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THE 


WHOLE WORKS 


OF THE 


MOST REV. JAMES USSHER, D. D., 


LORD ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH, 
AND 


PRIMATE OF ALL IRELAND. 


VOLUME XI. 


CONTENTS 


THE ELEVENTH VOLUME. 


PAG. 
Annales Veteris Testamenti, Htasseptima . ...... 1 
The Principles of Christian Religion . . MB ee eee ik 
The Method of the Doctrine of Christian Religion Akoeere sen OG 
The Power communicated by God to the Prince, and the Gime 
required of the Subject . . . . ye Be Se ea PS 
The original and first Institution of Genen He enaches and 
Termon Lands. : ... 419 
The first Establishment of a English Tae rap Parliaments: in 
the Kingdom of Ireland. . .. . spapcie = rea 7 


A Discourse, showing when and how far the Imperial has were 
received by the old Irish and the Inhabitants of Great Britain . 465 


Chronologia sacra » 475 


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ANNALIUM 


pA hone Oos-r BP Opke 
IN QUA, 
PRATER MACCABAICAM 
NOVI TESTAMENTI HISTORIAM, 


IMPERII ROMANORUM CHSARUM 
SUB CAIO JULIO ET OCTAVIANO ORTUS, 
RERUMQUE IN ASIA ET HGYPTO GESTARUM CONTINETUR 


CHRONICON: 


AB 
ANTIOCHI EPIPHANIS REGNI EXORDIO, USQUE AD IMPERII VESPASIANI 


INITIA ATQUE EXTREMUM TEMPLI ET REIPUBLICZ JUDAIC 
EXCIDIUM, DEDUCTUM. 


JACOBO USSERIO ARMACHANO 


DIGESTORE. 


LONDINI. 
1654. 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2008 with funding from 
Microsoft Corporation 


https://archive.org/details/lifeofjamesusshe 11 elriuoft 


ANNALIUM 


PAnh Ss POSER LOR. 


PAG. 


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Tabula in qua anni mundi cum annis Periodi Juliane, annis ante 
eram Christianam, annis Olympiacis et annis ante urbem con- 
difatn, COMmpOnUntETe ee Metro es ete. |e Rae he) cae. LNG 


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ANNALES 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 


AXATAS MUNDI SEPTIMA. 


4041. Quum longo jam tempore Saulus Damasci evan- 
gelium preedicavisset, inierunt Judzi illum interimendi 
consilium. Hi ab Arete regis Arabize Petra (qui He- 
rodis tetrarchee exercitum nuper fuderat) praefecto, pra- 
sidio urbem Damascenorum tenente adjuti observabant 
portas die ac nocte, ut eum prehensum interimerent. Ve- 
rum a discipulis e fenestra per murum fune in sporta nocte 
demissus, ex eorum insidiis evasit?. 

Primo igitur apostolatus sui triennio apud Damascenos 
exacto, rediit Saulus Hierosolymam, ut viseret Petrum : 
et permansit apud eum dies quindecim’. 

Ibi quum tentaret se propius adjungere discipulis, time- 
bant omnes, non credentes eum esse discipulum. Sed 
Barnabas acceptum eum duxit ad apostolos (Petrum vide- 
licet, et Jacobum fratrem Domini:) neminem enim ex 
apostolis alium tum ille vidit®; et exposuit eis, quomodo 


. Act. cap. 9. ver. 23, 24, 25. 2 Corinth. cap. 11. ver. 32, 33. 
> Galat. cap. 1. ver. 18. ¢ Id, ibid, ver, 19. 
VOL. XI, B 


2 ANNALES 


in via vidisset Dominum, et quod locutus esset ei; et 
quomodo Damasci libere locutus esset in nomine Jesu’. 

Saulus Hierosolymis libere in nomine Domini Jesu 
loquebatur, et disceptabat cum Hellenistis: (sive Judeis 
qui Grzca lingua utebantur ; ut Syrus recte hic est inter- 
pretatus :) illi vero conabantur eum interimere*. 

Orans in templo Saulus extra se raptus est, et vidit 
Dominum dicentem sibi: ‘ Festina, et exi cito Hieroso- 
lymis ; quoniam non excipient testimonium tuum de me.” 
Cui ille: “‘ Domine, ipsi sciunt me pertraxisse in carce- 
rem et verberibus affecisse per singulas synagogas eos qui 
eredebant in te. Et quum effunderetur sanguis Stephani 
martyris tui, ego quoque adstabam et custodiebam pallia 
eorum qui interficiebant eum.” Et dixit ei Dominus: 
‘ Proficiscere': nam ego te procul ad gentes emittam.” 

Fratres vero Hierosolymitani deduxerunt eum Casa- 
ream, et emiserunt in patriam suam Tarsum’. Venitque 
in regiones Syrie et Cilicize, hactenus ignotus facie ec- 
clesiis Jude ; que audientes solum, eum nunc evange- 
lizare fidem quam olim vastabat, Deum de illo glorifica- 
bant®. 

Ecclesia autem per totam Judeam et Galileam et 
Samariam habentes pacem zedificabantur: et pergentes 
in timore Domini et consolatione Sancti Spiritus, multipli- 
cabantur'. 

Herodi Agrippzx regi ex Cypro nata est filia Drusilla, 
nupta postea Felici*; qua moriente patre sexennis erat’. 

Caligula Macronem, cui AZgyptus mandata fuerat, (sex- 
ennio, quod Flacci Abillii praefecturae a Tiberio preestitu- 
tum fuerat, jam exacto) et uxorem ejus Enniam, quorum 
opera ipse imperium consecutus fuerat, ad mortem volun- 
tariam adegit™. 


4 Act. cap. 9. ver. 26, 27. © Id. ibid. ver. 29. 
T Act. cap. 22. ver. 17—21, s Ibid. cap. 9. ver. 30. 
h Galat. cap. 1. ver. 21, 22, 23. i Act. cap. 9. ver. 31. 


K Act. cap. 24. ver. 24. 

! Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7. et lib. 19. cap. ult. 

m Philo, de legat, ad Caium; et lib. in Flaccum. Sueton, in C. Calig, cap. 
26, Dio, lib, 59, pag. 647. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. oO 


Flaccus, qui Aigypto tum preerat, interfecto Macrone 
cui maxime fidebat, a Caligula imperatore male sibi me- 
tuit. Qua occasione arrepta, Dionysius, Lampo et Isido- 
rus illi persuaserunt ut populum Alexandrinum, ab Au- 
gusto et ejus familia in honore habitum, beneficio aliquo 
sibi conciliaret ; nihil vero gratius illis se posse facere, 
quam si eos sinat in Judzos sevire. Quorum et ille sen- 
tentiam est secutus". 

Caligula Soemo Arabum Itureorum regnum, Cotyi 
Armeniam minorem ac deinde nonnullas Arabie partes, 
Rhymetalci Cotyis ditionem, Polemonis filio paternum 
(Ponti) imperium ex senatusconsulto tribuit®. 

Anno imperii C. Caligule secundo, veniam ab eo Hero- 
des Agrippa impetravit domum redeundi, regni ordinandi 
gratia; eo peracto, reversurum se pollicitus’. Suasit 
vero illi imperator, ut navigatione compendiaria usus, ex- 
pectatis Ktesiis ventis, recta peteret Alexandriam; pedestri 
itimere inde minore cum difficultate in patriam rediturus. 
Cui ille obtemperans, quum descendisset Puteolos, et 
naves Alexandrinas in portu paratas ad solvendum inve- 
nisset, post paucos dies Alexandriam appulit*. 

Alexandrini, ob inveteratam cum Judzis simultatem 
were ferentes regem ipsorum quempiam extitisse, Agrip- 
pam in gymnasio sermonibus scurrilibus et mimographo- 
rum ludicris carminibus traducebant. Propulsum quoque 
ad gymnasium quendam insanum nomine Carabam, qui 
interdiu noctuque nudus oberrabat per compita, in supe- 
riore loco statuerunt, ut spectari posset ab omnibus. Mox 
capiti diadema imponunt papyraceum, pro paludamento 
corpori stoream induunt: pro sceptro frustum arundinis 
humi sublatum quidam ei dedit in manum. Sic ornatum 
regiis insigniis, et in regem transformatum more histrio- 
nico, adolescentes perticas in humeris gestantes stipabant 
pro satellitio: tum alii salutatum accedebant, alii sibi 
reddi jura petebant, alii consulebant eum de republica. 
Post hee acclamatum est a circumstantibus, magna voce 


4 Philo, in Flaccum. ° Dio, lib. 59. pag. 649. 
» Joseph. antiqu. lib, 1S. cap, 8. 4 Philo, in Flaccum. 
B2 


4 ANNALES 


Marim appellantibus : quod nomen Syrorum lingua Do- 
minum significat'. Atque ita Judaorum rex eodem mo- 
do ab aliis est irrisus, quo regi dignitati veri sui Do- 
mini Jesu Christi ipsi Judi ante quinquennium illu- 
serant. 

Judzi Alexandrini Agrippam de insidiis per Flaccum 
przsidem in ipsorum perniciem paratis edecuerunt : scrip- 
tumque quod Flacco dederant, Caio in principatus sui 
exordio transmittendum, regi tradiderunt. Hoc ad Caium 
se missurum ille est pollicitus, simulque significaturum, 
ab initio illud Judzos mittere voluisse; sed impeditos 
presidis malevolentia fuisse, quo minus tempestive id 
facerent*. 

Petrus apostolus, ecclesias Judex, Galilee et Samarizx 
visitans, devenit ad sanctos qui habitabant Lydd: ibique 
fEneam, ab annis jam octo decumbentem in grabato, a 
paralysi, qua tenebatur, sanavit. Quo viso miraculo, 
omnes qui Lyddam et agrum Saronitanum incolebant con- 
versi sunt ad Dominum". 

Discipula quedam, Syriaco nomine Tabitha Greco 
Dorcas (id est Caprea) dicta, bonis operibus et eleemosy- 
narum largitione celebris, Joppee ex morbo decessit. 
Quum autem Lydda esset prope Joppen, discipuli, audito 
Petrum illic esse, duos viros miserunt ad eum, rogantes 
ne cunctaretur usque ad ipsos progredi. Qui adveniens, 
quum in genua procumbens esset precatus, mortudm vite 
restituit. Id autem innotuit per totam Joppen: et multi 
crediderunt in Dominum. Mansitque ibi Petrus multos 
dies in domo Simonis cujusdam coriarii™. 

Alexandrinorum vulgus, summo mane in theatrum con- 
fluens, redempto jam Flacci presidis favore, in proseuchis 
Judzorum dedicandas esse Czsaris statuas unanimiter 
conclamavit. Quod preses, licet sciret non minus quam 
decies centena millia Judzorum incolere Alexandriam 
totamque regionem quanta patet a Catabathmo Libyz 


¥ Philo, in Flaccum. 

* Philo, in Flaccum, et in legat. ad Caium. 

* De quo, 1 Chronic. cap. 5. ver. 16. et cap. 27. ver. 29. 

* Act. cap. 9, ver. 31—385. w Id. ibid. ver. 36—43. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. & 


asque ad terminos /Ethiopiz, nullo respectu securitatis 
publice habito, fieri permisit%. Illi vero conglobati in 
cohortes numerosissimas, proseuchas, que multz in sin- 
gulis urbis regionibus erant, aut arbustis succisis vasta- 
runt, aut diruerunt funditus : quasdam etiam incenderunt 
injectis ignibus tanta rabie atque insania, ut in proxima 
quoque eedificia transiliret incendium. In proseuchis au- 
tem omnibus quas diruere incendereve non poterant, quod 
accolerentur magna Judzorum frequentia, effigies Cali 
statuerunt: in maxima vero ac celeberrima sublimem qua- 
drigis aheneis ; idque tam prepopero studio, ut, cum 
carerent novis quadriglis, veteres cruginosas, auribus, 
caudis pedibusque mutilatas, e gymnasio raperent, olim 
dedicatas (ut ferebatur) Cleopatra, que fuerat ultime 
hujus nominis regina proavia. Hz vero existimabat 
Caius ex vehementi Alexandrinorum in ipsum studio pro- 
fecta: que partim ex quotidianis actis cognoscebat trans- 
missis sibi ab Alexandria, (et enim libentius lectitabat 
quam ullum poema vel historiam) partim ex nonnullis ser- 
vis domesticis, quorum plerique erant A%gyptii, eadem 
cum ipso laudare aut irridere solitis’. 

C. Caligula, sorore Drusilla defuncta, justitium indixit : 
in quo risisse, lavisse, convivio quemquam accepisse, capi- 
tale fuit’. 

A‘gypti prases Flaccus edictum proposuit, in quo Ju- 
daos qui cives erant Alexandrini peregrinos appellabat 
et exteros: ne cause quidem dicendz potestatem faciens, 
sed injudicatos condemnans. Quinque erant urbis illius 
regiones, a primoribus earum literis denominate : quarum 
duz dicebantur Judaicz, quod in his plurimi Jude habi- 
tarent; quamvis et in aliis non pauci sparsim habuerint 
domicilia. Alexandrinorum igitur vulgus, licentiam gras- 
sandi in Judeeos a Flacco nactum, e quatuor literis eos 
expulsos contrusit in unius partem angustam. Qui, quod 
plures essent quam ut is locus eos caperet, egrediebantur 
in litora et monumenta et sterquilinia, exuti rebus suis 


x Philo, in Flaccum. y Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 
Sueton, in C, Calig. cap. 24. Dio, lib. 59, pag. 645. 


6 ANNALES 


omnibus. Inimici vero facto in desertas domos impetu, 
preedas tanquam jure belli partas dividebant: effractisque 
Judzeorum officinis, que tum propter luctum mortis Dru- 
sill clausze fuerant, hine quoque plurima egesserunt, 
quze per medium forum translata verterunt in usus pro- 
prios. Sed minus nocebant domorum plusquam quadrin- 
gente direptiones, quam abrupta negotiatio: quum cre- 
ditores amisissent pignora, nec sineretur ullus agricola, 
nauta, negotiator, opifex, exercere artes consuetas*. 

Tot myriadas virorum, mulierum, puerorumque in urbis 
angulum angustissimum, ceu pecora, compulsas, sperabant 
adversaril se intra paucos dies visuros acervatim jacere : 
aut fame necatos per ciborum inopiam, aut in loco zstu- 
oso compressos, vitiato etiam per crebras respirationes 
circumvicino aere. Ne quis autem clanculum inde se pro- 
riperet, diligenter cavebant: et quotquot intercepissent, 
excruciatos prius mox enecabant, nullam ab eis absti- 
nendo sevitiam. Alia manus circa portus fluminis insidi- 
abatur Judezis appellentibus, et eorum mercimoniis: qui- 
bus in conspectu dominorum direptis, ipsos protrusos 
exurebant, constructo rogo e gubernaculis, contis, et na- 
vium tabulis. Ali media in urbe concremabantur miser- 
rimo supplicii genere. Nam pre lignorum inopia sar- 
menta comportabantur, quibus accensis injiciebant miseros : 
qui semiustulati fumo magis quam igni necabantur. Multi 
etiam vivi loris laqueisque circa talos adstrictis per medium 
forum raptabantur, insultante vulgo et ne mortuis qui- 
dem parcente corporibus. Dissecta enim membratim frus- 
tatimque conculcabant tanta crudelitate, ut ne reliquias 
quidem ad sepulturam superesse sinerent?. Qui vero 
dolebant suorum vicem cognati amicique, confestim poenas 
dabant sue misericordia ; arreptique flagris caedebantur, 
et post omnia tormenta que poterant excipere corporibus, 
tandem in crucem agebantur*. 

Ex senatu, quem Augustus constituerat publicum Ju- 
deorum concilium, Flaccus preses triginta octo compre- 


* Philo, in Flaccum. 
» Philo, in legat. ad Caium. © Id. in Flaccum. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI, ( 


hensos in suis privatis edibus confestim vinciri jussit : 
traductosque per medium forum senes reductis in tergum 
manibus, ligatos partim loris partim catenis ferreis, in- 
duxit in theatrum, statutosque coram inimicis eorum se- 
dentibus, jussit nudatos concidi verberibus : atque ex his 
Euodium, Tryphonem, et Andron, in conspectu illorum 
qui bonis eos prius spoliaverant. Et licet mos esset in 
neminem damnatum animadvertere donec solemnes cele- 
britates natalitiaque Augustorum festa preeteriissent ; ille 
tamen per eos Ipsos dies (Caii natali in postremum Augusti 
mensis diem tum incidente) affligebat homines innoxios, 
ad hune modum distributis spectaculis. Mane usque 
horam tertiam quartamve Judzi flagellabantur, suspende- 
bantur, rotis alligabantur, damnabantur, per mediam or- 
chestram ducebantur ad supplicium. Deinde induceban- 
tur saltatores, mimi, tibicines, aliaque ludicra scenicorum 
certaminum. Ipsa quoque mulieres non solum in foro, 
sed etiam in medio theatro tanquam captive corripic- 
bantur, et ob quamvis calumniam in scenam trahebantur 
non sine gravissimis contumeliis: deinde cognito eas esse 
alterius generis, dimittebantur ; multas enim quasi Judeas 
comprehendebant, priusquam rem diligentius dispicerent. 
Postquam autem Judaic comperiebantur, ex spectatori- 
bus facti tyranni, jubebant eis suillas carnes offerri ; quas 
quotcunque metu tormentorum gustabant, sine alia majore 
vexatione dimittebantur : quz vero sibi temperabant, tor- 
toribus tradebantur ad cruciatus maximos*. 

Accitus a preside Castus centurionum fidissimus, jube- 
tur assumpto e sua cohorte audacissimo quoque in domos 
Judazorum irrumpere, scrutarique nunquid armorum ibi 
lateat. Quo propere mandata exequente, Judi intima 
queeque aperientes scrutatoribus ostendebant : ubi mulier- 
culz incluse, nunquam e conclavi egredi solite, et virgi- 
nes pre pudore declinantes aspectum etiam familiarium, 
tunc non solum ignotis verumetiam militari ferocia spec- 
tabantur pavide. Nihilominus accurata facta scrutatione, 
non inveniebantur ista qua querebantur arma. A%gyptiis 


4 Philo, in Flaccum, 


8 ANNALES 


quidem paulo ante arma dempta fuerant per Bassum a 
Flacco jussum id curare. Sed tum videre licebat magnum 
navium numerum appulisse ad portus fluminis, plenarum 
omni armorum genere : que hominibus seditiosis, qui an- 
tea quoque spius defectiones tentarant, adimi par erat. 
Sed longe alia Judezorum erat ratio: qui defectionis nun- 
quam suspecti, studia quotidiana quaestusque exercebant, 
ad concordiam et tranquillitatem civitatis facientia®. 

4042. Dum festi tabernaculorum solennitas per autumni 
zequinoctium a Judzis Alexandrinis tantopere afflictis in- 
termitteretur, Flaccum presidem a Stephanione liberto 
Tiberii Casaris convivio exceptum ex improviso Bassus 
centurio comprehendit ; ad id faciendum, cum cohorte 
militum ex Italia a Caio missus. Cumque ora solvisset 
hyemis initio, marinis tempestatibus jactatus, post pluri- 
mos labores were in Italiam delatus est: ubi confestim a 
duobus infensissimis accusatoribus, Lampone et Isidoro 
(qui ipsum in Judzos incitaverant) exceptus est. Qui 
damnatus, omni patrimonio et bonis domesticis (quz selec- 
tissima habuerat) exutus, in exilium actus est. Et quidem 
in insulam omnium sterilissimam Gyarum in At‘geo sitam 
deportatus fuisset: nisi deprecante Lepido pro Gyaro 
Andrum propinquam ei permissum esset incolere: ubi 
postea Caii jussu (ut et alii omnes honorati exules) occisus 
perit'. 

Agrippam regia dignitate prefulgentem videns Herodias 
soror ipsius, Herodis tetrarchz uxor, invidia percita, non 
prius destitit quam viro persuasit ut Romam contenderent, 
eandem regiam dignitatem a Cesare petituri. Agrippa, 
cognita eorum mente et apparatu, quamprimum eos e 
portu solvisse didicit, etiam ipse libertum suum Fortuna- 
tum Romam ad imperatorem misit cum muneribus et literis 
contra Herodem patruum scriptis. Ille Herodi ad Cxsa- 
rem, apud Baias Campanie oppidum amcenissimum tum 
agentem, admisso superveniens, Agrippz literas reddidit ; 
accusantes Herodem, quod prius cum Sejano conspirasset 
in ‘Tiberium, et nunc iterum Artabano Partho faveret 


© Philo, in Flaccum. f Id. ibid. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 9 


contra Caii novum imperium, tanto ad hoc comportato 
armorum apparatu, quantus instruendis virorum septua- 
ginta millibus sufficeret. Quo commotus Caius, percon- 
tatus est Herodem, verane essent qu nunciarentur de 
armorum numero. Quo annuente, (neque enim vera ne- 
gare poterat) satis approbatam Caius putans defectionem, 
ademit illi Galilaze et Perse tetrarchiam, quam postea 
ad Agrippz regnum adjecit, pecunia quoque ejus illi do- 
nata. Herodem vero, perpetuo damnatum exilio, Lug- 
dunum in Gallia relegavit. Cognito deinde sororem 
Agrippe esse Herodiadem, pecuniam ei propriam con- 
cessit: et ratus non libenter fore marito calamitatis soci- 
am, in Agrippe gratiam se illi parsurum promisit. Illa 
Caio pro hac indulgentia gratias egit; verum ea se in 
presentia uti non posse professa est: quod nefas existi- 
maret, maritum in hac calamitate deserere, cujus fortune, 
dum floreret, ipsa fuisset particeps. Quod ille indigne 
ferens, ipsam quoque cum marito in exilium ire jussit, et 
bona ejus Agrippe largitus est’. Ita incesti sui connubii 
peenas illi luerunt: post obtruncatum ab hoc Herode Jo- 
hannem Baptistam annis octo post Christum Servatorem 
ludibrio ab eodem habitum?. 

Pontius Pilatus quoque, tantis irrogante Caio angoribus 
coarctatus est, ut propria se manu interfecerit: quemad- 
modum ex Romanis historicis Hieronymus in chronico, et 
ex Grecis Olympiadum scriptoribus refert in ecclesiastica 
sua historia Eusebius‘, cum Orosio*, et Cassiodoro in 
chronico. 

Caius Baiani sinus medium intervallum Puteolanas ad 
moles trium millium et sexcentorum fere passuum ponte 
conjunxit ; in quo currum ejus, tum alia multa spoliorum 
instar subsequebantur, tum etiam ex Parthorum obsidibus 
Darius puer, Artabani regis filius: Dario et Xerxe non 
nisi ludibrii causa memorato, quia longe plus maris ipse 
ponte instravisset'. 


& Joseph. antiqu. lib. 18. cap. 9. h Lue. cap. 23. ver. 11. 

1 Lib. 2. cap. 7. k Lib; 7. cap. 5. 

' Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 1, Sueton. in C. Calig. cap. 19. Dio, lib. 
59. pag. 653. 


10 ANNALES 


Idem, obtentu Germanici belli, ultra transitum a se 
Rhenum parumper progressus, inde statim rediit, quasi 
in Britanniam iturus'. 

Lucius Vitellius ex Syria accersitus est a Caio, ut in- 
terficeretur™. Crimini enim ipsi dabatur, quod Tiri- 
datem, Parthis a Tiberio regem missum, expelli ab illis 
sivisset”. 

Vitellio successorem in Syriam Caius misit Petronium’ : 
Publium videlicet Petronium, (ut ex Philone, in legatione 
ad Caium, et Josepho? constat,) qui filius fortasse illius 
fuerit, de quo ad annum mundi 3983. ex Strabone dictum 
est; minime vero omnium Lucius ille Petronius, longe 
ante hoc tempus mortuus, quem ‘“‘ admodum humili loco 
natum ad equestrem ordinem pervenisse” memorayit Vale- 
rius Maximus?; uti opinatus est Baronius'. 

Vitellius ad Caium veniens, hoc modo neci se eripuit. 
Composuerat se longe quam gloria ejus ferret humiliori 
habitu, Caiique pedibus advolutus, effusis lachrymis, atque 
illum simul et Deum appellans sepius et adorans, tan- 
demque vovens si incolumis evasisset se ei sacrificaturum ; 
ita hominem emollivit ac sibi placavit, ut non modo su- 
perstes maneret, sed etiam inter praecipuos posthac amicos 
haberetur’. Atque ita ille, miri in adulando ingenii, pri- 
mus Caium adorari ut deum instituit: quum reversus ex 
Syria non aliter eum adire ausus esset quam capite velato, 
circumvertensque se, ac deinde procumbens’. Et quum 
postea Caius rem sibi esse cum Luna dixisset, percuncta- 
tusque esset Vitellium, vidissetne se cum dea congredi; 
ille quasi attonitus, oculis in terram demissis, tremens, 
exili voce respondit : ‘‘ Solis, domine, vobis diis licet invi- 
cem videre".” Hoque facto initio Vitellius, qui in regendis 
provinclis prisca yirtute egerat, omnes reliquos adulando 
superavit®. 


! Dio, lib. 59. pag. 656. m Jd. ibid. pag. 661. 

Dio, in excerptis, ab Henr. Valesio edit. pag. 670. 

© Joseph. antiqu. lib. 18. cap. 11. P Antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 6. 

4 Lib. 4. cap. 7. r Ann. chron, 41. num. 4. 

* Dio, lib. 59. pag. 661. * Sueton. in A. Vitellio, cap. 2. 


" Dio, lib. 59. pag. 661. 
* Dio, lib. 59. pag. 661. Tacit. annal. lib. 6. cap. 32. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. II 


Ipse deinde Caius sibi sacerdos fuit, equumque suum 
collegam sacerdotii adscivitY. Mileti vero in Asia tem- 
plum sibi extrui jussit: hanc urbem pre ceteris eligens, 
specie quidem quod Ephesum a Diana, Pergamum ac 
Smyrnam ab Augusto Tiberioque occupatas esse diceret ; 
sed revera quia amplissimum ac pulcherrimum, quod 
Milesii Apollini edificabant, suo nomini vindicare cupie- 
bat?. Mileti quoque Didymeum peragere destinaverat*. 

4045. In Jamniam, urbem Judee frequentem cum pri- 
mis populo, subrepserant e finitimis regionibus inquilini; 
qui semper moliebantur aliquid adversus ritus Judaicos. 
Hi cum audirent ab advenis, quantopere Caius pro deo 
coli cuperet, et quam infensus universes Judzorum genti 
esset; ex tempore aram excitarunt e luto formato in la- 
teres, tantum ut molesti essent civibus. Hance quum illi 
indignati e medio sustulissent ; adversarii rem ad Capito- 
nem questorem detulerunt, qui in Judea exigendis tri- 
butis praerat. Ad Caium ille scripsit, exaggerando rem 
et amplificando. Caius vero pro altari lateritio subverso 
in Jamnia, colossum inauratum poni jussit in ipso templo 
Hierosolymitano: consultoribus usus, Helicone Aigyptio 
et Apelle trageedo Ascalonita. Literis igitur de statua 
dedicanda ad Petronium Syriz presidem accuratissime 
scriptis, mandavit illi Caius, ut exercitus, contra irrupti- 
ones orientalium regum nationumque oppositi, dimidium 
ab Euphrate adversus Judeos duceret, ut prosequeretur 
statuam ; non quo augustior dedicatio fieret, sed ut con- 
festim periret siquis obsisteret. Sed neque statua trans- 
missa fuit ex Italia, neque jussus est Petronius e tota 
Syria lectissimam sumere: alioqui prapropere violatis 
Judezorum legibus, exortus fuisset repentinus tumultus. 
Itaque Petronius in propinquo jussit parari statuam, et 
accitis e Phoenicia peritissimis artificibus prebuit mate- 
riam, officina Sidone instituta?. 

Interim contractis quantum poterat auxiliis, cum dua- 


< 


Dio, lib. 59. pag. 662. 

2 Dio, in excerptis Valesii, pag. 670. et 673. 
®* Sueton. in C. Caligula, cap. 21, 

» Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 


12 ANNALES 


bus Romanis legionibus hybernavit apud Ptolemaidem, 
primo vere bellum illaturus: quod et Caio significavit per 
literas. Qui collaudata ejus industria, hortatus est eum 
ad agendum gnaviter, et frangendam bello gentis contu- 
maciam. Ita Josephus’. 

Inter Judeos et Grecos Alexandriam inhabitantes ex- 
orta seditione, terni ab utraque parte legati delecti ad 
Caium missi sunt. Judzorum legationis princeps erat 
Philo, vir per omnia clarissimus ; Graecorum Apion®?; qui 
Oasi in AZgypto natus, Alexandrinus dici maluit, quod 
ejus civitatis jure gauderet®. [l\eorovikny, quasi sepe 
victorem, cognominatum, inter alios refert Plinius, libro 
trigesimo septimo historiz naturalis, capite quinto ; in totius 
quoque operis ad ‘Titum Vespasianum Czsarem prefa- 
tione ista de eodem adjiciens: ‘‘ Apion grammaticus, hic 
quem Tiberius Cesar cymbalum mundi vocabat, quum 
tympanum potius videri posset, immortalitate donari a se 
scripsit, ad quos aliqua componebat.” Qui et mendacis- 
simum adversus Judzos commentarium edidit, cui in se- 
cundo contra eundem libro respondet Josephus: nam 
prior liber aliis Judaice gentis obtrectatoribus ab eo est 
oppositus. 

Legati igitur Judzeorum (quos quinque numero fuisse, 
sub finem libri de hac legatione a se scripti confirmat ipse 
Philo; non tres, ut Josephus voluit) ad deprecandum in- 
jurias quas quotidie patiebantur, medio hyemis ad Caium 
navigarunt. Placuitque offerri ei libellum continentem 
summam calamitatum, et earum deprecationem; ex pro- 
lixiore supplicatione, quam per Agrippam regem Judzi 
ad eum ante miserant, desumptam. Adversarii vero He- 
liconem Aigyptium, imperatoris cubiculo prefectum, sibi 
conciliarunt, non tantum pecunia, sed et spe honorum, 
quos ei pollicebantur se collaturos, quamprimum Caius 
veniret Alexandriam. Quem cum Judzorum legati pla- 
care et mollire desiderarent ; nullum ad eum aditum inve- 
nire potuerunt’. 

Ipse Caius primum, dissimulato in Judxos odio, legatos 


© Joseph. antiqu. lib. 18. cap. 11. 4 Id. ibid. cap. 10. 
© Joseph. lib. 2. contr. Apion. f Philo, in legatione ad Caium. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 183 


eorum exceptos in Campo Martio, cum e maternis hortis 
exiret, hilari vultu resalutavit, et dextra innuit se propi- 
tium: missoque ad eos Homulo qui legationibus admitten- 
dis preerat, pollicitus est se cogniturum eorum causam 
per otium. Postea vero, cum hortos Mzcenatis et Lamiz, 
qui et inter se et urbi propinqui erant, inviseret, et intro- 
ducti legati eum reverenter adoravissent, atque Augusti 
imperatoris appellatione eum salutavissent; ringendo ro- 
gavit: ‘‘ Vosne estis illi diis invisi, qui me omnium con- 
fessione deum declaratum soli aspernamini, mavultisque 
vestrum innominatum colere ?” simulque sublatis ad cce- 
lum manibus erupit in vocem, quam ne audire quidem fas 
est, nedum proloqui verbis totidem. Ac mox exorta est 
adverse partis ingens letitia: quae deorum omnium illi 
acclamabat cognomina. His appellationibus gaudentem 
conspicatus Isidorus sycophanta amarulentus: ‘“ Magis,” 
inquit, ‘‘ detestareris, domine, istos eorumque tribules, si 
scires eorum erga te impietatem atque malevolentiam. 
Omnibus enim pro salute tua votivas cedentibus victimas, 
isti soli non sustinuerunt sacra facere. Cum dico, isti, de 
cunctis Judzis loquor.” ‘unc exclamaverunt unanimiter 
legati: ‘‘ Domine Cai, calumniis petimur. Immolavimus 
hecatombas : libatoque ad aram sanguine, carnes domum 
non retulimus ad epulas, ut quorumdam est mos; sed in- 
tegras victimas exurendas sacro igni tradidimus; idque 
ter; primum, quando successisti in imperium; iterum, 
quando gravem illum morbum evasisti, cui totus orbis con- 
doluit : tertio, votum pro victoria Germanica.” ‘ Esto,” 
inquit Caius, “ sacra fecistis, sed alteri: mihi certe non 
sacrificastis.” Ibi legatos horror pervasit, hac nova voce 
attonitos: ille interim villas obibat, inspectans aulas et 
conclavia, in imis edibus et in coenaculis ; ubi legatos eum 
sequentes carptim interrogans, ‘ cur abstinerent a por- 
cina, et, quodnam jus Alexandrine civitatis praetende- 
rent ;” posita tandem ferocia, ‘‘ Homines isti,” inquit, 
‘non tam mihi videntur mali quam miseri, qui sibi pe- 
suaderi non sinunt, me esse nature divine participem.” 
Simulque abiit et legatos jussit abscedere®. 


5 Philo, in legat, ad Caium. 


14 ANNALES 


Agrippz e regno suo reverso Caius tetrarchiam patrui 
sui Herodis (Lugdunum in exilium missi) donavit. Cum 
enim in Philippi tetrarchia per triennium regnasset ; quar- 
to jam anno accessit illi Herodis tetrarchia*. Quod bene- 
ficium, in literis ad Caium paulo post scriptis, ita tpse 
agnoscit: “ Donasti" mihi regnum ; qua sorte nulla inter 
mortales felicior: id quum privs unam regionem non 
excederet, adjunxisti mihi mox majorem alteram, ‘T'racho- 
nitim et Galileam.” 

Petronius honoratiores Judzorum sacerdotes et magis- 
tratus evocavit, indicaturus eis Caii mandata de dedicanda 
in templo statua; simulque suasurus ut patienter ferrent 
jussa domini, et caverent mala imminentia: paratum enim 
esse robur exercitus Syriaci ad edendas per totam eorum 
regionem strages maximas. Qui perculsi ad primam ejus 
rel mentionem, tanquam in presenti calamitate obmutu- 
ere; quasie fonte profundendo lachrymas, et capillos bar- 
basque vellendo. Qui vero Hierosolymis ceteraque regi- 
one famam hujus conatus audierant, velut de communi 
sententia coorti, tesseram dante dolore publico, profecti 
sunt uno agmine, desertis oppidis, castellis et adibus: 
continuatoque itinere contenderunt in Pheeniciam, ubi 
tune agebat Petronius. Ac primum tantus clamor cum 
fletu planctuque sublatus est, ut hebetaret aures prasen- 
tium. Secutze sunt compellationes, et preces, quales dic- 
tare solent calamitosa tempora. Erant autem distributi 
in sex ordines, seniorum, juniorum, puerorum; rursum 
alia parte, anuum, mulierum, virginum. Ubi vero Petro- 
nius in loco superiore conspectus est, universi ordines 
velut ad unum edictum humi procubuerunt supplices cum 
ululatu quodam flebili; jussique surgere et accedere pro- 
plus, vix tandem surrexerunt, et conspersi multo pulvere 
diffluentesque lachrymis, accedebant reductis more dam- 
natorum ambabus manibus. Quorum miserabili supplica- 
tione Petronius simul cum assessoribus commotus, con- 
sultatione habita, literas ad Caium mittendas curavit : 
quibus dedicatio statuze dilata fuisse significabatur partim 


£ Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap, ult, Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 


~ 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 15 


propter opifices, certum temporis spatium ad colossum 
perficiendum necessario requirentes ; partim propter con- 
vectionem frumenti, ad iter quod cum copiis suis in Aieyp- 
tum Caius instituere ferebatur necessariam. Maturas 
enim tum segetes fuisse: timendumque, ne deplorata re- 
ligione Judai vitam quoque contemnerent, et vastatis 
agris suasmet fruges late per campos collesque incen- 
derent’. 

Acceptis literis, Caius ad tempus iram adversus Petro- 
nium tegebat implacabilem. Vehementer enim timebat 
presides, quod illis promptum esset res novas moliri, prae- 
sertim in magnis provinciis apud magnos exercitus ; qualis 
erat ad Euphratem tractus Syriz. Delinito igitur per 
literas homine, laudabat in speciem ejus providentiam et 
in prospiciendis futuris solertiam : mandato tamen addito, 
ne messibus jam convectis ullam curam preverteret dedi- 
cationis negotio*. 

Ad Judzorum Alexandrinorum legatos pervenit tum 
hujus rei nuncius :-jussisse Caium poni sibi colossum in 
adytis templi intimis, ascito in titulo novi Jovis cogno- 
mento. Quo illi attoniti, omnes simul conclave ingressi 
et inclusi deplorabant fortunam privatam atque publicam : 
Deum tamen servatorem non defore sperantes, qui spe 
gentem hanc eripuerit exitio'. 

Agrippam regem, qui horum omnium ignarus ad Caium 
salutandum more suo venerat, ille torve intuitus: ‘ Boni,” 
inquit, “‘ honestique cives tui, qui soli ex omni hominum 
genere dedignantur Caium habere pro deo, videntur jam 
mortem sibi per contumaciam querere: dum me jubente 
in ipsorum templo consecrari Jovis simulachrum, popula- 
_Yviter ex urbe agrisque occurrunt specie supplicum, sed 

revera mandatum meum proculcaturi.” Quibus auditis, 
rex horrore est correptus ; et tremore membra quatiente 
solutisque nervis collapsus fuisset, ni eum sustentassent 
proximi: qui jussi domum illum retulerunt nil sentientem 
et subitanea vi mali sopitum ac stupidum. Ac Caius magis 


' Philo, in legat. ad Caium. K Td, ibid. 
! Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 


16 ANNALES 


etiam exasperabatur in gentis odium: “ Si” Agrippa,” in- 
quiens, “ familiaris et amicissimus plurimisque devinctus 
beneficiis, tantum tribuit patriis ritibus, ut ne verbo qui- 
dem eos violari ferat, sed deliquio pene exanimatus sit : 
quid expectandum est ab aliis, qui nihil habent quod se 
in diversum retrahat ?” 

Agrippa ad se reversus, prolixas pro gente sua ad 
Caium scripsit literas; (a Philone libro de legatione sua 
insertas:) quas hoc ille terminavit epilogo : ‘‘ Quid" de me 
loquentur vel tribules, vel universi homines? Alterutrum 
enim sequetur, aut ut appeller meorum proditor, aut inter 
tuos amicos posthac non habear: quo utrolibet quid po- 
test esse infelicius? Nam si adhuc in amicis numeror, 
proditionis insimulabor, si nec patriam indemnem, nec 
templum inviolatum prestitero; nam vos prapotentes 
soletis amicorum ad imperatoriam opem confugientium 
rebus consulere. Quod siqua in re animo tuo molestus 
sum; noli me vincire, ut Tiberius, sed ne toties vincula 
timeam, jube mox interimi; quid enim mihi vita opus est, 
cui spes unica salutis fuit in tua benevolentia 2” 

His literis Caius mitigatus, ut videbatur, respondit cle- 
mentius; et Agrippz donavit ceu maximam gratiam, ne 
fieret dedicatio; simulque scribi jussit Publio Petronio 
Syriz presidi, ne quid in Judzorum templo novaret. Ne 
tamen solida esset ea gratia, terrorem admiscuit sic scri- 
bens: ‘‘ Quod si extra unam metropolim in finitimis urbi- 
bus quicumque volentes altaria templave aut statuas ima- 
ginesve mihi meisque ponere veriti fuerint ; quisquis 
obstiterit plectatur continuo, aut ad me mittatur.” Verum 
divina providentia factum est, ut nemo finitimorum quic- 
quam moveret?. 

Peste apud Babylonem grassante, Judzorum multitudo 
inde Seleuciam migravit: quo et alia eorum multitudo, 
relicta Neerda, et aliis Babylonice provincie urbibus, 
ante quinquennium se contulerat. Seleuciz vero semper 
Grecis male cum Syris conveniebat, Gracorum tamen 


™ Philo, de legat. ad Caium. 0 Td. ibid. 
® Philo, de legat. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 17 


factione preeponderante. Quo postquam a Judzis migra- 
tum est, eorum favore conditio Syrorum ccepit esse potior, 
aucta viris bellicosis et periculorum contemptoribus. 
Quare Graci succumbentes, et videntes se non posse re- 
cuperare dignitatem pristinam manente Judzorum et 
Syrorum consensu, suos quisque familiares Syros appella- 
verunt de pace et amicitia: id quod facile impetratum est. 
Nam quum utrinque primatibus commissum esset nego- 
tium, secuta est reconciliatio: quam ita demum ratam fore 
placuit, si utrique Judzos communibus prosequerentur 
odiis. Itaque eos improviso aggressi occiderunt supra 
quinquaginta virorum millia: neque ullus evasit, nisi qaem 
amici aut vicini servavit misericordia. Hi deinde seces- 
serunt Ctesiphontem urbem Grecanicam vicinam Seleu- 
ciz; ubi quotannis rex hybernare est solitus, habens ibi 
majorem. supellectilis partem repositam: ibique sedes 
fixerunt, tutos se rati regia majestatis reverentia. Cate- 
rum Babyloniorum ac Seleuciensium terror omnes ejus 
tractus Judzos pervagatus est: quando quicquid erat Sy- 
rorum in illis regionibus cum Seleuciensibus conspiravit 
in eorum perniciem. Quo factum est ut plerique Neer- 
dam et Nisibim se receperint, securitatem suam repo- 
nentes in earum munitionibus; que alioquin etiam habita- 
bantur a viris bellicosissimis?. 

Romam Caius natali suo, qui postremus mensis Augusti 
dies fuit, ovans ingressus est’. 

4044, Alexandrinis legatis coram Caio comparentibus, 
Apion multa in Judeos jactavit crimina; interque cztera, 
quod Czsarem non prosequerentur debitis honoribus ; 
nam, cum quam late patet orbis Romanus Caio extrueren- 
tur templa et altaria, et pari honore coleretur cum ceteris 
numinibus, solos istos turpe putare dedicare illi statuas, 
aut jurare per nomen Cesaris. His et multis aliis, que 
ad exasperandum Caium facerent, ab eo prolatis, quum 
respondere pararet Philo, repulsus est a Caesare jubente 
illum abire, et per iracundiam vix temperante ab injuria. 
Ita vero cum contumelia ejectus Philo, Judeeos qui illum 


P Joseph. ant. lib. 18. cap, ult. fin. 4 Sueton. in C. Calig. cap. 43. 


VOL. XI, Cc 


18 ANNALES 


comitabantur bono jussit esse animo: Caium, tametsi ver- 
bo quidem illis succensebat, re tamen ipsa perfecisse, ut 
Deus ipsis contra ejus conata presto esset ad opitulan- 
dum’. 

Caius, gratie Judzxis concessee jam poenitens, jussit 
Rome fieri alium colossum zreum inauratum, omisso illo 
Sidonio, ne quem motum excitaret in populo: utque navi- 
bus transportatum per silentium, repente clam priusquam 
sentiretur in templo Hierosolymitano poneretur. Id autem 
facturus erat obiter, in AXgyptum navigans. ‘Tenebatur 
enim miro visendz Alexandriz desiderio, magna cura pro- 
fectionem instituens, ut ibi diu degeret: ratus deificatio- 
nem suam, quam somniabat, in hac una civitate posse suc- 
cedere, atque inde hujus religionis exemplum manaturum 
ad minores ceteras. Ita Philo, qui hec optime scivit, in 
legatione sua ad Caium: ex quo reformandum illud Taciti, 
de Judzis : “ Jussi a Cesare effigiem ejus in templo lo- 
care, arma potius sumpsere: quem motum Cesaris mors 
diremit.” 

Apelles Ascalonita, qui Caium in Judzos incitaverat, 
ab eodem propter alia crimina ferreis compedibus vinctus, 
etin rota ex intervallo szpius tortus est‘. 

A sortibus Antiatinis monitus Caius, ut a Cassio cave- 
ret, C. Cassium Longinum Asiz tum proconsulem in sus- 
picione habens, qui genus a Cassio Julii Ceesaris interfec- 
tore ducebat, vinctum ad se adduci jussit, et occidendum 
delegavit: immemor Cheream, a quo paulo post occisus 
est, Cassium etiam nominari". 

Apollonius Aigyptius, qui domi dixerat quid Caio esset 
eventurum, Romam ad eum adductus est ipsa die cedis, 
(quem nonum Kalendas Februarias fuisse, in capite quin- 
quagesimo octavo Suetonius significat) et evocatus ad lu- 
endum paulo post supplicium, salvus evasit™. 

Imperavit C. Caligula triennio, decem mensibus, et die- 
bus octo, ut est apud Suetonium*, et Clementem Alexan- 


* Joseph. antiqu. lib. 18. cap. 10. Euseb. lib. 2. histor. eccles. cap. 5. 
S Histor. lib. 5. cap. 9. t Philo, de legat. 

" Sueton. in C. Calig. cap. 57. Dio, lib. 59. pag. 662. 

W Dio, lib. 59. pag. 663. x Cap. 59. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 19 


drinum, in primo libro Stromatum: vel mensibus potius 
novem et diebus viginti octo, ut in libri quinquagesimi noni 
fine habet Dio. Cujus loco patruus ejus Claudius Caesar 
Drusi filius, a preetorianis militibus imperator declaratus 
est. 

Rex Agrippa, ubi cognovit ad imperium raptum esse a 
militibus Claudium, zgre dimota turba ad eum pervasit ; 
et nactus eum turbatum pronumque ad cedendam potesta- 
tem senatui confirmavit, hortatus ut magno animo in reti- 
nendo principatu pergeret. Jamque unus erat e fautori- 
bus Claudii, cum accersitus a senatu ignarum se omnium 
simulans, et unguentis delibutus tanquam a compotatione 
veniens, ex senatoribus quesivit quid de Claudio factum 
sit. Quibus id quod verum erat respondentibus, et insu- 
per ipsius sententiam de presenti statu postulantibus ; se 
quidem aiebat pro senatus dignitate nullum recusare pe- 
riculum, existimare tamen mittendos esse aliquos ad Clau- 
dium qui ei principatum deponere suaderent: et ad eam 
legationem semetipsum obtulit. Cum aliis vero aliquot 
ille missus, Claudio seorsum trepidationem senatus indica- 
vit: authorque fuit, ut responderet sicut decebat ad sum- 
mam potestatem evectum principem, sicut et postea idem 
Claudio author fuit, ut erga senatores ad ipsum conversos 
mitius sese gereret’. 

In imperio confirmatus Claudius, Mithridatem Iberum, 
quem Caius evocatum in vincula condiderat, domum ad 
recipiendum regnum remisit: et alii cuidam Mithridati, 
qui genus a magno illo Mithridate deducebat, Bospho- 
rum largitus est; pro eo parte Ciliciz Polemoni data’. 

Agrippe Palzestino, qui eum in potiundo principatu ad- 
juverat Rome tunc presens, regnum auxit, et honores 
consulares tribuit. Fratri quoque ejus Herodi pretoriam 
dignitatem, et principatum quendam (Chalcidis scilicet) 
concessit: in senatumque ingredi eos, ac patribus Greece 
gratias agere permisit’. 

Et edictum quidem a Claudio est propositum, quo 


¥ Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 3. 2 Dio, lib. 60. pag. 670. 
* Dio, lib. 60. pag. 670. 


c2 


20 ANNALES 


Agrippam in regno per Caium ante concesso confirmabat, 
collaudans simul ejus operam et industriam: addita insu- 
per Judza et Samaria, quod olim ad ejus avi Herodis 
regnum pertinuissent. Has igitur velut familia debitas 
restituit: Abilam autem et finitimam ejus ditionem in Li- 
bano, quae Lysaniz fuerat, adjunxit de suo. Foedus de- 
inde regis cum Romano populo in zs incisum est in urbis 
foro medio”. 

Dimisit Claudius Alexandrum Lysimachum Alabarcham 
veterem amicum, et olim procuratorem sue matris Anto- 
niz, quem Caius iratus vinxerat; cujus filio Marco de- 
sponsa fuit Bernice Agrippe filia*, quo defuncto ante nup- 
tias, rex virginem Herodi suo fratri eam collocavit; im- 
petrato illi regno Chalcidis a Claudio‘. 

Antiochum, suo regno a Caio privatum, Commagena 
donavit et parte quadam Ciliciz*. 

Helicon Aigyptius, qui Caii cubiculo preefectus fuerat et 
ipsum contra Judzos incitaverat, propter alias culpas a 
Claudio interfectus est : ut notat Philo, in libro de lega- 
tione ad Caium. Quem librum, De virtutibus ironice a 
se inscriptum (cum summam Caii improbitatem suis colori- 
bus in eo depingat) Claudio imperante coram universo 
senatu Romano recitavisse illum memorize proditum est: 
indeque non illud opus solum, sed etiam alia ab eo edita, 
tantopere admiratos fuisse Romanos, ut digna existima- 
rent que in bibliothecis tanquam monumenta quedam re- 
ponerentur'; inter que, et quinque libri fuerunt, de mise- 
riis quas sub Caii imperio Judzi perpessi fuerant, ab eo 
conscripti® ; quorum tres perierunt, ad Flaccum uno, et 
de legatione illo altero, adhuc relicto superstite. 

Occiso vero Caio Judzi qui sub eo vehementer ab Alex- 
andrinis oppressi fuerant, coeperunt animos resumere : 
moxque ad arma ventum est. ‘Tum Claudius per episto- 
lam mandavit Aigypti presidi, ut seditionem illam com- 


> Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 4. © De qua, Act, cap. 25. ver. 13. 23. 
4 Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 5. 

© Act. cap. 25. ver. 13. 23. Dio, lib. 60. pag. 670. 

f Euseb. lib. 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 17. reg. up. 

& Euseb, lib. 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 5. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. Q1 


pesceret: atque ad preces Agrippz Juda et Herodis 
Chalcidis regis pro Judzis edictum Alexandriam misit, 
scriptum in hanc sententiam: ‘‘ Volo" inconcussa esse 
Jura eorum a Caii insania: eisque jus esse perseverandi 
in patriis ritibus. Jubeoque utramque partem, quoad 
potest, dare operam ne quid turbarum commoveatur: id- 
que proposito hoc edicto ita statuo.” 

Korundem quoque regum rogatu, Claudius I. consul 
designatus (primo hoc imperii sui anno) Judzis non solum 
Alexandriz, sed etiam per totum imperium suum sparsim 
habitantibus, permisit ut suo jure et majorum moribus 
uterentur : simul etiam monens, ut hac gratia contenti 
modestius se gererent, neque conspuerent religiones ex- 
ternarum gentium; suis autem suo arbitratu viverent le- 
gibus'. Rome vero, quum Judzi adeo iterum frequentes 
fierent, ut difficulter sine tumultu propter multitudinem 
urbe possent exigi; non ejecit quidem eos, patriis tamen 
legibus vitam agentes convenire vetuit. Reducta quoque 
a Caio collegia dissolvit : et cauponum tabernas, in quibus 
coeuntes potabant, sustulit™. 

Claudius Agrippam regem, presidibus provinciarum et 
procuratoribus omnibus per literas commendatum, ad cu- 
ram sul regni misit. Qui magna celeritate usus Hieroso- 
lymam pervenit : ibique votiva sacrificia persolvit, nihil 
eorum omittens quee lege praescripta sunt. Unde et mul- 
tos Nazirzos tonderi mandavit: et catenam auream dona- 
tam a Caio, monumentum suarum calamitatum et divine 
liberationis, in sacrario supra gazophylacium suspendit. 
Rite vero yvotis Deo redditis, Theophilum Anani filium 
submovit a summo sacerdotio; et Simonem cognomento 
Cantharam, Boethi (Herodis magni soceri) filium, in ejus 
locum substituit. Hierosolymitis deinde amoris ipsorum 
et benevolentiz gratiam retulit, remisso eis tributo quod 
soliti erant in singulas ades pendere. Magistrum autem 
preefecit toti suze militia Silam, quem multorum et diffici- 
lium laborum individuum socium habuerat'. 

Paulo post Dorite quidam juvenes temerarii religionis 


Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 4. i Id. ibid. 
k Dio, lib. 60. pag. 669. ' Joseph. antiqu. lib. £9. cap. 5. 


29 ANNALES 


specie posuerunt in synagoga statuam Cesari. Quo facto 
vehementer rex Agrippa commotus ad iracundiam, sine 
mora ad Petronium Syrize presidem profectus, questus 
est de eorum audacia. Qui et ipse non minus egre ferens 
hoc facinus, ut impium et imperatoris mandatis contra- 
rium, Doritarum magistratibus asperius scripsit: eos qui 
contra edictum Augusti ausi sunt talia, per centurionem 
Vitellium Proculum ad se adduci jubens; et ne quis in 
posterum tale quippiam auderet imperans™. 

Ceesareze Cornelius Romanus centurio cohortis ad legio- 
nem Italicam spectantis, Judaice religionis studiosus sed 
incircumcisus, (cujusmodi proselytos porte et pios natio- 
num Hebrzi appellare solent) quasi hora diei nona ab 
Angelo sibi apparente jussus est Simonem Petrum accer- 
sere; qui per longum jam tempus Joppe moratus fuerat 
apud Simonem coriarium. Qui mandato illius obtempe- 
rans, duos ex famulis suis ad eum misit et militem pium 
ex iis qui cum ipso erant assidui". 

Postridie illis iter facientibus, et appropinquantibus 
urbi, ascendit Petrus in tectum domus ut precaretur, circa 
horam sextam, ubi dum esurienti paratur cibus, in mentis 
excessu posito conspectum est linteum magnum e ceelo de- 
missum, omni animalium genere refertum. De quibus 
cum promiscue comedere jussus, Gentes pro immundis 
habendas non esse didicisset; spiritu monente, postridie 
cum missis a Cornelio, sex Joppensibus quibusdam fratri- 
bus comitantibus, Caesaream perrexit: ubiCornelium cum 
tota familia et amicis quamplurimis in ejus domo congre- 
gatis, concione ad eos habita, ad fidem Christi convertit ; 
atque Spiritu Sancto ccelitus in eos ultro, nulla preecedente 
Petri manuum impositione delapso, Christi baptismo 
tinxit®. 

Audierunt autem apostoli et fratres qui erant in Judea, 
Gentes etiam recepisse sermonem Dei. Quum igitur as- 
cendisset Petrus Hierosolymam, litem ei moverunt qui ex 


™ Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 5, 6. 
" Act. cap. 10. ver. 1—8. cum cap. 9. ver. 43. 
° Act. cap. 10. ver. 9—48. et cap. 11. ver.5—17. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 95 


Judaismo ad Christum erant conversi, quod cum viris in- 
circumcisis conversatus fuisset et cibum sumpsisset. Qui 
cum rem totam ordine eis exposuisset, et sex fratrum qui 
adfuerant testimonio comprobasset; quieverunt illi, et 
clorificaverunt Deum, quod etiam Gentibus dedisset poeni- 
tentiam ad vitam?. 

Rex Agrippa Simonem Cantharam pontificatu privavit : 
quem cum vellet Jonathz Anani filio tradere, renuente 
isto per modestiam, quod jam antea eo honore esset semel 
defunctus, contulit eum in fratrem ejus Matthiam, ab ipso 
ut longe digniorem ei commendatum’. 

Petronius Vibius Marsus in administratione provincie 
Syriz successit’. 

Silas magister militiz regis Agrippz, quia per omnem 
fortunam ei fidus nullius unquam periculi socius esse de- 
trectaverat, fretus amicitia postulabat etiam paris honoris 
esse particeps: et in familiaribus colloquiis molestus erat 
interdum extollens se immodice, et sepe prioris fortunz 
adversitates in memoriam revocans. Que cum sine modo 
repeteret, in tantum regem exasperavit, ut non tantum 
prefecturam illi ademerit, sed etiam vinctum in ipsius pa- 
triam adservandum miserit. Elapso deinde aliquanto tem- 
pore lenitajam ira, quum natalem suum celebraret, accersi- 
vit Silam ut regio interesset convivio. Qui cum protervum 
responsum regi remisisset, eum reliquit in custodia*. 

Ad Hierosolymorum curam rex Agrippa’ conversus, 
muros nove que vocatur civitatis permuniit sumptu pub- 
lico, latioresque et altiores quam ante fuerant reddidit : 
et fecisset adversus omnem humanam vin inexpugnabiles, 
ni Marsus Syriz preses Claudio significasset eam rem per 
literas. Qui suspicatus Judeos molituros aliquid novi, 
diligenter scripsit Agrippe, ut a munienda urbe desisteret: 
atque ille mox paruit'. 

Patefacto jam Gentibus fidei ostio, Cyprii et Cyrenenses 
qui dispersi fuerant post martyrium Stephani Antiochiz in 


P Act. cap. 11. ver. 1—1S. 4 Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 6. 
© Joseph. antiqu, lib, 19. cap. 6. * Id. ibid. lib. 19. cap. 7. 
* Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. 7. 


o4, ANNALES 


Syria Grecis ("EAAnvac hic habet codex antiquissimus 
Alexandrinus, non, ut vulgati, “EAAnvorac) Christum 
predicaverunt: multusque numerus credidit, et conversus 
est ad Dominum. Hoc cum pervenisset ad aures ecclesiz 
Hierosolymitanz, misit ea illuc Barnabam: qui adhorta- 
tus est omnes firmiter adherere Domino. Et adjuncta est 
multa turba Domino". 

Rome fame ingente exorta, Claudius non modo ad 
preesens tempus copie alimentorum, verum in perpetuum 
etiam prospexit. Cum enim frumentum, quo Roma uti- 
tur, omne propemodum aliunde advehatur; et Tiberis 
ostia portus opportunos non haberent: portum Ostiz 
extruxit®, post undecim annos opere zgre absoluto; 
quamvis continuis tredecim hominum millibus sine inter- 
missione operantibus’. 

Fames ista, que secundo Claudii contigit, particularis 
fuit; sicut et altera, undecimo anno illius facta, cujus 
Tacitus’, Suetonius’, et Orosius? meminerunt: non uni- 
versalis illa ab Agabo predicta; quam quarto ejusdem 
anno ccepisse, non solum ex chronico Eusebii et Orosio‘, 
sed etiam ex tempore mortis Herodis Agrippz, cum ea- 
dem fame conjunctz’, manifestum est. 

Barnabas Tarsum abiit, ut quereret Saulum: et eum 
inventum duxit Antiochiam. Factumque est ut annum to- 
tum convenirent in ecclesia, docerentque turbam multam ; 
et discipuli nominarentur primum Antiochiz Christiani°. 
Quod nomen, Latina non Graca forma a Christo deflex- 
um, a Romanis Antiochiz tum agentibus impositum illis 
fuisse videatur. 

Per id tempus descenderunt Hierosolymis prophetz 
Antiochiam: quorum unus Agabus, significavit per Spi- 
ritum, famem magnam futuram in toto terrarum orbe’. 

Lycios, ad ceedem usque Romanorum quorundam tu- 
multuando progressos, Claudius in servitutem redegit, et 


u Act. cap. 11. ver. 20—24. , * Dio, lib. 60. pag. 671, 672. 
¥ Sueton. in Claudio, cap. 20. z Annal. lib. 12. cap. 43. 

4 Jn Claudio, cap. 18. b Lib. 7. cap. 6. 

¢ Lib. 7. cap. 6. d Act. cap. 12. ver. 23. 25. 


e Act. cap. Vi.) ver, 20,26: f Ibid. ver. 27, 28. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 295 


prefecture Pamphyliz adjecit. De qua re quum in curia 
cognosceret, legatum quendam Lycium quidem origine, 
Romanum tamen natum, Latine interrogavit; ac non in- 
telligenti, quid queesivisset, civitatis jus ademit: dicens, 
Romanum eum esse non debere, qui sermonem eum nes- 
ciret®. 

Rex Agrippa, Beryti magnis sumptibus extructo pul- 
cherrimo theatro et amphitheatro et balneis ac porticibus, 
dedicationem eorum splendidissime celebravit: exhibitis 
in theatro spectaculis, et musicorum omne genus certami- 
nibus, aliaque voluptatum varietate; in amphitheatrum 
vero inductis plurimis gladiatorum paribus. Volens de- 
inde spectatores oblectare etiam catervatim commissis 
pugnatoribus, ex maleficis in hoc destinatis duas cohortes 
fecit, septingentorum quamque hominum; ut illis per ima- 
ginem belli decertantibus, pcoena noxiorum in pacis volup- 
tatem verteretur: atque ita omnes mutuis absumpti sunt 
vulneribus'. 

Tiberiadem deinde ad eum venerunt reges, Antiochus 
Commagenze, Emesenorum Sampsigeranus, minoris Ar- 
meniz Cotys, Polemon Ponti, et preter hos Herodes 
frater rex Chalcidis. Quibus adhuc apud eum moranti- 
bus Marsus Syriz preses supervenit. Servans igitur 
Agrippa debitam Romanis reverentiam, usque ad septi- 
mum lapidem obviam ille processit. Et quum eodem cum 
hospitibus curru veheretur; Marsus, suspectam habens 
tantam regum concordiam, per nuncios mandavit singulis, 
ut sine mora discederent. Qua re vehementer Agrippa 
offensus, Marsum exosum habuit'; sapiusque per literas 
Claudium est precatus, ut eum ab administratione rerum 
Syriz amoveret*. 

Matthiz Anani filio ademptum pontificatum Elionao 
Cithzi filio Agrippa dedit'. 

Ingruente fame, que ab Agabo preedicta fuerat, Christiani 
Antiocheni subsidium conferentes fratribus habitantibus 
in Judea, ad seniores illud miserunt per manum Barnabz 


& Dio, lib. 60. pag. 676. h Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. 
i Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. k Jd. lib. 20. cap. 1. 
' Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. 


26 ANNALES 


et Sauli; postquam illi simul per annum jam integrum 
populo Antiocheno verbum Domini przedicavissent™. 

Per id tempus rex Herodes Agrippa (ut Syrus para- 
phrastes recte eum hic nominat) injectis manibus infes- 
tavit nonnullos ex Ecclesia", ut institutis et ritibus patriis 
adversantes: quorum illum religiosissimum fuisse observa- 
torem, Josephus? indicat. 

Interemit autem Jacobum, filium Zebedei, fratrem Jo- 
hannis gladio?. Addit vero ex traditione majorum Cle- 
mens Alexandrinus, libro septimo Hypotyposewn’, eum 
ipsum qui Jacobum in judicium adduxerat, quum testimo- 
nium Christo illum tam libere perhibentem cerneret, se 
etiam Christianum ingenue confessum esse. Ambobus 
igitur una ad supplicium adductis, hune inter eundum a 
Jacobo postulasse veniam sibi concedi: Jacobum autem 
paululum rem animo complexum dixisse, Pax tibi, illum- 
que osculatum esse; et sic tandem utrumque securi per- 
cussum vitam deseruisse. 

Rex videns Jacobi cedem placere Judexis, Petrum 
etiam diebus azymorum conjecit in carcerem, traditum 
quatuor militum quaternionibus ut eum servarent: volens 
eum post Pascha producere populo. Quum autem preces 
pro ipso assidue ad Deum fierent ab Ecclesia, noctu ab 
angelo per miraculum liberatus, venit domum Mariz 
matris Johannis Marci, ubi multi congregati precabantur: 
iisque monitis ut Jacobo (filio Alphei, fratri Domini) et 
reliquis modum liberationis suze annunciarent, profectus est 
in alium locum’. ' 

Herodes spe sua frustratus, innoxios custodes jussit ad 
supplicium rapi: ipseque Czesaream descendens, ibi com- 
moratus est. Erat autem infenso erga Tyrios et Sidonios 
animo. Quorum agri quum ipsis alendis (hoc famis pre- 
sertim tempore) non sufficerent; sed ex vicina Galilea 
et aliis regionibus Herodi subditis victum sibi comparare 
necesse haberent: concorditer venerunt ad eum, et Blasto 


m Act. cap. 11. ver. 26. 29, 30. " Act. cap. 12. ver. 1. 
© Antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. P Act. cap. 12. ver. 2. 
a Apud Euseb. lib. 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 8. ep. 0. 

© Act. cap. 12. ver. 3—17. 


NOVI TESTAMNETI. BY 


ow 


regio cubiculario sibi conciliato pacem petierunt. Statuto 
autem die, Herodes indutus veste regia, et considens pro 
tribunali, concionabatur ad eos: populo acclamante, Vox 
Dei et non hominis. TIllico vero percussit eum angelus 
Domini, eo quod non tribuisset gloriam Deo; et erosus a 
vermibus, animam efilavit’. 

Eandem vero historiam ita Josephus amplificat; bu- 
bonis etiam apparitione adjecta, ne Germanici sui harioli 
divinatio frustranea esse videretur: ‘ Tertium' Jude 
totius regni annum exegerat, (ineunte Jam quarto) cum 
pervenit in urbem Cesaream, que prius Stratonis turris 
dicta est, ubi solennes ludos celebravit pro salute Ce- 
saris: ad quam festivitatem magna multitudo nobilium ac 
procerum convenerat ex tota provincia. Ejus celebritatis 
die secunda, processit mane in theatrum, amictus veste 
tota ex argento mirabili opere contexta, que radiis ori- 
entis solis perculsa, et divinum quendam fulgorem emit- 
tens, venerationem cum honore incutiebat spectantibus. 
Moxque adulatores perniciosi aliunde acclamantes, deum 
consalutabant, rogantes ut faveret propitius; hactenus 
enim et hominem reveritos, nunc agnoscere et fateri in eo 
quiddam mortali natura excellentius. Hanc impiam adu- 
lationem ille nec castigavit, nec repulit: pauloque post 
suspiciens vidit supra caput suum bubonem funi extento 
insidentem; moxque, ut sensit hunc esse calamitatis nun- 
cium qui olim felicitatis fuerat, ex intimis precordiis indo- 
luit. Secuta sunt ventris tormina, statim a principio vehe- 
mentia. Conversis igitur in amicos oculis: En, inquit, 
ego vestra appellatione deus, vitam relinquere jubeor, 
fatal necessitate coarguente vestrum mendaciam ; et quem 
emmortalem salutastis, ad mortem rapior. Sed ferenda est 
voluntas coelestis numinis; neque enim male viximus, imo 
tanta felicitate, ut omnes me beatum predicent. Hee locu- 
tus, crescente dolore discruciabatur. Propere igitur relato 
in regiam rumor sparsus est brevi esse moriturum : quamo- 
brem confestim totus populus una cum uxoribus atque libe- 
ris saccum indutus more patrio supplicabat Deo pro salute 


* Act. cap. 12. ver. 18S—23. © Joseph, antiqu. lib, 19. cap. ult. 


28 ANNALES 


regis, omnia miscens lamentis et ejulatibus. Rex autem 
in celsiore decumbens cubiculo, et in faciem stratos humi 
prospiciens, non temperabat sibi a lachrymis. Cruciatu 
deinde per continuos quinque dies nihil item remittente 
confectus, vitam finiit.” 

Septem regni annos illi tribuit Josephus; quatuor sub 
Caio (demptis videlicet tribus vel quatuor mensibus: ne- 
que enim quatuor integros annos in imperio exegit ipse 
Caius) et tres sub Claudio (tribus itidem aut quatuor men- 
sibus additis:) atque ex annuis reditibus 1200 myriadas 
percepisse eum addit ; neque eas tamen, propter summam 
ipsius munificentiam, sumptibus ejus suffecisse, sed mu- 
tuum preterea pecunias accepisse". 

Priusquam evulgaretur regis obitus, Herodes dynasta 
Chalcidis et Chelcias magister regi militia conspirantes 
simul Aristonem miserunt, qui Silam communem amborum 
inimicum interficeret: quasi hoc a rege mandatum ac- 
ciperet*. 

Agrippe superstites fuerunt, filius quidem unus Agrip- 
pa, annum agens decimum septimum qui Rome eo tem- 
pore educabatur apud Claudium: filia vero tres. Ex 
quibus Bernice nupta erat Herodi patruo, nata annos sex- 
decim ; reliquee duze tum erant virgines. Mariamme de- 
cennis, desponsata a patre Julio Archelao Chelciz filio : 
et Drucilla sexennis, ab eodem desponsata Epiphani filio 
Commagenorum regis Antiochi’. 

Postquam cognitum est excessisse Agrippam, Cxsareze 
et Sebastes (urbium ab avo ipsius conditarum) cives con- 
vicia infanda jactabant in defunctum; militum quoque 
vulgus protractas e palatio filiarum statuas unanimiter 
detulerunt in lupanaria, illisque illudebant modis quos 
turpe sit eloqui; instructisque per loca publica epulis 
convivia celebrabant coronis redimiti et unguentis deli- 
buti, libantes interim Charonti, et sibi invicem propinantes 
pre gaudio quod ex obitu regis conceperant?. 


" Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. x Ibid. 
Y Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. 2 Tbid. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 29 


Verbi Domini sementis crescebat et multiplicabatur. 
Barnabas autem et Saulus reversi sunt Hierosolymis, 
expleto ministerio; simul inde secum Johanne Marco 
assumpto*, 

Rhodios, quod Romanos in crucem sustulissent, Clau- 
dius libertate privavit?. 

Cum vellet Claudius Agrippam juniorem successorem 
paterni regni mittere; liberti et amici qui multum apud 
eum poterant dissuaserunt: negantes tutum, admodum 
adolescenti et vixdum pueritia egresso tantum regnum 
committere ; cul administrando esset impar, quodque 
etiam viriles gravare posset humeros. In quo zquum illi 
visi sunt dicere®; licet ipsi revera inhiarent prefecturis 
illarum regionum, ex quibus possent ditescere. Quo re- 
ferendum illud Taciti*. 

Jude igitur et totius regni Agrippe (quod primi He- 
rodis, avi sui, regno majus erat) praesidem Claudius Cus- 
pium Fadum misit: defuncto hoc honoris tribuens, ne 
Marsum inimicum in regnum ejus induceret. Et ante 
omnia Fado injunxit, ut Cesarienses et Sebastenos acriter 
castigaret, propter inflictam regi mortuo injuriam, contu- 
meliasque illatas filiabus ejus adhuc viventibus: alam 
vero Ceesariensium et Sebastenorum cum quinque illis 
cohortibus ablegaret in Pontum, illic militaturas; milites- 
que e Romanis legionibus Syriam tuentibus delectos in 
illorum locum substitueret. Missa tamen postea lega- 
tione flexerunt Claudium milites, ut manere eos in Judea 
permitteret: qui sequentibus temporibus maximarum ca- 
lamitatum Judzis fuerunt initium, et seminarium belli 
exorti Floro preside’. 

Amoto etiam Marso in gratiam defuncti amici Agrippz 
regis, a Claudio in Syriz prefectura datum esse succes- 
sorem Cassium Longinum, in libri vigesimi initio seribit 
Josephus: licet anno abhine tertio Marsum in Syria adhuc 
presidem Tacitus retineat. 


a Act. cap. 12. ver. 24, 25. > Dio, lib. 60. pag. 681. 
© Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19. cap. ult. 4 Histor, lib. 5. cap. 9. 
© Joseph. antiqu. lib. 19, fin. 


30 ANNALES 


4048. Judzi trans Jordanem fluvium habitantes cum 
Philadelphensibus contenderunt de Niz vici finibus re- 
ferti viris bellicosissimis. 'Transamnenses autem illi, sine . 
consensu primatum et magistratuum, arma capientes Phi- 
ladelphensium multos interfecerunt. Quo cognito, Cus- 
pius Fadus vehementer iratus est ; quod non expectassent 
suum judicium, si putabant sibi factam a Philadelphen- 
sibus injuriam, sed ita temere ad arma concurrissent. 
Comprehensis igitur tribus pracipuis seditionis authori- 
bus, vinciri eos mandavit. Horum unum Annibam no- 
mine affecit supplicio: reliquos duos Amaramum et Elea- 
zarum exilio puniit. Nec ita multo post capitis damnavit 
Tholomeum latronum principem vinctum ad se perduc- 
tum, qui plurima damna intulerat Idumeis et Arabibus : 
deditque operam, ut tota Judea purgaretur a latro- 
ciniis‘. 

Cassius Longinus (vel, juxta Taciti mentem, Vibius 
Marsus) Syriz praeses, Hierosolyma cum copiis veniens, 
et Cuspius Fadus Jude procurator, accitis pontificibus 
et Hierosolymitanorum primatibus, mandatum Cesaris eis 
exposuerunt ; ut stolam et reliqua ornamenta summi pon- 
tificis in arcem Antoniam deponerent, a Romanis ibi cus- 
todienda, quemadmodum ante Vitellii tempora fieri erat 
solitum. Illi non audentes contradicere, rogabant pri- 
mum, ut legatos sibi ad Cesarem liceat mittere, qui ab eo 
petant sacrz stole servandz jus: deinde, ut expectetur 
super ea postulatione rescriptum illius. Responsum est 
permissuros, ut legati mittantur, si prius darentur obsides. 
Quumque prompte liberos suos dedissent, legati profecti 
sunté, 

In ecclesia Antiochena prophete et doctores erant, 
Barnabas, et Simeon Niger, et Lucius Cyrenzeus, et Ma- 
nahem qui fuerat una cum Herode tetrarcha educatus, 
et Saulus. Quibus mimistrantibus Domino, et jejunan- 
tibus, jussit Spiritus Sanctus, Barnabam et Saulum sepa- 
rari a reliquis ad ministerium predicandi evangelii. Hi 


f Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 1. 
& Joseph. antiqu. lib. 15. cap. ult. et lib. 20. cap. 1. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. ai 


jejunio, precibus et manuum impositione ab Ecclesia Deo 
commendati, assumpto secum ministro Johanne Marco, 
Seleuciam venerunt; indeque in Cyprum, Barnabe pa- 
triam, navigaverunt; ubi apud Salaminios primo ccepe- 
runt predicare verbum Dei in synagogis Judzeorum". 

Peragrata deinde insula Paphum usque, invenerunt ibi 
pseudoprophetam Judeum Barjesu, Elymam sive Magum 
cognominatum: qui Sergium Paulum regionis proconsu- 
lem, verbum Dei a Barnaba et Saulo audire desiderantem 
avertere a fide conabatur. Quem cum Saulus acerrime 
increpatum cecitate subito percussisset; proconsul, hoc 
miraculo et doctrina Domini perculsus, ad fidem est con- 
versus. Atque ab eo tempore Saulus novo Pauli nomine 
semper invenitur appellatus. Ipse vero et qui cum eo 
erant provecti Papho, venerunt Pergam Pamphyliz: ubi 
Johannes Marcus abscedens ab eis, reversus est Hiero- 
solymami, 

Legati Hierosolymitani, intercedente Agrippa juniore 
qui tum apud Claudium educabatur, custodiz stole pon- 
tificalis a Vitellio prius concesse confirmationem obtinue- 
runt: impetrato hac de re Claudii, tribunitice potestatis 
quintum annum agentis, ad Hierosolymitanorum magis- 
tratus rescripto, dato quarto Kalendas Julias Rufo et 
Pompeio Sylvano suffectis consulibus, in quo gratificari se 
hic etiam voluisse scripsit Herodi regi Chalcidis et juniori 
Aristobulo sibi devotissimis*. 

Eodem etiam tempore Herodes rex Chalcidis potesta- 
tem in templum et sacrum erarium, jusque eligendorum 
summorum pontificum, a Claudio impetravit!. 

Claudius, quia natali suo defectus solis futurus erat, 
veritus ne quis inde tumultus existeret, quum alia quoque 
prodigia quedam accidissent; antequam fieret, scripto 
publice proposito significavit, non modo futurum id deli- 
quium, et tempus et quantitatem ejus, sed etiam causas 
ob quas nécessario eventurum esset™. Natalis vero Clau- 


h Act. cap. 13. ver. 1—4. i Td. ibid. 
* Joseph. antiqu. lib. 15. cap. ult. et lib. 20. cap. 1. 
! Joseph. antiqu, lib. 20. cap. 1. m Dio, lib. 60. pag. 682. 


32 ANNALES 


~~ 


dii in Kalendas Augusti incidit"; quo die, duabus fere 
horis ante meridiem sol quarta diametrii parte defecit. 

Herodes rex Chalcidis, amoto Simone Canthara, Josepho 
Canei(sive Camydis) filio sammum pontificatum contulit®. 

Theudas quidam prestigiator, prophetam se jactans, 
magne vulgi multitudini persuasit, ut assumptis suis fa- 
cultatibus ipsum ad Jordanem sequerentur: scissurum se 
verbo fluvium et facilem prebiturum transitum promittens. 
In hos Jude procurator Cuspius Fadus turmas immisit 
equitum: qui ex improviso irruentes multos interemerunt, 
multos vivos ceperunt, et in his ipsum Theudam, cujus 
caput abscissum reportarunt Hierosolyma?. 

4049. Paulus et Barnabas digressi Perga, venerunt 
Antiochiam Pisidiz : et ingressi in synagogam die Sabbati, 
post lectionem legis et prophetarum a synagoge prefectis 
ad loquendum sunt invitati. Ubi egregia a Paulo con- 
cione habita, egressos ex Judaorum synagoga Gentes ro- 
gaverunt ut eadem sequente Sabbato ipsis exponerent. 
Solutoque conventu, secuti sunt multi ex Judzis et religi- 
osis proselytis Paulum ac Barnabam: qui alloquentes eos, 
persuaserunt eis ut permanerent in gratia Dei‘. 

Sequente vero Sabbato urbs prope tota convenit ad au- 
diendum sermonem Dei. Visa autem turba, Judzi re- 
pleti invidia, contradicebant iis que a Paulo dicebantur. 
Quorum blasphemiis Paulus et Barnabas commoti, Judzis 
relictis, solis Gentibus Christum predicaverunt. Quibus 
cum letitia evangelium amplectentibus, crediderunt quot- 
quot erant ordinati ad vitam eternam. Perferebatur au- 
tem verbum Domini per totam illam regionem. Unde 
irritati Judei, per mulieres religiosas (proselytas porte 
Hebrzis dictas) et honoratas, ac primos urbis, persecu- 
tione in Paulum et Barnabam excitata, ejecerunt eos a 
finibus suis: qui, excusso pulvere pedum suorum in eos, 
venerunt Iconium. Discipuli vero replebantur gaudio et 
Spiritu Sancto’. 

Iconii Paulus et Barnabas introeuntes synagogam Ju- 
dzorum, ita loquebantur, ut crederet Judzorum simul et 


n Dio, lib. 60. pag. 667. © Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 1. 
P Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 2. fin. 4 Act. cap. 13. ver. 14—43. 
© Act. cap, 13. ver. 44—52. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. v0 


Grecorum magna multitudo. Qui vero increduli fuerunt 
Judzi, incitarunt et male affectos reddiderunt animos 
gentium adversus fratres. Multum vero tempus ibi com- 
morati sunt, libere loquentes, freti Domino; qui testimo- 
nium dabat sermoni gratie sue, dabatque ut signa et 
miracula ederentur per manus eorum’. Quo tempore ad 
Christi fidem conversa putatur Thecla Iconiensis virgo 
nobilissima: cujus tamen acta inter apocrypha merito 
referuntur a septuaginta episcoporum synodo sub Gelasio 
habita. 

Scissa urbis Iconiensis multitudine, alii a Judzis erant, 
alii ab apostolis. Quum autem factus esset impetus 
Gentium ac Judeorum una cum suis primoribus ad eos 
injuriis afficiendos et lapidandos ; perfugerunt in civitates 
Lycaonie Lystram et Derben, et circumjacentem regio- 
nem: ibique evangelium preedicaveruntt. 

Lystre claudo ab utero matris homine a Paulo sanato, 
quum plebs Paulo ut Mercurio, et Barnabe ut Jovi sacri- 
ficare vellet: illi laceratis vestibus honorem illum aver- 
santes, agre eos cohibuerunt ne sibi sacrificarent. Mox 
vero quum Iconio et Antiochia eo venissent increduli 
Judzi, excitato tumultu furiosa plebs Paulum lapidatum 
extra urbem traxit quasi mortuum. Quum autem cir- 
cumstetissent eum discipuli, surrexit, et ingressus est 
urbem". 

Hoe anno, et hoc etiam fortasse tempore, raptus Paulus 
in tertium coelum, verba audiit ineffabilia; ante quatuor- 
decim annos quam ab eo conscriberetur posterior ad 
Corinthios epistola*. Quo spectare putatur Triephonis 
illud, apud Lucianum sive antiquiorem illo authorem dia- 
logi qui Philopatris inscribitur: “‘ Quando me Galilzus 
(sive Christianus) ille convenit recalvaster, naso justo 
preditus, qui in tertium usque ccelum per aerem ingres- 
sus, que optima atque pulcherrima sunt inde didicit ; per 
aquam nos renovavit, in beatorum vestigia insistere fecit ; 
et ex impiorum regionibus nos redemit.” Ita Triephon: 


* Act. cap. 14. ver. 1, 2, 3. t Ibid. ver. 4—7. 
4 Act. cap. 14. ver. 8—20. x 2 Corinth. cap. 12. ver. 2, 3, 4. 
VOL. XI. D 


34: ANNALES 


“Deum alte regnantem, magnum, ztherium, atque zter- 
num, Filium Patris, Spiritum ex Patre procedentem, 
unum ex tribus, et ex uno tria,” ibidem etiam, Christia- 
norum more, predicans. 

Paulus cum Barnaba, profectus Lystra, Derben venit : 
ubi preedicato evangelio, multos Christo lucrifecerunt’. 

Inter alios qui Christo nomen hoc tempore dederunt, 
fuit Timotheus, cum pia matre sua Eunice et avia Loide; 
que ipsum ab infantia in sacrarum literarum scientia in- 
stituendum curaverant. Hic in locis illis tum degens, 
licet adhuc pene puer, persecutionum quas spiritualis 
ipsius pater B. Paulus Antiochie in Pisidia, Iconii et 
Lystree in Lycaonia sustinuit, oculatus testis fuit*. 

Paulus et Barnabas ultra Derben non progressi, Lys- 
tram et Iconium et Antiochiam redierunt: confirmantes 
animos discipulorum, et ad afflictiones fidei causa con- 
stanter tolerandas adhortantes. Et quum constituissent 
illis per singulas ecclesias presbyteros, precatique essent 
cum jejuniis; commendarunt eos Domino in quem credi- 
derant. Deinde peragrata Pisidia, venerunt in Pampliy- 
liam: ac Perge locuti verbum Domini, descenderunt 
Attaliam. Et illinc navigaverunt Antiochiam, unde primo 
profecti fuerant ad opus illud quod impleverant: ubi con- 
gregatz ecclesie retulerunt quanta Deus per ipsos effe- 
cisset, et quomodo Gentibus ostium fidei aperuisset*. 

Cuspio Fado in Judee procuratione successor datus 
est Tiberius Alexander, Alexandri alabarche Alexan- 
drini (veteris amici Claudii) filius ; qui patriam religionem 
Judaicam deseruerat?. 

Sub eo, fame adhuc grassante in Judea, Helena Adia- 
benorum (in Assyrize et Mesopotamiz confiniis) regina, a 
Judzo quodam ad veri Dei cultum conversa, Hierosoly- 
mam ad visendum templum venit, ut ibi Deum adoraret, 
votivasque victimas redderet: copioso viatico instruente, 
et dierum aliquot itinere eam deducente filio Izate rege, 


y Act. cap. 14. ver. 20, 21. 
® Act. cap. 16. ver. 1, 2. 2 Tim. cap. 1. ver. 2. 5. et cap. 3. ver. 11. 15. 
2 Act. cap. 14. ver, 21—27. b Joseph. ant. lib. 20. cap. 3. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. ou 


qui et ipse ab Anania Judzeo mercatore ad eandem reli- 
gionem fuerat traductus. Cumque multos civium illa vi- 
deret perire alimentorum inopia, ex suis alios misit Alex- 
andriam comparaturos vim magnam tritici, alios in Cy- 
prum qui copiam ficuum passarum inde adveherent: 
quibus omnibus brevi reversis, cibos egenis distribuit. 
Filius quoque ejus Izates, comperto quanta fame po- 
pulus laboraret, pecuniam misit Hierosolymitanorum pri- 
matibus®. 

