions are given adding that if a fleet were sent 
out for the purpose, he wished that the Earl of Southampton 
(who was Vice-Admiral) should be made Admiral of it, seeing 
the age and illness of Lord Nottingham. A great deal hung on 
that announcement, more than has yet been discovered 

In The Times Literary Supplement* Mr G. F. Abbot, criti- 
cizing the late S. R. Gardiner, says: "The one unfortunate 
operation undertaken by the English Navy in James I's reign was 
Sir Robert Mansell's unfortunate expedition against Algiers... 
decided on in 1617 It did not sail till 1620 People who had 
contributed to the expenses wanted to know, etc." The writer 
refers to a letter dated "Whitehall November I2th, 1619*, to the 

1 D.S.S.P. James, xc. 113. Carew's Letters to Sir Thomas Roe. 

2 D.S.S.P. James, xc. 136. 3 October 2nd, 1919. 
4 Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ill. p. 346. 

xxiv] A LONG PROGRESS 385 

Mayor of Dartmouth." The Spanish ambassador in London 
tried to hinder this step 1 . By 1618 the Spanish opposition was 
withdrawn, thus throwing open Gibraltar to their dreaded Allies 2 . 
A report on the Navy to Buckingham, March, 1618, says: 

His Majesty's ships are often so ill-manned that they fall ready prizes to 
any that dare assail them. Commanders & Captains never come on board. If 
they are on the sea the ships only waste the King's cordage. If they go ashore 
the mariners scatter, yet charge his Majestic with victuals as if they were 
aboard, and spend all in London or at home or anywhere they please. 

This neglect Mr Abbot thinks was accountable for the delay, 
and should have been mentioned by Gardiner. But there are also 
other points to think of. 

The Venetian ambassador on April 27th, 1617 (N.S.), writes: 

The absence of the King enfeebles negotiations. The Merchants say his 
Majesty is bound to protect them against pirates. They are willing to bear 
the bulk of the expenses if the King will give them 6 ships, ammunition and 
other things. The Council proposes to offer the Earl of Southampton 40,000 
crowns as a gift if he will accept the command 3 . 

Now, in 1620 the Venetian ambassador again writes on the 
same subject, and should be cited here to put an end to the question. 

Three years ago, the King had the idea of uniting his ships with, those of 
the Dutch to send them against the pirates, on hearing of the great damage 
they inflicted on his shipping and subjects and others, with the special 
object and a well-concerted plan to go and take Algiers. The merchants 
were to contribute a large sum of money for the armament, and in various 
ways; they made great preparation for a powerful and imposing fleet. The 
Earl of Southampton was designated as the leader of the undertaking and 
he and his relations were prepared to spend more than 100,000 sterling 
for the glory of himself and his country. Two persons of proved experience 
and courage were sent to reconnoitre Algiers and to plan various methods. 
Three of the wisest members of his Majesties council had charge of the affair. 
Everything was ready and almost certain to be carried out when it reached 
the ears of Lord Digby, the Achilles of the Spaniards at this Court and a 
man of great ability and sagacity. He began to tell the King that it was not 
reasonable, that his Majesty, a friend of the Catholic King, should send his 
fleet to scour the coasts of the dominions of so great a Monarch and for an 
enterprise so near him, against an enemy who was also his own, without 

1 Gardiner's History of James, vol. in. p. 70. 

2 Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. xn. Part i. p. 108. 

3 Venetian Papers, vol. xiv. p. 496. 

s.s. 25 


giving him some share in it, and without joining with him, instead of with 
the Dutch rebels, formerly his subjects, now his open enemies. By this 
means and by the efforts of Gondomar the Ambassador, the arrangement 
with the Dutch fell through, the fabric of all the excellent work of the King 
was destroyed, and the Earl of Southampton's hope for advancement 
thwarted, his Majesty conceiving a suspicion of his loyalty and his aims, as 
it would not be safe to place such a large force, so well armed, in the hands 
of a subject with such a following, and of such high rank and spirit. Accord- 
ingly nothing was done for all those years, time being lost over the new 
negociations. Digby went to Spain.... He represented the King's eagerness 
for the undertaking. So on this side they gave orders for an armament of 
the like size and number. By various devices time was frittered away, and 
nothing was done with the armament, through Spanish jealousy 1 . 

That provides a view that seems not to have presented itself to 
Mr Abbot, though probably it did to Mr Gardiner. But this long 
explanation can hardly be deemed irrelevant here, since the begin- 
ning of the plans were coincident with the King's Scottish Progress. 

The King took some time to drive through England, as there 
were many of his subjects who had not seen him since his arrival 
in the country. The weather was not pleasant. 

On the 23rd of March Sir Francis Bacon wrote to the King 2 , 
with some additional instructions for Sir John Digby, about the 
union of both Kings to extirpate pirates, the common enemies of 
mankind. An account of Council business was also forwarded. 
Sir Thomas Smith, on behalf of the merchants of London, certifies 
that there will be a contribution for two years of 20,000 a year, 
and the merchants of the west will come into the circle The 
discussion of preparation had been referred to the Earl of Suffolk, 
Lord Carew, and Sir Fulke Greville "who heretofore hath served 
as Treasurer of the Navy, to confer with Lord Admiral, calling 
to the conference Sir Robert Mansell and others expert in such 

service When that is done, his Majesty will be advertised." 

Not a word about the Earl of Southampton. 

A curious letter has been preserved, giving a contemporary 
account of the proceedings on the Northern Progress, somewhat of 
the nature of Laneham's letter on the Kenilworth festivities, though 
not so interesting 3 . It was written by John Crowe the younger, a 

1 Venetian Papers, xvi. 291. 2 Bacon's Letters, edition 1824, vol. vi. p. 139. 
3 Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. xiv., App. 4. Kenyon MSS. p. 19. 

xxivj A LONG PROGRESS 387 

Scotchman, to Mr Alden, an Englishman, almost as if it were 
attempting to counteract the belittling remarks made by their 
English visitors. It is very long, but there is no other record of 
Southampton's life at the time, and it must be given here in a 
shortened form. 

