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Full text of "The life of James Ussher, D.D., Archbishop of Armagh"





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THE 



WHOLE WORKS 



OF THE 



MOST REV. JAMES USSHER, D. D. 

LORD ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH, 

AND 

PRIMATE OF ALL IRELAND. 



VOLUME XI. 



CONTENTS 



THE ELEVENTH VOLUME. 



PAG. 

Annales Veteris Testament!, iEtas septima 1 

The Principles of Christian Religion 177 

The Method of the Doctrine of Christian Religion 197 

The Power communicated by God to the Prince, and the Obedience 

required of the Subject 223 

The original and first Institution of Corbes, Herenaches and 

Termon Lands 419 

The first Establishment of the English Laws and Parliaments in 

the Kingdom of Ireland 447 

A Discourse, showing when and how far the Imperial Laws were 

received by the old Irish and the Inhabitants of Great Britain , 465 
Chronologia sacra 475 



ANNALIUM 

PARS POSTERIOR, 

IN QUA, 

PRATER maccabaicam 

II 

NOVI TESTAMENTI HISTORIAM, 

IMPERII ROMANORUM CjESARUM 

SUB CAIO JULIO ET OCTAVIANO ORTUS, 

RERUMQUE IN ASIA ET 7EGYPTO GESTARUM CONTINETUR 

CHRONICON: 

AB 

ANTIOCHI EPIPHANIS REGNI EXORDIO, USQUE AD IMPERII VESPASIANI 

1NITIA ATQUE EXTREMUM TEMPLI ET REIPUBLIC^E JUDAIC^E 

EXCIDIUM, DEDUCTUM. 

JACOBO USSERIO ARMACHANO 

DIGESTORE. 

LONDINI. 
1654. 



ANNALIUM 

PARS POSTERIOR. 



PAG. 

iEtas inuiidi septitna 1 

Tabula in qua anni mundi cum aimis Periodi Julianae, annis ante 
aeram Christianam, annis Olympiads et annis ante urbem con- 
ditam componuntur 115 



ANNALES 

NOVI TESTAMENTI. 



iETAS MUNDI SEPTIMA. 



4041. Quum longo jam tempore Saulus Damasci evan- 
gelium praedicavisset, inierunt Judaei ilium interimendi 
consilium. Hi ab Aretae regis Arabia? Petraeae (qui He- 
rodis tetrarchae exercitum nuper fuderat) prasfecto, prae- 
sidio urbem Damascenorum tenente adjuti observabanl 
portas die ac nocte, ut eum prehensum interimerent. Ve- 
rum a discipulis e fenestra per murum fune in sporta nocte 
demissus, ex eorum insidiis evasit a . 

Primo igitur apostolatus sui triennio apud Damascenos 
exacto, rediit Saulus Hierosolymam, ut viseret Petrum : 
et permansit apud eum dies quindecim b . 

Ibi quum tentaret se propius adjungere discipulis, time- 
bant omnes, non ci'edentes eum esse discipulum. Sed 
Barnabas acceptum eum duxit ad apostolos (Petrum vide- 
licet, et Jacobum fratrem Domini :) neminem enim ex 
apostolis alium turn ille vidit c ; et exposuit eis, quomodo 



1 Act. cap. 9. ver. 23, 24, 25. 2 Corinth, cap. 11. ver. 32, 33. 
( ' Galat. cap. 1. ver. IS. c Id. ibid, ver, 19. 

VOL. XI. B 



2 ANN ALES 

in via vidisset Dominum, et quod locutus esset ei ; et 
quomodo Damasci libere locutus esset in nomine Jesu d . 

Saulus Hierosolymis libere in nomine Domini Jesu 
loquebatur, et disceptabat cum Hellenistis : (sive Judaeis 
qui Graeca lingua utebantur ; ut Syrus recte hie est inter- 
pretatus :) 1111 vero conabantur eum interimere 6 . 

Orans in templo Saulus extra se raptus est, et vidit 
Dominum dicentem sibi : " Festina, et exi cito Hieroso- 
lymis ; quoniam non excipient testimonium tuum de me." 
Cui ille : " Domine, ipsi sciunt me pertraxisse in carce- 
rem et verberibus affecisse per singulas synagogas eos qui 
credebant in te. Et quum effunderetur sanguis Stephani 
martyris tui, ego quoque adstabam et custodiebam pallia 
eorum qui interficiebant eum." Et dixit ei Dominus : 
" Proficiscere f : nam ego te procul ad gentes emittam." 

Fratres vero Hierosolymitani deduxerunt eum Cassa- 
ream, et emiserunt in patriam suam Tarsum s . Venitque 
in regiones Syriae et Ciliciae, hactenus ignotus facie ec- 
clesiis Judaeas ; quae audientes solum, eum nunc evange- 
lizare fidem quam olim vastabat, Deum de illo glorifica- 
bant h . 

Ecclesiae autem per totam Judaeam et Galilaeam et 
Samariam habentes pacem aedificabantur : et pergentes 
in timore Domini et consolatione Sancti Spiritus, multipli- 
cabantur 1 . 

Herodi Agrippae regi ex Cypro nata est filia Drusilla, 
nupta postea Felici k ; quae moriente patre sexennis erat 1 . 

Caligula Macronem, cui i<Egyptus mandata fuerat, (sex- 
ennio, quod Flacci Abillii praefecturae a Tiberio prasstitu- 
tum fuerat, jam exacto) et uxorem ejus Enniam, quorum 
opera ipse imperium consecutus fuerat, ad mortem volun- 
tariam adegit" 1 . 



J Act. cap. 9. ver. 26, 27. e Id. ibid. ver. 29. 

1 Act. cap. 22. ver. 17— 21 r s Ibid. cap. 9. ver. 30. 
h Galat. cap. 1. ver. 21, 22, 23. ' Act. cap. 9. ver. 31. 

k Act. cap. 24. ver. 24. 
1 Joseph, lib. 18. cap. 7. et lib. 19. cap. ult. 

m Philo, de legat. ad Caium ; et lib. in Flaccum. Sueton. in C. Calig. cap. 
26. Dio, lib, 59. pag. C47. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. ') 

Flaccus, qui /Egypto turn praeerat, interfecto Macrone 
cui maxime fidebat, a Caligula imperatore male sibi me- 
tuit. Qua occasione arrepta, Dionysius, Lampo et Isido- 
rus ill i persuaserunt ut populum Alexandrinum, ab Au- 
gusto et ejus familia in honore habitum, beneficio aliquo 
sibi conciliaret ; nihil vero gratius illis se posse facere, 
quam si eos sinat in Judseos ssevire. Quorum et ille sen- 
tentiam est secutus". 

Caligula Soaemo Arabum Ituraeorum regnum, Cotyi 
Armeniam minorem ac deinde nonnullas Arabia? partes, 
Rhymetalci Cotyis ditionem, Polemonis filio paternum 
(Ponti) imperium ex senatusconsulto tribuit . 

Anno imperii C. Caligula? secundo, veniam ab eo Hero- 
des Agrippa impetravit domum redeundi, regni ordinandi 
gratia ; eo peracto, reversurum se pollicitus 1 '. Suasit 
vero illi imperator, ut navigatione compendiaria usus, ex~ 
pectatis Etesiis vends, recta peteret Alexandriam ; pedestri 
itinere inde minore cum difficultate in patriam rediturus. 
Cui ille obtemperans, quum descendisset Puteolos, et 
naves Alexandrinas in portu paratas ad solvendum inve- 
nisset, post paucos dies Alexandriam appulit q . 

Alexandrini, ob inveteratam cum Judaeis simultatem 
asgre ferentes regem ipsorum quempiam extitisse, Agrip- 
pam in gymnasio sermonibus scurrilibus et mimographo- 
rum ludicris carminibus traducebant. Propulsum quoque 
ad gymnasium quendam insanum nomine Carabam, qui 
interdiu noctuque nudus oberrabat per compita, in supe- 
riore loco statuerunt, ut spectari posset ab omnibus. Mox 
capiti diadema imponunt papyraceum, pro paludamento 
corpori stoream induunt : pro sceptro frustum arundinis 
humi sublatum quidam ei dedit in manum. Sic ornatum 
regiis insigniis, et in regem transformatum more histrio- 
nico, adolescentes perticas in humeris gestantes stipabant 
pro satellitio : turn alii salutatum accedebant, alii sibi 
reddi jura petebant, alii consulebant eum de republica. 
Post haec acclamatum est a circumstantibus, magna voce 



" Philo, in Flaccum. " Dio, lib. 59. pag. G49. 

f Joseph, antfqu. lib. IS. cap, S. i Philo, in Flaccum. 

u2 



4 ANN ALES 

Marim appellantibus : quod nomen Syrorum lingua Do- 
minum significat r . Atque ita Judagorum rex eodem mo- 
do ab aliis est irrisus, quo regias dignitati veri sui Do- 
mini Jesu Christi ipsi Judaei ante quinquennium illu- 
serant. 

Judasi Alexandi-ini Agrippam de insidiis per Flaccum 
prassidem in ipsorum perniciem paratis edccuerunt : scrip- 
tumque quod Flacco dederant, Caio in principatus sui 
exordio transmittendum, regi tradiderunt. Hoc ad Caium 
se missurum ille est pollicitus, simulque significaturum, 
ab initio illud Judaeos mittere voluisse ; sed impeditos 
praesidis malevolentia fuisse, quo minus tempestive id 
facerent s . 

Petrus apostolus, ecclesias Judaeae, Galilaeae et Samariae 
visitans, devenit ad sanctos qui habitabant Lyddae : ibique 
iEneam, ab annis jam octo decumbentem in grabato, a 
paralysi, qua tenebatur, sanavit. Quo viso miraculo, 
omnes qui Lyddam et agrum Saronitanum* incolebant con- 
versi sunt ad Dominum u . 

Discipula quaedam, Syriaco nomine Tabitha Graeco 
Dorcas (id est Caprea) dicta, bonis operibus et eleemosy- 
narum largitione Celebris, Joppag ex morbo decessit. 
Quum autem Lydda esset prope Joppen, discipuli, audito 
Petrum illic esse, duos viros miserunt ad eum, rogantes 
ne cunctaretur usque ad ipsos progredi. Qui adveniens, 
quum in genua procumbens esset precatus, mortuam vitae 
restituit. Id autem innotuit per totam Joppen : et multi 
crediderunt in Dominum. Mansitque ibi Petrus multos 
dies in domo Simonis cujusdam coriarii w . 

Alexandrinorum vulgus, summo mane in theatrum con- 
fluens, redempto jam Flacci praesidis favore, in proseuchis 
Judaeorum dedicandas esse Cassaris statuas unanimiter 
conclamavit. Quod praeses, licet sciret non minus quam 
decies centena millia Judaeorum incolere Alexandriam 
totamque regionem quanta patet a Catabathmo Libyas 

r Philo, in Flaccum. 

' Philo, in Flaccum, et in legat. ad Caium. 

1 De quo, 1 Chronic, cap. 5. ver. 16. et cap. 27. ver. 29. 

* Act. cap. 9. ver. 31—35. " Id. ibid. ver. 36—13. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. O 

asque ad terminos /Ethiopia?, nullo respectu securitatis 
publics habito, fieri permisit*. Illi vero conglobati in 
cohortes numerosissimas, proseuchas, qua? multa? in sin- 
gulis urbis regionibus erant, aut arbustis succisis vasta- 
runt, aut diruerunt funditus : quasdam etiam incendevunt 
injectis ignibus tanta rabie atque insania, ut in proxima 
quoque asdificia ti'ansiliret incendium. In proseuchis au- 
tem omnibus quas diruere incendereve non poterant, quod 
accolerentur magna Judasorum frequentia, effigies Caii 
statuerunt : in maxima vero ac celeberrima sublimem qua- 
drigis aheneis ; idque tarn praepopero studio, ut, cum 
carerent novis quadrigiis, veteres aeruginosas, auribus, 
caudis pedibusque mutilatas, e gymnasio raperent, olim 
dedicatas (ut ferebatur) Cleopatra?, qua? fuerat ultima? 
hujus nominis regina? proavia. Ha?c vero existimabat 
Caius ex vehementi Alexandrinorum in ipsum studio pro- 
fecta : qua? partim ex quotidianis actis cognoscebat trans- 
missis sibi ab Alexandria, (et enim libentius lectitabat 
quam ullum poema vel historiam) partim ex nonnullis ser- 
vis domesticis, quorum plerique erant ./Egyptii, eadem 
cum ipso laudare aut irridere solitis y . 

C. Caligula, sorore Drusilla defuncta, justitium indixit : 
in quo risisse, lavisse, convivio quemquam accepisse, capi- 
tale fuit z . 

^Egypti prasses Flaccus edictum proposuit, in quo Ju- 
da?os qui cives erant Alexandrini peregrinos appellabat 
et exteros : ne causa? quidem dicenda? potestatem faciens, 
sed injudicatos condemnans. Quinque erant urbis illius 
regiones, a primoribus earum Uteris denominata? : quarum 
dua? dicebantur Judaica?, quod in his plurimi Juda?i liabi- 
tarent ; quamvis et in aliis non pauci sparsim habuerint 
domicilia. Alexandrinorum igitur vulgus, licentiam gras- 
sandi in Juda?os a Flacco nactum, e quatuor Uteris eos 
expulsos contrusit in unius partem angustam. Qui, quod 
plures essent quam ut is locus eos caperet, egrediebantur 
in litora et monumenta et sterquilinia, exuti rebus sins' 



Philo, in Flaccum. y Philo, in legat. ad Caium, 

Sueton. in C. Calig. cap. 21. Dio, lib. 59. pag. 64S. 



6 ANNALES 

omnibus. Inimici vero facto in desertas domos impetu, 
praedas tanquam jure belli partas dividebant: effractisquc 
Judaeorum officinis, quae turn propter luctum mortis Dru- 
sillae clausas fuerant, hinc quoque plurima egesserunt, 
quae per medium forum translata verterunt in usus pro- 
})rios. Sed minus nocebant domorum plusquam quadrin- 
gentae direptiones, quam abrupta negotiatio : quum cre- 
ditores amisissent pignora, nee sineretur ullus agricola, 
nauta, negotiator, opifex, exercere artes consuetas a . 

Tot myriadas virorum, mulierum, puerorumque in urbis 
angulum angustissimum, ceu pecora, compulsas, sperabant 
adversarii se intra paucos dies visuros acervatim jacere : 
aut fame necatos per ciborum inopiam, aut in loco aestu- 
oso compressos, vitiato etiam per crebras respirationes 
circumvicino aere. Ne quis autem clanculum inde se pro- 
riperet, diligenter cavebant : et quotquot intercepissent, 
excruciatos prius mox enecabant, nullam ab eis absti- 
nendo saevitiam. Alia manus circa portus fluminis insidi- 
abatur Judaeis appellentibus, et eorum mercimoniis : qui- 
bus in conspectu dominorum direptis, ipsos protrusos 
exurebant, constructo rogo e gubernaculis, contis, et na- 
vium tabulis. Alii media in urbe concremabantur miser- 
rimo supplicii genere. Nam prae lignorum inopia sar- 
menta comportabantur, quibus accensis injiciebant miseros : 
qui semiustulati fumo magis quam igni necabantur. Multi 
etiam vivi loris laqueisque circa talos adstrictis per medium 
forum raptabantur, insultante vulgo et ne mortuis qui- 
dem parcente corporibus. Dissecta enim membratim frus- 
tatimque conculcabant tanta crudelitate, ut ne reliquias 
quidem ad sepulturam superesse sinerent b . Qui vero 
dolebant suorum vicem cognati amicique, confestim poenas 
dabant suae misericordiae ; arreptique flagris caedebantur, 
et post omnia tormenta qua3 poterant excipere corporibus, 
tandem in crucem agebantur c . 

Ex senatu, quern Augustus constituerat publicum Ju- 
daeorum concilium, Flaccus praeses triginta octo compre- 



* Philo, in Flaccum. 

b Philo, in legat. ad Caium. r Id. in Flaccum. 



NOVI TESTAMEM'I. 7 

hensos in suis privatis aedibus confestim vinchi jussit : 
traductosque per medium forum senes reductis in tergum 
manibus, ligatos partim loris partim catenis ferreis, in- 
duxit in theatrum, statutosque coram inimicis eorum se- 
dentibus, jussit nudatos concidi verberibus : atque ex his 
Euodium, Tryphonem, et Andron, in conspectu illorum 
qui bonis eos prius spoliaverant. Et licet mos esset in 
neminem damnatum animadvertere donee solemnes cele- 
britates natalitiaque Augustorum festa praeteriissent ; ille 
tamen per eos ipsos dies (Caii natali in postremum Augusti 
mensis diem turn incidente) affligebat homines innoxios, 
ad hunc modum distributis spectaculis. Mane usque 
horam tertiam quartamve Judaei flagellabantur, suspende- 
bantur, rotis alligabantur, damnabantur, per inediam or- 
chestram ducebantur ad supplicium. Deinde induceban- 
tur saltatores, mimi, tibicines, aliaque ludicra scenicorum 
certaminum. Ipsae quoque mulieres non solum in foro, 
sed etiam in medio theatro tanquam captiva? corripie- 
bantur, et ob quamvis calumniam in scenam trahebantur 
non sine gravissimis contumeliis : deinde cognito eas esse 
alterius generis, dimittebantur ; multas enim quasi Judaeas 
comprehendebant, priusquam rem diligentius dispicerent. 
Postquam autem Judaicag comperiebantur, ex spectatori- 
bus facti tyranni, jubebant eis suillas carnes offerri ; quas 
quotcunque metu tormentorum gustabant, sine alia majore 
vexatione dimittebantur : qua? vero sibi temperabant, tor- 
toribus tradebantur ad cruciatus maximos a . 

Accitus a prseside Castus centurionum fidissimus, jube- 
tur assumpto e sua cohorte audacissimo quoque in domos 
Jiulaeorum irrumpere, scrutarique nunquid armorum ibi 
lateat. Quo propere mandata exequente, Judaai intima 
quaeque aperientes scrutatoribus ostendebant : ubi mulier- 
culae inclusas, nunquam e conclavi egiedi solitae, et virgi- 
nes prae pudore declinantes aspectum etiam familiarium, 
tunc non solum ignotis verumetiam militari ferociae spec- 
tabantur pavidae. Nihilominus accurata facta scrutatione, 
non inveniebantur ista quas quaerebantur arma, ^Egyptiis 

d Philo, in Flaccum, 



8 ANN ALES 

quidem paulo ante anna dempta fuerant per Bassum a 
Flacco jussum id curare. Sed turn videre licebat magnum 
navium numerum appulisse ad portus fluminis, plenarum 
omni armorum genere : quae hominibus seditiosis, qui an- 
tea quoque ssepius defectiones tentarant, adimi par erat. 
Sed longe alia Judaeorum erat ratio : qui defectionis nun- 
quam suspecti, studia quotidiana quaestusque exercebant, 
ad concordiam et tranquillitatem civitatis facientia 6 . 

4042. Dum festi tabernaculorum solennitas per autumni 
aequinoctium a Judaeis Alexandrinis tantopere afflictis in- 
termitteretur, Flaccum praesidem a Stephanione liberto 
Tiberii Caesaris convivio exceptum ex improviso Bassus 
centurio comprehendit ; ad id faciendum, cum cohorte 
militum ex Italia a Caio missus. Cumque ora solvisset 
hyemis initio, marinis tempestatibus jactatus, post pluri- 
mos labores aegre in Italiam delatus est : ubi confestim a 
duobus infensissimis accusatoribus, Lampone et Isidoro 
(qui ipsum in Judaeos incitaverant) exceptus est. Qui 
damnatus, omni patrimonio et bonis domesticis (quae selec- 
tissima habuerat) exutus, in exilium actus est. Et quidem 
in insulam omnium sterilissimam Gyarum in JEgeo sitam 
deportatus fuisset : nisi deprecante Lepido pro Gyaro 
Andrum propinquam ei permissum esset incolere : ubi 
postea Caii jussu (ut et alii omnes honorati exules) occisus 
periit f . 

Agrippam regia dignitate praefulgentem videns Herodias 
soror ipsius, Herodis tetrarchae uxor, invidia percita, non 
prius destitit quam viro persuasit ut Romam contenderent, 
eandem regiam dignitatem a Caesare petituri. Agrippa, 
cognita eorum mente et apparatu, quamprimum eos e 
portu solvisse didicit, etiam ipse libertum suum Fortuna- 
tum Romam ad imperatorem misit cum muneribus et Uteris 
contra Herodem patruum scriptis. Ille Herodi ad Caesa- 
rem, apud Baias Campaniae oppidum amcenissimum turn 
agentem, admisso superveniens, Agrippae literas reddidit ; 
accusantes Herodem, quod prius cum Sejano conspirasset 
in Tiberium, et nunc iterum Artabano Partho faveret 

e Philo, in Flaccum. ' Id. ibid. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 9 

contra Caii novum imperium, tanto ad hoc comportato 
armorum apparatu, quantus instruendis virorum septua- 
ginta millibus sufficeret. Quo commotus Caius, percon- 
tatus est Herodem, verane essent quae nunciarentur de 
armorum numero. Quo annuente, (neque enim vera ne- 
gare poterat) satis approbatam Caius putans defectionem, 
ademit illi Galilgea? et Peraeas tetrarchiam, quam postea 
ad Agrippae regnum adjecit, pecunia quoque ejus illi do- 
nata. Herodem vero, perpetuo damnatum exilio, Lug- 
dunum in Gallia relegavit. Cognito deinde sororem 
Agrippae esse Herodiadem, pecuniam ei propriam con- 
cessit : et ratus non libenter fore marito calamitatis soci- 
am, in Agrippas gratiam se illi parsurum promisit. Ilia 
Caio pro hac indulgentia gratias egit ; verum ea se in 
praesentia uti non posse professa est : quod nefas existi- 
maret, maritum in hac calamitate deserere, cujus fortunse, 
dum floreret, ipsa fuisset particeps. Quod ille indigne 
ferens, ipsam quoque cum marito in exilium ire jussit, et 
bona ejus Agrippas largitus est g . Ita incesti sui connubii 
poenas illi luerunt : post obtruncatum ab hoc Herode Jo- 
hannem Baptistam annis octo post Christum Servatorem 
ludibrio ab eodem habitum h . 

Pontius Pilatus quoque, tantis irrogante Caio angoribus 
coarctatus est, ut propria se manu interfecerit : quemad- 
modum ex Romanis historicis Hieronymus in chronico, et 
ex Graecis Olympiadum scriptoribus refert in ecclesiastica 
sua historia Eusebius 1 , cum Orosio k , et Cassiodoro in 
chronico. 

Caius Baiani sinus medium intervallum Puteolanas ad 
moles trium millium et sexcentorum fere passuum ponte 
conjunxit ; in quo currum ejus, turn alia multa spoliorum 
instar subsequebantur, turn etiam ex Parthorum obsidibus 
Darius puer, Artabani regis filius : Dario et Xerxe non 
nisi ludibrii causa memorato, quia longe plus maris ipse 
ponte instravisset 1 . 

s Joseph, antiqu. lib. 18. cap. 9. h Luc. cap. 23. ver. 11. 

' Lib. 2. cap. 7. k Lib, 7. cap. 5. 

1 Joseph, antiqu, lib. 19. cap, 1. Sueton. in C. Calig. cap. 19. Dio, lib, 
59. pag. 653. 



10 ANNALES 

Idem, obtentu Germanici belli, ultra transitum a sc 
Rhenum parumper progressus, inde statim rediit, quasi 
in Britanniam iturus 1 . 

Lucius Vitellius ex Syria accersitus est a Caio, ut in- 
terficeretur" 1 . Crimini enim ipsi dabatur, quod Tiri- 
datem, Parthis a Tiberio regem missum, expelli ab illis 
sivisset". 

Vitellio successorem in Syriam Caius misit Petronium : 
Publium videlicet Petronium, (ut ex Philone, in legatione 
ad Caium, et Josepho 1 ' constat,) qui films fortasse illius 
fuerit, de quo ad annum mundi 3983. ex Strabone dictum 
est ; minime vero omnium Lucius ille Petronius, longe 
ante hoc tempus mortuus, quem " admodum humili loco 
natum ad equestrem ordinem pervenisse" memoravit Vale- 
rius Maximus q ; uti opinatus est Baronius r . 

Vitellius ad Caium veniens, hoc modo neci se eripuit. 
Composuerat se longe quam gloria ejus ferret humiliori 
habitu, Caiique pedibus advolutus, effusis lachrymis, atque 
ilium simul et Deum appellans saepius et adorans, tan- 
demque vovens si incolumis evasisset se ei sacrificaturum ; 
ita hominem emollivit ac sibi placavit, ut non modo su- 
perstes maneret, sed etiam inter prsecipuos posthac amicos 
haberetur s . Atque ita ille, miri in adulando ingenii, pri- 
mus Caium adorari ut deum instituit : quum reversus ex 
Syria non aliter eum adire ausus esset quam capite velato, 
circumvertensque se, ac deinde procumbens 4 . Et quum 
postea Caius rem sibi esse cum Luna dixisset, percuncta- 
tusque esset Vitellium, vidissetne se cum dea congredi ; 
ille quasi attonitus, oculis in terram demissis, tremens, 
exili voce respondit : " Solis, domine, vobis diis licet invi- 
cem videre 11 ." Eoque facto initio Vitellius, qui in regendis 
provinciis prisca virtute egerat, omnes reliquos adulando 
superavit*. 

1 Dio, lib. 59. pag. 656. '" Id. ibid. pag. 661. 

n Dio, in excerptis, ab Henr. Valesio edit. pag. 670. 

Joseph, antiqu. lib. IS. cap. 11. P Antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 6. 

i Lib. 4. cap. 7. r Ann. chron. 41. num. 4. 

5 Dio, lib. 59. pag. 661. ' Sueton. in A. Vitellio, cap, 2, 

" Dio, lib. 59. pag. 661. 

x Dio, lib. 59, pag. 661. Tacit, annal, lib. 6, cap. 32. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI, 



II 



Ipse deinde Caius sibi sacerdos fiiit, cquumquc suum 
collegam sacerdotii adscivit y . Mileti vero in Asia tem- 
plum sibi extrui jussit : banc urbem prae casteris eligens, 
specie quidem quod Ephesum a Diana, Pergamum ac 
Smyrnam ab Augusto Tiberioque occupatas esse diceret ; 
sed revera quia amplissimum ac pulcherrimum, quod 
Milesii Apollini aedificabant, suo nomini vindicare cupie- 
bat z . Mileti quoque Didymeum peragere destinaverat a . 

4043. In Jamniam, urbem Judaea? frequentem cum pri- 
mis populo, subrepserant e finitimis regionibus inquilini ; 
qui semper moliebantur aliquid adversus ritus Judaicos. 
Hi cum audirent ab advenis, quantopere Caius pro deo 
coli cuperet, et quam infensus universae Judaeorum genti 
esset ; ex tempore aram excitarunt e luto formato in la- 
teres, tantum ut molesti essent civibus. Hanc quum illi 
indignati e medio sustulissent ; adversarii rem ad Capito- 
nem quasstoreni detulerunt, qui in Judaea exigendis tri- 
butis praeerat. Ad Caium ille scripsit, exaggerando rem 
et amplificando. Caius vero pro altari lateritio subverso 
in Jamnia, colossum inauratum poni jussit in ipso templo 
Hierosolymitano : consultoribus usus, Helicone iEgyptio 
et Apelle tragcedo Ascalonita. Literis igitur de statua 
dedicanda ad Petronium Syriae praesidem accuratissime 
scriptis, mandavit illi Caius, ut exercitus, contra irrupti- 
ones orientalium regum nationumque oppositi, dimidium 
ab Euphrate adversus Judaeos duceret, ut prosequeretur 
.statuam ; non quo augustior dedicatio fieret, sed ut con- 
festim periret siquis obsisteret. Sed neque statua trans- 
missa fuit ex Italia, neque jussus est Petronius e tota 
Syria lectissimam sumere : alioqui praspropere violatis 
Judaeorum legibus, exortus fuisset repentinus tumultus. 
Itaque Petronius in propinquo jussit parari statuam, et 
accitis e Phoenicia peritissimis artificibus praebuit mate- 
riam, officina Sidone instituta b . 

Interim contractis quantum poterat auxiliis, cum dua- 



y Dio, lib. 59. pag. 662. 

z Dio, in excerptis Valesii, pag. 670= ct 673, 

* Sueton. in C. Caligula, cap. 21. 

h Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 



12 ANN ALES 

bus Romanis legionibus hybernavit apucl Ptolemaidem, 
primo vere bellum illaturus : quod et Caio significavit per 
literas. Qui collaudata ejus industria, hortatus est eum 
ad agendum gnaviter, et frangendam bello gentis contu- 
maciam. Ita Josephus c . 

Inter Judasos et Graecos Alexandriam inhabitantes ex- 
orta seditione, terni ab utraque parte legati delecti ad 
Caium missi sunt. Judaeorum legationis princeps erat 
Philo, vir per omnia clarissimus ; Grsecorum Apion d ; qui 
Oasi in JEgypto natus, Alexandrinus dici maluit, quod 
ejus civitatis jure gauderet e . nXtiGroviicriv, quasi saepe 
victorem, cognominatum, inter alios refert Plinius, libro 
trigesimo septimo historias naturalis, capite quinto ; in totius 
quoque operis ad Titum Vespasianum Caesarem prasfa- 
tione ista de eodem adjiciens : " Apion grammaticus, hie 
quern Tiberius Caesar cymbalum mundi vocabat, quum 
tympanum potius videri posset, immortalitate donari a se 
scripsit, ad quos aliqua componebat." Qui et mendacis- 
simum adversus Judasos commentarium edidit, cui in se- 
cundo contra eundem libro respondet Josephus : nam 
prior liber aliis Judaicas gentis obtrectatoribus ab eo est 
oppositus. 

Legati igitur Judaeorum (quos quinque numero fuisse, 
sub finem libri de hac legatione a se scripti confirmat ipse 
Philo; non tres, ut Josephus voluit) ad deprecandum in- 
jurias quas quotidie patiebantur, medio hyemis ad Caium 
navigarunt. Placuitque offerri ei libellum continentem 
summam calamitatum, et earum deprecationem ; ex pro- 
lixiore supplicatione, quam per Agrippam regem Judasi 
ad eum ante miserant, desumptam. Adversarii vero He- 
liconem ^Egyptium, imperatoris cubiculo prasfectum, sibi 
conciliarunt, non tantum pecunia, sed et spe honorum, 
quos ei pollicebantur se collaturos, quamprimum Caius 
veniret Alexandriam. Quern cum Judaeorum legati pla- 
care et mollire desiderarent ; nullum ad eum aditum inve- 
nire potuerunt f . 

Ipse Caius primum, dissimulato in Judasos odio, legator 

c Joseph, antiqu. lib. 18. cap. 11. d Id. ibid. cap. 10. 

r ' Joseph, lib. 2. contr. Apion. ! Philo, in legatione ad Caium. 



NOVI TESTAMENT!. 1 



r> 



eorum exceptos in Campo Martio, cum e maternis hortis 
exiret, hilari vultu resalutavit, et dextra innuit se propi- 
tium : missoque ad eos Homulo qui legationibus admitten- 
dis praeerat, pollicitus est se cogniturum eorum causam 
per otium. Postea vero, cum hortos Maecenatis et Lamiae, 
qui et inter se et urbi propinqui erant, inviseret, et intro- 
ducti legati eum reverenter adoravissent, atque Augusti 
imperatoris appellatione eum salutavissent ; ringendo ro- 
gavit : " Vosne estis illi diis invisi, qui me omnium con- 
fessione deum declaratum soli aspernamini, mavultisque 
vestrum innominatum colere ?" simulque sublatis ad cce- 
lum manibus erupit in vocem, quam ne audire quidem fas 
est, nedum proloqui verbis totidem. Ac mox exorta est 
adversae partis ingens laetitia : qua? deorum omnium illi 
acclamabat cognomina. His appellationibus gaudentem 
conspicatus Isidorus sycophanta amarulentus : " Magis," 
inquit, " detestareris, domine, istos eorumque tribules, si 
scires eorum erga te impietatem atque malevolentiam. 
Omnibus enim pro salute tua votivas casdentibus victimas, 
isti soli non sustinuerunt sacra facere. Cum dico, isti, de 
cunctis Judasis loquor." Tunc exclamaverunt unanimiter 
legati : " Domine Cai, calumniis petimur. Immolavimus 
hecatombas : libatoque ad aram sanguine, carnes domum 
non retulimus ad epulas, ut quorumdam est mos ; sed in- 
tegras victimas exurendas sacro igni tradidimus ; idque 
ter ; primum, quando successisti in imperium ; iterum, 
quando gravem ilium morbum evasisti, cui totus orbis con- 
doluit : tertio, votum pro victoria Germanica." " Esto," 
inquit Caius, " sacra fecistis, sed alteri: mihi certe non 
sacrificastis." Ibi legatos horror pervasit, hac nova voce 
attonitos : ille interim villas obibat, inspectans aulas et 
conclavia, in imis aedibus et in ccenaculis ; ubi legatos eum 
sequentes carptim interrogans, " cur abstinerent a por- 
cina, et, quodnam jus Alexandrina? civitatis praetende- 
rent ;" posita tandem ferocia, " Homines isti," inquit, 
" non tarn mihi videntur mali quam miseri, qui sibi pe- 
suaderi non sinunt, me esse naturae divinae participem." 
Simulque abiit et legatos jussit abscedere s . 

s Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 



14 ANN ALES 

Agrippae e regno suo reverso Caius tetrarchiam patrui 
sui Herodis (Lugdunum in exilium missi) donavit. Cum 
enim in Philippi tetrarchia per triennium regnasset ; quar- 
to jam anno accessit illi Herodis tetrarchia^. Quod bene- 
ficium, in Uteris ad Caium paulo post scriptis, ita ipse 
agnoscit : " Donasti 11 mihi regnum ; qua sorte nulla inter 
mortales felicior : id quum prius unara regionem non 
excederet, adjunxisti mihi mox majorem alteram, Tracho- 
nitim et Galilaeam." 

Petronius honoratiores Judaeorum sacerdotes et magis- 
tratus evocavit, indicaturus eis Caii mandata de dedicanda 
in templo statua ; simulque suasurus ut patienter ferrent 
jussa domini, et caverent mala imminentia : palatum enim 
esse robur exercitus Syriaci ad edendas per totam eorum 
regionem strages maximas. Qui perculsi ad primam ejus 
rei mentionem, tanquam in prassenti calamitate obmutu- 
ere ; quasi e fonte profundendo lachrymas, et capillos bar- 
basque vellendo. Qui vero Hierosolymis caeteraque regi- 
one famam hujus conatus audierant, velut de communi 
sententia coorti, tesseram dante dolore publico, profecti 
sunt uno agmine, desertis oppidis, castellis et sedibus : 
continuatoque itinere contenderunt in Phoenician!, ubi 
tunc agebat Petronius. Ac primum tantus clamor cum 
fletu planctuque sublatus est, ut hebetaret aures prassen- 
tium. Secutse sunt compellationes, et preces, quales die- 
tare solent calamitosa tempora. Erant autem distributi 
in sex ordines, senior um, juniorum, puerorum ; rursum 
alia parte, anuum, mulierum, virgin um. Ubi vero Petro- 
nius in loco superiore conspectus est, universi ordines 
velut ad unum edictum humi procubuerunt supplices cum 
ululatu quodam flebili; jussique surgere et accedere pro- 
pius, vix tandem surrexerunt, et conspersi multo pulvere 
diffluentesque lachrymis, accedebant reductis more dam- 
natorum ambabus manibus. Quorum miserabili supplica- 
tione Petronius simul cum assessoribus commotus, con- 
sultatione habita, literas ad Caium mittendas curavit : 
quibus dedicatio statuae dilata fuisse significabatur partim 

e Joseph. antiqu.Iib. 19. cap. ult, >' Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 15 

propter opifices, certum temporis spatium ad colossum 
perficiendum necessario requirentes ; partim propter con- 
vectionem frumenti, ad iter quod cum copiis suis in iEgyp- 
tum Caius instituere ferebatur necessariam. Maturas 
enim turn segetes fuisse : timendumque, ne deplorata re- 
ligione Judaei vitam quoque contemnerent, et vastatis 
agris suasmet fruges late per campos collesque incen- 
derent 1 . 

Acceptis Uteris, Caius ad tempus iram adversus Petro- 
nium tegebat implacabilem. Vehementer enim timebat 
prassides, quod illis promptum esset res novas moliri, prae- 
sertim in magnis provinces apud magnos exercitus ; qualis 
erat ad Euphratem tractus Syriae. Delinito igitur per 
literas homine, laudabat in speciem ejus providentiam et 
in prospiciendis futuris solertiam : mandato tamen addito, 
ne messibus jam convectis ullam curam praeverteret dedi- 
cationis negotio k . 

Ad Judasorum Alexandrinorum legatos pervenit turn 
hujus rei nuncius : jussisse Caium poni sibi colossum in 
adytis templi intimis, ascito in titulo novi Jovis cogno- 
mento. Quo illi attoniti, omnes simul conclave ingressi 
et inclusi deplorabant fortunam privatam atque publicam : 
Deum tamen servatorem non defore sperantes, qui saape 
gentem hanc eripuerit exitio 1 . 

Agrippam regem, qui horum omnium ignarus ad Caium 
salutandum more suo venerat, ille torve intuitus : " Boni," 
inquit, " honestique cives tui, qui soli ex omni hominum 
genere dedignantur Caium habere pro deo, videntur jam 
mortem sibi per contumaciam quaerere : dum me jubente 
in ipsorum tempi o consecrari Jovis simulachrum, popula- 
riter ex urbe agrisque occurrunt specie supplicum, sed 
revera mandatum meum proculcaturi." Quibus auditis, 
rex horrore est correptus ; et tremore membra quatiente 
solutisque nervis collapsus fuisset, ni eum sustentassent 
proximi : qui jussi domum ilium retulerunt nil sentientem 
et subitanea vi mali sopitum ac stupidum. Ac Caius magis 



' Philo, in legat. ad Caium. k Id, ibid. 

1 Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 



1G ANNALES 

etiam exasperabatur in gentis odium : " Si lD Agrippa," in- 
quiens, " familiaris et amicissimus plurimisque devinctus 
beneficiis, tantum tribuit patriis ritibus, ut ne verbo qui- 
dem eos violari ferat, sed deliquio pene exanimatus sit : 
quid expectandum est ab aliis, qui nihil habent quod se 
in diversum retrahat ?" 

Agrippa ad se reversus, prolixas pro gente sua ad 
Caium scripsit literas ; (a Philone libro de legatione sua 
insertas:) quas hoc ille terminavit epilogo : " Quid" de me 
loquentur vel tribules, vel universi homines ? Alterutrum 
enim sequetur, aut ut appeller meorum proditor, aut inter 
tuos amicos posthac non habear : quo utrolibet quid po- 
test esse infelicius ? Nam si adhuc in amicis numeror, 
proditionis insimulabor, si nee patriam indemnem, nee 
templum inviolatum praestitero ; nam vos praapotentes 
soletis amicorum ad imperatoriam opem confugientium 
rebus consulere. Quod siqua in re animo tuo molestus 
sum ; noli me vincire, ut Tiberius, sed ne toties vincula 
timeam, jube mox interimi; quid enim mihi vita opus est, 
cui spes unica salutis fuit in tua benevolentia ?" 

His Uteris Caius mitigatus, ut videbatur, respondit cle- 
mentius ; et Agrippae donavit ceu maximam gratiam, ne 
fleret dedicatio; simulque scribi jussit Publio Petronio 
Syria? praesidi, ne quid in Judaeorum templo novaret. Ne 
tamen solida esset ea gratia, terrorem admiscuit sic scri- 
bens : " Quod si extra unam metropolim in finitimis urbi- 
bus quicumque volentes altaria templave aut statuas ima- 
ginesve mihi meisque ponere veriti fuerint ; quisquis 
obstiterit plectatur continuo, aut ad me mittatur." Verum 
divina providentia factum est, ut nemo finitimorum quic- 
quam moveret . 

Peste apud Babylonem grassante, Judaeorum multitudo 
inde Seleuciam migravit : quo et alia eorum multitudo, 
relicta Neerda, et aliis Babylonicae provincias urbibus, 
ante quinquennium se contulerat. Seleuciae vero semper 
Graecis male cum Syris conveniebat, Graecorum tamen 



ln Philo, de legat. ad Caium. » Id. ibid. 

Philo, de legat. 



XOVI TESTAMENTS 17 

factione praeponderante. Quo postquam a Judaeis migra- 
tum est, eorum favore conditio Syrorum ccepit esse potior, 
aucta viris bellicosis et periculorum contemptoribus. 
Quare Graeci succumbentes, et videntes se non posse re- 
cuperare dignitatem pristinam manente Judaeorum et 
Syrorum consensu, suos quisque familiares Syros appella- 
verunt de pace et amicitia : id quod facile impetratum est. 
Nam quum utrinque primatibus commissum esset nego- 
tium, secuta est reconciliatio : quam ita demum ratam fore 
placuit, si utrique Judaeos communibus prosequerentur 
odiis. Itaque eos improviso aggressi occiderunt supra 
quinquaginta virorum millia : neque ullus evasit, nisi quern 
amici aut vicini servavit misericordia. Hi deinde seces- 
serunt Ctesiphontem urbem Graecanicam vicinam Seleu- 
ciae ; ubi quotannis rex hybernare est solitus, habens ibi 
majorem supellectilis partem repositam : ibique sedes 
fixerunt, tutos se rati regiae majestatis reverentia. Caste- 
rum Babyloniorum ac Seleuciensium terror omnes ejus 
tractus Judaeos pervagatus est : quando quicquid erat Sy- 
rorum in illis regionibus cum Seleuciensibus conspiravit 
in eorum perniciem. Quo factum est ut plerique Neer- 
dam et Nisibim se receperint, securitatem suam repo- 
nentes in earum munitionibus ; quae alioquin etiam habita- 
bantur a viris bellicosissimis p . 

Romam Caius natali suo, qui postremus mensis Augusti 
dies fuit, ovans ingressus est q . 

4044. Alexandrinis legatis coram Caio comparentibus, 
Apion multa in Judaeos jactavit crimina ; interque caetera, 
quod Caesarem non prosequerentur debitis honoribus ; 
nam, cum quam late patet orbis Romanus Caio extrueren- 
,tur templa et altaria, et pari honore coleretur cum caeteris 
numinibus, solos istos turpe putare dedicare illi statuas, 
aut jurare per nomen Caesaris. His et multis aliis, quae 
ad exasperandum Caium facerent, ab eo prolatis, quum 
respondere pararet Philo, repulsus est a Caesare jubente 
ilium abire, et per iracundiam vix temperante ab injuria. 
Ita vero cum contumelia ejectus Philo, Judaeos qui ilium 

p Joseph, ant. lib. IS. cap. ult. fin. 1 Sueton. in C. Calig. cap. 43. 
VOL. XI. C 



18 ANNALES 

comitabantur bono jussit esse animo : Caium, tametsi ver- 
bo quidem illis succensebat, re tamen ipsa perfecisse, ut 
Deus ipsis contra ejus conata praesto esset ad opitulan- 
dum r . 

Caius, gratia? Judaeis concessae jam poenitens, jussit 
Roma? fieri alium colossum aereura inauratum, omisso illo 
Sidonio, ne quern motum excitaret in populo : utque navi- 
bus transportatum per silentium, repente clam priusquam 
sentiretur in templo Hierosolymitano poneretur. Id autem 
facturus erat obiter, in iEgyptum navigans. Tenebatur 
enim miro visendse Alexandria? desiderio, magna cura pro- 
fectionem instituens, ut ibi diu degeret: ratus deificatio- 
nem suam, quam somniabat, in bac una civitate posse suc- 
cedere, atque inde hujus religionis exemplum manaturum 
ad minores caeteras. Ita Philo, qui haec optime scivit, in 
legatione sua ad Caium : ex quo reformandum illud Taciti, 
de Judasis : " Jussi a Caesare effigiem ejus in templo lo- 
care, arma potius sumpsere : quern motum Caasaris mors 
diremit." 

Apelles Ascalonita, qui Caium in Judaaos incitaverat, 
ab eodem propter alia crimina ferreis compedibus vinctus, 
et in rota ex intervallo saepius tortus est 1 . 

A sortibus Antiatinis monitus Caius, ut a Cassio cave- 
ret, C. Cassium Longinum Asia? turn proconsulem in sus- 
picione habens, qui genus a Cassio Julii Caesaris interfec- 
tore ducebat, vinctum ad se adduci jussit, et occidendum 
delegavit : immemor Cbaeream, a quo paulo post occisus 
est, Cassium etiam nominari u . 

Apollonius iEgyptius, qui domi dixerat quid Caio esset 
eventurum, Romam ad eum adductus est ipsa die casdis, 
(quern nonum Kalendas Februarias fuisse, in capite quin- 
quagesimo octavo Suetonius significat) et evocatus ad lu- 
endum paulo post supplicium, salvus evasit w . 

Imperavit C. Caligula triennio, decern mensibus, et die- 
bus octo, ut est apud Suetonium x , et Clementem Alexan- 



r Joseph, antiqu. lib. IS. cap. 10. Euseb. lib. 2. histor. eccles. cap. 5. 
s Histor. lib. 5. cap. 9. ' Philo, de legat. 

» Sueton. in C. Calig. cap. 57. Dio,lib. 59. pag. C62. 
w Dio, lib. 59. pag. 663. * Cap. 59. 



NOVI TESTAMENTS 19 

drinum, in primo libro Stromatum : vel mensibus potius 
novem et diebus viginti octo, ut in libri quinquagesimi noni 
fine habet Dio. Cujns loco patruus ejus Claudius Caesar 
Drusi filius, a praetorianis militibus imperator declaratus 
est. 

Rex Agrippa, ubi cognovit ad imperium raptum esse a 
militibus Claudium, aegre diraota turba ad eum pervasit ; 
et nactus eum turbatum pronumque ad cedendam potesta- 
tem senatui confirmavit, hortatus ut ma?no animo in reti- 
nendo principatu pergeret. Jamque unus erat e fautori- 
bus Claudii, cum accer situs a senatu ignarum se omnium 
simulans, et unguentis delibutus tanquam a compotatione 
veniens, ex senatoribus quaesivit quid de Claudio factum 
sit. Quibus id quod verum erat respondentibus, et insu- 
per ipsius sententiam de praesenti statu postulantibus ; se 
quidem aiebat pro senatus dignitate nullum recusare pe- 
riculum, existimare tamen mittendos esse aliquos ad Clau- 
dium qui ei principatum deponere suaderent : et ad earn 
legationem semetipsum obtulit. Cum aliis vero aliquot 
ille missus, Claudio seorsum trepidationem senatus indica- 
vit : authorque fuit, ut responderet sicut decebat ad sum- 
mam potestatem evectum principem, sicut et postea idem 
Claudio author fuit, ut erga senatores ad ipsum conversos 
mitius sese gereret y . 

In imperio confirmatus Claudius, Mithridatem Iberum, 
quern Caius evocatum in vincula condiderat, domum ad 
recipiendum regnum remisit : et alii cuidam Mithridati, 
qui genus a magno illo Mithridate deducebat, Bospho- 
rum largitus est ; pro eo parte Ciliciae Polemoni data 2 . 

Agrippae Palaestino, qui eum in potiundo principatu ad- 
juverat Romae tunc praesens, regnum auxit, et honores 
consulares tribuit. Fratri quoque ejus Herodi praetoriam 
dignitatem, et principatum quendam (Chalcidis scilicet) 
concessit : in senatumque ingredi eos, ac patribus Graece 
gratias agere permisit a . 

Et edictum quidem a Claudio est propositum, quo 

y Joseph, antiqu. lib. 1 9. cap. 3. z Dio, lib. 60. pag. 670. 

a Dio, lib. 60. pag. 670. 



<~>. 



20 ANNALES 

Agrippam in vegno per Caium ante concesso confirmabat, 
collaudans simul ejus operam et industriam : addita insu- 
per Judaea et Samaria, quod olim ad ejus avi Herodis 
regnum pertinuissent. Has igitur velut familiae debitas 
restituit : Abilam autem et finitimam ejus ditionem in Li- 
bano, quae Lysaniae fuerat, adjunxit de suo. Fcedus de- 
inde regis cum Romano populo in aes incisum est in urbis 
foro medio b . 

Dimisit Claudius Alexandrum Lysimachum Alabarcham 
veterem amicum, et olim procuratorem suae matris Anto- 
niae, quern Caius iratus vinxerat ; cujus filio Marco de- 
sponsa fuit Bernice Agrippae filia c , quo defuncto ante nup- 
tias, rex virginem Herodi suo fratri earn collocavit; im- 
petrato illi regno Chalcidis a Claudio d . 

Antiochum, suo regno a Caio privatum, Commagena 
donavit et parte quadam Ciliciae e . 

Helicon iEgyptius, qui Caii cubiculo praefectus fuerat et 
ipsum contra Judaeos incitaverat, propter alias culpas a 
Claudio interfectus est : ut notat Philo, in libro de lega- 
tione ad Caium. Quern librum, De virtutibus ironice a 
se inscriptum (cum summam Caii improbitatem suis colori- 
bus in eo depingat) Claudio imperante coram universo 
senatu Romano recitavisse ilium memoriae proditum est : 
indeque non illud opus solum, sed etiam alia ab eo edita, 
tantopere admiratos fuisse Romanos, ut digna existima- 
rent quae in bibliothecis tanquam monumenta quaedam re- 
ponerentur f ; inter quae, et quinque libri fuerunt, de mise- 
riis quas sub Caii imperio Judaei perpessi fuerant, ab eo 
conscripti s ; quorum tres perierunt, ad Flaccum uno, et 
de legatione illo altero, adhuc relicto superstite. 

Occiso vero Caio Judaei qui sub eo vehementer ab Alex- 
andrinis oppressi fuerant, cceperunt animos resumere : 
moxque ad arma ventum est. Turn Claudius per episto- 
lam mandavit ./Egypti praesidi, ut seditionem illam com- 

b Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 4. c De qua, Act. cap. 25. ver. 13. 23. 

A Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 5. 

e Act. cap. 25. ver. 13. 23. Dio, lib. 60. pag. 670. 

f Euseb. lib. 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 17. K«p. irj. 

% Euseb. lib. 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 5. 



NO VI TESTAMENTI. 21 

pesceret : atque ad preces Agrippas Judaeae et Herodis 
Chalcidis regis pro Judaeis edictum Alexandrian! misit, 
scriptum in hanc sententiam : " Volo h inconcussa esse 
jura eorum a Caii insania : eisque jus esse perseverandi 
in patriis ritibus. Jubeoque utramque partem, quoad 
potest, dare operant ne quid turbarum commoveatur : id- 
que proposito hoc edicto ita statuo." 

Eorundem quoque regum rogatu, Claudius II. consul 
designatus (primo hoc imperii sui anno) Judaeis non solum 
Alexandria?, sed etiam per totum imperium suum sparsim 
habitantibus, permisit ut suo jure et majorum moribus 
uterentur : simul etiam monens, ut hac gratia contenti 
modestius se gererent, neque conspuerent religiones ex- 
ternarum gentium ; suis autem suo arbitratu viverent le- 
gibus 1 . Romae vero, quum Judaei adeo iterum frequentes 
fierent, ut difficulter sine tumultu propter multitudinem 
urbe possent exigi ; non ejecit quidem eos, patriis tamen 
legibus vitam agentes convenire vetuit. Reducta quoque 
a Caio collegia dissolvit : et cauponum tabernas, in quibus 
coeuntes potabant, sustuhV. 

Claudius Agrippam regem, praesidibus provinciarum et 
procuratoribus omnibus per literas commendatum, ad cu- 
ram sui regni misit. Qui magna celeritate usus Hieroso- 
lymam pervenit : ibique votiva sacrificia persolvit, nihil 
eorum omittens quae lege praescripta sunt. Unde et mul- 
tos Naziraeos tonderi mandavit : et catenam auream dona- 
tam a Caio, monumentum suarum calamitatum et divinae 
liberationis, in sacrario supra gazophylacium suspendit. 
Rite vero votis Deo redditis, Theophilum Anani nlium 
submovit a summo sacerdotio ; et Simonem cognomento 
Cantharam, Boethi (Herodis magni soceri) nlium, in ejus 
locum substituit. Hierosolymitis deinde amoris ipsorum 
et benevolentiag gratiam retulit, remisso eis tributo quod 
soliti erant in singulas aades pendere. Magistrum autem 
praefecit toti suae militiae Silam, quem multorum et diffici- 
lium laborum individuum socium habuerat 1 . 

Paulo post Doritae quidam juvenes temerarii religionis 

h Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 4. ' Id. ibid. 

k Dio, lib. CO. pag. GG9. > Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 5. 



22 ANN ALES 

specie posuerunt in synagoga statuam Caesari. Quo facto 
vehementer rex Agrippa commotus ad iracundiam, sine 
mora ad Petronium Syria? prassidem profectus, questus 
est de eorum audacia. Qui et ipse non minus aegre ferens 
hoc facinus, ut impium et imperatoris mandatis contra- 
rium, Doritarum magistratibus asperius scripsit : eos qui 
contra edictum Augusti ausi sunt talia, per centurionem 
Vitellium Proculum ad se adduci jubens; et ne quis in 
posterum tale quippiam auderet imperans™, 

Cassareae Cornelius Romanus centurio cohortis ad legio- 
nem Italicam spectantis, Judaicae religionis studiosus sed 
incircumcisus, (cujusmodi proselytos portae et pios natio- 
num Hebraei appellare solent) quasi hora diei nona ab 
Angelo sibi apparente jussus est Simonem Petrum accer- 
sere ; qui per longum jam tempus Joppae moratus fuerat 
apud Simonem coriarium. Qui mandato illius obtempe- 
rans, duos ex famulis suis ad eum misit et militem pium 
ex iis qui cum ipso erant assidui". 

Postridie illis iter facientibus, et appropinquantibus 
urbi, ascendit Petrus in tectum domus ut precaretur, circa 
horam sextam, ubi dum esurienti paratur cibus, in mentis 
excessu posito conspectum est linteum magnum e ccelo de- 
missum, omni animalium genere refertum. De quibus 
cum promiscue comedere jussus, Gentes pro immundis 
liabendas non esse didicisset; spiritu monente, postridie 
cum missis a Cornelio, sex Joppensibus quibusdam fratri- 
bus comitantibus, Csesaream perrexit : ubi Cornelium cum 
tota familia et amicis quamplurimis in ejus domo congre- 
gatis, concione ad eos habita, ad fidem Christi convertit ; 
atque Spiritu Sancto ccelitus in eos ultro, nulla praecedente 
Petri raanuum impositione delapso, Christi baptismo 
tinxit . 

Audierunt autem apostoli et fratres qui erant in Judaea, 
Gentes etiam recepisse sermonem Dei. Quum igitur as- 
cendisset Petrus Hierosolymam, litem ei moverunt qui ex 



'" Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 5, 6. 

" Act. cap. 10. ver. 1 — 8. cum cap. 9. vev. 43. 

Act. cap. 10. ver. 9 — 48. et cap. 11. ver. 5 — 17. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 23 

Judaismo ad Christum erant conversi, quod cum viris in- 
circumcisis conversatus fuisset et cibum sumpsisset. Qui 
cum rem totam ordine eis exposuisset, et sex fratrum qui 
adfuerant testimonio comprobasset ; quieverunt illi, et 
glorificaverunt Deum, quod etiam Gentibus dedisset pceni- 
tentiam ad vitam p . 

Rex Agrippa SimOnem Cantliaram pontificatu privavit : 
quern cum vellet Jonatha? Anani filio tradere, renuente 
isto per modestiam, quod jam autea eo honore esset semel 
defunctus, contulit eum in fratrem ejus Matthiam, ab ipso 
ut longe digniorem ei commendatum q . 

Petronius Vibius Marsus in administratione provincial 
Syria? successif. 

Silas magister militia? regis Agrippa?, quia per omnern 
fortunam ei fid us nullius unquam periculi socius esse de- 
trectaverat, fretus amicitia postulabat etiam paris honoris 
esse particeps : et in familiaribus colloquiis molestus erat 
interdum extollens se immodice, et sa?pe prioris fortunae 
adversitates in memoriam revocans. Quae cum sine modo 
repeteret, in tantum regem exasperavit, ut non tantum 
prasfecturam illi ademerit, sed etiam vinctum in ipsius pa- 
triam adservandum miserit. Elapso deinde aliquanto tem- 
pore lenita jam ira, quum natalem suum celebraret, accersi- 
vit Silam ut regio interesset convivio. Qui cum protervum 
responsum regi remisisset, eum reliquit in custodia s . 

Ad Hierosolymorum curam rex Agrippa conversus, 
mnros nova? quae vocatur civitatis permuniit sumptu pub- 
lico, latioresque et altiores quam ante fuerant reddidit : 
et fecisset adversus omnern humanam vim inexpugnabiles, 
ni Marsus Syria? prasses Claudio significasset earn rem per 
literas. Qui suspicatus Judasos molituros aliquid novi, 
diligenter scripsit Agrippa?, ut a munienda urbe desisteret: 
atque ille mox paruit*. 

Patefacto jam Gentibus fidei ostio, Cypriiet Cyrenenses 
qui dispersi fuerant post martyrium Stephani Antiochia? in 



p Act. cap. 11. ver. 1— IS. i Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. G. 

r Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 6. s Id. ibid. lib. 19. cap. 7. 

' Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 7. 



21 ANNALES 

Syria Graecis ("EXXrjvac hie habet codex antiquissimus 
Alexandrinus, non, ut vulgati, 'EAArjiutrrac) Christum 
prasdicaverunt : multusque nurnerus credidit, et conversus 
est ad Dominum. Hoc cum pervenisset ad aures ecclesiaa 
Hierosolymitanae, misit ea illuc Barnabam : qui adhorta- 
tus est omnes firmiter adhaerere Domino. Et adjuncta est 
multa turba Domino". 

Romae fame ingente exorta, Claudius non modo ad 
praesens tempus copiae alimentorum, verum in perpetuum 
etiam prospexit. Cum enim frumentum, quo Roma uti- 
tur, omne propemodum aliunde advehatur; et Tiberis 
ostia portus opportunos non haberent : portum Ostias 
extruxit x , post undecim annos opere aegre absoluto ; 
quamvis continuis tredecim hominum millibus sine inter- 
missione operantibus y . 

Fames ista, qua? secundo Claudii contigit, particularis 
fuit; sicut et altera, undecimo anno illius facta, cujus 
Tacitus 2 , Suetonius a , et Orosius b meminerunt: non uni- 
versalis ilia ab Agabo praedicta ; quam quarto ejusdem 
anno ccepisse, non solum ex chronico Eusebii et Orosio c , 
sed etiam ex tempore mortis Herodis Agrippae, cum ea- 
dem fame conjunctae d , manifestum est. 

Barnabas Tarsum abiit, ut quaereret Saulum: et eum 
inventum duxit Antiochiam. Factumque est ut annum to- 
tum convenirent in ecclesia, docerentque turbam multam ; 
et discipuli nominarentur primum Antiochiam Christian^. 
Quod nomen, Latina non Grasca forma a Christo deflex- 
um, a Romanis Antiochiam turn agentibus impositum illis 
fuisse videatur. 

Per id tempus descenderunt Hierosolymis prophetae 
Antiochiam : quorum unus Agabus, significavit per Spi- 
ritum, famem magnam futuram in toto terrarum orbe f . 

Lycios, ad caedem usque Romanorum quorundam tu- 
multuando progressos, Claudius in servitutem redegit, et 

" Act. cap. 11. ver. 20—24. . * Dio, lib. 60. pag. 671, 672. 

y Sueton. in Claudio, eap. 20. '• Annal. lib. 12. cap. 43. 

a In Claudio, cap. 18. >> Lib. 7. cap. 6. 

e Lib. 7. cap. 6. <* Act. cap. 12. ver. 23. 25. 

e Act. cap. 11. ver. 25, 26. ' Ibid. ver. 27, 2S. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 25 

proefecturae Pamphyliae adjccit. De qua re quum in curia 
cognosceret, legatum quendara Lycium quidem origine, 
Romanum tamen natum, Latine interrogavit ; ac non in- 
telligenti, quid quaesivisset, civitatis jus ademit: dicens, 
Romanum eum esse non debere, qui sermonem eum nes- 
ciret g . 

Rex Agrippa, Beryti magnis sumptibus extructo pul- 
cherrimo theatro et amphitheatro et balneis ac porticibus, 
dedicationem eorum splendidissime celebravit : exhibitis 
in theatro spectaculis, et musicorum omne genus certami- 
nibus, aliaque voluptatum varietate ; in amphitheatrum 
vero inductis plurimis gladiatorum paribus. Volens de- 
inde spectatores oblectare etiam catervatim commissis 
pugnatoribus, ex maleficis in hoc destinatis duas coliortes 
fecit, septingentorum quamque hominum ; ut illis per ima- 
ginem belli decertantibus, poena noxiorum in pacis volup- 
tatem verteretur : atque ita omnes mutuis absumpti sunt 
vulneribus h . 

Tiberiadem deinde ad eum venerunt reges, Antiochus 
Commagenae, Emesenornm Sampsigeranus, minoris Ar- 
meniae Cotys, Polemon Ponti, et praster hos Herodes 
frater rex Chalcidis. Quibus adhuc apud eum moranti- 
bus Marsus Syria? praises supervenit. Servans igitur 
Agrippa debitam Romanis reverentiam, usque ad septi- 
mum lapidem obviam ille processit. Et quum eodem cum 
hospitibus curru veheretur; Marsus, suspectam habens 
tantam regum concordiam, per nuncios mandavit singulis, 
ut sine mora discederent. Qua re vehementer Agrippa 
offensus, Marsum exosum habuit 1 ; saepiusque per literas 
Claudium est precatus, ut eum ab administratione rerum 
Syria? amoveret k . 

Matthias Anani filio ademptum pontificatum Elionaeo 
Cithaei filio Agrippa dedit 1 . 

Ingruente fame, quae ab Agaboprae dicta fuerat, Christiani 
Antiocheni subsidium conferentes fratribus habitantibus 
in Judaea, ad seniores illud miserunt per manum Barnaba) 

s Dio, lib. 60. pag. 676. h Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult, 

' Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. k Id. lib. 20. cap. 1. 

1 Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. 



25 ANNALES 

ct Sauli; postquam illi simul per annum jam integrum 
populo Antiocheno verbum Domini praBclicavissent" 1 . 

Per id tempus rex Herodes Agrippa (ut Syrus para- 
phrastes recte eum hie nominat) injectis manibus infes- 
tavit nonnullos ex Ecclesia", ut institutis et ritibus patriis 
adversantes : quorum ilium religiosissimum fuisse observa- 
torem, Josephus indicat. 

Interemit autem Jacobum, filium Zebedaei, fratrem Jo- 
hannis gladio p . Addit vero ex traditione majorum Cle- 
mens Alexandrinus, libro septimo Hypotyposewn q , eum 
ipsum qui Jacobum in judicium adduxerat, quum testimo- 
nium Christo ilium tarn libere perhibentem cerneret, se 
etiam Christianum ingenue confessum esse. Ambobus 
igitur una ad supplicium adductis, hunc inter eundum a 
Jacobo postulasse veniam sibi concedi : Jacobum autem 
paululum rem animo complexum dixisse, Pax tibi, ilium- 
que osculatum esse ; et sic tandem utrumque securi per- 
cussum vitam deseruisse. 

Rex videns Jacobi csedem placere Judaeis, Petrum 
etiam diebus azymorum conjecit in carcerem, traditum 
quatuor militum quaternionibus ut eum servarent : volens 
eum post Pascha producere populo. Quum autem preces 
pro ipso assidue ad Deum fierent ab Ecclesia, noctu ab 
angelo per miraculum liberatus, venit domum Maria; 
matris Johannis Marci, ubi multi congregati precabantur : 
iisque monitis ut Jacobo (filio Alphaei, fratri Domini) et 
reliquis modum liberationis suae annunciarent, profectus est 
in alium locum r . 

Herodes spe sua frustratus, innoxios custocles jussit ad 
supplicium rapi : ipseque Cassaream descendens, ibi com- 
moratus est. Erat autem infenso erga Tyrios et Sidonios 
animo. Quorum agri quum ipsis alendis (hoc famis prae- 
sertim tempore) non sufficerent ; sed ex vicina Galilaea 
et aliis regionibus Herodi subditis victum sibi comparare 
necesse haberent : concorditer venerunt ad eum, et Blasto 

m Act. cap. 11. ver. 26. 29, 30. n Act. cap. 12. ver. 1. 

° Antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. P Act. cap. 12. ver. 2. 

n Apud Euseb. lib. 2. histor. ecclcsiast. cap. 8. Ktf. 0. 
r Act. cap. 12. ver. 3—17. 



NOVI TESTAMNETI. 27 

regio cubiculario sibi conciliato pacem petierunt. Statute 
autem die, Herodes indutus veste regia, et considens pro 
tribunali, concionabatur ad eos : populo acclamante, Vox 
Dei et non hominis. Illico vero percussit eum angelus 
Domini, eo quod non tribuisset gloriam Deo; et erosus a 
vermibus, animam effiavit 8 . 

Eandem vero historian! ita Josephus amplificat; bu- 
bonis etiam apparitione adjecta, ne Germanici sui harioli 
divinatio frustranea esse videretur: " Tertium* Judasas 
totius regni annum exegerat, (ineunte jam quarto) cum 
pervenit in urbem Csesaream, quae prius Stratonis turris 
dicta est, ubi solennes ludos celebravit pro salute Cse- 
saris : ad quam festivitatem magna multitudo nobilium ac 
procerum convenerat ex tota provincia. Ejus celebritatis 
die secunda, processit mane in theatrum, amictus veste 
tota ex argento mirabili opere contexta, quse radiis ori- 
entis solis perculsa, et divinum quendam fulgorem emit- 
tens, venerationem cum honore incutiebat spectantibus. 
Moxque adulatores perniciosi aliunde acclamantes, deum 
consalutabant, rogantes ut faveret propitius ; hactenus 
enim et hominem reveritos, nunc agnoscere et fateri in eo 
quiddam mortali natura excellentius. Hanc impiam adu- 
lationem ille nee castigavit, nee repulit: pauloque post 
suspiciens vidit supra caput suum bubonem funi extento 
insidentem ; moxque, ut sensit hunc esse calamitatis nun- 
cium qui olim felicitatis fuerat, ex intimis prascordiis indo- 
luit. Secuta sunt ventris tormina, statim a principio vehe- 
mentia. Conversis igitur in amicos oculis: En, inquit, 
ego vestra appellatione deus, vitam relinquere jubeor, 
fatali necessitate coarguente vestrum mendaciam ; et quern 
immortalem salutastis, ad mortem rapior. Sed ferenda est 
voluntas ccelestis numinis; neque enim male viximus, imo 
tanta felicitate, ut omnes me beatum prcedicent. Haac locu- 
tus, crescente dolore discruciabatur. Propere igitur relato 
in regiam rumor sparsus est brevi esse moriturum : quamo- 
brem confestim totus populus una cum uxoribus atque libe- 
ris saccum indutus more patrio supplicabat Deo pro salute 

9 Act. cap. 12. ver. IS — 23. ' Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. 



28 ANN ALES 

regis, omnia miscens lamentis et ejulatibus. Rex autem 
in celsiore decumbens cubiculo, et in faciem stratos humi 
prospiciens, non temperabat sibi a lachrymis. Cruciatu 
deinde per continuos quinque dies nihil item remittente 
confectus, vitam finiit." 

Septem regni annos 1111 tribuit Josephus ; quatuor sub 
Caio (demptis videlicet tribus vel quatuor mensibus : ne- 
que enim quatuor integros annos in imperio exegit ipse 
Caius) et tres sub Claudio (tribus itidem aut quatuor men- 
sibus additis:) atque ex annuis reditibus 1200 myriadas 
percepisse eum addit ; neque eas tamen, propter summam 
ipsius munificentiam, sumptibus ejus suffecisse, sed rau- 
tuum prasterea pecunias accepisse u . 

Priusquam evulgaretur regis obitus, Herodes dynasta 
Chalcidis et Chelcias magister regiae militia? conspirantes 
simul Aristonem miserunt, qui Silam communem amborum 
inimicum interficeret : quasi hoc a rege mandatum ac- 
ciperet x . 

Agrippag superstites fuerunt, filius quidem unus Agrip- 
pa, annum agens decimum septimum qui Romae eo tem- 
pore educabatur apud Claudium: fllise vero tres. Ex 
quibus Bernice nupta erat Herodi patruo, nata annos sex- 
decim ; reliquae duse turn erant virgines. Mariamme de- 
cennis, desponsata a patre Julio Archelao Chelcias filio : 
et Drucilla sexennis, ab eodem desponsata Epiphani filio 
Commagenorum regis Antiochi y . 

Postquam cognitum est excessisse Agrippam, Cassareaa 
et Sebastes (urbium ab avo ipsius conditarum) cives con- 
vicia infanda jactabant in defunctum; militum quoque 
vulgus protractas e palatio filiarum statuas unanimiter 
detulerunt in lupanaria, illisque illudebant modis quos 
turpe sit eloqui; instructisque per loca publica epulis 
convivia celebrabant coronis redimiti et unguentis deli- 
buti, libantes interim Charonti, et sibi invicem propinantes 
prae gaudio quod ex obitu regis conceperant 2 . 



" Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. * Ibid, 

v Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. z Ibid. 



NOVI TESTAMENTL 29 

Verbi Domini sementis crescebat et multiplicabatur. 
Barnabas autem et Saulus reversi sunt Hierosolymis, 
expleto ministerio ; simul inde secum Johanne Marco 
assumpto a . 

Rhodios, quod Romanos in crucem sustulissent, Clau- 
dius libertate privavit b . 

Cum vellet Claudius Agrippam juniorem successorem 
paterni regni mittere; liberti et amici qui multum apud 
eum poterant dissuaserunt : negantes tutum, admodum 
adolescenti et vixdum pueritia egresso tantum regnum 
committei'e ; cui administrando esset impar, quodque 
etiam viriles gravare posset humeros. In quo aequum illi 
visi sunt dicere c ; licet ipsi revera inhiarent praefecturis 
illarum regionum, ex quibus possent ditescere. Quo re- 
ferendum illucl Taciti d . 

Judaeae igitur et totius regni Agrippae (quod primi He- 
rodis, avi sui, regno majus erat) praesidem Claudius Cus- 
pium Fadum misit : defuncto hoc honoris tribuens, ne 
Marsum inimicum in regnum ejus induceret. Et ante 
omnia Fado injunxit, ut Caesarienses et Sebastenos acriter 
castigaret, propter inflictam regi mortuo injuriam, contu- 
meliasque illatas filiabus ejus adhuc viventibus: alam 
vero Caasariensium et Sebastenorum cum quinque illis 
cohortibus ablegaret in Pontum, illic militaturas; milites- 
que e Romanis legionibus Syriam tuentibus delectos in 
illorum locum substitueret. Missa tamen postea lega- 
tione flexerunt Claudium milites, ut manere eos in Judaea 
permitteret : qui sequentibus temporibus maximarum ca- 
lamitatum Judaeis fuerunt initium, et seminarium belli 
exorti Floro praeside e . 

Amoto etiam Marso in gratiam defuncti amici Agrippae 
regis, a Claudio in Syrise praefectura datum esse succes- 
sorem Cassium Longinum, in libri vigesimi initio scribit 
Josephus : licet anno abhinc tertio Marsum in Syria adhuc 
praesidem Tacitus retineat. 



a Act. cap. 12. ver. 24, 25. b Dio, lib. 60. pag. 681. 

c Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. d Histor. lib. 5. cap. 9. 

e Joseph, antiqu. lib. 19. fin. 



30 ANNALES 

4048. Juclaei trans Jordanem fluvium habitantes cum 
Philadelphensibus contenderunt de Niae vici finibus re- 
ferti viris bellicosissimis. Transamnenses autem illi, sine ■ 
consensu primatum et magistratuum, arm a capientes Phi- 
ladelphensium multos interfecerunt. Quo cognito, Cus- 
pius Fadus vehementer iratus est ; quod non expectassent 
suum judicium, si putabant sibi factam a Philadelphen- 
sibus injuriam, sed ita temere ad arma concurrissent. 
Comprehensis igitur tribus prascipuis seditionis authori- 
bus, vinciri eos mandavit. Horum unum Annibam no- 
mine affecit supplicio : reliquos duos Amaramum et Elea- 
zarum exilio puniit. Nee ita multo post capitis damnavit 
Tholomasum latronum principem vinctum ad se perduc- 
tum, qui plurima damna intulerat Idumaeis et Arabibus : 
deditque operam, ut tota Judaea purgaretur a latro- 
ciniis f . 

Cassius Longinus (vel, juxta Taciti mentem, Vibius 
Marsus) Syriae prseses, Hierosolyma cum copiis veniens, 
et Cuspius Fadus Judaeag procurator, accitis pontificibus 
et Hierosolymitanorum primatibus, mandatum Caesaris eis 
exposuerunt ; ut stolam et reliqua ornamenta summi pon- 
tificis in arcem Antoniam deponerent, a Romanis ibi cus- 
todienda, quemadmodum ante Vitellii tempora fieri erat 
solitum. Illi non audentes contradicere, rogabant pri- 
raiim, ut legatos sibi ad Caesarem liceat mittere, qui ab eo 
petant sacrae stolas servanda? jus: deinde, ut expectetur 
super ea postvdatione rescriptum illius. Responsum est 
permissuros, ut legati mittantur, si prius darentur obsides. 
Quumque prompte liberos suos dedissent, legati profecti 
sunt g . 

In ecclesia Antiochena prophetae et doctores erant, 
Barnabas, et Simeon Niger, et Lucius Cyrenaeus, et Ma- 
nahem qui fuerat una cum Herode tetrarcha educatus, 
et Saulus. Quibus ministrantibus Domino, et jejunan- 
tibus, jussit Spiritus Sanctus, Barnabam et Saulum sepa- 
rari a reliquis ad ministerium prasdicandi evangelii. Hi 



( Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 1. 

s Joseph, antiqu. lib. 15. cap. ult. etlib. 20. cap. 1. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 31 

jejunio, precibus et manuum impositione ab Ecclesia Deo 
commendati, assumpto secum ministro Jobanne Marco, 
Seleuciam venerunt; indeque in Cyprum, Barnabae pa- 
triam, navigaverunt ; ubi apud Salaminios primo ccepe- 
runt praedicare verbum Dei in synagogis Judaeorum h . 

Peragrata deinde insula Paphum usque, invenerunt ibi 
pseudoprophetam Judaeum Barjesu, Elymam sive Magum 
cognominatum: qui Sergium Paulum regionis proconsu- 
lem, verbum Dei a Barnaba et Saulo audire desiderantem 
avertere a fide conabatur. Quern cum Saulus acerrime 
increpatum caecitate subito percussisset ; proconsul, hoc 
miraculo et doctrina Domini perculsus, ad fidem est con- 
versus. Atque ab eo tempore Saulus novo Pauli nomine 
semper invenitur appellatus. Ipse vero et qui cum eo 
erant provecti Papho, venerunt Pergam Pamphyliae : ubi 
Johannes Marcus abscedens ab eis, reversus est Hiero- 
solymam 1 . 

Legati Hierosolymitani, intercedente Agrippa juniore 
qui turn apud Claudium educabatur, custodias stolas pon- 
tificalis a Vitellio prius concessae confirmationem obtinue- 
runt : impetrato hac de re Claudii, tribunitiaa potestatis 
quintum annum agentis, ad Hierosolymitanorum magis- 
tratus rescripto, dato quarto Kalendas Julias Rufo et 
Pompeio Sylvano sufFectis consulibus, in quo gratificari se 
hie etiam voluisse scripsit Herodi regi Chalcidis et juniori 
Aristobulo sibi devotissimis k . 

Eodem etiam tempore Herodes rex Chalcidis potesta- 
tem in templum et sacrum aerarium, j usque eligendorum 
summorum pontificum, a Claudio impetravit 1 . 

Claudius, quia natali suo defectus solis futurus erat, 
veritus ne quis inde tumultus existeret, quum alia quoque 
prodigia quaedam accidissent; antequam fieret, scripto 
publice proposito significavit, non modo futurum id deli- 
quium, et tempus et quantitatem ejus, sed etiam causas 
ob quas necessario eventurum esset" 1 . Natalis vero Clau- 



h Act. cap. 13. ver. 1—4. ' Id. ibid. 

k Joseph, antiqu. lib. 15. cap. ult. et lib. 20. cap. 1. 

1 Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 1. m Dio, lib. 60. pag. 682. 



32 ANNALES 

dii in Kalendas Augusti incidit" ; quo die, duabus fere 
horis ante meridiem sol quarta diametrii parte defecit. 

Herodes rex Chalcidis, amoto Simone Canthara, Josepho 
Canei(sive Camydis) filio summum pontificatum contulit . 

Theudas quidam praestigiator, prophetam se jactans, 
magna? vulgi multitudini persuasit, ut assumptis suis fa- 
cultatibus ipsum ad Jordanem sequerentur : scissurum se 
verbo fluviumet facilem praebiturum transitum promittens. 
In bos Judaeae procurator Cuspius Fadus turmas immisit 
equitum : qui ex improviso irruentes multos interemerunt, 
multos vivos ceperunt, et in his ipsum Theudam, cujus 
caput abscissum reportarunt Hierosolyma p . 

4049. Paulus et Barnabas digressi Perga, venerunt 
Antiochiam Pisidiae : et ingressi in synagogam die Sabbati, 
post lectionem legis et prophetarum a synagogas praefectis 
ad loquendum sunt invitati. Ubi egregia a Paulo con- 
done habita, egressos ex Judaeorum synagoga Gentes ro- 
gaverunt ut eadem sequente Sabbato ipsis exponerent. 
Solutoque conventu, secuti sunt multi ex Judaeis et religi- 
osis proselytis Paulum ac Barnabam : qui alloquentes eos, 
persuaserunt eis ut permanerent in gratia Dei q . 

Sequente vero Sabbato urbs prope tota convenit ad au- 
diendum sermonem Dei. Visa autem turba, Judasi re- 
pleti invidia, contradicebant iis quae a Paulo dicebantur. 
Quorum blasphemiis Paulus et Barnabas commoti, Judaeis 
relictis, solis Gentibus Christum praedicaverunt. Quibus 
cum laetitia evangelium amplectentibus, crediderunt quot- 
quot erant ordinati ad vitam aeternam. Perferebatur au- 
tem verbum Domini per totam illam regionem. Unde 
irritati Judaei, per mulieres religiosas (proselytas portae 
Hebraeis dictas) et honoratas, ac primos urbis, persecu- 
tione in Paulum et Barnabam excitata, ejecerunt eos a 
finibus suis: qui, excusso pulvere pedum suorum in eos, 
venerunt Iconium. Discipuli vero replebantur gaudio et 
Spiritu Sancto 1 . 

Iconii Paulus et Barnabas introeuntes synagogam Ju- 
daeorum, ita loquebantur, ut crederet Judaeorum simul et 

n Dio, lib. 60. pag. 667. ° Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 1. 

P Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 2. fin. i Act. cap. 13. ver. 14 — 43. 
r Act. cap. 13. ver. 44 — 52. 



XOVI TESTAMENTS So 

Graecorum magna multitudo. Qui vero increduli fuerunt 
Judaei, incitarunt et male affectos reddidenmt animos 
gentium adversus fratres. Multum vero tempus ibi com- 
morati sunt, libere loquentes, freti Domino ; qui testimo- 
nium dabat sermoni gratia? sua?, dabatque ut signa et 
miracula ederentur per manus eorum 8 . Quo tempore ad 
Christi fidem conversa putatur Thecla Iconiensis virgo 
nobilissima: cujus tamen acta inter apocrypha merito 
referuntur a septuaginta episcoporum synodo sub Gelasio 
liabita. 

Scissa urbis Iconiensis multitudine, alii a Judaeis erant, 
alii ab apostolis. Quum autem factus esset impetus 
Gentium ac Judaeorum una cum suis primoribus ad eos 
injuriis afficiendos et lapidandos ; perfugerunt in civitates 
Lycaoniae Ly strain et Derben, et circumjacentem regio- 
nem: ibique evangelium praedicaverunt*. 

Lystras claudo ab utero matris homine a Paulo sanato, 
quum plebs Paulo ut Mercurio, et Barnabae ut Jovi sacri- 
ficare vellet: illi laceratis vestibus honorem ilium aver- 
santes, aegre eos coliibuerunt ne sibi sacriiicarent. Mox 
vero quum Iconio et Antiochia eo venissent increduli 
Judaei, excitato tumultu furiosa plebs Paulum lapidatum 
extra urbem traxit quasi mortuum. Quum autem cir- 
cumstetissent eum discipuli, surrexit, et ingressus est 
urbem u . 

Hoc anno, et hoc etiam fortasse tempore, raptus Paulus 
in tertium ccelum, verba audiit ineffabilia ; ante quatuor- 
decim annos quam ab eo conscriberetur posterior ad 
Corinthios epistola x . Quo spectare putatur Triephonis 
illud, apud Lucianum sive antiquiorem illo authorem dia- 
logi qui Philopatris inscribitur: " Quando me Galilaeus 
(sive Christianus) ille convenit recalvaster, naso justo 
praeditus, qui in tertium usque ccelum per aerem ingres- 
sus, quae optima atque pulcherrima sunt inde didicit ; per 
aquam nos renovavit, in beatorum vestigia insistere fecit ; 
et ex impiorum regionibus nos redemit." ItaTriephon: 



• Act. cap. 14. ver. 1, 2, 3, ' Ibid. ver. 4—7. 

u Act. cap. 14. ver. 8—20. * 2 Corinth, cap. 12. ver. 2, 3, 4. 

VOL. XI. D 



34 ANN ALES 

" Deum alte regnantem, magnum, astherium, atque aeter- 
num, Filium Patris, Spiritum ex Patre procedentem, 
unum ex tribus, et ex uno tria," ibidem etiam, Christia- 
norum more, prasdicans. 

Paulus cum Barnaba, profectus Lystra, Derben venit : 
ubi prasdicato evangelio, multos Christo lucrifecerunt y . 

Inter alios qui Christo nomen hoc tempore dederunt, 
fuit Timotheus, cum pia matre sua Eunice et avia Loide ; 
qua? ipsum ab infantia in sacrarum literarum scientia in- 
stituendum curaverant. Hie in locis illis turn degens, 
licet adhuc pene puer, persecutionum quas spiritualis 
ipsius pater B. Paulus Antiochias in Pisidia, Iconii et 
Lystra? in Lycaonia sustinuit, oculatus testis fuit z . 

Paulus et Barnabas ultra Derben non progressi, Lys- 
tram et Iconium et Antiochiam redierunt: confirmantes 
animos discipulorum, et ad afflictiones fldei causa con- 
stanter tolerandas adhortantes. Et quum constituissent 
illis per singulas ecclesias presbyteros, precatique essent 
cum jejuniis ; commendarunt eos Domino in quern credi- 
derant. Deinde peragrata Pisidia, venerunt in Pampby- 
liam : ac Pergae locuti verbum Domini, descenderunt 
Attaliam. Et illinc navigaverunt Antiochiam, unde primo 
profecti fuerant ad opus illud quod impleverant : ubi con- 
gregatag ecclesias retulerunt quanta Deus per ipsos effe- 
cisset, et quomodo Gentibus ostium fldei aperuisset a . 

Cuspio Fado in Judaeae procuratione successor datus 
est Tiberius Alexander, Alexandri alabarchae Alexan- 
drini (veteris amici Claudii) Alius ; qui patriam religionem 
Judaicam deseruerat b . 

Sub eo, fame adhuc grassante in Judaea, Helena Adia- 
benorum (in Assyriae et Mesopotamiae confiniis) regina, a 
Judaao quodam ad veri Dei cultum conversa, Hierosoly- 
mam ad visendum templum venit, ut ibi Deum adoraret, 
votivasque victimas redderet: copioso viatico instruente, 
et dierum aliquot itinere earn deducente filio Izate rege, 



y Act. cap. 14. ver. 20, 21. 

z Act. cap. 16. ver. 1, 2. 2 Tim. cap. 1. ver. 2. 5. et cap. 3. ver. 11. 15. 

a Act. cap. 14. ver. 21—27. b Joseph, ant. lib. 20. cap. 3. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 35 

qui et ipse ab Anania Judaeo mercatore ad eandem reli- 
gionem fuerat traductus. Cumque multos civium ilia vi- 
deret perire alimentorum inopia, ex suis alios misit Alex- 
andrian! comparaturos vim magnam tritici, alios in Cy- 
prum qui copiam ficuum passarum inde adveherent : 
quibus omnibus brevi reversis, cibos egenis distribuit. 
Filius quoque ejus Izates, comperto quanta fame po- 
pulus laboraret, pecuniam misit Hierosolymitanorum pri- 
matibus c . 

Izates rex quinque adolescentes filios Hierosolymam 
misit, ut linguam et disciplinas Judaicas diligenter disce- 
rent. Mater quoque ejus Helena tres extruxit pyramides, 
tribus ab urbe Hierosolymitana dissitas stadiis : in quibus 
et ipsius et fllii Izatis ossa postea sunt condita d ; quae 
Helena? monumenta non solum Josephi, sed etiam Eusebii 
et Hieronymi tempore adhuc extabant 6 . 

4050. Paulus et Barnabas Antiochiae cum discipulis 
non parvum tempus commorati sunt f . Post quod, Paulus 
Christi evangelium usque ad Illyricum propagavisse vi- 
de tur, iis qui de Christo nihil adhuc audiverant illud 
praedicando g ; eaque perpessus fuisse, qua? in posteriore 
ad Corinthios epistola 11 ipse commemorat ; nempe, ut Phi- 
lippis postea semel, ita prius bis a Gentibus alibi, caesus 
virgis fuisse ; a Judasis quinquies plagas quadragenas una 
minus accepisse : ter naufragium fecisse, noctem ac diem 
in profundo egisse. Cum enim inter Pauli et Barnabas ad 
ecclesiam Antiochenam reditum et eorundem ex ea ad 
concilium Hierosolymitanum institutam profectionem, juxta 
nostras quidem rationes, integrum interpositum repe- 
riatur quinquennium : nusquam alibi commodius reponere 
ista possumus, quam in hoc tanti spatii sacrse historiae 
silentio. 

Valerio Asiatico consule iterum, Therasia insula, spec- 



« Joseph, ant. lib. 20. cap. 2. et 3. d Id. ibid. cap. 2. 

e Joseph, lib. 5. belli, tce<p. ty. et ir. in Graeco ; vel, lib. 6. cap. 6. et 7. in 
Latino. Euseb. lib. 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 11. Kt<p. i,6. et Hieronym. epist. 27. 
f Act. cap. 14. ver. 28. s Rom. cap. 15. ver. 19, 20. 

h Cap. 11. ver. 24, 25. 

D 2 



3G ANNALES 

tantibus nautis, in JEgeo mari enata est', nocte qua defec- 
tus lunae acciderat k . Conspecta autem fuit eclipsis 
lunae nocte interjecta inter ultimum Decembris diem, 
terminantem annum ilium quo secundum consulatum ges- 
sit Valerius Asiaticus, et Kalendas Januarias inchoantes 
consulatum Claudii Augusti IV. et L. Vitellii III. sub 
quo, parvam insulam, ante non visam, apud Theram insu- 
lam enatam esse, retulit Dio 1 . 

Jacobus et Simon filii Judas Galilaei (qui, Quirinio cen- 
sum agente, Judaeos ad defectionem solicitabat) a Tiberio 
Alexandro Judaeas procuratore crucis supplicio atfecti 
sunt" 1 . 

Herodes rex Chalcidis, amoto Josepho Camydae filio, 
Ananiam Nebedaei filium pontificem constituit n . 

Artabano Parthorum regi, conjugiqvie ac filio, Gotarzes 
necem praeparavit . Moriens vero Artabanus, regnum 
Bardani filio suo reliquit p . Ambo enim hi fratres, Gotar- 
zes et Bardanes, Artabani potius filii habendi sunt, cum 
Josepho ; quam fratres, cum Tacito. 

Bardanes a Parthis, Gotarzis saevitiam metuentibus, ad 
capessendum regnum accitus, ut erat magnis ausis promp- 
tus, biduo tria millia stadiorum invadit, ignarumque et ex- 
territum Gotarzem proturbat : neque cunctatur, quin 
proximas praefecturas corripiat, solis Seleuciensibus domi- 
nationem ejus abnuentibus. In quos, ut patris quoque 
sui defectores, ira magis quam ex usu prassenti accensus, 
implicatur obsidione urbis validae, et munimentis objecti 
amnis muroque et commeatibus firmatae. Interim Gotar- 
zes Daharum Hyrcanorumque opibus auctus, bellum re- 
novat : coactusque Bardanes omittere Seleuciam, Bactria- 
nos apud campos castra contulit q . 

Nunciata Parthorum discord ia summaque imperii ambi- 
gua, Mithridates majoris Armeniae rex, monente Claudio 
Caesare, in regnum remeavit, fratris sui Pharasmanis Ibe- 



1 Seneca, natural, quaest. lib. 2. cap. 26. et lib. 6. cap. 21. 

k Aurel. Victor, in Claudio. ' Lib. 60. pag. 685. 

m Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 3. B Id. ibid. 

° Tacit, annal. lib. 11. cap. 8. p Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 2. 

1 Tacit annal. lib. 11. cap. 8. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 37 

rorum regis flsus opibus. Et quidem distractis eo modo 
orientis viribus, et quonam inclinarent incertis, Armeniam 
ille occupavit: Romano milite castellorum ardua subi- 
gente, simulque Ibero exercitu campos persultante. Ne- 
que enim restitere Armenii, fuso qui praelium ausus erat 
Demonacte praefecto. Paululum cunctationis attulit rex 
minoris Armenia? Cotys, versis illuc quibusdam procerum : 
sed eo Uteris Caesaris coercito, cuncta in Mithridatem 
fluxere, atrociorem quam novo regno conduceret r . 

Quum Gotai*zes et Bardanes pugnam pararent, Gotarze 
popularium insidias fratri patefaciente, eomplexi dextras, 
apud altaria pepigere, fraudem inimicorum ulcisci, atque 
ipsi inter se concedere. Cumque potior Bardanes regno 
retinendo fuisset visus : Gotarzes, ne quid a?mulationis 
existeret, penitus in Hyreaniam abiit s . 

Regresso Bardani dedita est Seleucia, septimo post de- 
fectionem anno. Exin validissimas prasfecturas ille inva- 
sit : et recuperare Armeniam in animo habebat, ni Vibio 
Marso (vel, juxta Josephum, Cassio Longino potius) Syria? 
legato bellum minitante cobibitus foret 1 . 

Tiberio Alexandro in Judaea? administratione Ventidius 
Cumanus successit ; et vita decessit Herodes rex Chalcr- 
dis Agrippae magni frater, anno imperii Claudii octavo ; 
relictis tribus filiis superstitibus, quorum Aristobulus ex 
priore uxore Mariamme natus est : e Bernice vero fratris 
filia Bernicianus et Hyrcanus u . 

Instante Paschatis festo, concurrentibus undique ad so- 
lennitatem turbis plurimis, Cumanus (prascedentium pra?si- 
dum exemplo) jussit cohortem unam armatam stare supra 
templi porticus ; cohibituram tumultum, si quis forte exis- 
teret. Ejus festi die quarta quidam miles nudatas obscoe- 
nas corporis partes populo ostendit. Qua contumelia fu- 
rentes Judaei vociferabantur non se affectos, sed ipsum 
Deum, quern honoraret ea celebritas : et quidam audacio- 
res in Cumanum jactabant convicia, dicentes ab illo sub- 
missum petulantem ilium militem. His auditis, Cumanus 



' Tacit, aniial. lib. 11. cap. 8. et 9. • Id. ibid. cap. 9. 

« Tacit, anna!, lib. 1 1. cap. 9. u Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 3. 



38 ANN ALES 

et ipse non mediocriter turbatus est : rogabat tamen ut 
desinerent movere seditionem festo tempore. Cumque 
impeterent eum conviciis, jussit totum exercitum armis 
convenire in Antoniam, castellum templo imminens. Vul- 
garis autem multitudo viso adventu militum territa, coepit 
magno impetu fugere : et cum essent angusti viarum exi- 
tus, rati a tergo hostem insequi, comprimebant se inter 
fugiendum et conculcabant in angustiis : ita ut viginti mil- 
lia extinctorum illo tumultu numerata fuerint ; quemad- 
modum in libro vigesimo antiquitatum, capite quarto, 
habet Josephus. In libro' vero secundo belli Judaici w , 
vTrlp tovq ixvpiovg, supra decern millia, periisse legimus : 
ubi, virlp rpiGfivpiovg, supra triginta millia, Rufinus legit ; 
eundem quoque numerum Eusebio, turn in chronico, turn 
in ecclesiastics historiae libro secundo x , et Orosio 7 reti- 
nentibus. 

Quidam qui ex ilia turba fugientes evaserant, in publica 
via, juxta Bethoron, centesimo ab urbe stadio Stephanum 
Csesaris servum iter facientem aggressi sunt latrocinio, 
omnesque ejus diripuerunt sarcinas. Quo audito Cuma- 
nus confestim eo misit milites, jussos ut vicos loco propin- 
quos diriperent. In hac populatione miles quidam libros 
Mosaicos in quodam vico inventos protulit, eosque lacera- 
vit in conspectu omnium ; multis debacchatus et in legem 
et in totam gentem conviciis. Hoc ubi ad Judseos perla- 
tum est, facto concursu agmine magno petunt Caesaream, 
in qua turn Cumanus agebat ; supplicantes ut non suam, 
sed laesi numinis ulcisceretur injuriam. Turn praeses ve- 
ritus defectionem populi, de amicorum consilio militem il- 
ium violatorem legis sec'uri feriit ; atque boc modo tumul- 
tum jam repullulantem sedavit 2 . 

Apollonius Tyaneus, ad Indos itinere instituto, urbem 
Babyloniam intravit mense secundo anni tertii regni Bar- 
danis : ibique cum rege congressus est a . 



■ Cap. 11. Kt(p. k. * Cap. 18. Kt(j>. 19. 

y Lib. 7. cap. 6. * Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 3. 

a Philostrat. in vita Apollon. lib. 1. cap. 19. et 20. collat. cum Eusebio, in 
Hieroclem. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 39 

Gotarzes pcenitentia concessi regni, et revocante nobili- 
tate, cui in pace durius servitium est, contraxit copias. 
Huic contra itum est ad amnem Erindem : in cujus trans- 
gressu multum certato pervicit Bardanes, prosperisque 
prasliis medias nationes subegit, ad flumen Sinden, quod 
Dahas Ariosque disterminat. Ibi modus rebus secundis 
positus : nam Parthi quanquam victores, longinquam mi- 
litiam aspernabantur. Igitur extructis monumentis, qui- 
bus opes suas testabatur, nee cuiquam ante Arsacidarum 
tributa illis de gentibus parta, Bardanes regreditur : in- 
gens gloria, atque eo ferocior, et subjectis intoleratior b . 

Bardanes ad Izatem Adiabenorum regem profectus, ut 
vellet sibi belli adversus Romanos gerendi esse socius, ei 
suasit. Quern a proposito deducere conabatur Izates, 
continenter denarrans ei Romanorum gesta et potentiam. 
Bardanes autem his offensus, continuo bellum indixit 
Izatas : quod tamen, morte prgeventus, exequi non potuit c . 
Parthi enim postquam mentem ejus cognoverunt, et quod 
Romanis bellum inferre statueret, dolo ante composito, in- 
cautum venationique intentum interfecerunt primam intra 
juventam ; sed claritudine paucos inter senum regurn, si 
perinde amorem inter populares, quam metum apud hos- 
tes qua3sivisset d . 

Nece Bardanis turbatae Parthorum res, inter ambiguos 
quis in regnum acciperetur. Multi ad Gotarzen inclina- 
bant; quidam ad Meherdatem, Vononis I. filii Phraatis 
III. filium, qui obses Romanis fuerat datus. Deinde prae- 
valuit Gotarzes : potitusque regia, per saevitiam ac luxum 
adegit Parthos mittere ad Claudium Romam occultas 
preces, quibus mitti Meherdatem patrium ad regnum 
orabant e . Gotarzis dominationem, nobilitati plebique jux- 
ta intolerandam, apud eum conquesti. Jam enim fratres, 
jam propinquos, jam longius sitos, caedibus exhaustos ; 
adjici conjuges gravidas, liberos parvos: dum socors domi, 
bellis infaustus, ignaviam sasvitia tegat f . 

b Tacit, annul, lib. 11. cap. 10. c Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 2. 

d Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 2. Tacit, annal. lib. 11. cap. 10. 
e Tacit, annal. lib. 11. cap. 10. f Id. ibid. lib. 12. cap. 10. 



40 



ANN ALES 



Quum dux Romanus Didius e regno Bosphorano Mith- 
ridatem expulisset, et fratrem ejus Cotyn juventa rudem 
in eo collocasset, robur exercitus inde abduxit; paucis 
tantum cohortibus, cum Julio Aquila equite Romano, 
novo regi ibi relictis. Mithridates amissis opibus vagus, 
concivit nationes, illexit pefugas, postremoque exercitu 
coacto, regem Dandaridarum exturbavit, imperioque ejus 
potitus est g . 

Parthorum legatis auditis, Claudius Meherdatem eis 
regem dedit; monitum, ut non dominationem et servos, 
sed rectorem et cives cogitaret, clementiamque ac justi- 
tiam capesseret. Datumque est C. Cassio, qui Syria? 
praeerat, deducere juvenem ripam ad Euphratis h . 

Ea tempestate Cassius caeteros praeeminebat peritia Ie- 
gum, militarium artium ignarus. Quantum tamen sine 
bello dabatur, revocabat priscum morem, legiones ea cura 
exereitando ac si hostis ingrueret ; ita dignum majoribus 
suis, et familia Cassia ratus, per illas quoque gentes cele- 
brata. Excitis igitur quorum de sententia petitus rex, 
positisque castris apud Zeugma, unde maxime pervius 
amnis, postquam illustres Partbi, rexque Arabum Acbarus 
(sive Abgarus) advenerat, monuit Meherdatem, barbaro- 
rum impetus acres cunctatione languescere, aut in per- 
fidiam mutari; itaque urgeret ccepta. Quod spretum 
fraude Acbari, juvenem ignarum et summam fortunam in 
luxu ratum, multos per dies attinuit apud oppidum Edes- 
sam 1 . 

Quum Mithridates, Dandaridarum imperio potitus, jam 
jamque Bosphorum invasurus crederetur ; diffisi propriis 
viribus Aquila et Cotys, quia Zorsines Siracorum (ad 
Caucasum) rex Mithridati se adjunxerat, externas et ipsi 
gratias quaesivere, missis legatis ad Eunonem qui Aoi so- 
rum (inter Scythas) genti praecellebat. Nee fuit in arduo 
societas, potentiam Romanam adversus rebellem Mithri- 
datem ostentantibus. Igitur pepigere, equestribus prae- 
liis Eunones certaret, obsidia urbium Romani capesse- 
rent k . 

J Tacit, annal. lih. 12. cap. 1 5. h Id. ibid. cap. 1 1. 

' Tacit, annal. lib. 12. cap. 12. k Id. ibid. cap. 15, 



"NOVI TESTAMENTI. 41 

Turn composito agmine incedunt : cujus frontem et 
terga Aorsi, media Romanae cohortes et Bosphorani tu- 
tabantur : sic pulsus hostis, ventumque Soza oppidum Dan- 
daricae ; quod desertum a Mithridate, ob ambiguos popu- 
lavium animos obtineri, relicto ibi praesidio, visum. Ad 
Siracos deinde pergunt : et transgressi amnem Pandam, 
circumveniunt urbem Uspem, editam loco, et mcenibus 
ac fossis munitam, nisi quod moenia non saxo sed cratibus 
junctis et media humo adversum irrumpentes invalida 
erant ; eductaeque altius turres, facibus atque hastis tur- 
babant obsessos. Ac ni praelium nox diremisset, ccepta 
patrataque expugnatio eundem intra diem foret 1 . 

Postero die misere legatos, veniam liberis corporibus 
orantes. Servitii decern millia ofFerebantur. Quod as- 
pernati sunt victores, quia trucidare deditos saevum, tan- 
tam multitudinem custodia cingere arduum : ut belli potius 
jure caderent. Datumque militibus, qui scabs evaserant, 
signum casdis. Excidio Uspensium caeteris metus injec- 
tus, nihil tutum ratis, cum anna, munimenta, impediti vel 
eminentes loci, amnesque et urbes juxta perrumperentur. 
Itaque Zorsines diu pensitato Mithridatisne rebus ex- 
tremis an patrio regno consuleret; postquam praevaluit 
gentilis utilitas, datis obsidibus, apud effigiem Caesaris 
procubuit : magna gloria exercitus Romani, quern incru- 
entum et victorem, tridui itinere abfuisse ab amne Tanai 
constitit. Sed in regressu dispar fortuna fuit : quia na- 
vium quasdam, quae mari remeabant, in litora Taurorum 
delatas circumvenere barbari, praefecto cohortis et pleris- 
que aliis interfectis m . 

Interea Mitbridates, nullo in armis subsidio relicto, 
consultat cujus misericordiam experiretur. Frater Cotys 
proditor olim, deinde hostis metuebatur. Romanorum 
nemo id authoritatis aderat, ut promissa ejus magni pen- 
derentur. Ad Eunomen igitur confugiens, regiam ingre- 
ditur, genibusque ejus provolutus, " Mitbridates," inquit, 
" terra marique a Romanis per tot annos quaesitus, sponte 
adsum. Utere ut voles prole magni Achaemenis : quod 

1 Tacit, annal. lib. 12. cap. 16. m Id. ibid. cap. 17. 



42 ANN ALES 

mihi solum hostes non abstulerunt." Eunones claritudine 
viri, mutatione rerum, et prece haud degenere permotus, 
legatos literasque ad Csesarem mittit ; quibus pro Mithri- 
date non potentiam neque regnum precabatur, sed ne 
triumpharetur, neve pcenas capite expenderet. Claudius 
vero ambigens, venia an poena ilium afficeret, tandem ad 
mitiorem sententiam est perductus". 

4053. Quum Carrhenes Meherdatem ad rem gerendam 
vocaret, promptasque res ostentaret si citi advenirent; 
ille malo ductus consilio, non cominus Mesopotamiam, sed 
flexu Armeniam petiit, id temporis importunam, quia hy- 
ems occipiebat. Exin nivibus et montibus fessi, post- 
quam campis propinquabant, copiis Carrhenis sunt ad- 
juncti. Transmissoque amne Tigri, permearunt Adia- 
benos ; quorum rex Izates societatem Melierdatis palam 
induerat, sed in Gotarzen per occulta et magis fida incli- 
nabat. In transitu tamen capta est urbs Ninos vetustis- 
sima sedes Assyria? . 

Mithridates Bosphoranus, per Junium Cilonem pro- 
curatorem Ponti Romam perductus, ferocius quam pro 
fortuna disseruisse apud Claudium ferebatur : elataque 
vox ejus in vulgum hisce verbis : " Non sum remissus ad 
te, sed reversus: vel si non credis, dimitte et quaere." 
Vultu quoque interrito permansit, quum juxta rostra cus- 
todibus circumdatus visui populo praeberetur. Consu- 
laria insignia Ciloni, Aquilae praetoria sunt decreta p . 

Quum Bithyni Junium hunc Cilonem praefectum suum, 
jus dicente Claudio, munerum haud mediocriter captorum 
multis clamoribus postea accusarent, Claudiusque prae 
turba non intelligens quid vellent, assistentes interrogaret 
quidnam dicerent Bithyni ; Narcissum, in Cilonis gratiam 
mentitum, respondisse ferunt, agere eos gratias Junior 
idque credentem Claudium subdidisse, " Pra?sit ergo ad- 
huc eis alterum biennium q ." Hoc vero tempore Cadius 
Rufus, iisdem Bithynis accusantibus, lege repetundarum 
damnatus est r . 

« Tacit, ann. lib. 12. cap. 18, 19, 20. • Id. ibid. cap. 12. et 13. 
p Tacit, annal. lib. 12. cap. 21. "J Dio, lib. 60. pag. 687. 

* Tacit, annal. lib. 12. cap. 22. et histor. lib. 1. cap. 77. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 43 

- Ituraei et Judaei, defunctis regibus Sohemo atque Agrip- 
pa, provincias Syriae additi sunt 3 . Agrippae quidem ju- 
nioris regnantis annos hinc deduej, et ex Josepho apparet, 
principium belli Judaici (quod mense Maio anni vulgatae 
nostrae aerae Christianas LXVI. coeptum est) in decimum 
septimum regnum Agrippae annum conjiciente* ; et ex 
nummo Graeco, suo loco exhibendo, in quo Judaea capta 
(circa mensem Septembrem anni ejusdem aerae LXX.) 
Agrippae anno vigesimo primo fuisse significatur. Verum 
huic non Judaeae regnum quod Agrippa pater, sed Chal- 
cidis quod Herodes patruus habuerat, Claudius donavit ; 
simul cum potestate in templum Hierosolymitanum et sa- 
crum aerarium, atque jure eligendi summos pontifices, 
quae idem patruo ipsius prius concesserat. Paternum vero 
regnum ita provincias Syriae est additum, ut proprios 
tamen procuratores a Caesare acciperet : Ventidio Cumano 
Judaeae et Galilaeae administrationem hoc tempore, ut an- 
tea, retinente, in interjectam autem inter utramque Sama- 
riam misso procuratore Felice, Claudii et matris ejus An- 
toniae liberto ; qui ab hac Antonii, ab illo Claudii prae- 
nomen acceperat. Is frater alterius liberti Pallantis fuit: 
quern apud patronum Claudium flagrantissima gratia turn 
fuisse, a Tacito u est notatum. 

Gotarzes apud montem Sambulon vota diis loci susce- 
pit, praecipua religione Herculis. Nondum vero satis 
aucto exercitu, numine Corma pro munimento est usus. 
Et quanquam per insectationes et nuncios ad praelium 
vocaretur, nectebat moras, locos mutabat, et missis cor- 
ruptoribus exuendam ad fidem hostes emercabatur. Ex 
quibus Izates Adiabenus, et rex Acbarus Arabum Edes- 
senorum cum exercitu abscesserunt ; levitate gentili, et 
quia experimentis cognitum est, Barbaros malle Roma 
petere reges quam habere. At Meherdates validis auxi- 
liis nudatus, caeterorum proditione suspecta, quod unum 
reliquum, rem in casum dare, praslioque experiri statuit. 



* Tacit, annal. lib. 12. cap. 23. 

' Lib. 2. belli, cap. 1 3. fin. Ktf. Kt. init. 

Annal. lib. 11. cap. 29. 



44 ANNALES 

Nec detrectavit pugnam Gotarzes, diminutis hostibus 
ferox. Concursumque magna caede, et ambiguo eventu : 
donee Carrhenem profligatis obversis, longius evectum 
integer a tergo globus circumveniret. Turn omni spe 
perdita, Meherdates promissa Parrhacis paterni clientis 
secutus, dolo ejus vincilur, traditurque victori. Atque 
ille non propinquum neque Arsacis de gente, sed alieni- 
genam et Romanum increpans, auribus decisis vivere 
jubet, ostentui dementias suae et in Romanos dehones- 
tamento*. 

Josephus Matthias Alius, quartum decimum aetatis an- 
num agens, ex literarum studiis earn laudem est conse- 
cutus, ut etiam a pontificibus et urbis Hierosolymitanas 
primatibus de penitiori legum sensu consuleretur: quem- 
admodum in libro de vita sua ipse de se narrat. 

Gotarze morbo obeunte, in regnum Parthicum accitus 
Vonones, Medis turn prassidens, brevi et inglorio imperio 
perfunctus est: resque Parthorum in filium ejus Volo- 
gesen sunt translatae ; qui, materna origine ex pellice 
Graeca, concessu fratrum regnum est adeptus. Ita Ta- 
citus 3 ". Gotarzi vero, sublato per insidias, Vologesem 
fratrem successisse, scribit Josephus z ; duobus eum ger- 
manis eodem secum patre genitis regna distribuisse ad- 
dens; Pacoro grandiori Mediam, Tiridati minori Ar- 
meniam. 

Bellum inter Armenios Iberosque exortum est : quod 
Parthis quoque ac Romanis gi'avissimorum inter se rao- 
tuum causa fuit. Iberos Pharasmanes vetusta posses- 
sione, Armenios frater ejus Mithridates ope Romanorum 
obtinebat. Erat Pharasmani filius Rhadamistus, decora 
proceritate, vi corporis insignis, claraque inter accolas 
fama. Quum in paternum regnum affectaret, Phar- 
asmanes vergentibus jam annis sibi metuens, aliam ad 
spem juvenem trahere ccepit, et Armeniam ostentare, 
pulsis Parthis datam Mithridati a semet memorando : sed 
vim differendam, et potiorem esse dolum adjiciens, quo 



x Tacit, annal. lib. 12. cap. 14. 1 Ibid, et cap. 44. 

2 Antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 2. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 45 

incautum opprimerent. Ita Rhadamistus, simulata ad ver- 
sus patrem discordia, tanquam novercae odiis impar, per- 
rexit ad patruum : multaque ab eo comitate eultus, pri- 
mores Armeniorum ad res novas illexit a . 

Rhadamistus, reconciliationis specie assumpta, regressus 
ad patrem, quae fraude confici potuerint prompta nuntia- 
vit, castera armis exsequenda. Interim Pharasmanes belli 
causas confingit : praelianti sibi adversus regem Albano- 
rum, et Romanos auxilio vocanti fratrem adversatum ; 
eamque injuriam excidio ipsius ultum iturum. Simul 
magnas copias filio tradidit. Ille eruptione subita terri- 
tum exutumque campis Mithridatem compulit in castellum 
Gorneas, tutum loco ac prassidio militum, quibus Ccelius 
Pollio pragfectus, centurio Casperius praeerat. Rhada- 
mistus frustra vel cum damno tentatis munitionibus, ava- 
ritiam prasfecti emercatur ; obtestante Casperio, ne socius 
rex, ne Armenia donum populi Romani, scelere et pecunia 
venderentur. Postremo quia multitudinem hostium Pol- 
lio, jussa patris Rhadamistus, obtendebant, pactus indu- 
cias abscedit: ut nisi Pharasmanem bello absterruisset, 
T. Numidium Quadratum praesidem Syrias doceret, quo in 
statu Armeniae forent b . 

Periodus Calippica sexta incipit. 

Digressu Casperii centurionis velut custode exsolutus 
Pollio praefectus, Mithridatem ad fcedus cum Pharas- 
mane, seniore fratre, sanciendum hortatur ; castera quo- 
que necessitudinum nomina referens, quod filiam ejus in 
matrimonio haberet, quod ipse Rhadamisto socer esset. 
Cunctante Mithridate, et suspectis praefecti consiliis quod 
pellicem polluerat, inque omnem libidinem venalis habe- 
batur ; Casperius interim a Pharasmane, ut Iberi obsidio 
abscedant, expostulat. Ille propalam incerta, et saepius 
molliora respondens, secretis nuntiis monet Rhadamistum, 
oppugnationem quoque modo accelerare. Augetur fla- 
gitii merces, et Pollio occulta corruptione impellit milites, 
ut pacem flagitarent, seque praesidio abituros minitaren- 
tur. Qua necessitate, Mithridates diem locumque foederi 



* Tacit, annal. lib. 12. cap. 44. b Ibid. cap. 45. 



46 ANNALES 

accepit, castelloque egreditur. Ac primo Rhadamistus in 
amplexus ejus effusus, simulavit obsequium, socerum ac 
parentem appellans. Adjecit et jusjurandum, non ferro, 
non veneno vim allaturum : simul in locum propinquum 
traxit, provisu suo illic sacrificium paratum dictitans, ut 
diis testibus pax firmaretur. Ibi vero prostrato Mithri- 
dati injiciuntur catenas: tandemque jussis Pharasmanis 
acceptis, Rhadamistus quasi jurisjurandi memor patruum 
et socerum suum, ejusque conjugem sororem suam, pro- 
jectos in humum et veste multa gravique opertos necavit. 
Filii quoque ejus, quod caedibus parentum illachrymave- 
rant, trucidati sunt c . 

Quadratus cognoscens proditum Mithridatem, et reg- 
num ab interfectoribus obtineri, vocat concilium, docet 
acta, et an ulcisceretur consultat. Paucis decus pub- 
licum curas : plures absistendum ab ultione censent. Ne 
tamen annuisse facinori viderentur, et diversa Caesar praa- 
ciperet ; missi ad Pharasmanem nuntii sunt, ut abscederet 
a finibus Armenias, filiumque abstraheret d . 

4055. Erat Cappadociae procurator Julius Pelignus, 
ignavia animi et deridiculo corporis juxta despiciendus ; 
sed Claudio perquam familiaris, cum privatus olim iners 
otium oblectaret. Is Pelignus auxiliis provincialium con- 
tractis, tanquam recuperaturus Armeniam, dum socios 
magis quam hostes praedatur, abscessu suorum, et incur- 
santibus barbaris, praesidii egens, ad Rhadamistum venit : 
donisque ejus evictus, ultro regium insigne sumere cohor- 
tatur ; sumentique adest author et satelles. Quod ubi 
turpi fama divulgatum ; ne caeteri quoque ex Peligno 
conjectarentur, Helvidius Priscus legatus cum legione 
mittitur, rebus turbidis pro tempore ut consuleret. Ita- 
que propere montem Taurum transgressus, moderatione 
plura quam vi composuerat : cum redire in Syriam jube- 
tur, ne initium belli adversus Parthos existeret. Nam 
Vologeses casum invadendae Armeniae obvenisse ratus, 
quam, a majoribus suis possessam, externus rex flagitio 
obtineret, contraxit copias, fratremque Tiridatem dedu- 

c Tacit, annal. lib. 12. cap. 46, 47. d Id. ibid. cap. 48. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 47 

cere in regnum paravit ; ne qua pars domus sine imperio 
ageret. Incessu Parthorum, sine acie pulsi Iberi : urbes- 
que Armeniorum Artaxata et Tigranocerta jugum acce- 
pere. Dein atrox hyems, seu parum provisi commeatus, 
et orta ex utroque tabes, perpellunt Vologesen omittere 
praesentia e . 

Vacuam rursus Armeniam Rhaclamistus invasit, trucu- 
lentior quam antea, tanquam adversus defectores, et in 
tempore rebellaturos. Atqui illi, quamvis servitio sueti, 
patientiam abrumpunt, armisque regiam circumveniunt. 
Nee aliud Rhadamisto subsidium fuit, quam pernicitas 
equorum quibus seque et Zenobiam conjugem abstulit. 
Sed conjux gravida, primam utcunque fugam ob metum 
hostilem et mariti charitatem toleravit. Post festinatione 
continua, ubi quati uterus, et viscera vibrantur, oravit ut 
morte honesta contumeliis captivitatis eximeretur. Ille 
primo amplecti, allevare, adhortari, modo virtutem admi- 
rans, modo timore aeger, ne quis relicta potiretur. Pos- 
tremo violentia amoris, et fascinorum non rudis distringit 
acinacem, vulneratamque ad ripam Araxis trahit, flumini 
tradit, ne corpus etiam auferretur. Ipse praeceps Iberos 
ad patrium regnum pervadit. Interim Zenobiam placida 
illuvie spirantem, ac vitae manifestam, advertere pastores; 
et dignitate forma? haud degenerem reputantes, obligant 
vulnus, agrestia medicamenta adhibent; cognitoque no- 
mine et casu, in urbem Artaxata ferunt. Unde publica 
cura deducta ad Tiridatem, comiterque excepta, cultu 
regio habita est f . 

Quidam Christiani nominis professores, e secta Phari- 
saeorum, Antiochiam e Judaea descendentes, Christianos 
ex Gentibus circumcidi oportere dicebant et legem Mosis 
observare, si salvi esse vellent ; multorum in Syria et 
Cilicia fratrum animas perversa sua doctrina perturbantes. 
Quibus Paulus et Barnabas acriter se opposuerunt 5 . Eos 
" napBiaaKTovg ^euSaSe'X^ouc, irreptitios falsos fratres," 



e Tacit, annal. lib. 12. cap. 49, 50. f Id. cap. 50, 51. 

e Act. cap. 15. ver. 1, 2. 5. 23, 24. 



48 



ANNALES 



appellat Paulus h , eorumque antesignanum Cerinthum has- 
resiarcham fuisse, docent Philastrius', et Epiphanius k . 

Paulus, annis quatuordechn post profectionem Hieroso- 
lymitanam triennio a conversione sua exacto susceptam 7 
ascendit Hierosolymam una cum Barnaba 1 ; utroque cum 
aliis nonnullis ab ecclesia Antiochena eo misso, ut apos- 
tolorum Hierosolymitanorum (quorum nomine ad dogma 
suum tutandum turbones isti sunt abusi) de oborta con- 
troversia sententiam exquirerent m . 

Ascendit autem Paulus ex revelatione, assumpto simul 
et Tito Graeco : quern ad circumcisionem cogi noluit, ne 
falsis illis fratribus ad momentum cedere videretur". 

Paulus et Barnabas in itinere per Pbceniciam et Sama- 
riam narrantes conversionem Gentium, fratres omnes mag- 
no affecerunt gaudio. Et quum pervenissent Hierosoly- 
mam, excepti sunt ab ecclesia, et ab apostolis ac presby- 
teris ; et retulerunt quanta Deus per ipsos erFecerat , 

Paulus privatim primariis inter apostolos, Jacobo y 
Petro et Johanni, qui existimabantur esse columnae, ex- 
posuit evangelium quod praedicabat inter Gentes. Qui 
cum vidissent ipsi concreditum fuisse evangelium inter 
Gentes sicut Petro inter Judaeos, et cognovissent gratiam 
ipsi datam, dextras societatis dederunt ei ac Barnabae ; ut 
illi apud Gentes, ipsi vero apud Judaeos apostolatu fun- 
gerentur ; monentes tantum, ut pauperum qui Hierosoly- 
mis erant sublevandorum curam susciperent 1 '. 

Concilio apostolorum et presbyterorum Hierosolymis 
habito, quum post multana disceptationem Petrus senten- 
tiam suam dixisset, Barnabas et Paulus exposuerunt 
quanta per ipsos miracula Deus inter Gentes edidisset. 
Concludente deinde Jacobo, communi apostolorum et 
presbyterorum et totius ecclesiae decreto nihil aliud cre- 
dentibus Gentibus imponi placuit, quam ut ab idolothytis, 
scortatione, sufFocato, et sanguine abstinerent. In quam 
sententiam synodica ab iis ad Antiochenos et reliquos in 



h Galat. cap. 2. ver. 4. 
k Haeres. 28. 

m Act. cap. 15. ver. 2, 3. 24. 
° Act. cap. 15. ver. 3, 4. 



' De haeres. cap. 87. 

1 Galat. cap. 2. ver. 1. 

n Galat. cap. 2. ver. 1—5. 

p Galat. cap. 2. ver. 2. 7. J), 10. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 



49 



Syria et Cilicia fratres scripta est epistola : quam primi 
nominis in ecclesia viris, Judas cognomento Barsabas et 
Silas, cum Paulo et Barnaba, Antiochiam perferendam 
tradiderunt. Qui cum Antiochiam venissent, reddita et 
lecta epistola, magno fratres gaudio perfuderunt : Juda 
quoque et Sila, qui et ipsi prophetas erant, multo eos ser- 
mone confirmantibus' 1 . 

Aliquanto post, Juda ad apostolos reverso, Silas visum 
est Antiochias manere : ubi Paulus quoque et Barnabas, 
cum aliis multis, verbum Domini praedicaverunt r . 

Josephus Matthias fllius, anno astatis decimo sexto cui- 
nam Judasorum sectas sese addiceret deliberans, omnium 
trium (Pharisasorum scilicet Sadducasorum et Essenorum) 
duro et magno labore cepit experientiam 3 . 

Pallanti Claudii liberto prastoria insignia, et centies 
quinquagies sestertium decreta sunt*. 

Quum Galilasis, ad festum Hierosolymam proficiscen- 
tibus, per Samariam necessario esset transeundum u ; ad 
vicum Samaritarum Nain (aliter Geman) in magno campo 
situm, Galilaso quodam interfecto, indeque pugna inter 
viatores et vicanos orta, multi Galilasorum desiderati sunt. 
Id indigne ferentes eorum primates, ad arma Judasos con- 
civerunt, hortantes ut se in libertatem assererent. Servi- 
tutem enim etiam per se molestam, turn vero fieri intolera- 
bilem, si cum subditorum injuriis conjuncta sit. Hieroso- 
lymis igitur, relicta diei solennitate, armatum vulgus in 
Samariam impetum fecit ; nee cuiquam principum suorum 
retinenti acquiescere voluit. Asciti quoque in auxilium 
latronum duces, Eleazarus Dinasi films et Alexander, in 
Acrabatenas regioni conterminos Samaritas irruentes, pro- 
miscuam ediderunt casdem ; et a nullius astatis exitio tem- 
perantes, vicos etiam inflammaverunt. At Cumanus, cog- 
nitis quas gesta fuerant, assumpsit secum unam equitum 
Sebastenorum alam, et quatuor cohortes peditum : arma- 
tisque etiam Samaritanis, contra Judasos profectus eosque 



i Act. cap. 15. ver. 6—32. 
s Joseph, de vita sua. 
u Johan. cap. 1. ver. 3,4. 

VOL. XI. 



r Id. ibid. ver. 33, 34,35. 
1 Tacit, ami. lib. 12. cap. 53. 



50 ANNALES 

assecutus, multos eorum qui Eleazarum erant secuti inter- 
fecit, plures vero captos abduxit. Turn vero Hierosoly- 
mitanorum primores, ut viderunt ad quantam calamitatem 
ventum esset, induti saccos et capita sparsi cinere, reli- 
quam multitudinem quag ad vastandos Samaritanorum 
fines irruerat, precabantur ut ab incepto desinerent ; prse 
oculis ponentes diruendam patriam, templum incenden- 
dum, liberosque cum uxoribus captivos abducendos : 
rogabantque ut depositis armis suas quisque domos repe- 
teret. Quibus Judasi tandem acquiescentes, recesserunt ; 
latrones vero ad loca munita reversi sunt denuo. Atque 
ex eo tempore universa Judaea repleta est latronum recep- 
taculis x . 

Samaritanorum primates Numidium Quadratum Syrias 
praesidem time Tyri degentem convenerunt ; vindictam de 
Judaeis, qui vicos eorum diripuerant et incenderant, pos- 
tulantes. Praesto autem fuerunt etiam Judasorum nobiles, 
et Jonathas filius Anani summus pontifex: qui objecta 
diluences, initium tumultus a Samaritanis profectum dice- 
bant, qui primi homicidium perpetrassent ; causam tamen 
calamitatum postea secutarum fuisse Cumanum, qui illo- 
rum muneribus corruptus earn caedem ulcisci noluerit. 
His auditis, Quadratus judicium distulit ; dicens se pro- 
laturum sententiam, postquam prsesens apud Judaeam rei 
veritatem exactius cognoverit. Ita turn infecto negotio 
discessum est y . 

Interim Felix intempestivis remediis delicta accendebat, 
asmulo ad deterrima Ventidio Cumano, cui pars provincise 
habebatur : ita divisis, ut huic Galilasorum natio, Felici 
Samaritas parerent ; discordes olim, et turn contemptu 
regentium minus coercitis odiis. Igitur raptare inter se, 
immittere latronum globos, componere insidias, et aliquan- 
do praeliis congredi, spoliaque et prasdas ad procuratores 
referre. Hique primo laetari : moxque gliscente pernicie, 
cum arma militum interjecissent, cagsi milites sunt. Ar- 



x Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. Ke(p. ica. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 
y Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. i:t(p. /ca. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 



NOVI TRSTAMKNTI. 51 

sissetque bello provincia, ni Quadratus Syriae rector sub- 
venisset 2 . 

Nee diu adversus Judaeos qui in necem militum proru- 
perant, dubitatum, quin capite poenas luerent : Cumanus 
et Felix cunctationem afFerebant, quia Claudius causis 
rebellionis auditis, jus statuendi etiam de procuratoribus 
illi dederat. Sed Quadratus Felicem (utpote Pallantis, qui 
Roma? omnia tumpoterat, fratrem) inter judices ostentavit, 
receptum in tribunal, quo studia accusantium deterreren- 
tur : et flagitiorum quae duo deliquerant, unus Cumanus 
damnatus ; et quies provinciae reddita est a . 

Agrestium Cilicum nationes, quibus Clitarum cogno- 
mentum, Trosobore (sive Atosoboro) duce, montes asperos 
castris cepere : atque inde decursu in litora aut urbes, 
vim cultoribus ac oppidanis, ac plerumque in mercatores 
ac navicularios audebant. Obsessaque ci vitas Anemuri- 
ensis, et missi e Syria in subsidium equites cum prasfecto 
Curtio Severo turbantur : quod duri circum loci, pediti- 
busque ad pugnam idonei, equestre praelium baud patie- 
bantur. Dein rex ejus orae Antiochus, blandimentis ad- 
versus plebem, fraude in ducem, quum barbarorum copias 
dissociasset, Trosobore paucisque primoribus interfectis, 
caeteros dementia composuit b . 

Petrus apostolus Antiochiam veniens, cum Gentilibus 
fidelibus edebat et familiariter conversabatur. Verum 
quum Hierosolymis eo venissent a Jacobo fratres Judsei 
nonnulli, eorum offensionem metuens, a Gentilibus sub- 
duxit se. Cujus exemplum secuti sunt et reliqui ecclesiaa 
Antiochenae Judasi: adeo ut Barnabas quoque simul abri- 
peretur eorum simulatione. Earn praeposteram simulatio- 
nem, libertati evangelicas contrariam, non ferens Paulus, 
Petro in os restitit, ej usque timiditatem coram omnibus 
acriter coarguit . 

4056. Quadratus in Samariam veniens, cum jussisset 
reos causam suam dicere, comperit Samaritanorum culpa 
tumultum primum excitatum fuisse. Cagsaream vero pro- 



' Tacit, ami. lib. 12. cap. 54. a Id. ibid. 

b Tacit, ann. lib. 12. cap. 55. l * Galat. cap. 2. ver. 11 — 14. 

e2 



52 ANNALES 

cedens, cognito quod Judaeorum quidam res novas moliti 
essent, in crucem egit quos Cumanus vivos ceperat et 
vinctos ibi reliquerat. Inde profectus in vicum Lyddam 
instar urbis amplum, sedens pro tribunali, iterum Sama- 
ritanorum causam audiens, didicit e quodam Samarita, 
Dortum Judaeorum primatem cum aliis quatuor sociis Ju- 
daeos ad defectionem solicitasse : quos ille afFecit supplicio. 
Et Judaeorum octodecim viros, quos cognovit pugnae fuisse 
participes, securi percussit d . 

Duos principes sacerdotum, Jonatham et Ananiam, 
ej usque filium Ananum, et nonnullos alios Judaeos nobiles, 
Quadratus ad Caesarem misit : similiterque Samaritanorum 
nobilissimos quosque. Praecepit etiam Cumano procura- 
tori, et Celeri tribuno, Romam navigare reddituros Clau- 
dio rationem eorum quae in regione gesserant 6 . 

His ita compositis, Quadratus veritus ne novum aliquid 
Judaei molirentur, Lydda ascendit Hierosolyma : ubi pa- 
cata invenit omnia, populumque occupatum patrio azy- 
morum festo, et operantem sacrificiis. Credens igitur 
nihil novaturos, reliquit agentes festa, et Antiochiam 
repetiit f . 

Cumanus et Samaritae Romam missi statuta die causam 
suam jussi sunt dicere. Comparaverant autem sibi favo- 
rem libertorum et amicorum Caesaris : quorum opera vicis- 
sent adversarios Judaeos, nisi Agrippa junior turn Romae 
degens, et Judaeorum primores premi favore potentum 
videns, multis precibus obtinuisset ab Agrippina uxore 
Claudii, ut marito persuaderet legitime causam cognoscere, 
et in deprehensos tumultus authores justam proferre sen- 
tentiam. Claudius igitur his precibus praemollitus, auditis 
partibus, ut comperit a Samaritanis factum tumultus prin- 
cipium, eos qui turn ad judicium venerant supplicio tra- 
didit. Cumanum mulctavit exilio. Celerem vero tribu- 
num vinctum Hierosolymam mittens, Judaeis ad supplicium 
tradidit ; ut per urbem tractus capite caederetur g . 

d Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. ks6. ica. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 
e Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. Kt<p. Ka. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 
f Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. Ke<p. Ka. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 
8 Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. Kt<p. Ka. etlib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. OO 

Procuratorem deinde in Judaeam destinavit Claudium 
I'elicem, fratrem Pallantis, qui earn provinciam, una cum 
Samaria et Galilaea administraret h ; quod precibus suis 
Jonathas summus pontifex a Cassare obtinuit 1 . Claudium 
ex libertis suis " Felicem cohortibus et alis, provinciaeque 
Judaea? praBposuisse, trium reginarum maritum ;" scribit 
Suetonius k ; quern et " Judaeae impositum, cuncta male- 
facta sibi impunia ratum futura, tanta potentia subnixo," 
scribit Tacitus 1 : in quinto etiam historiarum suarum li- 
bro m de tyrannico illius in Judaea regimine amplius ad- 
dens : " Antonius Felix per omnem saevitiam ac libidinem 
jus regium servili ingenio exercuit, Drusilla Cleopatra? 
et Antonii nepte in matrimonium accepta : ut ejusdem 
Antonii Felix progener, Claudius nepos esset." 

Quum rex Agrippa junior per quadriennium praefuisset 
Chalcidi, Claudius post exactum imperii annum duodeci- 
mum ea illi ablata, in majus eum regnum transtulit. Phi- 
lippi tetrarchia ei donata, Batanaea videlicet et Gaula- 
nitide, simul cum Trachonitide ; adjuncta etiam Abila 
Lysanise tetrarchia, quam Varus rexerat 11 . 

His donationibus a Csesare ornatus juvenis collocavit 
Azizo Emessenorum regi circumciso sororem Drusillam. 
Epiphanes enim Antiochi Commagenorum regis filius re- 
cusavit ejus nuptias, quod mutata sententia Judaeorum 
religionem amplecti nollet, ut erat pollicitus puellae paren- 
tibus : Mariammem quoque matrimonio conjunxit Julio 
Archelao Chelcias filio, cui ab Agrippa patre jam ante 
desponsata fuerat . 

Josephus Matthiae filius Bani cujusdam institutum imi- 
tari ccepit ; qui in solitudine vivens, amictum sibi parabat 
ex arboribus, et sponte provenientibus alimentis utebatur, 
crebrisque ob continentiam nocte ac die lavacris frigidis : 
atque in ejus contubernio tres annos exegit p . 

ll Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. Kiip. Ka. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 

' Joseph, lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 6. 

k In Ciaudio, cap. 28. . ' Annal. lib. 12. cap. 54. 

,u Cap. 9. 

" Joseph, lib. 20. antiqu. cap. 5. cum lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. Kity. ku. 

n Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 5. v Id. in lib. de vita sua. 



54 



ANN ALES 



Nero, causa lliensium suscepta, Romanum Troja demis- 
sum, et Julias stirpis authorem /Eneam, aliaque haud pro- 
cul fabulis vetera facuude exsecutus, impetravit ut Ilienses 
omni publico munere solverentur q . Claudiusque illis, 
quasi Romanae gentis authoribus, tributa in perpetuum 
remisit : recitata vetere epistola Graeca senatus populique 
Romani, Seleuco regi amicitiam et societatem ita demum 
pollicentis, si consanguineos suos Ilienses ab omni onere 
immunes praestitisset r . 

Rhodiis quoque, ob pcenitentiam veterum delictorum, 
libertatem Claudius reddidit ; ademptam ssepe aut firma- 
tam, prout bellis externis meruerant, aut domi seditione 
deliquerant s . Pro Rhodiis vero atque Iliensibus Neronem 
Graece apud patrem consulem, Claudium videlicet ante 
biennium postremum suum consulatum gerentem, verba 
fecisse, scribit Suetonius*. 

Tributum Apamiensibus terras motu convulsis in quin- 
quennium a Claudio est remissum". 

Retulit dein Claudius de immunitate Cois tribuenda : 
multaque super antiquitate eorum memoravit. Argivos 
vel cum Latonae parente (Cax), a quo insula? nomen datum) 
vetustissimos insulae cultores : mox adventu iEsculapii 
artem medendi illatam, maximeque inter posteros cele- 
brem fuisse ; nomina singulorum referens, et quibus quis- 
que setatibus viguissent. Quin etiam dixit Xenophontem, 
Coum medicum, cujus scientia ipse uteretur, eadem fa- 
milia ortum : precibusque ejus dandum, ut omni tributo 
vacui in posterum Coi, sacram et tantum Dei ministram 
insulam colerent x . 

Quum Barnabam sollicitaret Paulus, ut ecclesias simul 
inviserent in quibus evangelium annunciavissent, consule- 
bat Barnabas ut Johannem Marcum secum assumerent. 
Contra vero censebat Paulus, non esse assumendum eum, 
qui ab ipsis abscessisset ex Pamphylia y , nee eorum comes 
in illo opere fuisset. Unde segre ferente Barnaba, conso- 

1 Tacit, arm. lib. 12. cap. 58. r Sueton. in Claudio, cap. 25. 

6 Sueton. in Claudio, cap. 25. et Tacit, ami. lib. 12. cap. 58. 
1 In Neione, cap. 7. " Tacit, aim. lib. 12. cap. 5S. 

x Tacit, aim. lib. 12. cap. CI. > Act. cap. 13. ver. I'd. 



NOVI TESTAMENTS 



55 



brino suo y earn infamise notam inurendam, tanta inter eos 
orta est contentio, ut alter ab altero discederet. Et Bar- 
nabas quidem, assumpto Marco, navigavit in Cyprum, pa- 
triam suam. Paulus vero allecto Sila, commendatus gratia; 
Dei a fratribus, peragravit Syriam ac Ciliciam, confirmans 
ecclesias 2 . 

Veniens Paulus Derben et Lystram, inter discipulos 
offendit ibi Timotheum, natum patre quidem Grasco sive 
Gentili, matre vero Judaea fideli Eunice : cui omnes qui 
Lystris erant et Iconii fratres bonum perbibebant testimo- 
nium. Eum secum assumpturus Paulus, quo Judaeos 
magis lucrifaceret, prius circumcidendum curavit a . 

Paulus et Silas, prout pertransibant urbes, tradebant 
eis observanda ilia quae decreta fuerant ab apostolis et 
presbyteris qui erant Hierosolymis. Et ecclesias confir- 
mabantur fide, et numero augebantur quotidie b . 

Phrygia deinde peragrata et Galatica regione ; prohi- 
biti a Spiritu Sancto praedicare verbum Dei in Asia, quum 
venissent in Mysiam, tentabant ire in Bithyniam : sed non 
permittente eos ire Spiritu, a Mysia descenderunt Troa- 
dem. Ibi in somnis Paulo adstare visus est vir quidam 
Macedo, dicens: " Transiens c in Macedoniam succurre 
nobis." 

Ut visum hoc ille vidit, " statim studuimus abire in 
Macedoniam ; certi facti quod vocasset nos Dominus ad 
evangelizandum eis :" inquit Lucas' 1 , qui hie et deinceps 
de Paulo et ejus comitibus in prima persona loquens, cum 
hactenus de eis in tertia locutus fuisset, ab hoc tempore 
comitem se Paulo in praedicatione evangelii adjunctum 
fuisse satis indicat. 

4057. Paulus et Silas, cum Luca et Timotheo, provecti 
Troade, recto cursu Samothracem venerunt, et sequente 
die Neapolim, atque illinc Philippos ; quae primaria ejus 
tractus Macedoniae urbs erat, et juris Italic! colonia: com- 
moratique sunt in ea urbe aliquot dies 6 . 



> Coloss. cap. 4. ver. 10. 
;l Act. cap. 16. ver. 1, 2, 3. 
r Act. cap. 16. ver. 6—9. 
c Act. cap. 16. ver. 11. 12. 



z Act. cap. 15. ver. 36 — 41. 
'' lb. ver. i, 5. 
ll Id. ibid. ver. 10. 



56 ANN ALES 

Die Sabbathi egressi ex urbe ad flumen, ubi erat pros- 
eucha, allocuti sunt mulieres quse illuc convenerant. 
Inter quas una Lyclia Deum colens, quae purpuram ven- 
debat in urbe Thyatirorum, attendens iis quae a Paulo 
dicebantur, cor ejus Domino adaperiente, in Christum 
credidit. Quae cum tota sua domo baptizata, Paulum 
cum comitibus suis hospitio excepit f . 

Proficiscentibus postea illis ad proseucham, immundus 
spiritus ex ancilla pythonissa eos per multos dies subse- 
cuta clamabat : " Isti homines servi sunt Dei altissimi, qui 
annunciant vobis viam salutis." Quod moleste ferens 
Paulus, spiritui illi mandavit per nomen Jesu, ut ex ilia 
exiret. Quo facto, videntes ancillulae domini abiisse spem 
quaestus sui, Paulum et Silam in forum pertrahentes, tan- 
tum clamoribus suis apud prastores effecerunt, ut virgis 
uterque publice caederetur et in carcerem conjiceretur. 
Ubi media nocte illis orantibus et hymnos Deo canenti- 
bus, magno terrae motu facto, foribus carceris omnibus 
apertis et inclusorum omnium vinculis laxatis, quum ad 
desperationem redactus custos stricto gladio seipsum erat 
interempturus, a Paulo et Sila ad Christi fidem est con- 
versus, et cum universa familia ea ipsa nocte baptizatus. 
Die autem exorto, mittentibus praetoribus ut liberi dimit- 
terentur, de contumelia et injuria accepta cum his expos- 
tulates illi, quod cives Romanos indicta causa publice 
caesos in carcerem conjecissent : ab ipsis advenientibus 
non sine honore liberantur, atque ut urbe excederent ro- 
gantur. Qui introeuntes ad Lydiam, quum accedentes 
fratres fuissent consolati, ex urbe egressi sunt g . 

Itinere deinde facto per Amphipolim et Apolloniam, 
venerunt Thessalonicam (totius Macedonian metropolim) 
ubi erat synagoga quaedam Judaeorum h . Illic, tantis con- 
tumeliis prius Philippis affectus, evangelium Dei cum 
multo certamine annunciavisse se scribit Paulus apostolus 1 . 
Nam secundum consuetudinem suam in Judasorum syna- 
gogam ingressus per tria Sabbatha cum eis ex Scriptura 



f Act. cap. 16. ver. 13, 14, 15. 8 lb. ver. 1G— 40. 

h Act. cap. 17. ver. 1. * 1 Thessal. cap. 2. ver. 2. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 57 

de Christo disseruit. Quorum nonnullis credentibus, 
consociata est Paulo et Silae religiosorum Graecorum mul- 
titudo magna, et ex mulieribus primariis non paucae k . 

Thessalonicenses non de fide tantum Christiana, sed 
etiam de futura apostasia et Antichristi revelatione Paulus 
edocuit 1 . 