Izates rex quinque adolescentes filios Hierosolymam 
misit, ut linguam et disciplinas Judaicas diligenter disce- 
rent. Mater quoque ejus Helena tres extruxit pyramides, 
tribus ab urbe Hierosolymitana dissitas stadiis: in quibus 
et ipsius et filii Izatis ossa postea sunt condita’; que 
Helene monumenta non solum Josephi, sed etiam Eusebii 
et Hieronymi tempore adhuc extabant*. 

4050. Paulus et Barnabas Antiochie cum discipulis 
non parvum tempus commorati sunt’. Post quod, Paulus 
Christi evangelium usque ad Illyricum propagavisse vi- 
detur, iis qui de Christo nihil adhuc audiverant illud 
preedicando®; eaque perpessus fuisse, que in posteriore 
ad Corinthios epistola” ipse commemorat; nempe, ut Phi- 
lippis postea semel, ita prius bis a Gentibus alibi, caesus 
virgis fuisse; a Judzis quinquies plagas quadragenas una 
minus accepisse: ter naufragium fecisse, noctem ac diem 
in profundo egisse. Cum enim inter Pauli et Barnabe ad 
ecclesiam Antiochenam reditum et eorundem ex ea ad 
concilium Hierosolymitanum institutam profectionem, juxta 
nostras quidem rationes, integrum interpositum repe- 
riatur quinquennium : nusquam alibi commodius reponere 
ista possumus, quam in hoc tanti spatii sacra historic 
silentio. 

Valerio Asiatico consule iterum, Therasia insula, spec- 


© Joseph. ant. lib. 20. cap. 2. et 3. 4 Td. ibid. cap. 2. 
© Joseph, lib. 5. belli, cep. cy. et us. in Graco; vel, lib. 6. cap. 6. et 7. in 
Latino. Euseb. lib. 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 11. keg. o6. et Hieronym. epist. 27. 
f Act. cap. 14. ver. 28. ® Rom, cap. 15. ver. 19, 20. 
h Cap. 11. ver. 24, 25. 
p 2 


ow 


36 ANNALES 


tantibus nautis, in A‘geo mari enata est’, nocte qua defec- 
tus lune acciderat*. Conspecta autem fuit eclipsis 
lune nocte interjecta inter ultimum Decembris diem, 
terminantem annum illum quo secundum consulatum ges- 
sit Valerius Asiaticus, et Kalendas Januarias inchoantes 
consulatum Claudii Augusti IV. et L. Vitellii II. sub 
quo, parvam insulam, ante non visam, apud Theram insu- 
lam enatam esse, retulit Dio’. 

Jacobus et Simon filii Judze Galilei (qui, Quirinio cen- 
sum agente, Judzos ad defectionem solicitabat) a Tiberio 
Alexandro Jude procuratore crucis supplicio attecti 
sunt™, 

Herodes rex Chalcidis, amoto Josepho Camydez filio, 
Ananiam Nebedzi filium pontificem constituit". 

Artabano Parthorum regi, conjugique ac filio, Gotarzes 
necem preparavit®. Moriens vero Artabanus, regnum 
Bardani filio suo reliquit®.. Ambo enim hi fratres, Gotar- 
zes et Bardanes, Artabani potius filii habendi sunt, cum 
Josepho; quam fratres, cum ‘Tacito. 

Bardanes a Parthis, Gotarzis sevitiam metuentibus, ad 
capessendum regnum accitus, ut erat magnis ausis promp- 
tus, biduo tria millia stadiorum invadit, ignarumque et ex- 
territum Gotarzem proturbat: neque cunctatur, quin 
proximas preefecturas corripiat, solis Seleuciensibus domi- 
nationem ejus abnuentibus. In quos, ut patris quoque 
sui defectores, ira magis quam ex usu presenti accensus, 
implicatur obsidione urbis valida, et munimentis objecti 
amnis muroque et commeatibus firmate. Interim Gotar- 
zes Daharum Hyrcanorumque opibus auctus, bellum re- 
novat : coactusque Bardanes omittere Seleuciam, Bactria- 
nos apud campos castra contulit4. 

Nunciata Parthorum discordia summaque imperii ambi- 
gua, Mithridates majoris Armeniz rex, monente Claudio 
Cesare, in regnum remeavit, fratris sui Pharasmanis Ibe- 


i Seneca, natural. quest. lib. 2. cap. 26. et lib. 6. cap. 21. 


k Aurel. Victor, in Claudio. ! Lib. 60. pag. 685. 
m Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 3. 4 Td. ibid. 
© Tacit. annal. lib. 11. cap. 8. P Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 2. 


4 Tacit. annal. lib. 11. cap. 8. 


on 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. od 


rorum regis fisus opibus. Et quidem distractis eo mode 
orientis viribus, et quonam inclinarent incertis, Armeniam 
ille occupavit: Romano milite castellorum ardua_ subi- 
gente, simulque Ibero exercitu campos persultante. Ne- 
que enim restitere Armenii, fuso qui prelium ausus erat 
Demonacte prefecto. Paululum cunctationis attulit rex 
minoris Armeniz Cotys, versis illuc quibusdam procerum: 
sed eo literis Cesaris coercito, cuncta in Mithridatem 
fluxere, atrociorem quam novo regno conduceret’. 

Quum Gotarzes et Bardanes pugnam pararent, Gotarze 
popularium insidias fratri patefaciente, complexi dextras, 
apud altaria pepigere, fraudem inimicorum ulcisci, atque 
ipsi inter se concedere. Cumque potior Bardanes regno 
retinendo fuisset visus: Gotarzes, ne quid emulationis 
existeret, penitus in Hyrcaniam abiit’. 

Regresso Bardani dedita est Seleucia, septimo post de- 
fectionem anno. Exin validissimas preefecturas ille inva- 
sit: et recuperare Armeniam in animo habebat, ni Vibio 
Marso (vel, juxta Josephum, Cassio Longino potius) Syriz 
legato bellum minitante cohibitus foret*. , 

Tiberio Alexandro in Jude administratione Ventidius 
Cumanus successit ; et vita decessit Herodes rex Chalci- 
dis Agrippz magni frater, anno imperii Claudii octavo; 
relictis tribus filiis superstitibus, quorum Aristobulus ex 
priore uxore Mariamme natus est: e Bernice vero fratris 
filia Bernicianus et Hyrcanus". 

Instante Paschatis festo, concurrentibus undique ad so- 
Jennitatem turbis plurimis, Cumanus (precedentium presi- 
dum exemplo) jussit cohortem unam armatam stare supra 
templi porticus ; cohibituram tumultum, si quis forte exis- 
teret. Ejus festi die quarta quidam miles nudatas obscee- 
nas corporis partes populo ostendit, Qua contumelia fu- 
rentes Judzi vociferabantur non se affectos, sed ipsum 
Deum, quem honoraret ea celebritas : et quidam audacio- 
res in Cumanum jactabant convicia, dicentes ab illo sub- 
missum petulantem illum militem. His auditis, Cumanus 


* Tacit. annal. lib: 11. cap. 8. et 9. § Id. ibid. cap. 9. 
* Tacit. annal. lib. 11. cap. 9. u Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 3. 


38 ANNALES 


et ipse non mediocriter turbatus est: rogabat tamen ut 
desinerent movere seditionem festo tempore. Cumque 
impeterent eum conviciis, jussit totum exercitum armis 
convenire in Antoniam, castellum templo imminens. Vul- 
garis autem multitudo viso adventu militum territa, ccepit 
magno impetu fugere: et cum essent angusti viarum exi- 
tus, ratia tergo hostem insequi, comprimebant se inter 
fugiendum et conculcabant in angustiis: ita ut viginti mil- 
lia extinctorum illo tumultu numerata fuerint ; quemad- 
modum in libro vigesimo antiquitatum, capite quarto, 
habet Josephus. In libro: vero secundo belli Judaici", 
Umio Tove puplovc, supra decem millia, periisse legimus : 
ubi, uz?o reiouvolove, supra triginta millia, Rufinus legit ; 
eundem quoque numerum Eusebio, tum in chronico, tum 
in ecclesiasticze historiz libro secundo*, et Orosio’ reti- 
nentibus. 

Quidam qui ex illa turba fugientes evaserant, in publica 
via, juxta Bethoron, centesimo ab urbe stadio Stephanum 
Cesaris servum iter facientem aggressi sunt latrocinio, 
omnesque ejus diripuerunt sarcinas. Quo audito Cuma- 
nus confestim eo misit milites, jussos ut vicos loco propin- 
quos diriperent. In hac populatione miles quidam libros 
Mosaicos in quodam vico inventos protulit, eosque lacera- 
vit in conspectu omnium; multis debacchatus et in legem 
et in totam gentem conviciis. Hoc ubi ad Judeos perla- 
tum est, facto concursu agmine magno petunt Czsaream, 
in qua tum Cumanus agebat; supplicantes ut non suam, 
sed leesi numinis ulcisceretur injuriam. ‘Tum preses ve- 
ritus defectionem populi, de amicorum consilio militem il- 
lum violatorem legis securi feriit ; atque hoe modo tumul- 
tum jam repullulantem sedavit’. 

Apollonius 'Tyaneus, ad Indos itinere instituto, urbem 
Babyloniam intravit mense secundo anni tertii regni Bar- 
danis: ibique cum rege congressus est*. 


W Cap. 11. keg. Kk. x Cap. 18. keg. 19. 
y Lib. 7. cap. 6. Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 3. 


2 Philostrat. in vita Apollon. lib, 1. cap. 19. et 20. collat. cum Eusebio, in 
Hieroclem. 


Oo 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 39 


Gotarzes poenitentia concessi regni, et revocante nobili- 
tate, cui in pace durius servitium est, contraxit copias. 
Huic contra itum est ad amnem Erindem: in cujus trans- 
gressu multum certato pervicit Bardanes, prosperisque 
preliis medias nationes subegit, ad fiumen Sinden, quod 
Dahas Ariosque disterminat. Ibi modus rebus secundis 
positus: nam Parthi quanquam victores, longinquam mi- 
litiam aspernabantur. Igitur extructis monumentis, qui- 
bus opes suas testabatur, nec cuiquam ante Arsacidarum 
tributa illis de gentibus parta, Bardanes regreditur: in- 
gens gloria, atque eo ferocior, et subjectis intoleratior”. 

Bardanes ad Izatem Adiabenorum regem profectus, ut 
vellet sibi belliadversus Romanos gerendi esse socius, ei 
suasit. Quem a proposito deducere conabatur Izates, 
continenter denarrans ei Romanorum gesta et potentiam. 
Bardanes autem his offensus, continuo bellum indixit 
Izatz : quod tamen, morte praeventus, exequi non potuit®. 
Parthi enim postquam mentem ejus cognoverunt, et quod 
Romanis bellum inferre statueret, dolo ante composito, in- 
cautum venationique intentum interfecerunt primam intra 
juventam; sed claritudine paucos inter senum regum, si 
perinde amorem inter populares, quam metum apud hos- 
tes quesivisset*, 

Nece Bardanis turbatze Parthorum res, inter ambiguos 
quis inregnum acciperetur. Multi ad Gotarzen inclina- 
bant; quidam ad Meherdatem, Vononis J. filii Phraatis 
III. filium, qui obses Romanis fuerat datus. Deinde pre- 
valuit Gotarzes: potitusque regia, per sevitiam ac luxum 
adegit Parthos mittere ad Claudium Romam occultas 
preces, quibus mitti Meherdatem patrium ad regnum 
orabant®. Gotarzis dominationem, nobilitati plebique jux- 
ta intolerandam, apud eum conquesti. Jam enim fratres, 
jam propinquos, jam longius sitos, cedibus exhaustos ; 
adjici conjuges gravidas, liberos parvos: dum socors domi, 
bellis infaustus, ignaviam szevitia tegat’. 


» Tacit. annal. lib. 11. cap. 10. € Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 2. 
4 Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 2. Tacit. annal. lib. 11. cap. 10. 
© Tacit. annal, lib. 11, cap. 10. f Id. ibid. lib. 12. cap, 10. 


40 ANNALES 


Quum dux Romanus Didius e regno Bosphorano Mith- 
ridatem expulisset, et fratrem ejus Cotyn juventa rudem 
in eo collocasset, robur exercitus inde abduxit; paucis 
tantum cohortibus, cum Julio Aquila equite Romano, 
novo regi ibi relictis. Mithridates amissis opibus vagus, 
concivit nationes, illexit pefugas, postremoque exercitu 
coacto, regem Dandaridarum exturbavit, imperioque ejus 
potitus est’. 

Parthorum legatis auditis, Claudius Meherdatem eis 
regem dedit; monitum, ut non dominationem et servos, 
sed rectorem et cives cogitaret, clementiamque ac justi- 
tiam capesseret. Datumque est C. Cassio, qui Syriz 
preeerat, deducere juvenem ripam ad Euphratis". 

Ka tempestate Cassius ceteros praeminebat peritia le- 
gum, militarium artium ignarus. Quantum tamen sine 
bello dabatur, revocabat priscum morem, legiones ea eura 
exercitando ac si hostis ingrueret ; ita dignum majoribus 
suis, et familia Cassia ratus, per illas quoque gentes cele- 
brata. Excitis igitur quorum de sententia petitus rex, 
positisque castris apud Zeugma, unde maxime pervius 
amnis, postquam illustres Parthi, rexque Arabum Acbarus 
(sive Abgarus) advenerat, monuit Meherdatem, barbaro- 
rum impetus acres cunctatione languescere, aut in per- 
fidiam mutari; itaque urgeret ccepta. Quod spretum 
fraude Acbari, juvenem ignarum et summam fortunam in 
luxu ratum, multos per dies attinuit apud oppidum Edes- 
sam’, 

Quum Mithridates, Dandaridarum imperio potitus, jam 
jamque Bosphorum invasurus crederetur; diffisi prepriis 
viribus Aquila et Cotys, quia Zorsines Siracorum (ad 
Caucasum) rex Mithridati se adjunxerat, externas et ipsi 
gratias quzesivere, missis legatis ad Eunonem qui Aorso- 
rum (inter Scythas) genti precellebat. Nec fuit im arduo 
societas, potentiam Romanam adversus rebellem Mithri- 
datem ostentantibus. Igitur pepigere, equestribus pra- 
liis Eunones certaret, obsidia arbium Romani capesse- 
rent*. 


= Tacit. annal. lib. 12. cap. 15. h Jd. ibid. cap. 11. 
? Tacit. annal. lib. 12. cap. 12. k Td, ibid. cap, 15, 


NOVI TESTAMENTI, 4] 


Tum composito agmine incedunt: cujus frontem et 
terga Aorsi, media Romane cohortes et Bosphorani tu- 
tabantur: sic pulsus hostis, ventumque Soza oppidum Dan- 
darice ; quod desertum a Mithridate, ob ambiguos popu- 
larium animos obtineri, relicto ibi preesidio, visum. Ad 
Siracos deinde pergunt: et transgressi amnem Pandam, 
circumveniunt urbem Uspem, editam loco, et moenibus 
ac fossis munitam, nisi quod moenia non saxo sed cratibus 
junctis et media humo adversum irrumpentes invalida 
erant; educteeque altius turres, facibus atque hastis tur- 
babant obsessos. Ac ni prelium nox diremisset, ccepta 
patrataque expugnatio eundem intra diem foret'. 

Postero die misere legatos, veniam liberis corporibus 
orantes. Servitii decem millia offerebantur. Quod as- 
pernati sunt victores, quia trucidare deditos seevum, tan- 
tam multitudinem custodia cingere arduum: ut belli potius 
jure caderent. Datumque militibus, qui scalis evaserant, 
signum cedis. Kixcidio Uspensium ceteris metus injec- 
tus, nihil tutum ratis, cum arma, munimenta, impediti vel 
eminentes loci, amnesque et urbes juxta perrumperentur. 
Itaque Zorsines diu pensitato Mithridatisne rebus ex- 
tremis an patrio regno consuleret; postquam prevaluit 
gentilis utilitas, datis obsidibus, apud effigiem Cesaris 
procubuit: magna gloria exercitus Romani, quem incru- 
entum et victorem, tridui itinere abfuisse ab amne Tanai 
constitit. Sed in regressu dispar fortuna fuit: quia na- 
vium quasdam, que mari remeabant, in litora 'Taurorum 
delatas circumvenere barbari, prafecto cohortis et pleris- 
que aliis interfectis™. 

Interea Mithridates, nullo in armis subsidio relicto, 
consultat cujus misericordiam experiretur. Frater Cotys 
proditor olim, deinde hostis metuebatur. Romanorum 
nemo id authoritatis aderat, ut promissa ejus magni pen- 
derentur. Ad Eunomen igitur confugiens, regiam ingre- 
ditur, genibusque ejus provolutus, ‘‘ Mithridates,” inquit, 
‘‘ terra marique a Romanis per tot annos quesitus, sponte 
adsum. Utere ut voles prole magni Achzmenis: quod 


' Tacit. annal. lib, 12. cap. 16. m Td. ibid. cap. 17. 


2 ANNALES 

nihi solum hostes non abstulerunt.” Eunones claritudine 
viri, mutatione rerum, et prece haud degenere permotus, 
legatos literasque ad Cesarem mittit; quibus pro Mithri- 
date non potentiam neque regnum precabatur, sed ne 
triumpharetur, neve poenas capite expenderet. Claudius 
vero ambigens, venia an peena illum afficeret, tandem ad 
mitiorem sententiam est perductus". 

4055. Quum Carrhenes Meherdatem ad rem gerendam 
vocaret, promptasque res ostentaret si citi advenirent; 
ille malo ductus consilio, non cominus Mesopotamiam, sed 
flexu Armeniam petiit, id temporis importunam, quia hy- 
ems occipiebat. Exin nivibus et montibus fessi, post- 
quam campis propinquabant, copiis Carrhenis sunt ad- 
juncti. Transmissoque amne Tigri, permearunt Adia- 
benos ; quorum rex Izates societatem Meherdatis palam 
induerat, sed in Gotarzen per occulta et magis fida incli- 
nabat. In transitu tamen capta est urbs Ninos vetustis- 
sima sedes Assyriz®. 

Mithridates Bosphoranus, per Junium Cilonem pro- 
curatorem Ponti Romam perductus, ferocius quam pro. 
fortuna disseruisse apud Claudium ferebatur: elataque 
vox ejus in vulgum hisce verbis: ‘* Non sum remissus ad 
te, sed reversus: vel si non credis, dimitte et quere.” 
Vultu quoque interrito permansit, quum juxta rostra cus- 
todibus circumdatus visui populo preberetur. Consu- 
laria insignia Ciloni, Aquile pretoria sunt decreta?. 

Quum Bithyni Junium hunc Cilonem prefectum suum, 
jus dicente Claudio, munerum haud mediocriter captorum 
multis clamoribus postea accusarent, Claudiusque pre 
turba non intelligens quid vellent, assistentes interrogaret 
quidnam dicerent Bithyni; Narcissum, in Cilonis gratiam 
mentitum, respondisse ferunt, agere eos gratias Junio: 
idque credentem Claudium subdidisse, ‘‘ Preesit ergo ad- 
huc eis alterum biennium?.” Hoc vero tempore Cadius 
Rufus, iisdem Bithynis accusantibus, lege repetundarum 
damnatus est". 


n Tacit. ann. lib. 12.cap.-18, 19, 20. ° Id. ibid. cap. 12. et 13. 
P Tacit. annal. lib. 12. cap. 21. 4 Dio, lib. 60. pag. 687. 
® Tacit. annal. lib. 12, cap. 22. et histor. lib. 1. cap. 77. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI, AS 


- Iturei et Judai, defunctis regibus Sohemo atque Agrip- 
pa, provincia Syriz additi sunt’. Agrippe quidem ju- 
nioris regnantis annos hinc deduci, et ex Josepho apparet, 
principium belli Judaici (quod mense Maio anni vulgatz 
nostree zre Christiane LX VI. coeptum est) in decimum 
septimum regnum Agrippz annum conjiciente’; et ex 
nummo Greco, suo loco exhibendo, in quo Judea capta 
(circa mensem Septembrem anni ejusdem ere LXX.) 
Agrippz anno vigesimo primo fuisse significatur. Verum 
huic non Judzeze regnum quod Agrippa pater, sed Chal- 
cidis quod Herodes patruus habuerat, Claudius donavit ; 
simul cum potestate in templum Hierosolymitanum et sa- 
crum erarium, atque jure eligendi summos_ pontifices, 
quee idem patruo ipsius prius concesserat. Paternum vero 
regnum ita provincia Syriz est additum, ut proprios 
tamen procuratores a Cesare acciperet: Ventidio Cumano 
Jude et Galileeze administrationem hoc tempore, ut an- 
tea, retinente, in interjectam autem inter utramque Sama- 
riam misso procuratore Felice, Claudii et matris ejus An- 
tonize liberto; qui ab hac Antonii, ab illo Claudii prz- 
nomen acceperat. Is frater alterius liberti Pallantis fuit: 
quem apud patronum Claudium flagrantissima gratia tum 
fuisse, a ‘T'acito" est notatum. 

Gotarzes apud montem Sambulon vota diis loci susce- 
pit, pracipua religione Herculis. Nondum vero satis 
aucto exercitu, flumine Corma pro munimento est usus. 
Et quanquam per insectationes et nuncios ad prelium 
vocaretur, nectebat moras, locos mutabat, et missis cor- 
ruptoribus exuendam ad fidem hostes emercabatur. Ex 
quibus Izates Adiabenus, et rex Acbarus Arabum Edes- 
senorum cum exercitu abscesserunt; levitate gentili, et 
quia experimentis cognitum est, Barbaros malle Roma 
petere reges quam habere. At Meherdates validis auxi- 
liis nudatus, czeterorum proditione suspecta, quod unum 
reliquum, rem in casum dare, prelioque experiri statuit. 


* Tacit. annal. lib. 12. cap. 23. 
t Lib. 2. belli, cap. 13. fin. Keg. Ke. init, 
" Annal. lib. 11. cap. 29. 


44, ANNALES 


Nec detrectavit pugnam Gotarzes, diminutis hostibus 
ferox. Concursumque magna cede, et ambiguo eventu : 
donec Carrhenem profligatis obversis, longius evectum 
integer a tergo globus circumveniret. Tum omni spe 
perdita, Meherdates promissa Parrhacis paterni clientis 
secutus, dolo ejus vincitur, traditurque victori. Atque 
ille non propinquum neque Arsacis de gente, sed alieni- 
genam et Romanum increpans, auribus decisis vivere 
jubet, ostentui clementia suze et in Romanos dehones- 
tamento*. 

Josephus Matthiz filius, quartum decimum etatis an- 
num agens, ex literarum studiis eam laudem est conse- 
cutus, ut etiam a pontificibus et urbis Hierosolymitanee 
primatibus de penitiori legum sensu consuleretur: quem- 
admodum in libro de vita sua ipse de se narrat. 

Gotarze morbo obeunte, in regnum Parthicum accitus 
Vonones, Medis tum preesidens, brevi et inglorio imperio 
perfunctus est: resque Parthorum in filium ejus Volo- 
gesen sunt translate; qui, materna origine ex pellice 
Greca, concessu fratrum regnum est adeptus. Ita Ta- 
citus’. Gotarzi vero, sublato per insidias, Vologesem 
fratrem successisse, scribit Josephus’; duobus eum ger- 
manis eodem secum patre genitis regna distribuisse ad- 
dens; Pacoro grandiori Mediam, 'Tiridati minori Ar- 
meniam. 

Bellum inter Armenios Tberosque exortum est: quod 
Parthis quoque ac Romanis gravissimorum inter se mo- 
tuum causa fuit. Iberos Pharasmanes vetusta posses- 
sione, Armenios frater ejus Mithridates ope Romanorum 
obtinebat. Erat Pharasmani filius Rhadamistus, decora 
proceritate, vi corporis insignis, claraque inter accolas 
fama. Quum in paternum regnum affectaret, Phar- 
asmanes vergentibus jam annis sibi metuens, aliam ad 
spem juvenem trahere ccepit, et Armeniam ostentare, 
pulsis Parthis datam Mithridati a semet memorando: sed 
vim differendam, et potiorem esse dolum adjiciens, quo 


* Tacit. annal. lib. 12. cap. 14. ¥ Ibid. et cap. 44. 
= Antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 2. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 45 


incautum opprimerent. Ita Rhadamistus, simulata adver- 
sus patrem discordia, tanquam novercz odiis impar, per- 
rexit ad patruum: multaque ab eo comitate cultus, pri- 
mores Armeniorum ad res novas illexit?. 

Rhadamistus, reconciliationis specie assumpta, regressus 
ad patrem, que fraude confici potuerint prompta nuntia- 
vit, caetera armis exsequenda. Interim Pharasmanes belli 
causas confingit: prelianti sibi adversus regem Albano- 
rum, et Romanos auxilio vocanti fratrem adversatum; 
eamque injuriam excidio ipsius ultum iturum. Simul 
maenas copias filio tradidit. Ille eruptione subita terri- 
tum exutumque campis Mithridatem compulit in castellum 
Gorneas, tutum loco ac presidio militum, quibus Ccelius 
Pollio prafectus, centurio Casperius preerat. Rhada- 
mistus frustra vel cum damno tentatis munitionibus, ava- 
ritiam prefecti emercatur; obtestante Casperio, ne socius 
rex, ne Armenia donum populi Romani, scelere et pecunia 
venderentur. Postremo quia multitudinem hostium Pol- 
lio, jussa patris Rhadamistus, obtendebant, pactus indu- 
cias abscedit: ut nisi Pharasmanem bello absterruisset, 
T’.. Numidium Quadratum presidem Syria doceret, quo in 
statu Armeniz forent?. 

Periodus Calippica sexta incipit. 

Digressu Casperii centurionis velut custode exsolutus 
Pollio praefectus, Mithridatem ad foedus cum Pharas- 
mane, seniore fratre, sanciendum hortatur; catera quo- 
que necessitudinum nomina referens, quod filiam ejus in 
matrimonio haberet, quod ipse Rhadamisto socer esset. 
Cunctante Mithridate, et suspectis preefecti consiliis quod 
pellicem polluerat, inque omnem libidinem venalis habe- 
batur; Casperius interim a Pharasmane, ut Iberi obsidio 
abscedant, expostulat. Ille propalam incerta, et sepius 
molliora respondens, secretis nuntiis monet Rhadamistum, 
oppugnationem quoque modo accelerare. Augetur fla- 
gitii merces, et Pollio occulta corruptione impellit milites, 
ut pacem flagitarent, seque presidio abituros minitaren- 
tur. Qua necessitate, Mithridates diem locumque foederi 


® Tacit. annal. lib, 12. cap, 44. > [bid. cap. 45. 


46 ANNALES 


accepit, castelloque egreditur. Ac primo Rhadamistus in 
amplexus ejus effusus, simulavit obsequium, socerum ac 
parentem appellans. Adjecit et jusjurandum, non ferro, 
non veneno vim allaturum: simul in locum propinquum 
traxit, provisu suo illic sacrificium paratum dictitans, ut 
diis testibus pax firmaretur. Ibi vero prostrato Mithri- 
dati injiciuntur catenz: tandemque jussis Pharasmanis 
acceptis, Rhadamistus quasi jurisjurandi memor patruum 
et socerum suum, ejusque conjugem sororem suam, pro- 
jectos in humum et veste multa gravique opertos necavit. 
Filii quoque ejus, quod czdibus parentum illachrymave- 
rant, trucidati sunt®. 

Quadratus cognoscens proditum Mithridatem, et reg- 
num ab interfectoribus obtineri, vocat concilium, docet 
acta, et an ulcisceretur consultat. Paucis decus pub- 
licum cure: plures absistendum ab ultione censent. Ne 
tamen annuisse facinori viderentur, et diversa Cesar pre- 
ciperet ; missi ad Pharasmanem nuntii sunt, ut abscederet 
a finibus Armenie, filiumque abstraheret*. 

4055. Erat Cappadocie procurator Julius Pelignus, 
ignavia animi et deridiculo corporis juxta despiciendus ; 
sed Claudio perquam familiaris, cum privatus olim iners 
otium oblectaret. Is Pelignus auxiliis provincialium con- 
tractis, tanquam recuperaturus Armeniam, dum socios 
magis quam hostes predatur, abscessu suorum, et incur- 
santibus barbaris, preesidii egens, ad Rhadamistum venit : 
donisque ejus evictus, ultro regium insigne sumere cohor- 
tatur; sumentique adest author et satelles. Quod ubi 
turpi fama divulgatum; ne cxteri quoque ex Peligno 
conjectarentur, Helvidius Priscus legatus cum legione 
mittitur, rebus turbidis pro tempore ut consuleret. Ita- 
que propere montem Taurum transgressus, moderatione 
plura quam vi composuerat: cum redire in Syriam jube- 
tur, ne initium belli adversus’ Parthos existeret. Nam 
Vologeses casum invadende Armeniz obvenisse ratus, 
quam, a majoribus suis possessam, externus rex flagitio 
obtineret, contraxit copias, fratremque Tiridatem dedu- 


© Tacit. annal. lib, 12. cap. 46, 47. 4 Id. ibid. cap. 48. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 47 


cere in regnum paravit; ne qua pars domus sine imperio 
ageret. Incessu Parthorum, sine acie pulsi beri: urbes- 
que Armeniorum Artaxata et Tigranocerta jugum acce- 
pere. Dein atrox hyems, seu parum provisi commeatus, 
et orta ex utroque tabes, perpellunt Vologesen omittere 
preesentia®. 

Vacuam rursus Armeniam Rhadamistus invasit, trucu- 
lentior quam antea, tanquam adversus defectores, et in 
tempore rebellaturos. Atqui illi, quamvis servitio sueti, 
patientiam abrumpunt, armisque regiam circumveniunt. 
Nec aliud Rhadamisto subsidium fuit, quam pernicitas 
equorum quibus seque et Zenobiam conjugem abstulit. 
Sed conjux gravida, primam utcunque fugam ob metum 
hostilem et mariti charitatem toleravit. Post festinatione 
continua, ubi quati uterus, et viscera vibrantur, oravit ut 
morte honesta contumeliis captivitatis eximeretur. Ile 
primo amplecti, allevare, adhortari, modo virtutem admi- 
rans, modo timore eger, ne quis relicta potiretur. Pos- 
tremo violentia amoris, et fascinorum non rudis distringit 
acinacem, vulneratamque ad ripam Araxis trahit, flumini 
tradit, ne corpus etiam auferretur. Ipse praeceps Iberos 
ad patrium regnum pervadit. Interim Zenobiam placida 
illuvie spirantem, ac vitee manifestam, advertere pastores; 
et dignitate forme haud degenerem reputantes, obligant 
vulnus, agrestia medicamenta adhibent; cognitoque no- 
mine et casu, in urbem Artaxata ferunt. Unde publica 
cura deducta ad Tiridatem, comiterque excepta, cultu 
regio habita est’. 

Quidam Christiani nominis professores, e secta Phari- 
seorum, Antiochiam e Judea descendentes, Christianos 
ex Gentibus circumcidi oportere dicebant et legem Mosis 
observare, si salvi esse vellent; multorum in Syria et 
Cilicia fratrum animas perversa sua doctrina perturbantes. 
Quibus Paulus et Barnabas acriter se opposuerunt?. Kos 
“ apsoakrove PevdadéApove, irreptitios falsos fratres,” 


© Tacit. annal. lib. 12. cap. 49, 50. f Id. cap. 50, 51. 
& Act. cap. 15. ver. 1, 2. 5, 23, 24. 


48 ANNALES 


appellat Paulus", eorumque antesignanum Cerinthum he- 
resiarcham fuisse, docent Philastrius', et Epiphanius*. 

Paulus, annis quatuordecim post profectionem Hieroso-- 
lymitanam triennio a conversione sua exacto susceptam,, 
ascendit Hierosolymam una cum Barnaba'; utroque cum 
aliis nonnullis ab ecclesia Antiochena eo misso, ut apos- 
tolorum Hierosolymitanorum (quorum nomine ad dogma 
suum tutandum turbones isti sunt abusi) de oborta con- 
troversia sententiam exquirerent™. 

Ascendit autem Paulus ex revelatione, assumpto simul 
et Tito Greco: quem ad circumcisionem cogi noluit, ne 
falsis illis fratribus ad momentum cedere videretur". 

Paulus et Barnabas in itinere per Phoeniciam et Sama- 
riam narrantes conversionem Gentium, fratres omnes mag- 
no affecerunt gaudio. Et quum pervenissent Hierosoly- 
mam, excepti sunt ab ecclesia, et ab apostolis ac presby- 
teris ; et retulerunt quanta Deus per ipsos effecerat?. 

Paulus privatim primariis inter apostolos, Jacobo, 
Petro et Johanni, qui existimabantur esse columnz, ex- 

posuit evangelium quod preedicabat inter Gentes. Qui 
“cum vidissent ipsi concreditum fuisse evangelium inter 
Gentes sicut Petro inter Judzeos, et cognovissent gratiam 
ipsi datam, dextras societatis dederunt ei ac Barnabe ; ut 
illi apud Gentes, ipsi vero apud Judeos apostolatu fun- 
gerentur; monentes tantum, ut pauperum qui Hierosoly- 
mis erant sublevandorum curam susciperent?. 

Concilio apostolorum et presbyterorum Hierosolymis 
habito, quum post multam disceptationem Petrus senten- 
tiam suam dixisset, Barnabas et Paulus exposuerunt 
quanta per ipsos miracula Deus inter Gentes edidisset. 
Concludente deinde Jacobo, communi apostolorum et 
presbyterorum et totius ecclesia decreto nihil aliud cre- 
dentibus Gentibus imponi placuit, quam ut ab idolothytis, 
scortatione, suffocato, et sanguine abstinerent. In quam 
sententiam synodica ab iis ad Antiochenos et reliquos in 


h Galat. cap. 2. ver. 4. 1 De heres. cap. 87. 

k Heres. 28. 1 Galat. cap. 2. ver. 1. 

m Act. cap. 15. ver. 2, 3. 24. " Galat. cap. 2. ver. 1—5. 

© Act. cap. 15. ver. 3, 4. P Galat. cap. 2. ver. 2. 7._9, 10. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 49 


Syria et Cilicia fratres scripta est epistola: quam primi 
nominis in ecclesia viris, Judz cognomento Barsabe et 
Silz, cum Paulo et Barnaba, Antiochiam perferendam 
tradiderunt. Qui cum Antiochiam venissent, reddita et 
lecta epistola, magno fratres gaudio perfuderunt: Juda 
quoque et Sila, qui et ipsi prophetz erant, multo eos ser- 
mone confirmantibus?. 

Aliquanto post, Juda ad apostolos reverso, Sila visum 
est Antiochiz manere: ubi Paulus quoque et Barnabas, 
cum aliis multis, verbum Domini preedicaverunt’. 

Josephus Matthiz filius, anno ztatis decimo sexto cui- 
nam Judzorum sectz sese addiceret deliberans, omnium 
trium (Phariszeorum scilicet Sadduczeorum et Essenorum) 
duro et magno labore cepit experientiam’. 

Pallanti Claudii liberto preetoria insignia, et centies 
quinquagies sestertium decreta suntt. 

Quum Galileis, ad festum Hierosolymam proficiscen- 
tibus, per Samariam necessario esset transeundum"; ad 
vicum Samaritarum Nain (aliter Geman) in magno campo 
situm, Galileo quodam interfecto, indeque pugna inter 
viatores et vicanos orta, multi Galilaorum desiderati sunt. 
Id indigne ferentes eorum primates, ad arma Judzos con- 
civerunt, hortantes ut se in libertatem assererent. Servi- 
tutem enim etiam per se molestam, tum vero fieri intolera- 
bilem, si cum subditorum injuriis conjuncta sit. Hieroso- 
lymis igitur, relicta diei solennitate, armatum vulgus in 
Samariam impetum fecit ; nec cuiquam principum suorum 
retinenti acquiescere voluit. Asciti quoque in auxilium 
latronum duces, Eleazarus Dinezi filius et Alexander, in 
Acrabatene regioni conterminos Samaritas irruentes, pro- 
miscuam ediderunt cedem; et a nullius etatis exitio tem- 
perantes, vicos etiam inflammaverunt. At Cumanus, cog- 
nitis que gesta fuerant, assumpsit secum unam equitum 
Sebastenorum alam, et quatuor cohortes peditum: arma- 
tisque etiam Samaritanis, contra Judzos profectus eosque 


4 Act. cap. 15. ver. 6—32. T Id. ibid. ver. 33, 34, 35. 
* Joseph. de vita sua. t Tacit. ann. lib. 12. cap. 53. 
u Johan. cap. 4. ver. 3, 4. Mi 

VOL. XI. E 


50 ANNALES 


assecutus, multos eorum qui Eleazarum erant secuti inter- 
fecit, plures vero captos abduxit. ‘Tum vero Hierosoly- 
mitanorum primores, ut viderunt ad quantam calamitatem 
ventum esset, induti saccos et capita sparsi cinere, reli- 
quam multitudinem que ad vastandos Samaritanorum 
fines irruerat, precabantur ut ab incepto desinerent ; pre 
oculis ponentes diruendam patriam, templum incenden- 
dum, liberosque cum uxoribus captivos abducendos : 
rogabantque ut depositis armis suas quisque domos repe- 
teret. Quibus Judzi tandem acquiescentes, recesserunt ; 
latrones vero ad loca munita reversi sunt denuo. Atque 
ex eo tempore universa Judea repleta est latronum recep- 
taculis*. 

Samaritanorum primates Numidium Quadratum Syriz 
presidem tune Tyri degentem convenerunt ; vindictam de 
Judzis, qui vicos eorum diripuerant et incenderant, pos- 
tulantes. Praesto autem fuerunt etiam Judeorum nobiles, 
et Jonathas filius Anani summus pontifex: qui objecta 
diluentes, initium tumultus a Samaritanis profectum dice- 
bant, qui primi homicidium perpetrassent ; causam tamen 
calamitatum postea secutarum fuisse Cumanum, qui illo- 
rum muneribus corruptus eam cedem ulcisci noluerit. 
His auditis, Quadratus judicium distulit; dicens se pro- 
laturum sententiam, postquam presens apud Judeam rei 
veritatem exactius cognoverit. Ita tum infecto negotio 
discessum est’. 

Interim Felix intempestivis remediis delicta accendebat, 
zmulo ad deterrima Ventidio Cumano, cui pars provincie 
habebatur: ita divisis, ut huic Galilaorum natio, Felici 
Samarite parerent; discordes olim, et tum contemptu 
regentium minus coercitis odiis. Igitur raptare inter se, 
immittere latronum globos, componere insidias, et aliquan- 
do preliis congredi, spoliaque et praedas ad procuratores 
referre. Hique primo letari: moxque gliscente pernicie, 
cum arma militum interjecissent, casi milites sunt. Ar- 


* Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. keg. wa. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 


9 5. 
Y Joseph, lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. red. wa. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 51 


sissetque bello provincia, ni Quadratus Syriz rector sub- 
venisset’. 

Nec diu adversus Judzos qui in necem militum proru- 
perant, dubitatum, quin capite poenas luerent : Cumanus 
et Felix cunctationem afferebant, quia Claudius causis 
rebellionis auditis, jus statuendi etiam de procuratoribus 
illi dederat. Sed Quadratus Felicem (utpote Pallantis, qui 
Rome omnia tum poterat, fratrem) inter judices ostentavit, 
receptum in tribunal, quo studia accusantium deterreren- 
tur: et flagitiorum que duo deliquerant, unus Cumanus 
damnatus ; et quies provincie reddita est?. 

Agrestium Cilicum nationes, quibus Clitarum cogno- 
mentum, T'rosobore (sive Atosoboro) duce, montes asperos 
castris cepere: atque inde decursu in litora aut urbes, 
vim cultoribus ac oppidanis, ac plerumque in mercatores 
ac navicularios audebant. Obsessaque civitas Anemuri- 
ensis, et missi e Syria in subsidium equites cum preefecto 
Curtio Severo turbantur: quod duri circum loci, pediti- 
busque ad pugnam idonei, equestre prelium haud patie- 
bantur. Dein rex ejus ore Antiochus, blandimentis ad- 
versus plebem, fraude in ducem, quum barbarorum copias 
dissociasset, 'Trosobore paucisque primoribus interfectis, 
ceteros clementia composuit?. 

Petrus apostolus Antiochiam veniens, cum Gentilibus 
fidelibus edebat et familiariter conversabatur. Verum 
quum Hierosolymis eo venissent a Jacobo fratres Judzi 
nonnulli, eorum offensionem metuens, a Gentilibus sub- 
duxit se. Cujus exemplum secuti sunt et reliqui ecclesiz 
Antiochenz Judai: adeo ut Barnabas quoque simul abri- 
peretur eorum simulatione. Ham praposteram simulatio- 
nem, libertati evangelicze contrariam, non ferens Paulus, 
Petro in os restitit, ejusque timiditatem coram omnibus 
acriter coarguit’. 

4056. Quadratus in Samariam veniens, cum jussisset 
reos causam suam dicere, comperit Samaritanorum culpa 
tumultum primum excitatum fuisse. Caesaream vero pro- 


“ Tacit. ann. lib. 12. cap. 54. a Td. ibid. 
» Tacit. ann. lib, 12. cap. 55. © Galat. cap. 2. ver. 11—14. 
2 


“ot 


G2 ANNALES 


cedens, cognito quod Judzorum quidam res novas moliti 
essent, in crucem egit quos Cumanus vivos ceperat et 
vinctos ibi reliquerat. Inde profectus in vicum Lyddam 
instar urbis amplum, sedens pro tribunali, iterum Sama- 
ritanorum causam audiens, didicit e quodam Samarita, 
Dortum Judzorum primatem cum aliis quatuor sociis Ju- 
dzos ad defectionem solicitasse: quos ille affecit supplicio. 
Kt Judzorum octodecim viros, quos cognovit pugnee fuisse 
participes, securi percussit*. 

Duos principes sacerdotum, Jonatham et Ananiam, 
ejusque filium Ananum, et nonnullos alios Judzos nobiles, 
Quadratus ad Cesarem misit: similiterque Samaritanorum 
nobilissimos quosque. Praecepit etiam Cumano procura- 
tori, et Celeri tribuno, Romam navigare reddituros Clau- 
dio rationem eorum que in regione gesserant®. 

His ita compositis, Quadratus veritus ne novum aliquid 
Judei molirentur, Lydda ascendit Hierosolyma: ubi pa- 
cata invenit omnia, populumque occupatum patrio azy- 
morum festo, et operantem sacrificiis. Credens igitur 
nihil novaturos, reliquit agentes festa, et Antiochiam 
repetit'. 

Cumanus et Samaritea Romam missi statuta die causam 
suam jussi sunt dicere. Comparaverant autem sibi favo- 
rem libertorum et amicorum Ceesaris : quorum opera vicis- 
sent adversarios Judzos, nisi Agrippa junior tum Rome 
degens, et Judzorum primores premi favore potentum 
videns, multis precibus obtinuisset ab Agrippina uxore 
Claudii, ut marito persuaderet legitime causam cognoscere, 
et in deprehensos tumultus authores justam proferre sen- 
tentiam. Claudius igitur his precibus praemollitus, auditis 
partibus, ut comperit a Samaritanis factum tumultus prin- 
cipium, eos qui tum ad judicium venerant supplicio tra- 
didit. Cumanum mulctavit exilio. Celerem vero tribu- 
num vinctum Hierosolymam mittens, Judzis ad supplicium 
tradidit ; ut per urbem tractus capite cederetur®. 


4 Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. ced. ca. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 
© Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. cep. ka. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 
f Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. ed. ka. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 

§ Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. ced. ka. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 


ro 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. vv 


Procuratorem deinde in Judeam destinavit Claudium 
Felicem, fratrem Pallantis, qui eam provinciam, una cum 
Samaria et Galilea administraret"; quod precibus suis 
Jonathas summus pontifex a Cesare obtinuit’, Claudium 
ex libertis suis “‘ felicem cohortibus et alis, provinciaque 
Judzz praeposuisse, trium reginarum maritum ;” scribit 
Suetonius‘; quem et “ Juda impositum, cuncta male- 
facta sibi impunia ratum futura, tanta potentia subnixo,” 
scribit T'acitus!: in quinto etiam historiarum suarum li- 
bro™ de tyrannico illius in Judea regimine amplius ad- 
dens: ‘ Antonius Felix per omnem szvitiam ac libidinem 
Jus regium servili ingenio exercuit, Drusilla Cleopatre 
et Antonii nepte in matrimonium accepta: ut ejusdem 
Antonii Felix progener, Claudius nepos esset.” 

Quum rex Agrippa junior per quadriennium preefuisset 
Chalcidi, Claudius post exactum imperii annum duodeci- 
mum ea illi ablata, in majus eum regnum transtulit. Phi- 
lippi tetrarchia ei donata, Bataneea videlicet et Gaula- 
nitide, simul cum Trachonitide; adjuncta etiam Abila 
Lysaniz tetrarchia, quam Varus rexerat”. 

His donationibus a Cxsare ornatus juvenis collocavit 
Azizo EKmessenorum regi circumciso sororem Drusillam. 
Epiphanes enim ‘Antiochi Commagenorum regis filius re- 
cusavit ejus nuptias, quod mutata sententia Judzorum 
religionem amplecti nollet, ut erat pollicitus puelle paren- 
tibus: Mariammem quoque matrimonio conjunxit Julio 
Archelao Chelciz filio, cui ab Agrippa patre jam ante 
desponsata fuerat?. 

Josephus Matthiz filius Bani cujusdam institutum imi- 
tari coepit ; qui in solitudine vivens, amictum sibi parabat 
ex arboribus, et sponte provenientibus alimentis utebatur, 
crebrisque ob continentiam nocte ac die lavacris frigidis : 
atque in ejus contubernio tres annos exegit?. 


h Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. keg. Ka. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. 
1 Joseph. lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 6. 

k Jn Claudio, cap. 28. 1 Annal. lib. 12. cap. 54. 
™ Cap. 9. 

0 Joseph. lib. 20. antiqu. cap. 5. cum lib. 2. belli, cap. 11. Kep. ka. 
© Joseph. antiqu. lib, 20. cap. 5. P Id. in lib. de vita sua. 


54 ANNALES 


Nero, causa Iliensium suscepta, Romanum 'Troja demis- 
sum, et Julia. stirpis authorem Aineam, aliaque haud pro- 
cul fabulis vetera facunde exsecutus, impetravit ut Iienses 
omni publico munere solverentur’. Claudiusque illis, 
quasi Romane gentis authoribus, tributa in perpetuum 
remisit : recitata vetere epistcla Graeca senatus populique 
Romani, Seleuco regi amicitiam et societatem ita demum 
pollicentis, si consanguineos suos Ilienses ab omni onere 
immunes prestitisset". 

Rhodiis quoque, ob pcenitentiam veterum delictorum, 
libertatem Claudius reddidit; ademptam szepe aut firma- 
tam, prout bellis externis meruerant, aut domi seditione 
deliquerant’. Pro Rhodiis vero atque Iliensibus Neronem 
Grece apud patrem consulem, Claudium videlicet ante 
biennium postremum suum consulatum gerentem, verba 
fecisse, scribit Suetonius*. 

‘Tributum Apamiensibus terrae motu convulsis in quin- 
quennium a Claudio est remissum”. 

Retulit dein Claudius de immunitate Cois tribuenda : 
multaque super antiquitate eorum memoravit. Argivos 
vel cum Latonz parente (Cao, a quo insula nomen datum) 
Vetustissimos insulze cultores: mox adventu A‘sculapil 
artem medendi illatam, maximeque inter posteros cele- 
brem fuisse ; nomina singulorum referens, et quibus quis- 
que etatibus viguissent. Quin etiam dixit Xenophontem, 
Coum medicum, cujus scientia ipse uteretur, eadem fa- 
milia ortum: precibusque ejus dandum, ut omni tributo 
vacul in posterum Coi, sacram et tantum Dei ministram 
insulam colerent*. 

@Quum Barnabam sollicitaret Paulus, ut ecclesias simul 
inviserent in quibus evangelium annunciavissent, consule- 
bat Barnabas ut Johannem Marcum secum assumerent. 
Contra vero censebat Paulus, non esse assumendum eum, 
gui ab ipsis abscessisset ex PamphyliaY, nec eorum comes 
in illo opere fuisset. Unde egre ferente Barnaba, conso- 


4 Tacit. ann. lib. 12. cap. 58. ¥ Sueton. in Claudio, cap. 25. 

* Sueton. in Claudio, cap.25. et Tacit. ann. lib. 12. cap. 58. 

t In Nerone, cap. 7. " Tacit. ann. lib. 12. cap. 58. 
E 


* Tacit. ann. lib. 12. cap. 61. Y Act. cap. 138. ver. 1s. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 55 


brino suo’ eam infamiz notam inurendam, tanta inter eos 
orta est contentio, ut alter ab altero discederet. Et Bar- 
nabas quidem, assumpto Marco, navigavit in Cyprum, pa- 
triam suam. Paulus vero allecto Sila, commendatus gratiz 
Dei a fratribus, peragravit Syriam ac Ciliciam, confirmans 
ecclesias?. 

Veniens Paulus Derben et Lystram, inter discipulos 
offendit ibi Timotheum, natum patre quidem Greco sive 
Gentili, matre vero Judza fideli Eunice: cui omnes qui 
Lystris erant et Iconii fratres bonum perhibebant testimo- 
nium. Eum secum assumpturus Paulus, quo Judzos 
magis lucrifaceret, prius circumcidendum curavit*. 

Paulus et Silas, prout pertransibant urbes, tradebant 
eis observanda illa que decreta fuerant ab apostolis et 
presbyteris qui erant Hierosolymis. Et ecclesia confir- 
mabantur fide, et numero augebantur quotidie’. 

Phrygia deinde peragrata et Galatica regione ; prohi- 
biti a Spiritu Sancto preedicare verbum Dei in Asia, quum 
venissent in Mysiam, tentabant ire in Bithyniam: sed non 
permittente eos ire Spiritu, a Mysia descenderunt Troa- 
dem. Ibiin somnis Paulo adstare visus est vir quidam 
Macedo, dicens: ‘‘ Transiens’ in Macedoniam succurre 
nobis.” 

Ut visum hoc ille vidit, “ statim studuimus abire in 
Macedoniam ; certi facti quod vocasset nos Dominus ad 
evangelizandum eis :” inquit Lucas‘, qui hic et deinceps 
de Paulo et ejus comitibus in prima persona loquens, cum 
hactenus de eis in tertia locutus fuisset, ab hoc tempore 
comitem se Paulo in predicatione evangelii adjunctum 
fuisse satis indicat. 

4057. Paulus et Silas, cum Luca et Timotheo, provecti 
Troade, recto cursu Samothracem venerunt, et sequente 
die Neapolim, atque illinc Philippos; que primaria ejus 
tractus Macedoniz urbs erat, et juris Italici colonia: com- 
moratique sunt in ea urbe aliquot dies*. 


Y Coloss. cap. 4. ver. 10. 7 Act. cap. 15. ver. 36—41. 
4 Act. cap. 16. ver. 1, 2, 3. b Ib. ver. 4, 5. 
© Act. cap. 16. ver. 6—9. ( Td. ibid. ver. 10. 


¢ Act. cap. 16. ver. 11. 12. 


56 ANNALES 


Die Sabbathi egressi ex urbe ad flumen, ubi erat pros- 
eucha, allocuti sunt mulieres que illuc convenerant. 
Inter quas una Lydia Deum colens, que purpuram ven- 
debat in urbe Thyatirorum, attendens iis que a Paulo 
dicebantur, cor ejus Domino adaperiente, in Christum 
credidit. Quze cum tota sua domo baptizata, Paulum 
cum comitibus suis hospitio excepit'. 

Proficiscentibus postea illis ad proseucham, immundus 
spiritus ex ancilla pythonissa eos per multos dies subse- 
cuta clamabat: “ Isti homines servi sunt Dei altissimi, qui 
annunciant vobis viam salutis.” Quod moleste ferens 
Paulus, spiritui illi mandavit per nomen Jesu, ut ex illa 
exiret. Quo facto, videntes ancillula domini abiisse spem 
queestus sui, Paulum et Silam in forum pertrahentes, tan- 
tum clamoribus suis apud pretores effecerunt, ut virgis 
uterque publice cederetur et in carcerem conjiceretur. 
Ubi media nocte illis orantibus et hymnos Deo canenti- 
bus, magno terre motu facto, foribus carceris omnibus 
apertis et inclusorum omnium vinculis laxatis, quum ad 
desperationem redactus custos stricto gladio seipsum erat 
interempturus, a Paulo et Sila ad Christi fidem est con- 
versus, et cum universa familia ea ipsa nocte baptizatus. 
Die autem exorto, mittentibus pratoribus ut liberi dimit- 
terentur, de contumelia et injuria accepta cum his expos- 
tulantes illi, quod cives Romanos indicta causa publice 
cesos in carcerem conjecissent: ab ipsis advenientibus 
non sine honore liberantur, atque ut urbe excederent ro- 
gantur. Qui introeuntes ad Lydiam, quum accedentes 
fratres fuissent consolati, ex urbe egressi sunt?®. 

Itinere deinde facto per Amphipolim et Apolloniam, 
venerunt Thessalonicam (totius Macedoniz metropolim) 
ubi erat synagoga quedam Judzorum".  Illic, tantis con- 
tumeliis prius Philippis affectus, evangelium Dei cum 
multo certamine annunciavisse se scribit Paulus apostolus'. 
Nam secundum consuetudinem suam in Judaorum syna- 
gogam ingressus per tria Sabbatha cum eis ex Scriptura 


f Act. cap. 16. ver. 13, 14, 15. 8 Ib. ver. 16—40. 
h Act. cap. 17. ver. 1. i 1 Thessal. cap. 2. ver. 2. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 57 


de Christo disseruit. Quorum nonnullis credentibus, 
consociata est Paulo et Silz religiosorum Gracorum mul- 
titudo magna, et ex mulieribus primariis non pauce*. 

Thessalonicenses non de fide tantum Christiana, sed 
etiam de futura apostasia et Antichristi revelatione Paulus 
edocuit'. 

Quum Paulus diutius Thessalonice hzreret, semel at- 
que iterum a Philippensibus necessaria vite subsidia ac- 
cepit™. Sed increduli Judzi, assumptis quibusdam viris 
circumforaneis improbis, et tumultu in civitate excitato, 
Jasonem (in cujus domo Paulus cum comitibus hospita- 
batur) et quosdam fratres ad magistratus traxerunt, et 
magnis clamoribus accusarunt. Quibus cum ab illis fuisset 
satisfactum, fratres statim per noctem Paulum simul et 
Silam emiserunt Berceam". 

Hic quoque quum in synagogam Judeorum introeuntes 
ex Scripturis diligenter preedicarent Christum, et auditores 
preedicata cum Scripturis conferentes, ea per omnia con- 
gruere cum illis invenirent; multi crediderunt ex eis, et 
Grecarum mulierum honoratarum et virorum non pauci. 
Cumque Judexi Thessalonicenses illuc venientes turbam 
contra Paulum concitarent: fratres eum statim emiserunt, 
velut iturum ad mare, sed Athenas usque deduxerunt ; 
accepto ad Silam et Timotheum Bercee relictos mandato, 
ut ad ipsum venirent quam citissime’. 

Judzos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Clau-. 
dius Roma expulit?. Hujus Chresti solus, ni fallor, me- 
minit Suetonius: nam Christum D. N. (a quo Christiani, 
alibi ab eodem memorati, denominationem acceperunt) hic 
ab illo fuisse intellectum, adhuc mihi persuadere non 
possum. 

Paulus, dum Silam et Timotheum Athenis expectat, 
disserebat in synagoga cum Judzis et religiosis, et in foro 
quotidie cum quibusvis obviis; cum Epicureis quoque et 
Stoicis philosophis de Christo et resurrectione disputans. 


k Act. cap. 17. ver. 2, 3, 4. | 2 Thessal. cap. 2. ver. 5. 
™ Philipp. cap. 4. ver. 16. ” Act. cap. 17. ver. 5—10. 
© Act. cap, 17. ver. 10—15. P Sueton. in Claudio, cap. 25. 


58 ANNALES 


Deinde, ut peregrinorum deorum annunciator, causam 
dicturus in medium Areopagum raptus, doctissima ora- 
tione ibi habita, tum ex ara ipsorum Ignoto Deo dicata, 
tum ex Arati poet testimonio Dei progeniem nos esse 
confirmante, eundem quem ipsi ignorantes colebant Deum 
ase annunciari ostendit*, Judzorum vero Deus Ignoti 
apud Gentes appellationem obtinebat: eodem sensu in- 
certus Deus Lucano in libro secundo Pharsaliz, incertum 
numen 'T'rebellio Pollioni in vita Claudii, et innominatus 
Deus C. Caligula apud Philonem in libro de legatione ad 
eundem, nominatus. Cui ut Carmeli montis incole, apud 
Tacitum', neque simulacrum tribuebant, neque templum, 
sed aram tantum et reverentiam: ita Athenienses quoque 
aram misericordize in media sua urbe sine ullo simulachro 
similiter posuerunt ; in duodecimo libro Thebaidos ita 
referente Statio : 


Nulla autem effigies, nulli commissa metallo 
Forma Dei; mentes habitare et pectora gaudet. 


Inter Athenienses a Paulo ad Christi fidem hoc tempore 
converscs, fuit Dionysius Areopagita, et mulier (vel uxor 
ejus, ut visum Ambrosio, Chrysostomo et Augustino) no- 
mine Damaris, et alii cum eis’. 

Felix Jude procurator, visa Drusilla Agrippz regis 
sorore, foeminarum omnium pulcherrima, amore ejus cap- 
tus, Simonem amicum suum, Judeum genere Cyprium, 
pro mago se gerentem, ad eam misit, qui mulierem solici- 
taret ut relicto marito Azizo Emesenorum rege ipsi nu- 
beret ; beatam fore pollicens, si non fastidiret hominem. 
Illa male consulta volens evadere molestationes sororis 
Bernices, invidentis sibi forme precellentiam, consensit 
calcata religione patria Felici nubere. Ipsa vero Bernice, 
patrui sui Herodis regis Chalcidis vidua, quum spargere- 
tur rumor cum fratre, Agrippa rege, eam congredi, suasit 
Polemoni regi Cilicia, ut circumcisus prius se duceret ; 
rata sic se coarguturam mendacium. Nec recusavit Pole- 


‘ Act. cap. 17. ver. 16—81. Histor, lib. 2. cape 78. 
5 Act. cap. 17. ver. 34. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 59 


mon, inductus maxime mulieris divitiis: id tamen conju- 
gium diuturnum non fuit, propter intemperantiam (ut 
fertur) discedente ab eo Bernice. Qui mox desertus 
ab uxore, et ipse Judaice religionis desertor factus est. 

Kodem tempore etiam Mariamme (tertia regis Agrippe 
soror) Julium Archelaum Chelciz filium dedignata, mi- 
grayit in thalamum Demetrii, primi inter Alexandrinos 
Judzeos tam opibus quam genere, et tum alabarchie ma- 
gistratum gerentis". 

Paulus Silam et Timotheum, qui Beroea ad ipsum vene- 
rant, iterum in Macedoniam remittens, solus Athenis 
remansit. Et ipse quidem semel atque iterum in animo 
habuerat Thessalonicam proficisci; nec potuerat tamen 
id exequi, a Satana prepeditus : ideoque Timotheum eo 
misit, qui Thessalonicenses in fide confirmaret et conso- 
laretur*. 

Interim, relictis Athenis, venit Corinthum: ubi Jude- 
um Aquilam invenit, et Priscillam uxorem ejus, qui nuper 
ex Italia venerant, quod edixisset Claudius ut omnes 
Judzei Roma excederent. Et quia idem cum illis confi- 
ciendi tabernacula artificium exercebat, mansit apud eos 
Paulus et operabatur. Disserebat tamen in synagoga 
omnibus Sabbathis, et in suam sententiam adducebat tum 
Judzos tum Greecos’. 

Hic vero Paulus sua manu Stephane familiam baptiza- 
vit”; que primitie fuerunt Achaia, et sese in ministerium 
sanctis addixerunt?. 

Ut advenerunt e Macedonia Silas et Timotheus, quum 
Paulo magno cum zelo Christum preedicanti Judzi obsis- 
terent ac blasphemarent ; vestibus suis in illos excussis, 
divertit ille ad Gentes, migrans in domum cujusdam no- 
mine Justi, colentis Deum, que erat confinis synagoge”. 

Crispus archisynagogus credidit Domino cum tota domo 
sua: multique Corinthiorum audientes credebant et bapti- 


' Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 5. " Td. ibid. 
x Act. cap. 18. ver. 5. 1 Thessal. cap. 2. ver. 17, 18. et cap. 3. ver. 1, 2. 
¥ Act. cap. 18. ver. 1—4. % 1 Corinth. cap. 1. ver. 16. 


@ 1 Corinth. cap. 16. ver. 15. b Act. cap. 18. ver. 5, 6, 7. 


60 ANNALES 


zabantur®. Ex quibus Crispum et Gaium sua manu Paulus 
baptizavit’. 

Dixit Dominus nocte per visionem Paulo: “ Ne metue, 
sed loquere, et ne tacueris. Nam ego sum tecum, et 
nemo te invadet ut male te accipiat: quoniam populus est 
mihi multus in hac urbe.” Commoratus est itaque illic 
annum et sex menses, docens apud eos verbum Dei*; una 
cum Silvano (sive Sila) et Timotheo'. 

Post reditum Timothei ex Macedonia, Paulus (cum 
eodem Timotheo et Silvano sive Sila) priorem ad Thes- 
salonicenses scripsit epistolam’; in qua, quum de die ju- 
dicii, quasi jam instante, paulo obscurius fuisset locutus’ ; 
data paulo post altera ad eos epistola, clarius illud expli- 
cavit'; scripta utique, quum Silvanum et Timotheum in 
ministerio evangelii conjunctos sibi haberet*, et postquam 
ipse apud Thessalonicenses, Christi fidem amplexos, jam 
presens adfuisset'. Ut toto hic ccelo Grotius erraverit, 
sub C. Caligula eam exaratam fuisse epistolam existi- 
mans. 

Prorumpentes Parthi rapuerunt Armeniam, pulso Rha- 
damisto ; qui szepe regni ejus potitus, dein profugus, nunc 
quoque bellum deseruit™. Quum vero exortus esset Volo- 
geso Parthorum regi zemulus filius Vardanes; abscesse- 
runt Armenia Parthi, tanquam differrent bellum”. 

4058. Asinio Marcello et Asinio Aviola consulibus III. 
Idus Octobres Claudius extinctus est®?; quum imperasset 
annos tredecim, menses octo et dies viginti?. Et in medio 
ejusdem diei, foribus palatii repente diductis Nero, gener 
et adoptivus filius ejus, imperator declaratus est’. 

Initio novi hujus principatus Junius Silanus proconsul 
Asie, nobilis et e Casarum posteris, ignaro Nerone, vix- 


€ Act. cap. 18. ver. 8. 4 1 Corinth. cap. 1. ver. 14. 
e Act. cap. 18. ver. 9, 10, 11. f 2 Corinth. cap. 1. ver. 19. 
$ 1 Thessal. cap. 3. ver. 6. h Id. cap. 1. ver. 1. 5. 

1 2 Thessal. cap. 2. ver. 2, 3. k 1 Thess, cap. 1. ver. 1. 

1 2 Thess. cap. 2. ver. 5. ™ Tacit. annal. lib. 13. cap. 6. 


4 Tacit. annal. lib. 13. cap. 7. 

© Seneca, in ludi de morte Claudii initio. Sueton. in Claudio, cap. 45. et Dio, 
lib. 60. pag. 688. ; 

P Dio, lib. 60. pag. 688. cum Josepho, antiqu. lib. 20. cap, 5. 

4 Tacit. annal. lib. 12. cap. ult. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 6l 


dum pueritiam egresso, per dolum matris ejus Agrippina 
insons sublatus est. Ministri sceleris P. Celer eques Ro- 
manus, et /ilius libertus, rei familiari principis in Asia 
impositi: a quibus proconsuli venenum inter epulas datum 
est*. ; 
Legatis Armeniorum causam gentis apud Neronem 
orantibus, ascendere eos in suggestum imperatoris ille 
volebat et presidere simul; nisi ceteris pavore defixis, 
Seneca admonuisset, venienti matri occurreret. Ita specie 
pietatis obviam itum est dedecoris. 

Rumore de occupata a Parthis Armenia Romam per- 
lato, Nero et juventutem proximas per provincias que- 
sitam supplendis orientis legionibus admovere, legionesque 
ipsas propius Armeniam collocari jussit: duosque veteres 
reges Agrippam Judzum et [occhum (vel Antiochum 
potius Commagenum) expedire copias, quibus Parthorum 
fines ultro intrarent, simul pontes per amnem Euphratem 
jungi. Et minorem Armeniam Aristobulo, regionem So- 
phenem Sohemo cum insignibus regiis mandavit. Domi- 
tium vero Corbulonem retinende Armeniz przposuit : 
copiis orientis ita divisis, ut pars auxiliarium cum duabus 
legionibus apud provinciam Syriam et legatum ejus Qua- 
dratum remaneret; par civium sociorumque numerus Cor- 
buloni esset, additis cohortibus alisque, quae apud Cappa- 
dociam hyemabant, et sociis regibus, prout bello condu- 
ceret, parere jussis*. 

Primo imperii Neronis anno, regi Emesorum Azizo de- 
functo frater in principatu successit: minoris ‘autem Ar- 
meniz (ut ex Tacito jam dictum est) principatum Aristo- 
bulus Herodis regis Chalcidis filius a Nerone accepit. 
Regno autem Agrippz quatuor urbes idem addidit, cum 
acris ad singulas pertinentibus: in Galilaa, 'Tiberiadem 
et Tarichaam ; in Ituraa trans Jordanem, Abelam et Ju- 
liadem cum agro ejus habitato vicis quatuordecim". 

Domitius Corbulo, itinere propere confecto, apud 
AKgeeas civitatem Ciliciz obvium Quadratum habuit ; illuc 


* Tacit. ann. lib. 13. cap. 1. S Id. cap. 5. 
t Tacit. ann. lib. 13. cap. 6, 7, 8. 
f.." Joseph. lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 5. et lib. 2. belli, cap. 12. reg, K/3. 


62 ANNALES 


progressum, ne si ad accipiendas copias Syriam intravisset 
Corbulo, omnium ora in se verteret. Uterque Vologesem 
Parthorum regem nuntiis monebant, pacem quam bellum 
mallet; datisque obsidibus, solitam prioribus reverentiam 
in populum Romanum continuaret. Et Vologeses qui- 
dem, vel ut bellum ex zequo pararet, vel ut emulationis 
suspectos per nomen obsidum amoveret, tradidit nobilis- 
simos ex familia Arsacidarum: accepitque eos centurio 
Hostorius (alias Histius) a Quadrato ea de causa ad 
regem missus. Quod postquam Corbuloni cognitum est, 
ire preefectum cohortis Arrium Varum, et recipere obsides 
jussit. Hinc ortum inter prafectum et centurionem jur- 
gium, quod ne diutius externis spectaculo esset, arbitrium 
rei obsidibus legatisque qui eos ducebant permissum est. 
Atque illi ob recentem gloriam, et inclinatione quadam 
etiam hostium, Corbulonem preetulerunt. Unde discordia 
inter duces: querente Quadrato prerepta que suis consi- 
liis patravisset; testante contra Corbulone, non prius con- 
versum regem ad offerendos obsides, quam ipse dux bello 
delectus spes ejus ad metum mutaret. Nero, quo compo- 
neret diversos, sic evulgari jussit: ob res a Quadrato et 
Corbulone prospere gestas, fascibus suis imperatoriis lau- 
rum addi*. 

Initio imperii Neronis Judzea tota referta erat latronum 
receptaculis, et magicis preestigiatoribus imperitique vulgi 
seductoribus: quos quotidie comprehensos Felix e medio 
sustulit. Eleazarum vero Dine filium, non mediocrem 
latronum globum circa se habentem, Felix ut ad se veni- 
ret persuasit, data ei fide quod nihil mali esset passurus : 
moxque vinctum Romam transmisit’. 

Quum Felix Jonatham summum pontificem, de rebus 
Judaicis melius administrandis crebrius eum et liberius 
admonentem ferre non posset; Doram Hierosolymitam 
summum Jonathe amicum promissa pecunia induxit, ut 
per sicarios interimendum eum curaret. Quidam igitur 
quasi religionis ergo in urbem ascendentes sicis clam suc- 
cincti sub vestibus, et Jonathz famulitio permixti, pere- 


* Tacit. annal. lib, 15. cap. 8, 9. Y Joseph. antiqu. lib, 20. cap. 6. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 63 


merunt hominem. Cujus facinoris quia nemo ultor ex- 
titit, invitati hac licentia sicarii per singula festa ventitan- 
tes et ferrum celantes pari modo immixti turbis, alios 
conducti pecunia, non modo in reliquis urbis partibus sed 
etiam in ipso templo, impune confodiebant’. 

Kt urbs quidem talibus incestabatur latrociniis. Im- 
postores autem et magi turbas illectas post se trahebant 
in solitudines, pollicentes se divinitus ostensuros clarissima 
signa et prodigia: persuasaque multitudo mox peenas luit 
dementiz, a Felice retracta et neci data’. 

Per idem tempus Adgyptius quidam magus, in provin- 
clam advenit: et prophete opinionem sibi arrogans, tri- 
ginta ferme (vel quatuor potius”,) millia hominum congre- 
gavit. Et circumducens eos de solitudine in montem 
Oliveti: illic visuros eos affirmabat suo jussu cadere Hie- 
rosolymorum meoenia, ita ut per eorum ruinas aditus in 
civitatem pateret. Quo cognito, Felix cum multis equiti- 
bus et peditibus Romanis, quos etiam reliqua Judzorum 
multitudo juvabat, erumpens turbam seductam invasit : 
quorum quadringentis occisis, ducentos vivos cepit et 
vinculis tradidit ; reliqua multitudine in regiones proprias 
dispersa. A gyptius vero ipse, cum paucis pugna elap- 
sus, disparuit’. Unde de eo Lysias tribunus ad B. Pau- 
lum‘, ‘* Nonne tu es Aigyptius ille qui ante hos dies tu- 
multum concitasti, et eduxisti in desertum quatuor millia 
sicariorum 2” 

Quum Gallio esset proconsul Achaiz, Judei Corinthii 
Paulum ad illius tribunal adduxerunt. Ilo vero de ejus- 
modi rebus judicare recusante, et a tribunali eos abigente, 
Greci prehensum Sosthenem archisynagogum cedebant ; 
nihil eorum Gallione curante’®. 

LL. Annzi Senecze (qui sub discipulo suo Nerone ado- 
lescente Rome omnia, una cum Burrho, tum administra- 
bat) frater hic Gallio fuit: qui Claudii, veneno sublati, 
atoQéwow deridens, unco eum in celum raptum fuisse 


z Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 6. a Td. ibid. 

» Act. cap. 21. ver. 38. 

© Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 6. et lib. 2. belli, cap. 12. Keg. Ky. 

4 Act. cap. 21. ver. 38. € Id. cap. 18. ver. 12—17. 


64 ANNALES 


dixit; ut in fine libri sexagesimi Dio narrat. M. Annaj 
Senece patris ad Novatum, Senecam, et Melam filios, 
liber controversiarum extat. Horum medius L. Seneca, 
in consolatione ad matrem Helviam, fratrum ‘“ alterum 
honores industria consecutum fuisse, alterum sapienter 
contempsisse,” docet: per priorem, Novatum intelligens ; 
qui a Junio Gallione (quem a Tiberio in exilium fuisse 
missum, ad finem anni mundi 4035. ex Tacito declaravi- 
mus) adoptatus, Gallionis nomen obtinuit. Quem etiam, 
ut fratrem natu grandiorem, dominum ab eodem fuisse 
appellatum, ad locum illum epistola centesimz quarte no- 
tavit Lipsius: “ Hlud mihi in ore erat domini mei Galli- 
onis: qui,cum in Achaia febrem habere ccepisset, protinus 
navem ascendit; clamitans non corporis esse, sed loci 
morbum.” 

4059. Quum post tumultum ad Gallionis tribunal fac- 
tum mansisset adhuc Corinthi Paulus dies multos, vale- 
dicens fratribus, e portu Cenchreensi solvit. Et in Sy- 
riam inde navigaturus, primo devenit Ephesum; ubi in- 
gressus synagogam, disseruit cum Judeis. Rogantibus 
autem ut diutius apud ipsos maneret, non annuit; opor- 
tere omnino se dicens instantem diem festum agere Hiero- 
solymis : reversurum tamen se iterum ad eos, Deo volente, 
pollicitus. Valedicens igitur eis et Aquila atque Pris- 
cilla ibi relictis, cum reliquis comitibus Czsaream inde 
navigavit'. 

Czesarea Stratonis ascendens Paulus ad salutandam 
ecclesiam Hierosolymitanam, inde descendit Antiochiam 
Syriz. Et quum egisset illic aliquamdiu, abiit, pertran- 
siens ordine Galaticam regionem atque Phrygiam, et con- 
firmans omnes discipulos’. Ubi a Galatis ita exceptus, 
ac si esset Angelus Dei, aut ipse Christus Jesus’; inter 
alia, ut collectae pro pauperibus die quoque Dominico se- 
ponerentur, instituit’. 

Josephus Matthie filius, exacto cum Bano in solitudine 


f Act. cap. 18. ver. 18 —22. $ Id. ibid. ver. 22, 23. 


aye 


h Galat. cap. 4. ver. 14. 1 1 Corinth. cap. 16. ver. 1, 2. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 65 


triennio Hierosolymam rediit: jamque novemdecim annos 
natus, civilem vitam agegressus est; addictus Phariseeorum 
placitis, proxime ad Stoicam apud Grecos sectam acce- 
dentibus*. 

Judzus quidam Apollos, Alexandrinus genere, vir elo- 
quens et potens in Scripturis, pervenit Ephesum. Hine 
initiatus via Domini, et fervens spiritu, loquebatur et do- 
cebat diligenter ea que sunt Domini, sciens tantum bap- 
tisma Johannis : ccepitque libere loqui in synagoga. Quem 
auditum Aquila et Priscilla assumpserunt, et penitus ei 
exposuerunt viam Dei. Quum autem vellet transire in 
Achaiam, fratres eum adhortati, scripserunt discipulis ut 
exciperent eum. Qui cum advenisset, multum contulit iis 
qui crediderunt. Magna enim contentione Judzos magis 
ac magis redarguebat publice, ostendens per Scripturas 
Jesum esse Christum’. 

4060. Cum Apollos esset Corinthi, Paulus peragratis 
jam superioribus partibus (Galatia videlicet et Phrygia) 
venit Ephesum: ubi duodecim invenit discipulos, qui Jo- 
hannis baptismum tantum noverant, necdum Spiritum 
Sanctum per manuum impositionem acceperant. Quibus 
ulterius in Christi doctrina a se institutis quum manus ille 
imposuisset, delapso in eos Spiritu Sancto, loquebantur 
linguis et prophetabant. Deinde ingressus synagogam, 
libere loquebatur, ad tres menses disserens et suadens 
que ad regnum Dei pertinent™. 

Quum Judezorum quidam indurati non assentirentur, 
sed male loquerentur de via Dei; Paulus in conspectu 
multitudinis, abscedens ab illis, separavit discipulos ; quo- 
tidie disserens in schola ‘Tyranni cujusdam. Hoc autem 
factum est per biennium: ita ut omnes qui habitabant in 
Asia, tum Judzi tum Greci, audierint serrmonem Domini 
Jesu. Virtutesque non modicas edebat Deus per manus 
Pauli: ita ut etiam ad infirmos deferrentur a corpore ejus 
sudaria et semicinctia, et discederent ab eis morbi, et spi- 
ritus mali ab eis exirent". 


k Joseph. in lib. de vita sua. 1 Act. cap. 18. ver. 24—28. 
™ Act. cap. 19. ver. 1—8. " Tbid. ver. 9—12. 


VOL. XI. EF 


66 ANNALES 


P. Celerem, accusante Asia, quia absolvere nequibat 
Ceesar, traxit, senecta donec mortem obiret ; nam Celer, 
interfecto Silano Asiz proconsule, magnitudine sceleris 
cetera flagitia obtegebat°. 

Cossutianum Capitonem Cilices detulerant maculosum 
foedumque, et idem jus audaciz in provincia ratum, quod 
in urbe exercuerat. Sed pervicaci accusatione conflicta- 
tus, postremo defensionem omisit, ac lege repetundarum 
damnatus est?; quo, ex Lipsio, referendum Juvenalis 
illud in satyra octava: 








quam fulmine justo 
Et Capito et Tutor ruerint damnante senatu, 
Pirate Cilicum. 


Et Quintiliani, libri sexti capite primo, “ Egregie nobis 
adolescentibus dixisse accusator Cossutiani Capitonis vi- 
debatur, Greece quidem, sed in hunc sensum: Erubescit 
Czesarem timere.” 

Pro Eprio Marcello, a quo Lycii res repetebant, eo 
usque ambitus prevaluit, ut quidam accusatorum ejus 
exilio mulctarentur, tanquam insonti periculum fecissent*. 

4061. Mollibus adhuc initiis prolatatum inter Parthos 
Romanosque de obtinenda Armenia bellum, acriter erupit: 
quia nec Vologeses sinebat fratrem Tiridatem dati a se regni 
expertem esse, aut alienze id potentiz donum habere; et 
Corbulo dignum magnitudine populi Romani rebatur, 
parta olim a Lucullo Pompeicque recipere. Ad bellum 
id Corbulo militem prisca severitate et disciplina forma- 
vit, Armeniamque ingressus castella aliquot excidit, et ur- 
bem Artaxata succendit, Tiridate preelium inire non auso'. 

Ex Judzis exorcist septem, filii Scevae primarii sacer- 
dotis, nomen Jesu super eos qui spiritus malos habebant 
invocantes, adjurabant eos per Jesum quem Paulus preedi- 
cabat. In quos insiliens Energumenus, vulneratos ex 
domo nudos fugere coegit. Quod cum innotuisset omni- 
bus tum Judeis tum Greecis qui habitabant Ephesi, me- 
tus in eos onmes incidit, et magnificabatur nomen Domini 


© Tacit. ann. lib. 13. cap. 33. P Td. ibid. 
4 Tacit. ann. lib. 13. cap. 33. ¥ Td. ibid. cap, 54—41. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 67 


Jesu. Et multi eorum qui crediderant, veniebant confi- 
tentes et indicantes acta sua. Multi quoque ex iis qui 
curiosa exercuerant, comportatos libros exusserunt in om- 
mium conspectu: quorum supputatis pretiis, inventa sunt 
denariorum quinquaginta millia. Ita fortiter crescebat 
verbum Domini, et invalescebat*. 

Galatz, cito post Pauli ab eis discessum*, a falsis fratri- 
bus seducti, per opera legis justificandos se putabant: 
quos, vehementiore hac de re scripta ad eos epistola, ille 
ab errore revocat". 

4062. Induxit in animum Paulus peragrata Macedonia 
et Achaia proficisci Hierosolymam; Romam etiam inde 
dicens videre se oportere*. Et quidem primo Corinthum 
venire proposuit, inde in Macedoniam proficisci, ex Ma- 
cedonia rursus Corinthum, atque inde Judzam petere’ ; 
ubi quum collectas ex Macedonia et Achaia mittendas 
pauperibus sanctis Hierosolyme consignavisset, Romam 
illinc proficisci instituit, atque inde iter facere in His- 
paniam’. 

Heec animo Paulus agitans, missis in Macedoniam Ti- 
motheo et Erasto, ipse substitit ad tempus in Asia’; 
Lydiaca scilicet, in qua per urbes Epheso vicinas evan- 
gelium predicavisse videtur, novem adhuc mensium spa- 
tio: qui biennio quo in schola tyranni, et tribus mensibus 
quibus prius in synagoga Ephesi ille docuerat, additi tri- 
ennium conficient, quo in Asia se laboravisse ipse indicat”, 
ostio illi aperto magno, licet multis oppositis adversa- 
rlis®. 

Solis defectum Vipsanio et Fonteio consulibus pridie 
Kalendas Maias, Campania hora diei inter septimam et 
octavam sensit: Corbulo dux in Armenia inter horam 
diei decimam et undecimam prodidit visum*. Rome, ita 
ut stella viderentur, eclipsis hac conspecta est in mediis 


S Act. cap. 19. ver. 13—20. t Id. cap. 18. ver. 23. 

" Galat. cap. 1. ver. 6, 7. xX Act. cap. 19. ver. 21. 

y 2 Corinth. cap. 1. ver. 15, 16. z Rom. cap. 15. ver, 24—28, 
@ Act. cap. 19. ver. 22. b [bid. cap. 20. ver. 18. 31. 
© 1 Corinth. cap. 16. ver. 9. ( Plin, lib, 2. cap. 70. 


FQ 


6S ANNALES 


sacrificiis, quae Agrippine causa (a filio Nerone interemp- 
tee) decreto senatus fiebant*. 

4063. Orto in ecclesia Corinthiaca schismate (quod 
Paulo ab iis qui erant e domo Chloes est indicatum) Pauli 
quibusdam se esse dicentibus, quibusdam Apollo, qui- 
busdam Cephz, quibusdam Christi‘; Apollos cum aliis 
fratribus Corinthiis ad Paulum in Asiam profectus est®, 
per quos ad apostolum scribentes Corinthii, de causa 
conjugil et coelibatus illum consuluerunt”. 

Paulus, cum Sosthene archisynagogo illo Corinthio ad 
fidem Christi converso, absente tum Timotheo', ex Asia 
Lydiaca, ubi tum erat, priorem ad Corinthios epistolam 
per Stephanam, Fortunatum et Achaicum (ab ipsis ad 
visendum apostolum missis) scripsit; Apollo cum eis tam 
cito redire renuente*. 

In ea epistola, incestuosum Corinthium, qui patris ux- 
orem duxerat, Satane tradi jubet!. It errores qui in 
ipsorum ecclesiam irrepserant corrigit, tum practicos, 
tum summum illum dogmaticum, ex Sadduczeorum lacunis 
haustum, futuram resurrectionem negantem™, ipse se ad 
eos venturum significans, et que supererant ordinaturum”", 
quum pertransiret Macedoniam: sed prius Ephesi, usque 
ad Pentecosten®, permansurum?. Quod tamen illius con- 
silium inopinatus quidam casus statim interrupit. 

Demetrius enim argentarius, qui fabricabat templa 
Diane argentea, metuens suo questui, istiusmodi rerum 
opificibus Ephesicongregatis, tumultum in Paulum excita- 
vit; ut qui non Ephesiis solum sed etiam totius pene Asize 
turbe persuaderet, deos illos non esse qui manibus fiant. 
Qui correpto Gaio et Aristarcho Macedonibus, sociis 
peregrinationis Pauli, irruerunt in theatrum: sed ipsum 
Paulum contendere eo volentem discipuli, et quidam ex 


Xiphilin. ex Dione : cum Tacito, lib. 14. cap. 12. 

1 Corinth. cap. 1. ver. 11, 12. et cap. 3. ver. 3, 4. 

1 Corinth. cap. 16. ver. 12. h Tbid. cap. 7. ver. 1. 
1 Cor. cap. 16. ver. 10. cum Act. cap. 19. ver. 22. 

1 Cor. cap. 1. ver. 1. cap. 16. ver. 12. 17. 19. 

1 Cor. cap. 5. ver. 5. ™ Jbid. cap. 15. 

» 1 Cor. cap. 4. ver. 18. et cap. 11. ver. 34. 

® 1 Cor. cap. 16. ver. 5, 6, 7. P Jbid. ver. 5—8. 


-— FF * wm Sh Oo 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 69 


Asiarchis (spectaculorum in theatro exhibendorum cura- 
toribus) amici ejus, ad populum eum prodire non siverunt. 
Alexandro vero Judeo defensione apud populum uti pa- 
rante, vox una facta est omnium quasi ad horas duas cla- 
mantium: ‘‘ Magna Diana Ephesiorum.” Tandem tu- 
multu scribe civitatis prudentia sedato, Paulus, convocatis 
discipulis valedicens, abiit profecturus in Macedoniam". 

Epheso quoque Aquila et Priscilla profecti, Romam 
sunt reversi: postquam pro Pauli salute suam ipsorum 
cervicem supposuissent’, Judzis, Claudii de eorum ex- 
pulsione edicto post mortem illius exolescente, passim Ro- 
mam redeuntibus®. 