The King came by Berwick. At the boundary road, which is two miles 
from Berwick, he stood with one foot in Scotland and one in England, 
and was as glad as he could be. He went on by Dunglass, a place of my 
Lord Home's, where he spent two nights. He was met by my Lord and 
his gentlemen (all of one suit and apparel), with the other Earls and 
Lords of that part of the country with their trains. The King said he 
had had naughty weather all the way from London, but since he came to 
Scotland the heavens smiled upon him. He was very content at Dunglass. 
"Tell me, my Lords," he said, "did you ever feed so well since you came 
from London?" Thence we went to my Lord of Seaton his place, and the 
King's ships from Leith came to welcome him with shooting of guns. 
He came by the sea-coast from Seaton to Leith, and by Leith to Edinburgh. 
He had always travelled in his coach until he came to about the middle 
of the way, then he leapt on a horse and rode in by the West Port. And 
there was a Scaffold where my Lord Provost and the Baillies stood all 
in their velvet gowns, and when the King came there was an oration 
made which the King liked well, and there was presented to him the sceptre 
of the citie, as also in a silver bason over gilt with gold, a thousand angells 
in a velvet bag, and the King said, " Leap on, my Lord Provost, upon your 
horse," and he rode betwixte two Earles and the people shouted for joy. 
The King refused his own guard, and took the guard of the city; then he 
came to the Cross, and lighted down with great triumph and drew into the 
High Kirk and heard a sermon by the Archbishop of St Andrews. When 
the sermon was ended, he made down the street with his nobles in great 
pomp and came through the Netherbow Port where his picture stands very 
reallie, and at the end of the liberty of the city in the Canongate he made 
the Lord Provost leap off his horse and knighted him, and the Baillies of the 
Canongate were his guard until he came to his own Palace, the Abbey, and 
there after the King had alighted there... kneeled down some thirty young 
men in gowns of the College of Edinburgh, whereof one of them made an 
oration in Latin in praise and commendation of the King. In the mean 
time of the oration, the King was so glad of it that he made the Earls of 
Pembrugh, Southampton, Montgomerye and the Bishops draw near to hear 
what was spoken. This I saw with mine eyes. And after the oration was 
ended, the young student presented a book to the King of verses in Latin, 
all of his praise, which he kissed and gave to his Majestic; the King very 
gladly accepted of the same and so went in with the nobilitie into his Palace. 



On the morrow he went forth to his Hawking and Hunting. The second day 
which was the Sabbath day he stayed in the Chapel Royal for sermons... 
and upon Monday he went over the water in a barge made by the Citie of 
Edinburgh for him. Then the Castle shot a royal salute, and his own two 
ships convoyed him to Burntisland, where he took his breakfast in the 
Provost's house. Afterwards five hundred gallant gentlemen of Fife waited 
on him. Wherever he went was the same rejoicing.... At night he came to his 
Palace of Falkland, a palace which may be very well seen, and took your 
nobles and let them see the Park and in it many a troop and company of 
deers and roes. From Falkland he went over the water of Tay in a barge 
and landed at Broughty, and there met him many gentlemen of Angus. The 
King himself went only into the Constable's house of Dundee which was out 
of town. Some of his company went to Dundee and were very well used. 
Upon the morrow he came to Kinnaird, a place of my Lord Carnegie's 
2 miles from Montrose, the sea coming up to it by Montrose. There he stayed 
six or eight days, hunting some days upon Muir Mount, and sometimes 
visiting places round about. One of the days he with his nobles went to the 
Castle of Brechin 1 , a place of the Earl of Mar's. The water runneth down by 
Kinnaird, and there he desired the Earl of Mar to cause some fishers to be 
brought to fish some salmon. The fishers came, they took a net and went 
into the water, but by the time they had gone a little way off, the net was 
so full of salmon that they were forced to let a part of the net go, else it 
had been broken, it was so full. As it was there was above a hundred salmon 
in it cast upon the green grass quick. This is a great matter. Sometimes in 
summer a man may go over the water nearly dry foot.... About 24 of your 
countrymen were desirous to see Aberdeen which is 30 miles from Kinnaird. 
When they went there they were well accepted, and paid nothing. If it had 
pleased them to have gone 100 miles beyond Aberdeen they would have 
found meat and drink also, for many noblemen dwell far beyond Aberdeen. 
They were also desirous to see Dunottar, an ancient castle of the Earl 
Marshall's upon the sea-coast, and as soon as they came to the outer gate 
thereof, one by one (for no more than one by one can enter, the entry is so 
strait) their weapons were taken from them, and in sign of welcome the 
cannons played their part, but they were greatly afraid because of the 
taking of their weapons. They supposed they were about to do some treason 
to them. But they found otherwayes before they went, and as soon as they 
had seen all, they were brought into the Hall and there dined. But, sayd your 
men, where is the black stock that we have heard tell of in England ? They 
rose up, and if there was good preparation in the Hall before, there was far 
better on the Stock. This black stock is of an old oak of great thickness 
standing on stumps in a house by itself. The use of the black stock hath 

1 Where Southampton must have seen one of the Round Towers (still 
perfect), such as he had seen in Ireland. 

xxivj A LONG PROGRESS 389 

been that whoever were travelling by the way, many or few, they were at 
the Castle and sat down at that black stock and had meat and drink in abun- 
dance and never paid anything for it. Now after there was given such 
content in the Castle as could be, the Earl took them to his park and desired 
them to stand at the park dyke. Then he made one of his servants go into 
the park, and blow on a hunting home, and as soone as the wild beasts heard 
the blowing of the home, they came skipping over the dyke. 

After the King had stayed his appointed time at Kinnaird he went into 
Dundee and was received by the Constable, the Baillies and Citizens, cannon 
shooting, and the cross running with wine. The Stairs were covered with 
tapestry and an oration made. Their gift gave the King much contentment. 
After one night at Falkland, again thence to Kinghorn, where his barge was 
waiting for him, all his mariners clothed in silk and velvet; they came toLeith 
and so to his palace again that night. 

...Upon the nth of June, as our usual custom is every year, our weapon 
schawing was so well liked of by your countriemen that they thocht they 
had all been gentlemen brought out of the countrie, but in truth it was not 
so. Next came the two parts of the inhabitants of the city youth, it must 
have been a pleasure to any King in Europe, to see one city yield such a 
company of brave and gallant subjects. The King sat in his own Palace 
window to see them march by.... That night the King went with his court 
to Dalkeith Castle 4 miles from Edinburgh, a place of my Lord of Morton's, 
a Castle for strength and a palace for pleasure. He stayed there three nights, 
going about hawking and hunting, and visiting places, as my Lord of Cran- 
ston's Dreddin Place, the Castle of Roslin, and the Chapel thereoff of great 
rarity, also the Park of Newbattle. Handsome maidens brought them milk 
and confections there.... Upon the I4th of June, the King surprised his 
followers by leaving the Castle of Dalkeith by a secret way, and so got half 
way home before his men knew he had gone. Upon the lyth June, the first 
day of the Parliament, the manner of their riding was this : the city being in 
armour and having the way clear for them, they mounted at the Abbey and 
rode up along to Parliament House. Half an hour before, the Chancellor of 
Scotland, and the Secretary with some other Lords, came in their royal red 
robes and fenced the Parliament, thereafter they passed two and two according 
to every man's place and degree. First Lords and Commissioners, Barons, 
Knights, Viscounts, Earls all in their rich robes, then came the Heralds and 
the King of Heralds, the Bishops and Archbishops next the Earls that 
carried the Honours, the Crown, the sword of Honour, the Sceptre. Next 
unto them the King and on his left hand Lord Buckingham. The Stile by 
which they go to the Parliament House was kept by the Earl of Errol and 
his guard, and the entries themselves by the Earl Marshal. Then the Roll 
was called, but there were many absent. Upon the igth June, his Majesties 
Birthday, he dined in the Castle of Edinburgh, and the Castle never ceased 
shooting until 9 or 10 at night. It is reported there were 40 Knights made. 