Quum Paulus diutius Thessalonicae haereret, semel at- 
que iterum a Philippensibus necessaria vitae subsidia ac- 
cepit m . Sed increduli Judaei, assumptis quibusdam viris 
circumforaneis improbis, et tumultu in civitate excitato, 
Jasonem (in cujus domo Paulus cum comitibus hospita- 
batur) et quosdam fratres ad magistratus traxerunt, et 
magnis clamoribus accusarunt. Quibus cum ab illis fuisset 
satisfactum, fratres statim per noctem Paulum simul et 
Silam emiserunt Beroeam". 

Hie quoque quum in synagogam Judaeorum introeuntes 
ex Scripturis diligenter prasdicarent Christum, et auditores 
praedicata cum Scripturis conferentes, ea per omnia con- 
gruere cum illis invenirent ; multi crediderunt ex eis, et 
Graecarum mulierum honoratarum et virorum non pauci. 
Cumque Judaei Thessalonicenses illuc venientes turbam 
contra Paulum concitarent : fratres eum statim emiserunt, 
velut iturum ad mare, sed Athenas usque deduxerunt ; 
accepto ad Silam et Timotheum Berceae relictos mandato, 
ut ad ipsum venirent quam citissime . 

Judaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Clau- 
dius Roma expulit 1 '. Hujus Chresti solus, ni fallor, me- 
minit Suetonius : nam Christum D. N. (a quo Christiani, 
alibi ab eodem memorati, denominationem acceperunt) hie 
ab illo fuisse intellectum, adhuc mihi persuadere non 
possum. 

Paulus, dum Silam et Timotheum Athenis expectat, 
disserebat in synagoga cum Judaeis et religiosis, et in foro 
quotidie cum quibusvis obviis ; cum Epicureis quoque et 
Stoicis philosophis de Christo et resurrectione disputans. 



k Act. cap. 17. ver. 2, 3, 4. '2 Thessal. cap. 2. ver. 5. 

'" Philipp. cap. 4. ver. 1G. " Act. cap. 17. ver. 5 — 10. 

° Act. cap. 17. ver. 10 — 15. P Sueton. in Claudio, cap. 25. 



5S ANNALES 

Deinde, ut peregrinorum deorum annunciator, causam 
dicturus in medium Areopagum raptus, doctissima ora- 
tione ibi habita, turn ex ara ipsorum Ignoto Deo dicata, 
turn ex Arati poetae testimonio Dei progeniem nos esse 
confirmante, eundem quern ipsi ignorantes colebant Deum 
a se annunciari ostendit q . Judasorum vero Deus Ignoti 
apud Gentes appellationem obtinebat : eodem sensu in- 
certus Deus Lucano in libro secundo Pharsalias, incertum 
numen Trebellio Pollioni in vita Claudii, et innominatus 
Deus C. Caligulae apud Philonem in libro de legatione ad 
eundem, nominatus. Cui ut Carmeli montis incolge, apud 
Taciturn 1 ', neque simulacrum tribuebant, neque templum, 
sed aram tantum et reverentiam : ita Athenienses quoque 
aram misericordiaa in media sua urbe sine ullo simulachro 
similiter posuerunt ; in duodecimo libro Thebaidos ita 
referente Statio : 

Nulla autem effigies, nulli commissa metallo 
Forma Dei ; mentes habitare et pectora gaudet. 

Inter Athenienses a Paulo ad Christi fidem hoc tempore 
converses, fuit Dionysius Areopagita, et mulier (vel uxor 
ejus, ut visum Ambrosio, Chrysostomo et Augustino) no- 
mine Damaris, et alii cum eis s . 

Felix Judaeas procurator, visa Drusilla Agrippag regis 
sorore, fceminarum omnium pulcherrima, amore ejus cap- 
tus, Simonem amicum suum, Judseum genere Cyprium, 
pro mago se gerentem, ad earn misit, qui mulierem solici- 
taret ut relicto marito Azizo Emesenorum rege ipsi nu- 
beret ; beatam fore pollicens, si non fastidiret hominem. 
Ilia male consulta volens evadere molestationes sororis 
Bernices, invidentis sibi formae prascellentiam, consensit 
calcata religione patria Felici nubere. Ipsa vero Bernice, 
patrui sui Herodis regis Chalcidis vidua, quum spargere- 
tur rumor cum fratre, Agrippa rege, earn congredi, suasit 
Polemoni regi Ciliciae, ut circumcisus prius se duceret ; 
rata sic se coarguturam mendacium. Nee recusavit Pole- 



's* 



'i Act. cap. 17. ver. 16—31. r Histor. lib. 2. cap. 78. 

5 Act. cap. 17. ver. 34. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 59 

mon, incluctus maxime mulieris divitiis : id tamen conju- 
gium diuturnum non fuit, propter intemperantiam (ut 
fertur) discedente ab eo Bernice. Qui mox desertus 
ab uxore, et ipse Judaicae religionis desertor factus est 1 . 

Eodem tempore etiam Mariamme (tertia regis Agrippae 
■soror) Julium Archelaum Chelcias filium dedignata, mi- 
gravit in thalamum Demetrii, primi inter Alexandrinos 
Judasos tarn opibus quam genere, et turn alabarchiae ma- 
gistratum gerentis 11 . 

Paulus Silaxn et Timotheum, qui Beroea ad ipsum vene- 
rant, iterum in Macedonian! remittens, solus Athenis 
remansit. Et ipse quidem semel atque iterum in animo 
habuerat Thessalonicam proficisci ; nee potuerat tamen 
id exequi, a Satana praepeditus : ideoque Timotheum eo 
misit, qui Thessalonicenses in fide confirmaret et conso- 
laretur x . 

Interim, relictis Athenis, venit Corinthum : ubi Judae- 
um Aquilam invenit, et Priscillam uxorem ejus, qui nuper 
ex Italia venerant, quod edixisset Claudius ut omnes 
Judaei Roma excederent. Et quia idem cum illis confi- 
ciendi tabernacula artificium exercebat, mansit apud eos 
Paulus et operabatur. Disserebat tamen in synagoga 
omnibus Sabbathis, et in suam sententiam adducebat turn 
Judasos turn Graecos y . 

Hie vero Paulus sua manu Stephanas familiam baptiza- 
vit z ; quaa primitiae fuerunt Achaias, et sese in ministerium 
sanctis addixerunt 3 . 

Ut advenerunt e Macedonia Silas et Timotheus, quum 
Paulo magno cum zelo Christum praedicanti Judasi obsis- 
terent ac blasphemarent ; vestibus suis in illos excussis, 
divertit ille ad Gentes, migrans in domum cujusdam no- 
mine Justi, colentis Deum, quae erat confinis synagogae b . 

Crispus archisynagogus credidit Domino cum tota domo 
sua : multique Corinthiorum audientes credebant et bapti- 



' Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 5. " Id. ibid. 

x Act. cap. 18. ver. 5. 1 Thessal. cap. 2. ver. 17, 18. et cap. 3. ver. 1, 2. 
y Act. cap. 18. ver. 1 — 4. z 1 Corinth, cap. 1. ver. 16. 

a 1 Corinth, cap. 16. ver. 15. b Act. cap. 18. ver. 5, 6, 7. 



GO 



ANNALES 



zabantur c . Ex quibus Crispum et Gaium sua manu Paulus 
baptizavit d . 

Dixit Dominus nocte per visionem Paulo: " Ne metue, 
sed loquere, et ne tacueris. Nam ego sum tecum, et 
nemo te invadet ut male te accipiat: quoniam populus est 
mihi multus in hac urbe." Commoratus est itaque illic 
annum et sex menses, docens apud eos verbum Dei e ; una 
cum Silvano (sive Sila) et Timotheo f . 

Post reditum Timothei ex Macedonia, Paulus (cum 
eodem Timotheo et Silvano sive Sila) priorem ad Thes- 
salonicenses scripsit epistolam g ; in qua, quum de die ju- 
dicii, quasi jam instante, paulo obscurius fuisset locutus h ; 
data paulo post altera ad eos epistola, clarius illud expli- 
cavit' ; scripta utique, quum Silvanum et Timotlieum in 
ministerio evangelii conjunctos sibi haberet k , et postquam 
ipse apud Thessalonicenses, Christi fidem amplexos, jam 
praesens adfuisset 1 . Ut toto hie ccelo Grotius erraverit, 
sub C. Caligula earn exaratam fuisse epistolam existi- 
mans. 

Prorumpentes Parthi rapuerunt Armeniam, pulso Rha- 
damisto ; qui seepe regni ejus potitus, dein profugus, nunc 
quoque bellum deseruit 1 ". Quum vero exortus esset Volo- 
geso Parthorum regi aemulus filius Vardanes; abscesse- 
runt Armenia Parthi, tanquam differrent bellum". 

4058. Asinio Marcello et Asinio Aviola consulibus III. 
Idus Octobres Claudius extinctus est ; quum imperasset 
annos tredecim, menses octo et dies viginti p . Et in medio 
ejusdem diei, foribus palatii repente diductis Nero, gener 
et adoptivus filius ejus, imperator declaratus est q . 

Initio novi hujus principatus Junius Silanus proconsul 
Asiae, nobilis et e Cassarum posteris, ignaro Nerone, vix- 

c Act cap. 18. ver. 8. d 1 Corinth, cap. 1. ver. 14. 

e Act. cap. 18. ver. 9, 10, 11. f 2 Corinth, cap. 1. ver. 19. 

s I Thessal. cap. 3. ver. 6. h Id. cap. 1. ver. 1. 5. 

' 2 Thessal. cap. 2. ver. 2, 3. k 1 Thess. cap. 1. ver. I. 

1 2 Thess. cap. 2. ver. 5. m Tacit, annal. lib. 13. cap. G. 
» Tacit, annal. lib. 13. cap. 7. 

° Seneca, in ludi de morte Claudii initio. Sueton. in Claudio, cap. 45. et Dio, 
lib. GO. pag. 688. 

P Dio, lib. GO. pag. G88. cum Josepho, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 5. 
i Tacit, annal. lib. 12. cap. ult. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. Gl 

dum pueritiam egresso, per clolum matris ejus Agrippinae 
insons sublatus est. Ministri sceleris P. Celer eques Ilo- 
manus, et ^Elius libertus, rei familiari principis in Asia 
impositi : a quibus proconsuli venenum inter epulas datum 
est r . 

Legatis Armeniorum causam gentis apud Neronem 
orantibus, ascendere eos in suggestum imperatoris ille 
volebat et praesidere simul ; nisi caeteris pavore defixis, 
Seneca admonuisset, venienti matri occurreret. Ita specie 
pietatis obviam itum est dedecori s . 

Rumore de occupata a Parthis Armenia Romam per- 
lato, Nero et juventutem proximas per provincias quae- 
sitam supplendis orientis legionibus admovere, legionesque 
ipsas propius Armeniam collocari jussit : duosque veteres 
reges Agrippam Judaeum et Iocchum (vel Antiochum 
potius Commagenum) expedire copias, quibus Parthorum 
fines ultro intrarent, simul pontes per amnem Euphratem 
jungi. Et minorem Armeniam Aristobulo, regionem So- 
phenem Sohemo cum insignibus regiis mandavit. Domi- 
tium vero Corbulonein retinendae Armenian praeposuit: 
copiis orientis ita divisis, ut pars auxiliarium cum duabus 
legionibus apud provinciam Syriam et legatum ejus Qua- 
dratum remaneret ; par civium sociorumque numerus Cor- 
buloni esset, additis cohortibus absque, quas apud Cappa- 
dociam hyemabant, et sociis regibus, prout bello condu- 
ceret, parere jussis*. 

Primo imperii Neronis anno, regi Emesorum Azizo de- 
functo frater in principatu successit : minoris 'autem Ar- 
menian (ut ex Tacito jam dictum est) principatum Aristo- 
bulus Herodis regis Chalcidis filius a Nerone accepit. 
Regno autem Agrippas quatuor urbes idem addidit, cum 
agris ad singulas pertinentibus : in Galikea, Tiberiadem 
et Taricliaeam ; in Ituraea trans Jordanem, Abelam et Ju- 
liadem cum agro ejus habitato vicis quatuordecim 11 . 

Domitius Corbulo, itinere propere confecto, apud 
iEgaeas civitatem Cilicias obvium Quadratum habuit ; illuc 

1 Tacit, ann. lib. 13. cap. 1. s Id. cap. 5. 

' Tacit, ann. lib. 13. cap. C, 7, 8. 
g_ n Joseph, lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. ct lib. 2. belli, cap. 12. Kt(p. icfi. 



62 ANNALES 

progressum, ne si ad accipiendas copias Syriam intravisset 
Corbulo, omnium ora in se verteret. Uterque Vologesem 
Parthorum regem nuntiis monebant, pacem quam bellum 
mallet ; datisque obsidibus, solitam prioribus reverentiam 
in populum Romanum continuaret. Et Vologeses qui- 
dem, vel ut bellum ex aequo pararet, vel ut aemulationis 
suspectos per nomen obsidum amoveret, tradidit nobilis- 
simos ex familia Arsacidarum: accepitque eos centurio 
Hostorius (alias Histius) a Quadrato ea de causa ad 
regem missus. Quod postquam Corbuloni cognitum est, 
ire praefectum cohortis Arrium Varum, et recipere obsides 
jussit. Hinc ortum inter praefectum et centurionem jur- 
gium, quod ne diutius externis spectaculo esset, arbitrium 
rei obsidibus legatisque qui eos ducebant permissum est. 
Atque illi ob recentem gloriam, et inclinatione quadam 
etiam hostium, Corbulonem praetulerunt. Unde discordi.i 
inter duces : querente Quadrato prasrepta quae suis consi- 
liis patravisset ; testante contra Corbulone, non prius con- 
versum regem ad offerendos obsides, quam ipse dux bello 
delectus spes ejus ad me turn mutaret. Nero, quo compo- 
neret diversos, sic evulgari jussit : ob res a Quadrato et 
Corbulone prospere gestas, fascibus suis imperatoriis lau- 
rum addi x . 

Initio imperii Neronis Judaea tota referta erat latronum 
receptaculis, et magicis praestigiatoribus imperitique vulgi 
seductoribus : quos quotidie comprehensos Felix e medio 
sustulit. Eleazarum vero Dinae filium, non mediocrem 
latronum globum circa se habentem, Felix ut ad se veni- 
ret persuasit, data ei fide quod nihil mali esset passurus : 
moxque vinctum Romam transmisit y . 

Quum Felix Jonatham summum pontificem, de rebus 
Judaicis melius administrandis crebrius eum et liberius 
admonentem ferre non posset ; Doram Hierosolymitam 
summum Jonathae amicum promissa pecunia induxit, ut 
per sicarios interimendum eum curaret. Quidam igitur 
quasi religionis ergo in urbem ascendentes sicis clam suc- 
cincti sub vestibus, et Jonathaa famulitio permixti, pere- 

" Tacit, annal. lib. 13. cap. 8, 9. y Joseph, antiqu.lib. 20. cap. G. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 63 

merunt hominem. Cujus facinoris quia nemo ultor ex- 
titit, invitati hac Hcentia sicarii per singula festa ventitan- 
tes et ferrum celantes pari modo immixti turbis, alios 
conduct! pecunia, non modo in reliquis urbis partibus sed 
etiam in ipso templo, impune confodiebant 2 . 

Et urbs quidem talibus incestabatur latrociniis. Im- 
postores autem et magi turbas illectas post se traliebant 
in solitudines, pollicentes se divinitus ostensuros clarissima 
signa et prodigia : persuasaque multitudo mox pcenas luit 
dementias, a Felice retracta et neci data a . 

Per idem tempus vEgyptius quidam magus, in provin- 
ciam advenit: et prophetaa opinionem sibi arrogans, tri- 
ginta ferme (vel quatuor potius b ,) millia hominum congre- 
gavit. Et circumducens eos de solitudine in montem 
Oliveti : illic visuros eos affirmabat suo jussu cadere Hie- 
rosolymorum mcenia, ita ut per eorum ruinas aditus in 
civitatem pateret. Quo cognito, Felix cum multis equiti- 
bus et peditibus Romanis, quos etiam reliqua Judaeorum 
multitudo juvabat, erumpens turbam seductam invasit : 
quorum quadringentis occisis, ducentos vivos cepit et 
vinculis tradidit ; reliqua multitudine in regiones proprias 
dispersa. iEgyptius vero ipse, cum paucis pugna elap- 
sus, disparuit c . Unde de eo Lysias tribunus ad B. Pau- 
lum (i , " Nonne tu es ^Egyptius ille qui ante hos dies tu- 
multum concitasti, et eduxisti in desertum quatuor millia 
sicariorum ?" 

Quum Gallio esset proconsul Achaiae, Judasi Corinthii 
Paulum ad illius tribunal adduxerunt. Illo vero de ejus- 
modi rebus judicare recusante, et a tribunali eos abigente, 
Graeci prehensum Sosthenem archisynagogum caedebant ; 
nihil eorum Gallione curante e . 

L. Annaei Senecae (qui sub discipulo suo Nerone ado- 
lescente Romae omnia, una cum Burrho, turn administra- 
bat) frater hie Gallio fuit: qui Claudii, veneno sublati, 
cnro6t(i)mv deridens, unco eum in coelum raptum fuisse 

z Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 6. a Id. ibid. 

b Act. cap. 21. ver. 38. 

c Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. (5. et lib. 2. belli, cap. 12. Kt<p. /cy. 

d Act. cap. 21. ver. 38. e Id. cap. 18. ver. 12 — 17. 



64 



ANNALES 



dixit ; ut in fine libri sexagesimi Dio narrat. M. Annasi 
Senecae patris ad Novatum, Senecam, et Melam filios, 
liber controversiarum extat. Horum medius L. Seneca, 
in consolatione ad matrem Helviam, fratrum " alterum 
honores industria consecutum fuisse, alterum sapienter 
contempsisse," docet : per priorem, Novatum intelligens ; 
qui a Junio Gallione (quern a Tiberio in exilium fuisse 
missum, ad finem anni mundi 4035. ex Tacito declaravi- 
mus) adoptatus, Gallionis nomen obtinuit. Quem etiam, 
ut fratrem natu grandiorem, dominum ab eodem fuisse 
appellatum, ad locum ilium epistolae centesima? quarta? no- 
tavit Lipsius : " Illud mihi in ore erat domini mei Galli- 
onis : qui, cum in Achaia febrem habere ccepisset,protinus 
navem ascendit; clamitans non corporis esse, sed loci 
morbum." 

4059. Quum post tumultum ad Gallionis tribunal fac- 
tum mansisset adhuc Corinthi Paulus dies multos, vale- 
dicens fratribus, e portu Cenchreensi solvit. Et in Sy- 
rian! inde navigaturus, priino devenit Ephesum; ubi in- 
gressus synagogam, disseruit cum Judaeis. Rogantibus 
autem ut diutius apud ipsos maneret, non annuit ; opor- 
tere omnino se dicens instantem diem festum agere Hiero- 
solymis : reversurum tamen se iterum ad eos, Deo volente, 
pollicitus. Valedicens igitur eis et Aquila atque Pris- 
cilla ibi relictis, cum reliquis comitibus Caesaream inde 
navigavit f . 

Caesarea Stratonis ascendens Paulus ad salutandam 
ecclesiam Hierosolymitanam, inde descendit Antiochiam 
Syria?. Et quum egisset illic aliquamdiu, abiit, pertran- 
siens ordine Galaticam regionem atque Phrygiam, et con- 
firmans omnes discipulos". Ubi a Galatis ita exceptus, 
ac si esset Angelus Dei, aut ipse Christus Jesus' 1 ; inter 
alia, ut collects pro pauperibus die quoque Dominico se- 
ponerentur, instituit 1 . 

Josephus Matthias filius, exacto cum Bano in solitudine 



f Act. cap. 18. ver. 18—22. 
11 Galat. cap. 4. ver. 14. 



B Id. ibid. ver. 22, 23 
* 1 Corinth, cap 



16. ver. 1,2. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 



65 



triennio Hierosolymam rediit: jamque novemdecim annos 
natus, civilem vitam aggressus est ; addictus Pharisaeorum 
placitis, proxime ad Stoicam apud Grsecos sectam acce- 
dentibus k . 

Judasus quidam Apollos, Alexandrinus genere, vir elo- 
quens et potens in Scripturis, pervenit Ephesum. Hinc 
initiatus via Domini, et fervens spiritu, loquebatur et do- 
cebat diligenter ea qua? sunt Domini, sciens tantum bap- 
tisma Johannis : ccepitque libere loqui in synagoga. Quern 
auditum Aquila et Priscilla assumpserunt, et penitus ei 
exposuerunt viam Dei. Quum autem vellet transire in 
Achaiam, fratres eum adhortati, scripserunt discipulis ut 
exciperent eum. Qui cum advenisset, multum contulit iis 
qui crediderunt. Magna enim contentione Judaeos magis 
ac magis redavguebat publice, ostendens per Scripturas 
Jesum esse Christum 1 . 

4060. Cum Apollos esset Corinthi, Paulus peragratis 
jam superioribus partibus (Galatia videlicet et Phrygia) 
venit Ephesum : ubi duodecim invenit discipulos, qui Jo- 
hannis baptismum tantum noverant, necdum Spiritum 
Sanctum per manuum impositionem acceperant. Quibus 
ulterius in Christi doctrina a se institutis quum manus ille 
imposuisset, delapso in eos Spiritu Sancto, loquebantur 
Unguis et prophetabant. Deinde ingressus synagogam, 
libere loquebatur, ad tres menses disserens et suadens 
quae ad regnum Dei pertinent" 1 . 

Quum Judaeorum quidam indurati non assentirentur, 
sed male loquerentur de via Dei; Paulus in conspectu 
multitudinis, abscedens ab illis, separavit discipulos ; quo- 
tidie disserens in schola Tyranni cujusdam. Hoc autem 
factum est per biennium : ita ut omnes qui habitabant in 
Asia, turn Judaei turn Graeci, audierint sermonem Domini 
Jesu. Virtutesque non modicas edebat Deus per manus 
Pauli : ita ut etiam ad infirmos deferrentur a corpore ejus 
sudaria et semicinctia, et discederent ab eis morbi, et spi- 
ritus mali ab eis exirent". 



k Joseph, in lib. de vita sua. 
111 Act. cap. 19. ver. 1—8. 
VOL. XI. 



1 Act. cap. IS. ver. 24 — 28. 
» Ibid. ver. 9—12. 



06 ANNALES 

P. Celerem, accusante Asia, quia absolvere nequibat 
Caesar, traxit, senecta donee mortem obiret ; nam Celer, 
interfecto Silano Asia? proconsule, magnitudine sceleris 
castera fiagitia obtegebat . 

Cossutianum Capitonem Cilices detulerant maculosum 
foedumque, et idem jus audaciae in provincia ratum, quod 
in urbe exercuerat. Sed pervicaci accusatione conflicta- 
tus, postremo defensionem omisit, ac lege repetundarum 
damnatus est p ; quo, ex Lipsio, referendum Juvenalis 
illud in satyra octava : 

quam fulmine justo 



Et Capito et Tutor ruerint damnante senatu, 
Piratae Cilicum. 

Et Quintiliani, libri sexti capite primo, " Egregie nobis 
adolescentibus dixisse accusator Cossutiani Capitonis vi- 
debatur, Graece quidem, sed in hunc sensum : Erubescit 
Caesarem timere." 

Pro Eprio Marcello, a quo Lycii res repetebant, eo 
usque ambitus praevaluit, ut quidam accusatorum ejus 
exilio mulctarentur, tanquam insonti periculum fecissent q . 

4061. Mollibus adhuc initiis prolatatum inter Parthos 
Romanosque de obtinenda Armenia bellum, acriter erupit: 
quia nee Vologeses sinebat fratremTiridatem dati a se regni 
expertem esse, aut alienae id potentiae donum habere ; et 
Corbulo dignum magnitudine populi Romani rebatur, 
parta olim a Lucullo Pompeioque recipere. Ad bellum 
id Corbulo militem prisca severitate et disciplina forma- 
vit, Armeniamque ingressus castella aliquot excidit, et ur- 
bem Artaxata succendit, Tiridate praelium inire non auso r . 

Ex Judaeis exorcistas septem, filii Scevae primarii sacer- 
dotis, nomen Jesu super eos qui spiritus malos habebant 
invocantes, adjurabant eos per Jesum quern Paulus praedi- 
cabat. In quos insiliens Energumenus, vulneratos ex 
domo nudos fugei'e coegit. Quod cum innotuisset omni- 
bus turn Judaeis turn Graecis qui habitabant Ephesi, me- 
tus in eos omnes incidit, et magnificabatur nomen Domini 

Tacit, ann. lib. 13. cap. 33. P Id. ibid. 

^ Tacit, ann. lib. 13. cap. 33. r Id. ibid. cap. 34—41. 



NO VI TESTAMENTI. 61 

Jesu. Et multi eorum qui crediderant, veniebant confi- 
tentes et indicantes acta sua. Multi quoque ex iis qui 
curiosa exercuerant, comportatos libros exusserunt in om- 
mium conspectu: quorum supputatis pretiis, inventa sunt 
denariorum quinquaginta millia. Ita fortiter crescebat 
verbum Domini, et invalescebat 3 . 

Galatae, cito post Pauli ab eis discessum', a falsis fratri- 
bus seducti, per opera legis justificandos se putabant: 
quos, vehementiore hac de re scripta ad eos epistola, ille 
ab errore revocat 11 . 

40G2. Induxit in animum Paulus peragrata Macedonia 
et Achaia proficisci Hierosolymam ; Romam etiam inde 
dicens videre se oportere x . Et quidem primo Corinthum 
venire proposuit, inde in Macedoniam proficisci, ex Ma- 
cedonia rursus Corinthum, atque inde Judaeam petere y ; 
ubi quum collectas ex Macedonia et Achaia mittendas 
pauperibus Sanctis Hierosolymae consignavisset, Romam 
illinc proficisci instituit, atque inde iter facere in His- 
paniam 2 . 

Haec animo Paulus agitans, missis in Macedoniam Ti- 
motheo et Erasto, ipse substitit ad tempus in Asia a ; 
Lydiaca scilicet, in qua per urbes Epheso vicinas evan- 
gelium praedicavisse videtur, novem adhuc mensium spa- 
tio : qui biennio quo in schola tyranni, et tribus mensibus 
quibus prius in synagoga Ephesi ille docuerat, additi tri- 
ennium confident, quo in Asia se laboravisse ipse indicat b , 
ostio illi aperto magno, licet multis oppositis adversa- 
riis c . 

Solis defectum Vipsanio et Fonteio consulibus pridie 
Kalendas Maias, Campania hora diei inter septimam et 
octavam sensit : Corbulo dux in Armenia inter horam. 
diei decimam et undecimam prodidit visum* 1 . Roma?, ita 
ut stellas viderentur, eclipsis haec conspecta est in mediis 



s Act. cap. 19. ver. 13—20. l Id. cap. 18. ver. 23. 

11 Galat. cap. 1. ver. 6, 7. x Act. cap. 19. ver. 21. 

y 2 Corinth, cap. 1. ver. 15, 16. z Rom. cap. 15. ver. 24 — 28. 

a Act. cap. 19. ver. 22. b Ibid. cap. 20. ver. 18. 31. 

c 1 Corinth, cap. 16. ver. 9. ,l Plin. lib. 2. cap. 70. 

v 2 



G8 ANNALES 

sacrificiis, quae Agrippinas causa (a filio Nerone interemp- 
tas) decreto senatus fiebant e . 

4063. Orto in ecclesia Corinthiaca schismate (quod 
Paulo ab iis qui erant e domo Chloes est indicatum) Pauli 
quibusdam se esse dicentibus, quibusdam Apollo, qui- 
busdam Cephas, quibusdam Christi f ; Apollos cum aliis 
fratribus Corinthiis ad Paulum in Asiam profectus est g , 
per quos ad apostolum scribentes Corinthii, de causa 
conjugii et ccelibatus ilium consuluerunt' 1 . 

Paulus, cum Sosthene archisynagogo illo Corinthio ad 
fidem Christi converso, absente turn Timotheo 1 , ex Asia 
Lydiaca, ubi turn erat, priorem ad Corinthios epistolam 
per Stephanam, Fortunatum et Achaicum (ab ipsis ad 
visendum apostolum missis) scripsit ; Apollo cum eis tarn 
cito redire renuente k . 

In ea epistola, incestuosum Corintliium, qui patris ux- 
orem duxerat, Satanas tradi jubet 1 . Et errores qui in 
ipsorum ecclesiam irrepserant corrigit, turn practicos, 
turn summum ilium dogmaticum, ex Sadducaeorum lacunis 
haustum, futuram resurrectionem negantem™, ipse se ad 
eos venturum significans, et quae supererant ordinaturum", 
quum pertransiret Macedoniam : sed prius Ephesi, usque 
ad Pentecosten , permansurum p . Quod tamen illius con- 
silium inopinatus quidam casus statim interrupit. 

Demetrius enim argentarius, qui fabricabat templa 
Dianae argentea, metuens suo quaestui, istiusmodi rerum 
opificibus Ephesi congregatis, tumultum in Paulum excita- 
vit ; ut qui non Ephesiis solum sed etiam totius pene Asiae 
turbas persuaderet, deos illos non esse qui manibus fiant. 
Qui correpto Gaio et Aristarcho Macedonibus, sociis 
peregrinationis Pauli, irruerunt in theatrum: sed ipsum 
Paulum contendere eo volentem discipuli, et quidam ex 

c Xiphilin. ex Dione : cum Tacito, lib. 14. cap. 12. 

f 1 Corinth, cap. 1. ver. 11, 12. et cap. 3. ver. 3, 4. 

E 1 Corinth, cap. 16. ver. 12. h Ibid. cap. 7. ver. 1. 

' 1 Cor. cap. 16. ver. 10. cum Act. cap. 19. ver. 22. 

k 1 Cor. cap. 1. ver. 1. cap. 16. ver. 12. 17. 19. 

1 1 Cor. cap. 5. ver. 5. m Ibid. cap. 15. 

" 1 Cor. cap. 4. ver. 18. et cap. 11. ver. 34. 

° 1 Cor. cap. 16. ver. 5, 6, 7. n Ibid. ver. 5 — 8. 



NOVI TESTAMENTS G9 

Asiarchis (spectaculorum in theatro exhibendorum cura- 
toribus) amici ejus, ad populum eum prodire non siverunt. 
Alexandro vero Judaeo defensione apud populum uti pa- 
rante, vox una facta est omnium quasi ad horas duas cla- 
mantium : " Magna Diana Ephesiorum." Tandem tu- 
multu scribae civitatis prudentia sedato, Paulus, convocatis 
discipulis valedicens, abiit profecturus in Macedonians 

Epheso quoque Aquila et Priscilla profecti, Romara 
sunt reversi: postquam pro Pauli salute suam ipsorum 
cervicem supposuissent r . Judaeis, Claudii de eorum ex- 
pulsione edicto post mortem illius exolescente, passim Ro- 
mam redeuntibus 8 . 

Epheso in Troadem veniente Paulo, etiamsi ostium 
apertum illi esset per Dominum ad praedicandum evange- 
lium Christi, turbatus tamen quod ibi non invenisset 
Titum (quern cum alio fratre ad Corinthios ille miserat) 
navigavit inde in Macedonian^ ; quam perambulans, multo 
sermone fratres est exhortatus u . 

Et quum ibi afflictio ejus se non remitteret, sed foris 
essent pugnas, intus terrores ; consolationem ei attulit ad- 
ventus Titi, atque lastus quern de Corinthiorum statu ille 
attulit nuncius x . Quorum exemplo Macedonas etiam pro- 
vocavit ad expediendas collectas Hierosolymam mitten- 
das ; ab anno superiore paratam Achaiam fuisse dicens y ; 
eoque exemplo illi commoti, in multa probatione afflic- 
tionis etiam supra vires suas liberales se prsestiterunt*. 

Apostolus, per Titum de successu prioris epistolae 
edoctus, posteriorem ad Corinthios, simul cum Timotheo, 
scripsit epistolam : in qua, summa ilia, quam in Asia (De- 
metrio procurante) nuper pertulerat, afflictione comme- 
morata, se idcirco ad eos, sicuti proposuerat, non venisse 
protestatur, ut eis parceret a ; incestuoso illi resipiscenti 
veniam dari obsecrat b ; misso ad eos iterum Tito, una 

1 Act. cap. 19. ver. 24 — 41. et cap. 20. ver. 1. 

r Rom. cap. 16. ver. 3, 4. cum 1 Corinth, cap. 16. ver. 19. 

s Act. cap. 28. ver. 17. 21. 

' 2 Corinth, cap. 2. ver. 12, 13. cum cap. 12. ver. IS. 

u Act. cap. 20. ver. 2. * 2 Corinth, cap. 7. ver. 5—16. 

1 2 Corinth, cap. 9. ver. 2. z Ibid. cap. 8. ver. 1 — 5. 

a 2 Cor. cap. 1. ver. 8, 9. 17. 23. b Ibid. cap. 6. ver. 5—11. 



70 ANNALES 

cum alio fratre cujus laus erat in evangelio per omnes 
ecclesias, (qui Lucas fuisse existimatur) ut collectae Hiero- 
solymam mittendae in promptu essent, quum ipse eo ve- 
nire t c . 

Ex Macedonia in Graeciam profectus Paulus, tres men- 
ses ibi peregit d . Intra quos Corinthum ille veniens, elee- 
mosynas ad sublevandos fideles Hierosolymitanos in Achaia 
collectas recepit 6 . 

Corintho scriptam fuisse insignem illam ad Romanos 
epistolam, in prasfatione ad illius explicationem pluribus 
confirmat Origenes : dictatam quidem a Paulo, scriptam 
manu Tertii, missam per Phoeben diaconissam ecclesiae 
Cenchreensis, juxta Corinthum 1 ; quo tempore cum col- 
lectis Macedonia? et Achaiae profecturus erat apostolus 
Hierosolymam g . 

Quum vero apostolus recta inde in Syriam solvere, ut 
collectas illas Hierosolymam deferret, in animo haberet ; 
a Judaeis illi navigaturo factee sunt insidias. Unde, qua 
venerat via, in Macedoniam redeundum esse censuit ; in- 
deque in Asiam proprie dictam transeundum h . 

Philippis in Macedonia praemisit ille in Asiam itineris 
comites, Sopatrem sive Sosipatrem Berceensem 1 , Aristar- 
chum et Secundum Thessalonicenses, Gaium Derbensem 
et Timotheum, cum Asianis Tychico et Trophimo : qui 
expectarunt ilium Troade. Ipse vero, cum Luca et reli- 
quis, post dies azymorum Philippis solvens, venit ad eos 
Troadem intra dies quinque : ibique commoratus est dies 
septem k . 

Die octavo, qui hebdomadis fuit primus, congregatis 
discipulis ad frangendum panem, Paulus disserebat cum 
eis abiturus postridie, produxitque sermonem usque in 
mediam noctem; ubi Eutychum adolescentem ex tertia 
contignatione, in coenaculo ubi erant congregati, deorsum 
decidentem vitae restituit 1 . 

= 1 Cov. cap. 8. ver. 16—19. et cap. 9. ver. 3, 4, 5. 

<i Act. cap. 20. ver. 2, 3. 

<" 1 Corinth, cap. 16. ver. 3, 4, 5. cum 2 Corinth, cap. 9. ver. 4. 

f Rom. cap. 16. ver. 1. 2. 22. 8 Rom. cap. 15. ver. 25, 26. 

ll Act. cap. 20. ver. 3, 4. ' Rom. cap. 16. ver. 11. 

k Rom. cap. 16. ver. 4, 5, 6. ' Ibid. ver. 7 — 12. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. II 

Hinc iter pedibus confecit Paulus Assum usque : ubi 
Lucas et reliqui socii, navigio eo pervenientes, eum recep- 
tum Mitylenen deduxerunt. Et quum illinc enavigassent, 
sequenti die pervenerunt e regione Chii, postridie vero 
appulerunt Samum : et quum diversati essent apud Tro- 
gyllium, sequenti die venerunt Miletum m . 

Festinabat vero Paulus ut, si fieri posset, die Pente- 
costes esset Hierosolymis. Epbesum igitur praeternavi- 
gare volens, ne tempus tereret in Asia, missis Mileto 
nunciis Ephesum, presbyteros ecclesiae eo accersivit : quos 
gravissima oratione de officio admonuit, et ad illud gna- 
viter faciendum hortatus est serio. Turn positis genibus 
suis, oravit cum illis : flentibus omnibus et maxime dolen- 
tibus, quod dixisset, (ita enim futurum ille turn putabat) 
ipsos non esse amplius faciem ejus conspecturos". 

Troade provecti recto cursu venerunt Coum, et sequenti 
die Rhodum, et illinc Patara. Turn conscensa navi quae 
trajiciebat in Phceniciam, praeterlegentes Cyprum, eaque 
ad laevam relicta, venerunt Tyrum . 

Ibi permanserunt dies septem, inventis discipulis : qui 
Paulo dicebant per Spiritum, ne ascenderet Hierosoly- 
mam. Ille vero, positis genibus in litore orans cum eis, 
conscensa navi, Tyro delatus est Ptolemaidem: et salu- 
tatis ibi fratribus, postridie venit Caesaream Stratonis. |Ubi 
quum complures dies permansisset cum Philippo evange- 
lista, qui unus erat ex illis septem p , et filias habuit qua- 
tuor virgines prophetantes ; adveniens ex Judaea prophe- 
ta Agabus, et Pauli zona manus ac pedes sibi vinciens, 
vincula quag ilium manebant Hierosolymis praedixit. Qui 
cum a fratribus persuaderi sibi non pateretur, ne in tarn 
prassens discrimen se conjiceret, Hierosolymam perrexit: 
comitantibus eum ex Caesarea discipulis, et adducentibus 
apud quern diversaretur, Mnasonem Cyprium, antiquum 
discipulum q . 

Hie ab ecclesia libentissime exceptus, Jacobi et om- 



m Rom. cap. 10. ver. 13, 14, 15. n Ibid. ver. 16—38. 

Act. cap. 21. ver. 1, 2, 3. P Ibid. cap. 6. ver. 5. 

1 Act. cap. C. ver. 4 — 1G. 



72 



ANNALES 



nium Hierosolymitanorum presbyterorum consilio, ad elu- 
endam quae de eo sparsa erat calumniam, (eum nempe 
docere atque hortari Judaeos in Christum credentes, quo- 
rum aliquot turn erant myriades, ut ab observatione legis 
Mosaicas recederent) quatuor viris qui ex fidelibus Judaeis 
votum Nazareatus fecerant se adjunxit ; cum iis secun- 
dum legis prasscriptum se purificans. Neque tamen eo 
promovit quidquam. Quum enim eum in templo vidissent 
nonnulli ex incredulis et rebellibus Judaeis Asiaticis (qui 
Hierosolymam ad festum ascenderant) magnis clamoribus 
et vociferatione turbas concitaverunt ; conficto crimine, 
quod introducto in templum Trophimo Gentili Ephesio 
illud polluisset. Cumque prope esset ut ab iis per tumul- 
tum trucidaretur, superveniente tribuno Claudio Lysia 
cum cohorte, ereptus est ex eorum manibus et ductus in 
castra. Ubi, permittente tribuno, concionem ad tumultu- 
antem populum lingua Hebraea habuit r . 

Pauli oratione Judaeis exacerbatis et veliementius ad- 
versus eum exclamantibus, tribunus Lysias virgis exami- 
nari jubet : a quo supplicio, Romanum se civem esse 
declarans, liberatus est. Cumque vellet tribunus certo 
scire cujus criminis accusaretur ille a Judaeis ; postera die 
primarios sacerdotes totumque ipsorum synedrium venire 
jussit, ac Paulum vinculis solutum coram eis statuit 8 . 

Paulum coram synedrio causam dicere incipientem Ana- 
nias pontifex (Nebedaei filius : qui licet summo sacerdotio 
privatus, synedrii tamen prseses fuisse videtur ; ut ante 
eum Annas sive Ananus, Caiaphae socer) in os caedi jubet : 
a Paulo idcirco parietis dealbati nomine acriter objur- 
gatus. Pharisaeum deinde se esse Paulo proclamante, et 
de spe resurrectionis mortuorum in judicium vocari; dis- 
sensio inter Sadducaeos qui accusabant, et Pharisaeos qui 
eum excusabant, orta est. Metuens vero tribunus ne ab 
illis inter contendendum diseerperetur, Paulum e medio 
ipsorum per milites in castra ducendum curavit. Cui se- 
quente nocte apparens Dominus, subtristem consolatur et 



Act. cap. C. ver. 17 — 40. Act. cap. 22. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 73 

animat ad majora ; praedicens et Romse eum de ipso esse 
attestaturum*. 

Orto autem die, ex Judaeis zelotis plures quam quadra- 
ginta seipsos devoverunt, neque esuros neque bibituros, 
usquequo interemissent Paulum. Quorum insidias a soro- 
ris Pauli filio resciscens tribunus Lysias, tertia hora noctis 
Paulum militum satellitio septum ad Felicem provincial 
praesidem misit : a quibus ea nocte Antipatrida, et postero 
die Ceesaream est deductus ; ubi jussus est a Felice in 
praetorio Herodis custodiri u . Quae omnia intra unius 
hebdomadae spatium peracta fuisse, ex Act. cap. XXIV. 
versiculis 1. et 11. inter se collatis, intelligitur. 

Post quinque dies ab Anania pontifice et senioribus per 
Tertullum oratorem Caesareae apud praesidem accusatus 
Paulus, a falsis eorum criminationibus se purgavit : duo- 
decim post vim ipsi in templo illatam diebus, quum jam a 
multis annis Felix Judaeis praefuisset : utpote qui deci- 
mum gubernationis illius annum turn ageret. Hie vero, 
his auditis, judicium in aliud tempus distulit : edicens 
centurioni ut servaretur Paulus, ac laxaretur, et ne quis 
prohiberetur ex ipsius familiaribus ei ministrare aut eum 
adire x . 

Aliquot post diebus quum advenisset Felix cum Dru- 
silla uxore sua, quae erat Judaea, soror Agrippas regis ; 
(alia a Drusilla Felicis uxore altera, Jubae Mauritania? 
regis filia, Antonii et Cleopatrae nepte) accersivit Pau- 
lum : et turn de fide Christi, turn de justitia et continentia 
et judicio futuro disserentem tremens audiit. Simul 
etiam sperans, Paulum pecunia sese redempturum, cre- 
brius colloquebatur cum eo ; toto biennio in vinculis eum 
detinens y . 

Corbulo Tigranocerta in deditionem accepit, et totam 
Armeniam subjugavit 2 . 

Tigranes Alexandri "(fihi Alexandri illius qui a patre 
Herode magno necatus est) et Glaphyrae filiae Archelai 



* Act. cap. 23. ver. 1—1 1. " Ibid. ver. 12—35. 

x Act. cap. 24. ver. 1—23. > Ibid. ver. 24—27. 

z Tacit, annal.lib. 14. cap. 23—26. 



74 ANN ALES 

regis Cappadocum films, qui diu Roma; obses usque ad 
servilem patientiam detentus fuerat, in Armeniam ut reg- 
num capesseret a Nerone missus est. Ibi omnium con- 
sensu ille non est acceptus : durante apud quosdam favore 
Arsacidarum. At plerique superbiam Parthorum perosi, 
datum a Romanis regem malebant. Additum et praesi- 
dium, mille legionai'ii, tres sociorum cohortes, duaeque 
equitum alas ; quo facilius novum regnum tueretur. Pars 
Armenias ut cuique finitima, pars Nipoli (Thrascypoli,) 
Aristobulo atque Antiocho parere jussas sunt a . 

Corbulo in Syriam abscessit, morte Vinidii Numidii 
Quadrati legati vacuam, ac sibi permissam b . 

Eodem anno ex illustribus Asia? urbibus, Laodicea tre- 
more terra? prolapsa, propriis opibus revaluit c . 

4064. Tarquitius Priscus repetundarum damnatus est, 
Bithynis interrogantibus, magno patrum gaudio, qui accu- 
satum ab eo Statilium Taurum proconsulem ipsius memi- 
nerant d . 

Apud Caesaream Stratonis inter Judasos et Syros habi- 
tatores depari jure civitatis contentione exorta, Judaeifreti 
divitiis per contumeliam Syros lacessebant convitio. Qui 
tametsi inferiores quod ad facilitates attinet, ferocientes 
tamen eo quod plurimi sub Romanis per ealoca militantium 
Caesarienses essent et Sebasteni patria, aliquantisper et ipsi 
regerebant in Judaeos convitia. Deinde ad lapides ventum 
est, ita ut multi utrinque sauciati caderent : penes Judasos 
tamen fuit victoria. Quos cum Felix prosiliens rogaret ut de- 
sinerent, nee illi parerent, immissis armatis militibus multos 
eorum interemit, plures captivos fecit : et multas eorum 
domos divitiis refertas in praedam concessit militibus. Ju- 
daeorum vero honoratiores ac modestiores sibi ipsis ti- 
mentes rogaverunt Felicem ut militibus receptui caneret, 
parceretque jam, et resipiscendi facultatem concederet : 
id quod prasses indulsit eorum precibus 6 . 

Per idem tempus Agrippa rex summum sacerdotium 



a Tacit, annal. lib. 14. cap. 26. cum Josepho, antiqu. lib. 18. cap. 7. fin. 
b Tacit, annal. lib. 14. cap. 26. c Id. ibid. cap. 27. 

d Tacit, annal. lib. 14. cap. 46. cum lib. 12. cap. 59. 
e Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 6. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 75 

Ismaeli contulit Phabei filio. Ipsi vero summi pontifices 
dissidei'e coeperunt a sacerdotibus et primatibus Hierosoly- 
mitanorum civium, singulique incedebant stipati manu au- 
dacissimorum et seditiosorum hominum ; conflictantesque 
inter se mutuis certabant convitiis et lapidationibus : nee 
erat qui compesceret, quasi vacante urbe magistratibus. In 
tantum autem exarsit summorum pontificum impudentia, ut 
auderent servos suos in areas mittere, qui auferrent de~ 
bitas sacerdotibus decimas ; aliquotque pauperiores e 
sacerdotum ordine alimentorum inopia fame deficerent. 
Tanto plus turn pollebat violentia seditiosorum quam 
justitia f . 

4065. Marcus evangelista, qui primus Alexandria? 
Christum annunciavit, octavo Neronis anno mortuus est, 
et Alexandria? sepultus s . Post quern, Alexandria? pres- 
byteri unum ex se electum, in celsiori gradu collocatum 
episcopum nominarunt : quo modo si exercitus imperato- 
rem faciat ; aut diaconi eligunt de se, quern industrium 
noverint, et archidiaconum vocent h . Elegerunt autem 
Anianum, virum turn Deo propter pietatem charum, turn 
in omnibus rebus admirabilem : qui post Marcum primus 
ecclesia? Alexandrina? per annos viginti duos episcopus 
pra?fuit ; ab octavo Neronis anno, usque ad Domitiani 
quartum 1 . 

Vologeses Parthorum rex Tiridatem fratrem Armenia 
pulsum restituere conatus, alium exercitum in Armeniam, 
alium in Syriam ducit ; Corbulo partem sui exercitus Ti- 
grani Armenia? regi mittit ; ipse arcet Parthos a Syria, et 
minis efficit ut Parthus omisso bello legatos de pace mit- 
teret : qui re infecta a Nerone dimittuntur, et Caesennius 
Paetus tuenda? Armenia? pra?ponitur k . 

Felix, seditionem inter Juda?os et Syros Ca?sarienses 
adhuc manere videns, nobiles utriusque partis electos 



f Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 6. 
S Hieronym. in scriptor. ecclesiastic, catalogo. 
h Hieronym- in epist. ad Euagrium. 

' Hieronym. in catalogo : cum Eusebio, in chronico, ct ecclesiast. histor, 
lib. 2. cap. 23. Kt<p. icd. et lib. 3. cap. 12. Kitp. ty. 
k Tacit, lib. 15. a cap. 1. ad 7. 



76 ANNALES 

legatos misit ad Neronem, de jure suo disceptaturos 1 . 
Iiemque sacerdotes quosdam, viros honestos et bonos, 
ob levem quandam culpam vinctos Romam misit, acturos 
causam suam apud Ca3sarem m . Idemque Paulum apos- 
tolum, toto biennio Caesarear in vinculis detentum, ut 
gratiam iniret a Judaeis, vinctum ibi reliquit, quum a 
Nerone successorem in provincia accepisset Porcium 
Festum 11 . 

Festus ingressus provinciam, triduo post ascendit Cae- 
sarea Hierosolymam. Apud quern cum pontiles et pri- 
marii ex Judaeis Paulum accusarent, rogantes ut Caesarea 
Hierosolymam adduceretur, animo eum ex insidiis in iti- 
nere interficiendi ; renuens Festus, jussit Pauli accusatores 
venire Caesaream. Commoratus autem Hierosolymae dies 
non amplius quam decern, descendit Ceesaream : et pos- 
tero die sedens pro tribunali audivit Judaeos Paulum ac- 
cusantes, et Paulum ab eorum accusatione se purgantem. 
Qui Judaeis gratificari volens, interrogavit Paulum num 
vellet Hierosolymae coram se ea de re de qua postulabatur 
judicari. Paulus qui intelligebat quo animo et consilio 
Festus id rogaret, et metuens sibi a Judaeorum insidiis, 
eo proficisci renuit, et Caesarem appellavit : eamque appel- 
lationem Festus, cum concilio collocutus, admisit . 

Diebus aliquot transactis, Agrippa rex et Bernice soror 
ejus novi praesidis salutandi causa Caesaream venerunt. 
Et quum dies complures illic essent commorati, Festus 
incertus quid de Paulo ad Caesarem scriberet, Agrippam 
ea de re consuluit. Qui cum libenter se hominem audire 
velle dixisset : postero die, Agrippa et Bernice cum multa 
pompa in auditorium ingressis, una cum tribunis et emi- 
nentibus ejus urbis civibus, Paulus catena vinctus coram 
eis, jubente Festo, productus est p . Qui luculenta oratione 
coram eis habita innocentiam suam ita probavit, ut licet 
prsesidi bujusmodi rerum penitus ignaro insanire videre- 
tur, regi tamen in Scripturis exercitato prope persuaserit 



1 Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 12. Ki<p. «y. 

ra Joseph, in lib. de vita sua. n Act. cap. 24. ver. 27. 

• Act. cap. 25. ver. 1—12. p Ibid. ver. 13—27. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 77 

ut fieret Christianus ; totiusque consessus judicio existi- 
maretur nihil morte aut vinculis dignum ipsum fecisse, ac 
propterea solvi potuisse nisi Caesarem appellasset q . 

Primores Judaeorum Caasaream incolentium Romam 
profecti sunt, Felicem accusaturi : dedissetque omnino 
posnas injuriarum quibus Judaeos affecerat, nisi Nero eum 
donasset Pallantis fratris precibus, qui turn in pretio erat 
apud principem r ; quanquam ipse postea Pallas, "quod 
inimensam pecuniam longa senecta detineret," eodem hoc 
anno veneno a Nerone interfectus fuisse credatur s . 

Caesariensium Syrorum duo praecipui Beryllum, qui pae- 
dagogus Neronis fuerat, tunc vero Graecis epistolis scri- 
bendis praeerat, magna pecunia corruperunt ut impetraret 
ab imperatore literas, quibus abrogaretur Judaeis ejus 
civitatis jus, hactenus commune ex aequo cum Syris coha- 
bitatoribus : id quod ille facile obtinuit. Quod ubi Judasi 
Caasarienses cognoverunt ; in seditionibus usque ad initium 
belli Judaici (hinc praecipue conflati) perstiterunt*. 

Veniens in Judasam Festus, ofFendit totam afflictam a 
latronibus vicos passim populantibus : quorum ferocissimi, 
qui ad maximum numerum tunc excreverant, sicarii appel- 
labantur, a sicis, id est, gladiolis instar acinacis Persici 
incurvis ; quibus, immixti turbae (ut dictum est) festis die- 
bus Hierosolymam religionis gratia confluenti, nullo ne- 
gotio quotquot collibuisset tollebant de medio. Qui etiam 
aliquando armati invadebant inimicorum vicos, direptos- 
que tradebant incendio". Eos solicite persecutus Festus, 
latronum plurimos comprehendit, ac non paucos inter- 
fecit 5 '. 

Quum decretum esset ut Romam ad Cassarem Paulus 
mitteretur, traditus est cum quibusdam aliis vinctis Julio 
centurioni cohortis Augustas : qui eum navi Adramyttenae 
Asiam petenti imposuit ; comitante eum, praeter Timo- 
theum et Lucam, etiam Aristarcho Macedone Thessalo- 
nicensi. Sequenti autern die devecti sunt Sidonem : ubi 

i Act. cap. 26. r Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 7. 

8 Tacit, annal. lib. 14. cap. ult. ' Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 7. 

u Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 7. 
x Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 12. fin, Kt<p. kv. init. 



78 ANNALES 

Julius humaniter tractato Paulo, permisit ut ad amicos 
profectus ab illis curaretur. Illinc provecti sublegerunt 
Cyprum, quod venti essent adversi. Et pelagus quod est 
secundum Ciliciam et Pamphyliam emensi, devenerunt 
Myra urbem Lyciae : ubi cum invenisset centurio navem 
Alexandrinam, cujus insigne fuit Castor et Pollux, peten- 
tem Italiam, imposuit illi captivos. Quumque multis die- 
bus tarde navigantes vix pervenissent secundum Cnidum, 
sublegerunt Cretam secundum Salmonem : et ilium vix 
praeterlegentes, pervenerunt ad Pulchros portus in Creta 
insula y . 

4066. Quum jejunium (solenne expiationis illud, mensis 
septimi die decimo, a Judaeis quotannis celebrari solitum) 
jam praeteriisset, et periculosa navigatio esse inciperet ; 
futura damna Paulus prasvidens, ut isthic hyemarent con- 
suluit. Sed quum portus ille ad hyemandum parum com- 
modus videretur, in alio potius Creta? portu, Phcenice 
dicto, hyemare decreverunt. Cumque illuc tenderent, 
aspirante primum Noto, sed mox orto vento turbulento 
qui Euroclydon vocatur, ad Claudam parvam insulam sunt 
tempestatedelati. Inde abrepti, etvehementerjactati,jactu- 
ram fecerunt ; ac tertio die ipsi suis manibus armamenta 
navis abjecerunt : per complures dies neque sole neque si- 
deribus apparentibus. Ablata vero in posterum spe omni 
salutis, ab Angelo per noctem revelatum est Paulo, sisti 
opportere eum Caesari, et donavisse ei Deum omnes qui 
navigabant cum ipso. Nocte igitur quadragesima, quum 
jactarentur in Adria, suspicabantur nautae appropinquare 
sibi aliquam regionem : quam postea compererunt esse 
Melitam insulam. Eo appellere illis conantibus, navis vi 
procellarum dissoluta periit: homines vero partim ena- 
tantes, partim tabulis et fragmentis navis subvecti, salvi 
in terram omnes evaserunt 2 . 

Naufragi a Melitse incolis humanissime excepti sunt : 
qui accensa pyra ad eorum vestes siccandas, cum Paulus 
juxta focum stans viperam manu excussisset in ignem sine 
damno, rapti in admirationem eum Deum esse dicebant. 

y Act. cap. 27. ver. 1— S. » Ibid. ver. 9—44. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 79 

Hie per tres dies apud Publium insulae primarium diversati 
sunt : cujus pater febri cum dysenteria laborans a Paulo 
sanatus est, caeterique quotquot in insula fuerunt a?gri 
morbo levati sunt 3 . 

Cesennius Paetus, necdum satis firmatis hibernaculis, 
nullo rei frumentariae provisu, rapiens exercitum trans 
montem Taurum, castella quaedam et praedae nonnihil 
cepit. Longinquis vero itineribus percursando quas obti- 
neri nequibant, corrupto qui captus erat corameatu, et in- 
stante jam hyeme, reduxit exercitum ; composuitque ad 
Caesarem literas, quasi confecto bello, verbis magnificis, 
rerum vacuas b . 

Interim Corbulo nunquam neglectam Euphratis ripam 
crebrioribus insidiis insedit ; et Vologesem ab invadenda 
Syria absterruit. Vologeses autem in Paetum versus, ita 
eum pressit, ut ad turpe fcedus eum coegerit : cujus Mo- 
nobazus Adiabenus testis est adhibitus. Dirutaque quae 
ultra Euphratem communierat Corbulo, et Armenii suo 
arbitrio relicti sunt. At Romae trophaea de Parthis, arcus- 
que medio Capitolini montis sistebantur, decreta a senatu 
integro adhuc bello, neque turn omissa, dum aspectui 
consulitur, spreta conscientia . 

Paulus et comites, multis honoribus a Melitensibus 
afFecti et iis quae usui erant necessaria instructi, tribus 
postquam ad eos advenerant mensibus conscensa navi 
Alexandrina quae in insula hyemaverat, cui erat insigne 
Castor et Pollux, Syracusa sunt devecti : ubi manserunt 
triduum. Unde circumlegentes devenerunt Rhegium : et 
post unum diem superveniente austro, secundo die vene- 
runt Puteolos. Ubi repertis fratribus, rogati sunt ut per- 
manerent apud eos diebus septem : et ita contenderunt 
Romam d ; anno imperii Neronis nono. 

Roma fratres in occursum Paulo prodierunt usque ad 
Appii forum et tres tabernas. Quum Romam vero est 
perventum, centurio tradidit vinctos praefecto praetorii : 



a Act. cap. 28. ver. 1—9. b Tacit, ann. lib. 15. cap. 8. 

c Tacit, ann. lib. 15. cap. 9—18. J Act. cap. 28. ver. 10—14. 



80 ANNALES 

permissumque est Paulo, ut habitaret seorsim, cum milite 
qui ipsum custodiret. Tertio post die Judaeorum primos 
qui Romas erant convocans, exposuit eis causam cur Ro- 
mam vinctus missus esset, Caesaremque appellare coactus 
fuisset : cumque illi negarent se literas ullas de eo ex Ju- 
daea accepisse, sed haeresi isti ubique contradici dicerent ; 
die constituta venientibus ad eum in hospitium eorum 
compluribus Christum ex lege et prophetis annunciavit a 
mane usque ad vesperam. Et quidam assentiebantur iis 
quas dicebantur, reliqui vero increduli permanserunt : qui- 
bus postquam ex Esaia suum recitasset judicium, istis re- 
lictis ad Gentes se convertit. Mansitque biennium totum 
in proprio conducto : et excipiebat omnes qui ad ipsum 
ingrediebantur ; prasdicans regnum Dei, ac docens quaa 
sunt de Domino Jesu Christo cum omni dicendi libertate, 
nemine prohibente 6 . 

Onesiphorus Ephesius Paulum Romae studiosissime 
quaesitum invenit et recreavit f . 

Principio veris legati Parthorum mandata regis Volo- 
gesis literasque Romam attulerunt, Armeniam (quam jam 
eripuerant) sibi dari, et pacem confirmari petentes. Sed 
utroque illis negato, Syriae executio Cintio, ut prassidi, 
copiae militares Corbuloni, permissae sunt ; et quintade- 
cima legio, ducente Mario Celso, e Pannonia adjecta est. 
Jussi quoque sunt tetrarchae ac reges, praefectique et pro- 
curatores, et qui praetorum finitimas provincias regebant, 
Corbuloni obsequi : in tantum ferme modum aucta potes- 
tate, quern populus Romanus Cn. Pompeio bellum pirati- 
cum gesturo dederat. Regressum vero Pastum, cum gra- 
viora metueret, facetiis insectari satis babuit Nero : igno- 
scere se statim dicens, ne tarn promptus in pavorem lon- 
giore solicitudine aegresceret g . 

Corbulo, lustrato exercitu, in Armeniam profectus est : 
cui legati Vologesis obviam venerunt, pacem petituri. 
Tiridates vero in castra Romana venire coactus, detrac- 
tum diadema Neronis imagini subjecit, atque ut idem ab 

e Act. cap. 28. ver. 14—31. f 2 Timoth. cap. 1. ver. 16, 17. 

« Tacit, aim. lib. 15. cap. 24, 25. 



NOVI TESTAMENT!. 81 

eo resumeret ipse ad eum Romam proflcisci pactus est : 
hac tamen conditione, ut prius suos fratres et familiam 
conveniret. Obsidem interea filiam tradidit, literasque 
supplicatorias ad Neronem : et digressus Pacorum apud 
Medos, Vologesem Ecbatanis repperit h . 

In Judaea Festus equestres et pedestres copias misit 
contra quendam impostorem magum, qui homines post se 
trahebat in solitudinem, deceptos vanis promissis ; quasi 
ope ejus incolumes evasuri essent a malis omnibus. Hi 
universi una cum seductore ab immissis militibus oppressi 
sunt 1 . 

Eodem tempore Agrippa rex extruxit insigni amplitu- 
dine domum prope porticum in regia Hierosolymitana quae 
Hasmonaeorum fuerat, sitam in edito loco, unde amoenis- 
simus prospectus patebat contemplari urbem volentibus. 
Hierosolymitani vero proceres, indignissime ferentes sacri- 
ficia et alia quae in templo agerentur e privata domo spec- 
tari, altum parietem excitaverunt, quo non solum arceba- 
tur prospectus ille domus regise, sed et occidentals extra 
templum sitae porticus, in qua Romani milites festis diebus 
stationes habebant ad templi custodiam. Quo facto tarn 
rex offensus est, quam Festus praeses provinciae. Eo vero 
jubente parietem dirui, Hierosolymitani, licentia ab illo 
impetrata, legatos hac de re miserunt ad Neronem decern 
cives eximios ; una cum Ismaele summo pontifice, et Chel- 
cia custode sacri aerarii. Legatione audita, Nero non 
modo Hierosolymitanis ignovit, sed permisit etiam sic 
manere parietem ; gratificatus in hoc uxori suae Poppaeae, 
quae Judaicae religioni favens pro Judaeis deprecatrix fue- 
rat : quaeque decern illos viros redire permisit, Chelcia et 
Ismaele tanquam obsidibus apud se detentis. Id post- 
quam Agrippa rescivit, pontificatum Ismaeli ademptum 
Josepho cognomine Cabi, Simonis summi quondam pon- 
tificis filio, detulit k . 

Josephus Matthiae filius, audiens familiares sibi sacer- 
dotes vinctos a Felice Romam missos ne in calamitate qui- 

11 Tacit, ann. lib. 15. cap. 26—31. ' Joseph, antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 7. 

k Joseph, antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 7. 

VOL. XI. G 



82 ANN ALES T. '.'.]] 

dem constitutos curam pietatis abjecisse, et ficubus eos 
atque nucibus vitam sustentare, ut aliquo pacto liberaret, 
Romam aetatis anno vigesimo sexto exacto profectus est, 
multis in mari exhaustis periculis. Mersa enim nave in 
medio mari Ach'iatico, ex sexcentis circiter qui per totam 
noctem nataverant, octoginta ferme, feliciore usi natatu, 
in navem Cyrenaicam recepti et servati sunt. Inter quos 
Josephus, terrse redditus, Dicaearchiam sive Puteolos (ut 
Itali vocare malunt) veniens, familiaritatem contraxit cum 
Aliturio mimorum actore, qui Judaeus genere Neroni 
charus erat. Per hunc ubi Poppaeae Augustas innotuit, 
absolutionem illis sacerdotibus per earn confestim impe- 
travit 1 . 

Festo in provincia mortuo Nero successorem in Judaeam 
misit Albinum. Rex vero Agrippa summum sacerdotium 
Josepho ademptum Anano dedit Annae sive Anani illius 
filio, qui ipse prius summo pontificatu ad satietatem po- 
titus, filios babuit quinque eadem dignitate perfunctos : 
quod ad earn aetatem nulli ante summorum pontificum 
contigerat m . 

Ananus novus pontifex, ex secta Sadducaeorum, audax 
et ferox ingenio, tempus opportunum se nactum ratus, 
mortuo Festo et Albino adbuc aefente in itinere, concilium 
judicum advocavit : statutumque coram eo Jacobum fra- 
trem Jesu, et una quosdam alios, impietatis accusatos, 
lapidandos tradidit". Jacobum hunc fratrem Domini tem- 
pore Paschatis e pinna templi dejectum Judaeos lapidibus 
obtrivisse, atque unum eorum qui fullo erat, vecte quo 
vestes premere solebat in caput ejus impacto, vitam 
illi eripuisse ; ex libro quinto historian Hegesippi refert 
Eusebius . 

Casdes Jacobi omnibus in civitate Hierosolymitana bonis 
et legum studiosis vehementer displicuit : missisque ad 
Agrippam regem clam nunciis rogaverunt, ut mandaret 
Anano, ne quid tale postbac ageret. Quidam etiam Al- 



1 Joseph, in lib. de vita sua. m Id. antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 8. 

n Joseph, lib. 20. cap. 8. 

Lib. 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 22. Kt(p. icy. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 83 

bino occurrentes venienti ab Alexandria docuerunt cum 
non licuisse Anano sine ipsius consensu advocare conci- 
lium. Horum verbis ille persuasus iracunde scripsit pon- 
tifici, daturum sibi pcenas minitans : et Agrippa rex earn 
ob causam post tertium mensem ablatum ab eo pontifica- 
tum Jesu Damnei filio concessit 1 '. Apud Christianos vero, 
post Jacobum fratrem Domini, Hierosolymitanae ecclesise 
episcopus Symeon Cleophas filius est constitutus q . 

Albinus, ut venit Hierosolymam, omnem curam et dili- 
gentiam adhibuit, ut pacaretprovinciam, interfectis multis 
sicariis. Ananias autem pontifex, Nebedasi filius, indies 
apud populum celebrior fiebat et charior, honorabaturque 
ob liberalitatem ab omnibus : quotidieque Albinum donis 
venerabatur et summum pontificem. Sed habebat servos 
pessimos, qui adjuncto sibi audacissimo quoque obeuntes 
areas, vi auferebant sacerdotum decimas; pulsantes eos, 
qui cunctarentur reddere. Alii quoque pontifices facie- 
bant similia, nemine valente compescere : multique sacer- 
dotum, quibus ante ex decimis alimenta fuerant, tunc 
absumebantur inedia r . 

Sicarii die festo qui turn supervenerat (Pentecostes) 
noctu Hierosolymam ingressi, vivum ceperunt scribam 
ducis Eleazari, filii Ananias pontificis. Hunc vinctum ab- 
duxerunt, ac deinde miserunt ad Ananiam qui eorum no- 
mine promitteret scribam dimittendum, si ille Albino per- 
suaderet, ut ex eorum numero decern captivos solveret : 
quod Ananias, urgente necessitate, ab Albino impetravit. 
Id majorum calamitatum fuit initium. Latrones enim 
semper aliquam artem comminiscebantur, qua ex Ananias 
cognatis quempiam interciperent ; nee prius dimittebant, 
quam e suis aliquot reciperent : auctique denuo magno 
numero, et recepta audacia, totam earn regionem vasta- 
bant s . 

Hoc tempore Agrippa rex prolatis pomoeriis Caesarese 
Philippi, mutato nomine Neroniada earn vocavit : et tbe- 

v Joseph, antiquit. lib. 20. cap. cS. 

i Euseb. lib. 3. histor. eccles. cap. 26. Kt<b. X/3. 

r Joseph, antiquit. lib. 20. cap. S. ' Id. ibid. 

G 2 



84 



ANNALES 



atrum apud Berytios impendiis magnis exaedificatum orna- 
vit spectaculis annuis, assignata in eum usum ingenti vi 
pecuniae. Frumentum enim donavit ei populo, et oleum 
viritim distribuit, totamque earn urbem ornavit statuis 
passim dispositis atque expressis ad antiqua clarorum 
artificum archetypa imaginibus : et omnia pene regni sui 
ornamenta in earn civitatem transtulit. Unde magnam 
sibi apud subditos paravit invidiam ; quod suos spolians 
externam urbem excoleret 1 . 

4067. Quadriennio ante bellum Judaicum a Vespasiano 
administrari coeptum, quum civitas Hierosolymitana sum- 
ma pace atque opulentia frueretur, Jesus quidam Anani 
Alius, plebeius et rusticus, ad festum tabernaculorum ve- 
niens repente exclamare ccepit : " Vox ab oriente, vox ab 
occidente, vox a quatuor ventis : vox in Hierosolymam et 
templum, vox in maritos novos novasque nuptas, vox in 
omnem hunc populum." Atque haec interdiu noctuque 
clamitans omnes civitatis vicos circuibat. Nonnulli autem 
virorum insignium, adversum omen indigne ferentes, cor- 
reptum hominem multis verberibus afFecerunt. Ule autem 
neque pro se, neque ad eos qui ipsum mulctabant, secreto 
quicquam locutus, eadem qua? prius vociferabat. Magis- 
trates autem rati magis divinum esse hominis motum, 
duxerunt eum ad Romanorum praefectum : ubi plagis 
usque ad ossa laceratus, neque supplex cuiquam fuit, 
neque lachrymavit : sed ut poterat inclinans maxime flebi- 
liter vocem ad singulos ictus respondebat ; " Vae, vae, 
Hierosolymis." Albino autem interroganti quis esset, vel 
unde ortus, aut cur ista diceret, nihil retulit : a luctu vero 
civitatis non destitit, donee eum Albinus furere judicatum 
dimisit. Maxime autem diebus festis vociferabatur : id- 
que per annos septem (vel sex potius ; ut in Photii 
bibliotheca", legitur) et quinque menses continuos fa- 
ciens neque voce raucior fuit, neque delassatus est ; 
donee obsidionis tempore lapis tormento missus eum pe- 
remit w . 

' Joseph, antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 8. 

" Cod. 47. 

w Joseph, lib. 7. belli, cap. 12. K«p. \a. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 85 

Agrippa rege jubente, Jesus Gamalielis filius in summo 
pontificatu successit Jesu Datnnei filio non Iibenter sibi 
cedenti : unde natum est inter utrumque dissidium. Ascitis 
enim globis audacium juvenum, saepe a conviciis prorum- 
pebant ad lapides. Sed inter alios eminebat Ananias ex 
amplis facultatibus largitione plurimos sibi concilians. 
Costobarus quoque et Saulus suam quisque circa se ma- 
num habebat sceleratorum hominum ; orti genere regio, 
et propter Agrippae cognationem favorabiles, alioqui vio- 
lenti et ad spoliandos infirmiores promptissimi x . 

Ex hoc maxime tempore labare ccepit respublica Ju- 
daica et indies in deterius ruere y ; et multiplice existenti 
tunc dominatione, futuri excidii semina spargebantur z . 

Albinus vero prassens non solum causis civilibus fura- 
batur et diripiebat bona singulorum, neque solum tributo- 
rum additamentis in commune gentem gravabat ; sed etiam 
quos ob latrocinia decuriones civitatum comprehenderunt, 
vel qui a prioribus judicibus in custodiis erant relicti, 
accepta a cognatis eorum pecunia, liberavit : et is solum 
qui non dedisset, in carceribus quasi nocentissimus re- 
manebat a . 

Per idem tempus, eorum quoque qui res novas cupie- 
bant in urbe Hierosolymitana crescebat audacia. Ex 
quibus, qui erant opulenti Albinum largitione redimebant, 
ut eis tumultum moventibus non indignaretur : pars autem 
popularis, quae non satis gaudebat quiete, Albini participi- 
bus jungebatur. Unusquisque ergo improborum cohorte 
propria circumdatus, ipse quidem inter caeteros quasi prin- 
ceps latronum et tyrannus eminebat : stipatoribus vero 
suis ad direptionem mediocrium abutebatur. Ita fiebat, 
ut hi quidem quorum vastabantur domus, tacerent ; illi 
autem qui extra incommodum stetissent, metu ne similia 
paterentur, etiam officiis ambirent eos quos constabat 
dignos esse suppliciis b . 

Nero, Roma incensa, e turri Mcecenatiana incendiuni 

x Joseph, lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 8. v Id. ibid. 

' Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 13. Kc(p. kS. 
a Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 13. Kup, kS. 
h Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 13/ke^. kS. 



86 ANN ALES 

prospectans, laetusque flammae (ut aiebat) pulchritudine, 
excidium Ilii in scenico suo habitu decantavit ; praesentia 
mala vetustis cladibus assimulans c . Fuere qui annotarent, 
decimo quarto Kalendas Sextiles principium incendii hujus 
ortum, quo et Senones captam urbem inflammaverant. 
Alii eousque cura progressi sunt, ut totidem annos men- 
sesque et dies inter utraque incendia numerarent d ; ac si 
annos 448. menses 5376. dies 167632. inter ea interces- 
sisse dixissent. 

Abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, et quaesitissimis 
pcenis affecit, quos vulgus Christianos appellabat. Igitur 
primo correpti qui Christianos se fatebantur, deinde indicio 
eorum multitudo ingens, haud perinde in crimine incendii, 
quam odio humani generis convicti sunt. Et pereuntibus 
addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis conteeti laniatu canum 
interirent, aut crucibus affixi, aut flammandi, atque ubi 
defecisset dies in usum nocturni luminis uterentur. Hor- 
tos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat, et Circense ludi- 
crum edebat, habitu aurigae permixtus plebi, vel circulo 
insistens. Unde miseratio oriebatur, tanquam non utilitate 
publica, sed in sasvitiam unius absumerentur 6 . Pro qui- 
bus illustrandis, adducuntur verba veteris scholiastae, ad 
illud Juvenalis, in satyra prima : 

Pone Tigellinum : tseda lucebis in ilia, 
Qua stantes ardent qui fixo gutture fumant. 

" Tigellinum si laeseris, vivus ardebis, quemadmodum in 
munere Neronis, de quibus ille jusserat cereos fieri, ut 
lucerent spectatoribus, cum fixa essent guttura ne se cur- 
varent. Nero maleficos taeda, papyro et cera superves- 
tiebat, et sic ad ignem admoveri jubebat." 

Haec fuit prima a Romanis imperatoribus in Christianos 
excitata persecutio : de qua Suetonius f , ut homo ethnicus : 
" Afflicti suppliciis Christiani, genus hominum superstiti- 



<• Tacit, annal. lib. 15. cap. 3S, 39, 40. Sueton. in Nerone, cap. 38. Xiphi- 
lin. ex Dione. 

d Tacit, annal. lib. 15. cap. 41. 

c Tacit, annal. lib. 15. cap. 44. ' In Nerone, cap. 15. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 87 

onis nova? ac maleficae." Tertullianus vero, ut Christianus, 
in apologetico, capite quinto : " Consulite commentarios : 
illic reperietis primum Neronem in banc sectam turn 
maxime Romae'orientem Csesariano gladio ferocisse. Sed 
tali dedicatore damnationis nostras etiam gloriamur : qui 
enim scit ilium, intelligere potest non nisi grande aliquod 
bonum a Nerone damnatum." 

4068. Cestius Gallus praeses in Syriam, Gessius Florus 
procurator in Judasam a Nerone missus est. Erat vero 
Florus Clazomenius genere : adduxitque secum Cleopa- 
tram conjugem improbam ; per quam, ut Poppaeae Au- 
gustas amicam, Judaea? administrationem impetraverat s . 

Albinus, audito Gessium Florum sibi suceessurum ve- 
nire, videri volens gratificatus Hierosolymitanis civibus, 
productis vinctis, quotquot erant in manifeste capitali 
culpa jussit interimi ; reliquos, qui levioribus de causis 
conjecti erant in vincula, reductos in carcerem pecuniis 
mulctatos dimittebat alium post alium. Atque in hunc 
modum vacuato vinctis carcere Judaea repleta est latro- 
nibus h . 

Interea Levitica? tribus homines, quorum erat sacros 
hymnos in templo canere, adito rege Agrippa induxerunt 
eum precibus, ut advocato concilio decerneret eis usuni 
stolae lineae, qua? turn solis erat concessa sacerdotibus : 
hanc enim novationem pertinere ad perpetuam ipsius regni 
memoriam. Rex igitur de concilii sententia permisit hym- 
norum cantoribus, ut, deposito priore babitu, lineum ut 
voluerunt sumerent. Aliam etiam ejusdem tribus partem 
addictam templi ministeriis, ipsorum precibus permotus, 
permisit sacros hymnos canendos ediscere : qua? omnia 
riebant contra instituta legis patriae, nunquam violata? 
absque piaculo 1 . 

Philippenses Epaphroditum cum pecuniis Romam mi- 
serunt, ut Paulum in vinculis visitaret, et necessaria vita? 
subsidia ei subministraret. Qui Paulo adjutorem et com- 
militonem se adjungens, propter opus Christi, non habita 



s Joseph, antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 9. '■ Id. ibid. cap. 8. 

1 Joseph, antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 9. 



88 ANNALES 

vitae suae ratione, mortis periculo se objecit ; in morbum 
incidens gravissimum k . 

Onesimum servum, Colossis a Philemone domino suo 
Romam fugientem, Paulus senex in vinculis Christo lucri- 
fecit 1 . 

Timotheus, Romae captivus cum Paulo detentus, liber- 
tati restitutus est™. 

Per Epaphroditum, sanitatem jam adeptum, epistolam 
ad Philippenses Paulus scripsit : sperans etiam Timotheum 
brevi se ad eos missurum, simul atque videret rerum suarum 
statum ; et seipsum etiam cito ad eos venturum confidens™. 
Quo tempore Pauli ob Christum vincula celebria facta 
sunt in toto praetorio ; nonnullis ex ipsius Caesaris quoque 
palatio ad fidem Christi conversis . A Caesare enim missus 
in carcerem, notior familiag ejus factus, persecutoris do- 
mum Christi fecit ecclesiam 11 . 

Colossos ad Philemonem per servum ipsius Onesimum 
scribit Paulus epistolam, qua eum hero conciliat et com- 
mendat : liberationem e vinculis sperare se illi significans, 
et ut hospitium ei paret rogans. Per eundem quoque 
Onesimum et Tychicum aliam eodem tempore ad Colos- 
senses ab ipso quidem nunquam visos sed ab Epaphra in 
Christi doctrina institutos, e vinculis Paulus scripsit epis- 
tolam* 1 . Quo tempore, praeter Timotheum, (cujus nomen 
in inscriptione utraque haec praefert epistola) Paulo prae- 
sentes Romae adfuerunt, et in praedicando ibi evangelio 
adjuverunt, ex circumcisione quidem, ipsius in captivitate 
socius Aristarchus Thessalonicensis r , Marcus Barnabae 
consobrinus, (de quo excipiendo, si ad eos veniret, man- 
data Colossenses acceperant) et Jesus qui vocatur Justus : 
ex aliis vero, Lucas dilectus ille medicus, Demas, et Epa- 
phras ; cujus summum affectum laudat apostolus, non in 



k Philipp. cap. 2. ver. 25 — 30. cum cap. 4. ver. 10. 14. 18. 

1 Philem. ver. 9, 10. 15. cum Coloss. cap. 4. ver. 9. 

m Hebr. cap. 13. ver. 23. » Ibid. cap. 2. ver. 19—29. 

° Heb. cap. 1. ver. 12, 13. et cap. 4. ver. 22. 

J 1 Hieronym. commentar. in epist. ad Philem. 

i Coloss. cap. 1. ver. 7, 8. cap. 2. ver. 1. cap. 4. ver. 7, 8, 9, 18. 

r Act. cap. 20. ver. 4. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 89 

Colossenses tantum suos (apud quos, eo absente, ministe- 
rium Archippus obibat) sed etiam in eos qui erant Lao- 
diceae et Hierapoli s . 

Eundem Tychicum, ex Asia peregrinationis suae socium 1 , 
in Asiam quoque Paulus turn misit, ut ex eo res ipsius 
fratres cognoscerent ; scripta per eum ad Ephesios epis- 
tola u , quam epistolae ad Laodicenses nomine a Marcione 
haeretico fuisse venditatam, Tertullianus w cum Epiphanio 
in hseresi quadragesima secunda indicat. Quod quidem 
ex fide ecclesiae Laodicensis ab eo fuisse factum, credibile 
esse Grotius existimat ; cur in ea re mentiretur, nihil 
fuisse causae asserens. Indeque eodem plane tenore scrip- 
tam fuisse ad Ephesios simul et Laodicenses epistolam ille 
colligit. Ubi notandum, in antiquis nonnullis codicibus 
(ut ex Basilii libro secundo adversus Eunomium, et Hie- 
ronymi in hunc apostoli locum commentario, apparet) ge- 
neratim inscriptam fuisse hanc epistolam roTg ayioig, toTq 
ovm, Kal TTiGToTg ev Xpi(TT(£ 'Irjo-ou, vel (ut in literarum en- 
cyclicarum descriptione fieri solebat) " Sanctis qui sunt 
* * * * et fidelibus in Christo Jesu;" ac si Ephe- 
sum primo, ut praecipuam Asiae metropolim, missa ea 
fuisset ; transmittenda inde ad reliquas (intersertis singu- 
larum nominibus) ejusdem provinciae ecclesias : ad quarum 
aliquas, quas Paulus ipse nunquam viderat, ilia ipsius 
verba potissimum spectaverint : " Audita x ea quae in vobis 
est fide in Domino Jesu, et charitate in omnes sanctos;" 
et, " siquidem y audistis dispensationem gratise Dei quag 
data est mihi erga vos," &c. quae Marcion fortasse Lao- 
dicensibus magis convenire censebat, qui apostolum cor- 
pore praesentem non viderant z , quam Ephesiis, cum qui- 
bus ille tarn diu est conversatus 3 . 

Circa idem tempus epistolam ad Hebraeos Paulus scrip- 
sit, Timotheo jam soluto, sed alio ad tempus ab eo di- 



s Coloss. cap. 4. ver. 10—14. 17. Philem. cap. 23, 24. 

1 Act. cap. 20. ver. 4. « Ephes. cap. 6. ver. 21, 22. 

w Lib. 5. contra Marcion. cap. 11. et 17. 

x Ephes. cap. 1. ver. 15. J Ibid. cap. 3. ver. 2. i. 

1 Coloss. cap. 2. ver. 1. 

a Act. cap. 19. ver. 8. 10. et cap. 20. ver. 31. 



90 ANNALES 

I 
I 

gresso : cum quo, si mox veniret, visurum se eos promittit, 
salute illis interim a fratribus Italis dicta b . 

Absoluto jam templi Hierosolymitani asdificio, quum 
videret populus esse in otio circiter octodecim opificum 
millia, solitorum hactenus in templo ex operarum mercedi- 
bus victum quaerere ; nolensque sacram pecuniam repo- 
sitam habere, ne quando praeda Romanis fieret, simulque 
opificibus inde provisum cupiens : (quod vel una hora 
operato statim merces repraesentaretur :) Agrippae regi 
suasit, ut orientalem instauraret porticum. Ea profundae 
valli et angustae imminens, muro quadringentos cubitos 
alto erat subnixa, saxis constructo quadratis valde can- 
didis ; eratque cujusque saxi longitudo cubitorum viginti, 
sex vero altitudo : opus Salomonis regis, qui primus inte- 
grum templum condidit. Rex autem, cujus curae Clau- 
dius Caesar fabricam templi commiserat, reputans, quod- 
cunque opus demoliri facile, reparari difficile, maxime ta- 
lem porticum egentem et tempore longo et pecuniis plu- 
rimis ; non annuit populi precibus : sed urbem candido 
saxo consternere si liberet non vetuit c . 

Paulus, expleto biennio quo in libera custodia detentus 
Romae evangelium docuit d , in Asiam inde navigasse, et 
Colossis hospitio a Philemone exceptus fuisse videtur 6 . 

Die festo azymorum, hoc anno in Xanthici sive Aprilis 
diem octavum incidente, hora nona nocturna circa aram 
itemque templum tantum lumen effulsit, ut clarissimus 
dies putaretur : et hoc usque ad mediam permansit ho- 
ram. Eodemque festo die etiam bos cum ad hostiam du- 
ceretur, agnum in medio fani peperit. Orientalis autem 
porta interioris templi, cum esset asnea atque gravissima, 
et sub vesperam vix a viginti viris clauderetur, serisque 
forro vinctis obseraretur, pessulosque altos haberet in 
saxeum limen demissos uno perpetuo lapide fabricatum, 
visa est noctis hora sexta sponte patescere. His autem 



b Hebr. cap. 13. ver. 23, 24. 

c Joseph, antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 8. d Act. cap. 28. ver. 30. 

« Fhilem. ver. 22. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 91 

curriculo per custodes templi magistratui nunciatis, ascen- 
dit ille, vixque earn potuit claudere f . 

Die vicesimo primo mensis Artemisii sive Maii, ante 
solis oceasum visi sunt per inane ferri currus totis regioni- 
bus, et armatae acies tranantes nubila, et civitati circum- 
fusae. Festo autem Pentecostes, nocte sacerdotes intimum 
templum more suo ad divinas res celebrandas ingressi, 
primum quidem motum quendamque strepitum senserunt, 
postea vero subitam vocem audiere, qua? diceret : Migre- 
mus g hinc. 

In Creta insula praedicavit Paulus evangelium : relicto 
ibi Tito, ut qua? reliqua erant corrigeret, et presbyteros 
ibi per singulas urbes ordinaret h . 

Rex Agrippa pontificatum Jesu Gamalielis filio abroga- 
tum Matthias Theophili filio concessit : quo pontifice Ju- 
daicum bellum habuit initium'. 

Josephus, magnis a Poppasa Augusta donatus muneri- 
bus, in patriam rediens, ibi deprehendit novarum rermn 
studia gliscere, multosque ad defectionem spectare : quos 
a tarn infelici proposito frustra ille deterrere conatus 
est k . 

Adeo enim violenter potestate sua Gessius Florus est 
abusus, ut Albinum Judaei desiderarent quasi beneficum. 
Nam ille quantum poterat clam erat malus et nocens : 
Florus contra quasi ad ostentandam missus malitiam, pub- 
lice traducebat gentis injurias, nihil sibi ad summam in 
rapinis et suppliciis iniquitatem reliquum faciens. Erat 
enim inflexibilis ad misericordiam, nullis unquam lucris 
satiabilis, undecunque parva asque captans ac magna ; ut 
etiam latronum esset particeps. Multi enim ilium quaes- 
tum exercebant decisis prasdarum partibus : adeoque 
nullus erat injuriarum vel modus vel finis, ut miseri Judaei 
non ferentes rapacem latronum insolentiam cogerentur 
laribus relictis et patriis ceremoniis ad exteros fugere; 



f Joseph, lib. 7. belli, cap. 12. Ki<p. \a. 

s Joseph, lib. 7. belli, cap. 12. icup. \a. 

h Tit. cap. 1. ver. 5. ' Joseph, antiquit. lib- 20. cap. 8, 

k Joseph, in lib. de tita sua. 



02 ANN ALES 

judicantes ubivis etiam apud Barbaros se vivere posse 
commodius 1 . 

Neronem, post finem quinquennalis sui ludicri secundo 
lustro celebrati (anno enim asrse Christiana? sexagesimo 
primus agon Neroneus institutus fuerat) et ab aurigatione 
sero reversum, Poppaea uxor gravida et aegra conviciis in- 
cessebat : quam iratus ille ictu calcis occidit™. 

Ephesi aliquandiu moratus Paulus, Timotheum ibi, quum 
hide in Macedonian! proficisceretur, reliquit, ut earn eccle- 
siam, se absente administraret" ; in Macedonia vero apud 
Philippenses permansit, sicut eis ipse antea promiserat . 

4069. Paulus priorem ad Timotheum scripsit episto- 
lam : in qua Hymenaeum et Alexandrum, naufragium fidei 
facientes, Satanae a se traditos narrat, ut castigati disce- 
rent non blasphemare 11 . Hymenaeus vero, cum Phileto, 
futuram resurrectionem negabat ; earn jam factam fuisse 
dicens q . Alexander autem, faber aerarius ille est, qui 
tanta mala Paulo exhibuit, et sermonibus ejus tarn vehe- 
menter restitit r . 

Ad Titum quoque in Cretam aliam Paulus misit episto- 
lam : rogans, ut quum ad eum Arteman miserit vel Tychi- 
cum, veniat ad eum Nicopolim (illam victoria Actiaca 
celebrem) ubi hibernare constituerat ; simulque Zenam 
legis peritum et Apollo studiose deducendum curet, ne- 
quid illis desit s . 

Exacta hyeme, Paulus Ephesum ad Timotheum rediit : 
et Troadem profectus, penulam ibi suam reliquit. Erastus 
mansit Corinthi, cujus erat procurator 1 : Trophimum reli- 
quit Paulus Mileti aegrotantem u . 

Cestius Gallus Syriae praeses Antiochia Hierosolymam 
veniens, viresque civitatis ac florem Neroni significare 



1 Joseph, lib. 20. antiqu. cap. 9. et lib. 2. belli, cap. 13. Kt6. kS. 

m Sueton. in Nerone, cap. 35. Tacit, annal. lib. 1C. cap. 2. et 6. 

" 1 Timoth. cap. 1. ver. 3. cap. 3. ver. 14, 15. 

° Philipp. cap. 1. ver. 25, 26. et cap. 2. ver. 24. 

p 1 Timoth. cap. 1. ver. 20. <) 2 Timoth. cap. 2. ver. 17, 18. 

' 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 14, 15. s Tit. cap. 3. ver. 12, 13. 

' Rom. cap. 16. ver. 23. 

» 1 Timoth. cap. 3. ver. 14. 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 13. 20. 



NOV! TESTAMENTI. 93 

cupiens, contemnenti nationem ; a pontificibus petiit, ut, si 
quo modo possent, multitudinem numerarent. Illi autem, 
quum dies paschatis adesset, quando a nona hora usque 
ad undecimam hostias casdebant, hostias numeravere 
255600. ad quas comedendas decern et aliquando viceni 
homines per singula contubernia conveniebant x . 

Cestium circumstans multitudo non minor quam 300. my- 
riadum (3000000.) supplicabat, et ut gentis suae calamita- 
tibus subveniret, et pestem illam provinciae Florum ut 
ejiceretclamitabat. Qui tamen cum subpopuliore esset, et 
Gallo assisteret, non solum nihil movebatur, sed voces illas 
etiam deridebat. Cestius vero compescens impetum po- 
puli, et edicens quod deinceps placatiorem eis Florum 
redderet, regressus est Antiochiam. Deduxit autem eum 
usque ad Caesaream Florus, illudens mendaciis, et Judaeo- 
rum genti bellum sedulo comminiscens ; quo scilicet solo 
iniquitates suas occultari posse credebat. Pace siquidem 
permanente, habiturum se apud Caesarem accusatores Ju- 
daeos : verum si defectionem negotiatus fuisset, majore 
utique malo abducendam a se esse invidiam peccatorum 
minorum. Indeque ut gens ab Romano abrumperetur 
imperio, sedulo indies augebat calamitates y . 

Paulus secundoRomam veniens,aNeroneaudituset ab- 
solutus est. De quo ita ipse 2 : " In prima mea defensione ne- 
mo mihi adfuit, sed omnes me deseruerunt : utinam ne illis 
imputetur. Sed Dominus mihi adfuit et corroboravit me ; ut 
per me impleretur praedicatio, et omnes gentes audirent : 
et ereptus fui ex ore leonis." Ut enim antea per bien- 
nium, ita deinceps per integrum annum omnibus gentibus 
Romam, tanquam ad communem patriam, undique conflu- 
entibus evangelium praedicavit. 

Demas Paulum reliquit, amplexus praesens saeculum, 
et profectus est Thessalonicam : Crescens in Galatiam, 
Titus in Dalmatiam. Lucas solus cum Paulo Romae 
mansit a . 



x Joseph, lib. 7. belli, cap. 17. edit. Latin, vel, lib. 6. Kt(p. fit. edit. Graec. 

y Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 13. ks<j>. kS. 

z 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 16, 17. a Ibid. ver. 10, 11. 



94' ANNALES 

Percrebuerat oriente toto vetus et constans opinio, esse 
in fatis ut eo tempore Judaea profecti rerum potirentur. 
Id de imperatore Romano, quantum eventu postea patuit, 
praedictum Judaei ad se trahentes rebellarunt : inquit Sue- 
tonius 1 '. " Duravit Judaeis patientia," inquit Tacitus , 
" usque ad Gessium Flo rum procuratorem. Sub eo bel- 
lumortum;" mense videlicet Artemisio sive Maio, anno 
imperii Neronis duodecimo, regni Agrippae decimoseptimo, 
praefecturae Gessii Flori secundo d . Ejus belli historiam in 
posteriore secundi libri parte, et quinque libris sequenti- 
bus a Josepho plenissime habemus descriptam : cujus 
breviarium, ex Ludovici Cappelli V. CI. Judaicae historian 
compendio desumptum, hue transtulimus. 

Nero in Grasciam transiens, ad hyemem ingruentem 
ibi mansit e . 

Rex Agrippa Judaeos longa oratione a bello dehortatus 
est : sed frustra ; nam paulo postquam Hierosolymis ille 
discessisset, seditiosorum nonnulli Massadam castellum 
munitissimum fraude occupant, et Romanos, qui isthic 
erant, omnes interficiunt. Hierosolymis autem Eleazarus 
Ananias pontificis filius, templi turn orpctrrj-yoc, juvenis 
audax et factiosus, persuasit sacerdotibus, ut nullius nisi 
Judaeorum hostias admitterent, ne illas quidem quae pro 
Caesare et Romanis offerri solebant : quod temerarium 
factum cum principes civitatis, quietis amantes, intolera- 
bile judicarent, et argumentum apertae defectionis esse 
viderent, nee possent tamen seditiosos a sententia dimo- 
vere ; legatos ad Florum Caesarem, et ad Agrippam regem 
mittunt, rogantes ut propere, missis copiis, seditionem inci- 
pientem opprimerent. Florus, qui Judaeorum defectionem 
volebat, id neglexit. Agrippa autem misit mille equites, 
qui superiorem civitatem cum optimatibus et pontificibus, 
caeteraque multitudine, quae optabat quietem, occuparunt 
et tenuerunt adversus seditiosos, qui templum et inferio- 
rem civitatem tenebant ; per septem continuos dies invi- 



b In Vespasiano, cap. 4. c Lib. 5. histor. cap. 10. 

d Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 13. Ki<p. ks. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. ult„ 
e Xiphilin. ex Dione. 



NOVI TESTAMENTT. 95 

cem confligentes. Seel die festo ZvXcHpopiag, sicarii multi 
in templum recepti cum caeteris, vim regiis militibus faci- 
unt, et civitate superiore pellentes compellunt eos in He- 
rodis regiam superiorem, incenso Archivo, Hasmonaeorum 
palatio, (quae turn erat Agrippae regia) et Ananiae ponti- 
ficis domo. Postridie, Augusti decimo quinto die, Anto- 
niam obsessam per biduum capiunt, militesque Romanos 
omnes interficiunt, et arcem incendunt. Regiam paulo 
post impetunt atque invadunt, duce Manahemo Judae 
Galilaei filio (qui capto Massada castello, et Herodis arma- 
mentario isthic direpto, sicarios suos armatos Hierosoly- 
mairi adduxerat) eaque expugnata et incensa tyrannidem 
occupat Manahemus, sed mox ab Eleazaro templi prae- 
fecto, in ipso templo adorans interficitur, ejusque stipa- 
tores disjiciuntur, et Massadam repetunt duce Eleazaro 
Jairi filio, qui genere Manahemo propinquus erat. Roma- 
nos, qui regia expugnata receperant se in turres Hippicon, 
Phasaelum et Mariammem, obsessos, tandemque se de- 
dentes, seditiosi Hierosolymitani, ipso die Sabbathi, con- 
tra fidem datam omnes inermes interficiunt. 

Eadem die Caesareae Judaai omnes, illic habitantes, ab 
Ethnicis Caesariensibus instigante Floro interfecti sunt, 
numero viginti millia. Hinc exacerbati per universam 
regionem Judaei Syrorum vicos, et civitates finitimas, de- 
populati sunt, Philadelphiam, Gerasam, Pellam, Scytho- 
polim, Gedaram, Hipponem, Gaulanitidem, Ptolemaidem, 
Sebasten, Ascalona, Anthedona, et Gazam. Inde per 
universam Syriam Judaeorum in civitatibus commorantium 
a Syris caedes promiscuae, partim ex veteri in Judaeos, et 
eorum religionem, odio, partim rapinarum amore, partim 
vindictae cupiditate. Soli Antiocheni, Apameni et Sidonii 
Judaeis incolis suis pepercerunt. Alexandria? autem 
iEgypti metropoli excitata seditione quinquaginta millia 
Judaeorum uno die interfecta sunt, immissis in eos duabus 
legionibus Romanis. 

Cestius Gallus Syriae praeses, his motibus excitatus, 
Antiochia cum legione duodecima et auxiliis regiis Agrip- 
pae, alii&que copiis, venit in Judaeam, et Ptolemaide invadit 
Joppen atque incendit, Caesennium Galium mittit in 



96 ANNALES 

Galilaeam, quam Sepphori receptus pacat, et Caesaream 
venit. 

Petrus et Paulus de appropinquante vitae exitu per 
revelationem a Domino sunt admoniti f . 

Petrus ad Hebrasos, per Pontum, Galatiam, Cappado- 
ciam, Asiam et Bithyniam dispersos, secundam scripsit 
epistolam g . 

Paulus Ephesum, ubi familia Onesiphori erat, per Ty- 
chicum secundam ad Timotheum misit epistolam : post- 
quam Aquila et Priscilla, relicta Roma, eo denuo sunt 
reversi 1 '. In ea Timotheum rogat, ut ante hyemem ad 
ipsum veniat ; secumque Marcum adducat, ut ipsi peru- 
tilem ad ministerium 1 . Salutemque illi dicit ab Eubulo, 
Pudente, Lino et Claudia k . 

4070. Cestius Gallus festo tabernaculorum incensa 
Lydda, Hierosolymam tendit, cui ad sexagesimum stadium 
occurrunt Hierosolymitani, et dubia pugna decertatum est 
prope Bethoron : sed mox majoribus copiis eos aggressus 
Cestius compulit in urbem, in quam et ipse irrupit quarto 
Octobris, inferioremque tenuit (ut et Bezetham et Caeno- 
polim) per aliquot dies civitatem, indeque templum et 
superiorem oppugnavit civitatem, facileque cepisset, si 
fortius in oppugnatione perseverasset, populo Romanis 
turn favente, solis seditiosis repugnantibus. 

Verum Cestius mox cum prope esset ut templum ca- 
peret, sine ulla justa causa obsidionem solvit, atque Anti- 
patrida se recepit, multis Romanorum et auxiliarium in 
itinere amissis, et cassis a Judaeis qui eos insecuti sunt, 
cum impedimentorum majore parte, adeoque et machina- 
rum, ballistarum, et armorum (quae fugientes Romani ab- 
jecerant) magna copia, quibus postea in Hierosolymorum 
adversus Titi obsidionem propugnatione usi sunt Judaei. 
Idque factum octavo die Novembris, anno Neronis duode- 
cimo 1 . 

f 2 Petr. cap. 1. ver. 14. 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 6, 7. 
5 2 Petr. cap. 3. ver. 1. cum 1 Petr. cap. 1. ver. 1. 
h 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 12. 19. ' Ibid. ver. 9. 11.21. 

k 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 21. 

' Absoluto sc. siquidem 13. Neronis annus a 13. die praecedentis Octobris in- 
ceperat. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 



97 



Hac victoria elati Judaei Hierosolymam reversi, urbis 
praefectos creant Josephum Gorionis filium, et Ananum 
pontificem, bellique duces varios et multos in singulas pro- 
vincias, sive toparchias, dimittunt, atque inter eos Jose- 
phum (belli hujus Judaici scriptorem) in Galilasam araan- 
dant : in qua multis oppidis communitis et muro cinctis, 
rebusque omnibus ad sustinendum bellum ordinatis, Ro- 
manorum impetum exspectabat. 

Interim multi adversus eum motus, multae et frequentes 
urbium rebelliones excitantur arte et fraude Johannis cu- 
jusdam Leviae filii, invidia nonnullorum ex principibus 
Hierosolymitanis, qui Galilasam praefecturam ei ereptam 
volebant. Sed eorum omnes conatus, artes et consilia 
fregit, atque elusit prudentia et patientia sua Josephus : 
qui Johannem ilium coegit Hierosolymam cum suis ex 
Giscala Galilaeae oppido quod munierat, confugere. Hie- 
rosolymis autem Ananus urbis praefectus omnia ad susti- 
nendum bellum necessaria parat, mcenia instaurat, bellica 
instrumenta, tela et arma curat fabricari per totam urbem. 
Zelotas conatur ad sanam mentem revocare ; sed frustra. 
Simonem Gioras filium latrocinia exercentem, et tyranni- 
dem affectantem, misso milite, conatur comprehendere : 
at is cum suis ad latrones, qui Massadam tenebant, effugit, 
wide illi totam Judaeam et Idumaeam latrociniis infes- 
tabant. 

Porro Cestius missis ad Neronem (qui turn in Achaia 
erat) legatis statum Judaeas turbatum renuntiat. Nero 
conturbatus Vespasianum eo mandat ; Vespasianus au- 
tem, hoc accepto mandato, Titum filium Alexandriam 
mittit, ut inde quintam, et decimam legiones in Judaeam 
adduceret: ipse pedestri itinere ex Achaia in Asiam 
transmittit, atque inde in Syriam et Antiochiam venit. 

Petrus et Paulus Romaa praedixerunt futurum, ut post 
breve tempus immitteret Deus regem qui expugnaret 
Judaeos, et civitates eorum solo aequaret, ipsos autem 
fame sitique confectos obsideret. Turn fore, ut corporibus 
suorum vescerentur, et consumerent se invicem ; postremo 
capti venirent in manus hostium, et in conspectu suo acer- 
bissime conjuges suas vexari cernerent, violari et prostitui 
vol. xr. h 



98 ANNALES 

virgines, diripi pueros, allidi parvulos, omnia denique ferro 
ignique vastari, captivos in perpetuum terris suis extermi- 
nari: eo qaod exnltaverant super amantissimum etproba- 
tissimum Filium Dei m . 

Vespasianus Antiochiae Romanas copias et regum auxi- 
lia cogit, inde venit Ptolemaida, Sepphorimque Romanis 
faventem recepit. 

Alexandria Titus cum duabus legionibus Ptolemaidem 
ad patrem pervenit, citius quam per hyemem sperabatur. 
Copiae omnes cum regum auxiliis eo conveniunt, numero 
sexaginta millia, tarn peditum quam equitum ; praeter ca- 
lones et impedimenta. 

Vespasianus Galilaeam invadens, Gadarensium urbem 
primo impetu captam incendit et vastavit. Inde Jota- 
patam die vigesimo primo Mail veniens, earn oppug- 
navit. 

Junii die vigesimo nono (qui mensis illius dies postremus 
in Neronis occurrit imperio) Petrus et Paulus celebri mar- 
tyrio vitam finierant: ut tarn orientalis quam occidentalis 
ecclesiae tabulae confirmant. Unde diem mortis Pauli 
notiorem quam ipsius Alexandri esse, asserere non du- 
bitat Chrysostomus". Eodem tempore utrumque Romas 
subiisse martyrium, affirmat in epistola ad Romanos Dio- 
nysius Corinthiorum episcopus ; et Petrum quidem, ca- 
pite (ut expetierat) deorsum statuto, crucifixum fuisse, 
tomo tertio commentariorum in Genesim refert Origenes p ; 
impleta Christi praedictione ad eum facta: " Quum q senu- 
eris, extendes manus tuas, et alius te cinget et transferet 
quo noles." Paulum autem gladio percussum, historiarum 
monumenta confirmant 1 . Quo referenda sunt etiam, quae de 
Neronis persecutione scribit P. Orosius. " Primus (scilicet 
Nero) Romae Christianos suppliciis et mortibus persecutus 
est; beatissimos Christi apostolos, Petrum cruce, et Paulum 

m Lactantius, lib. 4. cap. 21. 
n In 2 Corinth, homil. 26. 

Apud Euseb. lib. 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 24. ke<j>. k(. 
p Apud Euseb. lib. 3. histor. cap. 1. 

1 Johan. cap. 21. vex: 18, 19. 

r Euseb. histor. ecclesiast. lib. 2. cap. 24. 
s Lib. 7. cap. 7. 



NOVI TESTAMENTS 99 

gladio occidi imperavit: ipsumque nomen Christianorum 
extirpareconatus est :"etSulpitius Severus in historiae libro 
secundo " Datis legibus, religio vetabatur; palamque edictis 
propositis, Christianum esse non licebat. Turn Paulus, 
et Petrus capitis damnati, quorum uni cervix gladio dis- 
secta, Petrus in cruce sublatus est." In Hispania vero 
banc persecutionem saevisse colligunt ex lapide ibi defosso 
etinscripto, NERONI. CL. CMS AUG. PONT. MAX. 

OB. PROVING. LATRONIB ET. HIS. QUI. NOVAM GENERI. HUM. 
SUPERSTITION. INCULCAB PURGATAM*. 

Vespasianus Jotapatam, fortiter a Josepho, qui istliic 
erat cum imperio, defensam, tandem post quadraginta, 
dierum obsidionem, vi capit, evertit et incendit Kalendis 
Juliis, anno Neronis decimo tertio, Josephum in specu lati- 
tantem capit, et vita donat, sed captivum tenet. 

Jotapata excisa Vespasianus exercitum Caesaream re- 
ducit, atque isthic duas legiones collocat, ut se ab obsi- 
dionis labore reficerent, tertiam eodem consilio et fine 
mittit Scythopolim : ipse autem Caesareairi Philippi profi- 
ciscitur, ubi ab Agrippa rege cum exercitu per viginti 
dies convivio exceptus est. Turn ad Tiberiadis et Tari- 
chaeae obsidionem se parat. Et Tiberienses quidem statim 
se dediderunt, ac precibus Agrippae regis data est civitas, 
ne exscinderetur. Tarichaea autem cum passa esset se 
obsideri, vi capta excisa est, 

His urbibus receptis, vel excisis, tola Galilasa ferme ad 
Romanos inclinabat, praeter Gamalam in Gaulanitide, et 
Giscalam atque Itaburium montem in Galila?a. 

4071. Gamala obsessa per mensem unum, capta est 
vigesimo tertio die Octobris atque excisa, et paulo ante 
mons Itaburius fuerat etiam a Romanis captus. Mox 
Titus Giscalam aggreditur, quss a Johanne cum suis se- 
ditiosis tenebatur. A Tito oblatas pacis conditiones Jo- 
hannes simulat se accipere; sed nocte sequente cum suis 
clam urbe eifugit, et Hierosolymam se recepit : Titus urbi 
parcit, imposito ei praesidio. Inde Caesaream venit. Ves- 



In inscriptionibus Grutevi, pag. 238. 

h2 



100 ANNALES 

pasianus autem Caesarea Jamniam et Azotum profectus, 
utramque subegit, Caesareamque rediit. 

Interim per totarn Judaeamdissensio oritur : aliis bellum 
cupientibus, aliis vero in Roman orum fide manere vo- 
ventibus. Inde latronum globi et cunei per universam 
Judaeam excitantur, qui praedas ex iis agebant qui pacis 
studio tenebantur, deinde praedis onusti Hierosolymis 
recipiuntur; atque isthic omnia caedibus, dissensionibus, 
discordiis, et rapinis complent. Ac primo quidem Anti- 
pam, et non paucos alios nobilissimos et potentissimos 
civitatis viros, in vincula conjiciunt, moxque indicta causa 
necant: calumniantes voluisse eos urbem Romanis pre- 
dere. Cumque populus in eos esset insurrecturus, illi 
templum occupant, eoque tanquam arce adversus populum 
utuntur: atque isthic sorte summum creant pontificem 
Phanniam quendam (alias Phanazum) hominem rudem 
plane et imperitum, neque sacerdotalis ordinis. 

Adversus hos Zelotas (sic enim ipsi se vocabant) Ana- 
nus et nobiliores pontifices populum excitant atque ar- 
mant, et in templo ipso oppugnant, adeoque et in interi- 
orem templi ambitum compellunt. Sed isti Uteris ad 
Idumaeorum duces clam missis, quibus Ananum prodi- 
tionis insimulabant, se vero pro libertate patriae pugnantes 
in templo obsideri conquerebantur, advocant in suum aux- 
ilium Idumaeos. Hi statim cum viginti millibus hominum 
advolant : quibus clam per noctem in urbem et templum 
admissis a Zelotis, magna fit Hierosolymitanorum ab utris- 
que caedes, rapinae, et incendia. Nam octo millia ea nocte 
caesa sunt, et sequentibus diebus Ananum aliosque ad 
duodecim millia ex nobilioribus interfecerunt, praeter in- 
finitam promiscuam plebeculam. Sed paulo post Idu- 
maeos facti sui pcenitentia subiit, cum Zelotarum scelera 
viderent, nee proditionis (cujus optimates accusabantur) 
indicium ullum deprehendissent. Itaque solutis, ad duo 
millia, iis qui vincti tenebantur in custodia, domum Hiero- 
solyma relicta redeunt. His abeuntibus Zelotae rursus in 
cives nobiliores ssevire incipiunt crudelius quam antea, et 
nobilissimos quosque ac fortissimos necatos ne sepeliri 
quidem patiebantur, maxime vero eos quos ad Romanos 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 101 

transfugere volentes diligenter observabant, necatosque 
insepultos projiciebant. 

Interim inter ipsos Zelotas oritur dissensio, Johanne 
illo qui ex Giscalis Hierosolymam profugerat, tyrannidem 
inter eos affectante, aliis vero, qui eum antea parem ha- 
buerant, superiorem ferre recusantibus. Verum illi sic 
inter se dissentientes, adversus plebem, ad earn diripien- 
dam, Concordes erant. Quin et tota Judaea metropoleos 
suae, Hierosolymorum nempe, exemplum veluti secuta, 
tota ubique latrociniis repletur, misereque vexatur. 

His discordiis, quibus se invicem conficiebant Judsei, 
et transfugarum vocibus excitatus Vespasianus, quibus 
eum ad servandam et seditione ilia levandam patriam hor- 
tabantur, accingit se ad Hierosolymorum obsidionem, et 
ne quid hostile post se (dum in obsidione occuparetur) re- 
linqueret, ad reliquias belli et tumultus in transamnana 
regione extinguendas Gadaram cum exercitu venit, eo 
accitus a moderatioribus civibus, qui pacem bello praefe- 
rebant: atque inde diffugientibus seditiosis urbem capit, 
missoque Placido cum equitatu ad persequendos fugien- 
tes, obtruncat omnes, totamque transamnanam regionem 
ad lacum usque Asphaltitem, preeter Machaerunta castel- 
lum, occupat ; constitutoque per vicos et prassidia in hy- 
bernis milite, Cassaream venit, isthicque hyemem agit. 

Vespasianus Caesareae nuncio accepto de motibus in 
Gallia a Vindice excitatis, qui adversus Romanos Gallos 
armaverat, ad conficiendum propere bellum Judaicum 
accenditur. Itaque instante vere milite Caesarea educto 
Judasam pervadit totam atque Idumasam, eaque vastata, 
copias reducit, ac per Samariam Jerichunta ducit, unde 
incolae in oppositam Hierosolymis montanam regionem 
diffugiunt: sed eos persecutus, iisque disjectis, Jeri- 
chunte atque alibi castris constitutis Judaeos undique 
cingit. 

Spoponderunt quidam destituto Neroni dominationern 
orientis, nonnulli nominatim regnum Hierosolymorum, 
plures omnis pristinaj fortunas restitutionem". Postquam 

u Sueton. in Nerone, cap. 40. 



102 



ANNALES 



vero Galbam et Hispanias descivisse cognovit, actum de 
se Nero pronuntiavit-\ Tandemque nono die Junii mor- 
tem ipse sibi conscivit ; quum imperasset annos tredecim 
et menses octo. 

4072. Kalendis Januarii in Germania projectis Galbae 
imaginibus, die tertio Vitellius ab exercitu imperator sa- 
lutatus est : et die ejusdem mensis decimo quinto Galba 
interemptus est, exactis a Neronis morte septem men- 
sibus y . 

Sublato Galba, imperator a militibus creatus est Otho, 
suscepti a Vitellio imperii nescius : quern die imperii nona- 
gesimo interfectum Dio, nonagesimo quinto funeratum 
fuisse scribit Suetonius. 

Tiberius Alexander praefectus iEgypti primus in verba 
Vespasiani legiones adegit Kalendis Julii : qui principatus 
dies in posterum observatus est. Judaicus deinde exer- 
citus quinto Idus Julii apud ipsum juravit 2 . Inter mortem 
vero Neronis et initium Vespasiani annum unura et dies 
viginti duos intercessisse notat Dio. 

Quum Vespasianus Cagsaream reversus pararet cum 
toto exercitu ad Hierosolymam obsidendam proficisci, 
nunciatur illi Neronis mors, quo nuntio accepto bellum in 
Judaeos distulit, Titumque filium ad Galbam, qui Neroni 
successerat, mittit, ut ab eo mandata de bello Judaico ac- 
ciperet. Titus in Achaiam navi delatus audit isthic Gal- 
bam interfectum, itaque statim ad patrem redit Cagsaream. 
Suspensi ergo, quasi nutante imperio Romano, Judaicum 
bellum differebant, patriasque metuentes alienigenas ag- 
gredi non existimabant opportunum. 

Interim Simon Giorae filius (de quo jam aliquid supra 
dictum est) juvenis audax viribusque praestans, Massada, 
quo ad sicarios confugerat, profectus in Judaeae loca mon- 
tana, servis ad libertatem vocatis, liberisque praamium 
pollicitus, brevi comparata latronum manu, paulatimque 
auctis copiis, non vicos modo populabatur, sed et urbes 



x Sueton. in Neronc, cap. 42. > Tacit, histor. lib. 1. 

z Sueton. in Vespasiano, cap. 6. cum Tacito, lib. 2. histor. cap. 79. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 103 

aggrediebatur, eoque brevi potential provectus est, ut 
totam Idumaeam sibi subjiceret, Judaeamquevastaret,mox- 
que Hierosoly mam ostenderet, atque isthic prope urbem cas- 
tris positis, terrori esset turn Hierosolymitanis, turn ipsis Ze- 
lotis. Atque sic utrimque premebantur cives Hierosolymi- 
tani, intusnempea Zelotis quibus Johannes praeerat, foris 
vero a Simone homine saevissimo. Interim Idumaei qui a 
partibus Johannis stabant, et inter copias ejus erant, ab eo 
dissidentes et cum eo congressi multos Zelotarum perimunt, 
et Johannis aula capta et incensa eum cum suis in tern- 
plum compellunt. Veriti autem una cum civibus, ne 
noctu in civitatem excurreret, eamque vastaret, ut se ab eo 
tuerentur, consilio capto, Simonem accersunt, atque intra 
urbem admittunt : quo recepto templum oppugnant, sed 
fortiter pugnantibus Zelotis, frustra expugnare tentant. 

Vespasianus, relicta Caasarea, Berytum venit et Antio- 
chiam, unde Mutianum in Italiam cum copiis mittit, ipse 
vero Alexandriam proficiscitur. 

4073. In Mcesia autem Antonius primus Vespasiani 
partes secutus legionem tertiam in Italiam adversus Vitel- 
lium duxit ; commissoque ad Cremonam adversus Vitelli- 
anos praelio eos fugat et caedit : turn Romam veniens et 
Mutiano junctus in media urbe Vitellii exercitum fundit, 
et Vitellium ipsum per medium forum tractum jugulat. 
Mutianus Domitianum Vespasiani filium, interim dum pater 
ex Syria advenit, principem constituit. 

Vespasianus, his Alexandria? auditis, Titum filium in 
Judaeam cum copiis mittit, ad conficiendas belli Judaici 
reliquias, ipse autem in Italiam navigat. 

Porro interim dum Titus Alexandria? adhuc haaret, 
Hierosolymitana factio trifariam dividitur. Nam Simon 
quern Hierosolymitani adversus Johannem accersiverant 
et admiserant, superiorem tenebat civitatem, et inferioris 
partem aliquam; Johannes autem cum Zelotis templum 
et inferioris civitatis partem aliam occupabat. Hujus 
autem factio in duas rursum scinditur. Nam Elea- 
zarus, qui primus fuerat Zelotarum in initio dux atque 
rector, asgre ferens Johannem audacia et artibus suis 
imperium ad se traxisse, omniaque jam pro arbitrio agere 



104- ANNALES 

atque administrare, ab eo, adscitis secum nonnullis aliis, 
secedit, et cum suis interius templi septum occupat, atque 
inde adversus Johannem depugnat, numero quidem se- 
quacium longe illi inferior, sed loci situ et qualitate supe- 
rior. Ita Joharmi, qui templi exteriorem ambitum porti- 
cusque tenebat, duplex incumbebat bellum : alterum ad- 
versus Eleazarum, alterum vero adversus Simonem. Et 
sic quidem alii adversus alios pugnantes pleraque quae 
circa templum erant incenderunt ; frumentum, aliaque ad 
victum necessaria corruperunt, quae illis in multum tempus 
sufficere potuissent ; quibus corruptis et absumptis, fame 
postea, cum a Romanis obsiderentur, oppressi sunt. 

Titus autem Alexandria Caesaream profectus, atque 
isthic coactis copiis, quatuor nempe legionibus, cum auxi- 
liaribus regum vicinorum, Hierosolymam contendit, con- 
traque earn sexto, septimoque stadio castra ponit paulo 
ante Azymorum diem festum ; eoque infinitam hominum 
multitudinem, quae ad festum de more ascenderat, in civi- 
tate concludit, a qua alimenta, et victui necessaria brevi 
consumpta sunt omnia. Unde statim fames saevissima 
civitatem oppressit : cujus exemplum horrendum et me- 
morandum, matris flliolum devorantis, per id tempus 
isthic contigit. Ipso autem die festo Azymorum, decimo 
quarto Aprilis, cum Eleazarus, qui templum interius oc- 
cupaverat, populo sacrificare volenti portas templi ape- 
ruisset, Johannes temporis opportunitate usus submittit 
cum populo de suis non paucos, qui sub veste gladiis oc- 
culte armati, et cum promiscua multitudine admissi Elea- 
zarum cum suis invadunt, interiusque templi septum cum 
multa Zelotarum caede occupant. Atque sic factio, quae 
prius tripartita fuerat, ad duas rediit : Johannis nimirum 
unam, qui numero fuerunt octo millia quadringenti ; Simo- 
nis vero alteram, quo cum erant decern millia hominum, et 
praeterea Idumaeorum quinque millia. 

Titus autem propius ad mcenia accedens, juxta turrem 
Psephinam castra ponit, et aggere propere jacto, ariete 
murum quatit, vique dejicit, et in urbem perrupto priore 
muro, cedentibus intro Judaeis, irrumpit quinto Nonas 
Maias, atque totam septentrionalem urbis regionem, usque 



MOVI TESTAMENTI. 105 

ad Antoniam arcem et vallem Cedron, occupat. Quinto 
post die turn quadam secundi muri a plaga septentrionali 
ariete concussa atque dejecta, urbe nova inferiore potitur ; 
a qua statim repulsus a Judaeis, quarto tamen post die 
earn rursus occupat, seque ad tertii muri oppugnationem 
accingit. Atque duodecimo die Maii quatuor aggeres 
jaci jussit, duos ad Antoniam, qua templum, totidem ad 
Johannis pontificis monumentum, qua superiorem civita- 
tem capere se posse sperabat. Et ad Antoniam quidem 
Johannes, ad Johannis autem monumentum Simon Roma- 
nis resistebat. Aggeribus illis vigesimo nono die Maii 
perfectis per septemdecim dies, et murum jam quatere 
incipientibus Romanis, Johannes acto ex Antonia cuni- 
culo, alterum dejicit, et succendit : Simon autem biduo 
post, irruptione ex urbe facta, duos aggeres sibi oppositos 
incendit, cum arietibus et machinis multis ; adeoque et in 
ipsis castris Romanos Judaei aggrediuntur, sed a Tito ab 
Antonia adveniente in urbem compelluntur. 

Aggeribus sic corruptis et incensis, visum est Tito novos 
erigere, quibus oppugnaret civitatem, et muro urbem cir- 
cumdare, ne quis ex ea effugere posset, neve quid in earn 
inferri. Itaque tridui spatio urbem muro circumvallavit, 
ambitu triginta novem stadiorum additis per circuitum 
tredecim castellis ambitum decern stadiorum complecten- 
tibus. Unde fames in urbe invaluit, saevissimeque gras- 
sata est, ita ut ea non plebs duntaxat et populus passim 
occumberent, sed ipsi etiam seditiosi premerentur : tan- 
tusque fuit fame et lue pereuntium in urbe numerus, ut a 
decimo quarto die Aprilis (quo coepta est obsidio) ad Ka- 
lendas Julii, per unam portam (referente quodam Mannaeo 
transfuga, qui isti rei praserat) elata sint pauperum 1 15800. 
cadavera, quae sumptu publico mercede numerata huma- 
bantur ; praster eos qui a propinquis et familiaribus effe- 
rebantur. Paulo post ab aliis transfugis cognitum est, 
sexcenta millia funerum portis esse elata : denique cum 
efferendis pauperibus sufficere amplius non possent, col- 
latis et congestis in ingentes cumulos, (in vacuis domibus) 
cadaveribus, asdes claudebant. Sepultura autem eorum 
qui efferebantur alia non erat, nisi quod de muris in 



10G ANN ALES 

subjectas valles ea projiciebant, quibus valles sic com- 
pleverunt. 

Interim Simon intus casdibus et rapinis non abstinebat ; 
nam Matthiam pontificem, cujus opera in urbem admissus 
fuerat, proditionis insimulatum, quasi ad Romanos vellet 
transfugere, cum tribus nliis, aliisque sexdecim ex nobi- 
lioribus populi indemnatos necavit : tantaque saevitia gras- 
satus est, ut Judas quidam unus ex ipsius praefectis, cru- 
delitatem ejus pertaesus agitaverit de tradenda Romanis 
turri quadam, cujus custodiae praspositus erat ; sed a Si- 
mone occupatus cum decern ejusdem consilii sociis inter- 
fectus est Johannes autem in templo necessitate adactus 
res sacras, vasa aurea, argentea, templique sacram pecu- 
niam, in proprium et profanum usum convertit : quin et 
sacrum oleum et vinum, sacrificiorum libaminibus dicata, 
militibus suis coactus est distribuere. 

Titus autem conquisita undique materia, et excisis ad 
nonagesimum usque stadium lucis et arboribus omnibus, 
aggeres novos magno labore intra dies viginti unum exstrui 
curavit : et circa Antoniam quidem quatuor, singulos a 
singulis Antoniae arcis lateribus erexit ; quos cum Johan- 
nes timide, perturbate et frustra aggressus esset, a Roma- 
nis repulsus, Kalendis Julii arietem admoyere coeperunt 
muro Antoniae. Romani, eoque concusso mox quinto die 
Julii in Antoniam, frustra repugnantibus Judasis, irrum- 
punt, indeque in templum refugientes Judasos insequuntur. 
Sed aliquandiu repulsi Romani tandem post multam pug- 
nam, decimo septimo die Julii (qua die in templo juge 
sacrificium, IvdeXexKTfxbg, virorum qui illud curarent pe- 
nuria, defecerat) frustra seditiosos per Josephum Titus 
adhortatus ad deditionem faciendam, septimo post die ad- 
motis aggeribus, quorum materia a centesimo stadio com- 
portabatur, et eversis Antoniae fundamentis, ad templum 
usque facilem efficiens ascensum, et per Antoniam irrum- 
pens, porticus septentrionalem et occidentalem exterioris 
septi templi occupat : quarum pars, quae Antoniae junge- 
batur, a Judaois immisso igne incensa fuerat et diruta, 
pars altera biduo post a Romanis incenditur vigesimo 
quarto die Julii, Judaeis incendium non restinguentibus 



NO VI TESTAMENTI. 107 

sed serpere sinentibus, ut sic porticus ab Antonia omnino 
dirimerentur. 

Vicesimo septimo autem die, Judasi rursus occidenta- 
lera porticum ad pontem usque qui in Xystum ducebat, 
exurunt, unaque Romanos plurimos qui in earn, refugien- 
tibus ultro Judaeis, ascenderant. Postera vero die Romani 
septentrionalem totam ad orientalem usque incendunt. 

Octavo autem die Augusti, cum nee arietibus pulsando 
interioris septi murum quicquam promoveret Titus, neque 
portarum fundamenta suffodiendo, propter lapidum mag- 
nitudinem et validam juncturam, neque scalis in porticus 
ascendere potuissent Romani, Judaeis desuper fortiter 
repugnantibus ; quod distulerat loci reverentia motus, 
tandem necessitate coactus interioris septi templi portis 
ignem admoveri jussit : quibus incensis simul junctae illis 
porticus inflammantur, spectantibus et stupentibus Ju- 
daeis, nee incendium prae stupore prohibentibus, aut re- 
stinguere conantibus ; totaque ilia die, et sequenti nocte, 
arserunt porticus. Cumque cum ducibus decrevisset 
Titus templum ab incendio servare, obtinere tamen id non 
potuit. Die enim decimo Augusti, cum Romani, qui in 
exteriore templi septo excubabant, a Judaeis lacessiti im- 
petum in eos fecissent qui ignem interioris septi exstingue- 
bant, eosque in ipsum templum compulissent ; Romanus 
miles, rapto ex incendio titione, a socio sublatus in hume- 
rum per fenestram auream ignem in domos seu cellas circa 
templum constructas a septentrionali parte rejicit, quas 
corripiens statim ignis templum ipsum illis junctum, (frus- 
tra Tito incendium restinguere militibus jubente) simul 
inflammat anno Vespasiani secundo, eodem mense, eo- 
demque mensis die, quo prius a Nebuchadnesare fuerat 
incensum. 

Titus expilato et incenso templo, signisque in orientali 
templi porta constitutis, peractoque isthic sacrificio, impe- 
rator ab exercitu proclamatur ; moxque seditiosos qui in 
superiorem civitatem confugerant, de ponte, quo templum 
civitati conjungitur super Xystum, per interpretem ad 
deditionem cohortatus, cum recusarent se illius fidei com- 
mittere, licet vitam illis indulgeret, postularentque ut sibi 



108 ANN ALES 

cum liberis et uxoribus urbe in desertum exire liceret, 
indignatus Titus extremum illis denuntiat interitum, to- 
tamque inferiorem urbem et Acram, quam occupaverat, 
jussit incendi. Superiorem autem civitatem in prasrupto 
undique loco sitam oppugnare ccepit, aggeribus vigesimo 
die Augusti jaci cceptis, perfectisque septimo die Septem- 
bris, machinas mcenibus admovet, perruptoque muro, et 
diffugientibus pras metu et consternatione tyrannis cum 
suis satellitibus, Romani octavo die Septembris irrumpunt, 
omniaque ferro et flamma vastant. 

Die Saturni, quern Juda?i praecipua religione colunt, 
Hierosolyma concidisse, notavit Dio : sive ad diem captae 
urbis respiciens (nam et octavus Septembris dies in Sab- 
bathum hoc anno incidit) sive excisaa potius. Urbem 
enim totam et templum funditus everti et complanari jussit 
Titus, eique de more induci aratrum : excepta occiden- 
tali duntaxat muri parte, turribusque tribus, Hippico, 
Phasaelo et Mariamme ; quas, ob elegantiam et fortitudi- 
nem insignem, voluit posteris relinqui documentum mag- 
nificentiaa urbis illius. 

Quum ita Titus captis Hierosolymis omnia circum loca 
cadaveribus complevisset ; finitimas gentes ob victoriam 
coronare eum voluerunt. Ille vero tali honore indignum 
se esse respondit : non enim se fuisse talium operum au- 
thorem, sed Deo iracundiam contra Judasos demonstranti 
suas manus praebuisse a . Habentur tamen Titi numismata, 
trophaeo et quadriga triumphali insignita : ut et Vespa- 
siani, cum mulieris effigie mcestas sedentis sub palma, et 
inscriptione : jvdma capta s. c. ut et nummus, sub finem 
anni vigesimi primi Agrippas regis cusus ; cum Graeca 
hac inscriptione : aytokpatqp 0YEsnASiAN02. kaisap. 
toyaaias. eaaqkyias. etei. ka. Arpinn. 

4074. Titus, omnibus belli partibus administratis, mili- 
tibus praemia distribuit ; Hierosolyma? custodiam decimas 
legioni credidit : duodecimam vero, quae infeliciter sub 
Cestio pugnaverat, tota Syria expulit, et ad Euphratem 
in Armeniae et Cappadociaa confinio ablegavit. Ipse cum 

a Philostrat. in vita Apollonii, lib. 6. cap. 14. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 109 

quinta et decimaquinta legione Caesaream maritimam ve- 
nit : quo omnem praedam et manubias, captivosque coe- 
git ; quod ad Italiam navigare tempus hyemis prohi- 
beret. 

Capti sunt in cloacis Hierosolymae latitantes tyranni 
duo, Johannes et Simon : quorum ille perpetuis vinculis 
damnatus, hie triumpho servatus est. In iisdem cloacis 
inventa sunt duo millia hominum, qui vel fame contabue- 
rant, vel mutuis vulneribus occubuerant, ne se Romanis 
dederent. 

Caesareae Titus moratus, natalem fratris sui (Domitiani •, 
qui in trigesimum Decembris diem incurrit) clarissime 
celebravit : ubi numerus Judaeorum qui cum bestiis de- 
pugnarunt, quique ignibus cremati sunt, et inter se digla- 
diatores periere, viginti quinque millia excessit. 

Postea Titus Berytum in Phoenicia venit : ubi diutius 
demoratus, patris diem natalem (imperii scilicet quern Ka- 
lendis Juliis observari solitum, ex Suetonio et Tacito do- 
cuimus) majore magnificentia celebravit : ubi captivorum 
etiam multitudo eodem quo antea modo periit. 

Antiochiam deinde et alias Syriae urbes invisens Titus, 
inde per Judaeam et Hierosolymam, quinta et decima- 
quinta legione comitatus, in iEgyptum Alexandriam con- 
tendit ; atque inde Romam navigavit. Ubi omnium votis 
exceptus, una cum patre de Judaea subacta triumphavit. 

In eo triumpho ducti sunt Johannes et Simon Giora? 
seditiosorum duces, cum septingQiitis Judaeis robore et 
forma pragstantibus : ex quibus solus Simon (Barpores a 
Dione cognominatus) capitis supplicium pertulit. In eo 
quoque portabatur lex Judaeorum, novissima spoliorum: 
quag una cum penetralium velis purpureis in palatio est 
reposita. 

Ab hac victoria uterque, et pater et filius, imperatoris 
nomen obtinuit : neuter tamen Judaicus cognominatus est ; 
licet alia multa, atque imprimis arcus triumphales, eis 
decreti sint b . Extatque adhuc Romae ad radices mentis 
Palatini arcus triumphalis marmoreus, in honorem Titi 

b Xiphilin. ex Dione. 



110 ANNALES 

erectus : ex quo instrumentorum templi, in eo triumpho 
traductorum, ectypon a Villalpando habetur expressum c . 

4075. In Judseam legatus missus Lucilius Bassus, sus- 
cepto a Cereali Vitelliano exercitu, castellum Herodion 
cum prassidio deditione accepit: moxque Machaeruntem 
fortissimum castellum ultra Jordanem oppugnans, illud 
tandem cepit. 

" Ut in duodecim (al. quindecim) diebus utrumque 
sidus quasreretur, et nostro aevo accidit ; imperatoribus 
Vespasianis, patre III. (forte IV.) filio iterum consulibus: 
inquit Plinius d ; quod praedictum quidam fuisse existimant 
a Servatore nostro e . 

Caesar ad Liberium Maximum Judarae procuratorem 
scripsit, ut totam Judasorum terrain venderet. Stipendium 
vero Judaeis ubicunque degerent indixit : et didrachmum 
singulis annis deferre in capitolium jussit, ut ante haec 
Hierosolymorum templo pendere solebant. 

Anno quarto Vespasiani, Caesennius Paetus Syrias praeses 
Antiochum regem Commagenes regno expulit : qui ipse 
in Ciliciam, filius vero ad Parthos fugit. Reconciliatus 
vero uterque postea Vespasiano, regno restitutus est f . 

Alani in Mediam irrumpunt eamque longe lateque vas- 
tant, fugiente Pacoro rege. Postea transeunt in Arme- 
niam: quibus Tiridates rex occurrens, pene in ipso praelio 
captus est g . 

4076. Apud Judaeos mortuo Basso successit in adminis- 
tratione Judaeae Publius Silva. Hie inexpugnabilem arcem 
Massadam, ab Eleazaro Judae Galilaei nepote sicariorum 
duce occupatum, tandem vi expugnat Aprilis decimo quinto 
die : omnibus qui in ea erant arce sicariis, numero nonin- 
gentis et sexaginta, cum uxoribus et liberis, Eleazari 
hortatu sese mutuis vulneribus ad unum conficientibus, 
incensa prius cum omni supellectile arce, ne in Roma- 
norum potestatem venirent. Atque ita omnes belli Ju- 
daici reliquiae sublatae sunt, totaque Judaea est pacata. 
Sicariorum multi e Judaea dilapsi, et in iEgyptum pro- 

c Tom. 2. explanat. in Ezechiel. lib, 5. cap. 7. pag. 587. 

d Lib. 2. cap. 13. e Matth. cap. 24. ver. 29. 

f Joseph. e Id. 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. Hi 

fugi Alexandria™ veniunt, ubi Judaeos ad defectionem 
sollicitant. Sed plebs a primariis persuasa in sicarios 
illos irruit, sexcentos eorum capit, quos Romanis tradit 
supplicio afficiendos : reliqni per /Egyptum et Thebas 
dilapsi capiuntur etiam. Qua de re monitus Caesar, jubet 
Lupo, Alexandria? turn rectori, ut templum Judaeorum 
(quod in i^Egypto olim ab Onia, summi pontificis fratre, 
exstructum fuerat) dirueret. Sed Lupus ablatis tantum 
quibusdam donariis templum claudere contentus fuit. At 
Paulinus, ejus in administratione successor, ablatis omni- 
bus donariis, foribus occlusis ita inaccessum fecit, ut ne 
vestigium quidem religionis isthic remaneret. 

Elapsus ad Cyrenem Judaeus quidam textor, Jonathas 
nomine, tumultu ibi excitato, Judasorum duo millia in soli- 
tudines perduxit : quos Catullus (sive Catulus) Pentapo- 
litanae Libya? rector, equitibus ac peditibus missis, facile 
oppressit. Ad eum adductus Jonathas, locupletissimos 
Judaeorum authores sibi hujus consilii fuisse falso affirma- 
bat. Cujus criminationibus libenter auscultans Catullus, 
tria simul eorum millia trucidavit : idque eo securius, quod 
eorum patrimonia reditibus Cassaris adjungeret. Vinctus 
vero Jonathas cum comprehensorum aliis Romam ad Ves- 
pasianum ab eo missus est, ut probatissimos Judasorum, 
apud Alexandriam Romamque degentium, novarum rerum 
accusaret. Qui inter alios Josephum quoque, Judaicae 
scriptorem historiae, arma sibi et pecunias subministrasse 
affirmabat. Sed Vespasianus, cognito non jure hominibus 
accusationem illatam, illos quidem Titi studio criminibus 
solvit, merito vero pcenam in Jonatham statuit : prius enim 
verberatus vivus exustus est. Catullo autem tunc quidem 
ob lenitatem principum obtigit, nequid amplius castiga- 
tionis experiretur : non multo autem post, multiplici mor- 
bo et insanabili correptus, et animi terroribus (eorum quos 
peremerat umbras crebro sibi obversari existimans) tan- 
quam tormentis sibi et flammis adhibitis excruciatus, extis 
demum defluentibus, ac intestinis exhaustis, mortuus est h . 

11 Joseph, lib. 7. belli, cap. ult. et in lib. de vita sua. 



112 ANNALES 

Hie Judaici excidii historian] terminat Josephus : qui 
in hoc bello captus, et a Flavio Vespasiano imperatore 
libertate donatus, a patrono suo Flavii praenomen ac- 
cepit. 

Sexcenta millia Judaeorum eo bello interfecta, Cornelius 
et Suetonius referunt. Josephus vero Judaeus, qui ei 
tunc bello praefuit, et apud Vespasianum propter praedic- 
tum imperium veniain gratiamque meruerat, scribit unde- 
cies centena millia gladio et fame perisse : reliquias vero 
Judaeorum diversis actas conditionibus toto orbe dispersas ; 
quarum numerus ad nonaginta millia hominum fuisse nar- 
ratur. Ita Orosius 1 . Verum in Suetonio numerum ilium 
interfectorum sexcenta millia nusquam invenio. Apud 
Josephum k captivorum numerus est 97000. alter vero ille 
1100000. numerus eorum tantum est qui in ipso semestri 
obsidionis Hierosolymitanae perierunt ; unde subducto 
sexcentorum millium interfectorum numero, a Cornelio 
Tacito, et Eusebio commemorato, reliqui erant quingenta 
millia, quos pestis et fames absumpserit. At eorum qui 
extra illam obsidionem per totum septennium interierunt 
hunc ex Josepho indicem, in libro secundo de Constantia, 
capite vigesimo primo exhibuit Justus Lipsius. 



Hierosolymis primum interfecti, jussu Flori, sexcenti triginta. 
Caesareae ab incolis, odio gentis et religionis, uno tempore, viginti millia. 

Scythopoli, (Coelae-Syriae urbs est) tredecim millia. 

Ascalone in Palaestina, item ab incolis, duo millia quingenti. 

Ptolemaide pariter, duo millia. 

Alexandria in /Egypto, sub Tiberio Alexandro 

Praeside, quinquaginta millia. 

Damasci, decern millia. 

Joppe capta a Gessio Floro caesi, octo millia et quadringenti. 

In monte quodam Cabulone, duo millia. 

In pugna ad Ascalonem, decern millia. 

Per insidias iterum, octo millia. 

Aphacae, cum capta esset, quindecim millia. 

In monte Garizim caesi, undecim millia et sexcenti. 

Jotapas, in quo ipse Josephus, circiter triginta millia. 



' Lib. 7. cap. 9. 

k Lib. 7. belli, cap. 17. vel Xoy. t. ics<p. ut 



NOVI TESTAMENTI. 113 

Joppe iterum capta submersi quatuor millia ducenti. 

In Tarichaeis caesi sex millia et quingenti. 

Gamalae, tarn interfecti, quam sponte praecipitati, novem millia. 

nee quisquam homo natus ex ea urbe salvus, 

praeter duas mulieres, sorores. 

Giscala deserta, in fuga trucidati bis mille. 

Gadarensium cassi tredecim millia,. 

praeter eos qui in flumen desiliere infiniti. 

In Idumaeae vicis caesi decern millia. 

Gerasii mille. 

Machaerunte mille septingenti. 

In silva Iardes tria millia. 

In Massada castello, sua manu perempti, nongenti et sexaginta. 

In Cyrene a Catulo prasside caesi tria millia. 

Qui vita functorum numerus illis 1100000. qui in urbis 
Hierosolymitanaa obsidione desiderati sunt additus, sum- 
mara 1337490. conficit: innumeris praeterea aliis omissis, 
qui in tota regione fame, exsilio, miseriis perierunt. 