Epheso in Troadem veniente Paulo, etiamsi ostium 
apertum illi esset per Dominum ad pradicandum evange- 
lium Christi, turbatus tamen quod ibi non invenisset 
Titum (quem cum alio fratre ad Corinthios ille miserat) 
navigavit inde in Macedoniam' ; quam perambulans, multo 
sermone fratres est exhortatus". 

Et quum ibi afflictio ejus se non remitteret, sed foris 
essent pugne, intus terrores; consolationem ei attulit ad- 
ventus ‘Titi, atque letus quem de Corinthiorum statu ille 
attulit nuncius*. Quorum exemplo Macedonas etiam pro- 
vocavit ad expediendas collectas Hierosolymam mitten- 
das; ab anno superiore paratam Achaiam fuisse dicens’; 
eoque exemplo illi commoti, in multa probatione afflic- 
tionis etiam supra vires suas liberales se prastiterunt’. 

Apostolus, per Titum de successu prioris epistol 
edoctus, posteriorem ad Corinthios, simul cum Timotheo, 
scripsit epistolam: in qua, summa illa, quam in Asia (De- 
metrio procurante) nuper pertulerat, afflictione comme- 
morata, se idcirco ad eos, sicuti proposuerat, non venisse 
protestatur, ut eis parceret*; incestuoso illi resipiscenti 
veniam dari obsecrat®; misso ad eos iterum Tito, una 


4 Act. cap. 19. ver. 2441. et cap. 20. ver. 1. 

* Rom. cap. 16. ver. 3, 4. cum 1 Corinth. cap. 16. ver. 19. 

§ Act. cap. 28. ver. 17. 21. 

2 Corinth. cap. 2. ver. 12, 13. eum cap. 12. ver. 18. 

" Act. cap. 20. ver. 2. * 2 Corinth. cap. 7. ver. 5—16. 
2 Corinth. cap. 9. ver. 2. z Thid. cap. 8. ver. 1—5. 

2 Cor. cap. 1. ver. 8, 9. 17. 23. b Tbid, cap. 6. ver. 5—11. 


- 


o « 


70 ANNALES 


cum alio fratre cujus laus erat in evangelio per omnes 
ecclesias, (qui Lucas fuisse existimatur) ut collectze Hiero- 
solymam mittende in promptu essent, quum ipse eo ve- 
niret®. 

Ex Macedonia in Greciam profectus Paulus, tres men- 
ses ibi peregit’, Intra quos Corinthum ille veniens, elee- 
mosynas ad sublevandos fideles Hierosolymitanos in Achaia 
collectas recepit*. 

Corintho scriptam fuisse insignem illam ad Romanos 
epistolam, in przfatione ad illius explicationem pluribus 
confirmat Origenes: dictatam quidem a Paulo, scriptam 
manu Tertii, missam per Phceben diaconissam ecclesiz 
Cenchreensis, juxta Corinthum'; quo tempore cum col- 
lectis Macedoniz et Achaiz profecturus erat apostolus 
Hierosolymam!. 

Quum vero apostolus recta inde in Syriam solvere, ut 
collectas illas Hierosolymam deferret, in animo haberet ; 
a Judeis illi navigaturo facte sunt insidie. Unde, qua 
yenerat via, in Macedoniam redeundum esse censuit; in- 
deque in Asiam proprie dictam transeundum?. 

Philippis in Macedonia premisit ille in Asiam itineris 
comites, Sopatrem sive Sosipatrem Berceensem’', Aristar- 
chum et Secundum Thessalonicenses, Gaium Derbensem 
et Timotheum, cum Asianis Tychico et Trophimo: qui 
expectarunt illum Troade. Ipse vero, cum Luca et reli- 
quis, post dies azymorum Philippis solvens, venit ad eos 
'Troadem intra dies quinque: ibique commoratus est dies 
septem*. 

Die octavo, qui hebdomadis fuit primus, congregatis 
discipulis ad frangendum panem, Paulus disserebat cum 
eis abiturus postridie, produxitque sermonem usque in 
mediam noctem; ubi Eutychum adolescentem ex tertia 
contignatione, in ccenaculo ubi erant congregati, deorsum 
decidentem vite restituit’. 


© 1 Cor. cap. 8. ver. 16—19. et cap. 9. ver. 3, 4, 5. 

4 Act. cap. 20. ver. 2, 3. 

e 1 Corinth. cap. 16. ver. 3, 4, 5. cum 2 Corinth. cap. 9. ver. 4. 

f Rom. cap. 16. ver. 1. 2. 22. ® Rom. cap. 15. ver. 25, 26. 
h Act. cap. 20. ver. 3, 4. + Rom. cap. 16. ver. 11. 

k Rom. cap. 16. ver. 4, 5, 6. 1 Ibid. ver. 7—12. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 71 


Hine iter pedibus confecit Paulus Assum usque: ubi 
Lucas et reliqui socii, navigio eo pervenientes, eum recep- 
tum Mitylenen deduxerunt. Et quum illinc enavigassent, 
sequenti die pervenerunt e regione Chi, postridie vero 
appulerunt Samum: et quum diversati essent apud Tro- 
gyllium, sequenti die venerunt Miletum™. 

Festinabat vero Paulus ut, si fieri posset, die Pente- 
costes esset Hierosolymis. Ephesum igitur praeternavi- 
gare volens, ne tempus tereret in Asia, missis Mileto 
nunciis Ephesum, presbyteros ecclesiz eo accersivit : quos 
gravissima oratione de officio admonuit, et ad illud gna- 
viter faciendum hortatus est serio, ‘Tum positis genibus 
suis, oravit cum illis: flentibus omnibus et maxime dolen- 
tibus, quod dixisset, (ita enim futurum ille tum putabat) 
ipsos non esse amplius faciem ejus conspecturos”. 

Troade provecti recto cursu venerunt Coum, et sequenti 
die Rhodum, et illinc Patara. Tum conscensa navi que 
trajiciebat in Phoeniciam, preterlegentes Cyprum, eaque 
ad levam relicta, venerunt ‘Tyrum’. 

Ibi permanserunt dies septem, inventis discipulis: qui 
Paulo dicebant per Spiritum, ne ascenderet Hierosoly- 
mam. Ille vero, positis genibus in litore orans cum eis, 
conscensa navi, Tyro delatus est Ptolemaidem: et salu- 
tatis ibi fratribus, postridie venit Casaream Stratonis. {Ubi 
quum complures dies permansisset cum Philippo evange- 
lista, qui unus erat ex illis septem?, et filias habuit qua- 
tuor virgines prophetantes ; adveniens ex Judza prophe- 
ta Agabus, et Pauli zona manus ac pedes sibi vinciens, 
vincula que illum manebant Hierosolymis praedixit. Qui 
cum a fratribus persuaderi sibi non pateretur, ne in tam 
presens discrimen se conjiceret, Hierosolymam perrexit : 
comitantibus eum ex Cesarea discipulis, et adducentibus 
apud quem diversaretur, Mnasonem Cyprium, antiquum 
discipulum‘. 

Hic ab ecclesia libentissime exceptus, Jacobi et om- 


™ Rom. cap. 16. ver. 13, 14, 15. " [bid. ver. 16—38. 
oVActyicap. 2. Ve.) 12,3: P Ibid. cap. 6. ver. 5. 
4 Act. cap. 6. ver. 4—16. 


iw ANNALES 

nium Hierosolymitanorum presbyterorum consilio, ad elu- 
endam que de eo sparsa erat calumniam, (eum nempe 
docere atque hortari Judos in Christum credentes, quo- 
rum aliquot tum erant myriades, ut ab observatione legis 
Mosaic recederent) quatuor viris qui ex fidelibus Judeis 
votum Nazareatus fecerant se adjunxit; cum iis secun- 
dum legis prascriptum se purificans. Neque tamen eo 
promovit quidquam. Quum enim eum in templo vidissent 
nonnulli ex incredulis et rebellibus Judzis Asiaticis (qui 
Hierosolymam ad festum ascenderant) magnis clamoribus 
et vociferatione turbas concitaverunt; conficto crimine, 
quod introducto in templum Trophimo Gentili Ephesio 
illud polluisset. Cumque prope esset ut ab iis per tumul- 
tum trucidaretur, superveniente tribuno Claudio Lysia 
cum cohorte, ereptus est ex eorum manibus et ductus in 
castra. Ubi, permittente tribuno, concionem ad tumultu- 
antem populum lincua Hebrea habuit*. 

Pauli oratione Judwis exacerbatis et vehementius ad- 
versus eum exclamantibus, tribunus Lysias virgis exami- 
nari jubet: a quo supplicio, Romanum se civem esse 
declarans, liberatus est. Cumque vellet tribunus certo 
scire cujus criminis accusaretur ille a Judeis; postera die 
primarios sacerdotes totumque ipsorum synedrium venire 
Jussit, ac Paulum vinculis solutum coram eis statuit’. 

Paulum coram synedrio causam dicere incipientem Ana- 
nias pontifex (Nebedzi filius: qui licet summo sacerdotio 
privatus, synedrii tamen preses fuisse videtur; ut ante 
eum Annas sive Ananus, Caiaphz socer) in os cdi jubet : 
a Paulo idcirco parietis dealbati nomine acriter objur- 
gatus. Phariszeum deinde se esse Paulo proclamante, et 
de spe resurrectionis mortuorum in judicium vocari; dis- 
sensio inter Sadduceos qui accusabant, et Phariseos qui 
eum excusabant, orta est. Metuens vero tribunus ne ab 
illis inter contendendum discerperetur, Paulum e medio 
ipsorum per milites in castra ducendum curavit. Cui se- 
quente nocte apparens Dominus, subtristem consolatur et 


Y Act. cap. 6. ver. 17 —40. Act. cap. 22. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 73 
animat ad majora; predicens et Rome eum de ipso esse 
attestaturum*. 

Orto autem die, ex Judeis zelotis plures quam quadra- 
ginta seipsos devoverunt, neque esuros neque bibituros, 
usquequo interemissent Paulum. Quorum insidias a soro- 
ris Pauli filio resciscens tribunus Lysias, tertia hora noctis 
Paulum militum satellitio septum ad Felicem provincie 
presidem misit: a quibus ea nocte Antipatrida, et postero 
die Czsaream est deductus; ubi jussus est a Felice in 
pretorio Herodis custodiri*. Qua omnia intra unius 
hebdomadz spatium peracta fuisse, ex Act. cap. XXIV. 
versiculis 1. et 11. inter se collatis, intelligitur. 

Post quinque dies ab Anania pontifice et senioribus per 
Tertullum oratorem Czsarez apud presidem accusatus 
Paulus, a falsis eorum criminationibus se purgavit: duo- 
decim post vim ipsi in templo illatam diebus, quum jam a 
multis annis Felix Judzis przefuisset: utpote qui deci- 
mum gubernationis illius annum tum ageret. Ille vero, 
his auditis, judicium in aliud tempus distulit: edicens 
centurioni ut servaretur Paulus, ac laxaretur, et ne quis 
prohiberetur ex ipsius familiaribus ei ministrare aut eum 
adire*. 

Aliquot post diebus quum advenisset Felix cum Dru- 
silla uxore sua, que erat Judea, soror Agripp2 regis ; 
(alia a Drusilla Felicis uxore altera, Juba Mauritanie 
regis filia, Antonii et Cleopatra: nepte) accersivit Pau- 
lum: et tum de fide Christi, tum de justitia et continentia 
et judicio futuro disserentem tremens audiit. Simul 
etiam sperans, Paulum pecunia sese redempturum, cre- 
brius colloquebatur cum eo; toto biennio in vinculis eum 
detinens’. 

Corbulo Tigranocerta in deditionem accepit, et totam 
Armeniam subjugavit’. 

Tigranes Alexandri {filii Alexandri illius qui a patre 
Herode magno necatus est) et Glaphyra filiz Archelai 


€ Act. cap. 23. ver. 1—11. u Tbid. ver. 12—35. 
x Act. cap. 24. ver. 1—23. y Ibid. ver. 24—27. 
2 Tacit. annal. lib. 14. cap. 23—26. 


74 ANNALES 


regis Cappadocum filius, qui diu Rome obses usque ad 
servilem patientiam detentus fuerat, in Armeniam ut reg- 
num capesseret a Nerone missus est. Ibi omnium con- 
sensu ille non est acceptus: durante apud quosdam favore 
Arsacidarum. At plerique superbiam Parthorum perosi, 
datum a Romanis regem malebant. Additum et presi- 
dium, mille legionarii, tres sociorum cohortes, duaque 
equitum al; quo facilius novum regnum tueretur. Pars 
Armeniz ut cuique finitima, pars Nipoli (Thrascypoli,) 
Aristobulo atque Antiocho parere jussz sunt’. 

Corbulo in Syriam abscessit, morte Vinidii Numidii 
Quadrati legati vacuam, ac sibi permissam?. 

Eodem anno ex illustribus Asiz urbibus, Laodicea tre- 
more terre prolapsa, propriis opibus revaluit’. 

4064. Tarquitius Priscus repetundarum damnatus est, 
Bithynis interrogantibus, magno patrum gaudio, qui accu- 
satum ab eo Statilium Taurum proconsulem ipsius memi- 
nerant*, 

Apud Cesaream Stratonis inter Judzos et Syros habi- 
tatores de pari jure civitatis contentione exorta, Judzi freti 
divitiis per contumeliam Syros lacessebant convitio. Qui 
tametsi inferiores quod ad facultates attinet, ferocientes 
tamen eo quod plurimi sub Romanis per ea loca militantium 
Czesarienses essent et Sebasteni patria, aliquantisper et ipsi 
regerebant in Judzos convitia. Deinde ad lapides ventum 
est, ita ut multi utrinque sauciati caderent: penes Judzeos 
tamen fuit victoria. Quos cum Felix prosiliens rogaret ut de- 
sinerent, nec illi parerent, immissis armatis militibus multos 
eorum interemit, plures captivos fecit: et multas eorum 
domos divitiis refertas in preedam concessit militibus. Ju- 
dzorum vero honoratiores ac modestiores sibi ipsis ti- 
mentes rogaverunt Felicem ut militibus receptui caneret, 
parceretque jam, et resipiscendi facultatem concederet : 
id quod praeses indulsit eorum precibus*. 

Per idem tempus Agrippa rex summum sacerdotium 


@ Tacit. annal. lib. 14. cap. 26. cum Josepho, antiqu. lib. 18. cap. 7. fin. 
b Tacit. annal. lib. 14. cap. 26. © Jd. ibid. cap. 27. 

4 Tacit. annal. lib. 14. cap. 46. cum lib. 12. cap. 59. 

© Joseph, antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 6. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. vf 


wt 


Ismaeli contulit Phabei filio. Ipsi vero summi_ pontifices 
dissidere coeperunt a sacerdotibus et primatibus Hierosoly- 
mitanorum civium, singulique incedebant stipati manu au- 
dacissimorum et seditiosorum hominum ; conflictantesque 
inter se mutuis certabant convitiis et lapidationibus : nec 
erat qui compesceret, quasi vacante urbe magistratibus. In 
tantum autem exarsit summorum pontificum impudentia, ut 
auderent servos suos in areas mittere, qui auferrent de- 
bitas sacerdotibus decimas; aliquotque pauperiores e 
sacerdotum ordine alimentorum inopia fame deficerent. 
Tanto plus tum pollebat violentia seditiosorum quam 
justitia’. 

4065. Marcus evangelista, qui primus Alexandria 
Christum annunciavit, octavo Neronis anno mortuus est, 
et Alexandriz sepultus’. Post quem, Alexandriz pres- 
byteri unum ex se electum, in celsiori gradu collocatum 
episcopum nominarunt: quo modo si exercitus imperato- 
rem faciat; aut diaconi eligunt de se, quem industrium 
noverint, et archidiaconum vocent*. Elegerunt autem 
Anianum, virum tum Deo propter pietatem charum, tum 
in omnibus rebus admirabilem: qui post Marcum primus 
ecclesia Alexandrine per annos viginti duos episcopus 
preefuit ; ab octavo Neronis anno, usque ad Domitiani 
quartum’. 

Vologeses Parthorum rex 'Tiridatem fratrem Armenia 
pulsum restituere conatus, alium exercitum in Armeniam, 
alium in Syriam ducit ; Corbulo partem sui exercitus Ti- 
erani Armeniz regi mittit ; ipse arcet Parthos a Syria, et 
minis efficit ut Parthus omisso bello legatos de pace mit- 
teret: quire infecta a Nerone dimittuntur, et Caesennius 
Peetus tuende Armeniz preponitur®. 

Felix, seditionem inter Judzeos et Syros Czsarienses 
adhuc manere videns, nobiles utriusque partis electos 


f Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 6. 

s Hieronym. in scriptor. ecclesiastic. catalogo. 

h Hieronym: in epist. ad Euagrium. 

i Hieronym. in catalogo: cum Eusebio, in chronico, et ecclesiast. histor, 
lib. 2. cap. 23. weg. x0. et lib. 3. cap. 12. Keg. ty. 

k Tacit. lib. 15, a cap. 1, ad 7. 


76 ANNALES 


legatos misit ad Neronem, de jure suo disceptaturos'. 
Idemque sacerdotes quosdam, viros honestos et bonos, 
ob levem quandam culpam vinctos Romam misit, acturos 
causam suam apud Czsarem™. Idemque Paulum apos- 
tolum, toto biennio Czsarez’in vinculis detentum, ut 
gratiam iniret a Judzis, vinctum ibi reliquit, quum a 
Nerone successorem in provincia accepisset Porcium 
Festum". 

Festus ingressus provinciam, triduo post ascendit Ca- 
sarea Hierosolymam. Apud quem cum pontifex et pri- 
marii ex Judzis Paulum accusarent, rogantes ut Caesarea 
Hierosolymam adduceretur, animo eum ex insidiis in iti- 
nere interficiendi; renuens Festus, jussit Pauli accusatores 
venire Czsaream. Commoratus autem Hierosolyme dies 
non amplius quam decem, descendit Casaream: et pos- 
tero die sedens pro tribunali audivit Judzos Paulum ac- 
cusantes, et Paulum ab eorum accusatione se purgantem. 
Qui Judzis gratificari volens, interrogavit Paulum num 
vellet Hierosolyme coram se ea de re de qua postulabatur 
judicari. Paulus qui intelligebat quo animo et consilio 
Festus id rogaret, et metuens sibi a Judzorum insidiis, 
eo proficisci renuit, et Casarem appellavit : eamque appel- 
lationem Festus, cum concilio collocutus, admisit®. 

Diebus aliquot transactis, Agrippa rex et Bernice soror 
ejus novi presidis salutandi causa Casaream venerunt. 
Et quum dies complures illic essent commorati, Festus 
incertus quid de Paulo ad Czsarem scriberet, Agrippam 
ea de re consuluit. Qui cum libenter se hominem audire 
velle dixisset : postero die, Agrippa et Bernice cum multa 
pompa in auditorium ingressis, una cum tribunis et emi- 
nentibus ejus urbis civibus, Paulus catena vinctus coram 
eis, jubente Festo, productus est”. Qui luculenta oratione 
coram eis habita innocentiam suam ita probavit, ut licet 
presidi hujusmodi rerum penitus ignaro insanire videre- 
tur, regi tamen in Scripturis exercitato prope persuaserit 


! Joseph. lib. 2. belli. cap. 12. keg. Ky. 
m Joseph. in lib. de vita sua. " Act. cap. 24. ver. 27. 
® Act. cap. 25. ver. 1—12. P Ibid, ver, 13—27. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. V7 


ut fieret Christianus ; totiusque consessus judicio existi- 
maretur nihil morte aut vinculis dignum ipsum fecisse, ac 
propterea solvi potuisse nisi Ceesarem appellasset’. 

Primores Judzorum Cesaream incolentium Romam 
profecti sunt, Felicem accusaturi: dedissetque omnino 
peenas injuriarum quibus Judzos affecerat, nisi Nero eum 
donasset Pallantis fratris precibus, qui tum in pretio erat 
apud principem’; quanquam ipse postea Pallas, ‘‘ quod 
immensam pecuniam longa senecta detineret,” eodem hoc 
anno veneno a Nerone interfectus fuisse credatur‘. 

Ceesariensium Syrorum duo precipui Beryllum, qui pex- 
dagogus Neronis fuerat, tunc vero Grecis epistolis scri- 
bendis praeerat, magna pecunia corruperunt ut impetraret 
ab imperatore literas, quibus abrogaretur Judezis ejus 
civitatis jus, hactenus commune ex equo cum Syris coha- 
bitatoribus : id quod ille facile obtinuit. Quod ubi Judzi 
Czesarienses cognoverunt ; in seditionibus usque ad initium 
belli Judaici (hinc precipue conflati) perstiterunt'. 

Veniens in Judzeam Festus, offendit totam afflictam a 
latronibus vicos passim populantibus : quorum ferocissimi, 
qui ad maximum numerum tunc excreverant, sicarii appel- 
labantur, a sicis, id est, gladiolis instar acinacis Persici 
incurvis; quibus, immixti turbee (ut dictum est) festis die- 
bus Hierosolymam religionis gratia confluenti, nullo ne- 
gotio quotquot collibuisset tollebant de medio. Qui etiam 
aliquando armati invadebant inimicorum vicos, direptos- 
que tradebant incendio". Los solicite persecutus Festus, 
latronum plurimos comprehendit, ac non paucos inter- 
fecit*. 

Quum decretum esset ut Romam ad Cesarem Paulus 
mitteretur, traditus est cum quibusdam aliis vinctis Julio 
centurioni cohortis August : qui eum navi Adramyttenz 
Asiam petenti imposuit; comitante eum, preter Timo- 
theum et Lucam, etiam Aristarcho Macedone Thessalo- 
nicensi. Sequenti autem die devecti sunt Sidonem: ubi 


4 Act. cap. 26. ' Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 7. 
* Tacit. annal. lib. 14. cap. ult. Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20, cap. 7. 
" Joseph. antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 7. 

* Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 12. fin, Keg. KO. init. 


78 ANNALES 


Julius humaniter tractato Paulo, permisit ut ad amicos 
profectus ab illis curaretur. Illinc provecti sublegerunt 
Cyprum, quod venti essent adversi. Et pelagus quod est 
secundum Ciliciam et Pamphyliam emensi, devenerunt 
Myra urbem Lyciz: ubi cum invenisset centurio navem 
Alexandrinam, cujus insigne fuit Castor et Pollux, peten- 
tem Italiam, imposuit illi captives. Quumque multis die- 
bus tarde navigantes vix pervenissent secundum Cnidum, 
sublegerunt Cretam secundum Salmonem: et illum vix 
preterlegentes, pervenerunt ad Pulchros portus in Creta 
insula’. 

4066. Quum jejunium (solenne expiationis illud, mensis 
septimi die decimo, a Judzis quotamnnis celebrari solitum) 
jam preeteriisset, et periculosa navigatio esse inciperet ; 
futura damna Paulus preevidens, ut isthic hyemarent con- 
suluit. Sed quum portus ille ad hyemandum parum com- 
modus videretur, in alio potius Cretz portu, Phoenice 
dicto, hyemare decreverunt. Cumque illuc tenderent, 
aspirante primum Noto, sed mox orto vento turbulento 
qui Euroclydon vocatur, ad Claudam parvam insulam sunt 
tempestate delati. Inde abrepti, et vehementerjactati, jactu- 
ram fecerunt; ac tertio die ipsi suis manibus armamenta 
navis abjecerunt : per complures dies neque sole neque si- 
deribus apparentibus. Ablata vero in posterum spe omni 
salutis, ab Angelo per noctem revelatum est Paulo, sisti 
opportere eum Ceesari, et donavisse ei Deum omnes qui 
navigabant cum ipso. Nocte igitur quadragesima, quum 
jactarentur in Adria, suspicabantur naute appropinquare 
sibi aliquam regionem: quam postea compererunt esse 
Melitam insulam. Eo appellere illis conantibus, navis vi 
procellarum dissoluta periit: homines vero partim ena- 
tantes, partim tabulis et fragmentis navis subvecti, salvi 
in terram omnes evaserunt’. 

Naufragi a Melitz incolis humanissime excepti sunt : 
qui accensa pyra ad eorum vestes siccandas, cum Paulus 
juxta focum stans viperam manu excussisset in ignem sine 
damno, rapti in admirationem eum Deum esse dicebant. 


¥ Act. cap. 27. ver. 1—8. 2 Ibid. ver. 9—44. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 19 


Hic per tres dies apud Publium insulz primarium diversati 
sunt: cujus pater febri cum dysenteria laborans a Paulo 
sanatus est, caeterique quotquot in insula fuerunt egri 
morbo levati sunt?. 

Cesennius Pztus, necdum satis firmatis hibernaculis, 
nullo rei frumentariz provisu, rapiens exercitum trans 
montem Taurum, castella quaedam et prade nonnihil 
cepit. Longinquis vero itineribus percursando que obti- 
neri nequibant, corrupto qui captus erat commeatu, et in- 
stante jam hyeme, reduxit exercitum; composuitque ad 
Czsarem literas, quasi confecto bello, verbis magnificis, 
rerum vacuas?, 

Interim Corbulo nunquam neglectam Euphratis ripam 
crebrioribus insidiis insedit ; et Vologesem ab invadenda 
Syria absterruit. Vologeses autem in Pzetum versus, ita 
eum pressit, ut ad turpe foedus eum coegerit: cujus Mo- 
nobazus Adiabenus testis est adhibitus. Dirutaque que 
ultra Euphratem communierat Corbulo, et Armenii suo 
arbitrio relicti sunt. At Rome trophza de Parthis, arcus- 
que medio Capitolini montis sistebantur, decreta a senatu 
integro adhuc bello, neque tum omissa, dum aspectui 
consulitur, spreta conscientia®. 

Paulus et comites, multis honoribus a Melitensibus 
affecti et tis que usui erant necessaria instructi, tribus 
postquam ad eos advenerant mensibus conscensa navi 
Alexandrina que in insula hyemaverat, cui erat insigne 
Castor et Pollux, Syracusa sunt devecti: ubi manserunt 
triduum. Unde circumlegentes devenerunt Rhegium: et 
post unum diem superveniente austro, secundo die vene- 
runt Puteolos. Ubi repertis fratribus, rogati sunt ut per- 
manerent apud eos diebus septem: et ita contenderunt 
Romam‘; anno imperii Neronis nono. 

Roma fratres in occursum Paulo prodierunt usque ad 
Appii forum et tres tabernas. Quum Romam vero est 
perventum, centurio tradidit vinctos prefecto praetorii : 


2 Act. cap. 28. ver. 1—9. b Tacit. ann. lib. 15. cap. 8. 
© Tacit. ann. lib. 15, cap. 9—18. 4 Act. cap. 28. ver, 10—14. 


80 ANNALES 


permissumque est Paulo, ut habitaret seorsim, cum milite 
qui ipsum custodiret. ‘Tertio post die Judeeorum primos 
qui Rome erant convocans, exposuit eis causam cur Ro- 
mam vinctus missus esset, Caesaremque appellare coactus 
fuisset: cumque illi negarent se literas ullas de eo ex Ju- 
daa accepisse, sed heresi isti ubique contradici dicerent ; 
die constituta venientibus ad eum in hospitium eorum 
compluribus Christum ex lege et prophetis annunciavit a 
mane usque ad vesperam. It quidam assentiebantur iis 
que dicebantur, reliqui vero increduli permanserunt : qui- 
bus postquam ex Ksaia suum recitasset judicium, istis re- 
lictis ad Gentes se convertit. Mansitque biennium totum 
in proprio conducto: et excipiebat omnes qui ad ipsum 
ingrediebantur; preedicans regnum Dei, ac docens que 
sunt de Domino Jesu Christo cum omni dicendi libertate, 
nemine prohibente®. 

Onesiphorus Ephesius Paulum Rome studiosissime 
quesitum invenit et recreavit'. 

Principio veris legati Parthorum mandata regis Volo- 
gesis literasque Romam attulerunt, Armeniam (quam jam 
eripuerant) sibi dari, et pacem confirmari petentes. Sed 
utroque illis negato, Syriz executio Cintio, ut presidi, 
copie militares Corbuloni, permissz sunt; et quintade- 
cima legio, ducente Mario Celso, e Pannonia adjecta est. 
Jussi quoque sunt tetrarche ac reges, preefectique et pro- 
curatores, et qui praetorum finitimas provincias regebant, 
Corbuloni obsequi: in tantum ferme modum aucta potes- 
tate, quem populus Romanus Cn. Pompeio bellum pirati- 
cum gesturo dederat. Regressum vero Petum, cum gra- 
viora metueret, facetiis insectari satis habuit Nero: igno- 
scere se statim dicens, ne tam promptus in pavorem lon- 
giore solicitudine egresceret*. 

Corbulo, lustrato exercitu, in Armeniam profectus est : 
cui legati Vologesis obviam venerunt, pacem petituri. 
Tiridates vero in castra Romana venire coactus, detrac- 
tum diadema Neronis imagini subjecit, atque ut idem ab 


€ Act. cap. 28. ver. 14—31. f 2 Timoth. cap. 1. ver. 16, 17. 
® Tacit. ann. lib. 15. cap, 24, 25. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. Sl 


eo resumeret ipse ad eum Romam proficisci pactus est : 
hac tamen conditione, ut prius suos fratres et familiam 
conveniret. Obsidem interea filiam tradidit, literasque 
supplicatorias ad Neronem: et digressus Pacorum apud 
Medos, Vologesem Ecbatanis repperit*. 

In Judea Festus equestres et pedestres copias misit 
contra quendam impostorem magum, qui homines post se 
trahebat in solitudinem, deceptos vanis promissis ; quasi 
ope ejus incolumes evasuri essent a malis omnibus. Hi 
universi una cum seductore ab immissis militibus oppressi 
sunt, 

Kodem tempore Agrippa rex extruxit insigni amplitu- 
dine domum prope porticum in regia Hierosolymitana quze 
Hasmonzorum fuerat, sitam in edito loco, unde amcenis- 
simus prospectus patebat contemplari urbem volentibus. 
Hierosolymitani vero proceres, indignissime ferentes sacri- 
ficia et alia quze in templo agerentur e privata domo spec- 
tari, altum parietem excitaverunt, quo non solum arceba- 
tur prospectus ille domus regi, sed et occidentalis extra 
templum sitze porticus, in qua Romani milites festis diebus 
stationes habebant ad templi custodiam. Quo facto tam 
rex offensus est, quam Festus preses provincie. Eo vero 
Jubente parietem dirui, Hierosolymitani, licentia ab illo 
impetrata, legatos hac de re miserunt ad Neronem decem 
cives eximios; una cum Ismaele summo pontifice, et Chel- 
cia custode sacri erarii. Legatione audita, Nero non 
modo Hierosolymitanis ignovit, sed permisit etiam sic 
manere parietem; gratificatus in hoc uxori sue Poppee, 
que Judaice religioni favens pro Judeis deprecatrix fue- 
rat: quaeque decem illos viros redire permisit, Chelcia et 
Ismaele tanquam obsidibus apud se detentis. Id post- 
quam Agrippa rescivit, pontificatum Ismaeli ademptum 
Josepho cognomine Cabi, Simonis summi quondam pon- 
tificis filio, detulit*. 

Josephus Matthiz filius, audiens familiares sibi sacer- 
dotes vinctos a Felice Romam missos ne in calamitate qui- 


h Tacit. ann. lib. 15. cap. 26—31. i Joseph. antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 7. 
kK Joseph. antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 7. 


VOL. XI. G 


82 ANNALES Pali 


dem constitutos curam pietatis abjecisse, et ficubus eos 
atque nucibus vitam sustentare, ut aliquo pacto liberaret, 
Romam etatis anno vigesimo sexto exacto profectus est, 
multis in mari exhaustis periculis. Mersa enim nave in 
medio mari Adriatico, ex sexcentis circiter qui per totam 
noctem nataverant, octoginta ferme, feliciore usi natatu, 
in navem Cyrenaicam recepti et servati sunt. Inter quos 
Josephus, terre redditus, Diczarchiam sive Puteolos (ut 
Itali vocare malunt) veniens, familiaritatem contraxit cum 
Aliturio mimorum actore, qui Judezus genere Neroni 
charus erat. Per hunc ubi Poppe Auguste innotuit, 
absolutionem illis sacerdotibus per eam confestim impe- 
travit!. 

Festo in provincia mortuo Nero successorem in Judeeam 
misit Albinum. Rex vero Agrippa summum sacerdotium 
Josepho ademptum Anano dedit Anne sive Anani illius 
filio, qui ipse prius summo pontificatu ad satietatem po- 
titus, filios habuit quinque eadem dignitate perfunctos: 
quod ad eam etatem nulli ante summorum pontificum 
contigerat™. 

Ananus novus pontifex, ex secta Sadduczorum, audax 
et ferox ingenio, tempus opportunum se nactum ratus, 
mortuo Festo et Albino adhuc agente in itinere, concilium 
judicum advocavit : statutumque coram eo Jacobum fra- 
trem Jesu, et una quosdam alios, impietatis accusatos, 
lapidandos tradidit®. Jacobum hunc fratrem Domini tem- 
pore Paschatis e pinna templi dejectum Judzos lapidibus 
obtrivisse, atque unum eorum qui fullo erat, vecte quo 
vestes premere solebat in caput ejus impacto, vitam 
illi eripuisse ; ex libro quinto historiz Hegesippi refert 
Kusebius?. 

Ceedes Jacobi omnibus in civitate Hierosolymitana bonis 
et legum studiosis vehementer displicuit: missisque ad 
Agrippam regem clam nunciis rogaverunt, ut mandaret 
Anano, ne quid tale posthae ageret. Quidam etiam Al- 


! Joseph. in lib. de vita sua. ™ Td. antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 8. 
” Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 8. 
° Lib, 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 22. Keg. Ky. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 83 


bino occurrentes venienti ab Alexandria docuerunt eum 
non licuisse Anano sine ipsius consensu advocare conci- 
lium. Horum verbis ille persuasus iracunde scripsit pon- 
tifici, daturum sibi poenas minitans: et Agrippa rex eam 
ob causam post tertium mensem ablatum ab eo pontifica- 
tum Jesu Damnei filio concessit?.. Apud Christianos vero, 
post Jacobum fratrem Domini, Hierosolymitane ecclesiz 
episcopus Symeon Cleophe filius est constitutus’. 

Albinus, ut venit Hierosolymam, omnem curam et dili- 
gentiam adhibuit, ut pacaret provinciam, interfectis multis 
sicariis. Ananias autem pontifex, Nebedezi filius, indies 
apud populum celebrior fiebat et charior, honorabaturque 
ob liberalitatem ab omnibus: quotidieque Albinum donis 
venerabatur et summum pontificem. Sed habebat servos 
pessimos, qui adjuncto sibi audacissimo quoque obeuntes 
areas, vi auferebant sacerdotum decimas; pulsantes eos, 
qui cunctarentur reddere. Alii quoque pontifices facie- 
bant similia, nemine valente compescere: multique sacer- 
dotum, quibus ante ex decimis alimenta fuerant, tunc 
absumebantur inedia’. 

Sicarii die festo qui tum supervenerat (Pentecostes) 
noctu Hierosolymam ingressi, vivum ceperunt scribam 
ducis Eleazari, filii Ananiz pontificis. une vinctum ab- 
duxerunt, ac deinde miserunt ad Ananiam qui eorum no- 
mine promitteret scribam dimittendum, si ille Albino per- 
suaderet, ut ex eorum numero decem captivos solveret : 
quod Ananias, urgente necessitate, ab Albino impetravit. 
Id majorum calamitatum fuit initium. Latrones enim 
semper aliquam artem comminiscebantur, qua ex Ananiz 
cognatis quempiam interciperent ; nec prius dimittebant, 
quam e suis aliquot reciperent: auctique denuo magno 
numero, et recepta audacia, totam eam regionem vasta- 
bant*. 

Hoc tempore Agrippa rex prolatis pomeeriis Casarez 
Philippi, mutato nomine Neroniada eam vocavit: et the- 


P Joseph. antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 8. 
1 Euseb. lib. 3. histor. eccles. cap. 26. ced. A. 
F Joseph. antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 8. § Id. ibid. 


84. ANNALES 


atrum apud Berytios impendiis magnis exeedificatum orna- 
vit spectaculis annuis, assignata in eum usum ingenti vi 
pecuniz. Frumentum enim donavit ei populo, et oleum 
viritim distribuit, totamque eam urbem ornavit statuis 
passim dispositis atque expressis ad antiqua clarorum 
artificum archetypa imaginibus: et omnia pene regni sui 
ornamenta in eam civitatem transtulit. Unde magnam 
sibi apud subditos paravit invidiam; quod suos spolians 
externam urbem excoleret'. 

4067. Quadriennio ante bellum Judaicum a Vespasiano 
administrari coeptum, quum civitas Hierosolymitana sum- 
ma pace atque opulentia frueretur, Jesus quidam Anani 
filius, plebeius et rusticus, ad festum tabernaculorum ve- 
niens repente exclamare ccepit: ‘‘ Vox ab oriente, vox ab 
occidente, vox a quatuor ventis: vox in Hierosolymam et 
templum, vox in maritos novos novasque nuptas, vox in 
omnem hunc populum.” Atque hee interdiu noctuque 
clamitans omnes civitatis vicos circuibat. Nonnulli autem 
virorum insignium, adversum omen indigne ferentes, cor- 
reptum hominem multis verberibus affecerunt. Ille autem 
neque pro se, neque ad eos qui ipsum mulctabant, secreto 
quicquam locutus, eadem que prius vociferabat. Magis- 
tratus autem rati magis divinum esse hominis motum, 
duxerunt eum ad Romanorum prefectum: ubi plagis 
usque ad ossa laceratus, neque supplex cuiquam fuit, 
neque lachrymavit : sed ut poterat inclinans maxime flebi- 
liter vocem ad singulos ictus respondebat; ‘‘ Va, ve, 
Hierosolymis.” Albino autem interroganti quis esset, vel 
unde ortus, aut cur ista diceret, nihil retulit : a luctu vero 
civitatis non destitit, donec eum Albinus furere judicatum 
dimisit. Maxime autem diebus festis vociferabatur: id- 
que per annos septem (vel sex potius ; ut in Photii 
bibliotheca”, legitur) et quinque menses continuos fa- 
ciens neque voce raucior fuit, neque delassatus est ; 
donec obsidionis tempore lapis tormento missus eum pe- 
remit”. 


§ Joseph. antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 8. 
" Cod. 47. 
w Joseph. lib. 7. belli, cap, 12. neg. Aa. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 85 


Agrippa rege jubente, Jesus Gamalielis filius in summo 
pontificatu successit Jesu Damnei filio non libenter sibi 
cedenti: unde natum est inter utrumque dissidium. Ascitis 
enim globis audacium juvenum, szpe a conviclis prorum- 
pebant ad lapides. Sed inter alios eminebat Ananias ex 
amplis facultatibus largitione plurimos sibi concilians. 
Costobarus quoque et Saulus suam quisque circa se ma- 
num habebat sceleratorum hominum; orti genere regio, 
et propter Agrippz cognationem favorabiles, alioqui vio- 
lenti et ad spoliandos infirmiores promptissimi*. 

Ex hoc maxime tempore labare ccepit respublica Ju- 
daica et indies in deterius ruere’; et multiplice existenti 
tunc dominatione, futuri excidii semina spargebantur’. 

Albinus vero przsens non solum causis civilibus fura- 
batur et diripiebat bona singulorum, neque solum tributo- 
rum additamentis in commune gentem gravabat ; sed etiam. 
quos ob latrocinia decuriones civitatum comprehenderunt, 
vel qui a prioribus judicibus in custodiis erant relicti, 
accepta a cognatis eorum pecunia, liberavit: et is solum 
qui non dedisset, im carceribus quasi nocentissimus re- 
manebat*. 

Per idem tempus, eorum quoque qui res novas cupie- 
bant in urbe Hierosolymitana crescebat audacia. Ex 
quibus, qui erant opulenti Albinum largitione redimebant, 
ut eis tumultum moventibus non indignaretur : pars autem 
popularis, que non satis gaudebat quiete, Albini participi- 
bus jungebatur. Unusquisque ergo improborum cohorte 
propria circumdatus, ipse quidem inter czeteros quasi prin- 
ceps latronum et tyrannus eminebat: stipatoribus vero 
suis ad direptionem mediocrium abutebatur. Ita fiebat, 
ut hi quidem quorum vastabantur domus, tacerent; illi 
autem qui extra incommodum stetissent, metu ne similia 
paterentur, etiam officiis ambirent eos quos constabat 
dignos esse suppliciis?. 

Nero, Roma incensa, e turri Mcecenatiana incendium 


* Joseph. lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 8. Y Id. ibid. 
» Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 18. Keg. Kd. 
® Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 18. Keg, Kd. 
© Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 13.. keg. Kd. 


§5 ANNALES 


prospectans, letusque flamme (ut aiebat) pulchritudine, 
excidium Iii in scenico suo habitu decantavit ; praesentia 
mala vetustis cladibus assimulans®. Fuere qui annotarent, 
decimo quarto Kalendas Sextiles principium incendii hujus 
ortum, quo et Senones captam urbem inflammaverant. 
Alii eousque cura progressi sunt, ut totidem annos men- 
sesque et dies inter utraque incendia numerarent®; ac si 
annos 448, menses 5376. dies 167632. inter ea interces- 
sisse dixissent. 

Abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, et quesitissimis 
poenis affecit, quos vulgus Christianos appellabat. Igitur 
primo correpti qui Christianos se fatebantur, deinde indicio 
eorum multitudo ingens, haud perinde in crimine incendii, 
quam odio humani generis convicti sunt. Et pereuntibus 
addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum 
interirent, aut crucibus affixi, aut flammandi, atque ubi 
defecisset dies in usum nocturni luminis uterentur. Hor- 
tos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat, et Circense ludi- 
crum edebat, habitu aurigee permixtus plebi, vel circulo 
insistens. Unde miseratio oriebatur, tanquam non utilitate 
publica, sed in seevitiam unius absumerentur®. Pro qui- 
bus illustrandis, adducuntur verba veteris scholiaste, ad 
illud Juvenalis, in satyra prima : 


Pone Tigellinum: teda lucebis in illa, 
Qua stantes ardent qui fixo gutture fumant. 


“ Tigellinum si leseris, vivus ardebis, quemadmodum in 
munere Neronis, de quibus ille jusserat cereos fieri, ut 
lucerent spectatoribus, cum fixa essent guttura ne se cur- 
varent. Nero maleficos taeda, papyro et cera superves- 
tiebat, et sic ad ignem admoveri jubebat.” 

Heec fuit prima a Romanis imperatoribus in Christianos 
excitata persecutio: de qua Suetonius‘, ut homo ethnicus : 
‘* Afflicti suppliciis Christiani, genus hominum superstiti- 


© Tacit. annal. lib. 15. cap. 38, 39, 40. Sueton. in Nerone, cap. 38. Xiphi- 
lin. ex Dione. 

4 Tacit. annal. lib. 15. cap. 41. 

© Tacit. annal. lib. 15. cap. 44. f In Nerone, cap. 15. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 87 


onis nove ac malefice.” Tertullianus vero, ut Christianus, 
in apologetico, capite quinto: ‘‘ Consulite commentarios : 
illic reperietis primum Neronem in hanc sectam tum 
maxime Rome’ orientem Czsariano gladio ferocisse. Sed 
tali dedicatore damnationis nostra etiam gloriamur: qui 
enim scit illum, intelligere potest non nisi grande aliquod 
bonum a Nerone damnatum.” 

4068. Cestius Gallus preeses in Syriam, Gessius Florus 
procurator in Judezam a Nerone missus est. Hrat vero 
Florus Clazomenius genere: adduxitque secum Cleopa- 
tram conjugem improbam; per quam, ut Poppez Au- 
guste amicam, Jude administrationem impetraverat*. 

Albinus, audito Gessium Florum sibi successurum ve- 
nire, videri volens gratificatus Hierosolymitanis civibus, 
productis vinctis, quotquot erant in manifeste capitali 
culpa jussit interimi; reliquos, qui levioribus de causis 
conjecti erant in vincula, reductos in carcerem pecuniis 
mulctatos dimittebat alium post alium. Atque in hunc 
modum vacuato vinctis carcere Judza repleta est latro- 
nibus?. 

Interea Levitice tribus homines, quorum erat sacros 
hymnos in templo canere, adito rege Agrippa induxerunt 
eum precibus, ut advocato concilio decerneret eis usum 
stole lineae, que tum solis erat concessa sacerdotibus : 
hanc enim novationem pertinere ad perpetuam ipsius regni 
memoriam. Rex igitur de concilii sententia permisit hym- 
norum cantoribus, ut, deposito priore habitu, lineum ut 
voluerunt sumerent. Aliam etiam ejusdem tribus partem 
addictam templi ministeriis, ipsorum precibus permotus, 
permisit sacros hymnos canendos ediscere: quz omnia 
fiebant contra instituta legis patriz, nunquam violate 
absque piaculo'. 

Philippenses Epaphroditum cum pecuniis Romam mi- 
serunt, ut Paulum in vinculis visitaret, et necessaria vite 
subsidia ei subministraret. Qui Paulo adjutorem et com- 
militonem se adjungens, propter opus Christi, non habita, 


% Joseph. antiquit. lib. 20, cap. 9. h Jd, ibid. cap. 8. 
1 Joseph. antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 9. 


88 ANNALES 


vitae sua ratione, mortis periculo se objecit; in morbum 
incidens gravissimum*. 

Onesimum servum, Colossis a Philemone domino suo 
Romam fugientem, Paulus senex in vinculis Christo lucri- 
fecit'. 

Timotheus, Rome captivus cum Paulo detentus, liber- 
tati restitutus est™. 

Per Epaphroditum, sanitatem jam adeptum, epistolam 
ad Philippenses Paulus scripsit : sperans etiam Timotheum 
brevise ad eos missurum, simul atque videret rerum suarum 
statum; et seipsum etiam cito ad eos venturum confidens". 
Quo tempore Pauli ob Christum vincula celebria facta 
sunt in toto preetorio; nonnullis ex ipsius Cesaris quoque 
palatio ad fidem Christi conversis®. A Czsare enim missus 
in carcerem, notior familie ejus factus, persecutoris do- 
mum Christi fecit ecclesiam?. 

Colossos ad Philemonem per servum ipsius Onesimum 
scribit Paulus epistolam, qua eum hero conciliat et com- 
mendat: liberationem e vinculis sperare se illi significans, 
et ut hospitium ei paret rogans. Per eundem quoque 
Onesimum et Tychicum aliam eodem tempore ad Colos- 
senses ab ipso quidem nunquam visos sed ab Epaphra in 
Christi doctrina institutos, e vinculis Paulus scripsit epis- 
tolam?. Quo tempore, preter Timotheum, (cujus nomen 
in inscriptione utraque hee prefert epistola) Paulo pre- 
sentes Rome adfuerunt, et in predicando ibi evangelio 
adjuverunt, ex circumcisione quidem, ipsius in captivitate 
socius Aristarchus Thessalonicensis', Marcus Barnabz 
consobrinus, (de quo excipiendo, si ad eos veniret, man- 
data Colossenses acceperant) et Jesus qui vocatur Justus : 
ex aliis vero, Lucas dilectus ille medicus, Demas, et Epa- 
phras; cujus summum affectum laudat apostolus, non in 


k Philipp. cap. 2. ver. 25—30. cum cap. 4. ver. 10. 14. 18, 

! Philem. ver. 9, 10. 15. cum Coloss. cap. 4. ver. 9. 

™ Hebr. cap. 13. ver. 23. " Tbid. cap. 2. ver. 19—29. 
° Heb. cap. 1. ver. 12, 13. et cap. 4. ver. 22. 

P Hieronym. commentar. in epist. ad Philem. 

4 Coloss. cap. 1. ver. 7, 8. cap. 2. ver. 1. cap. 4. ver. 7, 8, 9, 18. 

T Act. cap. 20. ver. 4. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 89 


Colossenses tantum suos (apud quos, eo absente, ministe- 
rium Archippus obibat) sed etiam in eos qui erant Lao- 
diceze et Hierapoli‘. 

Kundem Tychicum, ex Asia peregrinationis sux socium', 
in Asiam quoque Paulus tum misit, ut ex eo res ipsius 
fratres cognoscerent ; scripta per eum ad Ephesios epis- 
tola", quam epistolee ad Laodicenses nomine a Marcione 
hzretico fuisse venditatam, Tertullianus” cum Epiphanio 
in heresi quadragesima secunda indicat. Quod quidem 
ex fide ecclesiz Laodicensis ab eo fuisse factum, credibile 
esse Grotius existimat ; cur in ea re mentiretur, nihil 
fuisse cause asserens. Indeque eodem plane tenore scrip- 
tam fuisse ad Ephesios simul et Laodicenses epistolam ille 
colligit. Ubi notandum, in antiquis nonnullis codicibus 
(ut ex Basilii libro secundo adversus Eunomium, et Hie- 
ronymi in hunc apostoli locum commentario, apparet) ge- 
neratim inscriptam fuisse hanc epistolam rote aytorc, rote 
Ovol, Kal TLoTOIC ey Xptotw Incov, vel (ut in literarum en- 
cyclicarum descriptione fieri solebat) “ sanctis qui sunt 
* * * * et fidelibus in Christo Jesu;” ac si Ephe- 
sum primo, ut precipuam Asiz metropolim, missa ea 
fuisset ; transmittenda inde ad reliquas (intersertis singu- 
Jarum nominibus) ejusdem provincie ecclesias: ad quarum 
aliquas, quas Paulus ipse nunquam viderat, illa ipsius 
verba potissimum spectaverint : ‘‘ Audita* ea que in vobis 
“est fide in Domino Jesu, et charitate in omnes sanctos ;” 
et, ‘‘ siquidem’ audistis dispensationem gratia Dei que 
data est mihi erga vos,” &c. que Marcion fortasse Lao- 
dicensibus magis corivenire censebat, qui apostolum cor- 
pore presentem non viderant’, quam Ephesiis, cum qui- 
bus ille tam diu est conversatus*. 

Circa idem tempus epistolam ad Hebreos Paulus scrip- 
sit, ‘Timotheo jam soluto, sed alio ad tempus ab eo di- 


* Coloss. cap. 4. ver. 10—14.17. Philem. cap. 23, 24. 


' Act. cap. 20. ver. 4. u Ephes. cap. 6. ver. 21, 22. 
W Lib. 5. contra Marcion. cap. 11. et 17. 
* Ephes. cap. 1. ver. 15. ¥ Ibid. cap. 3. ver. 2. 4, 


2 Coloss. cap. 2. ver. 1. 
@ Act. cap, 19. ver. 8. 10. et cap. 20. ver. 31. 


90 ANNALES 


' 


gresso: Cum quo, Si MOx veniret, visurum se eos promittit, 
salute illis interim a fratribus Italis dicta?. 

Absoluto jam templi Hierosolymitani edificio, quum 
videret populus esse in otio circiter octodecim opificum 
millia, solitorum hactenus in templo ex operarum mercedi- 
bus victum querere ; nolensque sacram pecuniam repo- 
sitam habere, ne quando preda Romanis fieret, simulque 
opificibus inde provisum cupiens: (quod vel una hora 
operato statim merces representaretur:) Agrippe regi 
suasit, ut orientalem instauraret porticum. Ea profunde 
valli et angustz imminens, muro quadringentos cubitos 
alto erat subnixa, saxis constructo quadratis valde can- 
didis ; eratque cujusque saxi longitudo cubitorum vigintt, 
sex vero altitudo: opus Salomonis regis, qui primus inte- 
grum templum condidit. Rex autem, cujus cure Clau- 
dius Cesar fabricam templi commiserat, reputans, quod- 
cunque opus demoliri facile, reparari difficile, maxime ta- 
lem porticum egentem et tempore longo et pecuniis plu- 
rimis; non annuit populi precibus: sed urbem candido 
saxo consternere si liberet non vetuit*. 

Paulus, expleto biennio quo in libera custodia detentus 
Rome evangelium docuit*, in Asiam inde navigasse, et 
Colossis hospitio a Philemone exceptus fuisse videtur*. 

Die festo azymorum, hoc anno in Xanthici sive Aprilis 
diem octavum incidente, hora nona nocturna circa aram 
itemque templum tantum lumen effulsit, ut clarissimus 
dies putaretur: et hoc usque ad mediam permansit ho- 
ram. EKodemque festo die etiam bos cum ad hostiam du- 
ceretur, agnum in medio fani peperit. Orientalis autem 
porta interioris templi, cum esset znea atque gravissima, 
et sub vesperam vix a viginti viris clauderetur, serisque 
ferro vinctis obseraretur, pessulosque altos haberet in 
saxeum limen demissos uno perpetuo lapide fabricatum, 
visi est noctis hora sexta sponte patescere. His autem 


b Hebr. cap. 13. ver. 23, 24. 
© Joseph. antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 8. 4 Act. cap. 28. ver. 30. 
€ Philem, ver. 22. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 91 


curriculo per custodes templi magistratui nunciatis, ascen- 
dit ille, vixque eam potuit claudere’. 

Die vicesimo primo mensis Artemisii sive Maii, ante 
solis occasum visi sunt per inane ferri currus totis regioni- 
bus, et armatz acies tranantes nubila, et civitati circum- 
fusee. Festo autem Pentecostes, nocte sacerdotes intimum 
templum more suo ad divinas res celebrandas ingressi, 
primum quidem motum quendamque strepitum senserunt, 
postea vero subitam vocem audiere, que diceret: Migre- 
musé hine. 

In Creta insula praedicavit Paulus evangelium : relicto 
ibi Tito, ut que reliqua erant corrigeret, et presbyteros 
ibi per singulas urbes ordinaret”. 

Rex Agrippa pontificatum Jesu Gamalielis filio abroga- 
tum Matthiz Theophili filio concessit: quo pontifice Ju- 
daicum bellum habuit initium’. 

Josephus, magnis a Poppza Augusta donatus muneri- 
bus, in patriam rediens, ibi deprehendit novarum rerum 
studia gliscere, multosque ad defectionem spectare: quos 
a tam infelici proposito frustra ille deterrere conatus 
estk, 

Adeo enim violenter potestate sua Gessius Florus. est 
abusus, ut Albinum Judei desiderarent quasi beneficum. 
Nam ille quantum poterat clam erat malus et nocens: 
Florus contra quasi ad ostentandam missus malitiam, pub- 
lice traducebat gentis injurias, nihil sibi ad summam in 
rapinis et suppliciis iniquitatem reliquum faciens. Erat 
enim inflexibilis ad misericordiam, nullis unquam lucris 
satiabilis, undecunque parva que captans ac magna ; ut 
etiam latronum esset particeps. Multi enim illum ques- 
tum exercebant decisis praedarum partibus: adeoque 
nullus erat injuriarum vel modus vel finis, ut miseri Judai 
non ferentes rapacem latronum insolentiam cogerentur 
laribus relictis et patriis ceremoniis ad exteros fugere ; 


f Joseph. lib. 7. belli, eap. 12. wed. Aa. 

8 Joseph. lib. 7. belli, cap. 12. red. Aa. 

hy Tit: cap:.1. ver. 5. i Joseph. antiquit. lib..20. cap. 8. 
k Joseph. in lib. de vita sua. 


92 ANNALES 


judicantes ubivis etiam apud Barbaros se vivere posse 
commodius'. 

Neronem, post finem quinquennalis sui ludicri secundo 
lustro celebrati (anno enim ere Christiane sexagesimo 
primus agon Neroneus institutus fuerat) et ab aurigatione 
sero reversum, Poppea uxor gravida et zgra convicils in- 
cessebat : quam iratus ille ictu calcis occidit™. 

Ephesi aliquandiu moratus Paulus, Timotheum ibi, quum 
inde in Macedoniam proficisceretur, reliquit, ut eam eccle- 
siam, se absente administraret"; in Macedonia vero apud 
Philippenses permansit, sicut eis ipse antea promiserat®. 

4069. Paulus priorem ad Timotheum scripsit episto- 
lam: in qua Hymenzum et Alexandrum, naufragium fidei 
facientes, Satanz a se traditos narrat, ut castigati disce- 
rent non blasphemare’. Hymenzeus vero, cum Phileto, 
futuram resurrectionem negabat; eam jam factam fuisse 
dicens’. Alexander autem, faber erarius ille est, qui 
tanta mala Paulo exhibuit, et sermonibus ejus tam vehe- 
menter restitit". 

Ad Titum quoque in Cretam aliam Paulus misit episto- 
lam: rogans, ut quum ad eum Arteman miserit vel Tychi- 
cum, veniat ad eum Nicopolim (illam victoria Actiaca 
celebrem) ubi hibernare constituerat; simulque Zenam 
legis peritum et Apollo studiose deducendum curet, ne- 
quid illis desit*. 

Exacta hyeme, Paulus Ephesum ad Timotheum rediit : 
et Troadem profectus, penulam ibi suam reliquit. Erastus 
mansit Corinthi, cujus erat procurator‘: Trophimum reli- 
quit Paulus Mileti egrotantem’. 

Cestius Gallus Syria prases Antiochia Hierosolymam 
veniens, viresque civitatis ac florem Neroni significare 


1 Joseph. lib. 20. antiqu. cap. 9. et lib. 2. belli, cap. 13. ced. Kd. 

™ Sueton. in Nerone, cap. 35. Tacit. annal. lib. 16. cap. 2. et 6. 

n J Timoth. cap. 1. ver. 3. cap. 3. ver. 14, 15. 

© Philipp. cap. 1. ver. 25, 26. et cap. 2. ver. 24. 

P 1 Timoth. cap. 1. ver. 20. 4 2 Timoth. cap. 2. ver. 17, 18. 
2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 14, 15. S Tit. cap. 3. ver. 12, 15. 
Rom. cap. 16. ver. 23. 

1 1 Timoth. cap. 3. ver. 14. 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 13. 20. 


-~ 


c 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 93 


cupiens, contemnenti nationem; a pontificibus petiit, ut, si 
quo modo possent, multitudinem numerarent, Illi autem, 
quum dies paschatis adesset, quando a nona hora usque 
ad undecimam hostias cedebant, hostias numeravere 
255600. ad quas comedendas decem et aliquando viceni 
homines per singula contubernia conveniebant*. 

Cestium circumstans multitudo non minor quam 300. my- 
riadum (3000000.) supplicabat, et ut gentis sue calamita- 
tibus subveniret, et pestem illam provincie Florum ut 
ejiceret clamitabat. Qui tamen cum sub populi ore esset, et 
Gallo assisteret, non solum nihil movebatur, sed voces illas 
etiam deridebat. Cestius vero compescens impetum po- 
puli, et edicens quod deinceps placatiorem eis Florum 
redderet, regressus est Antiochiam. Deduxit autem eum 
usque ad Cesaream Florus, illudens mendaciis, et Judzeo- 
rum genti bellum sedulo comminiscens; quo scilicet solo 
iniquitates suas occultari posse credebat. Pace siquidem 
permanente, habiturum se apud Cesarem accusatores Ju- 
dos: verum si defectionem negotiatus fuisset, majore 
utique malo abducendam a se esse invidiam peccatorum 
minorum. Indeque ut gens ab Romano abrumperetur 
imperio, sedulo indies augebat calamitates’. 

Paulus secundo Romam veniens, a Nerone auditus et ab- 
solutus est. De quo ita ipse’: “ In prima mea defensione ne- 
mo mihi adfuit, sed omnes me deseruerunt : utinam ne illis 
imputetur. Sed Dominus mihi adfuit et corroboravit me ; ut 
per me impleretur predicatio, et omnes gentes audirent: 
et ereptus fui ex ore leonis.” Ut enim antea per bien- 
nium, ita deinceps per integrum annum omnibus gentibus 
Romam, tanquam ad communem patriam, undique conflu- 
entibus evangelium pradicavit. 

Demas Paulum reliquit, amplexus prasens szculum, 
et profectus est Thessalonicam: Crescens in Galatiam, 
Titus in Dalmatiam. Lucas solus cum Paulo Rome 
mansit*. 


* Joseph. lit. 7. belli, cap. 17. edit. Latin. vel, lib. 6. ced. we. edit. Grec. 
¥ Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 13. cep, Kd. 
2 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 16, 17. a Tbid. ver. 10, 11. 


94 ANNALES 


Percrebuerat oriente toto vetus et constans opinio, esse 
in fatis ut eo tempore Juda profecti rerum potirentur. 
Id de imperatore Romano, quantum eventu postea patuit, 
pradictum Judezi ad se trahentes rebellarunt : inquit Sue- 
tonius®, “ Duravit Judzis patientia,’ inquit Tacitus’, 
“ usque ad Gessium Florum procuratorem. Sub eo bel- 
lum ortum;” mense videlicet Artemisio sive Maio, anno 
- imperii Neronis duodecimo, regni Agrippz decimo septimo, 
prefecture Gessii Flori secundo’. Ejus belli historiam in 
posteriore secundi libri parte, et quinque libris sequenti- 
bus a Josepho plenissime habemus descriptam: cujus 
breviarium, ex Ludovici Cappelli V. Cl. Judaice historia 
compendio desumptum, huc transtulimus. 

Nero in Greciam transiens, ad hyemem ingruentem 
ibi mansit®. 

Rex Agrippa Judzos longa oratione a bello dehortatus 
est: sed frustra; nam paulo postquam Hierosolymis ille 
discessisset, seditiosorum nonuulli Massadam castellum 
munitissimum fraude occupant, et Romanos, qui isthic 
erant, omnes interficiunt. Hierosolymis autem Eleazarus 
Ananiz pontificis filius, templi tum o7parnydc, juvenis 
audax et factiosus, persuasit sacerdotibus, ut nullius nisi 
Judzorum hostias admitterent, ne illas quidem que pro 
Cesare et Romanis offerri solebant: quod temerarium 
factum cum principes civitatis, quietis amantes, intolera- 
bile judicarent, et argumentum apertze defectionis esse 
viderent, nec possent tamen seditiosos a sententia dimo- 
vere; legatos ad Florum Cesarem, et ad Agrippam regem 
mittunt, rogantes ut propere, missis copiis, seditionem inci- 
pientem opprimerent. Florus, qui Judzorum defectionem 
volebat, id neglexit. Agrippa autem misit mille equites, 
qui superiorem civitatem cum optimatibus et pontificibus, 
ceeteraque multitudine, que optabat quietem, occuparunt 
et tenuerunt adversus seditiosos, qui templum et inferio- 
rem civitatem tenebant; per septem continuos dies invi- 


> In Vespasiano, cap. 4. © Lib. 5. histor. cap. 10. 
4 Joseph. lib. 2. belli, cap. 13. ced. Ke. et lib. 20. antiquit. cap. ult. 
© Xiphilin. ex Dione. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 95 


cem confligentes. Sed die festo EvAopoptac, sicarii multi 
in templum recepti cum ceteris, vim regiis militibus faci- 
unt, et civitate superiore pellentes compellunt eos in He- 
rodis regiam superiorem, incenso Archivo, Hasmonzorum 
palatio, (que tum erat Agrippe regia) et Ananiz ponti- 
ficis domo. Postridie, Augusti decimo quinto die, Anto- 
niam obsessam per biduum capiunt, militesque Romanos 
omnes interficiunt, et arcem incendunt. Regiam paulo 
post impetunt atque invadunt, duce Manahemo Jude 
Galilei filio (qui capto Massada castello, et Herodis arma- 
mentario isthic direpto, sicarios suos armatos Hierosoly- 
mam adduxerat) eaque expugnata et incensa tyrannidem 
occupat Manahemus, sed mox ab Eleazaro templi pre- 
fecto, in ipso templo adorans interficitur, ejusque stipa- 
tores disjiciuntur, et Massadam repetunt duce Eleazaro 
Jairi filio, qui genere Manahemo propinquus erat. Roma- 
nos, qui regia expugnata receperant se in turres Hippicon, 
Phasaelum et Mariammem, obsessos, tandemque se de- 
dentes, seditiosi Hierosolymitani, ipso die Sabbathi, con- 
tra fidem datam omnes inermes interficiunt. 

Eadem die Cesarez Judi omnes, illic habitantes, ab 
Ethnicis Czesariensibus instigante Floro interfecti sunt, 
numero viginti millia. Hine exacerbati per universam 
regionem Judzi Syrorum vicos, et civitates finitimas, de- 
populati sunt, Philadelphiam, Gerasam, Pellam, Scytho- 
polim, Gedaram, Hipponem, Gaulanitidem, Ptolemaidem, 
Sebasten, Ascalona, Anthedona, et Gazam. Inde per 
universam Syriam Judzorum in civitatibus commorantium 
a Syris caedes promiscuz, partim ex veteri in Judzos, et 
eorum religionem, odio, partim rapinarum amore, partim 
vindictz cupiditate. Soli Antiocheni, Apameni et Sidonii 
Judeis incolis suis pepercerunt. Alexandriz autem 
' /Agypti metropoli excitata seditione quinquaginta millia 
Judzorum uno die interfecta sunt, immissis in eos duabus 
legionibus Romanis. 

Cestius Gallus Syriz prases, his motibus excitatus, 
Antiochia cum legione duodecima et auxiliis regiis Agrip- 
pz, aliisque copiis, venit in Judaeam, et Ptolemaide invadit 
Joppen atque incendit, Casennium Gallum mittit in 


96 ANNALES 


Galilaam, quam Sepphori receptus pacat, et Cxsaream 
venit. 

Petrus et Paulus de appropinquante vite exitu per 
revelationem a Domino sunt admoniti‘, 

Petrus ad Hebrzos, per Pontum, Galatiam, Cappado- 
ciam, Asiam et Bithyniam dispersos, secundam scripsit 
epistolamé. 

Paulus Ephesum, ubi familia Onesiphori erat, per Ty- 
chicum secundam ad Timotheum misit epistolam: post- 
quam Aquila et Priscilla, relicta Roma, eo denuo sunt 
reversi’. In ea Timotheum rogat, ut ante hyemem ad 
ipsum veniat ; secumque Marcum adducat, ut ipsi peru- 
tilem ad ministerium’. Salutemque illi dicit ab Eubulo, 
Pudente, Lino et Claudia‘. 

4070. Cestius Gallus festo tabernaculorum incensa 
Lydda, Hierosolymam tendit, cuiad sexagesimum stadium 
occurrunt Hierosolymitani, et dubia pugna decertatum est 
prope Bethoron: sed mox majoribus copiis eos aggressus 
Cestius compulit in urbem, in quam et ipse irrupit quarto 
Octobris, inferioremque tenuit (ut et Bezetham et Czno- 
polim) per aliquot dies civitatem, indeque templum et 
superiorem oppugnavit civitatem, facileque cepisset, si 
fortius In oppugnatione perseverasset, populo Romanis 
tum favente, solis seditiosis repugnantibus. 

Verum Cestius mox cum prope esset ut templum ca- 
peret, sine ulla justa causa obsidionem solvit, atque Anti- 
patrida se recepit, multis Romanorum et auxiliarium in 
itinere amissis, et caesis a Judzis qui eos insecuti sunt, 
cum impedimentorum majore parte, adeoque et machina- 
rum, ballistarum, et armorum (que fugientes Romani ab- 
jecerant) magna copia, quibus postea in Hierosolymorum 
adversus Titi obsidionem propugnatione usi sunt Judzi. 
Idque factum octavo die Novembris, anno Neronis duode- 
cimol, 


f 2 Petr. cap. 1. ver. 14. 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 6, 7. 

$ 2 Petr. cap. 3. ver. 1. cum 1 Petr. cap. 1. ver. 1. 

h 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 12. 19. i Ibid. ver. 9. 11. 21. 

k 2 Timoth. cap. 4. ver. 21. 

' Absoluto sc. siquidem 13. Neronis annus a 13, die precedentis Octobris in- 
ceperat. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 97 


Hac victoria elati Judi Hierosolymam reversi, urbis 
preefectos creant Josephum Gorionis filium, et Ananum 
pontificem, bellique duces varios et multos in singulas pro- 
vincias, sive toparchias, dimittunt, atque inter eos Jose- 
phum (belli hujus Judaici scriptorem) in Galileam aman- 
dant: in qua multis oppidis communitis et muro cinctis, 
rebusque omnibus ad sustinendum bellum ordinatis, Ro- 
manorum impetum exspectabat. 

Interim multi adversus eum motus, multe et frequentes 
urbium rebelliones excitantur arte et fraude Johannis cu- 
jusdam Levie filii, invidia nonnullorum ex principibus 
Hierosolymitanis, qui Galilee prefecturam ei ereptam 
volebant. Sed eorum omnes conatus, artes et consilia 
fregit, atque elusit prudentia et patientia sua Josephus: 
qui Johannem illum coegit Hierosolymam cum suis ex 
Giscala Galilee oppido quod munierat, confugere. Hie- 
rosolymis autem Ananus urbis prafectus omnia ad susti- 
nendum bellum necessaria parat, moenia instaurat, bellica 
instrumenta, tela et arma curat fabricari per totam urbem. 
Zelotas conatur ad sanam mentem revocare; sed frustra. 
Simonem Giore filium latrocinia exercentem, et tyranni- 
dem affectantem, misso milite, conatur comprehendere: 
at is cum suis ad latrones, qui Massadam tenebant, effugit, 
unde illi totam Judzeam et Idumeam latrociniis infes- 
tabant. 

Porro Cestius missis ad Neronem (qui tum in Achaia 
erat) legatis statum Jude turbatum renuntiat. Nero 
conturbatus Vespasianum eo mandat; Vespasianus au- 
tem, hoc accepto mandato, Titum filium Alexandriam 
mittit, ut inde quintam, et decimam legiones in Judeam 
adduceret: ipse pedestri itinere ex Achaia in Asiam 
transmittit, atque inde in Syriam et Antiochiam venit. 

Petrus et Paulus Rome predixerunt futurum, ut post 
breve tempus immitteret Deus regem qui expugnaret 
Judzos, et civitates eorum solo exquaret, ipsos autem 
fame sitique confectos obsideret. Tum fore, ut corporibus 
suorum vescerentur, et consumerent se invicem ; postremo 
capti venirent in manus hostium, et in conspectu suo acer- 


bissime conjuges suas vexari cernerent, violari et prostitui 
VOL. XI. H 


98 ANNALES 


virgines, diripi pueros, allidi parvulos, omnia denique ferro 
ignique vastari, captivos in perpetuum terris suis extermi- 
nari: eo quod exultaverant super amantissimum et proba- 
tissimum Filium Dei”. 

Vespasianus Antiochiz Romanas copias et regum auxi- 
lia cogit, inde venit Ptolemaida, Sepphorimque Romanis 
faventem recepit. 

Alexandria ‘Titus cum duabus legionibus Ptolemaidem 
ad patrem pervenit, citius quam per hyemem sperabatur. 
Copiz omnes cum regum auxiliis eo conveniunt, numero 
sexaginta millia, tam peditum quam equitum; preter ca- 
lones et impedimenta. 

Vespasianus Galilaam invadens, Gadarensium urbem 
primo impetu captam incendit et vastavit. Inde Jota- 
patam die vigesimo primo Maii veniens, eam oppug- 
navit. 

Junii die vigesimo nono (qui mensis illius dies postremus 
in Neronis occurrit imperio) Petrus et Paulus celebri mar- 
tyrio vitam finierant: ut tam orientalis quam occidentalis 
ecclesia tabule confirmant. Unde diem mortis Pauli 
notiorem quam ipsius Alexandri esse, asserere non du- 
bitat Chrysostomus". Eodem tempore utrumque Rome 
subiisse martyrium, affirmat in epistola ad Romanos Dio- 
nysius Corinthiorum episcopus®; et Petrum quidem, ca- 
pite (ut expetierat) deorsum statuto, crucifixum fuisse, 
tomo tertio commentariorum in Genesim refert Origenes? ; 
impleta Christi praedictione ad eum facta: ‘* Quum? senu- 
eris, extendes manus tuas, et alius te cinget et transferet 
quo noles.” Paulum autem gladio percussum, historiarum 
monumenta confirmant’. Quo referenda sunt etiam, que de 
Neronis persecutione scribit P. Orosius. ‘‘ Primus (scilicet 
Nero) Rome Christianos suppliciis et mortibus persecutus 
est; beatissimos Christi apostolos, Petrum cruce, et Paulum 


™ Lactantius, lib. 4. cap. 21. 

® In 2 Corinth. homil. 26. 

° Apud Euseb. lib. 2. histor. ecclesiast. cap. 24. ed. Ke. 
P Apud Euseb. lib. 3. histor. cap. 1. 

4 Johan. cap. 21. ver. 18, 19. 

' Euseb. histor. ecclesiast. lib. 2. cap. 24. 

° Lib. 7. cap. 7. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 99 


gladio occidi imperavit: ipsumque nomen Christianorum 
extirpare conatus est :” etSulpitius Severus in historia libro 
secundo “ Datis legibus, religio vetabatur; palamque edictis 
propositis, Christianum esse non licebat. Tum Paulus, 
et Petrus capitis damnati, quorum uni cervix gladio dis- 
secta, Petrus in cruce sublatus est.” In Hispania vero 
hance persecutionem sevisse colligunt ex lapide ibi defosso 
etinscripto, NERONI. CL. CAIS AUG. PONT. MAX. 
OB. PROVINC. LATRONIB ET. HIS. QUI. NOVAM GENERI. HUM. 
SUPERSTITION. INCULCAB PURGATAM*, 

Vespasianus Jotapatam, fortiter a Josepho, qui isthic 
erat cum imperio, defensam, tandem post quadraginta 
dierum obsidionem, vi capit, evertit et incendit Kalendis 
Juliis, anno Neronis decimo tertio, J. osephum in specu Iati- 
tantem capit, et vita donat, sed captivum tenet. 

Jotapata excisa Vespasianus exercitum Czsaream re- 
ducit, atque isthic duas legiones collocat, ut se ab obsi- 
dionis labore reficerent, tertiam eodem consilio et fine 
mittit Seythopolim: ipse autem Czsaream Philippi profi- 
ciscitur, ubi ab Agrippa rege cum exercitu per viginti 
dies convivio exceptus est. Tum ad Tiberiadis et Tari- 
chzez obsidionem se parat. Et Tiberienses quidem statim 
se dediderunt, ac precibus Agrippe regis data est civitas, 
ne exscinderetur. Tarichaza autem cum passa esset se 
obsideri, vi capta excisa est. 

His urbibus receptis, vel excisis, tota Galilza ferme ad 
Romanos inclinabat, preter Gamalam in Gaulanitide, et 
Giscalam atque Itaburium montem in Galilza. 

4071. Gamala obsessa per mensem unum, capta est 
vigesimo tertio die Octobris atque excisa, et paulo ante 
mons Itaburius fuerat etiam a Romanis captus. Mox 
Titus Giscalam agereditur, que a Johanne cum suis se- 
ditiosis tenebatur. A Tito oblatas pacis conditiones Jo- 
hannes simulat se accipere; sed nocte sequente cum suis 
clam urbe effugit, et Hierosolymam se recepit: Titus urbi 
parcit, imposito ei presidio. Inde Czsaream venit. Ves- 


‘ In inscriptionibus Gruteri, pag. 238. 


100 ANNALES 


pasianus autem Caesarea Jamniam et Azotum profectus, 
utramque subegit, Ceesareamque redilt. 

Interim per totam Judzam dissensiooritur : aliis bellum 
cupientibus, aliis vero in Romanorum fide manere vo- 
ventibus. Inde latronum globi et cunei per universam 
Judaam excitantur, qui preedas ex iis agebant qui pacis 
studio tenebantur, deinde predis onusti Hierosolymis 
recipiuntur; atque isthic omnia cedibus, dissensionibus, 
discordiis, et rapinis complent. Ac primo quidem Anti- 
pam, et non paucos alios nobilissimos et potentissimos 
civitatis viros, in vincula conjiciunt, moxque indicta causa 
necant: calumniantes voluisse eos urbem Romanis pre- 
dere. Cumgque populus in eos esset insurrecturus, illi 
templum occupant, eoque tanquam arce adversus populum 
utuntur: atque isthic sorte summum creant pontificem 
Phanniam quendam (alias Phanazum) hominem rudem 
plane et imperitum, neque sacerdotalis ordinis. 

Adversus hos Zelotas (sic enim ipsi se vocabant) Ana- 
nus et nobiliores pontifices populum excitant atque ar- 
mant, et in templo ipso oppugnant, adeoque et in interi- 
orem templi ambitum compellunt. Sed isti literis ad 
Idumzorum duces clam missis, quibus Ananum prodi- 
tionis insimulabant, se vero pro libertate patria pugnantes 
in templo obsideri conquerebantur, advocant in suum aux- 
ilium Idumezos. Hi statim cum viginti millibus hominum 
advolant: quibus clam per noctem in urbem et templum 
admissis a Zelotis, magna fit Hierosolymitanorum ab utris- 
que cedes, rapine, et incendia. Nam octo millia ea nocte 
casa sunt, et sequentibus diebus Ananum aliosque ad 
duodecim millia ex nobilioribus interfecerunt, preeter in- 
finitam promiscuam plebeculam. Sed paulo post Idu- 
mos facti sui peenitentia subiit, cum Zelotarum scelera 
viderent, nec proditionis (cujus optimates accusabantur) 
indicium ullum deprehendissent. Itaque solutis, ad duo 
millia, iis qui vincti tenebantur in custodia, domum Hiero- 
solyma relicta redeunt. His abeuntibus Zelote rursus in 
cives nobiliores saevire incipiunt crudelius quam antea, et 
nobilissimos quosque ac fortissimos necatos ne sepeliri 
quidem patiebantur, maxime vero eos quos ad Romanos 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 10] 


transfugere volentes diligenter observabant, necatosque 
insepultos projiciebant. 

Interim inter ipsos Zelotas oritur dissensio, Johanne 
illo qui ex Giscalis Hierosolymam profugerat, tyrannidem 
inter eos affectante, aliis vero, qui eum antea parem ha- 
buerant, superiorem ferre recusantibus. Verum illi sic 
inter se dissentientes, adversus plebem, ad eam diripien- 
dam, concordes erant. Quin et tota Judea metropoleos 
sue, Hierosolymorum nempe, exemplum veluti secuta, 
tota ubique latrociniis repletur, misereque vexatur. 

His discordiis, quibus se invicem conficiebant Judzi, 
et transfugarum vocibus excitatus Vespasianus, quibus 
eum ad servandam et seditione illa levandam patriam hor- 
tabantur, accingit se ad Hierosolymorum obsidionem, et 
ne quid hostile post se (dum in obsidione occuparetur) re- 
linqueret, ad reliquias belli et tumultus in transamnana 
regione extinguendas Gadaram cum exercitu venit, eo 
accitus a moderatioribus civibus, qui pacem bello prefe- 
rebant: atque inde diffugientibus seditiosis urbem capit, 
missoque Placido cum equitatu ad persequendos fugien- 
tes, obtruncat omnes, totamque transamnanam regionem 
ad lacum usque Asphaltitem, preter Machzrunta castel- 
lum, occupat ; constitutoque per vicos et preesidia in hy- 
bernis milite, Caesaream venit, isthicque hyemem agit. 

Vespasianus Czesareee nuncio accepto de motibus in 
Gallia a Vindice excitatis, qui adversus Romanos Gallos 
armaverat, ad conficiendum propere bellum Judaicum 
accenditur. Itaque instante vere milite Czsarea educto 
Judzam pervadit totam atque Idumzam, eaque vastata, 
copias reducit, ac per Samariam Jerichunta ducit, unde 
incole in oppositam Hierosolymis montanam regionem 
diffugiunt: sed eos persecutus, iisque disjectis, Jeri- 
chunte atque alibi castris constitutis Judzos undique 
cingit. 

Spoponderunt quidam destituto Neroni dominationem 
orientis, nonnulli nominatim regnum Hierosolymorum, 
plures omnis pristinz fortune restitutionem". Postquam 


" Sueton, in Nerone, cap. 40. 


102 ANNALES 


vero Galbam et Hispanias descivisse cognovit, actum de 
se Nero pronuntiavit*. 'Tandemque nono die Juni mor- 
tem ipse sibi conscivit; quum imperasset annos tredecim 
et menses octo. 

4072. Kalendis Januarii in Germania projectis Galbz 
imaginibus, die tertio Vitellius ab exercitu imperator sa- 
lutatus est: et die ejusdem mensis decimo quinto Galba 
interemptus est, exactis a Neronis morte septem men- 
sibus’. 

Sublato Galba, imperator a militibus creatus est Otho, 
suscepti a Vitellio imperii nescius: quem die imperii nona- 
gesimo interfectum Dio, nonagesimo quinto funeratum 
fuisse scribit Suetonius. 

Tiberius Alexander prefectus Augypti primus in verba 
Vespasiani legiones adegit Kalendis Julii: qui principatus 
dies in posterum observatus est. Judaicus deinde exer- 
citus quinto [dus Julii apud ipsum juravit*. Inter mortem 
vero Neronis et initium Vespasiani annum unum et dies 
viginti duos intercessisse notat Dio. 

Quum Vespasianus Czasaream reversus pararet cum 
toto exercitu ad Hierosolymam obsidendam proficisci, 
nunciatur illi Neronis mors, quo nuntio accepto bellum in 
Judeos distulit, Titumque filium ad Galbam, qui Neroni 
successerat, mittit, ut ab eo mandata de bello Judaico ac- 
ciperet. ‘Titus in Achaiam navi delatus audit isthic Gal- 
bam interfectum, itaque statim ad patrem redit Caesaream. 
Suspensi ergo, quasi nutante imperio Romano, Judaicum 
bellum differebant, patrizque metuentes alienigenas ag- 
gredi non existimabant opportunum. 

Interim Simon Giorze filius (de quo jam aliquid supra 
dictum est) juvenis audax viribusque prestans, Massada, 
quo ad sicarios confugerat, profectus in Juda loca mon- 
tana, servis ad libertatem vocatis, liberisque pramium 
pollicitus, brevi comparata latronum manu, paulatimque 
auctis copiis, non vicos modo populabatur, sed et urbes 


* Sueton. in Nerone, cap. 42. Y Tacit. histor. hb. 1. 
% Sueton. in Vespasiano, cap. 6. cum Tacito, lib. 2. histor. cap, 79. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 105 


aggrediebatur, eoque brevi potentiz provectus est, ut 
totam Idumeeam sibi subjiceret, Judzeamque vastaret, mox- 
que Hierosolymam ostenderet, atque isthic prope urbem cas- 
tris positis, terrori esset tum Hierosolymitanis, tum ipsis Ze- 
lotis. Atque sic utrimque premebantur cives Hierosolymi- 
tani, intus nempea Zelotis quibus Johannes preerat, foris 
vero a Simone homine sevissimo. Interim Idumeei qui a 
partibus Johannis stabant, et inter copias ejus erant, ab eo 
dissidentes et cum eo congressi multos Zelotarum perimunt, 
et Johannis aula capta et incensa eum cum suis in tem- 
plum compellunt: Veriti autem una cum civibus, ne 
noctu in civitatem excurreret, eamque vastaret, ut se ab eo 
tuerentur, consilio capto, Simonem accersunt, atque intra 
urbem admittunt: quo recepto templum oppugnant, sed 
fortiter pugnantibus Zelotis, frustra expugnare tentant. 

Vespasianus, relicta Caesarea, Berytum venit et Antio- 
chiam, unde Mutianum in Italiam cum copiis mittit, ipse 
vero Alexandriam proficiscitur. 

4073. In Meesia autem Antonius primus Vespasiani 
partes secutus legionem tertiam in Italiam adversus Vitel- 
lium duxit; commissoque ad Cremonam adversus Vitelli- 
anos przlio eos fugat et ceedit: tum Romam veniens et 
Mutiano junctus in media urbe Vitellii exercitum fundit, 
et Vitellium ipsum per medium forum tractum jugulat. 
Mutianus Domitianum Vespasiani filium, interim dum pater 
ex Syria advenit, principem constituit. 

Vespasianus, his Alexandriz auditis, Titum filium in 
Judzam cum copiis mittit, ad conficiendas belli Judaici 
reliquias, ipse autem in Italiam navigat. 