About 9 or 10 the King came down from the Castle to the Abbey. Great 
Bonfires blazed in the streets, and in the outer court of the Abbey a boy of 
9 years old made an oration to the King in Greek. This is of truth : he is one 
Mr John Car his son, minister of Preston Pans. Then from a window in the 
Palace the King with his nobles saw fireworks, and a play amid the fire- 
works. Two castles were created, the Palace of St Andrew, and the Castle 
of Envy, played by the young men of Edinburgh, and wonderful devises and 
more to follow if the King had only stayed longer.... Upon the a6th day of 
June there was a banquet given to the King and his nobles by the City of 
Edinburgh. There was a house built of Timber and glass round about, 
made of purpose for it, hung with tapestry. Fourscore young men of Edin- 
burgh, all in gold chains, served. They had such varieties of meats, fish and 
provision, that one of your countrymen spake this, who was a Master of 
Household himself in England; says he, "I have been in Italic, in Spain, in 
France, in England, and now come to Scotland, and whereas I thought 
there would have been nothing here, I have seen here the best both for 
variety of meats, and also for service....! speak nothing of the pleasante 
sortes of melodies, musicks, wines, &c, if so be I would enter a discourse of 
this matter, it would be too longsome." Upon the a8th day of June 1 the 
last of the Parliament was rode.... As concerning Church government, there 
is no new Statutes made, praised be God, but the old confirmed, and the 
old ancient acts of Parliament of the Country concerning the Commons. 
The 3Oth June the King bade farewell to the Abbey. We were all glad of 
his coming and sorrowful at his waygoing. . .he is to be God willing on the 
5th day of August at Carlyle. 

What he was to do and to see in the interval we are not in- 

It is evident that the little country did its best to welcome its 
King and his southern nobles. Yet, it is said, they grumbled and 
sneered at the arrangements, which did not include more masques 
and devices. It was probably Buckingham who was the caviller. 
The Scottish men replied that they did not think grown men 
would have cared for such trifles. But the reproaches wounded 
sensitive hearts. Probably this letter was written to prove that they 
had not been neglected. It is possible that James told his English 
nobles what a fight he had had to support the English players under 
Laurence Fletcher, and how the people would not find them a 
playing-place, so that he had had to find wood and workmen to 

1 A letter written to Bacon from Edinburgh on June 28th (misdated 
1618) states, "The Earl of Southampton, Montgomery and Hay are already 
gone for England." 

xxi v] A LONG PROGRESS 391 

build them a house in a field; how the preachers warned the people 
on Sunday that they must not go to such places as a play-house, 
and how on Monday he issued a proclamation that they were to 
go if they wanted to please him; how he was not sure that Dun- 
fermline would make his players comfortable, and he sent "twelve 
feather beds" to be ready for the company; how, doubting that 
the Aberdonians would even admit them, he had sent a private 
intimation of his wish that they should be made freemen of the 
borough (as they were). If his northern subjects felt like that, 
how could his visitors expect a set of masques? For his part, 
it had been a relief. He liked to see his country and his people 

James seemed to have had a romantic and artistic sensibility to 
the charms of the scenery of his own country. How else could it 
have entered his head to ask the Venetian ambassador to go and see 
it, the King paying all expenses? So we may be sure that he urged 
his courtiers to look well at the landscapes of his land when he took 
them there. We can well imagine the Earls urged to climb Arthur's 
Seat at a late sunset in order to see the distant views to the north- 
west Ben Ledi, Ben Voirlich and the Trossach group rising like 
moonstones against the golden glory of the setting sun. He would 
point out the Calton Hill, where the English had set their cannon 
when they came to court the King's mother for Prince Edward. 
They would see for themselves the quaint picturesqueness of the 
tall houses, crowded together for protection, on the long street that 
ran between the Castle and the Palace. When they crossed the 
Firth of Forth in his barge, he might remember the play of 
Macbeth^ specially written in his honour by the great dramatist 
lately dead, and might show Southampton, as likely to be interested, 
"St Colme's Inch" by Aberdour, and to the north-east of the 
bay Kincraig that guarded the "Earl's Ferry" accepting or 
believing all the misrepresentations of Scottish history which 
Shakespeare had immortalised in his wonderful "invention" of 
the last of the old Scottish kings. The charms of Falkland Palace 
were self-evident. Further north, they would pass by the red 
Abbey of Arbroath in its unruined days, by the rugged cliffs that 
line the shore there (afterwards to be glorified in Scott's Antiquary) 
up to Stonehaven and the wonderful bold cliff of Dunottar, then 


considered impregnable. It may be noticed that there was a break 
in the party before reaching that wonderful spot. The King had 
been expected to go on to Aberdeen, but preferred to remain at 
Kinnaird; so a party of his courtiers went on to see Aberdeen 
and Dunottar on their return. One is inclined to believe that 
Southampton was of that party, for he knew that admiration of 
his native country always pleased the King. And the adventurers 
would be rewarded. A city of granite is a sight worth seeing, 
though its surroundings did not rise to the highest level. But the 
Castle of Dunottar, once seen, could never be forgotten. 

It is said that the Privy Councillors went on their knees to pray 
the King not to go to Scotland; now they were on their knees 
again to have him back. His holiday caused delay in all transactions; 
and in his absence all left behind were "overfed on Bacon." It is 
extraordinary how any sensible man should have assumed so many 
airs and taken so much pomp on himself. He out-Wolseyed Wolsey; 
and those around him wrote to the King to come home to fill the 
throne that Bacon seemed to have come to think his own. But 
the King did not hurry more than he felt inclined. He had to 
visit St Andrews, Dunfermline, Stirling, Perth, Glasgow, where 
a thriving university could rival Edinburgh in orations; and he went 
on by south-western Scotland, Hamilton, Sanquhar, and Dum- 
fries, to Carlisle. For some reason Southampton and a few other 
noblemen left the King's party on the 28th of June. Perhaps he 
wanted to investigate the arrangements made for the fleet and for 
his projected voyage to Algiers. 