Agrippam, regum Herodiadarum ultimum, regni sui 
incrementum a Vespasiano accepisse, in Judaeorum regum 
chronico Justus Tiberiensis significat 1 . Praetoriis quoque 
honoribus auctum eum fuisse, docet Dio. Cum eo soror 
Berenice regina Romam veniens, habitavit in palatio. Ita 
enim amore ejus flagrabat Titus, ut nuptiarum etiam spem 
ei fecerit : jamque omnia, ac si uxor esset, ea gesserit. 
Sed Titus, quum intelligeret populum Romanum id mo- 
leste ferre, earn dimisit" 1 . De reliqua Herodis progenie, 
memoratu dignissima est ilia Josephi observatio": earn 
fere totam, licet admodum numerosam, intra centum 
annos interiisse. Atque iste rerum Judaicarum fuit 
exitus. 



1 Apud Photium, in bibliothec. cod. 33. 

m Sueton. in Tito, cap. 7. et Xiphilin. ex Dione. 

u Lib. 18. antiquit. cap. 7. 



VOL. XI. 



TABULA 



IN QUA 



ANNI MUNDI CUM ANNIS PERIODI JULIANvE, 

ANNIS ANTE^ERAM CHRISTIANAM, ANNIS OLYMPICIS ETANNI? 

AB URBE CONDITA COMPONUNTUR 



JUXTA 



COMrUTUM USSERJANUJVL 



Ut sequentis tabulae ratio pateat, notandum est quod Us- 
serius non ab eodem anni Solaris puncto orditur annos di- 
versos. Initium annorum mundi semper sumit ab autumno, 
die nempe vigesimo secundo Octobris : initium annorum 
periodi Julianas et annorum ante seram Christianam aKalen- 
dis Januariis : annos Olympicos semper orditur a solstitio 
aestivo circa finem Junii : et annos ab urbe condita a Pali- 
libus Varronianis seu die Aprilis vigesimo primo. 



COLLATIO ANNORUM, 



&c. &c. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 


Periodi 
Julianse. 


JEram 
Christian. 




Periodi 
Julianse. 


JEram 
Christian. 


1 


710 


4004 


25 


734 


3980 


2 


711 


4003 




26 


735 


3979 


3 


712 


4002 




27 


736 


3978 


4 


713 


4001 




28 


737 


3977 


5 


714 


4000 




29 


738 


3976 


6 


715 


3999 




30 


739 


3975 


7 


716 


3998 




31 


740 


3974 


8 


717 


3997 




32 


741 


3973 


9 


718 


3996 




33 


742 


3972 


10 


719 


3995 




34 


743 


3971 


11 


720 


3994 




35 


744 


3970 


12 


721 


3993 




36 


745 


3969 


13 


722 


3992 




37 


746 


3968 


14 


723 


3991 




38 


747 


3967 


15 


724 


3990 




39 


748 


3966 


16 


725 


3989 




40 


749 


3965 


17 


726 


3988 




41 


750 


3964 


18 


727 


3987 




42 


751 


3963 


19 


728 


3986 




43 


752 


3962 


20 


729 


3985 




44 


753 


3961 


21 


730 


3984 




45 


754 


3960 


22 


731 


3983 




46 


755 


3959 


23 


732 


3982 




47 


756 


3958 


24 


733 


39S1 




48 


. 757 


3957 



120 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


1 

Anni 


Ante 






Anni 


Ante 


Periodi 


/Eram 




Anni 


Periodi 


JErsLXti 


Julianae. 


Christian. 




Mundi. 


Julianae. 


Christian. 


49 


758 


3956 




94 


803 


3911 


50 


759 


3955 


1 


95 


804 


3910 


51 


760 


3954 




96 


805 


3909 


52 


761 j, 


3953 




97 


806 


3908 


53 


762 : 


3952 




98 


807 


3907 


54 


763 


3951 




99 


808 


3906 


55 


764 


3950 




100 


809 


3905 


56 


765 


3949 




101 


810 


3904 


57 


766 


3948 




102 


811 


3903 


58 


767 


3947 




103 


812 


3902 


59 


768 


3946 




104 


813 


3901 


60 


769 


3945 




105 


814 


3900 


61 


770 


3944 




106 


815 


3899 


62 


771 


3943 




107 


816 


3898 


63 


772 


3942 




108 


817 


3897 


64 


773 


3941 




109 


818 


3896 


65 


'774 


3940 




110 


819 


3895 


' 66 


775 


3939 




111 


S20 


3894 


67 


776 


3938 




112 


821 


3893 


68 


777 


3937 




113 


822 


3892 


69 


778 


3936 




114 


823 


3891 


70 


779 


3935 




, 115 


824 


3890 


71 


780 


3934 




116 


825 


3889 


72 


781 


3933 




117 


826 


3888 


73 


782 


3932 




118 


.827 


3887 


74 


783 


3931 




119 


828 


3886 


75 


784 


3930 




120 


829 


3885 


76 


785 


3929 




121 


830 


3884 


77 


786 


3928 




122 


831 


3883 


78 


787 


3927 




123 


832 


3882 


79 


788 


3926 




124 


833 


3881 


80 


789 


3925 




125 


834 


3880 


81 


790 


3924 




126 


835 


3879 


82 


791 


3923 




127 


836 


3378 


83 


792 


3922 




128 


837 


3877 


84 


793 


3921 




129 


838 


3876 


85 


794 


3920 




130 


839 


3875 


86 


795 


3919 




131 


840 


3874 


87 


796 


3918 




132 


841 


3873 


88 


797 


3917 




133 


842 


3872 


89 


798 


3916 




134 


843 


3871 


90 


799 


3915 




135 


844 


3870 


91 


800 


3914 




136 


845 


3869 


92 


801 


3913 




137 


846 


3868 


93 1 


802 1 


3912 1 




138 1 


847 


3867 



COLLATIO ANNORUM, 



121 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 


Periodi 
Julianae. 


jEram 
Christian. 




Periodi 
Julianae. 


jEram 
Christian. 


139 


848 


3866 




184 


893 


3821 


140 


849 


3865 




185 


894 


3S20 


141 


850 


3864 




186 


895 


3819 


142 


851 


3863 




187 


896 


3818 


143 


852 


3862 




188 


897 


3817 


144 


853 


3861 




189 


898 


3816 


145 


854 


3860 




190 


899 


3815 


146 


855 


3859 




191 


900 


3814 


147 


856 


3858 




192 


901 


3813 


148 


857 


3857 




193 


902 


3812 


149 


858 


3856 




194 


903 


3811 


150 


859 


3855 




195 


904 


3S10 


151 


860 


3854 




196 


905 


3809 


152 


861 


3853 




197 


906 


3808 


153 


862 


3852 




198 


907 


3807 


154 


863 


3851 




199 


908 


3806 


155 


864 


3850 




200 


909 


3805 


156 


865 


3849 




201 


910 


3804 


157 


866 


3848 




202 


911 


3803 


158 


867 


3847 




203 


912 


3S02 


159 


868 


3846 




204 


913 


3801 


160 


869 


3845 




205 


914 


3800 


161 


870 


3844 




206 


915 


3799 


162 


871 


3843 




207 


916 


3798 


163 


872 


3842 




208 


917 


3797 


164 


873 


3841 




209 


918 


3796 


165 


874 


3840 




210 


919 


3795 


166 


875 


3839 




211 


920 


3794 


167 


876 


3838 




212 


921 


3793 


168 


877 


3837 




213 


922 


3792 


169 


878 


3836 




214 


923 


3791 


170 


879 


3835 




215 


924 


3790 


171 


880 


3834 




216 


925 


3789 


172 


881 


3833 




217 


926 


3788 


173 


882 


3832 




218 


927 


3787 


174 


883 


3831 




219 


928 


3786 


175 


884 


3830 




220 


929 


3785 


176 


885 


3829 




221 


930 


3783 


177 


886 


3828 




222 


931 


3784 


178 


887 


3827 




223 


932 


3782 


179 


888 


3826 




224 


933 


3781 


180 


889 


3825 




225 


934 


3780 


1S1 


890 


3824 




226 


935 


3779 


182 


891 


3823 




227 


936 


3778 


183 


892 


3822 




228 


937 


3777 


VOL. 


XI. 








K 





122 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni Ante 
Periodi iEram 
Julians. Christian. 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni Ante 
Periodi ./Eram 
Julianse. Christian. 


229 


938 


3776 




274 


983 


3731 


230 


939 


3775 




275 


984 


3730 


231 


940 


3774 




276 


985 


3729 


232 


911 


3773 




277 


986 


3728 


233 


942 


3772 




278 


987 


3727 


234 


943 


3771 




279 


988 


3726 


235 


944 


3770 




280 


989 


3725 


236 


945 


3769 




281 


990 


3724 


237 


946 


3768 




282 


991 


3723 


238 


947 


3767 




283 


992 


3722 


239 


948 


3766 




284 


993 


3721 


240 


949 


3765 




285 


994 


3720 


241 


950 


3764 




286 


995 


3719 


242 


951 


3763 




287 


996 


3718 


243 


952 


3762 




288 


997 


3717 


244 


953 


3761 




289 


998 


3716 


245 


954 


3760 




290 


999 


3715 


246 


955 


3759 




291 


1000 


3714 


247 


956 


3758 




292 


1001 


3713 


248 


957 


3757 




293 


1002 


3712 


249 


958 


3756 




294 


1003 


3711 


250 


959 


3755 




295 


1004 


3710 


251 


960 


3754 




296 


1005 


3709 


252 


961 


3753 




297 


1006 


3708 


253 


962 


3752 




298 


1007 


3707 


254 


963 


3751 




299 


1008 


3706 


255 


964 


3750 




300 


1009 


3705 


256 


965 


3749 




301 


1010 


3704 


257 


966 


3748 




302 


1011 


3703 


258 


967 


3747 




303 


1012 


3702 


259 


968 


3746 




304 


1013 


3701 


260 


969 


3745 




305 


1014 


3700 


261 


970 


3744 




306 


1015 


3699 


262 


971 


3743 




307 


1016 


3698 


263 


972 


3742 




308 


1017 


3697 


264 


973 


3741 




309 


1018 


3696 


265 


974 


3740 




310 


1019 


3695 


266 


975 


3739 




311 


1020 


3694 


267 


976 


3738 




312 


1021 


3693 


26S 


977 


3737 




313. 


1022 


3692 


269 


978 


3736 




314 


1023 


3691 


270 


979 


3735 




315 


1024 


3690 


271 


9S0 


3734 




316 


1025 


3689 


272 


981 


3733 




317 


1026 


3688 


273 


982 


3732 




318 


1027 


3687 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



123 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 


Periodi 


JEram 




Periodi 


JEram 


Julianas. 


Christian. 




Juiianae. 


Christian. 


319 


1028 


3686 




364 


1073 


3641 


320 


1029 


3685 




365 


1074 


3640 


321 


1030 


3684 




366 


1075 


3639 


322 


1031 


3683 




367 


1076 


3638 


323 


1032 


3682 




368 


1077 


3637 


324 


1033 


3681 




369 


1078 


3636 


325 


1034 


3680 




370 


1079 


3635 


326 


1035 


3679 




371 


1080 


3634 


327 


1036 


3678 




372 


1081 


3633 


328 


1037 


3677 




373 


1082 


3632 


329 


1038 


3676 




374 


1083 


3631 


330 


1039 


3675 




375 


1084 


3630 


331 


1040 


3674 




376 


1085 


3629 


332 


1041 


3673 




377 


10S6 


3C28 


333 


1042 


3672 




378 


1087 


3627 


334 


1043 


3671 




379 


10SS 


3626 


335 


1044 


3670 




380 


1089 


3625 


336 


1045 


3669 




381 


1090 


36^4 


337 


1046 


3668 




382 


1091 


3623 


338 


1047 


3667 




383 


1092 


3622 


339 


1048 


3666 




384 


1093 


3621 


340 


1049 


3665 




385 


1094 


3620 


341 


1050 


3664 




386 


1095 


3619 


342 


1051 


3663 




387 


1096 


3618 


343 


1052 


3662 




388 


1097 


3617 


344 


1053 


3661 




389 


109S 


3616 


345 


1054 


3660 




390 


1099 


3615 


346 


1055 


3659 




391 


1100 


3611 


347 


1056 


3658 




392 


1101 


3613 


348 


1057 


3657 




393 


1102 


3612 


349 


1058 


3656 




394 


1103 


3611 


350 


1059 


3655 




395 


1104 


3610 


351 


1060 


3654 




396 


1105 


3609 


352 


1061 


3653 




397 


1106 


3608 


353 


1062 


3652 




398 


1107 


3607 


354 


1063 


3651 




399 


1108 


3606 


355 


1064 


3650 




400 


1109 


3605 


356 


1065 


3649 




401 


1110 


3604 


357 


1066 


3648 




402 


1111 


3603 


358 


1067 


3647 




403 


1112 


3602 


359 


1068 


3646 




404 


1113 


3601 


360 


1069 


3645 




405 


1114 


3600 


361 


1070 


3644 




406 


1115 


3599 


362 


1071 


3643 




407 


1116 


3598 


363 


1072 


3642 




408 


1117 


3597 



124 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianee. 


Ante 

iEram 

Christian. 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianas. 


Ante 

iEram 

Christian. 


409 


1118 


3596 


454 


1163 


3551 


410 


1119 


3595 




455 


1164 


3550 


411 


1120 


3594 




456 


1165 


3549 


412 


1121 


3593 




457 


1166 


3548 


413 


1122 


3592 




458 


11C7 


3547 


414 


1123 


3591 




459 


1168 


3546 


415 


1124 


3590 




460 


1169 


3545 


416 


1125 


3589 




461 


1170 


3544 


417 


1126 


3588 




462 


1171 


3543 


418 


1127 


3587 




463 


1172 


3542 


419 


1128 


3586 




464 


1173 


3541 


420 


1129 


3585 




465 


1174 


3540 


421 


1130 


3584 




466 


1175 


3539 


422 


1131 


3583 




467 


1176 


3538 


423 


1132 


3582 




468 


1177 


3537 


424 


1133 


3581 




469 


1178 


3536 


425 


1134 


3580 




470 


1179 


3535 


426 


1135 


3579 




471 


1180 


3534 


427 


1136 


3578 




472 


1181 


3533 


428 


1137 


3577 




473 


1182 


3532 


429 


1138 


3576 




474 


1183 


3531 


430 


1139 


3575 




475 


1184 


3530 


431 


1140 


3574 




476 


1185 


3529 


432 


1141 


3573 




477 


1186 


3528 


433 


1142 


3572 




478 


1187 


3527 


434 


1143 


3571 




479 


1188 


3526 


435 


1144 


3570 




480 


1189 


3525 


436 


1145 


3569 




481 


1190 


3524 


437 


1146 


3568 




482 


1191 


3523 


43S 


1147 


3567 




483 


1192 


3522 


439 


1148 


3566 




484 


1193 


3521 


440 


1149 


3565 




485 


1194 


3520 


441 


1150 


3564 




486 


1195 


3519 


442 


1151 


3563 




487 


1196 


3518 


443 


1152 


3562 




488 


1197 


3517 


444 


1153 


3561 




489 


1198 


3516 


445 


1154 


3560 




490 


1199 


3515 


446 


1155 


3559 




491 


1200 


3514 


447 


1156 


3558 




492 


1201 


3513 


448 


1157 


3557 




493 


1202 


3512 


449 


1158 


3556 




494 


1203 


3511 


450 


1159 


3555 




495 


1204 


3510 


451 


1160 


3554 




496 


1205 


3509 


452 


1161 


3553 




497 


1206 


3508 


453 


1162 


3552 




49S 


1207 


3507 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



125 





Anni 


Ante 






Anni 


Ante 


Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 


jEram 




Anni 


Periodi 


JEram 


Julianae. 


Christian. 




Mundi. 


Julianae. 


Christian. 


499 


1208 


3506 


544 


1253 


3461 


500 


1209 


3505 




545 


1254 


3460 


501 


1210 


3504 




546 


1255 


3459 


502 


1211 


3503 




547 


1256 


3458 


503 


1212 


3502 




548 


1257 


3457 


504 


1213 


3501 




549 


1258 


3456 


505 


1214 


3500 




550 


1259 


3455 


506 


1215 


3499 




551 


1260 


3454 


507 


1216 


3498 




552 


1261 


3453 


508 


1217 


3497 




553 


1262 


3452 


509 


1218 


3496 




554 


1263 


3451 


510 


1219 


3495 




555 


1264 


3450 


511 


1220 


3494 




556 


1265 


3449 


512 


1221 


3493 




557 


1266 


3448 


513 


1222 


3492 




558 


1267 


3447 


514 


1223 


3491 




559 


1268 


3446 


515 


1224 


3490 




560 


1269 


3445 


516 


1225 


3489 




561 


1270 


3444 


517 


1226 


3488 




562 


1271 


3443 


518 


1227 


3487 




563 


1272 


3442 


519 


1228 


3486 




564 


1273 


3441 


520 


1229 


3485 




565 


1274 


3440 


521 


1230 


3484 




566 


1375 


3439 


522 


1231 


3483 




567 


1276 


3438 


523 


1232 


3482 




568 


1277 


3437 


524 


1233 


3481 




569 


1278 


3436 


525 


1234 


3480 




570 


1279 


3435 


526 


1235 


3479 




571 


1280 


3434 


527 


1236 


3478 




572 


1281 


3433 


528 


1237 


3477 




573 


1282 


3432 


529 


1238 


3476 




574 


1283 


3431 


530 


1239 


3475 




575 


1284 


3430 


531 


1240 


3474 




576 


1285 


3429 


532 


1241 


3473 




577 


1286 


3428 


533 


1242 


3472 




578 


1287 


3427 


534 


1243 


3471 




579 


1288 


3426 


535 


1244 


3470 




580 


1289 


3425 


536 


1245 


3469 




581 


1290 


3424 


537 


1246 


3468 




582 


1291 


3423 


538 


1247 


3467 




583 


1292 


3422 


539 


1248 


3466 




584 


1293 


3421 


540 


1249 


34C5 




585 


1294 


3420 


541 


1250 


3464 




586 


1295 


3419 


542 


1251 


3463 




587 


1296 


3418 


1 543 


1252 


3462 




5S8 


1297 


3417 



126 



COLLATIO ANNORILM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 


Periodi 


./Eram 




Periodi 


Mra.m 


Julianae. 


Christian. 




Julianae. 


Christian. 


589 


1298 


3416 




634 


1343 


3371 


590 


1299 


3415 




635 


1344 


3370 


591 


1300 


3414 




636 


1345 


3369 


592 


1301 


3413 




637 


1346 


3368 


593 


1302 


3412 




638 


1347 


3367 


594 


1303 


3411 




639 


1348 


3366 


595 


1304 


3410 




640 


1349 


3365 


596 


1305 


3409 




641 


1350 


3364 


597 


1306 


3408 




642 


1351 


3363 


598 


1307 


3407 




643 


1352 


3362 


599 


1308 


3406 




644 


1353 


3361 


600 


1309 


3405 




645 


1354 


3360 


601 


1310 


3404 




646 


1355 


3359 


602 


1311 


3403 




647 


1356 


3358 


603 


1312 


3402 




648 


1357 


3357 


604 


1313 


3401 




649 


1358 


3356 


605 


1314 


3400 




650 


1359 


3355 


606 


1315 


3399 




651 


1360 


3354 


607 


1316 


3398 




652 


1361 


3353 


608 


1317 


3397 




653 


1362 


3352 


609 


1318 


3396 




654 


1363 


3351 


610 


1319 


3395 




655 


1364 


3350 


611 


1320 


3394 




656 


1365 


3349 


612 


1321 


3393 




657 


1366 


3348 


613 


1322 


3392 




658 


1367 


3347 


614 


1323 


3391 




659 


1368 


3346 


615 


1324 


3390 




660 


1369 


3345 


616 


1325 


3389 




661 


1370 


3344 


617 


1326 


3388 




662 


1371 


3343 


618 


1327 


3387 




663 


1372 


3342 


619 


1328 


3386 




664 


1373 


3341 


620 


1329 


3385 




665 


1374 


3340 


621 


1330 


3384 




666 


1375 


3339 


622 


1331 


3383 




667 


1376 


3338 


623 


1332 


3382 




668 


1377 


3337 


624 


1333 


3381 




669 


1378 


3336 


625 


1334 


3380 




670 


1379 


3335 


626 


1335 


3379 




671 


1380 


3334 


627 


1336 


3378 




672 


1381 


3333 


628 


1337 


3377 




673 


1382 


3332 


629 


1338 


3376 




674 


1383 


3331 


630 


1339 


3375 




675 


1384 


3330 


631 


1340 


3374 




676 


1385 


3329 


632 


1341 


3373 




677 


1386 


332S 


633 


1342 


3372 




678 


13S7 


3327 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



m 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julians. C 


Ante 
jErani 
hristian. 


679 


1388 


3326 


680 


1389 


3325 


681 


1390 


3324 


682 


1391 


3323 


683 


1392 


3322 


684 


1393 


3321 


685 


1394 


3320 


686 


1395 


3319 


687 


1390 


3318 


688 


1397 


3317 


689 


1398 


3316 


690 


1399 


3315 


691 


1400 


3314 


692 


1401 


3313 


693 


1402 


3312 


694 


1403 


3311 


695 


1404 


3310 


696 


1405 


3309 


697 


1406 


3308 


698 


1407 


3307 


699 


1408 


3306 


700 


1409 


3305 


701 


1410 


3304 


702 


1411 


3303 


703 


1412 


3302 


704 


1413 


3301 


705 


1414 


3300 


706 


1415 


3299 


707 


1416 


3298 


708 


1417 


3297 


709 


1418 


3296 


710 


1419 


3295 


711 


1420 


3294 


712 


1421 


3293 


713 


1422 


3292 


714 


1423 


3291 


715 


1424 


3290 


716 


1425 


3289 


717 


1426 


3288 


718 


1427 


3287 


719 


1428 


3286 


720 


1429 


3285 


721 


1430 


3284 


722 


1431 


3283 


723 


1432 


3282 



Anni 
Mundi 



724 

725 

726 

727 

728 

729 

730 

731 

732 

733 

734 

735 

736 

737 

738 

739 

740 

741 

742 

743 

744 

745 

746 

747 

748 

749 

750 

751 

752 

753 

754 

755 

756 

757 

758 

759 

760 

761 

762 

763 

764 

765 

766 

767 

768 



Anni 
Periodi 
Julianas. 



Ante 

jEram 

Christian 



1433 

1434 

1435 

1436 

1437 

1438 

1439 

1440 

1441 

1442 

1443 

1444 

1445 

1446 

1447 

1448 

1449 

1450 

1451 

1452 

1453 

1454 

1455 

1456 

1457 

1458 

1459 

1460 

1461 

1462 

1463 

1464 

1465 

1466 

1467 

1468 

1469 

1470 

1471 

1472 

1473 

1474 

1475 

1476 

1477 



3281 

3480 

3279 

3278 

3277 

3276 

3275 

3274 

3273 

3272 

3271 

3270 

3269 

3268 

3267 

3266 

3265 

3264 

3263 

3262 

3261 

3260 

3259 

3258 

3257 

3256 

3255 

3254 

3253 

3252 

3251 

3250 

3249 

3248 

3247 

3246 

3245 

3244 

3243 

3242 

3241 

3240 

3239 

3238 

3237 



128 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
JEram 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
jEram 


Juliana. 


Christian. 




Julianae. 


Christian. 


769 


1478 


3236 


814 


1523 


3191 


770 


1479 


3235 




815 


1524 


3190 


771 


14S0 


3234 




816 


1525 


3189 


772 


1481 


3233 




817 


1526 


3188 


773 


1482 


3232 




818 


1527 


3187 


774 


1483 


3231 




819 


1528 


3186 


775 


1484 


3230 




820 


1529 


3185 


776 


1485 


3229 




821 


1530 


3184 


777 


1486 


3228 




822 


1531 


3183 


778 


1487 


3227 




823 


1532 


3182 


779 


1488 


3226 




824 


1533 


3181 


780 


1489 


3225 




825 


1534 


3180 


781 


1490 


3224 




826 


1535 


3179 


782 


1491 


3223 




827 


1536 


3178 


783 


1492 


3222 




828 


1537 


3177 


784 


1493 


3221 




829 


1538 


3176 


785 


1494 


3220 




830 


1539 


3175 


786 


1495 


3219 




831 


1540 


3174 


787 


1496 


3218 




832 


1541 


3173 


788 


1497 


3217 




833 


1542 


3172 


789 


1498 


3216 




834 


1543 


3171 


790 


1499 


3215 




835 


1544 


3170 


791 


1500 


3214 




836 


1545 


3169 


792 


1501 


3213 




837 


1546 


3168 


793 


1502 


3212 




838 


1547 


3167 


794 


1503 


3211 




839 


1548 


3166 


795 


1504 


3210 




840 


1549 


3165 


796 


1505 


3209 




841 


1550 


3164 


797 


1506 


3208 




842 


1551 


3163 


798 


1507 


3207 




843 


1552 


3162 


799 


1508 


3206 




844 


1553 


3161 


800 


1509 


3205 




845 


1554 


3160 


801 


1510 


3204 




846 


1555 


2159 


802 


1511 


3203 




847 


1556 


3158 


803 


1512 


3202 




848 


1557 


3157 


804 


1513 


3201 




849 


1558 


3156 


805 


1514 


3200 




850 


1559 


3155 


806 


1515 


3199 




851 


1560 


3154 


807 


1516 


3198 




852 


1561 


3153 


808 


1517 


3197 




853 


1562 


3152 


809 


1518 


3196 




854 


1563 


3151 


810 


1519 


3195 




855 


1564 


3150 


811 


1520 


3194 




856 


1565 


3149 


812 


1521 


3193 




857 


1566 


3148 


813 


1522 


3192 




858 


1567 


3147 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



129 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
^Eram 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
vErani 


Julianae. 


Christi. 




Julianae 


Christi. 


859 


1568 


3144 


904 


1613 


3101 


860 


1569 


3145 




905 


1614 


3100 


S(jl 


1570 


3144 




906 


1615 


3099 


862 


1571 


3143 




907 


1616 


3098 


863 


1572 


3142 




908 


1617 


3097 


864 


1573 


3141 




909 


1618 


3090 


865 


1574 


3140 




910 


1619 


3095 


866 


1575 


3139 




911 


1620 


3094 


867 


1576 


3138 




912 


1621 


3093 


868 


1577 


3137 




913 


1622 


3092 


869 


1578 


3136 




914 


1623 


3091 


870 


1579 


3135 




915 


1624 


3090 


871 


1580 


3134 




916 


1625 


3089 


872 


1581 


3133 




917 


1626 


3088 


873 


1582 


3132 




918 


1627 


3087 


874 


1583 


3131 




919 


1628 


3086 


875 


1584 


3130 




920 


1629 


3085 


876 


1585 


3129 




921 


1630 


3084 


877 


1586 


3128 




922 


1631 


3083 


878 


1587 


3127 




923 


1632 


3082 


879 


1588 


3126 




924 


1633 


3081 


880 


15S9 


3125 




925 


1634 


3080 


881 


1590 


3124 




926 


1635 


3079 


882 
883 
884 


1591 
1592 
1593 


3123 
3122 
3121 




927 
928 
929 


1636 
1637 
1638 


3078 
3077 
3076 


885 


1594 


3120 




930 


1639 


3075 


886 


1595 


3119 




931 


1640 


3074 


887 


1596 


311S 




932 


1641 


3073 


888 


1597 


3117 




933 


1642 


3072 


889 


1598 


3116 




934 


1643 


3071 


890 


1599 


3115 




935 


1644 


3070 


891 


1600 


3114 




936 


1645 


3069 


892 


1601 


3113 




937 


1646 


3068 


893 


1602 


3112 




938 


1647 


3067 


894 


1603 


3111 




939 


164S 


3066 


895 


1604 


3110 




940 


1649 


3065 


896 


1605 


3109 




941 


1650 


3064 


897 


1606 


3108 




942 


1651 


3063 


898 


1607 


3107 




943 


1652 


3062 


899 


1608 


3106 




944 


1653 


3061 


900 


1609 


3105 




945 


J654 


3060 


901 


1610 


3104 




946 


1655 


3059 


902 


1611 


3103 




947 


1656 


3058 


903 


1612 


3102 


1 


948 


1657 


3057 



VOL. XI. 



130 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 




Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 



949 

950 

951 

952 

953 

954 

955 

956 

957 

958 

959 

960 

961 

962 

963 

964 

965 

966 

967 

968 

969 

970 

971 

972 

973 

974 

975 

976 

977 

978 

979 

980 

981 

982 

983 

984 

985 

986 

987 

988 

989 

990 

991 

992 

993 



165S 
1659 
1660 
1661 
1662 
1663 
1664 
1665 
1666 
1667 
1668 
1669 
1670 
1671 
1672 
1673 
1674 
1675 
1676 
1677 
1678 
1679 
1680 
1681 
1682 
1683 
1684 
1685 
1686 
1687 
1688 
1689 
1690 
1691 
1692 
1693 
1694 
1695 
1696 
1697 
1698 
1699 
1700 
1701 
1702 




3056 

3055 

3054 

3053 

3052 

3051 

3050 

3049 

3048 

3047 

S046 

3045 

3044 

3043 

3042 

3041 

3040 

3039 

3038 

3037 

3036 

3035 

3034 

3033 

3032 

3031 

3030 

3029 

3028 

3027 

3026 

3025 

3024 

3023 

3022 

3021 

3020 

3019 

3018 

3017 

3016 

3015 

3014 

3013 

3012 





Anni 


Ante 


Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Julianse. 


Christi. 


994 


1703 


3011 


995 


1704 


3010 


996 


1705 


3009 


997 


1706 


3008 


998 


1707 


3007 


999 


1708 


3006 


1000 


1709 


3005 


1001 


1710 


3004 


1002 


1711 


3003 


1003 


1712 


3002 


1004 


1713 


3001 


1005 


1714 


3000 


1006 


1715 


2999 


1007 


1716 


2998 


1008 


1717 


2997 


1009 


1718 


2996 


1010 


1719 


2995 


1011 


1720 


2994 


1012 


1721 


2993 


1013 


1722 


2992 


1014 


1723 


2991 


1015 


1724 


2990 


1016 


1725 


2989 


1017 


1726 


2988 


1018 


1727 


2987 


1019 


1728 


2986 


1020 


1729 


2985 


1021 


1730 


2984 


1022 


1731 


2983 


1023 


1732 


2982 


1024 


1733 


2981 


1025 


1734 


2980 


1026 


1735 


2979 


1027 


1736 


297S 


1028 


1737 


2977 


1029 


1738 


2976 


1030 


1739 


2975 


1031 


1740 


2974 


1032 


1741 


2973 


1033 


1742 


2972 


1034 


1743 


2971 


1035 


1744 


2970 


1036 


1745 


2969 


1037 


1746 


2968 


103S 


1747 


2967 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



131 



Anni 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
TEram 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
iEram 


Mundi. 


Julianae. 


Christi. 




Julianas. 


Christi. 


1089 


1748 


2966 


1084 


1793 


2921 


1040 


1749 


2965 




1085 


1794 


2920 


1041 


1750 


2964 




1086 


1795 


2919 


1042 


1751 


2963 




1087 


1796 


2918 


1043 


1752 


2962 




1088 


1797 


2917 


1044 


1753 


2961 




1089 


1798 


2916 


1045 


1754 


2960 




1090 


1799 


2915 


1046 


1755 


2959 




1091 


1800 


2914 


1047 


1756 


2958 




1092 


1801 


2913 


1048 


1757 


2957 




1093 


1802 


2912 


1049 


1758 


2956 




1094 


1803 


2911 


1050 


1759 


2955 




1095 


1804 


2910 


1051 


1760 


2954 




1096 


1805 


2909 


1052 


1761 


2953 




1097 


1806 


2908 


1053 


1762 


2952 




1098 


1807 


2907 


1054 


1763 


2951 




1099 


180S 


2906 


1055 


1764 


2950 




1100 


1809 


2905 


1056 


1765 


2949 




1101 


1810 


2901 


1057 


1766 


2948 




1102 


1811 


2903 


1058 


1767 


2947 




1103 


1812 


2902 


1059 


176S 


2946 




1104 


1S13 


2901 


1060 


1769 


2945 




1105 


1814 


2900 


1061 


1770 


2944 




1106 


1S15 


2899 


1062 


1771 


2943 




1107 


1816 


2898 


1063 


1772 


2942 




1108 


1817 


2897 


1064 


1773 


2941 




1109 


1818 


2896 


1065 


1774 


2940 




1110 


1819 


2S95 


1066 


1775 


2939 




1111 


1820 


2S94 


1067 


1776 


2938 




1112 


1821 


2893 


1068 


1777 


2937 




1113 


1822 


2892 


1069 


1778 


2936 




1114 


1823 


2891 


1070 


1779 


2935 




1115 


1824 


2890 


1071 


1780 


2934 




1116 


1825 


2889 


1072 


1781 


2933 




1117 


1826 


2888 


1073 


1782 


2932 




1118 


1827 


2887 


1074 


1783 


2931 




1119 


1828 


2886 


1075 


1784 


2930 




1120 


1829 


2885 


1076 


1785 


2929 




1121 


1830 


2884 


1077 


1786 


2928 




1122 


1831 


2S83 


1078 


1787 


2927 




1123 


1832 


2882 


1079 


1788 


2926 




1124 


1833 


2881 


1080 


1789 


2925 




1125 


1834 


2880 


1081 


1790 


2924 




1126 


1835 


2879 


1082 


1791 


2923 




1127 


1836 


2878 


) 1083 


1792 


2922 




1128 


1837 


2877 



132 



COLLATIO ANNORUM 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 


Ante 
/Eram 
Christi. 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 


Ante 
jEram 
Christi. 


1129 


1838 


2876 




1174 


1883 


2831 


1130 


1839 


2875 




1175 


1884 


2830 


1131 


1840 


2874 




1176 


1885 


2829 


1132 


1841 


2873 




1177 


1886 


2S28 


1133 


1842 


2872 




1178 


1887 


2827 


1134 


1843 


2871 




1179 


18S8 


2826 


1135 


1844 


2870 




1180 


1889 


2825 


1136 


1845 


2869 




1181 


1890 


2824 


1137 


1846 


2868 




1182 


1891 


2823 


1138 


1847 


2867 




1183 


1892 


2822 


1139 


1848 


2866 




1184 


1893 


2821 


1140 


1849 


2865 




1185 


1894 


2820 


1141 


1850 


2864 




1186 


1895 


2819 


1142 


1851 


2863 




1187 


1896 


2818 


1143 


1852 


2862 




1188 


1897 


2817 


1144 


1853 


2861 




1189 


1898 


2816 


1145 


1854 


2860 




1190 


1899 


2815 


1146 


1855 


2859 




1191 


1900 


2814 


1147 


1S56 


2858 




1192 


1901 


2813 


1148 


1S57 


2857 




1193 


1902 


2812 


1149 


1858 


2856 




1194 


1903 


2811 


1150 


1859 


2855 




1195 


1904 


2810 


1151 


1860 


2854 




1196 


1905 


2809 


1152 


1861 


2S53 




1197 


1906 


2808 


1153 


1862 


2852 




1198 


1907 


2807 


1154 


1863 


2851 




1199 


1908 


2806 


1155 


1864 


2850 




1200 


1909 


2805 


1156 


1865 


2S49 




1201 


1910 


2804 


1157 


1866 


2848 




1202 


1911 


2803 


1158 


1S67 


2847 




1203 


1912 


2802 


1159 


1868 


2846 




1204 


1913 


2801 


1160 


1869 


2S45 




1205 


1914 


2800 


1161 


1870 


2844 




1206 


1915 


2799 


1162 


1871 


2843 




1207 


1916 


2798 


1163 


1872 


2842 




1208 


1917 


2797 


1164 


1873 


2841 




1209 


1918 


2796 


1165 


1874 


2840 




1210 


1919 


2795 


1166 


1S75 


2839 




1211 


1920 


2794 


1167 


1876 


2838 




1212 


1921 


2793 


1168 


1877 


2837 




1213 


1922 


2792 


1169 


1878 


2836 




1214 


1923 


2791 


1170 


IS79 


2835 




1215 


1924 


2790 


1171 


1880 


2834 




1216 


1925 


2789 


1172 


1881 


2S33 




1217 


1926 


278S 


1173 


1882 


2832 




1218 


1927 


27S7 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



133 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 


Ante 
.(Eram 
Christi. 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 


Ante 
^ram 
Christi. 


1219 


1928 


2786 




1264 


1973 


2741 


1220 


1929 


2785 




1265 


1974 


2740 


1221 


1930 


2784 




1266 


1975 


2739 


1222 


1931 


2783 




1267 


1976 


2738 


1223 


1932 


2782 




1268 


1977 


2737 


1224 


1933 


2781 




1269 


1978 


2736 


1225 


1934 


2780 




1270 


1979 


2735 


1226 


1935 


2779 




1271 


1980 


2734 


1227 


1936 


2778 




1272 


1981 


2733 


1228 


1937 


2777 




1273 


1982 


2732 


1229 


1938 


2776 




1274 


1983 


2731 


1230 


1939 


2775 




1275 


1984 


2730 


1231 


1940 


2774 




1276 


1985 


2729 


1232 


1941 


2773 




1277 


1986 


2728 


1233 


1942 


2772 




1278 


1987 


2727 


1234 


1943 


2771 




1279 


19S8 


2726 


1235 


1944 


2770 




1280 


1989 


2725 


1236 


1945 


2769 




1281 


1990 


2724 


1237 


1946 


2768 




1282 


1991 


2723 


1238 


1947 


2767 




1283 


1992 


2722 


1239 


1948 


2766 




1284 


1993 


2721 


1240 


1949 


2765 




1285 


1994 


2720 


1241 


1950 


2764 




1286 


1995 


2719 


1242 


1951 


2763 




1287 


1996 


271S 


1243 


1952 


2762 




1288 


1997 


2717 


1244 


1953 


2761 




1289 


1998 


2716 


1245 


1954 


2760 




1290 


1999 


2715 


1246 


1955 


2759 




1291 


2000 


2714 


1247 


1956 


2758 




1292 


2001 


2713 


1248 


1957 


2757 




1293 


2002 


2712 


1249 


1958 


2756 




1294 


2003 


2711 


1250 


1959 


2755 




1295 


2004 


2710 


1251 


1960 


2754 




1296 


2005 


2709 


1252 


1961 


2753 




1297 


2006 


270S 


1253 


1962 


2752 




1298 


2007 


2707 


1254 


1963 


2751 




1299 


2008 


2706 


1255 


1964 


2750 




1300 


2009 


2705 


1256 


1965 


2749 




1301 


2010 


2704 


1257 


1966 


2748 




1302 


2011 


2703 


1258 


1967 


2747 




1303 


2012 


2702 


1259 


1968 


2746 




1304 


2013 


2701 


1260 


1969 


2745 




1305 


2014 


2700 


1261 


1970 


2744 




1306 


2015 


2699 


1262 


1971 


2743 




1307 


2016 


2698 


1263 


1972 


2742 




130S 


2017 


1 2697 



131 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
iEram 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
vEram 


Julianas. 


Christi. 




Julianse. 


Christi. 


1309 


2018 


2696 




1354 


2063 


2651 


1310 


2019 


2695 




1355 


2064 


2650 


1311 


2020 


2694 




1356 


2065 


2649 


1312 


2021 


2693 




1357 


2066 


2648 


1313 


2022 


2692 




1358 


2067 


2647 


1314 


2023 


2691 




1359 


2068 


2646 


1315 


2024 


2690 




1360 


2069 


2645 


1316 


2025 


2689 




1361 


2070 


2644 


1317 


2026 


268S 




1362 


2071 


2643 


1318 


2027 


26S7 




1363 


2072 


2642 


1319 


2028 


2686 




1364 


2073 


2641 


1320 


2029 


2685 




1365 


2074 


2640 


1321 


2030 


2684 




1366 


2075 


2639 


1322 


2031 


2683 




1367 


2076 


2638 


1323 


2032 


2682 




1368 


2077 


2637 


1324 


2033 


2681 




1369 


2078 


2636 


1325 


2034 


26S0 




1370 


2079 


2635 


1326 


2035 


2679 




1371 


2080 


2634 


1327 


2030 


2678 




1372 


2081 


2633 


1328 


2037 


2677 




1373 


2082 


2632 


1329 


2038 


2676 




1374 


2083 


2631 


1330 


2039 


2675 




1375 


2084 


2630 


1331 


2040 


2674 




1376 


2085 


2629 


1332 


2041 


2673 




1377 


2086 


2628 


1333 


2042 


2672 




1378 


2087 


2627 


1334 


2043 


2671 




1379 


2088 


2626 


1335 


2044 


2670 




1380 


2089 


2625 


1336 


2045 


2669 




1381 


2090 


2624 


1337 


2046 


2668 




1382 


2091 


2623 


1338 


2047 


2667 




13S3 


2092 


2622 


1339 


204S 


2666 




1384 


2093 


2621 


1340 


2049 


2665 




1385 


2094 


2620 


1341 


2050 


2664 




1386 


2095 


2619 


1342 


2051 


2663 




1387 


2096 


2618 


1343 


2052 


2662 




138S 


2097 


2617 


1344 


2053 


2661 




1389 


209S 


2616 


1345 


2054 


2660 




1390 


2099 


2615 


1346 


2055 


2659 




1391 


2100 


2614 


1347 


2056 


2658 




1392 


2101 


2613 


134S 


2057 


2657 




1393 


2102 


2612 


1349 


2058 


2656 




1394 


2103 


2611 


1350 


2059 


2655 




1395 


2104 


2610 


1351 


2060 


2654 




1396 


2105 


2609 


1352 


2061 


2653 




1397 


2106 


2608 


1353 


2062 


2652 




1398 


2107 


2607 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



135 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianas. 


Ante 
JEram 
Christi. 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 


Ante 
jEram 
Christi. 


1399 


2108 


2606 


1444 


2153 


2561 


1400 


2109 


2605 




1445 


2154 


2560 


1401 


2110 


2604 




1446 


2155 


2559 


1402 


2111 


2603 




1447 


2156 


2558 


1403 


2112 


2602 




1448 


2157 


2557 


1404 


2113 


2601 




1449 


2158 


2556 


1405 


2114 


2600 




1450 


2159 


2555 


1406 


2115 


2599 




1451 


2160 


2554 


1407 


2116 


2598 




1452 


2161 


2553 


1408 


2117 


2597 




1453 


2162 


2552 


1409 


2118 


2596 




1454 


2163 


2551 


1410 


2119 


2595 




1455 


2164 


2550 


1411 


2120 


2594 




1456 


2165 


2549 


1412 


2121 


2593 




1457 


2166 


2548 


1413 


2122 


2592 




1458 


2167 


2547 


1414 


2123 


2591 




1459 


2168 


2546 


1415 


2124 


2590 




1460 


2169 


2545 


1416 


2125 


2589 




1461 


2170 


2544 


1417 


2126 


2588 




1462 


2171 


2543 


1418 


2137 


2587 




1463 


2172 


2542 


1419 


2128 


2586 




1464 


2173 


2541 


1420 


2129 


2585 




1465 


2174 


2540 


1421 


2130 


2584 




1466 


2175 


2539 


1422 


2131 


2583 




1467 


2176 


2538 


1423 


2132 


2582 




1468 


2177 


2537 


1424 


2133 


2581 




1469 


2178 


2536 


1425 


2134 


2580 




1470 


2179 


2535 


1426 


2135 


2579 




1471 


2180 


2534 


1427 


2136 


2578 




1472 


2181 


2533 


1428 


2137 


2577 




1473 


2182 


2532 


1429 


2138 


2576 




1474 


2183 


2531 


1430 


2139 


2575 




1475 


2184 


2530 


1431 


2140 


2574 




1476 


2185 


2529 


1432 


2141 


2573 




1477 


2186 


2528 


1433 


2142 


2572 




1478 


2187 


2527 


1434 


2143 


2571 




1479 


2188 


2526 


1435 


2144 


2570 




1480 


2189 


2525 


1436 


2145 


2569 




1481 


2190 


2524 


1437 


2146 


2568 




1482 


2191 


2523 


1438 


2147 


2567 




1483 


2192 


2522 


1439 


2148 


2566 




1484 


2193 


2521 


1440 


2149 


2565 




1485 


2194 


2520 


1441 


2150 


2564 




1486 


2195 


2519 


1442 


2151 


2563 




1487 


2196 


2518 


1443 


2152 


2562 




1488 


2197 


2517 



13 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianas. 


Ante 
iEram 
Christi. 


j 


Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianas 


Ante 
yEram 
Christi. 


1489 


2198 


2516 


1534 


2243 


2471 


1490 


2199 


2515 




1535 


2244 


2470 


1491 


2200 


2514 




1536 


2245 


2469 


1492 


2201 


2513 




1537 


2246 


2468 


1493 


2202 


2512 




1538 


2247 


2467 


1494 


2203 


2511 




1539 


2248 


3466 


1495 


2204 


2510 




1540 


2249 


2465 


149C 


2205 


2509 




1541 


2250 


2464 


1497 


2206 


2508 




1542 


2251 


2463 


1498 


2207 


2507 




1543 


2252 


2462 


1499 


2208 


2506 




1544 


2253 


2461 


1500 


2209 


2505 




1545 


2254 


2460 


1501 


2210 


2504 




1546 


2255 


2459 


1502 


2211 


2503 




1547 


2256 


2458 


1503 


2212 


2502 




1548 


2257 


2457 


1504 


2213 


2501 




1549 


2258 


2456 


1505 


2214 


2500 




1550 


2259 


2455 


1506 


2215 


2499 




1551 


2260 


2454 


1507 


2216 


2498 




1552 


2261 


2453 


1508 


2217 


2497 




1553 


2262 


2452 


1509 


2218 


2496 




1554 


2263 


2451 


1510 


2219 


2495 




1555 


2264 


2450 


1511 


2220 


2494 




1556 


2265 


2449 


1512 


2221 


2493 




1557 


2266 


2448 


1513 


2222 


2492 




1558 


2267 


2447 


1514 


2223 


2491 




1559 


2268 


2446 


1515 


2224 


2490 




1560 


2269 


2445 


1516 


2225 


2489 




1561 


2270 


2444 


1517 


2226 


2488 




1562 


2271 


2443 


1518 


2227 


2487 




1563 


2272 


2442 


1519 


2228 


2486 




1564 


2273 


2441 


1520 


2229 


2485 




1565 


2274 


2440 


1521 


2230 


2484 




1566 


2275 


2439 


1522 


2231 


2483 




1567 


2276 


2438 


1523 


2232 


2482 




1568 


2277 


2437 


1524 


2233 


2481 




1569 


2278 


2436 


1525 


2234 


2480 




1570 


2279 


2435 


1526 


2235 


2479 




1571 


2280 


2434 


1527 


2236 


2478 




1572 


2281 


2433 


1528 


2237 


2477 




1573 


2282 


2432 


1529 


2238 


2476 




1574 


2283 


2431 


1530 


2239 


2475 




1575 


2284 


2430 


1531 


2240 


2474 




1576 


2285 


2429 


1532 


2241 


2473 




1577 


2286 


2428 


1533 


2242 


2472 | 


1 


1578 


2287 


2427 



COLLATIO A^SKORtJM, 



lot 




1579 
15S0 
1581 
1582 
1583 
1584 
1585 
1585 
1587 
1588 
1589 
1590 
1591 
1592 
1593 
1594 
1595 
1596 
1597 
159S 
1599 
1(500 
1601 
1602 
1603 
1604 
1605 
1606 
1607 
1608 
1609 
1610 
1611 
1612 
1613 
1614 
1615 
1616 
1617 
1618 
1619 
1620 
1621 
1622 
1623 
VOL. 



Anni 


Ante 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 


Periodi 
Juliana;. 


j*Eram 1 
Christian. 




Periodi 
Julianas. 


JEram 
Christian. 


2288 


2426 




1624 


2333 


23S1 


2289 


2425 




1625 


2334 


2380 


2290 


2424 




1626 


2335 


2379 


2291 


2423 




1627 


2336 


2378 


2292 


2422 




162S 


2337 


2377 


2293 


2421 




1629 


233S 


2376 


2294 


2420 




1630 


2339 


2375 


2295 


2419 




1631 


2340 


2374 


2296 


2418 




1632 


2341 


2373 


2297 


2417 




1633 


2342 


2372 


2293 


2416 




1634 


2343 


2371 


2299 


2415 




1635 


2344 


2370 


2300 


2414 




1636 


2345 


2369 


2301 


2413 




1637 


2346 


2368 


2302 


2412 




163S 


2347 


2367 


2303 


2411 




1639 


2348 


2366 


2304 


2410 




1610 


2349 


2365 


2305 


2409 




1641 


2350 


2364 


2306 


2408 




1642 


2351 


2363 


2307 


2407 




1643 


2352 


2362 


2308 


2408 




1644 


2353 


2361 


2309 


2405 




1645 


2354 


2360 


2310 


2404 




1646 


2355 


2359 


2311 


2403 




1647 


2356 


2358 


2312 


2402 




1648 


2357 


2357 


2313 


2401 




1649 


2358 


2356 


2314 


2400 




1650 


2359 


2355 


2315 


2399 




1651 


2360 


2354 


2316 


2398 




1652 


2361 


2353 


2317 


3397 




1653 


2362 


2352 


2318 


2396 




1654 


2363 


2351 


2319 


2395 




1655 


2364 


2350 


2320 


2394 




1656 


2365 


2349 


2321 


2393 




1657 


2366 


2348 


2322 


2392 




1658 


2367 


2347 


2323 


2391 




1659 


2368 


2346 


2324 


2390 




1660 


2369 


2345 


2325 


2389 




1661 


2370 


2344 


2326 


2388 




1662 


2371 


2343 


2327 


2387 




1663 


2372 


2342 


2328 


2386 




1664 


2373 


2341 


2329 


2385 




1665 


2374 


2340 


2330 


2384 




1666 


2375 


2339 


2331 


2383 




1667 


2376 


2338 


2332 


2382 




1668 


2377 


2337 


XI. 








IS 


[ 



138 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
j^ram 




Anni 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
JEram 


Julianas. 


Christian. 




Mundi. 


Juliana. 


Christian. 


1669 


2378 


2336 




1714 


2423 


2291 


1670 


2379 


2335 




1715 


2424 


2290 


1671 


2380 


2334 




1716 


2425 


2289 


1672 


2381 


2333 




1717 


2426 


2288 


1673 


2382 


2332 




1718 


2427 


2287 


1674 


2383 


2331 




1719 


242S 


2286 


1675 


2384 


2330 




1720 


2429 


2285 


1676 


2385 


2329 




1721 


2430 


2284 


1677 


2386 


232S 




1722 


2431 


2283 


1678 


2387 


2327 




1723 


2432 


2282 


1679 


2388 


2326 




1724 


2433 


22S1 


1680 


23S9 


2325 




1725 


2434 


2280 


16S1 ' 


2390 


2324 




1726 


2435 


2279 


1682 


2391 


2323 




1727 


2436 


2278 


1683 


2392 


2322 




1728 


2437 


2277 


1684 


2393 


2321 




1729 


2438 


2276 


1685 


2394 


2320 




1730 


2439 


2275 


16S6 


2395 


2319 




1731 


2440 


2274 


1687 


2396 


2318 




1732 


2441 


2273 


1688 


2397 


2317 




1733 


2442 


2272 


1689 


2398 


2316 




1734 


2443 


2271 


1690 


2399 


2315 




1735 


2444 


2270 


1691 


2400 


2314 




1736 


2445 


2269 


1692 


2401 


2313 




1737 


2446 


2268 


1G93 


2402 


2312 




1738 


2447 


2267 


1694 


2403 


2311 




1739 


2448 


2266 


1695 


2404 


2310 




1740 


2449 


2265 


1696 


2405 


2309 




1741 


2450 


2264 


1697 


2406 


2308 




1742 


2451 


2263 


169S 


2407 


2307 




1743 


2452 


2262 


. 1699 


2408 


2306 




1744 


2453 


2261 


1700 


2409 


2305 




1745 


2454 


2260 


1701 


2410 


2304 




1746 


2455 


2259 


1702 


2411 


2303 




1747 


2456 


2258 


1703 


2412 


2302 




1748 


2457 


2257 


1704 


2413 


2301 




1749 


2458 


2256 


1705 


2414 


2300 




1750 


2459 


2255 


1706 


2415 


2299 




1751 


2460 


2254 


1707 


2416 


2298 




1752 


2461 


2253 


1708 


2417 


2297 




1753 


2462 


2252 


1709 


2418 


2296 




1754 


2463 


2251 


1710 


2419 


2295 




1755 


2464 


2250 


1711 


2420 


2294 




1756 


2465 


2249 


1712 


2421 


2293 




1757 


2466 


2248 


1713 


2422 


2292 




175S 


2467 


2247 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



139 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Juliana;. 


Ante 

JEram 

Christian. 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni Ante 
Periodi iEram 
Julianae. Christian. 


1759 


2468 


2246 




1804 


25 L3 


2201 


1760 


2469 


2245 




1S05 


2514 


2200 


1761 


2470 


2244 




1806 


2515 


2199 


1762 


2471 


2243 




1807 


2516 


2198 


1763 


2472 


2242 




1808 


2517 


2197 


1764 


2473 


2241 




1809 


2518 


2196 


1765 


2474 


2240 




1810 


2519 


2195 


1766 


2475 


2239 




1811 


2520 


2194 


1767 


2476 


2238 




. 1812 


2521 


2193 


1708 


2477 


2237 




1813 


2522 


2192 


1769 


2478 


2236 




1S14 


2523 


2191 


1770 


2479 


2235 




1815 


2524 


2190 


1771 


2480 


2234 




1816 


2525 


2189 


1772 


2481 


2233 




1817 


2526 


2188 


1773 


24S2 


2232 




1818 


2527 


2187 


1774 


2483 


2231 




1819 


2528 


2186 


1775 


2484 


2230 




1820 


2529 


21S5 


1776 


2485 


2229 




1821 


2530 


2184 


1777 


24S6 


2228 




1822 


2531 


21S3 


1778 


2487 


2227 




1823 


2532 


2182 


1779 


2488 


2226 




1824 


2533 


2181 


1780 


2489 


2225 




1825 


2534 


2180 


17S1 


2490 


2224 




1826 


2535 


2179 


1782 


2491 


2223 




1827 


2536 


2178 


1783 


2492 


2222 




1828 


2537 


2177 


1784 


2493 


2221 




■ 1829 


2538 


2176 


1785 


2494 


2220 




1830 


2539 


2175 


1786 


2495 


2219 




1831 


2540 


2174 


1787 


2496 


2218 




1832 


2541 


2173 


1788 


2497 


2217 




1833. 


2542 


2172 


1789 


2498 


2216 




1834 


2543 


2171 


1790 


2499 


2215 




1835 


2544 


2170 


1791 


2500 


2214 




1836 


2545 


2169 


1792 


2501 


2213 




1837 


2546 


• 2168 


1793 


2502 


2212 




1S38 


2547 


2167 


1794 


2503 


2211 




1839 


2548 


2166 


1795 


2504 


2210 




1840 


2549 


2165 


1796 


2505 


2209 




1841 


2550 


2164 


1797 


2506 


2208 




1842 


2551 


2163 


1798 


2507 


2207 




1843 


2552 


2162 


1799 


2508 


2206 




1844 


2553 


2161 


1800 


2509 


2205 




1845 


2554 


2160 


1801 


2510 


2204 




1846 


2555 


2159 


1S02 


2511 


22C3 




1847 


2556 


2158 


1803 


2512 


2202 




1848 


2557 


2157 



140 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 

Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 






Anni 


Ante 


Periodi 
Juliana. 


iEram 
Christian. 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Julianae. 


JEram 

Christian. 


1849 


2558 


2156 




1S94 


2G03 


2111 


1850 


2559 


2155 




1895 


2604 


2110 


1851 


2560 


2154 




1896 


2 CO 5 


2i09 


1852 


2561 


2153 




1897 


2606 


2108 


1853 


2562 


2152 




1893 


2607 


2107 


1854 


2563 


2151 




1S99 


2608 


2106 


1855 


2564 


2150 




1900 


2609 


2105 


1856 


2565 


2149 




1901 


2610 


2104 


1857 


2566 


2148 




1902 


2611 


2103 


1858 


2567 


2147 




1903 


2612 


2102 


1859 


2568 


2146 




1904 


2613 


2101 


iseo 


2569 


2145 




1905 


2614 


2100 


1861 


2570 


2144 




19C6 


2615 


2099 


1862 


2571 


2143 




1907 


2616 


2098 


1863 


2572 


2142 




1908 


2617 


2097 


1864 


2573 


2141 




1909 


2618 


2090 


1865 


2574 


2140 




1910 


2619 


2095 


1866 


2575 


2139 




1911 


2620 


2094 


1867 


2576 


2138 




1912 


2621 


2093 


18G8 


257 7 


2137 




1913 


2622 


2092 


1869 


2578 


2136 




1914 


2623 


2091 


1870 


2579 


2135 




1915 


2624 


2090 


1871 


o -en 


2134 




1916 


2625 


2089 


1872 


2581 


2133 




1917 


2626 


2088 


3873 


2582 


2132 




1918 


2627 


2087 


1874 


2583 


2131 




1919 


262S 


20S6 


1875 


2584 


2130 




1920 


2629 


20S5 


1876 


2585 


2129 




1921 


2630 


2084 


1877 


2586 


2128 




1922 


2631 


2083 


1878 


2587 


2127 




1 923 


2632 


20S2 


1879 


2588 


2126 




1924 


2633 


20S1 


1880 


2589 


2125 




1925 


2634 


2080 


1881 


2590 


2124 




1926 


2635 


2079 


18S2 


2591 


2123 




1927 


2636 


207S 


1SS3 


2592 


2122 




1928 


2037 


2077 


1884 


2593 


2121 




1929 


2638 


2076 


1885 


2594 


2120 




1930 


2639 


2075 


1SSG 


2595 


2119 




1931 


2640 


2074 


18S7 


2596 


2113 




1932 


2641 


2073 


1SS8 


2597 


2117 




1933 


2642 


2072 


1889 


2598 


2116 




1934 


2643 


2071 


1890 


2599 


2115 




1935 


2644 


2070 


1891 


2600 


2114 




1936 


2645 


2069 


1892 


2601 


2113 




1937 


2646 


2068 


1893 1 


2602 


2112 | 




193S 


2647 


2067 



COLLATIO AMNORUM. 



Ill 



Anni 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
JEram 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
^Erarn 


Mundi. 


Juliana;. Christian. 




Julianas. Christian. 


1939 


2648 


2066 




1984 


2693 


2021 


1940 


2649 


2065 




1985 


2694 


2020 


1941 


2650 


2064 




1986 


2695 


2019 


1942 


2651 


2063 




19S7 


2696 


2018 


1943 


2652 


2062 




1988 


2697 


2017 


1944 


2653 


2061 




1989 


269S 


2016 


1945 


2654 


2060 




1990 


2699 


2015 


194C 


2655 


2059 




1991 


2700 


2014 


1947 


2656 


2058 




1992 


2701 


2013 


1948 


2657 


2057 




1993 


2702 


2012 


1949 


2658 


2056 




1994 


2703 


2011 


1950 


2659 


2055 




1995 


2704 


2010 


1951 


2660 


2054 




1996 


2705 


2009 


1952 


2661 


2053 




1997 


2706 


2008 


1953 


2662 


2052 




1998 


2707 


2007 


1954 


2663 


2051 




1999 


270S 


2006 


1955 


2664 


2050 




2000 


2709 


2005 


195G 


2605 


2049 




2001 


2710 


2004 


1957 


2666 


2048 




2002 


2711 


2003 


1958 


2667 


2047 




2003 


2712 


2002 


1959 


2668 


2046 




2004 


2713 


2001 


19G0 


2669 


2045 




2005 


2714 


2000 


1861 


2670 


2044 




2006 


2715 


1999 


1962 


2671 


2043 




2007 


2716 


199S 


1963 


2672 


2042 




2008 


2717 


1997 


1964 


2673 


2041 




2009 


2718 


1996 


1965 


2674 


2040 




2020 


2719 


1995 


1966 


2675 


2039 




2011 


2720 


1994 


1967 


2676 


2038 




2012 


2721 


1993 


1968 


2677 


2037 




2013 


2722 


1992 


1969 


2678 


2036 




2014 


2723 


1991 


1970 


2679 


2035 




2015 


2724 


1990 


1971 


2680 


2034 




2016 


2725 


1989 


1972 


2681 


2033 




2017 


2726 


1988 


1973 


2682 


2032 




201S 


2727 


1987 


1974 


2683 


2031 




2019 


2728 


1986 


1975 


2684 


2030 




2020 


2729 


1985 


1976 


2685 


2029 




2021 


2730 


19S4 


1977 


2686 


2028 




2022 


2731 


1983 


1978 


2687 


2027 




2023 


2732 


1982 


1979 


2688 


2026 




2024 


2733 


1981 


1980 


2689 


2025 




2025 


2734 


1980 


1981 


2690 


2024 




2026 


2735 


1979 


1982 


2691 


2023 




2027 


2736 


1978 


1 1983 


2692 


2022 




1 2023 


1 2737 


1977 



142 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Ante 


| 


Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 


Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 


jEram 




Periodi 


JEram 


Julianae. 


Christian. 




Julianae. .Christian. 


2029 


2738 


1976 


2074 


2783 


1931 


2030 


2739 


1975 




2075 


2784 


1930 


2031 


2740 


1974 




2076 


2785 


1929 


2032 


2741 


1973 




2077 


2786 


1928 


2033 


2742 


1972 




2078 


2787 


1927 


2034 


2743 


1971 




2079 


2788 


1926 


2035 


2744 


1970 




2080 


2789 


1925 


2036 


2745 


1969 




20S1 


2790 


1924 


2037 


2746 


1968 




2082 


2791 


1923 


2038 


2747 


1967 




2083 


2792 


1922 


2039 


2748 


1966 




20S4 


2793 


1921 


2040 


2749 


1965 




2085 


2794 


1920 


2041 


2750 


1964 




2086 


2795 


1919 


2042 


2751 


1963 




20S7 


2796 


1918 


2043 


2752 


1962 




2088 


2797 


1917 


2044 


2753 


1961 




2089 


2798 


1916 


2045 


2754 


1960 




2090 


2799 


1915 


2046 


2755 


1959 




2091 


2800 


1914 


2047 


2756 


1958 




2092 


2801 


1913 


2048 


2757 


1957 




2093 


2802 


1912 


2049 


2758 


1956 




2094 


2803 


1911 


2050 


2759 


1955 




2095 


2804 


1910 


2051 


2760 


1954 




2096 


2805 


1909 


2052 


2761 


1953 




2097 


2806 


1908 


2053 


2762 


• 1952 




2098 


2807 


1907 


2054 


2763 


1951 




2099 


2808 


1906 


2055 


2764 


1950 




2100 


2809 


1905 


2056 


2765 


1949 




2101 


2810 


1904 


2057 


2766 


1948 




2102 


2811 


1903 


2058 


2767 


1947 




2103 


2812 


1902 


2059 


2768 


1946 




2104 


2813 


1901 


2060 


2769 


1945 




2105 


2814 


1900 


2061 


2770 


1944 




2106 


2815 


1899 


2062 


2771 


1943 




2107 


2816 


1898 


2063 


2772 


1942 




2108 


2817 


1897 


2064 


2773 


1941 




2109 


2818 


1896 


2065 


2774 


1940 




2110 


2819 


1895 


2066 


2775 


1939 




2111 


2820 


1894 


2067 


2776 


1938 




2112 


2821 


1893 


2068 


2777 


1937 




2113 


2822 


1892 


2069 


2778 


1936 




2114 


2S23 


1891 


2070 


2779 


1935 




2115 


2824 


1890 


2071 


2780 


1934 




2110 


2825 


1889 


2072 


2781 


1933 




2117 


2826 


1888 


2073 


2782 


1932 




2118 


2827 


1887 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



143 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 


Periodi 
Julianae. 


iEram 
Christian. 




Periodi 
Julianae. 


JEr&m 
Christian. 


2119 


2S28 


1886 




2164 


2873 


1841 


2120 


2829 


1885 




2165 


2874 


1840 


2121 


2830 


18S4 




2166 


2875 


1839 


2122 


2831 


1883 




2167 


2876 


1838 


2123 


2832 


1882 




2168 


2877 


1837 


2124 


2833 


1881 




2169 


2878 


1836 


2125 


2S34 


1880 




2170 


2879 


1835 


2126 


2835 


1879 




2171 


2880 


1834 


2127 


2S36 


1878 




2172 


28S1 


1833 


2128 


2837 


1877 




2173 


2SS2 


1832 


2129 


2838 


i876 




2174 


2883 


1831 


2130 


2839 


1875 




2175 


2S84 


1830 


2131 


2840 


1874 




2176 


2885 


1829 


2132 


2841 


1873 




2177 


2S86 


1S28 


2133 


2842 


1S72 




2178 


2887 


1827 


2134 


2843 


1S71 




2179 


2S88 


1826 


2135 


2S44 


1870 




2180 


2889 


1825 


2136 


2845 


1869 




2181 


2890 


1824 


2137 


2846 


1868 




2182 


2891 


1S23 


2138 


2847 


1867 




2183 


2892 


1822 


2139 


2848 


1866 




2184 


2893 


1821 


2140 


2849 


1865 




2185 


2894 


1820 


2141 


2850 


1864 




21S6 


2895 


1819 


2142 


2851 


1863 




2187 


2896 


1818 


2143 


2S52 


1862 




2188 


2897 


1817 


2144 


2853 


1861 




21S9 


2898 


1816 


. 2145 


2854 


1S60 




2190 


2S99 


1815 


2146 


2855 


1859 




2191 


2900 


1814 


2147 


2S56 


1858 




2192 


2901 


1813 


2148 


2857 


1857 




2193 


2902 


1812 


2149 


2858 


1856 




2194 


2903 


1811 


2150 


2859 


1855 




2195 


2904 


1810 


2151 


2860 


1854 




2196 


2905 


1809 


2152 


2861 


1853 




2197 


2906 


1808 


2153 


2862 


1852 




219S 


2907 


1807 


2154 


2863 


1851 




2199 


2908 


1806 


2155 


2864 


1850 




2200 


2909 


1805 


2156 


2865 


1849 




2201 


2910 


1804 


2157 


2866 


1848 




2202 


2911 


1803 


2158 


2S67 


1847 




2203 


2912 


1S02 


2159 


2868 


1846 




2204 


2913 


1801 


2160 


2869 


1845 




2205 


2914 


1S00 


2161 


2870 


1844 




2206 


2915 


1799 


2162 


2871 


1843 




2207 


2916 


1798 


2163 


2872 


1842 




220S 


2917 


1797 



144 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Ante 






Anni 


Ante 


Anni 


Periodi 


iEram 




Anni 


Periodi 


JEram 


Mundi. 


Julianse. 


Christian. 




I Mundi. 


Juliana;. 


Christian. 


2209 


2913 


1796 




2254 


29G3 


1751 


2210 


2919 


1795 




2255 


2964 


1750 


2211 


2920 


1794 




2256 


2965 


1749 


2212 


2921 


1793 




2257 


2966 


1748 


2213 


2922 


1792 




2258 


2967 


1747 


2214 


2923 


1791 




2259 


2968 


1746 


2215 


2924 


1790 




2260 


2969 


1745 


2216 


2925 


1789 




2261 


2970 


1744 


2217 


2926 


1788 




2262 


2971 


1743 


2218 


2927 


1787 




2263 


2972 


1742 


2219 


2928 


1786 




2264 


2973 


1741 


2220 


2929 


17S5 




2265 


2974 


1740 


2221 


2930 


1784 




2266 


2975 


1739 


2222 


2931 


17S3 




2267 


2976 


1738 


2223 


2932 


1782 




2268 


2977 


1737 


2224 


2933 


1781 




2269 


297S 


1736 


2225 


2934 


1780 




2270 


2979 


1735 


2226 


2935 


1779 




2271 


2980 


'1734 


2227 


2936 


1778 




2272 


2981 


1733 


2228 


2937 


1777 




2273 


2982 


1732 


2229 


2938 


1776 




2274 


2983 


1731 


2230 


2939 


1775 




2275 


2984 


1730 


2231 


2940 


1774 




2276 


2985 


1729 


2232 


2941 


1773 




2277 


29S6 


1728 


2233 


2942 


1772 




2278 


29S7 


1727 


2234 


2943 


1771 




2279 


29SS 


1726 


2235 


2944 


1770 




22S0 


2989 


1725 


2236 


2945 


1769 




2281 


2990 


1724 


2237 


2946 


1768 




2282 


2991 


1723 


2238 


2947 


1767 




2283 


2992 


1722 


2239 


2948 


1766 




22S4 


2993 


1721 


2240 


2949 


1765 




2285 


2994 


1720 


2241 


2950 


1764 




2286 


2995 


1719 


2242 


2951 


1763 




22S7 


2996 


171S 


2243 


2952 


1762 




2288 


2997 


1717 


2244 


2953 


1761 




22S9 


2998 


1716 


2245 


2954 


1760 




2290 


2999 


1715 


2246 


2955 


1759 




2291 


3000 


1714 


2247 


2956 


1758 




2292 


3001 


1713 


2248 


2957 


1757 




2293 


3002 


1712 


2249 


2958 


1756 




2294 


3003 


1711 


2250 


2959 


1755 




2295 


3004 


1710 


2251 


2960 


1754 




2296 


3005 


1709 


2252 


2961 


1753 




22 9 7 


3006 


170S 


2253 


2962 


1752 




2298 


3007 


1707 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



145 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 

Periodi 

Julianse. 


Ante 

jEram 

Christian. 




Anni 
'Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianse. 


Ante 

jEram 

Christian. 


2299 


3008 


1706 




2344 


3053 


1661 


2300 


3009 


1705 




2345 


3054 


1660 


2301 


3010 


1704 




2346 


3055 


1659 


2302 


3011 


1703 




2347 


3056 


1658 


2303 


3012 


1702 




2348 


3057 


1657 


2304 


3013 


1701 




2349 


3058 


1656 


2305 


3014 


1700 




2350 


3059 


1655 


2306 


3015 


1699 




2351 


3060 


1654 


2307 


3016 


1698 




2352 


3061 


1653 


2308 


3017 


1697 




2353 


3062 


1652 


2309 


3018 


1696 




2354 


3063 


1651 


2310 


3019 


1695 




2355 


3064 


1650 


2311 


3020 


1694 




2356 


3065 


1649 


2312 


3021 


1693 




2357 


3066 


1648 


2313 


3022 


1692 




2358 


3067 


1647 


2314 


3023 


1691 




2359 


3068 


1646 


2315 


3024 


1690 




2360 


3069 


1645 


2316 


3025 


1689 




2361 


3070 


1644 


2317 


3026 


1688 




2362 


3071 


1643 


2318 


3027 


1687 




2363 


3072 


1642 


2319 


3028 


1686 




2364 


3073 


1641 


2320 


3029 


1685 




2365 


3074 


1640 


2321 


3030 


1684 




2366 


3075 


1639 


2322 


3031 


1683 




2367 


3076 


1638 


2323 


3032 


1682 




2368 


3077 


1637 


2324 


3033 


1681 




2369 


3078 


1636 


2325 


3034 


1680 




2370 


3079 


1635 


2326 


3035 


1679 




2371 


3080 


1634 


2327 


3036 


1678 




2372 


3081 


1633 


2328 


3037 


1677 




2373 


3082 


1632 


2329 


3038 


1676 




2374 


3083 


1631 


2330 


3039 


1675 




2375 


3084 


1630 


2331 


3040 


1674 




2376 


3085 


1629 


2332 


3041 


1673 




2377 


3086 


1628 


2333 


3042 


1672 




2378 


3087 


1627 


2334 


3043 


1671 




2379 


3088 


1626 


2335 


3044 


1670 




2380 


30S9 


1625 


2336 


3045 


1669 




2381 


3090 


1624 


2337 


3046 


1668 




2382 


3091 


1623 


2338 


3047 


1667 




2383 


3092 


1622 


2339 


3048 


1666 




2384 


3093 


1621 


2340 


3049 


1665 




2385 


3094 


1620 


2341 


3050 


1664 




2386 


3095 


1619 


2342 


3051 


1663 




2387 


3096 


1618 


2343 


3052 


1662 




2388 


3097 


1617 


VOL. 


XI. 








1 


* 



146 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
./Eram 




Anni 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
jEram 


Mundi. 


Julianae. 


Christian. 




Mundi. 


Julianae. 


Christian. 


2389 


3098 


1616 




2434 


3143 


1571 


2390 


3099 


1615' 




2435 


3144 


1570 


2391 


3100 


1614 




2436 


3145 


1569 


2392 


3101 


1613 




2437 


3146 


1568 


2393 


3102 


1612 




243S 


3147 


1567 


2394 


3103 


1611 




2439 


3148 


1566 


2395 


3104 


1610 




2440 


3149 


1565 


2396 


3105 


1609 




3441 


3150 


1564 


2397 


3106 


1608 




2442 


3151 


1563 


2398 


3107 


1607 




2443 


3152 


1562 


2399 


3108 


1606 




2444 


3153 


1561 


2400 


3109 


1605 




2445 


3154 


1560 


2401 


3110 


1604 




2446 


3155 


1559 


2402 


3111 


1603 




2447 


3156 


1558 


2403 


3112 


1602 




244S 


3157 


1557 


2404 


3113 


1601 




2449 


3158 


1556 


2405 


3114 


1600 




2450 


3159 


1555 


2406 


3115 


1599 




2451 


3160 


1554 


2407 


3116 


1598 




2452 


3161 


1553 


2408 


3117 


1597 




2453 


3162 


1552 


2409 


3118 


1596 




2454 


3163 


1551 


2410 


3119 


1595 




2455 


3164 


1550 


2411 


3120 


1594 




2456 


3165 


1549 


2412 


3121 


1593 




2457 


3166 


1548 


2413 


3122 


1592 




2458 


3167 


1547 


2414 


3123 


1591 




2459 


3168 


1546 


2415 


3124 


1590 




2460 


3169 


1545 


2416 


3125 


1589 




2461 


3170 


1544 


2417 


3126 


1588 




2462 


3171 


1543 


2418 


3127 


1587 




2463 


3172 


1542 


2419 


3128 


1586 




2464 


3173 


1541 


2420 


3129 


1585 




2465 


3174 


1540 


2421 


3130 


1584 




2466 


3175 


1539 


2422 


3131 


1583 




2467 


3176 


1538 


2423 


3132 


1582 




2468 


3177 


1537 


2424 


3133 


1581 




2469 


317S 


1536 


2425 


3134 


1580 




2470 


3179 


1535 


2426 


3135 


1579 




2471 


3180 


1534 


2427 


3136 


1578 




2472 


3181 


1533 


2428 


3137 


1577 




2473 


31S2 


1532 


2429 


3138 


1576 




2474 


3183 


1531 


2430 


3139 


1575 




2475 


3184 


1530 


2431 


3140 


1574 




2476 


3185 


1529 


2432 


3141 


1573 




2477 


3186 


1528 


2433 


3142 


1572 




2478 1 


3187 


1527 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



147 





Anni 


Ante 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 


Anni 

Mundi. 


Periodi 
Julianse. 


^ram 
Christian. 




Periodi 
Julianae. 


jEram 
Christian. 


2479 


3188 


1526 


2524 


3233 


1481 


2480 


3189 


1525 




2525 


3234 


14S0 


24S1 


3190 


1524 




2526 


3235 


1479 


2482 


3191 


1523 




2527 


3236 


1478 


2483 


3192 


1522 




2528 


3237 


1477 


2484 


3193 


1521 




2529 


3238 


1476 


24S5 


3194 


1520 




2530 


3239 


1475 


2486 


3195 


1519 




2531 


3240 


1474 


2487 


3196 


1518 




2532 


3241 


1473 


24S8 


3197 


1517 




2533 


3242 


1472 


24S9 


3198 


1516 




2534 


3243 


1471 


2490 


3199 


1515 




2535 


3244 


1470 


2491 


3200 


1514 




2536 


3245 


1469 


2492 


3201 


1513 




2537 


3246 


1468 


2493 


3202 


1512 




2538 


3247 


1467 


2494 


3203 


1511 




2539 


3248 


1466 


2495 


3204 


1510 




2540 


3249 


1465 


2496 


3205 


1509 




2541 


3250 


1464 


2497 


3206 


1508 




2542 


3251 


1463 


2498 


3207 


1507 




2543 


3252 


1462 


2499 


3208 


1506 




2544 


3253 


1461 


2500 


3209 


1505 




2545 


3254 


1460 


2501 


3210 


1504 




2546 


3255 


1459 


2502 


3211 


1503 




2547 


3256 


1458 


2503 


3212 


1502 




2548 


3257 


1457 


2504 


3213 


1501 




3549 


3258 


1456 


2505 


3214 


1500 




2550 


3259 


1455 


2506 


3215 


1499 




2551 


3260 


1454 


2507 


3216 


1498 




2552 


3261 


1453 


2508 


3217 


1497 




2553 


3262 


1452 


2509 


3218 


1496 




2554 


3263 


1451 


2510 


3219 


1495 




2555 


3264 


1450 


2511 


3220 


1494 




2556 


3265 


1449 


2512 


3221 


1493 




2557 


3266 


1448 


2513 


3222 


1492 




2558 


3267 


1447 


2514 


3223 


1491 




2559 


3268 


1446 


2515 


3224 


1490 




2560 


3269 


1445 


2516 


3225 


1489 




2561 


3270 


1444 


2517 


3226 


1488 




2562 


3271 


1443 


2518 


3227 


1487 




2563 


3272 


1442 


2519 


3228 


14S6 




2564 


3273 


1441 


2520 


3229 


1485 




2565 


3274 


1440 


2521 


3230 


1484 




2566 


3275 


1439 


2522 


3231 


1483 




2567 


3276 


143S 


2523 


3232 


1482 




2368 


3277 


1437 



148 



COLLATIO ANNOKUM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 


Ante 

Mr am 

Christian. 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 


Ante 

/Eram 

Christian. 


2569 


3278 


1436 




2614 


3323 


1391 


2570 


3279 


1435 




2615 


3324 


1390 


2571 


3280 


1434 




2616 


3325 


1389 


2572 


3281 


1433 




2617 


3326 


1388 


2573 


3282 


1432 




2618 


3327 


1387 


2574 


3283 


1431 




2619 


3328 


1386 


2575 


3284 


1430 




2620 


3329 


1385 


2576 


3285 


1429 




2621 


3330 


1384 


2577 


3286 


1428 




2622 


3331 


1383 


257S 


3287 


1427 




2623 


3332 


1382 


2579 


3288 


1426 




2624 


3333 


1381 


2580 


3289 


1425 




2625 


3334 


1380 


2581 


3290 


1424 




2626 


3335 


1379 


2582 


3291 


1423 




2627 


3336 


1378 


2583 


3292 


1422 




2628 


3337 


1377 


2584 


3293 


1421 




2629 


3338 


1376 


2585 


3294 


1420 




2630 


3339 


1375 


2586 


3295 


1419 




2631 


3340 


1374 


2587 


3296 


1418 




2632 


3341 


1373 


2588 


3297 


1417 




2633 


3342 


1372 


25S9 


3298 


1416 




2634 


3343 


1371 


2590 


3299 


1415 




2635 


3344 


1370 


2591 


3300 


1414 




2636 


3345 


1369 


2592 


3301 


1413 




2637 


3346 


1368 


2593 


3302 


1412 




2638 


3347 


1367 


2594 


3303 


1411 




2639 


3348 


1366 


2595 


3304 


1410 




2640 


3349 


1365 


2596 


3305 


1409 




2641 


3350 


1364 


2597 


3306 


1408 




2642 


3351 


1363 


2598 


3307 


1407 


', 


2643 


3352 


1362 


2599 


3308 


1406 




2644 


3353 


1361 


2600 


3309 


1405 




2645 


3354 


1360 


2601 


3310 


1404 




2646 


3355 


1359 


2602 


3311 


1403 




2647 


3356 


1358 


2603 


3312 


1402 




2648 


3357 


1357 


2604 


3313 


1401 




2649 


3358 


1356 


2605 


3314 


1400 




2650 


3359 


1355 


2606 


3315 


1399 ■ 




2651 


3360 


1354 


2607 


3316 


1398 




2652 


3361 


1353 


2608 


3317 


1397 




2653 


3362 


1352 


2609 


3318 


1396 




2654 


3363 


1351 


2610 


3319 


1395 




2655 


3364 


1350 


2611 


3320 


1394 




2656 


3365 


1349 


2612 


3321 


1393 




2657 


3366 


1348 


2613 


3322 


1392 




2658 


3367 


1347 







COLLATIO ANNORUM. 




1 


Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 


Ante 

iEram 

Christian. 




Anni 
Mundi 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianse. 


Ante 

iEram 

Christian. 


2659 


3368 


1346 


2704 


3413 


1301 


2660 


3369 


1345 




2705 


3414 


1300 


2661 


3370 


1344 




2706 


3415 


1299 


2662 


3371 


1343 




2707 


3416 


1298 


2663 


3372 


1342 




2708 


3417 


1297 


2664 


3373 


1341 




2709 


3418 


1296 


2665 


3374 


1340 




2710 


3419 


1295 


2666 


3375 


1339 




2711 


3420 


1294 


2667 


3376 


1338 




2712 


3421 


1293 


2668 


3377 


1337 




2713 


3422 


1292 


2669 


3378 


1336 




2714 


3423 


1291 


2670 


3379 


1335 




2715 


3424 


1290 


2671 


3380 


1334 




2716 


3425 


1289 


2672 


3381 


1333 




2717 


3426 


1288 


2673 


3382 


1332 




2718 


3427 


1287 


2674 


3383 


1331 




2719 


3428 


1286 


2675 


33S4 


1330 




2720 


3429 


1285 


2676 


3385 


1329 




2721 


3430 


1284 


2677 


3386 


1328 




2722 


3431 


1283 


2678 


3387 


1327 




2723 


3432 


1282 


2679 


3388 


1326 




2724 


3433 


1281 


2680 


3389 


1325 




2725 


3434 


1280 


2681 


3390 


1324 




2726 


3435 


1279 


2682 


3391 


1323 




2727 


3436 


1278 


2683 


3392 


1322 




2728 


3437 


1277 


2684 


3393 


1321 




2729 


3438 


1276 


2685 


3394 


1320 




2730 


3439 


1275 


2686 


3395 


1319 




2731 


3440 


1274 


26S7 


3396 


1318 




2732 


3441 


1273 


2688 


3397 


1317 




2733 


3442 


1272 


2689 


3398 


1316 




2734 


3443 


1271 


2690 


3399 


1315 




2735 


3444 


1270 


2691 


3400 


1314 




2736 


3445 


1269 


2692 


3401 


1313 




2737 


3446 


1268 


2693 


3402 


1312 




2738 


3447 


1267 


2694 


3403 


1311 




2739 


3448 


1266 


2695 


3404 


1310 




2740 


3449 


1265 


2696 


3405 


1309 




2741 


3450 


1264 


2697 


3406 


1308 




2742 


3451 


1263 


2698 


3407 


1307 




2743 


3452 


1262 


2699 


3408 


1306 




2744 


3453 


1261 


2700 


3409 


1305 




2745 


3454 


1260 


2701 


3410 


1304 




2746 


3455 


1259 


2702 

2703 J 


3411 


1303 




2747 


3456 


1258 


3412 


1302 




2748 


3457 


1257 



149 



150 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
iEram 




Anni 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
^ram 


Mundi. 


Juliana. 


Christian. 




Mundi. 


Julianae. 


Christian. 


2749 


345S 


1256 




2794 


3503 


1211 


2750 


3459 


1255 




2795 


3504 


1210 


2751 


3460 


1254 




2796 


3505 


1209 


2752 


3461 


1253 




2797 


3506 


1208 


2753 


3462 


1152 




2798 


3507 


1207 


2754 


3463 


1251 




2799 


3508 


1206 


2755 


3464 


1250 




2800 


3509 


1205 


2756 


3465 


1249 




2801 


3510 


1204 


2757 


3466 


1248 




2802 


3511 


1203 


2758 


3467 


1247 




2803 


3512 


1202 


2759 


3468 


1246 




2804 


3513 


1201 


2760 


3469 


1245 




2805 


3514 


1200 


2761 


3470 


1144 




2806 


3515 


1199 


2762 


3471 


1243 




2807 


3516 


1198 


2763 


3472 


1242 




280S 


3517 


1197 


2764 


3473 


1241 




2809 


3518 


1196 


2765 


3474 


1240 




2810 


3519 


1195 


2766 


3475 


1239 




2811 


3520 


1194 


2767 


3476 


1238 




2812 


3521 


1193 


2768 


3477 


1237 




2813 


3522 


1192 


2769 


3478 


1236 




2814 


3523 


1191 


2770 


3479 


1235 




2815 


3524 


1190 


2771 


3480 


1234 




2816 


3525 


1189 


2772 


3481 


1233 




2817 


3526 


1188 


2773 


3482 


1232 




2818 


3527 


1187 


2774 


3483 


1231 




2819 


3528 


1186 


2775 


3484 


1230 




2820 


3529 


1185 


2776 


34S5 


1229 




2S21 


3530 


1184 


2777 


3486 


1228 




2822 


3531 


1183 


2778 


3487 


1227 




2823 


3532 


1182 


2779 


3488 


1226 




2824 


3533 


1181 


2780 


3489 


1225 




2825 


2534 


1180 


2781 


3490 


1224 




2826 


3535 


1179 


2782 


3491 


1223 




2827 


3536 


1178 


2783 


3492 


1222 




2828 


3537 


1177 


2784 


3493 


1221 




2829 


3538 


1176 


2785 


3494 


1220 




2830 


3539 


1175 


2786 


3495 


1219 




2831 


3540 


1174 


2787 


3496 


1218 




2832 


3541 


1173 


2788 


3497 


1217 




2S33 


3542 


1172 


2789 


3498 


1216 




2834 


3543 


1171 


2790 


3499 


1215 




2835 


3544 


1170 


2791 


3500 


1214 




2836 


3545 


1169 


2792 


3501 


1213 




2837 


3546 


1168 


2793 


3502 


1212 




2838 


3547 


1167 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



151 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
JEram 




Anni 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
jEram 


Julianas. 


Christian. 




Mundi. 


Julianse. 


Christian. 


2839 


3548 


1166 




2S84 


3593 


1121 


2S40 


3549 


1165 




2885 


3594 


1120 


2841 


2550 


1164 




2886 


3595 


1119 


2842 


3551 


1163 




2887 


3596 


1118 


2843 


3552 


1162 




2888 


3597 


1117 


2844 


3553 


1161 




2889 


3598 


1116 


2845 


3554 


1160 




2890 


3599 


1115 


2S46 


3555 


1159 




2891 


3600 


1114 


2847 


3556 


1158 




2892 


3601 


1113 


2848 


3557 


1157 




2893 


3602 


1112 


2849 


3558 


1156 




2894 


3603 


1111 


2850 


3559 


1155 




2895 


3604 


1110 


2851 


3560 


1154 




2896 


3605 


1109 


2852 


3561 


1153 




2897 


3606 


1108 


2853 


3562 


1152 




2898 


3607 


1107 


2854 


3563 


1151 




2899 


3608 


1106 


2855 


3564 


1150 




2900 


3609 


1105 


2S56 


3565 


1149 




2901 


3610 


1104 


2857 


3566 


1148 




2902 


3611 


1103 


2S58 


3567 


1147 




2903 


3612 


1102 


2859 


356S 


1146 




2904 


3613 


1101 


2860 


3569 


1145 




2905 


3614 


1100 


2861 


3570 


1144 




2906 


3615 


1099 


2862 


3571 


1143 




2907 


3616 


1098 


2863 


3572 


1142 




2908 


3617 


1097 


2864 


3573 


1141 




2909 


3618 


1096 


2865 


3574 


1140 




2910 


3619 


1095 


2866 


3575 


1139 




2911 


3620 


1094 


2867 


3576 


1138 




2912 


3621 


1093 


2S6S 


3577 


1137 




2913 


3622 


1092 


2869 


3578 


1136 




2914 


3623 


1091 


2870 


3579 


1135 




2915 


3624 


1090 


2871 


3580 


1134 




2916 


3625 


1089 


2872 


3581 


1133 




2917 


3626 


108S 


2873 


3582 


1132 




2918 


3627 


1087 


2874 


3583 


1131 




2919 


3028 


1086 


2875 


35S4 


1130 




2920 


3629 


1085 


2876 


3585 


1129 




2921 


3630 


1084 


2877 


3586 


1128 




2922 


3631 


1083 


2878 


3587 


1127 




2923 


3632 


1082 


2879 


3588 


1126 




2924 


3633 


1081 


2880 


35S9 


1125 




2925 


3634 


1080 


2881 


3590 


1124 




2926 


3635 


1079 


2882 


3591 


1123 




2927 


3636 


1078 


28S3 


3592 


1122 




2928 


3637 


1077 



152 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Ante 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Ante 


Anni 


Periodi 


jEram 




Periodi 


iEram 


Mundi. 


Julianae. 


Christian. 




Juliana?. 


Christian. 


2929 


363S 


1076 




2974 


3683 


1031 


2930 


3639 


1075 




2975 


3684 


1030 


2931 


3640 


1074 




2976 


3685 


1029 


2932 


3641 


1073 




2977 


3686 


1028 


2933 


3642 


1072 




2978 


3687 


1027 


2934 


3643 


1071 




2979 


3688 


1026 


2935 


3644 


1070 




29S0 


3689 


1025 


2936 


3645 


1069 




2981 


3690 


1024 


2937 


3646 


1068 




2982 


3691 


1023 


2938 


3647 


1067 




2983 


3692 


1022 


2939 


3648 


1066 




2984 


3693 


1021 


2940 


3649 


1065 




29S5 


3694 


1020 


2941 


3650 


1064 




29S6 


3695 


1019 


2942 


3651 


1063 




2987 


3696 


1018 


2943 


3652 


1062 




2988 


3697 


1017 


2944 


3653 


1061 




2989 


369S 


1016 


2945 


3654 


1060 




2990 


3699 


1015 


2946 


3655 


1059 




2991 


3700 


1014 


2947 


3656 


1058 




2992 


3701 


1013 


2948 


3657 


1057 




2993 


3702 


1012 


2949 


3658 


1056 




2994 


3703 


1011 


2950 


3659 


1155 




2995 


3704 


1010 


2951 


3660 


1054 




2996 


3705 


1009 


2952 


3661 


1053 




2997 


3706 


1008 


2953 


3662 


1052 




2998 


3707 


1007 


2954 


3663 


1051 




2999 


3708 


1006 


2955 


3664 


1050 




3000 


3709 


1005 


2956 


3665 


1049 




3001 


3710 


1004 


2957 


3666 


1048 




3002 


3711 


1003 


2958 


3667 


1047 




3003 


3712 


1002 


2959 


3668 


1046 




3004 


3713 


1001 


2960 


3669 


1045 




3005 


3714 


1000 


2961 


3670 


1044 




3006 


3715 


999 


2962 


3671 


1043 




3007 


3716 


998 


2963 


3672 


1042 




3008 


3717 


997 


2964 


3673 


1041 




3009 


3718 


996 


2965 


3674 


1040 




3010 


3719 


995 


2966 


3675 


1039 




3011 


3720 


994 


2967 


3676 


1038 




3012 


3721 


993 


2968 


3677 


1037 




3013 


3722 


992 


2969 


3678 


1036 




3014 


3723 


991 


2970 


3679 


1035 




3015 


3724 


990 


2971 


36S0 


1034 




3016 


3725 


989 


2972 


3681 


1033 




3017 


3726 


988 


2973 


3682 


1032 




3018 


3727 


987 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



153 



Anni 
Mundi. 

3019 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
yEram 




Anni 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
JEram 


Julianse. 


Christian. 




Mundi. 


Julianas. 


Christian. 


3728 


986 


3064 


3773 


941 


3020 


3729 


985 




3065 


3774 


940 


3021 


3730 


984 




3066 


3775 


939 


3022 


3731 


983 




3067 


3776 


938 


3023 


3732 


982 




3068 


3777 


937 


3024 


3733 


981 




3069 


3778 


936 


3025 


3734 


980 




3070 


3779 


935 


3026 


3735 


979 




3071 


3780 


934 


3027 


3736 


978 




3072 


3781 


933 


3028 


3737 


977 




3073 


3782 


932 


3029 


3738 


976 




3074 


3783 


931 


3030 


3739 


975 




3075 


3784 


930 


3031 


3740 


974 




3076 


3785 


929 


3032 


3741 


973 




3077 


3786 


928 


3033 


3742 


972 




3078 


3787 


927 


3034 


3743 


971 




3079 


3788 


926 


3035 


3744 


970 




3080 


3789 


925 


303(5 


3745 


969 




3081 


3790 


924 


3037 


3746 


968 




3082 


3791 


923 


3038 


3747 


967 




3083 


3792 


922 


3039 


3748 


966 




3084 


3793 


921 


3040 


3749 


965 




3085 


3794 


920 


3041 


3750 


964 




3086 


3795 


919 


3042 


3751 


963 




3087 


3796 


918 


3043 


3752 


962 




3088 


3797 


917 


3044 


3753 


961 




3089 


3798 


916 


3045 


3754 


960 




3090 


3799 


915 


3046 


3755 


959 




3091 


3800 


914 


3047 


3756 


958 




3092 


3801 


913 


3048 


3757 


957 




3093 


3802 


912 


3049 


3758 


956 




3094 


3803 


911 


3050 


3759 


955 




3095 


3804 


910 


3051 


3760 


954 




3096 


3805 


909 


3052 


3761 


953 




3097 


3806 


908 


3053 


3762 


952 




3098 


3807 


907 


3054 


3763 


951 




3099 


3808 


900 


3055 


3764 


950 




3100 


3809 


905 


3056 


3765 


949 




3101 


3810 


904 


3057 


3766 


948 




3102 


3811 


903 


3058 


3767 


947 




3103 


3812 


902 


3059 


3768 


946 




3104 


3813 


901 


3060 


3769 


945 




3105 


3814 


900 


3061 


3770 


944 




3106 


3815 


899 


3062 


3771 


943 




3107 


3816 


898 


3063 


3772 


942 




3108 


3817 


897 



154 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
iEram 




Anni 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
iEram 


Juliana. 


Christian. 




Mundi. 


Julianae. 


Christian. 


3109 


3S18 


896 


3154 


3863 


851 


3110 


3819 


895 




3155 


3864 


850 


3111 


3820 


894 




3156 


3865 


849 


3112 


3821 


893 




3157 


3866 


848 


3113 


3822 


892 




3158 


3867 


847 


3114 


3823 


891 




3159 


3868 


846 


3115 


3824 


890 




3160 


3869 


845 


3116 


3825 


889 




3161 


3S70 


844 


3117 


3826 


888 




3162 


3871 


843 


311S 


3827 


887 




3163 


3872 


842 


3119 


3828 


886 




3164 


3873 


841 


3120 


3829 


885 




3165 


3874 


840 


3121 


3S30 


884 




3166 


3875 


839 


3122 


3S31 


883 




3167 


3876 


838 


3123 


3S32 


882 




3168 


3877 


837 


3124 


3833 


881 




3169 


3878 


836 


3125 


3834 


880 




3170 


3879 


835 


3126 


3S35 


879 




3171 


38S0 


834 


3127 


3836 


878 




3172 


3881 


833 


3128 


3837 


877 




3173 


3882 


832 


3129 


3838 


876 




3174 


3883 


831 


3130 


3839 


875 




3175 


38S4 


830 


3131 


3840 


874 




3176 


3885 


829 


3132 


3841 


873 




3177 


3886 


828 


3133 


3842 


872 




3178 


3887 


827 


3134 


3843 


871 




3179 


3888 


826 


3135 


3S44 


870 




3180 


3889 


825 


3136 


3845 


869 




3181 


3890 


824 


3137 


3846 


868 




3182 


3891 


823 


3138 


3847 


867 




3183 


3892 


822 


3139 


3848 


866 




3184 


3893 


821 


3140 


3849 


865 




3185 


3894 


820 


3141 


3850 


864 




3186 


3895 


819 


3142 


3851 


863 




3187 


3896 


818 


3143 


3852 


862 




3188 


3897 


817 


3144 


3853 


861 




3189 


3898 


816 


4145 


3854 


860 




3190 


3899 


815 


3146 


3855 


859 




3191 


3900 


814 


3147 


3856 


858 




3192 


3901 


S13 


3148 


3857 


857 




3193 


3902 


812 


3149 


3858 


856 




3094 


3903 


811 


3150 


3859 


855 




3195 


3904 


810 


3151 


38C0 


854 




3196 


3905 


809 


I 3152 


3861 


853 




3197 


3906 


808 


3153 


3862 


852 




3198 


3907 1 


807 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



155 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianas. 


Ante 

Mr am 

Christian. 




Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julian*. 


Ante 

jEram 

Christian. 


3199 


3908 


806 


3214 


3923 


791 


3200 


3909 


805 




3215 


3924 


790 


3201 


3910 


804 




8216 


3925 


789 


3202 


3911 


803 




3217 


3926 


788 


3203 


3912 


802 




3218 


3927 


787 


3204 


3913 


801 




3219 


3928 


786 


3205 


8914 


800 




8220 


3929 


785 


320(5 


3915 


799 




3221 


3930 


784 


3207 


3916 


798 




3222 


3931 


783 


3208 


3917 


797 




3223 


3932 


782 


3209 


3918 


796 




3224 


3933 


781 


3210 


3919 


795 




3225 


3934 


780 


3211 


3920 


794 




3226 


3935 


779 


3212 


3921 


793 




3227 


3936 


778 


3213 


3922 1 


792 * 


1 


3228 


3937 


777 



156 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 

TVTnnrli 


Anni 


Ann! ante 


Anni 






Periodi 


iEram 


Urbis 


Olymp. 




! * I llllU.lt 


Julianae. 


Christian. 


Conditee. 






3229 


3938 


776 




01. I. 


1 


3230 


3939 


775 






2 


3231 


3940 


774 






3 


3232 


3941 


773 






4 


3233 


3942 


772 




01. II. 


1 


3234 


3943 


771 






2 


3235 


3944 


770 






3 


3236 


8945 


769 






4 


3237 


8946 


768 




01. III. 


1 


3238 


3947 


767 






2 


3239 


3948 


766 






3 


3240 


3949 


765 






4 


3241 


3950 


764 




01. IV. 


1 


3242 


3951 


763 






2 


3243 


3952 


762 






3 


3244 


3953 


761 






4 


3245 


3954 


760 




01. V. 


1 


3246 


3955 


759 






2 


3247 


3956 


758 






3 


3248 


3957 


757 






4 


3249 


3958 


756 




01. VI. 


1 


3250 


3959 


755 






2 


3251 


3960 


754 






3 


3252 


3961 


753 


* 




4 


3253 


3962 


752 




01. VII. 


1 


3254 


3963 


751 






2 


3255 


3964 


750 






3 


3256 


3965 


749 






4 


3257 


3966 


748 


1 


01. VIII. 


1 


3258 


3967 


747 


2 




2 


3259 


3968 


746 


3 




3 


3260 


3969 


745 


4 




4 


3261 


3970 


744 


5 


01. IX. 


1 


3262 


3971 


743 


6 




2 


3263 


3972 


742 


7 







3264 


3973 


741 


8 




4 


3265 


3974 


740 


9 


01. X. 


1 


3266 


3975 


739 


10 




2 


3267 


3976 


738 


11 




3 


3268 


3977 


737 


12 




4 


3269 


3978 


736 


13 


01. XI. 


1 


3270 


3979 


735 


14 




2 


3271 


3980 


734 


15 




3 


3272 


3981 


733 


16 




4 



Roma fundata juxta Vanonem, 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



157 





Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni i 
Periodi 
Julianas. I 


KnxA ante 

iEram 
Christian. 


Anni 

Urbis 

Conditse. 


Olymp. 




3273 


8982 


732 


17 


01. XII. 


1 




3274 


3983 


731 


18 




2 




3275 


3984 


730 


19 




3 




3276 


3985 


729 


20 




4 




3277 


3986 


728 


21 


01. XIII. 


1 




3278 


3987 


727 


22 




2 




3279 


3988 


726 


23 




3 




3280 


3989 


725 


24 




4 




3281 


3990 


724 


25 


01. XIV. 


1 




3282 


8991 


723 


26 




2 




3283 


3992 


722 


27 




3 




3284 


8993 


721 


28 




4 




3285 


3994 


720 


29 


01. XV. 


1 




3286 


3995 


719 


80 




2 




3287 


8996 


718 


31 




3 




3288 
3289 


3997 
3998 


717 
716 


32 
33 


01. XVI. 


4 
1 




3290 


3999 


715 


34 




2 




3291 


4000 


714 


35 




3 




3292 


4001 


713 


36 




4 




3293 


4002 


712 


37 


01. XVII. 


1 




3294 


4003 


711 


38 




2 




3295 


4004 


710 


39 




3 




3296 


4005 


709 


40 




4 




3297 


4006 


708 


41 


01. XVIII. 


1 




3298 


4007 


707 


42 




2 




3299 


4008 


706 


43 




3 




3300 


4009 


705 


44 




4 




3301 


4010 


704 


45 


01. XIX. 


1 




3302 


4011 


703 


46 




2 




3303 


4012 


702 


47 




3 




3304 


4013 


701 


48 




4 




3305 


4014 


700 


49 


Ol. XX. 


1 




3306 


4015 


699 


50 




2 




3307 


4016 


698 


51 




3 




3308 


4017 


697 


52 




4 




3309 


4018 


696 


53 


01. XXI. 


1 




3310 


4019 


695 


54 




2 




3311 


4020 


694 


55 




3 




3312 


4021 


693 


56 




4 




3313 


4022 


692 


57 


Ol. XXII. 


1 




3314 


4023 


691 


58 




2 




3315 


4024 


690 


59 




3 




3316 


4025 


689 


60 




4 




3317 


4026 


688 


61 


Ol. XXIII. 


1 



158 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Juliana. 


jEram 
Christian. 


Urbis 
Conditse. 


Olymp. 




3318 


4027 


687 


62 


01. XXIII. 


2 


3319 


4028 


686 


63 




3 


3320 
3321 


4029 
4030 


685 
684 


64 
65 


01. XXIV. 


4 

1 


8322 


4031 


683 


66 




2 


3323 


4032 


682 


67 




3 


3324 
3325 


4033 
4034 


681 

680 


68 
69 


01. XXV. 


4 
1 


3326 


4035 


679 


70 




2 


3327 


4036 


678 


71 




3 


3328 
3329 


4037 
4038 


677 
676 


72 

73 


OI. XXVI. 


4 
1 


3330 


4039 


675 


74 




2 


8331 


4040 


674 


75 




3 


3332 
3333 


4041 
4042 


673 
672 


76 

77 


01. XXVII. 


4 
1 


3334 


4043 


671 


78 




2 


3335 


4044 


670 


79 




3 


3336 
3337 


4045 
4046 


669 
668 


80 
81 


01. XXVIII. 


4 
1 


3338 


4047 


667 


82 




2 


3339 


4048 


666 


83 




3 


3340 
3341 


4049 
4050 


665 
664 


84 
85 


01. XXIX. 


4 

1 


3342 


4051 


663 


86 




2 


3343 


4052 


662 


87 




3 


3344 
3345 


4953 
4054 


661 
660 


88 
89 


01. XXX. 


4 

1 


3346 


4055 


659 


90 




2 


3347 


4056 


658 


91 




3 


3348 
3349 


4057 
4058 


657 
656 


92 
93 


01. XXXI. 


4 
1 


3350 


4059 


655 


94 




2 


3351 


4060 


654 


95 




3 


3352 
3353 


4061 
4062 


653 
652 


96 
97 


01. XXXII. 


4 
1 


3354 


4063 


651 


98 




2 


3355 


4064 


650 


99 




3 


3356 
3357 


4065 
4066 


649 
648 


100 
101 


01. XXXIII. 


4 
1 


3358 


4067 


647 


102 




2 


3359 


4068 


646 


103 




3 


3360 
3361 
3362 


4069 
4070 
4071 


645 
644 
643 


104 
105 
106 


01. XXXIVi 


4 
1 

2 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



159 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Periodi 
Julianae. 


jEram 
Christian. 


Urbes 
Conditae. 


Olymp. 




3363 


4072 


642 


107 


01. XXXIV. 


3 


3364 


4073 


641 


108 




4 


3365 


4074 


640 


109 


01. XXXV. 


1 


3366 


4075 


639 


110 




2 


3367 


4076 


638 


111 




3 


3368 


4077 


637 


112 




4 


3369 


4078 


636 


113 


01. XXXVI. 


1 


3370 


4079 


635 


114 




2 


3371 


4080 


634 


115 




3 


3372 


4081 


633 


116 




4 


3373 


4082 


632 


117 


01. XXXVII. 


1 


3374 


4083 


631 


118 




2 


3375 


4084 


630 


119 




3 


3376 


4085 


629 


120 




4 


3377 


4086 


628 


121 


01. XXXVIII. 


1 


3378 


4087 


627 


122 




2 


3379 


4088 


626 


123 




3 


3380 


4089 


625 


124 




4 


3381 


4090 


624 


125 


01. XXXIX. 


1 


3382 


4091 


623 


126 




2 


3383 


4092 


622 


127 




3 


3384 


4093 


621 


128 




4 


3385 


4094 


620 


129 


01. XL. 


1 


3386 


4095 


619 


130 




2 


3387 


4096 


618 


131 




3 


3388 


4097 


617 


132 




4 


3389 


4098 


616 


133 


01. XLI. 


1 


3390 


4099 


615 


134 




2 


3391 


4100 


614 


135 




3 


3392 


4101 


613 


136 




4 


3393 


4102 


612 


137 


01. XLII. 


1 


3394 


4103 


611 


138 




2 


3395 


4104 


610 


139 




3 


3396 


4105 


609 


140 




4 


3397 


4106 


608 


141 


01. XLIII. 


1 


3398 


4107 


607 


142 




2 


3399 


4108 


606 


143 




3 


3400 


4109 


605 


144 




4 


3401 


4110 


604 


145 


01. XLIV. 


1 


3402 


4111 


603 


146 




2 


3403 


4112 


602 


147 




3 


3404 


4113 


601 


148 




4 


3405 


4114 


600 


149 


01. XLV. 


1 


3406 


4115 


599 


150 




2 


3407 


4110 


598 


151 




3 



1G0 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Julianse. 


jEram 
Christian. 


Urbis 
Conditae. 


Olymp. 




3408 


4117 


597 


152 


01. XLV. 


4 


3409 


4118 


596 


153 


01. XLVI. 


1 


3410 


4119 


595 


154 




2 


3411 


4120 


594 


155 




3 


3412 


4121 


593 


156 




4 


3413 


4122 


592 


157 


01. XLVII. 


1 


3414 


4123 


591 


158 




2 


3415 


4124 


590 


159 




3 


3416 


4125 


589 


160 




4 


3417 


4126 


588 


161 


01. XLVIII. 


1 


3418 


4127 


587 


162 




2 


3419 


4128 


586 


163 




3 


3420 


4129 


585 


164 




4 


3421 


4130 


584 


165 


01. XLIX. 


1 


3422 


4131 


583 


166 




2 


3423 


4132 


582 


167 




3 


3424 


4133 


581 


168 




4 


3425 


4134 


580 


169 


01. L. 


1 


3426 


4135 


579 


170 




2 


3427 


4136 


578 


171 




3 


3428 


4137 


577 


172 




4 


3429 


4138 


576 


173 


01. LI. 


1 


3430 


4139 


575 


174 




2 


3431 


4140 


574 


175 




3 


3432 


4141 


573 


176 




4 


3433 


4142 


572 


177 


01. LII. 


1 


3434 


4143 


571 


178 




2 


3435 


4144 


570 


179 




3 


3436 


4145 


569 


180 




4 


3437 


4146 


568 


181 


01. MIL 


1 


3438 


4147 


567 


182 




2 


3439 


4148 


566 


183 




3 


3440 


4149 


565 


184 




4 


3441 


4150 


564 


185 


01. LIV. 


1 


3442 


4151 


563 


186 




2 


3443 


4152 


562 


187 




3 


3444 


4153 


561 


188 




4 


3445 


4154 


560 


189 


Ol. LV. 


1 


3446 


4155 


559 


190 




2 


3447 


4156 


558 


191 




3 


8448 


4157 


557 


192 




4 


3449 


4158 


556 


193 


01. LVI. 


1 


3450 


4159 


555 


194 




2 


3451 


4160 


554 


195 




3 


3452 


4161 


553 


196 




4 



COLLATIO ANN'ORUM. 



161 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Periodi 
Julianse. 


iEram 
Christian. 


Urbis 
Conditce. 


Olymp. 




3453 


4162 


552 


197 


01. LVII. 


1 


3454 


4163 


551 


198 




2 


3455 


4164 


550 


199 




3 


3456 


4165 


549 


200 




4 


3457 


4166 


548 


201 


01. LV1II. 


1 


3458 


4167 


547 


202 




2 


3459 


416S 


546 


203 




3 


3460 


4169 


545 


204 




4 


3451 


4170 


544 


205 


01. LIX. 


1 


3462 


4171 


543 


206 




2 


3463 


4172 


542 


207 




3 


3464 


4173 


541 


208 




4 


3465 


4174 


540 


209 


01. LX. 


1 


3466 


4175 


539 


210 




2 


3467 


4176 


538 


211 




3 


3468 


4177 


537 


212 




4 


3469 


4178 


536 


213 


01. LXI. 


1 


3470 


4179 


535 


214 




2 


3471 


4180 


534 


215 




3 


3472 


4181 


533 


216 




4 


3473 


4182 


532 


217 


OI. LXII. 


1 


3474 


4183 


531 


218 




2 


3475 


4184 


530 


219 




3 


3476 


4185 


529 


220 




4 


3477 


4186 


52S 


221 


01. LXIII. 


1 


3478 


4187 


527 


222 




2 


3479 


4188 


526 


223 




o 
O 


3480 


4189 


525 


224 




4 


3481 


4190 


524 


225 


01. LXIV. 


1 


3482 


4191 


523 


226 




2 


3483 


4192 


522 


227 




3 


3484 


4193 


521 


228 




4 


3485 


4194 


520 


229 


Ol. LXV. 


1 


3486 


4195 


519 


230 




2 


3487 


4196 


518 


231 




3 


3488 


4197 


517 


232 




4 


3489 


4198 


516 


233 


oi. lxvi. 


1 


3490 


4199 


515 


234 




2 


3491 


4200 


514 


235 




3 


3492 


4201 


513 


236 




4 


3493 


4202 


512 


237 


Ol. LXVII. 


1 


3494 


4203 


511 


238 




2 


3495 


4204 


510 


239 




3 


3496 


4205 


509 


240 




4 


3497 


4206 


508 


241 


Ol. LXVIII. 


1 


VOL. 


XI. 






P 





162 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Julianse. 


iEram 
Christian. 


Urbis 
Conditae. 


Olymp. 




3498 


4207 


507 


242 


01. LXVIII. 


2 


3499 


4208 


506 


243 




3 


3500 


4209 


505 


244 




4 


3501 


4210 


504 


245 


01. LXIX. 


1 


3502 


4211 


503 


246 




2 


3503 


4212 


502 


247 




3 


3504 


4213 


501 


248 




4 


3505 


4214 


500 


249 


01. LXX. 


1 


3506 


4215 


499 


250 




2 


3507 


4216 


498 


251 




3 


3508 


4217 


497 


252 




4 


3509 


4218 


496 


253 


01. LXXI. 


1 


3510 


4219 


495 


254 




2 


3511 


4220 


494 


255 




3 


3512 


4221 


493 


256 




4 


3513 


4222 


492 


257 


01. LXXI1. 


1 


3514 


4223 


491 


258 




2 


3515 


4224 


490 


259 




3 


3516 


4225 


4S9 


260 




4 


3517 


4226 


488 


261 


01. LXXIII. 


1 


3518 


4227 


487 


262 




2 


3519 


4228 


486 


263 




3 


3520 


4229 


485 


264 




4 


3521 


4230 


484 


265 


01. LXXIV. 


1 


3522 


4231 


483 


266 




2 


3523 


4232 


4S2 


267 




3 


3524 


4233 


481 


268 




4 


3525 


4234 


480 


269 


01. LXXV. 


1 


3526 


4235 


479 


270 




2 


3527 


4236 


478 


271 




3 


3528 


4237 


477 


272 




4 


3529 


423S 


476 


273 


01. LXXVI. 


1 


3530 


4239 


475 


274 




2 


31 


4240 


474 


275 




3 


3532 


4241 


473 


276 




4 


3533 


4242 


472 


277 


oi. Lxxvir. 


1 


3534 


4243 


471 


278 




2 


3535 


4244 


470 


279 




3 


3536 


4245 


469 


280 




4 


3537 


4246 


468 


281 


01. LXXVIII. 


1 


3538 


4247 


467 


282 




2 


3539 


4248 


466 


283 




3 


3540 


4249 


465 


284 




4 


3541 


4250 


464 


285 


01. LXXIX. 


1 


3542 


4251 


463 


286 




2 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



161 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 


Anni ante 

JEram 
Christian. 


Anni 

Urbis 

Conditaa. 


Clymp. 


3543 


4252 


462 


287 


01. LXXIX. 


3 


3544 


4253 


461 


288 




4 


3545 


4254 


460 


289 


01. LXXX. 


1 


3546 


4255 


459 


290 




2 


3547 


4256 


458 


291 




3 


3548 


4257 


457 


292 




4 


3549 


4258 


456 


293 


01. LXXXI. 


1 


3550 


4259 


455 


294 




2 


3551 


4260 


454 


295 




*> 


3552 


4261 


453 


296 




4 


3553 


4262 


452 


297 


01. LXXXII. 


1 


3554 


4263 


451 


29S 




o 


3555 


4264 


450 


299 




3 


355G 


4265 


449 


300 




4 


3557 


4266 


448 


301 


01. L XXXIII. 


1 


3558 


4267 


447 


302 




2 


3559 


426S 


446 


303 




3 


3560 


4269 


445 


304 




4 


3561 


4270 


444 


305 


01. LXXXIV. 


1 


3562 


4271 


443 


306 




2 


3563 


4272 


442 


307 




o 

O 


3564 


4273 


441 


308 




4 


3565 


4274 


440 


309 


Oi. LXXXV. 


1 


3566 


4275 


439 


310 




2 


3567 


4276 


438 


311 




3 


3568 


1277 


437 


312 




4 


3569 


4278 


436 


313 


01. LXXXVI. 


1 


3570 


4279 


435 


314 




2 


3571 


4280 


434 


315 




3 


3572 


4281 


433 


316 




4 


3573 


4282 


432 


317 


01. LXXXVII. 


1 


3574 


4283 


431 


318 




2 


3575 


4284 


430 


319 




3 


3576 


4285 


429 


320 




4 


3577 


4286 


428 


321 


01. LXXXVI 1 1. 


1 


3578 


4287 


427 


322 




2 


3579 


428S 


426 


323 




3 


3580 


1289 


425 


324 




4 


3531 


4290 


424 


325 


01. LXXXIX. 


1 


3582 


4291 


423 


326 




2 


3583 


4292 


422 


327 




3 


3584 


4293 


421 


328 




4 


3585 


4294 


420 


329 


01. XC. 


1 


3586 


4295 


419 


330 




2 


3587 


4296 


418 


331 




3 



164 



COLLATIO ANNORU.M. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Periodi 


iEram 


Urbis 


Olymp. 




Julianas. 


Christian. 


ConditEE. 






3588 


4297 


417 


332 


O!. XC. 


4 


3589 


429S 


416 


333 


OI. XCI. 


1 


3590 


4299 


415 


334 




2 


3591 


4300 


414 


335 




u 


3592 


4301 


413 


336 




4 


3593 


4302 


412 


337 


O!. XCI I. 


1 


3594 


4303 


411 


333 




2 


3595 


4304 


410 


339 




3 


3596 


4305 


409 


340 




4 


3597 


4306 


408 


311 


01. XCIII. 


1 


3598 


4307 


407 


342 




2 


3599 


4308 


406 


343 




o 


3600 


4309 


405 


344 




4 


3601 


4310 


404 


345 


01. XCIV. 


1 


3602 


4311 


403 


346 




2 


3603 


4312 


402 


347 




3 


3604 


4313 


401 


348 




4 


3605 


4314 


400 


349 


OI. XCV. 


1 


3606 


4315 


399 


350 




2 


3607 


4316 


398 


351 




3 


3608 


4317 


397 


352 




4 


3609 


4318 


396 


353 


01. XCVI. 


1 


3610 


4319 


395 


354 




2 


3611 


4320 


394 


355 




O 


3612 


4321 


393 


356 




4 

1 


3613 


4322 


392 


357 


01. XCVII. 


1 


3614 


4323 


391 


358 




2 


3615 


4324 


390 


359 




3 


3616 


4325 


389 


360 




4 


3617 


4326 


388 


331 


OS. XCVII1. 


1 


3618 


4327 


387 


362 




2 


3619 


4328 


386 


363 




6 


3620 


4329 


385 


364 




4 


3621 


4330 


384 


365 


01. XC1X. 


1 


3622 


4331 


383 


3G6 




2 


3623 


4332 


382 


367 




3 


3624 


4333 


381 


368 




4 


3625 


4334 


3S0 


369 


01. c. 


1 


3626 


4335 


379 


370 




2 


3627 


4336 


378 


371 




3 


3628 


4337 


377 


372 




4 


3629 


433S 


376 


0*7 O 


01. CI. 


1 


3630 


4339 


375 


374 




2 


3631 


4340 


374 


375 




3 


3632 


4341 


;;7.'i 


376 




4 



COLLATIO AN'NORUM. 



1G; 





Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Julianae. 


/Eram 
Christian. 


Urbis 
Condi tee. 


Olymp. 




3633 


4342 


372 


377 


01. CI I. 


1 


3634 


4343 


371 


378 




2 


3635 


4344 


370 


379 




3 


3636 


4345 


369 


3S0 




4 


3637 


4346 


36S 


381 


01. cm. 


1 


3638 


4347 


367 


3S2 




2 


3639 


4348 


366 


383 




3 


3640 


4349 


365 


384 




4 


3641 


4350 


364 


385 


01. CIV. 


1 


3642 


4351 


363 


386 




2 


3643 


4352 


362 


387 




3 


3644 


4353 


361 


388 




4 


3645 


4354 


360 


389 


01. cv. 


1 


3646 


4355 


359 


390 




2 


3647 


4356 


358 


391 




3 


3648 


4357 


357 


392 




4 


3649 


4358 


356 


393 


01. CVI. 


1 


3650 


4359 


355 


394 




2 


3651 


4360 


354 


395 




3 


3652 


4361 


353 


396 




4 


3653 


4362 


352 


397 


01. CVI I. 


1 


3654 


4363 


351 


308 




2 


3655 


4364 


350 


399 




3 


3656 


4365 


349 


400 




4 


3657 


4366 


348 


401 


01. CVI 1 1. 


1 


3658 


4367 


347 


402 




2 


3659 


4368 


346 


403 




3 


3660 


4369 


345 


404 




4 


3661 


4370 


344 


405 


01. CIX. 


1 


3662 


4371 


343 


406 




2 


3663 


4372 


342 


407 




3 


3664 


4373 


341 


408 




4 


3665 


4374 


340 


409 


Ol. ex. 


1 


3666 


4375 


339 


410 




2 


3667 


4376 


338 


411 




3 


3668 


4377 


337 


412 




4 


3669 


4378 


336 


413 


01. CXI. 


1 


3670 


4379 


335 


414 




2 


3671 


4380 


334 


415 




3 


3672 


4381 


333 


416 




4 


3673 


4382 


332 


417 


Ol. CXII. 


1 


3674 


4383 


331 


418 




2 


3675 


4384 


330 


419 




3 


3676 


4385 


329 


420 




4 


3677 


4386 


328 


421 


Ol. CXIII. 


1 



166 



COLLAT10 ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Juliana?. 


JEram 
Christian. 


Urbis 
Condita;. 


Olymp. 




3678 


4387 


327 


422 


01. CXIII. 


2 


3679 


4388 


326 


423 




3 


3680 


4389 


325 


424 




4 


3681 


4390 


324 


425 


01. CXIV. 


1 


3682 


4391 


323 


426 




2 


36S3 


4392 


322 


427 




3 


3684 


4393 


321 


428 




4 


3685 


4394 


320 


429 


01. cxv. 


1 


3686 


4395 


319 


430 




2 


3687 


4396 


318 


431 




3 


3688 


4397 


317 


432 




4 


3689 


4398 


316 


433 


01. CXVI. 


1 


3690 


4399 


315 


434 




2 


3691 


4400 


314 


435 




3 


3692 


4401 


313 


436 




4 


3693 


4402 


312 


437 


01. CXVI I. 


1 


3694 


4403 


311 


438 




2 


3695 


4404 


310 


439 




3 


3696 


4405 


309 


440 




4 


3697 


4406 


308 


441 


01. CXVIII. 


1 


3698 


4407 


307 


442 




2 


3699 


4408 


306 


443 




3 


3700 


4409 


305 


444 


- 


4 


3701 


4410 


304 


445 


01. CXIX. 


1 


3702 


4411 


303 


446 




2 


3703 


4412 


302 


447 




3 


3704 


4413 


301 


448 




4 


3705 


4414 


300 


449 


01. cxx. 


1 


3706 


4415 


299 


450 




2 


3707 


4416 


298 


451 




3 


3708 


4417 


297 


452 




4 


3709 


4418 


296 


453 


01. CXXI. 


1 


3710 


4419 


295 


454 




2 


3711 


4420 


294 


455 




o 


3712 


4421 


293 


456 




4 


3713 


4422 


292 


457 


01. CXXII. 


1 


3714 


4423 


291 


458 




2 


3715 


4424 


290 


459 




3 


3716 


4425 


289 


460 




4 


3717 


4426 


288 


461 


01. CXXI 1 1. 


1 


3718 


4427 


287 


462 




2 


3719 


4428 


286 


463 




3 


3720 


4429 


285 


464 




4 


3721 


4430 


284 


465 


01. CXXIV. 


1 


3722 


4431 


283 


466 




2 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



161 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Periodi 


jEram 


Urbis 


Olymp. 




Julianas. 


Christian. 


Contlita?. 






3723 


4432 


282 


467 


01. CXXIV. 


3 


3724 


4433 


281 


468 




4 


3725 


4434 


280 


469 


01. CXXV. 


] 


3726 


4435 


279 


470 




2 


3727 


4436 


278 


471 




3 


3728 


4437 


277 


472 




4 


3729 


4438 


276 


473 


01. CXXVI. 


1 


3730 


4439 


275 


474 




2 


3731 


4440 


274 


475 




3 


3732 


4441 


273 


476 




4 


3733 


4442 


272 


477 


01. CXXVII. 


1 


3734 


4443 


271 


478 




o 


3735 


4444 


270 


479 




3 


3736 


4445 


2P9 


480 




4 


3737 


4446 


268 


481 


OI. CXXVI 1 1. 


1 


3738 


4447 


267 


482 




2 


3739 


4448 


266 


483 




3 


3740 


4449 


265 


484 




4 


3741 


4450 


264 


485 


01. CXXIX. 


1 


3742 


4451 


263 


486 




2 


3743 


4452 


262 


487 




3 


3744 


4453 


261 


488 




4 


3745 


4454 


260 


489 


01. CXXX. 


1 


3746 


4455 


259 


490 




2 


3747 


4456 


258 


491 




3 


3748 


4457 


357 


492 




4 


3749 


4458 


256 


493 


01. CXXX I. 


1 


3750 


4459 


255 


494 




2 


3751 


4460 


254 


495 




3 


3752 


4461 


253 


496 




4 


3753 


4462 


252 


497 


01. CX XXI I. 


1 


3754 


4463 


251 


498 




2 


3755 


4464 


250 


499 




3 


3756 


4465 


249 


500 




4 


3757 


4466 


248 


501 


01. CXXXIII. 


1 


3758 


4467 


247 


502 




2 


3759 


446S 


246 


503 




3 


3760 


4469 


245 


504 




4 


3761 


4470 


244 


505 


01. CXXXIV. 


1 


3762 


4471 


243 


500 




2 


3763 


4472 


242 


507 




3 


3764 


4473 


241 


508 




4 


3765 


4474 


240 


509 


01. CXXXV. 


1 


3766 


4475 


239 


510 




2 


3767 


4476 


238 


511 




3 



168 



C0LLAT10 ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Juliana;. 


JEram 

Christian 


Urbis 
Conditae. 


Olymp. 




376S 


4477 


237 


512 


01. CXXXV. 


4 


3769 


4478 


236 


513 


01. CXXXVI. 


1 


3770 


4479 


235 


514 




2 


3771 


44S0 


234 


515 




3 


3772 


4481 


233 


516 




4 


3773 


4482 


232 


517 


01. CXXXVII. 


1 


3774 


4483 


231 


518 




2 


3775 


4484 


230 


519 




3 


3776 


44S5 


229 


520 




4 


3777 


44S6 


228 


521 


01. CXXXVIII. 


1 


3778 


4487 


227 


522 




2 


3779 


4488 


226 


523 




3 


37S0 


44S9 


"225 


524 




4 


3781 


4490 


224 


525 


01. CXXXIX. 


1 


3782 


4491 


223 


526 




2 


3783 


4492 


222 


527 




3 


3784 


4493 


221 


528 




4 


3785 


4494 


220 


529 


01. CXL. 


1 


3786 


4495 


219 


530 




2 


3787 


4496 


218 


531 




3 


3788 


4497 


217 


532 




4 


3789 


4498 


216 


533 


01. CXLI. 


1 


3790 


4499 


215 


534' 




2 


3791 


4500 


214 


535 




3 


3792 


4501 


213 


536 




4 


3793 


4502 


212 


537 


01. CXLII. 


1 


3794 


4503 


211 


538 




2 


3795 


4504 


210 


539 




3 


3796 


4505 


209 


540 




4 


3797 


4506 


208 


541 


01. CXLIII. 


1 


3798 


4507 


207 


542 




2 


3799 


4508 


206 


543 




3 


3800 


4509 


205 


544 




4 


3801 


4510 


204 


545 


01. CXLIV. 


1 


3802 


4511 


203 


546 




2 


3803 


4512 


202 


547 




3 


3S04 


4513 


201 


548 




4 


3805 


4514 


200 


549 


01. CXLV. 


1 


3806 


4515 


199 


550 




2 


3807 


4516 


198 


551 




3 


380S 


4517 


197 


552 




4 


3809 


4518 


196 


553 


01. CXLVI. 


1 


3810 


4519 


195 


554 




2 


3811 


4520 


194 


555 




3 


3812 


4521 


193 


556 




4 



COLLATTO ANNORUM. 



169 





Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 

Juliana. 


jEram 
Christian. 


Urbis 
Conditse, 


Olymp. 




3813 


4522 


192 


557 


01. CXLV1I. 


1 


3814 


4523 


191 


558 




2 


3815 


4524 


190 


559 




3 


38 Ui 


4525 


189 


560 




4 


3S17 


4526 


188 


561 


01. CXLV1II. 


1 


3818 


4527 


187 


562 




2 


3S19 


4528 


186 


563 




3 


3820 


4529 


185 


564 




4 


3821 


4530 


184 


565 


01. CXLIX. 


1 


3822 


4531 


183 


566 




2 


3823 


4532 


182 


567 




3 


3824 


4533 


181 


568 




4 


3S25 


4534 


180 


569 


01. CL. 


1 


3S26 


4535 


179 


570 




2 


3S27 


4536 


178 


571 




3 


3828 


4537 


177 


572 




4 


3829 


4538 


176 


573 


Ol. CLI. 


1 


3830 


4539 


175 


574 




2 


3831 


4540 


174 


575 




3 


3832 


4541 


173 


576 




4 


3833 


4542 


172 


577 


01. CLII. 


1 


3834 


4543 


171 


578 




2 


3835 


4544 


170 


579 




3 


3836 


4545 


169 


580 




4 


3837 


4546 


168 


581 


Ol. CLIII. 


1 


3838 


4547 


167 


582 




2 


3839 


4548 


166 


583 




3 


3840 


4549 


165 


584 




4 


3841 


4550 


164 


585 


Ol. CLIV. 


1 


3842 


4551 


163 


586 




2 


3843 


4552 


162 


587 




3 


3844 


4553 


161 


588 




4 


3845 


4554 


160 


589 


Ol. CLV. 


1 


3846 


4555 


159 


590 




2 


3847 


4556 


158 


591 




3 


3848 


4557 


157 


592 




4 


3849 


4558 


156 


593 


Ol. CLVI. 


1 


3850 


4559 


155 


594 




2 


3851 


4560 


154 


595 




3 


3852 


4561 


153 


596 




4 


3853 


4562 


152 


597 


Ol. CLVI I. 


1 


3854 


4563 


151 


598 




2 


3855 


4564 


150 


599 




3 


3856 


4565 


149 


600 




4 


3857 


4566 


148 


601 


Ol. CLVIIL 


1 


VOL 


. XI. 






Q 





170 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Periodi 


jEram 


Urbis 


Olymp. 




Julianse. 


Christian. 


Conditae. 






3858 


4567 


147 


602 


01. CLVIII. 


2 


3859 


4568 


146 


603 




3 


3860 


4569 


145 


604 




4 


3861 


4570 


144 


605 


01. CLIX. 


1 


3862 


4571 


143 


606 




2 


3S63 


4572 


142 


607 




3 


3864 


4573 


141 


608 




4 


3865 


4574 


140 


609 


01. CLX. 


1 


3866 


4575 


139 


610 




2 


3867 


4576 


138 


611 




3 


3868 


4577 


137 


612 




4 


3S69 


4578 


136 


613 


01. CLXI. 


1 


3870 


4579 


135 


614 




2 


3871 


4580 


134 


615 




3 


3872 


4581 


133 


616 




4 


3873 


4582 


132 


617 


01. CLXII. 


1 


3S74 


4583 


131 


618 




2 


3875 


4584 


130 


619 




3 


3876 


4585 


129 


620 




4 


3877 


4586 


128 


621 


01. CLXIII. 


1 


3878 


4587 


127 


622 




2 


3879 


4588 


126 


623 




3 


3S80 


4589 


125 


624 




4 


3881 


4590 


124 


625 


01. CLXIV. 


1 


3882 


4591 


123 


626 




2 


3883 


4592 


122 


627 




3 


3884 


4593 


121 


628 




4 


3885 


4594 


120 


629 


01. CLXV. 


1 


3886 


4595 


119 


630 




2 


3887 


4596 


118 


631 




3 


3888 


4597 


117 


632 




4 


3889 


4598 


116 


633 


01. CLXVI. 


1 


3890 


4599 


115 


634 




2 


3891 


4600 


114 


635 




3 


3892 


4601 


113 


636 




4 


3893 


4602 


112 


637 


01. CLXVIL' 


1 


3894 


4603 


111 


638 




o 


3895 


4604 


110 


639 




3 


3896 


4605 


109 


640 




4 


3S97 


4606 


108 


641 


01. CLXVIII. 


1 


3S98 


4607 


107 


642 




2 


3899 


4608 


106 


643 




3 


3900 


4609 


105 


644 




4 


3901 


4610 


104 


645 


01. CLXIX. 


1 


3902 


4611 


103 


646 




2 1 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



171 



Aimi 
Mundi. 


Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Periodi 


JEram 


Urbis 


Clymp. 




Julianse. 


Christian. 


Conditse. 






3903 


4612 


102 


647 


01. CLXIX. 


3 


3904 


4613 


101 


648 




4 


3905 


4614 


100 


649 


01. CLXX, 


1 


3900 


4615 


99 


650 




2 


3907 


4616 


98 


651 




3 


390S 


4617 


97 


652 




4 


3909 


4618 


96 


653 


Ol. CLXXI. 


1 


3910 


4619 


95 


654 




2 


3911 


4620 


94 


655 




3 


3912 


4621 


93 


656 




4 


3913 


4622 


92 


657 


01. CLXXII. 


1 


3914 


4623 


91 


658 




2 


3915 


4624 


90 


659 




3 


3910 


4625 


89 


660 




4 


3917 


4626 


88 


661 


Ol. CLXXIII. 


1 


3918 


4627 


87 


662 




2 


3919 


4628 


86 


663 




3 


3920 


4629 


85 


664 




4 


3921 


4630 


84 


665 


Ol. CLXXIV. 


1 


3922 


4631 


83 


666 




2 


3923 


4632 


82 


667 




3 


3924 


4633 


81 


668 




4 


3925 


4634 


80 


669 


Ol. CLXXV. 


1 


3926 


4635 


79 


670 




2 


3927 


4636 


78 


671 




3 


3928 


4637 


77 


672 




4 


3929 


4638 


76 


673 


Ol. CLXXVI. 


1 


3930 


4639 


75 


674 




2 


3931 


4640 


74 


675 




3 


3932 


4641 


73 


676 




4 


3933 


4642 


72 


677 


Ol. GLXXVIL 


1 


3934 


4643 


71 


678 




2 


3935 


4644 


70 


679 




3 


3936 


4645 


69 


680 




4 


3937 


4646 


68 


681 


Ol. CLXXVIII. 


1 


3938 


4647 


67 


682 




2 


3939 


4648 


66 


683 




3 


3940 


4649 


65 


684 




4 


3941 


4650 


64 


685 


Ol. CLXXIX. 


1 


3942 


4651 


63 


686 




2 


3943 


4652 


62 


687 




3 


3944 


4653 


61 


688 




4 


3945 


4651 


60 


689 


Ol. CLXXX, 


1 


3916 


4655 


59 


690 




2 


3947 


4656 


58 


691 




3 



172 



COLLATIO ANNORUM, 



Anni 
Mundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Julianae. 


\nni ante 

Mram 
Christian. 


Anni 

Urbis 

Conditae. 


Olymp. 


3948 


4657 


57 


692 


01. CLXXX. 


4 


3949 


4658 


56 


693 


01. CLXXXI. 


1 


3950 


4659 


55 


694 




2 


3951 


4660 


54 


695 




3 


3952 


4661 


53 


696 




4 


3953 


4662 


52 


697 


01. CLXXX1I. 


1 


3954 


4663 


51 


698 




2 


3955 


4664 


50 


699 




3 


3956 


4665 


49 


700 




4 


3957 


4666 


48 


701 


01. CLXXXIII. 


1 


3958 


4667 


47 


702 




2 


3959 


4668 


46 


703 




3 


3960 


4669 


45 


704 




4 


3961 


4670 


44 


705 


01. CLXXXIV. 


1 


3962 


4671 


43 


706 




2 


3963 


4672 


42 


707 




3 


3964 


4673 


41 


708 




4 


3965 


4674 


40 


709 


01. CLXXXV. 


I 


3966 


4675 


39 


710 




2 


,3967 


4676 


38 


711 




3 


3968 


4677 


37 


712 




4 


3969 


4678 


36 


713 


01. CLXXXVI. 


1 


3970 


4679 


35 


714 




2 


3971 


4680 


34 


715 




3 


3972 


4681 


33 


716 




4 


3973 


4682 


32 


717 


01. CLXXXVII. 


1 


3974 


4683 


31 


718 




2 


3975 


4684 


30 


719 




3 


3976 


5685 


29 


720 




4 


3977 


4686 


28 


721 


oi. cLXXxvm. 


1 


3978 


4687 


27 


722 




2 


3979 


468* 


26 


723 




3 


3980 


4689 


25 


724 




4 


3981 


4690 


24 


725 


01. CLXXX1X. 


1 


3982 


4691 


23 


726 




2 


3983 


4692 


22 


727 




3 


3984 


4693 


21 


728 




4 


3985 


4694 


20 


729 


01. CXC. 


1 


3986 


4695 


19 


730 




2 


3987 


4696 


18 


731 




3 


3988 


4697 


17 


732 




4 


3989 


4698 


16 


733 


01. CXCI. 


1 


3990 


4699 


15 


734 




2 


3991 


4700 


14 


735 




3 


3992 


4701 


13 


736 


1 


4 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



173 





Anni 


Anni ante 


Anni 






Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Julianas. 


JE ram 
Christian. 


Urbis 
Ce-nditas. 


Olymp. 




3993 


4702 


12 


737 


01. CXCII. 


1 


3994 


4703 


11 


738 




2 


3995 


4704 


10 


739 




3 


3996 


4705 


9 


740 




4 


3997 


4706 


8 


741 


01. CXCIII. 


1 


3998 


4707 


7 


742 




2 


3999 


4708 


6 


743 




3 


4000 


4709 


5 


744 




4 


4001 


4710 


4 


745 


01. CXCIV. 


1 


4002 


4711 


3 


746 




2 


4003 


4712 


2 


747 




3 


4004 


4713 


1 


748 




4 



174 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Annus 


Anni 






Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Julianae. 


jErae 
Christian. 


Urbis 
Conditae. 


Olymp. 




4005 


4714 


1 


749 


01. CXCV. 


1 


4006 


4715 


2 


750 




2 


4007 


4716 


3 


751 




3 


4008 


4717 


4 


752 




4 


4009 


4718 


5 


753 


01. CXCV1 


1 


4010 


4719 


6 


754 




2 


4011 


4720 


7 


755 




3 


4012 


4721 


8 


756 




4 


4013 


4722 


9 


757 


01. CXCVH, 


1 


4014 


4723 


10 


758 




2 


4015 


4724 


11 


759 




3 


4016 


4725 


12 


760 




4 


4017 


4726 


13 


761 


01. CXCVIII. 


1 


4018 


4727 


14 


762 




2 


4019 


4728 


15 


763 




3 


4020 


4729 


16 


764 




i 


4021 


4730 


17 


765 


01. CXC1X. 


1 


4022 


4731 


18 


766 




2 


4023 


4732 


19 


767 




3 


4024 


4733 


20 


768 




4 


4025 


4734 


21 


769 


Ol. cc. 


1 


4026 


4735 


22 


770 




2 


4027 


4736 


23 


771 




3 


4028 


4737 


24 


772 




4 


4029 


4738 


25 


773 


01. CCI. 


1 


4030 


4739 


26 


774 




2 


4031 


4740 


27 


775 




3 


4032 


4741 


28 


776 




4 


4033 


4742 


29 


777 


Ol. ecu 


1 


4034 


4743 


30 


778 




2 


4035 


4744 


31 


779 




3 


4036 


4745 


32 


780 




4 


4037 


4746 


33 


781 


Ol. CCIII. 


1 


4038 


4747 


34 


782 




2 


4039 


4748 


35 


783 




3 


4040 


4749 


36 


784 




4 


4041 


4750 


37 


785 


Ol. CC1V. 


1 


4042 


4751 


38 


786 




2 


4043 


4752 


39 


787 




3 


4044 


4753 


40 


788 




4 


4045 


4754 


41 


789 


Ol. CCV. 


1 


4046 


4755 


42 


790 




2 


4047 


4756 


43 


791 




3 


4048 


4757 


44 


792 




4 


4019 


4758 


45 


793 


Ol. CCVI. 


1 



COLLATIO ANNORUM. 



175 



1 


Anni 


Annus 


Anni 






Anni 
Mundi. 


Periodi 
Julianae. 


JEras 
Christian. 


Urbis 
Conditae. 


Olymp. 