Porro interim dum Titus Alexandriz adhuc heret, 
Hierosolymitana factio trifariam dividitur. Nam Simon 
quem Hierosolymitani adversus Johannem accersiverant 
et admiserant, superiorem tenebat civitatem, et inferioris 
partem aliquam; Johannes autem cum Zelotis templum 
et inferioris civitatis partem aliam occupabat. Hujus 
autem factio in duas rursum scinditur. Nam Elea- 
zarus, qui primus fuerat Zelotarum in initio dux atque 
rector, «gre ferens Johannem audacia et artibus suis 
imperium ad se traxisse, omniaque jam pro arbitrio agere 


104 ANNALES 


atque administrare, ab eo, adscitis secum nonnullis aliis, 
secedit, et cum suis interius templi septum occupat, atque 
inde adversus Johannem depugnat, numero quidem se- 
quacium longe illi inferior, sed loci situ et qualitate supe- 
rior. Ita Johanni, qui templi exteriorem ambitum porti- 
cusque tenebat, duplex incumbebat bellum: alterum ad- 
versus Eleazarum, alterum vero adversus Simonem. Et 
sic quidem alii adversus alios pugnantes pleraque que 
circa templum erant incenderunt ; frumentum, aliaque ad 
victum necessaria corruperunt, que illis in multum tempus 
sufficere potuissent; quibus corruptis et absumptis, fame 
postea, cum a Romanis obsiderentur, oppressi sunt. 

Titus autem Alexandria Cesaream profectus, atque 
isthic coactis coplis, quatuor nempe legionibus, cum auxi- 
liaribus regum vicinorum, Hierosolymam contendit, con- 
traque eam sexto, septimoque stadio castra ponit paulo 
ante Azymorum diem festum; eoque infinitam hominum 
multitudinem, que ad festum de more ascenderat, in civi- 
tate concludit, a qua alimenta, et victui necessaria brevi 
consumpta sunt omnia. Unde statim fames saevissima 
civitatem oppressit: cujus exemplum horrendum et me- 
morandum, matris filiolum devorantis, per id tempus 
isthic contigit. Ipso autem die festo Azymorum, decimo 
quarto Aprilis, cum Eleazarus, qui templum interius oc- 
cupaverat, populo sacrificare volenti portas templi ape- 
ruisset, Johannes temporis opportunitate usus submittit 
cum populo de suis non paucos, qui sub veste gladiis oc- 
culte armati, et cum promiscua multitudine admissi Elea- 
zarum cum suis invadunt, interiusque templi septum cum 
multa Zelotarum cade occupant. Atque sic factio, que 
prius tripartita fuerat, ad duas rediit: Johannis nimirum 
unam, qui numero fuerunt octo millia quadringenti; Simo- 
nis vero alteram, quo cum erant decem millia hominum, et 
preeterea Idumzorum quinque millia. 

Titus autem propius ad mcenia accedens, juxta turrem 
Psephinam castra ponit, et aggere propere jacto, ariete 
murum quatit, vique dejicit, et in urbem perrupto priore 
muro, cedentibus intro Judais, irrumpit quinto Nonas 
Maias, atque totam septentrionalem urbis regionem, usque 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 105 


ad Antoniam arcem et vallem Cedron, occupat. Quinto 
post die turri quadam secundi muri a plaga septentrionali 
ariete concussa atque dejecta, urbe nova inferiore potitur ; 
a qua statim repulsus a Judeis, quarto tamen post die 
eam rursus occupat, seque ad tertii muri oppugnationem 
accingit. Atque duodecimo die Maii quatuor aggeres 
jaci jussit, duos ad Antoniam, qua templum, totidem ad 
Johannis pontificis monumentum, qua superiorem civita- 
tem capere se posse sperabat. Et ad Antoniam quidem 
Johannes, ad Johannis autem monumentum Simon Roma- 
nis resistebat. Aggeribus illis vigesimo nono die Maii 
perfectis per septemdecim dies, et murum jam quatere 
incipientibus Romanis, Johannes acto ex Antonia cuni- 
culo, alterum dejicit, et succendit: Simon autem biduo 
post, irruptione ex urbe facta, duos aggeres sibi oppositos 
incendit, cum arietibus et machinis multis; adeoque et in 
ipsis castris Romanos Judei aggrediuntur, sed a Tito ab 
Antonia adveniente in urbem compelluntur. 

Aggeribus sic corruptis et incensis, visum est Tito novos 
erigere, quibus oppugnaret civitatem, et muro urbem cir- 
cumdare, ne quis ex ea effugere posset, neve quid in eam 
inferri. Itaque tridui spatio urbem muro circumvallavit, 
ambitu triginta novem stadiorum additis per circuitum 
tredecim castellis ambitum decem stadiorum complecten- 
tibus. Unde fames in urbe invaluit, saevissimeque gras- 
sata est, ita ut ea non plebs duntaxat et populus passim 
occumberent, sed ipsi etiam seditiosi premerentur: tan- 
tusque fuit fame et lue pereuntium in urbe numerus, ut a 
decimo quarto die Aprilis (quo ccepta est obsidio) ad Ka- 
lendas Julii, per unam portam (referente quodam Manno 
transfuga, qui isti rei preerat) elata sint pauperum 115800. 
cadavera, que sumptu publico mercede numerata huma- 
bantur; preeter eos quia propinquis et familiaribus effe- 
rebantur. Paulo post ab aliis transfugis cognitum est, 
sexcenta millia funerum portis esse elata: denique cum 
efferendis pauperibus sufficere amplius non possent, col- 
latis et congestis in ingentes cumulos, (in vacuis domibus) 
cadaveribus, des claudebant. Sepultura autem eorum 
qui efferebantur alia non erat, nisi quod de muris in 


106 ANNALES 


subjectas valles ea projiciebant, quibus valles sic com- 
pleverunt. 

Interim Simon intus czdibus et rapinis non abstinebat ; 
nam Matthiam pontificem, cujus opera in urbem admissus 
fuerat, proditionis insimulatum, quasi ad Romanos vellet 
transfugere, cum tribus filiis, allisque sexdecim ex nobi- 
lioribus populi indemnatos necavit : tantaque seevitia gras- 
satus est, ut Judas quidam unus ex ipsius preefectis, cru- 
delitatem ejus pertzsus agitaverit de tradenda Romanis 
turri quadam, cujus custodiz prepositus erat; sed a Si- 
mone occupatus cum decem ejusdem consilii sociis inter- 
fectus est. Johannes autem in templo necessitate adactus 
res sacras, vasa aurea, argentea, templique sacram pecu- 
niam, in proprium et profanum usum convertit: quin et 
sacrum oleum et vinum, sacrificiorum libaminibus dicata, 
militibus suis coactus est distribuere. 

Titus autem conquisita undique materia, et excisis ad 
nonagesimum usque stadium lucis et arboribus omnibus, 
aggeres novos magno labore intra dies viginti unum exstrui 
curavit : et circa Antoniam quidem quatuor, singulos a 
singulis Antoniz arcis lateribus erexit; quos cum Johan- 
nes timide, perturbate et frustra aggressus esset, a Roma- 
nis repulsus, Kalendis Julii arietem admovere coeperunt 
muro Antoniz Romani, eoque concusso mox quinto die 
Julii in Antoniam, frustra repugnantibus Judezis, irrum- 
punt, indeque in templum refugientes Judzos insequuntur. 
Sed aliquandiu repulsi Romani tandem post multam pug- 
nam, decimo septimo die Julii (qua die in templo juge 
sacrificium, évéeAcyiopde, virorum qui illud curarent pe- 
nuria, defecerat) frustra seditiosos per Josephum Titus 
adhortatus ad deditionem faciendam, septimo post die ad- 
motis aggeribus, quorum materia a centesimo stadio com- 
portabatur, et eversis Antoniz fundamentis, ad templum 
usque facilem efficiens ascensum, et per Antoniam irrum- 
pens, porticus septentrionalem et occidentalem exterioris 
septi templi occupat: quarum pars, que Antonie junge- 
batur, a Judzis immisso igne incensa fuerat et diruta, 
pars altera biduo post a Romanis incenditur vigesimo 
quarto die Julii, Judeis incendium non restinguentibus 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 107 


sed serpere sinentibus, ut sic porticus ab Antonia omnino 
dirimerentur. 

Vicesimo septimo autem die, Judzi rursus occidenta- 
lem porticum ad pontem usque qui in Xystum ducebat, 
exurunt, unaque Romanos plurimos qui in eam, refugien- 
tibus ultro Judzis, ascenderant. Postera vero die Romani 
septentrionalem totam ad orientalem usque incendunt. 

Octavo autem die Augusti, cum nec arietibus pulsando 
interioris septi murum quicquam promoveret Titus, neque 
portarum fundamenta suffodiendo, propter lapidum mag- 
nitudinem et validam juncturam, neque scalis in porticus 
ascendere potuissent Romani, Judeis desuper fortiter 
repugnantibus; quod distulerat loci reverentia motus, 
tandem necessitate coactus interioris septi templi portis 
ignem admoveri jussit: quibus incensis simul junctze illis 
porticus inflammantur, spectantibus et stupentibus Ju- 
deis, nec incendium pre stupore prohibentibus, aut re- 
stinguere conantibus; totaque illa die, et sequenti nocte, 
arserunt porticus. Cumque cum ducibus decrevisset 
Titus templum ab incendio servare, obtinere tamen id non 
potuit. Die enim decimo Augusti, cum Romani, qui in 
exteriore templi septo excubabant, a Judzis lacessiti im- 
petum in eos fecissent qui ignem interioris septi exstingue- 
bant, eosque in ipsum templum compulissent ; Romanus 
miles, rapto ex incendio titione, a socio sublatus in hume- 
rum per fenestram auream ignem in domos seu cellas circa 
templum constructas a septentrionali parte rejicit, quas 
corripiens statim ignis templum ipsum illis junctum, (frus- 
tra Tito incendium restinguere militibus jubente) simul 
inflammat anno Vespasiani secundo, eodem mense, eo- 
demque mensis die, quo prius a Nebuchadnesare fuerat 
incensum. 

Titus expilato et incenso templo, signisque in orientali 
templi porta constitutis, peractoque isthic sacrificio, impe- 
rator ab exercitu proclamatur ; moxque seditiosos qui in 
superiorem civitatem confugerant, de ponte, quo templum 
civitati conjungitur super Xystum, per interpretem ad 
deditionem cohortatus, cum recusarent se illius fidei com- 
mittere, licet vitam illis indulgeret, postularentque ut sibi 


108 ANNALES 


cum liberis et uxoribus urbe in desertum exire liceret, 
indignatus Titus extremum illis denuntiat interitum, to- 
tamque inferiorem urbem et Acram, quam occupaverat, 
jussit incendi. Superiorem autem civitatem in prerupto 
undique loco sitam oppugnare ccepit, aggeribus vigesimo 
die Augusti jaci cceptis, perfectisque septimo die Septem- 
bris, machinas moenibus admovet, perruptoque muro, et 
diffugientibus pre metu et consternatione tyrannis cum 
suis satellitibus, Romani octavo die Septembris irrumpunt, 
omniaque ferro et flamma vastant. 

Die Saturni, quem Judi precipua religione colunt, 
Hierosolyma concidisse, notavit Dio: sive ad diem capte 
urbis respiciens (nam et octavus Septembris dies in Sab- 
bathum hoc anno incidit) sive excise potius. Urbem 
enim totam et templum funditus everti et complanari jussit 
Titus, eique de more induci aratrum: excepta occiden- 
tali duntaxat muri parte, turribusque tribus, Hippico, 
Phasaelo et Mariamme ; quas, ob elegantiam et fortitudi- 
nem insignem, voluit posteris relinqui documentum mag- 
nificentia urbis illius. 

Quum ita Titus captis Hierosolymis omnia circum loca 
cadaveribus complevisset ; finitimee gentes ob victoriam 
coronare eum voluerunt. Ille vero tali honore indignum 
se esse respondit : non enim se fuisse talium operum au- 
thorem, sed Deo iracundiam contra Judzos demonstranti 
suas manus prebuisse*. Habentur tamen ‘Titi numismata, 
tropheo et quadriga triumphali insignita: ut et Vespa- 
siani, cum mulieris effigie moeste sedentis sub palma, et 
inscriptione: JUDHA CAPTA S. Cc. ut et nummus, sub finem 
anni vigesimi primi Agrippe regis cusus; cum Greca 
hac inscriptione: AYTOKPATQP OYESIIASIANOS. KAIZAP. 
TOYAAIAS. EAAQKYIAS. ETEI. KA. ATPIIII. 

4074, Titus, omnibus belli partibus administratis, mili- 
tibus premia distribuit ; Hierosolyma custodiam decime 
legioni credidit: duodecimam vero, que infeliciter sub 
Cestio pugnaverat, tota Syria expulit, et ad Euphratem 
in Armeniz et Cappadocie confinio ablegavit. Ipse cum 


4 Philostrat. in vita Apollonii, lib. 6. cap. 14. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 109 


ae et decimaquinta legione Ceesaream maritimam ve- 

: quo omnem predam et manubias, captivosque coe- 
ei quod ad Italiam navigare tempus hyemis_ prohi- 
beret. 

Capti sunt in cloacis Hierosolyme latitantes tyranni 
duo, Johannes et Simon: quorum ille perpetuis vinculis 
damnatus, hic triumpho servatus est. In iisdem cloacis 
inventa sunt duo millia hominum, qui vel fame contabue- 
rant, vel mutuis vulneribus occubuerant, ne se Romanis 
dederent. 

Cesaree Titus moratus, natalem fratris sui (Domitiani , 
qui in trigesimum Decembris diem incurrit) clarissime 
celebravit: ubi numerus Judzeorum qui cum bestiis de- 
pugnarunt, quique ignibus cremati sunt, et inter se digla- 
diatores periere, viginti quinque millia excessit. 

Postea Titus Berytum in Pheenicia venit: ubi diutius 
demoratus, patris diem natalem (imperii scilicet quem Ka- 
lendis Juliis observari solitum, ex Suetonio et Tacito do- 
cuimus) majore magnificentia celebravit: ubi captivorum 
etiam multitudo eodem quo antea modo periit. 

Antiochiam deinde et alias Syriz urbes invisens Titus, 
inde per Judeam et Hierosolymam, quinta et decima- 
quinta legione comitatus, in AZgyptum Alexandriam con- 
tendit ; atque inde Romam navigavit. Ubi omnium votis 
exceptus, una cum patre de Judea subacta triumphavit. 

In eo triumpho ducti sunt Johannes et Simon Giore 
seditiosorum duces, cum septingentis Judzis robore et 
forma prestantibus: ex quibus solus Simon (Barpores a 
Dione cognominatus) capitis supplicium pertulit. In eo 
quoque portabatur lex Judzorum, novissima spoliorum: 
que una cum penetralium velis purpureis in palatio est 
reposita. 

Ab hac victoria uterque, et pater et filius, imperatoris 
nomen obtinuit : neuter tamen Judaicus cognominatus est ; 
licet alia multa, atque imprimis arcus triumphales, eis 
decreti sint®. Extatque adhuc Rome ad radices montis 
Palatini arcus triumphalis marmoreus, in honorem Titi 


> Xiphilin. ex Dione. 


110 ANNALES 


erectus: eX quo instrumentorum templi, in co triumpho 
traductorum, ectypon a Villalpando habetur expressum*. 

4075. In Judeam legatus missus Lucilius Bassus, sus- 
cepto a Cereali Vitelliano exercitu, castellum Herodion 
cum presidio deditione accepit: moxque Machzruntem 
fortissimum castellum ultra Jordanem oppugnans, illud 
tandem cepit. . 

* Ut in duodecim. (al. quindecim) diebus utrumque 
sidus quereretur, et nostro vo accidit; imperatoribus 
Vespasianis, patre III. (forte IV.) filio iterum consulibus : 
inquit Plinius’; quod predictum quidam fuisse existimant 
a Servatore nostro®. 

Cesar ad Liberium Maximum Jude procuratorem 
scripsit, ut totam Judzorum terram venderet. Stipendium 
vero Judzis ubicunque degerent indixit: et didrachmum 
singulis annis deferre in capitolium jussit, ut ante hec 
Hierosolymorum templo pendere solebant. 

Anno quarto Vespasiani, Ceesennius Peetus Syriz praeses 
Antiochum regem Commagenes regno expulit: qui ipse 
in Ciliciam, filius vero ad Parthos fugit. Reconciliatus 
vero uterque postea Vespasiano, regno restitutus est*. 

Alani in Mediam irrumpunt eamque longe lateque vas- 
tant, fugiente Pacoro rege. Postea transeunt in Arme- 
niam: quibus 'Tiridates rex occurrens, pene in ipso przelio 
captus est®. 

4076. Apud Judzeos mortuo Basso successit in adminis- 
tratione Jude Publius Silva. Ille inexpugnabilem arcem 
Massadam, ab Eleazaro Jude Galilzi nepote sicariorum 
duce occupatum, tandem viexpugnat Aprilis decimo quinto 
die: omnibus qui in ea erant arce sicariis, numero nonin- 
gentis et sexaginta, cum uxoribus et liberis, Eleazari 
hortatu sese mutuis vulneribus ad unum conficientibus, 
incensa prius cum omni supellectile arce, ne in Roma- 
norum potestatem venirent. Atque ita omnes belli Ju- 
daici reliquiz sublate sunt, totaque Judza est pacata. 

Sicariorum multi e Judza dilapsi, et in Augyptum pro- 


© Tom. 2. explanat. in Ezechiel. lib, 5. cap. 7. pag. 587. 


4 Lib. 2. cap. 13. € Matth. cap. 24. ver. 29. 
® Joseph. © Id. 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. li} 


fugi Alexandriam veniunt, ubi Judzos ad defectionem 
sollicitant. Sed plebs a primariis persuasa in sicarios 
illos irruit, sexcentos eorum capit, quos Romanis tradit 
supplicio afficiendos: reliqui per Aigyptum et Thebas 
dilapsi capiuntur etiam. Qua de re monitus Cesar, jubet 
Lupo, Alexandriz tum rectori, ut templum Judeorum 
(quod in Aigypto olim ab Onia, summi pontificis fratre, 
exstructum fuerat) dirueret. Sed Lupus ablatis tantum 
quibusdam donariis templum claudere contentus fuit. At 
Paulinus, ejus in administratione successor, ablatis omni- 
bus donariis, foribus occlusis ita inaccessum fecit, ut ne 
vestigium quidem religionis isthic remaneret. 

Elapsus ad Cyrenem Judzeus quidam textor, Jonathas 
nomine, tumultu ibi excitato, Judazorum duo millia in soli- 
tudines perduxit: quos Catullus (sive Catulus) Pentapo- 
litanee Libyz rector, equitibus ac peditibus missis, facile 
oppressit. Ad eum adductus Jonathas, locupletissimos 
Judzorum authores sibi hujus consilii fuisse falso affirma- 
bat. Cujus criminationibus libenter auscultans Catullus, 
tria simul eorum millia trucidavit: idque eo securius, quod 
eorum patrimonia reditibus Czsaris adjungeret. Vinctus 
vero Jonathas cum comprehensorum aliis Romam ad Ves- 
pasianum ab eo missus est, ut probatissimos Judzxorum, 
apud Alexandriam Romamque degentium, novarum rerum 
accusaret. Qui inter alios Josephum quoque, Judaice 
scriptorem historiz, arma sibi et pecunias subministrasse 
affirmabat. Sed Vespasianus, cognito non jure hominibus 
accusationem illatam, illos quidem Titi studio criminibus 
solvit, merito vero poenam in Jonatham statuit: prius enim 
verberatus vivus exustusest. Catullo autem tunc quidem 
ob lenitatem principum obtigit, nequid amplius castiga- 
tionis experiretur : non multo autem post, multiplici mor- 
bo et insanabili correptus, et animi terroribus (eorum quos 
peremerat umbras crebro sibi obversari existimans) tan- 
quam tormentis sibi et flammis adhibitis excruciatus, extis 
demum defluentibus, ac intestinis exhaustis, mortuus est”. 


» Joseph. lib, 7, belli, cap. ult. et in lib. de vita sua. 


112 ANNALES 


Hic Judaici excidii historiam terminat Josephus: qui 
in hoc bello captus, et a Flavio Vespasiano imperatore 
libertate donatus, a patrono suo Flavii pranomen ac- 
cepit. 

Sexcenta millia Judazorum eo bello interfecta, Cornelius 
et Suetonius referunt. Josephus vero Judzus, qui ei 
tunc bello preefuit, et apud Vespasianum propter preedic- 
tum imperium veniam gratiamque meruerat, scribit unde- 
cies centena millia gladio et fame perisse: reliquias vero 
Judeorum diversis actas conditionibus toto orbe dispersas; 
quarum numerus ad nonaginta millia hominum fuisse nar- 
ratur. Ita Orosius‘. Verum in Suetonio numerum illum 
interfectorum sexcenta millia nusquam invenio. Apud 
Josephum* captivorum numerus est 97000. alter vero ille 
1100000. numerus eorum tantum est qui in ipso semestri 
obsidionis Hierosolymitanz perierunt; unde subducto 
sexcentorum millium interfectorum numero, a Cornelio 
Tacito, et Eusebio commemorato, reliqui erant quingenta 
millia, quos pestis et fames absumpserit. At eorum qui 
extra illam obsidionem per totum septennium interierunt 
hunc ex Josepho indicem, in libro secundo de Constantia, 
capite vigesimo primo exhibuit Justus Lipsius. 


Hierosolymis primum interfecti, jussu Flori, sexcenti triginta. 
Czsarez ab incolis, odio gentis et religionis, uno tempore, viginti millia. 
Scythopoli, (Ccela-Syriz urbs est) tredecim millia. 
Ascalone in Palestina, item ab incolis, duo millia quingenti. 
Ptolemaide pariter, duo millia. 
Alexandriz in /igypto, sub Tiberio Alexandro 

Preside, quinquaginta millia. 
Damasci, decem millia. 
Joppe capta a Gessio Floro cesi, octo millia et quadringenti. 
In monte quodam Cabulone, duo millia. 
In pugna ad Ascalonem, decem millia. 
Per insidias iterum, octo millia. 
Aphace, cum capta esset, quindecim millia. 
In monte Garizim czsi, undecim millia et sexcenti. 
Jotapz, in quo ipse Josephus, circiter triginta millia. 
i Lib. 7. cap. 9. 


K Lib. 7. belli, cap. 17. vel Noy. =. Keg. us 


NOVI TESTAMENTI. 


Joppe iterum capta submersi 

In Tarichezis cxsi 

Gamalz, tam interfecti, quam sponte precipitati, 
nec quisquam homo natus ex ea urbe salvus, 
preter duas mulieres, sorores. 

Giscala deserta, in fuga trucidati 

Gadarensium czsi 
preter eos qui in flumen desiliere infiniti. 

In Idumee vicis czsi 

Gerasii 

Macherunte 

In silva Iardes 

In Massada castello, sua manu perempti, 

In Cyrene a Catulo preside cesi 


115 


quatuor millia ducenti. 
sex millia et quingenti. 
noyem millia. 


bis mille. 
tredecim millia. 


decem millia. 

mille. 

mille septingenti. 

tria millia. 

nongenti et sexaginta. 
tria millia. 


Qui vita functorum numerus illis 1100000. qui in urbis 
Hierosolymitanz obsidione desiderati sunt additus, sum- 
mam 1337490. conficit: innumeris przterea aliis omissis, 
qui in tota regione fame, exsilio, miseriis pericrunt. 

Agrippam, regum Herodiadarum ultimum, regni sui 
incrementum a Vespasiano accepisse, in Judzorum regum 
chronico Justus Tiberiensis significat'. Praetoriis quoque 
honoribus auctum eum fuisse, docet Dio. Cum eo soror 
Berenice regina Romam veniens, habitavit in palatio. Ita 
enim amore ejus flagrabat Titus, ut nuptiarum etiam spem 
ei fecerit: jamque omnia, ac si uxor esset, ea gesserit. 
Sed Titus, quum intelligeret populum Romanum id mo- 
leste ferre, eam dimisit™. De reliqua Herodis progenie, 
memoratu dignissima est illa Josephi observatio": eam 
fere totam, licet admodum numerosam, intra centum 
annos interiisse. Atque iste rerum Judaicarum fuit 
exitus. 


! Apud Photium, in bibliothec. cod. 33. 
™ Sueton. in Tito, cap. 7. et Xiphilin, ex Dione. 
4 Lib. 18. antiquit. cap. 7. 


VOL. XI. % I 


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ANNI MUNDI CUM ANNIS PERIODI JULIANA, 
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AB URBE CONDITA COMPONUNTUR 


JUXTA 


COMPUTUM USSERIANUM. 





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ve A TPEVE Eh eae yet 4: tihaai4 Lil 

hie aR ie ! 

Ae Pe, bil pin rn >a 

Ae 4) i fi 


Net ; HT i 
Liiataye Wei 


Bist ni 
bf ait 


ihe j 
a dt) 
iia Nair wae tity 


COLLATIO ANNORUM, 














&c. &e. 
eee 
pace Anni Ante aes Anni Ante 
Mundi. Periodi | AZram Mundi Periodi | AZram 
Juliane. |Christian. ~—* | Juliane. |Christian. 

1 710 4004 25 734 3980 
2 711 4003 26 735 3979 
3 712 4002 27 736 3978 
4 713 4001 28 737 3977 
5 714 4000 29 738 3976 
6 715 3999 30 739 3975 
7 716 3998 31 740 3974 
8 717 3997 32 741 3973 
9 718 3996 33 742 3972 
10 719 | 3995 34 743 | 3971 
11 720 3994 Ae 744 3970 
12 721 3993 36 745 3969 
13 722 3992 37 746 3968 
14 723 3991 38 747 3967 
15 724 3990 39 748 3966 
16 725 3989 40 749 3965 
17 726 3988 41 750 3964 
18 727 3987 42 751 3963 
19 728 3986 43 752 3962 
20 729 3985 44 753 3961 
21 730 3984 45 754 3960 
22 731 3983 46 755 3959 
23 732 3982 47 756 3958 


24 733 | 3981 ieee ata ago7: || 


120 COLLATIO ANNORUM. 























: Anni Ante 5 Anni Ante 

Anni Periodi | Kram Anni Periodi |} Aram 
ea Juliane. )Christian. Mundi Juliane. {Christian. 

49 758 3956 5 94 803 3911 

50 759 3955 ; 95 804 3910 

51 760 3954 96 805 3909 

52 761-4] 3953 97 806 3908 

53 762 "| 3952 98 807 3907 

54 763 3951 99 808 3906 

55 764 3950 100 809 3905 

1 BE 765 3949 et 810 3904 

ne ecsre 766 | 3948 | 102 811 | 3903 

11GB 767 3947 heer tos 812 3902 

59 768 3946 104 813 3901 

60 769 3945 105 814 3900 

61 770 3944 106 815 3899 

62 nial 3943 107 816 3898 

63 772 3942 108 817 3897 

64 773 3941 109 818 3896 

65 774 3940 110 |) S19 3895 

66 775 |) 3939 111 820 | 3894 

- 67 776 3938 112 821 3893 

68 777 3937 113 822 3892 

69 778 3936 114 $23 3891 

70 779 3935 115 $24 3890 

71 780 | 3934 116 825 3889 

72 781 3933 117 826 3888 

73 782 3932 118 827 3887 

74 | 783 | 3931 119 828 3886 

75 784 3930 120 829 3885 

76 785 3929 121 830 3884 

7 786 3928 122 831 3883 

78 787 3927 123 832 3882 

79 788 3926 124 833 3881 

80 789 3925 125 834 3880 

81 790 3924 126 835 3879 

82 791 3923 127 836 3878 

83 792 3922 128 837 3877 

84 793 3921 129 838 3876 

85 794 3920 130 839 3875 

86 795 3919 131 840 3874 

87 796 3918 132 841 3873 

88 797 3917 133 842 3872 

89 798 3916 134 843 3871 

90 799 3915 135 844 3870 

91 800 3914 136 845 3869 

92 801 3913 137 846 3868 

93 802 3912 138 847 | 3867 





COLLATIO ANNORUM, 1 





























F Anni Ante ‘ Anni Ante 
aaa Periodi | Aram Sani Periodi | Ajram 
Mone Juliane. |Christian. eee Juliane. |Christian. 

aoe 
139 848 | 3866 | 184 893 | 3821 
140 849 3865 185 894 3820 
141 850 3864 | 186 895 3819 
142 851 3863 187 896 3818 
143 852 3862 188 897 3817 
144 853 3861 189 898 3816 
145 854 3860 190 899 3815 
146 855 3859 191 900 3814 
147 856 3858 192 901 3813 
148 857 3857 193 902 3812 
149 858 3856 194 903 3811 
150 859 3855 195 904 3810 
151 860 3854 196 905 38809 
152 861 3853 197 906 3808 
153 862 3852 198 907 3807 
154 863 3851 199 908 3806 
155 864 3850 200 909 3805 
156 865 3849 201 910 3804 
157 866 3848 202 911 3803 
158 867 3847 203 912 5802 
159 868 3846 204 913 3801 
160 869 3845 205 914 3800 
161 870 3844 206 915 3799 
162 871 3843 207 916 3798 
163 872 3842 208 917 3797 
164 873 3841 209 918 3796 
165 874 3840 210 919 3795 
166 875 3839 | 211 920 3794 
167 876 3838 212 921 3793 
168 877 3837 213 922 3792 
169 878 3836 214 923 3791 
170 879 3835 215 924 3790 
171 880 3834 216 925 3789 
172 881 3833 217 926 3788 
173 882 3832 218 927 3787 
174 883 3831 219 928 3786 
175 884 3830 220 929 38785 
176 885 3829 221 930 3783 
bees 886 3828 222, 931 3784 
178 887 3827 223 932 3782 
179 888 3826 224 $33 3781 
180 889 3825 225 934 3780 
181 890 3824 226 935 3779 
182 891 3825 227 936 3778 
183 892 3822 | 228 937 3777 








VOL. XI. K 


























ra COLLATIO ANNORUM. 
| 
ree, Anni Ante Ro Anni Ante 
Mie Periodi | AXram Mundi Periodi | Airam 
Juliane. Christian. * | Juliane. |Christian 
229 938 3776 274 983 3731 
230 939 3775 275 984 3730 
231 940 3774 276 985 3729 
232 941 3773 PT 986 3728 
233 942 3772 278 987 3727 
234 943 3771 279 988 3726 
235 944 3770 280 989 3725 
236 945 3769 281 990 3724 
237 946 3768 282 991 3723 
238 947 3767 283 992 3722 
26 948 3766 284 993 3721 
240 949 3765 285 994 3720 
241 950 3764 286 995 3719 | 
242 951 3763 287 996 3718 | 
243 952 3762 288 997 ouila 
244 953 3761 289 998 3716 
245 954 3760 290 999 3715 
246 955 3759 291 1000 3714 
247 956 3758 292 1001 3713 
248 957 3757 293 1002 3712 
249 958 3756 294 10038 3711 
250 959 3755 295 1004 3710 
251 960 8754 296 1005 3709 
252 961 3753 297 1006 3708 
253 962 3752 298 1007 3707 
254 963 3751 299 1008 3706 
255 964 3750 300 1009 3705 
256 965 3749 301 1010 3704 
257 |} 966 3748 302 1011 3703 
258 967 3747 » 8038 1012 3702 
259 968 3746 304 10138 3701 
260 969 3745 305 1014 3700 
261 970 3744 306 1015 3699 
262 971 3743 307 1016 3698 
263 972 3742 308 1017 3697 
264 $73 3741 309 1018 3696 
265 974 3740 310 1019 3695 
266 975 3739 311 1020 3694 
267 976 3738 312 1021 3693 
268 977 3737 313, 1022 3692 
269 978 3736 314 1023 3691 
270 979 3735 315 1024 3690 
Dial 980 3734 : 316 1025 3689 
272 981 3733 317 1026 3688 
273 982 3732 318 1027 3687 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. ] 


























hey Anni Ante ea Anni Ante 
Mundi Periodi | ram an Periodi 7Eram 
* | Juliane. |Christian. * | Juliane. |Christian. 
319 1028 3686 364 1073 3641 
320 1029 3685 365 1074 3640 
321 1030 3684 366 1075 3639 
322 1031 3683 367 1076 8638 
323 1082 3682 368 1077 3637 
324 10838 3681 369 1078 3636 
325 10384 3680 | 370 1079 3635 
326 1035 3679 371 1080 3604 
327 1036 3678 372 1081 8633 
328 1037 3677 373 1082 8632 
329 1038 3676 374 1083 3631 
330 1039 3675 375 1084 8630 
331 1040 3674 376 1085 3629 
332 1041 3673 377 1086 8628 
333 1042 38672 378 1087 3627 
334 1043 3671 379 1088 3626 
335 1044 3670 380 1089 3625 
336 1045 3669 381 1090 3624 
337 1046 3668 382 1091 3623 
338 1047 3667 383 1092 3622 
339 1048 3666 384 1093 3621 
340 1049 3665 385 1094 3620 
341 1050 3664 386 1095 3619 
342 1051 36693 387 1096 3618 
343 1052 3662 388 1097 38617 
344 10538 3661 389 1098 3616 
345 1054 3660 399 1099 38615 
346 1055 3659 391 1100 3614 
347 1056 3658 392 1101 3613 
348 1057 3657 393 1102 38612 
349 1058 3656 394 1103 0611 
350 1059 3655 395 1104 3610 
351 1060 38654 396 1105 3609 
352 1061 3650 397 1106 3608 
353 1062 3652 398 1107 3607 
354 1068 3651 399 1108 3606 
355 1064 3650 400 1109 3605 
356 1065 3649 401 1110 3604 
357 1066 3648 402 1111 3603 
358 1067 3647 403 1112 3602 
359 1068 3646 404 1113 3601 
360 1069 38645 405 1114 3600 


406 1115 3599 
407 1116 3598 
408 1117 3597 


361 1070 3644 
362 1071 3643 
363 1072 -| 3642 








rea) 
oo 


124 


Anni 


Mundi. 





Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian.| 


1118 
1119 
1120 
1121 

1122 
1123 
1124 
1125 
1126 
1127 
1128 
1129 
1130 
1131 
1132 
1133 
1154 
1135 
1136 
1137 
1158 
1139 
1140 
1141 
1142 
11438 
1144 
1145 
1146 
1147 
1148 
1149 
1150 
1151 
1152 
1153 
1154 
1155 
1156 
1157 
1158 
1159 
1160 
1161 

1162 


H 
i 























COLLATIO ANNORUM. 
Ante | : Anni Ante 
fRram Anni Periodi | Aram 
| Mundi Juliane. |Christian 
3596 | 454 1163 
8595 | 455 1164 
8594 | 456 1165 
3593 457 1166 
3592 458 1167 
3591 459 1168 
3590 | 460 1169 
3589 | | 461 1170 
3588 || 462 1171 
3587 || 463 1172 
3586 | 464 1173 
8585 | 465 1174 
3584 - || 466 1175 
3583 467 1176 
3582 || 468 1177 
3581 | 469 1178 
3580 470 1179 
3579 ieee al 1180 
3578 472 1181 
3577 | 473 | 1182 
3576 | 474 1183 
3575 0 || 475 1184 
3574 | 476 1185 
Sayan 477 1186 
3572 478 1187 
3571 479 1188 
3570 | 480 1189 
3569 481 1190 
3568 482 1191 
3567 483 1192 
3566 484 1193 
3565 485 1194 
3564 486 1195 
3563 | 487 1196 
3562 | | 488 1197 
3561 | | 489 1198 
3560 | | 490 1199 
3559 || ; 491 | 1200 
3558 | | 492 1201 
3557 | 493 1202 
3556 | 494 1203 
3555 | | 495 1204 
3554 | | 496 1205 
3553 || | 497 | 1206 
3552 |} Hi p08) aBoy 








COLLATIO ANNORUM. 12: 





jele Anni Ante rete Anni Ante 
Mundi Periodi | AXram Mundi Periodi | Aram 
* | Juliane. |Christian. * | Juliane. |Christian. 
499 1208 3506 544 1253 3461 
500 1209 3505 545 1254 3460 
501 1210 3504 546 1255 3459 
502 1211 35038 547 1256 3458 
5038 1212 3502 548 1257 8457 
504 1213 3501 549 1258 3456 
505 1214 3500 550 1259 3455 
506 1215 3499 551 1260 3454 
507 1216 3498 552 1261 3453 
508 1217 3497 553 1262 3452 
509 1218 3496 554 1268 3451 
510 1219 3495 555 1264 3450 
Sila 1220 3494 556 1265 3449 
512 1221 34938 557 1266 3448 
5138 1222 3492 558 1267 3447 
514 1223 3491 559 1268 3446 
515 1224 3490 560 1269 3445 
516 1225 3489 561 1270 3444 
517 1226 3488 562 1271 3445 
518 1227 3487 563 1272 3442 
519 1228 3486 564 1273 3441 
520 1229 3485 565 1274 3440 
521 12380 3484 566 1375 3439 
522 1231 3483 567 1276 3438 
523 1232 3482 568 1277 3437 
524 1233 3481 569 1278 3436 
525 1234 3480 570 1279 3435 
526 1235 3479 571 1280 3434 
527 1236 3478 572 1281 3433 
528 1237 3477 573 1282 3432 
529 1288 3476 574 1283 3431 
530 1239 3475 575 1284 3430 
5301 1240 3474 576 1285 3429 
532 1241 3473 577 1286 3428 
533 1242 3472 578 1287 3427 
534 12438 3471 579 1288 3426 
535 1244 3470 580 1289 3425 
536 1245 3469 581 1290 3424 
537 1246 3468 582 1291 3423 
538 1247 3467 583 1292 0422 
539 1248 3466 584 1293 3421 
540 1249 3465 585 1294 3420 
541 1250 3464 586 1295 3419 
542 1251 3463 587 1296 3418 


543 1252 3462 588 1297 3417 


126 COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





ate Anni Ante ae Anni Ante 
ae Periodi | Aram i Periodi | Kram 


Mundi. Mundi. 


Juliane. |Christian. Juliane. |Christian. 





589 1298 3416 684 1343 3371 
590 1299 3415 635 1344 3370 
591 1300 3414 636 1345 3369 
592 1301 3413 637 1346 3368 
593 1802 3412 638 1347 3367 
594 1303 3411 639 1348 3366 
595 1304 3410 640 1349 3365 
596 1305 3409 641 1350 3364 
597 1306 3408 642 1351 3363 
598 1307 3407 643 1352 3362 
599 1308 3406 644 1353 3361 
600 1309 3405 645 1354 3360 
601 1310 3404 646 1355 3359 
602 1311 3403 647 1356 3358 
603 1312 3402 648 1357 3357 
604 1313 3401 649 1358 3356 
605 1314 3400 650 1359 3355 
606 1315 3399 651 1360 3354 
607 1316 3398 652 1361 3353 
608 1317 3397 653 1362 3352 
609 1318 3396 654 1363 3351 
610 1319 3395 655 1364 3350 
611 1320 3394 656 1365 3349 
612 1321 3393 657 1366 3348 
613 1322 3392 658 1367 3347 
614 1323 3391 659 1368 3346 
615 1324 3390 660 1369 3345 
616 1325 3389 661 1370 3344 
617 1326 3388 662 1371 3343 
618 1327 3387 663 1372 3342 
619 1328 3386 664 1373 3341 
620 1329 3385 665 1374 3340 
621 1330 3384 666 1375 3339 
622 1331 3383 667 1376 3338 
623 1332 3382 668 1377 3337 
624 1333 3381 669 1378 3336 
625 1334 3380 670 1379 3335 
626 1335 3379 671 1380 3334 
627 1386 3378 672 1381 3333 
628 1337 3377 673 1382 3332 
629 1338 3376 674 1383 3331 
630 1339 3375 675 1384 3330 
631 1340 3374 676 1385 3329 
632 1341 3373 677 1386 3328 


633 | 1342 | 3372 | 678 | 1387 | 3397 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





; Anni Ante te Anni Ante 
he a4 Periodi | ASram M ee Periodi | AXram 
fundi. Juliane. |Christian. me | Juliane. |Christian 





679 1388 3326 724 1433 3281 
680 1389 3325 725 1434 3480 
681 1390 3324 726 1435 3279 
682 1391 3323 727 1436 3278 
683 1392 3322 728 1437 3277 
684 1393 3321 729 1438 3276 
685 1394 3320 weS0. 1439 3275 
686 1395 3319 731 1440 3274 
687 1396 3318 732 1441 3273 
688 1397 3317 733 1442 3272 
689 1398 3316 734 1443 3271 
690 1399 3315 735 1444 3270 
691 1400 3314 736 1445 3269 
692 1401 3313 737 1446 3268 
693 1402 3312 738 1447 3267 
694 1403 3311 739 1448 3266 
695 1404 3310 740 1449 3265 
696 1405 3309 741 1450 3264 
697 1406 3308 742 1451 3263 
698 1407 3307 743 1452 3262 
699 1408 3306 744 1453 3261 
700 | 1409 3305 745 | 1454 3260 
701 1410 3304 746 1455 3259 
702 1411 3303 747 1456 3258 
703 1412 3302 748 1457 3257 
704 1413 3301 749 1458 3256 
705 1414 3300 750 1459 3255 
706 1415 3299 751 1460 3254 
707 1416 3298 752 1461 3253 
708 1417 3297 753 1462 3252 
709 |- 1418 3296 754 1463 3251 
710 1419 3295 755 1464 3250 
711 1420 3294 756 1465 3249 
712 1421 3293 757 1466 3248 
713 1422 3292 758 1467 3247 
714 1423 3291 759 1468 3246 
715 1424 3290 760 1469 3245 
716 1425 3289 761 1470 3244 
717 1426 3288 762 1471 3243 
718 1427 3287 763 1472 3242 
719 1428 3286 764 1473 3241 
720 1429 3285 765 1474 3240 
721 1430 3284 766 1475 3239 
722 1431 3283 767 1476 3238 


723 1432 3282 768 1477 3237 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


A Anni Ante Anni Ante 
ae Periodi | ASram fant Periodi | AZram 
oa Juliane. |Christian. Mundi. Juliane. |Christian. 
769 1478 3236 814 1523 3191 
770 1479 3235 815 1524 3190 
771 1480 3234 816 1525 3189 
M62, 1481 3233 817 1526 3188 
773 1482 3232 818 1527 3187 
774 1483 3231 819 1528 3186 
ane 1484 3230 820 1529 3185 
776 1485 3229 821 1530 3184 

777 1486 3228 822 1531 3183 . 
778 1487 3227 823 1532 3182 
779 1488 3226 824 1533 3181 
780 1489 3225 825 1534 3180 
781 1490 3224 826 1535 3179 
782 1491 3223 827 1536 3178 
783 1492 3222 828 1537 3177 
784 1493 3221 829 1538 3176 
785 1494 3220 830 1539 3175 
786 1495 3219 831 1540 3174 
787 1496 3218 832 1541 3173 
788 1497 3217 833 1542 3172 
789 1498 3216 834 15438 3171 
790 1499 3215 835 1544 3170 
791 1500 3214 836 1545 3169 
792 1501 3213 837 1546 3168 
793 1502 3212 838 1547 3167 
794 1508 3211 839 1548 3166 
795 1504 3210 840 1549 3165 
796 1505 3209 841 1550 3164 
797 1506 3208 842 1551 3163 
798 1507 3207 843 1552 3162 
799 1508 3206 844 15538 3161 
800 1509 3205 845 1554 3160 
801 1510 3204 846 1555 2159 
802 1511 3208 847 1556 3158 
803 1512 3202 848 1557 3157 
804 15138 3201 849 1558 3156 
805 1514 3200 850 1559 3155 
806 1515 3199 851 1560 3154 
807 1516 3198 852 1561 3153 
808 1517 3197 853 1562 3152 
809 1518 3196 854 1563 3151 
810 1519 3195 855 1564 3150 
811 1520 3194 856 1565 3149 
812 1521 3193 857 1566 3148 


813 1522 3192 858 1567 3147 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 129 

































Wad Anni Ante fon. Anni ; Ante 
Mundi. Periodi | AZram Mundi Periodi | AXram 
Juliane. | Christi. * | Juliane. | Christi. 

$59 1568 3144 904 1613 3101 
860 1569 3145 905 1614 3100 
S61 1570 3144 906 1615 3099 
| 862 1571 3143 907 1616 3098 
863 1572 3142 908 1617 3097 
864 1573 3141 909 1618 3096 
865 1574 3140 910 1619 3095 
866 1575 3139 911 1620 3094 
867 1576 3138 912 1621 30938 
868 1577 3137 913 1622 3092 
869 1578 3136 914 1623 3091 
870 1579 3135 915 1624 3090 
871 1580 3134 916 1625 3089 
872 1581 3133 917 1626 3088 
873 1582 3132 918 1627 5087 
874 1583 3131 919 1628 3086 
875 1584 3130 920 1629 3085 
876 1585 3129 921 1630 3084 
877 1586 3128 922 1631 3083 
878 1587 3127 923 1682 3082 
879 1588 3126 924 1633 3081 
880 1589 3125 925 1634 3080 
881 1590 3124 926 16385 3079 
882 1591 3123 927 1636 3078 
883 1592 3122 928 1637 3077 
884 15938 3121 929 1638 3076 
885 1594 3120 930 1639 3075 
886 1595 3119 931 1640 3074 
887 1596 3118 932 1641 3073 
888 1597 3117 933 1642 3072 
889 1598 3116 934 16438 3071 
890 1599 3115 935 1644 3070 
891 1600 3114 936 1645 3069 
892 1601 3113 937 1646 3068 
893 1602 3112 938 1647 3067 
894 1603 3111 939 1648 3066 
895 1604 3110 940 1649 3065 
896 1605 3109 941 1650 3064 
897 1606 3108 942 1651 3068 
898 1607 3107 948 1652 38062 
$99 1608 3106 944 1658 3061 
900 1609 3105 945 1654 3060 
901 1610 3104 946 1655 38059 
902 1611 3108 947 1656 3058 
903 1612 3102 948 1657 3057 


VOU xt. L 


150 


Anni 


fundi. 


Anni 
Periodi 
Juliane. 


1658 
1659 
1660 
1661 
1662 
1663 
1664 
1665 
1666 
1667 
1668 
1669 
1670 
1671 
1672 
1678 
1674 
1675 
1676 
1677 
1678 
1679 
1680 
1681 
1682 
1683 
1684 
1685 
1686 
1687 
1688 
1689 
1690 
1691 
1692 
1693 
1694 
1695 
1696 
1697 
1698 
1699 
1700 
1701 
1702 








COLLATIO ANNORUM. 
Ante | Re 
firam || ea 
Christi. |! Mundi. 
3056 || 994 
3055 995 
3054 996 
3053 997 
3052 998 
8051 999 
3050 1000 
3049 1001 
3048 1002 
3047 1003 
3046 1004 
3045 1005 
3044 1006 
30438 1007 
3042 1008 
3041 1009 
3040 1010 
3039 1011 
3038 1012 
3037 1018 
3036 1014 
38035 1015 
3034 1016 
3033 1017 
3032 1018 
3081 1019 
3030 1020 
3029 1021 
3028 1022 
3027 10238 
3026 1024 
3025 1025 
3024 1026 
3023 1027 
3022 1028 
3021 1029 
3020 1030 
3019 1031 
3018 | 1032 
8017 1088 
3016 1034 
3015 1035 
3014 1036 
3013 1037 
3012 1088 
































+ 


Anni 
Periodi 
Juliane. 


1703 
1704 
1705 
1706 
1707 
1708 
1709 
1710 
1711 
1712 
1715 
1714 
1715 
1716 
1717 
1718 
1719 
1720 
1721 
1722 
1723 
1724 
1725 
1726 
1727 
1728 
1729- 
1730 
1731 
1732 
1733 
1734 
1735 
1736 
1737 
1738 
1739 
1740 
1741 
1742 
1746 
1744 
1745 
1746 
1747 





Ante 
/Eram 
Christi. 


3011 
3010 
3009 
3008 
38007 
3006 
3005 
3004 
3003 
3002 
3001 
3000 
2999 
2998 
2997 
2996 
2995 
2994 
2993 
2992 
2991 
2990 
2989 
2988 
2987 
2986 
2985 
2984 
2983 
2982 
2981 
2980 
2979 
2978 
2977 
2976 
2975 
2974 
2973 
2972 
2971 
2970 
2969 
2968 
2967 





COLLATIO ANNORUM. 1 




















y Anni Ante k Anni Ante 
a Periodi | AZram site Periodi | ram 
Mundi. | Jutiane.| Christi Mundi. | Juliane. | Christi. 
1039 1748 | 2966 1084 1793 2921 
1040 1749 | 2965 1085 1794 2920 
1041 1750 | 2964 1086 1795 | 2919 | 
1042 1751 | 2963 1087 1796 | 2918 | 
1043 1752 | 2962 1088 1797 2917 
1044 1753 | 2961 1089 1798 2916 
1045 1754 | 2960 1090 1799 2915 
1046 1755 2959 1091 1800 2914 
1047 1756 | 2958 1092 1801 2913 
1048 1757 2957 1093 1802 2912 
1049 1758 2956 1094 1803 2911 
1050 1759 | 2955 1095 1804 2910 
1051 1760 2954 1096 1805 2909 
1052 1761 2953 1097 1806 2908 
1053 1762 2952 1098 1807 2907 
1054 1763 2951 1099 1808 2906 
1055 1764 2950 1100 1809 2905 
1056 1765 2949 1101 1810 2904 
1057 1766 | 2948 1102 1811 2903 
1058 1767 | 2947 Ci es 1812 2902 
1059 1768 2946 1104 1813 2901 | 
1060 1769 | 2945 1105 1814 2900 
1061 1770 | 2944 1106 1815 2899 | 
1062 1771 2943 1107 1816 2898 
1063 1772 | 2942 1108 1817 2897 | 
1064 1773 | 2941 1109 1818 2896 
1065 1774 | 2940 1110 1819 2895 
1066 1775 2939 1111 1820 | 2894 
1067 1776 | 2938 1112 1821 2893 
1068 1777. | 2987 1113 1822 2892 
1069 1778 | 2936 1114 1823 2891 
1070 1779 | 2985 1115 1824 2890 
1071 1780 | 2934 1116 1825 2889 
1072 1781 2933 1117 1826 2888 
1073 1782 | 2932 1118 1827 2887 
1074 1783 | 2931 1119 1828 2886 
1075 1784 | 2930 1120 1829 2885 
1076 1785 | 2929 1121 1830 2884 
1077 1786 | 2928 1122 1831 2883 
1078 1787 | 2927 1123 1832 2882 
1079 1788 | 2926 ie Bb! 1833 oan) | 
1080 1789 2925 1125 1834 2880 
1081 1790 2924 1126 1835 2879 | 
1082 1791 2923 1127 1836 2878 
1083 1792 2922 || 1128 1837 2877 





COLLATIO ANNORUM 











Anni 
Periodi 
Juliane. 


1838 
1839 
1840 
1841 
1842 
1843 
1844 
1845 
1846 
1847 
1848 
1849 
1850 
1851 
1852 
1853 
1854 
1855 
1856 
1857 
1858 
1859 
1860 
1861 
1862 
1863 
1864 
1865 
1866 
1867 
1868 
1869 
1870 
1871 
1872 
18738 
1874 
1875 
1876 
1877 
1878 
1879 
1880 
1881 
1882 


{ 


Ante 
/Eram 
Christi. 


2876 
2875 
2874 
2873 
2872 
2871 
2870 
2869 
2868 
2867 
2866 
2865 
2864 
2863 
2862 
2861 
2860 
2859 
2858 
2857 
2856 
2855 
2854 
2853 
2852 
2851 
2850 
2849 
2848 
2847 
2846 
2845 
2844 
2843 
2842 
2841 
2840 
2839 
2838 
2837 
2836 
2835 
2834 
2833 
2832 








Anni 


Mundi. 


1174 
1175 
1176 
1177 
1178 
iN i 
1180 
1181 
1182 
1183 
1184 
1185 
1186 
1187 
1188 
1189 
1190 
1191 
1192 
11938 
1194 
1195 
1196 
1197 
1198 
1199 
1200 
1201 
1202 
1203 
1204 
1205 
1206 
1207 
1208 
1209 
1210 
1211 
1212 
12138 
1214 
1215 
1216 
1214 
1218 


Anni Ante 
Periodi |} Aram 
Juliane. | Christi. 


1883 
1884 
1885 
1886 
1887 
1888 
1889 
1890 
1891 
1892 
1893 
1894 
1895 
1896 
1897 
1898 
1899 
1900 
1901 
1902 
1903 
1904 
1905 
1906 
1907 
1908 
1909 
1910 
1911 
1912 
1913 
1914 
1915 
1916 
1917 
1918 
1919 
1920 
1921 
1929 
1923 
1924 
1925 
1926 
1927 





Anni 


Mundi. 


1219 
1220 
1221 
1222 
1223 
1224 
1225 
1226 
1227 
1228 
1229 
1230 
1231 
1232 
1233 
1234 
1235 
1236 
1237 
1238 
1239 
1240 
1241 
1242 
12438 
1244 
1245 
1246 
1247 
1248 
1249 
1250 
1251 
1252 
1253 
1254 
1255 
1256 
1257 
1258 
1259 
1260 
1261 
1262 
12638 


Anni 


Periodi 
Juliane. 


1928 
1929 
1930 
1931 
1932 
1933 
1934 
1935 
1936 
1937 
1938 
1939 
1940 
1941 
1942 
1943 
1944 
1945 
1946 
1947 
1948 
1949 
1950 
1951 
1952 
1953 
1954 
1955 
1956 
1957 
1958 
1959 
1960 
1961 
1962 
1963 
1964 
1965 
1966 
1967 
1968 
1969 
1970 
1971 
1972 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Ante 
/Eram 


Christi. 


=I 























Anni 


Mundi. 


1264 
1265 
1266 
1267 
1268 
1269 
1270 
1271 
1272 
1273 
1274 
1275 
1276 
1277 
1278 
1279 
1280 
1281 
1282 
1283 
1284 
1285 
1286 
1287 
1288 
1289 
1290 
1291 
1292 
1293 
1294 
1295 
1296 
1297 
1298 
1299 
1300 
1301 
1302 
1303 
1304 
1305 
1306 
1307 
1308 


Anni 
Periodi 
Juliane. 


1973 
1974 
1975 
1976 
1977 
1978 
1979 
1980 
1981 
1982 
1983 
1984 
1985 
1986 
1987 
1988 
1989 
1990 
1991 
1992 
1993 
1994 
1995 
1996 
1997 
1998 
1999 
2000 
2001 
2002 
20038 
2004 
2005 
2006 
2007 
2008 
2009 
2010 | 
2011 
2012 
2013 
2014 
2015 
2016 
2017 


Ante 
fEram 


Christi. 


2741 
2740 
2739 
2738 
2737 
2736 
2735 
2734 
2733 
2732 
2731 
2780 
2729 


l 


ao 
Ov 





COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Mundi. 


1309 
1310 
1311 
1312 
1613 
1314 
1315 
1316 
1317 
1318 
1319 
1320 
1321 
1322 
1823 
1324 
1825 
1826 
1327 
1328 
1329 
1330 
1331 
1382 
1333 
1334 
1335 
1336 
1337 
1338 
1339 
1340 
1341 
1342 
1343 
1344 
1345 
1346 
1347 
1348 
1349 
1350 
1351 
1352 
1353 








Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. 


2018 
2019 
2020 
2021 
2022 
2028 
2024 
2025 
2026 
2027 
2028 
2029 
2030 
20381 
2032 


Ante 
7Xram 


Christi. 


2696 
2695 
2694 
2693 
2692 
2691 
2690 
2689 
2688 
2687 
2686 
2685 
2684 
2683 
2682 
2681 
2680 
2679 
2678 
2677 
2676 
2675 
2674 
2673 
2672 
2671 
2670 
2669 
2668 
2667 
2666 
2665 
2664 
2663 
2662 
2661 
2660 
2659 
2658 
2657 
2656 
2655 
2654 
2658 
2652 

















Anni 


Mundi. 


1354 
1355 
1356 
1357 
1258 
1359 
1860 
1361 
1362 
1363 
1364 
1365 
1366 
1367 
1368 
1369 
1370 
1371 
1372 
13873 
1374 
1375 
1376 
1377 
1378 
1379 
1380 
1381 
1582 
1383 
1384 
1385 
1886 
1387 
1388 
1389 
1390 
1391 
1392 
1593 
1394 
1395 
1396 
1397 
1398 


Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. 


2063 
2064 
2065 
2066 
2067 
2068 
2069 
2070 
2071 
2072 
2073 
2074 
2075 
2076 
2077 
2078 
2079 
2080 
2081 
2082 
2083 
2084 
2085 
2086 
2087 
2088 
2089 
2090 
2091 
2092 
2093 
2094 
2095 
2096 
2097 
2098 
2099 
2100 
2101 
2102 
2108 
2104 
2105 
2106 
2107 


Ante 
/Eram 
Christi 


2651 
2650 
2649 
2648 
2647 
2646 
2645 
2644 
2643 
2642 
2641 
2640 
2639 
2638 
2637 
2636 
2635 
2634 
2633 
2632 
2631 
2630 
2629 
2628 
2627 
2626 
2625 
2624 
2623 
2622 
2621 
2620 
2619 
2618 
2617 
2616 
2615 
2614 
2613 
2612 
2611 
2610 
2609 
2608 
2607 





COLLATIO ANNORUM. 






































Me: fo Ante ae Anni Ante 
Mundi Periodi | ram Mundi Periodi | Aram 
* | Juliane. | Christi. * | Juliane. | Christi. 
1399 2108 2606 1444 2153 2561 
1400 2109 2605 1445 2154 2560 
1401 2110 2604 1446 2155 2559 
1402 2111 2603 1447 2156 2558 
1403 2112 2602 | 1448 PANT 2901 
1404 21138 2601 1449 2158 2556 
1405 2114 2600 1450 2159 2555 
1406 | 2115 2599 1451 2160 2554 
1407 2116 2598 1452 2161 2553 
1408 2117 2597 14538 2162 2552 
1409 2118 2596 1454 2168 2551 
1410 2119 2595 1455 2164 2550 
1411 2120 2594 1456 2165 2549 
1412 2121 2593 1457 2166 2548 
14138 2122 2592 1458 2167 2547 
1414 2123 2591 1459 2168 2546 
1415 2124 2590 1460 2169 2545 
1416 2125 2589 1461 2170 2544 
1417 2126 2588 1462 2171 2548 
1418 2137 2587 1468 2172 2542 
1419 2128 2586 1464 2173 2541 
1420 2129 2585 1465 2174 2540 
1421 2130 2584 1466 PS) 2539 
1422 2131 25838 1467 2176 25388 
1423 21382 2582 || 1468 2177 2537 
1424 2133 2581 | 1469 2178 2536 
1425 2134 2580 | 1470 2179 2535 
1426 2135 2579 1471 2180 2534 
1427 2136 2578 1472 2181 2533 
1428 Die 2577 1473 2182 25382 
1429 2138 2576 1474 2183 2531 
1430 2139 2575 1475 2184 2530 
1431 2140 2574 1476 2185 2529 
1482 2141 2573 1477 2186 2528 
1433 2142 2572 1478 2187 2527 
1484 2143 2571 1479 2188 2526 
1435 2144 2570 1480 2189 2525 
1436 2145 2569 1481 2190 2524. 
1437 2146 2568 1482 2191 2528 
1438 2147 2567 1483 2192 2522 
1439 2148 2566 1484 2193 2521 
1440 2149 2565 1485 2194 2520 
1441 2150 2564 1486 2195 2519 
1442 2151 2563 || 1487 2196 2518 
1443) |) Dik? 2562 | 1488 29H |) D517 


136 COLLATIO ANNORUM. 











































ieee Anni Ante nee Anni Ante 
. | Periodi | Aram _ | Periodi | Alram 
Mundt | gacanaw. Chieti. Mundi. | seuatiee.|| Christ. 
1489 2198 2516 1534 2943 2471 
1490 2199 2515 1535 2944 2470 
1491 2200 2514 1536 2245 2469 
1492 2201 2513 1537 2246 2468 
1493 2202 2512 1538 2247 2467 
1494 2203 9514 1539 2248 3466 
1495 2204 2510 1540 2249 2465 
1496 2205 2509 1541 2250 2464 
1497 2206 2508 1542 2251 2463 
1498 2207 2507 1543 2952 2462 
1499 2208 2506 1544 2253 2461 
1500 2209 2505 1545 2254 2460 
1501 2210 2504 1546 2255 2459 
1502 2211 2503 1547 2256 2458 
1503 2212 2502 1548 2257 2457 
1504 2213 2501 1549 2258 2456 
1505 2214 2500 1550 2259 2455 
1506 2215 2499 1551 2260 2454 
1507 2216 2498 1552 2261 2453 
1508 2217 2497 1553 2262 2452 
1509 2218 2496 1554 2263 2451 
1510 2219 2495 || 1555 2264 2450 
1511 2220 2494 |) 1556 2265 2449 
1512 2221 2493 1557 2266 2448 
1513 2222 2492 1558 2267 2447 
1514 2223 2491 1559 2268 2446 
1515 2224 2490 1560 | 2269 2445 
1516 2225 2489 1561 2270 2444 
1517 2226 2488 1562 | 2271 2443 
1518 2227 2487 1563 2272 2442 
1519 2228 2486 1564 2273 2441 
1520 2229 2485 1565 2274 2440 
1521 2230 2484 1566 2275 2439 
1522 2231 2483 1567 2276 2438 
1523 | 2232 2482 1568 2277 2437 
1524 2233 2481 | 1569 2278 2436 
1525 2234 2480 | 1570 2279 2435 
1526 2235 2479 1571 2280 2434 
1527 2236 2478 1572 2281 2433 
1528 2237 2477 1573 2289 2432 
1529 2238 2476 1574 2283 2431 
1530 2239 2475 1575 2284 2430 
1531 2240 2474 1576 2285 2429 
1532 2241 2473 1577 2286 2428 
1533 | 2242 2472 1578 2287 2427 











Juliane. Christian. 


rah bier 
Mundi. 
1579 2288 
1580 2289 
1581 2290 
1582 2291 
1583 2292 
1584 2293 
1585 2294 
1586 2295 
1587 2296 


1588 2297 
1589 2298 
1590 2299 
1591 2300 
1592 2801 
1593 2302 


1594 2303 
1595 2304 
1596 2305 
1597 2306 
1598 2307 
1599 2308 
1600 2309 
1601 2310 
1602 2311 
1603 2312 
1604 2313 
1605 2314 
1606 2315 
1607 2316 
1608 2317 
1609 2318 
1610 2319 
1611 2320 


1612 2321 
1613 2322 


1614 2323 
1615 2524 
1616 2325 
1617 2326 
1618 2327 
1619 2328 
1620 2329 
1621 2330 
1622 2331 
1623 2332 


VOL. XI. 








COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Ante 
7iram 


for) 


an 


in) 
phe 

bo bo bo to bo 
oe 


w 

















Anni 
Mundi. 





1624 
1625 
1626 
1627 
1628 





1629 
1650 
1631 
1632 
1633 
1634 
1635 
1636 
1637 
1638 
1639 
1640 
1641 
1642 
1643 
1644 
1645 
1646 
1647 
1648 
1649 
1650 
1651 
1652 
1653 
1654 
1655 
1656 
1657 
1658 
1659 
1660 
1661 
1662 
1663 
1664 
1665 
1666 
1667 
1668 





Apni 


Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian. 


co 


w bp bo tw by 
qe 02 So G9 Go 

co Go WG W Cd G C9 
aonaT SG Oe Ww 


= 
worwem= oO SO 


eo oo oo co Co Co 
i 


eo 
Ho fe 


Cw © 
rss 
~ 


RSS 
tse 


348 


bo 69 b> bo bo bt DO DO WO DD DD bS bo te 
w 
oO 
© 


2 oo oO 
or 
i) 


bo bo bw bo bh be 

I Ow ww w 
wr Or Gr ot 

con oS Ot em 


oo 
wa 


M 





Ante 
/Eram 


i) 


or 


bo co 


bo bo bw bo bo bo 
» oS ; 
sy sy a7 ct sr sr 
o-_ = 


bo 
qo co O89 CO OD 


ew) 
a 
i) 


nr po po bo 

(ee) 
aOonan 

“I 00 


oo co GC Od co Ww 
xX ON 
“No 


> oo 
Or cr 
m bo 


re OT ON 
o 


oo 


ew w oo 
rae oe 


bo 
G Co 
ad 

oO st oo 





138 * COLLATIO ANNGRUM. 

































eck Anni Ante eae Anni Ante 
Mundi Periodi /iram ue: Periodi | Aram 
* | Juliane. |Christian. * | Juliane. |Christian. 

2378 2336 1714 2423 2291 
2379 2335 1715 2424 2290 
2380 2384 1716 2495 2289 
2381 2333 1717 2426 2288 
2382 2332 1718 2427 2287 
2383 2331 1719 2428 2286 
2384 2330 1720 2429 2285 
2385 2329 1721 2430 2284 
2386 2328 1722 2431 2283 
2387 2327 } 1723 2432 2282 
2388 2326 1724 2433 2281 
2389 2325 1725 2434 2280 
2390 2324 1726 2435 2279 
2391 2323 1727 2436 2278 
9392 | 2399 | 1728 | 9437 | 2977 
2393 2321 1729 2438 2276 
2394 2320 1730 2439 2275 
2395 2319 || 1731 2440 2274 
2396 2318 1732 2441 2273 
2397 2317 1733 2442 2272 
2398 2316 1734 2443 2271 
2399 2315 1735 2444 2270 
2400 2314 1736 2445 2269 
2401 9313 || 1737 2446 2268 
2402 2312 1738 2447 2267 
2403 2311 173 2448 2266 
2404 2310 |) 1740 2449 2265 
2405 2309 |} 1741 2450 2264 
2406 2308 | 1742 2451 2263 
2407 2307 | 1743 2452 2262 
2408 2306 |} 1744 2453 2261 
2409 2305 | 1745 2454 2260 
2410 | 2304 | 1746 | 2455 | 2959 
2411 2303 1747 2456 2258 
2412 2302 1748 2457 2257 
2413 2301 1749 2458 2256 
2414 2300 1750 2459 2255 
2415 2299 | A751 2460 2254 
2416 2298 | 1752 2461 2253 
2417 2297 1753 2462 2252 
2418 2296 | 1754 2463 2251 
2419 2295 1755 2464 2250 
2420 2294 1756 2465 2249 
2421 2293 1757 2466 2248 
1713 2422 2292 1758 2467 2244 























Anni 


Mundi. 


1759 
1760 
1761 
1762 
1768 
1764 
1765 
1766 
1767 
1768 
1769 
1770 
1771 
1772 
1773 
1774 
1775 
1776 
AEE 
1778 
1779 
1780 
1781 
1782 
1783 
1784 
1785 
1786 
1787 
1788 
1789 
1790 
1791 
1792 
1793 
1794 
1795 
1796 
1797 
1798 
1799 
1800 
1801 
1802 
1803 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Anni Ante 

















Periodi | /Eram 
Juliane. |Christian. 
2468 2246 
2469 2245 
2470 2244 
2471 | 2243 
2472 2242 
2473 “| 2247 
2474 | 9240 
2475 2239 
2476 2238 

2477 223%) 
2478 | 2936 || 
2479 2235 
2480 2234 
2481 22338 
2482 2232 
2483 2231 
2484 2230 
2485 2229 
2486 2228 
2487 DPT 
2488 2226 
2489 2225 
2490 2224 
2491 2223 
2492 2222 
2493 2221 
2494 2220 
2495 2219 
2496 2218 
2497 2217 
2498 2216 
2499 2215 
2500 2214 
2501 2213 
2502 2212 
25038 2211 
2504 2210 
2505 2209 
2506 2208 
2507 2207 
2508 2206 
2509 2205 
2510 2204 
Dae 2203 
heal 2202 


1 

















‘ Anni Ante 
Sunt Periodi | Airam 
Mundi. Juliane. |Christian. 
1804 | 2513 | 2201 
1805 2514 2200 
1806 | 2515 2199 
1807 2516 2198 
1808 2517 2197 
1809 2518 2196 
1810 2519 2195 
1811 2520 2194 
1812 2521 2193 
1813 2522 2192 
1814 | 2523 2191 
1815 2524 2190 
| 1816 2525 2189 
1817 2526 2188 
\ 1818 2527 2187 
| igi9 | 2528 | 2186 
| 1820 2529 2185 
1821 2530 | 2184 
1822 2531 2183 
1823 | 2532 | 2182 
1824 | 2533 | 2181 
1825 9534 | 2180 
|| 1826 2535 2179 
| 1827 | 2536 | 2178 
| 1828 | 2537 | 2177 
} 1829 2538 2176 * 
1830 2539 2175 
| 1831 2540 2174 
| 18932 | 2541 2173 
1833. | 2542 2172 
1834 | 2543 2171 
| 1835 | 2544 | 2170 
1836 2545 2169 
1837 2546 2168 
1838 | 2547 2167 
|| 1839 | 2548 2166 
1840 2549 2165 
1841 2550 2164 
1842 | 2551 2163 
1843 2552 2162 
|} 1844 | 9553 | 2161 
1845 2554 2160 
1846 2555 2159 
1847 2556 2158 
1848 9557 2157 


o 


3 


COLLATIO ANNORUM., 























{ Anni Ante ! Anni Ante 
iets Periodi | AXram rata Periodi | A®ram 
Me ieece: |(Cheman Mundi | juliene, (Olen. 
1849 2558 2156 | 1894 2603 2111 
1250 2559 2155 1895 2604 2110 
1851 2560 2154 1896 2605 2109 | 
1852 2561 2153 1897 2606 2108 
1853 2562 2152 1898 2607 2107 
1854 2563 2151 1899 2608 2106 
1855 2564 2150 1900 2609 2105 
1856 2565 2149 1901 2610 2104 
1857 2566 2148 1902 2611 2103 
1858 2567 2147 | 19038 2612 2102 
1859 2568 2146 1904 2613 2101 
1860 2569 2145 1905 2614 2100 
1861 2570 2144 1906 2615 2099 
1862 2571 2143 1907 2616 2098 
1863 2572 2142 1908 2617 2097 
1864 2578 2141 1909 2618 2096 
1865 2574 2140 1910 2619 2095 
1866 2575 2139 1911 2620 2094 
1867 2576 21388 1912 9621 2093 
1868 2577 2137 1913 2622 2092 
1869 2578 2136 1914 2623 2091 
1870 2579 2135 1915 2624 2090 
1871 2580 2134 | 1916 2625 2089 
1872 2581 2133 1917 2626 2088 
1873 2582 2132 1918 2627 2087 
1874 2583 2131 1919 2628 2086 
1875 2584 2130 | 1920 2629 2085 
1876 2585 2129 | 1991 2630 2084 
1877 2586 2128 1922 2631 2083 
1878 2587 2127 19238 2632 2082 
1879 2588 2126 1924 2633 2081 
1880 2589 2125 1925 2634 2080 
1881 2590 2224 1926 2635 2079 
1882 2591 DiI} 1927 2636 2078 
1883 2592 2122 1928 2637 2077 
1884 2593 2121 1929 2638 2076 
1885 2594 2120 1930 2639 2075 
1886 2595 2119 1921 2640 2074 
887 2596 2118 1932 2641 2073 
1888 2597 2117 1935 2642 2072 
1889 2598 2116 1934 2643 2071 
1890 2599 2115 1935 2644 2070 
1891 2600 2114 1936 2645 2069 
1892 2601 2113 } 61987 2646 2068 
1893 2602 2112 1938 2647 2067 





COLLATIO ANNORUM. 141 





Anni Ante 
Periodi | ASram 
Juliane. |Christian. 


Anni Ante 
Periodi fram 
Juliane. |Christian. 


Anni 
Mundi. 


1939 2648 2066 
1940 2649 2065 
1941 2650 2064 
1942 2651 2063 
1943 2652 2062 
1944 2653 2061 
1945 2654 2060 
1946 2655 2059 


2693 2021 
2694 2020 
2695 2019 
2696 2018 
2697 2017 
2698 2016 
2699 2015 
2700 2014 





1947 2656 2058 2701 2013 
1948 2657 2057 2702 2012 
1949 2658 2056 2703 2011 
1950 2659 2055 2704 2010 
1951 2660 2054 2705 2009 
1952 2661 2053 2706 2008 
1953 2662 2052 2707 2007 
1954 2663 2051 2708 2606 
1955 2664 2050 2709 2005 
1956 2665 2049 2710 2004 
1957 2666 2048 2711 2003 
1958 2667 2047 2712 2002 
1959 2668 2046 2713 2001 
1960 2669 2045 2714 2000 
1861 2670 2044 2715 1999 





1962 2671 2043 
1963 2672 2042 
1964 2673 | 2041 
1965 2674 2040 
1966 2675 | 2039 


2716 1998 
ear 1997 
2718 1996 
2719 1995 

















2720 1994 
1967 2676 | 2038 2721 1993 
1968 9677 | 20387 2722 1992 
1969 2678 | 2036 2723 1991 
1970 2679 | 2035 2724 1990 
1971 2680 2034 2725 1989 
1972 2681 2033 2726 1988 
1973 2682 2032 2727 1987 
1974 2683 2031 2728 1986 
1975 2684 2030 2729 1985 
1976 2685 2029 2730 1984 
1977 2686 2028 2731 1983 
1978 2687 2027 2182 1982 
1979 2688 2026 2733 1981 
1980 2689 9025 2734 1980 
1981 2690 2024 2735 1979 
1982 2691 2023 2736 1978 


1983 2692 2022 








2737 1977 


142 COLLATIO ANNORUM. 
































: Anni Ante i Anni Ante 
ae Periodi | /Zram || Anni Periodi | Ajram 
Mundi. Juliane. |Christian. | Mundi. Juliane. Christian. 
2029 2738 1976 2074 2783 1931 
2030 2739 1975 2075 2784 |} 1930 
2031 2740 1974 2076 2785 1929 
2032 2741 1973 || 2077 2786 1928 
2033 2742 1972 2078 2787 1927 
2034 2748 1971 2079 2788 1926 
2035 2744 1970 2080 2789 1925 
2036") 2745") |) 19691" || 2081 | 2790 | 1924 
2037 2746 1968 | 2082 2791. |. 1923 
2038 2747 1967 2083 2792 1922 
2039 2748 1966 2084 2793 1921 
2040 2749 1965 2085 2794 | 1920 
2041 2750 1964 || 2086 2795 1919 
2042 2751 1963 || | 2087 2796 1918 
2043 2752 1962 | 2088 2797 1917 
2044 2753 1961 2089 2798 1916 
2045 2754 1960 2090 2799 | 1915 
2046 2755 1959 2091 2800 1914 
2047 2756 1958 2092 2801 1913 
2048 2757 1957 2093 2802 1912 
2049 2758 1956 2094 2803 1911 
2050 2759 1955 2095 2804 1910 
2051 2760 1954 2096 2805 1909 
2052 2761 1953 2097 2806 1908 
2053 2762 1952 2098 2807 1907 
2054 2763 1951 2099 2808 1906 
2055 2764 1950 2100 2809 1905 
2056 2765 1949 2101 2810 1904 
2057 2766 1948 2102 2811 1903 
“| 2058 2767 1947 21038 2812 1902 
2059 2768 1946 2104 2813 1901 
2060 2769 1945 | 2105 2814 1900 
2061 2770 1944 : 2106 2815 1899 
2062 o771 1943 2107 2816 1898 
2063 2772 1942 || 2108 2817 1897 
2064 2773 1941 2109 2818 1896 
2065 2774 1940 2110 2819 1895 
2066 2775 1939 2111 2820 1894 
2067 2776 1938 2112 2821 1893 
2068 2777 1937 2113 2822 1892 
2069 2778 1936 | 2114 2823 1891 
2070 2779 1935 2115 9824 1890 
2071 2780 1934 2116 2825 1889 
2072 2781 1933 || 2117 2826 1888 
2073 2782 1982 | 2118 | 2827 1887 





Anni 


Mundi. 


2119 
2120 
2121 
2122 
2123 
2124 
2125 
2126 
2127 
2128 
2129 
2130 
2131 
2132 
2133 
2134 
2135 
2136 
2137 
2138 
2139 
2140 
2141 
2142 
2143 
2144 
2145 
2146 
2147 
2148 
2149 
2150 
2151 
2152 
2153 
2154 
2155 
2156 
2157 
2158 
2159 
2160 
2161 
2162 
2163 








COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


14 





Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian. 


2828 
2829 
2830 
2831 
2832 
2833 
2834 
2835 
2856 
2837 
2838 
2839 
2840 
2841 
2842 
2843 
2844 
2845 
2846 
2847 
2848 
2849 
2850 
2851 
2852 
2853 
2854 
2855 
2856 
2857 
2858 
2859 
2860 
2861 
2862 
2863 
2864 
2865 
2866 
2867 
2868 
2869 
2870 
2871 
2872 





Ante 
fEram 


1886 
1885 
1884 
1883 
1882 
1881 
1880 
1879 
1878 
1877 
1876 
1875 
1874 
1873 
1872 
1871 
1870 
1869 
1868 
1867 
1866 
1865 
1864 
1863 
1862 
1861 
1860 
1859 
1858 
1857 
1856 
1855 
1854 
1853 
1852 
1851 
1850 
1849 
1848 
1847 
1846 
1845 
1944 
1843 
1842 














Anni 


Mundi. 


2164 
2165 
2166 
2167 
2168 
2169 
2170 
2171 
2172 
2173 
2174 
2175 
2176 
2177 
2178 
2179 
2180 
2181 
2182 
2183 
2184 
2185 
2186 
2187 
2188 
2189 
2190 
2191 
2192 
2193 
2194 
2195 
2196 
2197 
2198 
2199 
2200 
2201 
2202 
2203 
2204 
2205 
2206 
2207 
2208 





Anni 
Periodi 
Juliane. 


2873 
2874 
2875 
2876 
2877 
2878 
2879 
2880 
2881 
2882 
2883 
2884 
2885 
2886 
2887 
2888 
2889 
2890 
2891 
2892 
2893 
2894 
2895 
2896 
2897 
2898 
2899 
2900 
2901 
2902 
2903 
2904 
2905 
2906 
2907 
2908 
2909 
2910 
2911 
2912 
2913 
2914 
2915 
2916 
2917 








Ante 
/iram 
Christian. 


1841 
1840 
1839 
1838 
1837 
1836 
1835.) 
1834 
1833 
1832 
1831 
1830 
1829 
1828 
1827 
1826 
1825 
1824 
1823 
1822 
1821 
1820 
1819 
1818 
1817 
1816 
1815 
1814 
1813 
1812 
1811 
1810 
1809 
1808 
1807 
1806 
1805 
1804 
1803 
1802 
1801 
1800 
1799 
1798 
1797 


a 
vw 


144 COLLATIO ANNORUM. 














Anni Ante . Anni Ante 
ao Periodi | ram ee Periodi | ram 
Mundi. Juliane. |Christian. Mundi.» Juliane. |Christian. 
2209 2918 1796 2254 2968 1751 
2210 | 2919 1795 2255 2964 1750 
2211 2920 1794 2256 2965 1749 
2212 2921 1793 2257 2966 1748 
2213 | 2999 1792 2258 2967 1747 
2214 | 2993 1791 2259 2968 1746 
2215 2924 1790 2260 2969 1745 
2216 2925 1789 2261 2970 1744 
2217 2926 1788 2262 2971 1743 
2218 2927 1787 2263 2972 1742 
2219 2928 1786 2264 2973 1741 
2220 2929 1785 | 2265 2974 1740 
2221 | 9930 | 1784 | 9966 | 2975 | 1739 
2222 | 92931 1783 2267 2976 1738 
2223 | 2939 1782 2268 2977 1737 
2224 | 92933 1781 2269 2978 1736 
2225 | 2934 1780 2270 2979 1735 
2226 | 2935 1779 2271 2980 | “1734 
2227 2936 1778 2272 2981 1733 
2228 2937 1777 2273 2982 1732 
2229 2938 1776 2274 2983 1731 
2230 | 2939 1775 2275 2984 1730 
| 2231 2940 1774 2276 2985 1729 
2232 | 2941 1773 Ween 2986 1728 
2233 | 2942 | 1779 | 2978 | 2987 | 1727 
2234 | 2943 1771 2279 2988 1726 
2235 | 92944 1770 2280 2989 1725 
2236 | 2945 1769 2281 2990 1724 
2237 2946 1768 2282 2991 1723 
2238 2947 1767 2283 2992 1722 
2239 | 2948 1766 | 2284 2993 1721 
2240 2949 1765 2285 2994 1720 
2241 2950 1764 2286 2995 1719 
2242 | 9951 1763 2287 2996 1718 
2243 | 92952 1762 2288 2997 1717 
2244 | 9953 1761 2289 2998 1716 
2245 2954 1760 2290 2999 1715 
2246 | 9955 1759 9291 3000 1714 
2247 2956 1758 2292 3001 1713 
2248 2957 1757 2293 3002 1712 
2249 2958 1756 2294 3003 1711 
2250 2959 1755 2295 3004 1710 
2251 2960 1754 2296 3005 1709 
2252 2961 1753 2297 5006 1708 


2253 2962 1752 | | 2298 3007 1707 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 145 











f Anni Ante : Anni Ante 
Anni. | Periodi | Aram en ee 
Mundi. Juliane. Christian. “Mundi. Juliane. |Christian. 
2299 3008 1706 2344 3053 1661 
2300 3009 1705 2345 3054 1660 
2501 3010 1704 2346 3055 1659 
2302 3011 1708 2347 3056 1658 
2303 3012 1702 2348 3057 1657 
2304 3013 1701 2349 3058 1656 
2305 3014 1700 2350 3059 1655 
2306 3015 1699 2351 3060 1654 
2307 3016 1698 2352 3061 1653 
2308 3017 1697 23538 3062 1652 
2309 3018 1696 2354 3063 - 1651 
2310 3019 1695 2355 3064 1650 
2311 3020 1694 2356 3065 1649 
2312 3021 1693 2307 3066 1648 
2313 3022 1692 2358 3067 1647 
2314 3023 1691 2359 3068 1646 
2315 3024 1690 2360 3069 1645 
2316 38025 1689 2361 3070 1644 
2317 3026 1688 2362 3071 1643 
2318 3027 1687 2363 3072 1642 
2319 3028 1686 2364 3073 1641 
2320 3029 1685 2365 3074 1640 
2321 30380 1684 2366 3075 1639 
2322 3081 1683 2367 3076 1638 
2323 3032 1682 2368 3077 1637 
2324 3033 1681 2369 3078 1636 
2325 3034 1680 2370 3079 1685 
2326 3035 1679 2371 3080 1634 
2327 3036 1678 2372 3081 1633 
2328 3037 1677 2373 3082 1682 
2329 30388 1676 2374 3083 1631 
2330 3039 1675 2375 3084 1630 
2331 3040 1674 2376 3085 1629 
2332 3041 1673 2377 3086 1628 
2333 3042 1672 2378 3087 1627 
2334 3043 1671 2379 3088 1626 
2335 3044 1670 | 2380 3089 1625 
2336 3045 1669 2381 3090 1624 
2337 3046 1668 2382 3091 1623 
2338 3047 1667 2383 3092 1622 
2339 3048 1666 2384 3093 1621 
2340 3049 1665 2385 3094 1620 
2341 3050 1664 2386 3095 1619 
2342 3051 1663 2387 3096 1618 
2343 3052 1662 2388 3097 1617 


VOL. Xl. N 


146 COLLATIO ANNORUM. 











A Anni. Ante : Anni Ante 
a Periodi | Aram ue Periodi | Aram 
Mandi. Juliane. |Christian. Mundi. | Jutiane. |Christian. 
2389 3098 1616 2434 31438 1571 
2390 3099 1615 2435 3144 1570 
2391 3100 1614 2436 3145 1569 
2392 3101 1613 2437 3146 1568 
2393 3102 1612 2438 3147 1567 
2394 31038 1611 2439 3148 1566 
2395 3104 1610 2440 3149 1565 
2396 38105 1609 3441 3150 1564 
2397 3106 1608 2442 3151 1563 
2398 3107 1607 2443 3152 1562 
2399 3108 1606 2444 3153 1561 
2400 3109 1605 2445 3154 1560 
2401 3110 1604 2446 8155 1559 
2402 3111 16038 2447 3156 1558 
2403 3112 1602 2448 3157 1557 
2404 3113 1601 2449 3158 1556 
2405 3114 1600 2450 3159 1555 
2406 3115 1599 2451 3160 1554 
2407 3116 1598 2452 3161 1553 
2408 3117 1597 2453 3162 1552 
2409 3118 1596 2454 3163 1551 
2410 3119 1595 2455 3164 1550 
2411 3120 1594 2456 3165 1549 
2412 3121 1593 | 2457 3166 1548 
2413 3122 1592 2458 3167 1547 
2414 3123 1591 | 2459 3168 1546 
2415 3124 1590 | 2460 3169 1545 
2416 3125 1589 | 2461 3170 1544 
2417 3126 1588 | 2462 3171 15438 
2418 3127 1587 2468 3172 1542 
2419 3128 1586 2464 3173 1541 
2420 3129 1585 2465 3174 1540 
2421 3130 1584 2466 3175 1539 
2422 3131 1583 2467 3176 1538 
2423 3132 1582 2468 3177 1537 
2424 3133 1581 2469 3178 1536 
2425 3134 1580 2470 3179 1535 
2426 3135 1579 2471 3180 1534 
2427 3136 1578 2472 3181 15388 
2428 3137 1577 2473 3182 1532 
2429 3138 1576 2474 3188 1531 
2430 3139 1575 2475 3184 1530 
2431 3140 1574 2476 3185 1529 
2432 3141 1573 2477 3186 1528 
2433 3142 1572 2478 3187 1527 


Anni 


Mundi. 