On 4th December, I6I7 1 , Sir Henry Savile recommended to 
Carleton Sir Thomas Dale, a friend of the Earl of Southampton, 
who had done good service in the plantation of Virginia. 

On 6th December 2 rumour began to be busy about the coming 
glories of the great masque in preparation, in which the Prince and 
Buckingham were to be performers. 

Some time during that winter Southampton had a new grant. 
The King instructed Sir Henry Yelverton, Attorney-General, that 
he had been graciously pleased to confirm 

to our right trustie and well beloved cousin Henry Earl of Southampton 

to him and his heirs, all such Liberties, privileges, Royalties, Franchises 

1 D.S.S.P. James, xciv. 50. 2 Ibid. 52. 

xxiv] A LONG PROGRESS 393 

as he and his progenitors have had in Southampton... in St Giles in the 
Countie of Middlesex... in Nettleton in the Countie of Lincoln &c. and 
that the liberties and boundes of Southampton House in Holborne shall 
be extended from the Barres there to the Rolls in Chancery Lane 1 . 

The King therefore desired Yelverton to prepare a bill for this 
purpose and to fit it for his signature: this to be his warrant. 

The King issued a Commission to revise the Statutes of the 
Garter on 26th April, 1618, directed to "our right well-beloved 
cousins and Councillors Charles, Earl of Nottingham, Edward, 
Earl of Worcester, Henry, Earl of Southampton, and Thomas, 
Earl of Arundel, also our well-beloved cousins Philip, Earl of 
Montgomery, Robert, Viscount Lisle, Knights and Companions 
of the Order. Dated from Westminster." 2 

A letter from the Rev. Thomas Lorkin on 23rd June, 1618, 
states that the Lord of Southampton had persuaded Lord Spencer not 
to accept an Earldom when offered to him. It may be remembered 
that his daughter, Penelope, married William, the second Lord 

He adds: 

The Spanish Ambassador has been reporting a very sore complaint against 
the violent and hostile proceedings of Sir Walter Raleigh, aggravating 
matters very grievously, and that the Spanish King must repair his honour 
and losse if satisfaction be not given." 3 

The King must have been at Southampton's place again that 
summer, as Buckingham wrote to Lord Chancellor Bacon a 
message from the King dated from "Bewley the 2Oth day of August 

Bacon sends the advice to the King about the form of the trial of 
Sir Walter Raleigh, on the i8th of October 5 ; that, being already 
convicted of high treason, he could not rightly be charged with 
anything less. He suggests two courses. One was that with the 
warrant for execution delivered to the Lieutenant of the Tower 
should be published in print a narrative of his late crimes and 
offences, because they are not yet generally known; the other "to 

1 D.S.S.P. James, xciv. 93, Nov. to Dec. 1617. 

2 Add. MS. 6297, P- 28 - 

3 Marquis of Bath's MSS. n. 68. 

4 Bacon's Letters (edition 1824), VI. 201. 

5 Ibid. 205. 


call together your Council and judges and nobility in the Council 
Chamber, and declare his acts of hostility, depredation, abuse of 
your Majesty's Commission, as of your subjects under his charge, 
impostures, attempt to escape and other misdemeanours." 

Raleigh had taken advantage of his long reprieve to turn to 
study and to leisurely literary work, had written many things, 
sketched more, and completed his ambitious work The History of 
the World. He won. more respect, sympathy, and fame as a prisoner 
than he had in his free and public life, and his execution on 
2gth October, 1618, made many raise him to the level of a martyr. 
Nemesis, though long delayed, tracked him down at last. She had 
not forgotten his dealings with the Earl of Essex. 

Viscount Lisle wrote hastily to his wife on the 2yth July, 1618: 
"Lady Lucy (Percy) and Lord Hay are coming to Penshurst 
presently, but Lord Montgomery goes to his mother, and Lord 
Southampton to the Spensers." 1 There is no clue to the circum- 
stances associated with this entry. 

One remarkable irregularity in courtly marriage customs roused 
gossip early that winter. The details are only preserved for us by 
Thomas Lorkin in a letter written after the New Year, as a 
postscript to that of 5th January, 1518-192. He says that at the 
house of Mr Udall, "Mrs Isabella Rich and the eldest son of 
Sir Thomas Smith met and liked each other." The Earl of 
Pembroke, who was present, sent to Baynard's Castle for his 
Chaplain to make the matter sure by marriage. The Chaplain 
demurred, as he had no licence; but the masterful Lord Chamber- 
lain said that he would bear the responsibility, and the ceremony 
was performed. They then conducted the bridal pair to dinner in 
Lord Southampton's house, and to bed at Lord Bedford's. "The 
father is a heavy man to have his son bestowed without his privity 
and consent." The three Earls persuaded Smith to forgive them 3 . 

Sir Anthony Weldon's virulent attack upon Scotland and the 
Scotch, written after the Progress, reflects doubt on his veracity in 
other satiric descriptions. But one good thing he had to say: "The 
wonders of their kingdom are these, the Lord Chancellor is 
believed, the Master of the Rolls well spoken of; and the whole 

1 Sidney Papers, n. 350. z Add. MS. 4178, 2146. 

3 D.S.S.P. James, cm. no. 

xxiv] A LONG PROGRESS 395 

Councell who are the judges for all causes are free from suspicion 
and corruption " a remark which would probably occur to many 
minds during the course of the next Parliament in London. 

A quaint volume was published in 1618 by H. G., called The 
Mirrour of Majestie. Early in the volume a page is devoted to the 
Earl of Southampton. His arms are given as four "sea-gulls" set in 
a cross, no crest, the motto that of the Garter, Honi soit qui mal y 
pense, and the following verses: 

No storme of troubles, or cold frosts of friends, 

Which on free greatnes too too oft attends, 
Can, (by presumption), threaten your free state; 

For these presaging sea-birds doe amate 
Presumptions greatnes; moving the best mindes 

By their approach, to feare the future windes 
Of all calamitie, no less than they 

Portend to sea-men a tempestuous day; 
Which you fore-seeing, may beforehand crosse 

As they doe them, and so prevent the losse. 

The following page presents us with an extraordinary portrait, 
divided down the middle into two halves. The left hand bears the 
winged rod of Hermes wreathed with two snakes, a wing on cap 
and foot, and a sword upon his thigh. The right half is cased in 
mail and bears a lance and shield. This is enclosed by the motto 
Perfectus in utraque. These verses follow: 

What coward Stoicke or blunt Captaine will 

Dislike this union, or not labour still 

To reconcile the Arts and Victory; 

Since in themselves Arts have this quality, 

To vanquish Errours traine; what other than 

Should love the Arts, if not a valiant man ? 