4050 


4759 


46 


794 


01. CCVI. 


2 


4051 


4760 


47 


795 




3 


4052 


4761 


48 


796 




4 


4053 


4762 


49 


797 


01. CCVII. 


1 


4054 


4763 


50 


798 




2 


4055 


4764 


51 


799 




3 


4056 


4765 


52 


800 




4 


4057 


4766 


53 


801 


01. CCVIII. 


1 


4058 


4767 


54 


802 




2 


4059 


4768 


55 


803 




3 


4060 


4769 


56 


804 




4 


4061 


4770 


57 


805 


01. CCIX. 


1 


4062 


4771 


58 


806 




2 


4063 


4772 


59 


807 




3 


4064 


4773 


GO 


808 




4 


4065 


4774 


61 


809 


01. ccx. 


1 


4066 


4775 


62 


810 




2 


4067 


4776 


63 


811 




3 


4068 


4777 


64 


812 




4 


4069 


4778 


65 


813 


01. CCXI. 


1 


4070 


4779 


66 


814 




2 


4071 


4780 


67 


815 




3 


4072 


4781 


68 


816 




4 


4073 


4782 


69 


817 


01. CCXII. 


1 


4074 


4783 


70 


818 




2 


4075 


4784 


71 


819 




3 


4076 


4785 


72 


820 




4 



THE PRINCIPLES 



OF 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION; 



WITH A 



BRIEF METHOD 



OF 



THE DOCTRINE THEREOF. 



2 Tim. ver. 1. chap. 13. 



Hold fast the form of sound words, which thou hast heard of me, in faith and 
love which is in Christ Jesus. 



FIRST PRINTED IN 1654. 



VOL. XI. 



TO 



THE READER. 



W hen I was about the age of two or three and 
twenty years, I drew up these two short summa- 
ries of the Heads of Christian Religion : the one 
containing the more necessary and plainer prin- 
ciples thereof, fit to be known of all : the other, 
the methodical and more full declaration of some 
chief points thereof, framed to the capacity of 
such as had made a further progress in the know- 
ledge of these Heavenly truths. I little then 
imagined, that such rude draughts as these were, 
should ever have been presented unto the public 
view of the world. But seeing, contrary to my 
mind, they have by many impressions been di- 
vulged, and that in a very faulty manner : I have 
been persuaded at last, upon some revisal of them, 
to let them now go abroad in some more tolerable 

r2 



180 TO THE READER. 

condition than they did before. Hoping, that as 
at the first I had the favour from God, that none 
did despise my youth ; so now these first-fruits of 
mine will not altogether be contemned, being by 
me again presented unto thee when my head is 
grey. 



JAMES ARMAGH. 



THE PRINCIPLES 



OF 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION, 



Question. What sure ground have we to build our 
Religion upon ? 

Answer. The Word of God a , contained in the Scrip- 
tures. 

Q. What are those Scriptures ? 

A. Holy writings b , indited by God himself for the per- 
fect instruction of his Church. 

Q. What gather you of this, that God is the author of 
these writings ? 

A. That therefore they are of most certain credit c , and 
highest authority. 

Q. How serve they for the perfect instruction of the 
Church? 

A. In that they are able to instruct us sufficiently* 1 , in 
all points of faith that we are bound to believe, and all 
good duties that we are bound to practise. 

Q. What gather you of this ? 

A. That e it is our duty to acquaint ourselves with these 



* 2 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 19. 1 Tim. chap. 3. ver. 15. Ephes. chap. 2. ver. 20. 

b 2 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 21. 2 Tim. chap. 3. ver. 15, 16. 

c Luke, chap. 16. ver. 29. Gal. chap. 1. ver. 8. 

d 2 Tim. chap. 3. ver. 15, 16, 17. 

€ Deut. chap. 31. ver. 11, 12, 13. John, chap. 8. ver. 35. and chap. 5. ver. 39. 



1S2 THE PRINCIPLES 

holy writings, and f not to receive any doctrine that hath 
not warrant from thence. 

Q. What is the first point of religion, you are to learn 
out of God's Word? 

A. The nature of God. 

Q. What is God? 

A. God is a Spirit^ most perfect 11 , most wise', almighty 
and most holy. 

Q. What mean you by calling God a Spirit? 

A. That God k hath no body at all ; and therefore must 
not be thought to be like unto any thing which may be 
seen by the eyes of man. 

Q. Are there any more Gods than one? 

A. No: there is 1 only one God: though in that one 
Godhead there be m three persons. 

Q. Which is the first of these persons? 

A. The n Father who begetteth the Son. 

Q. Which is the second ? 

A. The Son , begotten of the Father. 

Q. Which is the third ? 

A. The Holy p Ghost, proceeding from the Father and 
the Son. 

Q. What did God determine concerning his crea- 
tures ? 

A. He q did before all time, by his unchangeable coun- 
sel, ordain whatsoever afterwards should come to pass. 



' Acts, chap. 17. ver. 11. 1 Cor. chap. 4. ver. 6. 

* John, chap. 4. ver. 24. 

h Rev. chap. 1. ver. 8. Acts, chap. 17. ver. 24, 25. Prov. chap. 8. ver. 14. 

' 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver. 17. Job. chap. 9. ver. 4. 11, 12, 13. Jer. chap. 10. 
ver. 12. Exod. chap. 34. ver. 6, 7. Psalm, 145. ver. 17. 

k 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver. 17. Col. chap. 1. ver. 15. Rom. chap. 1. ver. 23. 
Deut. chap. 4. ver. 12. 15, 16. 

1 Eph. chap. 4. ver. 5, 6. 1 Cor. chap. 8. ver. 4. Deut. chap. 4. ver. 35. 39. 

m Matt. chap. 28. ver. 19. 1 John, chap. 5. ver. 7. 

n Heb. chap. 1. ver. 3. 5. 

° Heb. chap. 1. ver. 1. 4. John, chap. 1. ver. IS. 

i* John, chap. 15. ver. 26. Gal. chap. 4. ver. 6. 

i Acts, chap. 2. ver. 23. et chap. 15. ver. 18. Eph. chap. 1. ver. 1. 11. Psal. 
33. ver. 11. 



OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 183 



Q. In what manner had all things their beginning ? 

A. In r the beginning of time, when no creature had 
any being, God by his Word alone, in the space of six 
days created all things. 

Q. Which are the principal creatures? 

A. Angels and men. 

Q. What is the nature of angels ? 

A. They 3 are wholly spiritual, having no body at all. 

Q. What is the nature of man ? 

A. Man* consisteth of two divers parts ; a body, and 
a soul. 

Q. What is the body? 

A. The u outward and earthly part of man : made at the 
beginning of the dust of the earth. 

Q. What is the soul ? 

A. The" inward and spiritual part of man ; which is 
immortal, and never can die. 

Q. How did God make man at the beginning ? 

A. According y to his own likeness and image. 

Q. Wherein was the image of God principally seen ? 

A. In z the perfection of the understanding ; and the 
freedom, and holiness of the wilL 

Q. How many of mankind were created at the be- 
ginning ? 

A. Two ; Adam a the man, and Eve the woman : from 
both whom all mankind did afterwards proceed. 

Q. What doth God after the creation? 

A. By b his providence he preserveth and governeth his 
creatures, with all things belonging unto them. 

r Gen. chap. 1. ver. 1. Heb. chap. 11. ver. 3. Exod. chap. 20. ver. 11. 
Rev. chap. 4. ver. 11. 

8 Col. chap, l.ver. 16. Heb. chap. 1. ver. 7. 14. 

1 Gen. chap. 2. ver. 7. Heb. chap. 12. ver. 9. 

u Gen. chap. 2. ver. 7. and chap. 3. ver. 19. 

x Eccles. chap. 12. ver. 7. Matt. chap. 10. ver. 28. Rev. chap. 6. ver. 29. 
2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 8. 

y Gen. chap. 1. ver. 26. et chap. 5. ver. 1. 

z Col. chap. 3. ver. 10. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 24. Eccl. chap. 7. ver. 31. 

a Gen. chap. 1. ver. 37, 38. and chap. 5. ver. 2. 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 13. 
Acts, chap. 17, ver. 26. 

b John, chap. 5. ver. 17. Neh. chap. 9. vet. 6. Psal. 119. ver. 91. Heb. chap. 



184 THE PRINCIPLES 

Q. What befel unto the angels after their creation ? 

A. Some c continued in that holy estate wherein they 
were created ; some of them fell, and became devils. 

Q. May the good angels fall hereafter? 

A. No d : but they shall always continue in their holi- 
ness and happiness. 

Q. Shall the wicked angels ever recover their first 
estate. 

A. They e shall not: but be tormented in Hell world 
without end. 

Q. How did God deal with man after he made him ? 

A. He f made a covenant with Adam, and in him with 
all mankind. 

Q. What was man bound to do by his covenant? 

A. To g continue as holy as God at the first made him, 
to keep all God's commandments, and never to break 
any of them. 

Q. What did God promise unto man, if he did thus 
keep his commandments ? 

A. The h continuance of his favour and everlasting life. 

Q. What did God threaten unto man, if he did sin 
and break his commandments ? 

A. His 1 dreadful curse and everlasting death. 

Q. Did man continue in that obedience which he did 
owe unto God ? 



]. ver. 3. Acts, chap. 17. ver. 26. 28. Matt. chap. 10. ver. 29, 30. Prov. chap. 
16. ver. 33. 

c Matt. chap. 25. ver. 31. 41. Jude, ver. 6. John, chap. 8. ver. 44. 1 John, 
chap. 3. ver. 3. 8. 

d 1 Tim. chap. 5. ver. 21. Matt. chap. 18. ver. 10. Luke, chap. 20. ver. 36. 

e 2 Peter, chap. 2. ver. 4. Jude, ver. 6. Matt. chap. 25. ver. 41. Rev. 
chap. 20. ver. 10. 

f Mai. chap. 2. ver. 10. Gen. chap. 2. ver. 17. Rom. chap. 2. ver. 15. 

s Luke, chap. 10. ver. 26, 27. Rom. chap. 7. ver. 7. 12. 14. Gal. chap. 3. 
ver. 10. 12. 1 Tim. chap. 15. 

h Rom. chap. 7. ver. 10. and chap. 10. ver. 5. Luke, chap. 10. ver. 25. 28. 
Gal. chap. 3. ver. 22. 

1 Gen. chap. 2. ver. 17. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 10. Lev. chap. 26. ver. 14, 15. 
Deut. chap. 28. ver. 15, 16. and chap. 29. ver. 19, 20. 



OP CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 185 

A. No. For k Adam and Eve obeying rather the per- 
suasion of the Devil than the commandments of God, did 
eat of the forbidden fruit, and so fell away from God. 

Q. Was this the sin of Adam and Eve alone ; or are 
we also guilty of the same ? 

A. All 1 we, that are their children, are guilty of the 
same sin : for we all sinned in them. 

Q. What followed upon this sin ? 

A. The m loss of the perfection of the image of God, 
and the corruption of nature in man, called Original sin. 

Q. Wherein standeth the corruption of man's nature ? 

A. In six things principally. 

Q. What is the first? 

A. The" blindness of the understanding ; which is not 
able to conceive the things of God. 

Q. What is the second ? 

A. The forgetfulness of the memory; unfit to remem- 
ber good things. 

Q. What is the third ? 

A. The p rebellion of the will ; which is wholly bent to 
sin, and altogether disobedient unto the will of God. 

Q. What is the fourth ? 

A. Disorder - of the affections, of joy, heaviness, love, 
anger, fear, and such like. 

Q. What is the fifth? 

A. Fear r and confusion in the conscience ; condemning 
where it should not, and excusing where it should con- 
demn. 



k Eccles. chap. 7. ver. 29. Gen. chap. 3. John, chap. 8. ver. 44. Rom. 
chap. 5. ver. 14, 15. 

1 Rom. chap. 5. ver. 12. 14, 15, 16, &c. 

"' Rom. chap. 5. ver. 12. 14. Gen. chap. 5. ver. 1. 3. and chap. 8. ver. 21. 
Psal. 51. ver. 5. Rom. chap. 7. ver. 14. 17, 18. 23. 

" 1 Cor. chap. 2. ver. 14. Jer. chap. 24. ver. 7. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 5. 
Eph. chap. 4. ver. 17, 18. 

Deut. chap. 32. ver. 18. Prov. chap. 3. ver. 1. Psal. 119. ver. 6. 

p Rom. chap. 5. ver. 6. and chap. 8. ver. 7. Philipp. chap. 2. ver. 13. Ephes. 
chap. 4. ver. 19. 

i Rom. chap. 1. ver. 26. and chap. 3. ver. 12, 13. Gal. chap. 5. ver. 24. 

r Tit. chap. 1. ver. 15. Heb. chap. 10. ver. 22. Rom. chap. 7. ver. 9. John, 
chap. 16. ver. 2. 



186 THE PRINCIPLES 

Q. What is the sixth ? 

A. Every 8 member of the body is become a ready in- 
strument to put sin in execution. 

Q. What are the fruits that proceed from this natural 
corruption ? 

A. Actual' sins : whereby we break the commandments 
of God in the whole course of our life. 

Q. How do we thus break God's commandments ? 

A. In u thought, word and deed : not doing that which 
we ought to do, and doing that which we ought not 
to do. 

Q. What punishment is mankind subject unto, by rea- 
son of original and actual sin ? 

A. He x is subject to all the plagues of God in this life, 
and endless torments in Hell after this life. 

Q. Did God leave man in this woful estate ? 

A. No : but y of his free and undeserved mercy entered 
into a new covenant with mankind. 

Q. What is offered unto man in this new covenant? 

A. Grace 2 and life everlasting is freely offered by God 
unto all that be made partakers of his Son Jesus Christ; 
who alone is Mediator betwixt God and man. 

Q. What are you to consider in Christ the Mediator of 
this covenant? 

A. Two things : his nature, and his office. 

Q. How many natures be there in Christ? 

A. Two a : the Godhead, and the Manhood, joined 



s Rom. chap. 6. ver. 19. Job, chap. 31. ver. 1. 2 Peter, chap. 2. ver. 14. 
Psalm 1 19. ver. 37. Rom. chap. 3. ver. 13, 14, 15. 

' Rom. chap. C. ver. 16, 17. and chap. 7. ver. 5. Gal. chap. 5. ver. 19, 20, 21. 
Matt. chap. 12. ver. 34, 35, 36. and chap. 15. ver. 19. 

u Acts, chap. 8. ver. 22. James, chap. 3. ver. 2. Matt. chap. 25. ver. 42, 43. 
Isaiah, chap. 1. ver. 16, 17. 

* Deut. chap. 1. ver. 28. 45. Luke, chap. 16. ver. 23. Matt. chap. 25. ver. 41. 

y Ezek. chap. 76. ver. 6. 60. Zach. chap. 9. ver. 11. 

z Rom. chap. 1. ver. 24, 25, 26. and chap. 5. ver. 15, 16, 17. 19, 20,21. 
Eph. chap. 2. ver. 7, 8. 9. John, chap. 1. ver. 12. Rom. chap. 5. ver. 17. 
Heb. chap. 3. ver. 14. 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 5. 

a 1 Tim. chap. 3. ver. 16. John, chap. 1. ver. 1. 14. Luke, chap. 1. ver. 
35. Rom. chap. 1. ver. 3, 4. and chap. 9. ver. 5. 



OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. J 87 

together in one person ; which is no other but the second 
person of the Trinity. 

Q. Why must Christ be God ? 

A. That b his obedience and suffering might be of infi- 
nite worth and value, as proceeding from such a person, 
as was God equal to the Father : that he might be able to 
overcome the sharpness of death (which himself was to 
undergo) and to raise c us up from the death of sin, by 
sending his holy Spirit into our hearts. 

Q. Why must Christ be man ? 

A. Because the Godhead could not suffer : and it was 
further requisite, that the same nature which had offended 
should suffer for the offence ; and that our nature, which 
was corrupted in the first Adam, should be restored to his 
integrity in the second Adam, Christ Jesus our Lord. 

Q. What is the office of Christ? 

A. To d be a mediator betwixt God and man. 

Q. What was required of Christ for making peace and 
reconciliation betwixt God and man ? 

A. That e he should satisfy the first covenant where- 
unto man was tied. 

Q. Wherein was Christ to make satisfaction to the first 
covenant. 

A. In f performing that righteousness which the law of 
God did require of man ; and in bearing the punishment 
which was due unto man for breaking of the same law. 

Q. How did Christ perform that righteousness which 
God's law requireth of man 1 

A. In s that he was conceived by the Holy Ghost, with- 



b Gal.chap.4.ver. 4. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 14. Acts, chap. 20. ver. 28. Rom. 
chap. 1. ver. 4. and chap. 4. ver. 4. 25. and chap. 8. ver. 34. 1 Cor. chap. 15. 17. 
1 Peter, chap. 3. ver. 18. John, chap. 2. ver. 16. 21. 

c Eph. chap. 2. ver. 1. Col. chap. 2. ver. 13. John, chap. 5. ver. 25. and 
chap. 6. ver. 03. Rom. chap. 8. ver. 9. 1 John, chap. 4. ver. 13. 

d Heb. chap. 12. ver. 24. 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 5. 1 John, chap. 2. ver. 1. 

e Rom. chap. 8. ver. 3, 4. and chap. 10. ver. 4. Gal. chap. 4. ver. 4,5. 

f Matt. chap. 5. ver. 17. Heb. chap. 5. ver. 8, 9, 10. and chap. 7. ver. 7. 9. 1 0. 
Philipp. chap. 2. ver. 7, 8. John, chap. 4. ver. 34. 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 22, 
23, 24. Isaiah, chap. 53. ver. 9, 10. 

s Luke, chap. 1. ver. 35. 1 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 19. and chap. 2. ver. 22. and 



188 THE PRINCIPLES 

out all Bpot of original corruption ; and lived most holy all 
the days of his life, without all actual sin. 

Q. How did he bear the punishment which was due 
unto man for breaking God's law ? 

A. In h that he willingly for man's sake made himself 
subject to the curse of the law, both in body and soul : 
and humbling himself even unto the death, offered up 
unto his Father a perfect sacrifice for the sins of the 
world; 

Q. What is required of man for obtaining the benefits 
of the Gospel ? 

A. That 1 he receive Christ Jesus whom God doth 
freely offer unto him. 

Q. By what means are you to receive Christ ? 

A. By faith k , whereby I believe the gracious promises 
of the Gospel. 

Q. How do you receive Christ by faith ? 

A. By 1 laying hold of him, and applying him with all 
his benefits to the comfort of mine own soul. 

Q. What is the first main benefit which we do get by 
thus receiving Christ? 

A. Justification™ : whereby, in Christ, we receive the 
forgiveness of our sins, and are accounted righteous: 
being by that means freed from the guilt of sin and con- 
demnation, and estated in a new interest unto everlasting 
life. 



chap. 3. ver. 18. 1 John, chap. 3. ver. 5. Isaiah, chap. 53. ver. 9. John, chap. 
8. ver. 29. 46. and chap. 15. ver. 10. 

h Gal. chap. 3. ver. 13. 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 23, 24. Isaiah, chap. 53. ver. 10, 
1 1. Matt. chap. 26. ver. 37, 38, 39. Luke, chap. 22. ver. 43, 44. Heb. chap. 5. 
ver. 7. Philipp. chap. 2. ver. 8. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 14, 15. 26. 28. and chap. 
10. ver. 10. 12. 14. John, chap. 1. ver. 29. and chap. 3. ver. 16, 17. 

1 John, chap. 1. ver. 11, 12. Rom. chap. 5. ver. 17. Heb. chap. 3. ver. 6, 
14. Col. chap. 2. ver. 6, 7. 

k John, chap. 1. ver. 12. and chap. 6. ver. 29. 35. 40. 47. and chap. 7. ver. 37 r 
38. Rom. chap. 9. ver. 30. Eph. chap. 1. ver. 13. 

1 John, chap. 6. ver. 35. 54, 55, 56, 57. Gal. chap. 2. ver. 20. and chap. 3. 
ver. 27. Eph. chap. 3. ver. 17. 2 Cor. chap. 13 ver. 5. 

m 1 Cor. chap. 1. ver. 30. 2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 19. 21. Rom. chap. 4. ver. 
3, 4, 5,6, 7, 8, 9. and chap. 5. ver. 11. 16, 17, 18, 19. and chap. 8. ver. 1, 2. 
33, 34. 1 John, chap. 1. ver. 7. 



OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 189 

Q. Whereby then must we look to be justified in the 
sight of God? 

A. Only" by the merits of Christ Jesus, received of us 
by faith. 

Q. What other main benefit do we get by receiving 
Christ? 

A. Sanctification 11 ; whereby we are freed from the do- 
minion of sin, and the image of God is renewed in us. 

Q. Wherein is this sanctification seen? 

A. In repentance and new obedience springing from 
thence. 

Q. What is repentance ? 

A. Repentance is a gift of God p , whereby a godly sor- 
row is wrought in the heart of the faithful, for offending 
God their merciful Father, by their former transgressions ; 
together with a resolution for the time to come, to forsake 
their former courses and to lead a new life. 

Q. What call you new obedience ? 

A. A careful q endeavour which the faithful have to give 
unfeigned obedience unto all God's commandments, ac- 
cording to that measure of strength wherewith God doth 
enable them. 

Q. What rule have we for the direction of our obe- 
dience ? 

A. The moral r law of God : the sum s whereof is con- 
tained in the ten commandments. 

Q. What are the chief parts of this law ? 



" Philipp. chap. 3. ver. 9. Rom. chap. 3. ver. 26, 27, 28. Gal. chap. 2. ver. 1C. 
and chap. 3. ver. 8. 1 Cor. chap. 6. ver. 11. 1 Thess. chap. 5. ver. 23. Rom. 
chap. 6. ver. C, 7. 14. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 22, 23, 24. Col. chap. 5. ver. 9, 10. 

° Acts, chap. 26. ver. 20. Matt. chap. 3. ver. 8. 

P 2 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 25. Jer. chap. 31. ver. 18, 19. 2 Cor. chap. 7. ver. 10, 
1 1. Act. chap. 11. ver. 23. and chap. 26. ver. 20. Psalm 119. ver. 106. 112. 

1 Luke, chap. 1. ver. 6. 74, 75. Psalm 119. ver. 6. 1 Peter, chap. 4. ver. 1. 
2, 3. 1 John, chap. 3. ver. 3. 

«• Ezek. chap. 20. ver. 18. 19. Matt. chap. 15. ver. 6. 9. Psalm 119. ver. 
105, 106. Deut. chap. 5. ver. 32. and chap. 12. ver. 32. Num. chap. 15. 
ver. 29. Jer. chap. 19. ver. 5. 

8 Exod. chap. 34. ver. 27, 28. Matt, chap, 22. ver. 40. 



190 THE PRINCIPLES 

A. The duties 1 which we owe unto God, set down in the 
first table : and that which we owe unto man in the second. 

Q. What is the sum of the first table ? 

A. That we u love the Lord our God, with all our heart, 
with all our soul, and with all our mind. 

Q. How many commandments belong to this table ? 

A. Four*. 

Q. Which is the first commandment ? 

A. I am the Lord thy God, which have brought thee 
out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage. 
Thou shalt have no other gods before me. 

Q. What duty is enjoined in this commandment ? 

A. That in all the inward powers and faculties of our 
souls, the true eternal God be entertained, and he only. 

Q. Which is the second commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, &c. 

Q. Wliat duty is enjoined in this commandment ? 

A. That all outward means of religious and solemn wor- 
ship be given unto the same God alone : and not so much 
as the least degree thereof (even the bowing of the body) 
be communicated to any image or representation either of 
God, or of any thing else whatsoever. 

Q. Which is the third commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God 
in vain: for the Lord will not hold him guiltless that takes 
his name in vain. 

Q. What is enjoined in this commandment ? 

A. That in the ordinary course of our lives, we use the 
name of God, (that is, his titles, words, works, judgments, 
and whatsoever he would have himself known by) with re- 
verence and all holy respect ; that in all things he may 
have his due glory given unto him. 

Q. Which is the fourth commandment? 

A. Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy, &c. 

1 Matt. chap. 22. ver. 37, 38, 39, 40. Ibid. chap. 12. ver. 30, 31. 33. Luke, 
chap. 1. ver. 75. and chap. 10. ver. 27. Eph.chap. 4. ver. 24. 1 Tim. chap. 22. 

u Matt. chap. 22. ver. 37, 38. Luke, chap. 10. ver. 27. Deut. chap. 6. 
ver. 5. 

x Exod. chap. 20. 



OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 191 

Q. What cloth this commandment require ? 

A. That we keep holy the Sabbath day ; by resting 
from the ordinary businesses of this life, and bestowing 
that leisure upon the exercises of religion, both public 
and private. 

Q. What is the sum of the second table ? 

A. That we y love our neighbours as ourselves. 

Q. What commandments belong to this table ? 

A. The six last. 

Q. Which is the fifth commandment ? 

A. Honour thy father and thy mother : that thy days 
may be long in the land which the Lord thy God giveth 
thee. 

Q. What kind of duties are prescribed in this com- 
mandment, which is the first of the second table ? 

A. Such duties as are to be performed with a special 
respect of superiors, inferiors, and equals : as namely, 
reverence to all superiors, obedience to such of them as 
are in authority ; and whatsoever special duties concern 
the husband and wife, parents and children, masters and 
servants, magistrate and people : pastors and flock, and 
such like. 

Q. Which is the sixth commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not kill. 

Q. What doth this commandment enjoin ? 

A. The preservation of the safety of mens persons, with 
all means tending to the same. 

Q. Which is the seventh commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 

Q. What is required in this commandment ? 

A. The preservation of the chastity of men's persons : 
, for the keeping whereof, wedlock is commanded unto them 
that stand in need thereof. 

Q. Which is the eighth commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not steal. 

Q. What things are ordered in this commandment ? 



y Matt. chap. 22. ver. 39. Rom. chap. 13. ver. 9. James, chap. 2. ver. 8. 
Gal. chap. 5. ver. 14. Lev. chap. 19. ver. 18. 



192 THE PRINCIPLES 

A. Whatsoever concerneth the goods of this life ; in 
regard either of ourselves, or of our neighbours. 

Q. How in regard of ourselves? 

A. That we labour diligently in an honest and profita- 
ble calling ; content ourselves with the goods well gotten, 
and with liberality employ them to good uses. 

Q. How in regard of our neighbours ? 

A. That we use just dealing unto them in this respect, 
and use all good means that may tend to the furtherance 
of their estate. 

Q. Which is the ninth commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neigh- 
bour. 

Q. What doth this commandment require ? 

A. The using of truth in our dealing one with another; 
especially to the preservation of the good name of our 
neighbours. 

Q. Which is the tenth and last commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house, thou 
shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife, nor his man servant, 
nor his maid servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing 
that is thy neighbour's. 

Q. What doth this commandment contain ? 

A. It condemneth 2 all wandering thoughts, that disagree 
from the love which we owe unto our neighbours ; al- 
though we never yield consent thereunto. 

Q. WTiat means doth God use to offer the benefit of 
the Gospel unto men, and to work and encrease his graces 
in them. 

A. The outward 3 ministry of the Gospel. 

Q. Where is this ministry executed ? 

A. In the b visible churches of Christ. 

Q. What do you call a visible church ? 



1 Exod. chap. 20. ver. 17. with Matt. chap. 5. ver. 28. and Rom. chap. 7. 
ver. 7. 

a Rom. chap. 11. ver. 15, 16, and chap. 10. ver. 14. 16, 17. 1 Cor. chap. 1. 
ver. 21. and chap. 12. ver. 28. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 3. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 11, 
12. 

b Matt. chap. 18. ver. 17, 18. Acts, chap. 11. ver, 26. and chap. 14. ver. 23. 



OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 193 

A. A company of men that live under the outward 
means of salvation. 

Q. What are the principal parts of this ministry ? 

A. The administration' 1 of the Word and Sacraments. 

Q. What is the Word ? 

A. That part of the outward ministry, which consist- 
eth in the delivery of doctrine. 

Q. What is a sacrament? 

A. A sacrament 1 is a visible sign, ordained by God to 
be a seal for confirmation of the promises of the Gospel 
unto the due receivers thereof. 

Q. Which are the sacraments ordained by Christ in the 
New Testament ? 

A. Baptism^ and the Lord's Supper. 

Q. What is Baptism? 

A. The sacrament 1 ' of our admission into the Church ; 
sealing unto us our new birth, by the communion which we 
have with Christ Jesus. 

Q. What doth the element of water in Baptism repre- 
sent unto us ? 

A. The blood 1 and spirit of Jesus Christ our Lord. 

Q. What doth the cleansing of the body represent ? 



and chap. 15. ver. 22. and chap. 20. ver. 17. 28. 1 Cor. chap. 4. ver. 17. and 
chap. 14. ver. 23. 28.33, 34. 

c Acts, chap. 2. ver. 47. and chap. 20. ver. 17. 20, 21. 32. 1 Cor. chap. 1. 
ver. 2. 18. 21. 24. 

d Matt. chap. 28. ver. 10. Acts, chap. 2. ver. 41, 42. and chap. 20. ver. 7. 

e Tit. chap. 1. ver. 9. 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver. 3, 4. 11, 12. and chap. 5. ver. 17. 
2 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 15. and chap. 4. ver. 2. Rom. chap. 10. ver. 14. 16, 17. 
1 Cor. chap. 1. ver. 18. 21. 23, 24. Acts, chap. 14. ver. 21. and chap. 20. ver. 
20, 21. 27.31, 32. 

f Gen. chap. 17. ver. 10, 11. Rom. chap. 4. ver. 11, 12. and chap. 2. ver. 
28, 29. 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 1, 2, 3, 4. 16. 

s 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 1, 2, 3, 4. and chap. 12. ver. 13. Acts, chap. 2. ver. 
41, 42. and chap. 20. ver. 7. 

11 Matt. chap. 3. ver. 6. 11. and chap. 28. ver. 10. Acts, chap. 2. ver. 38. 41. 
and chap. 8. ver. 36, 37. Tit. chap. 3. ver. 5. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 27. 1 Cor- 
chap. 1. ver. 13. 15. and chap. 12. ver. 13. 

' 1 John, chap. 1. ver. 7. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 14. 1 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 1!) 
Rev. chap. 1. ver. 5. Matt. chap. 3. ver. 11. 

VOL. XI. S 



194 THE PRINCIPLES 

A. The cleansing k of the soul by the forgiveness of sins 
and imputation of righteousness. 

Q. What doth the being under the water, and the free- 
ing from it again represent? 

A. Our dying 1 unto sin, by the force of Christ's death; 
and living again unto righteousness, through his resurrec- 
tion. 

Q. What is the Lord's Supper ? 

A. The sacrament™ of our preservation in the Church ; 
sealing unto us our spiritual nourishment and continual 
increase in Christ, 

Q. What do the elements of bread and wine in the 
Lord's Supper represent unto us ? 

A. The body 11 and blood of Christ. 

Q. What doth the breaking of the bread and pouring- 
out of the wine represent ? 

A. The sufferings whereby our Saviour was broken for 
our iniquities; the shedding of his precious blood, and 
pouring out of his soul unto death. 

Q. What doth the receiving of the bread and wine re- 
present ? 

A. The receiving p of Christ by faith. 

Q. Wliat doth the nourishment which our body receiv- 
eth by virtue of this outward meat and drink seal unto us ? 

A. The perfect* 1 nourishment and continual increase of 
strength, which the inward man enjoyeth by virtue of the 
communion with Jesus Christ. 



k Acts, chap. 2. ver. 38. and chap. 22. ver. 16. 1 Cor. chap. 6. ver. 11. Gal. 
chap. 3. ver. 26, 27. 1 Peter, chap. 3. ver. 21. 

I Rom. chap. 6. ver. 3, 4, 5, 6. Col. chap. 2. ver. 11, 12. 

m Matt. chap. 26. ver. 26. 28. 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 16. and chap. 11. ver. 
24, 25, 26, &c. Matt. chap. 26. ver. 26. 28. 

II 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 16. and chap. 11. ver. 24, 25. &c. 

" Matt. chap. 26. ver. 26. 28. I Cor. chap. 11. ver. 24, 25, 26. Isaiah, chap. 
53. ver. 5. 10. 12. 

p 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 16, 17. and chap. 12. ver. 13. John, chap. 1. ver. 12 
and chap. 6. ver. 27. 29. 35, 36. 40. 47, 48. 63, 64. and chap. 7. ver. 37, 38_ 
2 Cor. chap. 13. ver. 5. Eph. chap. 3. ver. 17. Heb. chap. 3. ver. 14. 

4 John, chap. 6. ver. 35. 50, 51. 54, 55, 56, 57, 58. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 16." 



OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 19a 

Q. After the course of this life is ended ; what shall be 
the state of man in the world to come ? 

A. Every one r is to be judged, and rewarded according 
to the life which he hath led. 

Q. How many kinds be there of this judgment? 

A. Two ; the one particular, the other general. 

Q. What call you the particular judgment ? 

A. That which s is given upon the soul of every man, as 
soon as it is departed from the body. 

Q. What is the state of the soul of man, as soon as he 
departeth out of this life ? 

A. The souls 1 of God's children be presently received 
into heaven, there to enjoy unspeakable comforts : the 
souls of the wicked are gent into hell, there to endure 
endless torments. 

Q. What call you the general judgment? 

A. That which" Christ shall in a solemn manner give 
upon all men at once ; when he shall come at the last day 
with the glory of his Father, and all men that ever have 
been from the beginning of the world until that day, shall 
appear together before him, both in body and soul, whe- 
ther they be quick or dead. 

Q. How shall the dead appear before the judgment 
seat of Christ ? 

A. The bodies x which they had in their life time, shall 
by the almighty power of God be restored again, and 

r Heb. chap. 9. ver. 27. Rom. chap. 14. ver. 10. 12. 2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 8, 
9, 10. 

s Eccles. chap. 12. ver. 14. and chap. 21. ver. 7. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 27. 
Luke, chap. 16. ver, 2. 23, 24, 25. 

1 Luke, chap. 16. ver. 22. 25. and chap. 23. ver. 43. Rev. chap. 14. ver. 13. 
Isaiah, chap. 57. ver. 1, 2. 2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 6. 8. John, chap. 5. ver. 24. 
Luke, chap. 16. ver. 23, 24, 25, 26. 1 Peter, chap. 3. ver. 19. Isaiah, chap. 
22. ver. 41. John, chap. 8. ver. 24. 

■ Matt. chap. 13. ver. 40, 41, 42, 43. 49, 50. and chap. 19. ver. 28. and chap. 
24. ver. 30,31. and chap. 25. ver. 31, 32, 33. 46. Acts, chap. 1. ver. 11. and 
chap. 3. ver. 19. 21. and chap. 17. ver. 31. 

* Job, chap. 19. ver. 25, 26, 27. Daniel, chap. 12. ver. 2, 3. Matt. chap. 23. 
ver. 30, 31, 32. John, chap. 5. ver. 28, 29. and chap. 11. ver. 24. 1 Cor. chap. 
15. ver. 12, 13. 15. 1 Thess. chap. 4. ver. 13, 14, 15, 16. Rev. chap. 20. ver. 
12, 13. 

s2 



196 THE PRINCIPLES 

quickened with their souls : and so there shall be a gene- 
ral resurrection from the dead. 

Q. How shall the quick appear ? 

A. Such as y then remain alive, shall be changed in the 
twinkling of an eye : which shall be to them instead of 
death. 

Q. What sentence shall Christ pronounce upon the righ- 
teous ? 

A. Come 2 , ye blessed of my Father ; inherit the kingdom 
prepared for you from the foundation of the world. 

Q. What sentence shall he pronounce upon the wicked? 

A. Depart 3 from me ye cursed, into everlasting fire, 
which is prepared for the devil and his angels. 

Q. What shall follow this ? 

A. Christ b shall deliver up the kingdom to his Father, 
and God shall be all in all. 

y 2 Tim. chap. 4. ver. 1. 1 Thess. chap. 4. ver. 15, 16, 17. I Cor. chap. 15. 
ver. 51, 52, 53. 2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 4. 

1 Matt. chap. 5. ver. 34. a Ibid. chap. 25. ver. 41. 

b 1 Cor. chap. 15. ver. 24. 28. 



THE METHOD 



OF THE 



DOCTRINE 



OF 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION; 

SHEWING 

THE CONJUNCTION OF TUB CHIEF POINTS THEREOF, WITH A MORE PARTICULAR 

DECLARATION OF SOME PARTICULAR HEADS, 

WHICH WERE BUT SHORTLY TOUCHED IN THE FORMER SUM. 



THE METHOD 



OF THE 



DOCTRINE 



OF 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION 



Question . What certain rule have we left us, for our 
direction in the knowledge of the true religion, whereby 
we must he saved ? 

Answer. The holy Scriptures of the Old and New 
Testament : which God delivered unto us by the ministry 
of his servants the prophets and apostles ; to inform us 
perfectly in all things that are needful for us to know in 
matters of religion. 

Q. What be the general heads of religion, which in 
these holy writings are delivered unto us ? 

A. The a knowledge of God's nature and kingdom. 

Q. What are we to consider in God's nature ? 

A. First b , his essence or being, which is but one ; and 
then, the persons which are three in number. 

Q. What do you consider in God's essence or being ? 

A. His perfection and life. 

Q. How are we to conceive of God, in regard of his 
perfection ? 

a Psalm 103. ver. S. 19. and Psalm 145. vcr. 3, 4. 11, 12. 1 Chron. chap. 29. 
ver. 11. Matt. chap. 6. ver. 3. 
b Col. chap. 2. ver. 9. Heb, chap. 1. vcr. 3. 1 John, chap. j. vcr. 7. 



200 THE METHOD OF 

A. That c he is a spirit, most single and infinite ; having 
his being from himself, and having need of nothing which 
is without himself. 

Q. Why do you call God a spirit ? 
A. To declare his being to be such, as hath no body, 
and is not subject to our outward senses : that we admit 
not any base conceit of his glorious majesty, in thinking 
him to be like unto any thing which can be seen by the eye 
of man. 

Q. What understand you by the singleness or simpli- 
city of God's nature ? 

A. That d he hath no parts nor qualities in him ; but 
whatsoever is in him is God, and God's whole essence. 

Q. What gather you of this, that God hath no parts 
nor qualities ? 

A. That e he neither can be divided, nor changed ; but 
remaineth always in the same state without any alteration 
at all. 

Q. In what respect do you call God's essence infinite ? 

A. In that it is free from all measure both of time and 
place. 

Q. How is God free from all measure of time ? 

A. In f that he is eternal, without beginning and without 
ending, never elder nor younger ; and hath all things pre- 
sent unto him, nothing former or latter, past or to come. 

Q. How is God infinite in regard of place ? 

A. Ins that he filleth all things and places, both within 
and without the world ; present every where, and con- 
ained no where. 

Q. How is he present every where ? Hath he one part 
of himself here, and another there ? 



c Job, chap. 11. ver. 7, 8. 1 Tim. chap. 6. ver. 16. Isai. chap. 145. ver. 3. 
Rev. chap. 1. ver. S. Rom. chap. 11. ver. 36. Acts, chap. 17. ver. 24. 

d Rom. chap. 1. ver. 23. James, chap. 1. ver. 17. 1 John, chap. 1. ver. 5. 7. 
Isaiah, chap. 43. ver. 25. Prov. chap. 8. ver. 14. 

e Mai. chap. 3. ver. 6. James, chap. 1. ver. 17. 

f Rev. chap. 1. ver. 8. Psalm 90. ver. 2. 4. 2 Pet. chap. 3. ver. S. John, 
chap. 8. ver. 58. 

S 1 Kings, chap. 8. ver. 27. Psalm 115. ver. 3. Jer. chap. 23. ver. 24. 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 201 

A. No, for he hath no parts at all whereby he might 
be divided ; and therefore must be wholly wheresoever 
he is. 

Q. What do you call the life of God? 

A. That 11 by which the divine nature is in perpetual ac- 
tion, most simply and infinitely moving in itself; in respect 
whereof the Scripture calleth him the Living God. 

Q. What gather you from the comparing of this infi- 
niteness and simplicity, or singleness, of God's nature with 
his life and motion ? 

A. That when strength, justice, mercy, and such like, 
are attributed unto God, we must conceive that they are 
in him without all measure : and further also, that they be 
not' divers virtues whereby his nature is qualified, but that 
all they and every one of them is nothing else but God 
himself, and his entire essence. 

Q. Wherein doth the life of God shew itself? 

A. In 1 his allsufflciency, and in his holy will. 

Q. Wherein standeth his allsufficiency ? 

A. In his all-knowing wisdom, and his almighty power. 

Q. Wherein doth his wisdom consist ? 

A. In perfect knowledge 111 of all things, that either are 
or might be. 

Q. In what sort doth God know all things ? Doth he, 
as we do, see one thing after another ? 

A. No" : but with one sight he continually beholdeth 
all things distinctly, whether they be past, present, or to 
come. 

Q. How is God said to be Almighty ? 

11 Rev. chap. 10. ver. 6. Deut. chap. 32. ver. 40. Joshua, chap. 3. ver. 10. 
Ileb. chap. 10. ver. 31. and chap. fi. ver. 17. 

1 Prov. chap. 8. ver. 14. 1 John, chap. 4. ver. 17. Isaiah, chap. 43. ver. 25. 

k Deut. chap. 32. ver. 4. Exod. chap. 34. ver. C, 7. Psalm 89. ver. 13, 14. 
and Psalm 145. ver. 7. 17. Jer. chap. 32. ver. 17, 18, 19. Nah. chap. 1. 
ver. 3. 

1 Psalm 147. ver. 5. Prov. chap. 8. ver. 14. Jer. chap. 10. ver. 12. 14 
and chap. 32. ver. 19. 

Ia Psalm 147. ver. 5. Prov. chap. 8. ver. 11. Jer. chap. 10. ver." 12. 14. 
and chap. 32. ver. 19. 

" Heb. chap. 4. ver. 13, 



202 THE METHOD OF 

A. Because" he hath power to bring to pass all things 
that can be; howsoever to us they may seem impossible. 

Q. Wherein is the holiness of his will seen? 

A. In p his goodness, and in his justice, 

Q. Wherein doth he shew his goodness ? 

A. In q being beneficial unto his creatures, and shewing 
mercy unto them in their miseries. 

Q. Wherein sheweth he his justice ? 

A. Both r in his word, and in his deeds. 

Q. How sheweth he justice in his word? 

A. Because s the truth thereof is most certain. 

Q. How sheweth he justice in his deeds ? 

A. By 1 ordering and disposing of all things rightly ; and 
rendering to his creatures according to their works. 

Q. What do you call persons in the Godhead ? 

A. Such as having one essence (or being) equally com- 
mon, are distinguished (not divided) one from auother by 
some incommunicable property. 

Q. How cometh it to pass that there should be this di- 
versity of persons in the Godhead? 

A. Though the essence or being of the Godhead be the 
same, and most simple (as hath been declared :) yet the 
manner of having this being is not the same, and hence 
ariseth the distinction of persons : in that beside the being, 
which is common to all and the self-same in all, they have 
every one some special property which cannot be common 
to the rest. 

Q. Which are these persons, and what are their personal 
properties ? 

n Rev. chap. I. ver. 8. Matt. chap. 19. ver. 26. Mark, chap. 14. ver. 36. 
Luke, chap. 1. ver. 37. 

v Matt. chap. 19. ver. 17. Rom. chap. 9. ver. 18. Exod. chap. 34. ver. 6, 7. 
Nehem. chap. 9. ver. 32, 33. 

'i 1 John, chap. 4. ver. 16. Psalm 33. ver. 5. 1 Tim. chap. 4. ver. 10. 
Psalm 145. ver. 7, 8, 9. 17. Nehem. chap. 9. ver. 17. 31. Psalm 103. ver. 8, 
9. &c. Lam. chap. 3. ver. 22. 

'' Deut. chap. 32. ver. 4. Neh. chap. 9. ver. 32, 33. 

s Deut. chap. 32. ver. 4. Neh. chap. 9. ver. 32, 33. Num. chap. 23. ver. 19. 
Rom. chap. 3. ver. 4. Neh. chap. 9. ver. 8. 

' Deut. chap. 32. ver. 4. Psalm 145. ver. 17. Rom. chap. 2. ver. 2. 5, 6. 
Rev. chap. 22. ver. 12. 1 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 17, 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 



203 



A. The first person in order is the Father, who beget- 
teth the Son. The second is the Son, begotten of the 
Father. The third is the Holy Ghost, proceeding from 
the Father and the Son. 

Q. Doth the Godhead of the Father beget the God- 
head of the Son? 

A. No ; but the person of the Father begetteth the per- 
son of the Son. 

Q. Thus much of God's nature : what are we to con- 
sider in his kingdom ? 

A. First", the decree made from all eternity : and then 
the execution thereof accomplished in time. 

Q. How was the decree made? 

A. All things whatsoever should in time come to pass, 
with every small circumstance appertaining thereunto, was 
ordained to be so from all eternity, by God's certain and 
unchangeable counsel. 

Q. Did God then before he made man, determine to 
save some and reject others ? 

A. Yes surely x : before they had done either good or 
evil, God in his eternal counsel set some apart, upon 
whom he would in time shew the riches of his mercy : and 
determine to withhold the same from others, upon whom 
he would shew the severity of his justice. 

Q. What should move God to make this difference 
between man and man ? 

A. Only* his own good pleasure : whereby having pur- 
posed to create man for his own glory, forasmuch as he 
was not bound to shew mercy unto any, and his glory 
should appear as well in executing of justice, as in shewing 
mercy ; it seemed good unto his heavenly wisdom to choose 
out a certain number, towards whom he would extend his 
undeserved mercy, leaving the rest to be spectacles of his 
justice. 



" Eph. chap. 1. ver. 11. Acts, chap. 4. ver. 28. 

x Rom. chap. 9. ver. 11. 21, 22, 23. Matt. chap. 25. ver. 34. 2 Tim. chap. 
2. ver. 20. Rev. chap. 17. ver. 8. 1 Thess.chap. 5. ver. 9. 

y Rom. chap. 9. ver. 15, 16. 21, 22, 23. Prov. chap. 16. ver. 4. Matt. 
chap. 11. ver. 25, 26. Ephcs. chap. 1. ver. 1. 11. Jude, ver. 4. 



204 THE METHOD OF 

Q. Wherein doth the execution of God's decree con- 
sist ? 

A. In z the works of the creation and providence. 

Q. What was the manner of the creation ? 

A. In a the beginning of time, when no creature had any 
being, God by his word b alone, did in the space of six c 
days create all things, both visible 13 and invisible, making 
every one of them exceeding good in their kind. 

Q. What are the principal creatures which were or- 
dained unto an everlasting condition ? 

A. Angels, altogether spiritual and void of bodies: and 
man consisting of two parts, the body which is earthly, 
and the soul, which is spiritual, and therefore not subject 
to mortality. 

Q. In what regard is man said to be according to the 
likeness and image of God ? 

A. In regard especially of the perfections of the powers 
of the soul ; namely, the wisdom of the mind, and the 
true holiness of his free will. 

Q. How are you to consider of God's providence ? 

A. Both as it is common unto all the creatures , which 
are thereby sustained in their being, and ordered accord- 
ing to the Lord's will : and as it properly concerneth the 
everlasting condition of the principal creatures, to wit, 
angels and men. 

Q. What is that which concerneth angels? 

A. Some of them remained in that blessed condition 
wherein they were created, and are by God's grace for ever 
established therein. Others kept it not, but wilfully left 
the same ; and therefore are condemned to everlasting tor- 
ment in hell, without all hope of recovery. 

Q. How is the state of mankind ordered ? 



z Neh. chap. 9. ver. 6. Psalm 146. ver. G, 7. and Psalm. 148. ver. 5, 6. 

a Gen. chap. 11. Matt. chap. 10. ver. G. John, chap. 1. ver. 1, 2, 3. 

b Heb. chap. 11. ver. 3. Psalm 33. ver. G. and Psalm 148. ver. 5. 

c Gen. chap. 1. ver. 31. Exod. chap. 20. ver. 11. 

(1 Col. chap. 1. ver. 1. 6. 

c Gen. chap. 1. ver. 31. Eccles. chap. 12. ver. 7. 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 205 

A. In this life by the tenor of a twofokF covenant ; and 
in the world to come, by the sentence of a twofold judg- 
ment 8 . 

Q. What is the first of these covenants ? 

A. The law, or the covenant of works : whereby God 
promiseth everlasting life unto man, upon condition that 
he perform entire and perfect obedience unto his law, ac- 
cording to that strength wherewith he was endued by vir- 
tue of his creation; and in like sort threateneth death 
unto him, if he do not perform the same. 

Q. What seal did God use for the strengthening of this 
covenant ? 

A. The two trees' 1 which he planted in the middle of 
paradise: the one of life, the other of knowledge of good 
and evil. 

Q. What did the tree of life signify ? 

A. That man should have assurance of everlasting life, 
if he continued in obedience. 

Q. What did the tree of knowledge of good and evil 
signify ? 

A. That if man did fall from obedience, he should be 
surely punished with everlasting death ; and so know by 
experience in himself, what evil was, as before he knew by 
experience that only which was good. 

Q. What was the event of this covenant ? 

A. By 1 one man sin entered into the world, and death 
by sin ; and so death went over all men, for as much as all 
have sinned. 

Q. How did sin enter ? 

A. Whereas k God had threatened unto our first pa- 
rents, that whatsoever day they did eat of the forbidden 
fruit they should certainly die : they believing rather the 



f Gal. chap. 3. ver. 10, 11, 12, 13. and chap. 4. ver. 24. Rom. chap. 3. ver. 
27. and chap. 10. ver. 5, 6. 

S Heb. chap. 9. ver. 27. Luke, chap. 16. ver. 22, 23. Rom. chap. 14. ver. 
10. 12. Matt. chap. 25. ver. 31, 32. 

11 Gen. chap. 2. ver. 9. 17. and chap. 3. ver. 3. 7. 11. 17. 22. 24. Rev. chap. 
2. ver. 7. Prov. chap. 3. ver. 18. 

1 Rom. chap. 5. ver. 12. k Gen. chap. 3. 



20G THE METHOD OF 

word of the devil that they should not die, and subscribing 
unto his reproachful blasphemy, whereby he charged God 
with envy towards their estate, as if he had therefore for- 
bidden the fruit, lest by eating thereof they should become 
like God himself, entered into rebellion against the Lord 
who made them, and openly transgressed his command- 
ment. 

Q. What followeth from this ? 

A. First 1 the corruption of nature, called original sin, 
derived by continual descent from father to son ; wherewith 
all the powers of the soul and body are infected, and that 
in all men equally : and then actual sin, arising from hence. 

Q. Shew how the principal powers of the soul are de- 
filed by this corruption of our nature ? 

A. First, the understanding is blinded with ignorance 
and infidelity. Secondly, the memory is prone to forget 
the good things which the understanding hath conceived. 
Thirdly, the will is disobedient to the will of God under- 
stood and remembered by us, (the freedom of holiness, 
which it had at the first, being now lost) and is wholly bent 
to sin. Fourthly, the affections are ready to overrule the 
will, and are subject to all disorder. Lastly" 1 , the con- 
science itself is distempered and polluted. 

Q. In what sort is the conscience thus distempered ? 

A. The duties thereof being two especially ; to give di- 
rection 11 in things to be done, and to give both witness and 
judgment in things done : for the first, it sometimes 
giveth no direction at all, and thereupon maketh a man 
to sin in doing of an action otherwise good and lawful ; 
sometimes it giveth a direction, but a wrong one, and so 
becometh a blind p guide, forbidding to do things which 
Godalloweth, and commanding to do things which God for- 
biddeth. For the second, it sometimes giveth no judg- 



1 James, chap. 1. ver. 14, 15. Gal. chap. 5. ver. 19. Col. chap. 3. ver. 9, 10. 

m Tit chap. 1. ver. 15. 

n Rom. chap. 2. ver. 15. 2 Cor. chap. 1. ver. 12. John, chap. 8. ver. 9. 

° Rom. chap. 14. ver. 23. 

p Gal. chap. 1. ver. 14. 1 Chron. chap. 13. ver. 9. John, chap. 16". ver. 2. 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 207 

ment at all q , not checking the offender as it should, but 
being benumbed, and as it were seared with an hot iron. 
It sometimes giveth judgment, but falsely ; condemning 
where 1 it should excuse, and excusing where it should 
condemn ; thereby filling the mind with false fear, or feed- 
ing it with vain comforts : and sometimes giveth true 
judgment, but uncomfortable s and fearful, tormenting the 
guilty soul as it were with the flashes of hell fire. 

Q. What are the kinds of actual sin ? 

A. Such' as are either inward in the thoughts of the 
mind and lusts of the heart ; or outward, in word or deed : 
whereby those things are done which should be omitted, 
and those things omitted which should be done. 

Q. What is the death which all men are subject unto, 
by reason of these sins? 

A. The u curse of God both upon the things that belong 
unto them (such as are their wife and children, honour, 
possessions, use of God's creatures, &c.) and upon then- 
own persons, in life and death. 

Q. What are the curses they are subject to in this life ? 

A. All x temporal calamities both in body (which is sub- 
ject unto infinite miseries) and in soul, which is plagued 
sometimes with a terror of a guilty conscience, sometimes 
with a benumbed and seared conscience, sometime with 
hardness of heart, which cannot repent ; and finally, a 
spiritual slavery under the power of the world and the 
devil. 

Q. What is the death that followeth this miserable life ? 

* Eph. chap. 4. ver. 18, 19. 1 Tim. chap. 4. ver. 2. 

r Col. chap. 2. ver. 21, 22. Rom. chap. 7. ver. 9. 

s John, chap. 8. ver. 9. 1 John, chap. 3. ver. 20. Prov. chap. 28. ver. 1. 
Acts, chap. 24. ver. 26. 

1 James, chap. 1. ver. 14, 15. Eph. chap. 2. ver. 3. Matt, chap. 5. ver. 28. 
and chap. 12. ver. 34. and chap. 15. ver. 19. and chap. 25. ver. 42. Isaiah, 
chap. 1. ver. 16, 17. Rom. chap. 3. ver. 12. 

" Rom. chap. 7. ver. 10. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 10. Deut. chap. 28. ver. 15, 16. 
&c. Psalm 109. ver. 9, 10, 11, 12. &c. Prov. chap. 10. ver. 7. 

x Deut. chap. 28. ver. 21, 22. &c. Levit. chap. 26. ver. 16, 17. &c. John, 
chap. 5. ver. 14. Deut. chap. 27. ver. 28. 65, 66, 67. Psalm 69. ver. 22. 
1 John, chap. 2. ver. 16. Eph. chap. 2. ver. 2. Col. chap. 1. ver. 13. 2 Cor. 
chap. 4. ver. 4. 



208 THE METHOD OF 

A. First y , a separation of the soul from the body : and 
then, an everlasting separation of the whole man from the 
presence of God, with unspeakable torments in hell fire, 
never to be ended. 

Q. If all mankind be subject to this damnation; how 
then shall any man be saved ? 

A. Surely z by this covenant of the Law no flesh can be 
saved ; but every one must receive in himself the sentence 
of condemnation. Yet the Lord, being a God of mercy 3 , 
hath not left us here ; but entered into a second covenant 
with mankind. 

Q. What is this second covenant ? 

A. The b Gospel, or the covenant of grace ; whereby 
God promiseth everlasting life unto man, upon condition 
that he be reconciled unto him in Christ, for, as the condi- 
tion of the first was the continuance of that righteousness 
which was to be found in man's own person : so, the condi- 
tion of the c second is the obtaining of that righteousness 
which is without himself ; even the righteousness of God 
which is by faith in the Mediator Jesus Christ. 

Q. What are we to consider in Christ our Mediator ? 

A. Two things : his nature and his office. 

Q. How many natures be there in Christ ? 

A. Two ; the Godhead, and the manhood ; remaining 
still distinct in their substance, properties and actions. 

Q. How many persons hath he ? 

A. Only one; which is the person of the Son of God, 
for the second person in the Trinity took upon him, not 
the person but the nature of man ; to wit, a body and a 
reasonable soul ; which do not subsist alone, (as we see in 

y Heb. chap. 2. ver. 14, 15. and chap. 9. ver. 27. Rev. chap. 6. ver. 8. 
Luke, chap. 16. ver. 23, 24. &c. Rev. chap. 21. ver. 8. 2 Thess. chap. 1. 
ver. 9. 

z Rom. chap. 3. ver. 19, 20. and chap. 8. ver. 3. Gal. chap. 2. ver. 16. and 
chap. 3. ver. 10. 21, 22. Ephes. chap. 2. ver. 3, 4, 5. 

a Hos. chap. 2. ver. 18, 19. Rom. chap. 10. ver. 5, 6. 9. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 
10. 13. 24. 

b Gal. chap. 3. ver. 11. 17. 22. John, chap. 1. ver. 12. Rom. chap. 5. ver. 
17. Ephes. chap. 2, ver. 13, 14. 

c Rom. chap. 3. ver. 21, 22. and chap. 10. ver. 3. Phil. ver. 3. 9, 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 209 

all other men) but are wholly sustained in the person of 
the Son of God. 

Q. What is the use of this wonderful union of the two 
natures in one person ? 

A. Our nature being received into the union of the 
person of the Son of God; the sufferings and the obedi- 
ence which it performed became of infinite value, as being 
the sufferings and obedience of him who was God, equal 
with the Father. 

Q. What is the office of Christ? 

A. To d be a Mediator betwixt God and Man. 

Q. What part of his office did he exercise in things con- 
cerning God? 

A. His e priesthood. 

Q. What are the parts of his priestly office ? 

A. The satisfaction of God's justice, and his intercession. 

Q. What is required of Christ for the satisfaction of 
God's justice ? 

A. The paying of the price which was due for the 
breach of the law committed by mankind ; and the per- 
formance of that righteousness, which man by the law was 
bound unto, but is now unable to accomplish- 

Q. How was Christ to pay the price which was due for 
the sin of mankind ? 

A. By f that wonderful humiliation, whereby he that 
was equal with God, made himself of no reputation, and 
became obedient unto the death ; sustaining both in body 
and soul, the curse that was due to the transgression of 
the law. 

Q. What righteousness was there required of Christ in 
our behalf? 

A. Both original, which he had from his conception 
(being conceived by the Holy Ghost, in all pureness and 
holiness of nature:) and actual; which he performed by 
yielding perfect obedience, in the whole course of his life, 
unto all the precepts of God's law. 

d 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 5. 

e Heb. chap. 2. ver. 17. and chap. 5. ver. 1. and chap. 7. ver. 24. 

1 Zach. chap. 13. ver. 7. Phil. chap. 2. ver. 7, 8. Gal. chap. 4. ver. 4. 

VOL. XI. T 



2!0 THE METHOD OF 

Q. What is the intercession of Christ ? 

A. That 5 part of his priesthood, whereby he maketh re- 
quest unto his Father for us, and presenteth unto him 
both our persons, and our imperfect obedience ; making 
both of them (howsoever in themselves polluted) by the 
merit of his satisfaction, to be acceptable in God's sight. 

Q. Thus much of that part of the office of the Media- 
tor which is exercised in things concerning God : how 
doth he exercise his office in things concerning man ? 

A. By h communicating unto man that grace and re- 
demption which he hath purchased from his Father. 

Q. What parts of his office doth he exercise here ? 

A. His prophetical and kingly office ? 

Q. What is his prophetical office ? 

A. That 1 whereby he informeth us of the benefits of 
our redemption, and revealeth the whole will of his Father 
unto us ; both by the outward means which he hath pro- 
vided for the instruction of his Church, and by the inward 
enlightening of our minds by his holy Spirit. 

Q. What is his kingly office ? 

A. That k whereby he ruleth liis subjects, and confound- 
eth all his enemies. 

Q. How doth he rule his subjects ? 

A. By 1 making the redemption, which he hath wrought, 
effectual in the elect : calling those, whom by his prophe- 
tical office he hath taught, to embrace the benefits offered 



e Heb. chap. 7. ver. 25. and chap. 9. ver. 24. Rom. chap. 8. ver. 34. John, 
chap. 17. ver. 20. 24. Exod. chap. 28. ver. 38. 1 Peter, chap. 2. ver. 5. 

h Rom. chap. 5. ver. 15. 17. 19. John, chap. 5. ver. 21. and chap. 17. ver. 2. 
6. Luke, chap. 4. ver. 18. 

' Deut. chap. 18. ver. 18. John, chap. 1. ver. 18. and chap. 6. ver. 26. Isaiah, 
chap. 61. ver. 1, 2. Heb. chap. 1. ver. 2. and chap. 3. ver. 1,2. Matt. chap. 2.3. 
ver. 10. Luke, chap. 24. ver. 45. Acts, chap. 16. ver. 14. 1 Cor. chap. 2. ver. 
10, 11, 12. 

k Psalm 2. ver. 6. 8, 9. John, chap. 18. ver. 36, 37. Eph. chap. 1. ver. 
20, 21, 22. and chap. 3. ver. 23, 24. Matt. chap. 22. ver. 3. 7. 13. Luke, 
chap. 19. ver. 14, 15. 27. Psalm 110. ver. 1, 2. 

1 1 Col. chap. 15. ver. 25. 45. Eph. chap. 2. ver. 1. 5. and chap. 4. ver. 1. 
15, 16. Col. chap. 1. ver. 13. and chap. 2. ver. 12. Job, chap. 5. ver. 25, 26, 
27. and chap. 17. ver. 2. 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 211 

unto them ; and governing them being called ; both by 
these outward ordinances which he hath instituted™ in his 
Church, and by the inward operation of his blessed spi- 
rit. 

Q. Having thus declared the natures and offices of 
Christ, the Mediator of the new covenant. What are you 
to consider in the condition of mankind which hold by him ? 

A. Two things : the participation of the grace of Christ, 
effectually communicated by the operation of God's spirit 
unto the Catholic Church, which is the body and spouse 
of Christ, out of which there is no salvation ; and the out- 
ward means ordained for the offering and effecting of the 
same, vouchsafed unto the visible churches. 

Q. How is the grace of Christ effectually communica- 
ted to the elect, of whom the Catholic Church doth con- 
sist ? 

A. By 11 that wonderful union, whereby Christ and his 
Church are made one : so that all the elect being ingrafted 
into him, grow up together into one mystical body, where- 
of he is the head. 

Q. What is the bond of this union ? 

A. The communion of God's Spirit: which being de- 
rived from the Man Christ Jesus unto all the elect, as from 
the head unto the members, giveth unto them spiriritual life, 
and maketh them partakers of Christ with all his bene- 
fits. 

Q. What are the benefits which arise to God's children 
from hence ? 

A. Reconciliation^ and sanctification. 

Q. What is reconciliation ? 



m 2 Cor. chap. 13. ver. 14. Rom. chap. 14. ver. 17. 1 Cor. chap. 12. ver. 
3, 4, 5. 

n John, chap. 17. ver. 21, 22, 23. 

° 1 Cor. chap. 12. ver. 13. Eph. chap. 5. ver. 29, 30. John, chap. 15. ver. 
1, 2. 4, 5. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 15, 16. Col. chap. 1. ver. 18. and chap. 2. 
ver. 19. 1 Cor. chap. 12. ver. 13. 1 John, chap. 3. ver. 24. Rom. chap. 5. 
ver. 5. and chap. 8. ver. 9. Eph. chap. 2. ver. 22. Philipp. chap. 2. ver. 1. 

p 1 Cor. chap. 6. ver. 11. 1 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 2. 2 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 
3,4. 

t2 



212 THE METHOD OF 

A. That q grace, whereby we are freed from God's 
curse, and restored unto his favour. 

Q. What are the branches of reconciliation ? 

A. Justification 1 and adoption. 

Q. What is justification? 

A. That s grace, whereby we are freed from the guilt of 
sin, and accounted righteous in Christ Jesus our Re- 
deemer. 

Q. How then must sinful man look to be justified in the 
sight of God ? 

A. By* the mercy of God alone, whereby he freely be- 
stoweth his Son upon him : whereupon the sinner being 
possessed of Jesus Christ, obtaineth of God remission of 
sins, and imputation of righteousness. 

Q. What is adoption ? 

A. That u grace, whereby we are not only made friends 
with God, but also his sons, and heirs with Christ. 

Q. What is sanctification ? 

A. That grace, whereby we are freed from the bondage 
of sin remaining in us, and restored unto the freedom of 
righteousness. 

Q. What be the parts of sanctification ? 

A. Mortification x , whereby our natural corruption is 
subdued ; and vivification or quickening, whereby inherent 
holiness is renewed in us. 

Q. Is there no distinction to be made among them that 
thus receive Christ ? 

A. Yes, for some are not capable of knowledge ; as in- 

n Col. chap. 7. ver. 20, 21, 22. Rom. chap. 5. ver. 10. Eph. chap. 2. ver. 
16. 

' Gal. chap. 4. ver. 5, 6. 

s Gal. chap. 3. ver. 8. 13, 14. 2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 21. Rom. chap. 4. ver. 
25. 

1 Rom. chap. 3. ver. 24, 25, 26. 28. and chap. 5. ver. 15, 16, 17. 19. Eph. 
chap. 2. ver. 8, 9. Isai. chap. 9. ver. 6. Gal. chap. 2. ver. 15. Philipp. chap. 3. 
ver. 8, 9. Rev. chap. 1. ver. 5. Col. chap. 1. ver. 14. 21, 22. and chap. 2. ver. 
13. Acts, chap. 13. ver. 3S, 39. 

" Rom. chap. 8. ver. 15. 17. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 26. and chap. 4. ver. 6, 7. 
Eph. chap. 1. ver. 5. 

x Gal. chap. 5. ver. 24, 25. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 22, 23. Rom. chap. 6. ver. 
2, 3, 4, 5. Col. chap. 2. ver. 12. 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 213 

fants, and such as we term naturals : other some are of 
discretion. In the former y sort, we are not to proceed 
farther than God's election, and the secret operation of 
the Holy Ghost. In the other there is required a lively 
faith, bringing forth fruit of true holiness. 

Q. Is it in man's power to attain this faith and holi- 
ness ? 

A. No z : but God worketh them in his children, ac- 
cording to that measure which he in his wisdom seeth 
fit. 

Q. What do you understand by faith ? 

A. A gift a of God, whereby a man being persuaded not 
only of the truth of God's word in general, but also of 
the promises of the Gospel in particular, applieth Christ, 
with all his benefits, unto the comfort of his own soul. 

Q. How are we said to be justified by faith ? 

A. Not as though we were just for the worthiness of 
this virtue, (for in such a respect Christ alone is our righ- 
teousness ;) but because faith, and faith only is the instru- 
ment fit to apprehend and receive (not to work or procure) 
our justification, and so to knit us unto Christ, that we 
may be made partakers of all his benefits. 

Q. What is that holiness, which accompanieth this jus- 
tifying faith ? 

A. A gift b of God whereby the heart of the believer is 
withdrawn from evil, and converted into newness of life. 

Q. Wherein doth this holiness shew itself? 



y Acts, chap. 2. ver. 39. 1 Cor. chap. 7. ver. 14. and chap. 12. ver. 13. 
Eph. chap. 3. ver. 17. 1 Thess. chap. 1. ver. 3. Tit. chap. 3. ver. 8. 1 Tim. 
chap. 1. ver. 5. 2 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 5. Acts, chap. 15. ver. 9. 

z Philipp. chap. 1. ver. G. and chap. 2. ver. 13. 1 Cor. chap. 2. ver. 12. 1 1. 
Col. chap. 2. ver. 12, 13. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 5. 2 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 25. Jer. 
chap. 31. ver. 18. 2 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 3, 4. Eph. chap. 3. ver. 2. 

a Eph. chap. 2. ver. 8. Heb. chap. 11. ver. 1, 2, 3. &c. Col. chap. 2. ver. 
7. 12. Eph. chap. 3. ver. 12. 17. John, chap. 1. ver. 12. and chap. 6. ver. 35. 
Gal. chap. 2. ver. 16. 20. Philipp. chap. 3. ver. 8, 9. 1 Tim. chap, l.ver. 10. 
Heb. chap. 10. ver. 22, 23. 2 Cor. chap. 13. ver. 5. 

b Rom. chap. 8. ver. 1. 1 John, chap. 3. ver. 9. 2 Pet. chap. 1. rer. 4. 
Tit. chap. 2. ver. 12. Gal. chap. C. ver. 25. 



214 THE METHOD OF 

A. First, in unfeigned repentance ; and then in sincere 
obedience springing from the same. 

Q. What are the parts of repentance ? 
A. Two. A true c grief wrought in the heart of the 
believer, for offending so gracious a God by his former 
transgressions. And d a conversion unto God again, with 
full purpose of heart ever after to cleave unto him, and to 
refrain from that which shall be displeasing in his sight. 

Q. What is the direction of that obedience which God 
requireth of man? 

A. The moral law : whereof the ten commandments are 
an abridgement. 

Q. What is the sum of the law ? 
A. Love e . 

Q. What be the parts thereof? 

A. The love which we owe f unto God, commanded in 
the first ; and the love which we owe unto our neighbour, 
commanded in the second table. 

Q. How do you distinguish the four commandments 
which belong unto the first table ? 

A. They do either respect the conforming of the inward 
powers of the sovd to the acknowledgment of the true God, 
as the first commandment ; or the holy use of the out- 
ward means of God's worship, as the three following. 

Q. What are the duties which concern the outward 
means of God's worship ? 

A. They are either such as are to be performed every 
day, as occasion shall require ; or such as are appointed 
for a certain day. 

Q. What commandments do belong unto the first kind? 
A. The second, concerning the solemn worship of reli- 
gion; and the third, concerning that respect which we 
are to have of God's honour in the common carriage of 
our life. 



c 2 Cor. chap. 7. ver. 10, 11. Jer. chap. 31. ver. 18, 19. 

d Acts, chap. 11. ver. 23. and chap. 26. ver. 20. 

l ' Rem. chap. 13. ver. 8. 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver. 5. Col. chap. 3. ver. 14. 

f Matt. chap. 22. ver. 37, 38, 39, 40. Mark, chap. 12. ver. 30, 31. 33. 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 215 

Q. What commandment belongeth to the second kind ? 

A. The fourth ; enjoining the special sanctification of 
the Sabbath day. 

Q. How do you distinguish the six commandments, be- 
longing to the second table ? 

A. The first five do order such actions as are joined 
with consent of the mind at least : the last respecteth the 
first motions that arise in the heart, before any consent is 
given. 

Q. What are the duties appertaining to the first kind ? 

A. They are either due unto certain persons in regard 
of some special bond ; or unto all men in general, by a 
common right, the first sort is set down in the fifth com- 
mandment : the other in the four next. 

Q. What is the outward means whereby the Gospel is 
offered unto mankind ? 

A. The ministry of the Gospel ; which is exercised in 
the visible Church of Christ. 

Q. Of whom doth the visible Church consist ? 

A. Of public officers, ordained to be ministers 8 of Christ, 
and disposers of heavenly things, according to the pre- 
script of the Lord : and the rest of the saints, who with 
obedience are to subject themselves unto the ordinances of 
God. 

Q. What are the parts of the outward ministry? 

A. The administration of the Word, and of the ordi- 
nances annexed thereunto ; which are especially sacra- 
ments and censures. 

Q. What is the Word ? 

A. That 1 ' part of the outward ministry, which consisteth 
in the delivery of doctrine : and this is the ordinary in- 
strument which God useth in begetting faith. 



B Rev. chap. 1. ver. 20. Philipp. chap. 1. ver. 1. Acts, chap. 20. ver. 17. 28. 
1 Peter, chap. 5. ver. 1, 2, 3. 1 Tim. chap. 5. ver. 12, 13. Rom. chap. 12. 
ver. 7, 8. 1 Cor. chap. 4. ver. 1. Heb. chap. 13. ver. 17. 24. 

h 2 Chron. chap. 17. ver. 7, 8, 9. Acts, chap. 2. ver. 40, 41. and chap. 11. 
ver. 20. 26. 1 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 5. Rom. chap. 10. ver. 17. Eph. chap. 1. 
ver. 13. 



216 THE METHOD OF 

Q. What order is there used in the delivery of the 
Word for the begetting of faith ? 

A. First, the 1 covenant of the law is urged, to make sin 
and the punishment thereof known: whereupon the sting 
of conscience pricketh the heart with a sense of God's 
wrath, and maketh man utterly to despair of any ability in 
himself to obtain everlasting life. After this preparation 1 ^ 
the promises of the Gospel are propounded : whereupon 
the sinner conceiving hope of pardon, sueth unto God for 
mercy, and particularly applieth unto his own soul those 
comfortable promises ; and hath wrought in him, by the 
Spirit of God, an earnest desire at the least to believe and 
repent. 

Q. What is a sacrament ? 

A. A visible 1 sign, ordained by God to be a seal for 
confirmation of the Gospel, unto those who perform the 
conditions required in the same. 

Q. How is this done by a sacrament? 

A. By a fit similitude between the sign and the thing sig- 
nified, the benefit of the Gospel is represented unto the eye, 
and the assurance of enjoying the same confirmed to such 
as are within the covenant. Wherefore, as the preaching 
of the Word is the ordinary means of begetting faith ; so 
both it, and the holy use of the Sacraments, be the in- 
struments of the Holy Ghost to increase and confirm the 
same. 

Q. How many kinds of Sacraments be there ? 

A. Two m ; the first, of our admission into the Church ; 
the second of our preservation and nourishment therein, 
to assure us of our continual increase in Christ. In which 



' Rom. chap. 3. ver. 19. and chap. 7. ver. 9, 10. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 22, 23. 
Acts, chap. 2. ver. 37. Matt. chap. 15. ver. 34. Psalm 33. ver. 4, 5. Luke, 
chap. 15. ver. 17, 18, 19. 

k Matt. chap. 11. ver. 28. Gal. chap. 2. ver. 19, 20. Heb. chap. 4. ver. 16. 
Hos. chap. 14. ver. 2, 3. Rom. chap. 8. ver. 15. 

1 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 1, 2. 16. Gen. chap. 17. ver. 10, II. Deut. chap. 
30. ver. 6. Matt. chap. 3. ver. 11. 1 Pet. chap. 3. ver. 21. Coloss. chap. 2. 
ver. 11, 12, 13. Acts, chap. 2. ver. 41, 42. Rom. chap. 4. ver. 11. 

111 1 Cor. chap 10. ver. I, 2, 3, 4. Exod. chap. 12. ver. 4S. 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 217 

respect, the former is once only ; the latter often to be ad- 
ministered. 

Q. What do you understand by censures ? 

A. The" order which God hath appointed for the con- 
firmation of the threatenings of the Gospel against the dis- 
obedient. 

Q. How are these censures exercised ? 

A. First, by word alone, in admonition. Secondly, by 
inflicting a penalty : either by shutting up the offender in 
the Lord's prison, till such time as he sheweth tokens of 
repentance ; or by cutting off the rotten member from the 
rest of the body. 

Q. Hath this administration of the Gospel been always 
after the same manner ? 

A. For p substance it hath always been the same : but 
in regard of the manner proper to certain times, it is dis- 
tinguished into two kinds ; the old and the new. 

Q. What call you the old ministry ? 

A. That q which was delivered unto the Fathers : which 
was to continue until the fulness of time, wherein by the 
coming of Christ it was to be reformed. 

Q. What were the properties of this ministry ? 

A. First, the r commandments of the law were more 
largely, and the promises of Christ more sparingly and 
darkly propounded : these latter being so much the more 
generally and obscurely delivered, as the manifesting of 
them was further off. Secondly, the promises 15 of things to 

n Matt. chap. 18. ver. 17, 18. 1 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 4, 5. 

D Matt. chap. IS. ver. 15, 16, 17, 18. 2 Thess. chap. 3. ver. 14. 1 Cor. chap. 
5. ver. 4, 5. 11. 13. 2 Cor. chap. 2. ver. 6, 7, 8. 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver. 20. 
John, chap. 9. ver. 22. 1 Cor. chap. 16. ver. 22. 

p Heb. chap. 11. ver. 2. 13. and chap. 13. ver. 8. Acts, chap. 10. ver. 43. 
and chap. 15. ver. 11. and chap. 26. ver. 6, 7. Luke, chap. 16. ver. 16. John, 
chap. 1. ver. 17, 18. Heb. chap. 1. ver. I, 2. and chap. 8. ver. 8, 9, 10. 13. 
and chap. 9. ver, 10, 11. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 6, 7, 8. 

i Heb. chap. 1. ver. 1. and chap. 9. ver. 10. Acts, chap. 7. ver. 44. 2 Cor. 
chap. 3. ver. 7. 11. 

r Mai. chap. 4. ver. 4, 5. Jer. chap. 31. ver. 31, 32, 33. Heb. chap. 11. 
ver. 13. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 13. 18. 

8 Heb. chap. 8. ver. 9. 13. 2. and chap. 9.'ver. 1. 8, 9,10. 2 Cor. chap. 3, 
ver. 11. 13. Gal. chap. 4. ver. 3, 4. Col. chap. 2. ver. 16, 17. 



J218 THE METHOD OF 

come were shadowed with a multitude of types and figures ; 
which, when the truth should be exhibited, were to vanish 
away. 

Q. What were the chief states and periods of this old 
ministry ? 

A. The first from Adam to Abraham ; the second from 
Abraham to Christ. 

Q. What were the special properties of the latter of 
these two periods ? 

A. First 1 , it was more especially restrained unto a certain 
family and nation. Secondly, it had joined with it a solemn 
repetition and declaration of the first covenant of the Law. 
Thirdly, besides the ceremonies (which were greatly en- 
larged under Moses) it had sacraments also added unto it. 

Q. What were the ordinary sacraments of this minis- 
try? 

A. The u sacrament of admission into the Church was 
circumcision, instituted in the days of Abraham x ; the 
other of continual preservation and nourishment was the 
Paschal Lamb y , instituted in the time of Moses. 

Q. What is the new administration of the Gospel ? 

A. That z which was delivered unto us by Christ : which 
is to continue unto the end of the world. 

Q. What are the properties thereof ? 

A. First 3 , it is indifferently propounded unto all people, 

1 Luke, chap. 1. ver. 54, 55. Psalm 147. ver. 19, 20. Rom. chap. 9. ver. 

4. and chap. 13. ver. 17. Deut. chap. 4. ver. 1. 6, 7, 8. 37. and chap. 7. ver. 
6, 7. 48. and chap. 14. ver. 2. chap. 26. ver. 18, 19. John, chap. 1. ver. 17. 
Exod. chap. 24. ver. 7, 8. Deut. chap. 4. ver. 12, 13. and chap. 5. ver. 2. 

5. and chap. 27. ver. 26. Rom. chap. 10. ver. 5. Acts, chap. 7. ver. 44, 45, 
46, 47. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 1, 2, 3. 

" Exod. chap. 12. ver. 48. John, chap. 7. ver. 22. Gen. chap. 17. ver. 
9, 10. 

* Rom. chap. 2. ver. 28, 29. and chap. 4. ver. 11. Col. chap. 2. ver. 11. 
Deut. chap. 30. ver. 6, 7, 8. 

1 Exod. chap. 12. ver. 3, 4. Num. chap. 9. ver. 11, 12. Deut. chap. 16. 
ver. 2. 

z John, chap. 1. ver. 17. Heb. chap. 1. ver. 2. chap. 2. ver. 3, 4. chap. 3. 
ver. 5, 6. and chap. 12. ver. 25, 26, 27, 28. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 11. 

a Isaiah, chap. 54. ver. 1, 2, 3. and chap. 60. ver. 4, 5. and chap. 65. ver. 
1. and chap. 66. ver. ]2. 19, 20. John, chap. 10. ver. 16. Rom. chap. 10. and 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 219 

whether they be Jews or Gentiles ; and in that respect it 
is catholic or universal. Secondly, it is full of grace and 
truth; bringing joyful tidings unto mankind, that whatso- 
ever was formerly promised of Christ, is now performed : 
and so, instead of the ancient types and shadows, exhibit- 
eth the things themselves ; with a large and clear declara- 
tion of all the benefits of the Gospel. 

Q. What be the principal points of the Word of this 
ministry ? 

A. That b Christ our Saviour (whom God by his pro- 
phets had promised to send into the world) is come in the 
flesh, and hath accomplished the work of our redemption. 
That he was conceived by the holy Ghost, born of the 
virgin Mary, suffered* 1 under Pontius Pilate, was crucified 
and died upon the cross. That 6 the body and soul being 
thus separated, his body was laid in the grave, and re- 
mained under the power of death : and his soul went into 
the place appointed for the souls of the righteous ; namely 
Paradise, the seat of the blessed. That the third* day, 
body and soul being joined together again, he rose from 
the dead, and afterwards ascended up into heaven : where 
he sitteth at the right hand of his Father, until such time 
as from thence he shall come unto the last judgment. 

Q. What are the sacraments of this ministry ? 

A. The sacrament of admission into the Church is bap- 
tism ; which sealeth unto us our spiritual birth : the other 
sacrament of our continual preservation is the Lord's Sup- 
per : which sealeth unto us our continual nourishment. 

11. Col. chap. 1. ver. 5, 6. Eph. chap. 3. ver. 5, 6. 8. John, chap. 1. ver. 17. 
Rom. chap. 1. ver. 1, 2, 3. 1 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 10, 11, 12. 1 Cor. chap. 1. ver. 
23, 24. and chap. 2. ver. 9. IP. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 11. 13, 14. 18. 

b Rom. chap. 1. ver. 1, 2. 5. John, chap. 1. ver. 14. 45. and chap. 19. ver. 
28. 30. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 12. 26. 28. 1 Tim. chap. 3. ver. 16. 

c Luke, chap. 1. ver. 35. Matt. chap. 1. ver. 18, 19. 21, 22, 23. 

- 1 Matt. chap. 27- ver. 2. 26. 

e Matt. chap. 12. ver. 40. and chap. 27. ver. 59, 60. John, chap. 19. ver. 
40, 41, 42. Rom. chap. 6. ver. 9. Luke, chap. 23. ver. 43. 46. 

f Matt. chap. 16. ver. 21. 1 Cor. chap. 15. ver. 4. 2 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 8. 
Mark, chap. 6. ver. 19. Acts, chap. 1. ver. 2. 9, 10, 11. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 10. 
Heb. chap. 1. ver. 3. 2 Tim. chap. 4. ver. 1. 



220 THE METHOD OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 

Q. After the end of this life, what is to be looked for in 
the world to come ? 

A. A twofold judgment, the one particular, upon the 
soul of every man at the time of his death ; the other gene- 
ral, upon the souls and bodies of all men together at the 
time of their resurrection. 

[The particulars which concern the two sacraments of 
the New Testament, and the twofold judgment in the 
world to come, are to be supplied out of the latter end of 
the former sum.] 



THE 



POSTHUMOUS WORKS 



OF 



JAMES USSHER, 

ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH, 
&C. &C. &C. 



THE POWER 

COMMUNICATED BY GOD 



TO 



THE PRINCE, 



AND 



THE OBEDIENCE REQUIRED 



OF 



THE SUBJECT; 



BRIEFLY LAID DOWN AND CONFIRMED OUT OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, 

THE TESTIMONY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH, 

THE DICTATES OF RIGHT REASON, 

AND THE OPINION OF THE WISEST AMONG THE HEATHEN WRITERS. 



TO 

THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY, 

CHARLES II. 

BY THE GRACE OF GOD 

KINO OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE AND IRELAND, 
DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, 
&C. &C. 



My most dread Sovereign, 

The law of nature obliging 
all men to advance the honour and reputation 
of their ancestors, I could not render a more 
signal obedience thereto, than by dedicating this 
treatise (composed purposely for the rights both 
of princes and subjects) to your sacred Majesty, 
to whom it doth most properly appertain : seeing 
it was at first compiled for the service and satis- 
faction of your royal father, of blessed memory, 

and by his deep judgment and singular pru- 
vol. xi. u 



226 THE EPISTLE 

tlence thought worthy the publishing to the 
world. 

But those cross occurrences, which then and 
since have obstructed it, have given it the happier 
opportunity of appearing in the more peaceful 
and prosperous reign of your excellent Majes- 
ty, and, I hope, for the confirmation of stagger- 
ing loyalty in the hearts of many in these your 
dominions. Therefore as your Majesty's right to 
the patronage of this book may be termed a right 
of succession, so the book itself may almost chal- 
lenge this noble privilege, that, being composed 
for, and presented to, the greatest and best of 
kings, it should not without a kind of diminution 
be dedicated to any prince in Christendom, except 
your Majesty's royal self. 

I shall now make this my most humble suit to 
your Majesty, That, as the reverend author in his 
lifetime publicly professed his loyalty to his sove- 
reign, and constantly prayed for your Majesty's 
happy and glorious return to these your kingdoms, 
and in all things shewed himself your loyal sub- 
ject ; so you would be pleased to own him as such 
by affording your gracious countenance to this his 
posthumous work ; which will eternize the me- 



DEDICATORY. 007 

mory of the deceased author, and thereby confer 
the greatest temporal blessing on 

Your Majesty's 

Most loyal and obedient subject, 

JAMES TYRRIL, 



v2 



THE PREFACE 



TO THE 



READER. 



I. Ihe Reader is desired to take notice, that this 
treatise was written by the reverend and learned author 
at the special command of our late gracious sovereign (of 
blessed memory) King Charles I., about the time when 
those unhappy distempers (which had been a good while 
before by the endeavours of some unquiet spirits secretly 
working under hand, and not long after broke out most des- 
perately into a bloody and unnatural war) did first begin 
to appear openly in our land. As soon as the treatise was 
finished, the author caused a copy thereof to be fairly tran- 
scribed, and with a dedicatory epistle prefixed thereunto, 
to be presented to his Majesty; who, having read the 
book, signified his will and pleasure that it should be 
printed ; to the end that all his beloved subjects might 
receive the like satisfaction from the same, as himself had 
done. Whereupon the author, being not then at London 
himself, sent up the aforesaid transcript copy thither, to 
the intent it should be there printed; which, notwith- 
standing, whether by the negligence or unfaithfulness of 
the party, to whose care and trust it was committed, was 
not done ; but the copy itself finally lost, or pretended to 



230 THE PREFACE 

be lost, and so that intent frustrated. The original copy 
of his own hand-writing being in the mean time by the 
author (supposing perhaps there would be little use of it 
after it was printed) negligently laid aside, and so at 
length mingling with some other papers, it became so 
buried amongst those heaps of books and writings, where- 
of he had good store, that it never was his hap to meet 
with it again all his lifetime ; but gave it over for lost 
also, as well as the transcript aforesaid, to his great grief, 
as he oft expressed to those that were about him : yet was 
it not indeed lost, but only mislaid, as after his death 
appeared. When they to whom it appertained to take 
an inventory of what he left behind him, in sorting his 
papers which lay disorderly and confusedly, some in one 
place of his study, some in another, among the rest found 
the first original copy of this treatise, from beginning to 
end, all written with his own hand ; which they looked 
upon as a choice jewel (quantivis pretii netfinXiov) and took 
care accordingly to preserve it, with an intention (as in 
duty for the performance of the will of the dead, they 
held themselves obliged to do) when the times would bear 
it, to publish it to the world for the common benefit of all 
those, that were able to understand it, and willing to 
make a good use of it. 

II. But, as the times then were, the whole nation being 
enslaved to the will and tyranny of a monstrous usurper, 
it could not be either safe or seasonable so to do ; in so 
far, that for any person only to have been known to have 
had such a piece in his custody, had been crime enough 
to have cast him under the displeasure of the most merci- 
less tyrant, and withal the most perfect dissembler in 
the world : and the work itself, had it been once disco- 
vered where it lay, had been sure either to have been 
suppressed, and so to have perished for ever ; or (which is 
no less probable, but had been much worse) to have been 



TO THE READER. 231 

perverted, quite contrary to the pious and loyal intention 
of the author, in being made instrumental to the support 
of his power, who having unrighteously invaded the 
sovereignty, was then in actual possession of the sword : 
for by this time the flatterers of that great tyrant had 
learned by a new device, upon the bare account of Provi- 
dence, without respect to the justice of the title (the only 
right and proper foundation) to interpret and apply to 
his advantage, whatsoever they found either in the Scrip- 
tures or in other writings delivered concerning the power 
of princes or the duty of subjects, profanely and sacri- 
legiously taking the name of that holy providence of God 
in vain, and using it only as a stalking horse to serve the 
lusts and interests of ambitious men. 

III. When by the death of that tyrant it was hoped the 
black cloud that hung over us would scatter, yet was the 
coast for all that never a whit the clearer ; but the dark- 
ness rather thickened upon us, and the danger of bringing 
any thing of this nature to light, was much greater than 
before. The tyranny still continued, though under va- 
rious shapes, Proteus-like, ever and anon changing forms ; 
mock parliaments, and other (what shall we call them ?) 
things, for which it was hard to find names to distinguish 
them by. The very name of monarchy meanwhile de- 
cried and exploded as a devoted and execrable thing; 
and (to make short) every thing posting on desperately 
towards anarchy, confusion and ruin. 

IV. Thus lay we in darkness and in the shadow of 
death, heartless and hopeless ; when behold Qabg inrb 
fir]\avTi]Q, the eternal God, who in the beginning of the 
creation caused light to shine out of darkness, (to mani- 
fest at once the mightiness of his power, and the riches 
of his mercy and compassion, in looking upon the mise- 
ries of a foolish and unthankful people, that had so highly 
provoked him) appeared gloriously in the mount, and 



232 THE PREFACE 

caused the light of his favourable countenance once 
more to shine upon us in the midst of our greatest 
confusions. And all this done, since men have talked so 
much of Providence, who (so far as appeareth by their 
actions) believe nothing of it, by a special hand of Pro- 
vidence indeed; so signal and visible (considered in all 
its circumstances) as if the Lord had purposely stretched 
out his hand to convince the bold atheists of these times, 
that verily there is such a thing as they call Providence, 
and that doubtless there is a God that judgeth the 
earth. 

V. This so blessed and unexpected a change (mutatio 
dextree excelsi) amongst many other good effects tending 
to the happiness of this nation (if we would but keep our- 
selves quiet and be thankful) hath by removing the late 
unhappy obstructions made a way for truth and reason, 
which before durst scarce peep out without a disguise, to 
adventure abroad open faced. Which opportunity gave 
me the perusal of this book, brought to my hands by a 
gentleman of great hopes and ingenuity, and grandchild 
to the reverend author, in whose custody it then was. 
Upon the perusal whereof, I found it so full of truth and 
reason, and so every way answering that expectation 
which the known abilities of so learned an author had 
beforehand raised in me, that in order to the public be- 
nefit, and for the preservation of true Christian loyalty in 
the hearts of all my fellow-subjects, I endeavoured what 
in me lay to help forward the impression. It is a thing 
indeed very much desired by men piously zealous of the 
public peace, that by the prudent care of those that are 
in authority, some timely and effectual provisions were 
made for repressing the exorbitant licentiousness both of 
the press and pulpit, and the suppressing of seditious 
sermons and pamphlets ; by means whereof, thousands of 
well meaning souls become poisoned in their judgments, 



TO THE READER. 233 

have their affections soured towards their governors, in 
whom they ought to rejoice, and are themselves apt to 
be misled into the foulest practices of disobedience and 
rebellion ere they be aware. In the mean time, until 
some further order be taken herein, it is but needful that 
such treatises of this nature, as carry weight and evidence 
with them, should be published to the world for the 
settling of men's judgments and consciences aright, as 
concerning the great duties of Christian obedience and 
subjection, and for the preventing of such mischiefs as 
must unavoidably ensue, where those so necessary points 
are either misrepresented by the leaders, or misunder- 
stood by the people. 

VI. For the attaining of which ends I have great 
reason to believe that what is here presented to view may 
be as effectually conducible, as any thing that hath been 
written, or probably can be written (at least in this pre- 
sent age) by any other hand, whether we respect the work 
or the author. In the work itself, the diligent and im- 
partial reader, that will but bestow his hours so profit- 
ably as to take it all before him from the beginning to the 
end, (besides the great variety of learning and authorities 
which he shall meet withal all along) will easily find all to 
the full made good in the treatise, whatsoever is pro- 
mised in the title. And then for the author himself, it is 
not unknown to the world what great esteem was had of 
his learning and moderation, and what great respect and 
reverence was paid to his person and judgment by the 
generality even of those men, whose either judgments or 
interests swayed them to entertain other persuasions than 
he had in sundry points, as well concerning the ecclesi- 
astical as civil government. Which truly as it is a very 
great advantage in itself (for in this case, as in some 
other things, the old saying holdeth, " Duo cum faciunt 
idem non est idem," and many times the value the patient 



234 THE PREFACE 

setteth upon the physician advanceth the cure almost 
incredibly beyond what the virtue of the ingredients 
would have done without it:) so this reverend primate 
had that advantage in a very great measure, above almost 
all other men in the world in his time. If some men I could 
name should write of " the Power of Kings," and " the 
Duty of Subjects," with the pen and art of men and 
angels, with all the evidence of truth and the greatest 
strength of reason imaginable, it would work no more upon 
one sort of men in this generation, than a charm would 
do upon a deaf adder. Their writings would be slighted 
and thrown aside, decried and condemned all with a 
breath, without the reading of any more than the bare 
title page. Of so much greater force are names than 
things for the heightening or lessening the authority of 
men's writings, with such as have suffered themselves to 
be engaged in parties and factions, or whose judgments 
are forestalled with prejudices or partial affections. But 
this reverend author, besides his great abilities in all 
kinds of profitable and polite learning, his vast reading and 
readiness to make use of what he had read upon all occa- 
sions, had also by his piety and regularity of life, by his 
meekness and moderation, by his humble, affable and 
free letting himself forth to all converses, together with 
his facility and willingness to hold fair compliances and 
correspondences with those he presently conversed with, 
gained to himself such a general reputation with all par- 
ties, that his very name carried authority with it, and 
awed those very men into a reverend estimation of his 
person and judgment, who were yet too stiff to submit to 
the judgments of any person but themselves. 

VII. Of the author, whose worth and abilities are so 
well known to the world both at home and abroad, I 
shall not need to say any more, nor of his other works, 
which (without me) will sufficiently " praise him in the 



TO THE READER. 235 

gates." All the account I am to give is of this present work, 
which had appeared sooner in public, but that it seemed 
necessary to have it fairly transcribed once more, and the 
transcript compared with the original, before it were sent 
to the press, and that, for two reasons ; the one, because 
the avrojpa^ov, or first copy, being close written with 
many additions, interlinings and references (and those 
sometimes very obscure and scarce discernible) almost in 
every page, would so have puzzled and perplexed the 
workmen at the press, that it had not been possible for 
them to have carried on the work, without much difficulty 
and disturbance to themselves, and no less injury and 
trouble to the readers, through the multitude of mistak- 
ings and misplacings of words, sentences and quotations. 
The other, that the original copy might not in the whole 
or in any part thereof, be soiled, torn, scattered or lost, 
whiles it was in the printer's or corrector's hands ; but 
that the same being preserved whole and entire might 
remain as a record, ready to be produced and shewn 
under the author's own hand, whensoever it should be 
required, either to justify the integrity of this publication, 
or to satisfy any person that may suspect forgery therein, 
or upon any other just occasion otherwise: for post- 
humous writings (because many of them are such) lie 
all of them under the suspicion of being spurious and 
supposititious, or at leastwise of being moulded, in- 
terpolated and condited to the gust and palate of the 
publisher. To discharge myself and all that have any ' 
hand in this publication, from all such suspicion, and 
clear to the world our innocence in that behalf, we 
thought ourselves obliged to give better security than our 
own bare word ; that if any doubt should be made of our 
fidelity herein, recourse might be had to the author's 
undoubted original copy (reserved in his granchild's hand 
for that purpose) for better satisfaction herein. 



236 THE PREFACE 

VIII. Now the main design of the whole work is that 
which is contained in the latter part thereof, concerning 
" the duty of subjects :" that all the king's liege people 
might know they were in their consciences (both by the 
law of God and their own native condition) bound to hold 
close to their allegiance and obedience to the king's most 
excellent Majesty ; notwithstanding all the attempts that 
were then endeavoured to be made upon their loyalty, 
under the softer notions of religion and liberty ; or those 
fiercer assaults (which the face of affairs then threatened, 
and soon after ensued) of plunder and undoing. But, for- 
asmuch as the duty which God requires of subjects is 
grounded upon that power which the same God hath 
committed to sovereigns, (as St. Paul a clearly deduceth 
the obligation of that duty from God's ordaining that 
power, and then men will faithfully serve, honour, and 
humbly obey, the king, according to God's blessed word 
and ordinance, when they shall have duly considered 
whose authority he hath :) he saw it most agreeable to 
the laws of good method, that he should first establish the 
prince's power upon the right bottom, and thence demon- 
stratively infer and enforce the subject's duty as a neces- 
sary consequence thereof: like a wise master builder 
laying the groundwork sure, that the structure might rise 
the firmer. For upon the right stating of these two 
questions concerning the power of sovereign princes, 
what it is, and whence it is, (which how exactly it is per- 
formed in the former part of this treatise I leave the 
intelligent reader to judge) dependeth the true decision of 
all such emergent differences and controversies as may 
arise at any time between princes and their subjects, and 
consequently the safety and security of both ; and conse- 

a Rom. chap. 13. ver. 1. &c. 



TO THE READER. 237 

quently to those, the peace and happiness of all king- 
doms, states and commonwealths. 

IX. By what hath been said, the reader will easily per- 
ceive, that it is a matter of very great and universal con- 
cernment (for both prince and people, that is, all man- 
kind, are concerned in it) that the two points insisted 
upon in this treatise should be well known and rightly 
understood. And therefore I cannot sufficiently wonder 
at the inconsiderateness, or perverseness rather, of those 
men, if any such shall be found, (and by the pulse of the 
times and other indications, it is no hard matter to foresee 
there will be found enough such) as will take offence at 
the publishing hereof, or indeed of any thing else that 
can be written, although with never so much truth and 
soberness in this argument. But yet they have not all 
the same pretences, some quarrelling most at the persons, 
others at the thing itself, and some perhaps at the very 
circumstance of time, according as they are led along by 
their several passions or interests. 1. Some, who look 
upon the Church with an evil eye, forsomuch as not this 
present work only, but most of what hath been written 
in this kind heretofore, hath been written by the 
bishops or other episcopal divines, will be ready to 
give out, and that, according to their old wont, with con- 
fidence enough, That it is not either the love of truth, or 
zeal of the honour of kings, but the busy forwardness of 
some flattering ambitious churchmen, the more to ingra- 
tiate themselves with the higher powers, in hope to get 
better preferments thereby, that hath brought forth into 
the world so many discourses and treatises concerning 
the power of sovereign princes, and the obedience of 
subjects. 2. Others, it may be, will allege, that it is 
not for divines at all to meddle in these matters, whereof 
they are no competent judges, nor do they come within 
the compass of their sphere ; they ought to be left to the 



238 



THE PREFACE 



cognizance and determination of statesmen and lawyers, 
who best understand the constitution of the several go- 
vernments, and the force and effect of the laws of their 
own several respective countries, and are therefore pre- 
sumed to be best able to judge, the one (by the constitu- 
tion) in whom the sovereignty resideth, and the other 
(by the laws) how that sovereignty is bounded and limited 
in the exercise thereof. 3. Besides these, whose quarrel 
is chiefly against the persons, there is a generation of men 
wholly disaffected to the thing itself; men of popular 
spirits, who have so far espoused certain false principles, 
apt to engender sedition, and utterly destructive of kingly 
government, that they will not easily be drawn off of 
them again. These taking it for an undeniable truth, 
which if examined to the bottom will be found so far 
remote from truth, that it is not within the possibility of 
being rendered so much as probable by any other me- 
dium, than that it hath been countenanced by some great 
names, that b the original of all government is from the 
people, and that the power which kings and princes have, 
was derived unto them from the people by way of pact or 
contract; would thence infer, that princes therefore can 
claim no more power as of right belonging unto them, 
than the people shall think fit to entrust them withal : 
which the people may from time to time, and at all times, 
as they shall see cause in order to the public weal and 
safety, either enlarge or restrain at their pleasure. 
Whence it will farther follow, that the prince's power, 
being but a precarious and ambulatory power, subject to 
be varied according to the exigency of times and occa- 
sions, is not capable to be comprized within any fixed 
rules, neither can any thing be written thereof with any 
certainty. 4. Nor is it improbable, lastly, that some will- 

b A cujus voluntate jus regnandi proficiscitur. Grot. lib. 2. de jure belli, 
cap. 4. 10. 



TO THE READER. 239 

ing to play such small game rather than sit out, will take 
exceptions at the ill-timing of this publication, that dis- 
courses of this nature might possibly at the time when 
these things were first written by the primate, have been 
of some good use, towards the discovery of the iniquity 
and hypocrisy of the mystery of rebellion which had then 
begun to work, the giving a stop, or check at least, to the 
farther spreading thereof, and the keeping of the king's 
good subjects in their right wits, from falling into that 
apostacy from their faith and allegiance to his Majesty, 
into which multitudes of them, inveigled by false teachers 
and specious pretences, were afterwards drawn : but now 
that by the merciful providence and good hand of God 
upon us, the king is so happily restored to his just rights, 
and the nation thereby to their ancient laws and liberties ; 
his supremacy so generally owned and acknowledged, 
and that under the sacred and religious tie of a solemn 
oath all over the realm ; the people of the three kingdoms 
reduced to their former obedience, and the affairs both 
of Church and state put into a good forwardness of a 
happy and orderly resettlement, as there seemeth to be 
little need, so there will be made little use of this or any 
other writings in this kind. 

X. To all which, and whatsoever objections can be 
made here against, it shall suffice to oppose, as a general 
and satisfactory answer, that one short passage of St. 
PauP: " Put them in mind to be subject to principalities 
and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every 
good work." Doubtless the holy apostle, who was so far 
from being a flatterer or man-pleaser, from seeking, 
himself, his own glory, or other temporal advantage, 
from making merchandize of the holy Word of God, or 
handling it deceitfully for filthy lucre's sake, that very 

b Tit. chap. 3. ver. 1. 



240 THE PREFACE 

often in his epistles he utterly disclaimeth such base 
unworthy 13 practices, as altogether unbeseeming the ser- 
vant of Christ, appealing to the consciences of those that 
knew him, and calling in God also to witness with him, 
how clear he stood in that behalf; would never have 
given it in charge to Titus, or any other bishop or mi- 
nister of the Gospel, to preach such doctrine to the people 
of God, had there been any thing of flattery or secular 
design in so doing. Nor were the times then such as 
could reasonably tempt any man to such flattery with 
hopes of preferment, (and what man, not forsaken of his 
wits, would play the parasite for nothing ?) when as nei- 
ther the Church had yet any settled revenue, nor was 
there at that time so much as any one Christian prince in 
the universal world. It is evident enough from sundry 
intimations scattered in all his epistles, especially those 
to Timothy and Titus, that the reasons of the apostle's 
injunction, without the least reflexion upon his own or 
their terrene interests, were drawn from topics of more 
sublime consideration : the ordinance of God, the dis- 
charge of duty and a good conscience, the advancement 
of the Gospel, and the honor of the Christian religion. 
Subjection and obedience to superiors is certainly no 
small part of the Christian's duty ; a debt so just, and so 
well known to be so, that the apostle supposeth none 
could be utterly ignorant of; only because men generally 
are not so forward to perform known duties as they should 
be, he saw it needful they should be sometimes, and upon 
all just occasions, admonished and reminded thereof by 
their teachers. 

XL And then sure, if those teachers be divines, (and I 
think no sober man will deny Titus, and others by him 
assumed in partem curae, to have been such) the pressing 

d Gal. chap. 1. ver. 10. 1 Thess. chap. 2. ver. 5, G. 



TO THE READER. 241 

of the aforesaid duties can be no unfit theme for divines 
to busy themselves in : unless we will affirm that St. Paul 
meant to put a task upon them, altogether excentric 
from their function and calling. It appertaineth to the 
minister's office, not only to declare the will of God to the 
people circa res agendas, (as well as credendas) to the 
intent they may frame their lives and actions accordingly ; 
but also to " stir up their minds by way of remembrance," 
and to charge upon their consciences the performance of 
every duty they owe either to God or men. Which is 
needful to be done in the particulars we now treat of (viz. 
subjection and obedience to lawful authority) with as 
much diligence, vigour and instance, as almost in any 
other particular duty whatsoever ; because through the 
corruption of nature and the pride of men's spirits, the 
greatest part of mankind are tarda nomina, such debtors 
as will abide calling on, not willing to pay more than 
needs must, nor that but with some grudging. But how 
shall the minister be able to do this with authority 6 ? or, 
how shall he secure himself and his endeavours the mean 
while from scorn and contempt, if he shall not be able 
first competently to convince the persons he is to deal 
withal, that such subjection and obedience is their boun- 
den duty ? For vain it is to think, that empty words should 
have any strong operation upon the wills and affections 
of men in any thing required to be done of them, without 
representing to their understandings somewhat to make 
the proposal seem reasonable. And then, forasmuch as 
the obligation to those duties in inferiors ariseth from, 
and is commensurate unto, that power wherewith supe- 
riors are entrusted, (as hath been partly already shewn) 
the most proper and rational course that can be taken to 
persuade men effectually to the performance of those 

e /jura Tracrig t7reray*/c. Tit. chap. 2. ver. 15, 
VOL. XI. X 



242 THE PREFACE 

duties, is by informing them rightly and clearly, what that 
power is, and whence it is derived. 

XII. True it is, that for the more ease of the gover- 
nors, and better satisfaction of the people, in securing 
their properties, preserving peace among them, and doing 
them justice, the absolute and unlimited sovereignty 
which princes have by the ordinance of God, hath at all 
times and in all nations been diversely limited and 
bounded in the ordinary exercise thereof, by such laws 
and customs as the supreme governors themselves have 
consented unto and allowed. As with us in England, 
there are sundry cases wherein a subject, in maintenance 
of his right and property, may wage law with the king, 
bring his action and have judgment against him in open 
court; and the judges in such case are bound by their 
oaths and duties to right the party according to law, 
against the king as well as against the meanest of his sub- 
jects. And it is very true also, that where any contro- 
versy ariseth about meum and tuum, or suit groweth be- 
tween the king and one or more of his subjects, (as it may 
be about some tenure, grant, privilege, usage, or other 
thing) the debating and determining of every such doubt 
or controversy belongeth to the learned lawyers and reve- 
rend judges, who are presumed to be best skilled in the 
laws and customs of the land, as their proper study 
wherein they are daily conversant; and not to divines, 
who, as divines, are no competent judges in such matters, 
nor do they come within the compass of their sphere. 
All this therefore must be granted ; yet is not the divine 
hereby wholly excluded from having his part, and that 
proper and peculiar to him, even in the nicest law cases ; 
so far as they relate to morality and practice in point of 
conscience. For human laws cannot be the adequate 
measure of moral duty in the judgment of any reasonable 
man, (for atheists, though masters of never so much 



TO THE READER. 243 

reason, I reckon not of as reasonable men) the laws being 
finite and fixed, but the circumstances of men's actions, 
on which their lawfulness and unlawfulness chiefly de- 
pendeth, various and infinite. The laws allow (and of 
necessity so must) many things to be done, which an 
honest man would be loath to do ; and affordeth sundry 
advantages, which one that feareth God, and maketh 
conscience of his ways, ought not to take. As then, 
when the whole business under consideration is perfectly 
stated, with all the material circumstances thereunto be- 
longing, as to matter of fact, if any doubt arise what in 
such case may be done or not done in point of law, wise 
men use to take the advice and direction of their learned 
council skilled in the laws : in like manner, if any doubt 
arise, what, in the same case so stated as before, is fit to 
be done or not done in point of conscience ; whence can 
any man seek for resolution and instruction so properly 
and rationally, as from the mouth of a learned, grave and 
sober divine ? " The f priest's lips should preserve know- 
ledge, and they should seek the law at his mouth." 

XIII. Whether what I have now last insisted upon will 
be taken for a digression or not, is at the reader's cour- 
tesy, and as he will interpret it. To me it seemed not 
pertinent enough to the objection, and somewhat needful 
also to be taken notice of, in regard of the great clamour 
raised against churchmen for thrusting their sickle in 
every man's corn ; by those men, who, it seemeth, have 
not considered, or not with an equal eye, how busily and 
magisterially men of other professions adventure into the 
world their bold dictates, not only in matters concern- 
ing church discipline and government, but even in the 
deepest points of polemical and school divinity. But 
otherwise, and as in relation to the present treatise, I 



f Mai. chap. 2. ver. 7. 



x2 



244 THE PREFACE 

confess it might well enough have been spared. Wherein 
the reverend author, without meddling with these punc- 
tilios of the law, undertaketh no more but to declare and 
assert the power of sovereign princes, as the godly fathers 
and councils of the ancient Catholic Church from the 
evidence of holy Scripture, and the most judicious hea- 
then writers by discourse of reason from the light of na- 
ture, have constantly taught and acknowledged the same : 
as to the unprejudiced reader by the perusal of the book 
itself will easily appear. And it must be a strange per- 
verseness of spirit in any person, whosoever he be, that 
shall affirm such an undertaking by a divine, to be a 
stretching himself beyond the lines and measure of his 
calling. 

XIV. And as for the sovereignty, be it as it will be 
with other states and commonwealths in regard of their 
constitution : to us of this nation it is so evident, where it 
resideth, that we need not to have recourse to statesmen 
or lawyers for information in that point. The known 
laws of the land have declared it so fully, and particularly 
the oath of supremacy expressed it so clearly, that any 
man of ordinary capacity may understand it as well as the 
deepest statesman in the world. That which some talk 
of, a mixed monarchy, (which by the way is an arrant 
bull, a contradiction in adjecto, and destroyeth itself;) 
and others dream of such a co-ordination in the govern- 
ment, as was hatched amidst the heat of the late troubles, 
but never before heard of in our land : are in very truth 
no better than senseless and ridiculous fancies. Which 
although some men have framed to themselves out of 
their own vain imaginations, made them as gay as they 
could, and then set them up as idols to be adored by the 
populace, always apt to admire what they understand not ; 
yet are they not able to stand up in the presence of that 
oath, but must fall flat to the ground before it, as Dagon 



TO THE READER. 245 

before the Ark, and be broken all to pieces. Are not 
the words of the oath (" That the king's highness is the 
only supreme governor of this realm," &c.) as plain and 
obvious to every man's understanding, as the wit of man 
can devise ? and ought not every oath to be sworn and 
taken, according to the plain and common sense and un- 
derstanding of the words, wherein it is expressed and 
administered? It were an inexcusable tyranny in the 
state, to the ensnaring of the consciences of many thou- 
sands of well-meaning and loyal subjects, to require that 
oath to be taken in such a form of words, if it were to be 
understood in any other sense than those words literally 
import, and that sense not made known to them by some 
public declaration or other. For then how could such an 
oath be sworn and taken (as every oath ought to be) " in s 
truth, and judgment, and righteousness ?" 

XV. As for those, in the next place, that would derive 
the original of all government from the people by way of 
pact or contract : it may suffice to say that they take that 
for granted which never yet was proved, nor, I dare say, 
will ever be proved while the world standeth, either from 
Scripture, reason, or history. Jus gladii, the right and 
power of the sword (which is really the sovereign power) 
belongeth we know to kings, but, it is " by h the or- 
dinance of God," not the donation of the people : for 
"he 1 beareth the sword, (St. Paul telleth vis) as God's 1 
minister," from whom he received it ; and not as the peo- 
ple's minister, who had no right to give it, because they 
never had it themselves. If any shall say they had, the 
proof lieth on their part, to shew how they came by it : 
whether God gave it them, or they toqk it themselves. 



s Jer. chap. 4. ver. 2. 

h Tov 6tov diarayy. Rom. chap. 13. ver. 2. 

1 Qtov Sicacovog. Rom. chap. 13. ver. 4. 



24*6 



THE PREFACE 



If God gave it them, let it be made appear when and 
where the first grant was made ; let some evidence be 
produced to justify the claim, or at least, some credible 
testimony, or pregnant presumption to render it probable 
that there was some such thing done, though the records 
be lost. If none of all this can be done, it remaineth that 
if they had it they took it. And if they so did, it was 
saucily and sacrilegiously done at the first; and by our 
Saviour's presage k , like enough to prosper with them 
accordingly at the last. 

XVI. Besides, the supposed contract itself is encum- 
bered with so many doubts and difficulties, that it is not 
possible for the wit of man to devise salvos or expedients 
sufficient to rescue it from infinite entanglements and irre- 
concilable contradictions ; I believe it would trouble the 
ablest of them all that hold this opinion, to give a direct 
satisfactory answer (amongst a world of queres more that 
might be tendered) to these following interrogatories : 
first, for the persons contracting ; of what sort of persons 
did the people, who are supposed to have made the first 
contract in this kind, consist ? Were all, without differ- 
ence of age, sex, condition, or other respect, promiscu- 
ously admitted to drive the bargain or not ? Had women, 
and children, and servants, and mad men, and fools, the 
freedom of suffrage, as well as men of age, and fortunes, 
and understanding ? Or were any of them excluded ? 
If any excluded, who excluded them ? by whose order, 
and by what authority was it done ? and who gave them 
that authority ? If all were admitted, whether with equal 
right to every one, or with some inequality ? Was the 
wife's interest towards making up the bargain equal with 
that of her husband ? and the child's with that of his pa- 
rents ? and the servant's (if there were or could be then any 

k Matt. chap. 26. ver. 52. 



TO *THE READER. 247 

such thing as master and servant) with that of his master ? 
If every one had not an equal share and interest in the 
business, whence did the inequality arise ? who made the 
difference between them? and what right had any man, 
and how came he to have that right, to give more or less 
power to one than another ? If all were equal, who could 
summon the rest to convene together ? or appoint the day 
and place of meeting ? or when they were met take up- 
on him the authority and office of regulating their pro- 
ceedings, of presiding or moderating in the assembly, of 
determining such doubts and differences as might arise 
while matters were under debate, of calculating the voices, 
and drawing up the articles of the agreement, in case they 
should agree? 

XVII. But let us imagine all these could be cleared, 
and the contract made as they would have it ; yet would 
the force and obligation of it remain questionable still : 
for it may be demanded, whether the majority of votes 
shall conclude all that are present, dissenters as well as 
others ? And whether by virtue of an act of those upon 
the place, an obligation shall lie upon such as are casually 
absent or willingly absent themselves, when it was free for 
them so to do, no man having power to require their ap- 
pearance ? And whether a contract made by such per- 
sons, as were at liberty before, can debar those that shall 
succeed them in the next generation from the use of that 
liberty their ancestors had and enjoyed ? If so, by what 
law or right are the said respective persons so concluded ? 
and whence should that obligation spring ? None of these 
things look like the dictates of the law of nature, and 
other law besides that (according to our hypothesis) 
when as yet there was no government, there could be 
none. And the contract itself, as a bare contract, without 
the help of some law or other to give it force, cannot ope- 
rate upon any but the contractors ; it cannot have any co- 
gency upon those that never gave consent thereunto. 



248 



THE PREFACE 



XVIII. Besides these, and I know not how many more 
difficulties no less insoluble, one thing there is which 
puzzleth the men of this opinion very much, and where- 
with a man that were so disposed might make himself 
some sport : to wit, the circle, between property and go- 
vernment, which they have conjured themselves into, and 
wherein they run round even unto giddiness, (like men in 
a maze or labyrinth) not knowing which way to get out. 
That which some have said, because, when they are put 
to it, they must say something, viz. : " That dominion and 
property is in order of nature before government," be it 
true or be it false, as to their purpose signifieth nothing ; 
unless it could be made out that they were before it in 
order of time also. This dispute is not much unlike that 
problem inMacrobius, "Ovumne prius fuerit, an gallina?" 
Whether were first the hen or the egg ? We cannot ima- 
gine there could be a hen, but we must suppose there must 
have been an egg first, out of which that hen must have 
been hatched : neither can we imagine there could be an 
egg, but we must suppose there must have been a hen 
first, to lay that egg. Semblably here, we cannot imagine 
property, but we must suppose some government first ; 
because the right which any man hath to that wherein he 
claimeth a property must accrue to him by some law, and 
that supposeth government : nor can we imagine a go- 
vernment, one of the principal ends whereof is the preser- 
vation of men's properties who live together in one society, 
but we must/suppose that there were first such properties 
to be so preserved. True it is, that a mere rationalist, 
(that is to say in plain English, an atheist of the late 
edition) who giveth more faith to such heathen phi- 
losophy, as affirmeth the world to have been ab seterno, 
than to divine revelation, which assureth us it had a 
beginning ; (and some of the great champions of the 
opinion we now speak of, have given cause enough of 



TO THE READER. 249 

suspicion that they are little better :) such a one, I say, 
cannot possibly get out of the circle, or solve the difficulty 
in either of the aforesaid instances : but to us, who believe 
the Scriptures and acknowledge a creation, the solution of 
both is equally easy. If we will but follow the clue of the 
sacred history in the four first chapters of Genesis, it will 
fairly lead us out of these labyrinths in a plain way, and 
without any great trouble. It is certain that God in their 
first creation made all living creatures, each in their kind, in 
the full state and perfection of their nature ; and thence 
we may conclude, that undoubtedly the hen was before 
the egg. And it is no less certain, that as soon as Adam 
was created, God gave to him as an universal monarch, 
not only dominion over all his fellow creatures that were 
upon the face of the earth, but the government also of all 
the inferior world, and of all the men that after should be 
born into the world so long as he lived ; so as whatso- 
ever property any other persons afterwards had or could 
have, in any thing in any part of the world, (as Cain and 
Abel, it is well known, had their properties in several, and 
distinct either from other) they held it all of him, and 
had it originally by his gift or assignment, either imme- 
diately or mediately. Whence we may also conclude, 
both in hypothesi, that Adam's government was before 
Cain's property ; and in thesi, that undoubtedly govern- 
ment was before property. And we have great reason to 
believe that, after the flood, the sole government was at 
first in Noah, and whatsoever either property in any thing 
they possessed in several, or share in the government 
over any part of the world afterward any of his sons had, 
they had it by his sole allotment and authority, and trans- 
mitted the same to their posterity merely upon that ac- 
count ; without awaiting the election or consent of, or en- 
tering into any articles or capitulations with the people that 
were to be governed by them. Those words in Genesis, 



250 THE PREFACE 

chap. 10. ver. 32. seem to import as much : "These are 
the families of the sons of Noah after their generations in 
their nations : and by them were the nations divided in the 
earth after the flood." And so this supposed pact or con- 
tract, which maketh such a noise in the world, proveth to 
be but a squib, powder without shot, that giveth a crack, 
but vanisheth into air and doth no execution. 

XIX. That last, from the ill-timing of the publication, 
is so poor an objection that it is scarce worth the answer- 
ing. Subjection and obedience to superiors, besides that 
they are duties of perpetual obligation, equally with all 
those mentioned together with them in that fore-cited pas- 
sage of the apostle 1 , are also (as hath been said) of so 
great public concernment otherwise, and withal so little 
looked upon as duties by the most of men, that the press- 
ing upon the people's consciences the performance thereof 
whether by word or writing, cannot with any pretence 
jf reason be deemed unseasonable at any time. Nor hath 
the great mercy of God vouchsafed to these nations in 
the happy and little less than miraculous restoration of 
our gracious sovereign to his father's throne, or the general 
alacrity of our people in owning his sovereignty, rendered 
the truths in this treatise asserted any whit less necessary 
to be taught and known as the times now are, than in the 
times [of our late sad troubles and distractions. As will 
be easily yielded by all such, as either have diligently ob- 
served the temper and carriage of the most active men of 
these times, or shall duly take into consideration, amongst 
many other things which might be added, these few ensu- 
ing particulars : — 

1. The desperate principles and resolutions of Quakers, 
Fifth-monarchy men, and other enthusiastic sectaries, of 
what denomination soever, who utterly refuse to take the 

1 Tit. chap. 3. ver. 1, 2. 



TO THE READER. 251 

oath of supremacy ; and what multitudes in a few years, 
for want of timely coercion, they are increased into in all 
parts of the land. 

2. How strangely some of those that have taken the 
said oath (and they a far more considerable party than the 
former) do yet seek to mince it, by such an interpretation 
of the word only, as quite destroyeth the force of it, and 
leaveth a gap open for any rebellious attempt to enter, 
that shall offer so to do. 

3. That the ministers of that party, who, in their pray- 
ers before and after sermon, do not usually shew them- 
selves over studious of brevity, are generally observed 
when they pray for the king, (whether for fear of offend- 
ing their grandees, or as a discriminating character or 
shibboleth, whereby to distinguish themselves from men 
of different principles from them, or for whatever other 
reason it is) to omit in reciting his Majesty's royal titles 
that clause which in former and peaceable times was gene- 
rally used, " in all causes and over all persons, as well 
ecclesiastical as temporal in his dominions Supreme Go- 
vernor." 

4. With what boldness some of the said ministers do, in 
their ordinary prayers and sermons, openly asperse the 
king and his government ? and with what cunning other 
some of them do covertly and glancingly inject suspicions 
into the minds and thoughts of their credulous auditors 
concerning the same ; by these means to beget in the 
people an opinion (to which the common sort are as easily 
persuaded as to any other thing in the world) that they 
are not so well governed as they should be? The old ex- 
perimented artifice by which Absolom stole away the hearts 
of the people from their allegiance. 

5. What endeavours have been used, that the encroach- 
ments made upon the regalities, by such advantages as 



252 THE PREFACE 

the late king's either necessities or condescensions minis- 
tered, should still continue ? and that all public actings, 
from the beginning of the long Parliament till the year 
1648. (whereof it were a miracle if some, whilst the dis- 
pute was so hot, were not illegal enough, and unprece- 
dented) should be avowed and justified ? 

6. What a world of wicked pamphlets, sermons, and 
other treatises full of most dangerous and seditious posi- 
tions, have been sent abroad within these few last years, 
vented and dispersed through all the parts of the kingdom, 
and lie still upon the stalls, and in the shops free for any 
man that list to buy ? 

When all this, and some other things (which, to avoid 
the provoking of some unpeaceable spirits, I forbear to 
mention) are notorious of themselves, and sufficiently 
known to the whole nation, let any man now say, if he can 
shew cause why it should be either unseasonable or un- 
necessary that books should be published to assert the 
just right and power of princes, and to remind the people 
of their bounden duty of subjection and obedience? 

Let this learned treatise then, in the name of God, go 
forth and prosper, according to the pious intention of the 
Reverend Author now in peace, and the hearty desires 
and prayers of the publishers : that princes remembering 
from whom they have their authority, may with all faith- 
fulness exercise it to the honour and glory of him that 
gave it, to the comfort, benefit and happiness of the 
people under their government, as the end for which it was 
given ; and to the furtherance and advantage of their 
own trial at that last great day, when they are to render 
an account for all the power committed to their trust, and 
how they have administered the same. And that all sub- 
jects, duly considering whose authority their princes have, 
may faithfully serve, honour and humbly obey them ac- 



TO THE READER. 253 

cording to God's holy word and ordinance. So shall 
peace and righteousness flourish upon earth, and God 
shall send down his blessing both upon king and people 
from heaven. Even so, Amen. 



ROBERT LINCOLN. 

London, Dec. 31, 1660. 



PART I. 



OF 

THE POWER 

COMMUNICATED BY GOD 

TO 

THE PRINCE. 



I. That question which our Saviour propounded, 
touching John's baptism, is most considerable in the point 
we have now in hand concerning magistracy: " Whence a 
was it ? from heaven, or from men ?" For if the authority 
of it shall be found to have no higher spring than this 
earth, the streams of our obedience will be raised to no 
higher a pitch than that fountain : but if the descent there- 
of shall appear to be derived from heaven, a " necessity 6 
of subjection" to it will arise, " not for fear of punishment 
alone, but for conscience sake," and that duty which we 
owe unto God Almighty. 

II. That John's baptism was "from heaven" we are 
sure, because " the c word of God came unto him," by vir- 
tue whereof he was " sent d to baptize with water :" the 

a Matt. chap. 21.ver. 25. 

b Ato avayKt) viroTaoaiaQai ov novov Sia rrjv 6pyi)v, aWa ical Sia rr/v 
(TvvtiStjaiv. Rom. cap. 13. ver. 5. 
c Luke, chap. 3. ver. 2. «• John, chap. 1. ver. 33. 



256 THE POWER 

baptism in that respect being not properly to be accounted 
his, but God's ; and he openly to be esteemed God's mi- 
nister therein. Even so for magistrates, our Saviour de- 
clareth that God was pleased to grace them with his own 
name, because " the 6 word of God came unto them," that 
is, his appointment and commandment, that they should 
rule in his name, in his room. Whereupon they also are 
recommended unto us as " GodV ministers," and their 
judgments as his judgments ; witness that charge given 
to the Judges by Moses, " You g shall not be afraid of the 
face of man, for the judgment is God's ;" and by king Je- 
hosaphat after him, " Take h heed what ye do, ye judge 
not for man, but for the Lord, who is with you in judg- 
ment." And therefore as " the wisdom of God said, I will 
send them prophets" (among whom there was "none k 
greater than John the Baptist;") so the wisdom of the 
same God also said, " By 1 me kings reign, and princes 
decree justice ; by me princes rule, and nobles, even all 
the judges of the earth." All of them, whether supreme 
or subordinate, whether within or without Christ's Church : 
for unto all of them belongeth that divine sentence deli- 
vered by St. Paul : " Let m every soul be subject unto the 
higher powers ; for there is no power but of God, and the 
powers that be are ordained of God : whosoever therefore 
resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God." 

III. Neither doth St. Peter any whit swerve herein 
from his " beloved brother Paul," and " the wisdom given 
unto him," when he requireth us " to submit ourselves 
to every ordinance of man," or, as the original hath it, 
" to every human creature, for the Lord's sake." Of 
which place we find divers and various expositions ; the 
first whereof, and not the worst, is that of the old Syriac 



e John, chap. 10. ver. 35. f Rom. chap. 13. ver. 4. 6. 

s Deut. chap. 1. ver. 17. h 2 Chron. chap. 19. ver. 6. 

' Luke, chap. 11. ver. 49. k Ibid. chap. 7. ver. 28. 

1 Prov. chap. 8. ver. 15, 16. m Rom. chap. 13. ver. 1, 2. 
n 2 Pet. chap. 3. ver. 15. 

'YnorayTjre iraay avQpionivy kt'igu Sia rbv Kvpiov. 1 Pet. chap. 2. 
ver. 13. 



OF THE PRINCE. 257 

interpreter, who thus renders it: " Be subject to all the 
sons of men for God ;" or, as the framers of our book of 
Common Prayer (in the epistle appointed to be read the 
third Sunday after Easter) seem to have expressed it : 
" Submit yourselves to every man for the Lord's sake ;" 
taking man there kot tSoy^v, for a man in authority, as in 
Genesis, chap. 9, ver. 6. For the clearer understanding 
whereof we are first to note, that the writers of the New 
Testament being Jews, do ordinarily frame their Greek 
according to the usage of their own language ; and that 
the Hebrews do usually design mankind by the name 
of JIVD, which in his proper signification denoteth the 
creatures of God in general, but is by them in a peculiar 
manner appropriated to man, the noblest of the rest. 
Among the innumerable examples which might be pro- 
duced out of the rabbins for the proof of this, I will make 
choice of this one sentence of Rabbi Jeremiah (one of their 
ancient doctors) recited in Rabba bar NachmanP in his 
great Gloss upon Deuteronomy, for the matter's sake which 
may otherwise serve also unto the purpose which we have 
now in hand, .Kin T,m PVIpn &X ")ton p n>*\2 |N "No 
creature may judge the king but the holy and blessed God 
alone." So, answerable to this, in the New Testament, 
St. Mark doth thus express the tenor of the commission 
given by our Saviour to his apostles, " Go into all the 
world, and preach the Gospel to q every creature :" and 
St. Paul declareth the execution thereof, that the Gospel 
was accordingly preached to " every r creature which is un- 
der heaven ;" the word kt'ktiq, or creature, in both places 
denoting man only. 

IV. Next, it is to be observed, that to those general 
terms which are applied in a special manner to the more 
excellent sort of the same kind, for better distinction's sake, 
it is not unusual to add an epithet, whereby the restric- 
tion thereof to the intended particular may be more clearly 



p m-l Dnsi. Seder O'BSW page 296. b. edit. Cracov. 
'1 TXaoy tij kt'igii. Mark, chap. 16. ver. 15. 

'Ev Tracy rij tcriffei virb rbv ovpavov. Coloss. chap. 1. ver. 23. 
VOL. XI. Y 



258 THE POWER 

understood. Take for example the word \l}Q}, or soul, 
the native signification whereof in the Hebrew tongue 
(and so of ilvx?) in the Greek answering thereunto) nei- 
ther descendeth so low as to comprehend the vegetables 
under it, nor riseth so high, that of itself it should only 
denote the rational : but in the middle kind of way be- 
twixt both, properly doth signify that which the Greeks 
call £woi>, the Latins animal, a creature endued with life 
and sense : that of the Latins being more immediately im- 
ported by the word WDi itself, which is anima ; the other 
of the Greek by the adjective nin living, which for further 
explication's sake we sometimes 15 find adjoined to it. Yet 
we see withal, that /car i^o\i)v, or, by way of excellency, 
man in particular is presented, unto us by those generals, 
both^of living, (as when Eve is said to be " the 1 mother of 
all living") and of soul ; a name whereby he is as ordinarily 
set out unto us by the holy" writers, as he is by n»"D or 
creature, by the rabbins. But as the word WDi being in 
itself indifferent to signify both x man and beast, is some- 
times for better distinction's sake accompanied with the 
addition of y O*JN t£>DJ which is as much as ^v\ri avOpwrnvt}, 
or, an human soul ; so the more general word Krimg, or 
creature, being applied the same way, might very well 
here be thought to have] the adjective avdpuTrlvT), 
or human, conjoined with it ; though for the matter 
nothing at all were thereby added unto it, the one word 
being only an explication of the other. 

V. Lastly, it may be considered, that the sentences de- 
livered in general terras are not always intended to be ta- 
ken in their full latitude, but to have their commodious 

? Gen. chap. 9. ver. 10. Lev. chap. 11. ver. 46. which Rev. chap. 16. ver. 3. 
is 4 /v X') K&aa.. 

I Gen. chap. 3. ver. 20. 

II Gen. chap. 36. ver. 6. Exod. chap. 12. ver. 16. Num. chap. 19. ver. 18. 
22. Deut. chap. 10. ver. 22. (with Acts, chap. 7. ver. 14.) Jerem. chap. 43. 
ver. 6. 1 Pet. chap. 3. ver. 20. and in that very place, Rom. chap. 13. " Let 
every soul," that is, every man, " be subject to the higher powers." 

x Num. chap. 21. ver. 28. 

y Num. chap. 31. ver. 35.40. 1 Chron. chap. 5. ver. 21. Ezek. chap. 27. 
ver. 13. 



OF THE PRINCE. 259 

restrictions, according to the quality and nature of the 
matter in hand : as, not to go further, in this self-same 
chapter of St. Peter, we are required to " honour 2 all 
men ;" where yet we are not to think the apostle meant, 
that masters thereby are tied to honour their servants, or 
would any way oppose that which by David was deli- 
vered for a character of God's child : " In a whose eyes a 
vile person is contemned, but he honoureth them that fear 
the Lord :" but as Cajetan well expoundeth the place, 
" Honour all men" that is, "every b one according to his 
degree and merit." As therefore that general rule of his 
must be limited by that special explication thereof deli- 
vered by St. Paul: " Give c to all men their due, honour to 
whom honour is due :" so likewise this other precept 
of subjecting ourselves to all men, must receive the 
same restriction ; as if it had been said, " be subject to 
all men to whom subjection is due," and that for God, and 
the conscience of the duty you owe unto him, who hath 
put you in subjection under them. Which differeth very 
little from the exposition given by Bede here : " Every' 1 
human creature, he saith, meaning every dignity of men, 
every person, every principality, to which the divine ordi- 
nance would have us subject; for that is it which he in- 
tendeth by saying, for God, because there is no power 
but from him alone." 

VI. David Pareus (although otherwise no very great 
friend to the supreme power of kings) yet putteth us here 
in mind, that the " word 6 kt'kjiq used in this text, doth lead 



z 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 17. 

a Psalm 15. ver. 4. 

b Unumquemque secundum gradum et ordinem. Caj. in 1 Pet. cap. 2. ver. 
17. 

'• Rom. chap. 13. ver. 7. 

d " Omni humanae creaturae, dicit, omni dignitati hominum, omni persona?, 
omni principatui, cui nos divina dispositio subdi voluerit; hoc est enim quod ait, 
propter Deum, quia non est potestas nisi a Deo." Bedain 1 Pet. cap. 2. '• Sub- 
did estote omni humanae creaturae," id est, omnibus hominibus nobis praeposi- 
tis. Haymo, in Rom. cap. 13. 

e " Kriascog appellatio ad Deum primum authorem nos revocat. Etsi enim 
magistratus creari, hoc est, ordinari etiam ab hominibus dicuntur, tamen eorum 

' \2 



2G0 THE POWER 

us to the consideration of God, the prime author of ma- 
gistracy: For though magistrates", thus his words run, 
" are said to be created, that is ordained, by men, yet their 
first creator properly is God alone, unto whom only all 
creation primarily doth appertain." For the fuller expli- 
cation of which conception, these observations following 
may be taken into consideration ; First, that this word 
icrtaig doth signify either a creation or a creature ; by both 
which the holy writers (whose manner of speaking is here 
more to be respected than the language of any other 
authors) do express the work, not of any mortal man, but 
of the Almighty and ever-living God: for him alone, as 
the prime efficient of all, the Scripture honoureth with the 
style of Creator : and the answerable effect both of 
creation, as motus, and creature, as res tnotu facta, it 
ascribeth to him alone. 

VII. Secondly, that this in the Scripture is not restrained 
to the first creation of all things only, but extended like- 
wise to the works of God's providence, whether wrought 
by himself immediately, or by the intervention of other se- 
condary causes. So the propagation of the species by the 
means of natural generation is accounted a continued crea- 
tion ; and GodV blessings and judgments upon mankind, 
though others be used as his instruments in the effecting 
thereof, are said by him likewise to be created. " I g form 
the light," saithhe, " and create darkness ; I make peace, 
and create evil : I the Lord do all these things. I h have 
created the smith that bloweth the coals in the fire, and 
that bringeth forth an instrument for his work ; and I have 
created the waster to destroy." In which sense also the son 
of Syrach affirmeth " husbandry 1 to be created by the 
most High ;" both because the thing itself was at first 
ordained by him, and for the necessary upholding thereof 



creator primus proprie est solus Deus, cui soli omnis creatio primo competit." 
D. Pareus in appendice commentar. ad cap. Roman, dubio 3. 

f Psalm 102. ver. 18. and Psalm 104. ver. 30. Ezek. chap. 21. ver. 30. and 
chap. 28. ver. 13. 15. 

S Isaiah, chap, 45. ver. 7. h Ibid. chap. 54. ver. 16. 

1 TtMpyiav vnb vipiarov £ktivh&vi]v. Ecclus. chap. 7. ver. 16. 



OF THE PRINCE. 261 

by the industry of the husbandman, " his k God doth in- 
struct him and doth teach him." 

VIII. Thirdly, that St. Peter by "every human crea- 
ture" intendeth to signify here, not things but persons ; as 
is manifest by the division subjoined " whether it be to the 
king as supreme, or unto governors," &c. for the express- 
ing whereof the term] of creature is far more proper 
than either that of creation, or that of ordinance. 

IX. Fourthly, that as man, who by God's ordinance 
was appointed to have dominion 1 over the other creatures, 
hath by way of excellency (as we have heard) the name of 
KTtaig, or creature, attributed unto him, as bearing there- 
in a peculiar stamp™ of the image of his Creator : so 
among men themselves, such as by God's appointment are 
advanced to the dignity of bearing rule over others, by like 
proportion may in a more special manner have the word 
creature appropriated unto them, as carrying a deeper im- 
pression of this image", and likewise of their Creator, by 
that power which it hath pleased him to grant them, even 
over those to whom " over" the other works of his hands 
he hath given dominion." 

X. Fifthly, that such a creature may very properly for 
distinction's sake obtain the name of avOpwrrivt] kt'mtiq, as 
God's especial creature among and over men. " For as 
" every p priest taken from among men is ordained for men 
in things pertaining to God, that he may offer gifts and 



k Isaiah, chap. 21. ver. 16. 
1 Gen. chap. 1. ver. 26. 28. 

Sanctius his animal, mentisque capacius altae 
Deerat adhuc, et quod domina'ri in caetera posset ; 
Natus homo est. — Ovid. Met. 

m T6 /car' UKovarovro lanv, iicnripyap o Qioq jSaaiXtvu iv ituvti Koafi^, 
icai apxu, /cat iZovoid'Cti ■ko.vtwvt&v tv oi/pavifi, icai ry yij, ovrw icai 6 av- 
GpuJTrog apx^v icai fiaaiXevg icaQe<TTr)KE irdvTtov twv tTnyt'aav Trpay/idrwr, 
icai avrt^ova'iwQ o fiovXtrai -rrparTti, KaOdwtp icat 6 Qtbg. Author, quaest. 
55. oper. Athan. torn. 2. pag. 320. 

" "Et'/cwv d rov Qtov, kui titcovaSut x tl P°Q aytiQ. Thou art the image 
of God, and the image of God dost thou also lead and govern," saith Gregory 
Nazianzen to the president of his country. Orat. 17. ad cives timore perculsos, 

Psalm 8. ver. 6. p Heb. chap. 5. ver. 1. 



262 THE POWER 

sacrifices for sins ;" so every civil magistrate also taken 
from among men, is ordained for men in things pertaining 
to men, " that q they may lead a quiet and peaceable life 
in all godliness and honesty." Whereupon the full mean- 
ing of the apostle Peter in this place should be : " Sub- 
mit yourselves to every creature," or to every man r , who 
is a creature constituted by God among and over men ; 
"for the Lord's sake," whose creature he is in that place 
of authority. 

XI. Calvin s , Beza*, and other of our later interpreters, 
do thus far also deliver their opinion, that the order of 
civil government is here called " an human ordinance," 
not because men invented it, but because it is proper to 
men ; or (if you will have it in Pareus his expression) the 
apostle calleth magistracy " an u human ordinance or cre- 
ation, not causally, as if it were devised by men, or 
brought in only by the fancy of men; but subjectively, 
because it is administered by men ; and objectively, be- 
cause it is exercised about the government of human so- 
ciety; and finally, in respect of the end, because it is ap- 
pointed by God for the good of man, and the preservation 
of human society." 

i 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 2. 

r Which kind of enallage, whereby an adjective is put substantively, hath 
been observed in St. Peter not unusual, as namely in the second verse of this 
chapter, we translate " to XoyiKov ya\a, the milk of the word," or " the 
word which is milk ;" fand in the] seventh verse of the chapter following, " wg 
uadevtffrip(i> r<£ yvvaactiq) airovifiovrtg Tifir/v, giving honour unto the wife 
as unto the weaker vessel." 

s Humana dicitur ordinatio, non quod humanitus inventa fuerit, sed quod pro- 
pria hominum est digesta et ordinata vivendi ratio." Calvin, in 1 Pet. chap. 2. 
ver. 13. 