2479 
2480 
2481 
2482 
2483 
2484 
2485 
2486 
2487 
2488 
2489 
2490 
2491 
2492 
2493 
2494 
2495 
2496 
2497 
2498 
2499 
2500 
2501 
2502 
2503 
2504 
2505 
2506 
2507 
2508 
2509 
2510 
2511 
2512 
2513 
2514 
2515 
2516 
Zon 
2518 
2519 
2520 
2521 
2522 
2523 


Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian. 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Ante 
JAram 





3188 
3189 
3190 
3191 
3192 
3193 
3194 
3195 
3196 
3197 
3198 
3199 
3200 
3201 
3202 
3203 
3204 
3205 
3206 
3207 
3208 
3209 
3210 
3211 
3212 
3213 
3214 
3215 
3216 
3217 
3218 
5219 
3220 
3221 
3222 
3223 
3224 
3225 
3226 
3227 
3228 
3229 
3230 
3231 
3232 





1526 
1525 
1524 
1523 
1522 
1521 
1520 
Hog 
1518 
1517 
1516 
1515 
1514 
1515 
1512 
1511 
1510 
1509 
1508 
1507 
1506 
1505 
1504 
1503 
1502 
1501 
1500 
1499 
1498 
1497 
1496 
1495 
1494 
1495 
1492 
1491 
1490 
1489 
1488 
1487 
1486 
1485 
1484 
1483 
1482 























Anni 
Mundi. 


2524 
2525 
2526 
2527 
2528 
2529 
2530 
2531 
2532 
2533 
2534 
25385 
2536 
2537 
2538 
2539 
2540 
2541 
2542 
2543 
2544 
2545 
2546 
2547 
2548 
3549 
2550 
2551 
2552 
2553 
2554 
2555 
2556 
2557 
2558 
2559 
2560 
2561 
2562 
2563 
2564 
2565 
2566 
2567 
2368 





Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
Airam 


147 


Juliane. |Christian. 


3233 
3234 
3235 
3236 
3237 
3238 
3239 
3240 
3241 
3242 
3243 
3244 
3245 
3246 
3247 
3248 
3249 
3250 
3251 
3252 
3253 
3254 
3255 
3256 
3257 
38258 
3259 
3260 
3261 
3262 
3263 
3264 
3265 
3266 
3267 
3268 
3269 
3270 
3271 
3272 
3273 
3274 
3275 
3276 
3277 


1481 
1480 
1479 
1478 
1477 
1476 
1475 
1474 
1473 
1472 
1471 
1470 
1469 
1468 
1467 
1466 
1465 
1464 
1463 
1462 
1461 
1460 
1459 
1458 
1457 
1456 
1455 
1454 
1453 
1452 
1451 
1450 
1449 
1448 
1447 
1446 
1445 
1444 
1443 
1442 
1441 
1440 
1439 
1438 
1437 


148 COLLATIO ANNORUM. 








pate Anni Ante Aun Anni Ante 
Mundi Periodi | AZram Mundi Periodi | AZEram 
* 1 Juliane. |Christian, undl. | Juliane. |Christian. 
2569 3278 1436 2614 3323 1391 
2570 3279 | 1435 2615 3324 1390 
2571 3280 1434 2616 3325 1389 
2572 3281 1433 2617 3326 1388 
2573 3282 1432 2618 3327 1387 
2574 3283 1431 2619 3328 1386 
2575 3284 1430 2620 3329 1385 
2576 3285 1429 2621 3330 1384 
2577 3286 1428 2622 3331 1383 
2578 3287 1427 2623 3332 1382 
2579 3288 1426 2624 3333 1381 
2580 3289 1425 2625 3334 1380 
2581 3290 1424 2626 3335 1379 
2582 3291 1423 2627 3336 1378 
2583 3292 1422 2628 3337 1377 
2584 3293 1421 2629 3338 1376 
2585 3294 1420 2630 3339 1375 
2586 3295 1419 2631 3340 1374 
2587 3296 1418 2632 3341 1373 
2588 3297 1417 2633 3342 1372 
2589 3298 1416 2634 3343 1371 
2590 3299 1415 2635 3344 1370 
2591 3300 1414 2636 3345 1369 
2592 3301 1413 2637 3346 1368 
2593 3302 1412 2638 3347 1367 
2594 3303 1411 2639 3348 1366 
2595 3304 1410 2640 3349 1365 
2596 3305 1409 2641 3350 1364 
2597 3306 1408 2642 3351 1363 
2598 3307 1407 || 2643 3352 1362 
2599 3308 1406 2644 3353 1361 
2600 3309 1405 2645 3354 1360 
2601 3310 1404 2646 3355 1359 
2602 3311 1403 2647 3356 1358 
2608 3312 1402 2648 3357 1357 
2604 3313 1401 2649 3358 1356 
2605 3314 1400 2650 3359 1355 
2606 3315 1399 2651 3360 1354 
2607 3316 1398 2652 3361 1353 
2608 3317 1397 2653 3362 1352 
2609 3318 1396 2654 3363 1351 
2610 3319 1395 2655 3364 1350 
2611 3320 1394 2656 3365 1349 
2612 3321 1393 2657 3366 1348 








26138 3322 1392 2658 3367 1347 





COLLATIG ANNORUM. 


149 


CR a a eA ee SN ad RN eke A TL 


Anni 


Mundi. 


2659 
2660 
2661 
2662 
2663 
2664 
2665 
2666 
2667 
2668 
2669 
2670 
2671 
2672 
2673 
2674 
2675 
2676 
2677 
2678 
2679 
2680 
2681 
2682 
2683 
2684 
2685 
2686 
2687 
2688 
2689 
2690 
2691 
2692 
2693 
2694 
2695 
2696 
2697 
2698 
2699 
2700 
2701 
2702 
2708 


Anni 


Periodi 
Juliane. |Christian. 


3368 
3369 
3370 
3371 
3372 
3373 
3374 
3375 
3376 
3377 
3378 
3379 
3380 
3381 
3382 
3383 
3384 
3385 
3386 
3387 
3388 
3389 
3390 
3391 
3392 
3393 
3394 
3395 
3396 
3397 
3398 
3399 
3400 
3401 
3402 
3403 
3404 
3405 
3406 
3407 
3408 
3409 
3410 
3411 
3412 


| 
Ante || 
/Eram 


1346 
1345 
1344 
1343 
1342 
1341 
1340 
1339 
1338 
1337 
1336 
1335 
1334 





1333 
1332 
1351 
1330 
1329 
1328 
1327 
1326 
1325 
1324 
1323 
1322 
1321 
1320 
1319 
1318 
1317 
1316 
1315 
1314 
1513 
1312 
1311 
1310 
1809 
1308 
1307 
1306 
1805 
1304 
1303 
1302 








Anni 


Mundi 


2704 
2705 
2706 
2707 
2708 
2709 
2710 
2711 
2712 
2718 
2714 
2715 
2716 
2717 
2718 
2719 
2720 
2721 
2722 
2723 
2724 
2725 
2726 
2727 
2728 
2729 
2730 
2731 
2732 
27338 
2734 
2735 
2736 
2737 
2738 
2739 
2740 
2741 
2742 
2743 
2744 
2745 
2746 
2747 
2748 














Anni 


Periodi 
Juliane. |Christian. 


3413 
3414 
3415 
3416 
3417 
3418 
3419 
3420 
3421 
3422 
3423 
3424 
3425 
3426 
3427 
3428 
3429 
3430 
3431 
3432 
3433 
3434 
3435 
3436 
3437 
3438 
3439 
3440 
3441 
3442 
3443 
3444 
3445 
3446 
3447 
3448 
3449 
3450 
3451 
3452 
3458 
3454 
3455 
3456 
3457 








Ante 


Aram 


1301 
1300 
1299 
1298 
1297 
1296 
1295 
1294 
1293 
1292 
1291 
1290 
1289 
1288 
1287 
1286 
1285 
1284 
1283 
1282 
1281 
1280 
1279 
1278 
1277 
1276 
1275 
1274 
1273 
1272 
1271 
1270 
1269 
1268 
1267 
1266 
1265 
1264 
1263 
1262 
1261 
1260 
1259 
1258 
1257 


Anni 


Mundi. 


2749 
2750 
2751 
2752 
2753 
2754 
2755 
2756 
2757 
2758 
2759 
2760 
2761 
2762 
2763 
2764 
2765 
2766 
2767 
2768 
2769 
2770 
2771 
2772 
27738 
2774 
2775 
2776 
2777 
2778 
2779 
2780 
2781 
2782 
2783 
2784 
2785 
2786 
2787 
2788 
2789 
2790 
2791 
2792 
2798 


Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. 


3458 
3459 
3460 
3461 
3462 
3463 
3464 
3465 
3466 
3467 
3468 
3469 
3470 
3471 
3472 
3473 
3474 
3475 
3476 
3477 
3478 
3479 
3480 
3481 
3482 
3483 
3484 
3485 
3486 
3487 
3488 
3489 
3490 
3491 
3492 
3493 
3494 
3495 
3496 
3497 
3498 
3499 
3500 
3501 
3502 





COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Ante 
fEram 
Christian. 


1256 
1255 
1254 
1253 
1152 
1251 
1250 
1249 
1248 
1247 
1246 
1245 
1144 
1248 
1242 
1241 
1240 
1259 
1238 
1237 
1236 
1235 
1234 
1233 
1232 
1251 
1230 
1229 
1228 
1227 
1226 
1225 
1224 
1223 
1222 
1221 
1220 
1219 
1218 
1217 
1216 
1215 
1214 
1213 
1212 











Anni 
Periodi 
Juliane. 


3503 
3504 
3505 
3506 
3507 
3508 
3509 
3510 
3511 
3512 
3513 
3514 
3515 
3516 
3517 
3518 
3519 
3520 
3521 
3522 
3523 
3524 
3525 
3526 
3527 
3528 
3529 
3530 
3531 
3532 
3533 
2534 
3535 
3536 
3537 
3538 
3539 
3540 
3541 
3542 
3543 
3544 
3545 
3546 
3547 








Ante 
/Eram 
Christian. 


1211 
1210 
1209 
1208 
1207 
1206 
1205 
1204 
1208 
1202 
1201 
1200 
1199 
1198 
1197 
1196 
1195 
1194 
1193 
1192 
1191 
1190 
1189 
1188 
1187 
1186 
1185 
1184 
1183 
1182 
1181 
1180 
1179 
1178 
1177 
1176 
1175 
1174 
11738 
1172 
1171 
1170 
1169 
1168 
1167 


Anni 


Mundi. 


2839 
2840 
2841 
2842 
2843 
2844 
2845 
2846 
2847 
2848 
2849 
2850 
2851 
2852 
2853 
2854 
2855 
2856 
2857 
2858 
2859 
2860 
2861 
2862 
2863 
2864 
2865 
2866 
2867 
2868 
2869 
2870 
2871 
2872 
2873 
2874 
2875 
2876 
2877 
2878 
2879 
2880 
2881 
2882 
2883 








Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian. 


3548 
3549 
2550 
3551 
3552 
3553 
3554 
3555 
3556 
3557 
3558 
3559 
3560 
3561 
3562 
3563 
3564 
3565 
3566 
5567 
3568 
3569 
3570 
3571 
3572 
3578 
3574 
3575 
3576 
3577 
3578 
3579 
3580 
3581 
3582 
3583 
3584 
3585 
3586 
3587 
3588 
3589 
3590 
3591 
3592 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Ante 
Ahram 


1166 
1165 
1164 
1163 
1162 
1161 
1160 
1159 
1158 
1157 
1156 
1155 
1154 
1153 
1152 
1151 
1150 
1149 
1148 
1147 
1146 
1145 
1144 
1143 
1142 
1141 
1140 
1139 
1138 
1137 
1136 
11385 
1134 
1135 
1132 
1131 
1130 
1129 
1128 
1127 
1126 
1125 
1124 
1123 
1122 








Anni 


Mundi. 











Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
/Eram 


151 


Juliane. |Christian. 


3593 
3594 
3595 
3596 
3597 
3598 
3599 
3600 
3601 
3602 
3603 
3604 
3605 
3606 
3607 
3608 
3609 
3610 
3611 
3612 
3613 
3614 
3615 
3616 
3617 
3618 
3619 
3620 
3621 
3622 
3625 
3624 
5625 
3626 
3627 
3628 
3629 
3630 
3631 
3632 
3633 
3634 
3635 
3636 
3637 





1121 
1120 
1119 
1118 
1117 
1116 
1115 
1114 
1113 
1112 
1111 
1110 
1109 
1108 
1107 
1106 
1105 
1104 
1103 
1102 
1101 
1100 
1099 
1098 
1097 
1096 
1095 
1094 
10938 
1092 
1091 
1090 
1089 
1088 
1087 
1086 
1085 
1084 
10838 
1082 
1681 
1080 
1079 
1078 
1077 





COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Mundi. 


2929 
2930 
2931 
2932 
2933 
2934 
2935 
2936 
2937 
2958 
2939 
2940 
2941 
2942 
2943 
2944 
2945 
2946 
2947 
2948 
2949 
2950 
2951 
2952 
2953 
2954 
2955 
2956 
2957 
2958 
2959 
2960 
2961 
2962 
2963 
. 2964 
2965 
2966 
2967 
2968 
2969 
2970 
2971 
2972 
2973 


Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian. 


3638 
3639 
3640 
3641 
3642 
3643 
3644 
3645 
3646 
3647 
3648 
3649 
3650 
3651 
3652 
3653 
3654 
3655 
3656 
3657 
3658 
3659 
3660 
3661 
3662 
3663 
3664 
3665 
3666 
3667 
3668 
3669 
3670 
3671 
3672 
3673 
3674 
3675 
3676 
3677 
3678 
3679 
3680 
3681 
3682 


Ante 
/Eram 


1076 
1675 
1074 
1073 
1072 
1071 
1070 
1069 
1068 
1067 
1066 
1065 
1064 
1068 
1062 
1061 
1060 
1059 
1058 
1057 
1056 
1155 
1054 
10538 
1052 
1051 
1050 
1049 
1048 
1047 
1046 
1045 
1044 
1043 
1042 
1041 
1040 
1039 
1038 
1037 
1036 
1035 
1034 
1033 
1032 


























Anni 


Mundi. 


2974 
2975 
2976 
2977 
2978 
2979 
2980 
2981 
2982 
2983 
2984 
2985 
2986 
2987 
2988 
2989 
2990 
2991 
2992 
2993 
2994 
2995 
2996 
2997 
2998 
2999 
3000 
3001 
3002 
3003 
3004 
3005 
3006 
3007 
3008 
3009 
3010 
3011 
3012 
3013 
3014 
3015 
3016 
3017 
3018 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
/Eram 


Juliane. |Christian. 


3683 
3684 
3685 
3686 
3687 
3688 
3689 
3690 
3691 
3692 
3693 
3694 
3695 
3696 
3697 
3698 
3699 
3700 
3701 
3702 
3708 
3704 
3705 
3706 
3707 
3708 
3709 
3710 
3711 
3712 
3713 
3714 
3715 
3716 
3717 
3718 
3719 
3720 
3721 
3722 
3723 
3724 
3725 
3726 
3727 


1031 
1030 
1029 
1028 
1027 
1026 
1025 
1024 
1023 
1022 
1021 
1020 
1019 
1018 
1017 
1016 
1015 
1014 
1013 
1012 
1011 
1010 
1009 
1008 
1007 
1006 
1005 
1004 
10038 
1002 
1001 
1000 

999 

998 

997 

996 

995 

994 

993 

992 

991 

990 

989 

988 

987 











Anni 


Mundi. 


3019 
3020 
3021 
3022 
3023 
3024 
3025 
3026 
3027 
3028 
3029 
3030 
3031 
3032 
3033 
3034 
3035 
3036 
3037 
3038 
3039 
3040 
3041 
3042 
3043 
3044 
3045 
3046 
3047 
3048 
3049 
3050 
3051 
3052 
3053 
3054 
3055 
3056 
3057 
3058 
3059 
3060 
3061 
3062 
3063 


Anni 


Periodi 
Juliane. |Christian. 


3728 
3729 
3730 
3731 
3732 
3733 
3734 
3735 
3736 
3737 
3738 
3739 
3740 
3741 
3742 
3743 
3744 
3745 
3746 
3747 
3748 
3749 
3750 
3751 
3752 
3753 
3754 
3755 
3756 
3757 
3758 
3759 
3760 
3761 
3762 
3763 
3764 
3765 
3766 
3767 
3768 
3769 
3770 
3771 
3772 


VOL. XI. 


{ 


COLLATIO ANNORUM;, 


Ante 


fEram 


986 
985 
984 
983 
982 
981 
980 
979 
978 
977 
976 
975 
974 
973 
972 
971 
970 
969 
968 
967 
966 
965 
964 
963 
962 
961 
960 
959 
958 
957 
956 
955 
954 
953 
952 
951 
950 
949 
948 
947 
946 
945 
944 
943 
942 























Anni 


Mundi. 


3064 
3065 
3066 
3067 
3068 
3069 
3070 
3071 
3072 
3073 
3074 
3075 
3076 
3077 
3078 
3079 
3080 
3081 
3082 
3083 
3084 
3085 
3086 


8087 


3088 
3089 
3090 
3091 
3092 
3093 
3094 
3095 
3096 
3097 
3098 
3099 
3100 
3101 
3102 
3103 
3104 
3105 
3106 
3107 
3108 


Anni 
Periodi 


Ante 
Ahram 


Juliane. |Christian 


3773 
3774 
3775 
3776 
3777 
3778 
3779 
3780 
3781 
3782 
3783 
3784 
3785 
3786 
3787 
3788 
3789 
3790 
3791 
3792 
3793 
3794 
3795 
3796 
3797 
3798 
3799 
3800 
3801 
3802 
3803 
3804 
3805 
3806 
3807 
3808 
3809 
5810 
3811 
3812 
3813 
3814 
3815 
3816 
3817 


941 
940 
939 
938 
937 
936 
935 
934 
933 
932 
931 
930 
929 
928 
927 
926 
925 
924 
923 
922 
921 
920 
919 
918 
917 
916 
915 
914 
913 
912 
911 
910 
909 
908 
907 
906 
905 
904 
903 
902 
901 
900 
899 
898 
897 


Anni 


Mundi. 


3109 
3110 
3111 
3112 
3113 
3114 
3115 
3116 
3117 
3118 
3119 
3120 
3121 
3122 
3123 
3124 
3125 
3126 
3127 
3128 
3129 
3130 
3131 
3132 
3133 
3134 
3135 
3136 
3137 
3138 
3139 
3140 
3141 
3142 
3143 
3144 
4145 
3146 
3147 
3148 
3149 
3150 
3151 
3152 
31538 


Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian. 


3818 
3819 
3820 
3821 
3822 
3823 
3824 
3825 
3826 
3827 
3828 
3829 
3830 
3831 
3832 
3833 
3834 
3835 
3836 
3837 
3838 
38359 
3840 
3841 
3842 
3843 
3844 
3845 
3846 
3847 
3848 
3849 
3850 
3851 
3852 
3853 
3854 
3855 
3856 
3857 
3858 
3859 
3860 
3861 
3862 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Ante 
/Eram 








Anni 


Mundi. 


3154 
3155 
3156 
3157 
3158 
3159 
5160 
3161 
3162 
3163 
3164 
3165 
3166 
3167 
3168 
3169 
3170 
3171 
3172 
3173 
3174 
3175 
3176 
3177 
3178 
3179 
3180 
3181 
3182 
3183 
3184 
3185 
5186 
3187 
3188 
3189 
3190 
3191 
3192 
3193 
3094 
3195 
3196 
3197 
3198 


Anni 
Periodi 





Ante 
/iram 


Julians. |Christian. 


3863 
3864 
3865 
3866 
3867 
3868 
3869 
3870 
3871 
3872 
3873 
3874 
3875 
3876 
3877 
3878 
3879 
3880 
3881 
3882 
3883 
3884 
3885 
3886 
3887 
3888 
3889 
3890 
3891 
3892 
3893 
3894 
3895 
3896 
3897 
3898 
3899 
3900 
3901 
3902 
3903 
3904 
3905 
3906 
_ 3907 


851 
850 
849 
848 
847 
846 
845 
844 
843 





COLLATIO ANNORUM. 15: 

















he Anni Ante y tie ead Ante 
Mundi Periodi | Zram | Gs Periodi | ALram 
* | Juliane. |Christian. * } Juliane. |Christian. 
3199 3908 806 3214 3923 791 
3200 3909 805 8215 3924 790 
3201 3910 804 8216 3925 789 
3202 3911 803 3217 3926 788 
32038 8912 802 8218 3927 787 
3204 3913 801 8219 3928 786 
3205 3914 800 3220 3929 785 
3206 3915 799 3221 3930 784 
3207 3916 798 8222 3931 783 
3208 8917 797 3223 3932 782 
3209 3918 796 3224 3933 781 
3210 3919 795 3225 3934 780 
3211 3920 794 3226 3935 779 
3212 3921 793 3227 3936 778 
3213 3922 792 3228 3937 fhe 


156 





Anni 


Mundi, 


3229 
3230 
6231 
3232 
3233 
3234 
$235 
3236 
3237 
3238 
3239 
3240 
3241 
3242 
3243 
3244 
3245 
3246 
3247 
3248 
3249 
3250 
5251 
3252 
3253 
3254 
3255 
3256 
3257 
3258 
3259 
3260 
3261 
3262 
3268 
3264 
3265 
3266 
3267 
3268 
3269 
3270 
3271 
3272 


Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian.| Condite. 





3942 
3943 
3944 
8945 
3946 
3947 
3948 
3949 
3950 
3951 
3952 
3953 
3954 
3955 
3956 
3957 
3958 
3959 
3960 
3961 
3962 
3963 
3964 
3965 
3966 
3967 
3968 
3969 
3970 
3971 
3972 
3973 
3974 
3975 
3976 
3977 
3978 
3979 
3980 
3981 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


~ 


Anni ante 
/Eram 


776 
775 
774 
773 
172 
771 
770 
769 
768 
767 
766 
765 
764 
763 
762 
761 
760 
759 
758 
757 
756 
755 
754 
753 
752 
751 
750 
749 
748 
747 
746 
745 
744 
743 
742 
741 
740 
739 
738 
737 
736 
735 
734 
733 


Anni 


Urbis 


SDN DA Se WW = 


—— 


* Roma fundata juxta Varronem. 





Olymp. 
OL 1: 1 
2 
3 
4 
OF II: 1 
2 
3 
4 
Ol. III. 1 
2 
3 
4 
OL. LV. 1 
2 
3 
4 
Ol. V. 1 
2 
3 
4 
Ol. Vi. 1 
| 2 
3 
4 
Ol. VII. 1 
2 
3 
4 
Ol. VIII. 1 
; 2 
3 
4 
Ol. IX. 1 
2 
3 
4 
Ol. X. 1 
2 
3 
4 
Ol. XI. 1 
2 


mm Co 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 15 













s Anni {Anni ante 

ooh Periodi | Aram | Urbis Olymp. 
He Juliane. |Christian4 Condita. 

3273 8982 17 Ol. XII. 1 
3274 3983 18 2 
3275 8984 19 3 
3276 3985 20 4 
3277 3986 21 Ol. XIII. 1 
3278 3987 22 2 
3279 38988 23 3 
3280 8989 24 4 
3281 3990 25 Ol. XIV. 1 
3282 3991 26 2 
3283 8992 27 3 
3284 8993 28 4 
3285 3994 29 Ol. XV 1 
3286 8995 50 2 
3287 3996 31 3 
3288 3997 32 4 
3289 3998 33 Ol. XVI 1 
3290 3999 34 2 
3291 4000 35 3 
3292 4001 36 4 
3293 4002 37 Ol. XVII. 1 
3294 4003 38 2 
3295 4004 39 3 
3296 4005 40 4 
3297 4006 41 Ol. XVIII. 1 
8298 4007 42 2 
3299 4008 43 3 
3300 4009 44 4 
3301 4010 45 QO]. XIX. 1 
3302 4011 46 2 
3303 4012 47 3 
3304 4013 48 4 
3305 4014 49 Ol. XX 1 
3306 4015 50 2 
3307 4016 51 3 
3308 4017 Fp 4 
3309 4018 53 Ol. XXI. 1 
3310 4019 54 2 
3311 4020 55 3 
3312 4021 56 4 
3313 4022 57 Ol. XXII. 1 
3314 | 4023 58 2 
3315 4024 59 3 
3316 4025 60 4 
3317 | 4026 Bl amyl) | Ol XML, 1 


8 


Anni 


Mundi. 


8318 
3319 
3320 
3321 
3322 
3323 
3324 
3325 
3326 
3327 
3328 
3329 
3330 
3331 
3332 
3333 
3334 
3335 
3336 
3337 
3338 
3339 
3340 
3341 
3342 
3343 
3344 
3345 
3346 
3347 
3348 
3349 
3350 
3351 
3352 
3353 
3354 
3355 
3356 
3357 
3358 
3359 
3360 
3361 
3362 


Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian.| Condite. 


4027 
4028 
4029 
4030 
4031 
4032 
4033 
4034 
4035 
4036 
4037 
4038 
4039 
4040 
4041 
4042 
4043 
4044 
4045 
4046 
4047 
4048 
4049 
4050 
4051 
4052 
4953 
4054 
4055 
4056 
4057 
4058 
4059 
4060 
4061 
4062 
4063 
4064 
4065 
4066 
4067 
4068 
4069 
4070 
A071 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni ante 
/Eram 


687 
686 
685 
684 
683 
682 
681 
680 
679 
678 
677 
676 
675 
674 
673 
672 
671 
670 
669 
668 
667 
666 
665 
664 
663 
662 
661 
660 
659 
658 
657 
656 
655 
654 
653 
652 
651 
650 
649 
648 
647 
646 
645 
644 
643 


Anni 
Urbis 


62 
63 
64 
65 
66 
67 


106 





Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Olymp. 


XXIII. 


XXIV. 


50:2. 0% 


XXVI. 


XXVII. 


XXVIII. 


XXIX. 


XXX. 


XXXI. 


XXXII. 


XXXIII. 


XXXIV: 


He RONDE RONDE RHODE RODE RODE ROD HE Ro De Rw De Po doe BR oo to eR oo DD 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 159 





Anni {Anni ante| Anni 





tae Periodi | /Zram | Urbes Olymp. 

nate Juliane. |Christian.) Condite. 

3363 4072 642 107 Ol. XXXIV. 3 
3364 4073 641 108 4 
3365 4074 640 109 Ol. XXXV. 1 
3366 4075 639 110 2 
3367 4076 638 111 3 
3368 4077 637 112 4 
3369 4078 636 113 Ol. XXXVI. 1 
3370 4079 635 114 2 
3371 4080 634 115 3 
3372 4081 633 116 4 
3373 4082 632 117 Ol. XXXVII. 1 
3374 4083 631 118 2 
3375 4084 630 119 3 
3376 4085 629 120 4 
3377 4086 628 121 Ol. XXXVIII. 1 
3378 4087 627 122 2 
3379 4088 626 123 3 
3380 4089 625 124 4 
3381 4090 624 125 Ol. XXXIX. 1 
3382 4091 623 126 9 
3383 4092 622 127 3 
3384 40938 621 128 4 
3385 4094 620 129 Ol. XL. 1 
3386 4095 619 130 2 
3387 4096 618 131 3 
3388 4097 617 132 4 
3389 4098 616 133 Ol. XLI. 1 
3390 4099 615 134 2 
3091 4100 614 135 3 
3392 4101 613 136 4 
3393 4102 612 137 Ol. XLIT. 1 
3394 41038 611 138 2 
3395 4104 610 139 3 
3396 4105 609 140 4 
3397 4106 608 141 Ol. XLITI. 1 
3398 4107 607 142 2 
3399 4108 606 143 3 
3400 4109 605 144 4 
3401 4110 604 145 Ol. XLIV. 1 
3402 4111 603 146 2 
34038 4112 602 147 3 
3404 4113 601 148 4 
3405 4114 600 149 Ol. XLY. 1 
3406 4115 599 150 9 
3407 4116 598 151 3 


160 





Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian.| Condita. 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Anni ante 
/Eram 


Anni 
Urbis 


Ol. 
Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Olymp. 


XLV. 
XLVI. 


XLVII. 


XLVIII. 


XLIX. 


LI. 


LIII. 


LIV. 


LV. 


LVI. 


oe RW DN Re NRK wD 


oo 


BOW me RPwONW Ee RON eR Pw HH PWN WNW RK wD 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


161 











Anni ae i 
i Periodi 
Mundi. i 

Juliane. 
3453 4162 
8454 41638 
3455 4164 
3456 4165 
3457 4166 
3458 | 4167 
3459 | 4168 
3460 4169 
3461 4170 
3462 4171 
3463 | 4172 
3464 4173 
3465 4174 


3466 4175 
3467 4176 


3468 4177 
3469 4178 
3470 4179 
3471 4180 
3472 4181 
3473 4182 
3474 4183 
3475 4184 
3476 4185 
3477 4186 


3478 4187 
38479 4188 








3480 4189 
3481 4190 
3482 4191 
3483 4192 
3484 4193 
3485 4194 
3486 4195 
3487 4196 
3488 4197 
3489 4198 
3490 4199 
3491 4200 
3492 4201 
3493 4202 
3494 4203 
3495 4204 
3496 4205 
3497 4206 


VOL. XI. 




















Anni ante} Anni 
fEram | Urbis Olymp. 
\Christian.} Condite. 
552 197 Ol. LVII. 1 
551 198 2 
5590 199 3 
549 200 4 
548 201 Ol. LVIII. 1 
547 202 2 
546 203 o 
545 204 4 
544 205 Ol. LIX. 1 
543 * 206 2 
542 207 3 
541 208 4 
540 209 Ol. LX. 1 
539 210 2 
538 211 3 
537 212 4 
536 213 O]. LXI. 1 
535 214 2 
534 215 3 
533 216 4, 
532 217 Ol, LXII. 1 
58l 218 2 
530 219 3 
529 220 4 
528 22) Ol. LXIiI. I 
527 222 2 
526 223 3 
525 224 4 
524 225 Ol. LXIV. 1 
523 226 2 
522 227 3 
521 228 4 
520 229 Ol. LXV. 1 
519 230 2 
518 231 3 
517 232 4 
516 233 Oj. LXVI. 1 
515 234 2 
514 235 3 
513 236 4 
512 237 Ol. LXVII. 1 
511 238 9 
510 239 3 
509 240 4 
508 241 Ol. LXVITT. 1 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Mundi. 


ww w o 
or Or or Gr Gt 
bo 

conrwrgn s¢ 


ow 
So 


Oowwiwowm|wiwe 
GH or Gt Gr Or Gt Or Gr 
oo co G & G 09 & GoW ND WwW LO 
aAanNTawn ® WwW Le <=) 


oO 
eo 
oO 





Anni 
Periodi 
Juliane. 











Anniante} Anni 
fEram Urbis Olymp. 

Christian.| Condite. 
507 242 Ol. LXVITII. 
506 243 
505 244 
504 245 Ol. LXIX. 
503 246 
502 247 
501 248 
500 249 OU Kx 
499 250 
498 251 
497 252 
496 253 OPE Kex: 
495 254 
494 255 
493 256 
492 257 Ol. LXXII. 
491 258 
490 259 
489 260 
488 261 O]. LXXIII. 
487 262 
486 263 
485 264 : 
A484 265 Ol. LXXIV. 
483 266 
482 267 
481 268 
480 269 Ol. LXXV. 
479 270 
478 271 
477 Die 
476 273 Ol. LXXVI. 
475 274 
A474 275 
473 276 
472 277 Ol. LX XVII. 
471 278 
470 279 
469 280 
468 281 Ol. LXXVIII. 
467 282 
466 283 
465 284 
464 285 Ol. LXXIX. 
463 286 


whom RO De SB Oe FR St to OO 


we FPwWNWe Fw W ee RWW FF wWW eR wn 


Anni 
Mundi. 





Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian.| Condite. 


4252 
4253 


ee oe ee 
or Gr Or St or Gt 
maT n un > 


Ci coed 
bo bo bo bd bo bh tO bo by 


= 
ao 
oe 


PSS 
ior) 
wore 


4276 


mob bo bh Ww bo 
(oF SAG 
oo 


co 


oo 
He C2 bo 


i 
co 


cos 
Wo 
io 2) 


COLLATIC ANNORUM. 





Anni ante 
feiram 


lcoaliincraliilageiiilazeliilisd 
wo hm hw Ww bo 
or we Oe 


Anni 


Urbis 


Clymp. 





287 
288 
289 





5 o> co Co 
whore 


rss 





Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


LXXIX. 


LXXX. 


LXXXI. 


LXXXII. 


LXXXIII. 


LXXXIV. 


XXXV. 


LXXXVI. 


LXXXVITI. 


LXXXVIII. 


LXXXIX. 


XC, 


® bt = BP DH RR & Re Ee OR BOO bo Oe Rm Oo bo Oe PS Oo ON eS PB OD Oo Om BS OO Oo Oe EP OD ODO eR OO bo ROD 


o 
0 


164 COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni |Anniante} Anni 











ia Periodi | Aram Urbis Olymp. 
* | Juliane. |Christian.| Condite. 

3588 4297 417 332 Ol. XC. 
3589 4298 416 333 OLE. 
3590 4299 415 Boies 

3091 4300 414 350 

3592 4301 A413 306 

3593 4302 412 307 Ol. XCII. 
3594 4303 411 338 

3595 4304 410 339 

3596 4305 409 340 

3597 4306 408 341 OF XCiii: 
3598 4307 407 342 

3099 4308 406 343 

3600 4309 405 344 

3601 4310 404 345 Ol; XCIV. 
3602 4311 403 346 

3603 4312 402 347 

3604 4313 401 348 

3605 4314 400 349 Ol. XCV. 
3606 4315 399 350 

3607 4316 398 ool 

5608 4317 397 352 

3609 4318 396 353 O!. XCVI. 
3610 4319 395 304 

3611 4320 394 355 

3612 4321 393 356 

3613 4322 392 8o7 Ol. XCVII. 
3614 4323 391 308 

3615 4524 390 359 

3616 4325 389 360 

3617 4326 388 361 O]. XCVIIL. 
3618 4327 387 362 

3619 4328 386 363 | 

3620 4329 385 364 

3621 4330 384 365 Ol. XCIX: 
3622 4331 883 366 

3623 4332 382 367 

3624 4383 381 568 

3625 | 4334 380 369 ORE: 
3626 | 4335 379 370 

3627 438 378 371 

3628 4337 3T7 372 

3629 | 4388 376 878 Onc 
3630 4339 375 374 

36381 4340 374 375 

8632 | 4341 373 376 


Dt 


Co bh 


Swe BoM HE B&H DO He BO OH eo Oe Pw Oe 


s 


4 


we Co DO eR om oo bo oe 


7 oe eo 


ce 


rs 





Anni 


Mundi. 


8633 
3634 
3635 
3636 
3637 
3638 
3639 
3640 
3641 
3642 
3643 
3644 
3645 
3646 
3647 
3648 
3649 
3650 
3651 
3652 
3653 
3654 
3655 
3656 
3657 
3658 
3659 
3660 
3661 
3662 
3663 
3664 
3665 
3666 
3667 
3668 
3669 
3670 
3671 
3672 
3673 
3674 
3675 
3676 
3677 


Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian. 


4342 
4548 
4344 
4345 
4346 








4347 
4348 
4349 
4350 
4351 
4352 
4353 
4354 
4355 
4356 
4357 
4358 
4359 
4360 
4361 
4362 
4363 
4364 
4365 
4366 
4367 
4368 
4369 
4370 
4571 
4372 
4373 
4374 
4375 
4376 
4377 
4378 
4379 
4380 
4381 
4382 
4383 
4384 
4385 
4386 














COLLATIO ANNORUM. 
Anni ante} Anni 
firam Urbis Olymp. 
Condite. 
372 377 OFRCIL 
371 | 378 
370 379 
369 580 
368 381 Ol. CII. 
367 382 
366 383 
365 384 
364 385 Ol. CIV. 
363 386 
362 387 
361 388 
360 389 Ol. CV. 
359 390 
358 391 
357 392 
356 393 Oe Vile 
355 394 
354 395 
353 396 
852 397 O}. CVII. 
351 398 
350 399 
349 400 
348 401 Ol. CVIII. 
347 402 
346 403 
345 404 
344 405 Ol. CIX. 
343 406 
342 407 
341 408 
340 409 OUIOX: 
339 410 
338 Ail 
337 412 
336 413 Ol. CXI. 
335 414 
334 415 
333 416 
332 417 Ol. CXITI. 
331 A418 
330 419 
329 420 
328 421 Ol, CXIII. 





bo oe 


wo — S&S Co to S OD 


— mb o 


Noe Rw DHS Pw WH SW 


a RON eK PWD SB FSH 


166 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 


Mundi. 


3678 
3679 
3680 
3681 
3682 
3683 
3684 
3685 
3686 
3687 
3688 
3689 
3690 
3691 
3692 
3693 
3694 
36995 
3696 
3697 
3698 
3699 
3700 
3701 
3702 
37038 
3704 
3705 
3706 
3707 
3708 
3709 
3710 
3711 
3712 
37138 
3714 
3715 
3716 
3717 
3718 
3719 
3720 
3721 
3722 





Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian.| Condite. 


4387 
A388 
4389 
4390 
4391 
4392 
4393 
4594 
4395 
4396 
4397 
4398 
4399 
4400 
4401 
4402 
4403 
4404 
4405 
4406 
4407 
4408 
4409 
4410 
4411 
4412 
4413 
4414 
4415 
4416 
4417 
4418 
4419 
4420 
4421 
4492 
4423 
4424 
4425 
4426 
4427 
4428 
4429 
4430 
4431 


Anni ante 
/Eram 


oo 
~ 


i) 
Oo bt bw bw w ww bw 
~ 


o 


ww ww oe 
— bo an 


Anni 
Urbis 


429 
423 
424 
425 
426 
427 
428 
429 
430 
431 
432 
433 
434 
435 
436 
437 
438 
439 
440 
441 
442 
443 
444 
445 
446 
447 
448 
449 
450 
451 
452 
453 
454 
455 
456 
457 
‘458 
459 
460 
461 
462 
463 
464 
465 
466 








Olymp. 

Ol. CXIil. 2 
3 

4 

Ol. CXIV. 1 
2 

3 

4 

Ol. CXYV. 1 
2 

3 

4 

Ol. CXVI. 1 
2 

3 

4 

Ol. CXVII. 1 
2 

3 

4 

Ol. CXVIII. 1 
2 

3 

; 4 

Ol. CXIX. 1 
2 

3 

4 

Ol. CXX. 1 
2 

3 

4 

Ol. CXXI. 1 
2 

3 

4 

Ol. CXXII. 1 
2 

3 

4 

Ol. CXXIII. 1 
2 

3 

4 

Ol. CXXIYV. 1 
9 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 167 





Anni |Anniante} Anni 





iis Periodi | A‘ram Urbis Olymp. 
* | Juliane. |Christian.} Condite. 

3723 4432 282 467 Ol. CXXIV. 3 
3724 4433 281 468 4 
3725 4434 280 469 Ol. CXXY. 1 
3726 4435 279 470 2 
3727 4436 278 471 33 
3728 4437 277 472 4 
3729 4438 276 473 Ol. CXXVI. 1 
3730 4439 275 474 2 
3731 4440 274 475 3 
3732 444] 273 476 4 
3733 4449 272 477 Ol. CXXVII. 1 
3734 44435 271 478 2 
3730 4444 270 479 3 
3736 4445 2€9 480 4 
3737 4446 268 481 Ol. CXXVIII. 1 
3738 4447 267 482 2, 
3739 4448 266 485 mB) 
3740 4449 265 484 4 
3741 4450 264 A485 Ol. CXXIX. 1 
3742 4451 263 486 2 
3743 4452 262 487 3 
3744 4453 261 488 4 
3745 4454 260 489 Ol. (CXR, 1 
3746 4455 259 490 2 
3747 4456 258 491 3 
3748 4457 357 492 4 : 
3749 4458 256 493 Ol. CXXXI. 1 
3750 4459 255 494 2 
3751 4460 254 495 3 
3752 4461 253 496 4 
3753 4462 252 497 OMG: XOXET, 1 
38754 4463 251 498 9 
8755 4464 250 499 3 
3756 | 4465 249 500 4 
3757 4466 248 501 Ol. CXXXITI. 1 
3758 4467 247 502 2 
3759 4468 246 503 3 
3760 4469 245 504 4 
3761 4470 244 505 Ol. CXXXIV. 1 
3762 4471 243 506 9 
37638 4472 242 507 3 
3764 4473 241 508 4 
3765 4474 240 509 Ol. CXXXV. 1 
3766 4475 239 510 2 
3767 4A76 238 oui 3 


168 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 





Anni 
Periodi 


——————<—$—$$< <5 ——————— | —————— 








Anni ante 
fram 


mb wo ww bw ww 
Go G9 Co Oo > Oo GD OD 
CSCOmMNWERAS a 


bo bo 
bo Ww bo 


! 
to bo bh Ww to 
bo bw bo 
So & Be OD AT oO 


bh bo bt to 
— re bo dh Ww bo 
anseo-= 


Anni 
Urbis 


Juliane. |Christian.| Conditz. 


Ol. 
Ol. 


Olymp. 


CXXXV. 
CXXXVI. 


- CXXXVII. 


» CXXXVEII. 


. CXXXIX. 


. CXL. 


. CXLI. 


CXL 


- CXLITI. 


. EXLIV. 


. CXLY. 


CXLVI. 


He PONE Rode RW RONDE RODE RODE R ONE Rw POD Se Rode 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 169 





4 i} 
Anni jAnniante} Anni 


on Periodi | AZram Urbis Olymp. 
Mundi. Juliane. |Christian.} Conditz, 
RT Eh COE Ee a EE LL Re TE | 
| 3813 | 4522 192 557 Ol. CXLVIL. UNA 
| 3814 4523 191 558 oa |e 
| 3815 | 4524 190 | 559 gay it 
| 3816 4525 189 560 4 | 
| 3817 | 4526 iss | 561 Ol. CXLVIII. tee 
3818 | 4527 1871) 1568 pit i's 
| 8819 4528 186 563 Ba 1 
; 3820 | 4529 185 564 4 
| 3821 4530 184 565 OW CXLIX 1 
| 3829 4531 183 566 2 
| 3823 4532 182 567 a! 
| 3824 4533 181 568 4 
3825 4534 180 569 Ol. CL. 1 
3826 4535 179 570 8 
3827 | 4536 178 571 3 
3828 4537 177 572 ayy) 
3829 4538 176 573 OM ICLIE: we} 
3830 | 4539 175 574 7 | 
3831 4540 174 575 a0 Tt 
3832 4541 173 576 ay!) 
3833 4542 172 577 Ol. CLIT. 1 
3834 | 4543 171 578 a il 
3835 4544 170 579 a 
3836 4545 169 580 4 
3837 4546 168 581 Ol. CLIIL. 1 

| 3838 4547 167 582 2 

| 8839 4548 166 583 3 

| 3840 4549 165 584 4 

| 3841 4550 164 585 Ol. CLIV. 1 

| 3842 | 4551 163 586 2 

| 3843 4552 162 587 3 
3844 4553 161 588 4 

| 3845 | 4554 160 589 Ol. CLY. wh AM 

i 3846 4555 159 590 2 

| 3847 4556 158 591 ME 

| 3848 4557 157 592 Pat 

} 3849 4558 156 593 Ol. CLVI. 1 

| 3850 4559 155 594 2 
3851 4560 154 595 3 
3852 4561 153 596 my 1 
3853 4562 152 597 Ol. CLVII. 1 | 
3854 4563 151 598 oN 

3855 4564 150 599 | | 

| 3856 4565 149 600 4 
3857 4566 148 | 601 Ol. CLVIIIL ay) Ht 


VOL, XI. @ 


Anni 


Mundi. 


3858 
3859 
3860 
3861 
3862 
3863 
3864 
3865 
3866 
3867 
3868 
3869 
3870 
3871 
3872 
3873 
3874 
3875 
3876 
3877 
3878 
3879 
3880 
3881 
3882 
3883 
3884 
3885 
3886 
3887 
3888 
3889 
3890 
35891 
3892 
5893 
3894 
0895 
5896 
3897 
5898 
3899 
0900 
3901 
3902 





COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Anni |Anni ante 
Periodi | Aram 


Juliane. |Christian.} Condite. 


147 
146 
145 
144 
143 
142 
141 
140 
139 
138 
137 
136 
135 
134 
133 
132 
131 
130 
129 
128 
127 
126 
125 
124 
123 
122 
12] 
120 
119 
118 
117 
116 
115 
114 
113 
112 
ill 
110 
109 
108 
107 
106 
105 
104 
103 








Anni 
Urbis 


602 
603 
604 
605 
606 
607 
608 
609 
610 
611 
612 
613 
614 
615 
616 
617 
618 
619 
620 
621 
622 
623 
624 
625 
626 
627 
628 
629 
630 
631 
632 
633 
634 
635 
636 
637 
638 
639 
640 
641 
642 
643 
644 
645 
646 


— 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


— 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


= 


Ol. 


Ol. 


= 


O 


— 
. 


Olymp. 


CLVIII. 


CLIX. 


CLX. 


CLXI, 


CLXII. 


CLXIII. 


CLXIV. 


CLXV. 


CLXVI. 


CLXVII. 


CLXVIII. 


CLXIX. 








Omer RPwONW Re FR wWN eRe WwW WN | — WS LO 


woe Pw WS 


i 69 


— 


a5 


oe F&F wwe te PR we 


Anni 


Mundi. 


3903 
3904 
3905 
3906 
3907 
5908 
3909 
3910 
3911 
3912 
3913 
3914 
3915 
3916 
3917 
3918 
3919 
3920 
3921 
3922 
3923 
3924 
3925 
3926 
3927 
3928 
3929 
3930 
3931 
3932 
3933 
3984 
3935 
3936 
3937 
3938 
3939 
3940 
3941 
3942 
3943 
3944 
3945 
3946 
3947 


Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian.] Condite. 


4612 
4613 
4614 
4615 
4616 
4617 
4618 
A619 
4620 
4621 
4622 
1623 
A624 
4625 
4626 
4627 
4628 
4629 
4630 
4631 
4652 
1633 
4684 
4635 
4636 
4637 
4638 
4639 
4640 
4641 
4642 
4643 
4644 
4645 
4646 
4647 
4648 
4649 
4650 
4651 
4652 
4653 
4654 
4655 
4656 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Anni ante 
/iram 


102 
101 
100 


72 


69 








Anni 
Urbis 








Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol 


Ol. 


OL. 


Ol. 


OL. 


Ol. 


GClymp. 


CLXIX. 


CLXX. 


CLXXi. 


CLXXII. 


CLXXIIl. 


CLXXIYV. 


CLXXY. 


CLXXVI. 


CLXXVIT. 


CLXXVITII. 


CLXXIX. 


CLXXX., 


woe FWD ke RPRWONeE BRwWN eK SP ww KS FNS 


mm oo 


Ro Re Oo Om mR CO bo 


= co 


no— 


oO 





a | ae ff 


3959 
3960 
3961 
3962 
3963 
3964 
3965 
3966 

3967 
3968 
3969 
3970 
3971 
3972 
3973 
3974 
3975 
3976 
3977 
3978 
3979 
3980 
3981 
3982 
3983 
3984 
3985 
3986 | 
3987 | 
3988 | 
3989 | 

3990 | 

3991 | 

3992 | 


Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian.| Condite. 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Anni ante 
firam 


39 


Anni 
Urbis 





Ol. 
ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Olymp. 


CLXXX. 
CLXXXI. 


CLXXXII. 


CLXXXIII. 


CLXXXIV. 


CLXXXYV. 


CLXXXYVI. 


CLXXXVII. 


CLXXXVIIL. 


CLXXXIX. 


CXC. 


CXCi. 


De RPRWONFPRWAONE RWOD HEH PWN HE ROD HS 


mn 


Nore PWN KK 


— 


2 
3 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. i] 





hae Anni {Anni ante; Anni 
M re Periodi /Eram Urbis 
une | Juliane. |Christian.| Condite. 





3993 737 Ol. CXCII. 1 
3994 738 2 
3995 739 3 
3996 740 4 
3997 741 Ol. CXCIII. 1 
3998 vi 742 2 
3999 6 743 3 
4000 B) 744 4 
4001 4 745 Ol. CXCIV. 1 
4002 3 746 2 
40038 2 747 3 
4004 1 748 4 








Anni 
Periodi 


Juliane. |Christian.| Condite. 


COLLATIO ANNORUM. 


Annus 
/Bre 


a 
aArPoONnre SCHON A NRW WH 


16 


—— 
oan 


SW WwWHewHnwnweonwnnw bw WWW WW WH W 
On Rr WN rR OCT ONOU RP WN KE SO 


Anni 
Urbis 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Ol. 


Olymp. 


CXCV. 


CXCVI. 


CXCVII. 


CXCVIII. 


CXCIX. 


CC. 


CCI. 


ccll 


CCIII. 


CCIV. 


CCV. 


CCVI. 


no —_ 


bo m= ® & WO me RF OO 


Vs) 


Noe FO KF NS 


we co 


me Ee Cot 


bo 


bom Fw we BR ww We RR OO 


em oo 





COLLATIO ANNORUM. 175 









i Anni Annus 
Anni | Perigailii ite 
ae: Juliane. |Christian.| Condite. 
4050 4759 46 2 
4051 4760 AT 3 
4052 4761 48 4 
4053 4762 49 1 
4054 4763 50 Baill 
4055 A764 51 3 
4056 4765 52 4. 
4057 4766 53 . CCVITI. 1 
4058 4767 54 2 
4059 4768 55 3 
4060 4769 56 4 
4061 4770 57 Ol. CCIX. 1 
4062 4771 58 2 
4063 4772 59 3 
4064 4773 60 4 
4065 4774 61 Ol. CCX. 1 
4066 4775 62 2 
4067 4776 63 3 
4068 4777 64 4 
4069 4778 65 Ol. CCXI. 1 
4070 4779 66 2 
4071 4780 67 5 
4072 4781 68 4 
4073 4782 69 Ol. CCXII. 1 
4074 4783 70 2 
4075 4784 71 3 


= 


4076 A785 72 820 


‘ 


APL 





THE PRINCIPLES 


OF 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION; 


WITH A 


BRIEF METHOD 


OF 


THE DOCTRINE THEREOF. 


2 Tim. VER. 1. CHAP. 13. 


Hold fast the form of sound words, which thou hast heard of me, in faith and 
love which is in Christ Jesus. 


FIRST PRINTED IN 1654. 


VOL. XI. R 





THE READER. 


'W uen I was about the age of two or three and 
twenty years, I drew up these two short summa- 
ries of the Heads of Christian Religion: the one 
containing the more necessary and plainer prin- 
ciples thereof, fit to be known of all: the other, 
the methodical and more full declaration of some 
chief points thereof, framed to the capacity of 
such as had made a further progress in the know- 
ledge of these Heavenly truths. I little then 
imagined, that such rude draughts as these were, 
should ever have been presented unto the public 
view of the world. But seeing, contrary to my 
mind, they have by many impressions been di- 
vulged, and that in a very faulty manner: I have 
been persuaded at last, upon some revisal of them, 
to let them now go abroad in some more tolerable 


RZ 


180 TO THE READER. 


condition than they did before. Hoping, that as 
at the first I had the favour from God, that none 
did despise my youth ; so now these first-fruits of 
mine will not altogether be contemned, being by 


me again presented unto thee when my head is 


grey. 


JAMES ARMAGH. 


THE PRINCIPLES 


OF 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 





Question. What sure ground have we to build our 
Religion upon? 

Answer. The Word of God’, contained in the Scrip- 
tures. 

Q. What are those Scriptures ? 

A. Holy writings”, indited by God himself for the per- 
fect instruction of his Church. 

Q. What gather you of this, that God is the author of 
these writings ? 

A. That therefore they are of most certain credit®, and 
highest authority. 

‘Q. How serve they for the perfect instruction of the 
Church ? 

A. In that they are able to instruct us sufficiently’, in 
all points of faith that we are bound to believe, and all 
good duties that we are bound to practise. 

Q. What gather you of this? 

A. That? it is our duty to acquaint ourselves with these 


2 2 Pet. chap. 1. ver, 19. 1 Tim. chap. 3. ver.15. Ephes. chap. 2. ver. 20. 
b 2 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 21. 2 Tim. chap. 3. ver. 15, 16. 

© Luke, chap. 16. ver. 29. Gal. chap. 1. ver. 8. 

4 2 Tim. chap. 3. ver. 15, 16, 17. 

© Deut. chap. 31. ver. 11, 12, 18. John, chap. 8. ver. 35. and chap. 5, ver. 39. 


182 THE PRINCIPLES 


holy writings, and‘ not to receive any doctrine that hath 
not warrant from thence. 

Q. What is the first point of religion, you are to learn 
out of God’s Word? 

A. The nature of God. 

Q. What is God? 

A. God is a Spirit?, most perfect", most wise’, almighty 
and most holy. 

Q. What mean you by calling God a Spirit? 

A. That God* hath no body at all; and therefore must 
not be thought to be like unto any thing which may be 
seen by the eyes of man. 

Q. Are there any more Gods than one? 

A. No: there is! only one God: though in that one 
Godhead there be™ three persons. 

Q. Which is the first of these persons? 

A. The" Father who begetteth the Son. 

Q. Which is the second ? 

A. The Son’, begotten of the Father. 

Q. Which is the third ? 

A. 'The Holy? Ghost, proceeding from the Father and 
the Son. 

@. What did God determine concerning his crea- 
tures ? 

A. He‘ did before all time, by his unchangeable coun- 
sel, ordain whatsoever afterwards should come to pass. 


f Acts, chap. 17. ver. 11. 1 Cor. chap. 4. ver. 6. 

& John, chap. 4. ver. 24. 

h Rev. chap. 1. ver. 8. Acts, chap. 17. ver. 24, 25. Prov. chap. 8. ver. 14. 

i 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver. 17. Job. chap. 9. ver. 4. 11, 12, 13. Jer. chap. 10. 
ver. 12. Exod. chap. 34. ver. 6, 7. Psalm, 145. ver. 17. 

k 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver. 17. Col. chap. 1. ver. 15. Rom. chap. 1. ver. 23. 
Deut. chap. 4. ver. 12. 15, 16. 

1 Eph. chap. 4. ver. 5, 6. 1 Cor. chap. 8, ver. 4. Deut. chap. 4. ver. 35. 39. 

™ Matt. chap. 28. ver. 19. 1 John, chap. 5. ver. 7. 

" Heb. chap. 1. ver. 2.'5. 

° Heb. chap. 1. ver. 1.4. John, chap. 1. ver. 18. 

P John, chap. 15. ver.26. Gal. chap. 4. ver. 6. 

4 Acts, chap. 2. ver. 23, et chap. 15. ver. 18. Eph. chap. 1. ver. 4. 11. Psal. 
33. ver. 11, 


OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 183 


Q. In what manner had all things their beginning ? 

A. In® the beginning of time, when no creature had 
any being, God by his Word alone, in the space of six 
days created all things. 

Q. Which are the principal creatures? 

A. Angels and men. 

Q. What is the nature of angels? 

A. They* are wholly spiritual, having no body at all. 

Q. What is the nature of man? 

A. Mant consisteth of two divers parts; a body, and 
a soul, 

Q. What is the body? 

A. The" outward and earthly part of man: made at the 
beginning of the dust of the earth. 

Q. What is the soul ? 

A. The* inward and spiritual part of man; which is 
immortal, and never can die. 

Q. How did God make man at the beginning? 

A. According’ to his own likeness and image. 

Q. Wherein was the image of God principally seen? 

A. In’ the perfection of the understanding ; and the 
freedom, and holiness of the will. 

Q. How many of mankind were created at the be- 
ginning ? 

A. Two; Adam? the man, and Eve the woman: from 
both whom all mankind did afterwards proceed. 

Q. What doth God after the creation? 

A. By? his providence he preserveth and governeth his 
creatures, with all things belonging unto them. 


* Gen. chap. 1. ver. 1. Heb. chap. 11. ver. 3. Exod. chap. 20. ver. 11. 
Rev. chap. 4. ver. 11. 

* Col. chap. 1. ver. 16. Heb. chap. 1. ver. 7. 14. 

' Gen. chap. 2. ver.7. Heb. chap. 12. ver. 9. 

" Gen. chap. 2. ver. 7. and ehap. 3. ver. 19. 

* Eccles. chap. 12. ver. 7. Matt. chap. 10. ver. 28. Rev. chap. 6. ver. 29. 
2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 8. 

Y Gen. chap. 1. ver. 26. et chap. 5. ver. 1. 

7 Col. chap. 3. ver. 10, Eph. chap. 4. ver. 24. Eccl. chap. 7. ver. 31. 

* Gen. chap. 1. ver. 37, 38. and chap. 5. ver. 2. 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 13. 
Acts, chap. 17, ver. 26. 

> John, chap. 5. ver. 17. Neh, chap. 9. ver. 6. Psal. 119. ver. 91. Heb, chap. 


184: THE PRINCIPLES 


Q. What befel unto the angels after their creation? 

A. Some® continued in that holy estate wherein they 
were created; some of them fell, and became devils. 

Q. May the good angels fall hereafter ? 

A. Not: but they shall always continue in their holi- 
ness and happiness. 

Q. Shall the wicked angels ever recover their first 
estate. 

A. They® shall not: but be tormented in Hell world 
without end. 

Q. How did God deal with man after he made him? 

A. Hef made a covenant with Adam, and in him with 
all mankind. 

Q. What was man bound to do by his covenant? 

A. To? continue as holy as God at the first made him, 
to keep all God’s commandments, and never to break 
any of them. 

Q. What did God promise unto man, if he did thus 
keep his commandments ? 

A. The" continuance of his favour and everlasting life. 

Q. What did God threaten unto man, if he did sin 
and break his commandments ? 

A. His' dreadful curse and everlasting death. 

Q. Did man continue in that obedience which he did 
owe unto God? 


1. ver. 3. Acts, chap. 17. ver. 26. 28. Matt. chap. 10. ver. 29, 30. Prov. chap. 
16. ver. 33. 

© Matt. chap. 25. ver. 31.41. Jude, ver. 6. John, chap. 8. ver. 44. 1 John, 
chap. 3. ver. 3. 8. 

4 1 Tim. chap. 5. ver. 21. Matt. chap. 18. ver. 10. Luke, chap. 20. ver. 36. 

© 2 Peter, chap. 2. ver. 4. Jude, ver. 6. Matt. chap. 25. ver.41. Rev. 
chap. 20. ver. 10. 

f Mal. chap. 2. ver. 10. Gen. chap. 2. ver. 17. Rom. chap. 2. ver. 15. 

& Luke, chap. 10. ver. 26, 27. Rom. chap. 7. ver. 7. 12. 14. Gal. chap. 3. 
ver. 10.12. 1 Tim. chap. 15. 

h Rom. chap. 7. ver. 10. and chap. 10. ver. 5. Luke, chap. 10. ver. 25. 28. 
Gal. chap. 3. ver. 22. 

1 Gen. chap. 2. ver. 17. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 10. Lev. chap. 26. ver. 14, 15. 
Deut. chap. 28. ver. 15, 16. and chap. 29. ver. 19, 20. 


OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 185 


A. No. For* Adam and Eve obeying rather the per- 
suasion of the Devil than the commandments of God, did 
eat of the forbidden fruit, and so fell away from God. 

Q. Was this the sin of Adam and Eve alone; or are 
we also guilty of the same? 

A. All’ we, that are their children, are guilty of the 
same sin: for we all sinned in them. 

Q. What followed upon this sin? 

A. The™ loss of the perfection of the image of God, 
and the corruption of nature in man, called Original sin. 

Q. Wherein standeth the corruption of man’s nature ? 

A. In six things principally. 

Q. What is the first ? 

A. The" blindness of the understanding; which is not 
able to conceive the things of God. 

Q. What is the second ? 

A. The? forgetfulness of the memory; unfit to remem- 
ber good things. 

Q. What is the third ? 

A. The? rebellion of the will; which is wholly bent to 
sin, and altogether disobedient unto the will of God. 

Q. What is the fourth ? 

A. Disorder’ of the affections, of joy, heaviness, love, 
anger, fear, and such like. 

Q. What is the fifth ? 

A. Fear" and confusion in the conscience ; condemning 
where it should not, and excusing where it should con- 
demn. 


K Eccles. chap. 7. ver. 29. Gen. chap.3. John, chap. 8. ver. 44. Rom. 
chap. 5. ver. 14, 15. 

! Rom. chap. 5. ver. 12. 14, 15, 16, &c. 

™ Rom. chap. 5. ver. 12. 14. Gen. chap. 5. ver. 1. 3. and chap. 8. ver. 21. 
Psal. 51. ver. 5. Rom. chap. 7. ver. 14. 17, 18. 23. 

" 1 Cor. chap. 2. ver. 14. Jer. chap. 24. ver. 7. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 5. 
Eph. chap. 4. ver. 17, 18. 

© Deut. chap. 32. ver. 18. Prov. chap. 3. ver. 1. Psal. 119. ver. 6. 

P Rom. chap. 5. ver. 6. and chap. 8. ver. 7. Philipp. chap. 2, ver. 13. Ephes. 
chap. 4. ver. 19. 

4 Rom. chap. 1. ver. 26. and chap. 3. ver. 12, 13. Gal. chap. 5. ver. 24, 

* Tit. chap. 1. ver. 15. Heb. chap. 10, ver, 22, Rom, chap. 7, ver. 9. John, 
chap. 16, ver, 2. 


186 THE PRINCIPLES 


Q. What is the sixth ? 

A. Every* member of the body is become a ready in- 
strument to put sin in execution. 

Q. What are the fruits that proceed from this natural 
corruption ? 

A. Actual sins: whereby we break the commandments 
of God in the whole course of our life. 

- Q. How do we thus break God’s commandments ? 

A. In" thought, word and deed: not doing that which 
we ought to do, and doing that which we ought not 
to do. 

Q. What punishment is mankind subject unto, by rea- 
son of original and actual sin? 

A. He* is subject to all the plagues of God in this life, 
and endless torments in Hell after this life. 

Q. Did God leave man in this woful estate? 

A. No: but’ ofhis free and undeserved mercy entered 
into a new covenant with mankind. 

Q. What is offered unto man in this new covenant ? 

A. Grace’ and life everlasting is freely offered by God 
unto all that be made partakers of his Son Jesus Christ; 
who alone is Mediator betwixt God and man. 

Q. What are you to consider in Christ the Mediator of 
this covenant? 

A. ‘Two things: his nature, and his office. 

Q. How many natures be there in Christ ? 

A. Two*: the Godhead, and the Manhood, joined 


S Rom. chap. 6. ver. 19. Job, chap. 31. ver. 1. 2 Veter, chap. 2. ver. 14. 
Psalm 119. ver. 37. Rom. chap. 3. ver. 13, 14, 15. 

t Rom. chap. 6. ver. 16, 17. and chap. 7. ver. 5. Gal. chap. 5. ver. 19, 20, 21. 
Matt. chap. 12. ver. 34, 35, 86. and chap. 15. ver. 19. 

" Acts, chap. 8. ver. 22. James, chap. 3.ver. 2. Matt. chap. 25. ver. 42, 43. 
Isaiah, chap. 1. ver. 16, 17. 

x Deut. chap. 1. ver. 28. 45. Luke, chap. 16. ver. 23. Matt. chap. 25. ver. 41. 

y Ezek. chap. 76. ver. 6.60. Zach. chap. 9. ver. 11. 

2 Rom: chap. 1. ver. 24, 25,26. and chap.5. ver. 15, 16, 17. 19, 20, 21. 
Eph. chap. 2. ver. 7, 8.9. John, chap. 1. ver. 12. Rom. chap. 5. ver. 17. 
Heb. chap. 3. ver. 14. 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 5. 

a] Tim. chap. 3. ver. 16. John, chap. 1. ver. 1. 14. Luke, chap. 1. ver. 
35. Rom. chap. 1. ver. 3, 4, and chap. 9. ver. 5. 


OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 187 


together in one person; which is no other but the second 


person of the Trinity. 


Q. Why must Christ be God? 
A. That? his obedience and suffering might be of infi- 


nite worth and value, as proceeding from such a person, 
as was God equal to the Father: that he might beable to 
overcome the sharpness of death (which himself was to 
undergo) and to raise® us up from the death of sin, by 
sending his holy Spirit into our hearts. 

Q. Why must Christ be man ? 

A. Because the Godhead could not suffer: and it was 
further requisite, that the same nature which had offended 
should suffer for the offence; and that our nature, which 
was corrupted in the first Adam, should be restored to his 
integrity in the second Adam, Christ Jesus our Lord. 

Q. What is the office of Christ? 

A. To? be a mediator betwixt God and man. 

Q. What was required of Christ for making peace and 
reconciliation betwixt God and man? 

A. That® he should satisfy the first covenant where- 
unto man was tied. 

Q. Wherein was Christ to make satisfaction to the first 
covenant. 

A. Inf performing that righteousness which the law of 
God did require of man; and in bearing the punishment 
which was due unto man for breaking of the same law. 

Q. How did Christ perform that righteousness which 
God’s law requireth of man? 

A. In’ that he was conceived by the Holy Ghost, with- 


> Gal. chap.4.ver. 4. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 14. Acts, chap. 20. ver. 28. Rom. 
chap. 1. ver. 4. and chap. 4. ver. 4. 25. and chap. 8. ver. 34. 1 Cor. chap. 15. 17. 
1 Peter, chap. 3. ver. 18. John, chap. 2. ver. 16. 21. 

© Eph. chap. 2. ver.1. Col. chap. 2. ver.13. John, chap. 5. ver. 25. and 
chap. 6. ver. 63. Rom. chap. 8. ver.9. 1 John, chap. 4. ver. 13. 

4 Heb. chap. 12. ver. 24. 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 5. 1 John, chap. 2. ver. 1. 

© Rom. chap. 8. ver. 3, 4. and chap. 10. ver. 4. Gal. chap. 4. ver. 4, 5. 

f Matt. chap. 5. ver. 17. Heb. chap. 5. ver. 8, 9,10. and chap. 7. ver. 7. 9, 10. 
Philipp. chap. 2. ver. 7, 8. John, chap. 4. ver.34. 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 22, 
23, 24. Isaiah, chap. 53. ver. 9, 10. 

& Luke, chap. 1. ver. 35. 1 Pet. chap. 1, ver. 19, and chap. 2. ver. 22, and 


188 THE PRINCIPLES 


out all spot of original corruption ; and lived most holy all 
the days of his life, without all actual sin. 

Q. How did he bear the punishment which was due 
unto man for breaking God’s law? 

A. In> that he willingly for man’s sake made himself 
subject to the curse of the law, both in body and soul: 
and humbling himself even unto the death, offered up 
unto his Father a perfect sacrifice for the sins of the 
world: 

Q. What is required of man for obtaining the benefits 
of the Gospel? 

A. That' he receive Christ Jesus whom God doth 
freely offer unto him. 

Q. By what means are you to receive Christ ? 

A. By faith*, whereby I believe the gracious promises 
of the Gospel. 

Q. How do you receive Christ by faith? 

A. By! laying hold of him, and applying him with all 
his benefits to the comfort of mine own soul. 

Q. What is the first main benefit which we do get by 
thus receiving Christ? 

A. Justification™: whereby, in Christ, we receive the 
forgiveness of our sins, and are accounted righteous: 
being by that means freed from the guilt of sin and con- 
demnation, and estated in a new interest unto everlasting 


life. 


chap. 3. ver. 18, 1 John, chap. 3. ver. 5. Isaiah, chap. 53. ver. 9. John, chap. 
8. ver. 29. 46. and chap. 15. ver. 10. 

h Gal. chap. 3. ver. 13. 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 23, 24. Isaiah, chap. 53. ver. 10, 
11. Matt. chap. 26. ver. 37, 38, 39. Luke, chap. 22. ver. 43, 44. Heb. chap. 5. 
ver. 7. Philipp. chap. 2. ver. 8. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 14, 15. 26. 28. and chap. 
10. ver. 10.12.14. John, chap. 1. ver. 29. and chap. 3. ver. 16, 17. 

i John, chap. 1. ver. 11,12. Rom. chap. 5. ver. 17. Heb. chap. 3. ver. 6, 
14. Col. chap. 2. ver. 6, 7. 

k John, chap. 1. ver. 12. and chap. 6. ver. 29. 35. 40. 47. and chap. 7. ver. 37, 
38. Rom. chap. 9. ver. 30. Eph. chap. 1. ver. 13. 

1 John, chap. 6. ver. 35. 54, 55, 56, 57. Gal. chap. 2. ver. 20. and chap. 3. 
ver. 27. Eph. chap. 3. ver. 17. 2 Cor. chap. 13 ver..5. 

m1 Cor. chap. 1. ver. 30. 2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 19.21. Rom. chap. 4. ver. 
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. and chap. 5. ver. 11. 16, 17, 18, 19. and chap. 8. ver. 1, 2. 
33, 34. 1 John, chap. 1. ver. 7. 


OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 189 


Q. Whereby then must we look to be justified in the 
sight of God ? 

A. Only" by the merits of Christ Jesus, received of us 
by faith. 

Q. What other main benefit do we get by receiving 
Christ ? 

A. Sanctification"; whereby we are freed from the do- 
minion of sin, and the image of God is renewed in us. 

Q. Wherein is this sanctification seen? 

A. In repentance’ and new obedience springing from 
thence. 

Q. What is repentance ? 

A. Repentance is a gift of God’, whereby a godly sor- 
row is wrought in the heart of the faithful, for offending 
God their merciful Father, by their former transgressions ; 
together with a resolution for the time to come, to forsake 
their former courses and to lead a new life. 

Q. What call you new obedience ? 

A. A careful‘ endeavour which the faithful have to give 
unfeigned obedience unto all God’s commandments, ac- 
cording to that measure of strength wherewith God doth 
enable them. 

Q. What rule have we for the direction of our obe- 
dience ? 

A. The moral law of God: the sum’ whereof is con- 
tained in the ten commandments. 

Q. What are the chief parts of this law ? 


4 Philipp. chap. 3. ver. 9. Rom. chap. 3. ver. 26, 27, 28. Gal. chap. 2. ver. 16. 
and chap. 3. ver. 8. 1 Cor. chap. 6. ver. 11. 1 Thess. chap. 5. ver. 23. Rom. 
chap. 6. ver. 6,7. 14. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 22, 23, 24. Col. chap. 5. ver. 9, 10. 

© Acts, chap. 26. ver. 20. Matt. chap. 3. ver. 8. 

P 2 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 25. Jer. chap. 31. ver. 18, 19. 2 Cor. chap. 7. ver. 10, 
11. Act. chap. 11. ver. 23. and chap. 26. ver. 20. Psalm 119. ver. 106, 112. 

4 Luke, chap. 1. ver. 6. 74, 75. Psalm 119. ver. 6. 1 Peter, chap. 4. ver. 1. 
2,3. 1 John, chap. 3. ver. 3. 

r Ezek. chap. 20. ver. 18.19. Matt. chap. 15. ver. 6.9. Psalm 119. ver. 
105, 106. Deut. chap. 5. ver. 32. and chap. 12. ver. 32. Num. chap. 15. 
ver. 29. Jer. chap. 19. ver. 5. 

8 Exod. chap. 34. ver. 27,28. Matt. chap, 22. ver. 40. 


190 THE PRINCIPLES 


A. The dutiest which we owe unto God, set down in the 
first table: and that which we owe unto man in the second. 

Q. Whatis the sum of the first table ? 

A. That we" love the Lord our God, with all our heart, 
with all our soul, and with all our mind. 

Q. How many commandments belong to this table ? 

A. Four*. 

Q. Which is the first commandment ? 

A. Iam the Lord thy God, which have brought thee 
out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage. 
Thou shalt have no other gods before me. 

Q. What duty is enjoined in this commandment ? 

A. That in all the inward powers and faculties of our 
souls, the true eternal God be entertained, and he only. 

Q. Which is the second commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, &c. 

Q. What duty is enjoined in this commandment ? 

A. That all outward means of religious and solemn wor- 
ship be given unto the same God alone: and not so much 
as the least degree thereof (even the bowing of the body) 
be communicated to any image or representation either of 
God, or of any thing else whatsoever. 

Q. Which is the third commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God 
in vain: for the Lord will not holdhim guiltless that takes 
his name in vain. 

Q. What is enjoined in this commandment ? 

A. That in the ordinary course of our lives, we use the 
name of God, (that is, his titles, words, works, judgments, 
and whatsoever he would have himself known by) with re- 
verence and all holy respect ; that in all things he may 
have his due glory given unto him. 

Q. Which is the fourth commandment? 

A. Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy, &c. 


* Matt. chap. 22. ver. 37, 38, 39,40. Ibid. chap. 12. ver. 30, 31.33. Luke, 
chap. 1. ver. 75. and chap. 10. ver. 27. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 24. 1 Tim. chap. 22. 

" Matt. chap. 22. ver, 37, 38. Luke, chap. 10. ver. 27, Deut. chap. 6. 
ver. 5. 

* Exod, chap. 20. 


OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 191 


Q. What doth this commandment require ? 

A. That we keep holy the Sabbath day; by resting 
from the ordinary businesses of this life, and bestowing 
that leisure upon the exercises of religion, both public 
and private. 

Q. What is the sum of the second table ? 

A. That we’ love our neighbours as ourselves. 

Q. What commandments belong to this table ? 

A. The six last. 

Q. Which is the fifth commandment? 

A. Honour thy father and thy mother: that thy days 
may be long in the land which the Lord thy God giveth 
thee. 

Q. What kind of duties are prescribed in this com- 
mandment, which is the first of the second table 2 

A. Such duties as are to be performed with a special 
respect of superiors, inferiors, and equals: as namely, 
reverence to all superiors, obedience to such of them as 
are in authority; and whatsoever special duties concern 
the husband and wife, parents and children, masters and 
servants, magistrate and people: pastors and flock, and 
such like. 

Q. Which is the sixth commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not kill. 

Q. What doth this commandment enjoin ? 

A. The preservation of the safety of mens persons, with 
all means tending to the same. 

Q. Which is the seventh commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 

Q. What is required in this commandment ? 

A. The preservation of the chastity of men’s persons : 
for the keeping whereof, wedlock is commanded unto them 
that stand in need thereof. 

Q. Which is the eighth commandment ? 

A. Thou shalt not steal. 

Q. What things are ordered in this commandment ? 


Y Matt. chap. 22. ver. 39. Rom. chap. 13. ver. 9. James, chap, 2. ver. 8. 
Gal. chap. 5. ver. 14. Lev. chap. 19. ver, 18. 


192 THE PRINCIPLES 


A. Whatsoever concerneth the goods of this life; in 
regard either of ourselves, or of our neighbours. 

Q. How in regard of ourselves? 

A. That we labour diligently in an honest and profita- 
ble calling ; content ourselves with the goods well gotten, 
and with liberality employ them to good uses. 

Q. How in regard of our neighbours ? 

A. That we use just dealing unto them in this respect, 
and use all good means that may tend to the furtherance 
of their estate. 

Q. Which is the ninth commandment? 

A. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neigh- 
bour. 

Q. What doth this commandment require ? 

A. The using of truth in our dealing one with another ; 
especially to the preservation of the good name of our 
neighbours. 

Q. Which is the tenth and last commandment? 

A. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house, thou 
shalt not covet thy neighbour’s wife, nor his man servant, 
nor his maid servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing 
that is thy neighbour’s. 

Q. What doth this commandment contain? 

A. It condemneth? all wandering thoughts, that disagree 
from the love which we owe unto our neighbours; al- 
though we never yield consent thereunto. 

Q. What means doth God use to offer the benefit of 
the Gospel unto men, and to work and encrease his graces 
in them. 

A. The outward* ministry of the Gospel. 

Q. Where is this ministry executed ? 

A. In the? visible churches of Christ. 

Q. What do you call a visible church ? 


2 Exod. chap. 20. ver. 17. with Matt. chap. 5. ver. 28. and Rom. chap. 7. 
ver. 7. 

2 Rom. chap. 11. ver. 15, 16, and chap. 10. ver. 14. 16,17. 1 Cor. chap. 1. 
ver. 21. and chap. 12. ver. 28. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 3. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 11, 
12. 

> Matt. chap, 18, ver. 17, 18. Acts, chap. 11. ver, 26, and chap. 14. ver. 23. 


OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION, 198 


A. A company® of men that live under the outward 
means of salvation. 


Q. What are the principal parts of this ministry ? 
A. The administration" of the Word and Sacraments. 


Q. What is the Word ? 

A. That part® of the outward ministry, which consist- 
eth in the delivery of doctrine. 

Q. What is a sacrament ? 

A. A sacrament! is a visible sign, ordained by God to 
be a seal for confirmation of the promises of the Gospel 
unto the due receivers thereof. 


Q. Which are the sacraments ordained by Christ in the 
New Testament ? 


A. Baptism? and the Lord’s Supper. 
Q. What is Baptism? 


A. The sacrament" of our admission into the Church; 


sealing unto us our new birth, by the communion which we 
have with Christ Jesus. 


Q. What doth the element of water in Baptism repre- 
sent unto us ? 


A. The blood and spirit of Jesus Christ our Lord. 
Q. What doth the cleansing of the body represent ? 


and chap. 15. ver. 22. and chap. 20. ver. 17. 28. 
chap. 14. ver. 23. 28. 33, 34. 

© Acts, chap. 2. ver. 47. and chap. 20. ver. 17. 20, 21. 32. 
ver. 2. 18, 21. 24, 

4 Matt. chap. 28. ver. 19. Acts, chap. 2. ver. 41, 42. and chap. 20. ver. 7. 

© Tit. chap. 1. ver. 9. 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver. 3, 4. 11, 12. and chap. 5. ver. 17. 
2 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 15. and chap. 4. ver. 2. Rom. chap. 10. ver. 14. 16, 17. 
1 Cor. chap. 1. ver. 18. 21. 28, 24. Acts, chap. 14. ver. 21. and chap. 20. ver. 
20, 21. 27. 31, 32. 

" Gen. chap. 17. ver. 10,11. Rom. chap. 4. ver. 11, 12. and chap. 
28,29. 1 Corvehap.10: ver:\1, 253; 4. 16: 

& 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 1, 2, 3, 4. and chap. 12. ver. 13. Acts, chap. 2. ver, 
41, 42. and chap. 20. ver. 7. 

nh Matt. chap. 3. ver. 6. 11. and chap. 28. ver. 10. Acts, chap. 2. ver. 38. 41. 
and chap. 8. ver. 36,37. Tit. chap. 3. ver.5. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 27. 1 Cor: 
chap. 1. ver. 18. 15. and chap. 12. ver. 13. 

' 1 John, chap. 1. ver.7. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 14. 1 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 19" 
Rev. chap. 1. ver. 5. Matt, chap. 3. ver. 11. 

VOL. XI. iS 


1 Cor. chap. 4. ver. 17. and 


1 Cor. chap. 1. 


in) 
< 
ie) 
i 


194: THE PRINCIPLES 
A. The cleansing" of the soul by the forgiveness of sins 


and imputation of righteousness. 
Q. What doth the being under the water, and the free- 


ing from it again represent ? 
A. Our dying! unto sin, by the force of Christ’s death ; 
and living again unto righteousness, through his resurrec- 


tion. 
Q. What is the Lord’s Supper ? 
A. The sacrament™ of our preservation in the Church ; 


sealing unto us our spiritual nourishment and continual 


increase in Christ. 

Q. What do the elements of bread and wine in the 
Lord’s Supper represent unto us? ‘ 
A. The body" and blood of Christ. 1 
Q. What doth the breaking of the bread and pouring 


out of the wine represent ? 
A. The sufferings? whereby our Saviour was broken for 


our iniquities; the shedding of his precious blood, and 


pouring out of his soul unto death. 
Q. What doth the receiving of the bread and wine re- 


present? 

A. The receiving? of Christ by faith. 

@. What doth the nourishment which our body receiv- 
eth by virtue of this outward meat and drink seal unto us? 

A. The perfect’ nourishment and continual increase of 
strength, which the inward man enjoyeth by virtue of the 


communion with Jesus Christ. 


1 Cor. chap. 6. ver. 11. Gal. 


k Acts, chap. 2. ver. 38. and chap. 22. ver. 16. 


1 Peter, chap. 3. ver. 21. 
Col. chap. 2. ver. 11, 12. 


chap. 3. ver. 26, 27. 
1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 16. and chap. 11. ver. 


' Rom. chap. 6. ver. 3, 4, 5, 6. 


™ Matt. chap. 26. ver. 26. 28. 
Matt. chap. 26. ver. 26. 28. 


24, 25, 26, &c. 

2 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 16. and chap. 11. ver. 24, 25. &c. 

° Matt. chap. 26. ver. 26. 28. 1 Cor. chap. 11. ver. 24, 25, 26. Isaiah, chap. 
53. ver. 5. 10. 12. 

P 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 16, 17. and chap. 12. ver. 13. John, chap. 1. ver. 12 
and chap. 6. ver. 27, 29. 35, 36. 40. 47, 48. 63, 64. and chap. 7. ver. 37, 38, 


2 Cor. chap. 13. ver. 5. Eph. chap. 3. ver. 17. Heb. chap. 3. ver. 14. 
4 John, chap. 6. ver. 35. 50, 51. 54, 55, 56, 57, 58. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 16. 


OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 195 


Q. After the course of this life is ended ; what shall be 
the state of man in the world to come ? 

A. Every one’ is to be judged, and rewarded according 
to the life which he hath led. 

Q. How many kinds be there of this judgment? 

A. Two; the one particular, the other general. 

Q. What call you the particular judgment ? 

A. That which’ is given upon the soul of every man, 2s 
soon as it is departed from the body. 

Q. What is the state of the soul of man, as soon as he 
departeth out of this life ? 

A. The souls’ of God’s children be presently received 
into heaven, there to enjoy unspeakable comforts: the 
souls of the wicked are gent into hell, there to endure 
endless torments. 

Q. What call you the general judgment? 

A. That which" Christ shall in a solemn manner give 
upon all men at once; when he shall come at the last day 
with the glory of his Father, and all men that ever have 
been from the beginning of the world until that day, shall 
appear together before him, both in body and soul, whe- 
ther they be quick or dead. 

Q. How shall the dead appear before the judgment 
seat of Christ ? 

A. The bodies* which they had in their life time, shall 
by the almighty power of God be restored again, and 


* Heb. chap. 9. ver. 27. Rom. chap. 14. ver. 10.12. 2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 8, 
9; 10. 