Or how can he resolve to execute 

That hath not first learned to be resolute ? 

If any shall oppose this, or dispute, 

Your great example shall their spite confute. 

Bound along with this in the British Museum, undated, is a 
copy of 

Minerva Britannica, or a garden of Heroical devises furnished and adorned 
with Emblemes and Impreses of sundry natures, newly devized moralized 
and published by Henry Peacham, Mr of Artes. 


To the right honorable and most noble Lord Henry Earle of Southampton. 

Three girlondes oure Colonna did devize 
For his Impresa, each in other joined; 
The first of Olive, due unto the wise ; 

The learned know the laurel greene to binde. 
The oken was his due above the rest 
Who had deserved in the battle best. 
His meaning was, his mind he would apply 
By due desert to challenge each his prize 
And rather choose a thousand times to die 
Then not be learned valiant and wise. 
How few alas, doe now a daies we finde 
(Great Lord) that bear thy truly noble minde. 

The reverse contains a framed picture, intended to be the Isle 
of Wight, and over all the three wreaths intertwined. 



THE Queen was very ill during the Christmas of 1618-9, and 
this cast a gloom over King and Court. On the first page of the 
new Register of the Council there is recorded: 

The 1 2th day of this instant January, 1618-9, *^e greate Banqueting 
House at Whitehall was by casualty of fire quite burnt to the ground, 
under which the records of the Councell were kept, which, being not 
possible to be all saved, all the Registers and bookes of Councell, from 
part of the year 1601 inclusive unto May 1613, were quite consumed. 

This accident increased the Christmas gloom. 

On the 30th of January, 1619, Lord Nottingham resigned his 
office of Lord Admiral. There is no doubt Southampton would have 
liked to have been promoted to the post, not only for the honour, 
but that he might thereby have a better chance of chasing the 
Barbary pirates. But nothing then was too good for the favourite, 
and the office was granted to the Marquis of Buckingham. It is 
possible that the King meant to find some consolation for South- 
ampton, for on the 2Oth of February "he gave the Earl 1200 a 
year in lieu of the land in the New Forest grown useless by the 
multitude of deer." The Queen about that time grew suddenly 
worse, and died of dropsy on the 2nd of March. The Court Letter- 
writer, Sir Gerard Herbert, wrote: "She has benefited many, and 
injured none, so that she should be lamented." 1 There was a good 
deal of mild regret (mingled with anxieties about the consequences 
of Court mourning), but little distress. Eleven days afterwards 
died Richard Burbage, Shakespeare's great exponent. Poets and 
pamphleteers were busy expressing the people's sorrow. One long 
poem says 

Burbage the Player has vouchsafed to die 

Therefore in London is not one eye dry... 

When he expires, lo ! all lament the man, 

But where's the grief should follow good Queen Anne ? 

1 D.S.S.P. James, cv. 120. 


There is no doubt that both of these losses must have affected 
Southampton deeply. Both Queen and Player were about his own 
age; the Queen had always been his friend, and he her servant 
in several offices; the Player had often been his comforter in days 
of stress and strain as the sympathetic expresser of Shakespeare's 
philosophy. But we do not know of him what Lord Pembroke 
records of himself in May, that he could not go to the play, 
"which I being tender-hearted could not endure to see so soone 
after the loss of my old acquaintance Burbage." 1 The Queen's 
funeral took place on the I3th of May. Southampton and his 
family all attended, he among the Earls, his brother-in-law, 
Thomas Arundel, among the Barons. 

"The principal mourner was the Countess of Arundel, the 
Countesses assistant Southampton, Leicester, Pembroke (dowager), 
Devonshire. Ladies, Lady Anne Wriothesley, Lady Penelope 
Spencer among them." 2 Meanwhile the King had been very ill, so 
ill that it had been reported he was dead. He thought at one time 
he was dying, and recommended many of the Lords to the 
Prince. Sir Gerard Herbert said he never heard such wise or 
divine speeches as the King made. Chamberlain says they all 
thanked God for his recovery. 

It is probable that the King's conscience had troubled him 
about the repeated slights he had offered to the Earl of South- 
ampton. At any rate, it was during his illness that on April iqth 
the King announced that he was to be made a Privy Councillor. 

A Latin letter of congratulation was sent by the Master and 
Fellows of St John's College, Cambridge, to the Earl of South- 
ampton on his being honoured thus, on igth May, i6i9 3 . They 
rejoiced at the recognition of his merit, though tardy. 

The Earl of Southampton wrote to Carleton on 3Oth April, 


I have received your letter wherein you were pleased to express a 
better opinion of mee than I deserve. It is trew his Majestie hath, given mee 
a place on his Council Board, which preferment I protest by the faith of an 

1 See my Burbage, and Shakespeare's Stage, p. 117; also Egerton MS. 3592, 

* Nichols' Prog. in. 538. 3 Register of Letters, 147, p. 154. 


honest man I expected not, neither sought directly nor indirectly by myself 
or any of my friends, yea I may say trewly, nor wished in my heart. His 
favour I confess to be the greater, and I the more bound to serve him 
honestly, which by God's grace shall be the chief marke I will ayme att, if 
I may attayne that end, I shall account my poor endeavours well employed, 
otherwise I had much rather have continued a spectator than become an 
actor, and I shall rather performe the office of a Counsellor in keeping than 
giving counsel, which I am sworn to doe according to my hart and conscience, 
but I will make the same request to you that I have to some other of my 
good frendes not to expect too much from mee. You know well how things 
stand and pass with us, and how little one vulger councillor is able to effect. 
All I can promise is to doe no hurt, which I hope I shall performe. The 
Messenger calls for my letter, which I must conclude soner than I ment. 
Yett with my best thankes for the testimony you have given me of your 
good affection which I should be gladd if I could any way merite and will 
ever remayne your very assured friend to doe you service, 


The Privy Council Register (unpublished) marks the date of his 
first attendance on 3Oth April, 1619 (p. 175): 

This day the Earle of Southampton was 'by his Majesty's special com- 
mandment sworne one of his Highness' Privie Councell, sate at the Board, 
and signed letters as a Councellor. 

The record of his later signatures shows fairly regular attend- 
ances, and must be studied in relation to his attendances in the 
Upper House and at the Virginia Council meetings. The list of 
the members of the Privy Council in vol. v of their Register has 
his name struck out l Mart." 