' " Humanam vocat, non quod humanitus sit excogitata, (est enim hrec quo- 
que donum Dei praeclarum, ut Demosthenes etiam ipse testatur) sed quod homi- 
num sit propria, ut recte observat doetissimus interpres." Beza in 1 Pet. chap, 
2. ver. 13. 

u " Humanam ordinationem vocat apostolus magistratum, non causaliter, quod 
sit ab hominibus excogitata, et hominum tantum libidine invecta ; sed sub- 
jective, quia ab hominibus geritur ; et objective, quia circa gubernationem hu- 
manae societatis versatur ; et denique tsXikwq, quia ad hominis bonum et con - 
vcrsationem humanac societatis a Deo est constituta." D. Pareus in append, 
comment, in Rom. cap. 13. dub. 3. 



OF THE PRINCE. 263 

XII. But let us admit too that it were so called " an 
human ordinance" causally ; because the particular forms 
of government were instituted by the choice and counsel 
of man, and the particular form of the creation of the go- 
vernors were in man's appointment ; as if the apostle had 
said, " Submit yourselves unto your governors, by what 
ordinance or human creation soever they do hold that 
government, whether by succession, election, or howso- 
ever ;" yet, when with the very same breath he requireth 
this subjection to be performed " diarov Kvpiov, for God,"' 
or " the Lord's sake," he doth clearly intimate, that God 
is to be acknowledged the principal, though man be the 
instrumental, cause of their institution. 

XIII. The ministers of the Gospel, we see, receive their 
ordination from man's hand, and are appointed over their 
several flocks by man's election ; and yet it is most true 
withal, that " God x hath set them in the Church, Christ y 
hath given" them, and " over z all the flock the holy Ghost 
hath made them overseers :" with whom our Saviour hav- 
ing promised " to a be alway, even unto the end of the 
world," as he was at the beginning with those first master- 
builders, which were apostles " not b of men, neither by 
man, but by Jesus Christ and God the Father ;" that 
which he speaketh of the first appertaineth no less unto 
the last: " He c that heareth youheareth me, and he that 
despiseth you despiseth me, and he that despiseth me de- 
spiseth him that sent me." 

XIV. The wife, we know, maketh choice of her husband, 
and the mutual consent of the'parties makes up the matri- 
mony; yet God it is that "joineth d them both together:" 
and the conjunction being once made, the wife by virtue 
thereof standeth bound to " submit herself unto her own 
husband as to the Lord." And as God by saying to our 



x 1 Cor. chap. 12. ver. 28. * Ephes. chap. 4. ver. 11. 

' Acts, chap. 20. ver. 28. a Matt. chap. 28. ver. 20. 

b Gal. chap. 1. ver. 1. 

c Luke, chap. 10. ver. 16. with John, chap. 13. ver. 20. 

d Matt. chap. 19. ver. 0. e Ephes. chap. 5. ver. 22, 



264 THE POWER 

first mother Eve : " Thy f desire shall be to thy husband,, 
and he shall rule over thee," (as the apostle out of that 
law infers) commanded woman to " be g in subjection," and 
thereby established an headship in every single family : 
so, after the posterity of Eve began to be distinguished 
into families, the same God, by using the like speech to 
Cain concerning his brother Abel, " Unto h thee shall be 
his desire, and thou 1 shalt rule over him," may seem to 
have constituted a principality in one man over divers fa- 
milies, and thereby laid the foundation of political govern- 
ment; the kingdom (as it appeareth by the ordinary 11 
practice of the succeeding times) together with the excel- 
lency of dignity, and the excellency of power, (the two pe- 
culiar characters thereof) being an honour that descended 
upon the first-born and not upon the younger brother. 

XV. Although it may not be denied, but that (without 
any such special direction) the very light of nature would 
have enforced men at first to conjoin many families into 
one body of a civil society, and to submit themselves to 
the government of some superior : for, otherwise a disso- 
lution of mankind would quickly ensue, and all come to 
ruin. To this purpose among the Hebrews that of Rabbi 
Hananiah, one of their chief priests, is much remembered : 
"Pray 1 for the peace," or prosperity, " of the kingdom ; 
for, if it were not for fear of authority, every one would 
swallow down quick his neighbour :" which is but an ex- 
plication of that which a far better author long before de- 
livered touching the Babylonian monarchy, (which was 
adverse to the religion of the Jews, as that under which 
Hananiah lived ;) " Seek™ the peace of the city whither 
I have caused you to be carried away captives, and pray 
unto the Lord for it ; for in the peace thereof shall ye 
have peace." For the Christians, you may hear St. Chry- 

f Gen. chap. 3. ver. 16. s 1 Cor. chap. 14. ver. 34. 

h Gen. chap. 4. ver. 7. 

' Vide D. Heinsii exercitat. sacr. lib. 7. cap. 8. in 1 Cor. cap. 11. ver. 10. 
k Gen. chap. 49. ver. 3. 2 Chron. chap. 21. ver. 3. 

1 iySs D"n mjn ns* wx ntrno nSoSxw rvoSo Stf noWs SSsno 'in Pi*ke 

Abhoth cap. 3. sec. 2. 
m Jer. chap. 29. ver. 7. 



QF THE PRINCE. 265 

sostom speak : " Take 11 away the higher powers, and all 
goes to wreck ; neither will city, nor country, nor family, 
nor assembly, nor ought else stand ; the stronger willfde- 
vour the weaker, and all things be turned upside down." 
And Cicero, if you please, for the heathen : " Without 
government neither house, nor city, nor nation, nor man- 
kind, nor nature, nor the world itself could consist." 

XVI. True it is, that in several states there are admit- 
ted several forms of government, the supreme authority 
being somewhere 1 " placed in the person of one, which 
maketh a monarchy; otherwhere in some of the chief, which 
they call an aristocracy ; and somewhere in the whole 
body of the people, from whence ariseth a democracy. 
Likewise of monarchs themselves, some come in by elec- 
tion, some by hereditary succession : and in all these go- 
vernments the subordinate magistrates are raised, either 
by the immediate appointment of the supreme, or by the 
election of such persons or corporations as they are 
pleased to communicate that power unto. 

XVII. If this be so, and that nature seeketh al- 
ways to preserve itself, we may justly conclude, that 
magistracy is rooted in the law of nature, and so in 
the author of nature, that is, God himself. To which 
purpose, for the general, it is noted by Plutarch, that 
" A q governor politic is by nature always the prince of 
the commonwealth, as the master bee is amongst the 



n Kq.v dvkXyg tuq dpxdg, iravTa olxh atTat ' Kal °v ^oXtig, X^P a > °v K 0l '~ 
Kta, oi/K dyopd, ovk dXXo ovStv ffrijctrai, dXXd ndvra avarpcnrrifftTat, twv 
EvvaTOTspbJv rovg drtdtviriTtpovg KarcnnvovTwv. Chrysost. in epist. ad 
Dom. homil. 23. torn. 9. pag. 688. Vide etiam torn. 5. pag. 496. torn. 12. pag. 
311. torn. 2. pag. 74. 

" Sine imperio nee domus ulla, nee civitas, nee gens, nee hominum univer- 
sum genus stare, nee rerum natura omnis, nee ipse mundus potest." Cic. 3. de 
legib. in initio. 

p " Cunctas nationes et urbes, aut populus, aut priraores, aut singuli regunt." 
Tacit, annal. lib. 4. 'KvdyKi) S" tlvai Kvpiov fj tva, rj oXiyovc, fi rovg iro\- 
Xovc. Aristot. Polit. lib. 3. cap. 5. 

1 4»v'ff£t fikv ovv dpxwv at l iroXtwc; o TroXiTiKog, iixnrtp rjytjitov iv fitXiT- 
raic. Plutarch, in praecept. gerend. reip. 



266 THE POWER 

bees :" and by Aristides, that " All 1 governors are by na- 
ture superior to those that are under their command ;" 
that " This 3 is a law set by nature, that the inferior 
should yield obedience to the superior ; and if any man 
should account the abrogation of this law to be a sign of 
liberty, he did deceive himself; the* law of nature being 
hereby inverted, which requireth us to yield unto the 
eminency of our superiors, and to live according to the 
direction of our governors." And for the regal authority 
in particular, Seneca doth tell us, that " Nature 11 did first 
find out a king :" Polybius,that " Without*' any art, and by 
the guidance of nature itself a monarchy was first of all 
constituted:" Diotogenes the Pythagorean, that " Of x 
those which by nature are most honorable, the best in- 
deed is God, but upon earth and among men, the king :" 
Yea, and Aristotle himself too, that " By y nature not only 
the father hath the rule over his children, but also the 
king over those who are within his kingdom." 

XVIII. But however in the constitution of these man's 
hand may be an instrument, yet being once constituted, 
whether supreme or subordinate, in all of them we must 
respect the commission received by them from the 
founder of " all rule, authority and power" at the be- 
ginning, and the 2 resumer thereof into his own hands 



r TliivTt g n'tv ovv ap%ovTig fiicru mpt'iTTovg tojv i>n ai'Tolg. Aristid. in 
orat. Platon. l.tom. 3. edit. Graeco-Lat. in 8. pag. 76. 

s Nojuoc, yap iariv ovrog <pvoti Kiifitvog, wg a\>]0aig vwb tUv KptiTTOvojp 
Kara^nxOtlg aKoitiv tov i)tto> tov Kpti-rovog' Kq.v Tig iXtvQtpiag Gvfi- 
[3o\ov 7roi?"}roi rb SiafOeiptiv tov vbfiov, avrbv lZ,<nraT<}. Aristid. in 
orat. de concordia ad Rhodios, torn. 2. pag. 391. 

' "On a^,iolg [itTaj3a\\Eiv tov Trig (^vrrewg vo\ioi>, og KtXtvei Tr)v Ttov 
KptiTTovuv viripfio\i)v dve\ttr9ai, Kal ZJjv Trpbg to ijyovfitvov. Aristid. in 
orat. de Paraphthegm. torn. 3. pag. 673, 674. 

u " Natura commenta est regem." Senec. de Clemen, lib. 1. cap. 19. 

w IlpwTOV fiiv ovv cucaTaoKtviog /cat QvoiKiLg GWiOTaTai jxovapx'ia, 
Tolyb. hist. lib. 6. 

x Twv jxtv tyvaii rt/jiwrarwv apiGTOv 6 Btbg, t&v Si iripiyav kcutojq 
av9pwTT(og b jiaaiXtvg. Diotog. apud Stobeum, serm. 46. 

1 QvcFti ti yap apx.i)ybg rrarrjo vlSv, kui irpoyovog tKyovuv, nai fiafJtXzvg 
rwv j5aoi\tvo}iivwv. Arist. Ethic. Nicomach, lib. 8, cap, 13. 

z 1 Cor. chap. 15. »er. 24. 



OF THE PRINCE. 261 

again at the end of the world ; both because " We 8 make 
those things our own unto which we impart our autho- 
rity;" and because in all power established upon earth 
there is represented unto us an image and superscription 
of that high eminency which is in him whom St. Paul 
worthily glorifieth with the style of " The b blessed and 
only Potentate, the King of kings, and Lord of lords; 
who only hath immortality, dwelling in the light which 
no man can approach unto, whom no man hath seen nor 
can see, to whom be honour and power everlasting." In 
which words it is not unworthy our observation, that the 
apostle nameth him the " only potentate," in the same 
sense that he saith, he " only hath immortality." For, as 
angels and the souls of men have immortality indeed, yet 
not originally from themselves, but by his donation who 
only hath it absolutely in himself, without dependence 
upon any other : so are there other potentates also, yet 
such as hold of him in chief, who hath only all fulness of 
power in himself, and distributed! what proportion thereof 
he thinketh meet to those whom he hath intrusted with 
the government of this world ; according to the acknow- 
ledgment of King David, " Thine c , O Lord, is the great- 
ness, and the power, and the glory, and the victory, and 
the majesty ; for all that is in the heaven and in the earth 
is thine : thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art ex- 
alted as head above all. Both riches and honour come of 
thee, and thou reignest over all, and in thine hand is power 
and might, and in thine hand it is to make great, and to 
give strength unto all." 

XIX. Why the woman ought to cover her head (that 
is, her face d ) in the assembly, and not the man, St. Paul 



a " Omnia nostra facimus quibus authoritatem nostram impertimur." Gloss, 
in cap. 1. extr. de prsesumptionib. et cap. 1. de transactionib. ex illo Justiniani 
imp. in c. de vet. jur. enunt. lib. 1. " Omnia merito nostra facimus, quia ex no- 
bis omnis eis impertietur authoritas." 

b 1 Tim. chap. 6. ver. 15, 16. 

'• 1 Chron. chap, 29. ver. 12, 13. 

d As in Jerem. chap. 13. ver. 3, 1. Esth. chap. 6. ver. 12. and 2 Sam. chap. 
15. ver. 30. with chap. 19. ver. 21. " Mitris et lanis quaxlam non velant caput, 



268 THE POWER 

giveth this for a reason : " The e man is the image and glory 
of God, but the woman is the glory of the man." If we 
respect either those inward perfections wherewith God en- 
dowed the soul at the beginning, as knowledge 1 in the 
mind, " righteousness g and true holiness" in the will ; or 
that outward dominion which God granted to mankind 
over the other creatures ; it cannot be denied but male 
and female both were created by God " in 11 his own 
image." But if we consider them as they stand in mutual 
relation one unto the other, or as they are heads of the 
economical government ; the man being " head 1 of the 
woman," is the immediate image and glory of God, but 
the woman is the image and glory of the man, deriving all 
her power and splendor from him, as the moon doth from 
the sun, according to that of Justinian: " The k wives re- 
ceive lustre from their husband's rays ;" and those so- 
lemn words which the women of Rome were taught to use 
at their nuptials, " Ubi tu Caius ego Caia," in effect this, 
" Where 1 thou art master, there am I to be mistress." 

XX. So, (to rise higher than household government) 
God in Scripture is made " the m head of all principality 
and power ;" both of the " principalities" and powers in 
heavenly places," whose ministry he useth in the invisible, 
and of the "principalities and powers" here below, whose 
labours he employeth in the visible administration of the 
things of this world : unto both of which therefore he is 
pleased to impart as well his own name, as the title of his 
own children. For as angels, " the 1 ' chief princes," invested 



sed conligant; a fronte quidem protectae, qua proprie autem caput est, nudai." 
Tertullian. de veland. virgin, cap. ult. 

e 1 Cor. chap. 11. ver. 7. f Col. chap. 3. ver. 99. 

s Ephes. chap. 4. ver. 24. h Gen. chap- 1. ver. 27. 

■ 1 Cor. chap. 11. ver. 3. 

k At yafiirai ffWEKXafmovcn ralg twp avvOiKovvTwv ciktIoi, tovto av- 
Tciig tov vofiov SiSwicorog. Justin. Novel. 105. 

1 "07rov (Tii Kvpiog leal oiKoStGTTOTtig, leal tyili KVpia Kai oiKovtanoiva. 
Plutarch, in quaestionib. Romanis. 

m Col. chap. 2. ver. 12. with 1 Tet. chap. 3. ver. 22. 

n Col. chap. 3. ver. 10. ° Tit. chap. 3. ver. 1. 

p Dan. chap. 10. ver. 13. 



OF THE PRINCE. 269 

with the gloryi and power 1 of God, are styled gods 8 , and 
" the sons* of God ;" so the princes and judges of the earth 
have frequently the title of gods u in holy Writ: and 
in one place, of gods, and the sons of God both to- 
gether. " I w have said, ye are gods, and all sons of the 
most High." Which in the Chaldee paraphrast is thus 
rendered: " Behold, ye are reputed as angels, and all of 
you as it were angels of the most High." Such affinity in 
this respect there is between x those celestial " spirits y , 
sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of sal- 
vation," and those terrestrial " angels 2 of God," who are 
" his a ministers to us for good ;" even " God's b ministers 
continually attending upon this verything,"asSt. Paul wit- 
nesseth. With whom among the heathen also Plutarch 
agreeth fully, where he maketh the government of a king- 
dom to be " a c ministration of God," and affirmeth magis- 
trates to " be d God's ministers for the care and welfare of 
mankind, either in distribution of good things not yet had, 
or in the preservation of good things not yet enjoyed." 

XXI. Now these higher powers, unto whom it is " the 6 
will of God" we should " submit ourselves for his sake," 
are distinguished by St. Peter into two ranks, the su- 
preme and the subordinate ; the king f , the supreme ; 

i Luke, chap. 2. ver. 9. 

r Met' dyytXwv Svvafitoig avrov. 2 Thess. chap. 1. ver. 7. 

5 Psalm 8. ver. 5. with Heb. chap. 2. ver. 7. and Psalm 97. ver. 7. with Heb. 
chap. 1. ver. 6. 

1 Job, chap. 1. ver. 6. and chap. 2. ver. 1. and chap. 38. ver.' 7. 

u Exod. chap. 21. ver. 6. and chap. 22. ver. 8, 9. 28. Psalm 82.. ver. 1. 

w Psalm 82. ver. 6. 

x V. Epiphan. hseres. 40. edit. Grceco-Lat. pag. 284. 

y Aeirovpyiica Trvtvfiara tig diaicoviav airoo~Tt\\6fitva. Heb. chap. 1. 
ver. 14. 

1 2 Sam. chap. 19. ver. 27. 

a Qtov yap SiukovoqIgt'i (Tot tig to ayaQov. Rom. chap. 1.3. ver. 4. 

b Atirovpyoi yap Qtov tiaiv, tig avro tovto izpoaKapTtpovvrtg. 

c 'YTTiiptciav Qtov to (iaaiktvtiv rjyovjxtvog. Plutarch, in Numa. 

d 'YTnjptTtTv Qtijj irpbg avOpwTruJv t tt m'tKtiav\Kai aiOTijpiav, orrug av Qtbg 
SLdbjGiv avQpdjTtoig koXwv icai ayaQaiv, to. (itv vkfiiaai, to. Si <pv\a.TTWoi. 
Plutarch, ad principem indoctum. 

e 1 Peter, chap. 2. ver. 13. 15. 

f << Egregium culmen habentem," as Didymus Alexandrinus here noteth. 



270 THE POWER 

the subordinate, such governors as are " sent by him 
for the punishment of evil doers, and the praise of them 
that do well :" sent by the king, I mean, it being the " of- 
fice s of him that hath the highest and greatest place of 
government, to choose such assistants as shall rule together 
with him in the administration of those things which be- 
long to the public utility;" so saith Philo : and after him 
Libanius to the emperor of his time, " Indeed 11 , if it were 
possible that your own bodies might be every where, there 
would be no need that any magistrates should be sent by 
you into the provinces, you yourselves being able to admi- 
nister justice unto all, as the sun is sufficient to give light 
unto them : but seeing that cannot be, you govern them 
by others, and by their sentence you do determine 
justice." Which made St. Paul profess before Festus the 
governor, sitting at Caesarea upon the bench, that he 
stood (not at his, but) at " Caesar's 1 judgment seat ;" the 
other supplying his room only in that present place of ju- 
dicature. The compiler of the apostolical constitutions 
(personating those times wherein the civil government 
stood opposite to the Christian faith) doth thus express 
this distribution : " Thou k shalt fear the king, considering 
that he is the election (or ordinance) of the Lord: thou shalt 
honour his magistrates as the ministers of God, for they are 
revengers of all iniquity." Where for St. Peter's 7\yr\p.6- 
vecj it is observable that he useth the word ap\ovT£Q, which 



'E7r' dXXoiai S' dWoi /ityaXoi, rb S' iaxarov Kopvcpovrai fiaGtXfvGi. Pindar. 
Olymp. 1. sub fin. 

S YlpoGifKti T(p rrjg avuraro) Kai fity'iGri\g apXVC a£,io)9ivri aiptioOai 
oiaSoxovg, 01 owdp^ovGi Kai gvvSikclgovgi, Kai r' aXXa baa KoivuxpfXi] 
GwSioiKr}GovGi%'. Philo in libro de creatione principis. 

11 Et fiiv ovv oiovr 7)v iivat rravraxov to. vfii.rf.pa Gwfiaru, rwv apxov- 
tojv ovSiv av rovrmv eSei rwv kiri ra i9vrj -Trap' vfiwv Ttffnrofiivwv, airaffiv 
vfiaiv rolg SiKaZofxivoig cnroxpMvrwv, uxnrep avrrjg rtjg rov ifXiov Xafnrr)- 
Sovog. sTTfl Si rovro ovx o'iovrf Si iripwv avroTg i(ptari]Kare, Sia rije 
EKfiviov yvu>fit]Q vfitig rag ^/r)(f>ovg riOtade. Libanius, in ora. Kara rwv rrpoG- 
sSpsvovrwv rolg apxovai. 

' Acts, chap. 25. ver. 6. 10. 

k Tov fiaaiXia (pofirfOr'fGy, tiSwg on rov Kvpiov iariv »; x il 9 0T0Vla - T °v£ 
cipxovrag avrov rifiifGfig wg Xurovpyovg OfOv, ZkSikoi yap tiGi ixaGV, aSi- 
Ktag. Const, apostolic, lib. 7. cap. 17. 



OF THE TRINCE. 



271 



in the singular commonly denotes the prince, in the plural 
magistrates : a term which in the propriety of the Latin 
tongue belongs to subaltern officers, and doth not com- 
prehend the prince himself, whose office it is to " re- 
dress 1 the unjust actions of the magistrates, and to make 
void whatsoever ought not to have been done by them." 
And herein he seemeth to make the same distinction be- 
tween ficKnXtvQ and d'pxovrec* the king and magistrates, 
which Dio Chrysostomus doth between fiacriXeia and apx')> 
" apxfi m , or magistracy, is called a legal administration of 
men according to the law : fiamXua, or regality, is such a 
government as is not subject to the control of any. The 
law is the decree of the king. A tyranny, which is con- 
trary to these, is a violent and illegal usage of men by 
one that is of greater strength." 

XXII. For the clearer understanding whereof we may 
call to remembrance that difference which king James of 
never-dying memory, in the first book of his Basilicon 
Doron (out of Plato and Aristotle, the great masters of 
political learning) doth make between a lawful king and a 
tyrant : the words of that elegant writer are to this effect : 
" That the one acknowledgeth himself ordained for his 
people, having received from God a burthen of govern- 
ment, whereof he must be accountable ; the other think- 
eth his people ordained for him, a prey to his passions and 
inordinate appetites, as the fruits of his magnanimity ; and 
therefore that a good king, thinking his highest honour 
to consist in the due discharge of his calling, employeth 
all his study and pains to procure and maintain, by the 



1 " Intercedes iniquitatibus magistratuum, infectumque reddere quiequid 
fieri non oportuerit. Plin. Panegyric, ad Trajan. 

m A'eytrai yap »/ fihv apxn vop.ip.OQ avOptoTruv Sio'iKr/aig Kara vofiov. 
BaaiXeia dk avvirivQwoQ apxrj. "O St vopog fia<ji\ea>g Soypa. 'O St tv- 
pavvog, /cat r) rvpavvig, tvavrlov rovrotg, fiiaiog ical irapdvopog XP»l fft G 
av8pu)iru)v tov Soicovvrog loxvciv irXtov. Dio Chrysost. in orat. 3. de regno. 
Ubi vocabuli Sokovvtoq usum pleonasticum recte observat vir doctissiraus Jo- 
annes Prica;us : ut etiam in loco illo Marci, cap. 10. ver. 42. oi doKovvreg 
apXtiv twv WvCov, pro quo Matt. cap. 20. ver. 25. simpliciter legitur, ot apxov- 

7£f. T&V iOl'Ull'. 



272 THE POWER 

making and execution of good laws, the welfare and peace 
of his people." 

XXIII. For the making of laws, whereof the force and 
penalty doth generally reach unto the whole kingdom, 
must be an act of the prince : and therefore where it is 
said, Psalm 60. ver. 7. "Judah is my law-giver," the 
Greek aud vulgar Latin translate it, "Judah is my king," 
agreeable to that in 1 Chron. chap. 5. ver. 2. " Of Judah 
came the prince." For " To n this end," saith Justinian, 
" God hath settled regal power among men, that by order- 
ing upon all occasions such things as are needful, it should 
both supply the uncertainty of human nature, and con- 
clude it within the bounds of certain laws." And St. Au- 
gustine to the same purpose : " The divine right we have 
in the Scriptures, the human right in the laws of kings ; 
for p human rights God hath distributed to mankind by the 
emperors and kings of this world, and this human - right 
is in the power of the kings of the earth." Hitherto also 
belongeth that of Alexius Comnenus : " The r regal office is 
nothing else but a legal administration of things : the law 
is that which preserveth the indemnity of the common- 
wealth, removing far and expelling such things as are pre- 
judicial to the civil state ; and the power of making the 
laws is committed to the king :" and that of Plutarch long 
before him, " Justice 55 is the end of the law, the law a 
work of the prince, and the prince the image of God." 

n BaciXeiav 6 Qibg did tovto Ka9ijiCEv ilg dvQpwirovg, owwg av rolg Seo- 
fiivoiQ del ti CiaraTTOvera rrjv Ttjg dvOpwTrivijg (pvoiug dopiffTiav dvaTrXrj- 
pol re, Kal pT)Toic TTEpiicXiioi vofioig re. Cod. de vet. jur. enucl. lib. 3. Graec. 

" Divinum jus in Scripturis haberaus, humanum jus in legibus regum." 
August, in Joan, tract. 6. 

P " Ipsa jura humana per imperatores et reges seculi Deus distribuit generi 
humano." August, in Joan, tract. 6. 

i Jus humanum in potestate regum est terras. August, in epist. 93. ad Vin- 
centium. 

r M.r}8£v dXXo rj fiaaiXtia ?; ivvofiog tiriOTaala iari. vofioi St ot ttjv 7ro- 
XiTiiav T-qpovvTiQ dSia\i!)f3t)Tov, iroppw aTrwOovvrsg rd to iroXiTtvfia Ka- 
TafiXawTovTa, dvilTcii 5s Kal to vofioOtrtiv (iaciXXivaiv. Alex. Comnen. 
Novel, de solutione sponsalium. 

5 Aikj; vofiov rtXog tarn', vofiog Ct dpxovTog epyov, dpx^v ct titcwv 
Qtov. Plutarch, ad principem indoctum. 



OF THE PRINCE. 



273 



The apxwv, or prince, makes the laws, not to himself, but 
to his subjects (to whom he standeth no way accountable 
for his own not observing any of them, as hereafter shall 
more fully be declared), the ap^ovrec judge and govern 
others accoi'ding to the prescript of those laws, being 
themselves also obnoxious to them as well as other sub- 
jects. For, " magistrates 1 are the ministers, judges the 
interpreters of the laws," saith Tully : and " the 11 laws do 
govern the magistrates no less than the magistrates do the 
people." To the maker of the law, Dio (in the place al- 
leged) attributes fiaaiXelav, or regal sovereignty, which 
by him, andSuidas x out of him, is defined to be " avvirevOv- 
vog apxn, a government without check," whereof no ac- 
count is to be rendered unto any man : to the ministers of 
the law he ascribeth apxnv simply ; by which word like- 
wise the scholiast of Aristophanes, and Suidas 2 also from 
him, observe the ministerial and inferior government most 
usually to be understood ; for " in a every kingdom there 
are many ap\ai, but under one king," saith Epiphanius. 
" The b princes digged the well, the nobles of the people 
digged it by direction of the law giver, with their staves," 
was a part of the song of Israel : and " Moses c commanded 
us a law, even the inheritance of the congregation of Ja- 
cob : and he was king in Jeshurun, when the heads of the 
people and the tribes of Israel were gathered together." 
Here Moses is the lawgiver and king in Israel : the princes 
and heads of the people, those ap^ovreg and ap^ai, with- 
out which Aristotle d so oft tells us it is impossible a com- 

' " Legum ministri magistrates, legum interpretes judices ; legum denique id- 
circo omnes servi sumus, ut liberi esse possumus." Cicero pro A. Cluentio. 

11 " Ut magistratibus leges, ita populo praesunt magistratus." Cicero init. 
lib. 3. de legibus. 

x Suidas in RaaiXeia. 

1 KoivoTtpov KCtiTag roiavrag \j/iXdg iiziaraa'iag Kal Xtirovpyiag dpxdg 
tXeyov, Kal to flovXtvaai (id est, jus dicere) dpxdg. Schol. in Aristoph. Plut. 
pag. 91. edit. Graeco-Lat. anno 1607. 

z Suidas in "Apx«v. 

3 Ka0' ticd(TTt)v flaatXtiav iroXXai dp\ai, dXX' v<p' 'iva jSacriXea. Epiphan. 
contra Archont. hasres. 40. 

b Num. chap. 21. ver. 18. c Deut. chap. 33. ver. 4, 5. 

' kvayKaiov yap tlvai nvag dpxdg. Aristot. politic, lib. 3. cap. 12. 
VOL. XI. Z 



274 THE POWER 

monwealth can consist. For, " One e man," saith Philo, 
" though he have never so much alacrity and vigour in body 
and mind, cannot be sufficient to undergo the greatness 
and the multitude of the businesses, which every day do flow 
one upon the neck of another, unless they have coadjutors, 
chosen all of them out of the best, men of known wisdom, 
courage, justice, piety; and who not only are free from 
pride, but abhor it likewise as an hateful and exceeding 
great evil: for such men are most fit helpers and assistants 
to a good and worthy prince." For proof whereof he 
giveth an instance in Moses himself, who although he were 
a man "mighty f in words and in deeds," and "going in 
this his might," (as God in another 8 place biddeth Gideon 
to do) did for a time judge Israel all alone ; yet mere ne- 
cessity forced him in the end to profess unto the people : 
" I h am not able to bear you myself alone : How 1 can I my- 
self alone bear your cumbrance, and your burthen, and 
your strife ?" whereupon " he k took the chief of their 
tribes, wise men and known, and made them heads over 
the people, and officers among their tribes." 

XXIV. And yet in his wisdom foreseeing withal, that 
these, as many as they were, could not be able to go 
through with the work, nor retain the people in due obe- 
dience, without the support of a supreme governor, before 
his departure out of this life he presenteth God with this 
petition: "Let 1 the Lord, the God of the spirits of all 



" Avev dpxovrtov ddvvarov tlvanroXiv. Arist. polit. lib. 4. cap. 4. TJiv fitv 
yap dvayKaiwv dpx&v X W P'C dSvvarov tivai ttoXiv. Arist. polit. lib. 6. cap. 8. 

e Elc. ydpovic av t£,apicicrai, icq.v TrpoOvfioTarog y Kai Trdvruv ippwfitv'ta- 
raroQ iKurspov trw/ia Kai ^v\i)v, irpoQ rd ptytOr] Kai TrXijOt] twv irpay- 
fiaTwv, iTTiTy (bopa rHv t7ni<TXtop.ivo)V KaQ' iKaGTY\v ij/xipav dX\ax69ev 
dXXiov, tl n>) roi>g ffvXXeipojiivovg t^oi irdvTag dpiarivSrjv tTri\syp,ivovg, 
(ppovt)ati, Svvd/XEi, Siicaioavvy, 6eo(T£J3tia, t<j> ui) \iovov tKTp'tTrtadai, dXXa 
Kai fiiastv &g ixQp° v Ka ' ^yiarov icaicbv, dXa^oveiav flotiQol yap ovtoi icai 
irapaararai ykvoivr av dvSpi K«\<jJ Kai dyaBip rd koivu tTrrjxQi<Tfiiv<i>> 
avviiriKovtyi^iiv Kai eirtXafpiZuv sTTiTrfSsioraTui. Philo, in libro de crea- 
tione principis. 

f Acts, chap. 7. ver. 22. e Judges, chap. 6. ver. 14. 

h Deut. chap. 1. ver. 9. * Id. ibid. ver. 12. 

k Deut. chap. 1. ver. 15. with Exod. chap. 18. ver. 25. 
Num. chap. 27. ver. 16, 17. 



OF THE PRINCE. 275 

flesh, set a man over the congregation, which may go out 
before them, and which may go in before them, and which 
may lead them out, and which may bring them in ; that the 
congregation of the Lord be not as sheep 111 which have 
no shepherd:" and God thereupon giveth order un- 
to him, that he should " put" some of his honour upon 
Joshua, that all the congregation of the children of Israel 
might be obedient :" which honour or regal sovereignty 
(for Moses had no less) how fully Joshua did enjoy after 
his decease, this profession then made by the people may 
sufficiently testify : " All p that thou commandest us, we will 
do, and whithersoever thou sendest us we will go. Accord- 
ing as we hearkened unto Moses, so will we hearken unto 
thee : only the Lord thy God be with thee, as he was with 
Moses. Whosoever he be, that doth rebel against thy 
commandment, and will not hearken unto thy words in all 
that thou commandest him, he shall be put to death : only 
be strong and of a good courage." And this ratification 
thereof made by God himself not long after : " On q that 
day, the Lord magnified Joshua in the sight of all Israel, 
and they feared him as they feared Moses all the days of 
his life." 

XXV. The supreme governor therefore hath not more 
need of the subordinate magistrates for his assistance, 
than they have of him to give them life and motion : no 
state being possibly able to subsist, unless a supremacy of 
power be placed in some head, from whence it may be de- 
rived through all the parts of the body politic. A lively 
manifestation of this we have from the old Persians 1 ", who 



m See 1 Kings, chap. 22. ver. 17. n Num. chap. 27. ver. 20. 

° Gen. chap. 36. ver. 31. wih Deut. chap. 33. ver. 5. 

p Jos. chap. 1. ver. 16, 17, 18. 

i Jos. chap. 4. ver. 14. 

r 'EvTtvOev Kai oi Ilipcwv x a p^vreg vofiov 'ixovai, fiaaiXtuJc; Trap' av- 
toIq rtXiVTijaavrog, tt'evte tuq s<pe%i]Q rj/i'epaQ avopiav dytiv ovk inrkp tov 
SviTTVxiii/, dXX' inrip tov ipyw fiadtlv rfXiKov kclkov f.ariv r; avo\i'ia (a<pa~ 
ydc. Kai apirayag, (cat a ri xtipov eotiv iTrayovoa) "iva TTiUTOTtpoi twv /3a- 
aiXtojv tpiXaictg ykvtovrai. Sext. Empir. adversus Mathematicos, lib. 2. 
Vide et Serinum apud Stobseum, serm. 42. 

z2 



276 



THE POWER 



for five days together, after the decease of their king, per- 
mitted the people to live lawless ; that after the experience 
of the slaughters, rapines, and other outrages committed 
in that short interval, they might learn to hold their kings 
in more high esteem. Which bringeth some light to that 
which we meet with so oft in the book of Judges, and 
wherewith the last chapter of that sacred history is con- 
cluded : " In those days there was no king in Israel, every 
man did that which was right in his own eyes." In the 
same chapter we read that there were then " the s elders of 
the congregation" in the commonwealth ; and in the chap- 
ter going before, that zealous Phineas* stood high priest 
before the ark in those days. But the want of a king, 
that is, of one that had the supreme managing of the 
sword of justice, is assigned to be the cause of all this con- 
fusion and disorder ; who, being in the Scripture termed 
" The" breath of our nostrils," as the great army of Alex- 
ander doth profess to the same effect in Curtius, that 
" they x all did live by that one man's breath, or spirit ;" 
we may easily thence infer, that, as in the natural body, 
the breath being stopped, life can no longer be conti- 
nued ; so, the power of the supreme governor being taken 
away, all vital influence into the rest of the body civil must 
cease therewith, and the whole state of necessity suffer a 
dissolution. And therefore, as Florus writeth of the con- 
stitution of the Roman empire under Caesar Augustus, 
that " No y doubt it could never have otherwise conjoined 
and consented together, unless it had been governed by 
the beck of one ruler, as by a kind of soul and mind :" 
so, touching the continuation thereof, Seneca in like man- 



s Judges, chap. 21. ver. 16. « Ibid. chap. 20. ver. 28. 

u Lament, chap. 4. ver. 20. 

x " Armatus exercitus regiam obsedit, confessus omnes unius spiritu vivere." 
Q. Curtius, lib. 9. cap. 11. 

y "Ad Octavium Csesarem Augustum summa rerum rediit : qui sapientia sua 
atque solertia perculsum undique et perturbatum ordinavit imperii corpus. 
Quod ita haud dubie nunquam coire et eonsentire potuisset, nisi unius prsesidis 
nutu quasi anima et mente regeretur." L. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 3. 



OF THE PRINCE. 277 

ner addeth : " This* infinite multitude which environs one 
man's soul, is by his spirit governed, and by his reason 
guided ; which otherwise would oppress and break her- 
self with her own force, if by his counsel she were not sus- 
tained." For, " He a is the bond which holds fast the state 
together, he is that vital breath which so many thousands 
draw in ; who otherwise as a lifeless and unwieldy load 
would prove a booty, if that soul of the empire were ta- 
ken away." 

The king being safe, one mind unites them all ; 
He gone, their league dissolveth, and they fall. 

XXVI. Where further also it is to be considered, that 
the placing of the supremacy of civil power (which the 
Latins call majesty, the Grecians Kvpiov TroXiTtv/xa, Kvplav 
ap-)(fiv, and aicpav i^ovaiav) in some certain head, is so es- 
sential to all states of government, that from it the formal 
difference ariseth of all particular kinds thereof. For, al- 
though in Switzerland, for example, the cantons have their 
several magistrates, who during the time of their govern- 
ment order all things among the people, yet are they not 
an aristocracy for that, but a mere democracy ; because 
these officers derive their authority wholly from the people, 
and to them or their deputies they are to give an account 
of the exercise thereof. And, although in the common- 
wealth of Venice there be but one duke, yet, because this 
person is not invested 15 with the supreme power of govern- 
ment, that state is nothing less than monarchical. The 



1 " Haec immensa multitudo, unius animae circumdata, illius spiritu regitur, 
illius ratione flectitur ; pressura se ac fractura viribus suis, nisi consilio sustinere- 
tur." Seneca de Clementia, lib. 1. cap. 3. 

a " Ille est enim vinculum, per quod respublica cohaeret ; ille spiritus vitalis, 
quem haec tot millia trahunt ; nihil ipsa per se futura nisi onus et prseda, si mens 
ilia imperii subtrahatur. — Rege incolumi mens omnibus una est ; Amisso 
rupere fidem — " Seneca de Clementia, lib. 1. cap. 4. Versus autem Virg. sunt 
lib. 4. Georg. de apibus, quorum sententiam hoc eodem libro, cap. 19. ita expres- 
sit idem Seneca, " Amisso rege totum dilabitur examen." 

b " Imperii summam vim ipsam nunquam habuit, sed imaginem tantum quan- 
dam etumbram imperii, plus minusve, pro temporum varietate." Nicol. Crass. 
Not. 15. in Donat. Jannot. de rep. Venet. 



278 THE POWER 

Lacedemonians had two kings (for failing) and both of 
them hereditary, descending from the race of Hercules, 
and yet that hindered nothing at all their aristocracy ; 
because they being subject to the oversight and con- 
trol of the Ephori, were but equivocal kings, such in 
name , but not in deed. For, to speak properly, by the 
name of a king, as Gregory Nyssen noteth, we understand 
such an one as is his d own master, and hath no other 
master beside :" who hath " absolute 12 power in himself," 
and is no way subject to the control of any other. And 
therefore when Anthony was so much pressed by his Cleo- 
patra to call Herod unto question, he answered : " It f was 
not fitting a king should give account of what he did in his 
government, for he should be in effect no king at all." 

XXVII. On the other side, in our high court of parlia- 
ment, although the knights, citizens and burgesses (re- 
presenting the \*hole body of the commons) bear the shew 
of a little democracy among us, and the lords and nobles, 
(as the optimates of the kingdom) of an aristocracy ; yet 
our government is a free monarchy notwithstanding : be- 
cause the supreme authority resteth neither in the one 
nor in the other, (either severally or jointly) but solely in 
the person of the king, at whose pleasure g they are assem- 
bled, and without whose royal assent nothing they con- 
clude on can be a law forceable to bind the subjects. 
Whereupon by a special act of the same great court it is 



c As other inferior princes likewise named, Isai. chap. 10. ver. 8. Jerem. 
chap. 19. ver. 3. Psalm 105. ver. 30. So Eustathius in Homer. Odyss. a. 
'Stj/iiiwaai dk 'on ov fiovov"Ofit]pog (3aaiXtlgXiyEi rovg tvdoKovg Kai fiaoi- 
XiKovg, dXXd Kai ol fitr' avrov. et Proclus, in Hesiod. "Epywv a. BaaiXfjag 
rovg BiicaGTag Kai rovg dpxovrag Xsytc ovru yap avrovg ikclXovv oi ira- 
Xaioi. 

d AvTOizparopa Kai dSk<T7rorov rbv flaaiXea KaXovfxtv. Greg. Nyssen. 
contra Eunom. lib. 1. 

e To avroKpar'tg re Kai dvap%ov. Greg. Nyssen. contra Eunom. lib. 1. 

f Oil yap i(pi) KaXwg i xuv 'hvrwviog , jSaffiXsa irtpi tuiv Kara Tt)v ctpxijv 
ytyevi]utv(ov evQi'vag airaiTeiv o'iiriog yap av ovSi fiaaiXtvg tivai. Joseph, 
antiqu. lib. 15. cap. 14. 

S Quis tantae est authoritatis ut nolentem principem possit ad convocandos 
patres cseterosque proceres coarctare ? Justinian. Novel. 23. 



OF THE PIUNCE. 279 

declared, that 1 ' the king's highness must be acknowledged 
to be the only supreme governor of his dominions in 
all causes whatsoever. Which could not stand, if that 
either court itself, or any other power upon earth, might 
in any cause overrule him : I say any power, whether 
foreign or domestical. 

XXVIII. This government is called " iravTtXriQ 1 fiovap- 
\ia, a full monarchy," by Sophocles; " avTapxlefi, a free 
and independent regiment," by Marcus Aurelius in Dio ; 
" avTOKpaTi)g (3a<n\da ical avvTnvQvvog, an absolute king- 
dom, not subject to the control of any," by Plutarch, in 
that little book wherein he compareth the three kinds of 
governments (monarchical, democratical, and oligarchical 
or aristocratical) together; and in the end, out of Plato, 
preferreth a monarchy before the rest for this very reason ; 
because " the 1 others being ruled, do yet after a sort rule, 
and being led do lead the civil governor" set over them ; 
who " having no solid and firm strength herein from those 
who gave him his power," is subject to be suppressed by 
the same hand that raised him. Whereas a free mo- 
narch, who hath the supremacy of power placed in his own 
person, and by virtue thereof maketh such laws, and im- 
parteth to the subordinate magistrates such authority for 
the seeing of them put in execution, as may best conduce 
to the benefit of the whole state, doth thereby in a most 
special manner represent unto us (as we have before heard 
out of the same author) the image of God, the most high 
and absolute monarch" 1 of this whole universe. To this 
purpose, Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, maketh that "high" 
eminency of glory," annexed unto the imperial state, to be 

h Statut. Angl. ann. 1. Eliz. (et Hibern, ann. 2. ejusdem) cap. 1. 

• Sophocles in Antigona, ver. 1177. 

k Xiphilin. excerpt, ex Dionis Marc. Aurelio. 

I Ai fiiv yap aXXai iroXiTtiai rpoTrov riva KpaTovjievai Kparovffi, icai 
<j>ipop,ivai (pipovcri tov itoXitikov ovk txovra tt]V ia^vv (iefiaiov IttI 
tovtov (tovtwv) Trap' (j> e%£i to icrxvov, dXka ttoXKukiq dvayicaZofisvov to 
AiaxvXtiov di'a<p(i)VHV, &c. Plutarch. 

m Vide Philonem Jud. initio lib. 1. de monarchia. 

II Tijg fitv iv dv6pw7roiQ tvK\iiag to dvwTarov, /cat davvKp'iTOiQj 8 ia<f>o- 
pa'iQ tup dWtav dirdvrwv dvEOTr}Kog Tt Kai inrepKiintvov i/^ttTc (w -J/iXo- 



280 THE POWER 

an image upon earth of the supreme majesty of Almighty 
God in heaven. And you, saith he to the emperors, 
" you" alone, who have obtained power over all men, are, 
as it were, a kind of expression and imitation of that king- 
dom which is in heaven." Whereunto may be added that 
of the author of the questions upon the Old and New 
Testament, in the third tome of St. Augustin's works : 
" The king hath the image of God ;" and the author of 
the commentaries upon the epistles of St. Paul, who, not 
without great probability, is thought to be the same, how- 
soever bearing the name of St. Ambrose : " Kings p are cre- 
ated for the correcting of our life, and the keeping back of 
adversities ; in his having the image of God, that all the 
rest should be under one." And of Johannes Sarisburi- 
ensis : " The q prince, as sundry do define him, is a public 
power, and a kind of an image of the divine majesty upon 
earth." To which definition, or description rather, we 
may refer that of Menander : 

ElKbJV* £'t ficKJlXtVQ IfFTIV t/llpV)(og Qtov. 

The king is a living image of God. 

And that of Diogenes the Pythagorean, that " The 8 king 
having a power uncontrolable, and being himself a living 



Xpioroi (iamXtig) Kal KXijpog vfiiv IZaipiTog Tt Kal Trpiirwv -jrapd Qtov rijg 
tvovarjg ai)T<£ Kara irdvTwv VTripo\T]g, tiKog yap iirl yrjg to yipag, &c. 
idoi S' dv Tig Kal tirl Trjg vfiiripaq yaXr\voTaTOg Trjg ovtoj irtpifavovg Kal 
dvoiTario izaawv tvKXtiag, fiicnrpeirovTa Kal ivapyrj rbv tvttov vfitig yap 
tort Kal twv tig XijlZiv d^Wjudraiv nriyai, Kal dirdo'ijg VTTtpoxfjg tirtKtiva. 
Cyril, initio libri de recta fide ad Theodosium. 

n Trjg Iv ovpavoTg fiacriXiiag iKTinrupia uoirtp ti Kal n'tfirf/ia rolg lirl 
Trig yt)g vfitig Si Kal p.6voi to Kara iravroiv Xa%6vTig Kpdrog. Cyril, in 
apologet. ad Theodosium. 

° Quaest. 25. ex vet. et nov. Test. 

P " Principes hos reges dicit, qui propter corrigendam vitam et prohibenda 
adversa creantur ; Dei habentes imaginem, ut sub uno sint caeteri." Ambr. in 
Rom. cap. 13. 

i " Est ergo, ut eum plerique definiunt, princeps potestas publica, et in terris 
quaedam divinae majestatis imago." Jo. Sarisbur. Polycratic. lib. 4. cap. 1. 

r In monostichis ab H. Stephano edit. ann. 1569. 

s '0 St fiaoiXtvg dp\dv tx">v dvvirtvQvvov, Kal ax/Tog wv vo/iogtfiipvxog, 
Oibg iv dvQpwiroig Trapt^xafidTKjTai. Diotog. apud Stobaeum serm. 46. 



OF THE PRINCE. 281 

law, is the figure of God among men." And those admo- 
nitions of Agapetus unto the emperor Justinian: " Seeing 1 
thou hast attained to a dignity higher than all other ho- 
nour, do thou also above all others honour God, who was 
pleased so to signify thee, according to the similitude of 
his heavenly kingdom, giving unto thee the sceptre of this 
earthly principality." For, although " the u king, in regard 
of the nature of his body, be of the same mould with every 
other man, yet, in respect of the eminency of his dignity, he 
is like unto God, who is Lord over all ; whose x image he 
beareth, and by him holdeth that power which he hath 
over all men." 

XXIX. If we consider God in his own sublime majesty, 
the Scripture will tell us that "his y throne is in heaven;" 
but if we look upon him in these his vicegerents, which 
do so immediately represent his person among the sons of 
men, in the same Scripture we may find out another throne 
of his, prepared here on this earth, which is his " foot- 
stool 2 ." Thus, where, in the history of the kings, we read 
that " Solomon a sate upon the throne of David his father, 
and his kingdom was established greatly." In the Chro- 
nicles we have it thus expressed : " Then b Solomon sate 
upon the throne of the Lord as king instead of David his 
father, and prospered, and all Israel obeyed him." And, 
where in the former the queen of Sheba is brought in 
speaking unto the same king after this manner: " Blessed 
be the Lord thy God, which delighteth in thee to set thee 
on the throne of Israel :" in the latter, her speech is thus 



1 Ti/x*/£ aira.Gr\g viripTtpov txwv d^Liopa, (3acnXtv, rifia iiirhp uiravrag 
tov tovtov at a^toxjavra Qtbv, oti ical ko.9' ofio'waiv rrjg fiaaiktiag tduiick 
aoi to OKi\nTpov Trig t7ciytiov SiovaoTiiaq. Agap. Par. cap. 1. 

u Ty fiiv ovaiq. tov <TW/mroc. 'iffog iravTi avQpCnr(j> 6 (3aaiktvg, ry IZovaiq. 
Si tov d^tuiiiarog opoiog iari t$ tiri Travruiv Gty. Agap. Par. cap. 21. 

x Trjv tiKova (j>epu tov iiri Travrtav Qtov, Kal di avTOv »carex« ti)v iwi 
tt&vtuv apxnv. Agap. Par. cap. 37. 

y Psalm 11. ver. 4. and Psalm 103. ver. 16. 

2 Isaiah, chap. 66. ver. 1. Matt. chap. 5. ver. 35. 

a 1 Kings, chap. 2. ver. 12. b 1 Chron. chap. 29. ver. 23. 

c 1 Kings, chap. 10. ver. 9. 



282 THE POWER 

related: " Blessed d be the Lord thy God, which delight- 
eth in thee to set thee on his throne, to be king for 
the Lord thy God." And as the king's throne is ac- 
counted God's throne, so the kings themselves also are 
styled his kings and his anointed ; " He e shall give 
strength unto his king, and exalt the horn of his anoint- 
ed," saith Hannah in her song ; and David likewise in his : 
" Great f deliverance giveth he to his king, and sheweth 
mercy to his anointed." 

XXX. Where further also it deserveth special consi- 
deration, that this sacred title of " the Lord's anointed" 
is not only attributed to David 8 and Josiah h , and such 
good kings as God in his mercy did raise up unto his 
people ; but to Saul 1 also, a king whom he k gave unto 
them in his anger : nor to those who were of the common- 
wealth of Israel alone, but to Cyrus an heathen emperor, 
of whom it is written : " Thus 1 saith the Lord to his 
anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden to 
subdue nations before him :" who m , although at first he did 
not know his founder, yet at last by public proclamation 
he made this large acknowledgment of him: "Thus 11 saith 
Cyrus king of Persia, All the kingdoms of the earth hath 
the Lord God of heaven given me, and he hath charged 
me to build him an house in Jerusalem." Yea, he that 
gave the empire to Cyrus that should " build his city, and 
let go his captives," gave the same unto Nebuchadnezzar 
who had before destroyed the same city, and led the 
people into captivity; whereof the prophet Daniel did 
thus put him in mind : " Thou p , O king, art a king of 
kings, for the God of heaven hath given thee a kingdom, 

d 2 Chron. chap. 9. ver. 8. e 1 Sam. chap. 2. ver. 10. 

f Psalm 18. ver. 50. 2 Sam. chap. 22. ver. 51. 
£ 2 Sam. chap. 12. ver. 7. chap. 19. ver. 21. and chap. 23. ver. 1. 
h Lam. chap. 4. ver. 20. 

1 1 Sam. chap. 12. ver. 3. 5. chap. 24. ver. 6. 10. and chap. 26. ver. 9. 11. 16. 
23. with 2 Sam. chap. 1. ver. 14. 16. 

k 1 Sam. chap. 8. ver. 7. ' Isaiah, chap. 45. ver. 1. 

m Isaiah, chap. 45. ver. 4, 5. 

n 2 Chron. chap. 36. ver. 23. Ezra, chap. 1. ver. 2. 

° Isaiah, chap. 45. ver. 13. p Dan. chap. 2. ver. 27. 



OF THE PRINCE. 283 

power and strength and glory ;" and afterwards his grand- 
child in these words : " The q most high God gave Nebu- 
chadnezzar thy father a kingdom, and majesty and glory, 
and honour ; and for the majesty that he gave him, all 
people, nations and languages trembled and feared before 
him : whom he would he slew, and whom he would he kept 
alive, and whom he would he set up, and whom he would 
he put down." And he that gave Cyrus the title of his 
anointed, gave to this Nebuchadnezzar also the style of 
his servant 1 ; the same wherewith those choicest gover- 
nors, Moses 8 , Joshua* and David", were graced by him. 

XXXI. That kings derive their power, and hold their 
crown from God, is a truth which even heathen writers do 
acknowledge no less than Christian. 'Ek x §£ Aibg (5am- 
Xfjec, was the saying of old Hesiod ; whereby he makes 
God their procreant cause, as elsewhere their conservant, 
by giving them the title of Atorp£$eie y , and what the poets 
ascribe to Jove, the apostle gives to God z , we know. The 
former is more largely expressed thus by Callimachus a , 
(whose verses, together with all the following, are of the 
translation of my ingenious and learned friend Mr. I. P.) 

'Ek Se Albs Ba<Ti\»"/££" eirei Aibg ovdev av&KTwv 
QtiOTEpov, T<p Kai aft ri.i)V eicpivao tcl%iv. 

Kings are from Jove, none so divine as they, 
Whom he calls his, and in his place bids sway. 

The latter is set down by Homer in this manner : 

Ov/xbgl di /x'iyac earl diorpe<piog fiatnXrjog, 
lifirj o" Ik Aiog tern, (piXtl Be I {itinera Zevg. 



*i Dan. chap. 5. ver. 18, 19. 

r Jer. chap. 25. ver. 9. chap. 27. ver. 6. and chap. 43. ver. 10. 

s Num. chap. 12. ver. 7, 8. Psalm 105. ver. 26. 

* Jos. chap. 24. ver. 29. 

" Psalm 18. ver. 1. and Psalm 78. ver. 70. 

x Kings are from Jove. Hesiod, Theogon. verse 96. 

y Nourished by Jove. Hesiod, Theogon. ver. 82. 

2 Acts, chap. 17. ver. 24. 28. a Callimach. hymn, in Jovem. 

a Iliad, /3. verse 196, 197. 



284 THE POWER 

The anger of a king is great; 

Him Jove himself doth nourish : 
From him his honour springs, 

And by his love doth flourish. 

Where, note with Eustathius, that kings are called Stoyt- 
vuq and diorpecptlg, not c as deriving their pedigree from 
Jove, but their kingly honour. And this is delivered 
also by the same poet, under the person of sage Nestor 
reproving Achilles for contending with king Agamemnon : 

Mryrt d ffv TltjXtiSt], 'St\' ipi^fisvai (iaaiXiji 
'AvriflirjV «7r« ovnoO' ojioirjg tii/iopi Tifirjg 

'SKtjTTTOVXOQ j3afflXtl)g, </) TS ZtVQ KvSog tS(i)KS. 

Pelides, strive not with the king, 
His honour is a different thing 
From thine : his power is from above, 
His sceptre is the gift of Jove. 

And directing his speech to Agamemnon himself: 

Aau>v e laoi aval, Kai roi Zevg iyyvaXi%E 
2K»j7rTpov t' TjSk 9'i.fiiarag, 'iva aty'tai fiovXtvrjaQa. 

Thou rulest many nations, Jove a sceptre did thee lend, 
And laws, that to thy people's good thou might'st attend. 

Whence Eustathius also inferreth, that " the f kingly of- 
fice is a good gift of God," and that " the g king hath 
both his sceptre and his jurisdiction from God." 

And with Homer, the prince of poets, doth Plato like- 
wise, the prince of philosophers, acknowledge " the h 
regal office to be a divine good among men," and makes 
his " king 1 as it were, a god among men." Diotogenes 

c Ovk oti Ik Aibg to ysvog (Xkovgiv, aXA' on il Ikuvov avroig rt/J*), r) 
Trig fiacxiXiiag SrjXah). Eustath. pag. 199. edit. Rom. 

d Iliad, a. ver. 277. &c. 

e Iliad, 9. ver. 97. &c. with Iliad, j8. ver. 205, 206. 

f QtoadoTov ayaObv i) fiaaiXtia. Eustath. in Iliad. 2. pag. 202, 203. edit. 
Rom. 

s 'O aval, Kai ok^tttoov Qt69ev t%ti Kai Qe/iiaTag. Eustath. in Iliad. 
9. pag. 738. 

h IlXarwv j3aoiXiiav Qtlov aya9bv iv av9pwiroig KaXrf. Synes. in orat. 
de regno. 

1 Olov Qtbv t% av9pwTruv. Plato in Politico. 



OF THE PRINCE. 285 

the Pythagorean saith, " that k God hath given him domi- 
nion." Dio Chrysostom 1 toucheth often the same thing. 
Pliny telleth the emperor Trajan, that God " gave m him 
to be his substitute toward all mankind." And Themis- 
tius affirmeth, that " God n from heaven did send regal 
power unto the earth." Our Christians also that lived 
under the first persecutions, though they had occasion 
enough thereby given them to decline the government of 
those times and emperors, did yet both acknowledge and 
reverence God's ordinance in the advancement of them. 
And therefore when Celsus the Epicurean philosopher had 
cited that place of Homer : 

El^ Koipavog iffTio, 



Elg ficuriXEvg, <^i eSuke Kpovov ttcuq dyKvXofiijrew. 

and inferred thence against the Christian: " If p thou wilt 
not admit this document, the king may justly punish 
thee :" Origen admitteth it, so that instead of the fabulous 
son of Saturn the true God be nominated, " who q setteth 
up kings and removeth them, and in his own time raiseth 
vipon the earth such an one as is useful to the state." 
For " It is not," saith he, " the son of Saturn (who ex- 
pelled his father from his government, and cast him into 
hell, as the fables of the Grecians report) that setteth up 

k A'eSokev b Qsbg avrip rdv ayt/ioviav. Diotog. apud Stobseum, serm. 46. 

1 Taii; fHaGiXkwv irapa Aibg e^ovtuv tjjv ETnrpoTn)v icai Tt)v Svvafiiv. 
Dio, orat. 1. de regno. "Orav dv9pw7rovg wQeXij, tote vofiLZiiTO Trpoaijicov 
tTriTiKilv ute vwb tov fiiyioTOV Qeov Tctxdtig iwi tovto to tpyov. Dio, orat. 
3. de regno ad Trajanum. <£ (ibvy to TrpoGTctTTiiv evei\iev 6 Qibg. Dio, 
orat. 3. de regno ad Trajanum. 

111 " Te dedit, qui erga omne hominum genus vice sua fungereris." Plin. 
Paneg. ad Trajanum. 

n BacriXtlav «/c tov ovpavov KarE7TEfiipEV Eig ri\v yrjv 6 Qeoq. Themist. 
orat. 5. de imp. Theodosii humanitate. Vide et orat. 12. ad Jovinianum imp. 
ubi etiam regia ilia epitheta, dioyEvrj icai SiOTpE<j>rj, ex Homero repetit. 

° Homer, Iliad, /8. verse 204, 205. 

p 'Qg dv tovto Xvayg to Soy/xa, eikotwq d/twarat ge 6 fiaGiXevg. Celsus 
apud Originem. 

1 'AW 6 eSwkev 6 Ka9iGTuiv fiaGiXtfg Kai heQigtoiv, icai tov xpjjffi/tov ca- 
rd Kaipbv iyEipuiv etti Trjg yfjg' icai ov% o KaTarapTapwOEvrog (wg ol fiv- 
6oi ' EXXijviov XkyovGi) Kpovov vlbg d7TEXdaag tovtov Tr\g dpxvQ, Ka9iGTr]Oi 
fiaoiXEig, dXX' 6 Sloikwv rd av/jnTavTa QEog oISev o ti ttote ttouI Kara tov 
tvtzov Trig twv fiaaiXkojv /caraardcrcwt;. Orig. lib. 8. contra Celsum. Op. 
torn. 1. pag. 793. 



286 THE POWER 

kings ; but it is the God who governeth all things, that 
knoweth when and in what place to appoint the erection 
of kings." And so concludeth, that " The q king could 
not justly punish them for saying that it is not the son of 
crafty Saturn that gave him power to reign, but he who 
is the remover and setter up of kings :" and wisheth that 
" all would do the like, rejecting the Homerical, and em- 
bracing the divine doctrine touching the constitution of a 
kingdom, and observing the precept which requireth them 
to honour the king." To this purpose also Theophilus, 
bishop of Antioch, thus declares himself: " Fwill honour 
the king, not adoring him, but praying for him : Him that 
is God indeed, even the true God, I adore ; knowing that 
by him the king is ordained." And again: " He s is 
not himself God but a man appointed by God ; not to 
be worshipped, but to judge righteously ; being after a 
sort entrusted by God with this administration." Athe- 
nagoras addressing his speech jointly to Aurelius and his 
son Commodus: " To* you the power of all things is com- 
mitted, ye have received the kingdom from above." And 
Dionysius of Alexandria : " We u worship and adore that 
one God and maker of all things, who hath committed the 
kingdom to our sacred emperors Valerianus and Gali- 
enus." Irenaeus, having proved this point at large by tes- 



n 'AW ovo" iiKorwQ r'tnag afiivtrat fiaaiXtvg, (paOKOvraq fihv on ov Kpo- 
vov iralq dyKvXop,i^Ttoi iSojKev ai/rtfi to fiaffiXeveiv, b fit ne9i(jribv (iaoiXiig 
Kal kuBigtwv. Kal to auToye TroiUTaxrav poi aTravrtg, to p,iv 'O/irjpiKbv 
KaraXvovTiQ Soy [ia, to dt Gtiov irtpl jSaaikiiag Tt]povvTtg, Kal to top fiaai- 
Xea Tip.q.v (pvXaTTovTtg. Orig. lib. 8. contra Celsum. Op. torn, l.pag. 793. 

r Toiyapovi> ficiXXov n/trjcrw tov fiaoiXia, ov irpocncvvdv avry, dXXd 
ivxbp-tvoq vTrip avroif 6etp Se Tip bvT<og Qiiji Kal aXt]9si irporTKWw, tiSwg 
on 6 fiaatXtvg vir avTOV ykyovtv. Theoph. ad Autolycum lib. 1. 

s Qtbg yap ovk sotiv, aXX' avOpwTrog virb Qtov TtTaypsvoc, ovk tig to 
diKaiwg Kpivav Tpoirij) yap tivi Trapd 6eov oiKovo/xiav ■KtiriGTiVTai. Theoph. 
ad Autolycum lib. 1. 

1 'Y/xiv Trarpl Kal vliji iravTa Kixeip<t>Tai, avujQtv Tt)v fiaoiXiiav tiXrjtyooi. 
Athenag. legat. pro Christian. 

u 'Hfitiq tov tva Oebv Kal Stj/iiovpybv tUv airavTwv t'ov Kal Trjv (3aai- 
Xiiav kyxupyaavTa <piXo9toaTa.Toig QvaXtpiavy Kal raXiijvt^ fftfiaorolg, 
tovtov Kal aefiofisv Kal irpocKWovf.iiv. Dion. adv. Germanum, apud Euseb. 
lib. 7. hist, eccles. cap. 11. 



OF THE PRINCE. 287 

timony of Scripture, concludes his discourse elegantly 
with these words : " By x whose command they are born 
men, by his command likewise they are ordained kings." 
And so Tertullian after him : " Thence y is the emperor 
from whence he was a man before he became emperor : 
thence hath he his authority from whence he hath his 
breath." And again : " What 2 should I speak more of 
the religious and observant respect of Christians towards 
the emperor? whom of necessity we must reverence as 
one that our Lord hath chosen; so as we may truly 
say, Caesar is rather ours than yours, as being ordained 
by our God." And in another place : " A a Christian is 
enemy to no man, much less to the emperor, whom know- 
ing to be appointed by his God, he must of necessity love, 
reverence and wish safe." Which safety and health of 
the prince he sheweth to have been so highly esteemed 
by the Christians, even when thus they suffered persecu- 
tion from them, that they used to make mention of it in 
their oaths ; " We b swear," saith he, " not by the genii 
of the Caesars, (which are no other than devils) but by 
their health, which to us is exceedingly more venerable 
than those delusions. We reverence in our emperors 
God's judgment, that hath made them governors over the 
nations : for that we know to be in them which God would 



x " Cujus jussu homines nascuntur, hujus jussu et reges constituuntur." Iren. 
lib. 5. cap. 24. 

y " Inde est imperator unde et homo antequam imperator ; inde potestas illi 
unde et spiritus." Tertul. apolog. cap. 30. 

z " Sed quid ego amplius de religione atque pietate Christiana in imperato- 
rem ? quern necesse est suspiciamus, ut eum quern Dominus noster elegit : ut 
merito dixerim, noster est magis Caesar, ut a nostro Deo constitutus." Tertul. 
apolog. cap. 33. 

a " Christianus nullius est hostis, nedum imperatoris ; quern sciens a Deo 
suo constitui, necesse est ut et ipsum diligat, et revereatur, et salvum velit." 
Tertul. ad Scapul. cap. 2. 

b " Sed etjuramus, sicut non per genios Caesarum, ita per salutem eorum, 
quae est augustior omnibus geniis. Nescitis genios daemonas dici, et inde daemo- 
nia? Nos judicium Dei suspicimus in imperatoribus, qui gentibus illos praefecit. 
Id enim in eis scimus esse, quod Deus voluit ; ideoque et salvum ipsum volumus 
esse quod Deus voluit; et pro magno id juramento habemus." Tertul. in apol. 
cap. 32. 



288 THE POWER 

have to be ; and therefore would have that to be safe 
which God appointed ; and make account of that as a 
great oath." 

And so under the Christian emperors, as Vegetius tells 
us, the oath administered unto the Roman soldiers was : 
"By c God, and Christ, and the Holy Ghost, and by the 
majesty of the emperor; which, next after God, was by 
mankind to be loved and honoured ;" whereof he gives 
this reason : " To d the emperor, when he hath received 
the name of Augustus, faithful devotion is to be exhibited, 
and all vigilant service to be performed, as unto a present 
and corporeal 6 God. For a man, whether private or mili- 
tary, doth serve God, when he faithfully loves him who 
reigns by the authority of God." Which reason, whe- 
ther it hath force sufficient to introduce the emperor's 
either health or majesty into the form of a solemn oath, 
I will not at this time debate : but for the thing itself, 
that God hath constituted princes over nations, and that 
they reign by his authority, is a matter as generally ac- 
knowledged in the times of the Christian, as before it was 
in the days of the heathen emperors. 

The first Christian emperor, Constantine, used this 
speech sometime unto his bishops : " You f are the bi- 
shops of those things which are done within the Church, 
but I am appointed by God to be the bishop of those 
things that are done without the Church :" meaning that 
the oversight of the external government of things be- 
longing to the Church was by God committed unto him, 



c " Per Deum, et per Christum, et per Spiritum Sanctum, et per majestatem 
imperatoris, quae secundum Deum generi humano diligenda est et colenda." 
Fl. Veget. de re militari, lib. 2. cap. 5. 

d " Nam imperatori, cum Augusti nomen accepit, tanquam prsesenti et corpo- 
rali Deo fidelis est praestanda devotio, et impendendus pervigil famulatus. Deo 
enim vel privatus vel militans servit, cum fideliter eum diligit qui Deo regnat 
authore." Fl. Veget. de re militari, lib. 2. cap. 5. 

e Athanaricus Gothus apud Jornand. de rebus Geticis, cap. 28. " Deus sine 
dubio terrenus est imperator ; et quisquis adversus eum manum moverit, ipse 
sui sanguinis reus existit." 

f 'Yfitig fiiv Tatv lioio iKKXrjffiag, syu> Se rwv Iktoq vtt6 Qtov KaQiGTcifiE- 
vog, tTrioKOTTog av titjv. Euseb. de vita Constantini, lib. 4. 



OF THE PRINCE. 289 

as well as the administration of the holy things of God. 
within the Church was unto them. And of this he gave 
good proof in the mandate which he directed to the 
bishops assembled in the council of Tyre, for the discus- 
sing of the cause of Athanasius, " That g all of them should 
immediately repair unto his court, to shew by their acts, 
how purely and incorruptly they had judged ; and that 
before me," saith he, " whom you may not deny to be 
God's true minister." Which title y he elsewhere also as- 
sumes unto himself, as unto one " whose 1 ministry God 
had found out and judged to be fit for the accomplish- 
ment of his good pleasure." And although his son Con- 
stantius did labour with might and main to introduce the 
Arian heresy into the Church of God, yet did Hosius 
bishop of Cordoba, for all that, freely profess, that " God k 
had committed the kingdom to him," and therefore " who- 
soever 1 did detract from his empire, did contradict 
God that constituted it." And four other bishops, Pau- 
linus of Trier, Lucifer of Calaris, Eusebius of Verselli, 
and Dionysius of Millain, upon the same ground made 
bold to tell him, " That™ the kingdom was not his, but 
God's who gave it unto him ; whom they advised him 
therefore to fear, lest he should suddenly take the same 



8 "Iva ifctvitQ oaoi t>)i> aivoSov ti)v tv Tvpip ytvopivi)v if\r\pwaaTf, 
avVTvipQ'iTWQ tig rb arpaToiriSov Ti)g TjptTepag tvatj3tiag, (al. tpijg i)ptpoTi}~ 
Tog) iirtixQilTt, Toig tpyoig tifiCti^avTtg to Tijg vptripag Kpiatiog naQapov 
ti Koi aSiaarpotyoi', vif' tpov SrjXaSrj, o> tov 6toi) yvfioiov tlvai QtpdifovTa 
otic" av vjxiig apvi}Qiit)Ti. Const, ep. ad Synod. Tyri, apud Athan. in apol. 
2. et Soc. lib. 1. hist, eccles. cap. 34. 

'' llapaxpijpaTijgidiag ToXpt/g Sia Trjgrov OipdifovTog tov 9tov, TOVTta- 
Tivtpov, tvtpyiiag dvaaraXijatTai. Const, in ep. ad Nicomed. apud Theod. 
lib. l.hist. eccles. cap. 19. 

1 T?}v tpi)v vifi.ptai.av irpbg ti)v tavrov j3ovXi)aii> iiriTr)o"iav \%,i\Ti\ok re 
Kai iKpivtv. Const, in edicto ad Palestine provinciales, apud Euseb. lib. 2. de 
vita Const. 

k Sot fiaaiXtiav o Otbg tvtxiiptatv. Hosius, apud Athanas. in epist. ad so- 
litariam vitam agentes. 

'O tj)v ar\v apxhv vifOKX'tifTiav avTiX'tyti Tip BiaraZaphvip Qtoi. Hosius, 
apud Athanas. in epist. ad solitariam vitam agentes. 

m M») tlvai ti)v fiaaiXtiav avrov, dXXa tov StSwKoTog 6tov, dv Kai ^>o/3jT- 
9at ai)Tbv -q'iiovv, pi) i£ai(pv>]g avTr)v di>tKi)Tai. 

VOL. XI. A A 



290 THE POWER 

again from him." And Athanasius being persecuted by 
him, prayed: " O" Lord Almighty, King of the world, 
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, thou by thy word hast 
given to thy servant Constantius this kingdom ; do thou 
so enlighten his mind, that he may perceive how I am 
calumniated, and so receive graciously my apology :" at- 
tributing hereby to Constantius, the grand patron of the 
Ari,ans, the same power which Julius Firmicus did to 
him and his brother Constans: " The high God hath 
committed unto you the empire." And pope Leo the 
Great giveth it to the emperors Theodosius , Marcianus 
and Leo ; pope Hormisda q to the emperor Justinus ; and 
Gregory the Great to Mauricius ; unto whom when he 
had written in general terms, that " power r was given 
unto him over all men ;" he declareth it more specially in 
his letter unto his physician Theodorus, that God had 
" granted 3 him dominion not only over soldiers, but also 
over priests :" as pope Gelasius had written before him to 
the emperor Anastasius : " The* bishops obey thy laws, 
knowing the empire to be conferred upon thee by order 
from above." 

" The u Lord," saith St. Basil, " setteth up kings, and 
removeth them, and there is no power but what is or- 



n Akaiiora TravroKparop, fiafftXev rStv aiiitviav, 6 irarrfp rov icvplov 
Ijfiiov 'Itjoqv Xpiorov, ffii Sta rov <rov \6yov r?)v fiaaiXeiav ravrrjv r<£ Ot- 
pairoVTi K(ov(TTavTiti> SkSaiKac' ov Xafiipov tig rrjv KapSiav avTOv, "iva 
yiwvg tv\v ko.8' ijfi&v avKo^avriav, tvp.iv£>Q avrbg CB^rjrai ttjv cnroXoyiav. 
Athanas. in apologia ad Constantium. 

° " Ad hoc vobis Deus summus commisit imperium, ut per vos vulneris is- 
tius plaga curetur." Jul. Firmicus Matern. de errore profan. relig. cap. 17. 

p " Unde peripsum Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, qui regni vestri est 
author ct rector, obtestor et obsecro clementiam vestram." Leo, epist. 38. ad 
Marcian. imp. 

<i " A Deo electi sicut et credimus." Hormisd. epist. 27. ad Justin. 

r " Potestas Dominorum meorum pietati ccelitus data est super omnes homi- 
nes." Gregor. 1. Registr. lib. 3. epist. 65. ad Mauricium. op. torn. 2. pag. 076. 

s " Dominari eum non solum militibus, sed etiam sacerdotibus concessit." 
Gregor. 1, Registr. lib. 3. epist. 66. ad Theodorum. op. torn. 2. pag. 678. 

' " Cognoscentes imperium tibi superna dispositione collatum, legibus tuis 
ipsi quoque parent religionis antistites." Gelas. epist. 8. ad Anastas. 

" Kvpiog KaOuTTql fiacriXiig Kai fitQiariJ icai o'vk tariv t'Zovaia ti [irj virb 
Qiov TiTayn'tv)). Basil, in Psal. 32. 



OF THE PRINCE. 291 

dained by God." And St. Augustine : " Let x us not at- 
tribute unto any other the power of giving kingdoms and 
empires but to the true God." And Petrus Chrysologus, 
archbishop of Ravenna : " If y all power be from God, 
then hath the king received the dignity of his regal office 
from God." And the apostle purposely declareth, that 
" the z powers that be, are ordained of God," to the end no 
man might think that these are to be slighted as human 
devices. For "they see that a divine right is attributed to 
human authorities," said the author of the Commentaries 
upon St. Paul's epistles, ascribed to St. Ambrose. Here- 
upon Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria putteth Theodosius 
the younger in mind, that " theMot of that high dignity," 
whereunto he was advanced, fell unto him from God : and 
that " the b unmoveable prop of his empire was our Lord 
Jesus Christ, by whom kings do reign, as it is written" : 
"yea c , to whom alone it belongeth to say, Byrne kings 
reign ;" as he writeth unto the same emperor, in the pre- 
face before his books against the apostate Julian, who 
" knew d not that Christ was the giver of the kingdom and 
power of ruling." So likewise in the acts of the council 
of Chalcedon, not only the monks, which held with Dios- 
corus, conclude their petition unto the emperor Marcian 
with an acknowledgment, that Christ " of e his own good 

x " Non tribuamus dandi regni atque imperii potestatem nisi Deo vero." 
Aug. de civit. Dei, lib. 5. cap. 21. 

y " Si a Deo potestas omnis, a Deo rex etiam dispensationis regies adeptus est 
dignitatem." Chrysol. serm. 26. 

7 - Rom. chap. 13. ver. 1. 

a KXijpog vfilv et,aiptroQ re Kai rrpkiitxiv irapd Qeou. Cyril, initio libri de 
fide ad Theodosium. 

b "Epeiapa Se rb dicpdSavTov ri]q ovtuj OtoQifiovg Kai evayecrdrrjQ vfiwv 
(iaaiXtiag, avrbg o Kvpiog »;/*wi/ 'Iijcoug Xpiord§' St' avrov yap /3«irtXtit,- 
fiaffiXtvai, Kai ot Svvdorai ypdtpovai SiKaio<yvv))v, Kara rb ytypafifisvov. 
Cyril, initio libri de fide ad Theodosium. 

c r Q<nrip av TrpsTTei Kai \i6vy r<£ XPV V<XL X'tytiv, Si i/xov ftaciXs7g (3aai- 
Xevovgi. Cyril, in praefat. librorum advers. Julianum. 

d 'Ayi>oi]Gag rbv r7jg j3aaiXsiag Kai rov SvvaoQai Kpartiv Sorrjpa Xpiu- 
rbv. Cyril, in prEefat. librorum advers. Julianum. 

e Ty Kai dopdrojg ry iSiq: tiiSoKia xapiffafisvip vjxiv rb (3a<riXsiov. Ar- 
chimandritar. ep. ad Marcian. in Cone. Chakedonens. Act. 4. torn. 2. concil. 
part. 1. pag. 237. edit. Colon, ami. 1618. 

aa2 



292 THE POWER 

pleasure did in an invisible manner bestow the empire 
upon him :" but also the bishop and clergy of Nicomedia 
begin their letters unto him and Valentinian in a like 
style; " God f hath justly granted unto you to reign and 
rule over all, for the welfare of the world, and the peace 
of the holy churches :" the six Armenian bishops theirs 
unto the emperor Leo, thus : " God g , who glorifieth them 
that glorify him, hath graciously given unto you, Christian 
prince, power over all men without any prohibition :" and 
Ahalaric king of the Goths his unto the clergy of the 
church of Rome in this manner : " We h owe so much the 
more to the Deity, by how much we have received greater 
things than other men : for what correspondent thing can 
he repay to God, who by his gift enjoyeth an empire ?" Of 
which point Agapetus Diaconus teacheth Justinian, who 
at the same time was emperor in the East, to make this 
use : " Seeing 1 God hath entrusted you with this kingdom 
of the world, use none of the wicked to the administra- 
tion of your affairs ;" and again : " Seeing* you have 
received the sceptre of the kingdom from God, con- 
sider how you may please him who gave the same unto 
you; and being by him exalted above all men, strain 
yourself more than all others to honour him." Let us 



f OeoQ to (5a<jt\tvtiv vfiiv icai Kpartlv tmv o\wv, tnl crojrtjpig. r»)c. oikov- 
fi'tvt)Q, Kal tlpijvy twv ayiiov iKKKtjaiuiv, ciicaiug SeSu)pt]Tai. Eunom. Nico- 
mediens. episc. epist. ad imp. in cone. Chalcedonens. Act. 13. pag. 308. 

s " Deus, qui glorificantes se glorificat, secundum cor suum apicem vestrae 
tranquillitatis inveniens inexpugnabilem, palmam et honorem fidei consistentem, 
placidus praebuit vobis, Christianissime principum, super omnes homines sine 
prohibitione aliqua potestatem. Insurgentes enim inopinabiliter subdidit victo- 
riis atque incompavabilibus triumphis, et vestram pietatem excellentissimis ho- 
noribus exornavit ; immutilata et sine litigio, et ab aliis indivisa prasbens sceptra 
vestri imperii." Cone. Chalced. part. 3. pag. 395. 

h " Tanto divinitati plura debemus, quanto caeteris mortalibus majora suscepi- 
mus. Nam quid simile rependat Deo qui potiturimperio ?" Cassiodor. lib. 8. 
epist. 24. 

1 'EyKoff/Jiiov V7r6 Qtov TnoTivQiiQ (iaoikiiav, [irfSevl %pG> twv -!rov?ipwv 
irpbg Tag tSiv Trpayfidruv dioiictjoug. Agapet. Paraenetic. cap. 30. 

jj 2/cJ/7rrpov fiaoiXiiag irapd Qtov StKafievoQ, ukitttov ttwq dptaeig rqi 

TCLVTrfV GOl CtO(i)KOTl' (Cat &iQ TTaVTltiV dvBpWTTlOV VTt' O.VTOV TTpOTipijOeiC, 

liKtov iravTwv intlyov Kairaytpaiptiv avTov. Agapet. Paraenetic. cap. 16. 



OF THE PRINCE. 



293 



add to this the sentence of the council of Toledo : " It 1 is 
unlawful to call his power into question to whom the go- 
vernment of all is known to be delegated by judgment 
from above ;" and of Paris : " No m king is to think that 
his kingdom cometh unto him by his progenitors, but 
ought truly and humbly to believe that it is given unto 
him by God:" for "whosoever hath the temporal rule 
over other men, is to believe that the kingdom is com- 
mitted unto him not by men, but by God ; forasmuch as 
this earthly kingdom is obtained neither by craft, nor by 
wish, nor by the arm of man's strength, but by the power 
and secret judgment of the providence of God." So like- 
wise the council held at Meaux declareth out of St. Paul, 
that " the 11 regal power is from God :" and that of Aken 
puts Lotharius in mind of his vocation, that " Christ 
the King of kings, who on earth in his name had substi- 
tuted him for the worthy dispensation of his office, might 
in heaven remunerate him." And in a third held at Tros- 
ley, the bishops do both acknowledge out of St. Peter, 
that " the p regal sublimity is constituted by God ;" and 
pray for their king, that " having - well performed the 

1 " Nefas est in dubium deducere ejus potestatem cui omnium gubernatio su- 
perno constat delegata judicio." Concil. Toletan. 6. cap. 14. 

111 " Nemo regum a progenitoribus regnum sibi administrari, sed a Deo veraci- 
ter atque humiliter credere debet dari, &c. Quapropter quisquis caeteris morta- 
libus temporaliter imperat, non ab hominibus, sed a Deo sibi regnum commissum 
credat, &c. quia non astu, non voto, neque brachio fortitudinis humanae, sed vir- 
tute, imo occulta judicio dispensationis divinae regnum confertur terrenum. 
Concil. Paris. 6. cap. 5. torn. 2. Concil. Galliae, pag. 529. 

" " Si quis potestati regiae, quae non est, juxta apostolum, nisi a Deo, contu- 
maci ac inflato spiritu, contra auctoritatem et rationem, pertinaciter contradicere 
praesumpserit, &c. anathematizetur." Concil. Meldens. cap. 15. torn. 3. Concil. 
Galliae, pag. 36. 

° " Christianissimo principi ad memoriam reduximus, ut non immemor voca- 
tionis suae, quod nomine censetur opere compleat ; ut rex regum Christus, qui 
sui nominis vicem illi contulit in tenis, dispensationis sibi creditae dignam remu- 
nerationem reddat in ccelis." Concil. Aquisgran. 3. cap. 1. Cone. Galliae, pag. 189. 
P " In quo facto pontificalem sic erexerimus auctoritatem, utnon obliviscamur 
regiam a Deo constitutam esse sublimitatem ; dicente apostolo : Subjecti estote 
regi quasi praecellenti." Concil. Trosleian. cap. 2. Concil. Galliae, pag. 539. 

1 " Hac vobis commissa decenter adininistratione peiacta, ab eo qui temporale 
vobis dedit regnum, accipere aeternum." Concil. Trosleian. cap. 2. Concil. Gal- 
liae. pag. 541. 



294 THE POWER 



is 



government committed unto him from him who gave him 
the temporal kingdom, he might receive that which is 
everlasting." And the French bishops, in the profession 
which they made unto Carolus Calvus, promise their 
faithful assistance for the upholding of him " in r the king- 
dom which God had bestowed, or should bestow upon 
him :" as in a former oath also his subjects promised 55 the 
like assistance for the maintaining of that power which in 
the regal name and kingdom God had granted unto 
him. 

The time would fail me to recount all the passages 
which occur in the constitutions of Justinian to this pur- 
pose ; this taste only for the present may be sufficient : 
" The 1 greatest gifts which God's goodness from above 
hath conferred on men, are the priesthood and empire ; 
both of which do proceed from one and the same prin- 
ciple, and are for the ordering and disposing of the affairs 
of mankind." " Nothing 11 is exempted from the cogni- 
zance of regal power, which hath received from God the 
general charge of all sorts of men." And of himself in 
particular: " The x empire is delivered unto us by the 
heavenly Majesty." " By y the divine appointment we 
took upon us the imperial robes," and " the 2 rights of 

r " Fidelis vobis adjutor ero, ut regnum quod vobis Deus donavit, vel donave- 
rit, ad ipsius voluntatem, &c. habere et obtinere possitis." Capitular. Caroli 
Calvi, a Jac. Sirmundo edit. cap. 38. pag, 387. 

s " Fidelis vobis adjutor ero, ut illam potestatem, quam in regio nomine et 
regno vobis Deus concessit, ad ipsius voluntatem, et ad vestram ac fidelium ves- 
trorum salvationem, cum debito et honore et vigore tenere et gubernare possitis." 
Capitulat. Caroli Calvi, a Jac. Sirmundo edit. cap. 38. pag. 387. 

1 Msyiffra sv avGpio-Troig tan SJjpa Otou, irapa rrJQ avwdiv StSofitva <pi- 
\ai>Qpwiria.Q, Uputaivt) n zcai fiaoiKiia, &c. Ik ftiaQ n kcli rijg avrrjg apx^c 
tKaripa irpoiovaa, /cat top avOpwirtvov icaTaicocrfiovcru fiiov. Just. Nov. 6. init. 

u MtjCtv afiaTov tariv tlq Zv T V fflv T V ftacnXtit}, koivi)v Travrwv dvOptli- 
7ro)v tTTKJTamav Ik Qiov 7rapa\af$ov<jy. Just, in Novella? 133. procemio. 

x " Deo auctore nostrum gubernante imperium, quod nobis a ccelesti majes- 
tate traditum est." Cod. de vet. jur. enucl. in init. 

y " Nutu divino imperiales suscepimus infulas." 1. fin. in fi. c. de quadrien. 
prescript, which Agapetus in his admonitions to him, num. 45. did thus iterate, 
~Stvfio.Ti Qtov ti)v fiaoiXtiav Kaftan*. 

z " Per ipsum (Christum) jura imperii suscepimus." Lib. 2. in princ. cap. de 
offic. praef. praet. Afr. 



OF THE riUNCE. 



295 



the empire by our Lord Jesus Christ." " God a did set 
us over the affairs of the Romans," and " gave b us rule 
over the nations." " He c according to his benignity en- 
trusted us with the power of the laws." And " forasmuch 11 
as for this end God from heaven hath constituted the 
regal power, we thought good to write this law, and give 
it in common to those subjects which both already he 
hath committed to us, and by little and little doth daily 
add to." As also in a like expression he willeth other 
laws of his to be observed, not in the imperial city alone, 
but also " in e all those nations, the government of some 
whereof," saith he, " God at first gave to us ; others he 
hath since added, and we hope will still increase." And 
from hence he neglected not often to make mention of 
that duty which he held himself bound thereby to per- 
form unto his subjects. " Since f the time," saith he, 
" that God did set us over the empire of the Romans, we 
have been diligent to do always what might conduce to 
the profit of the subjects of this commonwealth where- 
with God hath entrusted us :" and " to g preserve all our 
subjects, the government of whom God hath committed 
unto us, without hurt or damage." " Always' 1 by God's 



a 'H/xago Gebg rolg 'Pwfiaiwv inearijat 7rpdy/jaeri. Novel. 47. 

b 'Ev role; 'iQvtaiv, <l>v 7'ifilv iidp\tiv diStOKtv 6 9tog. Novel. 47. 

c 'Sufiwv ttoXitikwv tt)v i^ovaiav rjfuv b 9tbg Kara Tt)v iavrov QiKavOpoJ- 
Triav i-KioTtvat. Novel. 137. init. 

d 'E7r«(5/) fia<Ji\tia.v Sid tovto b 9tog t4 ovpavov Ka9i]Kiv, &c. tpr)9iif»tv 
Xprjvai, Kcu rovrov ypdxpai rbv vbjiov, KaiSovvai Iv Kotv(ji Tolg vttijkookj, 
biroGotg l'lfiiv 6 9tbg TTportpov rt TruptSioKS, /cai Kara fiacpbv del TrpocrLOijai. 
Novel. 73. 

e '"Ev liiraffi toZq tOvtciv up r/fiiv ri\v yytjioviav, ti)i> fikv t% dp%iK, iout- 
ictv b 9tbg, Tt)v Sh TrpodkBrjKev, ijS' tri ical S(p(rsi (jprjai Tig twv irpb yfiwv.) 
Novel. 60. ubi ad Homericum illud allusisse videatur, Iliad, a. Tovvtn up 
d\yt tSbJKtv tKijj36\og, i'lS' tri ^oifffi. 

f 'E£ ouTTtp t)ncig 6 Oebg ry 'PwjxaMv iirt<jTi]<jt (3a<n\da, irdarjv Tt9ifis- 
9,a enrovdrjv, navra TrpaTTtiv del rd irpbg d<pi\tiav twv virtjicouiv Tyg i/.i- 
iziGTivBtiarjg t)[iiv irctpd rov 9iov iroXiTtiag. Novel. 86. init. 

" 'S.TTiiiSofitv iravrag rovg ijjitTtpovg inrrjicoovg, wv rr\v dioiKijaiv b 9ebg 
t'liuv iiriartvaev, dflXafitlg Kal dveirriptdaTovg tyvKdrTeiv. Nov. 85. init. 

h 'Ad fitru rov 9tov fioi]9dag lraoav iroiov/iijOa Trpovoiav rov to vtt))- 
koov, to Trapa t ijg avrov (bi\av9pi0Triag TrapaSoOtv rjfiiv, dfiXafitg <[>v\dr- 
TtoOai. Novel. 80. init. 



296 THE POWER 

assistance we use all providence to preserve from hurt the 
subjects which he of his benignity hath committed unto 
us :" and " we 1 think it is manifest unto all those who are 
well minded, that all our care and prayer is, that those 
may live well who are committed to our trust by God our 
Lord." 

His successor Justinus is by Corippus brought in 
speaking thus : 

Imperii Deus est virtus et gloria nostri, 

A quo certa salus, sceptrum datur atque potestas. 

God is the strength and glory of my crown, 
From him my bafety, sceptre, power come down. 

Whereof he himself likewise giveth a touch in one of his 
Constitutions 11 : And after him Tiberius acknowledgeth, it 
was " God 1 that gave him the government of the common- 
wealth;" ?} ek Qtov fiamXda rifiCov, (our sovereignty consti- 
tuted by God) is a style we meet withal in the novels™ of 
Constantius and Basilius Porphyrogennetus. And Ma- 
nuel .Comnenus beginneth one of his thus : " The" wis- 
dom of the ancients defined regal power to be a legal ad- 
ministration of things, a divine matter; and accordingly 
did both believe and profess it to be a great part of the 
providence of God Almighty." The same Manuel also 
both in his coins expressed, and in his letters wrote him- 
self to be " crowned? by God." Which honourable title 

' Uaaiv av9putTroiQ rolg tv (ppovovai TTp6?t]Xov tlvca vofii^ofit i>, on Tidaa 
i)H~iv ion (tttovS)) Kai iv%fi> T° tovc inGTivBivTaQ yfilv napa tov dta- 

TTOTOV OtOV KaXwQ filOVV. 

k Tijc TrapaSoQtiaiiG i)fuv sk Otov iroXirtiag icrjS6p.tvoi. Inter Justinia- 
nseas Novel. 148. 

1 'EK ov rrJQ TroXiTtiaQ j)filv to Kpdroq SiSuHctv 6 Otog. Tiber, constitut. 
de divinis domibus, praefat. 

m Appendic. fiaaiXiKwv a Jo. Letinclavio edit. pag. 14. et 50. 

» "Evvofiov eiuffraoiav ol TraXat ao(poi t>)v (iaoikiiav wplaavTO, XP'IP" 
yovv anxv&e Qtoiriotov Sid tovto Kai irpovoiav Qtov fityaXofiepfi ravrrjv 
tlvai Kai wtTTKTTtVKaffi Kai SiS&gkovoiv. Appendic. (5acnXiKun>, a Jo. Leun- 
clavio edit. pag. 176. 

° See in Octav. de Strada, de imperatorib. Rom. pag. 338. the medal, wherein 
Christ is figured putting on a garland upon the emperor's head. 

p " Divinitus coronatus." Eman. Comnen. literae ad Fridericum, apud Al- 
bert. Stadens. in chronic, an. 1179. 



OF THE PRINCE. 297 

of QeooTztyiiQ, his predecessors the Constantinopolitan em- 
perors not only of themselves assumed, but the bishops of 
Rome acknowledged due to them ; Gregory II q . (with the 
Roman 1 council held under him ;) Zachary s and Paul P. 
dating their acts in this manner : " Imperante Domino 
piissimo Augusto, a Deo coronato, magno imperatore." 

So Pope Hadrian I. beginneth one of his letters to 
Charles the Great with " Meminit u vestra a Deo promota 
regalis excellentia :" and Charles himself one of his capi- 
tulars with " Regnante x Domino nostro Jesu Christo in 
perpetuum, ego Carolus, gratia Dei ejusque misericordia 
donante, rex et rector regni Francorum." And when he 
was afterwards crowned emperor, the people of Rome 
with an unanimous consent used this solemn acclamation 
unto him : " Carolo y Augusto, a deo coronato, magno et 
pacifico imperatori Romanorum, vita et victoria." Where- 
of Alcuinus also doth put him in mind, by telling him as 
in the general, that " the 2 imperial dignity was ordained 
by God :" so, for his own particular, that this " power* 
was conferred on him by God, not for the government of 
the world alone, but especially for the defence of the 
Church, and the gracing of wisdom." Among the German 
emperors, Frederick I. maketh a like acknowledgment 
and profession : " Forasmuch b as by the appointment of 



i Gregor. epist. 2. 9. 14. 17. Concil. torn. 3. part. 1. sect. 1. pag. 340. 343, 
344. 346. edit. Colon, ann. 1618. 

r Concil. Roman, torn. 3. part. 1. sect. 1. pag. 347. 

8 Zachar. epist. 1. 4, 5, 6. 8, 9, 10. 12. Concil. Rom. torn. 3. part. 1. sec. 1. 
pag. 364, 366, 367. 370, 371. 373. 375. 

' Paul, epist. 1. and 2. Concil. Rom. torn. 3. part. 1. sec. 1. pag. 401, 402. 

u Tom. 2. Concil. Galliae, pag. 122. 

x Capitulat. Aquisgranens. torn. 2. concil. Galliae, pag. 130. 

y Eginhard. in annal. Franco, ann. 801. Anonym, vita Caroli M. scriptor a 
P. Pithceo edit. Anastas. bibliothecar. in vita Leon. 3. P. 

2 " Dignitas imperialis a Deo ordinata." Alcuinus, praefat. in libros de S. Tri- 
nitate. 

a " Unde patenter agnosci poterit, non tantum imperatoriam vestrae pruden- 
tias potestatem a Deo ad solum mundi regimen, sed maxime ad ecclesiae presi- 
dium et sapientia? decorem collatam.'' Alcuinus, praefat. in libros deS. Trinitate, 
epist. 106. 

b " Quoniam divina prseordinante dementia solium regiae majestatis conscen- 



-98 THE POWER 

the divine clemency we have ascended to the throne of 
regal majesty, it is fit we should thoroughly obey him in 
our actions by whose gift we have attained to this pre- 
eminence." And Lewis of Baviere sheweth largelv in one 
of his rescripts out of the canon law itself, that " the c 
imperial power and authority is immediately from God 
alone :" and in another, " by d the counsel and consent of 
the electors and the other princes of the empire," maketh 
a solemn declaration to the same purpose, that " the impe- 
rial dignity and power immediately dependeth upon God 
alone." 

Yea, in the more ancient times we have marks of this 
truth from the very painters, who " by e corporeal things 
representing those which were incorporeal things," as 
Isidorus Pelusiota noteth, " used to figure a single hand 
crowning the heads of kings : to shew that their authority 
descended to them from heaven." Which expression of 
a divine act by a simple hand out of a cloud, as for the 
general, both in the Greek Genesis or Latin Psalter of 
Sir Robert Cotton, (the most ancient of any now extant, 
and coming not much short of Isidorus his own time) I 
have observed to be very usual ; so for this particular you 
may note the continuation of the like emblem unto later 
ages in the f reverse of the emperor Theophylactus his 
medal, stamped about the year DCCCXII. 

Having searched thus far into the ground of sovereign- 



dimus, dignum est ut cujus prsecellimus munere, illi omnino pareamus in opere." 
Feudor. lib. 2. tit. 27. de pace tenenda et ejus violat. 

c " Ex quibus et aliis pluribus, quse brevitatis causa dimittuntur, clare patet, 
quod potestas et authoritas imperialis est immediate a solo Deo, et non a papa." 
Ludov. imp. apol. in append, ad Hen. Rebdorfensis annal. a M. Frehero edit. 

d " Ideo ad tantum malum evitandum, de consilio et consensu electorum et 
aliorum principum imperii, declaramus quod imperialis dignitas et potestas pen- 
det immediate a solo Deo." Ludov. imp. apol. in lit. aliis apud H. Balbum 
episc. Gurcensem in lib. de coronat. ad Car. 5. 

e 'Ot £(i)ypa$oi (iva Kai cnrb rijg ek£ iviov roX/i>/£ rt)v cnroSeiinv 7rou/cra>- 
/iiai) (TiofiaTOTroiovvrtQ to. aawfiara, X il P a ypa$tiv tirixtipovoi povijv, ar'i- 
(povaav twv TiJQ yijg fiaoiXtvovTwv Tag icopixpag 'iva dti%u><Jiv ovpavoQtv 
avroig rt)v apxyv StSoaOcu. Isid. Pelus. lib. 3. epist. 161. 

f Apud Octav. de Strada de imperat. Rom. pag. 294. 



OF THE PRINCE. 2?,9 

ty, and, by reasons and witnesses of all sorts, deduced the 
original thereof from no lower a head than heaven itself, 
let us now look a little into those royal prerogatives which 
are annexed to the eminent estate of such supreme gover- 
nors. These "juramajestatis," of old, (for the more dis- 
tinct notice, and better preservation of them) were some- 
times written in a book, sometimes engraven in tables of 
brass ; and so transmitted safely to posterity. Thus 
when Samuel g had declared to the people this "jus re- 
gium," it is said, that " he wrote it in a book, and laid it 
up before the Lord :" and when the Jews had chosen 
Simon the brother of Jonathan for their prince, they 
caused the chief heads of that supreme power committed 
unto him, " to 1 ' be put in tables of brass, and to be set up 
within the compass of the sanctuary in a conspicuous 
place :" wherein, beside " the charge of the sanctuary," 
and the care of placing officers over " the works, the 
country, the armour, and the fortresses," it was fur- 
ther enacted, " That he should be obeyed of every man, 
and that all the writings in the conntry should be made 
in his name, and that he should be clothed in purple, and 
wear gold. Also that it should be lawful for none of the 
people or priests to break any of these things, or to 
gainsay his words, or to gather an assembly in the coun- 
try without him, or to be clothed in purple, or wear a 
buckle of gold. And whosoever should do otherwise, or 
break any of these things, he should be punished." 
Where, among other things, it is observable, that the ga- 
thering of assemblies is reckoned as an especial privilege 
of the prince. To which purpose both remarkable and 
agreeable is that of Isocrates, who under the person of 
king Nicocles thus instructs his subjects : " Make 1 no so- 
cieties nor conventicles without my license : assemblies of 
this kind, as in other governments they are hurtful, so in 



s 1 Sam. chap. 10. ver. 25. h 1 Mac. chap. 14. ver. 18. 

1 'Eraipeiag juj) iroulTt, fii]Tt ovvodovg, dviv ri/c ifirjg yvwfitjQ' at yap 
Toiavrai ovoTaotiQ, iv /itv Talg aWcug iroKiTiiaiQ tt\ioviktov<jiv, iv Ik 
Taiq novapx'iaiQ kivSvvevovviv, Isocrat. in Nicocle. 



300 THE POWER 

monarchies they are exceeding dangerous. ' Whereunto 
that of Mecasnas in Dio may be likewise added : " Com- 
binations^ and assemblies, and associations, are things 
that do not very well consist with a monarchy." 

When the senate 1 of Rome had decreed to Vespasian 
such rights as did usually belong to princes, the particu- 
lars (according to the manner above mentioned) were put 
into brass tables ; the last of which is still there extant, 
removed from the Lateran church, where it stood fixed a 
long while, unto the capitol : in that, beside the power of 
" confederating™ with whom he would," and many other 
privileges, we find this high prerogative confirmed unto 
him, that" what laws soever either of the senate or people 
it was ordained that the emperors his predecessors were 
not tied to, from those he should be loose also : which, 
according to the mind of the civilians, is expressed thus: 
" They are loosed from the laws, (as the letter of their 
own language speaks) that is, they are free from all co- 
active obedience to them, and are held by none of the 
written ordinances :" shewing that they were exempted, 
first, from all coaction of the law, (this being accounted 
" the p happiest thing in a princedom, that the prince may 
be constrained to nothing") and then from all obligation 
to the written or positive law, which here is opposed to 
that which Tully calleth the " not - written, but innate 



k Hvvtofiooiat Kai (rvarnauq iraiptiai ti i/Kterra (lovapx'iq. svfKpipti. 
Dio, hist. Rom. lib. 52. Vid. tit. de Colleg. et Corpor. in Pandect. 

I " Romae senatus cuncta principibus solita Vespasiano decernit." Corn. Ta- 
citus, hist. lib. 4. 

m " Fcedusve cum quibus volet facere liceat." Vet. Inscript. a Grutero, edit, 
p. 242. 

II " Utique quibus legibus plebisve scitis scriptum fuit ne Divus Aug. Tiberi- 
usve Julius Caesar Aug. Tiberiusque Claudius Caesar Aug. Germanicus tene- 
rentur, iis legibus plebisque scitis imp. Caesar Vespasianus solutus sit." Vet. 
Inscript. a Grutero, edit. p. 242. 

AtXvvrai t&v vopaxiv, b)g civto. Tci AariviKa pr]p,aTa Xeytt, rovrtariv, 
c'nrb ■KctariQ civciyicaiag vopiatuq liai, Kai ovSevi rwv ytypafifi'tvuiv Ivkxov- 
Tai. Dion. hist. Rom. lib. 53. 

p " Ereptumque principi illud in principatu beatissimum, quod nihil cogitur." 
Plin. Panegyr. ad Trajan. 

' " Est hsec non scripta, sed natalex ; quam non didicimus, accepimus, legi- 



OF THE PRINCE. 301 

law ;" from which, as he well observeth, " neither 1- by the 
senate nor by the people exemption can be given." 

For the more full understanding hereof, observe we the 
distinction to be made between these three kinds of laws, 
the law of God, the law of the king, and that which is 
God's law and the king's together. Under the first of 
these we comprehend also the law of nature; of which (as 
the same Tully rightly noteth) " God s , that one common 
master and ruler of all, is the inventor, arbitrator and 
enacter ; which he who will not obey, must in a sort fly 
from himself, and reject man's nature ; and consequently 
undergo the greatest pains" from his own conscience, "al- 
though he should escape all those other which commonly 
are accounted punishments." Now to this moral law of 
God, whether " by 1 nature thus written in the hearts" of 
men, or more fully delivered in God's own written word, 
or by just consequence deduced from the grounds of 
either of them, the greatest monarch upon earth owes as 
much obedience as the lowest and meanest of all his sub- 
jects : and therefore the civilians themselves, who 11 deny 
the king to be subject unto other laws, do yet declare, 
that these " general x laws ought to prevail even against 



mus, verum ex natura ipsa arripuimus, hausimus, expressimus ; ad quam non 
docti, sed facti, non instituti, sed imbuti sumus." Cic. orat. pro Milone. 

r Huic legi nee obrogari fas est, neque derogari ex hac aliquid licet, neque 
tota abrogari potest : nee vero aut per senatum aut per populum solvi hac lege 
possumus." Cicero, lib. 3. de Republ. apud Lactant. lib. 3. cap. 8. 

1 " Unus erit communis quasi magister et impetator omnium Deus ille, legis 
hujus inventor, disceptator, lator; cui qui non parebit, ipse se fugiet, ac na- 
turam hominis spernabitur, atque hoc ipso luet maximas pcenas, etiamsi 
caetera supplicia quae putantur effugerit." Cicero, de Republ. apud Lactant. 
lib. 3. cap. 8. " Hanc video sapientissimorum fuisse sententiam, legem 
neque hominum ingeniis excogitatam, nee scitum aliquod esse populorum, sed 
aeternum quiddam quod universum mundum regeret, imperandi prohibendique 
sapientia. Ita principem legem illam et ultimam mentem esse dicebant omnia 
ratione aut cogentis aut vetantis Dei." Cicero, lib. 2. De legibus. 

' Rom. chap. 2. ver. 14, 15. 

u 'O flamXevg rolg vofioig ovx viroicuTcu. Basilic, lib. 2. tit. 6. cap. 1. Har- 
menopul. epitom. juris, lib. 11. tit. 1. sect. 48. 

* Kara jSatrtXewc, oi ytvucoi KpartiruiGctv vo/ioi. Basilic, lib. 2. tit. 6. 
cap. 9. Harmenopul. lib. 11. tit. 1. sect. 39. 



302 THE POWER 

him also." Concerning which, hear what John of Saris- 
bury writeth : " There y are certain precepts which have a 
perpetual necessity, are current with all nations, and 
which by no means without guilt may be broken. Before 
the law, under the law, and under grace, this one law did 
bind all : What thou wouldest not have done to thyself, 
do not thou unto another ; and what thou wouldest have 
done unto thyself, the same do thou unto others. Let 
those parjetters of great men now come forth, let them 
whisper, or (if that be too little) let them preach publicly, 
that the prince is not subject to the law, and that what 
pleaseth him (not only in the making of a law, according 
to the tenor of equity, but any way whatsoever) hath the 
force of a law. Let them, if they will and they dare, 
make the king, whom they exempt from all obligation of 
the law, to be a lawless person : whatever not only they, 
but the whole world shall say to the contrary, I will stand 
to it, that they are bound by this law." 

For although the king 2 be lord of all, yet is he the ' 
servant of God together with all : nay, for God's law, we 
find that the king had this particular charge laid upon 
him above others : " It a shall be when he sitteth upon the 
throne of his kingdom, that he shall write him a copy of 
this law in a book, out of that which is before the priests 
the Levites. And it shall be with him, and he shall read 
therein all the days of his life ; that he may learn to fear 
the Lord his God, to keep all the words of this law 

y " Sunt autem prsecepta quaedam perpetuam habentia necessitatem, apud 
omnes gentes legitima, et quae omnino impune solvi non possunt. Ante legem, 
sub lege, sub gratia, omnes lex una constringit, Quod tibi non vis fieri alii 
ne feceris ; et quod tibi vis fieri hoc facias aliis. Procedant nunc dealbatores 
potentum, susurrent, et (si hoc parum est) publice praeconentur, principem non 
esse legi subjectum, et quod ei placet (non modo in jure secundum formam 
aequitatis condendo, sed qualitercunque) legis habere vigorem. Regem, quem 
legis nexibus subtrahunt, si volunt et audent, exlegem faciant : ego non modo 
his renitentibus, sed mundo reclamante, ipsos hac lege teneri confirmo." Jo. 
Sarisburiens. Polycratic. lib. 4. cap. 7. 

z Kvpiog n'tv ttcivtojv lariv 6 (SaaiKsvQ, SovXog 6 fxera ndvTwv vxapxu 
0fou. Agapet. Paraen. ad Justinian, cap. 68. 

a Deut. chap. 17. ver. 18, 19, 20. 



OF THE PRINCE. 30 



1 



and these statutes, to do them. That his heart be not 
lifted up above his brethren, and that he turn not aside 
from the commandment, to the right hand or to the left ; 
to the end that he may prolong his days in his kingdom, 
he and his children in the midst of Israel." Whereupon 
Philo bringeth in the king using this soliloquy: " I b being 
so great a prince did write these things, not using any 
other scribe, having so many thousands under me : to the 
end that while I did write them in the book, I might tran- 
scribe them into my soul, and imprint in my mind those 
divine characters never to be washed out again. Where- 
as other kings therefore bear staves for their sceptre, this 
abridgment of the law shall be my sceptre, my rejoicing 
and glory uncontrolable, the ensign of that unreprovable 
government which is fashioned according to the pattern 
of God's own kingdom." So that nothing hereby is de- 
tracted either from the liberty of the king, while he is 
made subject unto him whose service is perfect freedom ; 
or from his power, while he is left " to c do nothing else 
but that which God shall commend." For while hereby 
we " temper d the majesty of Caesar," as Tertullian speak - 
eth, " under God, we commend him the more to God, 
unto whom alone we do subject him ;" he being " there- 
fore 6 great, because he is less than heaven." 

By the law of the king, I understand such ordi- 
nances as are merely civil and positive; the coactive 
power whereof being derived from him who is the su- 
preme lawgiver under God on earth, he himself cannot 



b 'Eyw ravr 'iypaipa 6 togovtoq apx^v, fit) TrpocrxpyTafievog vvtipiry 
irkptjj, fivpicov vvTutv, &c. oirwg avra kv (5i/3X(p ypcupwv, tvQvg tig Ttjv ipv- 
Xyv /itraypacptj), Kal ivairofictTTwuai t\j diavoia Otiortpovg Kal avtKirXvv- 
rovg x a P aKT *ip a G- Ol fitv ovv aXXoi fiaaiXug (3aKTt]piag ixovrtg (TKrjTTpo- 
(popovffiv, ifioi Ce to OKriTrrpov i) (3ifi\og iarai rijg tirivoniSog, Kavxrjfia Kal 
icXtog avavTaywviOTOv, tnicrrnxov t)y€fioviag a.ESTri\r)TTTov irpbg apxirvirov 
rt)v Qeov fiaoiXilav cnrEiKOvio-Qiiarig. Philo, in libro de creatione principis. 

c 'HXikjjv I'iovoiav f%« avQpwirog, fi)) ■noiiiv aXXo j) oyrtp fitXXu 6 Qedg 
iTtatviiv. M. Antonin. lib. 12. de vita sua. 

d " Temperans majestatem Caesaris infra Deum, magis iJlum commendo Deo, 
cui soli subjicio." Tertul. apol. cap. 33. 

e " Ideo magnus est, quia ca?Io minor est." Tertul. apol. cap. 30. 



304 THE POWER 

properly be said to be tied thereby. For as with the 
grammarians the imperative mood hath no first person, 
so with the civilians, " No f man can command or forbid 
himself;" at leastwise, " No g man can impose such a law 
upon himself, but that he may recede from it when he 
pleaseth." And with the schoolmen, " A h law hath 
power to direct such acts as belong to those who are sub- 
ject to the government of another ; whereupon no man, 
if we speak properly, doth impose a law upon his own 
acts." As no man therefore is superior to himself, so no 
man hath jurisdiction over himself; because none can 
oblige a man against his will, but only his superior; and 
the jurisdiction over a man's self may be dissolved at 
pleasure. To which kind of voluntary submission unto 
the laws, that memorable saying of Valentinian the 
younger may be referred : " It 1 is in truth a greater thing 
than the empire, to submit the princedom itself unto the 
laws :" and that of Alexander Severus : " Although^ the 
law of the empire hath freed the emperor from the so- 
lemnities of the law ; yet nothing is so proper for empire 
as to live by the laws ;" and that which both Severus and 
Antonius set down so oft in their rescripts : " Although 1 
we be loosed from the laws, yet we live by the laws." 
Whereunto also we may add that commendation which 



f " Neque imperare sibi, neque se prohibere quisquam potest." Marcian. 
in 1. Si de re sua. De recept. arbit. Vide et Ulpian. in 1. Ille a quo, sec. 
Tempestivum, D. ad Senatusc. Trebellian. et in 1. Quod autem, sec. Uxori 
quis. D. de donat. inter, vir. 

s " Nemo earn sibi potest legem dicere, ut a priore ei recedere non liceat." 
Hermogenian. in 1. Si quis, sec. 1 D. de legat. 3. 

h " Lex est directiva actuum qui conveniunt subject is gubernationi alicujus : 
unde nullus, proprie loquendo, suis actibus legem imponit.'! Thorn. 1. 2. 
quaest. 93. artic. 5. 

1 " Revera majus imperio est submittere legibus principatuum." 1. 4. C. 
de leg. et constitut. 

k " Licet lex imperii solennibus juris imperatorem solvent, nihil tamen tarn 
proprium imperii est quam legibus vivere." 1. 3. C. de testam. 

1 " Secundum hoc D. D. Severus et Antonius ssepissime rescripserunt, Licet 
enim (inquiunt) legibus soluti simus, attamen legibus vivimus." Institut. qui- 
bus modis testam. infirment. sec. ult. 



OF THE PRINCE. 



30; 



Plutarch giveth to Alexander the Great, that " he™ con- 
ceived he ought to be thought superior unto all men, yet 
subject to justice :" and Pliny to Trajan : " He n thinks 
himself to be one of us ; and so much the more excellent 
and eminent he is, that he so thinketh, and no less re- 
membereth that he is a man, than that he is a ruler of 
men." " For 11 he who hath nothing left to increase his 
height, hath but this one way to grow by, if he submit 
himself, being secure of his greatness." And in his direct 
speech to the emperor himself: " Thou esteemest us the 
same, and thyself the same ; equal unto all, and in this 
only greater than the rest, that thou art better than they." 
And more nearly to our present purpose : " Thou p hast 
made thyself subject to the laws, O Caesar, which were 
not written to restrain the prince by. But thou wilt 
have nothing more lawful to thee than is to us." Such 
written laws as these, no doubt, Justinian the emperor 
meant, when, upon the enacting of a constitution of this 
kind, he addeth thereunto this limitation: " From q all 
those things that have been said by us, let the emperor's 
state be excepted, whereunto God hath subjected the 
very laws themselves, sending him as a living law unto 
men." Who therefore in another place assumeth unto 
himself the title of " a father of the law :" whereupon the 
glossator maketh this observation : " Note 1 " that the em- 

m Havrwv oiofievog Stiv irepulvai, rov Siicaiov Si I'lrrdcrOai. Plut. de 
fortuna Alexandri, orat. 2. 

n " Unum ille se ex nobis ; et hoc magis excellit atque eminet, quod unum ex 
nobis putat; nee minus hominem se, quam hominibus praeesse meminit." 
Plin. Paneg. ad Trajan. 

n " Nam cui nihil ad augendum fastigium superest, hie uno modo crescere 
potest, si se ipse submittat, securus magnitudinis suae." Plin. Paneg. ad 
Trajan. 

° " Eosdem nos, eundem te putas ; par omnibus, ethoc tantum caeteris ma- 
jor, quo melior." Plin. Paneg. ad Trajan. 

P " Ipse te legibus subjecisti, legibus, Caesar, quas nemo principi scripsit : 
Sed tu nihil amplius vis tibi licere quam nobis." Plin. Paneg. ad Trajan. 

1 TlavTiov tCjv tiprm'&viov yjpTiv i) j3a(n\so>g l^ijprjaBo) Tv^r], y/ye ical ai>- 
Toitg 6 Qsbg tovq vdfiovg vttoteQuke, vo/jlov aiirrjv Efi^v^ov KaTcnrEfnraac; 
av9pu>-jroig. Justinian. Novel. 105. 

r " Nota imperatorem vocari patrem legis ; unde et leges sunt ei subjecta." 
Gloss, in Novel. 1. 2. c. 4. 

VOL. XI. B B 



306 



THE POWER 



peror is the father of the law ; whereupon the laws also 
are subject to hiin." For such positive laws as these, 
being (as other works of men are) imperfect, and not free 
from many discommodities, if the strict observation there- 
of should be perused in every particular ; it is fit the su- 
preme governor should not himself only be exempted 
from subjection thereunto, but also be so far lord over 
them, that where he seeth cause, he may abate or totally 
remit the penalty incurred by the breach of them, dis- 
pense with others for the not observing of them at all; yea, 
and generally suspend the execution of them, when by 
experience he shall find the inconveniences to be greater 
than the profit that was expected should redound thereby 
unto the commonwealth. Plutarch setteth this down as a 
chief point of that natural skill, which Philopcemen had in 
government, that he " did 8 not only rule according to 
the laws, but overruled the laws themselves, when he 
found it conducing to the weal-public." Such laws as 
these St. Augustine calleth " temporal 1 ; which, although 
they be just, yet in time may justly also suffer a change." 
That being most true of them which Portius Cato saith in 
Livy: " No u law is equally commodious unto all; that 
chiefly is looked to, if it be convenient for the greater 
part :" and Sextus Caelicius in Gellius : " The x opportu- 



s OvrwQ 7iyf[ioviK>)v <pi)GLV t^wy, oil Kara rovg vofiovq, dXka Kai tuiv 
vdfiiov ap\nv t)iriCTciTo, irpbg rb ov[upepoi>. Plutarch, in comparat. Fla- 
minii et Philopcemen. 

1 " Appellenms istam legem, si placet, temporalem ; quae, quamvisjusta sit, 
commutari tamen per tempora juste potest." Aug. de lib. arbitr. lib. 1. cap. 6. 

" " Nulla lex satis commoda omnibus est ; id modo quaeritur si majori parti 
et in summum prodest." Porcii Cat. orat. pro lege Oppia, apud Liv. initio 
lib. 34. 

x " Non ignoras, legum opportunitates et medelas pro temporum moribus, et 
pro rerumpublicarum generibus, ac pro utilitatum praesentium rationibus, pro- 
que vitiorum quibus medendum est fervoribus, mutari atque flecti, neque uno 
statu consistere, quin ut facies coeli et maris, ita rerum atque fortunae tempesta- 
tibus varientur." A. Gellius lib. 20. cap. l.cum illo Justiniani imp. de reforma- 
tione juris Romani : " Multa et maxima sunt, quae propter utilitatem rerum 
transformata sunt." Lib. 2. Cod. de veterijure enucleando, et in prooemio Novel. 
J 07. 'H dk tCov Trpayiu'iTiov noiKiKla Kai y tyvaiq ravra arvxvaig nETafidX- 
Xovaa, StioOai ~uv vujxqv IkiIvov iTravopQwaiujg ii^iiTtpac irnpiaKivaoe. 



OF THE PRINCE. 307 

nities and remedies of laws, according to the manners of 
the times, the divers forms of government, the regard of 
present conveniences, and the height of public enormities, 
are changed and fitted. They remain not in one and the 
same state; but, as the face of the weather and of the 
seas, are varied with the tempests of accidents and emer- 
gent occasions." So Tertullian : " If y there have been 
an error in the law, I hope it was conceived by a man ; 
for from heaven surely it fell not : and is it any wonder 
that a man either should err in making of a law, or shew 
an after wisdom in rejecting it ?" For " the 2 laws of 
nature indeed," saith Justinian, " which are equally ob- 
served among all nations, and as it were by God's provi- 
dence appointed, do remain always firm and immutable ; 
but those which every commonwealth maketh unto itself, 
use often to be changed, either by the tacit consent of the 
people, or by another law brought in afterward." As it 
fell out in Draco his laws ; which, "because a they seemed 
to be sharp above measuse, were obliterated, not by any 
decree or command, but by a silent and unwritten agree- 
ment of the Athenians." And while the laws do stand in 
force, " It b is fit that sometimes the king's clemency 
should be mingled with the severity of them ; especially 
when by that means the subjects may be freed from much 



y " Si lex tuaerravit, puto ab homine concepta est; nee enim de ccelo ruit: 
Miramini hominem aut errare potuisse in lege condenda, aut resipuisse in re- 
probanda V Tert. apol. cap. 4. 

1 " Naturalia quibem jura, quae apud omnes gentes peraeque observantur, 
divina quadam providentia constituta, semper firma atque immutabilia perma- 
nent : ea vero quae ipsa sibi quaeque civitas constituit ssepe mutari solent, vel 
tacito consensu populi, vel alia postea lege lata." Institut. lib. 1. dejur. natural, 
sect. 11. cum 1. De quibus causis 31. D. de legibus. 

a " Ejus leges, quoniam vide ban tur impendio acerbiores, non decreto jusso- 
que, sed tacito illiteratoque Atheniensium consensu, obliteratae sunt." A. Gel- 
lius, lib. 11. cap. 18. " Legum enim ipsarum jussa consensu tacito obliterantur." 
Idem, lib. 12. cap. 13. 

b Ty Tuiv v6fiu)v cticpifieia tcai /SaffiXiKr/v fytcarafiiZai <pi\av6pwirtav la- 
riv, oti raiv TrpoffrficovTWv tcaQkartiKt, tcai [i.d\i<TTa i]vitca roiig virtjtcoovg 
7ro\\»)e Zrifiiag te tcai /3\d/3?;c. tKaiptlrai rouro to Trparrofisvov. Justin, 
junior imp. in praefatione constitut. 3. 

B B 2 



o08 THE POWER 

detriment and damage :" " The c condition of the magis- 
trates, whose sentence is held corrupt, if it be milder 
than the laws, being one thing ; the power of princes, 
whom it becometh to qualify the sharpness of them, a far 
different matter." Wherein we may hear again, if you 
please, the opinion of John of Sarisbury: " I d do not," 
saith he, " take away the dispensing with the law out of 
the hands of the powers ; but such precepts or prohibi- 
tions as have a perpetual right, are not, as I think, to be 
subjected unto their will and pleasure. In those things 
therefore only which are mutable, the dispensation with 
the letter of the law is to be admitted ; yet so as by the 
compensation of honesty or utility the intention of the law 
may be entirely preserved." 

The law both of God and the king is that wherein the 
commanded is a part of God's law ; but the sanction 6 or 
civil punishment, whereby men are deterred from the 
breach thereof, is by the prince added thereunto. Ac- 
cording to that which we read in the edict of king Artax- 
erxes : " Whosoever f will not do the law of God and the 
law of the king, let judgment be executed speedily upon 
him ; whether it be unto death, or to banishment, or to 
confiscation of goods, or to imprisonment:" and that place 
in St. Augustine : " How g do kings serve God in fear, 



c " Alia est conditio magistratuum, quorum corruptae videntur esse sententiae, 
si sint legibus mitiores ; alia dominorum principum potestas, quos decet acri- 
moniam severi juris inflectere." Symmachus, lib. 10. epist. ult. 

d " Nee tamen dispensationem legis subtraho manibus potestatum ; sed per- 
petuam prsBceptionem aut prohibitionem habentia, libito eorum nequaquam 
arbitror supponenda. In his itaque duntaxat quae mobilia sunt, dispensatio 
verborum admittitur ; ita tamen ut compensatione honestatis aut utilitatis 
mens legis integra conservetur." Jo. Sarisbur. Polycratic. lib. 4. cap. 7. 

e " Legum eas partes quibus poenas constituimus adversus eos qui contra 
leges fecerint, sanctiones vocamus." Institut. lib. 2. de rerum divis. sect 11. 
" Sanctio legum novissime certam poenam irrogat iis qui praeceptis legis non 
obtemperaverint." Papinian. in lib. 41. D. de pcenis. 

1 Ez. chap. 7. ver. 26. 

s " Quomodo ergo reges Domino serviunt in timore, nisi ea quse contra 
jussa Domini fiunt, religiosa severitate prohibendo atque plectendo? Aliter 
enim servit quia homo est, aliter quia etiam et rex est. Quia homo est, ei 
servit vivendo fideliter ; quia vero etiam rex est, servit, leges justa prsecipientes 



OF THE PRINCE. 309 

but when, with a religious severity they forbid and punish, 
those things which are done against the commandment of 
God ? For as a man, he serveth God one way, as a king, 
another way : As a man he serveth him by his own living 
well, as a king by setting out and backing with power 
fitting such laws as command just things, and forbid the 
contrary." In laws of this nature, to the precept itself, 
as coming from God, the king is bound to yield obedi- 
ence as well as others: but from the penalty annexed 
thereunto he is exempted. The reason is, because the 
inflicting of punishment is an act of a superior to an infe- 
rior : and therefore, though a father or master were never 
so faulty, none would be so absurd as to think, that their 
servants or children might chastise them. But to make 
any one upon earth superior to the supreme governor, 
would imply a manifest contradiction : so that we must of 
necessity come to that conclusion of the emperor Marcus 
Aurelius, that " of 1 ' a free monarch none may be judge 
but God alone." Which is the same which before we 
have heard from Rabbi Jeremiah, that " No creature 
may judge the king but God :" and is confirmed not only 
by Ecphantas the Pythagorean, who maketh it the privilege, 
first' of God, and then of the king under him, " not to be 
ruled by any;" but also by the general consent of the 
ancient Christians. For such was the profession of Ter- 
tullian: " We k worship the emperor as a man next unto 
God, and who hath obtained of God whatsoever he is, 
and is less than God only." " In 1 whose power alone he 
is, from whom he is the second, and after whom he is the 



et contraria prohibentes convenienti vigore sanciendo." August, epist. 50. ad 
Bonifacium Comitem. 

h ntpi tT]q avrapxiag 6 Qtbg fiovoq Kpivuv Sivarat. Xiphilin. excerpt, 
ex Dionis M. Aurelio. 

1 'Evti fiiv rift Qew, Ivri 5k Kai riff (3aoi\tl, ai)T(ff fikv apxuv, apxtodat 5' 
vtt' ov5tvbg. Ecphant. apud Stobaeum, serin. 46. 

k " Colimus imperatorem ut hominem a Deo secundum ; et quicquid est, a 
Deo consequutum, et solo Deo minorem." Tertull. ad Seapul. cap. 2. 

1 " In cujus solius potentate sunt, a quo sunt secundi, post quern primi." 
Idem, in apolog. cap. 30. 



;J10 



THE POWER 



first." And of Optatus : " There" 1 is none above the em- 
peror but God alone, who made the emperor :" he being 
" the" top and head of all men upon earth," as Chrysos- 
tom: and " having none higher than himself upon 
earth," as Agapetus speaketh. " If p any of the people 
commit a fault," saith Cassiodorus, " he sinneth to God 
and the king ; but when the king offendeth he standeth 
guilty unto God alone, because he hath no man who is to 
be judge of his doings." " Every q one who liveth under 
authority," saith Arnobius, " when he offends, sinneth 
against God, and the laws of this world also; but the 
king, as living under God alone, and having no power 
above his own to fear but God's only, when he sinneth, 
offendeth God alone and none other." Upon which 
grounds Constantinus Harmenopulus, the Greek abridger 
of the civil law, declareth " the r king not to be subject to 
the laws, because offending against them he is not pu- 
nished." The same reason is also rendered by St. Am- 
brose, why " kings s are tied by no laws, because they 
are not called to punishment by them, being warranted 
by the power of their empire." As Symmachus saith of 
factors 1 employed in remote countries, that they live as it 

m " Super imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus, qui fecit imperatorem." 
Optat. adversus Parmenian. lib. 3. 

11 Baai\tvg y a f> Kopvtyr) Kal KHpaXi) rup tiri rrjg y/jc. iariv airavrwv. Jo. 
Chrysost. homil. 2. ad pop. Antioch. 

" Oiik e%£i yap kirl yijc. rbv ahrov v^t]\oTipov. Agapet. Paraen. cap. 21. 

p " De populo si quis erraverit, et Deo peccat et regi ; Nam quando rex de- 
linquit, soli Deo reus est, quia hominem non habet qui ejus facta dijudicat." 
Cassiodor. in Psal. 50. 

4 " Omnis qui sub judicio vivit, cum deliquerifi peccat Deo, peccat et legibus 
mundi : Hie autem rex sub nullo alio nisi sub Deo solo agens, ipsum solum 
super potestatem suam metuens, Deo soli peccavit." Arnobius junior in eun- 
dem Psalm. 

r 'O fiaoikivQ vofioiQ ovx iiroKtirai, ijyovv a]xapri\oaq ov Ko\a£tTai. 
Harmenopul. epitom. juris, lib. 1. tit. 1. sect. 48. 

s " Peccavit David, quod solent reges, sed pcenitentiam gessit, &c. indul- 
gentiam petebat, qui nullis tenebatur legibus humanis." Ambros. apolog. 
David, cap. 4. " Rex utique erat, nullis ipse legibus tenebatur ; quia liberi sunt 
reges a vinculis delictomm ; Neque eniin ullis ad pcenam vocantur legibus, tuti 
imperii potestate." Ambros. apolog. David, cap. 10. 

' " Actores absentium, quibus res longinqua remittitur, tanquam soluti legi- 



OF THE PRINCE. 311 

were loosed from the laws, because that being so far oft*, 
they stand not in any fear of their masters. 

For to this end, saith Isidorus Hispalensis: " Were' 1 
laws made, that by fear of them the boldness of men 
might be restrained, and that innocency might be safe 
among the wicked ; and that in the wicked themselves, the 
power of doing hurt might be bridled by the fear of pu- 
nishment." Which end having no place in the king, 
who, as St. Hierom also noteth, " stands w not in fear of 
any other," this difference herein he observes between 
him and his people, that " they x in occasion of offence 
have the judge to fear, and the laws to curb them ; the 
king hath nothing but the fear of God and the ter- 
ror of hell, to restrain him from running headlong" into 
all vice. So that kings, wanting this help, which others 
have, of containing them within their duties, what they 
in this point do, doth not proceed from the fear of any 
civil punishment, but from the fear of God. 

Hereupon Agapetus giveth this grave advice to the 
emperor Justinian : " Impose y upon thyself a necessity of 
observing the laws, because there is none on earth that 
can constrain thee : Not only what respect thoubearest to 
them will appear, if thou first thyself reverence them ; 



bus vivunt, quoniam procul positis nullus dominorum terror incurrit." Sym- 
mach. lib. 9. epist. 6. Illud Ulpiani in leg. Princeps D. de leg. " Piinceps 
legibus solutus est ;" intelligunt de pcenariis legibus, ad quas princeps non te- 
netur ; ut in lege Julia et Papia de poena Caduci, de qua ibi agit Ulpiaims. 
Cujac. lib. 15. observ. 30. Connan. lib. 1. Comment, jur. cap. 16. Vasquez lib. L 
Controv. illustr. c. 2. n. 1. Christinae decis. 9. n. 13. 

11 " Factoe sunt leges, ut earum metu humana coerceatur audacia, tutaque 
sit inter improbos innocentia ; et in ipsis improbis, formidato supplicio, refrae- 
netur nocendi facultas." Isidor. Origin, lib. 5. cap. 20. 

» " Rex erat, alium non timebat." Hieron. epist. 18. ad Eustochium, et 90. 
ad Rusticum. 

x " Populi peccantes judicem metuunt, et a malo suo legibus coercentur : 
Reges autem, nisi solo Dei timore metuque gehennse coerceantur, libere in 
praeceps proruunt." Isidor. Sentent. lib. 3. cap. 50. 

y Savry ti)v (pvXctTTiiv tovq vofiovg i7ri6i£ avayKt\v, (Itgfir) t'xwv iiri yrJQ 
tov Svvafitvov avajKa'Cuv o'xmo yap Kai twv vo/xaov iTTiSeiKtig to Officii, 
rturoc 7rpo tuv dWwv tovtovq aiSovfitvot;, Kal roig vwr}Kooi£ (pnvl/atTai 
to Trapavo/xuv ouk cikivSwov. Agapet. Paraen. cap. 27. 



312 THE POWER 

but the subjects will then plainly see how dangerous it 
will be to break them." So also Isidore : " It z is just 
that the prince should obey his own laws ; for let him 
then make account that his laws shall be observed by 
all, when he himself shall shew reverence unto them." 
And St. Ambrose, to the emperor Valentinian: " What a 
thou hast prescribed unto others, thou hast prescribed 
also unto thyself; for the emperor maketh laws which he 
himself should first keep." To which purpose likewise 
Xenophon putteth this among the greatest benefits 
which Agesilaus king of the Spartans brought unto " his 
country, that being the most powerful in the state, to the 
laws he was most obsequious : for who," saith he, " would 
be disobedient to them, when he saw the king himself 
submit to them." But what speak I of Agesilaus, a petty 
prince, not worthy of a king's title, in comparison of that 
potent and absolute monarch Cyrus? whom the same 
Xenophon, as a most perfect pattern in this kind, thus 
propounds unto us: " Those which were in his view he 
thought by this means he might best excite unto good and 
laudable actions, if he himself, being their prince, did 
endeavour to declare himself unto his subjects to be more 
adorned with virtue than all of them. For this observa- 
tion he made, That by the written laws indeed men were 
made better ; but he esteemed a good prince to be a see- 

z " Justum est principem legibus obtemperare suis : Tunc enitn jura sua 
ab omnibus custodienda existimet, quando et ipse illis reverentiam prsebet." 
Isid. Sentent. lib. 3. cap. 51. 

a " Quod cum praescripsistis aliis, praescripsisti et tibi : leges enim imperator 
fert, quas primus ipse custodiat." Ambros. lib. 2. epist. 3. 

b 'El/ toIq fieyicrrotg cjfiXijuaffi rrjg TrarpiSog kuItoSe iyu> riOrj/jii avrov, 
on SwaruraTOg wv iv ry ttoXsi, (paVEpbg yv fidXicrra roig vo/xotg \a- 
rptvuv. Tig yap av r)Q't\r)GEV aTtuQtiv, bpwv rbv fiaoiXia TreiOofitvov ; 
Xenoph. orat. de Agesilao. 

c Tovg Si TrapkxoVTag iavrobg ivofiiai fiaXirtr av tirl ra Ka\a icai aya- 
Qa ivapopfi^v tpya (f 7rt imp ijv dpx^v avrwv) it avrbv iavrbg iiriSiiKvinv 
7rtipijJTo toIq apxafi'ivoiQ irdvTiiiV [td\i<jTa KiKoapujuivov ry apery' ai- 
cddviaQai fiiv ydp eSokei icai Sid robg ypa(j>o/iEVovg vojiovq f3e\riovg yEVO- 
fikvovg dv9p(i)Trovg, rbv Si dyaObv dp\ovTa (3\iTrovTa vbfiov dv6pu)7roig 
lvbp,it,Ev,'b ri xai rdrrEiv iKavog eo~ti icai bpq.v rbv draKTOvvra icai icoXd- 
Z,eIv. Xenoph. dc institut. Cyri, lib. 8. 



OF THE PRINCE. 318 

ing law unto men, as being able both to order matters, 
and both to behold and punish such as behaved them- 
selves disorderly." " Shewing 11 moreover moderation inhim- 
self, he made all others to exercise that virtue the more. 
For when he who may be most insolent appears regular, 
the meaner sort will have more care not to be disor- 
dered." 

And generally, that is most true which is observed by 
Tully, that " As e by the unbridled affections of the ma- 
gistrate, the city usually is infected, so is it amended and 
rectified by his moderation :" according to that of 
Seneca : 

Rex f velit honesta, nemo non eadem volet, 



If the prince just things respect, 
Subjects will the same affect. 



And Ovid 



Sic? agitur censura, et sic exempla parantur ; 
Si judex alios quod monet ipse facit. 

Rulers prove censors, and for patterns stand, 
When first themselves observe what they command. 

" For h the life of the prince is a censure, and that a 
perpetual one. To it we direct, to it we turn, ourselves ; 
having not so much need of command as of example. For 
fear is no such trusty teacher of right ; men are better in- 
structed by examples, which have this good in them espe- 
cially, that they give proof that the things commanded 

d Kai (roiQpotjvvtjv dk avrov iiriSeiKviig, jiaWov iiroiu Kal Tavrtjv Travrag 
atTKiiv orav yap opuiaiv $ p,a\iGTa iZ,(.csTiv vfipi^uv, tovtov auxppovovvra, 
ovtu) juaMov o'iye. aoQiviartpoi eQkXovviv ovSiv vfipicmicov ttolovvtiq fa- 
vipol tlvai. Xenoph. de institut. Cyri, lib. 8. 

e " Ut enim cupiditatibus principum et vitiisinfici solet tota civitas, sic emen- 
dari et corrigi continentia." Cic. lib. 3. de legib. 

f Senec. in Thyeste, act. 2. e Ovid. Fast. lib. 6. 

'' " Nam vita principis censura est, eaque perpetua : ad hanc dirigimur, ad 
hanc convertimur : nee tarn imperio nobis opus est quam exemplo. Quippe in- 
fidelis recti magister est metus ; melius homines exemplis docentur, quae impri- 
mis hoc in se boni habent, quod approbant quae prscipiunt fieri posse." Plin, 
Panegyr. 



314 THE POWER 

may be done." So saith Pliny in his panegyric to Trajan, 
where he noteth, that " we 1 are flexible every way to fol- 
low whither the prince shall lead us." And so after him 
Claudian, in his panegyric upon the fourth consulship of 
Honorius : 

Tunc observantior aequi 



Fit populus, nee ferre negat cum viderit ipsum 
Auctorem parere sibi. Componitur orbis 
Regis ad exemplum ; nee sic inflectere sensus 
Humanos edicta valent quani vita regentis. 

Laws are best kept by subjects, when they find 
The giver keeps them first. All themselves bind 
To his example : nor can edicts sway 
Men's minds so much as rulers that obey. 

As Tacitus also noteth, in the example of Vespasian, that 
" the k desire of pleasing and imitating the prince wrought 
more than either punishment of laws, or fear :" and on the 
other side, Mecsenas in Dio, telleth Caesar, that " if 1 the 
people should once discover that he prescribed one thing 
to them, and did himself another, they would not fear his 
threats, but imitate his actions." 

Kings therefore are said to be above the laws whereby 
they govern their people, partly in respect of others : of 
others, inasmuch as they have power to judge according 1 " 
to their own conscience, and not according to the letter of 
the law ; as also to n dispense in some cases with the very 
obedience, in some with the punishment required by the 
law. As when a man is thereby condemned unto banish- 



1 " Flexibiles in quamcunque partem ducimur a principe ; atque ut ita dicam, 
sequaces sumus." Plin. Panegyr. 

k " Obsequium in principem, et asmulandi amor, validior quam poena ex legi- 
bus, et metus." Tacit, annal. lib. 3. 

' "Qffn av una^, KaTa[ia6w<yi as aXXa fiiv avrolg irpoayoptvovra, dXXa 
Si avrbv iroiovvra, ov Tag cnrtiXag gov (pofitjOriaovrai, dXXa to. tpya /u/i»j- 
aovrai. Dio, hist. Rom. lib. 52. 

m i< p rmce p S es t SU p ra legem ; adeo quod secundum conscientiam suam judi- 
care potest." Cynus, in lib. Rescript. Cod. de precib. imper. offerend. 

n " Est etiam princeps supra legem ; in quantum si expediens fuerit, potest 
legem mutare, et in ea dispensare pro loco et tempore." Thorn, in 1. 2. qua;st. 
96. artic. 5. ad 3. 



OF THE PRINCE. 315 

merit, the prince, if he see cause, may revoke him from 
thence : and therein " his own will," saith Accursius, is 
accounted " a great and just cause." As also, for the re- 
calling of the sentence of death itself, we meet with this 
passage in Themistius : " We p have seen men returned to 
life from the gates of death : whom the law indeed sent 
thither, but the lord of the law brought back from thence 
again ; as knowing that one thing becometh a judge, ano- 
ther a king ; that the one is tied to follow the laws, but 
the other hath power to correct the laws themselves, and 
to qualify the severity and harshness of them, as being 
himself a living law, and not confined to unchangeable and 
unalterable letters. For to this end, it seemeth, God did 
send from heaven this regal power into the earth, that 
men might have a refuge from that dead and unmoveable 
law to this living one." Wherewith we may compare that 
briefer expression of Hilary the Roman deacon, or who- 
ever else was the author of the questions upon the Old 
and New Testament, wrongly fathered upon St. Augus- 
tin : "To q judges it is prescribed not to revoke the sen- 
tence passed upon a guilty person : but the emperor him- 
self is under no such law. For he alone hath power to re- 
voke that sentence, and to absolve the man condemned to 
die, and to grant a pardon to him." That saying indeed 
of the emperor Valentinian the third, is much commend- 



° "Magna et justa causa est ejus voluntas." Accurs. gloss, in lib. 4. D. de 
prenis. 

p F/iSo/xev dvQpwirovg £/c twv tov tJSov TrpoQvptov rig to i\r\v InaviovTag, 
o'vg o fikv vo/iog iKtlae cnrijytv 6 Sk tov vdfiov Kvpiog IkiWiv iTTavrjyayt, 
ytvd><TKu)V0Tia\\t) fiiv SacaffTov, aXXt] SkfiaaiXswg aptTiy Kai rep fitv 7tpoa- 
ijKti 'nriaQai, Tif St tTzavopQovv Kai tovq vo/iovg, Kai to dirqvig avrcov Kai 
afitiKiKTOv TrapadttKvvvai, ute vofitjt t/xipix'sJ ovti, kcu-ovk iv ypa/jfiaaiv 
afitTaOtToig Kai daaXtvroig' Sia tovto yap, tog toace, j3aacXriav Ik tov ovpa- 
vov KaTETrtfiif/ev rig rrjv yrfv 6 Qtbg, otrtog civ sir] Karacpvyi) Tip dvdpcoiroj 
dirb tov vofiov tov dicipiirov siri tov t/nrvovv Kai Z,wvTa. Themist. orat. 
5. de humanitate Theod. 

i " Judicibus statutum est ne liceat in reum datam sententiam revocare. 
Nunquid et ipse imperator sub hac erit lege ? Namipsi soli licet revocare senten- 
tiam, et reum mortis absolvere et ipsi ignoscere." Qusest. 115. ex vet. et nov. 
Testam. torn, 3. oper. Augustini. 