* Eccles. chap. 12. ver. 14. and chap. 21. ver.7. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 27. 
Luke, chap. 16. ver. 2. 23, 24, 25. 

* Luke, chap. 16. ver. 22. 25. and chap. 23. ver. 43. Rev. chap. 14. ver. 13. 
Isaiah, chap. 57. ver. 1,2. 2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 6.8. John, chap. 5. ver. 24. 
Luke, chap. 16. ver. 23, 24, 25, 26. 1 Peter, chap. 3. ver. 19. Isaiah. chap. 
22. ver. 41. John, chap. 8. ver. 24. 

" Matt. chap. 13. ver. 40, 41, 42, 43. 49, 50. and chap. 19. ver. 28. and chap. 
24. ver. 30,31. and chap. 25. ver. 31, 32, 33.46. Acts, chap. 1. ver. 11. and 
chap. 8. ver. 19. 21. and chap. 17. ver. 31. 

* Job, chap. 19. ver. 25,26, 27. Daniel, chap..12. ver. 2, 3. Matt. chap. 23. 
ver. 30, 31, 82. John, chap. 5. ver. 28, 29. and chap. 11. ver. 24. 1 Cor. chap. 
15. ver. 12,13. 15. 1 Thess. chap. 4. ver. 13, 14, 15, 16. Rey. chap. 20. ver. 
LMS: 

s2 


w 


196 THE PRINCIPLES 


quickened with their souls: and so thére shall be a gene- 
ral resurrection from the dead. 

Q. How shall the quick appear ? 

A. Such as’ then remain alive, shall be changed in the 
twinkling of an eye: which shall be to them instead of 
death... 

Q. What sentence shall Christ pronounce upon the righ- 
teous ? 

A. Come’, ye blessed of my Father ; inherit the kingdom 
prepared for you from the foundation of the world. 

Q. What sentence shall he pronounce upon the wicked? 

A. Depart? from me ye cursed, into everlasting fire, 
which is prepared for the devil and his angels. 

Q. What shall follow this ? 

A. Christ® shall deliver up the kingdom to his Father, 
and God shall be all in all. 


y 2 Tim. chap. 4. ver. 1. 1 Thess. chap. 4. ver. 15, 16, 17. I Cor. chap. 15. 
ver. 51,52, 53. 2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 4. 

z Matt. chap. 5. ver. 34. 4 Thid. chap. 25. ver. 41. 

b 1 Cor. chap. 15. ver. 24. 28. 


THE METHOD 


OF THE 


DOCTRINE 


OF 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION; 


SHEWING 


THE CONJUNCTION OF THE CHIEF POINTS THEREOF, WITH A MORE PARTICULAR 
DECLARATION OF SOME PARTICULAR HEADS, 


WHICH WERE BUT SHORTLY TOUCHED IN THE FORMER SUM. 





THE METHOD 


OF THE 


DOCTRINE 


OF 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 


Question. What certain rule have we left us, for our 
direction in the knowledge of the true religion, whereby 
we must he saved? 

Answer. The holy Scriptures of the Old and New 
Testament: which God delivered unto us by the ministry 
of his servants the prophets and apostles; to inform us 
perfectly in all things that are needful for us to know in 
matters of religion. 

Q. What be the general heads of religion, which in 
these holy writings are delivered unto us ? 

A. The* knowledge of God’s nature and kingdom. 

Q. What are we to consider in God’s nature ? 

A. First’, his essence or being, whichis but one; and 
then, the persons which are three in number. 

Q. What do you consider in God’s essence or being ? 

A. His perfection and life. 

Q. How are we to conceive of God, in regard of his 
perfection ? 


2 Psalm 103. ver. 8. 19. and Psalm 145. ver. 3, 4, 11, 12. 1 Chron. chap. 29. 
ver. 11. Matt. chap. 6. ver. 3. 
b Col. chap. 2. ver. 9. Heb, chap. 1. ver. 3. 1 John, chap. 5. ver. 7. 


300 THE METHUD OF 


A. That* he is a spirit, most single and infinite; having 
his being from himself, and having need of nothing which 
is without himself. 

@. Why do you call God a spirit ? 

A. To declare his being to be such, as hath no body, 
and is not subject to our outward senses: that we admit 
not any base conceit of his glorious majesty, in thinking 
him to be like unto any thing which can be seen by the eye 
of man. 

Q. What understand you by the singleness or simpli- 
city of God’s nature ? 

A. That? he hath no parts nor qualities in him; but 
whatsoever is in him is God, and God’s whole essence. 

Q. What gather you of this, that God hath no parts 
nor qualities ? 

A. That? he neither can be divided, nor changed ; but 
remaineth always in the same state without any alteration 
at all. 

Q. In what respect do you call God’s essence infinite ? 

A, In that itis free from all measure both of time and 
place. 

Q. How is God free from all measure of time ? 

A. Inf that he is eternal, without beginning and without 
ending, never elder nor younger ; and hath all things pre- 
sent unto him, nothing former or latter, past or to come. 

Q. How is God infinite in regard of place ? 

A. Ins that he filleth all things and places, both withm 
and without the world; present every where, and con- 

ained no where. 

Q. How is he present every where? Hath he one part 
of himself here, and another there ? 


© Job, chap. 11. ver. 7, 8. 1 Tim. chap. 6. ver. 16. Isai. chap. 145. ver. 3. 
Rev. chap. 1. ver. 8. Rom. chap. 11. ver. 36. Acts, chap. 17. ver. 24. 

4 Rom. chap. 1. ver. 23. James, chap. 1. ver. 17. 1 John, chap. 1. ver. 5.7. 
Isaiah, chap. 43. ver. 25. Prov. chap. 8. ver. 14. 

& Mal. chap. 3. ver.6. James, chap. 1. ver. 17. 

f Rev. chap. 1. ver. 8. Psalm 90. ver. 2.4. 2 Pet. chap. 3. ver. 8. John, 
chap. 8. ver. 58. 


s 1 Kings, chap. §. ver. 27. Psalm 145. ver. 3. Jer. chap. 238. ver. 24. 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 901 


A. Nos for he hath no parts at all whereby he might 
be divided ; and therefore must be wholly wheresoever 
he is. 

Q. What do you call the life of God? 

A. That" by which the divine nature is in perpetual ac- 
tion, most simply and infinitely moving in itself; in respect 
whereof the Scripture calleth him the Living God. 

Q. What gather you from the comparing of this infi- 
niteness and simplicity, or singleness, of God’s nature with 
his life and motion ? 

A. That when strength, justice, mercy, and such like, 
are attributed unto God, we must conceive that they are 
in him without all measure : and further also, that they be 
not' divers virtues whereby his nature is qualified, but that 
all they and every one of them is nothing else but God 
himself, and his entire essence. 

Q. Wherein doth the life of God shew itself ? 

A. In' his allsufficiency, and in his holy will. 

Q. Wherein standeth his allsufficiency 2 

A. In his all-knowing wisdom, and his almighty power. 

Q. Wherein doth his wisdom consist ? 

A. In perfect knowledge™ of all things, that either are 
or might be. 

Q. In what sort doth God know all things? Doth he, 
as we do, see one thing after another ? 

A. No": but with one sight he continually beholdeth 
all things distinctly, whether they be past, present, or to 
come. 


Q. How is God said to be Almighty ? 


Rev. chap. 10. ver. 6. Deut. chap. 82. ver. 40. Joshua, chap. 3. ver. 10. 
Ileb. chap. 10. ver. 31. and chap. 6. ver. 17. 

i Prov. chap. 8. ver. 14. 1 John, chap. 4. ver. 17. Isaiah, chap. 43. ver. 25. 

k Deut. chap. 32. ver. 4. Exod. chap. 34. ver. 6, 7. Psalm 89. ver. 13, 14. 
and Psalm 145. ver. 7. 17. Jer. chap. 32. ver. 17, 18, 19. Nah. chap. 1. 
ver. 3, 

! Psalm 147. ver. 5. Prov. chap. 8. ver. 14. Jer. chap. 10. ver. 12. 14 
and chap. 32. ver. 19. 

™ Psalm 147. ver. 5. Prov. chap. 8. vere 14. Jer. chap. 10. ver. 12. 14. 
and chap. 32. ver. 19. 

n Heb. chap. 4. ver. 13. 


202 THE METHOD OF 


A. Because" he hath power to bring to pass all things 
that can be; howsoever to us they may seem impossible. 

Q. Wherein is the holiness of his will seen? 

A. In? his goodness, and in his justice. 

Q. Wherein doth he shew his goodness ? 

A. In‘ being beneficial unto his creatures, and shewing 
mercy unto them in their miseries. 

Q. Wherein sheweth he his justice ? 

A. Both’ in his word, and in his deeds. 

Q. How sheweth he justice in his word ? 

A. Because‘ the truth thereof is most certain. 

Q. How sheweth he justice in his deeds ? 

A. By' ordering and disposing of all things rightly ; and 
rendering to his creatures according to their works. 

Q. What do you call persons in the Godhead ? 

A. Such as having one essence (or being) equally com- 
mon, are distinguished (not divided) one from auother by 
some incommunicable property. 

Q. How cometh it to pass that there should be this di- 
versity of persons in the Godhead ? 

A. Though the essence or being of the Godhead be the 
same, and most simple (as hath been declared :) yet the 
manner of having this being is not the same, and hence 
ariseth the distinction of persons: in that beside the being, 
which is common to all and the self-same in all, they have 
every one some special property which cannot be common 
to the rest. 

Q. Which are these persons, and what are their personal 
properties ? 


2 Rev. chap. 1. ver.8. Matt. chap. 19. ver. 26. Mark, chap. 14. ver. 36. 
Luke, chap. 1. ver. 37. 

P Matt. chap. 19. ver.17. Rom. chap. 9. ver. 18. Exod. chap. 34. ver. 6, 7. 
Nehem. chap. 9. ver. 32, 33. 

4 1 John, chap. 4. ver. 16. Psalm 33. ver. 5. 1 Tim. chap. 4. ver. 10. 
Psalm 145. ver. 7, 8, 9. 17. Nehem. chap. 9. ver. 17. 31. Psalm 103. ver. 8, 
9. &c. Lam. chap. 3. ver, 22. 

* Deut. chap. 32. ver. 4. Neh. chap. 9. ver. 32, 33. 

S Deut. chap. 32. ver. 4. Neh. chap. 9. ver. 32, 33. Num. chap. 23. ver. 19. 
Rom. chap. 3. ver. 4. Neh. chap. 9. ver. 8. 

t Deut. chap. 32. ver. 4. Psalm 145. ver. 17. Rom. chap. 2. ver. 2.5, 6. 
Rev. chap. 22. ver. 12. 1 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 17. 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 203 


A. The first person in order is the Father, who beget- 
teth the Son. The second is the Son, begotten of the 
Father. The third is the Holy Ghost, proceeding from 
the Father and the Son. 

Q. Doth the Godhead of the Father beget the God- 
head of the Son ? 

A. No; but the person of the Father begetteth the per- 
son of the Son. 

Q. Thus much of God’s nature: what are we to con- 
sider in his kingdom ? 

A. First", the decree made from all eternity: and then 
the execution thereof accomplished in time. 

Q. How was the decree made? 

A. All things whatsoever should in time come to pass, 
with every small circumstance appertaining thereunto, was 
ordained to be sc from all eternity, by God’s certain and 
unchangeable counsel. 

Q. Did God then before he made man, determine to 
save some and reject others? 

A. Yes surely*: before they had done either good or 
evil, God in his eternal counsel set some apart, upon 
whom he would in time shew the riches of his mercy: and 
determine to withhold the same from others, upon whom 
he would shew the severity of his justice. 

Q. What should move God to make this difference 
between man and man? 

A. Only’ his own good pleasure : sakes having pur- 
posed. to create man for his own glory, forasmuch as he 
was not bound to shew mercy unto any, and his glory 
should appear as well in executing of justice, as in shewing 
mercy ; it seemed good unto his heavenly wisdom to choose 
out a certain number, towards whom he would extend his 
undeserved mercy, leaving the rest to be spectacles of his 
justice. 


" Eph. chap. 1. ver. 11. Acts, chap. 4. ver. 28. 

* Rom. chap. 9. ver. 11.21, 22, 28. Matt. chap. 25. ver. 34. 2 Tim. chap. 
2. ver. 20. Rey. chap. 17. ver. 8. 1 Thess. chap. 5. ver. 9. 

Y Rom. chap. 9. ver. 15, 16. 21, 22, 23. Prov. chap. 16. ver. 4. Matt. 
chap. 11. ver. 25, 26. Ephes. chap. I. ver. 1.11. Jude, ver. 4. 


204 THE METHOD OF 


Q. Wherein doth the execution of God’s decree con- 
sist ? 

A. In’ the works of the creation and providence. 

Q. What was the manner of the creation ? 

A. In? the beginning of time, when no creature had any 
being, God by his word? alone, did in the space of six’ 
days create all things, both visible’ and invisible, making® 
every one of them exceeding good in their kind. 

Q. What are the principal creatures which were or- 
dained unto an everlasting condition ? 

A. Angels, altogether spiritual and void of bodies: and 
man consisting of two parts, the body which is earthly, 
and the soul, which is spiritual, and therefore not subject 
to mortality. 

Q. In what regard is man said to be according to the 
likeness and image of God ? 

A. In regard especially of the perfections of the powers 
of the soul; namely, the wisdom of the mind, and the 
true holiness of his free will. 

Q. How are you to consider of God’s providence ? 

A. Both as it is common unto all the creatures , which 
are thereby sustained in their being, and ordered accord- 
ing to the Lord’s will: and as it properly concerneth the 
everlasting condition of the principal creatures, to wit, 
angels and men. 

Q. What is.that which concerneth angels? 

A. Some of them remained in that blessed condition 
wherein they were created, and are by God’s grace for ever 
established therein. Others kept it not, but wilfully left 
the same ; and therefore are condemned to everlasting tor- 
ment in hell, without all hope of recovery. 

Q. How is the state of mankind ordered ? 


“ Neh. chap. 9. ver. 6. Psalm 146. ver. 6, 7. and Psalm. 148. ver. 5, 6. 
4 Gen. chap. 11. Matt. chap. 10. ver. 6. John, chap. 1. ver. 1, 2, 3. 
> Heb. chap. 11. ver. 3. Psalm 33. ver. 6. and Psalm 148. ver. 5. 

© Gen. chap. 1. ver. 31. Exod. chap. 20. ver. 11. 

“ Col. chap. 1. ver. 1. 6. 

© Gen. chap. 1. ver. 31. Eccles. chap. 12. ver. 7. 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 205 


A. In this life by the tenor of a twofold‘ covenant; and 
in the world to come, by the sentence of a twofold judg- 
ment®. 

Q. What is the first of these covenants? 

A. The law, or the covenant of works: whereby God 
promiseth everlasting life unto man, upon condition that 
he perform entire and perfect obedience unto his law, ac- 
cording to that strength wherewith he was endued by vir- 
tue of his creation; and in like sort threateneth death 
unto him, if he do not perform the same. 

Q. What seal did God use for the strengthening of this 
covenant ? 

A. The two trees’ which he planted in the middle of 
paradise: the one of life, the other of knowledge of good 
and evil. 

Q. What did the tree of life signify? 

A. That man should have assurance of everlasting life, 
if he continued in obedience. 

Q. What did the tree of knowledge of good and evil 
signify 2 

A. That if man did fall from obedience, he should be 
surely punished with everlasting death; and so know by 
experience in himself, what evil was, as before he knew by 
experience that only which was good. 

Q. What was the event of this covenant ? 

A. By’ one man sin entered into the world, and death 
by sin ; and so death went over all men, for as muchas all 
have sinned. 

Q. How did sin enter? 

A. Whereas* God had threatened unto our first pa- 
rents, that whatsoever day they did eat of the forbidden 
fruit they should certainly die: they believing rather the 


f Gal. chap. 3. ver. 10, 11, 12, 13. and chap. 4. ver. 24. Rom. chap. 3. ver, 
27. and chap. 10. ver. 5, 6. 

& Heb. chap. 9. ver. 27. Luke, chap. 16. ver. 22,23. Rom. chap. 14. ver. 
10. 12. Matt. chap. 25. ver. 31, 32. 

h Gen. chap. 2. ver. 9. 17. and chap. 3. ver. 3. 7.11. 17.22. 24. Rev. chap: 
2. ver. 7. Prov. chap. 3. ver. 18. 

1 Rom, chap. 5. ver. 12. k Gen, chap. 3 


vu. 


206 THE METHOD OF 


word of the devil that they should not die, and subscribing 
unto his reproachful blasphemy, whereby he charged God 
with envy towards their estate, as if he had therefore for- 
bidden the fruit, lest by eating thereof they should become 
like God himself, entered into rebellion against the Lord 
who made them, and openly transgressed his command- 
ment. 

Q. What followeth from this ? 

A. First! the corruption of nature, called original sin, 
derived by continual descent from father to son ; wherewith 
all the powers of the soul and body are infected, and that 
in all men equally : and then actual sin, arising from hence. 

Q. Shew how the principal powers of the soul are de- 
filed by this corruption of our nature ? 

A. First, the understanding is blinded with ignorance 
and infidelity. Secondly, the memory is prone to forget 
the good things which the understanding hath conceived. 
Thirdly, the will is disobedient to the will of God under- 
stood and remembered by us, (the freedom of holiness, 
which it had at the first, being now lost) and is wholly bent 
to sin. Fourthly, the affections are ready to overrule the 
will, and are subject to all disorder. Lastly™, the con- 
science itself is distempered and polluted. 

Q. In what sort is the conscience thus distempered ? 

A. The duties thereof being two especially ; to give di- 
rection" in things to be done, and to give both witaess and 
judgment in things done: for the first, it sometimes 
giveth no direction at all, and thereupon maketh a man° 
to sin in doing of an action otherwise good and lawful ; 
sometimes it giveth a direction, but a wrong one, and so 
becometh a blind? guide, forbidding to do things which 
God alloweth, and commanding to do things which God for- 
biddeth. For the second, it sometimes giveth no judg- 


' James, chap. 1. ver. 14, 15. Gal. chap. 5. ver. 19. Col. chap. 3. ver. 9, 10. 
™ Tit. chap. 1. ver. 15. 

" Rom. chap. 2. ver. 15. 2 Cor. chap. 1. ver. 12. John, chap. 8. ver. 9. 

© Rom. chap. 14. ver. 23. 

P Gal. chap. 1. ver. 14. 1 Chron. chap. 18. ver. 9. John, chap. 16, ver. 2. 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 907 


ment at all‘, not checking the offender as it should, but 
being benumbed, and as it were seared with an hot iron. 
It sometimes giveth judgment, but falsely ; condemning 
where’ it should excuse, and excusing where it should 
condemn; thereby filling the mind with false fear, or feed- 
ing it with vain comforts: and sometimes giveth true 
judgment, but uncomfortable’ and fearful, tormenting the 
guilty soul as it were with the flashes of hell fire. 

Q. What are the kinds of actual sin ? 

A. Sucht as are either inward in the thoughts of the 
mind and lusts of the heart ; or outward, in word or deed : 
whereby those things are done which should be omitted, 
and those things omitted which should be done. 

Q. What is the death which all men are subject unto, 
by reason of these sins? 

A. The" curse of God both upon the things that belong 
unto them (such as are their wife and children, honour, 
possessions, use of God’s creatures, &c.) and upon their 
own persons, in life and death. 

Q. What are the curses they are subject to in this life? 

A. All* temporal calamities both in body (which is sub- 
Ject unto infinite miseries) and in soul, which is plagued 
sometimes with a terror of a guilty conscience, sometimes 
with a benumbed and seared conscience, sometime with 
hardness of heart, which cannot repent; and finally, a 
spiritual slavery under the power of the world and the 
devil. 

Q. What is the death that followeth this miserable life ? 


4 Eph. chap. 4, ver. 18, 19. 1 Tim. chap. 4. ver. 2. 

* Col. chap. 2. ver. 21,22. Rom. chap. 7. ver. 9. 

* John, chap. 8. ver. 9. 1 John, chap. 3. ver. 20. Prov. chap. 28. ver. 1. 
Acts, chap. 24. ver. 26. 

* James, chap. 1. ver. 14,15. Eph. chap. 2. ver. 3, Matt. chap. 5. ver. 28. 
and chap. 12. ver. 34. and chap. 15. ver. 19. and chap. 25. ver. 42. Isaiah, 
chap. 1. ver. 16, 17. Rom. chap. 3. ver. 12. 

" Rom. ehap. 7. ver. 10. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 10. Deut. chap. 28. ver. 15, 16. 
&c. Psalm 109. ver. 9, 10, 11, 12. &c. Prov. chap. 10. ver. 7. 

* Deut. chap. 28. ver. 21, 22. &c. Levit. chap. 26. ver. 16, 17. &c. John, 
chap. 5. ver. 14. Deut. chap. 27. ver. 28. 65, 66, 67. Psalm 69. ver. 22. 
1 John, chap. 2. ver. 16, Eph, chap. 2. ver. 2. Col. chap. 1. ver. 13. 2 Cor. 
chap. 4, ver. 4. 


208 THE METHOD OF 


A. First’, a separation of the soul from the body: and 
then, an everlasting separation of the whole man from the 
presence of God, with unspeakable torments in hell fire, 
never to be ended. 

Q. Ifall mankind be subject to this damnation ; how 
then shall any man be saved ? 

A. Surely’ by this covenant of the Law no flesh can be 
saved ; but every one must receive in himself the sentence 
of condemnation. Yet the Lord, being a God of mercy’, 
hath not left us here; but entered into a second covenant 
with mankind. 

Q. What is this second covenant ? 

A. The’ Gospel, or the covenant of grace ; whereby 
God promiseth everlasting life unto man, upon condition 
that he be reconciled unto him in Christ, for, as the condi- 
tion of the first was the continuance of that righteousness 
which was to be found in man’s own person: so, the condi- 
tion of the® second is the obtaining of that righteousness 
which is without himself ; even the righteousness of God 
which is by faith in the Mediator Jesus Christ. 

Q. What are we to consider in Christ our Mediator ? 

A. 'Two things: his nature and his office. 

Q. How many natures be there in Christ ? 

A. Two; the Godhead, and the manhood ; remaining 
still distinct in their substance, properties and actions. 

Q. How many persons hath he ? 

A. Only one; which is the person of the Son of God, 
for the second person in the Trinity took upon him, not 
the person but the nature of man; to wit, a body anda 
reasonable soul ; which do not subsist alone, (as we see in 


Y Heb. chap. 2. ver. 14, 15. and chap. 9. ver. 27. Rev. chap. 6. ver. 8. 
Luke, chap. 16. ver. 23, 24. &c. Rev. chap. 21. ver. 8 2 Thess. chap. 1. 
ver. 9, 

” Rom. chap. 3. ver. 19, 20. and chap. 8. ver. 3. Gal. chap. 2. ver. 16. and 
chap. 3. ver. 10. 21,22. Ephes. chap. 2. ver. 3, 4, 5. 

* Hos. chap. 2. ver. 18, 19. Rom. chap. 10. ver. 5, 6. 9. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 
10. 13. 24. 

> Gal. chap. 3. ver. 11.17.22. John, chap. 1. ver. 12, Rom. chap. 9. ver. 
17. Ephes. chap. 2, ver. 13, 14. 

© Rom, chap. 3. ver. 21, 22. and chap. 10. ver. 5. Phil. ver. 3. 9. 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 909 


all other men) but are wholly sustained in the person of 
the Son of God. 

Q. What is the use of this wonderful union of the two 
natures in one person ? 

A. Our nature being received into the union of the 
person of the Son of God; the sufferings and the obedi- 
ence which it performed became of infinite value, as being 
the sufferings and obedience of him who was God, equal 
with the Father. 

Q. What is the office of Christ ? 

A. To" be a Mediator betwixt God and Man. 

Q. What part of his office did he exercise in things con- 
cerning God? 

A. His® priesthood. 

Q. What are the parts of his priestly office ? 

A. The satisfaction of God’s justice, and his intercession. 

Q. What is required of Christ for the satisfaction of 
God’s justice? 

A. The paying of the price which was due for the 
breach of the law committed by mankind; and the per- 
formance of that righteousness, which man by the law was 
bound unto, but is now unable to accomplish. 

Q. How was Christ to pay the price which was due for 
the sin of mankind ? 

A. By! that wonderful humiliation, whereby he that 
was equal with God, made himself of no reputation, and 
became obedient unto the death; sustaining both in body 
and soul, the curse that was due to the transgression of 
the law. 

Q. What righteousness was there required of Christ in 
our behalf? 

A. Both original, which he had from his conception 
(being conceived by the Holy Ghost, in all pureness and 
holiness of nature:) and actual; which he performed by 
yielding perfect obedience, in the whole course of his life, 
unto all the precepts of God’s law. 


41 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 5. 
© Heb. chap. 2. ver. 17. and chap. 5. ver. 1. and chap. 7. ver. 24. 
f Zach. chap. 13. ver. 7. Phil. chap. 2. ver. 7, 8. Gal. chap. 4. ver. 4. 


VOL. XI. T 


210 THE METHOD OF 


Q. What is the intercession of Christ ? 

A. That? part of his priesthood, whereby he maketh re- 
quest unto his Father for us, and presenteth unto him 
both our persons, and our imperfect obedience; making 
both of them (howsoever in themselves polluted) by the 
merit of his satisfaction, to be acceptable in God’s sight. 

Q. Thus much of that part of the office of the Media- 
tor which is exercised in things concerning God: how 
doth he exercise his office in things concerning man ? 

A. By> communicating unto man that grace and re- 
demption which he hath purchased from his Father. 

Q. What parts of his office doth he exercise here ? 

A. His prophetical and kingly office ? 

Q. What is his prophetical office? 

A. That' whereby he informeth us of the benefits of 
our redemption, and revealeth the whole will of his Father 
unto us; both by the outward means which he hath pro- 
vided for the instruction of his Church, and by the inward 
enlightening of our minds by his holy Spirit. 

Q. What is his kingly office ? 

A. That* whereby he ruleth his subjects, and confound- 
eth all his enemies. 

Q. How doth he rule his subjects ? 

A. By' making the redemption, which he hath wrought, 
effectual in the elect : calling those, whom by his prophe- 
tical office he hath taught, to embrace the benefits offered 


& Heb. chap. 7. ver. 25. and chap. 9. ver. 24. Rom. chap. 8. ver. 34. John, 
chap. 17. ver. 20. 24. Exod. chap. 28. ver. 38. 1 Peter, chap. 2. ver. 5. 

h Rom. chap. 5. ver. 15.17.19. John, chap. 5. ver. 21. and chap. 17. ver. 2. 
6. Luke, chap. 4. ver. 18. 

1 Deut. chap. 18. ver. 18. John, chap. 1. ver. 18. and chap. 6. ver. 26. Isaiah, 
chap. 61. ver. 1, 2. Heb. chap. 1. ver. 2. and chap. 3. ver. 1,2. Matt. chap. 23. 
ver.10. Luke, chap. 24. ver. 45. Acts, chap. 16. ver. 14. 1 Cor. chap. 2. ver. 
10, 11, 12. 

k Psalm 2. ver. 6. 8,9. John, chap. 18. ver. 36, 37. Eph. chap. 1. ver. 
20, 21, 22. and chap. 3. ver. 28, 24. Matt. chap. 22. ver. 3. 7. 13. Luke, 
chap. 19. ver. 14, 15. 27. Psalm 110. ver. 1, 2. 

1 1 Col. chap. 15. ver. 25. 45. Eph. chap. 2. ver. 1.5. and chap. 4. ver. 1. 
15, 16. Col. chap. 1. ver. 13, and chap, 2. ver. 12, Job, chap. 5. ver. 25, 26, 
27. and chap. 17. ver. 2. 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 911 


unto them; and governing them being called; both by 
these outward ordinances which he hath instituted™ in his 
Church, and by the inward operation of his blessed spi- 
rit. 

Q. Having thus declared the natures and offices of 
Christ, the Mediator of the new covenant. What are you 
to consider in the condition of mankind which hold by him ? 

A. 'Two things : the participation of the grace of Christ, 
effectually communicated by the operation of God’s spirit 
unto the Catholic Church, which is the body and spouse 
of Christ, out of which there is no salvation; and the out- 
ward means ordained for the offering and effecting of the 
same, vouchsafed unto the visible churches. 

Q. How is the grace of Christ effectually communica- 
ted to the elect, of whom the Catholic Church doth con- 
sist ? 

A. By" that wonderful union, whereby Christ and his 
Church are made one: so that all the elect being ingrafted 
into him, grow up together into one mystical body, where- 
of he is the head. 

Q. What is the bond of this union ? 

A. The® communion of God’s Spirit: which being de- 
rived from the Man Christ Jesus unto all the elect, as from 
the head unto the members, giveth unto them spiriritual life, 
and maketh them partakers of Christ with all his bene- 
fits. 

Q. What are the benefits which arise to God’s children 
from hence ? 

A. Reconciliation” and sanctification. 

Q. What is reconciliation ? 


™ 2 Cor. chap. 13. ver. 14, Rom. chap. 14. ver. 17. 1 Cor, chap. 12. ver. 
3, 4, 5. 

» John, chap. 17. ver. 21, 22, 23. 

° 1 Cor. chap. 12. ver. 13. Eph. chap. 5. ver. 29, 30. John, chap. 15. ver. 
1, 2. 4, 5. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 15,16. Col. chap. 1. ver. 18. and chap. 2. 
ver. 19. 1 Cor. chap. 12. ver. 13. 1 John, chap. 3. ver. 24. Rom. chap. 5. 
ver. 5. and chap. 8. ver. 9. Eph. chap. 2. ver. 22. Philipp. chap. 2. ver. 1. 

P 1Cor. chap. 6. ver. 11. 1 Pet, chap. 1, ver. 2. 2 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 
3, 4, 


2 


212 THE METHOD OF 


A. That? grace, whereby we are freed from God’s 
curse, and restored unto his favour. 

Q. What are the branches of reconciliation ? 

A. Justification" and adoption. 

Q. What is justification ? 

A. That’ grace, whereby we are freed from the guilt of 
sin, and accounted righteous in Christ Jesus our Re- 
deemer. 

Q. How then must sinful man look to be justified in the 
sight of God ? 

A. By*t the mercy of God alone, whereby he freely be- 
stoweth his Son upon him: whereupon the sinner being 
possessed of Jesus Christ, obtaineth of God remission of 
sins, and imputation of righteousness. 

Q. What is adoption ? 

A. That" grace, whereby we are not only made friends 
with God, but also his sons, and heirs with Christ. 

Q. What is sanctification ? 

A. That grace, whereby we are freed from the bondage 
of sin remaining in us, and restored unto the freedom of 
righteousness. 

Q. What be the parts of sanctification ? 

A. Mortification*, whereby our natural corruption is 
subdued ; and vivification or quickening, whereby inherent 
holiness is renewed in us. 

Q. Is there no distinction to be made among them that 
thus receive Christ ? 

A. Yes, for some are not capable of knowledge ; as in- 


9 Col. chap. 7. ver. 20, 21, 22. Rom. chap. 5. ver. 10. Eph. chap. 2. ver. 
16. 

Gal. chap. 4. ver. 5, 6. 

S Gal. chap. 3. ver. 8. 13, 14. 2 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 21. Rom. chap. 4. ver. 
25. 

t Rom. chap. 3. ver. 24, 25, 26. 28. and chap. 5. ver. 15, 16, 17. 19. Eph. 
chap. 2. ver. 8, 9. Isai. chap. 9. ver. 6. Gal. chap. 2. ver. 15. Philipp. chap. 3. 
ver. 8,9. Rev. chap. 1. ver.5. Col. chap. 1. ver. 14. 21, 22: and chap. 2. ver. 
13. Acts, chap. 13. ver. 38, 39. 

" Rom. chap. 8. ver. 15. 17. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 26. and chap. 4. ver. 6, 7. 
Eph. chap. 1. ver. 5. 

* Gal. chap. 5. ver. 24, 25. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 22, 28. Rom. chap. 6, ver. 
2,3, 4,5. Col. chap, 2. ver. 12. 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION, as 


fants, and such as we term naturals: other some are of 
discretion. In the former’ sort, we are not to proceed 
farther than God’s election, and the secret operation of 
the Holy Ghost. In the other there is required a lively 
faith, bringing forth fruit of true holiness. 

Q. Is it in man’s power to attain this faith and holi- 
ness? 

A. No*: but God worketh them in his children, ac- 
cording to that measure which he in his wisdom seeth 
fit. 

Q. What do you understand by faith ? 

A. A gift? of God, whereby a man being persuaded not 
only of the truth of God’s word in general, but also of 
the promises of the Gospel in particular, applieth Christ, 
with all his benefits, unto the comfort of his own soul. 

Q. How are we said to be justified by faith ? 

A. Not as though we were just for the worthiness of 
this virtue, (for in such a respect Christ alone is our righ- 
teousness ;) but because faith, and faith only is the instru- 
ment fit to apprehend and receive (not to work or procure) 
our justification, and so to knit us unto Christ, that we 
may be made partakers of all his benefits. 

Q. What is that holiness, which accompanieth this Jus- 
tifying faith ? 

A. A gift of God whereby the heart of the believer is 
withdrawn from evil, and converted into newness of life. 

Q. Wherein doth this holiness shew itself ? 


Y Acts, chap. 2. ver. 39. 1 Cor. chap. 7. ver. 14. and chap. 12. ver. 13. 
Eph. chap. 3. ver. 17. 1 Thess. chap. 1. ver. 3. Tit. chap. 3. ver. 8. 1 Tim. 
chap. 1. ver. 5. 2 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 5. Acts, chap. 15. ver. 9. 

* Philipp. chap. 1. ver. 6. and chap. 2. ver. 13. 1 Cor. chap. 2. ver. 12. 14. 
Col. chap. 2. ver. 12, 18. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 5. 2 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 25. Jer. 
chap. 31. ver. 18. 2 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 3, 4. Eph. chap. 3. ver. 2. 

a Eph. chap. 2. ver. 8. Heb. chap. 11. ver. 1, 2, 3. &c. Col. chap. 2. ver. 
7.12. Eph. chap. 3. ver. 12. 17. John, chap. 1. ver. 12. and chap. 6. ver. 35. 
Gal. chap. 2. ver. 16. 20. Philipp. chap. 3. ver. 8, 9. 1 Tim, chap. 1. ver. 16. 
Heb. chap. 10. ver. 22, 23. 2 Cor. chap. 13. vere 5. 

b Rom. chap. 8. ver. 1. 1 John, chap. 3. ver. 9. 2 Pet. chap. 1. ter. 4. 
Tit. chap. 2. ver. 12. Gal. chap. 6. ver. 25, 


214 THE METHOD OF 


A. First, in unfeigned repentance ; and then in sincere 
obedience springing from the same. . 

.Q. What are the parts of repentance ? 

A. Two. A true® grief wrought in the heart of the 
believer, for offending so gracious a God by his former 
transgressions. And‘ a conversion unto God again, with 
full purpose of heart ever after to cleave unto him, and to 
refrain from that which shall be displeasing in his sight. 

Q. What is the direction of that obedience which God 
requireth of man? 

A. The moral law: whereof the ten commandments are 
an abridgement. 

Q. What is the sum of the law? 

A. Love’. 

Q. What be the parts thereof? 

A. The love which we owe' unto God, commanded in 
the first ; and the love which we owe unto our neighbour, 
commanded in the second table. 

Q. How do you distinguish the four commandments 
which belong unto the first table? 

A. They do either respect the conforming of the inward 
powers of the soul to the acknowledgment of the true God, 
as the first commandment; or the holy use of the out- 
ward means of God’s worship, as the three following. 

Q. What are the duties which concern the outward 
means of God’s worship ? 

A. They are either such as are to be performed every 
day, as occasion shall require; or such as are appointed 
for a certain day. 

Q. What commandments do belong unto the first kind? 

A. The second, concerning the solemn worship of reli- 
gion; and the third, concerning that respect which we 


are to have of God’s honour in the common carriage of 
our life. 


¢ 2 Cor. chap. 7. ver. 10, 11. Jer. chap. 31. ver. 18, 19. 

4 Acts, chap. 11. ver. 23. and chap. 26. ver. 20. 

© Rom. chap. 13. ver. 8. 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver. 5. Col. chap. 3. ver. 14. 
f Matt. chap. 22. ver. 37, 38, 39,40. Mark, chap. 12. ver. 30, 31. 33. 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. ANG 


Q. What commandment belongeth to the second kind? 

A. The fourth; enjoining the special sanctification of 
the Sabbath day. 

Q. How do you distinguish the six commandments, be- 
longing to the second table ? 

A. The first five do order such actions as are joined 
with consent of the mind at least: the last respecteth the 
first motions that arise in the heart, before any consent is 
given. 

Q. What are the duties appertaining to the first kind ? 

A. They are either due unto certain persons in regard 
of some special bond; or unto all men in general, by a 
common right, the first sort is set down in the fifth com- 
mandment: the other in the four next. 

Q. What is the outward means whereby the Gospel is 
offered unto mankind ? 

A. The ministry of the Gospel; which is exercised in 
the visible Church of Christ. 

Q. Of whom doth the visible Church consist ? 

A. Of public officers, ordained to be ministers® of Christ, 
and disposers of heavenly things, according to the pre- 
script of the Lord: and the rest of the saints, who with 
obedience are to subject themselves unto the ordinances of 
God. 

Q. What are the parts of the outward ministry ? 

A. The administration of the Word, and of the ordi- 
nances annexed thereunto; which are especially sacra- 
ments and censures. 

Q. What is the Word ? 

A. That" part of the outward ministry, which consisteth 
in the delivery of doctrine : and this is the ordinary in- 
strument which God useth in begetting faith. 


& Rev. chap. 1. ver. 20. Philipp. chap. 1. ver. 1. Acts, chap. 20. ver. 17. 28. 
1 Peter, chap. 5. ver. 1, 2, 3. 1 Tim. chap. 5. ver. 12, 13. Rom. chap. 12. 
ver. 7, 8. 1 Cor. chap. 4. ver. 1. Heb. chap. 13. ver. 17. 24. 

h 2 Chron. chap. 17. ver. 7, 8,9. Acts, chap. 2. ver. 40, 41. and chap. 11. 
ver. 20.26. 1 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 5. Rom. chap. 10. ver. 17. Eph. chap. 1. 
ver. 13, 


216 THE METHOD OF 


Q@. What order is there used in the delivery of the 
Word for the begetting of faith ? 

A. First, the! covenant of the law is urged, to make sin 
and the punishment thereof known: whereupon the sting 
of conscience pricketh the heart with a sense of God’s 
wrath, and maketh man utterly to despair of any ability in 
himself to obtain everlasting life. After this preparation‘, 
the promises of the Gospel are propounded: whereupon 
the sinner conceiving hope of pardon, sueth unto God for 
mercy, and particularly applieth unto his own soul those 
comfortable promises; and hath wrought in him, by the 
Spirit of God, an earnest desire at the least to believe and 
repent. 

Q. What is a sacrament ? 

A. A visible! sign, ordained by God to be a seal for 
confirmation of the Gospel, unto those who perform the 
conditions required in the same. 

Q. How is this done by a sacrament ? 

A. Bya fit similitude between the sign and the thing sig- 
nified, the benefit of the Gospel is represented unto the eye, 
and the assurance of enjoying the same confirmed to such 
as are within the covenant. Wherefore, as the preaching 
of the Word is the ordinary means of begetting faith; so 
both it, and the holy use of the Sacraments, be the in- 
struments of the Holy Ghost to increase and confirm the 
same. 

Q. How many kinds of Sacraments be there ? 

A. Two™; the first, of our admission into the Church ; 
the second of our preservation and nourishment therein, 
to assure us of our continual increase in Christ. In which 


1 Rom. chap. 3. ver. 19. and chap. 7. ver.9, 10. Gal. chap. 3. ver. 22, 23. 
Acts, chap. 2. ver. 37. Matt. chap. 15. ver. 34. Psalm 838. ver. 4, 5. Luke, 
chap. 15. ver. 17, 18, 19. ; 

k Matt. chap. 11. ver. 28. Gal. chap. 2. ver. 19, 20. Heb. chap. 4. ver. 16. 
Hos. ehap. 14. ver. 2,3. Rom. chap. 8. ver. 15. 

' 1Cor. chap. 10. ver. 1, 2.16. Gen. chap. 17. ver. 10, 11. Deut. chap. 
30. ver. 6. Matt. chap. 3. ver. 11. 1 Pet. chap. 3. ver. 21. Coloss. chap. 2. 
ver. 11, 12, 13. Acts, chap. 2. ver. 41, 42. Rom. chap. 4. ver. 11. 

m™ 1 Cor. chap 10. ver. 1, 2, 3, 4. Exod. chap. 12. ver. 48. 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. pF 


respect, the former is once only ; the latter often to be ad- 
ministered. 

Q. What do you understand by censures ? 

A. The? order which God hath appointed for the con- 
firmation of the threatenings of the Gospel against the dis- 
obedient. 

Q. How are these censures exercised ? 

A. First, by word? alone, in admonition. Secondly, by 
inflicting a penalty: either by shutting up the offender in 
the Lord’s prison, till such time as he sheweth tokens of 
repentance ; or by cutting off the rotten member from the 
rest of the body. 

Q. Hath this administration of the Gospel been always 
after the same manner ? 

A. For? substance it hath always been the same: but 
in regard of the.manner proper to certain times, it is dis- 
tinguished into two kinds; the old and the new. 

Q. What call you the old ministry ? 

A. That? which was delivered unto the Fathers: which 
was to continue until the fulness of time, wherein by the 
coming of Christ it was to be reformed. 

Q. What were the properties of this ministry ? 

A. First, the’ commandments of the law were more 
largely, and the promises of Christ more sparingly and 
darkly propounded: these latter being so much the more 
generally and obscurely delivered, as the manifesting of 
them was further off. Secondly, the promises’ of things to 


n Matt. chap. 18. ver. 17, 18. 1 Cor. chap. 5. ver. 4, 5. 

® Matt. chap. 18. ver. 15, 16, 17, 18. 2 Thess. chap. 3. ver. 14. 1 Cor. chap. 
5. ver. 4,5. 11.13. 2 Cor. chap. 2. ver. 6,7, 8. 1 Tim. chap. 1. ver. 20. 
John, chap. 9. ver. 22. 1 Cor. chap. 16. ver. 22. 

P Heb. chap. 11. ver. 2. 13. and chap. 13. ver. 8. Acts, chap. 10. ver. 43. 
and chap. 15. ver. 11. and chap. 26. ver. 6, 7. Luke, chap. 16. ver. 16. John, 
chap. 1. ver. 17, 18. Heb. chap. 1. ver. 1, 2. and chap. 8. ver. 8, 9, 10. 13. 
and chap. 9. ver, 10, 11. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 6, 7, 8. 

4 Heb. chap. 1. ver. 1. and chap. 9. ver. 10. Acts, chap. 7. ver. 44. 2 Cor. 
chap. 3. ver. 7. 11. 

* Mal. chap. 4. ver. 4,5. Jer. chap. 31. ver. 31, 32, 33. Heb. chap. 11. 
ver. 13. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 13. 18. 

* Heb. chap. 8. ver. 9. 13. 2. and chap. 9.'ver. 1. 8, 9,10. 2 Cor, chap. 3. 
ver. 11, 13. Gal. chap. 4. ver. 3, 4. Col. chap. 2, ver. 16, 17. 


218 THE METHOD OF 


come were shadowed with a multitude of types and figures ; 
which, when the truth should be exhibited, were to vanish 
away. 

Q. What were the chief states and periods of this old 
ministry 2 

A. The first from Adam to Abraham ; the second from 
Abraham to Christ. 

Q. What were the special properties of the latter of 
these two periods ? 

A. First', it was more especially restrained unto a certain 
family and nation. Secondly, it had joined with it a solemn 
repetition and declaration of the first covenant of the Law. 
Thirdly, besides the ceremonies (which were greatly en- 
larged under Moses) it had sacraments also added unto it. 

Q. What were the ordinary sacraments of this minis- 
try? 

A. The" sacrament of admission into the Church was 
circumcision, instituted in the days of Abraham*; the 
other of continual preservation and nourishment was the 
Paschal Lamb’, instituted in the time of Moses. 

Q. What is the new administration of the Gospel ? 

A. That’ which was delivered unto us by Christ: which 
is to continue unto the end of the world. 

Q. What are the properties thereof ? 

A. First’, it is indifferently propounded unto all people, 


' Luke, chap. 1. ver. 54, 55. Psalm 147. ver. 19, 20. Rom. chap. 9. ver. 
4, and chap. 13. ver. 17. Deut. chap. 4. ver. 1. 6, 7, 8. 37. and chap. 7. ver. 
6, 7. 48. and chap. 14. ver. 2. chap. 26. ver. 18,19. John, chap. 1. ver. 17. 
Exod. chap. 24. ver. 7, 8. Deut. chap. 4. ver. 12,13. and chap. 5. ver. 2. 
5. and chap. 27. ver. 26. Rom. chap. 10. ver. 5. Acts, chap. 7. ver. 44, 45, 
46, 47. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 1, 2, 3. 

« Exod. chap. 12. ver. 48. John, chap. 7. ver. 22. Gen. chap. 17. ver. 
ONaLO: 

x Rom. chap. 2. ver. 28, 29. and chap. 4. ver. 11. Col. chap. 2. ver. IIT 
Deut. chap. 30. ver. 6, 7, 8. 

y Exod. chap. 12. ver. 3, 4. Num. chap. 9. ver. 11,12. Deut. chap. 16. 
ver. 2. 

z John, chap. 1. ver. 17. Heb. chap. 1. ver. 2. chap. 2. ver. 3, 4. chap. 3. 
ver. 5,6. and chap. 12. ver. 25, 26, 27, 28. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 11. 

4 Jsaiah, chap. 54. ver. 1, 2, 3. and chap. 60. ver. 4, 5. and chap. 65. ver. 
1, and chap. 66. ver. ]2.19, 20. John, chap. 10. ver. 16. Rom. chap. 10. and 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 219 


whether they be Jews or Gentiles ; and in that respect it 
is catholic or universal. Secondly, it is full of grace and 
truth; bringing joyful tidings unto mankind, that whatso- 
ever was formerly promised of Christ, is now performed : 
and so, instead of the ancient types and shadows, exhibit- 
eth the things themselves; with a large and clear declara- 
tion of all the benefits of the Gospel. 

Q. What be the principal points of the Word of this 
ministry ? 

A. That Christ our Saviour (whom God by his pro- 
phets had promised to send into the world) is come in the 
flesh, and hath accomplished the work of our redemption. 
That he was conceived’ by the holy Ghost, born of the 
virgin Mary, suffered? under Pontius Pilate, was crucified 
and died upon the cross. 'That® the body and soul being 
thus separated, his body was laid in the grave, and re- 
mained under the power of death: and his soul went into 
the place appointed for the souls of the righteous; namely 
Paradise, the seat of the blessed. That the third’ day, 
body and soul being joined together again, he rose from 
the dead, and afterwards ascended up into heaven : where 
he sitteth at the right hand of his Father, until such time 
as from thence he shall come unto the last judgment. 

Q. What are the sacraments of this ministry ? 

A. The sacrament of admission into the Church is bap- 
tism; which sealeth unto us our spiritual birth: the other 
sacrament of our continual preservation is the Lord’s Sup- 
per: which sealeth unto us our continual nourishment. 


11. Col. chap. 1. ver. 5, 6. Eph. chap. 3. ver. 5, 6. 8. John, chap. 1. ver. 17. 
Rom. chap. 1. ver. 1, 2, 3. 1 Pet. chap. 1. ver. 10, 11, 12. 1 Cor. chap. 1, ver. 
23, 24. and chap. 2. ver.9. 16. 2 Cor. chap. 3. ver. 11. 13, 14. 18. 

b Rom. chap. 1. ver. 1, 2.5. John, chap. 1. ver. 14. 45. and chap. 19. ver. 
28. 30. Heb. chap. 9. ver. 12. 26. 28. 1 Tim. chap. 3. ver. 16. 

¢ Luke, chap. 1. ver. 35. Matt. chap. 1. ver. 18, 19. 21, 22, 23. 

4 Matt. chap. 27. ver. 2. 26. 

© Matt. chap. 12. ver. 40. and chap. 27. ver. 59, 60. John, chap. 19. ver. 
40, 41,42. Rom. chap. 6. ver. 9. Luke, chap. 23. ver. 43. 46. 

f Matt. chap. 16. ver. 21. 1 Cor. chap. 15. ver. 4. 2 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 8. 
Mark, chap. 6. ver. 19. Acts, chap. 1. ver. 2. 9, 10, 11. Eph. chap. 4. ver. 10. 
Heb. chap. 1. ver. 3. 2 Tim. chap, 4. ver. 1. 


290 THE METHOD OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 


Q. After the end of this life, what is to be lookea for in 
the world to come ? 

A. A twofold judgment, the one particular, upon the 
soul of every man at the time of his death ; the other gene- 
ral, upon the souls and bodies of all men together at the 
time of their resurrection. 

[The particulars which concern the two sacraments of 
the New Testament, and the twofold judgment in the 
world to come, are to be supplied out of the latter end of 
the former sum. | 


THE 


POSTHUMOUS WORKS 
JAMES USSHER, 


ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH, 


&c. &c. &e. 


ny dha a | i ry P 
4 iit ( lh rie 
Hf : Y Ss iv a) ‘ , iy 


: 


AN te 


Haran atl 4 a a yh 
Te a ARR ARR IE  UUH 
| a ernie Pte ane aan theta Bde 
th if Hae ene rut id Harr nee a! uN ite ‘i 
, Mii th i} Aen { i} Ne ue 
ma a ideye ae ot ia i 
mi i nt Hai Hy a) i f my 
' a ie 


ThA hi Hie RHE 


. re tt Hn 


i | 


| 





THE POWER 


COMMUNICATED BY GOD 


TO 


THE PRINCE, 


THE OBEDIENCE REQUIRED 


THE SUBJECT; 


BRIEFLY LAID DOWN AND CONFIRMED OUT OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, 
THE TESTIMONY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH, 
THE DICTATES OF RIGHT REASON, 
AND THE OPINION OF THE WISEST AMONG THE HEATHEN WRITERS. 





TO 
THE KING’S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY, 


CHARLES II. 


BY THE GRACE OF GOD 


KING OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE AND IRELAND, 
DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, 
&ec. &e. 





My MOST DREAD SOVEREIGN, 


Tue law of nature obliging 
all men to advance the honour and reputation 
of their ancestors, I could not render a more 
signal obedience thereto, than by dedicating this 
treatise (composed purposely for the rights both 
of princes and subjects) to your sacred Majesty, 
to whom it doth most properly appertain: seeing 
it was at first compiled for the service and satis- 
faction of your royal father, of blessed memory, 


and by his deep judgment and singular pru- 


VOL. XI. U 


9296 THE EPISTLE 


dence thought worthy the publishing to the 
world. 

But those cross occurrences, which then and 
since have obstructed it, have given it the happier 
opportunity of appearing in the more peaceful 
and prosperous reign of your excellent Majes- 
ty, and, I hope, for the confirmation of stagger- 
ing loyalty in the hearts of many in these your 
dominions. Therefore as your Majesty’s right to 
the patronage of this book may be termed a right 
of succession, so the book itself may almost chal- 
lenge this noble privilege, that, being composed 
for, and presented to, the greatest and best of 
kings, it should not without a kind of diminution 
be dedicated to any prince in Christendom, except 
your Majesty’s royal self. 

I shall now make this my most humble suit to 
your Majesty, That, as the reverend author in his 
lifetime publicly professed his loyalty to his sove- 
reign, and constantly prayed for your Majesty’s 
happy and glorious return to these your kingdoms, 
and in all things shewed himself your loyal sub- 
ject ; so you would be pleased to own him as such 
by affording your gracious countenance to this his 


posthumous work ; which will eternize the me- 


DEDICATORY. 297 


mory of the deceased author, and thereby confer 


the greatest temporal blessing on 
Your Majesty’s 


Most loyal and obedient subject, 


JAMES TYRRIL. 








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TEP RE BAC 


READER. 





I. Tue Reader is desired to take notice, that this 
treatise was written by the reverend and learned author 
at the special command of our late gracious sovereign (of 
blessed memory) King Charles I., about the time when 
those unhappy distempers (which had been a good while 
before by the endeavours of some unquiet spirits secretly 
working under hand, and not long after broke out most des- 
perately into a bloody and unnatural war) did first begin 
to appear openly in ourland. As soon as the treatise was 
finished, the author caused a copy thereof to be fairly tran- 
scribed, and with a dedicatory epistle prefixed thereunto, 
to be presented to his Majesty; who, having read the 
book, signified his will and pleasure that it should be 
printed; to the end that all his beloved subjects might 
receive the like satisfaction from the same, as himself had 
done. Whereupon the author, being not then at London 
himself, sent up the aforesaid transcript copy thither, to 
the intent it should be there printed; which, notwith- 
standing, whether by the negligence or unfaithfulness of 
the party, to whose care and trust it was committed, was 
not done; but the copy itself finally lost, or pretended to 


230 THE PREFACE 


be lost, and so that intent frustrated. The original copy 
of his own hand-writing being in the mean time by the 
author (supposing perhaps there would be little use of it 
after it was printed) negligently laid aside, and so at 
length mingling with some other papers, it became so 
buried amongst those heaps of books and writings, where- 
of he had good store, that it never was his hap to meet 
with it again all his lifetime; but gave it over for lost 
also, as well as the transcript aforesaid, to his great grief, 
as he oft expressed to those that were about him: yet was 
it not indeed lost, but only mislaid, as after his death 
appeared, When they to whom it appertained to take 
an inventory of what he left behind him, in sorting his 
papers which lay disorderly and confusedly, some in one 
place of his study, some in another, among the rest found 
the first original copy of this treatise, from beginning to 
end, all written with his own hand; which they looked 
upon as a choice jewel (quantivis pretii xeyunAvov) and took 
care accordingly to preserve it, with an intention (as in 
duty for the performance of the will of the dead, they 
held themselves obliged to do) when the times would bear 
it, to publish it to the world for the common benefit of all 
those, that were able to understand it, and willing to 
make a good use of it. 

II. But, as the times then were, the whole nation being 
enslaved to the will and tyranny of a monstrous usurper, 
it could not be either safe or seasonable so to do; in so 
far, that for any person only to have been known to have 
had such a piece in his custody, had been crime enough 
to have cast him under the displeasure of the most merci- 
less tyrant, and withal the most perfect dissembler in 
the world: and the work itself, had it been once disco- 
vered where it lay, had been sure either to have been 
suppressed, and so to have perished for ever ; or (which is 
no less probable, but had been much worse) to have been 


TO THE READER. 931 


perverted, quite contrary to the pious and loyal intention 
of the author, in being made instrumental to the support 
of his power, who having unrighteously invaded the 
sovereignty, was then in actual possession of the sword: 
for by this time the flatterers of that great tyrant had 
learned by a new device, upon the bare account of Provi- 
dence, without respect to the justice of the title (the only 
right and proper foundation) to interpret and apply to 
his advantage, whatsoever they found either in the Scrip- 
tures or in other writings delivered concerning the power 
of princes or the duty of subjects, profanely and sacri- 
legiously taking the name of that holy providence of God 
in vain, and using it only as a stalking horse to serve the 
lusts and interests of ambitious men. 

III. When by the death of that tyrant it was hoped the 
black cloud that hung over us would scatter, yet was the 
coast for all that never a whit the clearer; but the dark- 
ness rather thickened upon us, and the danger of bringing 
any thing of this nature to light, was much greater than 
before. The tyranny still continued, though under va- 
rious shapes, Proteus-like, ever and anon changing forms ; 
mock parliaments, and other (what shall we call them?) 
things, for which it was hard to find names to distinguish 
them by. The very name of monarchy meanwhile de- 
cried and exploded as a devoted and execrable thing; 
and (to make short) every thing posting on desperately 
towards anarchy, confusion and ruin. 

IV. Thus lay we in darkness and in the shadow of 
death, heartless and hopeless; when behold Od¢ amd 
unxavijc, the eternal God, who in the beginning of the 
creation caused light to shine out of darkness, (to mani- 
fest at once the mightiness of his power, and the riches 
of his mercy and compassion, in looking upon the mise- 
ries of a foolish and unthankful people, that had so highly 
provoked him) appeared gloriously in the mount, and 


232 THE PREFACE 


caused the light of his favourable countenance once 
more to shine upon us in the midst of our greatest 
confusions. And all this done, since men have talked so 
much of Providence, who (so far as appeareth by their 
actions) believe nothing of it, by a special hand of Pro- 
vidence indeed; so signal and visible (considered in all 
its circumstances) as if the Lord had purposely stretched 
out his hand to convince the bold atheists of these times, 
that verily there is such a thing as they call Providence, 
and that doubtless there is a God that judgeth the 
earth. 

VY. This so blessed and unexpected a change (mutatio 
dextre excelsi) amongst many other good effects tending 
to the happiness of this nation (if we would but keep our- 
selves quiet and be thankful) hath by removing the late 
unhappy obstructions made a way for truth and reason, 
which before durst scarce peep out without a disguise, to 
adventure abroad open faced. Which opportunity gave 
me the perusal of this book, brought to my hands by a 
gentleman of great hopes and ingenuity, and grandchild 
to the reverend author, in whose custody it then was. 
Upon the perusal whereof, I found it so full of truth and 
reason, and so every way answering that expectation 
which the known abilities of so learned an author had 
beforehand raised in me, that in order to the public be- 
nefit, and for the preservation of true Christian loyalty in 
the hearts of all my fellow-subjects, I endeavoured what 
in me lay to help forward the impression. It is a thing 
indeed very much desired by men piously zealous of the 
public peace, that by the prudent care of those that are 
in authority, some timely and effectual provisions were 
made for repressing the exorbitant licentiousness both of 
the press and pulpit, and the suppressing of seditious 
sermons and pamphlets; by means whereof, thousands of 
well meaning souls become poisoned in their judgments, 


TO THE READER. 233 


have their affections soured towards their governors, in 
whom they ought to rejoice, and are themselves apt to 
be misled into the foulest practices of disobedience and 
rebellion ere they be aware. In the mean time, until 
some further order be taken herein, it is but needful that 
such treatises of this nature, as carry weight and evidence 
with them, should be published to the world for the 
settling of men’s judgments and consciences aright, as 
concerning the great duties of Christian obedience and 
subjection, and for the preventing of such mischiefs as 
must unavoidably ensue, where those so necessary points 
are either misrepresented by the leaders, or misunder- 
stood by the people. 

VI. For the attaining of which ends I have great 
reason to believe that what is here presented to view may 
be as effectually conducible, as any thing that hath been 
written, or probably can be written (at least in this pre- 
sent age) by any other hand, whether we respect the work 
or the author. In the work itself, the diligent and im- 
partial reader, that will but bestow his hours so profit- 
ably as to take it all before him from the beginning to the 
end, (besides the great variety of learning and authorities 
which he shall meet withal all along) will easily find all to 
the full made good in the treatise, whatsoever is pro- 
mised in the title. And then for the author himself, it is 
not unknown to the world what great esteem was had of 
his learning and moderation, and what great respect and 
reverence was paid to his person and judgment by the 
generality even of those men, whose either judgments or 
interests swayed them to entertain other persuasions than 
he had in sundry points, as well concerning the ecclesi- 
astical as civil government. Which truly as it is a very 
great advantage in itself (for in this case, as in some 
other things, the old saying holdeth, ‘“ Duo cum faciunt 


‘) 


idem non est idem,” and many times the value the patient 


934 THE PREFACE 


setteth upon the physician advanceth the cure almost 
incredibly beyond what the virtue of the ingredients 
would have done without it:) so this reverend primate 
had that advantage in a very great measure, above almost 
all other men in the world in his time. If some men I could 
name should write of “ the Power of Kings,” and ‘ the 
Duty of Subjects,” with the pen and art of men and 
angels, with all the evidence of truth and the greatest 
strength of reason imaginable, it would work no more upon 
one sort of men in this generation, than a charm would 
do upon a deaf adder. Their writings would be slighted 
and thrown aside, decried and condemned all with a 
breath, without the reading of any more than the bare 
title page. Of so much greater force are names than 
things for the heightening or lessening the authority of 
men’s writings, with such as have suffered themselves to 
be engaged in parties and factions, or whose judgments 
are forestalled with prejudices or partial affections. But 
this reverend author, besides his great abilities in all 
kinds of profitable and polite learning, his vast reading and 
readiness to make use of what he had read upon all occa- 
sions, had also by his piety and regularity of life, by his 
meekness and moderation, by his humble, affable and 
free letting himself forth to all converses, together with 
his facility and willingness to hold fair compliances and 
correspondences with those he presently conversed with, 
gained to himself such a general reputation with all par- 
ties, that his very name carried authority with it, and 
awed those very men into a reverend estimation of his 
person and judgment, who were yet too stiff to submit to 
the judgments of any person but themselves. 

VII. Of the author, whose worth and abilities are so 
well known to the world both at home and abroad, I 
shall not need to say any more, nor of his other works, 
which (without me) will sufficiently “ praise him in the 


TO THE READER. 935 


gates.” All the account I am to give is of this present work, 
which had appeared sooner in public, but that it seemed 
necessary to have it fairly transcribed once more, and the 
transcript compared with the original, before it were sent 
to the press, and that, for two reasons; the one, because 
the avréyoagor, or first copy, being close written with 
many additions, interlinings and references (and those 
sometimes very obscure and scarce discernible) almost in 
every page, would so have puzzled and perplexed the 
workmen at the press, that it had not been possible for 
them to have carried on the work, without much difficulty 
and disturbance to themselves, and no less injury and 
trouble to the readers, through the multitude of mistak- 
ings and misplacings of words, sentences and quotations. 
The other, that the original copy might not in the whole 
or in any part thereof, be soiled, torn, scattered or lost, 
whiles it was in the printer’s or corrector’s hands; but 
that the same being preserved whole and entire might 
remain as a record, ready to be produced and shewn 
under the author’s own hand, whensoever it should be 
required, either to justify the integrity of this publication, 
or to satisfy any person that may suspect forgery therein, 
or upon any other just occasion otherwise: for post-° 
humous writings (because many of them are such) lie 
all of them under the suspicion of being spurious and 
supposititious, or at leastwise of being moulded, in- 
terpolated and condited to the gust and palate of the 
publisher. ‘To discharge myself and all that have any 
hand in this publication, from all such suspicion, and 
clear to the world our innocence in that behalf, we 
thought ourselves obliged to give better security than our 
own bare word; that if any doubt should be made of our 
fidelity herein, recourse might be had to the author’s 
undoubted original copy (reserved in his granchild’s hand 
for that purpose) for better satisfaction herein. 


236 THE PREFACE 


VIII. Now the main design of the whole work is that 
which is contained in the latter part thereof, concerning 
“‘ the duty of subjects :” that all the king’s liege people 
might know they were in their consciences (both by the 
law of God and their own native condition) bound to hold 
close to their allegiance and obedience to the king’s most 
excellent Majesty; notwithstanding all the attempts that 
were then endeavoured to be made upon their loyalty, 
under the softer notions of religion and liberty ; or those 
fiercer assaults (which the face of affairs then threatened, 
and soon after ensued) of plunder and undoing. But, for- 
asmuch as the duty which God requires of subjects is 
grounded upon that power which the same God hath 
committed to sovereigns, (as St. Paul* clearly deduceth 
the obligation of that duty from God’s ordaining that 
power, and then men will faithfully serve, honour, and 
humbly obey, the king, according to God’s blessed word 
and ordinance, when they shall have duly considered 
whose authority he hath:) he saw it most agreeable to 
the laws of good method, that he should first establish the 
prince’s power upon the right bottom, and thence demon- 
stratively infer and enforce the subject’s duty as a neces- 
sary consequence thereof: like a wise master builder 
laying the groundwork sure, that the structure might rise 
the firmer. For upon the right stating of these two 
questions concerning the power of sovereign princes, 
what it is, and whence it is, (which how exactly it is per- 
formed in the former part of this treatise I leave the 
intelligent reader to judge) dependeth the true decision of 
all such emergent differences and controversies as may 
arise at any time between princes and their subjects, and 
consequently the safety and security of both; and conse- 


@ Rom. chap. 13. ver, 1. &c. 


TO THE READER. 237 


quently to those, the peace and happiness of all king- 
doms, states and commonwealths. 

IX. By what hath been said, the reader will easily per- 
ceive, that it is a matter of very great and universal con- 
cernment (for both prince and people, that is, all man- 
kind, are concerned in it) that the two points insisted 
upon in this treatise should be well known and rightly 
understood. And therefore I cannot sufficiently wonder 
at the inconsiderateness, or perverseness rather, of those 
men, if any such shall be found, (and by the pulse of the 
times and other indications, it is no hard matter to foresee 
there will be found enough such) as will take offence at 
the publishing hereof, or indeed of any thing else that 
can be written, although with never so much truth and 
soberness in this argument. But yet they have not all 
the same pretences, some quarrelling most at the persons, 
others at the thing itself, and some perhaps at the very 
circumstance of time, according as they are led along by 
their several passions or interests. 1. Some, who look 
upon the Church with an evil eye, forsomuch as not this 
present work only, but most of what hath been written 
in this kind heretofore, hath been written by the 
bishops or other episcopal divines, will be ready to 
give out, and that, according to their old wont, with con- 
fidence enough, That it is not either the love of truth, or 
zeal of the honour of kings, but the busy forwardness of 
some flattering ambitious churchmen, the more to ingra- 
tiate themselves with the higher powers, in hope to get 
better preferments thereby, that hath brought forth into 
the world so many discourses and treatises concerning 
the power of sovereign princes, and the obedience of 
subjects. 2. Others, it may be, will allege, that it is 
not for divines at all to meddle in these matters, whereof 
they are no competent judges, nor do they come within 
the compass of their sphere; they ought to be left to the 


238 THE PREFACE 


cognizance and determination of statesmen and lawyers, 
who best understand the constitution of the several go- 
vernments, and the force and effect of the laws of their 
own several respective countries, and are therefore pre- 
sumed to be best able to judge, the one (by the constitu- 
tion) in whom the sovereignty resideth, and the other 
(by the laws) how that sovereignty is bounded and limited 
in the exercise thereof. 3. Besides these, whose quarrel 
is chiefly against the persons, there is a generation of men 
wholly disaffected to the thing itself; men of popular 
spirits, who have so far espoused certain false principles, 
apt to engender sedition, and utterly destructive of kingly 
government, that they will not easily be drawn off of 
them again. These taking it for an undeniable truth, 
which if examined to the bottom will be found so far 
remote from truth, that it is not within the possibility of 
being rendered so much as probable by any other me- 
dium, than that it hath been countenanced by some great 
names, that? the original of all government is from the 
people, and that the power which kings and princes have, 
was derived unto them from the people by way of pact or 
contract; would thence infer, that princes therefore can 
claim no more power as of right belonging unto them, 
than the people shall think fit to entrust them withal : 
which the people may from time to time, and at all times, 
as they shall see cause in order to the public weal and 
safety, either enlarge or restrain at their pleasure. 
Whence it will farther follow, that the prince’s power, 
being but a precarious and ambulatory power, subject to 
be varied according to the exigency of times and occa- 
sions, is not capable to be comprized within any fixed 
rules, neither can any thing be written thereof with any 
certainty. 4. Nor is it improbable, lastly, that some will- 


» A cujus voluntate jus regnandi proficiscitur. Grot. lib. 2. de jure belli, 
cap. 4, 10. 


TO THE READER. 239 


ing to play such small game rather than sit out, will take 
exceptions at the ill-timing of this publication, that dis- 
courses of this nature might possibly at the time when 
these things were first written by the primate, have been 
of some good use, towards the discovery of the iniquity 
and hypocrisy of the mystery of rebellion which had then 
begun to work, the giving a stop, or check at least, to the 
farther spreading thereof, and the keeping of the king’s 
good subjects in their right wits, from falling into that 
apostacy from their faith and allegiance to his Majesty, 
into which multitudes of them, inveigled by false teachers 
and specious pretences, were afterwards drawn: but now 
that by the merciful providence and good hand of God 
upon us, the king is so happily restored to his just rights, 
and the nation thereby to their ancient laws and liberties; 
his supremacy so generally owned and acknowledged, 
and that under the sacred and religious tie of a solemn 
oath all over the realm; the people of the three kingdoms 
reduced to their former obedience, and the affairs both 
of Church and state put into a good forwardness of a 
happy and orderly resettlement, as there seemeth to be 
little need, so there will be made little use of this or any 
other writings in this kind. 

X. To all which, and whatsoever objections can be 
made here against, it shall suffice to oppose, as a general 
and satisfactory answer, that one short passage of St. 
Paul’: ‘ Put them in mind to be subject to principalities 
and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every 
good work.” Doubtless the holy apostle, who was so far 
from being a flatterer or man-pleaser, from seeking, 
himself, his own glory, or other temporal advantage, 
from making merchandize of the holy Word of God, or 
handling it deceitfully for filthy lucre’s sake, that very 


» Tit. chap. 3. ver. 1. 


940 THE PREFACE 


often in his epistles he utterly disclaimeth such base 
unworthy practices, as altogether unbeseeming the ser- 
vant of Christ, appealing to the consciences of those that 
knew him, and calling in God also to witness with him, 
how clear he stood in that behalf; would never have 
given it in charge to Titus, or any other bishop or mi- 
nister of the Gospel, to preach such doctrine to the people 
of God, had there been any thing of flattery or secular 
design in so doing. Nor were the times then such as 
could reasonably tempt any man to such fiattery with 
hopes of preferment, (and what man, not forsaken of his 
wits, would play the parasite for nothing?) when as nei- 
ther the Church had yet any settled revenue, nor was 
there at that time so much as any one Christian prince in 
the universal world. It is evident enough from sundry 
intimations scattered in all his epistles, especially those 
to Timothy and Titus, that the reasons of the apostle’s 
injunction, without the least reflexion upon his own or 
their terrene interests, were drawn from topics of more 
sublime consideration: the ordinance of God, the dis- 
charge of duty and a good conscience, the advancement 
of the Gospel, and the honor of the Christian religion. 
Subjection and obedience to superiors is certainly no 
small part of the Christian’s duty; a debt so just, and so 
well known to be so, that the apostle supposeth none 
could be utterly ignorant of; only because men generally 
are not so forward to perform known duties as they should 
be, he saw it needful they should be sometimes, and upon 
all just occasions, admonished and reminded thereof by 
their teachers. | 
XI. And then sure, if those teachers be divines, (and I 
think no sober man will deny Titus, and others by him 
assumed in partem cure, to have been such) the pressing 


4 Gal. chap. 1. ver, 10. 1 Thess. chap. 2. ver. 5, 6. 


TO THE READER. IaL 


of the aforesaid duties can be no unfit theme for divines 
to busy themselves in: unless we will affirm that St. Paul 
meant to put a task upon them, altogether excentric 
from their function and calling. It appertaineth to the 
minister’s office, not only to declare the will of God to the 
people circa res agendas, (as well as credendas) to the 
intent they may frame their lives and actions accordingly ; 
but also to “ stir up their minds by way of remembrance,” 
and to charge upon their consciences the performance of 
every duty they owe either to God or men. Which is 
needful to be done in the particulars we now treat of (viz. 
Subjection and obedience to lawful authority) with as 
much diligence, vigour and instance, as almost in any 
other particular duty whatsoever; because through the 
corruption of nature and the pride of men’s spirits, the 
greatest part of mankind are tarda nomina, such debtors 
as will abide calling on, not willing to pay more than 
needs must, nor that but with some grudging. But how 
shall the minister be able to do this with authority*? or, 
how shall he secure himself and his endeavours the mean 
while from scorn and contempt, if he shall not be able 
first competently to convince the persons he is to deal 
withal, that such subjection and obedience is their boun- 
den duty? For vain it is to think, that empty words should 
have any strong operation upon the wills and affections 
of men in any thing required to be done of them, without 
representing to their understandings somewhat to make 
the proposal seem reasonable. And then, forasmuch. as 
the obligation to those duties in inferiors ariseth from, 
and is commensurate unto, that power wherewith supe- 
riors are entrusted, (as hath been partly already shewn) 
the most proper and rational course that can be taken to 
persuade men effectually to the performance of those 


© wera wane émirayne. Tit. chap. 2, ver, 15, 
VOL. X1. x 


949 THE PREFACE 


duties, is by informing them rightly and clearly, what that 
power is, and whence it is derived. 

XII. True it is, that for the more ease of the gover- 
nors, and better satisfaction of the people, in securing 
their properties, preserving peace among them, and doing 
them justice, the absolute and unlimited sovereignty 
which princes have by the ordinance of God, hath at all 
times and in all nations been diversely limited and 
bounded in the ordinary exercise thereof, by such laws 
and customs as the supreme governors themselves have 
consented unto and allowed. As with us in England, 
there are sundry cases wherein a subject, in maintenance 
of his right and property, may wage law with the king, 
bring his action and have judgment against him in open 
court; and the judges in such case are bound by their 
oaths and duties to right the party according to law, 
against the king as well as against the meanest of his sub- 
jects. And it is very true also, that where any contro- 
versy ariseth about meum and tuum, or suit groweth be- 
tween the king and one or more of his subjects, (as it may 
be about some tenure, grant, privilege, usage, or other 
thing) the debating and determining of every such doubt 
or controversy belongeth to the learned lawyers and reve- 
rend judges, who are presumed to be best skilled in the 
laws and customs of the land, as their proper study 
wherein they are daily conversant; and not to divines, 
who, as divines, are no competent judges in such matters, 
nor do they come within the compass of their sphere. 
All this therefore must be granted; yet is not the divine 
hereby wholly excluded from having his part, and that 
proper and peculiar to him, even in the nicest law cases ; 
so far as they relate to morality and practice in point of 
conscience. For human laws cannot be the adequate 
measure of moral duty in the judgment of any reasonable 
man, (for atheists, though masters of never so much 


TO THE READER. 943 


reason, I reckon not of as reasonable men) the laws being 
finite and fixed, but the circumstances of men’s actions, 
on which their lawfulness and unlawfulness chiefly de- 
pendeth, various and infinite. The laws allow (and of 
necessity so must) many things to be done, which an 
honest man would be loath to do; and affordeth sundry 
advantages, which one that feareth God, and maketh 
conscience of his ways, ought not to take. As then, 
when the whole business under consideration is perfectly 
stated, with all the material circumstances thereunto be- 
longing, as to matter of fact, if any doubt arise what in 
such case may be done or not done in point of law, wise 
men use to take the advice and direction of their learned 
council skilled in the laws: in like manner, if any doubt 
arise, what, inthe same case so stated as before, is fit to 
be done or not done in point of conscience ; whence can 
any man seek for resolution and instruction so properly 
and rationally, as from the mouth of a learned, grave and 
sober divine? “ The‘ priest’s lips should preserve know- 
ledge, and they should seek the law at his mouth.” 

XII. Whether what I have now last insisted upon will 
be taken for a digression or not, is at the reader’s cour- 
tesy, and as he will interpret it. To me it seemed not 
pertinent enough to the objection, and somewhat needful 
also to be taken notice of, in regard of the great clamour 
raised against churchmen for thrusting their: sickle in 
every man’s corn; by those men, who, it seemeth, have 
not considered, or not with an equal eye, how busily and 
magisterially men of other professions adventure into the 
world their bold dictates, not only in matters concern- 
ing church discipline and government, but even in the 
deepest points of polemical and school divinity. But 
otherwise, and as in relation to the present treatise, I 


f Mal. chap. 2. ver. 7. 
x2 


244. THE PREFACE 


confess it might well enough have been spared. Wherein 
the reverend author, without meddling with these punc- 
tilios of the law, undertaketh no more but to declare and 
assert the power of sovereign princes, as the godly fathers 
and councils of the ancient Catholic Church from the 
evidence of holy Scripture, and the most judicious hea- 
then writers by discourse of reason from the light of na- 
ture, have constantly taught and acknowledged the same: 
as to the unprejudiced reader by the perusal of the book 
itself will easily appear. And it must be a strange per- 
verseness of spirit in any person, whosoever he be, that 
shall affirm such an undertaking by a divine, to bea 
stretching himself beyond the lines and measure of his 
calling. 

XIV. And as for the sovereignty, be it as it will be 
with other states and commonwealths in regard of their 
constitution: to us of this nation it is so evident, where it 
resideth, that we need not to have recourse to statesmen 
or lawyers for information in that point. The known 
laws of the land have declared it so fully, and particularly 
the oath of supremacy expressed it so clearly, that any 
man of ordinary capacity may understand it as well as the 
deepest statesman in the world. That which some talk 
of, a mixed monarchy, (which by the way is an arrant 
bull, a contradiction in adjecto, and destroyeth itself;) 
and others dream of such a co-ordination in the govern- 
ment, as was hatched amidst the heat of the late troubles, 
but never before heard of in our land: are in very truth 
no better than senseless and ridiculous fancies. Which 
although some men have framed to themselves out of 
their own vain imaginations, made them as gay as they 
could, and then set them up as idols to be adored by the 
populace, always apt to admire what they understand not ; 
yet are they not able to stand up in the presence of that 
oath, but must fall flat to the ground before it, as Dagon 


TO THE READER. 245 
before the Ark, and be broken all to pieces. Are not 
the words of the oath (‘ That the king’s highness is the 
only supreme governor of this realm,” &c.) as plain and 
obvious to every man’s understanding, as the wit of man 
can devise? and ought not every oath to be sworn and 
taken, according to the plain and common sense and un- 
derstanding of the words, wherein it is expressed and 
administered? It were an inexcusable tyranny in the 
state, to the ensnaring of the consciences of many thou- 
sands of well-meaning and loyal subjects, to require that 
oath to be taken in such a form of words, if it were to be 
understood in any other sense than those words literally 
import, and that sense not made known to them by some 
public declaration or other. For then how could such an 
oath be sworn and taken (as every oath ought to be) “ in® 
truth, and judgment, and righteousness 2” 

XV. As for those, in the next place, that would derive 
the original of all government from the people by way of 
pact or contract: it may suffice to say that they take that 
for granted which never yet was proved, nor, I dare say, 
will ever be proved while the world standeth, either from 
Scripture, reason, or history. Jus gladii, the right and 
power of the sword (which is really the sovereign power) 
belongeth we know to kings, but, it is ‘“ by" the or- 
dinance of God,” not the donation of the people: for 
“he! beareth the sword, (St. Paul telleth us) as God’s' 
minister,” from whom he received it; and not as the peo- 
ple’s minister, who had no right to give it, because they 
never had it themselves. If any shall say they had, the 
proof lieth on their part, to shew how they came by it: 
whether God gave it them, or they took it themselves. 


& Jer. chap. 4. ver. 2. 
h Tov O00 Crarayy. Rom. chap. 13. ver. 2. 
? Ocov duakovoc. Rom. chap. 13. ver. 4. 


246 THE PREFACE 


If God gave it them, let it be made appear when and 
where the first grant was made; let some evidence be 
produced to justify the claim, or at least, some credible 
testimony, or pregnant presumption to render it probable 
that there was some such thing done, though the records 
be lost. If none of all this can be done, it remaineth that 
if they had it they took it. And if they so did, it was 
saucily and sacrilegiously done at the first; and by our 
Saviour’s presage*, like enough to prosper with them 
accordingly at the last. 

XVI. Besides, the supposed contract itself is encum- 
bered with so many doubts and difficulties, that it is not 
possible for the wit of man to devise salvos or expedients 
sufficient to rescue it from infinite entanglements and irre- 
concilable contradictions; I believe it would trouble the 
ablest of them all that hold this opinion, to give a direct 
satisfactory answer (amongst a world of queres more that 
might be tendered) to these following interrogatories : 
first, for the persons contracting; of what sort of persons 
did the people, who are supposed to have made the first 
contract in this kind, consist? Were all, without differ- 
ence of age, sex, condition, or other respect, promiscu- 
ously admitted to drive the bargain or not? Had women, 
and children, and servants, and mad men, and fools, the 
freedom of suffrage, as well as men of age, and fortunes, 
and understanding? Or were any of them excluded? 
If any excluded, who excluded them? by whose order, 
and by what authority was it done ? and who gave them 
that authority? If all were admitted, whether with equal 
right to every one, or with some inequality? Was the 
wife’s interest towards making up the bargain equal with 
that of her husband? and the child’s with that of his pa- 
rents? andthe servant’s (if there were or could be then any 


k Matt. chap. 26. ver. 52. 


TO “THE READER. Q47 


such thing as master and servant) with that of his master ? 
If every one had not an equal share ‘and interest in the 
business, whence did the inequality arise? who made the 
difference between them? and what right had any man, 
and how came he to have that right, to give more or less 
power to one than another? If all were equal, who could 
summon the rest to convene together? or appoint the day 
and place of meeting? or when they were met take up- 
on him the authority and office of regulating their pro- 
ceedings, of presiding or moderating in the assembly, of 
determining such doubts and differences as might arise 
while matters were under debate, of calculating the voices, 
and drawing up the articles of the agreement, in case they 
should agree? 

XVII. But let us imagine all these could be cleared, 
and the contract made as they would have it; yet would 
the force and obligation of it remain questionable still: 
for it may be demanded, whether the majority of votes 
shall conclude all that are present, dissenters as well as 
others? And whether by virtue of an act of those upon 
the place, an obligation shall lie upon such as are casually 
absent or willingly absent themselves, when it was free for 
them so to do, no man having power to require their ap- 
pearance? And whether a contract made by such per- 
sons, as were at liberty before, can debar those that shall 
succeed them in the next generation from the use of that 
liberty their ancestors had and enjoyed? If so, by what 
law or right are the said respective persons so concluded ? 
and whence should that obligation spring? None of these 
things look like the dictates of the law of nature, and 
other law besides that (according to our hypothesis) 
when as yet there was no government, there could be 
none. And the contract itself, as a bare.contract, without 
the help of some law or other to give it force, cannot ope- 
rate upon any but the contractors ; it cannot have any co- 
gency upon those that never gaye consent thereunto. 


248 THE PREFACE 


XVIIE. Besides these, and I know not how many more 
difficulties no less insoluble, one thing there is which 
puzzleth the men of this opinion very much, and where- 
with a man that were so disposed might make himself 
some sport : to wit, the circle, between property and go- 
vernment, which they have conjured themselves into, and 
wherein they run round even unto giddiness, (like men in 
amaze or labyrinth) not knowing which way to get out. 
That which some have said, because, when they are put 
to it, they must say something, viz.: ‘‘ That dominion and 
property is in order of nature before government,” be it 
true or be it false, as to their purpose signifieth nothing ; 
unless it could be made out that they were before it in 
order of time also. This dispute is not much unlike that 
problem in Macrobius, “‘Ovumne prius fuerit, an gallina?” 
Whether were first the hen or the egg? We cannot ima- 
gine there could be a hen, but we must suppose there must 
have been an egg first, out of which that hen must have 
been hatched : neither can we imagine there could be an 
egg, but we must suppose there must have been a hen 
first, to lay that egg. Semblably here, we cannot imagine 
property, but we must suppose some government first ; 
because the right which any man hath to that wherein he 
claimeth a property must accrue to him by some law, and 
that supposeth government: nor can we imagine a go- 
vernment, one of the principal ends whereof is the preser- 
vation of men’s properties who live together in one society, 
but we must”suppose that there were first such properties 
to be so preserved. ‘True it is, that a mere rationalist, 
(that is to say in plain English, an atheist of the late 
edition) who giveth more faith to such heathen phi- 
losophy, as affirmeth the world to have been ab eterno, 
than to divine revelation, which assureth us it had a 
beginning; (and some of the great champions of the 
opinion we now speak of, have given cause enough of 


TO THE READER. 945 


suspicion that they are little better:) such a one, I say, 
cannot possibly get out of the circle, or solve the difficulty 
in either of the aforesaid instances: but tous, who believe 
the Scriptures and acknowledge a creation, the solution of 
both is equally easy. If we will but follow the clue of the 
sacred history in the four first chapters of Genesis, it will 
fairly lead us out of these labyrinths in a plain way, and 
without any great trouble. It is certain that God in their 
first creation madeall living creatures, each in their kind, in 
the full state and perfection of their nature; and thence 
we may conclude, that undoubtedly the hen was before 
the egg. And it is no less certain, that as soon as Adam 
was created, God gave to him as an universal monarch, 
not only dominion over all his fellow creatures that were 
upon the face of the earth, but the government also of all 
the inferior world, and of all the men that after should be 
born into the world so long as he lived; so as whatso- 
ever property any other persons afterwards had or could 
have, in any thing in any part of the world, (as Cain and 
Abel, it is well known, had their properties in several, and 
distinct either from other) they held it all of him, and 
had it originally by his gift or assignment, either imme- 
diately or mediately. Whence we may also conclude, 
both in hypothesi, that Adam’s government was before 
Cain’s property ; and in thesi, that undoubtedly govern- 
ment was before property. And we have great reason to 
believe that, after the flood, the sole government was at 
first in Noah, and whatsoever either property in any thing 
they possessed in several, or share in the government 
over any part of the world afterward any of his sons had, 
they had it by his sole allotment and authority, and trans- 
mitted the same to their posterity merely upon that ac- 
count ; without awaiting the election or consent of, or en- 
tering into any articles or capitulations with the people that 
were to be governed by them. Those words in Genesis, 


250 THE PREFACE 


chap. 10. ver. 82. seem to import as much: “These are 
the families of the sons of Noah after their generations in 
their nations: and by them were the nations divided in the 
earth after the flood.” And so this supposed pact or con- 
tract, which maketh such a noise in the world, proveth to 
be but a squib, powder without shot, that giveth a crack, 
but vanisheth into air and doth no execution. 