The affairs of the Palatinate were disturbing the country. 
James said he could not rightly understand the political questions 
involved, and his leaning towards the Spanish interest prevented 
his taking the trouble to study in order to understand it in time. 
The Venetian secretary in the Netherlands wrote on November 
1 9th, 1619, that the English were making arrangements for assist- 
ance under General Cecil and Southampton. The ambassador to 
England said they were raising men, and designated the Earl of 
Southampton as commander. On 3rd April, 1620, he tells the 
Doge that Southampton had offered 40,000 out of his privy 
purse for Bohemia, and that he will get the command. On the 

1 D.S.S.P. James, cxm. 86. 


loth he explains that the King wishes to be kept out of the 
responsibility and so refuses to let Southampton go 1 . On 25th June 
Southampton was absolutely excluded, and Horace Vere chosen. 

Parliament opened, after seven years' recess, on January 30th, 
1620. James, Lord Wriothesley was elected member for Callington 
on 27th December, 1620, was admitted to Lincoln's Inn on 2yth 
January, 1620-1, and took his seat at the opening on the 3oth 
a new link between, his father and the Lower House. He had left 
St John's College, Cambridge, without taking his degree. His 
attendance there would not have been known but for his payment 
to the tennis court and an allusion in his mother's letter 2 . 

At the opening of Parliament there was a protest made by some 
of the great Lords against the multiplicity of honours granted, as 
they detracted from the value of the old titles, but Southampton's 
name was not affixed to it. Arthur Wilson says of that Parliament: 

There were some gallant spirits that aimed at the public liberty more 
than their own interests, among which the principal were Henry Earl of 
Southampton, Robert Earl of Essex, Robert Earl of Warwick, The Lord 
Say, the Lord Spencer, and divers others, that supported the old 
English Honour, and would not let it fall to the ground.... Southampton, 
though he were one of the King's Privy Council, yet was he no great 
Courtier; Salisbury had kept him at bay, and pinched him so by reason 
of his relation to old Essex, that he never flourished much in his time, 
nor was his spirit (after him) so smooth shod as to go always the Court 
pace, but that now and then he would make a Carrier that was not very 
acceptable to them, for he carried his business closely and slily, and was 
rather an adviser than an actor 3 . 

The House of Lords was very jealous of its privilege to keep its 
debates unprinted; but one set of short notes, taken for private 
use for a short period, has been preserved at Crowcombe Court. 
They were edited for the Camden Society by the late Mr S. R. 
Gardiner, and they give us some notion of the proceedings. In the 
Preface the Editor says, 

The voice of the Rex Pacificus alone is heard. . .while the Mandevilles, 
the Southamptons and the Says are tugging at the oar in silence, content 
to merge their individuality in the common result. 

1 Venetian Papers, xvi. pp. 51, 219, 137, 299. 

2 St John's College Books, extracts in The Eagle, vol. xxxvi. p. 66. 
8 History of Britain, p. 161. 


The chief work of the session seems to have been trials for 
malversation in various ways by public officers, Bacon, Yelverton, 
Mompesson, Lord Middlesex, all connected by various links which 
surprise one in studying them. The earliest passages of the draft 
appear in the Appendix, dating from March 22nd, 1620-1, till 
March 26th, 1621. Southampton seems to have been the leader in 
the Commission appointed to try Bacon 1 . On the 23rd of March 
he announces that they had enquired of divers (about the Lord 
Chancellor's case) and, amongst the rest, of one Sir Ralph Hansby, 
"who refuses to answer to some particulars touching the Lord 
Chancellor, for that, as he said, it concerned himself in regard of 
the giving of money. The Earl of Pembroke desired to know 
their pleasures, whether he should be pressed to answer to the 
questions or no. 

"The Prynce. He should not speak against himself." 
Others said it was in no ways to accuse the person examined, 
but to make clear the bribery of the Lord Chancellor. On March 
26th the case of Mompesson came forward, and Southampton said, 

We took care to ease your Lordship Pembroke in our Search, with 
the healp of 2 gentlemen of the Lower House, who looked over the 
records and noates and sedules &c. which if your Lordship please may 
be seen, or else to take it on our credits. 

The volume itself begins on iyth April, 1621 (the first day 
after the Easter Recess): "Message from the King about the Lord 
Chancellor's case, Committee appointed to proceed in examination." 
The first name mentioned is that of Southampton. He had ex- 
amined those who had been previously sworn, and some who had 
not been sworn, wishing them to be careful for that they must be 

April i gth : Southampton said he had examined many and given 
the examinations to Mr Attorney. He also said: 

We herde publiquely that the Lord Chancellor, having ordered matters 
in Courte, did afterwards alter them upon petition. Wherefore we sent to 
the Registers to know this; who have found out some, and wyll serch for 
more, which will require time &c. 2 

Tuesday, 24th April, 1621 : the King's Speech; the Bill against 

1 Spedding's Life of Bacon, n. 254. * Ibid. p. 128. 

s.s. 26 


informers is brought in. Southampton, desirous of expediting the 
cause of the Lord Chancellor, proposed 

Not to sit tomorrow, being Star-Chamber day, for that there is a great 
cause on there in the hearing, but to sitt on some other Star-Chamber day, 
to the ende that it may not be a custome that this house sit not on Star- 
Chamber Day (agreed). 

The Lord Chamberlain (Pembroke) asked: 

Shall the Great Scale come to the Barr ? First send to him and here his 
answer before he is sent for. 

Southampton. The charge to be sent to him without perswasion for him 
to confess; then if he confess we may ground our sentence. 

Question. Whether the charge shall be sent him or no ? 

The Prince. Whether shall we be mercifull or just and rigorous ? 

Southampton. I will deale with the Lord Chancellor as with my best 
friend, I will not seek to circumvent him. The truth is, our only ayme is 
that the truth may appeare. The Lord Chancellor is accused to be a corrupt 
judge. Pie deny the delinquent nothing without which he may pretend he 
cannot clear himself. Send it to him presently.... Lord Chamberlain, who 
shall we send with the charge ? 

Bacon meantime had sent a submission (April 25th). 

Southampton. The question now is only how the charge shall be delivered, 
and of coming to the Bar to make his answer. The answer now returned is 
that he will return answer with all speed. Yf we accept of this we conclude 
ourselves. My voice is to receive no answer from him but from his own 
mouth. Let him knowe that wee mislyke his answer that he will returne an 
answer to us. 