316 THE POWER 

ed : " It 1 is a voice worthy of the majesty of him that 
reigneth, that the prince should profess himself to be 
bound by the laws." But, " although 8 it be a fair thing to 
say so, yet is it not to be maintained that the emperor is 
subject to the laws, when he is loosed from them ;" saith 
iEneas Silvius. " For there is a certain other thing, to 
which the emperor is more obnoxious than to the law ; 
and that is equity; which is not always found written. 
For equity is that which is just beyond the written law : 
now if the law doth command one thing, and equity per- 
suade another, it is fit the emperor should temper the ri- 
gour of the law with the bridle of equity, as he who alone 
may and ought to look unto that interpretation, which 
lieth interposed between law and equity. Especially, see- 
ing no decree of the law, although weighed with never so 
considerate counsel, can sufficiently answer the varieties 
and unthought on plottings of man's nature. And seeing 
the condition of human law is such, that it runneth always 
without stint, and there is nothing in it which can be at a 
perpetual stand ; it is manifest, that in tract of time, the 



r " Digna vox est majestate regnantis, legibus alligatum se principem profiteri. 
Lib. 4. Cod. de legib. et constitut. princ. 

s " Quod quamvis pulchrum est dicere, non tamen asserendum est impe- 
ratorem legibus esse subjectum, cum sit solutus. Est enim aliud quiddam cui 
plus quam legibus obnoxius est imperator ; hoc ipsum aequitas est, quae non sem- 
per invenitur scripta. iEquitas enim est, quod prater legem scriptam justum 
est: quod si aliud lexjubet, aliud aequitas suadet, convenit imperatorem juris vi- 
gorem sequitatis fraeno temperare, cui soli inter aequitatem jusque interpositam 
interpretationem licet et incumbit inspicere. Praesertim cum nulla juris sanctio, 
quantumcunque digesto perpensa consilio, ad varietates humanae naturae et ma- 
chinationes ejus inopinabiles sufficiat. Cumque humani juiis conditio semper in 
infinitum decurrat, nihilque sit in ea quod stare perpetuo possit (multis enim for- 
mas eadem natura novas deproperat, et secundum tempora statuta variantur hu- 
mana) manifestum est aevi cursu, quae leges olim justae fuerunt, injustas reddi, 
fierique nunc inutiles, nunc duras, nunc iniquas. Ad quas moderandas opus est 
principe, qui legum dominus est. Nam si quid in eis latum fortassis obscurius 
merit, imperatorem convenit declarare, duritiemque legum suae humanitati con- 
trariam et incongruam emendare. Quod enim dicitur, legem quamvis duram 
esse servandam, inferiores judices non Caesarem respicit; in quo est vis ilia mo- 
derandarum legum, quam iinsuceiap vocant, quae tarn annexa est summo 
principi, ut nullis possit humanis evelli decretis." jEneas Silvius, de ortu et 
authoribus imperii, cap. 20, 21. 



OF THE PRINCE. 317 

laws which before were just, prove afterwards to be un- 
just, and become now unprofitable, now harsh, now un- 
righteous : for the moderating whereof there is need of 
the prince, who is Lord of the laws. For if it fall out, 
that any thing hath been more obscurely delivered therein, 
it is fit the emperor should clear it, and amend that harsh- 
ness of the laws which he shall find to be contrary and 
disagreeable to his humanity. For where it is said, that 
a law, although it be hard, should yet be observed ; that 
respecteth the inferior judges, and not the emperor ; in 
whom is that power of moderating the laws which they 
call tiriuKSia, or equity, which is so annexed to the su- 
premacy of the prince, that by no decrees of man it can 
be pulled from it." Thus far iEneas Silvius. 

In regard of themselves, kings are said to be exempted 
from subjection to the laws, both because they are not 
tied (otherwise than for conveniency and good example's 
sake) to the observance of such as are mere positive and 
temporary laws ; and because they are not liable to the 
civil punishments set down for the breach of any law, 
as having no superior upon earth that may exercise 
any such power over them: whereunto, for the later 
times, that of Otto, Frisingensis may be referred : 
" Whereas* there is no man found in the world 
which is not subject to the laws of the world, and by 
that subjection kept within compass ; kings alone, as 
being set above the laws, and reserved to God's examina- 
tion, are not restrained by any secular laws." And for 
the elder, that speech of Gregory, bishop of Tours unto 
the French king Chilperick : " If u any of us, O king, 
transgress justice, you may correct us ; but if you do ex- 
ceed your bounds, who shall restrain you ? We indeed 

1 " Cum nulla in veniatur persona mundialis, quae mundi legibus non subjaceat, 
subjacendo coerceatur ; soli reges, utpote constituti supra leges, divino examini 
reservati, seculi legibus non cohibentur." Otto Frising. praefat. chronic, ad imp. 
Frising. praefat. chronic, ad imp. Frideric. 1. 

u " Si quis de nobis, O rex, justitiae tramitem transcendere voluerit, a te cor- 
rigi potest; si vero tu excesseris, quis te corripiet? Loquimur enim tibi, sed si 
volueris, audis ; si autem nolueris, quis te condemnabit nisi is qui se pronuncia- 
vit esse justitiam ?" Gregor. Turonens. hist. Francor. lib. 5. cap. 18. 



318 THE POWER 

speak unto you, and if you will, you listen unto us ; but if 
you do not, who can condemn you, but he who hath declared 
himself to be righteousness"? that is, God himself alone. 
Together with that common interpretation which hath been 
given unto those words of David in the fifty first Psalm : 
" Against thee, thee only have I sinned :" whereof Euthy- 
mius giveth this paraphrase : " Forasmuch x as I am a king, 
and so have thee the only judge of the crimes committed 
by me, against thee only I appear to have sinned, that is, 
I am subject to no other judge but unto thee alone, for of 
all the rest I am myself the lord." Nicephorus, this : "In y 
respect that I am a king, and subject to thee alone, 
against thee only have I sinned. Injury, I confess, other- 
wise I did unto Urias ; but the sin of itself reached unto 
thee, because I did transgress thy laws." So likewise Di- 
dymus : " Inasmuch 51 as he was a king, he was not subject 
to any human law, and so sinned against none of those 
law-makers." And Ambrose : " Being a upheld with the 
regal eminency, as a lord of the laws, in respect of the 
laws he was not guilty ; to God alone he stood obnoxious, 
who is the Lord of principalities." And Lyranus : " Be- 
cause b he was a king he had no superior judge which might 

x " Cum rex sim, et te solum commissorum a me scelerum judicem habeam, 
tibi soli peccasse videor, hoc est, tibi soli judici subjicior : caeterorum enim om- 
nium ego dominus sum." Euthym. in Psalm. 

y " Rex cum ego sim, tibique soli subjectus, tibi soli peccavi. Alioquin Uriam 
injuria affeci ; sed peccatum ipsum ad te transiit, quoniam leges tuas transgres- 
sus sum." Nicephor. in catena Graec. doctorum in Psalmos Latine a Dan. Bar- 
baro edit. 

z " Quatenus rex erat non subjiciebatur humanae legi ; unde nulli ex legum 
conditoribus peccavit." Didym. in catena Graec. doctorum in Psalmos Latine a 
Dan. Barbaro edit. "Oaov tirl to ilvai (iaaCKivg ov\ vTrtKtiro dvQpit)7rh'(ft 
v6fi(j), oQtv ovSivi twv vofioQir&v Vjjiapriv, ovS' ivwttiov tivoq avrwv to 
iTovripbv tTToiTjatv. 'EtteiSi) fie irpbg Tip fiaaiXeiig Kai 9to<Ttfi7)g tlvai 
fiovXtrai, vTrktceiTo T(f tov Qiov vo/xijj' Sib Kai ypiapTS fiovy 9«^J, Kai to tto- 
vr\pbv IvwTTiov avTov iiroiriat. Didym. in catena Grsec. doctorum in Psal. Lat. 
a Dan. Barb. ed. et in catena GraecaMS. in bibliotheca Bodl. etNovi Collegii Oxon. 

a " Regali subnixus fastigio, quasi legum dominus legibus reus non erat : soli 
Deo obnoxius tenebatur, qui dominus est potestatum. Ambros. lib. 2. epist. 7. 
ad Simplicianum. 

b " Quia erat rex, non habebat judicem superiorem qui posset eum punire nisi 
Deum." Nicol. de Lyra in Psal. 50. 



OF THE PRINCE. 319 

punish him but God." As Isidorus Pelusiota likewise 
write th of another who was an heathen : that " being c a 
king he was not to expect any judicial sentence from men ; 
forasmuch as such were subject to God's judgment only." 
And Cyril of Alexandria in the general : " Who d dare vio- 
late the decrees of terrene kings, or attempt to dissolve 
the laws enacted by princes, unless he himself be one of 
those who are invested with regal dignity? for in such, the 
charge of transgressing the law hath no place at all." 
And by this we may easily understand what Aristotle's 
meaning was when he said, that " a e king tied to the laws 
doth make no new kind of government." For if the 
people may call him to account for the breach of the law, 
the state is plainly democratical ; if the peers, it is aristo- 
cratical ; if either or both of them, it cannot any way be 
accounted monarchical. To all which we may add like- 
wise that declaration of Thomas Aquinas : " The f prince 
is said to be loosed from the law, forasmuch as con- 
cerneth the coactive force of the law. For no man is pro- 
perly constrained by himself; and the law hath no force 
coactive but from the power of the prince. Thus, there- 
fore, the prince is said to be loosed from the law, because 
no man can give sentence of condemnation against him, if 
he do any thing against the law. But in respect of God's 



c BaffiXevg uv, icai ivQvvag Trap' dv9po>irwv fii) [itXXiov diraiTiicQai' ti) 
yap Qtia Sixy /xovov 6 toiovtoq vttsiiOvvoq. Isidor. Pelus. lib. 5. epist. 383. 
ad Petrum Correclorem. 

d Tig rdig Qi(mi(jp.a<Ji ruiv sirl yrjg l3acriXeiov l^ovaiaariKwg kirujtvsrcu, 
Kai irapaXvtiv S7ri%£ip£i rd Sid Tyg twv Kparovvrwv uvvrtrayfi'tva 4"'l<pov 
ti Kai yvwutjg, ti fi?) dpa rig tirj tvxwv tu>p rrjv fiaffiXida TrtpiKttfitvwv ri- 
fiiyv re Kai SoKav; tottov yap tv iKtivoiq ovk f"x£t r?Je irapavofiiag rd iy- 
K\ij/xara. Cyril, comment, in Johan. lib. 12. 

e 'O Kara vojxov Xtyopivog fiacnktiig ovk toriv siSog jroXirtiag. Aristot. 
Politic, lib. 3. cap. 12. 

f " Princeps dicitur esse solutus a legibus, quantum ad vim coactivam legis. 
Nullus enim proprie cogitur a seipso; lex autem non habet vim coactivam nisi 
ex principis potestate. Sic igitur princeps dicitur esse solutus a lege, quia nul- 
lus in ipsum potest judicium condemnationis ferre, si contra legem agat, &c. 
Unde quantum ad Dei judicium, princeps non est solutus a lege quantum ad vim 
directivam ejus, sed debet voluntarius, non coactus, legem implere." Thorn. 1. 
2. qusest. 96. artic. 5. ad 3. 



320 THE POWER 

judgment, the prince is not loosed from the law, forasmuch 
as concerneth the directive power thereof; but he ought 
voluntarily, and not constrainedly, to fulfil the law." And 
of Joannes Sarisburiensis : " The 8 prince is said to be ab- 
solved from the obligation of the law, not because unjust 
things may be lawful to him, but because he ought to be 
one, who, not for the fear of punishment, but for the love 
of justice, should regard equity, procure the profit of the 
commonwealth, and in all things prefer the benefit of 
others before his own will and pleasure." And so, as the 
apostle speaketh in another case, " having h not the law, is 
a law to himself: being 1 not without law to God, but under 
the law to Christ." 

The king therefore is not hereby made lawless, nor 
hath liberty given unto him to do whatever him listeth. 
For God's Word and right reason must " give k a law to the 
lawgivers themselves ;" as Gregory Nazianzen speaketh to 
the emperors of his time. " Greatness 1 of spirit indeed," 
said Themistius to the emperor Theodosius, " is requisite 
in a king : but it is fit also that this great spirit of his 
should be obsequious and easily persuaded to yield to 
reason." " None" 1 being able," as Agapetus addeth in 
his admonitions to Justinian, " to correct him who is in 
so high authority, but that very reason of his, which is 
moved by the conscience of himself offending." And " al- 
though 11 the king hath the laws so in his power," saith 



e " Princeps legis nexibus dicitur absolutus, non quia ei iniqua Hceant, sed 
quia is esse debet qui non timore pcenae, sed amore justitiae, aequitatem colat, rei- 
publicae procurat utilitatem, et in omnibus aliorum commoda private praeferat 
voluntati." Jo. Sarisbur. Polycratic. lib. 4. cap. 2. Sic et Soto de Just, et jur. 
lib. 1. qu. 6. art. 7. conclus. 4. Covarruvias ad c. alma mater pag. 1. sect. 1. n. 
3. Navarr. ad c. si quando. de rescript, except. 8. n. 12. Menoch. de arbitr. 
Jud. quaest. 7. n. 10. 20. Budaeus, in annot. ad lib. Princeps. D. de leg. 

h Rom. chap. 2. ver. 14. ' 1 Cor. chap. 9. ver. 21. 

k tioiioOerrjcrei yapical vojioQ'tTaiq 6 \6yog. Greg. Naz. orat 27. 

1 At! fitv Kai Qvfiov fiiytOoQ lvvirapx llv T V jSacriXtt, d\\d fisyav ovra 
tov Ovfibv evifKoov tlvai irpoaj]Kti, wote ivfitTatTuarov iivai rqi \6yy. 
Themist. orat. 9. 

m Ovdtig yap ioxvu tov iv iZovaiq. TrjXiKairy iraiStveiv, ti fir) XoyiOfibg 
oikiIoq iK auTov tov TrXifintXovvTog Kivovfitvog. Agapet. Paraen. cap. 36. 

n " Rex etsi leges in potestate habet, ut impune delinquat, Deo tamen sub- 



OF THE PRINCE. 321 

St. Ambrose, " that without fear of punishment he may 
offend, yet is he subject to God, who oweth nothing unto 
any ; and to whom more by him is owed, unto whom more 
by him hath been committed." 

Regum" timendorum in proprios greges, 
Reges in ipsos imperium est Jovis. 

Over subjects kings command, 
Kings are under Jove's high hand. 

And therefore " Whatsoever 11 they shall unjustly, and 
wickedly, and in a tyrannical manner practise against the 
law, to the overthrow of right, therein," saith Irenaeus, 
' they shall perish by the just judgment which cometh 
equally upon all, and in none, or nothing, is deficient." 
Whereupon that famous Eremite, x\nthony, writing unto 
Constantine the Great, and his sons Constantius and Con- 
stans, gravely advised them, "not q to esteem their present 
estate to be great, but rather to remember the judgment 
which was to come :" which also the Catholic bishops af- 
terward were not unmindful to put Constantius in remem- 
brance of, when he laboured so earnestly to propagate the 
Arrian heresy. And the prelates assembled in an Italian 
synod, five hundred years after that, do " humbly 8 sug- 



ditus est, qui nulli debet ; imo plus ipse debet, cui plus commissum est." Ambr. 
in Psal. 118. serm. 86. 

° Horat. carm. lib. 3. Od. 1. vide et Sueton. in C. Jul. Cassare, cap. 16. ex 
Caesare ipso, in Julise amitse laudatione funebri. 

P " Qusecunque ad eversionem justi, inique et impie contra legem, et more 
tyrannico exercuerint, in his et peribunt, justo judicio Dei ad omnes sequaliter 
perveniente et in nullo deficiente." Iren. adv. ha-res. lib. 5. cap. 24. 

1 Mi) fisyaXa tiysiffdaira Trapovra, aXka fxaXkov yLvqfioviveiv r?)r/ttX- 
Xovgiiq Kploewg. Athanas. in vita Antonii. 

r 'HireiXovv tt)V y'l/xepav ri]Q KpintojQ, Athanas. in epist. ad solitariam vi- 
tam agentes. 

8 " Cavendum summopere principibus, ut quia minime nunc judicantur, ne 
in futuro judicio ab omnipotenti Deo gravius judicentur : secundum apostolum : 
Etenim horrendum est incidere in manus Dei viventis. Nos vero qui debito- 
res sumus ut fideliter annunciemus, idcirco humiliter suggerimus, quod silere 
non audemus." Synod. Regiaticin. anno 850. habit, cap. 16. Wherewith that 
of Otto Frisingensis also may be compared, in his preface before his history unto 
the emperor Frederick Barbarossa, " Cum enim, juxta apostolum, omni mortali 
VOL. XI. C C 



322 THE POWER 



o 



gest" the same unto princes, which (in respect of their 
calling) they profess "they dare not be silent in ;" that 
" they should take special heed because they are not now 
judged, that in the judgment to come, they be not more 
severely judged by Almighty God : according to that of 
the apostle : It 1 is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of 
the living God." 

The same apostle in his epistle to the Colossians, speak- 
ing of the mutual duties of servants and masters, setting 
this down as a general axiom : " He u that doth wrong 
shall receive for the wrong which he hath done ; and there 
is no respect of persons :" and then presently subjoineth : 
" Masters x , give unto your servants that which is just and 
equal, knowing that ye also have a master in heaven." 
And in his epistle to the Ephesians, treating of the same 
argument, when he had laid the like general ground for 
the recompence of well-doing, as he did in the other for 
doing of wrong : " Whatsoever good thing any man doth, 
the same shall he receive of the Lord, whether he be bond 
or free ;" he addeth in like manner: " Ye masters do the 
same thing unto your servants, forbearing threatenings ; 
knowing that your master also is in heaven, neither is 
there respect of persons with him." The reason is univer- 
sal, you see ; and so is applicable as well to the prince 
in the commonwealth, as to the master in the private fa- 
mily. Whereupon the Scripture elsewhere telleth us in 
express terms, that God " accepteth 2 not the persons of 
princes ;" that " he a leadeth princes away spoiled, and 
overthroweth the mighty;" that " he b changeth the times 
and the seasons, he removeth kings, and setteth up kings;" 
that " he c cutteth off the spirit of princes, and is terrible 
to the kings of the earth." 



horrendum sit incidere in manus Dei viventis, regibus tamen, qui nullum praeset 

ipsum supra se habent quern metuant, eo erit horribilius, quo ipsi caeteris pos- 
sunt peccare liberius." 

1 Heb. chap. 10. ver. 31. u Col. chap. 3. ver. 25. 

x Col. chap. 4. ver. 1. y Ephes. chap. 6. ver. 8, 9. 

2 Job, chap. 34. ver. 19. » Ibid. chap. 12. ver. 19. 
b Dan. chap. 2. ver. 21. c Psalm 76. ver. 12. 



OF THE PRINCE. 



323 



Upon the consideration of which judgments of God, 
(oftentimes inflicted by him even in this world, but most 
infallibly in the world to come) King David groundeth this 
admonition of his unto those great ones : " Be d wise now 
therefore, O ye kings ; be instructed, ye judges of the 
earth, serve the Lord with fear." Whereof if you will 
have a more large paraphrase, you may take this out of the 
sixth chapter of the Book of Wisdom ; " Hear therefore, 
O ye kings, and understand; learn ye that be judges of the 
ends of the earth. Give ear, you that rule the people, and 
glory in the multitude of nations. For power is given you 
of the Lord, and sovereignty from the Highest ; who shall 
try your works, and search out your counsels ? Because 
being ministers of his kingdom, you have not judged 
aright, nor kept the law, nor walked after the counsel of 
God. Horribly and speedily shall he come upon you: 
for a sharp judgment shall be to them that be in high 
places. For mercy will soon pardon the meanest; but 
mighty men shall be mightily tormented. For he which 
is Lord over all shall fear no man's person, neither shall 
he stand in awe of any man's greatness ; for he hath made 
the small and great, and careth for all alike." But leav- 
ing God to his own work, (which he in his infinite wisdom 
knoweth best how to order) let us look to what concerns 
ourselves, and consider that subjection which God hath 
charged us to yield unto our governors. 

J Psalm 2. ver. 10, 11. 



C C c 2 



324 



THE POWER 



PART II. 



THE OBEDIENCE 



OF THE 



SUBJECT. 



Obedience to authority is by /Eschylus rightly termed 
" The 3 mother of felicity ;" by Philo the Jew, "The b best 
and most profitable thing in our whole life." And there- 
fore Theopompus c , king of the Lacedemonians, hearing 
one attribute the safety of Sparta to the skill which their 
kings had in government, made answer, that this was to 
be ascribed rather to the obedience which the people so 
cheerfully rendered unto their governors. For in Sparta d , 
above all other places, the most powerful citizens shewed 
themselves most obsequious unto the magistrates, and by 

a UuQapx'ia yap Ion rrjg tvTrpa^iag [itiTtjp. iEschyl. in 'ETrrd etti 9»j- 
(3ag, ver. 203. 

b "Apxf<r6at, to koXXkjtov Kal j3iw<piXsoTaTov. Philo, in lib. de Joseph. 

c QtoTzofiTTOQ 6 fiamXevg twv AaKtoatfioviuv, irpog top ti-Kovra adi^saOai 
T7)v '2TrapTt}v, did roi'g fiaffiXtig dpxiKoiig ovrag. Plutarch, in prseceptis 
gerendae reip. 

d 'Ei' Si ry^Trapry ol Kpariaroi Kal vTripxovrai jiaXiaTa rag dpxdg, Kal 
T(f -cnrnvol elvai pieyaXvvoVTai, Kal ry orav KaXwvTai, rpixovrtg, aXXa 
fit) fiaciZoi'Ttc, viraicovtiV vop.LZ,oi'Tfg, r\v avrol Kardpx^oi- rod a<p6Spa 
■n-tiQsaOai, eijje a6ai Kal tovq aXXovg. oirip Kal yiyivTjrai. Xenoph. de Lace- 
daem. repub. 



OF THE PRINCE. 325 

their example drew the rest to do the like : as " knowing 8 
obedience to be the greatest good, both in cities, in ar- 
mies, and in private families." So writeth Xenophon, in 
his book of the commonwealth of the Lacedaemonians : 
which elsewhere he amplifieth more largely, in this speech 
which he makes Chrysantas use to his countrymen the 
Persians : " Consider*, I pray, what town of their enemies 
can they take who will not obey ? What city of their 
friends can they keep that are disobedient? What army 
that is irregular and tumultuous can obtain a victory? 
What readier way can men make to receive an overthrow 
in battle, than when every one shall begin severally to 
consult of his own safety ? What other good thing can 
be effected by those that do not obey their superiors ? 
What cities can be well governed ? What houses can be 
preserved? How can ships be brought to the coast 
whereunto they are bound ? By what means more have 
we ourselves acquired those good things which we now 
enjoy, than by obeying our prince? For hereby it came 
to pass that by day and by night we did both speedily 
come unto the place appointed, and with our whole forces 
following our prince carried all before us ; while we left 
none of those things half done, which were enjoined unto 
us. And therefore as it is apparent, that obedience to 
our governor is the greatest means to purchase good 
things ; so assure yourselves likewise, that the very same 

e 'ETrt'nrep iyvwaav to TrtiQtuQai fiiyiGrov dya9bv tlvai Kal iv 7roA.£(, 
Kal GToariq,, Kal iv oikoj. Xenoph. de Lacedaem. repub. 

' 'Evvorjaart yap Si), rig av TroXigiroXt/xia virb fir) TTtiOopivcov aXoit] ; 
rig S' av <piXia virb fit) TrtiOtfitvwv SiafvXaxQtii); ttoiov S' av dira- 
Oovvtwv GTpdrtVfia viicriQ ti>xoi ; irwg 5' av fidXXov iv fidxair i)t- 
tS>vto dv&pixnroi, 7) iirtiSav apZwvrai iSia tKacrTog irtpl rTig airov 
(jtoTTipiag (iovXiviaOai ; ti S' av dXXo ayaObv TtXt<r9tLr] virb tCov a,) 
irtiOofiiviov Toig KptiTTOffi ; Troiai de TroXtig vofiifiiog av oiKTjaeiav ; 11 
■ttoToi oIkoi ouQi'uioav ; irtig S' av vrfeq ottoi Stl apiicoivro ; 'Muslg v' 
a vvv dyaOd ixofitv Sid t'i uXXo fidXXov KaTtTcpd^afitv, ;) Sid to TrtiBto-- 
6ai T(p dpxovTt; Sid tovto yap Kal vvktoq icai npspag Taxv fiiv ottoi 
i'Sti TraptyivdfitOa, dOpooi Si t<$ dpxovTi ittojuvoi, avviroo-TaToi tjjiev, twv 
S' iTriTax9iVT(ov ovSiv iffiiTtXig KaTtXiiiTofitv. Et to'ivvv fikyiarov aya- 
Obv to TxiiQapxii-v ipaivirai tig to KaTarrpaTTtiv TayaBd, o'vTiog to Jort on 
ai)To tovto Kal tic to diasut&iv a Stl fdyiGTOv dya96v i<7Ti. Xen. lib. 8. 
Kvpov TraiStiag. 



.'326 THE POWER 

will prove the best means to preserve those things which 
are convenient for you." 

For to govern and to be governed are of so near a rela- 
tion, the one unto the other, that from the composition of 
them together, as Crito g the Pythagorean well noteth, ari- 
seth both the strength and the concord of the whole state : 
the like necessity being of both, and arising from the 
same spring of the law of nature. To which purpose that 
part of Julius Caesar's speech, in Dio, is very pertinent : 
" Two h both necessary and wholesome things hath nature 
established among men, to rule, and to be ruled : without 
which it is impossible that any thing for never so small a 
time should hold out. Wherefore it behoveth him that 
hath the government of any, to find out such things as are 
fitting, and to enjoin them : as also him that is subject to 
the other's authority, to yield obedience to him without all 
excuses, and to use all diligence in the performing of the 
thing that is commanded." 

And of the two, Whether the want of government or the 
want of obedience would prove more pernicious to a state, 
is a point that S. Chrysostome maketh very questionable. 
" An 1 anarchy is an evil thing indeed," saith he, " and 
the ground of the subversion of a state. But the disobe- 
dience of those that are under government is an evil no 
less than that : and bringeth the matter to the self same 
pass. For a people that doth not obey their governor, is 
like unto a people that hath no governor: and peradven- 
ture worse too. For there they have some excuse for 



6 'Ei' 7r6\ti [aavvapfioya] tuiv apxoji'ivwv vorl tuiq dpxovTag aTTOTiXug 
Kfiarog Kai bfiovoiav. Crito, apud Stobaeum, serm. 1. 

h <bvo~ti yap dvajKaia riva Kai aairripia, Tip [itv, apxtiv iv dv9pu>7rotc, 
r<p Si, apxiaQai TtraKTai. Kai aOvvarov tanv dvtv avraiv Kai otiovv Kai 
ottogovovv Siayiv'taOai. Trpo<ri]Kii re T(p p,iv tiriaraTovvTi Tivog, iK^pov- 
Ttt,tiv ts to. dtovra Kai STnraTruv r<p 3k viroTtTayp:tv<{>, TreiOapxeh' 
d-po(pa<riffT(og, Kai Ikttoviiv to KiXtvofievov. Dio, hist. Roman, lib. 41. 

1 Ka.feoi/ fiiv ovv r\ dvapxi<*> Kai dvarpo7ri"]Q imoQioiQ. KaKov di ov\ 
r'/TTov Kai i) dirtiQiia twv ap^o/i'ii'iov to avTb yap yivsrai ttciXiv. Xabg 
yapdpxovn fii) Trii06p,tvog, ofiowg inn T<jj juj) i\0VTi' t«%« St Kai ^ti'pwi'. 
cKti fdi' yap Gvyyv<jy\ir)V ixovaiv inrip Trjg c'lTaiiag' ivravQa Ci ovKBTt, d\- 
Xa Kai KoXaZovrai. Chrysost. in epist. ad Hebr. homil. 34. 



OF THE PRINCE. 327 

their disorder ; here they not only have none, but are 
punishable :" and that both from God and from man, as 
the same father, in another place, doth thus express 
the matter : Subjection to the higher powers is a 
thing which "God k hath ordained, and he is a sore 
punisher of those who make light thereof. No common 
penalty will be inflicted on thee if thou be disobedient, 
but an exceeding great one: and nothing shall exempt 
thee in this thy contradiction, but both thy punishment 
from men will be heavy, and none shall stand up in de- 
fence of thee, and thou wilt provoke God in an higher 
manner." And Photius, after him : " Thou 1 art a gainer 
by being a subject ; not only because thou fulfillest the 
command ; but also because thou dost honour God like- 
wise, whilst thou honourest the power ordained by him, 
and him into whose hand he hath committed it. Happy 
is he that in this manner, and for these respects, doth ho- 
nour the power, and submit himself unto it : as miserable 
on the other side he is, who for these regards will not be 
subject. For he must undergo a double judgment : the 
one from God, because he doth contemn the government 
ordained by him ; the other from the magistrates that are 
despised." 

St. Jude, speaking of such as did " despise 1 " dominion, 
and speak evil of dignities," says that they " perished in 
the gainsaying of Core." This Core, or Korah, was a 
Levite ; who by his office was to have " taught" Jacob 

k Kai yap 6 Otbg tovto Ivo/jioQeTrjas, Kai atpoSpoc tan Tifnopbg tcara- 
<ppovov[i'tv(ov tovtojv. ov yap Tt\v TV\ovaav diraiT7]citi ciKr]v irapaKovaav- 
ra, dXXd Kat aij>6Spa \ityiaTt\V Kai ovStv at sSatp/jfftrat dvnXiyovTa, dXXd 
Kai nap' dvGpdnriDV vitoaTr\aij n\mpiav xaXtTTWTaTTjv, Kai ovStig icpoari}- 
aerai, Kai tov Qibv TrapoZwuQ /ut?6Vw£. Chrysost. in epist. ad Roman. 

homil. 23. 

1 KepSaivtic kovtevQev viroraaaofiEVOQ, oil [ibvov on evtoXijv TrXrjpolr, 
dXX' on Kat tov Qebv Tifiqg, Tifiwv Ttjv vir' uvtov TsTayfiiviju iZovaiav, 
Kai tov Tax>Tt]v %£tpi^ovr«. MaKaptot; o o'vrwg Kai Sid tuvtu ti)v i£ov- 
aiav Ti/iiov Kai vTroTaaebp.EVOq, Otairfp uOXioq 6 Sid Tavra jui/ VTTOKtifit- 
vog. Kai yap SiirXovv dirotykpETai Kpifia' irpuJTOv sk tov Qeov, on ti)v vir' 
abrov TtTayfiivriv Kai bptaQtlaav dpxvv i^ovdtvtV Sivripov Kai Ik tuv 
7]Ti[iaa^uviov dpxbvTb)V. Phot, in cap. 13. ad Roman, apud Oecumenium. 

"' Jude, vers. 8. 11. n Deut. cap. 33. ver. 10. 



S2S THE POWER 

God's judgments, and Israel his law:" but he, being one 
of those who "corrupted the covenant of Levi," drew 11 
first three principal men of the tribe of Reuben, and then 
" two hundred and fifty princes of the assembly, famous 
in the congregation, men of renown," into his confede- 
racy ; and having gathered his associates together against 
Moses and Aaron, stuck not to affront them thus unto 
their faces : " Ye take too much upon you, seeing all the 
congregation are holy every one of them, and the Lord is 
among them : wherefore then lift you up yourselves above 
the congregation of the Lord?" as if they had " taken q 
this honour unto themselves," and had not been " called 
of God" unto it. But by these men's strange perishing in 
this gainsaying of theirs, even women did plainly see, 
that in opposing Moses and Aaron after this manner, they 
opposed God himself, the ordainer of their authority. 
For so the daughters of Zelophehad could say : " Our 1 
father died in the wilderness, and he was not in the com- 
pany of them that gathered themselves together against 
the Lord in the company of Korah." Nay the very 
words of the spirit of God, concerning Dathan and Abi- 
ram are express to this purpose : These were " famous 5 
in the congregation, who strove against Moses and against 
Aaron in the company of Korah, when they strove against 
the Lord." " And 1 the earth opened her mouth, and 
swallowed them up together with Korah, when that com- 
pany died ; what time the fire devoured two hundred and 
fifty men : and they became a sign." 

A dreadful sign indeed unto all them which afterwards 
should follow their steps : to whom, St. Jude saithis " re- 



" Malach. chap. 2. ver. 8. v Numb. chap. 16. ver. 1, 2, 3. 

i Heb. chap. 5. ver. 4. 

r Numb. chap. 27. ver. 3. s Ibid. chap. 26. ver. 9, 10. 

' Psalm 106. ver. 17, 18. " Terra statim fauces suas in populi divisores 
apcruit, et contemptores mandatorum Dei avido ore absorbuit. Intra momenti 
spatium ad transglutiendos praedictos terra patuit, rapuit, clausa est. Et ne 
bcneficium de mortis compendio consequi viderentur, dum non essent digni 
vivere, iis nee mori concessum est : tartareo carcere subito clausi, ante sunt 
scpulti quam mortui." Oplat. lib. 1. contra Parmenian. 



OF THE PRINCE. 329 

served" the blackness of darkness for ever." For what 
other end may they expect, that dare adventure upon the 
like turbulent and seditious courses ? The Levite begins 
the faction ; he by false persuasions draws the nobles 
after him : his main motive being this, that the ruler as- 
sumeth too much unto himself, and invadeth the people's 
rights and liberties ; others that will not run with them in 
that strain, being censured for temporizers, and such as 
have men's persons in admiration because of advantage. 
And without all doubt, this is that ttqujtov xptvSog where- 
with the father of lies laboureth to work discontentment 
in the minds of subjects, and to steal away their hearts 
from the willing performance of that duty which they owe 
unto their governors ; to put into their heads, that others 
give, and they take upon themselves, a kind of a transcend- 
ent power and authority fitted for their own ends, which 
God never intended his people should subject themselves 
unto. Whereas no soul may exempt itself from that ex- 
press declaration of his : " Whosoever x resisteth the 
power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that 
resist, shall receive to themselves damnation." Upon 
which we may very well conclude here with Gamaliel : " If 
this counsel, or this ordinance, be of God, ye cannot over- 
throw it ; lest y haply ye be found even to fight against 
God :" like those giants, whom the poets feign to have 
assaulted heaven ; from whose stock Plato z is pleased to 
derive their pedigree who shew themselves adverse unto 
the magistrates. For " It a is the pleasure of God," saith 
Chrysostom, " that the magistrate, whom he hath stamped 
with his own image, should have also his own power." 



" Jude, ver. 13. with 2 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 10. 17. 

x Rom. chap. 13. ver. 2. 

>' Mry7Tore /cat diofidxoi evpcOijre. Act. chap. 5. ver. 39. 

1 " Noster vero Plato Titanum e genere statuit eos, qui, ut illi ccelestibus, 
sic hi adversentur magistratibus." Cicero, lib. 3. de Legib. 

a 'O 0£oc o'iiToj fiouXtTcii 'iva 6 apxwv 6 Tap' avrov tvttioOiic, ti)v 
oikiIclv hxiiv ixy. Chrysost. in epist. ad Roman, scrm. 23. torn. 9. 
pag. 6S9E. 



330 THE POWER 

And " he 1 ' that obeyeth not him, maketh war in a sort 
with God who hath appointed these things." " Let c us 
not therefore invert this order, nor fight with God ; de- 
monstrating by our deeds that saying of the apostle, Who- 
soever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of 
God." 

Gregory Nazianzen telleth the governor of his pro- 
vince that " together d with Christ" he did rule the people 
and administer the office committed to his charge : that 
" from him he had received the sword;" and in that re- 
spect was to be accounted as " the image of God." 
Which if it have place in a subordinate magistrate, how 
much more in the prince? from whom under God, the 
magistrate derives the power which he hath. For so 
St. Augustine layeth it down in the case of Pilate, that 
" Caesar 6 was the author of his power; God f indeed hav- 
ing given him a power, but yet such a one as should be 
under the power of Caesar." And therefore Epiphanius, 
when he had declared, that " in every kingdom there are 
many magistrates, but under one king ;" and proved out 
of the thirteenth to the Romans, that all " those powers 
were ordained by God ;" he thus then buildeth upon that 
foundation : " You g see that this worldly power is con- 



b 'O fit) inraKOvaiv tKtivto, r<p Qeo~i t^oXijjlv. tuj ravra vofioOeTrjffaPTi. 
Chrysost. in epist. ad Roman, serm. 23. torn. 9. pag. 687. B. 

c Mi) Toivvv rt)v rd^ip avaTptirwfitv, firjSt to) QnTj TroXtfiw/jiev, to cnroa- 
toXikop tKilvo Sia twv tpyojv iTriSEiKvviitvoi, oti irag 6 ai'TiTaaGOfitvoq 
ry iZ,ovaiq, Ty TovQtov Piarayy avd'iGT))Kiv. Chrysost. in serm. 1. de Da- 
vid et Saul, torn. 4. pag. 758. A. 

J Xpiaro) GvvapxiiQ, Xpurrip /cat ffvpfiioactlg, Trap' Ikupov ao\ to Ki<pog, 
&c. iikojv il tov Qeoii. Greg. Nazianz. Orat. 17. ad cives timore perculsos. 

e " Non sic potuit contemnere Caesarem authorem potestatis suae, quemad- 
modum legem gentis alienas." Aug. in evang. Johan. tract. 116. 

f " Talem quippe Pilato Deus dederat potestatem, ut etiam esset sub Ctesaris 
potestate." Aug. in evang. Johan. tract. 116. 

S 'Opcig oti >) i^ovaia aVTT) »'/ /cooyu/c?) tic Qiov rkraKTCLi, Kai /xaxaipag 
tXaj3e Tr)v t^ovuiav (oiik aXXaxoQev ck ttoQei>, aXX' tic 9sof>) sig iicSiKTjaiv 
Kai ov ovva/itBa Xsysiv, cid rb ilvai ap\ag Kai i^ovaiag ev Koff/io), top (3a- 
eiXia tovtojp /if) tlpai fiaaiXsa' aXXd lipai Tag apyag cat Tag ti.ovaiag iv 
KOfffiq), ilpai St /cat top tovtojp fiaaiXia. big ovp iiri yrjg bpuifiiv, CtCeiKTai 
ouk tpavTiag Tag cipxdg Tip fiacnXu, dXX' v-KOTirayn'tpag tig hoiKijVip 



OF THE PRINCE. 331 

stituted by God, and from none but him hath received the 
sword for punishment. And we may not say, because 
there are principalities and powers in the world, that 
there is no king over them : but that there are indeed 
such principalities and powers in the world, and yet they 
have a king above them." And upon this he infers, that 
these " powers are not opposite to the king, but subordi- 
nate unto him, for the administration of the whole kingdom, 
and the well ordering of the land :" there being no greater 
disorder that can be brought into a commonwealth, than 
the making of these subordinates to be transcendents, by 
giving them allowance to make head against their head, 
upon any pretext whatsoever. 

Where the Word of God therefore would have us 
' put h in mind ap-^atg kcu l^ovaiaig inroTafrGtadai, to be 
subject to principalities and powers ;" this vTrorayii implyeth 
in it a subordination and orderly subjection to every one 
in his own proper rank and several degree. Thus the 
centurion acknowledge th in the Gospel, that he was " a 1 
man set under authority ;" yet so, as he had also soldiers 
under him, who were as obedient to his commands, as he 
was to the injunctions of his superiors. " I say unto one, 
Go, and he goeth ; and to another, Come, and he cometh ; 
and to my servant, Do this, and he doth it." For, as 
Otho speaketh in Tacitus, " The k authority of generals 
and rigour of military discipline is of that nature, that 
many things must be simply enjoined by the centurions 
and colonels: If when commands are given out it be 
allowed to dispute and question the matter, obedience 
foiling, government will fall to ground also." Neither in 



iraVToQ rov fiaoiXtiov, nai tit; ivra%iav yyg. Epiphan. contra Archontic. 
haeres. 40. 

h Tit. chap. 3. ver. 1. with Rom. chap. 13. ver. 1. 5. and 1 Pet. chap. 2. 
ver. 13. 

1 Luke, chap. 7. ver. 8. 

k " Ita se ducum auctoritas, sic rigor disciplines habet, ut multa pel centu- 
riones tribunosque tantum jubcri expediat. Si ubi jubeantur quaerere singulis 
liceat; pereunte obsequio, etiam imperium intercidit." Tacit, histor. lib. 1. 



oS2 THE POWER 

the camp alone, but in the civil state likewise, this kind of 
subordination must necessarily be observed: this uni- 
versal principle also being here fit to be taken into consi- 
deration: " That 1 by which every thing is such, must 
itself much more be such." Which is thus applicable to 
our particular ; if we yield honour and obedience to our 
magistrates, for that authority which we see the prince 
hath been pleased to impart unto them ; it standeth with 
all reason that before and above all them, the prince 
himself should be much more honoured and obeyed. 
And if we are to submit ourselves to the subaltern and 
supreme governor " Sia tov Kvpiov, for the Lord," as we 
have heard out of St. Peter m , it will follow necessarily 
that the Lord's own commands must in the first place be 
observed by us, whatsoever any magistrate or king shall 
say to the contrary. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzen 
giveth this admonition to courtiers and such as were in 
high places of authority: "Continue" faithful to your 
kings : but first of all to God ; and for him to them also, 
unto whom you have been concredited and committed by 
him." 

For any man to take upon him the administration of a 
public office without the grant of the prince; or yet to 
cross p the authority, or call q in question the worthiness of 
that officer which he is pleased to make choice of, is by 
the imperial law accounted a kind of sacrilege. Now " If r 



1 'Ait yap (V 3 inrapxti 'iicaoTov, ticavo fxciWov vTtapxsr olov, Si 6 <pt\ov- 
fiiv, f'-.-?j'o fiaWov cpiXov. Aristot. Analytic. Poster, lib. 1. cap. 2. 

'" 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 13. 

" llioroJ fitvtTt roTc, fiamXtvor Qtqi ct izportpov, ci ov Kai tovtoiq, olc; 
tniarevrt, Kai olg ir-apaSsSoGeuBe. Gregor. Nazianz. orat. 27. qus 12. est in 
Latina Jo. Lewenklavii edit, ubi Gregorii interpres, Elias Cretensis episc. 
" Nam propter Deum etiam illis ipsis fidi eritis quibus commissi a Deo, et ab 
eodem traditi estis. At qui propter Deum ? quia si Deum metuetis et studiose 
dabitis operam ut ejus mandata servetis, fideles his etiam Dei causa eritis." 

L. 4. C. de crim. sacrileg. P L. 5. C. de divers, rescript. 

i L. 3. C. de crim. sacrileg. 

r Et yap rot'Q dp\ovrag tovtovi; roi'c, vtto [3a<Ji\ii<jQ %£ipoTovovfievov£, 
Kai' Ttt)V i/noi, Kcp> icX'tTTTai, i;q.v \ycTai, tcqv aStKOi, k$v otiovv ibffiv sre- 
poVj Otoo'tKapEV Kai TriQpiiccifiiv, ov ?ia ti)v irovrjpiav Karafpovovvrtg av- 



OF THE PRINCE. 333 

we reverence and fear those magistrates that are elected 
by the king," saith St. Chrysostom, "although they be 
wicked, although they be thieves, although they be rob- 
bers, although they be unjust, or whatever they be ; not 
despising them for their wickedness, but standing in awe 
of them for the dignity of him that did elect them : much 
more ought we thus to do in the case of God," and of the 
king chosen by him, how unworthily otherwise he may 
hap to prove. Neither may we omit here that gradation 
which St. Augustine maketh, for the illustration of that 
subordinate power whereof we have spoken: " If s thy 
curator command thee any thing, must it not be done ?" 
yes questionless, " and yet if the proconsul countermand," 
and thou obey him, " thou despisest not the power of 
thy curator, but servest a greater. Neither ought the 
lesser to be angry if the greater be preferred before it. 
Again if the proconsul himself does command one thing, 
and the emperor does command another; is there any 
doubt but that, contemning the one, we are to serve the 
other? Then if the emperor does command one thing, 
and God another: what do you judge" should be done?" 
Namely that which in another place he himself resolveth : 
" As* in the powers of human society the greater in 
point of obedience is preferred before the lesser, so must 
God be before all." Agreeable to the answer which 
Socrates made to the Athenians : " I u will obey God ra- 
ther than you :" and Peter and John to the rulers of the 



rwv, aXka Sid rijv a^iav rov x«poroWj<Tavrof SvatoTfovjitvof TroWy [ia\- 
Xov tTri rov Qsov XPW tovto iroiziv. Chrysost. serm. 1. de David et Saul. 

s " Si aliquid jusseiit curator, nonne faciendum est ? Tamen si contra pro- 
consul jubeat, non utique contemnis potestatem, sed eligis majori servire. Nee 
hinc debet minor irasci si major prselata est. Rursum, si aliquid ipse proconsul 
jubeat, et aliud jubeat imperator, nunquid dubitatur, illo contempto, illi esse 
serviendum? Ergo si aliud imperator, et aliud Deus ; quid judicatis ?" Au- 
gust, de verbis Domini, serm. 6. 

' " Sicut in potestatibus societatis humans major potestas minori ad obedi- 
endum prseponitur, ita Deus omnibus." August, lib. 3. Domini, Confession, 
cap. 8. 

u Tlurrofica r^ Qnf) fiaWov f) i/x7v. Plato, in apolog. Socratis. 



334 THE POWER 

people and elders of Israel, " Whether x it be right in 
the sight of God, to hearken unto you more than unto 
God, judge ye :" And all the apostles afterward, jointly 
and peremptorily: " We y ought to obey God rather than 
men :" concerning which thus Bernard : " It z is a very 
perverse thing to profess thyself to be obedient in that 
wherein thou art known to dissolve a superior for an 
inferior, that is, a divine for a human obedience. For 
what? The thing that man commandeth, God forbid - 
deth : and shall I hear man, and turn the deaf ear to God. 
So did not the apostles : for they cried out, saying, It is 
better to obey God than man." 

Upon the same grounds also, if any man shall think 
that he hath received hard measure from the inferior 
magistrate, he may, without breach of obedience, appeal 
unto the superior : and if the superior right him not, he 
may seek relief from the supreme. As we see in the case 
of St. Paul, who from the provincial governor " was a con- 
strained to appeal unto Caesar," and " to b be referred 
unto his hearing." But if it so fall out, that he who is 
our highest judge upon earth will be so far from doing 
justice, that he himself shall do us open wrong ; reason 
itself tells us that there may not be a processus ad infini- 
tum : and therefore if our humble supplications cannot 
prevail with him to change his mind, there is nothing 
left, but that we commit ourselves and our causes to God 
" that judgeth righteously." So Athanasius in his apo- 
logy to the emperor Constantius : " If d I had been ac- 

x Act. chap. 4. ver. 19. y Ibid. chap. 5. ver. 29. 

z " Valde perversum est profiteri te obedienteni, in quo nosceris superiorcm 
propter inferiorem, id est, divinam propter humanam, solvere obedientiam. 
Quid enim ? Quod jubet homo, prohibet Dens: et ego audiam hominem, 
surdus Deo ? Non sic apostoli : clamabant quippe dicentes, Melius est obe- 
dire Deo quam hominibus." Bernard. Epistol. 7. 

a Act. chap. 28. ver. 19. b Ibid. chap. 25. ver. 21. 

c 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 23. with Psalm 17. ver. 5, 6. 

d Ei filv ovv irap' aWoig i'1/J.ijv Sia(iXii9sig, rr/v <ti)v tvo'ifiuav tTtiKaXoii- 
fir\v &>g 6 cnroGToXog iiriKaXioaTo tots top Katvapa, Kai ir'nravrai tujv 

i)(QpwV »/ KCLT aVTOV £TTlf3ov\i]. 'ETTtlfi?) Of Trapa cot TlTo\pi]Ka(Sl KCl- 

Ttnriiv, Tiva airb gov 67ri/c«\f(70/tai ; rbv Trar'tpa rov Xkyovrog, 'Eyat ilfit y 
dXriOeia' "iva Gov ri)v KapSiui' tig cvfikvuav kXIvij. Athanas. apol. 



OF THE PRINCE. 335 

cused before others," saith he, " I would have appealed 
unto your Majesty ; as the apostle appealed unto Caesar, 
and his enemies' plots against him ceased. But seeing 
they have taken the boldness to calumniate me before 
thee, to whom shall I appeal from thee ? but to the Fa- 
ther of him who said : I am the truth ; that he may 
incline thine heart unto gentleness." And iEneas Sil- 
vius : " Although 15 it be lawful to inform the prince by 
way of supplication, and humbly to petition for the resti- 
tution of our right ; yet we may not clamour, nor disgrace 
or oppose him, if he persist : forasmuch as there is no 
man that may take cognizance of his temporal acts. That 
which the prince doth, although unjustly, we are pati- 
ently to tolerate ; and either to expect amends from his 
successor, or else the correction of the heavenly Judge, 
who doth not suffer violences and injuries to be perpe- 
tual." Such an appeal as this did David use in his parley 
with Saul, when he so eagerly sought after his life without 
a cause, and God had delivered him into his hand, that 
he might have done to him what he pleased : " The f 
Lord judge between me and thee, and the Lord avenge 
me of thee : but mine hand shall not be upon thee. (As 
saith the proverb of the ancients, Wickedness proceedeth 
from the wicked ; but mine hand shall not be upon thee.) 
After whom is the King of Israel come out ? after whom 
dost thou pursue ? after a dead dog, after a flea. The 
Lord therefore be judge, and judge between me and thee ; 
and see, and plead my cause, and deliver me out of thine 
hand." And when he had fallen into his danger the 
second time : " The& Lord render to every man his righte- 

" Quamvis Iiceat eum per viam supplicationis informare, humiliterque 
petere restitutionem, non tamen reclamare licet, vituperare, vel impugnare, si 
perseveret; cum nemo sit qui de suis factis temporalibus possit cognoscere. 
Tolerandum est patienter quod princeps facit, quamvis inique, expectandaque 
est successoris emendatio, vel superni correctio Judicis, qui violentias atque in- 
jurias non sinit esse perpetuas." ^En. Silv. lib. de ortu et authorit. imperii, 
cap. 16. Vide etiam ibid. cap. 21. et 23. de appellationibus ab imperatoris 
sententia non admittendis. 

f 1 Sam. cbap. 24. ver. 12, 13. &c. 

s 1 Sam. chap. 26. ver. 23, 24. 



336 



THE POWER 



ousness and his faithfulness : for the Lord delivered thee 
into my hand to day, but I would not stretch forth mine 
hand against the Lord's anointed. And behold as thy 
life was much set by this day in mine eyes, so let my life 
be much set by in the eyes of the Lord, and let him de- 
liver me out of all tribulation." Hereupon the author of 
the Questions upon the Old and New Testament (in the 
third tome of St. Augustine's works) demandeth, " For h 
what reason David did call Saul, the Lord's anointed, 
and did honour unto him after that Saul had departed 
from him ?" and maketh answer, " That David being not 
ignorant that there was a divine ordinance in the office of 
a state regal, did therefore honour Saul, who as yet had 
the privilege of that ordinance ; lest he might seem to 
offer injury unto God, who had decreed honour to be 
given to those of this rank." Optatus brings David in, 
thus speaking, while he had his enemy at so great an 
advantage : " Victory 1 , thou provokest me without cause : 
in vain, Occasion, thou invitest me to triumph. 'Tis 
true I had a desire indeed to overcome my enemy : but 
chiefly I must look to the keeping of God's command- 
ments. I will not stretch forth mine hand against the 
Lord's anointed. Upon this he drew back his hand and 
sword," saith Optatus, " and whilst he reverenced his 
anointing, spared his enemy." Such another speech doth 
Basil of Seleucia attribute unto him : " God k hath deli- 
vered up mine enemy unto me : but I will not stain the 



h " Qua ratione David Saul, postquam Deus ab eo recessit, Christian Domini 
vocat, et honorem defert ei ? Non nescius David divinam esse traditionem in 
officio ordinis regalis, idcirco Saul in eadem adhuc traditione positum honori- 
ficat ; ne Deo injuriam facere videretur, qui his ordinibus honorem decrevit." 
Qurest. 35. ex Vet. et Nov. Test. 

1 " Sine causa me, victoria, provocas : frustra me, occasio, in triumphos in- 
vitas. Volebam hostem vincere : sed prius est divina prascepta servare. Non, 
inquit, mittam manus in unctum Domini. Repressit cum gladio manum : et 
dum timuit oleum, servavit inimicum." Optat. lib. 2. contra Parmenian. 

k TlapiduiKt rbv IxBpbv, aW oi>x vfipi£,<o to Caipov rijj <p6vqj, ov /.ioXvvoj 
rip> X&P lv ro 'C a'lfiacn. Z/jrsTrw iraXiv xai cuoketu)' tov (povtvuv rb v—o- 
akvt.iv \vm-i\t(TT£pov icq.v ttoXw viwk?/, rb^tvyiiv iaj.arr]Kaf.uv. icnv oiirog 
viwicy, Qtbc ui'K olds ciwKtaOai. Basil. Seleuc. orat. 16. sive in David serm. 1. 



qqij 



OF THE PRINCE. Oo 

gift with slaughter, I will not pollute the favour with 
blood. Let him seek after me again, let him persecute 
me. It is better to suffer than to kill. And if he again 
persecute me, we have resolved to fly : although he per- 
secute me, God cannot be persecuted." And Chrysos- 
tom : " He 1 is wicked, you will say, exceeding wicked 5 full 
of innumerable vices, and bent against us with all extre- 
mity. True ; but he is a king, a prince, one to whose 
hands the government of us is committed. Nor yet doth 
he say, king ; but what ? that he is the Lord's anointed : 
thereby making him venerable, not from the honour he 
had here below, but from the approbation which he had 
from above : as if he should have said, Dost thou despise 
thy fellow-servants ? yet reverence the Lord. Dost thou 
make light account of him who is chosen ? yet fear him 
by whom he was chosen." 

To this election of his the Gibeonites also had respect, 
even then when they sought for a revenge of that bloody 
act, which he had committed against their house : " The 111 
man that consumed us, and that devised against us that 
we should be destroyed from remaining in any of the 
coasts of Israel ; let seven men of his sons be delivered 
unto us, and we will hang them up unto the Lord in 
Gibeah of Saul, whom the Lord did choose." Where- 
with we may compare that part of the Sacred History 
wherein the first public inauguration of Saul is thus laid 
down : " And 11 Samuel said to all the people, See ye him 
whom the Lord hath chosen, that there is none like 
him among all the people ? And all the people shouted, 
and said, God save the king. Then Samuel told the 



1 Tt Xeyeig ; on ftiapbg Kai Trafifiiapog icai /xvpiuv yt[tu>v kcikwv, Kai to. 
taxara ij/xag SiaGeig; dXXd fiaaiXeiig, dXXd dpxi»v, dXXd rr)v Tvpoaraaiav 
rrjv rintTtpav tVEXtipioQij. Kai ovk tint, fiamXevg' dXXdri; on Xpurrbg 
JLvpiov iot'iv, ovk dnb Trig Karwdiv rifiijg, dXX' dirb rfjg dvo)9ev \fjr](pou 
Ttoii)<yagaidkaip,ov. KaTa<j>poveig rov gvvcouXov, tp-qGiv ; aiS'taQriri rbv 5e~ 
ottoti^v. ciaTiTvtig rbv Ktx tl 9 OT ovi]p,kvov ; <pof3^0t]Ti rbv x tl \ >orov h oaVTa - 
Chrys. serm. 1. de David et Saul. 

m 2 Sam. chap. 21. ver. 5, 6. » Ibid. chap. 10, ver. 24, 25, &c. 

VOL. XI. D D 



338 THE POWER 

people the manner of the kingdom, and wrote it in a 
book, and laid it up before the Lord : and Samuel sent 
all the people away, every man to his house. And Saul 
also went home to Gibeah : and there went with him a 
band of men, whose hearts God had touched. But the 
children of Belial said, How shall this man save us ? 
and they despised him." Wherein it is a thing very consi- 
derable, that Samuel was not more careful to see the 
rights of the crown entered into a book and laid up before 
the Lord, than the Lord himself was provident, to record 
the different affections of these men toward their king in 
his own book ; " That it might be for the latter day," 
(or, the time to come,) for ever and ever. 

Some despised him in their hearts, and disgraced him 
in their words, saying, " How shall this man save us ?" 
which is interpreted, as if they had spoken in plain terms: 
" Shall p Saul reign over us?" and these are censured by 
the Holy Ghost to be " children of Belial," that is, " men 
without yoke, or naughty persons." For " the q worst of 
men," as one well noteth, " do of all others with most re- 
pugnancy admit a governor." Which induced the Roman 
judges in the case of him who was found to have neglected 
the respect due to Servilius Isauricus, easily to " believe r , 
that he who knew not to reverence the prime men of state, 
would run without scruple into any disorder whatsoever." 
Whereof that excess of filthiness and riot, wherewith 
St. Peter s and St. Jude* do charge those presumptuous 
persons who "despised dominion," and " spake evil of 
dignities," may serve for a sufficient demonstration. 

Thus Sheba the son of Bichri, who first attempted the 
drawing of the cities of Israel to revolt from David their 
king, is by God's spirit branded in the forehead with this 



Isai. chap. 30. ver. 8. PI Sam. chap. 11. ver. 12. 

i " Pessimus quisque asperrime rectorem patitur." Sallust. Orat. 1. de Re- 
publ. ovdinanda, ad C. Caesarem. 

r " Eum qui venerari principes nesciret : in quodlibet facinus procursurum 
crediderunt." Valer. Maxim, lib. 8. cap. 5. 

5 2 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 10. l Jude, ver. 6. 



OF THE PRINCE. .3.39 

note of being " a 11 man of Belial :" and they who after- 
wards gathered themselves unto " Jeroboam the son of 
Nebat," and, with a success answerable unto their de- 
signs, "■ strengthened themselves against Rehoboam," 
David's grandchild, " when he was young and tender- 
hearted and could not withstand them," are stiled by king 
Abiah, " vain x men, the children of Belial:" which in 
effect is as much as if it had been said, that they were of 
their " father y the Devil ;" if St. Paul's application of the 
word may be admitted, in that question of his, " What 2 
concord hath Christ with Belial ?" And surely, if they 
who honoured their king, had their " hearts a touched by 
God," as we have heard, such as bend their endeavours 
another way, should do well to lay their hand upon their 
heart, and consider with fear and trembling, whether they 
find not there some touch of " the b spirit that worketh 
in the children of disobedience." 

But to return to Saul : the only motive, we see, that 
restrained David from stretching his hand against him, 
was this consideration, that he was " the c anointed of the 
Lord." Which lest any should think to have proceeded, 
not so much out of the staidness of his judgment, as out 
of the facility of his disposition, he peremptorily doth 
thus lay down the resolution of the point in the general, 
" Who d can stretch forth his hand against the Lord's 
anointed, and be guiltless ?" And maketh this the ground 
of that sentence of death which he pronounced after- 
wards upon the Amalekite, who took the killing of Saul 
upon himself: " How e wast thou not afraid to stretch 
forth thine hand, to destroy the Lord's anointed ? Thy 
blood be upon thy head : for thy mouth hath testified 
thee, saying, I have slain the Lord's anointed." 



" 2 Sam. chap. 20. ver. 1. x 2 Chron. chap. 13. ver. 7. 

y Josh. chap. 8. ver. 44. l 1 Cor. chap. 6. ver. 15. 

a 1 Sam. chap. 10. ver. 26. h Ephes. chap. 2. ver. 2. 

c 1 Sam. chap. 24. ver. 6. 10. and chap. 26. ver. 11. 23. 
d 1 Sam. chap. 26. ver. 9. 

e 2 Sam. chap. 1. ver. 14. 16. " Et cum compleret observantiam vindicavit 
occisum." Optat. lib. 2. contra Parmenian. 

dd2 



340 THE POWER 

And this indeed must be made the main foundation, 
not only of the observance, but also of all the other 
branches of that allegiance which we do owe unto our 
prince : that with the right which he hath obtained by 
election or succession here below, we be careful to conjoin 
that unction and ordination which he hath received from 
above. Both which, in this present case of Saul, are by 
Samuel thus linked together : " Behold f the king whom 
ye have chosen, and whom ye have desired : And behold 
the Lord hath set a king over you." So " God s chose 
Solomon, and all the congregation made him king, and 
anointed him to the Lord to be the chief governor:" 
whereupon ensued that obedience, both of the commons 
and the great ones, which in the Scripture is thus ex- 
pressed : " Then' 1 Solomon sate on the throne of the Lord, 
as king instead of David his father and prospered, and all 
Israel obeyed him: and all the princes and the mighty 
men, and all the sons likewise of king David, submitted 
themselves unto Solomon the king ;" or, as the Hebrew 
hath it, " gave the hand under him." For the kingdom 
being God's own, and " by 1 him given to whomsoever he 
wilU;" it will follow, that unto our " Prince k , who beareth 
the place of God, we are to be subject as unto God him- 
self:" as by the author of the commentaries upon St. 
Paul's epistles, attributed to St. Ambrose, is well ob- 
served. 

Neither is it for nothing, that we find in the Scripture 
God and the king so nearly joined together: once indeed 
in two several sentences ; " Fear 1 God, honour the king ;" 
but more ordinarily in the self-same period; with one 



f 1 Sam. chap. 12. ver. 13. 

e 1 Chron. chap. 29. ver. 1. 20. 22. 

h 1 Chron. chap. 29. ver. 23, 24. 

' Dan. chap. 4. ver. 17. 25. 32. 

k " Principi suo, qui vicem Dei agit: sicut dicit Daniel propheta, Dei est 
enim, inquit, regnum ; et cui vult dabit illud. Unde et Dominus, Reddite, ait, 
quae sunt Csesaris, Caesari. Huic ergo subjiciendi sunt, sicut Deo." Ambros. 
in Rom/cap. 13. 

1 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 17. 



OF THE PRINCE. 341 

verb relating to them both. So for that former point of 
fear ; we are elsewhere required to " fear m the Lord and 
the king:" and for the other of honour; we read, that all 
the congregation " worshipped" the Lord and the king." 
As for the contrary likewise, in the prophesy of Isaiah : 
" They shall curse their king and their God :" and in the 
false accusation contrived against Naboth : " Thou p didst 
blaspheme God and the king :" as if the honour or disho- 
nour of the one were folded up and involved with the 
respect or disrespect of the other. Whereunto it were 
not much amiss, this also should be added ; that the per- 
son of the king hath heretofore been accounted so sacred, 
that the crimes committed against him, are in the civil law 
parallelled with that which striketh at God himself imme- 
diately : I mean sacrilege. So in the places before quoted 
out of Justinian's code, a man may not assume an office, 
not granted unto him by the prince, " sine sacrilegii cri- 
mine :" and to oppose the officers placed by him, " sacri- 
legii instar est." By the same law, " He q that resisteth 
the prince's rescript, is to be punished as a sacrilegious 
person :" and " Treason 1 " is accounted a crime next unto 
sacrilege," that is, the immediate violation of God's own 
majesty : as by the Greeks it is esteemed not a whit worse, 
who use no other term for the expression of treason 
against the prince, but " cWj3aa s , impiety," and KaOoai- 



m Prov. chap. 24. ver. 21. where the Septuagint read, "Pear, (or as it is 
cited in the epistle of Ignatius ad Smyrnens. and by Theophilus Antiocheiius, 
lib. 1. ad Autolyc. Honour) God and the king, and to neither of them be 
thou disobedient." 

11 1 Chron. chap. 29. ver. 20. ° Isai. chap. 8. ver. 21. 

P 1 Kings, chap. 21. ver. 10. 13. 

1 'O o'iaSr]TTOTt tvavriioGiig flacikucy aimypatyy, wg hpoovXog Tifiiopiia- 
0u>. Eclog. Basilic. 2. tit. 5. cap. 23, 24. 

r " Proximum sacrilegio crimen est, quod majestatis dicitur." L. 1. D. ad 
leg. Jul. majest. 

s Dio, hist. Rom. lib. 59. deC. Caligula, rd rt]g affefitiag tyic\iinaTa Tvav- 
aug. etpost, rd rijg arrtfiiiag lyicXiipaTa tTravayaywv, dg <jTr]Xt]V avQig 
iyypa([>rjvai (KiXtixn. et lib. 60. de Claudio, to ty/cXj/jua rfjg a<7t(3iiag ovk iv 
rolg ypafifiacri fiovoig, aXXct kcii iv rcdg irpa%eoiv 'iwavat. 



342 THE POWER 

wo-icS which Eustathius expounds, " An u opposing one- 
self against kings who are consecrated unto God;" " irapa 
to Kara tov bmov ylveoOai, i\toi tov fiaGi\iu>g, because it is 
committed against his sacred person, that is, the king," 
saith Suidas. And " What x is greater," saith Justinian, 
"what more sacred than imperial majesty? or who is 
puffed up with such a height of pride that he should con- 
temn the king's sentence ?" 

From hence also it is, that others have held it " Unfit y 
for any so much as to pass their judgments upon princes," 
and their affairs. " In the very entrance," saith Naza- 
rius, " that veneration which accompanies their majesty, 
presents itself, and repels busy inquirers : and if any have 
drawn nearer, the same hath befallen them, which hath 
done those who earnestly bend their eyes towards the 
sun ; their sight is dazzled, and they lose the faculty of 
seeing." To this purpose M. Terentius, in his speech to 
the emperor Tiberius, touching the advancement of Seja- 
nus : " To z us it belongs not to examine whom you ad- 
vance above others, or upon what considerations. The 
sole and supreme disposal of things God hath given you : 

1 Philoxen. Glossar. ab H. Stephano edit. "Majestatis crimen KaQuHfiwauog, 
tyicXrifia." Glossar. Juris a Car. Labbaeo edit, to Trtpi KaBuaiuaiutg, to iripi 
■xpocoo'iag Kai i7ri/3oiA»yt,' fSacnXtug. Eclog. Basilic, lib. CO. tit. 30. cap. 12. 
~2f5kvvvvTai to. Ey/cXi/juarrt tij TtXtvnj tov KaTrjyopoVfi'tvov, xwptc. tov Trepi 
Ka9wGiuHTZu>g, airo tov KHpaXaiov Ttjg TrpoSoaiag Kai rijg KaTa fiacriXsiog 
iirifiovXrig. Vide ejusd. citat. cap. 17. et 20. et tit. 50. ejusd. libri, cap. 9. 
item Socrat. lib. 5. hist. Eccl. cap. 14. de Symmacho, et Suid. in KaGoaluxrig. 

a 'AvTiQcaig Kara twv ogmvt^ Quji [3a<JiXi<ov. Eustath. in Iliad. 3. pag. 
647. ed. Rom. 

x " Quid majus, quid sanctius imperiali est majestate ? vel quis tantae su- 
perbise fastidio (an fastigio potius ?) tumidus est, ut regalem sensum contem- 
nat V Lib. 12. Cod. de leg.et constitut. princip. 

1 " Existimare quidem de principibus nemini fas est. Nam et in vestibulo 
suo inquirentem repellit objecta veneratio ; et si qui propius adierunt, quod 
oculis in Solem se contendentibus evenit, praestricta acie, videndi facultate ca- 
ruerunt." Nazar. Paneg. diet. Constantino imp. 

z " Non est nostrum aestimare, quern supra caeteros, et quibus de causis 
extollas. Tibi summum rerum judicium Dii dedere ; nobis obsequii gloria re- 
licta est." Tacit. Annal. lib. 6. Where for that observable term of the glory 
of obedience, a like parallel may be noted in Pliny's panegyric to Trajan 
speaking of the empress his wife: " Uxori sufficit obsequii gloria," 



OF THE PRINCE. 343 

to us left nothing but the honour of our obedience." 
Which honour or glory of obedience, seeing it appeareth 
" most 3 in that which a man hath least mind to do," as 
Pliny observeth in his panegyric unto Trajan, the ready 
way to attain thereunto, is to frame our wills to the cheer- 
ful performance of that duty which we owe unto our gover- 
nors, according to that of Seneca : " He b who doth that 
willingly which he is commanded, escapes the most irk- 
some thing that is in service ; which is, to do that which 
he would not do. Not him who being commanded doth a 
thing, can we call miserable ; but him who doth unwil- 
lingly what is commanded him." 

We read that when the soldiers cried out unto Valen- 
tinian the elder, whom they had newly elected emperor, 
that he should take to himself an associate ; he made this 
answer unto them : " It d lay in you to choose me your 
governor : but now you have chosen me, what you desire 
is not in your own power, but in mine. It belongs to you, 
as subjects, to be quiet and rest contented ; and to me, as 
your king, to consider what is fit to be done." And for 
the general duty of obedience to kings, we find the testi- 
monies of God's word gathered together by the archbi- 
shops and bishops of France assembled in a national sy- 
nod, held at Paris in the year of our Lord DCCCXXIX. 
under this title : " That e all subjects ought humbly and 
faithfully to obey the regal power, as being ordained by none 
but God:" the last whereof, taken out of Jeremiah, chap. 



a " Major est obsequii gloria in eo quod quis minus velit." Plin. panegyr. 

b " Qui imperia libens excipit, partem acerbissimam servitutis effugit, facere 
quod nolit. Non qui jussus aliquid facit, miser est: sed qui invitus facit." 
Senec. epist. 61. 

c " Quantulum refert deponas, an partiaris imperium ? nisi quod difficilius 
hoc est." Plin. panegyr. ad Trajanum. 

d T6 jiiv tKkadai fie apxtiv vfiwv, w avSptg arpariHirai, iv vfilv i)v eiril 
Si aXtaOe, o vvv alrtlre, ovk iv vfiiv, a\\' iv ifioi. icai xp>j tovq /j,iv apx°~ 
fitvovg iifiaQ iiovxiav ayuv, ip,ov Si (l>g jiaoikia rd 7rpa.KTia oicoTrtiv. Sozo- 
men. hist. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 6. 

e " Quod potestati regali, quae non nisi a Deo ordinata est, humiliter atque 
fideliter cuncti parere debeant subjecti." Concil. Paris. VI. lib. 2. cap. 8 
torn. 2. concil. Galliae, pag. 533. 



314 THE POWER 

29. ver. 7. is thus by them enforced : " If f Jeremy the 
prophet of God admonished them to pray for the life of 
Nebuchodonosor an idolatrous king; how much more 
ought humble supplications to be made by all sorts of 
men for the safety of Christian kings ?" Which Optatus 
delivered long before them out of 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 1, 
2. " Deservedly g doth Paul teach that we should pray for 
kings and those that are in authority, although the empe- 
ror were such as did live rather like a pagan than a Chris- 
tian:" and Chrysostom, out of Rom. chap. 13. ver 7. 
" If h he prescribed these things, the governors being at 
that time infidels ; much more ought this to be done 
under those who have received the faith." All which, by 
just analogy, may be deduced out of that rule which the 
apostle layeth down, in 1 Tim. chap. 6. ver. 1,2. " Let 
as many servants as are under the yoke, count their own 
masters worthy of all honour ; that the name of God and 
his doctrine be not blasphemed. And they that have 
believing masters, let them not despise them, because 
they are brethren : but rather do them service, because 
they are faithful and beloved partakers of the benefit." 

For the further declaration whereof, we may observe ; 

First, " A 1 household is a kind of a little commonwealth," 
and " a commonwealth a great household:" as is ob- 
served both by Aristotle in his politics, and by Eustathius 
upon that verse of Homer : 

kvTap*- iyu)V oi/coio civat, iaoji I'lptTtpoio. 

f " Sic (leg. Si) Hieremias propheta Dei pro vita idololatrse regis Nabucho- 
donosor orare admonet ; quanto magis pro salute Chrislianorum regum ab om- 
nibus ordinibus Deo est humiliter supplicandum ?" Concil. Paris. VI. lib. 2. cap. 
8. torn. 2. concil. Gallia, pag. 534. 

s " Merito Paulus docet, orandum esse pro regibus et potestatibus : etiamsi 
talis esset imperator qui gentiliter viveret." Optat. lib. 3. contra Parmenian. 

h Ei yap 'EW/jywi/ ovrtav tote tGh> apxovrwv ravra iVopoBiTr/Gf, 
7ro\X( t J /.taWov vvv iirX rwv ttkjtwv ravra yivtoOai %p»;. Chrysost. in 
epist. ad Rom. serin. 23. 

1 "QaTrtp yap i) oiKovofiiK)) (iaoiKtia ric, oUiac iorlv, o'vriog i) j3affi\tia 
TroXetoc, Kal idvovc tvbg »; ttXi'iovoq, oiKovo/xia. Aristot. Polit. lib. 3. cap. 11. 
et in Stobaei Eclogis Ethicis (pag. 195. Edit. Plantin.) 'Miicpa yap tic. ioiKtv 
tlvai itokic, u OIKOQ. 

k Horn. Odyss. a. ver. 397. ad quern Eustathius, "Opa Si Kai u>£ iv 'IXidSt, 



OF THE PRINCE. 345 

And therefore what in the one a husband, a father, and a 
master may expect from those who have sucli relations to 
him ; the like, by due proportion, is to have place in the 
other. For, " That 1 which the apostle speaketh of the 
master and the servant, is to be understood likewise of 
powers and kings, and of all the high estates of this 
world," saith St. Augustine. 

Secondly, that as St. Paul elsewhere adviseth Christian 
servants to carry themselves as they ought to do toward 
their masters, " That m they might adorn the doctrine of 
God our Saviour in all things :" so in this place he dis- 
suadeth them from the contrary upon the same ground, 
" that the name of God and his doctrine be not blas- 
phemed ;" as in that other place also he requires wives to 
be mindful of the duty they owe unto their husbands : 
" That" the word of God might not be blasphemed." 
Which St. Peter doth thus forcibly press for that sub- 
jection, which Christian subjects owe to their kings and 
governors : " For so is the will of God," saith he, " that 
with well-doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of 
foolish men." And why foolish 2 because there cannot 
be imagined a greater folly, than to charge the profession 
itself, or the doctrine of God, which utterly condemneth 
these disorders, with the contrary practice of the profes- 
sors. Which cavil yet the apostle would have us really 
confute by our good behaviour: and so either stop the 
mouths of these fools altogether; or if they will needs 
open them, make them to do it with shame enough : 
" That p whereas they speak evil of us, as of evil doers, 
they may be ashamed that falsely accuse our good con- 
versation in Christ." 

Thirdly, that how unworthy soever masters (and by the 
same reason parents and magistrates) be otherwise in re- 



o'vtu) teal wSe avcLKTa rbv oiKoStairoTrjv Xiyu aifivwq, Sid to fioictiv rbv 
oIkov ttoKiv tivai fiiKpdv, looirtp av iraXiv ri/v ttoXiv, oIkov fikyav. 

1 " Quod dixit de domino et servo, hoc intelligite de potestatibus et regibus, 
et de omnibus culminibus hujus seculi." August, in Psalm. 124. 

m Tit. chap. 2. ver. 10. n Tit. chap. 2. ver. 5. 

1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 15. p 1 Pet. chap. 3. ver. 1G. 



o46 THE POWER 

spect of their personal defects : yet such as God hath placed 
under their authority, are to count them worthy not only 
of honour, but also of all honour : we being not herein so 
much to look unto their persons as unto the ordinance of 
God, who hath placed them over us ; and wisely to con- 
sider, that in respect of that dignity and power received 
from above, not of their personal virtues, all this honour 
is due unto them. " Although* 1 he be a contemner of the 
laws, and a wicked man, yet is he a father" notwithstand- 
ing, saith Justinian : and " the person r of the father," saith 
Ulpian, " ought always to be accounted honourable and 
sacred to the child." So for other governments : "He s that 
resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God." For 
" what kind of men those ought to be that do command, 
is not to be discussed by their subjects," saith the author 
of the book of the conflict betwixt vices and virtues. For 
" whether* the power be good or bad," saith Haymo, 
" whosoever doth resist it (by withdrawing his service 
from it, by denying tribute, and not giving unto it that 
honour which he ought to give) resisteth the ordinance 
and disposition of God, by whose appointment they bear 
rule." And thus even among the heathen, Marcellus, in 
Tacitus, professeth that he " prayed u and wished indeed 
for good princes ;" but would tolerate them whatsoever 
they were: and Petilius Cerealis, in the same author, 
useth the like persuasion unto others : " As x you endure 



1 Ei' yap icai twv vofitov vTrtpoTrrqg ih] icai aGtfiijq, aXka Trari)p bfiw>g 
fffri. Justin. Novel. 12. 

r " Libevto et filio semper honesta et sancta persona patris ac patroni videri 
debet." 1. Liberto. D. de obsequ. parent, et patron, praest. 

s " Qui resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit. Quales enim esse debeant 
hi qui imperant, non est a subditis discutiendum." Lib. de conflictu vitior. et 
virtut. cap. 5. torn. 9. oper. Augustini. 

1 " Sive bona sit ilia potestas, seu mala, quicunque ei resistit (subtrahendo 
servitium ab ea, denegando tributum, et honorem non praebendo quern ei debet 
praebere) Dei ordinationi resistit et disposition!, cujus ordinatione isti principan- 
tur." Haymo, in Rom. chap. 13. 

" " Bonos imperatores voto expetere, qualescunque tolerare." Tacit, histor. 
lib. 4. 

x " Quomodo sterilitatem aut nimios imbres, et caetera naturae mala ; ita lux- 



OF THE PRINCE. 347 

sometimes barrenness and drought, and sometimes immo- 
derate rain, and such other inconveniences of nature, so 
tolerate the riotous life, and avarice of your governors. 
As long as men are, faults will be. The comfort is, they 
are not continual, and are countervailed by the interven- 
tion of better things." 

Fourthly, that difference of religion doth make no whit 
less due this honour to our superiors : for, not in regard 
of their religion do we owe it to them, but of their dignity, 
and the power God hath given themoverus. And "hence y 
it is" (saith the author of the questions upon the Old and 
New Testament, thought to be the Roman deacon Hi- 
lary) " that we give honour unto a Pagan, if placed in 
authority ; although he be in himself most unworthy of it, 
who, holding God's place, gives the devil thanks for it : but 
the honour we give to him, his place challengeth." 

Lastly, that St. Paul in this place with honour doth 
couple service as the most considerable part thereof. 
Which maketh him elsewhere out of the command- 
ment, " Honour 2 thy father and mother," to infer this duty 
of obedience, " Children obey your parents in the Lord : 
for it is right." 

And yet, as " nothing 21 could be spoken so absurdly 
which was not maintained by some of the philosophers ;" 
so wanted there not some of them, who endeavoured to 
overthrow this so great a right (and so deeply founded in 
the law of God, and the light of nature) with this poor 
and silly sophism : " Either 5 the father doth command that 

um, vel avaritiam dominantium tolerate. Vitia erunt, donee homines : sed ne- 
que hasc continua ; et meliorum intevventu pensantur." Tacit, histor. lib. 4. 

y " Hinc est ut gentilem in potestate tamen positum honorificemus ; licet ipse 
indignus sit, qui Dei ordinem tenens, gratias agit Diabolo. Potestas enim exi- 
git, quia meretur honorem." Quaest. 35. ex Vet. et Nov. Test. torn. 3. oper. 
Augustini. 

z Eph. chap. 6. ver. 1, 2. 

a Nihil tam absurde dici potest, quod non dicatur ab aliquo philosophorum, 
Cicer. lib. 2. de divinat. 

b Aut recte, inquiunt, imperat pater, aut perperam. Si recte imperat ; 
non quia imperat parendum, sed quoniam id fieri jus est, faciendum est : si per- 
peram ; nequaquam scilicet faciendum, quod fieri non oportet. Nunquam igi- 
tur est patri parendum quae imperat. A. Gell. lib. 2. cap. 7. 



348 THE POWER 

which is right, or that which is wrong. If he command 
that which is right, it is to be obeyed ; not because he 
commandeth it, but because justice requires it should be 
done : if what is wrong, surely because wrong, it ought not 
to be done. And therefore the father is not to be obeyed 
in any thing which he commandeth." To this frivolous 
and vain argumentation (which taketh away all obedience 
as well in Church and Commonwealth as in private fami- 
lies) A. Gellius makes answer, that " this d proposition : 
Either the things which a father commandeth are good 
or bad, is imperfect ; there wanting the third member in 
the disjunction," which compriseth such things as in them- 
selves are neither good nor bad, but of a middle and in- 
different nature. Of this division tripartite, thus Bernard 
clearly and significantly : " Some f things are purely good, 
some purely evil. In these no obedience is due unto men: 
forasmuch as the former are not to be omitted, although 
they should be forbidden, nor the latter committed, al- 
though they should be commanded. But between these 
there are certain middle things which in respect of the 
manner, place, time or person, may be both good and evil. 
In these, the law of obedience takes place, as it were in the 
tree of knowledge of good and evil, which was in the midst 
of Paradise. And in things of this kind, it is not law- 
ful for us to prefer our own minds before the pleasure of 
our masters." 

So that if any man will be so perverse as to call in ques- 



e " Argutiola quippe haec frivola et inanis est. A. Gell. lib. 2. cap. 7. 

'' " Non integra est propositio dicenda, Aut honesta sunt quae imperat pater, 
aut turpia. Neque vyiiQ vofiijiov SuZtvyfitvov videri potest ; deest enim dis- 
junction! isti tertium, Aut neque honesta sunt neque turpia." 

c " Quae in medio sunt, et a Graecis turn adicupopa turn fitaa appellantur." 
A. Gell. lib. 2. cap. 7. 

f " Sane hoc advertendum, quod qusedam sunt pura bona, quaedam pura 
mala : et in his nullam deberi hominibus obedientiam ; quoniam nee ilia ornit- 
tenda sunt etiam cum prohibentur, nee ista vel cum jubentur committenda. 
Porro inter haec sunt media quaedam, quae pro modo, loco, tempore, vel persona, 
et mala possunt esse et bona : Et in his lex posita est obedientiae, tanquam in 
ligno scientiae boni et mali, quod erat in medio Paradisi. In hiyprofecto fas non 
est nostrum sensum sententiae praescribere magistrorum." Bernard, epistol. 7. 



OF THE PRINCE. .349 

tion the power which his superior hath to command, in 
things of this middle and indifferent nature ; you see how 
easily he may be persuaded to shake hands with those 
libertines, who hold themselves not bound to give obe- 
dience to the commandments of man in any thing. Where- 
as, men of sound judgment have always been of the mind, 
that the authority of such as God hath placed over us 
should be esteemed so inviolable, that unless the thing by 
them commanded did certainly and evidently appear to be 
unlawful, we ought to yield obedience thereunto ; and not 
to suspend or defer the doing thereof upon every idle 
scruple that may come into our heads, much less do other- 
wise than we are commanded, because we imagine we 
have better reason to lead us otherwise. And therefore 
when Crassus, having occasion to make a ram for the bat- 
tery of the walls of a certain town in Asia, gave order 
that of two beams which he had seen, the greater should 
be sent to him ; and the master of the works sent the 
smaller, as in his opinion more fit for the use intended, 
and much more easy for carriage ; he caused the fel- 
low to be soundly whipped for his labour, as well 
" knowing h that all power of command would be extin- 
guished, if men should be permitted to satisfy what should 
be enjoined to them, not with obedience due to it, but 
counsel not desired of them." 

And who seeth not what confusion would be brought, 
as well into a family as a state, if a son or a servant, or a 
subject might have liberty to stand upon terms and chop 
logic with his father master, or prince, and refuse to yield 
obedience to their commands, until he should see some 
reason for it ? " When h the lawyers are consulted," saith 
Seneca, " their answers are received and stood to, al- 
though they come accompanied with no reasons." And 

h " Corrumpi atque dissolvi officium omne imperantis ratus, si quis ad id 
quod facere jussus est, non obsequio debito, sed consilio non desiderata respon- 
deat." A. Gell. lib. 1. cap. 13. ubi to desiderata ex primis Venetis editionibus 
Locatelli et Aldi est repositum : pro quo recentiores considerato legunt. 

h " Jurisconsultorum valent responsa, etiamsi ratio don redditur." Senec. 
epist. 94. 



850 THE POWER 

ought not this much more to have place in the law itself? 
which should be accepted " as 1 a voice from God, that 
should command and not dispute." Whereunto that ob- 
servation of Plutarch also might be added, that " men's k 
laws carry not with them always an apparent reason of the 
things commanded in them ; but may oftentimes seem ri- 
diculous and absurd to him that knoweth not the mind of 
the lawgiver, nor the cause why those laws at first were 
written :" together with that smart saying of St. Augustine : 
" Think 1 rather what course you are to take with those 
who will not obey, and how to handle them ; than trouble 
yourself to make it appear to them that their disobedience 
is a thing unlawful." 

Nay, for the preventing of these scrupulous questionings 
of the commands of our superiors and the curious enqui- 
ries into the reasons of them ; the Spirit of God requires 
our obedience, not in something only (which we shall 
judge to be fitting in our own fancy) but indefinitely in 
all. For so do his precepts run : " Let™ wives be subject 
to their own husbands in every thing. Children", obey 
your parents in all things. Servants , obey in all things 
your masters." Agreeable whereunto is that profession, 
made by the Israelites unto Joshua their prince : " All p 
that thou commandest us we will do ; and whithersoever 
thou sendest us we will go : according as we hearkened 
unto Moses in all things, so will we hearken unto thee." 
To which rules so general we may not add any other ex- 
ception, but that wherewith the apostle qualifieth a like 

1 " Velut dimissa divinitus vox sit; jubeat, non disputet." Senec. epist. 94. 

k OvBe yap o'iig avQpwTroi vofiovgriOivTai, rd tvXoyov a.7rXwg txovai Kai 
travTOTi (paivo/ievov, dXX' tvia icai SoKti KOfiiSrj ytXoia tuiv irpoaraypid- 
T(ov. Etpost, Kai oXojg iroXXag av Tig iZtiirot vofiwv aroniag, firirs rbv 
Xoyov Ix^v tov vofioQsrov, \ir\rt rr/v aKTiav avvuig tKaffrov twv ypa<pO[it- 
vo)v. Plutarch, in lib. de his qui sero a numine puniuntur. 

1 " Magis quid agas cum eis qui obtemperare nolunt cogitandum est, quam 
quemadmodum eis ostendas non licere quod faciunt." August, epist. 245, ad 
Possid. 

m Ephes. chap. 5. ver. 24. with 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 11. 

n Coloss. chap. 3. ver. 20. 

° Coloss. chap. 3. ver. 22. with Tit. chap. 2. ver. 9. 

p Josh. chap. 1. ver. 16, 17. 



OF THE PRINCE. 351 

precept of our peaceable carriage toward all: " If q it be 
possible, as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all 
men." This going also for a current rule in the civil law, 
that " Impossibilium r nulla obligatio est :" and in the ca- 
non, " Nemo s potest ad impossibile obligari." 

Now among such things as cannot be done are reck- 
oned not only those which are in their own nature impos- 
sible, (as that a man should pull down the moon) or in 
respect of one's particular condition fall to be such, (as to 
pay a greater sum of money than his ability or credit can 
reach unto :) but those also that are repugnant to the law 
of God and the known rules of piety and honesty. "Let 1 
one do for the temporal preservation of men," saith St. Au- 
gustine, " what he is able. But when the matter is come 
to this pass that he cannot procure this preservation 
otherwise than by committing a sin, let him then think he 
can do nothing, when he shall see there is nothing left to 
do, but that which he cannot do with a good conscience." 
This passage is put by Gratian into the Decret, where 
thus the Gloss speaketh : " That u only we are thought 
we can do, which we can justly do:" and the Gloss upon 
the Regulge in VI. in a like expression, " So x much it is 
esteemed we can do, as we can do lawfully." Papinian 
in the civil law more fully to the same effect: " Such y 
acts as wrong our piety, reputation, modesty, and, to 
speak generally, are done against good manners, it is not 
to be believed that we are able to do them." 

1 Rom. chap. 12. ver. 18. 

r D. de Regul. juris, lib. 145. (al. 185.) 

s Nemo potest, de Regul. juris in VI. 

* " Faciat homo, etiam pro temporali hominum salute, quod potest. Cum 
autem ad hunc articulum ventum fuerit ; ut tali saluti consulere, nisi peccando, 
non possit, jam se existimet non habere quid faciat, quando id reliquum esse 
perspexerit quod non recte faciat." Augustin. lib. contra mendacium, cap. 7. 

u " Ex hoc cap. habes, quod solum illud dicimur posse facere, quod juste 
facere possumus." Gloss. 22. quaest. 2. c. Faciat. 

x " Id dicimur posse, quod de jure possumus." Gloss, de Regul. jur. 68. 
in VI. 

y " Quae facta Iaedunt pietatem, existimationem, verecundiam nostram, et 
(ut generaliter dixerim) contra bonos mores hunt, nee facere nos posse creden- 
dum est." L. Filius. D. de. condit. institut. 



o52 THE POWER 

Yea, the same Word of God which commandeth wives 
and childi'en to be subject to their husbands and parents 
in all things omitteth not elsewhere to add hereunto this 
necessary limitation: " Children 2 , obey your parents in 
the Lord. Wives a , submit yourselves unto your own 
husbands, as it is fit, in the Lord :" and for the general : 
" Submit b yourselves one to another, in the fear of God." 
Whereupon, when Pharaoh had given order for the killing 
of the male children of the Hebrews, we find this com- 
mendation given to the parents of Moses, that they were 
" not c afraid of the king's commandment ;" and to the 
Hebrew midwives, that they " feared d God, and did not 
as the king commanded them, but saved the men-children 
alive." Which is consonant to that precept of our Sa- 
viour : " Fear e not them which kill the body, but are not 
able to kill the soul : but rather fear him which is able to 
destroy both soul and body in hell." To which we may 
refer what St. Augustine hath by way of dialogue between 
the Pagan emperor and the Christian subject : " Pay f me 
my tribute, shew me thy obedience. Willingly : but not 
in the temple of idols : there I am forbidden to do it. 
Who forbids thee ? A power far greater than your's. 
Be pleased therefore to excuse me. You threaten to cast 
me into prison, he into hell." 

Hence come those restrictions in this kind, which we 
meet withal in others of the ancients : as in the constitu- 
tions attributed to Clement : " Be g subject to every king 
and governor, in such things wherein God is pleased :" 
and in the epistle to the Antiochians, fathered upon Igna- 
tius : " Be h subject unto Caesar, in such things wherein 

z Ephes. chap. 6. ver. 1. a Coloss. chap. 3. ver. 18. 

b Ephes. chap. 5. ver. 21. c Heb. chap. 11. ver. 23. 

d Exod. chap. 1. ver. 17. e Matt chap. 10. ver. 28. 

f " Solve tributum, esto mihi in obsequium. Recte : sed non in idolio. In 
idolio prohibet. Quis prohibet ? Major potestas. Da veniam : tu carcerem, 
ille gehennam minatur." August, de verbis Domini, Sermon. 6. 

5 Tiaoy (iaoikiiq. Kai ap%y viroTayt)Tt, iv olc. apioKU ©£<£. Const. Apost. 
lib. 4. cap. 12. 

h T/j> Kaioapi viroraytjTe, iv olg clkivSuvoq rj vitorayr}. Epist. ad An- 
tiochen. 



OF THE PRINCE. 353 

your subjection may be without danger:" and in that 
speech which Polycarpus uttered unto the proconsul 
of Asia, immediately before his martyrdom : " We 1 are 
taught to give unto principalities and powers, ordained by 
God, such honour as befitteth them, and doth not hurt 
us." Whereunto you may add, if you please, that passage 
of Tertullian : " As k touching the honours due to kings 
or emperors, we have it sufficiently prescribed, that in all 
obedience we ought, according to the precept of the 
apostle, to be subject unto magistrates, princes and 
powers : but within the bounds of discipline, so far forth 
as we may separate ourselves from idolatry :" and the rule 
of St. Basil, that " we 1 ought to be subject to higher 
powers in such things as God's command hinders not." 

This distinction therefore must necessarily be made in 
the divers commands of princes : that some are of- such 
things as may and ought to be done, others of such as can 
not or ought not to be done. The former are of two 
sorts : either such as God hath tied us unto before, whe- 
ther the prince had enjoined them or not, or such as 
otherwise being of a middle and indifferent nature, the 
prince, for reasons best known to himself, thinks fit to 
interpose his authority in. Of the one whereof St. Au- 
gustine writeth thus : " When" 1 emperors command that 
which is good, it is Christ and none else that commandeth 
by them :" and " whosoever" will not obey the laws made 
by them for God's truth, incurreth a grievous judgment." 



1 Asdicay/ieOa apxnt£ kcu HovoiaiQ aizb Qtov rtTayjiivaig ri/xijv Kara 
to 7rpo<jrj ico v, ti) v fiij (iXcnrrovaav rjflag aTTovs/ieiv. Epist. Eccles. Smyr- 
nens. apud Euseb. lib. 4. Hist. Eccl. Kt<p. it', (cap. 14.) 

k " Quod attinet ad honores reguvn vel imperatorum ; satis praescriptum ha- 
bemus, in omni obsequio nos esse oportere, secundum apostoli praeceptum, 
subditos magistratibus et principibus, et potestatibus : sed intra limites disci- 
pline, quousque ab idololatria separamur." Tertull. de Idololat. cap. 15. 

1 "On Sei h^ovffiaig vTriptxovaaiQ vTrordanKyQai, iv olc. av tvro\>) Qeov 
fj,fi i/iiroSiZy. Basil, in Ethicis, Regul. 79. 

m " Cum bonum jubent imperatores, per illos non jubet nisi Christus." 
Augustin. epist. 105. 

n " Quicunque autem legibus imperatorum, quae pro Dei veritate feruntur, 
obtemperare non vult, acquirit grande supplicium." Augustin. epist. 185. 
VOL. XI. EE 



354 THE POWER 

Which elsewhere also he thus specifieth, in a larger man- 
ner : " When emperors do profess the truth, they com- 
mand for truth against error : and whosoever contemneth 
their commands, purchaseth to himself condemnation. 
For he shall both suffer punishment among men, and shall 
have no part with God ; because he would not do that 
which truth itself by the king's heart commanded him to 
do." To the other we may refer that of the same father : 
" It? is lawful for a king, in the commonwealth where he 
reigneth, to command what neither any man before him, 
nor he himself before did command : and yet are not the 
liberties of the state impeached by obeying, but rather by 
not obeying the same :" and that likewise of Bernard : 
" There - are things of a middle nature, which in them- 
selves are neither good nor evil: yet may indifferently, 
both well and ill, either be forbidden or commanded ; but 
neither by the subjects be ill obeyed." 

But how are subjects to carry themselves, when such 
things are enjoined as cannot or ought not to be done ? 
Surely not to accuse the commander, but humbly to avoid 
the command ; as Gratian r would have us do, if our pre- 
lates should go about to constrain us unto evil: or, as 
some of the heathen have more fully expressed it : " Even 1 
those commands which we ought not to obey, mildly and 



° " Quando autem imperatores veritatem tenent, pro ipsa veritate contra 
errorem jubent : quod quisquis contempserit, ipse sibi judicium acquirit. Nam 
et inter homines pcenas luit, et apud Deum sortem non habebit ; quia hoc fa- 
cere noluit quod ei per cor regis ipsa Veritas jussit." Augustin. epist. 105. 

P " Regi licet in civitate cui regnat, jubere aliquid, quod neque ante ilium 
quisquam, nee ipse unquam jusserat : et non contra societatem civitatis ejus 
obtemperatur, imo contra societatem non obtemperatur." Augustin. lib. 3. 
Confess, cap. 8. 

i " Sunt media, quae quidem per se nee bona esse noscuntur nee mala : possunt 
tamen indifferenter, et bene pariter et male, vel prohiberi vel juberi; sed male 
nullatenus in his a subditis obediri." Bernard, epist. 7. 

r " Non hoc exemplo probantur praelati accusandi a subditis: sed forma tan- 
tum datur humiliter renitendi praelatis, si forte eos ad malum cogere voluerint." 
2. qu. 7. C. Nos si incompetenter. 

s " Sed ea tamen, quae obsequi non oportet, leniter et verecunde, ac sine 
detestatione nimia, sineque opprobratione acerba reprehensionis, declinanda 
sensim et relinquenda esse dicunt quam respuenda." A. Gell. lib. 2. cap. 7. 



s 



OF THE PRINCE. 355 

modestly, without too great detestation, and without any 
bitterness of upbraiding or of reproof, are to be declined 
gently, and rather as it were omitted than rejected." And, 
when nothing else will serve the turn, as in things that 
may be done, we are to express our submission by active, 
so in things that cannot be done, we are to declare the 
same by passive obedience, without resistance and re- 
pugnancy : such a kind of suffering being as sure a sign of 
subjection, as any thing else whatsoever. 

When Pharaoh imposed an impossible task upon the Is- 
raelites, that they should get them straw where they could 
find it, and yet make up every day the same tale of bricks 
which they had done formerly, when they had straw 
given to them: their officers could not escape beating, for 
all the unreasonableness of that exaction. " And 1 the 
officers of the children of Israel," saith the text, " did see 
they were in evil case, after it was said, Ye shall not mi- 
nish ought from your bricks of your daily task." In this so 
evil a case, where active obedience could in no wise be 
performed, passive must serve the turn. So when Darius 
was drawn to sign that ungodly decree, that " Whoso- 
ever should ask a petition of any God or man for thirty 
days, save of the king, he should be cast into the den of 
lions ;" Daniel, being none of those who would " choose 11 
iniquity rather than affliction," made no scruple at all 
" to x kneel upon his knees three times a day, and to 
pray and give thanks before his God, as he did afore- 
time :" and when afterward, " through/ faith he had 
stopped the mouths of the lions," out of the bottom of 
that den he was able to say with a clear conscience: 
" Before z my God innocency was found in me ; and also 
before thee, O king, have I done no hurt." 

He that consults with flesh and blood, will hardly be 
induced to admit this doctrine of passive obedience : and 



' Exod. chap. 5. ver. 19. " Job. chap. 36. ver. 21. 

* Dan. chap. 6. ver. 10. J Heb. chap. 11. ver. 33. 

1 Dan. chap. 6. ver. 22. 

E E 2 



35G THE POWER 

therefore, if he will learn this lesson, he must make choice 
of better masters; and listen in the first place to the 
advice of Solomon : " Trust 3 in the Lord with all 
thine heart: and lean not unto thine own understand- 
ing:" and to that oracle of the Son of God himself: 
" If b any man will come after me, let him deny himself, 
and take up his cross, and follow me." Then must he 
raise up his thoughts to the height of that beatitude, 
which our Saviour's own mouth hath given assurance of 
to all such as will be ruled by him herein : " Blessed are 
they which are persecuted for righteousness' sake : for 
theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are you when 
men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all 
manner of evil against you falsely for my sake. Rejoice 
and be exceeding glad ; for great is your reward in hea- 
ven : for so persecuted they the prophets" which were 
before you. Where, for the recompence of the reward, 
he is to weigh with St. Paul how " our d light affliction, 
which is but for a moment, worketh for us a far more ex- 
ceeding and eternal weight of glory :" and for the prece- 
dent of the prophets, to give ear unto that exhortation of 
St. James : " Take 6 , my brethren, the prophets who have 
spoken in the name of the Lord, for an example of suffer- 
ing affliction," and of patience; and withal to cast his 
eye not only upon that " great f cloud of witnesses" in the 
time of the Old Testament, of whom some " were g tor- 
tured, not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain 
a better resurrection ; others had trial of cruel mockings 
and scourgings, of bonds and imprisonment; were stoned, 
were sawn asunder, were tempted, were slain with the 
sword," &c. but also upon that innumerable company of 
confessors and martyrs in the time of the New : the for- 
mer of whom, " after h they were illuminated, endured a 
great fight of afflictions, partly whilst they were made a 

a Prov. chap. 3. ver. 5. b Matt. chap. 16. ver. 24. 

c Matt. chap. 5. ver. 10, 11, 12. 

A 2 Cor. chap. 4. ver. 17. e James, chap. 5. ver. 10. 

f Heb. chap. 12. ver. 1. S Ibid. chap. 11. ver. 35, 36, 37. 

h Heb. chap. 10. ver. 32, 33, 34. 



OF THE PRINCE. 



•357 



gazing stock, both by reproaches and afflictions, and 
partly, whilst they became companions of them that were 
so used, and took joyfully the spoiling of their goods, 
knowing that they had in heaven a better and an endur- 
ing substance :" the other loved 1 not their lives unto the 
death, but laid down their " heads k for the witness of 
Jesus," and by that glorious " death 1 of theirs glorified 
God." 

But above all we are to " look m unto Jesus" himself, 
the author and " finisher of our faith : who for the joy 
that was set before him, endured the cross, despising the 
shame, and is set down at the right hand of the throne 
of God." With which highest example (of him, who 
" thought 11 it no robbery to be equal unto God," and 
yet " humbled himself and became obedient unto death, 
even the death of the cross") St. Peter closeth up those 
" forcible words" of his, wherewith he thus presseth the 
performance of this passive obedience whereof now we 
speak: " This p is thank-worthy, if a man for conscience 
toward God endure grief, suffering wrongfully. For 
what glory is it if when ye be buffeted for your faults, ye 
shall take it patiently ? but if when ye do well, and suffer 
for it, ye take it patiently, this is acceptable with God, 
For even hereunto were ye called ; because Christ also 
suffered for us, leaving us an example, that ye should 
follow his steps : Who did no sin, neither was guile found 
in his mouth: Who when he was reviled, reviled not 
again; when he suffered, he threatened not, but com- 
mitted himself to him that judgeth righteously." 

But those stiff spirits, that will not stoop unto this 
passive kind of obedience, if they can help it, think they 
have stricken the matter dead by proposing this case unto 
us : " Suppose," say they, " the king should command 
us to worship the Devil. Would you wish us here to lay 



1 Rev. chap. 12. ver. 11. k Ibid. chap. 20. ver. 4. 

1 John, chap. 21. ver. 19. m Heb. chap. 12. ver. 2, 3. 

" Phil. chap. 2. ver. 6, 8. 

" Job. chap. 6. ver. 25. " How forcible are right words?" 

P 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 19, 20. &e. 



358 THE POWER 

down our heads upon the block ; and not give us leave to 
stand upon our guard, and to the utmost of our power 
repel the violence of such a miscreant? If not, what 
would become of God's Church, and his religion?" As if 
this had been a new case, never heard of before: and 
the apostle had not sufficiently declared unto us, that 
" the q things which the Gentiles sacrificed, they sacri- 
ficed to devils and not to God." And yet when this 
devil-worship was so vehemently urged by the cruel edicts 
of the persecuting emperors, did the Christians ever take 
arms against them for the matter ? or betook themselves 
to any other refuge but fervent prayers unto Almighty 
God, whom they acknowledged to be their prince's only 
superior, and patient suffering of what disgrace or punish- 
ment soever should be imposed upon them? To the 
cheerful undergoing whereof, see how St. Peter, in that 
fore-cited [epistle, doth animate and encourage them: 
" Beloved 1- , think it not strange concerning the fiery trial, 
which is to try you, as though some strange thing hap- 
pened to you. But rejoice, in as much as ye are parta- 
kers of Christ's sufferings ; that when his glory shall be 
revealed, ye may be glad also with exceeding joy. If ye 
be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye ; for 
the spirit of glory and of God resteth on you : who on 
their part is evil spoken, but on your part he is glorified. 
But let none of you suffer as a murderer, or as a thief, or 
as an evil doer, or as a busybody in other men's matters. 
Yet if any suffer as a Christian, let him not be ashamed ; 
but let him glorify God on this behalf." 

Lo, " there s is the patience of the saints : here are 
they that keep the commandments of God, and the faith 
of Jesus." Here are they that stuck not to " resist* unto 
blood, striving against sin :" and yet make conscience of 
resisting the power of their prince ; as having learned 
that their obedience to God might well stand with their 
subjection to the authority placed by him in man. 



i 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 20. r 1 Pet. chap. 4. ver. 12, 13. &c. 
« Rev. chap. 14. ver. 12. l Heb. chap. 12. ver. 4. 



OF THE PRINCE. 359 

Whereby so far off was it that " The u gates of hell (or 
death) did not prevail against the Church," that the 
blood of this noble army of martyrs became the fruitful 
seminary thereof. For " the x Christian faith, for many 
ages together, being distressed every way by nations, 
kings, laws, slaughters, crosses and deaths, and yet no 
manner of way repressed ; yea, in the midst of these, and 
by the means of these, it grew," saith Paulus Orosius. 
" The y world raged," saith St. Augustine, " the lion 
lifted himself up against the lamb, but the lamb was 
found stronger than the lion. The lion was overcome by 
shewing cruelty, the lamb did overcome by suffering." 
And St. Hierome : " By z shedding of blood, and by suf- 
fering rather than doing injuries, was the Church of Christ 
at first founded : it grew by persecutions, and by martyr- 
doms was crowned." 

But " if men's hands be thus tied," will some say, " no 
man's state can be secure : nay, the whole frame of the 
commonwealth would be in danger to be subverted, and 
utterly ruined, by the unbridled lust of a distempered 
governor." 

I answer, God's word is clear on the point : " Whoso- 
ever 3 resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God : 
and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damna- 
tion :" and thereby a necessity is imposed upon us of being 
" subject, even for conscience' sake ;" which may not be 
avoided by the pretext of any ensuing mischief whatso- 
ever. For by this means we should have liberty given 
unto us to " speak b evil ofthe law, and to judge the law. 

u Matt. chap. 16. ver. 18. 

* " Christiana fides per multa retro secula, saevientibus undique adversum se 
gentibus, regibus, legibus, caedibus, crucibus ac mortibus, reprimi nullo modo 
potuit ; imo inter haec et per hsec crevit." P. Oros. histor. lib. 6. cap. 1. 

y " Fremuit mundus, erexit se leo adversus agnum: sed fortior leone in- 
ventus est agnus. Leo victus est saeviendo, agnus vicit patiendo." Augustin. 
in Psalm. 149. 

z " Fundendo sanguinem, et patiendo magis quam faciendo contumelias, 
Christi fundata est Ecclesia : persecutionibus crevit, martyriis coronata est." 
Hieron. adversus errores Johan. Hierosol. epist. 39. op. torn. 4. pag. 338. 

a Rom. chap. 13. ver. 2, 5. b James, chap. 4. ver. 11. 



360 THE POWER 

But if thou judge the law, thou art not a doer of the law, 
but a judge," saith St. James. It becomes us in obedi- 
ence to perform our part ; and leave the ordering of events 
to God, whose part only that is. 

Again, the ground of this objection is exceeding faulty; 
and standeth not with the rules of humanity or divinity, 
either of sound policy or true piety. For in the one, who 
of us have not heard of that common rule of our common 
law, that " a mischief is better than an inconvenience ?" 
Not that our common lawyers were so void of common 
understanding, as to imagine that a mischief, in itself 
formally considered, should be preferred before an incon- 
venience : but that an inconvenience, the consequence 
whereof would reach unto the general, should much more 
be prevented than any mischief which might fall out in 
any particular case, or tend to the greatest detriment of 
any person individual. 

Thus, for the determining of matters of fact, and the 
judgment depending thereupon, the law established by 
God himself is this : " At c the mouth of two witnesses, or 
three witnesses, shall he that is worthy of death be put to 
death." By the subordination of false witnesses it falleth 
out here that Naboth d who is not worthy of death, is 
yet put to death. The shedding of innocent blood, a 
very great mischief in that particular ; but yet was to be 
given way unto, rather than the inconvenience should be 
admitted in the general, that nothing should be deter- 
mined upon the testimony of two witnesses. So, in the 
defining of matters of right, sometimes it so falleth out, 
that by the unskilfulness, negligence or corruption of the 
judge, the cause of the righteous is overthrown, and judg- 
ment quite perverted : and yet is he, notwithstanding his 
miscarriage in such particulars, accounted still in the 
number of the gods 6 ; and his tribunal graced with 
the honourable title of " the 1 place of judgment and 
the place of righteousness." And therefore, as our Sa- 



c Deut. chap. 17. ver. 6. '' 1 Kings, chap. 21. ver. 13. 

* Psalm 82. ver. 1, 2. 5, 6. f Ecc). chap. 3. ver. 16. 



OF THE PRINCE. oGl 

viour speaketh in the former case : " It g is written in your 
law, that the testimony of two men is true," that is, as 
the former words of the law itself have it, " At h the 
mouth of two witnesses is the matter to be established :" 
so in this other it goeth for a rule in the civil law, that 
"aching adjudged is accepted for truth:" especially if 
it be freely, and without all colour of surreption, so ad- 
judged by the prince, whose " sentence k is presumed 
always to be just," and therefore not to be appealed from. 
For if things should not be thus ended by the last sen- 
tence of the highest judge, this intolerable inconvenience 
would ensue thereupon in the general matter of judica- 
ture, that strifes would prove infinite, suits immortal, and 
all controversies indeterminable. To which purpose also 
./Eneas Silvius writeth thus: " Although 1 sometime ini- 
quity and unjust judgment do proceed from the highest 
tribunal ; yet must not a place therefore be given unto an 
appeal; seeing there is no judge that may examine the 
temporal acts of the emperor. Besides it is more profit- 
able to the commonwealth for the extinguishing of strifes, 
that the benefit of an appeal should be denied unto a few 
that are unjustly oppressed, than that the gates of com- 
plaints should be opened unto many that shall calumniate, 
after they have been justly condemned : seeing they are 
exceeding rare who will account themselves to have been 
justly condemned : and the lesser evil is always to be to- 
lerated, that the greater may be avoided. Surely where 



S John, chap. 8. ver. 17. h Deut. chap. 19. ver. 15. 

1 " Res judicata pro veritate accipitur." Ulpian. in D. lib. 207. de Regul. 
juris et 1. Ingenuum, de statu hom. 

k " Principis sententiapraesumitur semper justa: unde ab eo non appellatur." 
Cynus in lib. Rescripta, Cod. de precib. imper. offerend. 

1 " Quamvis a summo solio nonnunquam procedat iniquitas, injustumque 
judicium prodeat ; non tamen idcirco locus est appellationi, cum nemo sit judex 
qui temporalis Cassaris facta valeat examinare. Utilius insuper est reipublica: 
ad extinguendas lites, paucis injuste oppressis appellationis beneficium denegari, 
quam multis calumniantibus, postquam juste damnati fuerint, querelarum ja- 
nuas aperire : cum rarissimi sint qui se juste reputent condemnatos ; semperque 
minus malum tolerandum sit, ut evitetur majus. Nempe ubi Iicitum est appel- 
late, ibi quoque lites sine fine reperiuntur ; ubi sunt inimieitise, ibi contentiones 
ibi nova dietim scandala." ./En. Silv. de ortu et authorit. imperii, cap. 23. 



362 THE POWER 

it is always lawful to appeal, there also are found strifes 
without end ; there are enmities, there are new scandals 
every day." 

When, " out m of a discomfited army, every tenth sol- 
dier is beaten with a cudgel, the lot falleth also upon the 
valiant. Every such great exemplary punishment hath 
somewhat that is unjust in it; which being in particular to 
the prejudice of some, is yet recompensed by the general 
profit of the whole," saith Cassius, in Tacitus ; and 
Tully, speaking of the office of the plebeian tribunes : " I n 
confess," saith he, " that there is some evil in that go- 
vernment ; but the good which is sought in it we could not 
have without that evil." And it is the part of a prudent 
man in matters of this nature to consider as well the in- 
conveniences of the one side, as the conveniences of the 
other, and wisely to compare together the mischiefs that 
are like to break out on either side ; and especially to take 
care that the remedy which is thought upon, do not in 
the end prove far worse than the disease for the helping 
whereof it was provided. As in the particular now in 
hand ; that the people may oppose their kings, and with- 
stand them even with arms, when they conceive the 
courses taken by them do tend to the dishonour of God, 
or the great detriment of the commonwealth, may seem to 
vulgar minds that look after nothing so much as their own 
liberty, to be a matter that standeth with very great rea- 
son : while in the time they take no notice at all of the 
high mischiefs rather than ordinai'y inconveniences, which 
are inseparable companions of such a desperate combi- 
nation. 

For what greater disorder can fall out among men, 



m " Ex fuso exercitu, cum decimus quisque fuste feritur, etiam strenui sorti- 
untur. Habet aliquid ex iniquo omne magnum exemplum ; quod contra sin- 
gulos, utilitate publica rependitur." Tacit. Annal. lib. 14. 

n " Ego fateor in ista potestate inesse quiddam mali : sed bonum quod quae- 
situm est in ea, sine isto malo non haberemus." Cicer. lib. de Legib. 
"Avai TTOTafiuiv itpuJv x°>povcn nayal. 
Kai SiKt), Kai navTa irakiv arp'Kptrai 

Eurip. in Medea. 



OF THE PRINCE. 363 

than to make the inferior overrule the superior, the sub- 
ject the prince ? Whereas Solomon might have taught 
such, that " delight 5 is not seemly for a fool ; much less 
for a servant to have rule over princes." Besides, what 
more unreasonable thing can be thought upon, than to 
allow subjects to be accusers, and judges, and executio- 
ners too, and that in their own cause, and against their 
own sovereign ? whereas one denied^ it to be fit that the 
emperor himself should be admitted to be an accuser ; 
considering that by all " laws of God and man none may 
be both an accuser and a judge." Again ; what greater 
madness can there be, than to seek the preservation of 
the commonwealth by making a rent therein, and em- 
broiling it in a civil war? than which no speedier means 
could have been devised to bring it unto utter ruin and 
desolation. For we know who hath said : " If r a king- 
dom be divided against itself, that kingdom cannot stand :" 
and it is a folly to imagine, that when the subjects have 
once betaken themselves unto arms, the king will look on, 
and be content to sit still by the loss. " Arms s are irri- 
tated by arms," saith one, and " if 1 my kingdom were of 
this world," saith our Saviour, " then would my servants 
fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews." 

The king, you may be sure, will not want his party to 
join with him : and if he should be put unto any straight 
at home, this would but drive him to supply himself with 
auxiliary forces from abroad: this being found true by 
experience, as Tully observeth, that " the u afflicted states 
of kings do easily draw the helps of many unto pity, and 



p Prorerbs, chap. 19. ver. 10. 

i " Taceo quod imperatorem accusatorem esse non conveniat, postremo, iis- 
dem divinis humanisque legibus nemo possit esse accusator et judex." Sym- 
mach. P. Apologet. advers. Anastas. imp. 

r Matt. chap. 3. ver. 24. 

* " Arma armis irritantur." Plin. Panegyr. ad Trajan. 

• John, chap. 18. ver. 36. 

" " Hoc jam fere sic fieri solere accepimus, ut regum afflictae fortunae facile 
multorum opes alliciant ad misericordiam, maximeque eorum qui aut reges sunl, 
aut vivunt in regno; quod regale iis nomen magnum et sanctum esse videatur." 
Cicer. Orat. pro lege Manil. 



364 THE POWER 

especially of them who are either kings themselves, or do 
live in a kingdom ; the regal name being by them esteemed 
to be great and sacred," Which how ready a way it is to 
subvert the state of any such distracted kingdom, and to 
bring it under the subjection of foreigners, we need not 
seek further for proof than from our own Ireland. For 
when x one of the petit kings of this nation was by domes- 
tical dissension driven out of his country, Julius Agricola 
received him indeed under the colour of courtesy and 
friendship, but retained him only till occasion should 
serve, that he might use this as a means to subdue the 
whole island unto the Roman government. And howso- 
ever that project then failed, by the recalling of Agricola 
unto Rome from his lieutenantship in Brittany ; yet after- 
ward, when, upon a like occasion, Dermot, king of Lein- 
ster, was forced by his rebellious subjects to crave the aid 
of king Henry II. for the restoring of him to his kingdom, 
this association produced that effect which now we see, 
that the Irish lost their dominion, and became subject to 
the crown of England even until this day. 

Nay, to turn our eyes unto Rome itself, and to pass by 
that known ode y of Horace's, touching the effect of the 
civil wars there : 

Alterajam teritur bellis civilibus aetas, 

Suis et ipsa Romae viribus ruit. 
Quam neque finitimi valuerunt perdere Marsi, 

Minacis aut Hetrusca Porsenas manus, &c. 

That of Sallust, or some other not much inferior to him, 
unto Julius Caesar, a little before the changing of that 
state into a monarchy, is worth our consideration : " This 2 

x " Agricola expulsum seditione domestica unum ex regulis gentis exceperat, 
ac specie amicitise in occasionem retinebat." Corn. Tacit, in vita Agricola. 

J Epod. lib. Od. 1 6. 

z " Ego sic existimo; quoniam orta omnia intereunt, qua tempestate urbi 
Romans fatum excidii adventarit, cives cum civibus manus conserturos : ita 
defessos et exsangues, regi aut nationi praedae futuros. Aliter non orbis terra- 
rum, neque cunctae gentes conglobatae, movere aut contendere queunt hoc im- 
perium. Fiimanda igitur sunt concordiae bona, et discordiae mala expellenda." 
Sallust. Orat. 1. de republ. ordinand. ad C. Caesarem. 



OF THE PRINCE. 365 

is my opinion: seeing all things that have a beginning 
must have an end, whensoever that fatal time of the de- 
struction of the Roman city shall come, that citizens will 
fight with citizens, and so, having wearied themselves and 
lost their blood, will fall to be a prey unto some king or 
nation. Otherwise neither the whole world, nor all the 
nations gathered unto one heap, are able to move or quash 
this empire :" and much more that prognostic of Seneca, 
delivered not long after that the monarchy had been 
founded there by Caesar; wherein he declareth that 
the denying of obedience unto that monarch would 
prove the undoing of that mighty empire. " Such a an 
accident as this," saith he, " will be the bane of the 
Roman peace ; it will bring the fortunes of so great a 
people unto utter ruin. So long shall the people be free 
from that danger, as long as it knoweth how to endure 
the reins : which if at any time it shall break, or, when 
shaken off by any chance, it shall not suffer to be put on 
again, the union and contexture of this high empire will 
fall in pieces, and the dominion of this city will expire 
together with her obedience. For Caesar heretofore did 
so enbosom and enweave himself into the commonwealth, 
that the one cannot be disjoined from the other without 
the destruction of them both : for as he hath need of 
forces, so have they of a head." 
But, 

O b curvae in terras animse, et caelestium inanes ! 

Have we not read that which was spoken unto us by 
God? " The c Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice: let 



a " Hie casus Romans pads exitium erit ; hie tanti fortunam populi in ruinas 
aget. Tamdiu ab isto periculo aberit hie populus, quamdiu sciet ferre frsenos : 
quos si quando abruperit, vel aliquo casu discussos reponi sibi passus non erit; 
haec unitas et hie maximi imperii contextus in partes multas dissiliet ; idemque 
huic urbi dominandi finis erit qui parendi fuerit, &c. Olim enim ita se induit 
reipubl. Caesar, ut diduci alterum non posset sine utriusque pernicie. Nam ut 
illi viribus opus est, ita et huic capite." Senec. de Clementia, lib. 1. cap. 4. 

b Pers. Satyr. 2. et ex eo Lactant. Div. instit. lib. 2. cap. 2. 

c Psalm 97. cap. 1. 



.366 THE POWER 

the many," or great, "isles," whereof we are, " be glad 
thereof:" or must we yet be turned a grazing with Nebu- 
chadnezzar, until we have learned his lesson ? " That d the 
most high God ruleth in the kingdom of men, and that he 
appointeth over it whomsoever he will." For the fuller 
declaration whereof, it will not be amiss to consider, first, 
how God doth appoint men over kingdoms according to 
his own pleasure ; and then, how he doth rule in and with 
them therein. Touching the first, we may observe, that 
God doth sometime give a king unto a people out of love, 
sometime out of anger. " Because e the Lord loved Israel 
for ever, therefore made he thee king," to do judgment 
and justice, saith the queen of Sheba to Solomon. And 
on the other side : " I f gave thee a king in mine anger, 
and took him away in my wrath," saith the Lord himself, 
by the mouth of his prophet Hosea. Whereby we are fur- 
ther alsogiven to understand, that God's wrath may shew 
itself in the taking away of a king, as well as his anger in 
giving him : his wrath, I say, not against the king himself 
alone, as it fell out in the case of Saul, but even against 
the people also, as it appeareth by that acknowledgment 
of theirs, which went before in the same prophet : " We' 1 
have no king, because we feared not the Lord :" and by a 
more strange effect of his wrath against them, in permit- 
ting good kings sometimes to take evil courses for their 
punishment ; according to that which we find recorded in 
Scripture : " And 1 again the anger of the Lord was kin- 
dled against Israel; and David was moved," by Satan, 
" against them to say, Go number Israel and Judah :" 
even that David, to whom God had given this testimony : 
" P have found David the son of Jesse, a man after mine 
own heart, which shall fulfil all my will." 



d Dan. chap. 5. ver. 21. and chap. 4. ver. 17. 25. 32. 

e 1 Kings, chap. 10. ver. 9. f Hos. chap. 13. ver. 11. 

s 1 Chron. chap. 10. ver. 13, 14. 

h Hos. chap. 10. ver. 3. 

' 2 Sam. chap. 24. ver. 1. with 1 Chron. chap. 21. ver. 1. 

k Acts, chap. 13. ver. 22. 



OF THE PRINCE. 367 

" God 1 ," saith St. Augustine, " giveth bliss in the king- 
dom of heaven to the godly alone, but this earthly king- 
dom both to the godly and ungodly, as it pleaseth him, 
whom nothing unjustly can please. He that gave the 
government to Marius, gave it to Cassar ; he who gave it 
to Augustus, gave it also to Nero ; he who gave it to the 
Vespasians, father and son, most sweet and loved empe- 
rors, gave it likewise to that man of cruelty, Domitian : 
and, not to recount the rest of them, he who gave it to 
that Christian prince Constantine, gave it to that wretch 
Julian the apostate. These things without doubt that one 
and that true God doth rule and govern as he pleaseth, by 
causes, although hidden, yet not unjust." And this lesson 
hath been generally taught by Irenseus™, Origen", Syne- 
sius , Theodoret p , 01ympiodorus q , Anastasius Sinaita r , 

1 " Dat felicitatem in regno coelorum solis piis, regnum vero terrenum et piis 
et impiis ; sicut ei placet, cui nihil injuste placet, &c. Qui Mario, ipse Caio 
Caesari ; qui Augusto, ipse et Neroni ; qui Vespasianis, vel patri vel filio, sua- 
vissimis imperatoribus, ipse et Domitiano crudelissimo : et (ne per singulos ire 
necesse sit) qui Constantino Christiano, ipse apostatae Juliano. Haec plane 
Deus unus et verus regit et gubernat, ut placet. Et si occultis causis, numquid 
injustis?" August, de civit. Dei, lib. 5. cap. 21. 

ra " Quidam illorum ad correctionem et utilitatem subjectorum dantur, et 
conversationem justitiae ; quidam autem ad timorem, et pcenam, et increpa- 
tionern; quidam autem ad illusionem, et contumeliam, et superbiam, quemad- 
modum et digni sunt : Dei justo judicio in omnibus aequaliter superveniente." 
Irenae. lib. 5. cap. 24. 

n " Non semper princeps populi et Ecclesiae judex per Dei arbitrium datur; 
sed prout merita nostra deposcunt. Si mali sunt actus nostri, et operamur ma- 
lignum in conspectu Domini, dantur nobis principes secundum cor nostrum." 
Origen. in lib. Judic. Homil. 4. 

"Orav Stirai KoXanry [6 Qioc] xprjrai vvv fiiv i9vit fiapflapojv, vvv 
Si apxovri Trovr/py. Synes. epist. 57. 

p " Cum vult eos qui peccant castigare, eos etiam a malis magistratibus regi 
permittit." Theodoret. in Rom. cap. 13. 

1 UoXXaicig Ttf ffx^ari (paivop.(vov aya96v crvyx^psi fig (HaaiXka dva- 
yoptvdijvai, i(j>' y KaKwGrivai (ioiXsrai Si aiiTov rovg VTrr/Koovg Sid T-qv 
avrwv SvoKoXiav ical Kaicoirpayiav. Olympiodor. in Job. apud Anastas. Si- 
nait. quaest. 16. pag. 186. edit. Graeco-Lat. Ingolstad. Jac. Gretseri : conferend. 
cum pag. 508. Catenae Graeco-Lat. in Job. edit. Patr. Junii. 

r Tov Gtoi) Iv r^» vofiip \iyovroQ, Aaicra) vpXv dpxovraQ Kara rds icap- 
Siag ifiHiv, evSrjXov on oi fitv rwv apxovrwv Kai j3aai\ewv wq aZioi rrjg 
roiavTi)Q rip,ijg vnb Qeov Trpoxiipi-Zovrai or St irakiv dva£.ioi bvreg tooc. 
tov aiiiov Xabv Trig avTwv dvaKiOTtiTOg, Kara Qiov avyx&prioiv r\ (3ovX7]Giv } 
■n-poxfipi-ZovTai. Anastas. quaest. 16. init. pag. 182. 



368 THE POWER 

Gregory 55 , Isidore 1 , and others of the ancient (to 
speak nothing of ^Eneas Silvius 11 , and others of later 
times) that according to the quality of the people God 
useth to fit them with princes : and therofore, when ei- 
ther evil ones are placed over them, or in their progress 
they prove worse than they were at their beginning, they 
should turn their thoughts from the discontent they con- 
ceive against the present government, unto the conside- 
ration of their own sins, and the wrath of God punishing 
the same by this means at which they do repine. It be- 
ing their duty rather in this case to " humble x themselves 
under the mighty hand of God," saying with David, " I y 
was dumb, I opened not my mouth, because thou didst 
it:" and with the Church, in the prophet Micah: "I z 
will bear the indignation of the Lord, because I have 
sinned against him." 

Touching the second, we may observe with St. Augus- 
tine, that " the a Almighty doth work in the hearts of men 



s " Quid ergo illos in nobis praeesse despicimus, quorum super nos regimina 
ex Domini furore suscipimus. Si igitur, irascente Deo, secundum nostra me- 
rita rectores accipimus, in illorum actione colligimus, quid ex nostra aestima- 
tione pensemus." Et paulo post: " Sic ergo secundum merita subditorum tri- 
buuntur personae regentium ; ut saepe, qui videntur boni, accepto regimine per- 
mutentur : sicut Scriptura sacra de Saule intulit, quia cor cum dignitate mu- 
tavit." Gregor. Moral, in Job. lib. 34. cap. 14. 

4 " Quo manifestius elucet, bonam malamque potestatem a Deo ordinari : 
sed bonam propitio, malam irato. Reges quando boni sunt, muneris est Dei : 
quando vero mali, sceleris est populi. Secundum enim meritum plebium dis- 
ponitur vita rectorum, testante Jobo : Qui regnare facit hypocritam propter 
peccata populi. Job. cap. 34. ver. 30. juxta Septuaginta. Irascente enim 
Deo, talem rectorem populi suscipiunt, qualem pro peccato mereuntur. Non- 
nunquam pro malitia plebium etiam reges mutantur, et qui ante videbantur esse 
boni accepto regno fiunt iniqui." Isidor. Hispal. Sentent. lib. 3. cap. 48. qui 
locus laudatur etiam in Concilio Paris. VI. lib. 2. cap. 1. (torn. Concilior. Galliae, 
pag. 529.) licet ibi perperam insertum sit lemma illud, Gregorius in Morali- 
bus : cum in cap. 5. pag. 529. rectius oppositum habeaturnomen Isidori. 

u " Deus saepe propter peccata subditorum depravari permittit vitam recto- 
rum ; Ex quo fit, ut occulto Dei judicio apud Deum justa nonnunquam reperi- 
antur, quae nobis videntur injusta." Mn. Silv. de ortu et author, imp. cap. 16. 

* I Pet. chap. 5. ver. 6. y Psalm 39. ver. 9. 

z Micah, chap. 7. ver. 9. 

a " Agit oranipotens in cordibus hominum etiam motum voluntatis eoium ; 



OF THE PRINCE. 369 

even the motion of their own will ; that he may work by 
them that which he hath a mind to work, who knoweth 
not at all unjustly to will any thing." Whereunto we may 
refer that which God speaketh concerning the king of 
Assyria : " O b Assyrian, the rod of mine anger, and the 
staff in their hand is mine indignation. I will send him 
against an hypocritical nation ; and against the people of 
my wrath will I give him a charge to take the spoil, and 
to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire of 
the streets. Howbeit he meaneth not so, neither doth his 
heart think so ; but it is in his heart to destroy, and cut 
off nations not a few. Wherefore it shall come to pass, 
that when the Lord hath performed his whole work upon 
mount Sion and on Jerusalem, I will punish the fruit of the 
stout heart of the king of Assyria, and the glory of his 
high looks :" and concerning the king of Babylon after 
him : " Israel d is a scattered sheep, the lions have driven 
him away : first the king of Assyria hath devoured him, 
and last this Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon hath bro- 
ken his bones. Therefore thus saith the Lord of hosts, 
the God of Israel, behold I will punish the king of Baby- 
lon and his land, as I have punished the king of Assyria." 
Themistius, a Heathen orator e , doth more than once 
commend this sentence, taken, as he saith, out of the writ- 
ings of the Assyrians : "that the king's heart is kept in 
the hand of God :" by the Assyrians, in all probability, 
meaning the Hebrews : and that saying in their books, 
which Gregory Nazianzen thus citeth : that " the f king's 
heart is in the hand of God, is both said and believed." And 
so indeed was it said by the wisest of kings, and so believed 

ut per eos agat quod per eos agere voluerit, qui omnia injuste aliquitl velle non 
novit." Aug. de gratia et libero arbitr. cap. 21. 

b Isaiah, chap. 10. ver. 5, 6, 7. c Id. ibid. ver. 12. 

d Jer. chap. 15. ver. 17, 18. 

e neTTiariVKi yap iv iroiSiv rip \6y(iJ Tip ' Aaavpixi), oq ti)v icapfiiav rov 
(iacnXsojg Xtyti (tv Xiywv) Iv ry rov Qeov rraXdny copvipoptlcrOai. Themist. 
Orat. 5. 'AXX' tyw Trort vTryo~96/i7)V Kai rwv 'Aaavpiujv ypafificirwv ravrb 
rovro KO/xiptvontviov, log apa 6 vovq rov j3aaiXtu)g tv ry rov Qiov irdKafiy 
Copv<f>optlrai. Id. in orat. 9. 

f KapSia (ia<Ji\s(og ii'^fipi ©fou Kaitipi]Tai kui irio-rivtrai. Greg. Nazi- 
anz. orat. 27. quse in Latina Jo. Lewenklavii, edit. 12. est. 

VOL. XI. F F 



370 THE POWER 

by all faithful people, " The g king's heart is in the hand 
of the Lord, as the rivers of water ; he turneth it whither 
soever he will." For proof whereof we read in the book 
of Ezra, that "the h Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus, 
king of Persia, that he made a proclamation throughout 
all his kingdom," for the freeing of the Jews from the Ba- 
bylonian captivity : that he " turned' the heart of Darius 
unto them, to strengthen their hands in the work of the 
house of God ;" and that he " put k in the heart of king Ar- 
taxerxes to beautify the house of the Lord which is in Je- 
rusalem." And what a hand he hath in the restraining 
them from doing evil unto his servants, we may perceive 
by that speech which he useth unto Abimelech king of 
Gerar, concerning Sarah the wife of Abraham: " I with- 
held thee from sinning against me : therefore suffered I 
thee not to touch her." As by that watchful eye which 
he had over our head, all his poor members may gather 
this comfort ; that all the potentates upon earth are not 
able to touch them, until he give them power so to 
do ; and that, at such a time, and in such a place, and 
in such measure, as he shall be pleased to limit them 
unto. 

The consideration hereof made the apostles to lift 1 up 
their voice "to God with one accord," and say, "Of a 
truth against thy holy child Jesus, whom thou hast anoint- 
ed, both Herod and Pontius Pilate, with the Gentiles and 
the people of Israel, were gathered together, for to do 
whatsoever thy hand and thy counsel determined before 
to be done." And our Lord Jesus himself here upon 
earth, being" 1 warned by some of the Pharisees to get him 
out of Galilee, because Herod would kill him ; told them 
that " he must walk to day and tomorrow, and the day 
following," and that " it could not be that a prophet 
should perish out of Jerusalem:" shewing that it lay not 
in the power of Herod to appoint either the time of his 



B Prov. chap. 21. ver. 1. h Ezra, chap. 1. ver. 1. 

' Ezra, thap. 6. ver. 22. k Ibid. chap. 7. ver. 27. 

1 Acts, chap. 4. ver. 24. 27, 28. m Luke, chap. 13. ver. 31, 33. 



OF THE PRINCE. 



371 



death, nor yet the place ; which was not to be in Galilee, 
where his jurisdiction lay, but in Jerusalem, which was 
then in the power of Pilate the Roman governor. And 
when Pilate himself did afterwards insolently brag, that 
he " had" power to crucify him, and had power to release 
him ;" he returned him this answer again : " Thou couldst 
have no power at all against me, except it were given thee 
from above." Which St. Augustine compareth with that 
other saying of the apostle: " There is no power but of 
God:" and out of both deduceth this conclusion: " A p 
man may have lust to hurt of his own : but power, if God 
do not give it, he hath none. For that there is no power 
but of God, is the definitive sentence of the apostle. He 
did not say, There is no lust but of God ; for there 
is an evil lust which is not of God : but because 
that evil lust can hurt no man if he do not permit, 
he saith : There is no power but of God. Whereupon 
God made man, standing before a man, said : Thou 
couldst have no power against me, except it were given 
thee from above. The one did judge, the other did 
teach. When he was judged he did teach : that he might 
judge those whom he did teach. Thou couldst have no 
power, saith he, against me, except it were given thee from 
above. What is this ? Hath a man only no power, unless 
he receive it from above ? What hath the Devil himself? 
Durst he take away as much as one sheep from the holy 
man Job, before he had first said : Put forth thine hand, 

n John, chap. 19. ver. 10, 1 1. n Rom. chap. 13. ver. 1. 

P " Cupiditatem nocendi potest homo habere propriam : potestatem autem, 
si ille non dat, non habet. Non est enim potestas nisi a Deo : definita senten- 
tia apostoli est. Non dixit, Non est cupiditas nisi a Deo ; est enim mala cupidi - 
tas, qua? non est a Deo : sed quia ipsa mala cupiditas nulli nocet, fi ille non per- 
mittat, Non est, inquit, potestas nisi a Deo. Unde Deus homo stans ante homi- 
nem, Non haberes, inquit, in me potestatem, nisi data fuisset tibi desuper. Iste 
judicabat, ille docebat. Cum judicabatur docebat, ut judicaret quos docuerat. 
Non haberes, inquit, in me potestatem, nisi esset data tibi desuper. Quid est 
hoc ? Homo tantum non habet potestatem, nisi cum acceperit desuper ? Quid 
ipse Diabolus ? Ausus est vel unam oviculam tollere viro sancto Job, nisi prius 
diceret, Mitte manum tuam, hoc est, da potestatem ? Ille volebat, sed ille non 
sinebat. Quando ille permisit, ille potuit. Non ergo ille potuit, sed qui permi- 
sit." Augustin. in Psal. 32. Cone. 2. 

FF2 



372 THE POWER 

that is, give me power ? He had a will to do it, but God 
did not suffer him. When he did suffer him, the other 
was able to do it. It is not he therefore that was able, but 
he that permitted him, even God : from q whom are all 
powers ; howsoever all men's wills are not from him." 

To the same purpose, the same father writeth very ex- 
cellently in an other place : " Not r whatsoever we do suf- 
fer from our enemies, is to be imputed to our enemies, and 
not to our Lord God : forasmuch as our Mediator, even 
in his own example, hath demonstrated unto us that, when 
he from above doth permit men to hurt us, not the will, 
but the power of hurting is given from above. For every 
evil man hath in himself the will to hurt : but to have abi- 
lity to hurt, he hath not in his power. In that he hath the 
will, he is already guilty ; but that he should have the ability, 
it is permitted by the hidden dispensation of God's provi- 
dence, toward some for punishment, toward some for trial, 
toward some for the obtaining a crown. For punishment : as 



1 " A quo sunt omnes potestates, quamvis ab illo non sint omnium volunta- 
tes." Aug. de civit. Dei, lib. 5. cap. 8. 

r " Non quiequid passi ab inimicis fuerimus, hoc inimicis deputandum est, 
et non Domino Deo nostro. Quandoquidem in ipso suo exemplo Mediator 
demonstravit, quando nobis desuper permittit homines nocere, non volunta- 
tem nocendi desuper dari, sed potestatem. Unusquisque enim malus apud 
se habet voluntatem nocendi : ut autem possit nocere, non habet in potestate. 
Ut velit, jam reus est : ut possit, occulta dispensatione providentiae divinae, 
in alium permittitur ad pcenam, in alium permittitur ad probationem, 
in alium permittitur ad coronam. Ad pcenam : quomodo permissi sunt a\\6<pv- 
Xoi, id est, alienigenae, capere populum Israel, quia peccaverunt in Deum. Ad 
probationem autem permissus est Diabolus in Job : probatus est autem Job, 
confusus est Diabolus. Ad coronam vero permissi sunt persecutores in mar- 
tyres. Occisi sunt martyres ; quasi vicisse se arbitrati sunt persecutores : illi 
in manifesto falso triumphaverunt, illi in occulto vere coronati sunt. Ergo in 
quem permittitur, occultae dispensationis est providentiae Dei ; ut autem velit 
nocere ipsius hominis est : non enim continuo quem vult occidit. Itaque ipse 
Dominus, judex vivorum et mortuorum, stans ante hominem judicem (praebens 
nobis humilitatis exemplum et patientiae documentum ; non victus, sed militibus 
pugnandi exemplum demonstrans) minanti judici, tumenti superbia (et dicenti, 
Nescis quia potestatem habeo dimittendi et occidendi te ?) abstulit typhum in- 
flantis, ettanquam reddens exufflationem quadetumesceret, Non haberes, inquit, 
in me potestatem, nisi data tibi esset desuper." Augustin. praefat. in enarrat. 2. 
Psalmi 29. Vide etiam eund. ad Simplicianum, lib. 2. quaest. 1. cum Retractat. 
lib. 2. caip. 1. 