XIX. That last, from the ill-timing of the publication, 
is so poor an objection that it is scarce worth the answer- 
ing. Subjection and obedience to superiors, besides that 
they are duties of perpetual obligation, equally with all 
those mentioned together with them in that fore-cited pas- 
sage of the apostle’, are also (as hath been said) of so 
great public concernment otherwise, and withal so little 
looked upon as duties by the most of men, that the press- 
ing upon the people’s consciences the performance thereof 
whether by word or writing, cannot with any pretence 
of reason be deemed unseasonable at any time. Nor hath 
the great mercy of God vouchsafed to these nations in 
the happy and little less than miraculous restoration of 
our gracious sovereign to his father’s throne, or the general 
alacrity of our people in owning his sovereignty, rendered 
the truths in this treatise asserted any whit less necessary 
to be taught and knownas the times now are, than in the 
times fof our late sad troubles and distractions. As will 
be easily yielded by all such, as either have diligently ob- 
served the temper and carriage of the most active men of 
these times, or shall duly take into consideration, amongst 
many other things which might be added, these few ensu- 
ing particulars :— 

1. The desperate principles and resolutions of Quakers, 
Fifth-monarchy men, and other enthusiastic sectaries, of 
what denomination soever, who utterly refuse to take the 


1 Tit. chap. 3. ver. 1, 2. 


TO THE READER. 251 


oath of supremacy; and what multitudes in a few years, 
for want of timely coercion, they are increased into in all 
parts of the land. 

2. How strangely some of those that have taken the 
said oath (and they afar more considerable party than the 
former) do yet seek to mince it, by such an interpretation 
of the word only, as quite destroyeth the force of it, and 
leaveth a gap open for any rebellious attempt to enter, 
that shall offer so to do. 

3. That the ministers of that party, who, in their pray- 
ers before and after sermon, do not usually shew them- 
selves over studious of brevity, are generally observed 
when they pray for the king, (whether for fear of offend- 
ing their grandees, or as a discriminating character or 
shibboleth, whereby to distinguish themselves from men 
of different principles from them, or for whatever other 
reason it is) to omit in reciting his Majesty’s royal titles 
that clause which in former and peaceable times was gene- 
rally used, ‘‘ in all causes and over all persons, as well 
ecclesiastical as temporal in his dominions Supreme Go- 
vernor.” 

4, With what boldness some of the said ministers do, in 
their ordinary prayers and sermons, openly asperse the 
king and his government ? and with what cunning other 
some of them do covertly and glancingly inject suspicions 
into the minds and thoughts of their credulous auditors 
concerning the same; by these means to beget in the 
people an opinion (to which the common sort are as easily 
persuaded as to any other thing in the world) that they 
are not so well governed as they should be? The old ex- 
perimented artifice by which Absolom stole away the hearts 
of the people from their allegiance. 

5. What endeavours have been used, that the encroach- 
ments made upon the regalities, by such advantages as 


259 THE PREFACE 


the late king’s either necessities or condescensions minis- 
tered, should still continue? and that all public actings, 
from the beginning of the long Parliament till the year 
1648. (whereof it were a miracle if some, whilst the dis- 
pute was so hot, were not illegal enough, and unprece- 
dented) should be avowed and justified ? 

6. What a world of wicked pamphlets, sermons, and 
other treatises full of most dangerous and seditious posi- 
tions, have been sent abroad within these few last years, 
vented and dispersed through all the parts of the kingdom, 
and lie still upon the stalls, and in the shops free for any 
man that list to buy ? 

When all this, and some other things (which, to avoid 
the provoking of some unpeaceable spirits, I forbear to 
mention) are notorious of themselves, and_ sufficiently 
known to the whole nation, let any man now say, if he can 
- shew cause why it should be either unseasonable or un- 
necessary that books should be published to assert the 
just right and power of princes, and to remind the people 
of their bounden duty of subjection and obedience ? 

Let this learned treatise then, in the name of God, go 
forth and prosper, according to the pious intention of the 
Reverend Author now in peace, and the hearty desires 
and prayers of the publishers: that princes remembering 
from whom they have their authority, may with all faith- 
fulness exercise it to the honour and glory of him that 
gave it, to the comfort, benefit and happiness of the 
people under their government, as the end for which it was 
given; and to the furtherance and advantage of their 
own trial at that last great day, when they are to render 
an account for all the power committed to their trust, and 
how they have administered the same. And that all sub- 
jects, duly considering whose authority their princes have, 
may faithfully serve, honour and humbly obey them ac- 


TO THE READER. 9538 


cording to God’s holy word and ordinance. So shall 
peace and righteousness flourish upon earth, and God 
shall send down his blessing both upon king and people 
from heaven. Even so, Amen. 


ROBERT LINCOLN. 
London, Dec. 31, 1660. 


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PART I. 


OF 


THE POWER 


COMMUNICATED BY GOD 


TO 


THE PRINCE. 


I. Tuat question which our Saviour propounded, 
touching John’s baptism, is most considerable in the point 
we have now in hand concerning magistracy: ‘‘ Whence? 
was it ? from heaven, or from men?” | For if the authority 
of it shall be found to have no higher spring than this 
earth, the streams of our obedience will be raised to no 
higher a pitch than that fountain: but if the descent there- 
of shall appear to be derived from heaven, a ‘ necessity? 
of subjection” to it will arise, “‘ not for fear of punishment 
alone, but for conscience sake,” and that duty which we 
owe unto God Almighty. 

II. That John’s baptism was ‘‘from heaven” we are 
sure, because “ the° word of God came unto him,” by vir- 
tue whereof he was “ sent? to baptize with water :” the 


2 Matt. chap. 21. ver. 25. 

b Ad advayKn UToTaccEcOar oF povoY did THY dpyiy, GAG Kai Oud TV 
cuvetonowv. Rom. cap. 13. ver. 5. 

© Luke, chap. 3. ver. 2. 4 John, chap. 1. ver. 33. 


256 THE POWER 


baptism in that respect being not properly to be accounted 
his, but God’s; and he openly to be esteemed God's mi- 
nister therein. Even so for magistrates, our Saviour de- 
clareth that God was pleased to grace them with his own 
name, because ‘ the® word of God came unto them,” that 
is, his appointment and commandment, that they should 
rule in his name, in his room. Whereupon they also are 
recommended unto us as ‘ God’s' ministers,” and their 
judgments as his judgments; witness that charge given 
tothe Judges by Moses, ‘‘ You® shall not be afraid of the 
face of man, for the judgment is God’s ;” and by king Je- 
hosaphat after him, ‘‘ Take heed what ye do, ye judge 
not for man, but for the Lord, who is with you in judg- 
ment.” And therefore as “‘ the wisdom of God said, I will 
send them prophets” (among whom there was ‘ none* 
greater than John the Baptist;”) so the wisdom of the 
same God also said, ‘‘ By! me kings reign, and princes 
decree justice; by me princes rule, and nobles, even all 
the judges of the earth.” All of them, whether supreme 
or subordinate, whether within or without Christ’s Church: 
for unto all of them belongeth that divine sentence deli- 
vered by St. Paul: “ Let™ every soul be subject unto the 
higher powers ; for there is no power but of God, and the 
powers that be are ordained of God : whosoever therefore 
resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God.” 

III. Neither doth St. Peter any whit swerve herein 
from his “ beloved brother Paul,” and ‘‘ the wisdom given 
unto him,” when he requireth us “ to? submit ourselves 
to every ordinance of man,” or, as the original hath it, 
“to every human creature, for the Lord’s sake.” Of 
which place we find divers and various expositions; the 
first whereof, and not the worst, is that of the old Syriac 


© John, chap. 10. ver. 35. f Rom. chap. 13. ver. 4. 6. 
$ Deut. chap. 1. ver. 17. h 2 Chron. chap. 19. ver. 6. 
i Luke, chap. 11. ver. 49. k Tbid. chap. 7. ver. 28. 

1 Prov. chap. 8. ver. 15, 16. ™ Rom. chap. 13. ver. 1, 2. 


n 2 Pet. chap. 3. ver. 15. 
°‘Ymroraynte Tay dvOpwrivy KTice Gua TOY Kuptoy. 1 Pet, chap. 2. 
ver. 13. 


OF THE PRINCE. 257 


interpreter, who thus renders it: ‘‘ Be subject to all the 
sons of men for God ;” or, as the framers of our book of 
Common Prayer (in the epistle appointed to be read the 
third Sunday after Easter) seem to have expressed it : 
“‘ Submit yourselves to every man for the Lord’s sake ;” 
taking man there kar’ éoxiv, for a man in authority, as in 
Genesis, chap. 9, ver.6. For the clearer understanding 
whereof we are first to note, that the writers of the New 
Testament being Jews, do ordinarily frame their Greek 
according to the usage of their own language; and that 
the Hebrews do usually design mankind by the name 
of n93, which in his proper signification denoteth the 
creatures of God in general, but is by them in a peculiar 
manner appropriated to man, the noblest of the rest. 
Among the innumerable examples which might be pro- 
duced out of the rabbins for the proof of this, I will make 
choice of this one sentence of Rabbi Jeremiah (one of their 
ancient doctors) recited in Rabba bar Nachman? in his 
great Gloss upon Deuteronomy, for the matter’s sake which 
may otherwise serve also unto the purpose which we have 
now in hand, .817 193 witpANds Pon pms “No 
creature may judge the king but the holy and blessed God 
alone.” So, answerable to this, in the New Testament, 
St. Mark doth thus express the tenor of the commission 
given by our Saviour to his apostles, “Go into all the 
world, and preach the Gospel to‘ every creature :” and 
St. Paul declareth the execution thereof, that the Gospel 
was accordingly preached to “ every" creature which is un- 
der heaven ;” the word xrioie, or creature, in both places 
denoting man only. 

IV. Next, it is to be observed, that to those general 
terms which are applied in a special manner to the more 
excellent sort of the same kind, for better distinction’s sake, 
it is not unusual to add an epithet, whereby the restric- 
tion thereof to the intended particular may be more clearly 


Pmanpmss. Seder corp page 296. b. edit. Cracov. 
4 Idoy 7@ crise. Mark, chap. 16. ver. 15. 
"Ey racy Ty krioe: b7d Toy ovpavdy. Coloss. chap. 1. ver. 23. 


VOL. XI. Y 


958 THE POWER 


understood. Take for example the word wos, or soul, 
the native signification whereof in the Hebrew tongue 
(and so of Wuyi) in the Greek answering thereunto) nei- 
ther descendeth so low as to comprehend the vegetables 
under it, nor riseth so high, that of itself it should only 
denote the rational: but in the middle kind of way be- 
twixt both, properly doth signify that which the Greeks 
call Zéov, the Latins animal, a creature endued with life 
and sense: that of the Latins being more immediately im- 
ported by the word wp) itself, which is anima; the other 
of the Greek by the adjective mn living, which for further 
explication’s sake we sometimes’ find adjoined to it. Yet 
we see withal, that car eoxjv, or, by way of excellency, 
man in particular is presented unto us by those generals, 
both of living, (as when Eve is said to be ‘‘ thet mother of 
all living”) and of soul; a name whereby heis as ordinarily 
set out unto us by the holy" writers, as he is by 7/92 or 
creature, by the rabbins. But as the word wD) being in 
itself indifferent to signify both* man and beast, is some- 
times for better distinction’s sake accompanied with the: 
addition of ’5o38 wb3 which is as muchas Puy? avOpwrivn, 
or, an human soul; so the more general word xriovc, or 
creature, being applied the same way, might very well 
here be thought to have} the adjective avOpwrivn, 
or human, conjoined with it ; though for the matter 
nothing at all were thereby added unto it, the one word 
being only an explication of the other. 

VY. Lastly, it may be considered, that the sentences de- 
livered in general terms are not always intended to be ta- 
ken in their full latitude, but to have their commodious 


S Gen. chap. 9. ver. 10. Lev. chap. 11. ver. 46. which Rev. chap. 16. ver. 3. 
is Wuxy Cooa. 

© Gen. chap. 3. ver. 20. 

“ Gen. chap. 36. ver. 6. Exod. chap. 12. ver. 16. Num. chap. 19. ver. 18. 
22. Deut. chap. 10. ver. 22. (with Acts, chap. 7. ver. 14.) Jerem. chap. 43. 
ver.6. 1 Pet. chap. 3. ver. 20. and in that very place, Rom. chap. 13. “ Let 
every soul,” that is, every man, “ be subject to the higher powers.” 

* Num. chap. 21. ver. 28, 

¥ Num. chap. 31. ver. 35.40. 1 Chron. chap. 5. ver. 21. Ezek. chap. 27. 
ver. 13. 


OF THE PRINCE. 209 
restrictions, according to the quality and nature of the 
matter in hand: as, not to go further, in this self-same 
chapter of St. Peter, we are required to “ honour’ all 
men ;” where yet we are not to think the apostle meant, 
that masters thereby are tied to honour their servants, or 
would any way oppose that which by David was deli- 
vered for a character of God’s child: ‘‘ In* whose eyes a 
vile person is contemned, but he honoureth them that fear 
the Lord :” but as Cajetan well expoundeth the place, 
“‘ Honour all men” that is, “every” one according to his 
degree and merit.” As therefore that general rule of his 
must be limited by that special explication thereof deli- 
vered by St. Paul: ‘ Give® to all men their due, honour to 
whom honour is due:” so likewise this other precept 
of subjecting ourselves to all men, must receive the 
same restriction; as if it had been said, “ be subject to 
all men to whom subjection is due,” and that for God, and 
the conscience of the duty you owe unto him, who hath 
put you in subjection under them. Which differeth very 
little from the exposition given by Bede here: ‘ Every" 
human creature, he saith, meaning every dignity of men, 
every person, every principality, to which the divine ordi- 
nance would have us subject; for that is it which he in- 
tendeth by saying, for God, because there is no power 
but from him alone.” 

VI. David Pareus (although otherwise no very great 
friend to the supreme power of kings) yet putteth us here 
in mind, that the “ word® xrioie used in this text, doth lead 


~ 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 17. 

4 Psalm 15. ver. 4. 

> Unumquemyue secundum gradum et ordinem. Caj. in 1 Pet. cap. 2. ver. 
lie 

© Rom. chap. 138. ver. 7. 

4 “Omni humane creature, dicit, omni dignitati hominum, omni persone, 
omni principatui, cui nos divina dispositio subdi voluerit ; hoc est enim quod ait, 
propter Deum, quia non est potestas nisi a Deo.” Bedain 1 Pet. cap.2, “ Sub- 
diti estote omni humane creature,” id est, omnibus hominibus nobis preeposi- 
tis, Haymo, in Rom. cap. 13. 

® “ Krioewe appellatio ad Deum primum authorem nos revocat. Etsi enim 
magistratus creari, hoc est, ordinari etiam ab hominibus dicuntur, tamen eorum 


' ,, 
aes 


260 THE POWER 


us to the consideration of God, the prime author of ma- 
gistracy: For though magistrates”, thus his words run, 
** are said to be created, that is ordained, by men, yet their 
first creator properly is God alone, unto whom only all 
creation primarily doth appertain.” For the fuller expli- 
cation of which conception, these observations following 
may be taken into consideration; First, that this word 
kriovc doth signify either a creation or a creature ; by both 
which the holy writers (whose manner of speaking is here 
more to be respected than the language of any other 
authors) do express the work, not of any mortal man, but 
of the Almighty and ever-living God: for him alone, as 
the prime efficient of all, the Scripture honoureth with the 
style of Creator: and the answerable effect both of 
creation, as motus, and creature, as res motu facta, it 
ascribeth to him alone. 

VII. Secondly, that this in the Scripture is not restrained 
to the first creation of all things only, but extended like- 
wise to the works of God’s providence, whether wrought 
by himself immediately, or by the intervention of other se- 
‘condary causes. So the propagation of the species by the 
means of natural generation is accounted a continued crea- 
tion; and God’s' blessings and judgments upon mankind, 
though others be used as his instruments in the effecting 
thereof, are said by him likewise to be created. “ I? form 
the light,” saith he, ‘‘ and create darkness; I make peace, 
and create evil: Ithe Lord do all these things. I" have 
created the smith that bloweth the coals in the fire, and 
that bringeth forth an instrument for his work; and I have 
created the waster to destroy.” In which sense also the son 
of Syrach affirmeth ‘ husbandry! to be created by the 
most High ;” both because the thing itself was at first 
ordained by him, and for the necessary upholding thereof 


creator primus proprie est solus Deus, cui soli omnis creatio primo competit.” 
D. Pareus in appendice commentar. ad cap. Roman. dubio 3. 

f Psalm 102. ver. 18. and Psalm 104. ver. 30. Ezek. chap. 21. ver. 30. and 
chap. 28. ver. 13. 15. 

§ Isaiah, chap. 45. ver. 7. h Tbid. chap. 54. ver. 16. 

1 Tewpyiav umd vpiorov éxriopévyy. Ecclus. chap. 7. ver. 16. 


OF THE PRINCE. 261 


by the industry of the husbandman, ‘his* God doth in- 
struct him and doth teach him.” 

VIU. Thirdly, that St. Peter by ‘every human crea- 
ture” intendeth to signify here, not things but persons ; as 
is manifest by the division subjoined ‘“ whether it be to the 
king as supreme, or unto governors,” &c. for the express- 
ing whereof the term} of creature is far more proper 
than either that of creation, or that of ordinance. 

IX. Fourthly, that as man, who by God’s ordinance 
was appointed to have dominion! over the other creatures, 
hath by way of excellency (as we have heard) the name of 
ktiovc, or creature, attributed unto him, as bearing there- 
in a peculiar stamp™ of the image of his Creator: so 
among men themselves, such as by God’s appointment are 
advanced to the dignity of bearing rule over others, by like 
proportion may ina more special manner have the word 
creature appropriated unto them, as carrying a deeper im- 
pression of this image", and likewise of their Creator, by 
that power which it hath pleased him to grant them, even 
over those to whom “ over® the other works of his hands 
he hath given dominion.” 

X. Fifthly, that such a creature may very properly for 
distinction’s sake obtain the name of avOowrivy kriste, as 
God’s especial creature among and over men. “ For as 
“ every? priest taken from among men is ordained for men 
in things pertaining to God, that he may offer gifts and 


K Isaiah, chap. 21. ver. 16. 
' Gen, chap. 1. ver. 26. 28. 


Sanctius his animal, mentisque capacius altz 
Deerat adhuc, et quod dominatri in cztera posset ; 
Natus homo est.—Ovid. Met. 


™ To kar’ etkovarovro tori, Gomep yap 6 Oedc Baorsberév TaYTi KdopM, 
kat Gpxéet, kai ovoraler ravrwy Toy év ovpavy, Kai TH yy, ObTW Kai 6 av- 
Mpwroc apxwy kai Baoiede cabéornKe TaYTOY THY imtytiwy TpAyLaTwY, 
kai abTefovoiwe 0 PovheTae patra, KalaTep Kai 6 Od. Author. quest. 
55. oper. Athan. tom. 2. pag. 320. 

n “Kikwy ei rov Ood, Kai eikdva dud xeipoc ayetc. Thou art the image 
of God, and the image of God dost thou also lead and govern,” saith Gregory 
Nazianzen to the president of his country. Orat. 17. ad cives timore perculsos. 

° Psalin 8. ver. 6. P Heb. chap. 5.-ver, 1. 


962 THE POWER 


sacrifices for sins ;’ so every civil magistrate also taken 
from among men, is ordained for men in things pertaining 
to men, “ that’ they may lead a quiet and peaceable life 
in all godliness and honesty.” Whereupon the full mean- 
ing of the apostle Peter in this place should be: “ Sub- 
mit yourselves to every creature,” or to every man’, who 
is a creature constituted by God among and over men; 
‘for the Lord’s sake,” whose creature he is in that place 
of authority. 

XI. Calvin’, Beza‘, and other of our later interpreters, 
do thus far also deliver their opinion, that the order of 
civil government is here called ‘‘ an human ordinance,” 
not because men invented it, but because it is proper to 
men; or (if you will have it in Pareus his expression) the 
apostle calleth magistracy “ an* human ordinance or cre- 
ation, not causally, as if it were devised by men, or 
brought in only by the fancy of men; but subjectively, 
because it is administered by men; and objectively, be- 
cause it is exercised about the government of human so- 
ciety; and finally, in respect of the end, because it is ap- 
pointed by God for the good of man, and the preservation 
of human society.” 


4 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 2. 

* Which kind of enallage, whereby an adjective is put substantively, hath 
been observed in St. Peter not unusual, as namely in the second verse of this 
chapter, we translate “7d Aoyekdy yada, the milk of the word,” or “ the 
word which is milk ;’’fand in the! seventh verse of the chapter following, ‘ we 
aobevecrépp TY yuVaKEip AToVEMoVTEC TYLVY, giving honour unto the wife 
as unto the weaker vessel.” 

S Humana dicitur ordinatio, non quod humanitus inventa fuerit, sed quod pro- 
pria hominum est digesta et ordinata vivendi ratio.” Calvin. in 1 Pet. chap. 2. 
ver. 13. 

' “ Humanam vocat, non quod humanitus sit excogitata, (est enim he quo- 
gue donum Dei preclarum, ut Demosthenes etiam ipse testatur) sed quod homi- 
num sit propria, ut recte observat doctissimus interpres.” Bezain 1 Pet. chap. 
2. ver. 13. 

« “ Humanam ordinationem vocat apostolus magistratum, non causaliter, quod 
sit ab hominibus excogitata, et hominum tantum libidine invecta; sed sub- 
jective, quia ab hominibus geritur; et objective, quia circa gubernationem hu- 
mane societatis versatur; et denique veAtK@c, quia ad hominis bonum et con~ 
versationem human societatis a Deo est constituta.” D. Pareus in append. 
comment. in Rom. cap. 13, dub. 3. 


OF THE PRINCE. 968 


XII. But let us admit too that it were so called ‘“‘ an 
human ordinance” causally; because the particular forms 
of government were instituted by the choice and counsel 
of man, and the particular form of the creation of the go- 
vernors were in man’s appointment ; as if the apostle had 
said, ‘“ Submit yourselves unto your governors, by what 
ordinance or human creation soever they do hold that 
government, whether by succession, election, or howso- 
ever ;” yet, when with the very same breath he requireth 
this subjection to be performed “ dca Tov Kéovov, for God,” 
or ‘the Lord’s sake,” he doth clearly intimate, that God 
is to be acknowledged the principal, though man be the 
instrumental, cause of their institution. 

XIU. The ministers of the Gospel, we see, receive their 
ordination from man’s hand, and are appointed over their 
several flocks by man’s election; and yet it is most true 
withal, that “ God* hath set them in the Chureh, Christ’ 
hath given” them, and “ over’ all the flock the holy Ghost 
hath made them overseers :” with whom our Saviour hav- 
ing promised “ to* be alway, even unto the end of the 
world,” ashe was at the beginning with those first master- 
builders, which were apostles ‘ not? of men, neither by 
man, but by Jesus Christ and God the Father ;” that 
which he speaketh of the first appertaineth no less unto 
the last: ‘‘ He*® that heareth you heareth me, and he that 
despiseth you despiseth me, and he that despiseth me de- 
spiseth him that sent me.” 

XIV. The wife, we know, maketh choice of her husband, 
and the mutual consent of the’parties makes up the matri- 
mony; yet God it is that “ joineth* them both together :” 
and the conjunction being once made, the wife by virtue 
thereof standeth bound to “ submit® herself unto her own 
husband as to the Lord.” And as God by saying to our 


* 1 Cor. chap. 12. ver. 28. Y Ephes. chap. 4. ver. 11. 
2 Acts, chap. 20. ver. 28. a Matt. chap. 28. ver. 20. 
b Gal. chap. 1. ver. 1. 

© Luke, chap. 10. ver. 16. with John, chap. 13. ver. 20. 

4 Matt. chap. 19. ver. 6. © Ephes. chap. 5. ver. 22. 


264: THE POWER 


first mother Eve: “‘ Thy‘ desire shall be to thy husband, 
and he shall rule over thee,” (as the apostle out of that 
law infers) commanded woman to “ be® in subjection,” and 
thereby established an headship in every single family : 
so, after the posterity of Eve began to be distinguished 
into families, the same God, by using the like speech to 
Cain concerning his brother Abel, “‘ Unto" thee shall be 
his desire, and thou’ shalt rule over him,” may seem to 
have constituted a principality in one man over divers fa- 
mnilies, and thereby laid the foundation of political govern- 
ment; the kingdom (as it appeareth by the ordinary* 
practice of the succeeding times) together with the excel- 
lency of dignity, and the excellency of power, (the two pe- 
culiar characters thereof) being an honour that descended 
upon the first-born and not upon the younger brother. 
XV. Although it may not be denied, but that (without 
any such special direction) the very light ofnature would 
have enforced men at first to conjoin many families into 
one body of a civil society, and to submit themselves to 
the government of some superior: for, otherwise a disso- 
lution of mankind would quickly ensue, and all come to 
ruin. ‘To this purpose among the Hebrews that of Rabbi 
Hananiah, one of their chief priests, is much remembered : 
‘* Pray! for the peace,” or prosperity, ‘‘ of the kingdom ; 
for, if it were not for fear of authority, every one would 
swallow down quick his neighbour :” which is but an ex- 
plication of that which a far better author long before de- 
livered touching the Babylonian monarchy, (which was 
adverse to the religion of the Jews, as that under which 
Hananiah lived ;) ‘“‘Seek™ the peace of the city whither 
I have caused you to be carried away captives, and pray 
unto the Lord for it; for in the peace thereof shall ye 
have peace.” For the Christians, you may hear St. Chry- 


f Gen. chap. 3. ver. 16. & 1 Cor. chap. 14. ver. 34. 

b Gen. chap. 4. ver. 7. 

i Vide D. Heinsii exercitat. sacr. lib. 7. cap. 8. in 1 Cor. cap. 11. ver. 10. 

k Gen. chap. 49. ver. 3. 2 Chron. chap. 21. ver. 3. 

Vays own says ne we ma sooosw masa Sv ambwa Seno Pirke 
Abhoth cap. 3. sec. 2. 

m Jer. chap. 29. ver. 7. 


QF THE PRINCE. 265 


sostom speak: ‘Take away the higher powers, and all 
goes to wreck; neither will city, nor country, nor family, 
nor assembly, nor ought else stand ; the stronger willfde- 
vour the weaker, and all things be turned upside down.” 
And Cicero, if you please, for the heathen: ‘ Without? 
government neither house, nor city, nor nation, nor man- 
kind, nor nature, nor the world itself could consist.” 

XVI. True it is, that in several states there are admit- 
ted several forms of government, the supreme authority 
being somewhere? placed in the person of one, which 
maketh a monarchy; otherwhere in some of the chief, which 
they call an aristocracy ; and somewhere in the whole 
body of the people, from whence ariseth a democracy. 
Likewise of monarchs themselves, some come in by elec- 
tion, some by hereditary succession: and in all these go- 
vernments the subordinate magistrates are raised, either 
by the immediate appointment of the supreme, or by the 
election of such persons or corporations as they are 
pleased to communicate that power unto. 

XVII. If this be so, and that nature seeketh al- 
ways to preserve itself, we may justly conclude, that 
magistracy is rooted in the law of nature, and so in 
the author of nature, that is, God himself. To which 
purpose, for the general, it is noted by Plutarch, that 
‘** A‘ governor politic is by nature always the prince of 
the commonwealth, as the master bee is amongst the 


n Kay avidye Tac apxXac, TavTa oixnoeTat’ Kat ov TOXELC, YWOA, OK oi- 
Kia, oUK ayopa, ovK ado OvdéY oTHoETat, AAAd TaYTA avaTpAaTHCETAL, TOY 
Ouvarotipwy trove acbevectipovc caramivdvtwy. Chrysost. in epist. ad 
Dom. homil. 23. tom. 9. pag. 688. Vide etiam tom. 5. pag. 496. tom. 12. pag. 
311. tom. 2. pag. 74. 

© “Sine imperio nec domus ulla, nec civitas, nec gens, nec hominum univer- 
sum genus stare, nec rerum natura omnis, nec ipse mundus potest.” Cic. 3. de 
legib. in initio. 

P “ Cunctas nationes et urbes, aut populus, aut primores, aut singuli regunt.” 
Tacit. annal. lib. 4. “Avaykn © civat xtpioy fH eva, 7 OAtyouc, f Tobe ToA- 
Aove. Aristot. Polit. lib. 3. cap. 5. 

4 Dioe piv ody apYwy ai TWOAEWC O TOXITLKOC, WOME NYEMWY EY WENT ~ 
ratc. Plutarch. in precept. gerend. reip. 


266 THE POWER 
bees:” and by Aristides, that ‘ All’ governors are by na- 
ture superior to those that are under their command ;” 
that ‘“This* is a law set by nature, that the inferior 
should yield obedience to the superior; and if any man 
should account the abrogation of this law to be a sign of 
liberty, he did deceive himself; thet law of nature being 
hereby inverted, which requireth us to yield unto the 
eminency of our superiors, and to live according to the 
direction of our governors.” And for the regal authority 
in particular, Seneca doth tell us, that ‘‘ Nature” did first 
find out a king :” Polybius, that ‘‘ Without" any art, and by 
the guidance of nature itself a monarchy was first of all 
constituted :” Diotogenes the Pythagorean, that ‘“ Of* 
those which by nature are most honorable, the best in- 
deed is God, but upon earth and among men, the king :” 
Yea, and Aristotle himself too, that “ By’ nature not only 
the father hath the rule over his children, but also the 
king over those who are within his kingdom.” 

XVIII. But however in the constitution of these man’s 
hand may be an instrument, yet being once constituted, 
whether supreme or subordinate, in all of them we must 
respect the commission received by them from the 
founder of “all rule, authority and power” at the be- 
ginning, and the’ resumer thereof into his own hands 


Y Tlavrec piv ovv apxorrec pice. xpsitrove Toy dw avroic. Aristid. in 
orat. Platon. 1. tom. 3. edit. Grzeco-Lat. in 8. pag. 76. 

S Nopoc yap tory ovroc picet Keimevoc, wo anOGC ITS THY KPELTTOYWY 
Karadety ele akove TOY ijTTW TOU KpEiTTOVOE’ Kay TLC EhEVOEPiac Gip- 
Borov morjra TO dvapPEipsry roy vowov, airoy tamarg.  Aristid. in 
orat. de concordia ad Rhodios, tom. 2. pag. 391. 

t "Ore aétoic peraBaddrgew Tov rie Picewe vopov, bce KEAEVEL THY TOV 
KpeurTovwy vrEepPorny avixecOar, Kai Cyy Tpdc 7d Hyobpevoy. Aristid. in 
orat. de Paraphthegm. tom. 3. pag. 673, 674. 

u “ Natura commenta est regem.”” Senec. de Clemen. lib. 1. cap. 19. 

W Ilpwrov piv otv dkaTacKkevwg Kai pvoiKWe cuvioTrarat povapyxia. 
Polyb. hist. lib. 6. 

X Toy piv hice TYyLWwTaTwY apLioTOY O OEdc, THY O& TEPL Yay Kai TWC 
avOpwrwe 6 Bacirebc. Diotog. apud Stobeum, serm. 46. 

Y bice re yap apxnyoe TWaryp vi, Kai Tpdyovog Exyovwy, Kai Bacirtic 
r@yv Gaosvopévwy. Arist. Ethic. Nicomach. lib. 8. cap. 13. 

Z 1 Cor. chap. 15. ver. 24. 


OF THE PRINCE. 267 


again at the end of the world ; both because ‘‘ We* make 
those things our own unto which we impart our autho- 
rity ;” and because in all power established upon earth 
there is represented unto us an image and superscription 
of that high eminency which is in him whom St. Paul 
worthily glorifieth with the style of ‘The? blessed and 
onLy Potentate, the King of kings, and Lord of lords ; 
who onty hath immortality, dwelling in the light which 
no man can approach unto, whom no man hath seen nor 
can see, to whom be honour and power everlasting.” In 
which words it is not unworthy our observation, that the 
apostle nameth him the ‘only potentate,” in the same 
sense that he saith, he ‘ only hath immortality.” For, as 
angels and the souls of men have immortality indeed, yet 
not originally from themselves, but by his donation who 
only hath it absolutely in himself, without dependence 
upon any other: so are there other potentates also, yet 
such as hold of him in chief, who hath only all fulness of 
power in himself, and distributeth what proportion thereof 
he thinketh meet to those whom he hath intrusted with 
the government of this world; according to the acknow- 
ledgment of King David, “ Thine’, O Lord, is the great- 
ness, and the power, and the glory, and the victory, and 
the majesty ; for all that is in the heaven and in the earth 
is thine: thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art ex- 
alted as head above all. Both riches and honour come of 
thee, and thou reignest over all, and in thine hand is power 
and might, and in thine hand it is to make great, and to 
give strength unto all.” 

XIX. Why the woman ought to cover her head (that 
is, her face’) in the assembly, and not the man, St. Paul 


2 “ Orania nostra facimus quibus authoritatem nostram impertimur.” Gloss. 
in cap. l. extr. de preesumptionib. et cap. 1. de transactionib. ex illo Justiniani 
imp. in c. de vet. jur. enunt. lib. 1. “ Omnia merito nostra facimus, quia ex no- 
bis omnis eis impertietur authoritas.” 

b 1 Tim. chap. 6. ver. 15, 16. 

© 1 Chron. chap, 29. ver. 12, 13. 

4 As in Jerem. chap. 13. ver. 3,4. Esth. chap. 6. ver. 12. and 2 Sam. chap. 
15. ver. 30. with chap. 19. ver. 21. “ Mitris et lanis queedam non velant caput, 


268 THE POWER 


giveth this for a reason : “ The® man is the image and glory 
of God, but the woman is the glory of the man.” If we 
respect either those inward perfections wherewith God en- 
dowed the soul at the beginning, as knowledge’ in the 
mind, “righteousness? and true holiness” in the will; or 
that outward dominion which God granted to mankind 
over the other creatures; it cannot be denied but male 
and female both were created by God “ in® his own 
image.” But if we consider them as they stand in mutual 
relation one unto the other, or as they are heads of the 
economical government ; the man being “ head! of the 
woman,” is the immediate image and glory of God, but 
the woman is the image and glory of the man, deriving all 
her power and splendor from him, as the moon doth from 
the sun, according to that of Justinian: ‘“ The* wives re- 
ceive lustre from their husband’s rays;” and those so- 
lemn words which the women of Rome were taught to use 
at their nuptials, “ Ubi tu Caius ego Caia,” in effect this, 
“* Where! thou art master, there am I to be mistress.” 
XX. So, (to rise higher than household government) 
God in Scripture is made “the™ head of all principality 
and power ;” both of the “ principalities" and powers in 
heavenly places,” whose ministry he useth in the iavisible, 
and of the “ principalities? and powers” here below, whose 
labours he employeth in the visible administration of the 
things of this world: unto both of which therefore he is 
pleased to impart as well his own name, as the title of his 
own children. For as angels, “ the? chief princes,” invested 


sed conligant; a fronte quidem protect, qua proprie autem caput est, nude.” 
Tertullian. de veland. virgin. cap. ult. 

€ 1 Cor. chap. 11. ver. 7. f Col. chap. 3. ver. 99. 

& Ephes. chap. 4. ver. 24. h Gen. chap. 1. ver. 27. 

1 1 Cor. chap. 11. ver. 3. 

k Al yaperai ouvekNapTovot Talc THY TUYOLKOVYTWY AKTIOL, TOUTO av - 
Tatc TOU vomov CLvowKdTOc. Justin. Novel. 105. 

'"Orov ob Kipwc Kai oikodearéTne, Kai tywW KUpia Kai olKOdsoTIOLYA. 
Plutarch. in questionib. Romanis. 

™ Col. chap. 2. ver. 12. with 1 Pet. chap. 3. ver. 22. 

. Col. chap. 3. ver. 10. © Tit. chap. 3. ver. 1. 

P Dan. chap. 10. ver. 13. 


OF THE PRINCE. 269 


with the glory’ and power’ of God, are styled gods‘, and 
“ the sons‘ of God;” so the princes and judges of the earth 
have frequently the title of gods" in holy Writ: and 
in one place, of gods, and the sons of God both to- 
gether. “I” have said, ye are gods, and all sons of the 
most High.” Which in the Chaldee paraphrast is thus 
rendered: ‘ Behold, ye are reputed as angels, and all of 
you as it were angels of the most High.” Such affinity in 
this respect there is between* those celestial “ spirits’, 
sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of sal- 
vation,” and those terrestrial “ angels’ of God,” who are 
** his? ministers to us for good ;” even “ God’s” ministers 
continually attending upon this very thing,” as St. Paul wit- 
nesseth. With whom among the heathen also Plutarch 
agreeth fully, where he maketh the government of a king- 
dom to be ‘‘a° ministration of God,” and affirmeth magis- 
trates to ‘ be’ God’s ministers for the care and welfare of 
mankind, either in distribution of good things not yet had, 
or in the preservation of good things not yet enjoyed.” 
XXI. Now these higher powers, unto whom it is “ the® 
will of God” we should “submit ourselves for his sake,” 
are distinguished by St. Peter into two ranks, the su- 
preme and the subordinate; the king‘, the supreme; 


4 Luke, chap. 2. ver. 9. 

™ Mer’ ayyédwy Ouvapewc adrov. 2 Thess. chap. 1. ver. 7. 

5 Psalm 8. ver. 5. with Heb. chap. 2. ver. 7. and Psalm 97. ver. 7. with Heb. 
chap. 1. ver. 6. 

* Job, chap. 1. ver. 6. and chap. 2. ver. 1. and chap. 38. ver. 7. 

u Exod. chap. 21. ver. 6. and chap, 22. ver. 8, 9.28. Psalm 82. ver. 1. 

w Psalm 82. ver. 6. 

x V. Epiphan. heres. 40. edit. Groeco-Lat. pag. 284. 
Agtroupyucd Tvevpara sic Ovakoviay arooreddOpmeva. Heb. chap. 1. 
ver. 14. 

z 2 Sam. chap. 19. ver. 27. 
Osu yap Ovdkovdc éoTi oor cic TO ayaOdy. Rom. chap. 13. ver. 4. 
Agtroupyoi yap O08 eioty, cic aio TOUTO TPOGKApTEPOUYTEC. 
‘Yarnpeciay Oeov 7b Bacirevery Hyovpevoc. Plutarch. in Numa. 
‘Yanpereiv Oe@ mpdc avOooTwy ixmérerar'kai owrnptay, OTWC av Oedc 
didwow avOpwroe KadGy Kai dyaGy, Ta piv vépwot, Ta Oé PUAATTwWOL. 
Plutarch. ad principem indoctum. 

€ 1 Peter, chap. 2. ver. 13. 15. 

f “ Reresium culmen habentem,”’ as Didymus Alexandrinus here noteth. 


“<4 


270 THE POWER 


the subordinate, such governors as are “sent by him 
for the punishment of evil doers, and the praise of them 
that do well:” sent by the king, I mean, it being the ‘‘ of- 
fice® of him that hath the highest and greatest place of 
government, to choose such assistants as shall rule together 
with him in the administration of those things which be- 
long to the public utility;” so saith Philo: and after him 
Libanius to the emperor of his time, ‘‘ Indeed", if it were 
possible that your own bodies might be every where, there 
would be no need that any magistrates should be sent by 
you into the provinces, you yourselves being able to admi- 
nister justice unto all, as the sun is sufficient to give light 
unto them: but seeing that cannot be, you govern them 
by others, and by their sentence you do determine 
justice.” Which made St. Paul profess before Festus the 
governor, sitting at Czsarea upon the bench, that he 
stood (not at his, but) at “‘ Casar’s' judgment seat ;” the 
other supplying his room only in that present place of ju- 
dicature. The compiler of the apostolical constitutions 
(personating those times wherein the civil government 
stood opposite to the Christian faith) doth thus express 
this distribution : ‘‘ Thou* shalt fear the king, considering 
that he isthe election(or ordinance) of the Heed : thou shalt 
honour his magistrates as the ministers of God, for they are 
revengers of all iniquity.” Where for St. Peter’s nynud- 
vec, itis observable that he useth the word doyovrec, which 


Ex’ adXotoe 0 adXot peyadou, 7d 0 Ecxaroy Kopvdovrat Bacrrevou. Pindar. 
Olymp. 1. sub fin. 

S Hpoohke Tp rig avwratw Kai peyiorne apxic a&wOéevrTe atpsicbar 
diaddxouc, ot cuvdp~over cai cuvducdoovor, Kai 7’ GXAa boa Kotvwdedi} 
suydvoiknoovety. Philo in libro de creatione principis. 

h Ei péy ovy oiov7’ Hy eivae ravraxod Ta bpéTepa CwpaTa, THY apXov- 
rwy ovdéy ay robtwy te THY éxi Ta Cyn Tap poy TELTOMEVWY, dTAacLY 
ipay roic dicalopévore AtoXpoOvTwY, WorED aLTIHC Tije TOV HAioV AapT- 
dévoc. tet O& TovTO ody oldyTe Ov ETépwY avTOic épEeoTHKATE, Out THe 
xeivoy yvopne dete rac Widove Tec. Libanius, in ora. kara THY TpoG- 
cOpevovTwy Tole apxovor. 

i Acts, chap. 25. ver. 6. 10. a 

K Tov Baovea GoPnOnog, eidwe Ore Tov KUpLoV éoTLY xetporovia. TOVCG 
dpxovrac adbrov Tysioec dc Aetrovpyove Oeod, Exdtor yap Eiot MAGN adz- 
kiac. Const. apostolic. lib. 7. cap. 17. 


OF THE PRINCE. 971 


in the singular commonly denotes the prince, in the plural 
magistrates : a term which in the propriety of the Latin 
tongue belongs to subaltern officers, and doth not com- 
prehend the prince himself, whose office it is to ‘ re- 
dress! the unjust actions of the magistrates, and to make 
void whatsoever ought not to have been done by them.” 
And herein he seemeth to make the same distinction be- 
tween Pacebe and dpxovtec, the king and magistrates, 
which Dio Chrysostomus doth between PacrAkia and aoxi, 
““aoxn™, or magistracy, is called a legal administration of 
men according to the law: PacrAcia, or regality, is sucha 
government as is not subject to the control of any. The 
law is the decree of the king. A tyranny, which is con- 
trary to these, is a violent and illegal usage of men by 
one that is of greater strength.” 

XXII. For the clearer understanding whereof we may 
call to remembrance that difference which king James of 
never-dying memory, in the first book of his Basilicon 
Doron (out of Plato and Aristotle, the great masters of 
political learning) doth make between a lawful king and a 
tyrant: the words of that elegant writer are to this effect: 
‘“‘That the one acknowledgeth himself ordained for his 
people, having received from God a burthen of govern- 
ment, whereof he must be accountable; the other think- 
eth his people ordained for him, a prey to his passions and 
inordinate appetites, as the fruits of his magnanimity ; and 
therefore that a good king, thinking his highest honour 
to consist in the due discharge of his calling, employeth 
all his study and pains to procure and maintain, by the 


! “ Intercedere iniquitatibus magistratuum, infectumque reddere quicquid 
fieri non oportuerit. Plin. Panegyric. ad Trajan. 

M Agyeran yap 4 piv GpX?) vopiwoc dvOpwrwy duoiknow KaTa vopor. 
Baowteia dé dvuTebOuvoc apy). ‘O dé vopoc Bacréwe ddypa. “O be rd- 
pavvoc, kai) ripavve, tvayriov TobTowc, Biawog Kai Tapavopoc xXpijatc 
avOpdrwy Tov dokovyToc isyvev wrEoY. Dio Chrysost. in orat. 3, de regno. 
Ubi vocabuli docodvroc usum pleonasticum recte observat vir doctissimus Jo- 
annes Priceus: ut etiam in loco illo Marci, cap. 10. ver. 42. ot doxovrrec 
apxew Tov 2Ovay, pro quo Matt. cap. 20. ver. 25. simpliciter legitur, ot dpxov- 
TEec TMWY eOvOY. 


a72 THE POWER 


making and execution of good laws, the welfare and peace 
of his people.” 

XXIII. For the making of laws, whereof the force and 
penalty doth generally reach unto the whole kingdom, 
must be an act of the prince: and therefore where it is 
said, Psalm 60. ver. 7. “Judah is my law-giver,” the 
Greek aud vulgar Latin translate it, “Judah is my king,” 
agreeable to that in 1 Chron. chap. 5. ver. 2. ‘ Of Judah 
came the prince.” For “'To" this end,” saith Justinian, 
“God hath settled regal power among men, that by order- 
ing upon all occasions such things as are needful, it should 
both supply the uncertainty of human nature, and con- 
clude it within the bounds of certain laws.” And St. Au- 
gustine to the same purpose: “ The°® divine right we have 
in the Scriptures, the human right in the laws of kings; 
for? human rights God hath distributed to mankind by the 
emperors and kings of this world, and this human? right 
is in the power of the kings of the earth.” Hitherto also 
belongeth that of Alexius Comnenus: “‘ The’ regal office is 
nothing else but a legal administration of things: the law 
is that which preserveth the indemnity of the common- 
wealth, removing far and expelling such things as are pre- 
judicial to the civil state ; and the power of making the 
laws is committed to the king :” and that of Plutarch long 
before him, “ Justice’ is the end of the law, the law a 
work of the prince, and the prince the image of God.” 


" Baowsiay 0 Osdc Oia TovTO KaOHKEY Eic AVOPwWTOVE, OWE AY Toi Oe0- 
pévowc aet Te OvaTrarrovea Thy THe avOpwTirnc picEewc aoptoTiay avaThn- 
pot Te, Kal pyroic TEptKAELot Yopoic Te. Cod. de vet. jur. enucl. lib. 3. Grae. 

° “Divinum jus in Scripturis habemus, humanum jus in legibus regum.” 
August. in Joan. tract. 6. 

P “ Tpsa jura humana per imperatores et reges seculi Deus distribuit generi 
humano.” August. in Joan. tract. 6. 

4 Jus humanum in potestate regum est terre. August. in epist. 93. ad Vin- 
centium. 

™ Mnoév adXo H Baoireia 7} Evvopoc émveracia éort. vopor OF ot THY TO- 
Aurélay THPOUYTEC AOLAAWBHTOY, TOPPpw aTwOoUYTEC Ta TO TONITEVPA Ka- 
raBarrovra, aveira Of Kai TO vopoberety aciXEdouv. Alex. Comnen. 
Novel. de solutione sponsalium. 

s Aikn vépov rédoc Zor, vopoc dé apxovroc ~pyor, apxwy Ot éixwy 
Qcov. Plutarch. ad principem indoctum. 


OF THE PRINCE. 278 
The aoywy, or prince, makes the laws, not to himself, but 
to his subjects (to whom he standeth no way accountable 
for his own not observing any of them, as hereafter shall 
more fully be declared), the doyovrec judge and govern 
others according to the prescript of those laws, being 
themselves also obnoxious to them as well as other sub- 
jects. For, “ magistrates' are the ministers, judges the 
interpreters of the laws,” saith Tully: and “the laws do 
govern the magistrates no less than the magistrates do the 
people.” To the maker of the law, Dio (in the place al- 
leged) attributes BaciAstay, or regal sovereignty, which 
by him, and Suidas* out of him, is defined to be ‘ avuTebOu- 
voc apx, a government without check,” whereof no ac- 
count is to be rendered unto any man: to the ministers of 
the law he ascribeth apxqv simply ; by which word like- 
wise the scholiastY of Aristophanes, and Suidas’ also from 
him, observe the ministerial and inferior government most 
usually to be understood ; for ‘in? every kingdom there 
are many aoyat, but under one king,” saith Epiphanius. 
‘The? princes digged the well, the nobles of the people 
digged it by direction of the law giver, with their staves,” 
was a part of the song of Israel: and ‘‘ Moses* commanded 
us a law, even the inheritance of the congregation of Ja- 
cob: and he was king in Jeshurun, when the heads of the 
people and the tribes of Israel were gathered together.” 
Here Moses is the lawgiver and king in Israel: the princes 
and heads of the people, those dgyovtec and apyxal, with- 
out which Aristotle’ so oft tells us it is impossible a com- 


' “TLegum ministri magistratus, lezum interpretes judices ; legum denique id- 
circo omnes servi sumus, ut liberi esse possumus.” Cicero pro A. Cluentio. 

u “Ut magistratibus leges, ita populo presunt magistratus.” Cicero init. 
lib. 3. de legibus. 

x Suidas in Baoweia. 

Y Kowvdrepov kai rae Torabrac Widae éxtoraciac Kai AetTovpyiac apxac 
éXeyov, Kat TO Bovdevoat (id est, jus dicere) apxac. Schol. in Aristoph. Plut. 
pag. 91. edit. Greeco-Lat. anno 1607. 

2 Suidas in ”Apyey. 

* Kal’ éxaorny Baousiay rodXai dpxai, aX’ d¢’ Eva Baotéa. Epiphan. 
contra Archont. heres. 40. 

> Num. chap. 21. ver. 18. © Deut. chap. 33. ver. 4, 5. 

‘Avaykatoy yap sivat tiwac adpxac. Aristot. politic. lib. 3. cap. 12. 
VOL. XI. Zi 


274: THE POWER 


monwealth can consist. For, ‘‘ One® man,” saith Philo, 
‘though he have never so much alacrity and vigour in body 
and mind, cannot be sufficient to undergo the greatness 
and the multitude of the businesses, which every day do flow 
one upon the neck of another, unless they have coadjutors, 
chosen all of them out of the best, men of known wisdom, 
courage, justice, piety; and who not only are free from 
pride, but abhor it likewise as an hateful and exceeding 
great evil: for such men are most fit helpers and assistants 
to a good and worthy prince.” For proof whereof he 
giveth an instance in Moses himself, who although he were 
aman ‘mighty’ in words and in deeds,” and “ going in 
this his might,” (as God in another‘ place biddeth Gideon 
to do) did for a time judge Israel all alone; yet mere ne- 
cessity forced him in the end to profess unto the people : 
** J" am not able to bear you myself alone: How’ can I my- 
self alone bear your cumbrance, and your burthen, and 
your strife?” whereupon ‘‘he* took the chief of their 
tribes, wise men and known, and made them heads over 
the people, and officers among their tribes.” 

XXIV. And yet in his wisdom foreseeing withal, that 
these, as many as they were, could not be able to go 
through with the work, nor retain the people in due obe- 
dience, without the support of a supreme governor, before 
his departure out of this life he presenteth God with this 
petition: “ Let! the Lord, the God of the spirits of all 


"Avev apxovTwy advvaroy sivartodty. Arist. polit. lib. 4. cap. 4. Tov pey 
yap advaykaiwy apxay Xwpic adbvaroy sivat wéXy. Arist. polit. lib. 6. cap. 8. 

© Eic yap ovx dy tapkioa, cay moo0vpdraroc y Kai TAvTwY ippwpEvic- 
TaToe éKaTEpoY owWpha Kai PuXIY, Tpdc Ta pEyeOn Kai ANON THY Tpay- 
parr, iri Ty dopa THy irecoxeopévoy Kal’ Exdorny yuépay araxder 
awry, &t py Tove ovdrebopmévoue Exot TavTac aptoTivdny ETUEypEVOUE, 
dpovycer, Ouvaper, Oicaocvyy, OeocEBEia, Ti jut) MOvOY ExT péwETBaL, GAG 
kai puceiv de ExOpdy Kal péyroroy Kaxdy, addaloveiay’ BonPoi yap ovrot Kai 
Tapacrara yévowr av avdpi Kad Kai ayabp Ta Kova enxMopEny, 
ouverikougile Kai erehagpilery éxirndsvorarot. Philo, in libro de crea- 
tione principis. 

f Acts, chap. 7. ver. 22. S Judges, chap. 6. ver..14. 

h Deut. chap. 1. ver. 9. i Td. ibid. ver. 12. 

k Deut. chap. 1. ver. 15. with Exod. chap. 18. ver. 25. 

Num. chap, 27. ver. 16, 17. 


OF THE PRINCE. Bis 


flesh, set a man over the congregation, which may go out 
before them, and which may go in before them, and which 
may lead them out, and which may bring them in; that the 
congregation of the Lord be not as sheep™ which have 
no shepherd:” and God thereupon giveth order un- 
to him, that he should “ put" some of his honour upon 
Joshua, that all the congregation of the children of Israel 
might be obedient :” which honour or regal sovereignty 
(for Moses° had no less) how fully Joshua did enjoy after 
his decease, this profession then made by the people may 
sufficiently testify : ‘ All? that thou commandest us, we will 
do, and whithersoever thou sendest us we will go. Accord- 
ing as we hearkened unto Moses, so will we hearken unto 
thee: only the Lord thy God be with thee, as he was with 
Moses. Whosoever he be, that doth rebel against thy 
commandment, and will not hearken unto thy words in all 
that thou commandest him, he shall be put todeath: only 
be strong and of a good courage.” And this ratification 
thereof made by God himself not long after: ‘‘ On‘ that 
day, the Lord magnified Joshua in the sight of all Israel, 
and they feared him as they feared Moses all the days of 
his life.” 

XXV. The supreme governor therefore hath not more 
need. of the subordinate magistrates for his assistance, 
than they have of him to give them life and motion: no 
state being possibly able to subsist, unless a supremacy of 
power be placed in some head, from whence it may be de- 
rived through all the parts of the body politic. A lively 
manifestation of this we have from the old Persians', who 


. 


™ See 1 Kings, chap. 22. ver. 17. 1 Num. chap. 27. ver. 20. 

° Gen. chap. 36. ver. 31. wih Deut. chap. 33. ver. 5. 

P Jos. chap. 1. ver. 16, 17, 18. 

4 Jos. chap. 4. ver. 14. 

° "Evrev0ey cai ot Wepody yapievtec vopoy txovot, Baoiiéwe wap’ av- 
Tole TEAEUTHOAVTOC, TEYTE TAC 2MEETHC Nmépac Avomtay aye’ OdK UTEP TOU 
duvoruyxeiv, aN’ irép Tov Epyp pabeiy HriKov KakOY éoTLY 1) Avopia (opa- 
yac kai aprraydc, Kai i Te xEtpdy éorLy éwayovoa) iva TLOTOTEpAL THY Ba- 
sitwy pddakec yévwyrat. Sext. Empir. adversus Mathematicos, lib. 2. 
Vide et Serinum apud Stobeum, serm, 42. 

Z2 


276 THE POWER 


for five days together, after the decease of their king, per- 
mitted the people to live lawless; that after the experience 
of the slaughters, rapines, and other outrages committed 
in that short interval, they might learn to hold their kings 
in more high esteem. Which bringeth some light to that 
which we meet with so oft in the book of Judges, and 
wherewith the last chapter of that sacred history is con- 
cluded: ‘In those days there was no king in Israel, every 
man did that which was right in his own eyes.” In the 
same chapter we read that there were then “ the’ elders of 
the congregation” in the commonwealth ; and in the chap- 
ter going before, that zealous Phineas‘ stood high priest 
before the ark in those days. But the want of aking, 
that is, of one that had the supreme managing of the 
sword of justice, is assigned to be the cause of all this con- 
fusion and disorder ; who, being in the Scripture termed 
“ The" breath of our nostrils,” as the great army of Alex- 
ander doth profess to the same effect in Curtius, that 
*‘they* all did live by that one man’s breath, or spirit ;” 
we may easily thence infer, that, as in the natural body, 
the breath being stopped, life can no longer be conti- 
nued ; so, the power ofthe supreme governor being taken 
away, all vital influence into the rest of the body civil must 
cease therewith, and the whole state of necessity suffer a 
dissolution. And therefore, as Florus writeth of the con- 
stitution of the Roman empire under Cesar Augustus, 
that ‘* No¥ doubt it could never have otherwise conjoined 
and consented together, unless it had been governed by 
the beck of one ruler, as by a kind of soul and mind :” 
so, touching the continuation thereof, Seneca in like man- 


* Judges, chap. 21. ver. 16. t Tbid. chap. 20. ver. 28. 

“ Lament. chap. 4. ver. 20. 

* “ Armatus exercitus regiam obsedit, confessus omnes unius spiritu vivere.” 
Q. Curtius, lib. 9. cap. 11. 

y “Ad Octavium Cesarem Augustum summa rerum rediit : qui sapientia sua 
atque solertia perculsum undique et perturbatum ordinavit imperii corpus. 
‘Quod ita haud dubie nunquam coire et consentire potuisset, nisi unius preesidis 
nutu quasi anima et mente regeretur.” L. Florus, lib. 4. eap. 3. 


OF THE PRINCE. arr 


ner addeth : ‘ This‘ infinite multitude which environs one 
man’s soul, is by his spirit governed, and by his reason 
guided ; which otherwise would oppress and break her- 
self with her own force, if by his counsel she were not sus- 
tained.” For, ‘“ He? is the bond which holds fast the state 
together, he is that vital breath which so many thousands 
draw in; who otherwise as a lifeless and unwieldy load 
would prove a booty, if that soul of the empire were ta- 
ken away.” 


The king being safe, one mind unites them all; 
He gone, their league dissolveth, and they fall. 


XXVI. Where further also it is to be considered, that 
the placing of the supremacy of civil power (which the 
Latins call majesty, the Grecians kipiov woXirevpa, Kuplav 
aoxnyv, and axeav ovotav) in some certain head, is so es- 
sential to all states of government, that from it the formal 
difference ariseth of all particular kinds thereof. For, al- 
though in Switzerland, for example, the cantons have their 
several magistrates, who during the time of their govern- 
ment order all things among the people, yet are they not 
an aristocracy for that, but a mere democracy; because 
these officers derive their authority wholly from the people, 
and to them or their deputies they are to give an account 
of the exercise thereof. And, although in the common- 
wealth of Venice there be but one duke, yet, because this 
person is not invested” with the supreme power of govern- 
ment, that state is nothing less than monarchical. The 


z “ Hee immensa multitudo, unius anime circumdata, illius spiritu regitur, 
illius ratione flectitur ; pressura se ac fractura viribus suis, nisi consilio:sustinere- 
tur.” Seneca de Clementia, lib. 1. cap. 3. 

a “Tlle est enim vinculum, per quod respublica coheret; ille spiritus vitalis, 
quem hec tot millia trahunt; nihil ipsa per se futura nisi onus et preda, si mens 
illa imperii subtrahatur. — Rege incolumi mens omnibus una est; Amisso 
rupere fidem—” Seneca de Clementia, lib. 1. cap. 4. Versus autem Virg. sunt 
lib. 4. Georg. de apibus, quorum sententiam hoc eodem libro, cap. 19. ita expres- 
sit idem Seneca, ‘‘ Amisso rege totum dilabitur examen.” 

> “ Tmperii summam vim ipsam nunquam habuit, sed imaginem tantum quan- 
dam et umbram imperii, plus minusve, pro temporum varietate.”’ Nicol. Crass. 
Not. 15, in Donat. Jannot. de rep. Venet. 


or 


278 THE POWER 


Lacedemonians had two kings (for failing) and both of 
them hereditary, descending from the race of Hercules, 
and yet that hindered nothing at all their aristocracy ; 
because they being subject to the oversight and con- 
trol of the Ephori, were but equivocal kings, such in 
name’, but not in deed. For, to speak properly, by the 
name of a king, as Gregory Nyssen noteth, we understand 
such an one asis “ hist own master, and hath no other 
master beside :” who hath ‘ absolute® power in himself,” 
and is no way subject to the control of any other. And 
therefore when Anthony was so much pressed by his Cleo- 
patra to call Herod unto question, he answered: “ It‘ was 
not fitting a king should give account of what he did in his 
government, for he should be in effect no king at all.” 
XXVII. On the other side, in our high court of parlia- 
ment, although the knights, citizens and burgesses (re- 
presenting the whole body of the commons) bear the shew 
ot a little democracy among us, and the lords and nobles, 
(as the optimates of the kingdom) of an aristocracy; yet 
our government is a free monarchy notwithstanding: be- 
cause the supreme authority resteth neither in the one 
nor in the other, (either severally or jointly) but solely in 
the person of the king, at whose pleasure? they are assem- 
bled, and without whose royal assent nothing they con- 
clude on can be a law forceable to bind the subjects. 
Whereupon by a special act of the same great court it is 


© As other inferior princes likewise named, Isai. chap. 10. ver. 8. Jerem. 
chap. 19. ver. 3. Psalm 105. ver. 30. So Eustathius in Homer. Odyss. a. 
Unpsiwcar dé Ore od pdvoy “Opnpoe Baorrkic Eyer Todc tvddEouce Kai Bact- 
Atkove, dG Kai ot per’ adToyv. et Proclus, in Hesiod.”"Epywy a. Baowjac 
Tove Oucacrac Kai Tobe apxovTac Eyer’ OVTW yap avTode éKadovY ot Ta- 
Aatot. 

4 Adroxparopa kai adéororoy riv Baovéa Kadovpev. Greg. Nyssen. 
contra Eunom. lib. 1. 

© Td abroxparéc re kai avapxov. Greg. Nyssen. contra Eunom. lib. 1. 

f Ob yap ton Kade Exey ’AvTwri0c, Baoihia Epi TOY KaTa THY apxXiVY 
yeyevnpévory evOvvac amarety’ ovTwc yap dy ovdé Baotrede eivat. Joseph. 
antiqu. lib. 15. cap. 14. 

= Quis tante est authoritatis ut nolentem principem possit ad convocandos 
patres czeterosque proceres coarctare? Justinian, Novel. 23. 


OF THE PRINCE. 979 


declared, that" the king’s highness must be acknowledged 
to be the ONLY sUPREME GOVERNOR of his dominions in 
all causes whatsoever. Which could not stand, if that 
either court itself, or any other power upon earth, might 
in any cause overrule him: I say any power, whether 
foreign or domestical. 

XXVIII. This government is called ‘ ravredijc! povap- 
xia, a full monarchy,” by Sophocles; ‘* avrapyxia‘, a free 
and independent regiment,” by Marcus Aurelius in Dio; 
* avroxoari¢ BacAsia kal avuTedOuvoc, an absolute king- 
dom, not subject to the control of any,” by Plutarch, in 
that little book wherein he compareth the three kinds of 
governments (monarchical, democratical, and oligarchical 
or aristocratical) together; and in the end, out of Plato, 
preferreth a monarchy before the rest for this very reason; 
because “the! others being ruled, do yet after a sort rule, 
and being led do lead the civil governor” set over them; 
who “ having no solid and firm strength herein from those 
who gave him his power,” is subject to be suppressed by 
the same hand that raised him. Whereas a free mo- 
narch, who hath the supremacy of power placed in his own 
person, and by virtue thereof maketh such laws, and im- 
parteth to the subordinate magistrates such authority for 
the seeing of them put in execution, as may best conduce 
to the benefit of the whole state, doth thereby in a most 
special manner represent unto us (as we have before heard 
out of the same author) the image of God, the most high 
and absolute monarch™ of this whole universe. To this 
purpose, Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, maketh that ‘‘ high" 
eminency of glory,” annexed unto the imperial state, to be 


h Statut. Angl. ann. 1. Eliz. (et Hibern, ann. 2. ejusdem) cap. 1. 

i Sophocles in Antigona, ver. 1177. 

k Xiphilin. excerpt. ex Dionis Marc. Aurelio. 

1 Al piv yap G@Aa ToduTEiae TPdTOY TIVad KpAaTOvpEVae KpaTOvOL, Kai 
pepopmevar pipovor Tov ToduTuKdy OvK EXOYTA THY toxiyv PéEBaoy imi 
rovrou (rovTwy) rap @ exer TO ioxtoyv, GAG TodAGKIC avayKaZopevoy Td 
Aicytdevoy dvapwrvety, &c. Plutarch. 

™ Vide Philonem Jud. initio lib. 1. de monarchia. 

” Tij¢ piv tv dvOpwroc evKAkiag TO dvywWrazoy, Kai douyKpirolc) Stago- 
paic Tay a\Awy aTavTwY avETTHKOS TE Kat UrEpkEiMevoY dpEtc (@ Wdd- 


280 THE POWER 


an image upon earth of the supreme majesty of Almighty 
God in heaven. And you, saith he to the emperors, 
‘‘ you" alone, who have obtained power over all men, are, 
as it were, a kind of expression and imitation of that king- 
dom which is in heaven.” Whereunto may be added that 
of the author of the questions upon the Old and New 
Testament, in the third tome of St. Augustin’s works: 
“ The® king hath the image of God;” and the author of 
the commentaries upon the epistles of St. Paul, who, not 
without great probability, is thought to be the same, how- 
soever bearing the name of St. Ambrose: “ Kings? are cre- 
ated for the correcting of our life, and the keeping back of 
adversities; in his having the image of God, that all the 
rest should be under one.” And of Johannes Sarisburi- 
ensis: “ The‘ prince, as sundry do define him, is a public 
power, and a kind of an image of the divine majesty upon 
earth.” To which definition, or description rather, we 
may refer that of Menander: 


Eikwy" O& Baoisbc tory Eupuyxoc Oeod. 


The king is a living image of God. 


And that of Diogenes the Pythagorean, that ‘ The’ king 
having a power uncontrolable, and being himself a living 


xptarot BactXetc) Kai KAijpoc vpivy eEapeTog TE Kai TpETWY Tapa Deod TiC 
ehovone aUT@ KaTa TaYTWY YrEPOXTC, ElKOC yap emi ye TO yépac, &c. 
idoe 0 ay Tle Kai Ei THC VpETEPac yadnVOTaTOE TiC OVTW TEPLPaVOUE Kat 
dvwtarw Tacoy evKXEiac, OlaTpémovTa Kai tvapyh TOY TUTOY" DEC yap 
ore kal Tov cic AHEw aéwparwy mya, Kai amaone UTEPOX TC ETEKELVA. 
Cyril. initio libri de recta fide ad Theodosium. 

2 The év ovpavotc Bactiisiac itxtritwpa Gorep Te Kai pipnpa Toic eri 
The ye bpeic OF Kat povor TO KaTa TavTwY NaxXOyTEC Kparog. Cyril. in 
apologet. ad Theodosium. 

© Quest. 25. ex vet. et nov. Test. 

p “* Principes hos reges dicit, qui propter corrigendam vitam et prohibenda 
adversa creantur ; Dei habentes imaginem, ut sub uno sint czteri.” Ambr. in 
Rom. cap. 138. 

4 “ Est ergo, ut eum plerique definiunt, princeps potestas publica, et in terris 
quedam divine majestatis imago.” Jo. Sarisbur. Polycratic. lib. 4. cap. 1. 

r In monostichis ab H. Stephano edit. ann. 1569. 

5 ‘O d& Baciiebe dpxay Exwy avuTEetOuvor, Kai adrog OY vopmoc EuWuxoc, 
Okdc tv avOpwroc Tapecyapariora. Diotog. apud Stobeum serm. 46. 


OF THE PRINCE. 281 


law, is the figure of God among men.” And those admo- 
nitions of Agapetus unto the emperor Justinian: “ Seeing* 
thou hast attained to a dignity higher than all other ho- 
nour, do thou also above all others honour God, who was 
pleased so to signify thee, according to the similitude of 
his heavenly kingdom, giving unto thee the sceptre of this 
earthly principality.” For, although “ the" king, in regard 
of the nature of his body, be of the same mould with every 
other man, yet, in respect of the eminency of his dignity, he 
is like unto God, who is Lord over all ; whose* image he 
beareth, and by him holdeth that power which he hath 
over all men.” 

XXIX. If we consider God in his own sublime majesty, 
the Scripture will tell us that ‘his’ throne is in heaven ;” 
but if we look upon him in these his vicegerents, which 
do so immediately represent his person among the sons of 
men, inthe same Scripture we may find out another throne 
of his, prepared here on this earth, which is his “ foot- 
stool.” Thus, where, in the history of the kings, we read 
that “‘Solomon* sate upon the throne of David his father, 
and his kingdom was established greatly.” In the Chro- 
nicles we have it thus expressed: ‘ Then” Solomon sate 
upon the throne of the Lorp as king instead of David his 
father, and prospered, and all Israel obeyed him.” And, 
where in the former the queen of Sheba is brought in 
speaking unto the same king after this manner: “ Blessed* 
be the Lord thy God, which delighteth in thee to set thee 
on the throne of Israel :” in the latter, her speech is thus 


t Tiwiie arrdone iréprepoy exwy akiwpa, Baorrkd, Tiwa UTip dwayTag 
rov Tovrov ce déwcarra Oedy, bre Kai Kal’ Spoiwory THe Baorsiacg EwKéE 
dot TO oKijmT pov THe émtysiov Owvacreiac. Agap. Par. cap. 1. 

Ty piv ovoig Tov cwparoc taoc TayTi dvOpwTw Oo BacrrevC, TY *ovaig 
O& Tov aZwparoc Opowcéore TH ii TavTwy Oe@. Agap. Par. cap. 21. 

x Typ eixova piper Tov ei TavTwy Osov, Kal O¢ adbrod Karéxer THY emt 
mavrwv apxnyv. Agap. Par. cap. 37. 

y Psalm 11. ver. 4. and Psalm 103. ver. 16. 

2 Ysaiah, chap. 66. ver. 1. Matt. chap. 5. ver. 35. 

@ 1 Kings, chap. 2. ver. 12. b 1 Chron. chap. 29. ver. 23. 

© 1 Kings, chap. 10. ver. 9. 


282 THE POWER 


related: ‘* Blessed* be the Lord thy God, which delight- 
eth in thee to set thee on nis throne, to be king for 
the Lorp thy God.” And as the king’s throne is ac- 
counted God’s throne, so the kings themselves also are 
styled his kings and his anointed; “ He® shall give 
strength unto us king, and exalt the horn of nts anoint- 
ed,” saith Hannah in her song; and David likewise in his: 
“‘Great' deliverance giveth he to nts king, and sheweth 
mercy to HIs anointed.” 

XXX. Where further also it deserveth special consi- 
deration, that this sacred title of ‘‘the Lord’s anointed” 
is not only attributed to David? and Josiah*, and such 
good kings as God in his mercy did raise up unto his 
people; but to Sauli also, a king whom he* gave unto 
them in his anger: nor to those who were of the common- 
wealth of Israel alone, but to Cyrus an heathen emperor, 
of whom it is written: “‘ Thus! saith the Lord to his 
anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden to 
subdue nations before him:” who”, although at first he did 
not know his founder, yet at last by public proclamation 
he made this large acknowledgment ofhim: ‘Thus® saith 
Cyrus king of Persia, All the kingdoms of the earth hath 
the Lord God of heaven given me, and he hath charged 
me to build him an house in Jerusalem.” Yea, he that 
gave the empire to Cyrus that should ‘ build? his city, and 
let go his captives,” gave the same unto Nebuchadnezzar 
who had before destroyed the same city, and led the 
people into captivity; whereof the prophet Daniel did 
thus put him in mind: ‘‘ Thou’, O king, art a king of 
kings, for the God of heaven hath given thee a kingdom, 


4 2 Chron. chap. 9. ver. 8. © 1 Sam. chap. 2. ver. 10. 

f Psalm 18. ver. 50. 2 Sam. chap. 22. ver. 51. 

§ 2 Sam. chap. 12. ver. 7. chap. 19. ver. 21. and chap. 23. ver. 1. 

h Lam. chap. 4. ver. 20. 

* 1 Sam. chap. 12. ver. 3. 5. chap. 24. ver. 6. 10. and chap. 26. ver. 9. 11. 16. 
23. with 2 Sam. chap. 1. ver. 14. 16. 

K 1 Sam. chap. 8. ver. 7. ! Isaiah, chap. 45. ver. 1. 

™ Isaiah, chap. 45. ver. 4, 5. 

" 2 Chron. chap. 36. ver. 23. Ezra, chap. 1. ver. 2. 

® Isaiah, chap. 45. ver. 13. P Dan. chap. 2. vere 27. 


OF THE PRINCE. 985 


power and strength and glory ;” and afterwards his grand- 
child in these words: ‘ The’ most high God gave Nebu- 
chadnezzar thy father a kingdom, and majesty and glory, 
and honour; and for the majesty that he gave him, all 
people, nations and languages trembled and feared before 
him: whom he would he slew, and whom he would he kept 
alive, and whom he would he set up, and whom he would 
he put down.” And he that gave Cyrus the title of his 
anointed, gave to this Nebuchadnezzar also the style of 
his servant"; the same wherewith those choicest gover- 
nors, Moses‘, Joshua‘ and David", were graced by him. 
XXXI. That kings derive their power, and hold their 
crown from God, is a truth which even heathen writers do 
acknowledge no less than Christian. *Ex* 6? Awe Bao- 
Anec, was the saying of old Hesiod ; whereby he makes 
God their procreant cause, as elsewhere their conservant, 
by giving them the title of AvorpegeicY, and what the poets 
ascribe to Jove, the apostle gives to God’, we know. ‘The 
former is more largely expressed thus by Callimachus*, 
(whose verses, together with all the following, are of the 
translation of my ingenious and learned friend Mr. I. P.) 


"Ex 0 Aude Baowdijec’ tei Atoc oddtv avaKTwy 
OadrEepoy, TP Kai ode TENY Expivao Tae. 


Kings are from Joye, none so divine as they, 
Whom he calls his, and in his place bids sway. 


The latter is set down by Homer in this manner: 


Oupoct dé péyac tori duoTpEpiog Bactrgsjoc, 
Tryin 0 éx Arde tort, prrst 08 é pyTieTa Lede. 


4 Dan. chap. 5. ver. 18, 19. 

r Jer. chap. 25. ver. 9. chap. 27. ver. 6. and chap. 43. ver. 10. 

S Num. chap. 12. ver. 7, 8. Psalm 105. ver. 26. 

€ Jos. chap. 24. ver. 29. 

" Psalm 18. ver. 1. and Psalm 78. ver. 70. 

* Kings are from Jove. Hesiod, Theogon. verse 96. 

Y Nourished by Jove. Hesiod, Theogon. ver. 82. 

2 Acts, chap. 17. ver. 24. 28, @ Callimach, hymn. in Jovem. 
@ Tliad, 6. verse 196, 197. 


284: THE POWER 


The anger of a king is great; 
Him Jove himself doth nourish : 
From him his honour springs, 
And by his love doth flourish. 


Where, note with Eustathius, that kings are called dvoye- 
veic and dvoroepeic, not® as deriving their pedigree from 
Jove, but their kingly honour. And this is delivered 
also by the same poet, under the person of sage Nestor 
reproving Achilles for contending with king Agamemnon: 


Mijre4 ob} Tdeidn, Se éprZEwevar Baordae 
’"AyriBiny® éret ov700’ Omoing Empope TYAS 
UenTrovxoe Baowreve, w re Lede cvdoc Exe. 


Pelides, strive not with the king, 

His honour is a different thing 

From thine : his power is from above, 
His sceptre is the gift of Jove. 


And directing his speech to Agamemnon himself : 


hady® toot avak, kai rou Lebe tyyvariZe 
UKyrTpov 7’ HO O&ptorac, tva ohior BovredyaAa. 


Thou rulest many nations, Jove a sceptre did thee lend, 
And laws, that to thy people’s good thou might’st attend. 


Whence Eustathius also inferreth, that “ the’ kingly of- 
fice is a good gift of God,” and that ‘ the? king hath 
both his sceptre and his jurisdiction from God.” 

And with Homer, the prince of poets, doth Plato like- 
wise, the prince of philosophers, acknowledge ‘‘ the® 
regal office to be a divine good among men,” and makes 
his ‘‘ king' as it were, a god among men.” Diotogenes 


© OvK Ort ze Atde 7b yévog EAkovoty, ANN’ Ore 2& éxeivov avroig Tip, 4 
THe Baosiac Onradyj. Eustath. pag. 199. edit. Rom. 

4 Tliad, a. ver. 277. &c. 

© Iliad, 0. ver. 97. &c. with Iliad, B. ver. 205, 206. 

* Osdcdoroy ayaldy » Baoireia. Eustath. in Iliad. 2. pag. 202, 203. edit. 
Rom. 

£‘O avak cai oxiarpoy Oedbev Exer Kai O&ucorac. Eustath. in Iliad. 
9. pag. 738. 

h Tl\drwv Baoiteiay Ozioy ayabdy ty avOpwrorc Kade. Synes. in orat. 
de regno. 


 Olov Ody 28 avOpwrwy. Plato in Politico. 


OF THE PRINCE. 285 


the Pythagorean saith, ‘‘ that* God hath given him domi- 
nion.” Dio Chrysostom! toucheth often the same thing. 
Pliny telleth the emperor Trajan, that God “ gave™ him 
to be his substitute toward all mankind.” And Themis- 
tius affirmeth, that ‘‘ God" from heaven did send regal 
power unto the earth.” Our Christians also that lived 
under the first persecutions, though they had occasion 
enough thereby given them to decline the government of 
those times and emperors, did yet both acknowledge and 
reverence God’s ordinance in the advancement of them. 
And therefore when Celsus the Epicurean philosopher had 
cited that place of Homer : 
ey Eic® coipavoe tor, 
Eig BaotXedc, @ twee Kpdvov raic ayxvopyrew. 

and inferred thence against the Christian: ‘“ If? thou wilt 
not admit this document, the king may justly punish 
thee:” Origen admitteth it, so that instead of the fabulous 
son of Saturn the true God be nominated, ‘‘ who® setteth 
up kings and removeth them, and in his own time raiseth 
upon the earth such an one as is useful to the state.” 
For “ It is not,” saith he, “ the son of Saturn (who ex- 
pelled his father from his government, and cast him into 
hell, as the fables of the Grecians report) that setteth up 


k Atdoxey 6 Ocdc adr Tay ayepoviay. Diotog. apud Stobzeum, serm. 46. 

' Téy Baciiwy rapa Aide txdvTwy Ty émitpor HY Kai THY Cbvapey. 
Dio, orat. 1. de regno. “Otay avOpwrove weedy, TOTE Vomier Td TpoohKoy 
émuredety Te UTO TOU pEyioToU Oso TaXOEic iwi ToUTO Td Epyov. Dio, orat. 
3. de regno ad Trajanum. @ povp Td mpoorarrery Evemerv 6 Osdc. Dio, 
orat. 3. de regno ad Trajanum. 

m “Te dedit, qui erga omne hominum genus vice sua fungereris.” Plin. 
Paneg. ad Trajanum. 

" Baowslay éx Tov oipavod Karéimeuer sic THY yiv 6 OEedc. Themist. 
orat. 5. de imp. Theodosii humanitate. Vide et orat. 12. ad Jovinianum imp. 
ubi etiam regia illa epitheta, dvoyevi kai duorpeda, ex Homero repetit. 

© Homer, Iliad, 3. verse 204, 205. 

P ‘Qe ay rovTo Nboyc Td Dbypa, EikdTwe apuveirat ced Baciredc. Celsus 
apud Originem. 

4 ANN 6 Edwkey OKabiorGy Baorreic Kai peOioT HY, Kai Toy YpHowoy Ka- 
Ta Kawpoy éyeipwy ert TiC yng’ Kai obX 6 KaTaTaprapwléYTog (We ol pU- 
Bou EXAnvwy AEyouet) Kpdvov vide arehaoag TovToy TiC apxic, Ka0iaTnot 
Baowrkic, AN 6 dtoukHv Ta obpravra Osde oldEy 0 TL MOTE MOLE’ KATA TOY 
TuTov Tie Tuy Baoiéwy KaTaoTacEewe. Orig. lib. 8. contra Celsum. Op. 
tom. 1. pag. 793. 


286 THE POWER 


kings; but it is the God who governeth all things, that 
knoweth when and in what place to appoint the erection 
of kings.” And so concludeth, that ‘‘ The’ king could 
not justly punish them for saying that it is not the son of 
crafty Saturn that gave him power to reign, but he who 
is the remover and setter up of kings:” and wisheth that 
“ all would do the like, rejecting the Homerical, and em- 
bracing the divine doctrine touching the constitution of a 
kingdom, and observing the precept which requireth them 
to honour the king.” To this purpose also Theophilus, 
bishop of Antioch, thus declares himself: ‘ I" will honour 
the king, not adoring him, but praying for him: Him that 
is God indeed, even the true God, I adore; knowing that 
by him the king is ordained.” And again: “ He* is 
not himself God but a man appointed by God; not to 
be worshipped, but to judge righteously ; being after a 
sort entrusted by God with this administration.” Athe- 
nagoras addressing his speech jointly to Aurelius and his 
son Commodus: ‘‘ To! youthe power of all things is com- 
mitted, ye have received the kingdom from above.” And 
Dionysius of Alexandria: ‘‘ We" worship and adore that 
one God and maker of all things, who hath committed the 
kingdom to our sacred emperors Valerianus and Gali- 
enus.” Irenzeus, having proved this point at large by tes- 


4 ’AXN 0d0' sikdrwe nuac apiverar Baoirede, PaoKovTac pev OTe od Kps- 
voU Traic ayKVAopHTEW EdwKey a’TH TO Bacrredery, 6 dE pEALoTHY BacirEic 
caikabiorov. Kai ro abréye movurwoay jou drayrec, TO piv “Onnprcoy 
katrahtorrec Odypa, TO O& Okioy wepi BacieEiac THpovYTEC, Kai Td TOY Bact- 
Aéa Tiay pudarTovTEc. Orig. lib. 8. contra Celsum. Op. tom. 1. pag. 793. 

’ Totyapovy paddov tysyow roy Baoiréa, od TpocKYYmY aiT@, ara 
evxopmevoc drép abrov' Oem O TH byTwWC OE Kai anOEL TPOTKUYG, EidwWC 
Ore 6 Baoiede bm’ adrov yéyovev. Theoph. ad Autolycum lib. 1. 

8 Oed¢ yap ovK toriy, GNX ayOpwroe bd Veo TETaypéVOC, OvK sic Td 
Oucaiwc Kpivey* rpdTy yap TUL Tapa OEod oikovopiay mETiorevTat. Theoph. 
ad Autolycum lib. 1. 

t ‘Yyiv rarpi cai vip wavra KeXeipwrat, dvwber THY BacirEiay EiAnpooe. 
Athenag. legat. pro Christian. : 

u “Hysic tov Eva Oedv cai Snpiovpydy Tov arayTwy Toy Kai THY Bact 
Aelav éyxXElpioavra PioPEoaTaroie Ovarepravp Kai Tarinvy ceBacroic, 
TOUTOY Kai o&Bomey Kai ToocKUYOtmEY. Dion. adv. Germanum, apud Euseb. 
lib. 7. hist. eccles. cap. 11. 