Discussing whether Bacon should be imprisoned, the Bishop of 
Bangor said : 

Good bayll is offered. His credit is good, not to be imprisoned. Southamp- 
ton. Ymprisonment may be easier than bayll. On May 2nd the Lord Treasurer 
reported that the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, the Earl of Arundel 
and himself had been sent to the Lord Chancellor to tell him that the King 
required of him the Great Seal. The Lord Chancellor said, "By the King's 
great favour I received the great scale, by my own great fault I have lost it." 
The King had sent a message to the House concerning Yelverton. Lord Cham- 
berlain said to settle the business in hand, in order (the Lord Chancellor's). 
Southampton. Fytt to be done, but the matter of Yelverton is of such 
importance as it cannot be passed over. Yf yt be soe, an imputation rests 
upon the House, yf yt be not soe his Majestic is misinformed. Moved: The 
speeches of Yelverton to be considered and opinion of House taken. Arundell 


conceaved that the other day we agreed that the King should be the best 
judge &c. Lord Admyrall (agreed). His Majestic wyll judge of what concerns 
him, you my Lords to judge of what concerns us, and not to contradict the 
King's message. Yelverton's words were supposed to affect the King's 
Honor. Southampton. Your Lordships to be judges whether I have by my 
words contradicted the King's Message. I have heard it twice. Yf he that 
spake yt will deny it, I shall be satisfied. Lord Admyrall. I am redy to 
give satisfaction &c. Prynce. Yt is left to the King's Censure, because yt 
was doubtful to the House, which (Southampton) conceaved not to be the 
reason. Sheffield. The mistake is that some conceaved that the House left the 
judgment of this to the King. Let us first determine whether it were so con- 
ceived or no. Prynce. The King hath no ill opinion of the House. He 
understood it was referred to him by the House. Oxon. "Understand it" 
was noe order of the House. Agreed by the Prynce and all the Lords that 
it had not been referred to the King to judge of Yelverton. Prynce. If you 
thinke it doth not concern the King's honour I shall goe to him with the 
message. Sheffield. This toucheth deeper unto us than we all conceave. A 
delinquent is brought before us, and before yt was determined, resumed into 
the King's hands ; our privileges are touched. A committee to move the King 
yt may be returned to us. Southampton. (The same) For the wounde of the 
privilege of the House, not so greate, as that his Majestic should conceave a 
suspicion of our Zeale, to his honour, having called Yelverton to the barre, 
herd him and sett down his examination in writing, &c. Business of the 
Chancellor to be taken tomorrow. Southampton. The Lord Chancellor to 
have notice and warning to be here then to hear his sentence by 9. The Col- 
lection of Charges, Proofs and Confessions to be considered by a Committee. 

3rd May : Except the Lord Admiral, all agreed to all the heavy 
punishments awarded the Lord Chancellor. 

8th May: An incidental quarrel between Lord Arundel and 
Lord Spencer about their ancestors was quieted, as being no part 
of the business of the house for the time. 

In the afternoon a conference was to take place, in which the 
Lord Treasurer, the Lord Chamberlain, and the Earl of South- 
ampton were to lead the debate. For an introduction Southampton 

To let them know that the Precedents shewed us last day give us no 
satisfaction. To demande of them whether they can deliver anything new 
more strong on their part, if they do, to hear them. 

May 1 2th. Archb. Canterbury. The King declares himself to be touched 
in his honour, that only is the question. We to hear this first. 

Southampton. Ad idem. For we cannot revoke censure. Yf we say that 

26 2 


this touches the King's honour yt differs not much from treason and soe 
the censure must be heavy and deepe. I condemne him (Yelverton) of much 
foUye &c and think him worthy to be censured yf he had spoken anything 
which doth touch the King in honour; but to consider his words before we 
say the King's honour is touched. 

Arundel. The difference between contempt and treason &c. 

Southampton. The Lord Chancellor is not yet gone to the Tower. Movetb, 
that the world may not thynk our sentence is in vayne. Lord Admyrall. The 
King hath respited his going to the Tower in the tyme of his great sickness. 

The King had the privilege of mercy, and of the determination 
of Bacon's imprisonment, so nothing more was said about his case. 
The heavy fine he did not attempt to pay; it acted as a protection 
against his other creditors. They allowed him to keep his titles of 
nobility; he was soon set at liberty, and men noticed he seemed to 
have no sense of his position. 

This abstract of the proceedings of the House of Lords breaks 
off abruptly on 24th May: "Adjourned for Recess next meeting 
2ist November, 1621." Then Bishop Williams appears as Lord 
Keeper. The King was tired of lawyers, and thought him best 

Much information concerning these events in a general way 
may be found in the State Papers 1 ; but it is important to make clear 
the real position of the Earl of Southampton in the debates of that 
troubled and troublesome Parliament. The Conferences with the 
Lower House were not entirely satisfactory. Walter Yonge says 
in his Diary ', 1621 : 

Presently after Parliament was adjourned, the Earl of Southampton, Sir 
Edward Coke, Sir Edwin Sands and Wright, the Clerk of the Parliament, 
and Dr Bayley were imprisoned, Oxford for saying we should all turn 
Papists, Southampton for encouraging the Palsgrave in his wars 2 . 

The troubles of the Palatinate referred to above were still 
moving the feelings of the country, and the King's delay excited 
much comment. The Venetian ambassador had shown that 

the point consists in inducing the King to agree to allow the Earl of 
Southampton, a leading nobleman, rich, experienced, with considerable 
influence, to go to the defence of the Palatinate, so that all those who wish 
to go may enrol themselves under him.... If Southampton obtained leave,, 

1 D.S.S.P. James, cxxi. 2, 5, 12, 69, 121. 

2 Camden Series, Yonge' s Diary, July, 1621. 


he would have a larger following than any other, and no one but he would 
achieve much 1 . 

The King raised objections privately because of Southampton's 
independent and anti-Spanish feelings for the same cause, indeed, 
as that for which he had already refused him important public 
charges. Publicly he said that it was not fitting a member of his 
Privy Council should engage in a matter in which he (the King) 
did not wish to declare himself. 

The Levy has finally been entrusted to Horace Vere (uncle of that John 
who served your Serenity [the Doge]) who was asked for, after the Earl of 
Southampton, in the name of the young King, by his Ambassador Dohna. 

From the same source 2 we hear of Parliamentary news. 

May 2 1st, 1621. The Storm has been very severe last few days... very 
angry words passed between the Earl of Arundell, siding with the favourite, 
and Lord Sheffield against him, the Earl of Southampton, with a large party, 
acting with the latter. The King is very angry. Parliament gives him no 
money 3 . 

July 2nd, 1621. Great troubles about the Palatinate and Bohemia. 
The King is much excited... he would rather die with his son than agree to 
anything not entirely to his honour.... The day before yesterday the Earl of 
Southampton was put under arrest in a house. He is a leading nobleman, 
very popular throughout the country, and is considered here to be almost 
the only person capable of commanding an army. They think he will be 
sent to the Tower, with some members of Parliament also arrested.... They 
happen to be also the supporters of the King of Bohemia, and those most 
zealous for the honour, safety, and religion of his Kingdom, in fact, they 
maintain these alone, while they favour the interests of friendly Princes. 
The Spanish Ambassador, by inspiring and fomenting such serious steps, 
plays to win at all hazards 4 . 