OF THE PRINCE. 373 

the Philistines were permitted to subdue the people of Israel, 
because they had sinned against God. For trial, the devil 
was permitted to assault Job : but Job was tried, the devil 
confounded. For the winning of the crown, the persecu- 
tors were let loose against the martyrs. The martyrs were 
slain, the persecutors thought they had gotten the day: 
these did falsely triumph in public, the other were truly 
crowned in secret. Therefere, that he is permitted to deal 
against any, proceedeth from the hidden dispensation of 
God's providence ; but that he hath a will to hurt, cometh 
from the man himself : for he cannot kill presently whom- 
soever he willeth. Whereupon the Lord himself, the 
judge of the quick and the dead, standing before a man 
that was his judge (delivering therein unto us an example 
of humility, and a document of patience ; not being himself 
overcome, but shewing unto his soldiers a pattern of fight- 
ing) from that judge threatening and swelling with pride, 
(and saying, Knowest thou not that I have power to re- 
lease thee, and to kill thee ?) took away the tumour which 
blew him up, and giving it a puff as it were to make it 
grow down, Thou couldst, said he, have no power 
against me, except it were given thee from above." 

Hereunto we may add likewise that place of Johannes 
Sarisburiensis : " That s which the prince hath ability to 
do, is so from God, that the power doth not depart from 
the Lord : but he useth it by an under-posed hand, shew- 
ing in all things a document either of his mercy or of his 
justice. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, re- 
sisteth the ordinance of God, who hath the authority 
of conferring it, and, when he pleaseth, of taking away or 
diminishing it. For it is not in the power of a great man 
to exercise cruelty upon those that are under his govern- 
ment, when he listeth ; but it is of God's own dispensa- 

s " Quod princeps potest, ita a Deo est ut potestas a Domino non recedat : 
sed ea utitur per suppositam manum ; in omnibus doctrinani faciens dementia; 
aut justitiae sua;. Qui ergo resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit, penes quern 
est auctoritas conferendi earn, et, cum vult, auferendi et minuendi earn. Ne- 
que enim potentis est, cum vult, ssevire in subditos ; sed divinae dispensation^, 
pro beneplacito suo punire vel exercete subjectos." Joh. Sarisburiena. Poly- 
cratic. lib. 4. cap. 1. 



374 THE POWER 

tion, to punish or exercise the subjects according to his 
good pleasure." Out of all which we may learn, that not 
only the ability which princes have of doing every parti- 
cular thing in their government, but also the ordering the 
ends thereof, either to the good or evil of the party to 
whom it is done, dependeth altogether upon the pleasure 
of God, who oftentimes bringeth light out of darkness, 
and disposeth of events to far other purposes than we 
at first would have conceived them to tend unto. 
Which the very Heathen did partly take notice of, who 
said : " The 1 condition of mortal men hath these kinds of 
vicissitudes, that adverse things do arise out of prospe- 
rous, and prosperous out of adverse. God doth hide the 
seeds of both ; and the causes of our good and evil acci- 
dents do oftentimes lurk under a far different show." 

" The Lord knoweth," saith St, Peter, " how u to deli- 
ver the godly out of temptations ; and to reserve the un- 
just unto the day of judgment to be punished." And 
although " the x wrath of man worketh not the righteous- 
ness of God :" yet doth God so order the matter, that 
" The y wrath of man shall praise him, and the remainder 
of wrath shall be restrained by him." Whereupon St. Au- 
gustine when he had declared, that " The 2 power even of 
hurtful kings is from none but God ;" for the justifying of 
his proceeding therein he addeth, that " It is not unjust 
that naughty men receiving power to hurt, both the pa- 
tience of the good should be tried, and the iniquity of the 
wicked persecutors should be punished." For, as he 
elsewhere also noteth : " When a emperors do make evil 

1 " Habet has vices conditio mortalium, ut adversa ex secundis, ex adversis 
secunda nascantur. Occultat utrorumque semina Deus; et plerumque bonorum 
malorumque causae sub diversa specie latent." Plin. Panegyr. ad Trajan. 

11 2 Peter, chap. 2. ver. 9. x James, chap. 1. ver. 20. 

J Psalm 76. ver. 10. 

2 " Etiam nocentium potestas non est nisi a Deo : sicut scriptum est, lo- 
quente sapientia : Per me reges regnant, et tyranni per me tenent terram, &c. 
Injustum enim non est ut improbis accipientibus nocendi potestatem, et bono- 
rum patientia probetur, et malorum iniquitas puniatur." Aug. lib. de natura 
boni, adversus Manich. cap. 32. 

a " Imperatores quando pro falsitate contra veritatem constituunt malas leges, 
probantur bene credentes, et coronantur perseverantes." Aug. lib. de nat. hom. 



OF THE PRINCE. 375 

laws for falsehood and against the truth, the right be- 
lievers are tried, and such as persevere are crowned." 
And again : " The b terror of the temporal powers, when 
it doth oppose the truth, is to the just and strong a glo- 
rious trial, but to the weak a dangerous temptation : but 
when it proposeth the truth to such as err, and are at 
discord ; to men of understanding it proveth a profitable 
admonition, and to such as are not sensible thereof an 
unprofitable affliction. And yet there is no power but of 
God ; and he that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordi- 
nance of God : for rulers are not a terror to good works, 
but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the 
power ? do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise 
for the same. For whether power favouring the truth, 
doth correct any man, he that is amended hath praise there- 
by ; or being enemy to the truth, doth use cruelty against 
any, he that receiveth the crown for obtaining the victory 
hath praise for the same." And therefore, saith he : " If c thy 
governor be good, he is thy nourisher : if he be evil, he is 
thy tempter. Receive thy nourishment willingly, and ap- 
prove thyself in temptation. Be thou gold : consider this 
world as the furnace of the workman. In one narrow 



advers. Manich. epist. 185. " Imperatores si in errore essent, pro errore suo con- 
tra veritatem leges darent, per quas justi et probarentur et coronarentur, non 
faciendo quod illi juberent, quia Deus prohiberet." Augustin. epist. 105. 

b " Terror temporalium potestatum, quando veritatem oppugnat, justis for- 
tibus gloriosa probatio est, infirmis periculosa tentatio : quando autem veritatem 
prsedicat errantibus et discordantibus ; cordatis utilis admonitio est, et insensatis 
inutilis afflictio. Non est tamen potestas nisi a Deo: qui autem resistit potes- 
tati, Dei ordinationi resistit ; principes enim non sunt timori bono operi, sed 
malo. Vis autem non timere potestatem ? bonum fac, et habebis laudem ex 
ilia. Sive enim potestas veritati favens aliquem corrigat, laudem habet ex ilia 
qui fuerit emendatus ; sive inimica veritati in aliquem sseviat, laudem habet ex 
ilia qui victor fuerit coronatus." Aug. lib. de natur. horn, advers. Manich. epist. 
93. " Non ait, Bonum fac, et habebis laudem ex ilia, vel cum earn in obsequium 
Dei lucratus fueris, vel cum ejus persecutione coronam merueris." Aug. in 
exposit. quarund. proposit. ex epist. ad Roman. 

c " Bonus si fuerit qui tibi praeest, nutritor tuns est ; malus si fuerit, tentator 
tuus est. Et nutrimenta libenter accipe, et in tentatione approbare. Esto au- 
rum : attende mundum istum tanquam fornacem artificis. In uno angusto loco 
tria sunt ; aurum, palea, ignis. Ad ilia duo ignis apponitur : palea uritur, 
aurum purgatur." Aug. de verbis Domini, serm. 6. 



376 



THE POWER 



place there are three things : gold, chaff, and fire. The 
fire is put unto the other two : the chaff is burned, the 
gold is purged." To which kind of " fiery d trial" those 
passages of Scripture are to be referred : " When 6 he 
hath tried me, I shall come forth as gold." " That f the 
trial of your faith being much more precious than of gold 
that perisheth, though it be tried with fire, might be so 
found unto praise, and honour, and glory, at the appear- 
ing of Jesus Christ." " Many g shall be purified and made 
white and tried." " Blessed 11 is the man that endureth 
temptation : for when he is tried, he shall receive the 
crown of life, which the Lord hath promised to them that 
love him." 

To draw them to a conclusion of this point. " Either 1 
thou dost justly, and the just power will praise thee; or 
thus doing justly, although the unjust power should con- 
demn thee, the just God will crown thee ;" is the saying 
of Primasius. And, " If k the king doth punish thee 
when thou art nocent, give place to justice: if when thovi 
art innocent, give place to fortune," was of old the advice 
of sage Seneca. Now if a Heathen could bring his mind 
to such a temper, by yielding unto bis blind fortune ; how 
much more should a Christian arm himself with patience, 
by giving way to the all-seeing providence of our most 
wise God ? who so " worketh 1 all things after the coun- 
sel of his own will," that he causeth " all things to 
work," not only severally but also "jointly" 1 , for good to 
them that love him :" making their temporal evil an occa- 
sion of their eternal good : according to that of St. Au- 
gustine : " Princes 11 are to be suffered by their people, 

d 1 Peter, chap. 4. ver. 12. e Job, chap. 23. ver. 10. 

f 1 Peter, chap. 1. ver. 7. s Dan. chap. 12. ver. 10. 

h James, chap. 1. ver. 12. 

* " Aut juste agis, et justa potestas iaudabit te : aut juste agentem, etiamsi 
potestas injusta damnet te, Deus Justus coronabit te." Primas. in Rom. 
chap. 13. 

k "Rex est? si nocentem punit, cede justitise ; si innocentcm, cede fortunae." 
Senec. de Ira, lib. 2. cap. 30. 

I Ephes. chap. 1. ver. 11. 

"' Ylavra avvepyti tig ayadov. Rom. chap. 8. ver. 28. 

II " Ita et a plebibus principes, et a servis domini sunt ferendi, ut sub exerci- 



OF THE PRINCE. 377 

and masters by their servants : that in the exercise of 
their patience temporal things may be borne, and eter- 
nal hoped for" by them. Whereof his scholar Prosper 
maketh this paraphrase in his epigrams : 

Reddendum est quicquid mundi bene postulat ordo, 

Propositumque piae non violat fidei. 
Mitibus et Sanctis nulla est spernenda potestas : 

iEquum servire est regibus et dominis. 
Ut Christi famulis ad verum prosit honorem, 

Dilexisse bonos, et tolerasse malos. 

And so much both of the active obedience, which, in 
all things that may be done, we are bound to perform unto 
our sovereigns ; and of the passive, which, in other cases, 
with all Christian fortitude we are tied to undergo, without 
the least carnal thought either of resisting their autho- 
rity, or conspiring against their person, state or dignity. 



It followeth that we should here also say somewhat 
touching the oath of God: than which no p bond hath 
been esteemed so straight to bind men's faith, as in all 
other matters, so especially in this particular of fidelity - 
and obedience to be performed by subjects unto their 
princes. Wherein a double kind of oath may be taken 



tatione tolerantiae sustineantur temporalia, et sperentur seterna." Prosp. sen- 
ten. 34. ex August. 

"Opicog Srj ttiotiooiq infiecrq) Gf^J. Gregor. Nazian. in opoig sive defini- 
tionib. rerum simplicib. "OpKOQ Sk iari fiera Geiag 7r a pa\i)i\/i(i>Q (paaiq 
avairohiiKTO^. Aristotel. Rhetoric, ad Alexan. cap. 18. 

P " Nullum vinculum ad stringendam fidem jurejurando majores arctius esse 
voluerunt. Id indicant leges in XII. tabul. indicant sacra, indicant fcedera qui- 
bus etiam cum hoste devincitur fides ; indicant notiones animadversionesque 
censorum, qui nulla de re diligentius quam de jurejurando judicabant." Cicer. 
Offic. lib. 3. 

1 " Non ignarus alioquin, nemini religiosius quod juraverit custodiendum, 
quam cujus maxime interest non pejerari." Plin. de Trajano in Panegyrico 
suo. Ad quem Lipsius : "Nam principum status et salus juramento nitebatur, 
quod quotannis, ipsis Kalendis Januariis, senatus prsestabat." 



378 THE POWER 

into consideration ; the one tacit, the other express. For 
as in matrimony the covenant 1 made between man and 
wife is in the Scripture styled " the covenant of God ;" 
because thereby they have not only impledged themselves 
the one unto the other upon earth, but also to God in 
heaven, who is both a witness of that contract, and a 
severe revenger of the breach thereof: so this being 
" the* general covenant of human society," as St. Augus- 
tine speaketh, " to obey our kings ;" God sheweth him- 
self to be so far interested therein, as if an attestation had 
been interposed of his own glorious and fearful name. 
Upon which ground Solomon doth counsel, or rather 
charge us (for the principal verb is wanting in the ori- 
ginal ; as if no word could be found significant enough to 
express the deepness of the charge) " To u keep the king's 
commandment, and that in regard of the oath of God ." 
the very being in the condition of a subject, carrying with 
it by implication a silent kind of oath of fidelity, and due 
obedience. 

But princes, for their better security, beside this tacit 
and implicit, thought fit their subjects should be further 
charged with express and direct forms of oaths. Exam- 
ples whereof we have : one, that which the emperor Jus- 
tinian x required of those who bore office under him ; an- 
other, taken y by the subjects of Charles the Great; di- 
vers required z both of the clergy and the laity, by Carolus 
Calvus ; the a oath of fidelity made unto Frederick Bar- 
barossa and king Henry his son by the cities of Lom- 
bardy, Marchia and Romandiola , and with us not only 
the oaths of supremacy and allegiance ordained by latter 



r Malach. chap. 2. ver. 14. s Prov. chap. 2. ver. 17. 

1 " Generale pactum est societatis humanae, obedire regibus suis." Augustin. 
lib. 3. confess, cap. 8. 

■ Eccles. chap. 8. ver. 2. x Justinian. Novel. 9. tit. 3. 

y Marculph. Formul. a Frid. Lindenbrogio edit. num. 40. 

2 Capitul. Caroli Calvi, cap. 13. 32. et38. (pag. 117. 165. et 387. edit. Paris, 
ann. 1623. 

a De pace Constantiae (in fine corporis juris civilis.) 



OF THE PRINCE. 379 

statutes ; but also the oath b of ligeance, which every sub- 
ject above the age of twelve years is tied to take in the 
Tourn or Leet, by the ancient common law. The viola- 
tion of which sacred bonds, how heinously God doth take, 
even as a despising of his own oath and a breaking of his 
own covenant, these terrible threats of his against Zede- 
kiah, that " rebelled against king Nebuchadnezzar, who 
had made him swear by God," do sufficiently demon- 
strate. " Behold d , the king of Babylon is come to Jeru- 
salem, and hath taken the king thereof, and the princes, 
and led them with him to Babylon. And hath taken of 
the king's seed, and made a covenant with him, and hath 
taken an oath of him : he hath also taken the mighty of 
the land. That the kingdom might be base, that it might 
not lift itself up, but that by keeping of his covenant it 
might stand. But he rebelled against him, in sending his 
ambassadors into Egypt, that they might give him horses 
and much people. Shall he prosper? shall he escape 
that doth such things? or shall he break the covenant 
and be delivered ? As I live, saith the Lord God, surely 
in the place where the king dwelleth that made him king, 
whose oath he despised, and whose covenant he brake, even 
with him in the midst of Babylon he shall die. Neither 
shall Pharoah with his mighty army and great company 
make for him in the way by casting up mounts, and build- 
ing forts, to cut off many persons. Seeing he despised 
the oath, by breaking the covenant (when lo, he had 
given his hand) and hath done all these things, he shall 
not escape. Therefore thus saith the Lord God, As I 
live, surely mine oath that he hath despised, and my 
covenant that he hath broken, even it will I recompense 
upon his own head. And I will spread my net upon him, 
and he shall be taken in my snare, and I will bring him to 
Babylon, and will plead with him there for his trespass 
that he hath trespassed against me. And all his fugi- 

b Coke 7. Report, fol. 6. and 7. in Calvin's case, and in his Institutes, sec. 94. 
and 259. 
c 2 Chron. chap. 36. ver. 13. '• Ezek. chap. 17. ver. 12, 13. &c. 



380 THE POWER 

tives with all his bands shall fall by the sword, and they 
that remain shall be scattered towards all winds : and ye 
shall know that I the Lord hath spoken it." 

And the sentence is very solemn which Isidore, that 
famous archbishop of Seville, with threescore and ten 
other bishops assembled in the fourth council of Toledo, 
did pronounce against such rebellious persons as made 
no conscience of the performance of that oath of fidelity 
which they had taken for the preservation of the safety of 
their king and country : " Whosoever 6 of us, or of the 
people throughout all Spain, shall from henceforward, by 
any kind of conspiracy or practice, violate the oath of 
fidelity which he hath taken for the safeguard of the 
country and Gothish nation, or the preservation of the 
king's majesty, or shall attempt the king's death, or de- 
prive him of the government of his kingdom, or by tyran- 
nical presumption usurp the regal throne ; let him," say 
they in the first place, " be accursed before God the 
Father and the angels, be cast out of the Catholic 
Church which by his perjury he hath profaned, and ex- 
communicated from the company of all Christian men, 
together with all the complices of his impiety : it being fit 
that they should be liable to the same penalty, who are 
found involved in the error of the like conspiracy." And, 
in the second place : " Let f him be accursed befoi'e Christ 
and his apostles, be cast out of the Catholic Church, &c. 
and be damned in God's future judgment, together with 

e " Quicunque amodo ex nobis, vel totius Hispanise populis, qualibet conjura- 
tione vel studio, sacramentum fidei suae, quod pro patriae gentisque Gothorum 
statu, vel conservatione regiae salutis (vel incolumitate regiae potestatis) pollicitus 
est, temeraverit, aut regem nece attrectaverit, aut potestate regni exuerit, aut 
praesumptione tyrannica regni fastigium usurpaverit, anathema in conspectu Dei 
Patris et angelorum, atque ab Ecclesia Catholica, quam perjurio profanaverit, 
efficiatur extraneus ct ab omni ccetu Christianorum alienus, cum omnibus impie- 
latis suae sociis : quia oportet ut una poena teneat obnoxios, quos similis 
error invenerit implicatos." Concil. Toletan. IV. cap. ult. 

' " Anathema in conspectu Christi et apostolorum ejus sit, atque ab Ecclesia 
Catholica, quam perjurio profanaverit, efficiatur extraneus, et ab omni consortio 
Christianorum alienus, et damnatus in futuro Dei judicio habeatur, cum partici- 
bus suis : quia (lignum est ut qui talibus sociantur, ipsi etiam damnationis eo- 
ium participatione obnoxii teneantur." Concil. Toletan. IV. cap. ult. 



OF THE PRINCE. 381 

his partakers: it being just that they who are associated 
to such, should likewise be held obnoxious to the partici- 
pation of their condemnation." And, the third time also : 
" Let g him be accursed before the Holy Ghost and the 
martyrs of Christ, be cast out of the Catholic Church, &c. 
and let him have no portion with the just, but be con- 
demned to eternal punishments with the Devil and his 
angels, together .with those that are combined in the same 
conspiracy ; that they may be tied in the same penalty of 
perdition, who were joined in the same wicked society of 
sedition." Which sentence of the bishops, three times 
thus denounced, In the name of the Father, and of the 
Son, and of the Holy Ghost, was seconded by this ge- 
neral acclamation of the whole clergy and people that 
were present : " Whosoever 11 shall presume against this 
definition of yours, let him be Anathema Maranatha, that 
is, accursed unto the coming of our Lord ; and let them 
have their part with Judas Iscariot, both they and their 
associates." 

This provision 1 for the safety and behoof of princes, was 
confirmed likewise in the fifth council of Toledo ; and this 
canon enacted therein, for the time to come: " In k regard 
of the facility of evil-affected minds, and the forgetfulness 



S " Anathema sit in conspectu Spiritus Sancti et martyrum Christi, atque ab 
Ecclesia Catholica, quam perjurio profanaverit, efficiatur extraneus, et ab omni 
communione Christianorum alienus : neque partem habeat justorum, sed cum 
Diabolo et angelis ejus aeternis suppliciis condemnetur, una cum iis qui eadem 
conjuratione nituntur j ut par poena perditionis constringat, quos in pernicie pra- 
va societas copulat." Concil. Toletan. IV. cap. ult. 

h " Ab universo clero et populo dictum est, Qui contra hanc vestram definitio- 
nem praesumpserint, Anathema Maranatha, hoc est, perditio in adventum Do- 
mini sint ; et cum Juda Iscarioth partem habeant, et ipsi et socii eorum. Amen." 
Concil. Toletan. IV. cap. ult. 

' " Haec nostri concilii communiter considerata defertur sententia ; ut servetis 
qusecunque in universali et magna synodo provisa conscriptaque circa princi- 
pum salutem et utilitatem sunt." Concil. Toletan. V. cap. 2. 

k " Propter malarum mentium facilitatem et memoriae oblivionem, hoc sacra- 
tissima statuit synodus; ut in omni concilio episcoporum Hispaniae, universalis 
concilii decretum quod propter principum nostrorum est salutem constitutum, 
peractis omnibus in synodo, publica voce debcat pronunciari : quatenus saepe re- 
plicatum auribus, vel assiduitate iniquorum mens territa corrigatur, quae ad pne- 
varicandum et oblivione et facilitate perducitur. Concil. Toletan. V. cap. 7. 



382 THE POWER 

of memory, this holy synod hath ordained, that in every 
council of the bishops of Spain, the decree of the na- 
tional council which was made for the safety of our 
princes, after all things are finished in the synod, should 
with a public voice be pronounced : that being often re- 
presented unto men's ears, even by this very assiduity the 
mind of evil men being terrified may be corrected, which 
by their forgetfulness and facility would otherwise be 
drawn to disloyalty." Whereunto, in the tenth council of 
Toledo, this canon also was afterwards added, for the 
deposition of such of the clergy as should violate those 
oaths that were generally taken for the preservation of 
the safety of the king and country. " Whereas 1 , both 
by the sanctions of certain decrees of the fathers, and by 
legal constitutions, it hath been provided, that none should 
attempt to devise any thing contrary to the safety of our 
prince, nation or country ; this one thing is now added, 
specially to be observed, that if any religious person, 
from the bishop unto the meanest of the clerical or mo- 
nastical order, shall be found with a profane intendment 
to have violated those general oaths that have been taken 
for the safety of the king, nation, or country, he shall be 
presently deprived of his dignity, and be excluded both 
from his place and honour; this hope of mercy being 
only reserved, that it shall be left in the power of the 
prince, whether he shall repossess either his place, or 
his honour, or both of them." Thus far the fathers of 
Toledo. 

The first we find that stiffly stood against the taking of 
these general oaths of fidelity, were the Pharisees, who 



1 " Cum et quorundam paternorum sanctionibus decretorum et institutionibus 
sit legalibus cautum, ne contra salutem principum gentisque aut patriae quisquam 
meditari conetur adversum ; hoc unum specialiter nunc depromitur observan- 
dum ; ut siquis religiosorum, ab episcopo usque ad extremum ordinis clericorum 
sive monachorum, generalia juramenta, in salutem regiam gentisque aut patriae 
data, reperiatur violasse voluntateprofana, mox propria dignitate privatus, et loco 
et honore habeatur exclusus ; eo miserationis obtentu tantummodo reservato, ut 
an locum, an honorem, an utraque possideat, concedendi jus licentiamque prin- 
cipalis potestas obtineat." Concil. Toletan. X. cap. 2. 



OF THE PRINCE. 383 

being of " the" 1 strictest sect" of the Jewish religion, 
did indeed " outwardly" appear righteous unto men," 
but within " were full of hypocrisy and iniquity." Yet 
by this outward show of religion they gained such a re- 
putation with the people, that " they were able by that 
means to do much hurt unto those that hated them, and 
to give great furtherance unto such as stood friendly 
affected toward them ; being strongly believed by the 
multitude, even when for mere envy they did speak hardly 
of any man :" so far, that " if p they did speak any thing 
against the king himself, or against the high priest, they 
were presently believed." Of them thus writeth Jose- 
phus : " These q were called Pharisees, such as were able 
openly to practise against kings ; being very subtle, and 
presuming by their motions to raise war against them, 
and to annoy them. Whereas, therefore all the Jews had 
by oaths obliged their fidelity to Caesar Augustus, and to 
the estate of King Herod, these men would not swear at 
all, being above six thousand in number. Whereupon 
the king having imposed a fine upon them, the wife of 
Pheroras, Herod's brother, paid it for them. For which 
cause, they intending to requite her kindness, and being- 
esteemed by their intercourse with God to have obtained 
the knowledge of things to come, foretold her that God 
had determined to bring the government of Herod and 



m Acts, chap. 26. ver. 5. 

n Matt. chap. 23. ver. 27, 28. with Luke, chap. 12. ver. 1. 

° AivaaQai Si 7roAt' irapa Toig 'lovSaioig tovtovq tQaaice, fi\a\pai rt yu- 
ffovvrag, icai (pikovg StaKSi/isvovg UHpeXfjffaC (laKirrrayap 7n<TTEVEo9ai irapa 
ry ir\i]9ti irtpi £)v av Kai ^Qovovvt'bq rt x a Xtirbv Xsyaxri. Alexander rex, 
apud Joseph, lib. 13. antiqu. cap. 23. vide et cap. sequ. et lib. 18. cap. 2. 

P TocravTjjv txovai rrjv iffxvv irapa r<$ irXi]Qu, u>g Kai Kara tov fiaai- 
Xicog ti X'eyovTtg, Kai Kara apxttpevg, tvQiig TriOTEvtoQai. 

i $apioaZot KaXovvrai, (3a<n\tv<n Svvafievoi fiakiara avrnrpaaaeiv, 
irpofiriGelg, kqk tov irpovirrov tig to iro\f[iiiv te /cat fiXairTEiv tirqpfiivoi. 
HavTog ovv rov'lovSa'iKov jit^aiuxravTog St'opKutvfi firjv ivvorjaaiKaiaapi, 
Kai Tolg j3a<n\e<i)g frpayfiacn, oide ot avSpeg oiik u/jLoaav, ovTtg vnip «?«- 
KtffX'Xtot. Kai avrovg jSafftXswc ^rjftwaaVTog X9hv iaaiv ' V Qtp&pov yvvr) 
rr)v £,7][iiav vnip avTwv tioQipti, &c. Joseph, lib. 17. cap. 3. 



384 THE POWER 

his posterity to an end, and that the kingdom should be 
transferred to her and Pheroras, and the children begot- 
ten of them both." But Herod, having discovered the 
conspiracy of these false prophets, put the principal con- 
trivers thereof unto death, and all those of his household 
servants that were of their faction. 

Not long after these, " rose r up Judas of Galilee, in 
the days of the taxing, and drew away much people after 
him :" but with the like success : for " he also perished, 
and all, even as many as obeyed him, were dispersed ," 
as is related by Gamaliel in the Acts of the Apostles. 
This s Judas, with Sadduc the Pharisee his associate, soli- 
cited the people to rebellion : " alleging that the taxing 
brought with it a plain confession of their servitude, and 
exhorting them to maintain their liberty," and brought 
in a new sect among the Jews ; the followers whereof did 
" in' all other things agree with the opinions of the Pha- 
risees, but had a most constant love of liberty, accounting 
God alone to be their prince and Lord. Insomuch 
that they make little account of undergoing excpiisite 
kinds of deaths, or of the punishments of their kins- 
folks, and friends, rather than they would call any man 
their Lord." Whereas, on the other side, the Essenes 
would admit none to any near communion with their 
sect, before he had first bound himself by a solemn 
oath, " ever" to keep his faith unto all, but especially 
unto princes ; considering that no man doth attain 
to that power without God's own appointment." And 



r Acts, chap. 7. ver. 37. 

s 'SadSovKOi' (papiaalov TrpoaXafif^avojitvoQ, i)iriiyiTo iiri airoOTUGic 
Tt]v ti airori(iri<ni' oictv dXXo ?*/ avTucpvg SovXsiav tTTifiptiv Xiyovrig, icai 
Ti)£ tXtv8tpia.Q 67r' civTtX!)\pti TrapaKctXovvTtg to tOvog. Joseph, lib. IS. 
antiqu. cap. 1. 

' Ta fiiv Xonza -Kavra yvufiy rwi' Qaaiaauov bfioXoyovfft, dvcKiptjTog dk 
tov iXtvOepov tpiog ior\v aiiroig, fiovov I'lys/xova teal StcnroTTjv tov Qebv 
vTTEiXr]<p6(Ji. Gavaruv Tt idtag vTrofi'tviiv TraprjXXayptvaQ iv 6Xly({t riOtv- 
rai, icai avyytv&v TijiwpiaQ Kai (piXwv, vittp tov /j.rjSeva (ivQpwirop irpoa- 
ayopEveiv SeffTTOTrjv. Joseph, lib. 18. cap. 2. 

" T6 -kigt'ov at\ irap'i^tiv Traci, jiaXujTa Sk role. Kparovrnv. ov yap ^<X« 
Oiov TrcpiyivtvOai rivi to ap\iiv. Joseph, lib, 2. Bell. Jud. cap. 7. 



OF THE PRTNCE. 385 

the people of the Jews generally had been so far this way 
instructed out of God's word, that when Sejanus intended 
his conspiracy against Tiberius, he first " endeavoured* 
to remove this nation out of the way : which he knew 
would either alone or most of all oppose his ungodly coun- 
sels and practices, for the endangering the life of the 
emperor." Whereupon commandment was given by Ti- 
berius, afterwards unto all the presidents of the provinces, 
that they should " take y into their protection, both the 
men themselves as persons of a peaceable disposition, 
and their laws likewise as things much tending to the 
settlement of public tranquillity." 

So, upon his death, the people of the Jews with the 
first took their oath 2 of fidelity to his successor Caius ; 
and offered solemn 3 sacrifices at the temple of Jerusalem 
for his safety. Who are therefore represented by king 
Agrippa to Caius himself as a nation " from b the begin- 
ning most religiously and piously affected toward his fa- 
mily. For in what things they may," saith he, " and are 
permitted to do by the laws of their religion, they come 
no ways short of any people either of Asia or Europe, in 



x "2r]iavov to 'l9vog dvapiraaai QiXovTog, omp i) fiovov rj /.idXicrra yCei 
fiovXciig avoaioiQ /cat irpa%Effiv dvTi(3>)(rop.Evov, birkp rov TiapaaTmvcriOfjpai 
KivfievvivtravToc avroicpaTopog. Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 

y HapaKaTaGijKtfv exeiv tovq te dvSpag wc, Eiprjvitcovg Tag (pvoEig, /cat 
ra vojiifia u>g akei(j>ovra Trpbg (.vuraOetav. Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 

z "QpKicn rt)v 7r\i]9vv ett tvvoiq nj Taiov. Joseph, antiqu. lib. 18. cap. 7. 
de Vitellio Syrise praeside, Hierosolymis turn agente. 

a UpStTov to ij/iiTtpov itpbv iSkKaro rag VTrsp tTjq dpxvg Tatov Ovuiag. 
Philo, legat. ad Caium. 'E9u<rap.EV, /cat tKaTOfifiag iOvcrafisv, 5>v to alua 
Tip /3w/*<£ 7TEpiinrii<7avTig to. Kp'ia ovk tig Boivijv /cat Eviax'iav o'licaSe t/co- 
[iiffap.ev (u>g 'iOog tv'ioig ttouXv) aAA' bXoicavra to. uptia irapadovreg ttj 
ispi} <pXoyi. Philo, legat. ad Caium. 

b EurrefiiGTara /cat bauorara $ia,Kiip.tvov i£, apxi)Q Trpbg airavTa tov 
iifiiTtpov oikov. 'Ev olg yap t(ptiTai /cat ?£e<m p.erd vopnov tvtjifitiv, ovSe- 
vbg oote tSjv 'AcnavJjv ovte twv ev Eupwiry Xe'ittetcii to Trapcnrav, (iiyalg 
ava9)]p.&T(ov KaravicEvaig, tt\i]9ei 9vmu>v, ov jiovov Iv Tctig Kara. Tag duuo- 
TEXtlg toprag avayofiEvaig,a\\a teal iv Tctlg ko.9' ekoktttjv r)fiipav evteXe- 
Xscnv t£ (itv ov (TTOficiTi /cat yXtotray p\i]vvovai to do-Ej3sg fiaWop f) i/'VYJ/c 
d(pavovg fiovXEVfiaaiv, oi fii) XtyovrEQ oti ^iXoKaiffapig e'igiv, dXX' bvTEr 
bi>To>g. Philo, legat. ad Caium. 

VOL. XI. GG 



386 



THE POWER 



prayers, erection of donaries, and multitude of sacrifices, 
not only in their public celebrities, but also in their daily 
devotions. Whereby they do declare this pious respect 
of theirs, not so much with their mouth and tongue, as 
with the willingness of their inward soul : not saying that 
they are the friends of Caesar, but being so in truth and 
in deed." Thus Agrippa wrote unto Caius, being in- 
censed against the Jews for not giving way to the dedi- 
cating his statue in their temple, with the title which he 
had assumed unto himself of New Jupiter. In the car- 
riage of which unhappy business, it will not be amiss to 
consider that notable example of passive obedience shewed 
at that time by this people. 

The inhabitants of Jerusalem and all the rest of the 
country no sooner had notice of these woful tidings, but 
presently as one man, leaving their towns and castles, and 
houses, they presented themselves in Phoenicia before 
Petronius the president of Syria , unto whom Caius had 
committed the execution of this wicked command of his. 
Where the old men, young folks and boys distributed into 
three ranks, and the old women, younger women and vir- 
gins divided into three other, at one instant fell down 
unto the ground before the president, with a lamentable 
kind of howling. Being commanded to arise and to draw 
nearer, with much ado they did so; and being covered 
with dust, and beblubbered with tears, came with both 
their hands drawn behind their backs after the manner of 
condemned persons, causing their mind to be delivered 
by their spokesmen to this effect : " We c are unarmed, as 

c "Ao7r\oi iapiv tog bpq.g, Trapaytvofitvovg St airtwvTai Tivtg wg TroXtfii- 
ovg' a Si i) tyvaig itcaciT<{) TTpoaevH/itv ap,WTripia p.ipt], %«ipaf, cnrtarpoQa- 
iitv, tvda prjSiv IpyaaaoOai Svvavrai, irapix<>VTsg avTwv to. owp,aTa vpbg 
liHTKowovQ rdlg QiXovaiv cnroKTtlvai (ioXag. Tvva~iKag Kal t'ikvo. Kai ytvtag 
tTTriyay6fi(9a aoi, Kai Sta gov ■xpoairiaovptQa Taitj), p.j]Siva oikoi kutoXi- 
■aovrtg, 'iva i) TrtptrriljffrjTS Travrag, i) Travrag TravwXtQpiq. Sia(f>9tipr}Tt, &c. 
TJvv8av6pi6a irt^agKal 'nnriKag Svvaptig r)VTptTriaBai ko.9' rjfiutv, ti irpbg 
rrjv avaOtaiv avTifSairjptv. ovStlg ovrut fiipyvtv, il>g SovXog wv tvavriovaOai 
ccmrory. Xlap'txofiiv iv tToifup Tag G<payag afffitvoi. KTiivtrwffav, Upiviru)- 
aav. Kpiuvoni'iTujcrav dpaxtl Kal avatpiori iravra oaa KtKparrjKOTwv tpya 
SociTwaav, &c. ' A.iro8av6vTujv to iviraypa yiv'taQu)' pkfifyaiT av ovSi Qtbg 
rjfiac aptyoTtpuv <JToxa'Copkvovc, Kai Trig Trpbg tov avTOKparopa tvXafiiiag, 



OF THE PRINCE. 387 

thou seest ; though some did give out that we were come 
in an hostile manner. And our hands, the members 
which nature hath given unto every man for his defence, 
we have put behind us, that they are able to do nothing : 
presenting our own bodies as a fair mark to be shot at, to 
those that have a mind to kill us. Our wives and our 
children and our families we have brought unto thee, and 
by thee do prostrate ourselves before Caius ; having left 
none at home, to the end that you might either save us 
all, or cut us off all by a common destruction. We hear 
that foot and horse forces are prepared against us, if we 
give impediment to this dedication. There is none so 
mad, that being a servant he would oppose himself against 
his master. We are ready to undergo our slaughter most 
willingly. Let them kill us, sacrifice us, cut us in pieces 
without fight or any loss of the least drop of their own 
blood, let them put in execution whatsoever conquerors 
use to do. This shall be our last will, when we are a 
dying ; that neither God himself may find fault with us 
for having a respect to both these, the reverence we owe 
unto our prince, and the observance due unto our most 
sacred law." 

Petronius, at that time being not able to prevail with 
them, removed from Ptolemais to Tiberias in Galilee ; 
where fifty days together were spent in the treaty of 
this matter : the Jews the mean while neglecting their 
seed time, and " crying d out, that before their law should 
be violated, they were ready to suffer any thing." To 
whom Petronius : " Are you then minded to fight against 
Caesar?" Their answer was, that "Twice every day 



Kai ti)q trpbg roig Ka9u>Giu>nivovg vofiovg aizoBoxfiQ. Philo, legat. ad 
Caium. 

d Tlpbg ravra to 7r\»}0o£ irav tf36a, irpb rov vofxov ira(f%uv troiuug 
t%uv. KaraoruXciQ St 6 Tltrpwvioq ovtwv rr)v fiot)v, YloXtfiiiatTt, uttiv, 
cipa Kaiixapi; Kai 'lovSaloi, Tltpi fiiv Kaiaapog Kai rov Sr/fiov rwv 
'Ptojuaiwv Big Trjg rjfiepag Ovtiv iipaaav. d 8k (3ov\erai rag tUovag eyKa9i- 
Spvtiv, irportpov aiiTov Siiv liirav to 'lovSaiwv iQvoq irpoQvaaoQac irapk- 
%ti St (Ttyag auTOvg troifiovg tig atpayijv, iifia t'ikvoiq Kai yvvai^iv. Joseph, 
lib. 2. Bell. Jud. cap. 17. (al. 9.) 

GG 2 



388 THE POWER 

they did offer sacrifice for Caesar and the people of Rome : 
but if he would needs erect those images, he must first 
offer the whole nation of the Jews for a sacrifice ; they 
being ready to present themselves to the slaughter, toge- 
ther with their wives and children." With which car- 
riage of theirs the president was so moved, that he stayed 
the execution of the business: wherewith the emperor 
was so highly offended, that he threatened death unto 
him, for being so slow in the performance of his com- 
mandments. But seven and twenty days before those mi- 
natory letters came unto his hands, Petronius received 
others that certified him of the death of that bloody ty- 
rant ; who was so professed an enemy not only to the 
Jewish nation, but also to his own, that he " wished e 
the people of Rome had but one neck," that he might cut 
it off with one blow." 

There were living at that time three of the sons of 
Judas of Galilee, James, Simon and Manahem : who, no 
doubt, would not let slip such an opportunity as this, to 
stir up those seditious spirits that adhered unto their 
father's sect, unto an open defection from the Roman 
government. But sure it is, that the two f former, for 
such practices as these, were not long after crucified by 
Tiberius Alexander the Roman governor. The third 
lived to be a chief captain of the rebellious rout, that 
under pretence of recovering their liberty, made that war 
against the Romans which brought themselves and their 
country unto utter ruin : Agrippa the king, and Josephus 
the priest labouring in vain to dissuade them from those 
seditious attempts. For, said Agrippa to them, " Now g 
to desire liberty is unseasonable : you ought at first to 



c " Utinam populus Romanus unam cervicem haberet." Sueton. in C. Cali- 
gula, cap. 30. Dio, histor. lib. 59. P. Oros. lib. 7. cap. 5. 

f Joseph, lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 3. 

£ 'AXXa (ilv Toyt vvv iXivQtpiag tiri9v/itiv awpov' Stov virip tov fi)]dk 
cnrofiaXtZv avrijv ayojviZtcfOai irpoTipov. »; yap iriipa Trjg SovXtiag xa\t- 
7rjj, (cat Trtpi tov fi)j£k apKaoOai ravTtfg o ayujv ciicaiog' o Ss airaS, x^pu- 
Gilg, tTTtira i<j>iarap.tvog, avQacrjg coiiXog tarty, ov <pi\t\tu8tpog. Joseph, 
lib. 2. BelJ. Jud. cap. 28. (al. 16.) 



OF THE PRINCE. 389 

have striven, that you might not lose it ; considering that 
the admittance of slavery is a heavy thing, and that it may 
not at all begin is a just cause of war. But he who being 
once subdued doth afterwards revolt, sheweth himself to 
be a contumacious servant, rather than a lover of liberty." 
Which Josephus also put them in mind of afterward ; 
that although " it h be a good and commendable thing to 
fight for liberty, yet that was to be done in the begin- 
ning: but for those that were once brought into subjec- 
tion, and for a long time had undergone the same, to 
shake off the yoke afterward, would be the part of those 
that were desirous of a shameful death, rather than of 
such as would be accounted the lovers of liberty." 

The prime foundation' of this cruel war was laid by 
Eleazar the son of Ananias the high priest ; who, with his 
complices, rejected the sacrifice that was to be offered for 
Caesar, and with him for the Romans, notwithstanding 
that divers of the chief priests and others of the best 
esteem did earnestly request them not to intermit that 
custom of sacrificing for their governors ; telling them 
thereby, merely " to k provoke the arms of the Romans, 
and," as it were, " to wed a war from them, they had 
brought in a new kind of religion : it 1 being to be feared, that 
such as rejected the sacrifices which were for them, 
should be forbidden any more to sacrifice for themselves ; 



h Ei yap St) ical 7ro\f fitlv hizip iXtvOepiag KaXov, xpijvai to irpwroi'. to 
S' tiirat, viroirtoovTag, Kai [icacpolQ d^avTag xpovoig, siruTa aTro<jtie(j9ai to 
Z,vybv, SvaOavctTWVTUiv ov (piXtXtvQipiov dvai. Joseph, lib. 6. Bell. Jud. cap. 
25. (al. cap. 11.) 

1 Tovro Si i)v Tov7rpbg'P(i)fiaiovg iroXifiov KarafioXi). T))v yap vwip tov- 
tu)V Qvoiav Kaiaapog airippupav, Kai 7roXXd rStv Tt apxitptuiv Kai t£>v 
yj'oopifioiv TrapaKaXovvTwv, fir) 7rapa\iirtlv to vwip twp ijyifioviov iOog, ovk 
iviSoaav. Joseph, lib. 2. cap. 30. (al. cap. 17.) 

k Avtovq Si vvv IpiQi'CovTag to. 'Pw/iaiwv 07r\a, Kai /ivijurtvofiivovg 
t6i> air' tKtivwv TroXtfiov, KaivorofitZv OpijiTKtiav i,ivr\v. Joseph, lib. 2. cap. 
30. (al. 17.) 

1 AsSoiKtvai /jievToi jir) Tag inrip l.Kiivwv cnroppbtyavTtg Ovaiag, KioXvQioai 
Gvtiv Kai to. vTrip iaVTatv, yivijTai Tt tuaairovSog rijg iiyt/ioviag »} irokig, 
ei [iij Ta\ibjg <T(Ai(ppovt)<TavTag aTroSwaovai rag Ovaiag, Kai irplv t%t\9tii> 
i(f> ovg vflpiKaat rr)v <pijjir]v, SiopOwoovTai tt)v vjipiv. Joseph, lib. 2. cap. 
30. (al. cap. 17.) 



390 



THE POWER 



and that the city of Jerusalem should be outlawed by the 
empire, if quickly gathering their wits together they did 
not accept Caesar's sacrifices, and rectify this contumely 
before the fame thereof should come unto those whom 
they had wronged thereby." The mischief was brought 
to the full height by those turbulent persons, who as- 
sumed to themselves the name of Zelots m : and did in- 
deed, saith Josephus, " by 11 their works make good their 
name : for there was no evil work which they did not 
imitate, nor any evil practised within the memory of man, 
wherein they shewed not themselves zealous : howsoever 
they took their name from such as were zealous in good- 
ness." But in the end they brought desolation upon 
their citj, ruin upon their nation, and the severity 13 of 
God's just judgment upon themselves. " For as many 
punishments as it is possible for man's nature to endure 
were heaped upon them, even to the last expiring of 
their life ; which with variety of tortures they miserably 
finished." 

The tail of this smoking firebrand was kindled after- 
ward by that captain of the Jewish rebellion, who named 
himself Barcochebas, the " son of the star," (as if that 
part of Balaam's prophesy, " There q shall come a star 
out of Jacob," had been meant of him) but was by the 
Jews, when they found their expectation deceived by him, 
termed Barcozba, the " son r of a lie." This lewd im- 

m Tovto yap aiirovg tKaXttrav w£ iiz' ayaOoig tmri^tifiaaiv, aXX' ov X,r\- 
XwaavriQTa KaKiara twv ipyiov ical virtpj3aXX6ptvoi. Joseph, lib. 4. cap. 
12. (al. 5.) 

" Trjv Trpoatjyopiav role, ipyoig ETrr)\i)8iv(rav. -nav yap KaKiag ipyov 
i^ip.ip.i)aavTO, firfS 1 tin npoTipov irpovTrapxOtv r) fiviipi) irap'idwKtv, avroi 
TrapaXnrovrtg aZrjXworov' icairoi rr\v irpoorjyopiav avrolg airb tS)v iir' 
aya9<p ^jjXovjuevojj/ t7r't9r]Gav. Joseph, lib. 7. cap. 30. (al. 28.) 

° 'H yap Kara rov diip,ov tuiv £»/\u)rwv itriQioig Karijp^tv aXwatwg ry 
iruXti. Joseph, lib. 6. cap. 1. 

•* Hpoo-i/Kov s/crtOToi to TtXog tvpovTO, rov Gfou Tt)v a^iav Itti iraoiv 
avrolg Tifiwpiav j3paj3tvaavrog. ooag yap avQponrov Svvarai <pi)aig KoXa- 
aag VTToptivai, Traoai KUTt<TKii^/av tig avTovg, p.'&XP l Kai rrjg iaxurrjg rov 
fiiou TtXevrijg, rjv vn'tp.tivav iv TToXvTOoTroig ainiaig cnroOavovrtg. Joseph, 
lib. 7- cap. 30. 

<i Num. chap. 24. ver. 17. 

r " Cochebas dux Judaicae fact'.onis nolentes sibi Christianos adversum Ro- 



OF THE PRINCE. .391 

postor, because he could not draw the Christians from 
their allegiance, nor persuade them to join arms with the 
Jewish faction against the power of the Romans, inflicted 
all the tortures upon them that he could devise. For the 
heresy of Judas of Galilee had by this time fully possessed 
the Jews; a people who " neither 15 pleased God," and 
were contrary to all men ; not only " denying 1 that they 
were any way tied by the Roman laws," but also account- 
ing it a crime to obey them. And now the spirit of obedi- 
ence did pass from the synagogue of those " which" say 
they are Jews and are not," to the " Church* of the living 
God," which did so wait for the kingdom hoped for at 
the glorious appearing of our Saviour Jesus Christ, that it 
detracted nothing in the mean time from that subjection 
our Lord himself, both by his precept and example, had 
prescribed to be given by his followers unto all earthly 
kings and governors. 

And yet were the Pagans so mistaken herein that, 
" When y they heard the Christians did expect a kingdom, 
they undiscreetly supposed that they meant a worldly one, 
not that which hereafter they should have with God," at 
the second coming of our Saviour. Which the emperor Do- 
mitian is therefore said to have no less feared 2 , than 
Herod did the first. Whereupon he caused some that 
remained of the kindred of our Lord according to the 
flesh to be presented before him, who being " demanded* 
touching Christ and his kingdom, what kind of thing it 

manum militem ferre subsidium, omnimodis cruciatibus necat.'' Euseb. in 
Chronico. Vid. etP. Oros. hist. lib. 7. cap. 13. 

s 1 Thess. chap. 2. ver. 15. 

4 " Cum ipsi Romanis legibus teneri se negent, ita ut crimina leges putent; 
nunc velut Romanis legibus se vindicandos putent?" Ambros. lib. 5. eplst. 29. 

u Rev. chap. 2. ver. 9. and chap. 3. ver. 9. 

x 1 Tim. chap. 3. ver. 15. 

y 'Y/itig, aKOvaavTtg (iaffiXeiav npoadoKwi'Tag I'l/iag, cucpiTiog avOptoTTi- 
vov Xiytiv r;/jae. viruXr)(paTt, t'lfiuiv tt\v fitra &iou Xtyovriav. Justin. 
Martyr, pro Christianis apolog. 2. 

z 'EtpofitZro yap rrjv irapovaiav tov Xpiarov, wg Kai 'UpdjStjg. Hege- 
sippus apud Euseb. lib. 3. hist, eccles. cap. 20. 

a 'EptortjQi vrag St ntpi row Xpiarov Kai rijg (3affiXtiag avrov, vTroia 
rig iliy, Kai itort, Kai iroi (pavijaofi'ivi], \6yov Bovvai, dig oil ko(T^ik»; jjiiv oiid' 



392 THE POWER 

was, and when and where it should appear, they returned 
for answer, that it was neither worldly nor earthly, but 
celestial and angelical ; and that it should be at the con- 
summation of the world, when that he coming in glory 
shall judge the quick and the dead, and render unto every 
man according unto his works." Upon which it is said, 
that Domitian condemned them not, but despising them 
as mean persons, did both let them go free, and by edict 
stayed the persecution then raised against the Church. 

But our Saviour himself had long since resolved this 
doubt in that " good b confession which he witnessed be- 
fore Pontius Pilate ;" when he plainly declared, that 
" his c kingdom was not of this world." Whereupon 
St. Augustine maketh this loud proclamation: " Hear d 
Jews and Gentiles, hear circumcision, hear uncircumci- 
sion, hear all kingdoms upon earth. I do not hinder 
your government in this world. My kingdom is not of 
this world :" and then biddeth them " not e to fear with 
that most vain fear, wherewith Herod was so troubled, 
when news was brought him that Christ was born, and 
killed so many infants, that death might come upon him ; 
being made more cruel by fearing than by being angry." 
Of whomMaximus Taurinensis also thus : " The f king was 
troubled, fearing, I believe, his kingdom should be 

iniyiiog, tirovpuvioQ eh kui dyytXiia) TVyj^dvif tftl avvrtkiiq. tov cliuvoq 
yivi](TOfiiv>i, 0Tn]v'iKa i\6wv iv S6£?j Kpivii ^Hvtclq ko.1 vtKpovQ, icai cnro- 
cwati iKUGTip Kara ru t7rirri!)tviiara avrov. 'E0' oic. fiyS'tv avrwv icany- 
vwKora tov Aofitriaviv, dWd icai o>c. tvrtXwv Karafpoin'jaavTa, l\tv9t- 
povQ fitv avrovQ aviivai, Karcnravaai Si Sia TrpoardyftaTog tov Kara tijQ 
t/c/cX/jcriae cuoy/jLov. Hegesippus apud Euseb. lib. 3. hist, eccles. cap. 20. 

b 1 Tim. chap. 6. ver. 13. ,: John, chap. 18. ver. 36. 

d " Audite Judaei et Gentes, audi circumcisio, audi prseputium, audite omnia 
regna terrena. Non impedio dominationem vestram in hoc mundo : regnum 
meum non est de hoc mundo." Augustin. in Evang. Johan. tract. 115. 

c " Nolite metuere metu vanissimo, quo Herodes ille major, cum Christus 
natus nunciaretur, expavit, et tot infantes, ut ad eum mors perveniret, occidit ; 
timendo magis quam irascendo crudelior." Augustin. in Evang. Johan. tract. 1 15. 

f " Turbatur rex, regno (credo) metuens suo: nesciusquia Christus non venie- 
bat regnum ejus invadere, sed salvare ; et quod nulli inferret mortem, qui est vita 
cunctorum." Maxim. Taurin. homil. 4. in Epiphania Dom. See the book of 
the religion of the ancient Irish, toward the end of the eleventh chapter. Works, 
vol. 4. pag. 371. 



OF THE PRINCE. 393 

touched : not knowing that Christ came not to invade his 
kingdom, but to save it; and that he intended not to 
bring death upon any, who is the life of all men." 

And whereas, after the ascension of our Saviour, there 
had been " a g great fame spread abroad, which charged 
his apostles with sedition and innovation, as if they had 
directed all their actions" and speeches to the subversion 
of the common laws ; St. Paul therefore was very careful 
to " give h order unto the Church of God, that without 
making any opposition to secular princes and powers, in 
quietness and tranquillity of life, it should exercise the 
work of justice and piety." For " if we should admit, 
for example," saith Origen, " that such as believed in 
Christ would not be subject to the secular powers, nor 
render tribute, nor pay customs, nor give fear or honour 
unto any : should not they by this means deservedly turn 
the arms of governors and princes against themselves, 
and thereby make their persecutors excusable, but them- 
selves culpable 1 For now it would appear that they were 
impugned, not for their faith, but for their contumacies' 
sake, and to have a cause indeed of death, but a merit 
of death very unworthy" of their profession. 

Which apostolical lesson the Christians, which endured 
the brunt of the first ten persecutions, had learned so 
exactly, that none in the whole world were found so du- 
tiful unto their princes as they : as appeareth both by 
their known practice, and their own professions in their 
public apologies. " For' if we did expect an earthly 

S Kai yap ttoXvq TripwpkpiTo Xoyog tots, iiri (TTaati icai KaivoTOfiiq, Sia- 
fiaXXwv tovq airoGToXovq, izai wq itt' avaTpoiry tuiv koivwv vofiuiv a-navTa 
TroiovvTag Kai Xeyovrag. Chrysost. in epist. ad Roman, homil. 23. 

h " Ordinat quidem per haecPaulus Ecclesiam Dei, ut nihil adversi principalis 
et potestatibus seculi gerens, per quietem et tranquillitatem vitae, opus justitise et 
pietatis exerceat. Si enim ponamus, verbi gratia, credentes Christo potestatibus 
seculi non esse subjectos, tributa non reddere, nee vectigalia pensitare, nulli ti- 
morem, nulli honorem deferre ; nonne per haec rectorum et principum merito 
in semetipsos arma converterent ; et persecutors quidem suos excusabiles, 
semetipsos vero culpabiles redderent ? Non enim jam fidei sed contumaciam 
causa impugnari viderentur : et esset eis causa quidem mortis, meritum vero 
mortis indignum." Origen. lib. 9. in epist. ad Roman, cap. 13. 

1 Ei yap dvOpunivov fiaaiXiiav wpoatcoKuiixiv, Kq.v npvovjiiQa orrwg fi>) 



394 THE POWER 

kingdom," saith Justin Martyr to the emperor Antonius, 
we would deny our religion, that we might escape death ; 
and we would labour to conceal ourselves that we might 
attain our expectation. But because we have not our 
hopes fixed upon the things of this life, we care nothing 
for those that slay us ; being otherwise assured that we 
must certainly die. And as for the preservation of peace, 
we yield to you more help and assistance than all other 
men." And for " tributes k and collections, we endea- 
vour every where before all others, to bring them in unto 
the officers appointed under you : as we have been taught 
by our Lord himself," commanding us to give unto Caesar 
the things that are Caesar's. " Whence we worship 
indeed God alone, but in other things we cheerfully do 
service unto you, acknowledging you to be the kings and 
princes of men." So Theophilus, bishop of Antioch : 
" Honour 1 the king, honour him by wishing well unto him, 
by being subject unto him, and by praying for him. For 
in doing thus thou shalt do the will of God : for the law 
of God saith, My son, honour God and the king ; and be 
disobedient to neither of them." And again : " The m word 
of God commandeth us to be subject to principalities and 
powers, and to pray for them, that we may lead a quiet 
and peaceable life." So likewise Athenagoras, in his 
apology to M. Aurelius and his son Commodus, having 



dvaipdtfieQa, Kai XavOdvEiv tTTtipwfitOa ottwq twv TrpoooKiopiEVwv ri'XWjU.tJ'. 
«\\a tTrti ovk Etg to vvv Tag tXniSag ixofiiv, dvaipovvratv ov TTEtypovTiKa- 
fiev, tov Kai navriog cnroQavtiv b(pEi\op.'tvov. 'Apioyoi b" lifiiv Kai av/ifia- 
Xoi irpbg ilpi\vr)v i<j\itv irdvTtov [idWov dv9pu>Tru>v. Justin. Martyr, 
apolog. 2. 

k &6povg dt Kai Ei<T<j>opdq Toig v<p' vp,wi' TETayfi'ivoig nai'Taxov irpb irdv- 
tu>v 7TEiph)ne6a (p'ipuv u>g kSiSdxOriiiev Trap' avrov [XjOiotoj}] &c. oOev Qebv 
fiiv fiovov 7rpo(TKVvovfiiv, vfiiv Se irpbg to. d\\a \aipovTtg virrjpEToviiEV, 
(3a<ri\eiQ Kai dpxovTEg dv6pw7Th>v bfj.o\oyovVTEg. Justin. Martyr, apolog. 2. 

1 Tbv fiacnX'ta Tifia, rifia tiivodv avrip, inroraaaofiivog avrtp, EvxbfiEVog 
vnip avrov' tovto yap noiuiv, iroiug to OiXr/na tov Qeov. Xiyti yap 6 vo- 
pog. Tifia, vii, tov Qeov Kai fiaaiXka, Kai firf^Evi avTwv dnEtOijg yq- 
Theophil. ad Autolyc. lib. 1. 

m "Eri fikv Kai nEpi tov vTroTacdEaQai dpxaig Kai i^ovaiatg, Kai n"'%£(r- 
Oai vttep avTu>v, keKevei rjfilv b OEiog Xoyog, ottwq fjpEfiov Kai r)cr^ioj' 
(iiov dtdytopiv. Theophil, ad Autolyc. lib. 3. 



OF THE PRINCE. 395 

declared that the Christians were "of" all others most 
piously and justly disposed toward God and their empire ; 
and wished them to make enquiry touching their life, 
doctrine, observance and obedience toward them, toge- 
ther with their house and empire :" concludeth his whole 
discourse with this profession : " We p pray for your em- 
pire that the son (as it is most just) may in the kingdom 
succeed the father, and that your empire may increase 
and flourish, all being made subject unto you; which 
would be much for our good ; that we, leading a quiet 
and peaceable life, may readily obey you in all your com- 
mands." 

Tertullian is full to the same purpose ; " Thou q that 
thinkest we have no care of the safety of Caesar, look into 
the Word of God, I mean our books, which neither we 
ourselves do suppress, and many chances bring to foreign- 
ers. Know, that by them we are commanded for the 
shewing the redundancy of our charity to pray unto God 
even for our enemies, and to wish well unto our persecu- 
tors. Now who are more enemies and persecutors 
of Christians than they, the neglect of whose majesty we 



n HdvTtov tvatjikaraTa Siatctipievovg /cat SacaioTara 7rpog re to Otlov 
Ktti Tjjv vixtTipav fiaoikuav. Athenagor. legat. pro Christian. 

° Ilpof vfiG>v Xoiirbv, tKtTCMTtv Trou'tcraoGai jSiow, Boyfiaruv rrjg Trpbg 
v/iag /cat rbv vjikrtpov oIkov /cat tt)v ftaffiXiiav ffTTovdfjg /cat viraicoijg. 
Athenagor. legat. pro Christian. 

P Htpi fikv ri)g dpx'lfi T *)c vfitripag tvxo/jitQa, 'iva ralg fiev irapa tra- 
rpbg Kara rb SiKaiorarov SiaBkxqrai rt)v (iaaiXeiav, avZ,t)<nv Sk /cat tTrlSo- 
oiv y) apx>) vfiwv, navrojv viroxtipiojv yiyvojitvtov, \ap,(3avy. tovto S' sort 
/cat irpbg r/paiv, oirwg i)piij,ov /cat t'/avxiov jilov Sidyoifitv, avroi fie irdvra 
to. KiKiktvp.'tva -KpoOvfidiig viriiptToipiv. Athenagor. legat. pro Chris- 
tian. 

i " Qui putas nihil nos de salute Csesarum curare, inspice Dei voces, literas 
nostras ; quas neque ipsi supprimimus, et plerique casus ad extraneos transfe- 
runt. Scito ex illis praeceptum esse nobis, ad redundantiam benignitatis etiam 
pro inimicis Deum orare, et persecutoribus nostris bona precari. Qui magis ini- 
mici et persecutors Christianorum, quam de quorum majestate convenimur in 
crimen ? Sed etiam nominatim atque manifeste, Orate, inquit, pro regibus et 
pro principibus et potestatibus, ut omnia tranquilla sint. Vobiscum enim con- 
sutitur imperium : concussis etiam cseteris membris ejus, utique et nos (licet ex- 
tranei a turbis sestimemur) in aliquo loco casus invenimur." Tertull. apolog. 
cap. 31, 32. 



396 THE POWER 

are brought to answer for as a crime ? But beside, by 
name and expressly, pray, saith the Scripture, for kings 
and for princes and powers, that all things may be peace- 
able. For together with you is the empire shaken: 
and the rest of the members thereof being so shaken, 
surely we also (although esteemed strangers from such 
troubles) will be found partakers of that fall." And " there- 
fore 1 " do we sacrifice for the safety of the emperor, but to 
our God and his, and in such sort as God himself hath 
commanded, with pure prayer. So that we pray for the 
emperor's safety more than you, asking it of him who is 
able to give it." And again : " We 8 pray for emperors, 
for their officers and magistrates. For 1 the emperors' 
safety we call upon the eternal God, the true God, the 
living God ; whom the emperors themselves would wish 
before all others should be propitious unto them. They 
know who gave them their empire, and they know, as 
they are men, who gave them their soul : they understand 
that he only is God, in whose power alone they are. 
Having 11 our arms therefore thus spread out unto God, 
let the hooks tear us, the crosses hang us, the fires lick 
us up, the swords cut our throats, the beasts leap upon 
us: the posture of a Christian praying is prepared 
for all kind of torment. Go to now, you good presidents, 
wrest out the soul that is a supplicating for the empe- 
ror. 



r " Itaque et sacrificamus pro salute imperatoris, sed Deo nostro et ipsius : 
sed (juomodo praecepit Deus, pura prece, &c. Ita nos magis oramus pro salute 
imperatoris, ab eo earn postulantes qui praestare potest." Tertull. ad Scapulam, 
cap. 2. 

s " Oramus etiam pro imperatoribus, pro ministris eorum et potestatibus." 
Tertull. in apolog. cap. 39. 

1 " Nos pro salute imperatorum Deum invocamus aeternum, Deum verum, 
Deum vivum, quem et ipsi imperatores propitium sibi praster caeteros malunt. 
Sciunt quis illis dederit imperium, sciunt qua homines, quis et animam : sentiunt 
eum Deum esse solum, in eujus solius potestate sunt." Tertull. ad Scapulam, 
cap. 30. 

u " Sic itaque nos ad Deum expansos ungulae fodiant, cruces suspendant, ig- 
nes lambant, gladii guttura detruncent, bestiae insiliant : paratus est ad omne 
supplicium habitus orantis Christiani. Hoc agite, boni praesides, extorquete 
animam Deo supplicantem pro imperatore." Tertull. in apolog. cap. 30. 



OF THE PRINCE. 397 

And with what invincible constancy they endured this 
cruelty (which* they accounted their glory) without any 
thought of revenge or resistance to the authority placed 
over them, howsoever they had power enough to meet 
with their persecutors, the same author thus elegantly 
declares : " We y are defamed touching the imperial ma- 
jesty : and yet were Christians never found to be Albi- 
nians, Nigrians or Cassians ;" relating to Clodius Albinus, 
Pescennius Niger, and Avidius Cassius, who rebelled 
against the emperors of his time, " but the same men 
that the very day before did swear by the genius of the 
emperor, that offered up and vowed sacrifices for their 
safety, that had often condemned the Christians, were 
found to be their enemies. And that we indeed do 
carry ourselves according to that lesson which we have 
learned of divine patience, hereby it may be manifest 
enough unto you, that being so great a multitude of 
men, the greater part almost of every city, we behave our- 
selves silently and modestly ; being perhaps better known 
severally than jointly, nor otherwise discernible but by 
the amendment of our former vices. For God forbid that 
we should take those things in evil part which we desire 
to suffer, or plot any revenge from ourselves, which we 
expect from the hand of God. Otherwise one 2 night, 



x " Crudelitas vestra gloria est nostra." Tertullian. ad Scapulam, cap. ult. 

y "Circa majestatem imperatoris infamamur: tamen nunquam Albiniani, 
nee Nigriani, vel Cassiani inveniri potuerunt Christiani ; sed iidem ipsi, qui per 
Genios eorum in pridie usque juraverunt, qui pro salute eorum hostias et fece- 
rant et voverant, qui Christianos saepe damnaverant, hostes eorum sunt reperti. 
Et utique ex disciplina patientiae divinae agere nos, satis manifestum esse vobis 
potest, cum tantahominum multitudo, pars pene major civitatis cujusque in si- 
lentio et modestia agimus ; singuli forte magis nod quam omnes, nee aliunde 
noscibiles, quam de emendatione vitiorum pristinorum. Absit enim ut indigne 
feramus ea nos pati quae optamus, aut ultionem a nobis aliquam machinemur, 
quam a Deo expectamus." Tertull. ad Scapulam, cap. 2. 

z " Quando vel una nox pauculis faculis largiter ultionis posset operari, si 
malum malo dispungi penes nos liceret. Sed absit ut aut igni humano vindice- 
tur divina secta, aut doleat pati in quo probatur. Si enim et hostes exer- 
tos, non tantum vindices occultos, agere vellemus, deesset nobis vis numerorum 
et copiarum ? Plures nimirum Mauri et Marcomani, ipsique Parthi, vel quan- 
taecunque unius tamen loci et suorum finium gentes quam totius orbis? Externi 



398 THE POWER 

with a few firebrands, would yield us sufficient revenge, if 
it were lawful with us to expunge evil with evil. But 
God forbid that the followers of the divine religion should 
either revenge themselves with human fire, or be grieved 
to suffer that wherein they are tried. And had we been 
minded to profess open hostility, and not to practise hidden 
revenge, could we want number of men or force of arms ? 
Are the Moors, and the Marcomans, and the Parthians 
themselves, or any one particular nation whatsoever, more 
in number than we that are spread over the world ? We 
are not of you, and yet we have filled all you have ; your 
cities, islands, castles, towns, assemblies, your very tents, 
tribes and wards, yea the palace, senate, and place of 
judgment. Your temples alone we leave unto yourselves. 
For what war were we not able and ready, though we 
were fewer in number than you, that go to our martyrdom 
so gladly ; if it were not more lawful in our religion to be 
slain than to slay ? We could without arms, never rebel- 
ling, but only dividing ourselves from you, have done you 
spite enough with that separation. For if so great a mul- 
titude of men as we are, should have broken out from you 
into some corner of the world, the loss of so many citizens 
would have shamed you, yea, and by the very destitution 
punished you. Without all peradventure you would have 
been afraid to see yourselves left solitary ; and in that si- 
lence of things, and kind of amazement of a dead city, you 



sumus. et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, concilia- 
bula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum, forum. Sola vobis relin- 
quimus templa. Cui bello non idonei, non prompti fuissemus, etiam impares 
copiis, qui tarn libenter trucidamur ? si non apud istam disciplinam magis oc- 
cidi liceret quam occidere. Potuimus et inermes, nee rebelles, sed tantummodo 
discordes, solius divortii invidia adversus vos dimicasse. Si enim tanta vis ho- 
minum in aliquem orbis remoti sinum abrupissemus a vobis ; suffudisset utique 
dominationem vestram tot qualiumcunque amissio civium, imo etiam et ipsa des- 
titutione punisset. Proculdubio expavissetis ad solitudinem vestram, ad silen- 
tium rerum et stuporem quendam quasi mortuae urbis qusesissetis quibus in ea 
imperassetis. Plures hostes quam cives vobis remansissent : nunc enim pauci- 
ores hostes habetis prse multitudine Christianorum pene omnium civium, pene 
omnes cives Christianos habendo." Tertull. in apolog. cap. 37. Vide etiam cap. 
49, et 50. 



OF THE PRINCE. 399 

would have sought whom you might rule in it. More ene- 
mies would have remained unto you than citizens : where 
now you have fewer enemies by reason the multitude of 
your citizens, that are almost all Christians." 

And yet, saith Origen, " when 3 we do nothing contrary 
to the law and word of God, we are not so mad nor furious 
as to stir up against ourselves the wrath of the king or the 
magistrate, which would bring upon us blows, torments, 
and divers kinds of death. For we have read that which 
is written : Let every soul be subject unto the higher pow- 
ers: for there is no power but of God ; and the powers 
that be are ordained of God. They therefore that op- 
pose the power, do oppose the ordinance of God." But 
when without any opposition to this power, the Christian, 
for the preservation of a good conscience, submitteth him- 
self thereunto, ready to endure any torments rather than 
on either side to violate the duty imposed upon him by his 
God ; the less he seeketh to right himself therein, the 
more will he to whom vengeance belongeth assume the 
cause into his own hand. Which maketh St. Cyprian 
thus boldly to deliver his mind unto Demetrius, the cruel 
prosecutor of God's saints in Africa : " Leave b off to hurt 
the servants of God and Christ by thy persecutions ; 
whom being hurt the divine vengeance doth defend. For 
hence it is, that none of us when he is apprehended doth 
resist, or revenge himself against your unjust violence, al- 
though the number of our people be exceeding great. 
The confidence we have, that God will hereafter avenge 



a "Ev9a/iev 701 ovStv tvavriov Trparrofisv voptg KaWbyip Qeov, ov fiEfiy- 
vafisv, ovfi' op/jLMfitv kccO' taVT&v syiipsiv (3a<n\sojg rj Svvacrrov Gvfiov, tnl 
aiKiag Kai fia<yaviari)pia »/ Kai Qavarovg tj/xag (pkpovra. avkyvMfjLtv yap 
Kai to, iraaa ip v X 7 ) tKovoiaig vTTEptxovffaig vTroraoa'taQo}' ov yap Icstiv 
tZovaia 11 fiij a?ro 0£oD, aids ovaai tZovaiai inrb rov Qtov Ttrayfikvaitlciv, 
&OTE o\ avOtartiKOTEg T?j «Soi'<xitt, Ty tov Qeov SiaTayy av8Lo~TavTai. Ori- 
gen. lib. 8. contra Celsum. 

b " Lsedere servos Dei et Christi persecutionibus tuis desine, quos laesos ultio 
divina defendit. Inde est enim quod nemo nostrum, quando apprehenditur, 
reluctatur ; nee se adversus injustam violentiam, quamvis nimius et copiosus nos- 
ter sit populus, ulciscitur. Patientes facit de futura ultione securitas." Cypri- 
an, de Demetrian. 



400 THE POWER 

us, doth make us patient:" to the returning of which ven- 
geance the Lord is the sooner moved, when he doth find 
at the same time the persecuted labouring with him for 
the welfare of their persecutors. For " \ve c ," saith Cyprian 
there, " day and night continually and instantly do pray, 
propitiating and appeasing God for your peace and safe- 
ty." And "to d him we pour incessant prayers for the 
reign of Valerianus and Galienus, that it may continue 
unshaken;" saith Dionysius bishop of Alexandria. " For e 
thy safety have I always worshipped Christ, and for the 
state of the Roman empire have I always adored him who 
is in heaven ;" saith St. Sebastian unto the emperor Dio- 
cletian: and again: "The f priests of the temples do pos- 
sess the minds of your majesties with most unjust surmi- 
ses, suggesting false tales, as if they were adversaries to 
the commonwealth : whereas by their prayers the com- 
monwealth is bettered and encreased : for they cease not 
to pray for your empire, and for the safety of the Roman 
army." 

And here, under those cruel emperors Diocletian and 
Maximian (in whose army St. Sebastian served) that most 
illustrious example of passive obedience presenteth itself 
unto our view, which the Thebasan legion shewed, con- 
sisting of six thousand six hundred and sixty-six valiant 
Christians. The tenth man of whom when Maximian 
had caused to be executed, for refusing to offer sacrifice 
unto his false gods ; Mauricius, taking the rest of the le- 



c " Pro pace ac salute vestra propitiantes ac placantes Deum, diebus ac noc- 
tibus jugiter atque instanter oramus." Cypr. ad Demet. 

d Kai tovt^i oirjvtKuiQ virip tt)q fiaaikeiag avrwv (OvaXepiavov /cat Ta- 
Xiiivov) ottwq aadXtvTOQ Siafi'ivy. Dionys. Alexan. advers. German, apud 
Euseb. lib. 7. hist, eccles. cap. 11. 

e " Pro salute tua semper Christum colui : et pro statu orbis Romani ilium 
qui in coelis est semper adoravi." Act. 5. Sebastiani ; upud Surium, Januar. 
20. et Vincent. Bellovacens. in specul. historial. lib. 12. cap. 18. 

f " Iniquissimis subreptionibus animos imperii vestri templorum pontifi- 
ces obsident, suggerentes de Christianis falsa commenta, tanquam illi sint 
reipublicae adversarii : cum illorum orationibus respublica in melius proficiat et 
crescat : non enim cessant pro imperio vestro et pro salute Romani exercitus 
orare." Act. 5. Sebastiani ; apud Surium, Januar. 20. et Vincent. Bellova- 
cens. in Specul. historial. lib. 12. cap. 18. 



OF THE PRINCE. 401 

gion aside, used this oration unto them ; as Eucherius 
archbishop of Lyons relateth, in the Acts of their martyr- 
dom: " I" congratulate your virtue, most worthy fellow- 
soldiers, that, for the love of religion, the command of 
Caesar wrought no fear at all in you. You have seen your 
fellow-soldiers, in a manner with rejoicing minds, to have 
been delivered up unto a glorious death. How did I fear 
lest any of you, as it was easy for armed men to do, un- 
der pretence of defence should by lifting up his hands 
give interruption to their most blessed funerals ! I had 
now ready at hand, for the forbidding of this attempt, the 
example of our Christ ; who by the command of his own 
mouth put up the sword which was unsheathed by his 
apostle : teaching thereby, that the virtue of Christian 
confidence is greater than all weapons. Here Christ our 
God did clearly prohibit your minds and hands; that 
none with mortal arm should resist the divine work, but 
rather with ever continued religion add a consummation 
to the work begun. Hitherto we have read examples in- 
serted into the Holy Scriptures : but even now we our- 
selves have beheld, whom we ought to imitate." 

Then, when Maximinian had commanded that a second 
decimation should be made of those that remained, Exu- 
perius, taking into his hands the ensigns of his legion, 
spake thus unto them: " My h most worthy fellow-soldiers, 

5 " Gratulor virtuti vestrae, commilitones optimi, quod amore religionis nul- 
lam vobis Caesaris prfficeptum attulit formidinem, Gaudentibus quodammodo 
animis tradi ad necem gloriosam commilitones vestros vidistis. Quam timui ne 
quisquam, quod armatis facile est, specie defensionis beatissimis funeribus manus 
afferre tentaret ! Jam mihi ad hujus rei interdictum Christi nostri parabatur 
exemplum, qui exemptum vagina apostoli gladium propria? vocis jussione recon- 
didit : docens, majprera armis omnibus Christians confidential esse virtutem. 
Hie Deus Christus plane mentes vestras manusque prohibuit ; ne quisquam di- 
vino operi mortalibus dextris obsisteret, quin imo coepti operis finem perenni re- 
ligione compleret. Hactenus exempla sacris inserta codicibus legebamus : jam 
nunc per nosmet ipsos, quos sequi debeamus, adspeximus." &c. Eucher. Lug- 
dunens. in Actis martyrum Agaunensium, torn. 5. Surii, Septemb. 22. 

h " Tenere me, commilitones optimi, secularium quidem bellorum signa per- 
spicitis ; sed non ad haec arma provoco ; non ad haec bella animos vestros virtu- 
temque compello. Aliud nobis genus eligendum est prseliorum. Non per hos 
gladios potestis ad regna coelestia properare." Eucher. Lugdunens. in Actis 
martyrum Agaunensium, torn. 5. Surii, Septemb. 22. 

VOL. XI. H H 



402 THE POWER 

I hold, as you see, the ensigns of a secular warfare : but 
to these arms I provoke you not ; I excite not your cou- 
rage and your valour to such wars as these. Another 
kind of fight is to be chosen by us. It is not by these 
swords that you can make your way to the kingdom of 
heaven :" and afterwards wisheth this message should be 
returned unto the persecuting emperor : " We 1 are thy 
soldiers indeed, but withal, which we freely profess, God's 
servants. To thee we owe our employment in the war, 
to him our innocence : from thee have we received the re- 
ward of our labour ; to him we are beholding for the be- 
ginning of our life. We cannot so follow thee in this, 
though our prince, as to deny God who is our maker, and, 
whether thou wilt or wilt not, is thine also." 

After this, in Ado's martyrology, there are many other 
passages interserted ; and in the end this : " Non nos vel 
haec ultimas vitas necessitas in rebellionem cogit. As for 
us, even this necessity of our last life doth not drive us to 
rebellion." But it followeth in Eucherius : " Despair k it- 
self, O emperor, which most strengthens men in dangers, 
hath not been able to arm us against thee. Behold, we 
have our weapons, and yet resist not : as willing rather to 
die than overcome, and choosing rather to perish innocent 
than live traitors. If to what already thou hast decreed 
against us, thou wilt add more, be it fire, or torture, or 
the sword, we are ready for it. We are Christians, and 
such as ourselves we cannot persecute. Consider, O 



' " Milites sumus, imperator, tui : sed tamen servi (quod libere fatemur) Dei 
Tibi militiam debemus, illi innocentiam. A te stipendium laboris accepimus ; ab 
illo vitae exordium sumpsimus. Sequi imperatorem in hoc nequaquam possu- 
mus, ut authorem nostrum negemus Deum ; authorem, velis nolis, tuum." 

k " Non nos adversum te, imperator, armavit ipsa, quae fortissima est in pe- 
riculis, desperatio. Tenemus ecce arma, et non resistimus : quia mori magis 
quam vincere volumus, et innocentes interire quam noxii vivere praeoptamus. 
Si quid in nos ultra statueris, ignem, tormenta, ferrum ; subjici parati sumus. 
Christiani sumus, persequi Christianos non possumus. Inexpugnabiles legionis 
istius animos, Caesar, agnosce. Tela projieimus : exarmatas quidem dexteras sa- 
telles tuus, sed armatum fide Catholica pectus inveniet. Occide, prosterne : 
sccandas gladiis persecutoribus cervices praebemus intrepidi." Eucher. Lugdu- 
nens. in Actis martyrum Agaunensium, torn. 5. Surii, Septemb. 22. 



OF THE PRINCE. 403 

Csesar, the courage of this legion. Our weapons we cast 
away : and thy executioner shall find our hands unarmed, 
but our breasts he shall find armed with the Catholic 
faith. Kill us, down with us : without all fear we offer 
our necks to be cut off by the swords that are appointed 
to slay us." And so "were 1 they all put to the sword, 
not any way gainsaying or resisting ; but, with their wea- 
pons laid down, giving their necks, and offering their 
throats or naked bodies unto the persecutors." 

Not unlike was the case of the martyrs that afterwards 
suffered under Sapor king of Persia ; in whose name Jo- 
seph answered thus to Zeroth that sat in judgment upon 
him : " We m have given up ourselves like sheep unto the 
slaughter ; as having learned to be subject to all higher 
powers." And that Christ's Church militant in general 
had very well learned this lesson of passive obedience, 
that place of St. Augustine may sufficiently declare unto 
us : " Neither" then did the city of Christ, although as yet 
it were a pilgrim upon earth, but had armies nevertheless 
of great peoples appertaining unto it, fight for their tem- 
poral safety against their wicked persecutors ; but rather, 
that it might obtain eternal happiness, made no resistance 
at all. They were bound, they were shut up in prison, 
they were beaten, they were tortured, they were burned, 
they were slaughtered, they were cut in pieces; and yet 
were multiplied :" together with the testimony of Lactan- 
tius, who was himself an eye-witness of that terrible per- 



1 " Caedebantur itaque passim gladiis, non reclamantes saltern aut repugnan- 
tes, sed et depositis armis cervices persecutoribus praebentes, etjugulum vel in- 
tectum corpus offerentes." Adonis Martyrolog. X. Calend. Octobr. 

m " Nos enim nos ipsos tanquam oves tradidimus ad occisionem ; ut qui didi- 
cerimus esse subjecti omnibus potestatibus." Acta 55. Acepsimae, Josephi et 
Acithalae ; apud Simeon. Metaphrast. Novemb. 3. torn. 5. Lipomani, fol. 18. 
fin. 

n " Neque tunc civitas Christi, quamvis adhuc peregrinaretur in terris, et ha- 
beret tamen magnorum agmina populorum,adversus impios persecutores suos pro 
temporali salute pugnavit, sedpotius, ut obtineret aeternam, non repugnavit. Li- 
gabantur, includebantur, caedebantur, torquebantur, urebantur, laniabantur, tru- 
cidabantur, et multiplicabantur. Non erat eis pro salute pugnare nisi salutem 
pro Salvatore contemnere." August, de civit. Dei, lib. 22. cap. 6. 

H II 2 



404 



THE POWER 



secution raised by Diocletian and Maximian. " Where- 
as we suffer such terrible things, we do not resist so 
much as with a word ; but leave the revenge to God." 
Whereof he wished the persecutors to make this use : 
" Whereas p from the rising of the sun to the fall thereof 
the divine law hath been received, and every sex, every 
age, and people, and country, with united and equal minds 
do serve God ; the same patience is found every where, 
the same contempt of death : they ought to understand 
there is some reason in the matter, that not without cause 
it should thus be defended unto the death ; and there is 
some foundation and solidity therein, that persecution 
doth not only, by the injuries and vexations thereof, not 
dissolve this religion, but also increase it continually and 
make it firmer." 

Neither was this patience of the saints seen only in the 
primitive persecutions, wherein the imperial edicts armed 
the infidel people for the extirpation of Christianity : but 
also, after that Constantine the Great had abolished those 
bloody acts, and enacted other laws for the liberty of the 
Church of God, the like subjection was constantly con- 
tinued ; as well under the Arian emperors, who, retain- 
ing the title of Christians, did endeavour with all their 
power to advance that damnable heresy, but also under 
Julian himself, who utterly revolted from the very profes- 
sion of the name of Christ. For this man at first shewed 
such zeal in the embracing of our religion, that he q , with 



° " Cum tarn nefanda perpetimur, ne verbo quidem reluctamur : sed Deo 
remittimus ultionem." Lactant. institut. lib. 5. cap. 21. 

p " Cum ab ortu solis usque ad occasum lex divina suscepta sit, et omnis 
sexus, omnis aetas, et gens, et regio unitis ac paribus animis Deo serviant ; eadem 
sit ubique patientia, idem contemptus mortis: intelligere debuerant, aliquid in 
ea re esse rationis, quod non sine causa usque ad mortem defendatur, aliquid 
fundamenti ac soliditatis, quod earn religionem non tantum injuriis ac vexatione 
non solvat, sed augeat semper et faciat firmiorem." Lactant. institut. lib. 5. 
cap. 21. 

i T<£ fiiv yt kXtjphj (pigovriQ eavrovg iyKarkXtZav, Hxtts rag Qtiag vira- 
vayivoxsKUV r<p \a<ji fiiflXovg, ovdevbg tXarrov tig doZav avrolg tovto ri- 
val von'iZ,0VTtg, aXXa ical iravTwv ^d'^ov /ca\\a»7rt<r/ia, rrjv evoifitiav. 
Gregor. Nazianzen. orat. 1. in Julian. 



OF THE PRINCE. 405 

Gallus his kinsman, (although of the hlood royal) thought 
it no scorn to take upon him the office of reading the holy 
Scriptures unto the people in the church : and howsoever 
he afterwards secretly 1 withdrew himself, and adhered to 
the devilish superstition of the Pagans ; yet at his first en- 
trance into the public government, he pretended still to be 
a Christian, and for the further manifestation thereof, 
upon the sixth day of January, which we call the Epi- 
phany, he repaired unto the church of the Christians, and 
there joined with them in God's public worship. But 
when shortly after he had declared himself to be an open 
enemy unto the faith of Christ, the Christian soldiers, of 
whom the main bulk of his army did consist (as appeareth 
by their general acclamation unto Jovianus recorded in the 
ecclesiastical history 8 , when upon the death of Julian, he 
was made emperor in his room) did not thereupon revolt 
from him, as he had done from Christ ; but held them- 
selves still tied in conscience to " render unto Caesar the 
things that were Caesar's, as to God the things that were 
God's." " Julian* was an unbelieving emperor," saith 
St. Augustine. " Was he not an apostate, an oppressor, 
an idolater ? Christian soldiers did serve that unbelieving 
emperor. When they came to the cause of Christ, they 
would acknowledge no lord but him that is in heaven. 
When he would have them to worship idols, and to offer 
incense, they preferred God before him. But when he 
said, go forth to fight, invade such a nation, they present- 
ly obeyed. They did distinguish their eternal lord from 
their temporal : and yet were they subject even to their 
temporal lord for his sake that was their lord eternal." 



r " Utque omnes nullo impediente ad sui favorem illiceret, adhserere cultui 
Christiano fingebat, a quo jam pridem occulte desciverat arcanorum participibus 
paucis aruspicinae auguriisque intentus, et cseteris quae Deorum semper fecere 
cultores. Et ut haec interim celarentur, feriarum die quem celebrantes menae 
Januario Christiani Epiphaniam dictitant, progressus in eorum ecclesiam, solen- 
niter numine orato discessit." Ammian. Marcellin. histor. lib. 21. 

s Rutin, lib. 2. histor. eccl. cap. 1. Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 22. Theod. lib. 4. cap. 1. 

4 " Julianus extitit infidelis imperator. Nonne extitit apostata, iniquus, idolo- 
latra? Milites Christiani servierunt imperatori infideli. Ubi veniebatur ad 
causam Christi, non agnoscebant nisi ilium qui in ccelis est. Quando volebat ut 



406 



THE POWER 



And what kind of weapons the other Christians used 
(who were the far stronger part of the empire) against the 
present injuries which he offered unto them, and the more 
grievous afflictions which he intended afterwards to bring 
upon them ; Gregory Nazianzen declare th, when he 
sheweth that " they u were repressed by God's mercy and 
the Christians' tears, which were many and shed by many, 
as having no other remedy against that persecutor." " For 
we x ," saith he, "unto whom no weapon, nor bulwark, nor 
any other defence was left but only our hope in God, all 
human succour being utterly taken away and cut off from 
us ; whom else could we have, either hearer of our prayer, 
or stopper of the things that were threatened against us, 
but him that sweareth against the pride of Jacob?" And 
when that miserable man's wrath was gone, and those 
great thoughts of his perished with him, this grave father 
doth thus magnify God's exceeding great goodness unto 
his suppliants ; " What y great preparation of arms, and 
plotting of projects, could have wrought such things ? 
how many thousands of men and orderings of armies ? as 
only we supplicating, and God using his own pleasure, 
hath brought to pass." 

Among the Arian emperors the prime persecutors of 
the Cotholics was Constantius, the son of the great Con- 
stantine : unto whom the orthodox Christians, where they 
could not tender their active, did readily present their pas- 



idola colerent, ut thurificarent, praeponebant illi Deum. Quando autem dicebat, 
Producite aciem, ite contra lllam gentem ; statim obtemperabant. Distingue- 
bant dominum seternum a domino temporal! : et tamen subditi erant, propter 
dominum aeternum, etiam domino temporali." August, in Psal. 124. 

" 'E7r£<r%£0?j Si Ty rov Osov <piXav9pioiria Kai rolf xP l(TTiav &v Sdicpvffiv, 
a TToWd Si Kai irepi iroWutv exvOt), rovro fiovov txdvTwv Kara tov Shok- 
tov (papfiaicov. Greg. Nazianzen. orat. 1. in Julian. 

x 'H/xiiq Si oIq Kai ottXov Kai rtixog, Kai aWo Trav d/ivvrripiov, »/ irpbg 
tov Qtbv j\7rir; vTri\i'nriTO, iraoav avdp(i)iri%>r)V Trtpiypijfiivoig Kai irtpiKi- 
KOfifiivoiQ tiriKovpiav ■navrdiraav riva dpa 'irtpov ?) ttjq tvx>ic dicpoaT))v 
jj kuj\vtt)v twv dirtiXovfiEViov 'iZav i^kWofJifV, fj tov bfivvovra Kara ti}q 
'IaKw/3 8i6v vTrepr)<paviaQ. Greg. Nazianzen. orat. 2. in eund. 

* Iloffai ravra Kar'nrpaZav dv bVXwv irapacKtvai Kai /jLrjxavrjpdrwv 
iirivoiai ;* Troaai pvpidStg dvSpwv Kai (paXayyeg; orra 'ixtTtvovriq fxovov 
j/juflf Kai Gtoc fiov\r)Qi ic KaTttpydouro. Greg. Nazianzen. orat. 2. in eund. 



OF THE PRINCE. 407 

sive obedience : acknowledging his power to be from God, 
to whose judgment therefore they referred him ; without 
the least thought of defending themselves and the truth 
of the religion which they professed, by any violent oppo- 
sition or taking up arms against their sovereign. " Cease 2 
to persecute the Christians, do not labour by our means 
to bring impiety into the Church. We are ready to suffer 
all things, rather than be called Arians : compel not us, 
who are Christians to be accounted fighters against Christ. 
This is our counsel unto thee. Fight not against him 
that hath given this empire unto thee ; do not, instead of 
thanks, requite him with impiety. Persecute not them 
which believe in him ; lest thou also hear, It is hard to 
kick against the pricks." Thus freely did Liberius bi- 
shop of Rome encounter the heretical emperor : resisting 
him no otherwise, but with the ready submittal of himself 
to that banishment which he was assured beforehand was 
determined for him. In the like manner Hosius, that old 
confessor, beginneth his stout, but dutiful, letter which 
he wrote unto him. " I a was a confessor at first, when 
the persecution was raised by your grandfather Maxi- 
mian : and if you do also persecute me, I am now also 
ready to endure any thing rather than shed innocent blood 
and betray the truth." Afterwards he putteth him in 
mind of his mortality, and of the day of judgment : ac- 
knowledging in the mean time that he had received from 
God his imperial sovereignty, and therefore whosoever 
did detract any thing from thence, should therein oppose 

z Uavaai 5itl)Ku)v xpiGTtavovg, fit) irtipa'£t di r)p.wv tiadkai ti)v aakfiuav 
tig rt/v SK/cXjjff/av. iravra virofi'svuv to/jiiv tTOifioi ») 'Aptionavlrai k\j/0»/~ 
vca. xpiffnavoue bvrag Vf* a G f") dvdyKa^t xpiorofiaxovg Kkr\diivcu. tovto 
Krti <7oi avfi^ovXtvofitv, Mi) fidxov npbg tov StSoiKora not rrjv apXV v Ta v- 
Ti]v, [ii] dvr tvxapMTTiag acrtfirjutjg tig avrov. /t?) SiutKt rovg iriaTtvovrag 
tig avTOv,(ir) ciKovayg Kai <rii, 2k\j/ooi' ffoi irpbg Kivrpa XaKri&iv. Libe- 
rius ad Constantium, apud Athanas. in epist. ad solitar. vit. agentes, op. torn. 1. 
pag. 367. 

3 'Eyui fiiv wfioXoytjaa Kai to irpuirov, ore Suoyfibg y'tyovtv twi r<jl iran- 
ir<t> aov Ma%i[iiavtj>. Ei dt Kai av fit SiiltKtig, 'iroifiog Kai vvv wav briovv 
virop'tvuv r) iKKtvovv a9<jjov al/xa Kai irpoSiSovai ri\v dXljQtiav. Hosiub, 
initio epistolae ad Constantium, apud Athanas. in epist. ad solitar, vit. agentes, 
Op. torn 1. pag. 370. 



408 THE POWER 

God's ordinance : as we have heard heretofore. For 
which readiness of suffering, that general protestation of 
the people of Alexandria is not here to be forgotten. "If b 
it be the emperor's command that we should be persecu- 
ted, we are all ready to suffer martyrdom. But if there 
be no such thing, we do beseech Maximus the governor 
of Egypt and all the magistrates, that they would entreat 

his Majesty such things may not be attempted against 

" 
us. 

To this patient submission unto whatsoever pressure 
should be imposed upon them by the authority which God 
had placed over them, his servants added most humble 
supplications ; seconded with most earnest prayers for the 
welfare of the persecuting emperor. Hence came that of 
St. Hilary unto him ; "Your mild nature, most blessed 
lord, agreeth with your gracious disposition. And be- 
cause mercy doth flow abundantly from the fountain of 
your fatherly godliness ; that which we entreat for, we as- 
sure ourselves we shall easily obtain. We beseech you, 
not only with words but also with tears, that the Catholic 
Church be no longer oppressed with grievous injuries, and 
endure intolerable persecutions and contumelies, and that, 
which is most foul, even of our brethren. Let d your cle- 
mency permit the people to have such teachers as they 
like, such as they think well of, such as they choose: and 
let them solemnize the divine mysteries, and offer prayers 
for your safety and happiness :" and that of the twenty 

b Ei fxiv ovv Trpoarayfia icrri CiwietaOai yfiaQ, 'iroifioi ttclvtic, fiapTvprj- 
aai' si Sk /iff strriTov AvyoucTov irp6a-ayjj.a, a^iovfiiv tov iTrapx 0V T VC 
Aiyinrrov Md^tfiov, ical roiiQ iroXiTtvrdg TravrciQ, d^iaiffat aiirbv, /xjj/cI-i 
roiuvra fc7nxap?}<7at. Populi Alexandrini Protestatio, torn. 1. oper. Athanas. 
pag. 395. 

c " Benignifica natura tua, domine beatissime Auguste, cum benigna volun- 
tate concordat. Et quoniam de fonte paternas pietatis tuse misericordia largiter 
profluit ; quod rogamus, facile nos impetrare posse confidimus. Non solum 
verbis sed etiam lacrymis deprecamur, ne diutius Catholicse ecclesiae gravissimis 
injuriis afficiantur ; et intolerabiles sustineant persecutiones et contumelias, et 
quod est nefarium, a fratribus nostris." Hilar, ad Constantium, lib. 2. 

d " Permittat lenitas tuapopulis, ut quos voluerint, quos putaverint, quos ele- 
gerint, audiant docentes et divina mysteriorum solennia concelebrent, et pro in- 
columitate, et beatitudine tua offerant pieces." Hilar, ad Constantium, lib. 2. 



OF THE PRINCE. 409 

bishops of the west, in the conclusion of the first letters 
which they wrote unto him from the synod held at Ari- 
minum : " We beseech you that you cause us not to 
stay from our charges, but that 6 the bishops together 
with their own people may with peace employ themselves 
in prayers and the service of God ; making supplications 
for your kingdom, safety, and peace, in which the divine 
Majesty long preserve you." And of the second likewise : 
" Again f we beseech your clemency, our lord and king, of 
God most beloved, that before the sharpness of the win- 
ter, if it so please your godliness, you command us to re- 
turn to our churches : that we may together with the 
people accomplish our accustomed prayers to the Almighty 
God, and our Lord and Saviour Christ his only begotten 
son for your empire ; as we have always heretofore done, 
and now continue still to do." And how ample those 
prayers were which the true Christians made for the wel- 
fare and long continuance of him and his posterity, that 
which is yet extant, of Cyril s bishop, of Jerusalem, may 
sufficiently demonstrate. 



e "Iva ol iiricfKOTrot ffvv rotg iSloig Xaolg fitT tipr\vr)Q tig tvxdgTt Kal Xa- 
Tptlag ffxoXrjv ciyouv, iKtTtvovTtg iiirtp Ttjg ai)g fiaaiXiiag Kal otuTtipiag 
Kal tipi)V7]g r)v r) QiiOTt]g aoi tig to SirjvtKtg \apiUTai. Epist. 1. synod. 
Ariminens. ad Constantium, apud Athanas. in epist. de synodis Ariniin. et Se- 
leuc. Sozomen. lib. 4. cap. 18. et Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 37. 

{ HaXiv o~tjv rrjv (pCXavQpuiriav d%iovfitv, Kvpu GwpiXiaraTE [SaaiXtv, 
oTrojg irpb Tr)g TpaxvrrjTog tuiv x£(ju<t*vaii/, tlirtp dpeatu Ty cy tvrrtfltia, 
KtXtvtJug ri/jiag tig Tag rj/itTtpag iKKXrjaiag iiravtXOtiv, inr'tp rov SvvaaOai 
Vfiag r<fi wavTOKpaTopi Qtip Kal r<p StairoTy Kal awTijpi r/fiiuv Xpior^J viqi 
fiovoytvti, vnip Trig <T '/C fiaaiXtlag, T&g edijiovg tv%ag fitra. tujv Xaiov 
dTTOTrXrjpovv, KaOwg Kal dtl tTrtTiXtaaiitv Kal vvv ixofitvoi. Epist. 2. Sy- 
nod. Arimines. apud Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 37. 

S [XpicroD] Ty Svvdfiti Kal ry x^i * 71 ' ffE fpovpovfitvov XaiiirpoTtpoig Tt 
Kal utiZorriv tvut(3tiag efnrptTrovra KaTOpOwiiaaiv vlwvTt yvn\(i'ni>v /3a<ri\i- 
Kaig ivaj3pvv6fitvov f3XaaTr)[iaGiv. AvTbg 6 TranfiaoiXtvg Otbg, 6 iraarig 
dyaQioovvrig irapoxog TroXXalg trwv dptiviKaZg irtpioSoig, Kavxrifia XP lff - 
TiavolgKal Koo-fiip avuiravTi tyvXdly iravalsiov, ippwix'tvov Kal it day kikog- 
fi'tvov dpiry,Kal Tt)v <jvvr)9r) twv Tt dyiwv tKKXrio~iwv Kal Tr)g 'Pwfiaiwv 
dpxi~K rt ) v <!>iXav9po)Triav iTTiStiKvifttvov, Kal ptiZoaiv tvatfitlag fipafitioig 
XafiTrpvvojitvov, TroXXalg tipriviKaTg irwv irtpioSoig 6 Twv 6Xwv Otog r){ilv 
Xap'iar)Tai iravalaiov, AvyovoTt fiaoiXtv 6to<piXiaTaTt, Cyril. Hierosolym, 
in fin. epist. ad Constantium. 



410 THE POWER 

We have yet remaining the apology of Athanasius arch- 
bishop of Alexandria unto the same Constantius : wherein 
he cleareth himself of four accusations that were laid to 
his charge. 

I. That he had used some evil language against this 
emperor unto his brother Constans. 

II. That he wrote letters to Magnentius, who rebelled 
against and murdered the said Constans. 

III. That he celebrated public prayers in the great 
church of Alexandria before it was dedicated, 

IV. That he obeyed not the emperor's command, re- 
quiring him to part from Alexandria. 

Where to the first his answer is this : " I h am not mad, 
O king, neither have I forgotten the voice of God, which 
saith, Curse not the king, no not in thine heart." 

For the repelling of the second, he draweth an argument 
from the public prayers which he made for Constantius 
himself; in whom he could not but contemplate (as in a 
glass) the image of Constans his brother. And " Witness 1 
hereof," saith he, "is first the Lord, who heard us and grant- 
ed unto you the entire empire which was left unto you by 
your ancestors : then those who at that time were present. 
For the words I used were only these : Let us pray for the 
welfare of the most religious emperor Constantius : and 
presently the whole people with one voice cried, O Christ, 
be favourable unto Constantius : and so continued a long 
time, thus praying." And then concludes: " Let k truth 
take place with you, and leave not such a suspicion upon 



11 Oil /xaivofiai, f$aaiXti),ovSkt7rtXa66iii]VTiig Qiiag (pwviigXtyovaqg, icalyt 
iv avv£i8r)<Tit aov fiafftXia fir) Karapdffy, &c. Athanas. in apologia ad Con- 
' stantium. Op. torn. 1. pag. 29G. 

1 Mdprvptg rovriov, Trpoyyovpi vug n'tv 6 Kvpiog, o iwaKuvvag Kai X a P l ~ 
aafitvog oXoKXrjpov ffoi ik Trpuyovwv fiarnXeiav. fidprvptg Sk Kai oi toti Trap- 
ovrtg' fiovov yap iXeyov, Ev^,u)[it9a iripi rifg (rwrrjpiag tou evatfltoraTov 
Avyovffrov Kuvaravriov. Ka'nrag 6 Xaog tvOiig /iiy <p<ovy t(36a, Xpiffri (3oi)- 
Qu Ktovaravriov icai Su/xevev o'vrwg tvxofiivog. Athanas. in apologia ad 
Constantium. Ibid. pag. 301. 

k KpdTtiri)) rj dXi}0tui irapd coi, Kai /*>) d<j>yg vnovoiav Kara itcwrig lK ~ 
KXtjtriag ytvtaOai, <l>g roiavTa (3ovXop.ivuiv Kai ypafovriov xp iaTiav '*>v, Kai 
uaXiora twv iinoKOTrwv. Athanas. in apolog, ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 302, 



OF THE PRINCE. 411 

the whole Church, as though such things as these should 
be thought on or written by Christians, and especially by 
bishops." 

As for the third, he confesseth indeed he did so, being 
urged 1 thereunto by the importunity of the people, who 
earnestly pressed that they might all pray for the wel- 
fare of the emperor, in that church which he himself had 
builded ; being ready otherwise to go out of the city, and 
to assemble themselves in the deserts, at the solemnity of 
Easter, which at that time was celebrated. " And m you, 
O king, most beloved of God," saith he, " where would 
you have had the people stretch out their hands and pray 
for you ? there where the Pagans did pass by, or in that 
place which bore your own name; and which then, or 
rather from the laying of the first foundation thereof, all 
men did call a kirk ?" and then turning his speech unto 
our blessed Saviour, " O n Lord Christ," saith he, " who 
art indeed the king of kings, the only begotten Son of 
God, the word and wisdom of the Father, because the 
people have implored thy goodness, and by thee called 
upon thy Father, who is God over all, for the welfare of 
thy most religious servant Constantius, I am now accused :" 
and to the emperor again, " You do not forbid, but are 

1 Tiov IkkXijguov bXiywv Kai fipaxvrdTwv oiitruiv, 96pvf3og i)v ovk bXi- 
yog, d^iovvTwv lv ry p.tydXy iKKXiiaiq. o~vvtX9tiv, koIkh irdvrag evxecrOai 
Kai virip rijg ciorripiag, birip Kai yeyovtv. Athanas. in apologia ad Constan- 
tium. Op. torn. 1. pag. 303. 

m 2i> Se,9to(pikkffTare fiaaiXtv, irov rovg Xaovg dv fjQtXtg sicrtivai Tag 
Xiipag Kai iv£,a(?9ai Trepi ffov ; lv9a Kai "EXXrjveg 'iaravrai Trapipxbfiivoi, 
■t] lv T(ji tTTU)VVfit{) 170V tott({) ; bv i"]Sr], fidXXov Ss Kai aiia T<ji 9tp.tXi(j), KVpia- 
kov irdvTtg bvofid^ovai. Athanas. in apologia ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 304. 

n 'Q SecnroTa KaidXr)9u>g fiamXtv twv fiaaiXEVovTwv XpioTt, vie tov Qeov 
Hovoyeveg, Xoye Kai ootyia tov Uarpbg, ItteiSi) riiv oyv <piXav9pu)7riav 6 
Xabg tv^aro, Kai Sid aov tov gov Trarepa tov exi Travrtov Qtbv TraptKa- 
Xeae, Trepi Trjg au)Tr)piag tov aov 9tpairovTog tov evaefieoTaTov Kuvcrrav- 
t'iov, KaTriyopov/iai. Athanas. in apologia ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 305. 

° Oi/ KwXveig, dXXd 9'eXeig TcdvTag ei>xea9ai,eiSojg oti iravTwv lariv ivx 1 ) 
(TU)Zeff9ai as Kai (3aaiXeieiv lv eipr)vy SianavTog. lyw fitv ovv Kai Tavra 
Ttpbg tov KarwKovTa diroSvpop.ai. 2i SI, 9eo<piXl(FTare Avyovare, Zijaeiag 
TroXXaTg Ituv irepioSoig, Kaird lyKaivia IniTeXeaeiag' ai yap yevbfievai Tca- 
pd TtdvTiov Trepi Trig <rt)g Giorrjpiag ei>xai ovk IfiiroSi'Covai ti)v tuiv lyKai- 
vimv Travr'iyvptv. Athanas. in apologia ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 306. 



412 THE POWER 

willing that all men should pray, knowing that this is the 
prayer of all, that you may live in safety and continually 
reign in peace. And this is the expostulation which I 
make against my accuser. But as for you, O emperor of 
God most beloved, many circuits of years I pray you may 
live, and accomplish the dedication of this church. For 
those prayers that are made therein for your welfare, do 
not a whit hinder the solemnity of the dedication." 

Lastly, to the fourth charge he answereth peremptorily : 
" P did not oppose the command of your Majesty. God 
forbid. I am not such a man as would oppose the very 
treasurer of the city, much less so great an emperor." " l q 
was not so mad as to gainsay such a command of yours." 
" And I r neither did oppose the command of your majesty, 
nor will now attempt to enter into Alexandria, until you of 
your humanity be pleased I shall so do." 

We find this also recorded in the ecclesiastical history 
as a discreet speech of Aphraates a zealous Christian; 
that when Valens, another Arian emperor, demanded of 
him whither he went, he made answer, he was going to 
" pray s for his empire." And- yet how miserably the 
Church was afflicted under his government, St. Basil, be- 
side many others, bemoaneth at large in sundry of his 
epistles : prescribing* herein no other remedy, but con- 
stancy in maintaining, and patience in suffering for the 
truth. In both which how forward he shewed himself to 
be, may appear by that resolute answer which he made to 
Modestus the governor of his country. " In u other things 



P Ovk avT&Grriv irpoffray pari Ti}Q arjg tvotPiiag. pr) yivoiro. ov yap tij- 
XiKovTogi'jixrjv, "ivaKal Xoyierry iroktwq avTi<JTw,nr)Tiyt TtjXiKOvry (5affi\tl. 
Athanas. in apolog. ad Constantium. Op. torn. 1. pag. 307. 

<i Ov yap tfiaivout}v avruitiiv roiotiry gov irpourdyfiari. Athanas. in 
apologia ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 308. 

r OxiTt yap avTiGTt]V TrpocrayfiaTi tt)q ffi/e tvatfitiaQ. oiire vvv ii£ 'AXe%- 
dvSptiav tiaiXOtiv irupaoo), loig ») err) <pi\av9poj7ria tovto (3ovXtrai. Atha- 
nas. in apologia ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 311. 

• 'Ynip Ti}Q ffrjg ■Kpo<Siv\d\Livoq (iaaiXtias. Theodor. hist, eccles. lib. 4. 

cap. 26. 

1 Vide Basil, epist. 71. ad Alexandrinos. 

" TaXXa piv 67ri£iK£is >//xeT£, vicapxt, ml Travrog dXXov raneivortpoi, 



OF THE PRINCE. 413 

we are mild, and more humble than any other, (God's law 
so commanding us) and lift not up our brow against any of 
the meanest, much less against so great power. But, 
where the cause of God is in danger, we neglect all other 
things, and look only unto him. Fire, and sword, and 
beasts, and hooks that tear our flesh, are matter of rejoic- 
ing to us rather then terror. Beside all this ; upbraid, 
threaten, do unto us what ever pleaseth thee, employ thine 
authority. Let the emperor also hear of this : that thou 
shalt not overcome us, nor persuade us to consent to im- 
piety ; although thou shouldest threaten unto us far hea- 
vier things than these." This speech of his is related by 
Gregory Nazianzen, in the oration which he made upon 
his death : and the general rule of obedience is thus re- 
commended unto us by Gregory himself: " This x is one 
of our laws, and of those laudable ones and most excel- 
lently ordained by the Spirit of God (who knew best how 
to temper his law with the mixture of what was possible 
to us and honest in itself) that as servants should be obe- 
dient to their masters, and wives to their husbands, and 
the Church to our Lord, and disciples to their pastors 
and teachers : so should we also be subject to all higher 
powers, not only for the fear of punishment, but also for 
conscience' sake." 

The next emperor infected with the heresy of Arius, 
was Valentinian the younger: with whom St. Ambrose 



tovto rfig tVToXrig KtXivovorjg, Kal p,r) on Toaovnp Kparei, dXXd pitjdt ruiv 
tv%6vt(i)v ivl ttjv 6<ppiiv a'lpovTtg. oil Sk Otbg to KivSvvsvofievov rdXXa tte- 
puppovovvrtg Trpbg iavTov fiovov /3\s7tojU£J'. Ylvp Si Kal %i<pog Kal Orjptg 
Kal ol Tag vapKag Ttpvovreg bvv%eg, Tpvftj fidXXov rjpiv ticnv, r\ Kard- 
■jrXrjKig. Trpbg Taiira v(3piZ,t, aTzuXu, tto'iu ttclv 6, ti dv y fiovXofiivip <rot, 
ri)g t%ovaiag cnroXavE, aKovtTb) Taiira Kal (iacnXtvg, wg y'jpdg ye ov% aipi]- 
aetg, ovde TTi'iaug avvQ'eadai Ty dcrefitia, Kq.v direiXy \aXtTTil)Ttpa. Gre- 
gor. Nazianzen. orat. 20. in funere Basilii. 

x "Ecri Kal ovrog tig twv rifieTepwv vopnitv, Kal oi)Tog tH>v eiraivopiEvcov 
Kal KaXXiGTa SiartTaypeviuv Ti^Tzviv\iari (to Swutov para rou KaXov Soki- 
p,d(taVTi Kal vofioQtTtiaavTi) looTrep SovXovg viraKovtiv SecnroTaig, /cat yv- 
vaiKag dvSpdm, Kal Kvpi<p ti)v EKKXtjaiav, Kal paOijTag Troi/xeai Kal Sidaa- 
KoXoig' oiiTU) Se Kal irdtraig t^ovaiaig vTrepexovaatg virOTaaoeaQai, ov 
fiovov Sid Tt)v bpynv, dXXd Kal Std Tr\v avvti5j]<nv. Gregor. Nazianzen. 
orat. 17. ad cives timore pevculsos. 



414 "THE TOWER 

had to do : who yet, as the ecclesiastical history noteth, 
" did y not defend himself by his hand or his weapon ; 
but with fastings and continual watchings remaining under 
God's altar, by his prayers procured God to be a defen- 
der both of him and his Church;" from which spirit pro- 
ceeded that speech of his to his flock at Milan ; " Wil- 
lingly 2 I will never forsake you ; being constrained I know 
not how to make opposition. I can sorrow, I can weep, I 
can sigh : against armour, soldiers and Goths, tears are 
my weapons : for such is the munition of a priest. In any 
other manner I ought not nor cannot resist;" and to the 
emperor's officers : " If a my patrimony be the thing sought 
for, take it: if my body, I will be ready.* Will you hale 
me unto prison, or unto death ? you shall do me a plea- 
sure. I will not guard myself with multitudes of people : 
I will not lay hold upon the altar to entreat for life ; but 
will more willingly myself be sacrificed for the altars ;" 
and to the notary : " Deliver b up my Church I may not : 
but fight I ought not." And when it c was required of him 
that he should appease the fury of the people ; his answer 
was, that "it lay in his power not to incite them, but in 
the hand of God to mitigate them." And yet how little 
cause the others had to fear that people, whom St. Am- 
brose had so well instructed in their duty towards their 



y " Neque se manu defensavit aut telo ; sed jejuniis continuisque vigiliis sub 
altari positus, per obsecrationes defensorem sibi atque Ecclesiae Deum paravit." 
Rufin. hist, ecclesiast. lib. 2. cap. 26. 

z " Volens nunquam vos deseram, coactus repugnare non novi. Dolere po- 
tero, potero flere, potero gemere ; adversus arma, milites, Gothos quoque la- 
chrymae mese arma sunt. Talia enim munimenta suntsacerdotis. Aliter nee de- 
bet), nee possum resistere." Ambros. in orat. de Basilic, non tradend. contra 
Auxentium. Op. torn. 1. pag. 864. 

a " Si patrimonium petitur, invadite : si corpus, occurram. Vultis in vincula 
rapere ? Vultis in mortem ? voluptati est mihi. Non mihi me vallabo circum- 
fusione populorum, nee altaria tenebo vitam obsecrans, sed pro altaribus gratius 
immolabor." Ambros. ad Marcellinam sororem, epist. 20. op. torn. 1. pag. 854. 

b " Tradere basilicam non possum, sed pugnare non debeo." Ambros. ad 
Marcellinam sororem Ibid. pag. 858. 

c " Exigebatur a me ut compescerem populum, Referebam, in meo jure 
esse ut non excitarem, in Dei manu ut mitigaret." Ambros. ad Marcellinam 
sororem. Ibid. pag. 855. 



OF THE PRINCE. 415 

prince; the general acclamation made by them, and by 
him ascribed to the very inspiration of the Holy Ghost, 
may testify to all posterity. For " what d " saith he, " could 
more excellently have been said by Christian men, than 
that which the Holy Ghost spake in you this day ? We 
make request, O emperor, we fight not : afraid we are not, 
but yet we entreat. This" saith that good bishop to his 
disciples, " doth beseem Christians ; that both the tran- 
quillity of peace should be desired by them, and their con- 
stancy in the faith and truth should not be deserted, no 
not with the peril of death." 

And as in the empire, so in those other kingdoms 
which were under the government of Arian princes, their 
orthodox subjects were careful to yield unto them all du- 
tiful observance, acknowledging their power to have been 
given them by God ; and, in that respect, as heartily 
praying for the continuance of their state and dignity, as 
they did for the abolishing and extinguishing of their he- 
resy. For proof whereof we need go no further than to 
the books written by Fulgentius unto Thrasimundus king 
of the Vandals in Africa ; and the council of Agatha, held 
under Alaric king of the Goths in France. For about 
the beginning, of his first book Fulgentius thus maketh his 
entrance unto the Arian persecutor. " When e we answer 
freely for our faith, as far as God hath given us ability to 
do ; we ought not to be taxed with any suspicion of con- 
tumacy or contumely : seeing we are not unmindful of the 
regal dignity, and know that we must fear God and honour 

d " Quid praestantius dici potuit a Christianis viris quam id quod hodie in vo- 
bis Spiritus sanctus est locutus 1 Rogamus Auguste, non pugnamus : non time- 
mus, sed rogamus. Hoc Christianos decet, ut et tranquillitas pacis optetur, et 
fidei veritatisque constantia nee mortis revocetur periculo." Ambr. ad Marcel- 
linam sororem, epist. 20. op. torn. 1. pag. 855. 

e " Cum pro nostra fide, in quantum facultatem divinitus accepimus, libere 
respondemus, nulla contumacise sen contumeliae debemus suspicatione notari : 
eum nee regiae simus dignitatis immemores, sciamusque Deo timorem, honorem 
regibus esse exhibendum; apostolica ita nos praemonente doctrina, &c. Com- 
petens igitur mansuetudinis tuae deferimus honoris obsequium, cui regalis api- 
cem culminis divina cernimus largitate collatuni." Fulgent, ad Thrasimundum 
regem, lib. 1. 



416 THE POWER 

kings ; according to the apostle's doctrine. We therefore 
render all due obedience of honour unto your grace ; unto 
whom we see the top of regal eminency hath been con- 
ferred by the divine liberality :" and towards the end of 
his last book concludes with this submiss and religious ad- 
monition to him: " F beseech you, O glorious king, that 
you would consider in yourself the largeness of the divine 
gift, and not diminish the power of him who bestoweth the 
same upon you : that he who hath given you this kingdom 
temporal, may give you also that which is eternal." The 
preamble of the council of Agatha, wherein the Catholic 
bishops pray for the prosperity of their Arian king, is this : 
" When s the holy synod in the name of God and by per- 
mission of the king, had met in the city of Agatha, and we 
had set ourselves down in the church of St. Andrew ; we 
there, with knees bended on the ground, did pray for his 
kingdom and the long continuance of his people ; that as 
he had granted us liberty to assemble ourselves, so God 
would extend his kingdom with happiness, govern it with 
justice, and protect it with virtue." 

Thus stood things hitherto, and a long while after, until 
the following times of darkness obscured this truth ; so 
far, that in the days of the emperor Henry III. (or IV. as 
others number him) that wicked innovation was brought 
in, whereof Sigebert maketh this mention in his chronicle : 
" That f I may speak with the leave of all good men, this 



f " Quseso, gloriose rex, ut in te consideres largitatem divini muneris, et po- 
testatem non minuas largitoris ; ut qui tibi temporale donavit regnum, donet 
etiam sempiternum." Fulgent, ad Thrasimundum regem, in fine lib. 3. ad 
eund. 

s " Cum in Dei nomine ex permissu regis in Agathensem civitatem sancta 
sy nodus con venisset, et in S. Andreae basilica consedissemus ; ibique flexis geni- 
bus in terra, pro longaevitate populi deprecaremur, ut qui nobis congregationis 
permiserat potestatem, regnum ejus Dominus felicitate extenderet, justitia gu- 
bernaret, virtute protegeret," &c. Procem. synodi Agathensis. 

h " Ut pace omnium bonorum dixerim, haec sola novitas, ne dicam haeresis, 
necdum in mundo emerserat, ut sacerdotes illius (qui dicit regi apostata, et qui 
regnare facit hypocritam propter peccata populi,) doceant populum quod malis 
regibus nullam debeant subjectionem, et licet ei sacramentum fidelitatis feceriut, 



OF THE PRINCE. 417 

mere novelty (that I say not heresy) was not yet risen up 
in the world ; that the priests of God (who saith to a king, 
remove ; and who maketh an hypocrite to reign, for the 
sins of the people) should teach the people that they owe 
no subjection to wicked kings, and albeit they have given 
an oath of fidelity unto them, yet they owe no fidelity to 
them, nor are to be accounted perjured though they hold 
against the king : nay, he that obeyeth the king shall be 
held as excommunicated, and he that opposeth the king 
shall be absolved from the guilt of injustice and perjury." 
Of which schismatical novelty, introduced by Satan 1 new- 
ly loosed, the clergymen of Liege complain at large in 
their answer to the epistle of Pope Paschal II. where, 
among many other things pertinent to this purpose, they 
thus justify the continuance of their subjection to their 
unjustly deprived emperor; "For k the present we say 
nothing in the defence of our emperor : but this we say, 
that although he were such as you report him to be, yet 
should we suffer him to rule over us ; because by our sins 
we have deserved that such a one should rule over us. 
Be it : let us grant against our will that he is such a one 
as you say he is. Even such a prince ought not to be 
repelled by taking arms against him, but by pouring out 
of our prayers to God." Which kind of weapons Ber- 
nard, not long after that, proposeth as the only lawful ones 
that may be used for the vindicating of the injuries offered 
unto God's Church : writing thus confidently unto Ludo- 
vicus Crassus, then king of France, " Indeed 1 we will 



nullam tamen fidelitatem debeant, nee perjuri dicantur qui contra regem sense- 
rint; imo qui regi paruerit, pro excommunicato habeatur, qui contra regem fece- 
rit, a noxa injustitiae et perjurii absolvatur." Sigebert. Chronic, ann. 1088. 

1 Rev. chap. 20. ver. 7. See the book De Christianorum Ecclesiarum succes- 
sione et statu, cap. 5. Works, vol. 2. pag. 144. 

k " Nihil modo pro imperatore nostro dicimus : sed hoc dicimus, quod etiamsi 
talis esset, tamen eum principari nobis pateremur ; quia ut talis nobis principe- 
tur, peccando meremur. Esto : concedimus vobis inviti, eum talem esse qualem 
dicitis. Nee talis a nobis repellendus esset armis contra eum sumptis, sed pre- 
cibus ad Deum fusis." Eccles. Leodicens. in respons. ad epist. Paschalis II. 
Papie, torn. 2. Concilior. edit. Colon, ann. 1551. pag. 815. 

1 " Profecto stabimus et pugnabimus usque ad mortem, si ita oportuerit, pro 

vol. xi. i r 



418 THE POWER OF THE PRINCE. 

stand and fight even unto death, if need so require, in 
our mother's behalf, with such weapons as we may law- 
fully use : not with bucklers and swords, but with prayers 
and tears to God ;" and yet for his allegiance to the king 
himself he delivereth his mind as resolutely on the other 
side: "If m the whole world should conspire against me, 
that I should attempt any thing against the king's majesty, 
I would notwithstanding fear God, and not presume rashly 
to offend the king ordained by him. For I am not igno- 
rant where I have read, Whosoever resisteth the power, 
resisteth the ordinance of God." 

And thus have I laid together such testimonies of anti- 
quity as did occur in my reading, as well touching the 
doctrine as the exercise of regal sovereignty and Christian 
subjection. Wherein however in the handling of par- 
ticulars some error may have escaped me ; yet my main 
aim and scope, I am sure, is straight and upright ; which 
is no other but to confirm all good subjects in their duti- 
ful obedience unto their prince, and to prevent sedition 
and rebellion in such, as being otherwise well minded, 
might perhaps for want of better information be drawn 
out of the way, and misguided to their own destruction. 



matre nostra, armis quibus licet : non scutis et gladiis, sed precibus fletibusque ad 
Deum." Bernard, epist. 221. ad Ludovicura regem. 

m " Si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret, ut quidpiam molirer adversus re- 
giam majestatem ; ego tamen Deum timerem, et ordinatum ab eo regem offen- 
dere temere non auderem. Nee enim ignoro ubi legerim, Qui potestati resistit, 
Dei ordinationi resistit." Bernard, epist. 170. ad eund. 



OF THE 



ORIGINAL AND FIRST INSTITUTION 



OP 



CORBES, HERENACHES, AND TERMON 

LANDS. 



1 1 



OF THE 



ORIGINAL 



AND 



FIRST INSTITUTION 

&c. &c. 



Jc or the declaration of the original and first institution 
of Corbes, Herenaches, and Termon lands, it is to be con- 
sidered, 1. Of what nature these lands be. 2. How 
they came to be possessed by the Termoners. 3. Who 
these Corbes and Herenaches may seem to have been, 
who now are the chief of the Termon men. 4. and lastly, 
Who had interest in the profits of these lands. 

Touching the first, it may be observed, that in times 
past it was provided, that whoever founded a church should 
endow the same with certain possessions, for the mainte- 
nance of those who were to attend God's service therein, 
insomuch that a bishop might not consecrate any church, 
before an instrument of such a donation were delivered by 
the founder. " Unusquisque a episcopus meminerit, ut non 
prius dedicet ecclesiam aut basilicam, nisi antea dotem 
basilicas, et obsequium ipsius per donationem chartulae 

a Concil. Braccarcns. cap. 5. 



422 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 

confirmatum accipiat. Namque non levis est ista teme- 
ritas, si sine luminariis, vel sine sustentatione eorum qui 
ibidem servituri sunt, tanquam domus privata ita conse- 
cretur ecclesia." And after this donation, the founder 
was no longer to have the disposal of these possessions, 
but the ordering thereof appertained unto the bishop. 
Whereupon this canon was enacted in divers councils : 
" Multi c , contra canonum constituta, sic ecclesias, quas 
aedificaverint, postulant consecrari, ut dotem, quam eidem 
ecclesiae contulerunt, censeant ad episcopi ordinationem 
non pertinere, quod factum et in prseteritum displicet, et 
in futuro prohibetur." Hence it came to pass, that every 
church had allotted to it a certain proportion of land, 
with servants appertaining thereunto, free from all tempo- 
ral impositions and exactions, as may appear by the sta- 
tute of Charlemagne : " Statutum d est ut unicuique ec- 
clesias unus mansus integer, absque alio servitio attribu- 
atur," &c. And the council of Cologne, held in the time 
of Charles the gross : " Neque ex dote ecclesias, id est, 
ex uno manso et quatuor mancipiis census exigatur." 
Neither is it to be doubted, but that those who founded 
churches upon their lands, being willing to assign an en- 
dowment unto them in places most convenient, would for 
this purpose especially make choice of the lands next ad- 
joining unto the house which they had builded, as Bede 
particularly recordeth in his history of bishop Aidan, 
That he had no proper possession, " excepta e ecclesia sua 
et adjacentibus agellis." 

Now Herenache and Termon lands being free from all 
charges of temporal lords, as all ecclesiastical possessions 
were by the fourth constitution of the council held at 
Cashel, anno 1172. the bishops f being the chief lords of 
them, and churches being commonly built upon them, the 
reparation of a great part whereof lay continually upon 



c Synod. Toletan. 3. cap. 19. Goncil. Mogunt. sub Arnulpho, cap. 4. Concil. 
Wormatiense, cap. 16. 

d Capitular, ab Ansegiso collect lib. 1. cap. 9. 

e Hist. Eccles. lib. 3. cap. 17. 

f Girald. Camb. hist. Hib. exp. lib. 1. cap. 34. 



IIERENACIIES AND TEKMON LANDS. 4<2o 

the Herenaches that belonged to them, there is no question 
to be made but that they were of this nature ; and foras- 
much as unto these lands certain freedoms were annexed, 
namely, the privilege of sanctuary, as appeareth by the 
office taken for the county of Cavan, the land from 
thence was called Termon, or free and protected land : for 
the woid te<\/-tmu;rj is used in the Irish tongue for a sanc- 
tuary, whence Termon-fechin, a town belonging unto the 
archbishop of Armagh hath his denomination, as it were 
the sanctuary of Fechin h , one of the country saints, and 
may well be thought to have been borrowed by the Irish, 
as many other words are, from the Latin terminus, by 
reason that such privileged places were commonly de- 
signed by special marks and bounds. " Terminus sancti 
loci habeat signa circa se," says an ancient synod 1 of Ire- 
land; and the old law of the Bavarians: " Si k quis ser- 
vum ecclesiae vel ancillam ad fugiendum suaserit, et eos 
foras Terminum duxerit, et exinde probatus fuerit, re- 
vocet eum celeriter," &c. I conclude, therefore, that 
Termons were indeed free land, but free from all claim of 
temporal lords, not of the church, being truly territorium 
ecclesiasticum, land merely ecclesiastical, not of such a 
middle nature as the jurors of Gangall found that land to 
be of, wherein their monastery was seated, whose evi- 
dence is thus recorded : " Nostri 1 jurati dixerunt, quod 
nostrum monasterium in loco libero, non in fisco, non in 
terra ecclesiastica esset," &c. Our Termons, I say, were 
not free after this sort, but tributary unto the church, as 
may be seen in the register of Clogher, where Matthew, 
bishop of Clogher is said to have granted certain lands™ 
unto one Philip O'Heogain, " pro duobus solidis sin- 
gulis annis sibi et suis successoribus et ecclesiae Clogher- 



h De quo Cambrensis topog. Hib. dist. 2. cap. 52. Mortuum esse circa annum 
664. vel 667. ex Ultoniensibus annalibus liquet. 

' Cujus fragmenta habentur in vet. lib. canonum bib. Cotton. 

k Lib. 4. sec. 1. 

1 Centur. chartarum a Goldasto edit. torn. 2. Alaman. antiqu. charta 96. 

m Glebe lands belonging to the church in Devonshire, and the west country, 
are called sanctuary lands, and tearmuin in the Irish is the same as asylum. 



424 ORIGINAL OF COKBES, 

ensi solvendis nomine tributi;" and a little after; " quam 
terrae peciam fecit Patricius fuscus O'Heogain herenacus 
dictse ecclesias nobis et ecclesiae Clogherensi tribiltariam, 
reddendo inde nobis et successoribus nostris ex ea singu- 
lis annis unum solidum usualis monetae." 

So the tenants of the Herenach and Termon-lands vvere 
tributarii, or servi ecclesiastici, which is the second point 
to be enquired. For the understanding whereof it is to 
be considered, that the temporal lands appertaining to 
the church, were occupied by laymen, who husbanded 
the same, both for the behoof of themselves and their 
families, and likewise for the benefit of the church. " In u 
admonitione Caroli apud Pistas : Ut coloni, tarn fiscales 
quam ecclesiastici, &c. non denegent carropera et ma- 
nopera ex antiqua consuetudine. Ut p quoniam quibus- 
dam in locis coloni tarn fiscales, quam de casis Dei suas 
haereditates, id est, mansa quae tenent, non solum suis 
paribus, sed et clericis, canonicis, ac villanis presbyteris, 
et aliis quibuscunque vendunt, et tantummodo cellam re- 
tinent ; et hac occasione sic destructae sunt villas, ut non 
solum census debitus inde non possit exigi, sed etiam quae 
terrae de singulis mansis fuerunt, non possunt cognosci ; 
constituimus ut praecipiatur a nostris ministerialibus et a 
ministris, ut hoc nullo modo de caetero fiat, ne villas de- 
structae atque confusae fiant." These occupiers of the 
land were of two conditions, as appeareth by the sen- 
tence of Anastasius the emperor: " Agricolarum 1 ' alii qui- 
dem sunt adscriptitii, et eorum peculia dominis competunt ; 
alii vero tempore annorum triginta coloni fiunt liberi ma- 
nentes cum liberis suis, et ii etiam coguntur terrain colerc 
et canonem praestare;" and in the same title, in the last 
law save one, last section, no man may " vel adscriptitium 
vel colonum alienum scienti prudentique in suum jus re- 
cipere ;" but he must restore him " admonente domino 
vel ipsius adscriptitii vel terrae." Dominus terrae, the 



n Pithceus in Glossario vocal. Manopera, Mansus, pares. 

° Carriage and manuring. 

p Cod. Just. lib. 11. tit. Agre. et Cons, et Colon, leg. 18. 



HERENACI1ES AND TERMON LANDS. 425 

landlord, was lord to the adscriptitius, but not to the free 
colon, who had for his lord, the land, rather than the 
landlord. Whereupon the emperors Theodosius and Va- 
lentinian give this note concerning them : " Licet q condi- 
tione videantur ingenui, servi tamen terrae ipsius, cui nati 
sunt, existimentur, nee recedendi quo velint, aut permu- 
tandi loca habeant facultatem." 

Such were the " coloni liberi," who by thirty years' 
possession obtained from the landlords an estate of in- 
heritance, remaining free tenants, though holding by a 
base tenure. Forasmuch as, even by the common law r , 
no land holden by villenage, nor any custom rising of the 
lands, can ever make a freeman villein. Adscriptitii were 
the same with those whom the Grecians call " ofioBovXovg* 
rw aypw, agri ipsius conservos ;" our common law, " vil- 
leins regardant to a manor;" and the French, "homi- 
nes* manus mortuae," who could not be alienated away, 
but were perpetually bound unto those lands, whereunto 
at first they were appointed ; in which respect, " manci- 
pia rustica," in the civil law, are reckoned among those 
goods which are immoveable. " Nominating Julianus ait 
mancipia esse veluti membra rerum immobilium : atque 
ideo longae possessionis praescriptio locum habere 
dicitur tarn in prasdiis quam in mancipiis," &c. Thus 
Cujacius in his exposition of Justinian's seventh novell, 
where the statute of Leo the emperor is thus recited : 
" Vult w ilia, (Leonis constitutio,) neque Deo amabilem archi- 
episcopum, &c. neque ceconomum vendere, aut donare, aut 
aliter alienare rem immobilem, domum forsan, aut agrum, 
aut colonum, aut mancipia rustica, aut civiles annonas (nam 
et haac inter immobilia sunt numeranda,) quae competunt 
Constantinopolitanas sanctissimae majori ecclesiae," &c. 
In like sort, the council held at Senlis : "Nulli x liceat alie- 
nare rem immobilem ecclesiae, sive domum, sive agrum, sive 

'i Cod. Just. lib. 11. tit. 51. de col. Thrac. 
r Littleton in villenage. 

' Sozomen. lib. 9. hist, eccles. cap. ult. ' Connan. lib. 2. cap. 10. sect. 3. 

" Lib. 3. D. de divers, temp, praescript. w Authent. collat. 2. tit. 1. 
* Concil. Silvanect. apud L. Bochellum Decretorum Ecclse. Gallicanae. lib. 4. 
tit. 16. cap. 25. 



42G ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 

hortum, sive rusticum mancipium." These servants were 
often manumitted and made free, remaining yet still tri- 
butary unto their landlords, of which condition were they 
who in France of old were called Lidi, or Liti ; in Italy, 
Aldiones ; of whom mention is made in this constitu- 
tion of Ludovicus Pius, apud Ansegisum w , (in the copy 
which Reinerus Reineccius* used ; for in Pithceus his edi- 
tion I do not find it:) " Aldiones vel Aldianae ea lege 
vivant in Italia in servitutem dominorum suorum, qua 
Fiscalini vel Lidi vivunt in Francia." And in the laws of 
the Rinuarians : " Si y quis servum suum tributarium aut 
litum fecerit, si quis eum interfecerit 36 sol. culp. jud." 
Of these divers conditions of servitude, mention is made 
in the laws of the emperors Arcadius and Honorius : 
" Servos 2 vel tributarios vel inquilinos apud dominos suos 
volumus remanere ;" and in the second council of Chal- 
lons : " Quia a constat in ecclesia diversarum conditionum 
homines esse, ut sint nobiles et ignobiles, servi, coloni, 
inquilini, et caeterahujuscemodi nomina, oportet ut quicun- 
que eis prselati sunt, clerici sive laici, clementer erga eos 
agant, et misericorditer eos tractent, sive in exigendis ab 
eis operibus, sive in accipiendis tributis, et quibusdam de- 
bitis," &c. Thus in times past those who endowed 
churches and abbeys, bestowed not only bare lands, but 
lands stocked as it were with certain septs and races, 
tied there perpetually to perform all services for the 
behoof and benefit of those to whom they were given. 
Such a deed of gift we find made by one Erfoinus 11 , in the 
time of Elpericus or Chilperic the French king, about 
860. years ago : " In loco qui dicitur Openwilare tradi- 
mus, S. Galloni, (he meaneth Gallus, one of the old wor- 
thies of Ireland, from whom the famous monastery and 
town of Gangall, in Switzerland, had the name,) viginti 
juchbs, et in Eberingen unum juchum de vinea, et de 

w Lib. 4. cap. 102. 

x Poetam de Gestis Caroli magni, f. 59. b. 

y Tit. 64. sec. 1. 

1 Cod. lib. 11. tit.de Agric. et Cens. et Colend. leg. 12. 

a Concil. Cabillon. 11. cap. 51. 

b Centur. Chart, a Goldast. edit. torn. 2. antiqu. Alan. ann. ch. 41. 



HEREN ACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 4^7 

colonis meis Erfoinum cum uxore sua, et cum omni apper- 
tinentia sua, cum casa et cum terra, et cum omnibus suis, 
et alium servum nomine Waldolfum, cum casa, cum terra, 
et cum omnibus ad eum pertinentibus." Hence it is that 
we find so often in old grants, men numbered among 
other possessions given in Frank-Almoigne ; as in a 
charter of king Henry II. ratifying a former donation of 
earl Strongbow in these words : " Sciatis quod ego dedi et 
concessi et hac mea charta confirmavi Thomas Dominico 
meo clerico dignitatem quae dicitur abbatia de Glenda- 
lache, et personatum intus et extra, et omnes res et pos- 
sessions, et homines, et redditus in ecclesiis, et oblation- 
ibus, et decimis, &c. et cum omnibus aliis rebus ad abba- 
tiam illam pertinentibus in perpetuam eleemosynam, sicuti 
melius Richardus comes sua charta confirmavit." Thus 
there appertained unto churches two sorts of tenants, 
" servi ecclesiaa cum onere" in the nature of villeins, " et 
liberi," or " coloni ecclesiastici," as may evidently be seen 
in the laws of the old Almaynes, where several fines are 
set down for the killing of either of them, such as the 
Irish call erich, or pretium sanguinis, and likewise a 
taxation of the ordinary duties which both of them were 
bound to perform unto the church whereunto they were 
regardant. The first is to be read tit. 8. and 9. : " Si quis 
ecclesiasticum servum vel regium occiderit, tripliciter com- 
ponetur, hoc est xlv. sol. Quicunque liberum eccle- 
siae, quern colonum vocant, occiderit, sicut alii Alamanni 
ita componatur." The other tit. 21. and 22: " Servi ec- 
clesiae tributa sua legitime reddant, xv. siclas de cervisa, 
porcum valentem tremisse uno, panem modia duo, pul- 
los v. ova xx. Ancillae autem opera imposita sine neglecto 
faciant, &c. Liberi autem ecclesiastici, quos colonos 
vocant, omnes sicut et coloni regis, ita reddant ad ec 
clesiam." 

That the holders of the Termon lands were at the first 
tenants in one of these kinds, seemeth to me more than pro- 
bable. I mean that those were no other than " originarii," 
as Gelasius e termeth them, " originales inquilini, tributarii;" 

c Gelasius, in epist. Lucanise. 



428 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 

or " personae colonariae," as Sidonius Apollinaris f doth enti- 
tle them, or " adscriptitii," or some such thing. Where- 
upon John Walton, archbishop of Dublin, anno 1473. 
giving out a sequestration of the Corbeship of Glenda- 
lach, directeth it in this sort : " Johannes g , miseratione 
divina Dubliniensis archiepiscopus et Hiberniae primas, 
clericis, vassallis, ascriptitiis, et aliis habitatoribus villas et 
totius dominii nostri de Glindelaghe, terrarum, silvarum, 
nemorum, et aliorum locorum ipsius manerii nostri, salu- 
tem gratiam, et benedictionem." A strip of which servi- 
tude may seem to remain to this day upon the Herenache, 
who, besides an annual rent paid " nomine tributi, (as 
before I noted out of the register of Clogher,) doth like- 
wise give to the bishop a fine upon the marriage of every 
of his daughters, which they call Luacb jmpjgcbe, as the 
bishop of Kilmore, who doth usually receive it, informed 
me ; so that I take no hold of the words of Dermicius 
O'Cane, one of the Corbes of the North, and one of the 
jurors in the inquisition for the church lands, in the 
county of Colerain, used to the bishop of Derry, which, 
as his lordship told me, were to this effect : " Non debet 
dominus mutare censum antiquum, sed si careat rebus ne- 
cessariis, vaccis pinguibus, &c. debet ad nos mittere, et nos 
debemus illi subministare. Nam quascunque nos habe- 
mus domini sunt, et nos etiam ipsi illius sumus." 

Neither will it seem strange that the original of these 
matters should be fetched from this kind of vassalage, if 
it be well weighed, that the tenure is little better, where- 
by the northern people hold their land generally, as ap- 
peareth by the taillages, or cuttings, wherewith the Irish 
lords oppress their tenants at their pleasure, and like- 
wise that in times past, the buying and selling of servants, 
which now is grown out of use, was a matter so common 
in this country, that in an ancient synod of Ireland, a 
bishop's legacy out of the church goods is proportioned 
by the price of a wife, or a maid servant, as may be seen 
in two ancient books of canons, written about 700. years 

1 Lib. 5. epist. 19. s Ex registr. arch. Dublin. 



HERENACIIES AND TERMON LANDS. 429 

since, the one remaining in Bennet College, and the 
other in Sir Robert Cotton's library. " Princeps," saith 
that synod, meaning thereby the bishop, as elsewhere 
ordinarily, " in sua morte etiam de rebus ecclesiae com- 
mendare potest, hoc est, pretium ancillae, sive de mobili 
substantia, sive de agro." Whereunto may be added 
another canon of that Irish council, which cometh more 
near to the matter in hand : " De 1 commendatione mu- 
lieris degentis sub conjugio, si habuerit ecclesiam cui 
servient quamdiu cum viro fuerit, ex consensu viri tertiam 
partem substantia? dabit ecclesiae sua?, sed vir ejus distri- 
buet, caetera autem viri et filiorum ejus erunt." Whereby 
I take it to be clear, that the churches of Ireland in old 
time had not only servants belonging to them in the way 
ofvillenage, but also "liberi ecclesiastici," who had a 
propriety in the goods which they acquired, and might 
freely dispose of them, and yet ought service to some 
special church ; in which respect, though otherwise 
laici, they were usually termed "homines ecclesastici," 
as in capitulis Carolinis k , a Benedicto Levita collectis : 
" Pro nimia reclamatione quae ad nos venit de hominibus 
ecclesiasticis seu fiscalinis, qui non erant adjurnati," &c. 
and in the old laws of the Ripuarians : " Si 1 quis hominem 
ecclesiasticum interfecerit c. sol. culpab. Si m quis faemi- 
namregiam aut ecclesiasticam parientem interfecerit, CCC. 
sol. culp.jud. Quod si ingenuus aut regius vel ecclesiasti- 
cus home servo os fregerit, viii. sol. culp. jud." 