The Venetian seems to have been an acute observer. 
Meanwhile the private reason for the public talk was the King's 
letter of I5th June, 1621 : 

James R. to the Council. Right trustie and right well-beloved cousins & 
Councillors, wee greet you well. Whereas for spetiall and waighty causes 
well knowne unto us, wee have thought fitt to restraine for some tyme the 
person of the Earle of Southampton; Our will and pleasure therefore is 

1 Venetian Papers, xvi. 275. * Ibid. 291. 3 Ibid. 53. 

4 Ibid. xvn. 75 et seq. (These were sometimes entered in New Style 


that instantly upon sight hereof you do calle the saide Earle before you and 
do presently commit him unto the charge of the Dean of Westminster, 
there to remaine under safe and close custodie untill we shall otherwise 
determine the contrary, not suffering him in the meane tyme, either in the 
saide place of his confinement or elsewhere, after this our pleasure once 
signified unto him, to have anie speache or conference, either by word or 
writing, with any person whomsoever, excepting only with the saide Deane 
of Westminster, and our trustie and well-beloved servant Sir Richard 
Weston, Knight, whom we hereby nominate and appoint to conduct 
him thether, and there to continue with him, or which other necessary 
persons of attendance as the said Sir Richard Weston, and the Deane of 
Westminster, or either of them shall permitt to come unto him and to speake 
with him in their hearing, untill wee signify our further pleasure. Given at 
our Manor of Greenwich the I5th day of June in the nineteenth year of 
our raygne over Great Britaine France & Ireland 1 . 

On 23rd June Chamberlain wrote to Carleton: 

The Dean of Westminster made of the Council.... On Saturday the Earl 
of Southampton being newly gone from the Council Table, was called back, 
and by a warrant from the King committed to the Deane of Westminster, 
under the custody of Sir Richard Weston, who getting himself discharged 
the next day, that charge was imposed upon Sir William Parkhurst (that 
was Sir Henry Wotton's secretarie at Venice) who no doubt was glad to 
have any employment.... Sir Ed Sandys, and Selden, a Lawyer studious of 
antiquitie, are also committed. A committee appointed to try them. Men 
busie themselves much about the cause of this committment.... Yt is con- 
fidently given out that it is not for anything said nor done in Parliament.... 
There are eight Commissioners, little done yet, saving that I hear Southamp- 
ton refused to answer, alleging that he would give no advantage to be 
drawn over terms into the Starr-Chamber, but requires to know what he 
can be charged withall, and to see his accusers. It is like this refusal will do 
him no good, but give further cause of suspicion and stricter restraint. The 
late Lord Chancellor, who has been late at Fulham, has gone to Gorhambury, 
having, as should seem, no manner of feeling of his fall, but continuing as 
vaine and ydle in all his humours as when he was all-highest, and his fine of 
^40,000 to the King is so far from hurting him, that it serves for a bulwark 
and protection against his creditors 2 . 

There are several copies of the examinations of Southampton, 
and of Sir Edwin Sandys, the Earl of Oxford, and Mr John Selden, 
touching some proceedings in Parliament, July, 1621 : 

I. Whether his own conscience did not accuse him of unfaithfulness to 
the King in the latter parte of Parliament, which his Majestic had cause to 

1 D.S.S.P. James, cxxi. 69. * Ibid. 121. 


doubt both in his owne carriage in the Upper House and by the carriage 
of those neere to him in the Lower House ? 

Reply. He protested his conscience was free, and he thought his Majestic 
too just to charge him with the carriage of any one in the Lower House 
howsoever neere to him. 

2. Whether he was not a partie to a practice about Easter to hinder the 
King's ends att that meeting, and were there not meetings and consultations 
held to that intent ? 

Reply. He neither was partie to any such practice, nor knew of any such 
thing, nor of any meetings, nor consultations to any such end, yet he had 
inquired of it, because he had heard before the end of the Parliament that 
some such thing was conceived to have been done in that time. 

3. Whether in the time of Parliament, some of the Lower House did not 
usually come upp into the Committee Chamber of the Upper House, or 
dessyne and plott to receive directions from him what to doe in their own 
House the same day ? 

Reply. Some of the Lower House came thither every day, some tyme to 
him sometyme to others, when he went out to speak with them ordinarily 
and familiarly, as every one else did, and divers tymes of what was then 
doing in their house, and of other Parliament business, but yet he utterly 
denied that he had any desseine or plott in their coming thether. 

4. Whether after the King had declared his purpose to adjourn Parliament, 
he had noe practise with some of the Lower House to crosse the King either 
when he would have bills passe, or afterwards when he would have had Bills 

Reply. He knew of noe such practice at either of these tymes. 

5. Whether he had noe practice with some of the other House to worke 
that some of the Subsidies now granted might have been sent over to the 
King & Queen of Bohemia by order of the House, without coming att all 
into the Exchequer ? 

Reply. That question was the first word that ever he heard of any such 

The second tyme examined 

1. Whether upon more consideration he found noe cause to answer 
otherwise than he had done? 

Reply. Upon all the consideration that might be, he could give no other 
answer than before. 

2. What discontents he had lately received, and how he had expressed 
them, either towards the King, Government, or any other person neere 

Reply. None, nor had (that he knew) expressed any towards the King or 
his government. If there had been any unkindness between him and any 
one neere the King, that concerned not his Majestic. 


3. Whether he had not said things were amisse in the State? 

Reply. He had spoken freely and ordinarily of all such things as they were 
handled in Parliament, as he thought every one else had done, but had not 
been curious to seek faults. 

4. Whether he had not said there would never be a good Reformacion 
while one did soe wholly governe the King ? 

Reply. He denyed it. 

5. What he meant by a speech he used to the Bishop of Coventry and 
Lichfield by way of discourse, saying he thought that in their House he had 
made unseasonable motions ? 

Reply. He meant by the motion he made when the controversy was 
between the Lord Buckingham and him in the House, for he thought his 
motion would have been more seasonable when the House had decided who 
was in error. 

6. Whether he had said he liked not to come to the Council table, there 
were so many boyes and base fellows there ? 

Reply. He denyed it. 

7. Whether he knew of the business of Ireland before it was moved ? 
Reply. He had heard it spoken of before at his own house by Sir Jo: 


8. Whether he had heard no motion made to weare swords in the House ? 
Reply. None. But himself and others did observe that swords were still 

worn, and when he saw every