I come now to the third point, which concerneth the 
original of the Corbes and Herenaches, who bear them- 
selves as head lords over these " homines ecclesiastici." 
Where it is to be noted, that for the receiving and dis- 
posing of the church goods it was thought expedient" that 
every church should have an " ceconomus, cui res eccle- 
siastica gubernanda mandabatur." For so this officer is 
defined in the constitution of the emperors Leo and Anthe- 



' In vet. lib. can. bib. Cotton. k Capitular, lib. 5. cap. 151. 

1 Tit. 10. sect. 1. m Tit. 21. 

" Concil. Chalced. can. 2(5. Concil. Nicen. 2. can. 11. 



430 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 

mius . The law there (enlarged afterwards by Justinian p ,and 
extended to all provinces) is this : " Jubemus, nulli posthac 
archiepiscopo in hac urbe regia sacrosanctae orthodoxse ec- 
clesias presidenti, nulli ceconomo, cui res ecclesiastica gu- 
bernanda mandatur, esse facultatem fundos vel praedia, 
sive urbana sive rustica, res postremo immobiles, aut in his 
prasdiis colonos vel mancipia constituta, aut annonas civiles 
cujuscunquesuprema vel superstitis voluntate ad religiosas 
ecclesias devolutas, sub cuj Usque alienationis specie ad 
quamcunque transferre personam, &c. (Economus autem 
qui hoc fecerit, imo fieri passus fuerit, vel quacunque pror- 
sus hujusmodi venditione, seu donatione, vel commutatione 
(nisi ea quae presenti lege concedimus) postremo in qua- 
cunque alienatione consenserit, commissa sibi ceconoma- 
tus administratione privetur, deque ejus bonis, quodcun- 
que exinde incommodum ecclesias contigerit, reformetur : 
haeredes ejus, et successores, ac posteri super hoc pacto 
sive consensu competenter ab ecclesiasticis personis actione 
pulsentur." The execution of this office was in times 
past committed to those who were archipresbyteri, or, 
archidiaconi. Whence Hincmarus, archbishop of Rheims, 
in his epistle to the church of Tournay, willeth the bishop 
" Ut pro constituendis ministerialibus ecclesiasticis pras- 
mium non accipiat, sed archipresbyteros, et archidiaconos 
eligat, facultatum ecclesiasticarum dispensatores, qui in 
fide sint sinceri, et moribus probati." And the fathers of 
the first council of Braccara q giving order for the dispo- 
sing of a portion of the church goods towards reparations 
and lights, set it down thus: "De qua parte sive archi- 
presbyter, sive archidiaconus illam administrans episcopo 
faciat rationem." The archidiaconus and the Herenache 
have in the Irish tongue both the same name, viz. Cjjxejn- 
ne<\ch, or, as some would write it, 0;/icb;nbeucb, and the 
name of the Cop.be, Coppacb, or Cojibach (for the 
Irish use the letters p and b indifferently) and the 
chorepiscopus seemeth to me to have his original from 

• Lib. 1. codicis Justiniani, tit. 1 . de sacrosanct, eccles. reg. 14. 
P Anthent. collect. 2. tit. 1. in novel, constitut. 7. 
i Can. 25. 



HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 431 

the same with archipresbyter. " Quos r Graeci Chorepisc- 
opos, hoc est, certarum regiuncularum, in qualibet dicecesi, 
speculatores, alii archidiaconos, alii archipresbyteros vo- 
cant, in nostra ecclesia cathedrali archidiaconi, in reliqua 
vero dicecesi decanorum ruralium nomine censentur." Our 
Corbes and Herenaches, besides the office of gathering up 
the bishops' rents, were likewise charged with maintaining 
of hospitality, relieving the poor, and entertaining travel- 
lers and strangers. That the chorepiscopus of old had 
some especial care over the poor, appeareth by the last 
canon save one of the council of Neocassarea. But that 
charge properly belonged to the deacons, who s had the 
oversight and disposing of the ecclesiastical monies, as 
Origen noteth*, and the care of providing for the poor and 
strangers (whence in times past xenodochia were called 
diaconiaa u ) and so to the archdeacon, as the principal of 
that order : I mean the ancient archidiaconi, who in de- 
gree were inferior to the presbyteri, not the archdea- 
cons of higher rank that exercise jurisdiction under the 
bishop. And to that former kind of archidiaconi do I 
refer the Herenaches, who therefore were so many in num- 
ber in every diocese, and, for aught that I can learn, were 
wont to be admitted ad primam tonsuram et diaconatum, 
and not promoted ad presbyterium. But the Corbe, whom 
I suppose to have been the same with chorepiscopus, or 
archipresbyter, was of a higher dignity, and stated in ec- 
clesia matrice ; and had also in many places, one or more 
Herenaches under him. In Latin he was called plebanus, 
as it is found in the office taken for the county of Cavan. 
Now that plebanus was the same with a rural dean, archi- 
presbiter, or chorepiscopus, may appear by the testimony 
of the canonists, cited by Isidorus Moponius. " Ruralis* 
archipresbyter vel decanus" says Moponius, " alio nomine 
plebanus a regimine plebis nuncupatur; unde si habet 

r Synod. Augustan, ann. 1548. 

" Can. 16. Concil. Trullani. vide etiam Cassandrumet Onuphrium Panvinium 
in exposit. obscur. voc. ecclesiast. verb, diaconus. 
• Tractat. 16. in Mattheum. 
" Mopon. lib. 1. de majestate militantis ecclesise, part. 1, cap. 13. 



432 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 

capellanos perpetuos in sua ecclesia dicitur esse cum dig- 
nitate, vel si est in collegiata et in parochiali curata." 
Wherewith compare this certificate delivered unto Sir 
John Davis three or four years since by an Irish scholar 
in the north : " Corbanatus sive plebanatus, dignitas est, 
et modo ad regem pertinet, sed antea ad papam ; in ma- 
trici ecclesia debet necessario esse, initiatus in sacris or- 
dinibus, omnesque decimas pertinentes ad hanc debet 
habere, et beneficia adjuncta huic ipsius sunt, eorumque 
conferentiam habet et presentationem : dictum hoc nomen, 
quia populo et plebi ecclesiasticas matricis ecclesise prae- 
fuit; certum numerum sacerdotum quasi collegialium de- 
bet habere secum ; primum stallum in sua ecclesia habet; 
habet etiam stallum vacuum in ecclesia cathedrali ; et vo- 
cem in omni capitulo tarn publico quam privato : inscribi- 
tur Romano registro, ideoque dignitas est." 

The consideration of all these circumstances put toge- 
ther, have induced me to think that our Corbe at the first 
institution was chorepiscopus, whose y name and dignity 
being unknown unto the ruder Irish, no marvel, though 
some of them have detorted the name of Corbe to 
Converbius (for so some of them in Latin stile him) or 
Comjru/tbacb in Irish, which imported] as much as Conterra- 
neus. In the Irish annals z the name is written thus, Comrba, 
or Comhurba, where the first mention of a Corbe that 
I find is at the year eight hundred and fifty-eighth 
from Christ's nativity, (or eight hundred and fifty-nine 
from his incarnation, after the computation of the church 
of England) there 1 it is recorded, " that O'Carrol king of 
Ossory, assisted with other kings, brought his army into 
the field against the king of Taraughe ; but Imfeathna, 
Patrick's Corbe, and Imsuairlech Finno his Corbe, inter- 
posing themselves, O Carrol was persuaded to yield to 
St. Patrick and his Corbe." So in the same annals, at 
the year of our Lord 920. (or 921. after the common ac- 
count,) is noted the death of Moeanach Mac Siadhaiel, 

> Vide rempub. eccles. Lelii Zecchii de statu praelatorum, cap. 27. et Johan. 
Azorii institution, moral. 2. lib. 3. cap. 21. 
' Annal. Ulton. 



HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 433 

St. Comhgall his Corbe, the chief head (as he is there 
called) of all the learning or antiquities of Ireland. 

It may be objected, that the Corbes and Herenaches al- 
ways used to marry, and therefore not like to have been 
archipresbyteri or archidiaconi. But unto this I answer, 
that in Ireland, when churches were there first erected, 
no such law was admitted, which should restrain presby- 
teri or diaconi from the state of wedlock ; for proof 
whereof I allege the testimony of him, whose authority is 
of highest esteem with our people of Ireland, I mean 
St. Patrick, who had to his father Calpurnium diaco- 
num, and to his grandfather Potitum presbyterum, as 
Probus setteth down in the first book of his life ; and he 
himself saith also in his confession: " Patrem habui Cal- 
purnium diaconum, filium quondam Potiti presbiteri." 
In a very ancient book which belonged to the cathedral 
church of Worcester, and may now be seen in Benett 
college library, in Cambridge, there are extant certain 
canons bearing this inscription : " Synodus episcoporum, 
id est, Patricii, Auxilii, Issernini," which otherwhere I 
have read also cited by the name of Synodus Patricii, as 
held by our great St. Patrick, in whose days Auxilius and 
Isserninus flourished, as may be proved not only by our 
Irish authors, but also by Nennius a the British writer, 
and Matthew of Westminster 1 *. Among other canons of 
that synod this is one: " Quicunque clericus, ab ostiario 
usque ad sacerdotem, sine tunica visus fuerit, atque tur- 
pitudinem ventris et nuditatem non tegat ; et si non more 
Romano capilli ejus tonsi sint, et uxor ejus si non velato 
capite ambulaverit, pariter a laicis contemnentur, et ab 
ecclesia separentur." And as it is manifest by this canon, 
that the clergy at that time were not debarred from 
marriage, so is it apparent that afterwards in the very see 
of Armagh, for fifteen generations, the primacy hath 
passed to the chief of the sept, as it were by a kind 
of inheritance, and that before Celsus, a married bishop, 
who deceased about the year 1129. "jam octo extiterant 

1 Hist. cap. 55. al. 57. '' Flores historiarum ad ann. 491. 

VOL. XI. K X 



434 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 

viri uxorati, et absque ordinibus, literati tamen," as Ber- 
nard writeth in the life of Malachias, which is right the 
state of our Corbes and Herenaches ; for as those in time 
possessed themselves of the place of the archbishop, so 
did others in like manner keep in their sept the dignity 
of the archipresbyter c , by the name of Corbes, and others 
of the archdeacon, by the name of Herenaches, very little 
differing from those, which in Wales were called lay 
abbots, of whom Giraldus Cambrensis d thus writeth, 
which is a testimony very pertinent to this purpose : 
f Notandum quod haec ecclesia, sicut et aliae per Hiber- 
nian! et Walliam plures, abbatem laicum habet. Usus 
enim inolevit et prava consuetudo, ut viri in parochia 
potentes, primo tanquam ceconomi, seu potius ecclesiarum 
patroni et defensores a clero constituti, postea processu 
temporis aucta cupidine totum sibi jus usurparent, et 
terras omnes cum exteriore possessione sibi impudenter 
appropriarent, solum altaria cum decimis et obventioni- 
bus clero relinquentes, et haec ipsa filiis suis et cognatis 
assignantes." Our Corbes and Herenaches do commonly 
speak Latin, and are in account as clergymen, being 
subject unto the bishop's visitation, giving unto him a 
subsidy at his entrance, and remaining chargeable with 
proxies and refections ; whereof in the first office taken 
for the county of Tyrone, die 27° Julii 1608. this evi- 
dence is given : " Ac ulterius jurati praedicti super sacra- 
mentum suum dicunt, quod in qualibet dictarum baronia- 
rum praeter illas terras, quae antehac possidebantur, ac 
modo possidentur ab hominibus nunc laicis, sunt aliae 
quaedam terrae de quibus quidam clerici sive homines 
literati qui vocantur Herenaci, ab antiquo seisiti fuerunt, 
&c. Nihilominus quilibet dictorum Herenacorum solvebat 
et solvere debebat archiepiscopo sive episcopo, in cujus 
diocesi terrae quas possidebant situatae fuerunt, quoddam 



c Innocentius 3. monet legatum suum Joh. Galenitanum cardinalem tit. S. 
Stephani in monte Coelio, ut eum in Hibernia abusum tollat, quo filii et nepotes 
patribus et avis in benefices succedebant, quemadmodum ex registro ejus notat in 
ejus vita Alphonsus Ciaconius, pag. 515. 

J Itiner. Cambria;, lib. 2. cap. 4. 



IIE-RENACHF.S AND TERMON LANDS. 43.5 

charitativum subsidium, refectiones, ac pensionem annua- 
lem secundum quantitatem terras et consuetudinem pa- 
triae." The same may be said of the Corbeship, which 
was in like manner subject to the bishop's visitation, and 
sometimes also by him sequestered, no less than other 
places ecclesiastical were, whereof I find this precedent in 
the archbishop of Dublin his register: " Quia ex quibus- 
dam rationabilibus causis coram nobis deductis, animum 
nostrum juste moventibus, officium Corbanatus ibidem 
cum omnibus emolumentis et pertinentiis suis duximus 
sequestrandum, et sequestramus per praesentes : Tadeum 
Oskelly clericum ejusdem villa? et ecclesiae Glindelacen- 
sis ipsius sequestratorem custodem deputantes, juriumque 
et pertinentium dicti officii antiquitus excrescentium, et 
excrescere valentium, usque nostram visitationem et ec- 
clesiae et popularium de Glindelaghe praedict. ratiocinio 
emolumentorum ipsius officii et rerum ad illud pertinen- 
tium nobis reservato, &c. etiam ex scrutatis antiquis 
ecclesiae nostrae Dubliniensis scripturis et monumentis 
seu chartis, dispositionem dicti officii, cum illud vacare 
contigerit, ad nos et nostros successores pertinere debere, 
et nullum alium, (sede Dubliniensi duntaxat plena et con- 
sulta archipraesule) pronuntiamus, decernimus et declara- 
mus in his scriptis. Datum in manerio nostro de Finglas, 
undecimo die mensis Decembris, anno domini 1473. et 
nostrae consecrationis anno secundo." This is the seques- 
tration given out by John Walton, archbishop of Dublin, 
whereof before I made mention. 

It now resteth in the last place that I should shew who 
had interest in the profits of these church lands, where 
for latter times it appeareth by the register of Clogher 
and other records, that the Herenaches held these lands 
by grants from the bishop, dean, and chapter, which by 
order were still to be renewed, both at the first entry of 
every Herenach, and upon the consecration of every new 
bishop. The Herenaches were tied to manure the Termon 
land, to reside upon it, and in no wise to alienate it 
unto any stranger. Out of the profits thereof they 
maintained hospitality, kept up their part of the fabric 

k k 2 



436 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 

of the churches, and yielded a yearly rent to the bishops : 
a certain portion of free land remained unto themselves, 
which they call " honorem villas," not chargeable with 
any rent. In turning over the registers of the arch- 
bishops of Armagh, which by means of my uncle, the 
lord primate, I had occasion to peruse, I met with three 
evidences tending to this purpose. One containeth the 
grant of an Herenachy made by Milo, archbishop of Ar- 
magh, anno 1365. in this form : " Universis 6 sanctae matris 
Ecclesiae filiis has literas visuris vel audituris, Milo, Dei 
et apostolicas sedis gratia, archiepiscopus Armach. Hi- 
bernian primas, salutem in Domino sempiternam. Noverit 
universitas vestra, nos de unanimi assensu et voluntate 
decani et nostri capituli Ardmachani, dedisse, conces- 
sisse, et hac praesenti charta nostra confirmasse dilectis 
nobis in [Christo Willelmo et Arthuro Mac Bryn, filiis 
magistri Arthuri Mac Bryn, terras nostras subscriptas in 
tenemento nostro de Kylmor, quas nunc idem magister 
Arthurus de nobis tenet, videlicet Teachrana, &c. Ha- 
bendum et tenendum praedictas terras, cum earum perti- 
nentiis debitis in bosco et piano, &c. quas et quae idem ma- 
gister Arthurus consuevit habere, et omnibus viis et 
semitis, pratis et pascuis, et omnibus libertatibus et liberis 
consuetudinibus ad praedictas terras spectantibus, secun- 
dum ipsarum terrarum debitas et antiquas limitationes, 
cum pleno jure Herenaciaa in toto tenemento ecclesiae de 
Kellmore, nobis et successoribus nostris, quoad vixerint 
et quilibet eorum vixerit possidendas, quamdiu nobis, 
nostras ecclesiae Armachanae, nostrisque successoribus et 
ministris grati fuerint et obedientes, et quilibet eorum gra- 
tus fuerit et obediens, et dictas terras coluerint, seu colue- 
rit, ac eas in parte, vel in toto, nulli laico extrinseco colen- 
das tradiderint, seu tradiderit : salvo tamen jure chartas 
dicto Arthuro super iisdem terris confectae ad totam vitam 
ipsius magistri Arthuri ; quam chartam volumus pro vita 
sua, praesenti charta non obstante, in suo robore perma- 
nere. Reddendo inde annuatim praedict. Willelmus et 

e Habetur in registro Nicholai archiep. Armach. fol. 61. 



IIERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 4o7 

Arthurus filius praedicti magistri Arthuri, et quilibet 
eorum qui supervixerit, nobis et successoribus nostris, 
unam marcain, et octo denarios sterlingorum, ad festa 
apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi, et Omnium Sanctorum, per 
portiones aequales, una cum aliis oneribus, et servitiis inde 
debitis, et consuetis. In cujus rei testimonium sigillum 
nostrum, et sigillum commune nostri capituli antedicti 
prassentibus sunt appensa. Datum apud Dunum, die 21. 
mensis Novembris, anno Domini 1365." The second is a 
grant of certain lands in the diocese of Dromore, made 
during the vacancy of that see, anno 1427. by John 
Swayne, then archbishop of Armagh, in these words : 
" Universis sanctee matris Ecclesise filiis praesentes literas 
visuris vel audituris, Johannes, &c. custos spiritualitatum, 
et spiritualis jurisdictionis ac temporalitatum episcopatus 
Dromorensis, ipso episcopatu non plene consulto, salutem 
in Domino sempiternam. Noverit vestra universitas, quod 
nos, ratione custodies supradictae, juxta antiquam et lau- 
dabilem consuetudinem ecclesias nostras Ardmachanse, 
hactenus inviolabiliter observatam, terras de Lachreacht, 
Dyrke, Dromorensis dicecesis vulgariter nuncupatas, di- 
lecto in Christo filio Mauritio Mac Bryn Herenaco (ha- 
bendum et tenendum praedictas terras, cum omnibus suis 
juribus, et antiquis limitationibus) quousque ecclesiae Dro- 
morensi plene consulatur, seu de legitimo provideatur 
pastore, concessimus et concedimus per praesentes, ra- 
tione custodia? supradictae: inde annuatim, nobis et suc- 
cessoribus nostris pro tempore existentibus, reddendo, 
reditum solitum et antiquum bonae et usualis monetae Angli- 
canae, medietatem videlicet ad festum apostolorum Philippi 
et Jacobi, et aliam medietatem ad festum Omnium Sancto- 
rum ; cum aliis servitiis, et omnibus ordinariis et extraor- 
dinariis et consuetis, quamdiu nobis, ut supra, semper 
salvo. In quorum fidem et testimonium, has literas nos- 
tras fieri fecimus patentes, nostri appensione sigilli muni- 
tas." The third containeth the confirmation of an Herena- 
chy granted by John Mey f , archbishop of Armagh, anno 

f Ex redstro Johannis Mev, H. f. 43. a. 



438 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 

1455. to one, whose ancestors had formerly enjoyed the 
same. " Universis sanctae matris Ecclesias filiis, ad quos 
praesentes literae pervenerint, Johannes, permissione divi- 
na archiepiscopus Armachanus, Hiberniae primas, salutem 
in Domino sempiternam. Vestra noverit universitas, 
quod, exponente, et supplicante nobis dilecto filio Patricio 
Mackassaid, Herenaco de Twinha, eo quod ipse ab olim 
a nostris praedecessoribus (sicuti et progenitores sui nos- 
tri fuerunt) Herenachiam de Twinha et terras nostras 
ibidem quas per sui particulas duximus, praesentibus vul- 
gariter plenius specificandas, consecutus fuisset in iisdera 
debite inchai'tatus ; de antiqui sui juris confirmatione et 
nostri nova investitura, quo sic firmius et securius valeat 
permanere ; ex certis licitis causis nos moventibus, ad 
supplicationem suam hujusmodi annuentes benevole et 
gratanter, nedum jus omnimodum, quod in antea hucus- 
que, ex concessionibus, ac chartis, et inde secutis in 
Herenacia, et terris prasdictis cum suis pertinentiis fuerit 
assecutus, in omni sui robore ratum habentes, confirma- 
mus, et praesentis scripti patrocinio communimus ; verum 
etiam, pro modo et forma nostras ratione investiturae, de 
consensu et voluntate unanimis decani et nostri capituli 
Armachani, dedimus, concessimus, et hac praesenti charta 
nostra confirmamus praedicto Patricio Mackassaid terras 
nostras de Twynha, sic per sui particulas, hie quo supra 
vulgariter specificatas, videlicet &c. cum suis pertinentiis et 
antiquis limitationibus. Habendum et tenendum sibi et 
hseredibus suis de nobis et successoribus nostris dictas 
terras cum suis particulis, pertinentiis, et limitationibus 
antedictis ; inde nobis reddendo, et nostris successoribus, 
annuatim ad festa Omnium Sanctorum et apostolorum 
Philippi et Jacobi, aequis portionibus quinque marcas et 
duos solidos sterlingorum bonae et legalis monetae Angliae, 
cum aliis servitiis et oneribus ordinariis et extraordinariis 
inde debitis et consuetis, quamdiu dictus Patricius, et 
haeredes sui, nobis et successoribus nostris, ac officiariis 
nostris grati obedientes et fideles fuerint, atque dictas 
terras inhabitaverint, et eas coluerint, ac nulli laico ex- 
trinseco colendas tradiderint, et reditus suos, servitia ct 



HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 439 

onera praedicta pro temporibus debitis fideliter et plene 
persolverint. Alioqui si in aliquo solutionis debito defe- 
cerint in prasmissis, liceat nobis et successoribus nostris 
de dictis terris disponere, concessione praedicta pro aliquo 
non obstante, jure alterius cujusquam semper salvo. Et 
dictum Patricium, nostrum Herenacum in ecclesia de 
Twynha, cum omni inde onere et emolumento, fecimus, 
constituimus, et in forma praemissa tenore praesentium 
ordinamus. Nihilominus, quidem, per has nostras con- 
cessionem, constitutionem et ordinationem, nobis vel suc- 
cessoribus nostris, de novo introitu ratione nova; conces- 
sionis seu investiturae, cum contigerit, pro aliquo nolumus 
derogare. In cujus rei testimonium, sigillum nostrum, 
una cum sigillo communi capituli nostri praedicti, praesen- 
tibus est appensum. Datum Armachiaa nono die Au- 
gusti, a. d. 1455. et nostras consecrationis, anno duo- 
decimo." By these evidences, and others that might be 
produced out of the register of Clogher, which for bre- 
vity I omit, may easily be collected in what sort, and upon 
what terms these church-lands have been held in latter 
days. At the first beginning, I conceive the same order 
to have been here, which commonly was used in other 
parts of Christendom, that the tithes and profits of tem- 
poral lands appertaining unto every church, were taken 
up by a common receiver, and distributed into four equal 
portions, one s whereof was allotted to the bishop, another 
to his clergy, the third upon the reparation of the fabric, 
and a fourth towards the relief of the poor and strangers. 
This was the custom of the churches of Italy, as may be 
seen in the epistles of Simplicius h , Gelasius 1 , and Grego- 
rius k , bishops of Rome, alleged by Gratian 1 . The 
same was also received in the churches of France and 
Germany, as appeareth by the letter of Gregory 1 " the 

s Vid. capitular. Car. m. f. 401. a. 
h Epist. 3. ad Florentinum, Equitium et Severum epos. 
1 Epist. ad epis Lucaniae ad Justinum archidiac. ad Clementem et plebem 
Brundusii. 

k Epist. lib. 3. ad Maximian. Syracus. epis. 

1 Cans. 1 2. quest. 2. 

m Apud Jon. Aventin. annal. Boionim, lib. 3. pag. 289. edit. Ingolstad. 



410 



ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 



second ad Carolum Martellum, and" ad clerum et 
plebem Thuringiae ; by the seventh canon of the coun- 
cil of Worms, et libro septimo capitularium cap. 290. 
Lastly, Gregory I. making answer to the first question of 
Austin, bishop of Canterbury: " Mos° sedis apostolicae 
est," saith he, " ordinatis episcopis prsecepta tradere, ut 
de omni stipendio quod accedit, quatuor debent fieri por- 
tiones: una, viz. episcopo et familiae, propter hospitali- 
tatem atque susceptionem ; alia clero; tertia pauperibus; 
quarta ecclesiis reparandis." In Spain, the division of the 
church revenues was made into three parts, as is plain by 
divers councils held there ; and namely the first of Brac- 
cara: " Placuit p , ut de rebus ecclesiasticis tres aeque fiant 
portiones, id est, una episcopi ; alia clericorum, tertia in 
reparatione, vel in luminariis ecclesiae." And the coun- 
cil of Tarragona : " Quia q tertia pars ex omnibus, per an- 
tiquam traditionem, ut accipiatur ab episcopis, novimus 
statutum." In the present state of our northern churches, 
if we well mark it, some traces of these ancient orders 
may be observed. For first in the canons which have 
been cited, this may be noted, that in these days the 
parishioners were not tied to the reparation of their 
churches ; but the charge thereof was to be defrayed out of 
the revenues of the Church. " Ex omnibus istis capitulis 
collige," saith the gloss 1 upon the decrees, " laicos non 
esse compellendos ad reparationem fabricae, sed tantum 
clericos." Now this old order, which otherwhere is 
grown out of use, remaineth still in the north. " We 
find," say the jurors of the Cavan, " that the parson, vicar 
and erenach, are to repair and maintain their proper 
parish church at their own charge, out of their bene- 
fices and the Termon land, unto which work the pa- 
rishioners did oftentimes voluntarily give their benevo- 
lence." Again, by the same canons the bishop was to 



n Tom. 3. conciliorum, pag. 179. edit. Binii. 
Bedae eccles. hist. lib. 1. cap. 27. P Cap. 25. 

t Tom. 2. concil. pag. 350. can. 8. edit. Binii. Vide concil. Emeritens. torn. 2. 
pag. 1182. Toletan. 4. can. 32. et 9. can. 5. torn. 3. pag. 163. b. 
' Joh. Semeca in 12. qusest. 2. cap. 4. 



HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 441 

have " velquartam, vel tertiam, secundum locorum diversi- 
tates," as Gratian u noteth . And so, according to the di- 
versity of places, the bishop enjoyeth his fourth in Con- 
naught, and in the diocese of Clogher, as likewise in the 
diocese of Derry and Raphoe his third part, which also 
still retaineth the name of quarta and tertia episcopalis. 
The taking up of the collections, and distribution of the 
church profits into their several portions, was in those 
days the special charge of the archidiaconus, as may ap- 
pear by the epistle of Gregory w ad Honoratum archidia- 
conum Salonitanum; and of Isidore 1 ad Lindifredum 
Cordubensem episcopum, thus describing the office of an 
archdeacon : " Collectam pecuniam de communione ipse 
accipit, et episcopo defert, et clericis proprias partes idem 
distribuit." The archdeacon to this day is termed by the 
Irish, C;/te;nne<xcfr, as before I have declared ; and we find 
that this was one office of our Herenach, to be the bishop's 
collector, as in the inquisition for the county of Donegal 
is particularly set down of O'Morreeson, the Herenach of 
the parish of Clonemanny, " That he was anciently ac- 
customed to collect all the bishop's duties throughout the 
whole barony of Enishowen." 

Now by the " canonica dispositio quartarum" as Gregory y 
calleth it, the bishop being to have his fourth book of the 
spiritual and temporal profits of the church in Clogher, 
he receiveth accordingly the fourth part of the tithes of 
such parishes as are within that diocese. Besides this, 
every Herenach payeth unto him a certain yearly rent out 
of the Termon lands belonging unto his church, which 
if I should guess to have been in consideration of the 
quarta due unto the bishop out of the temporal posses- 
sions of that church, I suppose my conjecture would be 
found to have in it more probability and conformity to 
the ancient church government, than that which by some 
of the northern jurors, men not very skilful in matters 



u Grat. 16. quaest. 1. cap. 61. 
w Greg. 1. lib. 1. epist. 20. op. torn. 2. paj 
x Isidor. pag. 615. edit. Paris, anno 1601 
y Epist. 11. lib. 4. op. torn. 2. pag. 691. 



op. torn. 2. pag. 504. 



442 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 

of such antiquity, was delivered, viz. that a when the tem- 
poral lords in their several wars, and upon other occa- 
sions, began to charge and tax the Termon lands with 
divers exactions and impositions, the Corbes and Here- 
nachs fled unto the bishop of the diocese wherein they 
lived, and besought his protection against the wrongs and 
injuries of the temporal lords, and therefore voluntarily 
gave unto the bishop a rent or pension out of their land." 
But to let this pass. The bishop's portion being de- 
ducted in such sort as hath been shewed, there should 
remain a fourth both of the tithes and of the temporali- 
ties to be allowed unto the ministers that attended the 
cure, another fourth to be spent in reparations and keep- 
ing up of the church, and a fourth likewise pauperibus et 
peregrinis fideliter eroganda, as the canons b require. 
When therefore the receiving of the church goods into a 
common hand, and the sharing of them into their several 
portions began to be abused, he which was the oeconomus 
carving, as it is like, very favourably for himself, or upon 
some other respect was disused, and every one was willing 
to be the steward of his own portion, the presbyteri, that is, 
the parson and vicar, and the archidiaconus, (or Herenach,) 
may be thought to have grown to this composition ; the 
Herenach charged himself with the reparation of two thirds 
of the fabric, taking upon him the care of the lower part 
or body of the church, the parson and vicar undertook 
the charge of the other third part. There being to di- 
vide betwixt them the three quarters of the church goods 
which remained above the bishop's allowance ; for more 
quiet and ease, the presbyteri took wholly unto themselves 
the three quarters of the tithes, two whereof fell into the 
parson's lots, and one to the vicar's, without challenging 
any benefit in the temporal profits, except some small 
quantity of glebe land they were to dwell on ; the archi- 
diaconus or Herenach for keeping of hospitality, and en- 

a See the office of the Cavan. 

b Gelas. epist. ad Clem, et pleb. Brundusii apud Gratianum, 12. quaest. 2. 
cap. Concesso. Greg. 11. in epist. ad Clem, et pleb. Thuringiae, concil. Worm, 
can. 7. et 47. 



HERENACHES AND TERM0N LANDS. 443 

tertainment of strangers, besides the common care of 
reparations, had assigned unto him the commodity 
of the three quarters of the temporal lands, which 
he raised out of such rents, cuttings and services as 
were to be exacted of the coloni ecclesiastici, or Ter- 
moners. Thus were things ordered, where the dis- 
tribution of the church goods into four parts was ad- 
mitted, as may be observed in those places, which belong 
to the diocese of Clogher, in a part of Tyrone, in Fer- 
managh, and in the county of Monaghan, called in times 
past Ergallia, where quarta episcopalis is said to have 
been granted to the bishop of Clogher, by Innocentius 
the second, at the request of Malachias. For so we read 
in the register of that bishoprick : " Malachias, archie- 
piscopus Ardmachanus, apostolica? sedis legatus, ab In- 
nocentio II. impetravit quartam episcopalem per totam 
Ergaliam dari episcopo Clochorensi, sicut in pontificali 
ejusdem ecclesiae combusta continetur ; quam vidimus, 
legimus, et approbavimus." Howbeit, it appeareth by 
Bernard, that this Malachias, all the time that he was bi- 
shop, enjoyed not the benefit of any tithes, nor yet of 
lands, either mensal or censual ; but lived rather by cosh- 
ering after the Irish fashion. " Non c servos," saith 
Bernard in his life, " non ancillas, non villas, non viculos, 
non denique quicquam redituum ecclesiasticorum, secula- 
riumve, vel in ipso habuit episcopatu. Mensae episcopali, 
nihil prorsus constitutum, vel assignatum, unde episcopus 
viveret; nee enim vel domum propriam habuit; erat, 
autem, pene incessanter circuiens parcecias omnes, evan- 
gelio serviens, et de evangelio vivens, sicut constituit ei 
Dominus; dignus est, inquiens, operarius mercede sua." 
But to return to the matter, whence I have a little di- 
gressed. As in Clogher the canonica dispositio quartarum 
was in use, so, in the dioceses of Derry, and Raphoe the 
distribution in tertias was observed. There the Herenach 
taketh up tertiam episcopalem of the tithes, which he 
delivereth not in kind, but payeth in consideration thereof 

c Bernard, in vit. Malach. 



444 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 

a yearly rent unto the bishop. He giveth unto him, in 
like manner, a certain annuity out of the Termon lands, 
which possibly might have been due, according to my 
former conjecture, in regard of the bishop's interest in the 
third of the temporal lands belonging unto that church. 
So there should remain two thirds both of the tithes and 
of the temporalities. The two thirds remaining of the 
temporalities the Herenach held for the maintenance of his 
charge ; the parson and vicar contented themselves with 
the two thirds of the tithes, which were equally divided 
between them ; the parson, vicar and herenach, charging 
themselves in common with the keeping up and repara- 
tion of the church. This is the order observed in Derry 
and Raphoe. In the diocese of Armagh, from which also 
the state of the diocese of Kilmore differeth not much, 
the tithes are divided into three parts, whereof the par- 
son hath two, and the vicar one ; the archbishop chal- 
lenging only certain mensal tithes out of the lands lying 
about the city of Armagh. The Herenach possesseth the 
temporal lands of the church, yielding a rent unto the 
bishop, and intermeddleth not with the tithes ; yet bear- 
eth together with the parson and vicar, the charge of re- 
parations. So in divers dioceses, divers customs are 
held for the distribution of the church revenues : where- 
upon it falleth out sometimes, that in one and the same 
county very different customs are observed in that behalf. 
As, namely, in one part of Tyrone, belonging to the dio- 
cese of Clogher, the bishop and vicar have one half of the 
tithes, and the parson the other; in another part, belong- 
ing to the diocese of Derry, the parson, vicar and here- 
nach divide the tithes betwixt them in such sort as for- 
merly hath been declared ; and in another part, belong- 
ing to the diocese of Armagh, the parson taketh up two 
third part of the tithes, and the vicar one; the archbi- 
shop and herenach claiming no part thereof. 

And thus have I delivered my judgment, not so much 
of the present state, and much less of that which were 
meet to be settled hereafter, the ordering whereof I 
wholly refer unto the higher powers, not minding to inter- 



HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 445 

pose myself in state affairs, as of the original and first 
estate of Corbes, Herenaches and Termon lands ; wherein 
as I myself profess that I have carried an indifferent hand, 
without any partiality or private respect whatsoever, (mihi 
enim isthic nee seritur nee metitur) so would I have none 
to imagine, that I take upon me peremptorily to deter- 
mine any thing in this matter of antiquity ; as being not 
ignorant with what obscurities questions of that nature are 
involved, especially where help of ancient monuments is 
wanting. My purpose only was to point unto the foun- 
tains, and to compare the present state of things with the 
practice of ancienter times ; thinking I have done well, if 
hereby I may give occasion of further enquiry unto those 
who have greater judgment and more leisure to hold out 
the truth of this business. 



OF 



THE FIRST ESTABLISHMENT 



OF 



ENGLISH LAWS AND PARLIAMENTS 



IN THE 



KINGDOM OF IRELAND. 



OF THE 



FIRST ESTABLISHMENT 



OF 



ENGLISH LAWS AND PARLIAMENTS, 

&c. &c. 



As soon as the realm of Ireland was come into the hands 
of the kings of England, their first care was to provide, 
that the church and commonwealth, in both nations, 
should be governed by the same laws. And therefore 
king Henry II. being here in person in the year 
1172. among other orders taken for the settlement of this 
state, caused two councils to be assembled ; the one at 
Cashel, the other at Lismore. In the former it was 
agreed by a synodical constitution, that " Omnia divina 
ad instar sacrosanctae ecclesiae, juxta quod Anglicana 
observat ecclesia, in omnibus partibus Hiberniae, amodo 
tractentur : dignum etenim, et justissimum est, ut sicut 
dominum et regem ex Anglia sortita est divinitus 
Hibernia, sic etiam exinde vivendi formam accipiant me- 
liorem ;" so recordeth Giraldus Cambrensis in the first 
book of his history of the conquest of Ireland*. In the 

1 Cap. 34. 
VOL. XI. L L 



450 OF ENGLISH LAWS 

other, " Leges Angliae ab omnibus sunt gratanter re- 
ceptse, et juratoria cautione praestita confirmata? ;" as wit- 
nesseth Matthew Paris in his great history. 

The like course was taken by his son king John, at his 
being here in the year 1210 ; as appeareth partly by the 
report of the same Matthew Paris, but especially by 
letters patent of Henry III. dated at Woodstock the 
ninth of September, in the thirtieth year of his reign, re- 
maining among the records of the tower of London. 
The words of the historian be these, speaking of king 
John's doings in Ireland : " Fecit rex ibidem construere 
leges, et consuetudines Anglicanas, ponens vice-comites, 
aliosque ministros, qui populum regni illius juxta leges 
Anglicanas judicarent." The tenor of the record is this : 
" Quia pro communi utilitate terrae Hiberniae, et unitate 
terrarum de communi concilio provisum est, quod omnes 
leges et consuetudines, qua? in regno nostro Angliae te- 
nentur, in Hibernia teneantur, et eadem terra iisdem 
legibus subjaceat, et per easdem regatur ; sicut Johannes 
rex, cum illic esset, statuit, et firmiter mandavit : Quia 
rex Henricus vult, quod omnia brevia de communi jure, 
quae currunt in Anglia, similiter currant in Hibernia ; sub 
novo sigillo regis mandatum est, archiepiscopis," &c. 

In like sort Henry III. son to King John, in the 
twelfth year of his reign : " Mandavit justiciario suo 
Hiberniae, ut convocatis archiepiscopis, episcopis, comi- 
tibus, baronibus, militibus ibidem, coram eis legi faciat 
chartam regis Johannis, quam legi fecit, et jurari a mag- 
natibus Hibernia?, de legibus, et consuetudinibus Angliae 
observandis, et quod leges illas teneant, et observent ;" as 
is related out of the same records by that worthy anti- 
quary Mr. William Camden Clarentius b . 

Hereupon, in doubtful matters of law, recourse was had 
from thence into England ; as in the days of the said 
king Henry upon a question of inheritance devolved unto 
sisters, four knights were sent unto the king's court in 
England, by Gerald Fitzmaurice, then lord chief jus- 

b Camden Hibern. pag. 734. 



AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 4.51 

tice of Ireland, to bring a certificate of the custom of 
England in that case ; who brought back the king's 
rescript, commonly known by the name of " Statutum c 
Hibernias de cohasredibus ;" which is thus concluded : 
" Ideo vobis mandamus, quod praedictas consuetudines, 
quas in regno nostro Angliae habemus, in hoc casu, ut 
praedictum est, in terra nostra Hiberniae proclamari, et 
firmiter teneri facias, et observari. Teste meipso apud 
Westmonaster : 9. die Febr. anno regni 14 :" as it is 
in the printed statutes, or, as Matthew Paris setteth it 
down in his history, anno 1240. " Teste meipso apud 
Norwicum, 30. die Augusti anno regni 21." 

So d upon an erroneous judgment given in Ireland, 
matters might be removed by a writ of error to the 
king's bench in England ; and, upon a debt recovered 
in the king's court in England, a writ of a Fieri facias 
hath been directed to the justice of Ireland for levying 
the same upon the lands and goods of the debtor; a pre- 
cedent whereof is to be seen in the days of Richard II. 
in the case e of Robert Wickford, then archbishop of 
Dublin ; who being in arrear of a certain annual rent of 
ten pounds due to one Thomas, a clerk in England ; the 
sheriff* of Middlesex having returned, that he had no 
lands, tenements, goods, or chattels in his baliwick, 
and testatum being made, that he was in Ireland, and 
there had divers goods, chattels, lands, and tenements, as 
well of his own purchase, as of his archbishopric, whence 
the said sum of ten pounds might be made ; the king's 
writ was thereupon directed to the justice of Ireland in 
this manner: "Ideo vobis mandamus, quod de terris, et 
catallis ejusdem Roberti jam archiepiscopi in terra nostra 
Hiberniae fieri faciatis praedictas decern libras, et illas 
habeatis coram, &c. octavis Michaelis ad reddendum 
praefato Thomae de arreragiis annui redditus praedicti; et 
habeatis ibi hoc breve." 

c Edit, cum Magna Charta. 

d S. 2. R. 3. fol. 12. Registr. bvev. original, fol. 13. 2. Fitzherb. Natur. 
Brev. fol. 24. 
e Registr. brev. judicial, fol. 43. C>. 

L l2 



452 OF ENGLISH LAWS 

This order being settled, that the king's English sub- 
jects in Ireland, and such also of the Irish, as had the 
benefit of the English laws vouchsafed unto them, for 
that all enjoyed not this privilege appeareth plainly by 
the king's recorder, should be ruled by the same law, 
wherewith the state of England was governed ; it came 
to pass, that such statutes, as were enacted in parlia- 
ments held in England, were intended always to have 
been made for the government as well of this kingdom, as 
of the other. And therefore, albeit in the presence of 

the statute of Glocester, in the year of Edward I. 

the act is said expressly to be made for the behoof of the 
realm of England ; yet in the preface of the statute of 
Westmonaster, the second made the thirteenth year of the 
same king's reign, we find it thus interpreted : " Cum 
nuper dominus rex, in quindena S. Johannis baptistae, 
anno regni sui 6. convocatis praslatis, comitibus, baroni- 
bus, et consilio suo apud Glocester, &c. quaedam statuta 
populo suo valde necessaria, et utilia edidit, per quae po- 
pulus suus Anglicanus, et Hibernicus sub suo regimine 
gubernatus celeriorem justitiam, quam prius, in suis op- 
pressionibus consecutus est," &c. So in the statute of 
merchants made the same year : " The king wills, that 
this ordinance and act be observed from henceforth 
throughout his realm of England, and Ireland." And 
the statute of York, in the twelfth year of Edward II. 
is said to be made upon this consideration ; that the peo- 
ple of the realm of England and Ireland have heretofore 
suffered many times great mischiefs, damage and disheri- 
son, by reason that in divers cases, where the law failed, 
no remedy was provided ; for the publication of which 
statute, together with another formerly enacted at Lin- 
coln in the ninth year of his reign, the king sent this writ 
to his chancellor in Ireland : 

" Edwardus f Dei gratia rex Angliae, dominus Hiber- 
■i\\3s, dux Aquitanias, cancellario suo in Hibernia salu- 
tem : Quaedam statuta per nos de assensu przelatorum., 

f Ex libro albo Saccarii Hibemix. 



AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 4v)o 

comitum, baronum, et communitatis regni nostri nuper 
apud Lincoln, et quaedam alia statuta postmodum apud 
Eborum facta, qua? indicta terra nostra Hiberniae ad com- 
munem utilitatem populi nostri ejusdem terras observari 
volumus ; vobis mittimus, sub sigillo nostro mandantes, 
quod statuta ilia in dicta cancellaria nostra custodiri, et 
in rotulis ejusdem cancellaria? irrotulari, et ad singulas 
placeas nostras in regno nostro preedicto ad singulos co- 
mitatus ejusdem terrae mitti facias per breve nostrum sub 
dicto sigillo nostro ; ministris nostris placearum illarum, 
vice comitibus dictorum comitatuum mandantes, quod 
statuta ilia coram ipsis publicari, et in omnibus, et singulis 
articulis observari firmiter faciatis. Teste meipso apud 
Nottingham 20. Novembris, anno regni nostri 17." 

About the same time, and in the same place, at 
Nottingham, on the twenty-fourth of November, anno 
R. Edw. II. 17. the ordinances^ for the state of Ire- 
land were made, which are to be seen in French in the 
second part of the ancient statutes printed at London, 
anno 1532. Add hereunto the statutes made at West- 
minster in the eleventh and twenty-seventh years of Ed- 
ward III. the former touching drapery, and wearing of 
outlandish cloth and furs, extended as well to Ireland and 
Wales, as unto England : the other concerning the erec- 
tion of staples at Dublin, Waterford, Cork, and Droghe- 
da, and the establishment of the staple law in this 
land : but especially the statute 11 enacted at Westminister, 
in the fourth year of king Henry V., touching promotion 
of clerks of the Irish nation, is to be considered: by which 
it is evident, that the kings of England, granting liberty 
of holding parliaments in this land, intended nothing less 
than to abridge their own authority thereby, or to ex- 
empt the inhabitants of this realm from the power of the 
laws, which should be made in the mother kingdom. 

In the second year of Richard III. the matter was first 
called into question upon this occasion. It was provided 

« Magna Charta, edit, anno 1532. et 1556. 
11 Westmon. statut. anno 4. Hen. V. cap. 6. 



454 OF ENGLISH LAWS 

by a statute made at Westminster in the tenth year of Hen- 
ry VI. that ifany wools, woolfells, hides, lead, tin, &c. should 
be found carried out of the realm of England, or the lands 
of Ireland, Wales, and Berwick upon Tweed, to any place 
beyond the seas, besides Calais ; the one half of all such 
goods should be forfeited to the king ; and the person, 
that espied, and proved the same, thould have the other. 
It fell out afterwards, that certain merchants of Waterford 
shipped divers merchandises of the staple, agreeing by 
indenture with the master of the ship, that he should 
transport the said merchandises to Sluce in Flanders; 
but contrary to their will the ship was driven into Calais ; 
where Sir Thomas Thwayght, treasurer of Calais, seized 
the ship, one moiety for the king, and the other for him- 
self, as the first finder. The merchants, by a bill pre- 
ferred to the king in his council at Westminster 1 , craved 
restitution ; whereupon this question came to be debated 
in the Exchequer chamber : " Si villa? corporate in Hi- 
bernia, et alii habitantes in Hibernia, erunt legati per sta- 
tutum factum in Anglia :" whereupon it was said Ireland 
had a parliament in itself, whereby it made laws, and 
changed laws, and was not bound by a statute made in 
England, forasmuch as it had not there any knights of 
the parliament. But the question being renewed the next 
term k , which fell on the beginning of the reign of Hen- 
ry VII. Hussey the chief justice resolved, that the statutes 
made in England do bind those of Ireland ; which was in a 
manner agreed upon by all the other justices then assem- 
bled in the Exchequer chamber: " Nient-obstant, que 
ascunde eux fuerunt in contraria opinione te darre in terme 
enson absens," saith the reporter; notwithstanding that 
some of them were of contrary opinion the last term in his 
absence. 

There followed not long after, the parliament 1 held before 
Sir Edward Poy nings at Drogheda, in the tenth year of Hen- 

j 2R.III. fol. 12. 

k M. 1. H. VII. fol. 3. Fitzherb. tit. Accion stir le statut. o'. Brook tit. par- 
liament, and statutes, 90. 

1 Stat. Hibem. 10. H. VII. cap. 22. 



AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 455 

ry VII. wherein it was ordained, and established, that all 
statutes late made within the realm of England, concern- 
ing or belonging to the common, and public weal of the 
same, should thenceforth be deemed good, and effectual 
in the law, and be accepted, used, and executed within 
this land of Ireland in all points, at all times requisite, 
according to the tenor, and effect of the same ; whereby 
many have been induced to believe, that the statutes of 
England could have no authority in Ireland, without spe- 
cial confirmation of the parliament in this land : not con- 
sidering, that in this self same parliament™ it was in like 
manner ordained, and established, that the statutes of 
Kilkenny, which were of full validity before the time of 
this confirmation, should be authorized, approved, con- 
firmed, and deemed good, and effectual in the law, and 
be executed according to the tenor, and purport of them, 
and every of them : even as before this in a parliament" 
holden at Dublin in the eighteenth year of Henry VI. it 
was enacted, that all statutes made within this realm, and 
not repealed, should be holden and kept in all points : 
and in another parliament holden in the same place, the 
eleventh year of Henry IV. that the great charter and the 
statutes made in the time of the Duke of Clarence, and in 
the time of Thomas of Lancaster, lieutenant of Ireland, 
and all other good statutes, and reasonable ordinances 
made in the time of any justice or lieutenant of this land 
should be firmly holden, and kept : whereby it is mani- 
fest, that from the reviving, or confirming of any statutes, 
no sufficient argument can be drawn to disannul the autho- 
rity of those acts before such confirmation. 

Lastly, whereas by authority of a parliament be- 
gun at London, in the twenty-first year of King Henry 
VIII. the act of Faculties was ordained not only for 
the realm of England, but also for all other the king's 
dominions, with this penalty annexed, that whatsoever 



m Stat. Hibern. 10. H. VII. cap. 8. 

" Ex Rotul. parliamentar. Hib. 18. H. VI. cap. 4. et 11. Hen. IV. cap. 4. 

° Stat. Angl. anno 25. Hen. VIII. cap. 21. 



456 OF ENGLISH LAWS 

person, subject, or resident within the realm of England, 
or within any the king's dominions, did sue to the court, 
or see of Rome, or to any claiming authority from thence, 
for any licence, or faculty, or put in execution any licence 
so obtained, or maintain, allow, admit, or obey any man- 
ner of censures, or other process from Rome, should incur 
the punishment comprised in the statute of praemunire : the 
states of Ireland, assembled in parliament in the twenty- 
eighth year of the same king, thought it nothing strange, that 
the effects of the act, ordained in England, should be 
thus extended to the king's other dominions ; but freely 
acknowledged so much in these words : " Forasmuch 15 as 
it is mentioned in the said act, that the effects thereof 
should not only extend into the realm of England and to 
the commodity thereof, and to the subjects of the same, 
but also to all other the king's dominions, and his sub- 
jects; and that this the king's land of Ireland is his pro- 
per dominion, and a member appending, and rightfully 
belonging to the imperial crown of the said realm of Eng- 
land, and united to the same ; and also like inconvenience 
hath ensued within this land of Ireland, as hath been 
within the said realm of England by reason of the usurpa- 
tion of the bishop of Rome, like as is mentioned in the 
said act. Be it therefore enacted by authority of this 
present parliament, that the said act, and every thing, 
and things therein contained, shall be established, con- 
firmed, taken, obeyed, and accepted within this land of 
Ireland, as a good and perfect law." 

Thus we see how the English laws were here esta- 
blished, and how from time to time the king's subjects 
of Ireland were ruled, not only by the common laws, but 
also by the statute laws of England : notwithstanding, for 
the ordering of their particular affairs, wherewith the no- 
bility and commons of that other realm could not be so 
well acquainted, they have had always, as proper courts, 
so likewise proper parliaments of their own in this land. 
The first order out of England for this matter, that I 

r Stat. llib. 28. Hen. VIII. rap. 1!'. 



AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 457 

meet withal, is a constitution of King Edward II. in the 
twelfth year of his reign, remaining among the close q 
rolls in the tower of London, that parliaments should be 
held every year in the land of Ireland ; but that re-specteth 
the determination of the time, rather than the first insti- 
tution of parliaments in this country : for in the chroni- 
cles of Ireland, and especially in the annals written about 
the year 1370. which Phillip Flattesbury followed in his 
collections, and my learned friend Mr. Camden, at my 
entreaty hath lately published out of the Lord William 
Howard's library, there is mention made of sundry par- 
liaments holden here in this same king's reign before this 
order was taken ; as may be seen in the said annals at the 
years of our Lord 1309. 1310. 1315. and 1317. So like- 
wise in the days of Edward I. anno 1294. " Richardus 
comes Ultoniae," saith the same author, " cito post festum 
sancti Nicholai captus est per dominum Johannem filium 
Thomas, et in castro de Lega, id est, Ley, detentus est us- 
que ad festum sancti Gregorii papae; cujus liberatio facta 
fuit tunc per concilium domini regis in parliamento de Kil- 
kenny." And, to ascend higher unto the time of Henry 
III. in the register of the archbishop of Dublin there is to 
be seen : " Inquisitio facta ad parliamentum de Tristel- 
Dermod die Mercurii proxima post festum sancti Trini- 
tatis, anno 48. H. III. coram D. Richardo de Rupella, 
capitali justiciario Hiberniae, et coram Domino Hugone de 
Tachmone episcopo Midensi, tunc thesaurario," &c. 

Yet all parliaments, that we read of in the chronicles, 
are not to be accounted to have been of the same nature; 
but a distinction may be observed therein of petite, and 
grande parliaments : for the name is sometimes given to 
such meetings, as were parlies, rather than parliaments ; 
as in the foresaid annals, anno Domini 1368. R. Edw. 
III. 42. " In Carbria post quoddam parliamentum 
finitum inter Hibernicos, et Anglicos capti sunt frater 
Thomas Burley r , prior de Killmaynan, cancellarius regis 



i Camden, Hibern. pag. 733. ' Butler. 



458 OF ENGLISH LAWS 

in Hibernia, Johannes Fitz-Reicher vice-comes Midias,"&c, 
Others were grande parliaments, wherein the three estates 
of the land were assembled ; such as in the submission of 
Mac-Mahowne, in the twenty-fifth year of Henry VI. are to 
be understood ; where he promiseth in Arch parliaments to 
carry nothing out of the English pale contrary to the sta- 
tutes ; and these in the chronicles are sometimes called 
magna parliamenta, as in the annals of Ross, anno 1333. 
" Tenetur parliamentum magnum Dublin, et eundo versus 
dictum parliamentum occiditur dominus Willelmus nobilis 
juvenis comes Ultonias, per suos Anglicos Ultoniae prodi- 
tiose ; et in eodem parliamento occiditur Mauricius Alius 
Nicholai Othoil Hibernicus, et in armis strenuus :" but 
more usually communia parliamenta, as may be seen in 
sundry places of the annals set out by Mr. Camden ; one 
whereof, because it containeth some other memorable 
things concerning the matter in hand, I will set down at 
large. 

" Anno Domini 1341. commune parliamentum Hiber- 
nian de concilio regis mense Octobris extitit ordinatum. 
Ad idem parliamentum Mauritius filius Thomas comes 
Desmondiae non pervenit: ante quod tempus nunquam 
inter Anglicos in Anglia oriundos, et Anglicos in terra 
Hiberniae oriundos, ita nobilis et manifesta divisio habe- 
batur. Majores insuper civitatum regalium ejusdem ter- 
ras, una cum nobilioribus dictas terras universis unanimes 
existentes, habito consilio deliberato in caeteris conclusi- 
onibus decreverunt, et statuerunt parliamentum commune 
Kilkenniae, mense Novembri ; ad utilitatem et profectum 
regis, et prasfatas terras, consilio justiciarii, et regalium 
prasdictorum irrequisito penitus in hac parte. Justicia- 
rius autem, et casteri ministri regis ad idem parliamentum 
Kilkenniae accedere nullatenus prassumpserunt. Majores 
igitur terras prasnotati, una cum majoribus civitatum ordi- 
naverunt de solemnibus nunciis regi Anglias quantocius 
destinandis pro statu terras relevando, et conquerendo de 
ejus ministris in Hibernia, de iniquo, et injusto regimine 
eorundem; et non de castero tolerarent, quod terra 
Hiberniae per suos ministros more solito regeretur, con- 



AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 4.59 

queruntur pro parte tie praedictis ministris per quaestiones. 
Quomodo terra plena guerris regi possit ab illo qui bello- 
rum ignarus ? Quomodo minister regis brevi tempore ad 
magnas opes venire posset? Quomodo rex in Hibernia 
non factus ditior?" 

A like attempt of assembling a parliament without the 
privity of the king's council was not long after renewed by 
the Earl of Desmond ; who is here noted to have absented 
himself from the king's parliament. The matter is thus 
related by John Clinn, a friar of Kilkenny, who lived at 
the time, anno 1344. " In festo cathedra? Petri fuit par- 
liamentum factum apud Callan, rege nescio; ad quod 
venit Mauritius films Thomae cum multis millibus homi- 
num, ad quod credidit majores terras ad eum venisse. 
Sed rex timens talia conventicula suspecta, et potius ma- 
lum, quam bonum ex hoc evenire ; per breve regis prohi- 
bitum est omnibus, ne venirent : et per hoc majores 
terrae praedicto Mauritio se excusabant, sed domi man- 
serunt." 

The next year a parliament by the king's authority was 
summoned at Dublin; from whence the said Earl of Des- 
mond again absented himself, and was thereupon prose- 
cuted by the lord deputy; for so we read in Camden's 
annals, anno 1345. " Septimo die Junii commune parlia- 
mentum Dubliniae ; ad quod non venit dominus Mauricius 
filius Thomae, comes Desmoniae. Item dominus Radul- 
phus de Ufford justiciarius Hibernise post festum beati 
Johannis baptistae cum vexillo regis, sine tamen assensu 
majorum terras levato, contra dominum Mauricium nlium 
Thomae, comitem Desmondiae ad Momoniam progreditur," 
&c. 

Afterwards upon the beheading of Thomas Earl of 
Desmond, called unto a parliament at Dublin by John 
Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, it is said, that King Ed- 
ward IV. about the ninth year of his reign, granted, 
that the earls of Desmond should never be enforced to 
come to any parliaments to Dublin more, nor any where 
else in Ireland; using themselves dutifully to God, and to 
their prince; as in the book of Houthe is recorded. 



460 OF ENGLISH LAWS 

Whereupon in the thirty-second year of Henry VIIL 
James Fitz-John, then admitted Earl of Desmond, in his 
submission before Sir Anthony Sentleger, on the sixteenth 
January, anno 1540. disclaimed the privilege challenged 
by his ancestors of not coming to parliament, grand coun- 
cil, or within any walled town. 

Otherwise, sure it is, that all the lords of the land as 
well spiritual, as temporal, were bound to appear at these 
parliaments ; arid for default herein we find, that, in the 
days s of Edward II. a fine of two hundred marks upon 
George Lord Roche ; as also in the days 1 of Henry VI. 
the bishops of Leghlyn, Ossory, Down, and Limrick 
were amerced for the same cause. And as they were 
bound to resort to parliaments, so were they there to take 
their places according to their estate, and to wear their 
robes of parliament after the manner of England. For the 
former, the order of sitting observed in the parliament 
holden at Dublin before Gerald, Earl of Kildare, in the 
twenty-fifth year of Henry VIIL is registered by John Al- 
len, archbishop of Dublin, then present, the year before 
he was cruelly murdered by Lord Thomas Fitz-Gerald, 
son to the aforesaid earl. And for the latter two special 
statutes were provided, one in the sixteenth year of Ed- 
ward IV. and another in the tenth year of Henry VII. 

Now by this frequent use of parliaments, appointed to 
be holden every year, and oftentimes more than once 
within the compass of one year, as appeareth both by the 
chronicles, and by a statute" in the thirty-fourth year of Hen- 
ry VI. whereby the summoning of parliaments, more than 
once in the year, is for a time restrained, it may easily be 
collected, that the principal use of parliaments in former 
times was not so much to make new laws, as to see the 
old put in execution, and to advise of other matters, that 
concerned the state of the commonwealth. Sometimes 
they were gathered for the trial or acquittal of some great 
personages, as may be seen in the annals often alleged, 

* Camden Ilibern. pag. 729. ex archivis regis. 

' Rotul. parliamentar. Hib. arm. 27. Hen. VI. cap. 21 — 24. 

u Ex Rotul. parliamentar, Hibern. 34. Hen. VI. cap. C. 



AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 461 

anno 1310. 1317. and 1327. Sometimes for consultation in 
times of great danger ; as the parliament holden at Kil- 
kenny in the days of Edward II. whereof John Clinne thus 
writeth : anno 1315. " Commune parliamentum magna- 
tum Hibernise apud Kilkenny pro auxilio, et consilio ha- 
bendo contra Scotos in principio mensis Junii." {Some- 
time for viewing the state of the king's tenants, as the 
parliament holden at Ross, in the time of Henry IV. of 
which another author w writeth in this manner : anno 1401. 
" Thomas Dominus de Lancaster, filius et locum tenens 
domini regis Henrici quarti in Hibernia, tenuit parlia- 
mentum apud Ross, in quo habuit visum chartarum, et 
patentium horum, qui a domino rege tenuerunt in capite." 
Sometime for obtaining a subsidy : as the parliament hold- 
en at Kilkenny, in the forty-fourth year of Edward HI. be- 
fore Sir William Windsor ; wherein three thousand pounds 
were granted to the king, " pro subsidio ad guerras," as we 
read in the same author : and another held in the same 
place in the days of Henry IV. by Thomas of Lancaster ; 
of whom Henry Marlburgh, vicar of Balscadden, in his 
chronicles thus writeth : anno 14<08. " Post festum S. 
Hilarii tenuit parliamentum apud Kilkenny, causa tallagii 
habendi." Sometime for hearing and determining con- 
troversies of right between party and party ; as the par- 
liament holden at Dublin in the fifth year of Henry VI. 
before James Butler Earl of Ormond; the whole roll 
whereof containeth nothing but a process upon a writ of 
error, in a plea betwixt the prior of Lanthony in Wales, 
and the prior of Molingar in Ireland. Sometime also for 
enacting and establishing statutes for the government of 
the land ; of which kind these are the special. 
Anno 1309. 
In the reign of Edward II. a parliament holden in Kil- 
kenny, whereof in the annals set down by Mr. Camden, 
mention is made in these words : Anno 1309. " Parlia- 
mentum tentum est apud Kilkenny in octavis purificati- 
onis beatae Maria? per comitem Ultoniae, (et Johannem 
Wogan justiciarium Hiberniae) et caeteros magnates ; in 

w Ex collectaneis Thadsei Dowling. 



462 OF ENGLISH LAWS 

quo fuit sedata magna discordia orta inter quosdam mag- 
nates Hiberniae, et multae provisiones tanquam statuta 
providebantur: utiles terrse Hiberniae, si fuissent ob- 
servatae." 

Anno 1366. 
In the fortieth year of Edward III. another parliament hol- 
den at Kilkenny the first Thursday in Lent, by Lionel 
Duke of Clarence, the king's son, and lieutenant of Ire- 
land : the acts whereof are to be seen among the rolls of 
the Chancery, and are commonly known by the name of 
the statutes of Kilkenny x ; of which in the act of confir- 
mation, it is thus recorded : " All the season, that the said 
statutes were set in use, and duly executed, the land con- 
tinued in prosperity, and honour ; and since the time that 
they were not executed, the subjects rebelled, and di- 
gressed from their allegiance, and the land did fall to ruin 
and desolation." 

Anno 1402. 
In the third year of Henry IV. a parliament holden at 
Dublin in the month of September by Thomas Lancaster 
the king's son, and lieutenant of Ireland ; wherein divers 
statutes were enacted touching herbinage, and livere, the 
office of clerk of the market, and escheator, &c. 

Anno 1404. 
In the fifth year of the same king, another parliament 
holden at Dublin before the Earl ofOrmond; wherein 
the acts of the two precedent parliaments were con- 
firmed ; as appeareth by Henry Marleburgh, whose words 
are these : anno 1404. "In die S. Vitalis incipit parlia- 
mentum Dubliniae coram comite Ormondiae, tunc justi- 
ciario Hiberniae ; ubi confirmata fuerunt statuta de Kil- 
kenny Dubliniae, et charta pro Hibernia :" or as another 
author y setteth it down : " Charta libertatis Hiberniae, 
et statuta Kilkenniae fuerunt confirmata authoritate par- 
liament^ coram comite Ormoniae, justiciario Hiberniae die 
Vitalis martyris." 



s Stat. Hib. ami. 10. Hen. VII. cap. 8. 

y Collectan. ThadaM Dowling. 



AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 463 

Anno 1408. 

About the eighth year of the same king's reign, a third 
parliament holden at Dublin before James Butler, Earl 
of Ormond, then Lord Justice of Ireland ; wherein the 
same acts were again confirmed, as witnesseth the foresaid 
Henry Marleburgh, in these words : anno 1408. " Dic- 
tus justiciarius tenuit parliamentum Dubliniae; in quo par- 
liamento confirmata fuerunt statua Kilkenny, et Dub- 
linias, et charta concessa sub magno sigillo Anglige, contra 
Purveyours." 

In the eleventh year of the same king's reign a fourth 
parliament holden at Dublin before Sir Thomas Butler, 
prior of Kilmainham, deputy to Thomas of Lancaster, 
the king's son : wherein both the foresaid acts, and all 
other good statutes, and reasonable ordinances made in 
the time of any justice, or lieutenant of this land, were 
confirmed, and order taken, that if any statutes, or ordi- 
nances were made, which formerly were not put in execu- 
tion, or proclaimed, the same should then be proclaimed, 
and put in execution. Here also it was concluded, that 
the form of adjournments of parliaments should be kept 
after the manner of England ; and sundry other statutes 
established, which are extant in the parliament rolls con- 
taining twenty-four chapters. 
Anno 1428. 

In the seventh year of Henry VI. the parliament hol- 
den at Dublin, the Friday next after the feast of All 
Saints, before Sir John Sutton, Knight, Lieutenant of 
Ireland. It remaineth among the parliament rolls, and 
containeth fourteen chapters. 
Anno 1431. 

In the tenth year of the same king's reign another par- 
liament holden at Dublin, the Friday next before the 
feast of St. Catherine, before Sir Thomas Stanley, Knight, 
Lieutenant of Ireland : the roll containeth eight chapters ; 
the fifth and seventh whereof are to be seen in the printed 
book of the statutes of Ireland ; with the beginning 
whereof I will make an end of this narration, and sur- 
cease from farther discourse of the parliaments of this 
country. 



A DISCOURSE, 

SHEWING WHEN, AND HOW FAR, 



THE 



IMPERIAL LAWS 



WERE 



RECEIVED RYTHE OLD IRISH, 



AND THE SEVERAL 



INHABITANTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. 



VOL. XI. MM 



DISCOURSE, 



See. &c. 



I. Ihe Irish never received the imperial law, but used 
still their own Brehon law : which consisted partly of the 
customs of the land, partly of the ordinances enacted by 
their kings and chief governors ; whereof there are large 
volumes yet extant in their own language. Yet the 
Brehons, in giving of judgment, were assisted by certain 
scholars, who had learned many rules of the civil and 
canon law, rather by tradition than by reading: as by 
Sir John Davies a is reported : although for their skill in 
the canon law Hannibal Rosselli, the Calabrian, giveth 
unto them this testimony : " 01im b homines illius regionis 
plurimum intendebant juri pontificio, erantque optimi 
canonists. " 

II. The natives of Scotland, in the north part of Great 
Britain, being a colony of the Irish, used the like custo- 
mary laws, which were augmented by Kenneth II. the 
son of Alpin, of whom these verses run : 

Primus in Albania fertur regnasse Kinedhus, 
Filius Alpini, praeliamulta gerens : 

a In Cambden's Hibern. pag. 152. of the English edition. 
b Rossel. comm. in Mercur. Herra. Trismegist. Promandr. et Asclep. torn. 5. 
pag. 125. edit. Colon. 

M M 2 



468 OF THE IMPERIAL LAWS 

being called the first, either because he was the first 
that reigned over whole Albania, having overthrown the 
Picts, and adjoined their kingdom to his own ; or, as I 
read in the book of Meilross, " Quia primus leges Scoti- 
canas instituit, quas vocant leges Mac-Alpin." 

III. While Britain was a Roman province, it was sub- 
ject to the Roman laws : for the learning whereof the 
neighbouring nation served as a school; according to that 
of Juvenal, in the fifteenth satire : 

Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos. 

We find a rescript* 1 of the emperor Severus, proposed 
at York, the year before he ended his life there : but that 
Papinian executed judicature there, I could wish might 
be proved by some witness of more antiquity than Ste- 
phanus Torcatulus 6 was of: for it would redound unto 
some honour unto the nation, that the most skilful man 
in the civil law, that ever lived, should be appointed a 
minister of justice there. 

IV. After the departure of the Romans from hence, 
the Britons being driven by the Saxons into Cornwall 
and Wales, returned again to the customary laws of their 
own country ; having no written law, for aught I can find, 
before the days of Howel-Dha, or Howel the Good ; who 
succeeded his father Cadhel in the kingdom of South 
Wales, and Powis in the year 907. and his cousin Edwal 
Voel in the kingdom of North Wales, anno 940. He, 
having thus obtained the sovereignty of all Wales, in an 
assembly at Twy-Gwin upon the river Taff, at which 
were present one hundred and forty of the clergy, re- 
formed the old laws, and established new ; the book 
whereof is still extant both in the Welsh and in the 
Latin tongues. The Latin translator, who was then also 
present, is in the Welsh chronicle 1 named Blegored, by 



e " Cernitis ignotos Latia sub lege Britannos." Catalect. 

* Lib. 1. C. de rei vendic. 

e Vide Dion Cass. lib. 76. in excerpt. Xiphilin. 

f Fag. 127. 



IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 469 

Bale, Blegabridus Languaridus g ; of whom I find this 
mention in those barbarous verses, which are at the end 
of the Latin copy in the library of Corpus Christi, or 
Bennet College in Cambridge ; 

Explicit editus liber bene finitus : 

Quern regi scripsit Languoridus, et quoque fuit 

Howeli turbae doctor tunc legis in urbe, 

Gornando cano tunc judice cotidiano 

Rex dabat ad partem dextram, non sumpserat artem. 

See Sir Henry Spelman's British Councils, page 408, 
where he is called Blangoridus, and styled " Clericus 
doctissimus," 

V. At what time Justinian published the body of the civil 
law, not only Britain, but all the rest of the western part 
of Europe also were disjoined from the Roman Empire ; 
Italy and Sicily only excepted : and in Italy itself the use 
thereof continued but a short time : until at length in 
the year 1102. " Irnerius, philosophiam Bononias docens, 
Mathildis rogatu, Pandectas interpretari cnepit, et primus 
glossas in eas scripsit :" as Sigonius hath it in the argu- 
ment of his Bononian history ; and abbas Urspergensis in 
his Chronicle more fully : " Eisdem temporibus Dominus 
Warnerius libros legum, qui dudum neglecti fuerant, nee 
quisquam in eis studuerat, ad petitionem Mathildae Co- 
mitissas renovavit ; et secundum quod olim a divas re- 
cordationis imperatore Justiniano compilati fuerant, pau- 
cis forte alicubi interpositis h , eos distinxit," &c. 

VI. The laws and customs of the English Scots, King 1 
David I. with the advice of the people and clergy of his 
whole kingdom, caused to be reduced into four books, 
according to the number of Justinian's Institutes : and in 
imitation thereof caused the like proem to be prefixed 
thereunto : " Regiam majestatem non solum armis contra 
rebelles, sibi, regnoque insurgentes, oportet esse decora- 



e Bal. Centur. 2. pag. 127. v. Blegabridus. 

h In his interlineary gloss. 

' Vid. Regiam majestatem in fine praefationis. 



4-70 OF THE IMPERIAL LAWS 

tarn ; sed etiam legibus ad subditos, et populos pacitice 
regendos, oportet esse armatam ; ut utraque tempora, 
scilicet pacis, et belli," &c. Whereby I gather, that in 
his time, betwixt the year 1124. and 1153. the notice of 
Justinian was brought into that kingdom. Although, if 
I may here freely deliver my mind, I am much rather in- 
duced to think, this " Regiarn majestatem" to have been 
written after the year 1330. in the days of David II. 
than, as Skene would have us believe, in the reign of 
David I. as for other important reasons, so because in 
other copies of that book, Glanvil's Tractatus de Legi- 
bus, et consuetudinibus regni Anglise, written in or 
after the thirty-third year of Henry II. is vouched, and 
mentioned often therein ; as in the English preface, 
printed before Glanvil anno 1604. may be seen. But as 
for the use of the civil law in Scotland, although the sub- 
jection thereto be disclaimed by two several acts of par- 
liament, quoted by Mr. Selden 1 , yet the practice thereof 
is much the same in that kingdom as in France. 

VII. In the Norman" 1 chronicles I meet with the pre- 
cise time of the first profession of the civil law in Eng- 
land, recorded in this wise : " Magister Vacarius, gente 
Longobardus, vir honestus et juris peritus, cum leges 
Romanas anno ab incarnatione Domini 1149. in Anglia 
discipulos doceret ; et multi, tarn divites, quam pauperes, 
ad eum causa discendi confluerent; suggestione paupe- 
rum de codice, et digestis excerptos novem libros compo- 
suit, qui sufficiunt ad omnes legum lites, quag in scholis 
frequentari solent decidendas, si quis eos perfecte noverit." 
Whereby we may understand, what that Vacarius was, 
and what those leges Romanas were ; whereof Johannes 
Sarisburiensis thus writeth in the eighth book, and twen- 
ty-second chapter of his Polycraticus : " Tempore regis 
Stephani a regno jussse sunt leges Romana?, quas in Bri- 



1 Review, pag. 479. 

m Chronic. Norman, ab And*. Duchesino, edit, ex biblioth. S. Victor. Paris 
anno 1619. pag. 983. 



IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 471 

tanniam domus venerabilis patris Theobaldi" Britanniarum 
primatis asciverat. Ne quis etiam libros retineret, edicto 
regio prohibitum est, et Vacario nostro indictum silen- 
tium. Sed, Deo faciente, eo magis virtus legis invaluit, 
quo earn amplius nitebatur impietas infirmare." By which 
we see, that the civil law (not the ecclesiastical, as some 
have imagined) was not with greater indiscretion rejected 
in the days of King Stephen, than it was with great fervour 
restored again in the days of his successor King Henry 
II. For in his days was the Polycraticus written : at the 
same time also flourished Willelmus de Glavile (or Glanvil) 
one of the followers of Thomas Becket, and afterwards 
bishop of Rochester : "■ In utroque jure scientiam commen- 
dabilem assecutus," as it is in the fourth book of the fore- 
cited quadrilogue : as Leland also in his book De scrip- 
torib. Britann. noteth of Roger Hoveden the historian ; 
not long after that, " Mediis studiorum suorum annis 
legibus Cassarianis operam dedit ; a quibus recta se con- 
tulit ad pontificias." His book De legibus, et consue- 
tudinibus regni Angliae, written much after the same 
manner, and in the same words commonly, that the Re- 
giam majestatem of Scotland is; with the like proem out 
of Justinian's Institutes placed in the beginning of it. 
But Bracton, who after him drew a more full body of the 
common law toward the end of Henry III. stufFeth his 
book every where with quotations of the civil law, which 
to have been done also in the pleadings at the bar, the 
reports of the year books of Edward II. (vouched by Mr. 
Selden p ) do sufficiently testify. 

VIII. After the restitution of the imperial laws here, 
in the time of Henry II. public schools were erected for 



n Anno 1138. as it seems ; when Theobald went to Rome, to get his pall. 
Whence Thomas Becket, (as we read in the Quadrilogue, or Quadripartite his- 
tory of his life, lib. 1. cap. 5. edit. Par. 1495.) being bred in his family, " Juri 
civili operam dedit. Impetrata vero postea a Domino suo archiepiscopo transfre- 
tandi licentia, per annum in legibus studuit Bononiae ; postea Antisiodoro." 

Selden, in Jano Anglor. pag. 89. lib. 2. sec. 43. Notes upon Fortescue, 
pag. 45. not. 21. and Review of hist, of tithes, pag. 490, 491. ad fin. 

p Review of the history of tithes, cap. 7. fin. 



472 OF THE IMPERIAL LAWS 

the profession thereof in the city of London : for the sup- 
pressing whereof, in the year 1235. the king's writ was 
directed to the mayor and sheriffs : " Quod q per totam 
civitatem London clamari faciant, et firmiter prohiberi, ne 
aliquis scholas regens de legibus in eadem civitate de cae- 
tero ibidem leges doceat. Et si aliquis ibidem fuerit 
hujusniodi scholas regens, ipsum sine dilatione cessare 
faciant. Teste Rege r apud Bassing undecimo die Decem- 
bris." And yet all this notwithstanding, the English cler- 
gy remitted nothing of their diligence in the study of the 
civil law ; as appeareth both by the relation of Matthew 
Paris, at the year 1255. (which was the thirty-ninth of 
Henry III.) and by the reproof given unto them for it by 
Roger Bacon, who deceased anno Domini, 1292. under 
Edward I. in his Compendium theologiae; cited at large 
by Mr. Selden in his notes upon Fortescue\ 

IX. At length the profession of the civil law was esta- 
lished in both the universities ; and recourse had to the 
sages thereof in weighty consultations ; though with pro- 
testation, that the kingdom was not subject to the rule of 
that law : as appeareth by the proceedings in the parlia- 
ment, anno 11. Richardi II. related by the same Mr. Sel- 
den, both in the said notes', and in Jano Anglor u . 

X. In Wales I met with the writings of Thomas Saincte, 
archdeacon of St. David's, who lived in the latter days of 
Henry VII. and the beginning of Henry VIII. and was a 
reader of the canon law in Aula profunda Oxoniae : where 
he made an exhortation to his scholars to follow their 
studies, beginning thus : 

Multum praeclari sacrati juris alumni, 
Salvete, insignes laudibus usque viri, &c. 

This Aula profunda, if I be not deceived, belonged to 



1 Selden, review of the history of tithes, pag. 401. ad fin. 

r Claus. 19. Hen. III. Membran. 22. 

' Pag. 43, 44. not. 21. 'Pag. 41,42. not. 21. 

" Lib. 2. sec. 42. 



IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 473 

All Souls College : where you may inquire farther hereof; 
as also of Dr. Zouch, touching the foundation of the civil 
law lecture in Oxford ; for which also you may look into 
the memorials out of the records bestowed by Mr. Hare 
upon the university. 



J AC OBI USSERII 



ARMACHANI 



CHRONOLOGIA SACRA, 



SEU 



ANNORUM ET IIAIAonOIIAS PATRIARCHARUM, IIAPOIKIA2 

ISRAELITARUM IN ^GYPTO, ANNORUM ETIAM JUDICUM, 

REGUM JUDJE ET ISRAELIS 

'AnOAEIglS 



CHRONOLOGICA. 



OPUS POSTHUMUM HUCUSQUE ANEKAOTON, 






VIRO AMPLISSIMO ET AMICISSIMO 

DOMINO TIMOTHEO TYRRELL 

EQUITI AURATO, 

ET, QUOD MAJUS EST, 

MAGNI ARMACHANI tov [iaKap'iTOV, GENERO DIGNISSIMO, 

EuSatjUoveTv. 



VIR AMPLISSIME, 

Sacram Jacobi Usserii, soceri tui, chronologiam, 
quam non adeo pridem fidei mese manuscriptam 
commisisti, ingeniosa preli industria excusam, et, 
uti spero, emaculatam refero. Nempe, quod pro- 
be nosti, librum nieum in clientelam tuam non 
commendo, amplitudini tuse non inscribo, conse- 
crove ; sed tuum, apud me depositum, reddo. 
Tuum, inquam ; nam licet Reverendissimum Hi- 
bernian Primatem ejus authorem novimus, quod 
ex tota libri indole et genio, ex multiplici et re- 
condita eruditione, ex scriptura codicis originalis, 



478 EPISTOLA DEDICATORIA. 

maim propria doctissimi Archi-Prsesulis exarati, 
abunde constat, te tamen, ex dono authoris, bonse 
fidei possessorem agnoscimus. Pientissimus enim 
senex et sacra infula dignissimus, socer tuus, 
mussei integri, cujus pars non exigua erat hsec sa- 
cra cbronologia, armarii nempe sui, codicibus in- 
finitis pene, et optimis, qua excusis, qua manu- 
scripts, instructissimi, te hseredem scripsit. Nee 
minim, si bibliotbecam suam moriens supremis ta- 
bulis tibi legavit, qui vivens nliam, quam habuit 
unicam, fofiminam optimam, et tanto parente dig- 
nissimam, virtute pariter et prole numerosa ac 
pulcherrima foacundam, matrimonio copulavit. 
Habe igitur tibi tuum peculium, et soceri tui opus 
posthumum, eadem qua te tuosque benevolentia 
perpetuo complexus est sanctissimus senex, fove. 
Te incolumi, orbus non erit hie tractatus, magni 
Armachani foetus yv^aiog et genuinus, licet, quod 
dolemus, posthumus. Dum enim chronologies sa- 
crse arcana examine scrupuloso rimatur, dum senig- 
mata ilia curopa et adiakvTa, in annorum veteris 
instrumenti supputatione, et nodos Gordios diligen- 
tia pertinaci, sed et victrici, solvit, dum patriar- 
charum regumque Judee et Israelis tempora expli- 
cat, dum libris inhasret, et chartis perdius et per- 
nox impallescit, labore jugi et senio confectus, 



EPISTOLA DEDICATORIA. 479 

tandem tempori et terris valedixit, et, quam insig- 
ni pietate et multiplici virtute prius meruisset, 
aeternitatem induit. Sic vitam absolvit, non ita 
chronologiam ; cui manum ultimam non adhibuit, 
licet ultimus esset doctissimi antistitis conatus, et 
quasi lucernae mox emoriturre supremus fulgor, 
cum ipse ad coelum, prius quam tractatus hie ad 
umbilicum, pervenerit. Dolendum sane, quod sa- 
crum hoc opus, plaudente coelo institutum, super- 
stes non consummaverit : gaudendum tamen, quod 
in justas veritatis divinse vindicias, et non exiguum 
reipublicae literarise et Ecclesise Christians com- 
modum, eousque perduxerit. Dubia enim ilia, quae 
in antiqui foederis instrumento occurrunt plurima, 
difficillima ilia quidem, quae non solum novitiis, 
sed ipsis chronologiam mystis a\vra videbantur, 
mira dexteritate, et facilitate quadam sua, solvit : 
scopulos illos chronologicos, ad quos commenta- 
tores, aliique magni nominis scriptores illisi, non 
solum lapsu, sed ruina prosternebantur, ipse cau- 
tius evitavit, imo, ne aliis postmodum impedimen- 
to essent, vel damno, sustulit. Adeo ut jam nau- 
tse, licet Palinuri non sint, ipsum chronologic 
sacrse oceanum, non solum sine naufragio, sed et 
pene sine periculo securi navigent. Ingens hoc 
beneficium Deo debemus, et Usserio ; de quo Ma- 



4S0 EPISTOLA DEDICVTORIA. 

ronis illud de iEnea, verbis, ojq Iv irapydiqi, pau- 
lulum immutatis, apponam : 

O a fama ingens, ingentior arte 
Armachane, quibus te coelo Iaudibus aequem ? 
Doctrinamve tuam mirer, doctosque labores, 
An pietas laudanda prius ? 

Sed de tanto prassule silere prsestat, quam pauca 
dicere : cum talis sit, quod olim de Antonino phi- 
losopho dixit historicus, " Quem b mirari facilius 
quis, quam laudare possit." Pietatem ejus insig- 
nem, perpetuam in legendo, scribendo, concio- 
nando industriam, eruditionem in re antiquaria, 
theologia, et omni humanioris literaturae genere 
summam, cum sequali modestia conjunctam, fu- 
sius laudare nee opus, nee mihi animus ; histo- 
rian) enim non scribo, sed epistolam. Virtus 
Usseriana est sui ipsius panegyrica, laudis nostra? 
non indiga. Vivit, seternumque vivet in scriptis 
suis cedro dignis, in ore et corde doctorum, in 
memoria hominum, et monumentis temporum ; 
illumque (quern Hibernia parens ingrata, tali filio 
et prsesule indigna, bonis, prasterquam animi, om- 
nibus exutum in exilium misit) posteritas sera 
venerabitur. 

a Drances de jEnea apud Virgilium, jEneid. 10. 
b Eutropius in Antonino philosopho. 



EPISTOLA DF.DICATORIA. 4S1 

Quo nihil majus, meliusve terris 
Fata donavere, bonique divi ; 
Nee dabunt, quamvis redeant in auruni ] 
Tempora priscum. 

Vale, vir amplissime, et te, tuosque omnes Deus 
Optimus Maximus quam diutissime incolumes 
servet. 



Tui, nominisque Usseriani amantissimus, 
THOMAS BARLOVIUS. 



VOL. xr. NN 



LECTORI. 



Benevole Lector 



Rem tibi non ingratam fortassis et operae pretium fac- 
turus sum, si te ad lectionem sacrae hujus chronologic© 
properantem, quasi lv irpoavXiy et vestibulo paucis mo- 
rer; dum nonnulla de opere hoc chronologico, et ejus 
authore succincte et quasi couapendio explicem. Primo 
igitur sciat velim benignus lector, opus hoc chronologicum 
reverendissimi archi-praesulis, annis et mentis gravis, 
aevo pariter et judicio maturi conatum fuisse ultimum. 
Opus scilicet viro sancto, et summo antistite dignum. 
Regendi enim gubernandique temporis munus apud 
omnes populos, soli quondam sacerdotes et pontifices 
obierunt, ut iisdem, communi naturae sufFragio, et sa- 
crorum cultus, et, rei omnium sanctissimae, temporis 
procuratio concessa sit. Igitur apud Babylonios Chal- 
daei, apud Indos Brachmanes, apud iEgyptios Hiero- 
phantae, apud Romanos pontifices, apud Britannos Gal- 
losque Druidae, apud Judaeos sacerdotes popularibus 
fastis ordinandis, summo jure praefuerunt. Dum ideo 
chronologiae addiscendse primulum, mox ornandae fusius- 
que et penitius explicandas operam dedit vir sanctissimus, 
rem suo ordine, et sacra infula dignissimam aggressus est. 
Quantos autem in chronologia, prassertim sacra, dubiis- 
que illis nodisque pene Gordiis enodandis, explicandis- 
que progressus fecerit, ex annalibus, aliisque scriptis 

N N 2 



484 LECTORI. 

etiamnum editis, ex parte pateat, et ex hoc tractatu, luce, 
si quid judico, et Eeternitate digno, ulterius elucescat. 
Postquam utriusque Testamenti annales diligentia summa, 
et judicio aequali condidisset, et bono publico edidisset 
infulatus senex, tractatum hunc, quern pvius sub con- 
ditione a promisit, serio aggreditur. Sed dum 

Veritatem 



Dumos inter et aspera 
Scrupulosis sequitur vadis, 

dum operi instat, dum authores omnis sevi optimos re- 
volvit, dum mella sacro hoc alveari recondenda colligit, 
dum inceptum opus ad umbilicum perducere festinat, in 
morbum fatalem, et reipublicae literariae damnosum in- 
cidit : ex quo decubuit primum, et tandem fatis cedens, 
vita? finem imposuit, sed non ita chronologia?. Sic mag- 
nus antistes Armachanus in coelum receptus, 

Sub pedibus vidit nubes, et amoena piorum 
Concilia, Elysiumque colit. 

Usserio sic in ccelum recepto b , bibliothecam, quam habuit in- 
structissimam, adeunt, codices, qua excusos, qua manu exa- 
ratos lustrant, chronologiam hanc sacram, opus magnum, 
sedmediis incudibus ablatum,in pluteo repositaminveniunt, 
cum viris doctis communicant, de editione deliberant, et 
tandem a Reverendo Viro D. D. Bernard aliisque ro- 
gatus sum, ut tractatum hunc edendum aliquando cura- 
rem. Terruit me primo opus ipsum, utpote ab authore 
ipso manu ultima non elaboratum ; terruit me ipsius 
codicis manuscripti scriptura, quem, ut esset prelo ido- 

a " Eorum quae in sacrae historiae dispositione ampliorem confirmationem re- 
quirere videntur, in chronologia sacra, si vitam Deus et vires dederit, rationem 
sum redditurus." Jac. Usserius, in praefat. ad annal. part. 2. 

b Fatis cessit Rigatae non longe a Londino, die Veneris, Mart. 21. hora 1. 
promeridiana, anno 1655. stilo veteri. 



LECTORI. 485 

neus, pulchre non descripserat, nee secunda cura emacu- 
laverat ; multa video expuncta, multa passim interscripta, 
multa, quae notulis quibusdam signaverat, interserenda : 
adeo ut labore jugi, et pertinaci diligentia opus erat. 
Subdubitabam insuper ne his Mseandris implicatus, satis 
commode memet non expedirem, aut doctissimi authoris 
mentem non assecutus, luxatos autographi artus in inte- 
grum restituendo non essem. Ex adverso, ad provinciam, 
duram licet, suscipiendam, nonnulla me reluctantem ani- 
mant, scilicet quod authoris manum jam a multis annis 
familiariter noveram, quod opus ipsum, extra omnem con- 
troversial aleam, yvt)<nov esset, et genuinum, hoc est vere 
Usserianum, magno authore suo, prelo, et luce dignum ; 
necnon quod a viris doctis, qua nostris qua exteris, serio 
et ardentissimis desideriis efflagitatum vidi. E&terorum 
desideria, ut alias non paucas mittam, ex literis c clarissimi 
G. Hornii, historiarum in academia Leydensi professoris, 
ad doctissimum virum S. Hartlibium datis, abunde discas : 
quarum exemplar mihi communicabat vir optimus d , non 
minus virtute sua, et multiplici eaque recondita erudi- 
tione, quam splendore generis nobilissimus. 

Quod ad nostros spectat, ut alios, infinitos pene, praster- 
eam, (quis enim mortalium est, cui cordi sunt humaniores 

c "Sed nunc vehementer velim, ut inquiras quid factum sit Chronologiae sacras, 
quam Usserius se editurum in praefatione annalium promiserat. Quia enim ille 
vir omnium accuratissime tempora digessit, damnum foret irrecuperabile et con- 
junctum cum maximo Ecclesias et reipublicae detrimento, si labores illichronolo- 
gici perirent. Haud dubie pleraque a multis annis jam perfecit : inquire igitur 
apud haeredes ejus, vel qui bibliothecam habent, ut illud opus, sive perfectum 
sive imperfectum, reperiatur, et ut repertum in lucem edant. Da operam, quae- 
so, per amicos, et, si necesse est, implora authoritatem superiorum, ut editio il- 
lius procuretur. Nullus enim labor est, quo Ecclesia magis indigeat, et ex quo 
majorem utilitatem in interpretandis Scripturis,maxime prophetis, et quae ad his- 
torias spectant, sperare ausim," &c. Haec Hornius. 

d D. Robertus Boyle, honoratissimi comitis Corcagiae demortui filius, et su- 
perstitis frater. 



486 LECTORI. 

literae, qui Usserii omnia non deamat ?) vir magnus et 
jurisconsultissimus e , quern honoris, et observantiae meri- 
tissimas ergo gratus noraino, legis Anglicanag alter Tribo- 
nianus, de cbronologia bac sacra saepe multumque rogi- 
tabat, editionem urget, et, ut erat nominis Usseriani 
amantissimus, schedas a prelo madentes, summo desiderio 
legendas exposcit, nee minore gaudio transmissas legit. 
Hsec et consimilia, me ad editionem sacrae Cbronologiae, 
qua fieri poterat diligentia accurandam animabant, ne 
periret opus asternitate dignum, nee sine publico Ecclesiae 
pariter et reipublicae damno periturum. 

Habes igitur, benigne lector, Upa KaraXctjujuara, sacras 
reverendissimi archi-prassulis reliquias, genuinas illas 
quidem, sed, quod dolemus, posthumas. In quibus si 
legenti tibi <r<pa\paTa aliqua et irapopafiaTa, si nonnulla 
inconcinna, et minus elimata occurrunt ; mihi, correctori, 
aut typographo imputetur, et cuivis potius quam Usserio ; 
cui si vitam Deus, ille cbronologiam hanc sacram per- 
fectam tibi dedisset et cumulatam. Illud tantum addam, 
quod de Platone olim dixit Socrates f : Trpoor]Kov iivai 
jxol (jxiivtrai, nal Z,u)VTa, kcu nBvrjKora TlXarwva Tifiav. Con- 
gruum judico, ut sicut vivo, ita Usserio mortuo honorem 
habeas. Vale, lector, et his gratus fruere. 



e D. Malthaius Hale, serviens ad legem, ut juris consulti nostri loquuntur, 
vir de academia Oxoniensi, cujus olim alumnus erat, de Ecclesia et universa re- 
publica, si quis alius, optime meritus. 

f Socrates, epist. 30. pag. 70. per Leon. Allatium. 



CHRONOLOGIC SACR£ 

PARS PRIOR, 

DE ANNIS PATRIARCHARUM. 



CAPUT I. 



DE TEMPORIS INITIO. 



Chronologia est temporum secularium ratio. 

Differt tempus a tempore physico ; sicut numerus in 
arithmetica et musica, et sicut magnitudo in astronomia et 
geometria. Nam sicut numerus consideratur in arithme- 
tica absolute, in musica conjunctim cum sono : ut magni- 
tudo in geometria a(f>aipzTiKu>g, in astronomia quatenus in 
corpore cceleste subsistit : sic tempus a physicis abstracte, 
a chronologis vero conjunctum cum rebus in eo gestis tra- 
ditur. 

Generales chronologiae affectiones sunt, Epocha seu asra 
sive initium computationis, et Synchronismus sive compa- 
ratio temporum inter se. 

Temporis consideratur, initium, (quod ex principio 
Geneseos constat fuisse cum creatione) et progressus. 

Hoc autem initium temporis, qua parte anni (respectu 
scilicet primae hominum habitationis) cceperit, inter scripto- 
res non convenit : aliis ad aequinoctium turn autumnale, 
turn vernale ; aliis ad solstitium aestivum referentibus. 

Ab aestate ccepisse a solo Mercatore admittitur, argu- 
mento commoto duplici : Testimonio computationis /Egyp- 
tiacae, ex Solino asserente iEgyptios sacerdotes annum 



488 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. I. 

suum ab introitu Solis in Leonen incoepisse : verisimile 
autem esse ab Hebraeis eos didicisse, -qui diuapud iEgyp- 
tios commorati sunt, quod parum firmamenti ad hanc cau- 
sam videtur aflferre : nobis autem non est morandum, 
quid JEgyiptn senserint Solini tempore ; aliter vero sen- 
sisse antiquos iEgyptios constat authoritate duorum vetus- 
tissimorum scriptorum, Julii Firmici Astronomiae libro 
septimo, capite tertio, qui autor est * * * * 

[Caetera desunt.] 



CAP. II. 



CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 



489 



CAP. II. 



De temporis progressu, et distinctis ejus periodis : deque varietate, quae in du- 
arum primarum periodorum calculo, inter Judeeorum, Samaritanorum, et 
Graecorum codices invenitur. 



De temporis initio dictum est hactenus. Progressus 
sequitur : in quo duo praecipua spatia consideramus a 
temporis initio usque ad temporis plenitudinem, unum : 
deinde a temporis plenitudine, usque ad seculi consum- 
mationem, alterum : illam temporis plenitudinem, quam 
apostolus Gal. cap. IV. ver. 4. appellat, in Christi Serva- 
toris nostri nativitate constituimus : quam labente anno 
mundi 4000. factam esse colligimus. Totum vero illud 
spatium sex sequentibus periodis, mundi states totidem 
comprehendentibus, subdistinguimus : quarum termini, 
mensis et diei nota insigniti imperfectorum annorum frag- 
menta nobis definiunt. 



I. A mundo condi ccepto mensis 1. die 1. usque ad diluvium ^v 
finitum eodem ejusdem mensis die ; sunt mundi veteris V 
anni, J 



II. Hinc ad initium peregrinationis Hebraeorum, ab Abra- 
hamo post mortem patris cceptae, mensis 7. die 15. 

III. Hinc ad exitum Hebraeorum, ab jEgypto mensis primi 
(sic enim ab hoc tempore mensis septimus antiquorum ap- 
pellatus est) die 15. sunt peregrinationis eorundem anni 

IV. Hinc ad jacta fundamenta templi Salomonici, mensis 2. \ 
die 2. / 

V. Hinc ad ejusdem templi conflagrationem, mensis 5. die 10. 

VI. Hinc ad natalem Domini et Servatoris nostri Jesu Chris 
ti (die 25. Decembris in anno periodi Julianae 
diei mensis 9. in anno mundi 4000. respondere 
kalendarii ratio ad ista usque tempora retenta fuisset.) 



JEHU UHKIS-N 

i 4709. qui 5. ( 

;t ; si antiqui C 

fuisset.) J 



Ann. 


Men. 


Dies. 


165G 








426 


6 


14 


430 








479 





17 


424 


3 


8 


583 


3 


25 



490 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. II. 

Ita a vespera primum mundi diem aperiente, usque ad 
mediam noctem initium praebentem 25. quidem diei De- 
cembris, quo Christum natum supponimus, annos Julianos 
3999. menses TpiaKov^rjfiipovg 2. dies 4. et horas 6. Ka- 
lendis vero Januariis anni periodi Juliana? 4714. (a qui- 
bus vulgaris aerae Christianas exordium deducimus,) annos 
4003. menses 2. dies 11. et horas 6. decurrisse colligimus. 

Hujus supputationis Veritas ab intervallorum in supe- 
rioribus periodis assignatorum certitudine dependet. Se- 
ries temporum in duabus primis periodis per annos pri- 
morum patrum deducitur ; quorum successio in cap. V. 
et XI. Geneseos est exposita. Proxime sequentes pe- 
riodi duae, integris numeris, Exod. cap. XII. ver. 40. et 
1 Regum cap. VI. ver. 1. sunt expressae. Quintae calcu- 
lum, partim ex integro annorum 390. numero, Ezechielis 
cap. IV. ver. 5. proposito, partim ex singulorum Israelis 
et Judas regum annis, rite inter se collatis elicimus. 
Sextae annos, tarn ex sacra, quam ex exotica historia 
eruimus: cujus utriusque firmissimam connexionem ex- 
hibemus ; ejusque beneflcio turn colligationem annorum 
mundi cum annis periodi Julianae, turn continuationem 
temporum sextae periodi ex probatissimis quibusque ve- 
terum monumentis et astronomico eclipsium calculo, qui 
fallere non potest, instituimus. 

Quinque igitur primarum periodorum tempora non 
aliunde quam ex sacrae Scripturas contextu deduci pos- 
sunt : in quo expendendo, ubi dissentiunt codices, He- 
braicam veritatem (non a Chaldaeis tantum, Judaeorum 
paraphrastis ; sed etiam a Syra Antiochenae, et Latina 
Romanae ecclesiae editione hie agnitam) jure merito cae- 
teris praeferendam esse statuimus. Praecipua autem dis- 
crepantia in primis duabus periodis cernitur ; ubi in pa- 
triarcharum annis dinumerandis, Graecorum et Samarita- 
norum codices ab Hebraicis nostris exemplaribus mirum 
in modum dissentiunt : quemadmodum in epistola ad Lu- 
dovicum Cappellum, de variantibus Hebraei textus lection- 
ibus, a nobis est ostensum ; et in sequenti tabella dis- 
tinctius videre licet. 



CAP. II. 



CTIHONOLOGIA SACKA. 



191 



ANNI PATRUM. 







Ante waicoyoviav 
juxta. 


Post 


traiSoyoviav 
juxta. 


Totius vita 
juxta. 




Heb. 


Samar. 


Grsc. 


Heb. 


Samar. 


Grasc. 


Heb. 


Samar. 


Gra;c. 


1 


Adam 


130 


130 


230 


800 


800 


700 


930 


930 


930 


2 


Seth 


105 


105 


205 


807 


807 


707 


912 


912 


912 


3 


Enos 


90 


90 


190 


815 


815 


715 


905 


905 


905 


4 


Kainan 


70 


70 


170 


840 


840 


740 


910 


910 


910 


5 


Maleleel 


65 


65 


165 


830 
800 


830 


730 


895 


895 


895 


6 


Jared 


162 


62 


162 


785 


800 


962 


847 


962 


7 


Enoch 


65 


65 


165 


300 


300 


200 


365 


365 


365 


8 


Mathusala 


187 


67 


167 


782 


C53 


802 


969 


720 


969 


9 


Lamech 


182 


53 


188 


595 


COO 


565 


777 


653 


753 


10 


Noe 


600 


600 


600 Ante 
Dilu 








950 


950 


950 




Summa 


1656 


1307 


2242 vium. 






















Post 
Dilu- 














1 


Sem 


2 


2 


2 vium. 


500 


500 


500 




600 




2 


Arphaxad 


35 


135 


135 


403 


303 


330 




438 







Cainan 








130 








330 









3 


Sala 


30 


130 


130 


403 


303 


330 




433 




4 


Eber 


34 


134 


134 


430 


270 


270 




404 




5 


Phaleg 


30 


130 


130 


209 


109 


209 




239 




(i 


Ragan 


32 


132 


132 


207 


107 


207 




239 




7 


Saruch 


30 


130 


130 


200 


100 


200 




230 




8 


Nachor 


29 


79 


79 


119 


69 


125 




148 






Thara 


70 


70 


70 








205 


145 


205 




Summa 


292 


942 


1072 















492 



CHKONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. II. 



Hanc discrepantiam in priore Graeci sui chronici libro 
proposuit diligentissimus Eusebius a : triplice annorum 
dinumeratione exhibita : secundum Septuaginta, secundum 
Hebraeorum, et secundum Samaritanorum exemplaria. 
His Georgius Syncellus et quartam adjicit, secundum 
Africanum : qui a vulgata rd»v Septuaginta editione non 
in secundi solum Cainanis omissione recessit Africanus, 
in qua et Eusebius b eum est secutus, sed etiam in Ma- 
thusalae annorum numerations Cum enim vulgati libri 
annos illi tribuerent ante natum filium Lamechum 167. et 
post eum natum 802. animadvertens Africanus ea ratione 
ad 14. annos ultra diluvium (contra Scripturse authorita- 
tem) vitam illius fuisse protendendam, aliam lectionem 
cum Hebraica convenientem sequi maluit, qua? ante natum 
filium annos 187. post ejus nativitatem 782. illi assignans, 
mortem illius sexennio ante diluvium collocat. Indeque 
effectum, ut ab initio mundi ad diluvium, Africanus qui- 
dem 2262. Eusebius vero, a communiter receptis rationi- 
bus non recedens, 2242. annos numerandos censuerit. 
Qua de re in syntagmatis de Septuaginta interpretum 
editione capite secundo pluribus a nobis actum est c . 

Earn de annis Mathusalae quaestionem, in libro tradi- 
tionum in Genesin, tractans Hieronymus, ex Hebraeis et 
Samaritanorum libris colligit, mortuum ilium esse eo 
anno, quo ccepit esse diluvium. Et verum quidem est, 
juxta utrorumque libros, non vixisse Mathusalam post 
diluvium, sed eodem quo illud ccepit anno fuisse defunc- 
tum, id quod praecipue in hac quaestione spectabat Hiero- 
nymus : non tamen ex iisdem praemissis in utrorumque 
libris eadem nata est conclusio. Neque enim in Samari- 
tanorum, ut in Hebraeorum libris, Mathusala 187. anno- 
rum Lamechum genuit, 782. annos postea fuit superstes, 
et Lamechus 182. annos natus Noachum genuit; (ut ab 
Hieronymo, quum Samaritanus codex ad manum non 
adesset, significatum est :) sed Mathusala 67. annorum 
gignens Lamechum supervixit annis 653. usque ad dilu- 



a Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 80. b Id. ibid. 

Works, vol. 7. pag. 456. 



CAP. II. CHIIONOLOGIA SACRA. 49.3 

vium, et Lamechus 53. annorum gignens Noachum et 
600. annis postea super stes vixit et ipse (uti et cum his 
Jaredus) usque ad diluvium. Hanc enim eorum chrono- 
logiam non nostra solum Samaritani Pentateuchi exem- 
plaria, sed (ne post tempus Hieronymi ilia fuisse immutata 
quis suspicetur) ea etiam quibus Eusebius d est usus, nobis 
exhibent. Itaque ut in alia re observatum est a Pererio e , 
ita et hie " videtur S. Hieronymus memoria lapsus : id 
quod magnis viris, vel nimia memoriae fiducia, vel alias in 
res studio curaque intends, non raro contigit." 

Eusebium quoque sequutus Georgius Syncellus f , ex 
Samaritanorum calculo, ab Adamo usque ad diluvium 
annos 1307. a diluvio usque ad primum annum Abraami 
(quern 70. anno Tharae natum illi autumant) annos 942. 
omnes simul annos 2249. dinumerat, quod ad amussim 
congruit cum singularium patriarcharum annis, quos in 
superiore tabella ex Samaritano Pentateucho jam descrip- 
simus. Quatuor vero simul computoi'um, in annis ante 
diluvium, collationem idem Georgius ita instituit. " Mt'xpi" 
TOivvv tov KaTanXvcruov, KaBwg irpoKSiTai, <$ia<p(i)vov<Ti ra 
'Efipatica avTiypacpa. Trpbc; to ^afxapirCjv ap^atOTarov /ecu toIq 
yapa.KTi\pai StaAXarrov (o kcu a\i\Qlq uvai Kalirpwrov EppaXoL 
KaBo/uLoXoyoiHTiv) irecn tuB. Trpbg Se ttjv tCjv 6 iKooaiv, to nlv 

'Ej3|OCUKOV ST£(Tl ^7TT. TO St 2ajUapiTWV 7TtXf. 'A^ptKOVOt; 

Se irpbc; Eu(Ttj3tov, curb 'ASeiju I'we fcaraicXua-jUoi) dtatyiovti tri) 
hko(ti. Usque ad diluvium igitur, sicut est propositum, 
Hebraica exemplaria a Samaritarum codice vetustissimo 
et longe diversis characteribus exarato (quern et verum et 
primum esse Hebraei confitentur) annis 349. discrepant. 
A Septuaginta interpretum editione, Hebraicum exemplar 
annis 586. Samaritarum vero 935. Africanus demum ab 
Eusebio dissonat annis 20." cum enim ab Adamo ad dilu- 
vium, juxta rationes Judaeorum anni sint 1656. juxta 
textum Samaritanorum 1307. juxta Eusebii calculum 
2242. juxta Africani autem 2262. consequens est, compu- 



*' Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 80. 

e Perer. in Genes, lib. 7. parag. 133. 

f Georg. Sync, chron. pag. 8!). * Id. pag. 83. 



494 CHUONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. II. 

turn Samaritanum minorem esse, Judaico quidem annis 
'349. Eusebiano vero, ex Septuaginta deducto, 935. 
Eusebianum autem majorem esse, Judaico annis 586. 
minorem altero illo Africani, annis 20. Ut hallucinatio, 
quam hie in Georgio notavit Scaliger h , in ipsius Scaligevi 
deprehendatur ratiociniis. 

Reliquis vero omnino praeferendam earn esse chronologi- 
am concludit Georgius 1 , quam Graeca Septuaginta interpre- 
tum nobis exhibet editio. " tlavTaxoOsv roiyapovv rr/g tCjv 
o epfirjveiag Ik iraXatag, wg toiict, ical adiavTpotyov 'E|3ptuti>v 
ypacprig juzTaut {3i\rjaQai avviaTapivr\g, tltcoTwg Tavry icai iipug 
Ke\p{jfieda Kara rriv Trapovaav \povoy patyiav' ore juaXtora ical 
i] Ka0' o\r\g rr\g oiKOVfiiviig riTrXtofiivif Xpia-rov JK/cXrjo-ia ravrij 
irpoai^n, ruiv tov Sa»7i)poc vfxiov a7rooroXwv re ical paBr\TU)v 
apxjridtv avrrj -^pifiaOai 7rapaSeSwKOrwv. Antiqua igitur 
Septuaginta interpretum editione, ceu ex incorrupto, ut 
videtur, Hebraico fonte quondam traducta, per totam hanc 
chronographiam passim merito sumus usi : cum maxime 
quaqua patet universus terrarum orbis dilatata Christi Ec- 
clesia receptam earn habeat, et Salvatoris nostri, apostolo- 
rum ac discipulorum ejus authoritate usibus nostris a prin- 
cipio fuerit commendata." Quo spectat et ilia similis Juliani 
archiepiscopi Toletani, intertio libro contra Judaeos, con- 
clusio. "Hie jam dicat unusquisque quod sentit. Nun- 
quid brevitas ista annorum ex codicibus Hebraeis ostensa, 
contemptis annis pluribus qui in editione Septuaginta 
interpretum continentur, praeferenda ullo modo judicabi- 
tur? qui prophetandi potius munere quam transferendi 
officio, divinas Scripturas, revelante sibi Domino, transtu- 
lerunt ; apud quos etiam haec supputatio reperitur anno- 
rum. Ergo ilia nobis et sola pro his annis est observanda 
Septuaginta interpretum, quae merito omnibus editionibus 
et translationibus antefertur ; quam etiam hucusque omnes 
doctores ecclesiastici tenuerunt, et in hac praecipue anno- 
rum supputatione secuti sunt." Et Antonii Contii juris- 
consulti, in notis ad Nicephori Constantinopolitani chrono- 

h Scalig. not. in Euseb. chronic. Gr. pag. 243. 
' Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 89. 



CAP. II. CHR0N0L0GIA SACRA. 495 

logiam, altera. " Quare satis mirari non possum homi- 
num nostri temporis, et eorum qui chronologias scripse- 
runt, vanitatem ac novandi studium : qui omnem Septua- 
ginta editionis auctoritatem longissime rejiciunt, et nihil 
nisi quod in Hebraeis codicibus hodie legatur rectum 
putant." 

Atque hinc inter Latinos recentiores, in annorum mundi 
supputatione, Hebraicis fontibus posthabitis, tCov Septua- 
ginta numeros sunt secuti, Onuphrius in chronico eccle- 
siastico, Hieronymus Vielmius de sex diebus conditi orbis 
lect. 5. Christoph. Lauretus k , et alii, sic perstricti a Sca- 
ligero : " Neque 1 desunt hodie capitones, qui Hellenista- 
rum Alexandrinorum editionem Mosaicae veritati praefe- 
rant, et eos novatores, qui aliter sentiunt, vocent. Ita 
sane audivit Hieronymus etiam apud virum omni excep- 
tione majorem Augustinum : qui tamen aliter postea 
sensit." 

Et Hieronymus" 1 quidem, in annis patriarcharum assig- 
nandis Graecam editionem erravisse, sine ulla circuitione, 
asserit. Modestissime vero Augustinus : " Ilia"," inquit, 
" numerorum varietas quae inter codices Hebraeos inveni- 
tur et nostros, si quid habet ita diversum ut utrumque 
verum esse non possit : rerum gestarum fides ab ea lingua 
repetenda est, ex qua interpretatum est quod habemus." 
Venerabilis Beda, quum in libro de temporibus, relicto 
Septuaginta interpretum calculo, ad Hebraicae veritatis 
normam rationes suas conformasset ; indeque " a lasci- 
vientibus rusticis inter pocula haereticus denotaretur, quod 
regnaret in sexta agtate seculi," currente nimirum sexto, 
hoc enim illi volebant annorum mundi millenario, " Domi- 
num Salvatorem in carne venisse :" ad Plegwinum de sex 
aetatibus seculi apologeticam, adhuc ineditam, scripsit 
epistolam ; ostendens " qua ipse auctoritate assertionem 
suae computationis astrueret, Hebraica videlicet veritate, 
per Origenem prodita, per Hieronymum edita, per Au- 



k Vid. Laur. et Zohar. 

1 Scalig. not. in Euseb. chron. Graec. pag. 252. a. 

ln Hieron. tradit. Heb. in Genesin, 

" Augustin. de civit. Dei, lib. 15. cap. 14. 



496 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. II. 

gustinum laudata, et per Josephum confirmata, quibus 
ego," inquit, ". in rebus talibus nullos invenio doctiores." 
Idemque in majoris, de temporum ratione, operis praefa- 
tione, ab Eusebiana chronologia in ecclesia occidentali tunc 
passim recepta, ipse discesserit, rationem reddens : "Ego," 
inquit, " confidenter profiteor, quia non reprehendo vete- 
res clironographos, qui translationem Septuaginta inter- 
pretum modo secuti sunt, modo, prout libuit, probantur 
habuisse contemptui ; sicut etiam in processu hujusce 
opusculi nostri monstrabitur. Sed omnibus his Hebraicae 
veritatis integram praefero puritatem ; quam praeeminen- 
tissimus doctorum Hieronymus in libris Hebraicarum 
quasstionum, Augustinus in libris de civitate Dei, Euse- 
bius ipse chronographus in tertio historiae ecclesiasticee 
libro, ex verbis Josephi historici adversus Apionem gram- 
maticum scribentis, breviorem temporum seriem quam in 
Septuaginta editione vulgo fertur contineri comprobant." 

Atque ut hos Juliano Toletano, et Georgio Syncello, 
ita Latinis illis recentioribus (praeter innumeram hujus et 
superioris saeculi chronologorum, a pauculis illis dissen- 
tientem turbam) Johannis Pici Mirandulani, in disputa- 
tione contra divinatricem astrologiam , judicium speciatim 
opponimus : una cum Johannis Marias Brasichellensis p 
pontificii palatii magistri, in loca ilia ex Juliano Toletano, 
et Antonio Contio producta a Thoma Malvenda mutuata, 
censura. Sic enim ille, ad locum Juliani annotat : " Caute 
lege ; nam certum est Ecclesiam Catholicam in editione 
vulgata approbare earn annorum rationem, quae est in 
codicibus Hebraicis Geneseos cap. V. et XI. cum vul- 
gata egregie Hebraico fonti consentiat in aetatum enume- 
ratione, atque supputatione temporum." Et ad Contii 
ilium alterum : " Contius, dum nimio studio Septuaginta 
interpretum translationis chronologiam tuetur, non videt 
se incaute Hebraici fontis et vulgatae editionis chronolo- 
giam labefactare, quag cum ilia Septuaginta interpretum 



° Edit. Basil, pag. . r >65. 

p Tom. 1. indicis lib. expurgand. edit. Romse, anno 007. 



CAP. II. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 497 

perspicue pugnat. Et patres corruptelam Septuaginta 
interpretum exemplarium ingenue profitentur." 

Contexit quidem hie Baronius q catalogum antiquorum 
patrum, qui secundum Septuaginta interpretes, annos ab 
origine miindi usque ad ortum Christi numerare consue- 
verunt : additque " profited et Romanam ecclesiam in 
suo martyrologio, se annos supputare secundum eosdem 
interpretes." Sed ad horum prius Benedictus Pererius, 
et Jacobus Bonfrerius, ad posterius Thomas Malvenda et 
Johannes Despieres, responsum pro nobis dabunt. " Non 
me fugit," inquit Pererius r , " plerosque veterum tarn Gra?- 
corum quam Latinorum, chronologiam, qua? est in trans- 
latione Septuaginta interpretum sequi maluisse : quod 
earn translationem illi cernerent multis seculis esse in 
Ecclesia Dei reverenter usurpatam, religioseque cultam : 
atque ob earn causam aliqua in parte earn mutare, aut non 
sequi, religioni haberent. Sed apud me (quantum ad 
chronologiam, de qua nunc agitur) auctoritas Scripturas 
Hebraicae ac Latinae versionis vulgatae, necnon et duorum 
principum Ecclesias doctorum, Hieronymi atque Augustini 
judicium et sententia praeponderat." Et Bonfrerius s : 
" Certum est, versionem Septuaginta in hisce annis pas- 
sim esse mendosam, et in hac annorum supputatione La- 
tinum nostrum, et Hebraeum textum esse sequendum, ut 
Augustinus 1 ostendit ; etsi ipsius tempore sola editio Sep- 
tuaginta in Ecclesia, tarn Grasca quam Latina esset re- 
cepta." 

De Romano vero martyrologio, Malvenda 11 respondet : 
" Quod ecclesia Romana in publicis tabulis earn annorum 
rationem laudare videatur, quam Septuaginta dederunt, 
id quidem non facit quod veram et incorruptam eandem 
existimet ; cum huic e diametro adversantem ut veram et 
genuinam, earn summam quae in editione vulgata est con- 
signata, omnibus recipiendam proponat : sed id tantum 

i Baron. Appar. ad annal. num. 119. et not. in martyrolog. Roman. Decern. 
25. a. 
r Perer. in Genes, lib. 7. num. 130. 
s Bonfr. praeloqu. in Scriptur. cap. 16. sec. 6. 

1 Lib. 15. de civit, Dei, cap. 13. u Malvend. de antichristo, lib. 1. cap. 16. 
VOL. XI. O O 



49S CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. II. 

salubri temperamento cavit, ut vetus aliquod venerandae 
vetustatis monumentum, tametsi lacerum ac deforme et 
pannis annisque obsitum exhiberet ; omnibusque palam 
faceret, quam rationem sequuti f'uerint antiqui patres in 
enumerandis ex sacra Scriptura annis ab orbe procreato 
ad Christum nascentem, cum soleant vetera antiquitatis 
monumenta, quantumvis corrosa et attrita. gratum aspec- 
tantibus intuitum praestare. Quocirca nihil opus est 
nunc ecclesiae Grascae vulgatam numerandi rationem com- 
mendare, aut Grascorum exemplarium patrocinium contra 
Hebraicam veritatem suscipere." Et Johannes Des- 
pieres : " Nec w nos," inquit, " movere debet quod Ecclesia 
supputationem Septuaginta interpretum ab omni tempore 
in communem usum receperit. Neque enim ea mens fuit 
Ecclesia?, ut nemini liceret ab ea deflectere : sed solum 
usum probavit, non autem supputationis errores, quos 
corrigit quando commodum fuerit. Et forte usa est hac 
supputatione corrupta, eo quod religioni duceret versionem 
illam contemnere, cujus auctoritatem, inquit Augusti- 
nus, celebriorem suscepit Ecclesia, et quam ut divinam 
omnes venerati sunt : vel forte quod meliora tunc non 
suppeterent. Sic Ecclesia et universus orbis Christianus 
utitur aera vulgari et calculo Dionysiano : cum tamen 
chronologi non ignobiles doceant, eum non parum ablu- 
dere a vero et germano calculo." 

Nempe, ut chronicon ita etiam et martyrologium 
Eusebii in Latinam linguam transtulit Hieronymus : quod 
in Romano, Bedae, Usuardi, Adonis et aliorum martyro- 
logiis variis accessionibus auctum, in 25. die Decembris 
ab ipso Eusebio positum annorum mundi usque ad natalem 
Christi numerum retinuit : unde in universam occidenta- 
lem Ecclesiam chronologise Eusebianae usus est propaga- 
tus ; absque ullo tamen Hebraicae veritatis praejudicio. 
Nam et ipso in chronico Eusebius codicum Hebraicorum 
calculum, simul cum suo, diligenter annotaverat, ac seriem 
annorum mundi ab Hebraeis per 50. annorum jubilaeos 
dimensam proposuerat, initio jubilaei quadragesimi, sive 

w Despier. de versione 70, interpret, disput. 2. dub. 5. fine. 



CAP. II. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 499 

anno mundi 2000. in anni 51. aetatis Abrahami, a 70. 
patris Terachi deductae, fine collocato. Ad annum vero 
imperatoris Tiberii Caesaris decimum octavum principium 
septuagesimi jubilaei, sive anno mundi 4000. secundum 
Hebraeos est appositum. Unde colligitur, inter annum 
51. Abrahami etillud tempus, Hebraeorum illorum senten- 
tia, 2000. annos intercessisse. 

Hoc igitur posito ; ex Hebraicis codicibus veram aetatis 
primorum patriarcharum supputationem esse petendam : 
quomodo inde recta annorum mundi series sit eruenda, 
jam ostendendum est. 



oo2 



500 



CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. III. 



CAP. III. 



Deaetatis mundi per annos patriarcharum supputandae ratione : ubi de TraiSo- 
yoviaic;, utrum ad conceptionem an nativitatem liberorum sint referenda?? 
Et de annis, quibus patres filios genuisse dicuntur ; num ineuntes vel com- 
pleti sint accipiendi ? De tempore incepti et finiti diluvii ; in quem annum 
mundi et aetatis Noachi incident. 



Primorum novem patriarcharum anni, priusquam li- 
beros gignerent, in quinto Geneseos capite commemorati, 
summam 1056. annorum conficiunt. Annorum enim non 
integral vitas, sed generationis patrum rationem hie esse 
habendam. Josephus etiam hoc in loco sic admonuit: 
" 'E^£ra^£r(i) a /irjSac Tag reXevrag twv avSpwv, aXXa. rag 
ytviaeig avrdv fiovov oparw. Obitus virorum illorum nemo 
exquirat, sed natales eorum tantum consideret." Quan- 
doquidem vero nova deinceps erat assumenda epocha, a 
qua secunda mundi periodus esset inchoanda; ne per 
Noachi decimi patris TraiSoyovlav chronologia continuanda 
existimaretur, tempus tantum quo liberis gignendis ope- 
ram ille dare coepit est notatum, non ex unius, ut antea, 
sed trium filiorum nominibus promiscue appositis: sed 
COO. ipse annorum fuisse dicitur, quum diluvium terras 
occuparet b : quibus ad priores patrum illos 1056. an- 
nos additis, annus mundi exurgit 1656. in quem incidit 
diluvium. Et quum eodem quo mundus coepit, arefactae 
dicantur aquae a superficie terrae, anno Noae 601. inde c 
annos 1656. solidos numerandos esse colligimus, a mundi 
initio ad exitum diluvii, finis primae, et initii secundae 
mundi periodi, communem terminum. 



a Joseph, antiquit. lib. 1. cap. 4. 

b Genes, cap. 7. ver. 6. c Ibid. cap. 8. ver. 1. 



CAP. III. CHRONOLOGTA SACRA. 501 

Ad secundas deinde illius periodi spatiura definiendum, 
Geneseos cap. XI. Arphaxadi nativitas facta fuisse nar- 
vatur, biennio post diluvium. Cui additi anni, quos Ar~ 
phaxadus ipse et sex sequentes ante genitos filios exe- 
gisse ibidem memorantur, annorum 222. summam effici- 
unt. Ne vero per proxime subsequentis patriarchas Thara?, 
sive Terachi TraiSoyoviav, chronologia continuanda puta- 
retur ; hie ut in priore periodo, annus solummodo quo 
et ille liberis operam dare ccepit, est designatus, trium 
item flliorum nominibus confuso ordine subjectis. Et 
quum in toto reliquo capite, quot cseteri omnes patriarchal 
post susceptos filios exegerint annos, Moses exponat; 
sed integral simul vitas annorum summam, cum mortis 
ipsorum mentione conjunctam, (quod in cap. V. fecerat) 
studiose praetermittat in solo Thara, annorum numero post 
generationem filiorum praetermisso, integram ipsius aeta- 
tem annorum 205. simul cum morte commemorat ; ut ad 
mortis potius ipsius, quam ad -iraidoyoviag tempus in anno- 
rum hujus periodi summa colligenda attendi oportere 
innueret. Cujus mentem minime assecutus Dositheus Sa- 
maritanus, quasi imperfectus hie essettextus Mosaicus, ad 
capitis quinti normam eum conformare est ausus ; integrae 
vitae cujusque patriarchae annorum numero, una cum 
mortis mentione, adjecto, quod consulto a Mose est omis- 
sum, ut Tharas annos singulariter hac in parte obser- 
vandos esse ostenderetur. Additis igitur totius vitae ip- 
sius annis 205. ad 222. illos, qui a diluvio ad ejus nativi- 
tatem effluxerunt, emergit annus a diluvio 427. in quern 
et mors ipsius, et earn statim insecuta Abrami a Charane 
profectio, et in terra Chanaanis peregrinatio occurrit : se- 
cundas periodo finem, et tertias praebens exordium d . Quia 
vero ccepta est hasc peregrinatio eodem die, quo post 430. 
est finita', decimo quinto videlicet die mensis primi f , qui 
ante exitum ex iEgypto, ut in capite primo est osten- 
sum, septimus numerabatur : a mensis 1. die 1. quo 
diluvium desiit, usque ad mensis 7. diem 15. quo pere- 
grinatio haec coepit, non annos 427. integros numerare 

rt Genes, cap. 16. ver. 3. c Exod. cap. 12. ver. 41. 

s Numer. cap. 33.\er. 3. 



502 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. III. 

possumus, sed, terminorum ratione ita postulante, 426. 
tantum, cum mensibus 6. et diebus 14. 

His ita praemissis, de annis quibus genuisse, vel gene- 
rasse dicuntur patres, primo in loco est inquirendum, 
utrum ad filiorum conceptionem, an ad nativitatem sint 
referendi ? Quia enim gignendi vocabulum, actum gene- 
rationis paternum proprie denotat, atque inter genera- 
tionem et nativitatem filiorum novem mensium spatium 
ordinarie intercedit : pro septemdecim generationibus hie 
commemoratis, anni 1 2. et menses fere 9. ad chronologiam 
videri possent adjiciendi. Quod commentum Jacobus 
Auzoleus in chronologia quadam Gallica parturire dicitur, 
referente Henrico Harvillaao 5 , qui sententiam banc turn 
aliis argumentis compluribus refellit, turn hoc etiam ad 
extremum, quod ea admissa, incerta plane hie nobis relin- 
quatur temporis ratio : " Nam alias," inquit, " quis 
poterit assignare nisi divinando, quot menses, et dies quili- 
bet partus fuerit in utero ? cum multi gestentur in eo non 
solum per 9. menses, sed per 10. 11. 12. ac 13. praeter- 
quam quod nonnulli quandoque gestantur per pauci- 
ores." 

Ad ejus vero fundamentum respondetur: illud lb* He- 
braeorum, atque illi respondens to yewav Graecorum, et 
gignere Latinorum, patri et matri esse commune, et ad na- 
tivitatem, magis quam ad conceptionem referri solere. 
Apud Latinos enim genitus et natus idem sonat : ut ex 
Plinii illo loco, libri septimi historiae naturalis capite octavo, 
manifestum est: " In pedes procedere nascentem, contra 
naturam est: quo argumento appellavere Agrippas ut 
aegre partos ; qualiter M. Agrippam ferunt genitum, unico 
prope felicitatis exemplo in omnibus ad hunc modum 
genitis." Hinc geniturae et nativitatis apud Genethliacos 
schema idem est ; et apud theologos regenerati iidem 
sunt, qui et renati. Ita 1 Petr. cap. II. ver. 2. " apnyiv- 
rr/ro fiptyri, modo geniti infantes," qui lac concupiscunt, 
jam nati innuuntur ; non concepti tantum : et Matth. cap. 
II. ver. 4. 'Irjffou y r cvvr)Q{vTOQ mentione facta, non con- 

e Harvill. Isagog. chron. parag, 15. col. 165. ct 175. 



CAP. III. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 



503 



ceptum, sed natum in Bethlehem Servatorem fuisse quis- 
que intelligit. Similiter et apud Hebraeos, Genes, cap. 
XL. ver. 20. " mbn CDY dies natalitius est." Ezech. cap. 
XVI. ver. 4. " -]nN mb)n CZrtO Tnn^D). Nam ad ge- 
nituras tuas, in qua genita vel nata es tu, non est praecisus 
umbilicus tuus, et aquis non es lota." Et Hoseae cap. II. 
ver. 3. " Ne denudem earn plane, et statuam earn EDVD 
mb)n ut die quo genita, vel nata fuit." Commune vero (hoc 
sensu) utrique sexui esse vocabulum, ex illo Matthasi 
cap. I. ver. 16. liquet : " 'IokwjS lyivvnve tov 'liom)<l>, tov 
dvSpa Mapiag 1%, r\q kytvvnOr] 'Ijjctovc 6 Xeyofxtvog Xpurrbg. 
Jacob genuit Joseph, virum Mariae, ex qua genitus est 
Jesus, qui dicitur Christus." Atque ita de muliere pa- 
riente vox gignendi usurpatur, Luc. cap. I. ver. 57. " Ty 
Sc 'EAtfTaj3fr s7rX?';(70r/ 6 xpovoq tov tikuv auT»)v, Kal lyiv- 
v£(?£v vlov. Elizabethan vero completum est tempus ad 
pariendum ; et genuit (id est, peperit) filium." Et apud 
Latinos: in 1. iEneidos: 

Tune ille ^Eneas, quern Dardanio Anchisse 

Alma Venus Phrygiis genuit Simoentis ad undam ! 

Similiterque apud Hebraeos, genitura, a conceptione et 
gestatione in utero distincta, fceminis passim tribuitur : ut 
in Geneseos cap. XVI. ver . 11. et cap. XXIX. ver. 34. 
et Esaiae chap. VII. ver. 14. videre licet. Qua quidem 
acceptione, in illis verbum hoc, peperit vel enixa est ; 
in viris, procreavit, suscepit, sustulit, aut pater effectus 
est, significat. Quia enim mulier quum prolem in lucem 
edit, viro gignit ; idcirco, quum ilia parit, et ipse vir ge- 
nerare dicitur. Vide Geneseos cap. IV. ver. 20. cum cap. 
V. ver. 3. cap. XVI. ver. 15, 16. cap. XXI. ver. 3. 5. cap. 
XXIX. ver. 3, 4. Numer. cap. XXVI. ver. 59. Luc. cap. 
I. ver. 13. &c. 

Verum altera etiam hie de annis qui patribus ante sus- 
ceptos filios tribuuntur, movetur quaestio : utrum ineuntes 
illi intelligendi sint, an completi? an partim ineuntes, 
partim completi ? Respondct Dionysius Petavius h nullo 

h Petav. de doctrina temp. lib. 9, cap. 17. 



504 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. III. 

ex argumento certo posse colligi, utrum qui anni patri- 
archarum in Scriptura numerantur, completi sint ac ver- 
tentes, an inchoati : ac credibile esse, non omnium saltern 
patriarcharum annos integros fuisse cum genuerunt. Quo- 
niam vero ex genealogiarum subductione, qua? in Mosis 
historia continentur, annorum summa petitur; incertum 
est autem, utrum anni omnes isti solidi completique fue- 
rint, qui pro completis nihilominus habentur: propterea 
tempus epocharum diluvii et natalis Abraham! certo, ac 
sine dubitatione, minime posse constitui. Contra vero, 
longe rectius monet Harvillaeus 1 , omnino credibile esse, 
Scripturam sacram voluisse, in assignandis annorum nu- 
meris, tradere chronologiam : saltern quantum ad annos 
quos ipsa recenset: " At nisi voluerit," inquit ille, " tra- 
dere chronologiam per annos completos : nihil certi tradi- 
derit. Quis enim poterit divinare, quot dies, hebdoma- 
das, aut menses importent anni fracti, aut incepti?" Cum 
igitur Spiritui Sancto fuerit propositum, numerum anno- 
rum primaevi mundi, qui aliunde sciri non poterat, hie 
colligere : a primario illius scopo aberraverimus, si non 
annos patrum, quibus genuerunt filios, plus minus com- 
pletos intelligamus. 

Dixi, plus minus ; ne quis putet nos velle, uno eodem- 
que vel die vel mense, omnes patriarchas genitos : quan- 
quam Hebraeorum doctores nonnulli, Davide Kimchio k re- 
ferente, primum veteris anni mensem ex eo nomen Etha- 
nim consecutum fuisse existimaverint, quod in eo prses- 
tantes illi patres nati sint ; quos, phrasi ex Mic. cap. VI. 
ver. 2. mutuata, " pN HD1D Q'JflKn fortia fundamenta 
terrae" appellant. Sed nihil necesse est ut eo recurramus. 
Nam ut postremus annus iraidoyovlag unius patriarchas 
mensibus aliquot deficiat; alterius vero ultra unum aut 
alterum mensem protensus fuerit, ad summam rei nihil 
interest : cum utrobique compensatione facta, in annorum 
totius intervalli aggregatione fiat exaequatio, quae ad 
mundi aetatem et seriem patefaciendam abunde sufficiat. 



' Harvill. Isagog. chron. parag. 14. col. 164. 

k Vide Kimch, rad. triS et in 3 Reg. cap. 8. ver. 2. et Buxtorf. lexic. 



CAP. III. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 505 

Operam igitur Jacobus Cappellus hie perdidit, qui 1 , ut 
anni mundi per 7. et 49. divisi, dent hebdomadum et ju- 
bilaeorum annos, quadriennium primae periodo detrahit : 
quatuor primarum Sethi, Enosi, Kainanis, Mahalaleelis 
generation um annos in numeros rotundos (denarios vide- 
licet vel quinarios) desinentes, pro inchoatis vel decurtatis 
accipiens. Atqui annorum sabbaticorum et jubilseorum 
legem turn demum observandara praescripsit Deus, quum 
Israelitse " ingressi m fuissent terram" promissam: esse 
vero eos ab orbis initio numerandos, opinio est quae nullo 
nititur fundamento. Et ad rotundos numeros quod at- 
tinet, si de integris annis verteretur quasstio, aliquem hie 
locum habere fortasse possit istorum consideratio ; ut 
quum Kainan, verbi gratia, 70. annos vixisse dicitur, quaeri 
potuisset an 69. vel etiam 7 1 . is vixerit : at ubi de parte 
tantum anni quseritur, non magis ad rotundum, quam 
ad ahum quemvis numerum spectat dubitatio, pro abso- 
luto ne sumendus sit an inchoato. Quod si numeri in qui- 
narium desinentes habendi sint pro rotundis : quum Jared 
etiam et Mathusala dicuntur nati patribus annos agtatis 
65. agentibus, cur non in horum aeque generatione annus 
decurtabitur, atque in Enoshi, quern pater Sethus an- 
nos 105. natus, genuisse memoratur ? nam quinarii pro- 
fecto ratio hie una est et eadem. Mitto quaerere, cur in 
annis patrum qui ante diluvium genuerunt, ista spectetur 
annorum rotundatio, in eorum qui post diluvium vixerunt, 
negligatur. Illud dictum sufficiat, si a recepto calculo 
discedamus, neque filiorum nativitate claudamus annos, 
quibus patres dicuntur a Mose filios genuisse ; incerta hie 
omnia, neque in fundamento aliquo vero (ut ab Harvillaso 
probe est animadversum) sed in volentis arbitrio fore 
constituta. 

Ad Petavium iterum redeo ; qui ad sacri calculi certi- 
tudinem infirmandam porro adjicit, neque illud constare, 
cum rotundo numero usus Moyses, sexcentesimum, ex- 
empli causa, Noe, aut centesimum Sem usurparet. Nam 
consuetudinem ipsam ryv itKpifitiav hie excludere ; neque 

1 Ja. Cappel. histor. pag. 3. et 20. m Levit. cap. 25. ver. 2. 



506 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. III. 

quicquam e Scripturis explorari posse, quod miror homini 
docto et industrio venire in mentem potuisse. Nam Sem 
quidem in Gen. cap. X. ver. 10. fuisse dicitur " centum 
annorum, quandogenuit Arphaxad biennio post diluvium." 
Verum non a Semi centenario textura annorum mundi 
dependet, sed a " biennio post diluvium :" ut sive cente- 
simo praecise acto natus fuerit Arphaxad, sive uno, alte- 
rove plus vel minus, ad mundi aetatem nulla inde accedat 
sive accretio, sive diminutio. Ad Noae vero sexcentesi- 
mum quod attinet : aliquam fortasse scrupuli speciem in- 
jicere potuisset, si in illo solo textu Geneseos cap. VII. 
ver. 7. facta fuisset ejusdem mentio : " Erat sexcen- 
torum annorum, quando diluvii aquas inundaverunt su- 
per terram." Verum quum versiculo ejusdem capitis 11. 
"anno sexcentesimo vitas Noae, mense secundo, septimo 
decimo die mensis," diluvium ccepisse legamus : et capite 
sequente, versu 13. " sexcentesimo primo anno, primo 
mense, prima die mensis," siccatas fuisse aquas e super- 
ficie terras : stuporis cujusdam fuerit negare e Scripturis 
explorari posse, utrum praecisum tempus annus ille sex- 
centesimus denotet, an vero unius, aut alterius anni vel 
additionem, vel diminutionem admittat. 

Neque ullo modo andiendus est Josephus Scaliger, qui 
contra expressa base Scripturae testimonia, in elencho 
orationis chronologicae D. Parei n , ex Geneseos cap. IX. 
ver. 28, 29. hanc nectet conclusionem : " Noa vixit annos 
950. de quibus 350. vixit post diluvium. Deductis 350. 
de 950. remanet annus Noae 600. post diluvium. Ergo 
diluvium inivit anno Noae 599. non autem 600. ut hac- 
tenus omnes putarunt." Atqui deductis 350. de 950. 
relinquitur annus Noae 600. non post diluvium, sed 
quo diluvium operiebat terram. Quum igitur Scaliger 
anno Noae 599. diluvium iniise hinc concludit, et anno 
sexcentesimo Noae currente finem accepisse, (id enim 
argumento hoc a se demonstratum esse, pag. 82. jactitat:) 
non modo contra clarissima, quae nos produximus, Scrip- 
turae testimonia, sed etiam contra textum quern pro causae 

n Pag. 53. 



CAP. IK. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 507 

suae firmamento adduxit ipse, aperte militat. Ea enim 
ratione 350. anni ab initio diluvii deducti 948. a fine vero 

949. tantum annos integrae vitae Noae constituerent : 
quum annos 950. eum vixisse et Scriptura aperte affir- 
met, et ipse Scaliger agnoscat. 

Illud igitur immotum maneat, quod a Spiritu Sancto 
tarn luculenter habemus expressum : anno 600. vitae Noae, 
mense 2. die 17. diluvium coepisse ; anno 601. mense 1. 
die 1. superficiem terrae aquis liberatam, et mense 2. die 
27. tellurem plene arefactam esse : et consequenter inte- 
grum annum, ut de excurrentibus diebus nihil dicamus, 
Noam in area exegisse. De annis tamen illis 600. et 601. 
ulterior adhuc discutienda manet quaestio : num ineuntes 
illi, an vero completi sint hie accipiendi? Recentiorum 
enim chronographorum nonnulli pro completis eos acci- 
pientes, a rerum initio ad initium diluvii, annos 1656. 
absolutos numerant : quum nos, cum fine diluvii, annum 
et Noae 600. et mundi 1656. terminandum existime- 
mus. De quo ut rectius judicemus, textus ille Genes, 
cap. IX. (ubi post diluvium 350. in universum autem 

950. annos Noa vixisse dicitur) cum altero Genes, cap. 
XI. ver. 10. (ubi Arphaxad natus fuisse memoratur, 
biennio post diluvium) conferendus est. Johannes Func- 
cius cum sequacibus suis, unius anni interjectione aetatem 
mundi augens, ab initio anni 600. Noae, usque ad initium 
diluvii, annum unum, ab initio diluvii ad finem ejusdem 
annum alium, et a fine diluvii ad nativitatem Arphaxadi, 
biennium numerat. Ergo cum Arphaxad biennio post 
diluvium natus dicitur, de diluvio finito hoc accipit, et 
recte accipit. Quum igitur Noa similiter post diluvium