OF THE PRINCE. 287 


timony of Scripture, concludes his discourse elegantly 
with these words: ‘‘ By* whose command they are born 
men, by his command likewise they are ordained kings.” 
And so Tertullian after him: ‘“ Thence’ is the emperor 
from whence he was a man before he became emperor : 
thence hath he his authority from whence he hath his 
breath.” And again: “ What? should I speak more of 
the religious and observant respect of Christians towards 
the emperor? whom of necessity we must reverence as 
one that our Lord hath chosen; so as we may truly 
say, Ceesar is rather ours than yours, as being ordained 
by our God.” And in another place: “ A? Christian is 
enemy to no man, much less to the emperor, whom know- 
ing to be appointed by his God, he must of necessity love, 
reverence and wish safe.” Which safety and health of 
the prince he sheweth to have been so highly esteemed 
by the Christians, even when thus they suffered persecu- 
tion from them, that they used to make mention of it in 
their oaths; ‘‘ We” swear,” saith he, “ not by the genii 
of the Cesars, (which are no other than devils) but by 
their health, which to us is exceedingly more venerable 
than those delusions. We reverence in our emperors 
God’s judgment, that hath made them governors over the 
nations: for that we know to be in them which God would 


x “ Cujus jussu homines nascuntur, hujus jussu et reges constituuntur.” Iren. 
lib. 5. cap. 24. 

y “ Inde est imperator unde et homo antequam imperator ; inde potestas illi 
unde et spiritus.” Tertul. apolog. cap. 30. 

z “ Sed quid ego amplius de religione atque pietate Christiana in imperato- 
rem ? quem necesse est suspiciamus, ut eum quem Dominus noster elegit : ut 
merito dixerim, noster est magis Cesar, ut a nostro Deo constitutus.” Tertul. 
apolog. cap. 33. 

a “ Christianus nullius est hostis, nedum imperatoris; quem sciens a Deo 
suo constitui, necesse est ut et ipsum diligat, et revereatur, et salvum velit.” 
Tertul. ad Scapul. cap. 2. 

b “ Sed et juramus, sicut non per genios Czsarum, ita per salutem eorum, 
que est augustior omnibus geniis. Nescitis genios demonas dici, et inde daemo- 
nia? Nos judicium Dei suspicimus in imperatoribus, qui gentibus illos preefecit. 
Id enim in eis scimus esse, quod Deus voluit ; ideoque et salvum ipsum volumus 
esse quod Deus voluit; et pro magnoid juramento habemus.”’ Tertul. in apol. 
cap. 32, 


288 THE POWER 


have to be; and therefore would have that to be safe 
which God appointed; and make account of that as a 
great oath.” 

And so under the Christian emperors, as Vegetius tells 
us, the oath administered unto the Roman soldiers was : 
**By° God, and Christ, and the Holy Ghost, and by the 
majesty of the emperor; which, next after God, was by 
mankind to be loved and honoured ;” whereof he gives 
this reason: ‘ To’ the emperor, when he hath received 
the name of Augustus, faithful devotion is to be exhibited, 
and all vigilant service to be performed, as unto a present 
and corporeal’ God. For a man, whether private or mili- 
tary, doth serve God, when he faithfully loves him who 
reigns by the authority of God.” Which reason, whe- 
ther it hath force sufficient to introduce the emperor’s 
either health or majesty into the form of a solemn oath, 
I will not at this time debate: but for the thing itself, 
that God hath constituted princes over nations, and that 
they reign by his authority, is a matter as generally ac- 
knowledged in the times of the Christian, as before it was 
in the days of the heathen emperors. 

The first Christian emperor, Constantine, used this 
speech sometime unto his bishops: ‘‘ You are the bi- 
shops of those things which are done within the Church, 
but Iam appointed by God to be the bishop of those 
things that are done without the Church :” meaning that 
the oversight of the external government of things be- 
longing to the Church was by God committed unto him, 


c “ Per Deum, et per Christum, et per Spiritum Sanctum, et per majestatem 
imperatoris, que secundum Deum generi humano diligenda est et colenda.”’ 
Fl. Veget. de re militari, lib. 2. cap. 5. 

a “ Nam imperatori, cum Augusti nomen accepit, tanquam presenti et corpo- 
rali Deo fidelis est prestanda devotio, et impendendus pervigil famulatus.. Deo 
enim vel privatus vel militans servit, cum fideliter eum diligit qui Deo regnat 
authore.” Fl. Veget. de re militari, lib. 2. cap. 5. 

© Athanaricus Gothus apud Jornand. de rebus Geticis, cap. 28. ‘“ Deus sine 
dubio terrenus est imperator ; et quisquis adversus eum manum moverit, . ipse 
Sui sanguinis reus existit.”’ 

'‘Yusic piv ray iow éxkAnotac, ?yw 6& roy éxroc bd Oeod KabeoTape- 
voc, éttckomroc ay einyv. Euseb. de vita Constantini, lib. 4. 


OF THE PRINCE. 289 


as well as the administration of the holy things of God 
witliin the Church was unto them. And of this he gave 
good proof in the mandate which he directed to the 
bishops assembled in the council of Tyre, for the discus- 
sing of the cause of Athanasius, ‘‘ That? all of them should 
immediately repair unto his court, to shew by their acts, 
how purely and incorruptly they had judged; and that 
before me,” saith he, “‘ whom you may not deny to be 
God’s true minister.” Which titleY he elsewhere also as- 
sumes unto himself, as unto one ‘“ whose! ministry God 
had found out and judged to be fit for the accomplish- 
ment of his good pleasure.” And although his son Con- 
stantius did labour with might and main to introduce the 
Arian heresy into the Church of God, yet did Hosius 
bishop of Cordoba, for all that, freely profess, that “‘ God 
had committed the kingdom to him,” and therefore ‘ who- 
soever' did detract from his empire, did contradict 
God that constituted it.” And four other bishops, Pau- 
linus of Trier, Lucifer of Calaris, Eusebius of Verselli, 
and Dionysius of Millain, upon the same ground made 
bold to tell him, “ 'That™ the kingdom was not his, but 
God’s who gave it unto him; whom they advised him 
therefore to fear, lest he should suddenly take the same 


& “Iva mayreg do01 tiv cbvodoy tiv tv Tipp yevonivny mypwoare, 
avuTepOéTwe eic TO OTpAaTOTEOOY Tic HmETEpac EvoEBEtac, (al. Ewe HwEpdTy- 
Toc) émerxOnre, Tote Epyouc emideiEavTEec TO TIC WmETEpac Kploewe KaBapdv 
Te Kai A0LaoTpogoy, br Emov Onadn, dy Tov OEod yyHovoy eivar OeopaToyTa 
ovd ay vpsic apynGeinre. Const. ep. ad Synod. Tyri, apud Athan. in apol. 
2. et Soc. lib. 1. hist. eccles. cap. 34. 

h Tapaypipa ripe Wiac rod\pyc Ova THE TOU OepaTovToc Tov BEov, TobTES- 
Ti epmov, evepyeiac avaoradyjoera. Const. in ep. ad Nicomed. apud Theod. 
lib. 1. hist. eccles. cap. 19. 

1 Tipy tury brepiciay Tpdc THY EavTou PovAnoty éemiTNOiay ELnTHoEe TE 
kat éxptvey. Const. in edicto ad Palestine provinciales, apud Euseb. lib. 2. de 
vita Const. 

k Soi Baowsiay Oo Oedc tveyeiprcev. Hosius, apud Athanas. in epist. ad so- 
litariam vitam agentes. 

‘O ry ony apxiy UTOKNErTOY ayTiéye TY Ovarazapivy Oe. Hosius, 
apud Athanas. in epist. ad solitariam vitam agentes. 

m My sivat rv Bacrstay abrov, adr Tov CedwKdroc Yeod, SY Kai PoPsi- 
Oar avrov nétouy, pry ebaibync abryy agedyrat. 

VOL. XI. AA 


290 THE POWER 


again from him.” And Athanasius being persecuted by 
him, prayed: ‘ O" Lord Almighty, King of the world, 
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, thou by thy word hast 
given to thy servant Constantius this kingdom; do thou 
so enlighten his mind, that he may perceive how I am 
calumniated, and so receive graciously my apology :” at- 
tributing hereby to Constantius, the grand patron of the 
Arians, the same power which Julius Firmicus did to 
him and his brother Constans: ‘‘ The° high God hath 
committed unto you the empire.” And pope Leo the 
Great giveth it to the emperors Theodosius?, Marcianus 
and Leo; pope Hormisda‘ to the emperor Justinus; and 
Gregory the Great to Mauricius; unto whom when he 
had written in general terms, that “‘ power" was given 
unto him over all men;” he declareth it more specially in 
his letter unto his physician Theodorus, that God had 
“‘ syanted’ him dominion not only over soldiers, but also 
over priests:” as pope Gelasius had written before him to 
the emperor Anastasius: ‘ Thet bishops obey thy laws, 
knowing the empire to be conferred upon thee by order 
from above.” 

“* The" Lord,” saith St. Basil, “ setteth up kings, and 
removeth them, and there is no power but what is or- 


n Atorwora wavrokparop, Paced THY alwywY, 0 TaTInP Tov KUpiOV 
7p@v "Inoov Xptorov, od Oud TOU cov NOyou TIy Bacirsiav TabTny TH Oe- 
pamovTe Kwvorayrip dédwkac: ob Aapboy eic Ty Kapdiay adbrov, iva 
yvove THY Kal’ Hpey ovKogpaytiar, eipevac abroc O&Entar THY arroNoyiav. 
Athanas. in apologia ad Constantium. 

° * Ad hoc vobis Deus summus commisit imperium, ut per vos vulneris is- 
tius plaga curetur.” Jul. Firmicus Matern. de errore profan. relig. cap. 17. 

P “ Unde per ipsum Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, qui regni vestri est 
author et rector, obtestor et obsecro clementiam vestram.” Leo, epist. 38. ad 
Marcian. imp. 

a “ A Deo electi sicut et credimus.” Hormisd. epist. 27. ad Justin. 

© “ Potestas Dominorum meorum pietati ceelitus data est super omnes homi- 
nes.” Gregor. 1. Registr. lib. 3. epist. 65. ad Mauricium. op. tom. 2. pag. 676. 

Ss “ Dominari eum non solum militibus, sed etiam sacerdotibus concessit.”’ 
Gregor. 1. Registr. lib. 3. epist. 66. ad Theodorum. op. tom. 2. pag. 678. 

' “ Cognoscentes imperium tibi superna dispositione collatum, legibus tuis 
ipsi quoque parent religionis antistites.” Gelas. epist. 8. ad Anastas. 

" Kipioc caiorg Baoideic cai peOicrd Kai ove tor eZoucia Ei py v7d 
God reraypévyn. Basil. in Psal. 32. 


OF THE PRINCE. 99] 


dained by God.” And St. Augustine: ‘ Let* us not at- 
tribute unto any other the power of giving kingdoms and 
empires but to the true God.” And Petrus Chrysologus, 
archbishop of Ravenna: “ IfY all power be from God, 
then hath the king received the dignity of his regal office 
from God.” And the apostle purposely declareth, that 
“ the? powers that be, are ordained of God,” to the end no 
man might think that these are to be slighted as human 
devices. For “they see that a divine right is attributed to 
human authorities,” said the author of the Commentaries 
upon St. Paul’s epistles, ascribed to St. Ambrose. Here- 
upon Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria putteth Theodosius 
the younger in mind, that “ the? lot of that high dignity,” 
whereunto he was advanced, fell unto him from God: and 
that ‘‘ the unmoveable prop of his empire was our Lord 
Jesus Christ, by whom kings do reign, as it is written”: 
*‘yvea®, to whom alone it belongeth to say, By me kings 
reign;” as he writeth unto the same emperor, in the pre- 
face before his books against the apostate Julian, who 
“‘ knew! not that Christ was the giver of the kingdom and 
power of ruling.” So likewise in the acts of the council 
of Chalcedon, not only the monks, which held with Dios- 
corus, conclude their petition unto the emperor Marcian 
with an acknowledgment, that Christ “ of® his own good 


* “Non tribuamus dandi regni atque imperii potestatem nisi Deo vero.” 
Aug, de civit. Dei, lib. 5. cap. 21. 

y “ Si a Deo potestas omnis, a Deo rex etiam dispensationis regiz adeptus est 
dignitatem.” Chrysol. serm. 26. 

z Rom. chap, 138. ver. 1. 

4 KAipoc vpiy cEawwerdc Te Kal Tpim@wY Tapd Czov. Cyril. initio libri de 
fide ad Theodosium. 

> "Epeuopa Of 76 dcpaddavroy Tic obTw BEsopmotc Kai shayscrarne bpov 
Baowrsiac, adrToc 0 KvpLog HudY “Inoovg Xpiordg OV avTow yap Baowrkic 
Bacievor, Kai ot dvvdorae ypapovar Oucawocbyyny, Kara TO yeypappéivor. 
Cyril. initio libri de fide ad Theodosium. 

©"Qorep dy rpéve cai pov TH XpHvat réyewy, Ov iuo0d Bacireic Baci- 
Aevovor. Cyril. in prefat. librorum advers. Julianum. 

4 ’Ayvonsac roy Tig BaoWslag Kai Tov divacGa Kpareiv Dorijpa Xpic- 
Tov. Cyril.in przefat. litrorum advers. Julianum. 

€ TP ai adoparucg ry Wig eddokia yaptoapévy ipiy 7d Bacitsoy. Ar- 
chimandritar. ep. ad Marcian. in Conc. Chalcedonens. Act. 4. tom. 2. concil. 
part. 1, pag. 237. edit. Colon. ann. 1618. 


AA 


292 THE POWER 


pleasure did in an invisible manner bestow the empire 
upon him :” but also the bishop and clergy of Nicomedia 
begin their letters unto him and Valentinian in a like 
style; “* God‘ hath justly granted unto you to reign and 
rule over all, for the welfare of the world, and the peace 
of the holy churches:” the six Armenian bishops theirs 
unto the emperor Leo, thus: ** Godé, who glorifieth them 
that glorify him, hath graciously given unto you, Christian 
prince, power over all men without any prohibition :” and 
Ahalaric king of the Goths his unto the clergy of the 
church of Rome in this manner: ‘* We" owe so much the 
more to the Deity, by how much we have received greater 
things than other men: for what correspondent thing can 
he repay to God, who by his gift enjoyeth an empire ?” Of 
which point Agapetus Diaconus teacheth Justinian, who 
at the same time was emperor in the East, to make this 
use : ‘* Seeing' God hath entrusted you with this kingdom 
of the world, use none of the wicked to the administra- 
tion of your affairs ;” and again: ‘ Seeing* you have 
received the sceptre of the kingdom from God, con- 
sider how you may please him who gave the san.e unto 
you; and being by him exalted above all men, strain 
yourself more than all others to honour him.” Let us 


f Osd¢ 7d Baoredbery Upiy Kai Kparéiy THY dwY, Eri Gwrnpia TiC oiKov- 
péevne, Kai eipnyy TOY ayiwy ékkKrnowy, Oikaiwe dedwpntat. Eunom. Nico- 
mediens. episc. epist. ad imp. in conc. Chalcedonens. Act. 13. pag. 308. 

& “Deus, qui glorificantes se glorificat, secundum cor suum apicem vestre 
tranquillitatis inveniens inexpugnabilem, palmam et honorem fidei consistentem, 
placidus prabuit vobis, Christianissime principum, super omnes homines sine 
prohibitione aliqua potestatem. Insurgentes enim inopinabiliter subdidit victo- 
riis atque incomparabilibus triumphis, et vestram pietatem excellentissimis ho- 
noribus exornavit ; immutilata et sine litigio, et ab aliis indivisa prebens sceptra 
vestri imperii.”’ Conc. Chalced. part. 3. pag. 395. 

h “Tanto divinitati plura debemus, quanto ceteris mortalibus majora suscepi- 
mus. Nam quid simile rependat Deo qui potiturimperio?’ Cassiodor. lib. 8. 
epist. 24. 

' "Eykdcpuoy vd Osod meorevOeic Bacirsiay, pndevi xpo THY Tovnpwy 
Tpoc Tac THY Tpayparwy Otounoerc. Agapet. Parenetic. cap. 30. 

k Zepwrpov Bacireiac Tapa Oeov deLdpevoc, oKém@TOU THe apéoeic TH 
TaUTHY GOL O&dwKOTU Kai we TavTwY avOpdTwY UT’ abTov TpoTLNOEic, 
TAtov TavTwy imetyou KaTayepaipey avroy. Agapet. Parenetic. cap. 16. 


» 
OF THE PRINCE. 993 


add to this the sentence of the council of Toledo: “ It! is 
unlawful to call his power into question to whom the go- 
vernment of all is known to be delegated by judgment 
from above ;” and of Paris: ‘* No™ king is to think that 
his kingdom cometh unto him by his progenitors, but 
ought truly and humbly to believe that it is given unto 
him by God:” for ‘‘ whosoever hath the temporal rule 
over other men, is to believe that the kingdom is com- 
mitted unto him not by men, but by God; forasmuch as 
this earthly kingdom is obtained neither by craft, nor by 
wish, nor by the arm of man’s strength, but by the power 
and secret judgment of the providence of God.” So like- 
wise the council held at Meaux declareth out of St. Paul, 
that “ the" regal power is from God :” and that of Aken 
puts Lotharius in mind of his vocation, that ‘ Christ? 
the King of kings, who on earth in his name had substi- 
tuted him for the worthy dispensation of his office, might 
in heaven remunerate him.” And ina third held at 'Tros- 
ley, the bishops do both acknowledge out of St. Peter, 
that “ the? regal sublimity is constituted by God;” and 
pray for their king, that “ having’ well performed the 


| “Nefas est in dubium deducere ejus potestatem cui omnium gubernatio su- 
perno constat delegata judicio.” Concil. Toletan. 6. cap. 14. 

m “ Nemo regum a progenitoribus regnum sibi administrari, sed a Deo veraci- 
ter atque humiliter credere debet dari, &c. Quapropter quisquis ceteris morta- 
libus temporaliter imperat, non ab hominibus, sed a Deo sibi regnum commissum 
credat, &c. quia non astu, non voto, neque brachio fortitudinis humane, sed vir- 
tute, imo occulto judicio dispensationis divine regnum confertur terrenum.” 
Concil. Paris. 6. cap. 5. tom. 2. Concil. Galliz, pag. 529. 

u « Si quis potestati regiz, que non est, juxta apostolum, nisi a Deo, contu- 
maci ac inflato spiritu, contra auctoritatem et rationem, pertinaciter contradicere 
presumpserit, &c. anathematizetur.” Concil. Meldens. cap. 15. tom. 3. Concil. 
Galliz, pag. 36. 

° “ Christianissimo principi ad memoriam reduximus, ut non immemor voca- 
tionis suz, quod nomine censetur opere compleat; ut rex regum Christus, qui 
sui nominis vicem illi contulit in ter1is, dispensationis sibi credite dignam remu- 
nerationem reddat in ceelis.”” Concil. Aquisgran. 3. cap. 1. Conc. Galliz, pag. 189. 

P “Tn quo facto pontificalem sic erexerimus auctoritatem, ut non obliviscamur 
regiam a Deo constitutam esse sublimitatem ; dicente apostolo: Subjecti estote 
regi quasi precellenti.” Concil. Trosleian. cap. 2. Concil. Gallie, pag. 539. 

1 “Hac vobis commissa decenter administratione peracta, ab eo qui temporale 


vobis dedit regnum, accipere xternum.” Concil. Trosleian. cap. 2. Concil. Gal- 
lie. pag. 541. 


294 THE POWER 


government committed unto him from him who gave him 
the temporal kingdom, he might receive that which is 
everlasting.” And the French bishops, in the profession 
which they made unto Carolus Calvus, promise their 
faithful assistance for the upholding of him ‘“ int the king- 
dom which God had bestowed, or should bestow upon 
him :” as in a former oath also his subjects promised’ the 
like assistance for the maintaining of that power which in 
the regal name and kingdom God had granted unto 
him. | 

The time would fail me to recount all the passages 
which occur in the constitutions of Justinian to this pur- 
pose; this taste only for the present may be sufficient: 
“ Thet greatest gifts which God’s goodness from above 
hath conferred on men, are the priesthood and empire; 
both of which do proceed from one and the same prin- 
ciple, and are for the ordering and disposing of the affairs 
of mankind.” ‘ Nothing" is exempted from the cogni- 
zance of regal power, which hath received from God the 
general charge of all sorts of men.” And of himself in 
particular: ‘‘ The* empire is delivered unto us by the 
heavenly Majesty.” ‘‘ By’ the divine appointment we 
took upon us the imperial robes,” and “ the* rights of 


r “ Fidelis vobis adjutor ero, ut regnum quod vobis Deus donavit, vel donave- 
rit, ad ipsius voluntatem, &c. habere et obtinere possitis.”” Capitular. Caroli 
Calvi, a Jac. Sirmundo edit. cap. 38. pag. 387. 

* “ Fidelis vobis adjutor ero, ut illam potestatem, quam in regio nomine et 
regno vobis Deus concessit. ad ipsius voluntatem, et ad vestram ac fidelium ves- 
trorum salvationem, cum debito et honore et vigore tenere et gubernare possitis.”” 
Capitulat. Caroli Calvi, a Jac. Sirmundo edit. cap. 38. pag. 387. 

' Meyora ty av9pwrote tare Opa Os0d, Tapa Tie avwlev Cedopéva pi- 
AavOpwriac, tepwotyy Te kai Baourkia, &c. ix pide TE Kai THE a’THC apxIe 
ExaTEpa TpoiovGa, Kai Toy avOpwrWoY KaTaKecpovca Biov. Just. Nov. 6. init. 

« Mydey aBarov tor eic Lyrnow 77 Bacirkig, Koy TavTwy avOpw- 
Tov émoraciay ék Osov TaparaBovcy. Just. in Novelle 133. procemio. 

* “ Deo auctore nostrum gubernante imperium, quod nobis a ccelesti majes- 
tate traditum est.” Cod. de vet. jur. enucl. in init. 

y “Nutu divino imperiales suscepimus infulas.” 1. fin. in fi. c. de quadrien. 
prescript. which Agapetus in his admonitions to him, num. 45. did thus iterate, 
Nevpart Oeod ry BacwWsiay LaBwr. 

* “ Per ipsum (Christum) jura imperii suscepimus.” Lib. 2. in prince. cap. de 
offic. pref. pret. Afr. i 


OF THE PRINCE. ae 


the empire by our Lord Jesus Christ.” ‘‘ God* did set 
us over the affairs of the Romans,” and ‘ gave? us rule 
over the nations.” ‘‘ He® according to his benignity en- 
trusted us with the power of the laws.” And “ forasmuch* 
as for this end God from heaven hath constituted the 
regal power, we thought good to write this law, and give 
it in common to those subjects which both already he 
hath committed to us, and by little and little doth daily 
add to.” As also in alike expression he willeth other 
laws of his to be observed, not in the imperial city alone, 
but also “ in® all those nations, the government of some 
whereof,” saith he, “ God at first gave to us; others he 
hath since added, and we hope will still increase.” And 
from hence he neglected not often to make mention of 
that duty which he held himself bound thereby to per- 
form unto his subjects. ‘“ Since’ the time,” saith he, 
‘‘ that God did set us over the empire of the Romans, we 
have been diligent to do always what might conduce to 
the profit of the subjects of this commonwealth where- 
with God hath entrusted us:” and ‘ to® preserve all our 
subjects, the government of whom God hath committed 
unto us, without hurt or damage.” ‘ Always" by God's 


4 “Hyde 6 Oed¢ roic ‘Pwpaiwy tréotynoe mpaypaot. Novel. 47. 

b °Ey rote tOveouy, Oy npiv eapyew dédwxev 0 Oedc. Novel. 47. 

© Nopwy Todutixoy thy tEovoiay Hpiv 6 Oedc Kara THY EavTov PravOpw- 
miay értorevoe. Novel. 137. init. 

4 ’Eewdi) Bacrrsiay Sta TovTO 6 Oede é& obpavod KaOjKev, Ke. wnOnpEv 
Xpivat, kai rovToy ypabat Toy vopoy, Kai Oovyat ty KoLY TOig UTHKOOLC, 
OTdcotg npiv 6 Ode TpdTEpoy TE TupéOwKE, Kal KATA pUKPdY GEL TPOGTION>SE. 
Novel. 73. 

© Ep diac roic tOvec wy iypiv tiv iyemoviay, THY péy 2 apxijc, fOw- 
cev 0 Oedc, THY OF TpoTeOHKEY, 0 ETL Kai Opoet (PNot TLC THY TPO NLGY.) 
Novel. 60. ubi ad Homericum illud allusisse videatur, Iliad. a. Tovvex ap’ 
ahye tOwxev ExnBdroe, 40 ere Owoet. 

EE obzrep nae 6 Cede Ty ‘Pwpaiwy éréiornoe Baoireia, Taony TOE pe- 
Oa crovdny, TavTa Tparre aei Ta TPde adédeLay THY DTHKOwWY TijC ép- 
meorevOeiane tpiy wapa Tov Vou wodeTEtac. Novel. 86. init. 

S XaevOopey Tavrac Tove HpeTEpove ITNKOOVE, OY THY OLoiknoL O DEdc 
hpi extorevoev, aBaPeEic Kat avernpedotouc dudarre. Nov. 85. init. 

h "Agi pera rou Oeov BonOeiac macay rovotpnOa mpdvotay Tov TO bTH- 
Kooy, TO Tapa THC avroU diavOpwmiag mapadoVEY Hpiv, aBrAaBéic Pudar- 
recOa. Novel. 80. init. 


296 THE POWER 


assistance we use all providence to preserve from hurt the 
subjects which he of his benignity hath committed unto 
us:” and “ wei think it is manifest unto all those who are 
well minded, that all our care and prayer is, that those 
may live well who are committed to our trust by God our 
Lord.” 

His successor Justinus is by Corippus brought in 
speaking thus: 


Imperii Deus est virtus et gloria nostri, 
A quo certa salus, sceptrum datur atque potestas. 


God is the strength and glory of my crown, 
From him my safety, sceptre, power come down. 


Whereof he himself likewise giveth a touch in one of his 
Constitutions*: And after him Tiberius acknowledgeth, it 
was “ God! that gave him the government of the common- 
wealth;” 2) && Qeod Baowrela tpuwv, (our sovereignty consti- 
tuted by God) is a style we meet withal in the novels™ of 
Constantius and Basilius Porphyrogennetus. And Ma- 
nuel Comnenus beginneth one of his thus: ‘ The" wis- 
dom of the ancients defined regal power to be a legal ad- 
ministration of things, a divine matter; and accordingly 
did both believe and profess it to be a great part of the 
providence of God Almighty.” The same Manuel also 
both in his coins® expressed, and in his letters wrote him- 
self to be “ crowned? by God.” Which honourable title 


i Tact avOpwrote roic ed ppovova zpddndoy eivat voptCoper, oTLTaca 
jpiv tore orovdn Kai ebxn, TO Tobe TioTEVOEVTAC Hpiy Tapa TOU Oeo- 
TOToU BEov Kadoe Prov. 

kK Tije mapadobetone npiv éx Pov woduTetac knOodpevor. Inter Justinia- 
neas Novel. 148. 

1 °BE ob ripe woXureiag Hiv TO Kparoc OédwKev 0 Ode. Tiber. constitut. 
de divinis domibus, prefat. 

m Appendic. Baowtk@y a Jo. Leunclavio edit. pag. 14. et 50. 

0” Eyvopoy iruraciay ot TaXdat sopoi THY Bactteiay wpicavTo, Xpnja 
yoby arexvioc Oeoréowoy’ ud TovTO Kai TpdvoLay Oe0d peyaropepy TAdTHY 
sivat kai wemioTevKact Kai SwWdokovoty. Appendic. BactAukdy, a Jo. Leun- 
clavio edit. pag. 176. 

© See in Octav. de Strada, de imperatorib. Rom. pag. 338. the medal, wherein 
Christ is figured putting on a garland upon the emperor’s head. 

P “ Divinitus coronatus.” Eman. Comnen. litere ad Fridericum, apud Al- 
bert. Stadens. in chronic. an. 1179. 


OF THE PRINCE. 997 


of Mcoorepie, his predecessors the Constantinopolitan em- 
perors not only of themselves assumed, but the bishops of 
Rome acknowledged due to them; Gregory II. (with the 
Roman' council held under him;) Zachary’ and Paul I‘. 
dating their acts in this manner: “ Imperante Domino 
plissimo Augusto, a Deo coronato, magno imperatore.” 
So Pope Hadrian I. beginneth one of his letters to 
Charles the Great with “‘ Meminit" vestra a Deo promota 
regalis excellentia :” and Charles himself one of his capi- 
tulars with ‘ Regnante* Domino nostro Jesu Christo in 
perpetuum, ego Carolus, gratia Dei ejusque misericordia 
donante, rex et rector regni Francorum.” And when he 
was afterwards crowned emperor, the people of Rome 
with an unanimous consent used this solemn acclamation 
unto him: ‘* CaroloY Augusto, A DEO CORONATO, magno et 
pacifico imperatori Romanorum, vita et victoria.” Where- 
of Alcuinus also doth put him in mind, by telling him as 
in the general, that ‘ the” imperial dignity was ordained 
by God:” so, for his own particular, that this ‘“ power* 
was conferred on him by God, not for the government of 
the world alone, but especially for the defence of the 
Church, and the gracing of wisdom.” Among the German 
emperors, Frederick I. maketh a like acknowledgment 
and profession: “‘ Forasmuch? as by the appointment of 


4 Gregor. epist. 2. 9. 14. 17. Concil. tom. 3. part. 1. sect. 1. pag. 340. 343, 
344, 346. edit. Colon. ann. 1618. 

T Concil. Roman. tom. 3, part. 1. sect. 1. pag. 347. 

S Zachar. epist. 1. 4, 5, 6.8, 9, 10.12. Concil. Rom. tom. 3. part. 1. sec. 1. 
pag. 364, 3866, 367. 370, 371. 373. 375. 

' Paul, epist. 1.and 2. Concil. Rom. tom. 3. part. 1. sec. 1. pag. 401, 402. 

4 Tom. 2. Concil. Galliz, pag. 122. 

* Capitulat. Aquisgranens. tom. 2. concil. Galliz, pag. 130. 

y Eginhard. in annal. Franco. ann. 801. Anonym. vite Caroli M. scriptor a 
P. Pithceo edit. Anastas. bibliothecar. in vita Leon. 3. P. 

z “ Dignitas imperialis a Deo ordinata.’’ Alcuinus, prefat. in libros de S. Tri- 
nitate. 

a “Unde patenter agnosci poterit, non tantum imperatoriam vestre pruden- 
tiz potestatem a Deo ad solum mundi regimen, sed maxime ad ecclesiz presi- 
dium et sapientiz decorem collatam.” Alcuinus, prefat. in libros deS. Trinitate, 
epist. 106. 

> “ Quoniam divina preordinante clementia solium regiz majestatis conscen- 


298 THE POWER 


the divine clemency we have ascended to the throne of 
regal majesty, it is fit we should thoroughly obey him in 
our actions by whose gift we have attained to this pre- 
eminence.” And Lewis of Baviere sheweth largely in one 
of his rescripts out of the canon law itself, that ‘ the® 
imperial power and authority is immediately from God 
alone :” and in another, “ by‘ the counsel and consent of 
the electors and the other princes of the empire,” maketh 
a solemn declaration to the same purpose, that ‘“ the impe- 
rial dignity and power immediately dependeth upon God 
alone.” 

Yea, in the more ancient times we have marks of this 
truth from the very painters, who “ by® corporeal things 
representing those which were incorporeal things,” as 
Isidorus Pelusiota noteth, ‘‘ used to figure a single hand 
crowning the heads of kings: to shew that their authority 
descended to them from heaven.” Which expression of 
a divine act by a simple hand out of a cloud, as for the 
general, both in the Greek Genesis or Latin Psalter of 
Sir Robert Cotton, (the most ancient of any now extant, 
and coming not much short of Isidorus his own time) I 
have observed to be very usual; so for this particular you 
may note the continuation of the like emblem unto later 
ages in the’ reverse of the emperor Theophylactus his 
medal, stamped about the year DCCCXII. 

Having searched thus far into the ground of sovereign- 


dimus, dignum est ut cujus precellimus munere, illi omnino pareamus in opere.” 
Feudor. lib. 2. tit. 27. de pace tenenda et ejus violat. 

¢ “Ex quibus et aliis pluribus, quz brevitatis causa dimittuntur, clare patet, 
quod potestas et authoritas imperialis est immediate a solo Deo, et non a papa.” 
Ludov. imp. apol. in append. ad Hen. Rebdorfensis annal. a M. Frehero edit. 

4 “Tdeo ad tantum malum evitandum, de consilio et consensu electorum et 
aliorum principum imperii, declaramus quod imperialis dignitas et potestas pen- 
det immediate a solo Deo.” Ludov. imp. apol. in lit. aliis apud H. Balbum 
episc. Gurcensem in lib. de coronat. ad Car. 5. 

© ‘Ou Cwypagoi (iva kai ard Tipe éxtivwy ToApHe THY amddELoW ToLnow- 
fat) CwpaToToLOvYTEC TA AowpaTa, XEipa ypade ErixEtpodor pony, OTé- 
povoay Toy THE yg Baotevovtwy Tac Kopboac iva OeiEwouy ovpavdber 
avroic THY apx7y Oeddc0a. . Isid. Pelus. lib. 3. epist. 161. 

* Apud Octav. de Strada de imperat. Rom. pag. 294. 


OF THE PRINCE, 299 


ty, and, by reasons and witnesses of all sorts, deduced the 
original thereof from no lower a head than heaven itself, 
let us now look a little into those royal prerogatives which 
are annexed to the eminent estate of such supreme gover- 
nors. ‘These “ jura majestatis,” of old, (for the more dis- 
tinct notice, and better preservation of them) were some- 
times written in a book, sometimes engraven in tables of 
brass; and so transmitted safely to posterity. Thus 
when Samuel? had declared to the people this “ jus re- 
gium,” it is said, that ‘‘ he wrote it ina book, and laid it 
up before the Lord:” and when the Jews had chosen 
Simon the brother of Jonathan for their prince, they 
caused the chief heads of that supreme power committed 
unto him, ‘ to" be put in tables of brass, and to be set up 
within the compass of the sanctuary in a conspicuous 
place :” wherein, beside “ the charge of the sanctuary,” 
and the care of placing officers over ‘“ the works, the 
country, the armour, and the fortresses,” it was fur- 
ther enacted, ‘‘ That he should be obeyed of every man, 
and that all the writings in the conntry should be made 
in his name, and that he should be clothed in purple, and 
wear gold. Also that it should be lawful for none of the 
people or priests to break any of these things, or to 
gainsay his words, or to gather an assembly in the coun- 
try without him, or to be clothed in purple, or wear a 
buckle of gold. And whosoever should do otherwise, or 
break any of these things, he should be punished.” 
Where, among other things, it is observable, that the ga- 
thering of assemblies is reckoned as an especial privilege 
of the prince. To which purpose both remarkable and 
agreeable is that of Isocrates, who under the person of 
king Nicocles thus instructs his subjects: ‘* Make’ no so- 
cieties nor conventicles without my license: assemblies of 
this kind, as in other governments they are hurtful, so in 


& 1 Sam. chap. 10. ver. 25. h | Mac. chap. 14. ver. 18. 

*‘Erarpetac py Tousire, pre cvvddove, dvev ripe tune yvoune: at yap 
ToLavTaL GVOTaoELC, Ev piv Taig dAdatC TOAITELALG TAEOVEKTOVOLW, ty Oé 
Taic movapxiatc Kivdvvevovoty. Isocrat. in Nicocle. 


300 THE POWER 


monarchies they are exceeding dangerous.’ Whereunto 
that of Mecznas in Dio may be likewise added: “‘ Com- 
binations*, and assemblies, and associations, are things 
that do not very well consist with a monarchy.” 

When the senate! of Rome had decreed to Vespasian 
such rights as did usually belong to princes, the particu- 
lars (according to the manner above mentioned) were put 
into brass tables; the last of which is still there extant, 
removed from the Lateran church, where it stood fixed a 
long while, unto the capitol : in that, beside the power of 
“‘ confederating™ with whom he would,” and many other 
privileges, we find this high prerogative confirmed unto 
him, that" what laws soever either of the senate or people 
it was ordained that the emperors his predecessors were 
not tied to, from those he should be loose also: which, 
according to the mind of the civilians, is expressed thus: 
‘They? are loosed from the laws, (as the letter of their 
own language speaks) that is, they are free from all co- 
active obedience to them, and are held by none of the 
written ordinances:” shewing that they were exempted, 
first, from all coaction of the law, (this being accounted 
‘* the? happiest thing in a princedom, that the prince may 
be constrained to nothing”) and then from all obligation 
to the written or positive law, which here is opposed to 
that which Tully calleth the ‘ not? written, but innate 


k Suvwposiar Kai ovoracec Erarpeiai TE iKiora povapxXia cuppéper. 
Dio, hist. Rom. lib. 52. Vid. tit. de Colleg. et Corpor. in Pandect. 

! “ Rome senatus cuncta principibus solita Vespasiano decernit.”” Corn. Ta- 
citus, hist. lib. 4. 

m « Foedusve cum quibus volet facere liceat.’”” Vet. Inscript. a Grutero, edit. 
p- 242. 

" “Utique quibus legibus plebisve scitis scriptum fuit ne Divus Aug. Tiberi- 
usve Julius Cesar Aug. Tiberiusque Claudius Cesar Aug. Germanicus tene- 
rentur, iis legibus plebisque scitis imp. Cesar Vespasianus solutus sit.” Vet. 
Inscript. a Grutero, edit. p. 242. 

° Aéhuyra TOY VOpwr, We adbTa Ta AaTiVUKa PHuaTa héyeL, TOUTETTYY, 
and Taone dvaykKaiac VopicEme sit, Kai OVOEVi THY yEypappévwY evéxor- 
Tat. Dion. hist. Rom. lib. 53. 

Pp “Ereptumque principi illud in principatu beatissimum, quod nihil cogitur.”’ 
Plin. Panegyr. ad Trajan. 

4 “* Est hee non scripta, sed natalex; quam non didicimus, accepimus, legi- 


OF THE PRINCE. 301 


law ;” from which, as he well observeth, ‘ neither" by the 
senate nor by the people exemption can be given.” 

For the more full understanding hereof, observe we the 
distinction to be made between these three kinds of laws, 
the law of God, the law of the king, and that which is 
God’s law and the king’s together. Under the first of 
these we comprehend also the law of nature; of which (as 
the same Tully rightly noteth) “ God’, that one common 
master and ruler of all, is the inventor, arbitrator and 
enacter; which he who will not obey, must in a sort fly 
from himself, and reject man’s nature; and consequently 
undergo the greatest pains” from his own conscience, “al- 
though he should escape all those other which commonly 
are accounted punishments.” Now to this moral law of 
God, whether “ by‘ nature thus written in the hearts” of 
men, or more fully delivered in God’s own written word, 
or by just consequence deduced from the grounds of 
either of them, the greatest monarch upon earth owes as 
much obedience as the lowest and meanest of all his sub- 
jects: and therefore the civilians themselves, who" deny 
the king to be subject unto other laws, do yet declare, 
that these “ general* laws ought to prevail even against 


mus, verum ex natura ipsa arripuimus, hausimus, expressimus; ad quam non 
docti, sed facti, non instituti, sed imbuti sumus.” Cic. orat. pro Milone. 

" Huic legi nec obrogari fas est, neque derogari ex hac aliquid licet, neque 
tota abrogari potest: nec vero aut per senatum aut per populum solvi hac lege 
possumus.” Cicero, lib. 8. de Republ. apud Lactant. lib. 3. cap. 8. 

* “ Unus erit communis quasi magister et imperator omnium Deus ille, legis 
hujus inventor, disceptator, lator; cui qui non parebit, ipse se fugiet, ac na- 
turam hominis spernabitur, atque hoc ipso luet maximas peenas, etiamsi 
cetera supplicia que putantur effugerit.” Cicero, de Republ. apud Lactant. 
lib. 38. cap. 8. ‘Hane video sapientissimorum fuisse sententiam, legem 
neque hominum ingeniis excogitatam, nec scitum aliquod esse populorum, sed 
zternum quiddam quod universum mundum regeret, imperandi prohibendique 
sapientia. Ita principem legem illam et ultimam mentem esse dicebant omnia 
ratione aut cogentis aut vetantis Dei.” Cicero, lib. 2. De legibus. 

* Rom. chap. 2. ver. 14, 15. 

"“O Baotrede Toig voporc ody imdcerrat. Basilic. lib. 2. tit. 6. cap. 1. Har- 
menopul. epitom. juris, lib. 11. tit. 1. sect. 48. 

* Kara Baowéwe ot yevicot kpareitwoay vopot. Basilic. lib. 2. tit. 6. 
cap. 9. Harmenopul. lib. 11. tit. 1. sect. 39. 


9 


302 THE POWER 


him also.” Concerning which, hear what John of Saris- 
bury writeth: ‘“ There’ are certain precepts which have a 
perpetual necessity, are current with all nations, and 
which by no means without guilt may be broken. Before 
the law, under the law, and under grace, this one law did 
bind all: What thou wouldest not have done to thyself, 
do not thou unto another; and what thou wouldest have 
done unto thyself, the same do thou unto others. Let 
those parjetters of great men now come forth, let them 
whisper, or (if that be too little) let them preach publicly, 
that the prince is not subject to the law, and that what 
pleaseth him (not only in the making of a law, according 
to the tenor of equity, but any way whatsoever) hath the 
force of a law. Let them, if they will and they dare, 
make the king, whom they exempt from all obligation of 
the law, to be a lawless person: whatever not only they, 
but the whole world shall say to the contrary, I will stand 
to it, that they are bound by this law.” 

For although the king’ be lord of all, yet is he the« 
servant of God together with all: nay, for God’s law, we 
find that the king had this particular charge laid upon 
him above others: “ It? shall be when he sitteth upon the 
throne of his kingdom, that he shall write him a copy of 
this law in a book, out of that which is before the priests 
the Levites. And it shall be with him, and he shall read 
therein all the days of his life ; that he may learn to fear 
the Lord his God, to keep all the words of this law 


¥ “Sunt autem precepta quedam perpetuam habentia necessitatem, apud 
omnes gentes legitima, et que omnino impune solvi non possunt. Ante legem, 
sub lege, sub gratia, omnes lex una constringit, Quod tibi non vis fieri alii 
ne feceris; et quod tibi vis fieri hoc facias aliis. Procedant nunc dealbatores 
potentum, susurrent, et (si hoc parum est) publice praconentur, principem non 
esse legi subjectum, et quod ei placet (non modo in jure secundum formam 
aquitatis condendo, sed qualitercunque) legis habere vigorem. Regem, quem 
legis nexibus subtrahunt, si volunt et audent, exlegem faciant: ego non modo 
his renitentibus, sed mundo reclamante, ipsos hac lege teneri confirmo.” Jo. 
Sarisburiens. Polycratic. lib. 4. cap. 7. 

2 Kipwoc piv réivtwr torw 6 Baowrrsde, JovAog O pEeTa TAVTWY UTAPXEL 
Ocov. Agapet. Paren. ad Justinian. cap, 68. 

@ Deut. chap. 17. ver. 18, 19, 20. 


OF THE PRINCE. 303 


and these statutes, to do them. That his heart be not 
lifted up above his brethren, and that he turn not aside 
from the commandment, to the right hand or to the left ; 
to the end that he may prolong his days in his kingdom, 
he and his children in the midst of Israel.” Whereupon 
Philo bringeth in the king using this soliloquy: ‘“ I° being 
so great a prince did write these things, not using any 
other scribe, having so many thousands under me: to the 
end that while I did write them in the book, I might tran- 
scribe them into my soul, and imprint in my mind those 
divine characters never to be washed out again. Where- 
as other kings therefore bear staves for their sceptre, this 
abridgment of the law shall be my sceptre, my rejoicing 
and glory uncontrolable, the ensign of that unreprovable 
government which is fashioned according to the pattern 
of God’s own kingdom.” So that nothing hereby is de- 
tracted either from the liberty of the king, while he is 
made subject unto him whose service is perfect freedom; 
or from his power, while he is left ‘‘ to° do nothing else 
but that which God shall commend.” For while hereby 
we “ temper‘ the majesty of Cesar,” as Tertullian speak- 
eth, “‘ under God, we commend him the more to God, 
unto whom alone we do subject him;” he being “ there- 
fore® great, because he is less than heaven.” 

By the law of the king, I understand such ordi- 
nances as are merely civil and positive; the coactive 
power whereof being derived from him who is the su- 
preme lawgiver under God on earth, he himself cannot 


b°’Eyo rar’ éypaba 6 TooovToe apywy, pa) TpOTXpyoapevoc YaNpETy 
éTépy, pUpiwoy byTwy, &c. brwc abra ty BiBw ypapur, Ode Eic THY Pu- 
XWY peTAaypahw, Kai évaToparrwpar TH Ovavoig Oevotépove Kai avexrdUY- 
Tove XapakTijpac. Ot piv ody AdAot Baoirkic BaxTnpiac ExovTEC oKNTTPO- 
popovory, toi Ot Td oKHTTpOY 4 BiBAoc ~orat Tic Exvopiooc, Kabynpa Kai 
Kdé0g AvavTaywvioToY, ixionpmoy HyEmoviac dEETIANTTOU Tpde apXéTUTOY 
THY Oz0v Baorrsiay arecovicOeianc. Philo, in libro de creatione principis. 

© “HRikyy eovciay Exe dvOpwroc, ju) Toeiy GdXO 7) Srrep pede 6 Osdc 
zzrauveiy. M. Antonin. lib. 12. de vita sua. 

d “ Temperans majestatem Czsaris infra Deum, magis iJlum commendo Deo, 
cui soli subjicio.” Tertul. apol. cap. 33. 


¢ “Tdeo magnus est, quia celo minor est.” Tertul. apol. cap. 30. 


304: THE POWER 


properly be said to be tied thereby. For as with the 
grammarians the imperative mood hath no first person, 
so with the civilians, ‘‘ No‘ man can command or forbid 
himself;” at leastwise, ‘‘ No® man can impose such a law 
upon himself, but that he may recede from it when he 
pleaseth.” And with the schoolmen, ‘ A® law hath 
power to direct such acts as belong to those who are sub- 
ject to the government of another; whereupon no man, 
if we speak properly, doth impose a law upon his own 
acts.” As no man therefore is superior to himself, so no 
man hath jurisdiction over himself; because none can 
oblige a man against his will, but only his superior; and 
the jurisdiction over a man’s self may be dissolved at 
pleasure. To which kind of voluntary submission unto 
the laws, that memorable saying of Valentinian the 
younger may be referred: “ It’ is in truth a greater thing 
than the empire, to submit the princedom itself unto the 
laws: and that of Alexander Severus: “‘ Although* the 
law of the empire hath freed the emperor from the so- 
lemnities of the law; yet nothing is so proper for empire 
as to live by the laws ;” and that which both Severus and 
Antonius set down so oft in their rescripts: ‘‘ Although! 
we be loosed from the laws, yet we live by the laws.” 
Whereunto also we may add that commendation which 


f “ Neque imperare sibi, neque se prohibere quisquam potest.’ Marcian. 
inl. Side re sua. De recept. arbit. Vide et Ulpian. in |. Ille a quo, sec. 
Tempestivum, D. ad Senatusc. Trebellian. et in]. Quod autem, sec. Uxori 
quis. D. de donat. inter. vir. 

s “ Nemo eam sibi potest legem dicere, ut a priore ei recedere non liceat.” 
Hermogenian. in 1. Si quis, sec. 1 D. de legat. 3. 

h © Lex est directiva actuum qui conveniunt subjectis gubernationi alicujus : 
unde nullus, proprie loquendo, suis actibus legem imponit.’! Thom. 1. 2. 
quest. 93. artic. 5. 

i “ Revera majus imperio est submittere legibus principatuum.” 1. 4. C. 
de leg. et constitut. 

kK “ Licet lex imperii solennibus juris imperatorem solverit, nihil tamen tam 
proprium imperii est quam legibus vivere.” 1. 3. C. de testam. 

! “ Secundum hoc D. D. Severus et Antonius sepissime rescripserunt, Licet 
enim (inquiunt) legibus soluti simus, attamen legibus vivimus.” Institut. qui- 
bus modis testam. infirment. sec. ult. 


OF THE PRINCE. 305 


Plutarch giveth to Alexander the Great, that ‘‘ he™ con- 
ceived he ought to be thought superior unto all men, yet 
subject to justice:” and Pliny to Trajan: ‘ He® thinks 
himself to be one of us; and so much the more excellent 
and eminent he is, that he so thinketh, and no less re- 
membereth that he is a man, than that he is a ruler of 
men.” ‘ For" he who hath nothing left to increase his 
height, hath but this one way to grow by, if he submit 
himself, being secure of his greatness.” And in his direct 
speech to the emperor himself: “‘ Thou® esteemest us the 
same, and thyself the same; equal unto all, and in this 
only greater than the rest, that thou art better than they.” 
And more nearly to our present purpose: ‘ Thou? hast 
made thyself subject to the laws, O Cesar, which were 
not written to restrain the prince by. But thou wilt 
have nothing more lawful to thee than is to us.” Such 
written laws as these, no doubt, Justinian the emperor 
meant, when, upon the enacting of a constitution of this 
kind, he addeth thereunto this limitation: “ From? all 
those things that have been said by us, let the emperor’s 
state be excepted, whereunto Gop hath subjected the 
very laws themselves, sending him as a living law unto 
men.” Who therefore in another place assumeth unto 
himself the title of “ a father of the law:” whereupon the 
glossator maketh this observation: ‘‘ Note’ that the em- 


™ Tlavtwy oidpevoc déiy Tepteivar, Tod ducaiov dé 47Tao0a. Plut. de 
fortuna Alexandri, orat. 2. 

" “Unum ille se ex nobis ; et hoc magis excellit atque eminet, quod unum ex 
nobis putat; nec minus hominem se, quam hominibus presse meminit.” 
Plin. Paneg. ad Trajan. 

n “ Nam cui nihil ad augendum fastigium superest, hic uno modo crescere 
potest, si se ipse submittat, securus magnitudinis sue.”  Plin. Paneg. ad 
Trajan. 

° “ Kosdem nos, eundem te putas; par omnibus, et hoc tantum ceteris ma- 
jor, quo melior.”’ Plin. Paneg. ad Trajan. 

P “Tpse te legibus subjecisti, legibus, Casar, quas nemo principi scripsit : 
Sed tu nihil amplius vis tibi licere quam nobis.’ Plin. Paneg. ad Trajan. 

4 avrwy roy eipnpévoy ypiy 7) Bacitws tEnoyoOw rixy, Hye Kai ai- 
Tove 0 Bede Tove Vépoug HroréELKE, VOpmov adTiy tuPuxov KaTaméiproac 
av@pwrotc. Justinian. Novel. 105. 

* “ Nota imperatorem vocari patrem legis; unde et leges sunt ei subjecta.” 
Gloss. in Novel. 1. 2, c. 4. 


VOL. XI, BB 


306 THE POWER 


peror is the father of the law; whereupon the laws also 
are subject to him.” For such positive laws as these, 
being (as other works of men are) imperfect, and not free 
from many discommodities, if the strict observation there- 
of should be perused in every particular ; it is fit the su- 
preme governor should not himself only be exempted 
from subjection thereunto, but also be so far lord over 
them, that where he seeth cause, he may abate or totally 
remit the penalty incurred by the breach of them, dis- 
pense with others for the not observing of them at all; yea, 
and generally suspend the execution of them, when by 
experience he shall find the inconveniences to be greater 
than the profit that was expected should redound thereby 
unto the commonwealth. Plutarch setteth this down as a 
chief point of that natural skill, which Philopcemen had in 
government, that he ‘ did’ not only rule according to 
the laws, but overruled the laws themselves, when he 
found it conducing to the weal-public.” Such laws as 
these St. Augustine calleth “ temporal‘; which, although 
they be just, yet in time may justly also suffer a change.” 
That being most true of them which Portius Cato saith in 
Livy: “ No" law is equally commodious unto all; that 
chiefly is looked to, if it be convenient for the greater 
part :” and Sextus Ceelicius in Gellius: ‘* The* opportu- 


S Obrwe HyemoveKnY gua exw, ov KaTa TOE YOmoOUC, AAG Kat TOY 
vowwy apxey nrloraTo, mpo¢ To Gupdéipoyv. Plutarch. in comparat. Fla- 
minii et Philopcemen. 

‘ “ Appellemus istam legem, si placet, temporalem; que, quamvis justa sit, 
commutari tamen per tempora juste potest.” Aug. de lib. arbitr. lib. 1. cap. 6. 

“ “ Nulla lex satis commoda omnibus est ; id modo queritur si majori parti 
et in summum prodest.” Porcii Cat. orat. pro lege Oppia, apud Liv. initio 
lib. 34. 

x “ Non ignoras, legum opportunitates et medelas pro temporum moribus, et 
pro rerumpublicarum generibus, ac pro utilitatum presentium rationibus, pro- 
que vitiorum quibus medendum est fervoribus, mutari atque flecti, neque uno 
statu consistere, quin ut facies cceli et maris, ita rerum atque fortune tempesta- 
tibus varientur.” A. Gellius lib. 20. cap. 1. cum illo Justiniani imp. de reforma- 
tione juris Romani: “ Multa et maxima sunt, que propter utilitatem rerum 
transformata sunt.” Lib. 2. Cod. de veterijure enucleando, et in procemio Novel. 
107. ‘H 6? rév rpaypdrwy roca Kai y bog TAVTAa CVXVHE pETABAr- 
Aovoa, deiaPar Ty vopov éketvoy ixavopOwcEwc HpETEPac TapPETKEvAacE. 


OF THE PRINCE. 307. 


nities and remedies of laws, according to the manners of 
the times, the divers forms of government, the regard of 
present conveniences, and the height of public enormities, 
are changed and fitted. ‘They remain not in one and the 
same state; but, as the face of the weather and of the 
seas, are varied with the tempests of accidents and emer- 
gent occasions.” So Tertullian: ‘‘ IfY there have been 
an error in the law, I hope it was conceived by a man ; 
for from heaven surely it fell not: and is it any wonder 
that a man either should err in making of a law, or shew 
an after wisdom in rejecting it?” For ‘ the’ laws of 
nature indeed,” saith Justinian, “ which are equally ob- 
served among all nations, and as it were by God’s provi- 
dence appointed, do remain always firm and immutable ; 
but those which every commonwealth maketh unto itself, 
use often to be changed, either by the tacit consent of the 
people, or by another law brought in afterward.” As it 
fell out in Draco his laws ; which, ‘‘ because* they seemed 
to be sharp above measuse, were obliterated, not by any 
decree or command, but by a silent and unwritten agrec- 
ment of the Athenians.” And while the laws do stand in 
force, ‘‘ It? is fit that sometimes the king’s clemency 
should be mingled with the severity of them; especially 
when by that means the subjects may be freed from much 


y “ Si lex tua erravit, puto ab homine concepta est; nec enim de celo ruit: 
Miramini hominem aut errare potuisse in lege condenda, aut resipuisse in re- 
probanda?” Tert. apol. cap. 4. 

7 “Naturalia quibem jura, que apud omnes gentes pereque observantur, 
divina quadam providentia constituta, semper firma atyue immutabilia perma- 
nent: ea vero que ipsa sibi queque civitas constituit sepe mutari solent, vel 
tacito consensu populi, vel alia postea lege lata.” Institut. lib. 1. de jur. natural. 
sect. 11. cum 1. De quibus causis 31. D. de legibus. 

a “ Fijus leges, quoniam videbantur impendio acerbiores, non decreto jusso- 
que, sed tacito illiteratoque Atheniensium consensu, obliterate sunt.” A. Gel- 
lius, lib. 11. cap. 18. ‘* Legum enim ipsarum jussa consensu tacito obliterantur.” 
Idem, lib. 12. cap. 13. 

> Ty Téy vopwy akprBeig kai Baoueiy éycatapizae dravOpwriay éc- 
TW, OTL THY TpoonKdYTWY KaéoTHKE, Kai padLCTa Hvika TodC UTNKOOUC 
ToMAHC Cynpiag Te Kai PaBye *aipeira rovTo Td TpaTToOmevoy. Justin. 
junior imp. in preefatione constitut. 3. 

BBR 


308 THE POWER 


detriment and damage:” “ The® condition of the magis- 
trates, whose sentence is held corrupt, if it be milder 
than the laws, being one thing; the power of princes, 
whom it becometh to qualify the sharpness of them, a far 
different matter.” Wherein we may hear again, if you 
please, the opinion of John of Sarisbury: ‘ I¢ do not,” 
saith he, “ take away the dispensing with the law out of 
the hands of the powers; but such precepts or prohibi- 
tions as have a perpetual right, are not, as I think, to be 
subjected unto their will and pleasure. In those things 
therefore only which are mutable, the dispensation with 
the letter of the law is to be admitted; yet so as by the 
compensation of honesty or utility the intention of the law 
may be entirely preserved.” 

The law both of God and the king is that wherein the 
commanded is a part of God’s law; but the sanction® or 
civil punishment, whereby men are deterred from the 
breach thereof, is by the prince added thereunto. Ac- 
cording to that which we read in the edict of king Artax- 
erxes: ‘* Whosoever‘ will not do the law of God and the 
law of the king, let judgment be executed speedily upon 
him; whether it be unto death, or to banishment, or to 
confiscation of goods, or to imprisonment:” and that place 
in St. Augustine: “* How! do kings serve God in fear, 


© « Alia est conditio magistratuum, quorum corrupte videntur esse sententiz, 
si sint legibus mitiores; alia dominorum principum potestas, quos decet acri- 
moniam severi juris inflectere.””’ Symmachus, lib. 10. epist. ult. 

4 “ Nec tamen dispensationem legis subtraho manibus potestatum; sed per- 
petuam preceptionem aut prohibitionem habentia, libito eorum nequaquam 
arbitror supponenda. In his itaque duntaxat que mobilia sunt, dispensatio 
verborum admittitur; ita tamen ut compensatione honestatis aut utilitatis 
mens legis integra conservetur.”’ Jo. Sarisbur. Polycratic. lib. 4. cap. 7. 

® “ Legum eas partes quibus poenas constituimus adversus eos qui contra 
leges fecerint, sanctiones vocamus.” Institut. lib. 2. de rerum divis. sect. 11. 
“* Sanctio legum novissime certam pcenam irrogat iis qui preceptis legis non 
obtemperaverint.” Papinian. in lib. 41. D. de peenis. 

f Ez. chap. 7. ver. 26. 

5 “ Quomodo ergo reges Domino serviunt in timore, nisi ea que contra 
jussa Domini fiunt, religiosa severitate prohibendo atque plectendo? liter 
enim servit quia homo est, aliter quia etiam et rex est. Quia homo est, ei 
servit vivendo fideliter ; quia vero etiam rex est, servit, leges justa preecipientes 


OF THE PRINCE. 309 


but when, with a religious severity they forbid and punish, 
those things which are done against the commandment of 
God? For as a man, he serveth God one way, as a king. 
another way: Asa man he serveth him by his own living 
well, as a king by setting out and backing with power 
fitting such laws as command just things, and forbid the 
contrary.” In laws of this nature, to the precept itself, 
as coming from God, the king is bound to yield obedi- 
ence as well as others: but from the penalty annexed 
thereunto he is exempted. ‘The reason is, because the 
inflicting of punishment is an act of a superior to an infe- 
rior: and therefore, though a father or master were never 
so faulty, none would be so absurd as to think, that their 
servants or children might chastise them. But to make 
any one upon earth superior to the supreme governor, 
would imply a manifest contradiction: so that we must of 
necessity come to that conclusion of the emperor Marcus 
Aurelius, that ‘ of" a free monarch none may be judge 
but God alone.” Which is the same which before we 
have heard from Rabbi Jeremiah, that “ No creature 
may judge the king but God:” and is confirmed not only 
by Ecphantas the Pythagorean, who maketh it the privilege, 
first! of God, and then of the king under him, “ not to be 
ruled by any;” but also by the general consent of the 
ancient Christians. For such was the profession of Ter- 
tullian: “ We* worship the emperor as a man next unto 
God, and who hath obtained of God whatsoever he is, 
and is less than God only.” “* In! whose power alone he 
is, from whom he is the second, and after whom he is the 


et contraria prohibentes convenienti vigore sanciendo.’’ August. epist. 50. ad 
Bonifacium Comitem. 

h Tlepi ric abrapxiac 6 Ode povoc Kpivery Ovvyarat. Xiphilin. excerpt. 
ex Dionis M. Aurelio. 

i "Evi piv TQ OeG, évrid: kai TH Pace, adT@ piv apxev, dpxscOa J 
im’ oddevoc. LEcphant. apud Stobzum, serm. 46. 

kK “ Colimus imperatorem ut hominem a Deo secundum; et quicquid est, a 
Deo consequutum, et solo Deo minorem.”” Tertull. ad Seapul. cap. 2. 

' “Tn cujus solius potestate sunt, a quo sunt secundi, post quem primi.” 
Idem, in apolog. cap. 30. 


310 THE POWER 


first.” And of Optatus: “ There™ is none above the em- 
peror but God alone, who made the emperor:” he being 
‘* the" top and head of all men upon earth,” as Chrysos- 
tom: and “ having? none higher than himself upon 
earth,” as Agapetus speaketh. “If? any of the people 
commit a fault,” saith Cassiodorus, “ he sinneth to God 
and the king; but when the king offendeth he standeth 
guilty unto God alone, because he hath no man who is to 
be judge of his doings.” ‘ Every? one who liveth under 
authority,” saith Arnobius, ‘‘ when he offends, sinneth 
against God, and the laws of this world also; but the 
king, as living under God alone, and having no power 
above his own to fear but God’s only, when he sinneth, 
offendeth God alone and none other.” Upon which 
grounds Constantinus Harmenopulus, the Greek abridger 
of the civil law, declareth “ the’ king not to be subject to 
the laws, because offending against them he is not pu- 
nished.” ‘The same reason is also rendered by St. Am- 
brose, why “ kings’ are tied by no laws, because they 
are not called to punishment by them, being warranted 
by the power of their empire.” As Symmachus saith of 
factors' employed in remote countries, that they live as it 


m “ Super imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus, qui fecif. imperatorem.” 
Optat. adversus Parmenian. lib. 3. 

0 Baowede yap kopvgy Kat kepada) ry ei THe yne torw amwavrwy. Jo. 
Chrysost. homil. 2. ad pop. Antioch. 

© Od Exerc yap eri yij¢ Toy adTov WhyndOTEpoy. Agapet. Paren. cap. 21. 

P “ De populo si quis erraverit, et Deo peccat et regi; Nam quando rex de- 
linquit, soli Deo reus est, quia hominem non habet qui ejus facta dijudicat.” 
Cassiodor. in Psal. 50. 

4 “ Omnis qui sub judicio vivit, cum deliquerit peccat Deo, peccat et legibus 
mundi: Hic autem rex sub nullo alio nisi sub Deo solo agens, ipsum solum 
super potestatem suam metuens, Deo soli peccavit.” Arnobius junior in eun- 
dem Psalm. 

r ‘OQ Baoreve vopow ody iTdKETAL, HyovY apapryoac ob KodaZETaL. 
Harmenopul. epitom. juris, lib. 1. tit. 1. sect. 48. 

s “ Peccavit David, quod solent reges, sed pcenitentiam gessit, &c. indul- 
gentiam petebat, qui nullis tenebatur legibus HUMANIS.” Ambros. apolog. 
David. cap. 4. “ Rex utique erat, nullis ipse legibus tenebatur; quia liberi sunt 
reges a vinculis delictorum ; Neque enim ullis ad peenam vocantur legibus, tuti 
imperii potestate.’’ Ambros. apolog. David. cap. 10. 

t “ Actores absentium, quibus res longinqua remittitur, tanquam soluti legi- 


tot 
— 


OF THE PRINCE. i 


were loosed from the laws, because that being so far off, 
they stand not in any fear of their masters. 

For to this end, saith Isidorus Hispalensis: “* Were" 
laws made, that by fear of them the boldness of men 
might be restrained, and that innocency might be safe 
among the wicked ; and that in the wicked themselves, the 
power of doing hurt might be bridled by the fear of pu- 
nishment.” Which end having no place in the king, 
who, as St. Hierom also noteth, ‘‘ stands” not in fear of 
any other,” this difference herein he observes between 
him and his people, that ‘ they* in occasion of offence 
have the judge to fear, and the laws to curb them; the 
king hath nothing but the fear of God and the ter- 
ror of hell, to restrain him from running headlong” into 
all vice. So that kings, wanting this help, which others 
have, of containing them within their duties, what they 
in this point do, doth not proceed from the fear of any 
civil punishment, but from the fear of God. 

Hereupon Agapetus giveth this grave advice to the 
emperor Justinian: ‘ ImposeY upon thyself a necessity. of 
observing the laws, because there is none on earth that 
can constrainthee: Not only what respect thou bearest to 
them will appear, if thou first thyself reverence them ; 


bus vivunt, quoniam procul positis nullus dominorum terror incurrit.” Sym- 
mach. lib. 9. epist. 6. Ulud Ulpiani in leg. Princeps D. de leg. “ Piinceps 
legibus solutus est ;” intelligunt de peenariis legibus, ad quas princeps non te- 
netur; utin lege Julia et Papia de poena Caduci, de qua ibi agit Ulpianus. 
Cujac. lib. 15. observ. 30. Connan. lib. 1. Comment. jur. cap. 16. Vasquez lib. L. 
Controv. illustr. c. 2.n. 1. Christine decis. 9. n. 13. 

u “ Fact sunt leges, ut earum metu humana coerceatur audacia, tutaque 
sit inter improbos innocentia ; et in ipsis improbis, formidato supplicio, refre- 
netur nocendi facultas.’”’ Isidor. Origin. lib. 5. cap. 20. 

w “ Rex erat, alium non timebat.’’ Hieron. epist. 18. ad Eustochium, et 90. 
ad Rusticum. 

x “ Populi peccantes judicem metuunt, et a malo suo legibus coercentur : 
Reges autem, nisi solo Dei timore metuque gehennz coerceantur, libere in 
preceps proruunt.” Isidor. Sentent. lib. 3. cap. 50. 

Y Lavrep Tv Pudrarrev rove vopouc émiOec avayKny, WOM) EXWY ET YI}C 
roy dvvdpevoy dvayKacew* obtw yap Kai THY Vopwy imetEELC TO GéB.ac, 
abrog Ted TOY AXwy TobTOUE atoobpevoc, Kai TOlG UANKOOLE HavHoerat 
Td) wapavopety ovK acivdvyoy.  Agapet. Parzen. cap. 27. 


312 BE POWER 


but the subjects will then plainly see how dangerous it 
will be to break them.” So also Isidore: “ It? is just 
that the prince should obey his own laws; for let him 
then make account that his laws shall be observed by 
all, when he himself shail shew reverence unto them.” 
And St. Ambrose, to the emperor Valentinian: ‘“ What? 
thou hast prescribed unto others, thou hast prescribed 
also unto thyself; for the emperor maketh laws which he 
himself should first keep.” To which purpose likewise 
Xenophon putteth this among the greatest? benefits 
which Agesilaus king of the Spartans brought unto ‘his 
country, that being the most powerful in the state, to the 
Jaws he was most obsequious: for who,” saith he, ‘‘ would 
be disobedient to them, when he saw the king himself 
submit to them.” But what speak I of Agesilaus, a petty 
prince, not worthy of a king’s title, in comparison of that 
potent and absolute monarch Cyrus? whom the same 
Xenophon, as a most perfect pattern in this kind, thus 
propounds unto us: “ Those* which were in his view he 
thought by this means he might best excite unto good and 
laudable actions, if he himself, being their prince, did 
endeavour to declare himself unto his subjects to be more 
adorned with virtue than all of them. For this observa- 
tion he made, That by the written laws indeed men were 
made better; but he esteemed a good prince to be a see- 


z “ Justum est principem legibus obtemperare suis: Tunc enim jura sua 
ab omnibus custodienda existimet, quando et ipse illis reverentiam prebet.” 
Isid. Sentent. lib. 3. cap. 51. 

@ “ Quod cum prescripsistis aliis, prescripsisti et tibi: leges enim imperator 
fert, quas primus ipse custodiat.’’ Ambros. lib. 2. epist. 3. 

b Ey roic peyioroe WpedHpace THe TaTpidog Kai THOE Eyw TiOnE adTOD, 
dre duvatwrarog OY ty TH TOA, HavEpdc ty padLOTa Tog Vopote Na- 
tTpevwv. Tic yap dy nOidnoey arabe, Opoy Tov Bata weObpEVOY ; 
Xenoph. orat. de Agesilao. 

© Tove dé wapéixovrac éavTode tvomice padior’ dy éwi Ta Kaha Kai aya- 
Ga wapoppay épya (éreirep Hy apxwr abT@r) et ad’roy ~avToc émdeKview 
TEepPTO TOC ApXopévore TavTwy padioTa KEKOoMHMEVOY TY apETY" ai- 
obdverOa piv yap éddKe Kai dtd Todc ypapopévoue vopoug BEATioveg yevo- 
pevouc avOpwrouc, Tov O& adyabby apxovra BAETOVTA Vomoy avOpwToLc 
ivomiey, 0 Tu Kat TaTTe tkaveg tore Kai Opdy Toy aTaKkTovYTAa Kai KOAG- 
Zeiy. Xenoph. de institut. Cyri, lib. 8. 


OF THE PRINCE. 51S 


ing law unto men, as being able both to order matters, 
and both to behold and punish such as behaved them- 
selves disorderly.” ‘ Shewing’ moreover moderation in him- 
self, he made all others to exercise that virtue the more. 
For when he who may be most insolent appears regular, 
the meaner sort will have more care not to be disor- 
dered.” 

And generally, that is most true which is observed by 
Tully, that “ As® by the unbridled affections of the ma- 
gistrate, the city usually is infected, so is it amended and 
rectified by his moderation:” according to that of 
Seneca : 


Rex‘ velit honesta, nemo non eadem volet, 


If the prince just things respect, 
Subjects will the same affect. 


And Ovid : 


Sic’ agitur censura, et sic exempla parantur ; 
Si judex alios quod monet ipse facit. 


Rulers prove censors, and for patterns stand, 
When first themselves observe what they command. 


‘For the life of the prince is a censure, and that a 
perpetual one. ‘To it we direct, to it we turn, ourselves ; 
having not so much need of command as of example. For 
fear is no such trusty teacher of right; men are better in- 
structed by examples, which have this good in them espe- 
cially, that they give proof that the things commanded 


4 Kai cwohpocivny o& abrov émierkvic, waddAoy trois Kai TaUTHY TavTac 
doxety? OTay yap OpHow w padiora tect UBpiZey, TOVTOY cwhpovovyTa, 
oUTW padAov olye aoGevioTEpor EDEXoVELY OddEY UBpLoTLKdY TrOLODYTEC pa- 
vepot eivat. Xenoph. de institut. Cyri, lib. 8. 

e “Ut enim cupiditatibus principum et vitiis infici solet tota civitas, sic emen- 
dari et corrigi continentia.” Cic. lib. 3. de legib. 

f Senec. in Thyeste, act. 2. § Ovid. Fast. lib. 6. 

h “Nam vita principis censura est, eaque perpetua: ad hanc dirigimur, ad 
hanc convertimur : nec tam imperio nobis opus est quam exemplo. Quippe in- 
fidelis recti magister est metus; melius homines exemplis docentur, que impri- 
mis hoc in se boni habent, quod approbant que precipiunt fieri posse.” lin. 
Panegyr. 


314 THE POWER 


may be done.” So saith Pliny in his panegyric to Trajan, 
where he noteth, that ‘ wei are flexible every way to fol- 
low whither the prince shall lead us.” And so after him 
Claudian, in his panegyric upon the fourth consulship of 
Honortus : 


Tunc observantior equi 
Fit populus, nec ferre negat cum viderit ipsum 
Auctorem parere sibi. Componitur orbis 
Regis ad exemplum; nec sic inflectere sensus 
Humanos edicta valent quam vita regentis. 


Laws are best kept by subjects, when they find 
The giver keeps them first. All themselves bind 
To his example : nor can edicts sway 

Men’s minds so much as rulers that obey. 


As Tacitus also noteth, in the example of Vespasian, that 
** the* desire of pleasing and imitating the prince wrought 
more than either punishment of laws, or fear :” and on the 
other side, Mecznas in Dio, telleth Czesar, that ‘ if! the 
people should once discover that he prescribed one thing 
to them, and did himself another, they would not fear his 
threats, but imitate his actions.” 

Kings therefore are said to be above the laws whereby 
they govern their people, partly in respect of others: of 
others, inasmuch as they have power to judge according™ 
to their own conscience, and not according to the letter of 
the law; as also to" dispense in some cases with the very 
obedience, in some with the punishment required by the 
law. As whena man is thereby condemned unto banish- 


i “ Flexibiles in quamcunque partem ducimur a principe; atque ut ita dicam, 
sequaces sumus.”’ Plin. Panegyr. 

k “ Obsequium in principem, et emulandi amor, validior quam peena ex legi- 
bus, et metus.’ Tacit. annal. lib. 3. 

'"Qore dv dra’ carapabwsi ot Ga piv abroic mpoayopevorvra, ada 
Ot avroy rowdyTa, ov Tac ATEaE GOV HoBnOicovTaL, adrAG Ta Epya pLpy- 
oovrat. Dio, hist. Rom. lib. 52. 

m ** Princeps est supra legem ; adeo quod secundum conscientiam suam judi- 
care potest.” Cynus, in lib. Rescript. Cod. de precib. imper- offerend. 

» “Est etiam princeps supra legem ; in quantum si expediens fuerit, potest 
legem mutare, et in ea dispensare pro loco et tempore.” Thom, in 1. 2. quest. 
96. artic. 5, ad 3. 


OF THE PRINCE. 31d 


ment, the prince, if he see cause, may revoke him from 
thence: and therein “ his® own will,” saith Accursius, is 
accounted “ a great and just cause.” As also, for the re- 
calling of the sentence of death itself, we meet with this 
passage in Themistius: ‘“‘ We? have seen men returned to 
life from the gates of death: whom the law indeed sent 
thither, but the lord ofthe law brought back from thence 
again; as knowing that one thing becometh a judge, ano- 
ther aking; that the one is tied to follow the laws, but 
the other hath power to correct the laws themselves, and 
to qualify the severity and harshness of them, as being 
himself a living law, and not confined to unchangeable and 
unalterable letters. For to this end, it seemeth, God did 
send from heaven this regal power into the earth, that 
men might have a refuge from that dead and unmoveable 
law to this living one.” Wherewith we may compare that 
briefer expression of Hilary the Roman deacon, or who- 
ever else was the author of the questions upon the Old 
and New Testament, wrongly fathered upon St. Augus- 
tin: “'To‘ judges it is prescribed not to revoke the sen- 
tence passed upon a guilty person : but the emperor him- 
self is under no such law. For he alone hath power to re- 
voke that sentence, and to absolve the man condemned to 
die, and to grant a pardon to him.” ‘That saying indeed 
of the emperor Valentinian the third, is much commend- 


° “Magna et justa causa est ejus voluntas.” Accurs. gloss. in lib. 4. D. de 
peenis. 

P Eidoper avOpwrove ix ray Tov ddov tpoVipwy eic To Cy éxavidyrac, 
od¢ O pév vopoc ixeioe aripyer 6 OE TOU vdpmov Kipioc iKeiOey ixaviyyaye, 
yivoskwy bre adry piv Oteacrod, adrAn Ot Baoréwe apeTh’ Kai TP piv Tpos- 
Heer ExecOar, Tp dé ExavopOody Kai Tove Vopmove, Kai TO aTHVic a’TOY Kai 
dusittueroy mapadekviva, dre vou empoxy byte, Kal.obK ty ypappacw 
dperabérorc Kai acadevrouc’ dud TovTO yap, We ~ouKe, Bacirelay éx Tov ovpa- 
vov karéreper tic THY yy 6 Ode, OTwe ay ein KaTapvy) TP avOpuTy 
a7 TOU VOMOU TOU aKLWyTOUV ixi TOY EumvoUY Kai CwvTa. Themist. orat. 
5. de humanitate Theod. 

4 “Judicibus statutum est ne liceat in reum datam sententiam revocare. 
Nunquid et ipse imperator sub hac erit lege? Nam ipsi soli licet revocare senten- 
tiam, et reum mortis absolvere et ipsi ignoscere.” Quest. 115. ex vet. et nov. 
Testam. tom, 3. oper. Augustini. 


316 THE POWER 


ed: ‘It' is a voice worthy of the majesty of him that 
reigneth, that the prince should profess himself to be 
bound by the laws.” But, ‘ although’ it be a fair thing to 
say so, yet is it not to be maintained that the emperor is 
subject to the laws, when he is loosed from them;” saith 
Aineas Silvius. “For there is a certain other thing, to 
which the emperor is more obnoxious than to the law; 
and that is equity; which is not always found written. 
For equity is that which is just beyond the written law : 
now if the law doth command one thing, and equity per- 
suade another, it is fit the emperor should temper the ri- 
gour of the law with the bridle of equity, as he who alone 
may and ought to look unto that interpretation, which 
lieth interposed between law and equity. Especially, see- 
ing no decree of the law, although weighed with never so 
considerate counsel, can sufficiently answer the varieties 
and unthought on plottings of man’s nature. And seeing 
the condition of human law is such, thatit runneth always 
without stint, and there is nothing in it which can be at a 
perpetual stand; it is manifest, that in tract of time, the 


* “ Digna vox est majestate regnantis, legibus alligatum se principem profiteri. 
Lib. 4. Cod. de legib. et constitut. prince. 

s “ Quod quamvis pulchrum est dicere, non tamen asserendum est impe- 
ratorem legibus esse subjectum, cum sit solutus. Est enim aliud quiddam cui 
plus quam legibus obnoxius est imperator ; hoc ipsum zequitas est, que non sem- 
per invenitur scripta. Equitas enim est, quod preter legem scriptam justum 
est: quod si aliud lex jubet, aliud zequitas suadet, convenit imperatorem juris vi- 
gorem zquitatis fraeno temperare, cui soli inter equitatem jusque interpositam 
interpretationem licet et incumbit inspicere. Prasertim cum nulla juris sanctio, 
quantumcunque digesto perpensa consilio, ad varietates humane nature et ma- 
chinationes ejus inopinabiles sufficiat. Cumque humani juris conditio semper in 
infinitum decurrat, nihilque sit in ea quod stare perpetuo possit (multis enim for- 
mas eadem natura novas deproperat, et secundum tempora statuta variantur hu- 
mana) manifestum est xvi cursu, que leges olim juste fuerunt, injustas reddi, 
fierique nunc inutiles, nunc duras, nunc iniquas. Ad quas moderandas opus est 
principe, qui legum dominus est. Nam si quid in eis latum fortassis obscurius 
fuerit, imperatorem convenit declarare, duritiemque legum suze humanitati con- 
trariam et incongruam emendare. Quod enim dicitur, legem quamvis duram 
esse servandam, inferiores judices non Casarem respicit; in quo est vis illa mo- 
derandarum legum, quam éztéixevay vocant, que tam annexa est summo 


principi, ut nullis possit humanis evelli decretis.”” Aineas Silvius, de ortu et 
authoribus imperii, cap. 20, 21. 


OF THE PRINCE. 317 


laws which before were just, prove afterwards to be un- 
just, and become now unprofitable, now harsh, now un- 
righteous: for the moderating whereof there is need of 
the prince, who is Lord of the laws. For if it fall out, 
that any thing hath been more obscurely delivered therein, 
it is fit the emperor should clear it, and amend that harsh- 
ness of the laws which he shall find to be contrary and 
disagreeable to his humanity. For where it is said, that 
a law, although it be hard, should yet be observed ; that 
respecteth the inferior judges, and not the emperor; in 
whom is that power of moderating the laws which they 
call éateikeva, or equity, which is so annexed to the su- 
premacy of the prince, that by no decrees of man it can 
be pulled from it.” Thus far Auneas Silvius. 

In regard of themselves, kings are said to be exempted 
from subjection to the laws, both because they are not 
tied (otherwise than for conveniency and good example’s 
sake) to the observance of such as are mere positive and 
temporary laws; and because they are not liable to the 
civil punishments set down for the breach of any law, 
as having no superior upon earth that may exercise 
any such power over them: whereunto, for the later 
times, that of Otto, Frisingensis may be referred : 
“* Whereas' there is no man found in the world 
which is not subject to the laws of the world, and by 
that subjection kept within compass; kings alone, as 
being set above the laws, and reserved to God’s examina- 
tion, are not restrained by any secular laws.” And for 
the elder, that speech of Gregory, bishop of Tours unto 
the French king Chilperick: “ If" any of us, O king, 
transgress justice, you may correct us; but if you do ex- 
ceed your bounds, who shall restrain you? We indeed 


t “ Cum nullainveniatur persona mundialis, que mundi legibus non subjaceat, 
subjacendo coerceatur ; soli reges, utpote constituti supra leges, divino examini 
reservati, seculi legibus non cohibentur.”’ Otto Frising. preefat. chronic. ad imp. 
Frising. preefat. chronic. ad imp. Frideric. 1. 

u Si quis de nobis, O rex, justitize tramitem transcendere voluerit, a te cor- 
rigi potest; si vero tu excesseris, quis te corripiet? Loquimur enim tibi, sed si 
volueris, audis ; si autem nolueris, quis te condemnabit nisi is qui se pronuncia- 
vit esse justitiam?” Gregor. Turonens, hist, Francor. lib, 5. cap. 18. 


318 THE POWER 


speak unto you, and if you will, you listen unto us ; but if 
you donot, who can condemn you, but he who hath declared 
himself to be righteousness”? that is, God himself alone. 
Together with that common interpretation which hath been 
given unto those words of David in the fifty first Psalm : 
“* Against thee, thee only have I sinned :” whereof Kuthy- 
mius giveth this paraphrase: ‘“‘ Forasmuch* as I am aking, 
and so have thee the only judge of the crimes committed 
by me, against thee only I appear to have sinned, that is, 
I am subject to no other judge but unto thee alone, for of 
all the rest Iam myself the lord.” Nicephorus, this : ‘‘ In¥ 
respect that I am a king, and subject to thee alone, 
against thee only have I sinned. Injury, I confess, other- 
wise I did unto Urias; but the sin of itself reached unto 
thee, because I did transgress thy laws.” So likewise Di- 
dymus : ‘‘ Inasmuch’ as he was a king, he was not subject 
to any human law, and so sinned against none of those 
law-makers.” And Ambrose: ‘ Being* upheld with the 
regal eminency, as a lord of the laws, in respect of the 
laws he was not guilty ; to God alone he stood obnoxious, 
who is the Lord of principalities.” And Lyranus: “ Be- 
cause” he was a king he had no superior judge which might 


* “Cum rex sim, et te solum commissorum a me scelerum judicem habeam, 
tibi soli peccasse videor, hoc est, tibi soli judici subjicior : caterorum enim om- 
nium ego dominus sum.” Euthym. in Psalm. 

y “ Rex cum ego sim, tibique soli subjectus, tibi soli peccavi. Alioquin Uriam 
injuria affeci ; sed peccatum ipsum ad te translit, quoniam leges tuas transgres- 
sus sum.” Nicephor. in catena Greece. doctorum in Psalmos Latine a Dan. Bar- 
baro edit. 

z “ Quatenus rex erat non subjiciebatur humane legi; unde nulli ex legum 
conditoribus peccavit.” Didym. in catena Grec. doctorum in Psalmos Latine a 
Dan, Barbaro edit. “Oooy imi 76 sivar Bacirede ovx b7éKELTO avOpwrivyp 
vom, Oey oddevi TOY vopobeToy ijpaprev, 0b évwTudy TLVOE a’ToY Td 
movnpoy imoinoey. 'Emedy O& mpdce TP Baoiredc Kai OeoceBHe sivat 
BotXErat, bréEKELTO TH TOU OEod Yom Oo Kai papTe pOvy BED, Kai TO 7O- 
ynpoy tvywrtoy avrov ézotnoe. Didym. in catena Grec. doctorum in Psal. Lat. 
a Dan. Barb. ed. et in catena Greca MS. in bibliotheca Bodl. et Novi Collegii Oxon. 

2 “ Regali subnixus fastigio, quasi legum dominus legibus reus non erat : soli 
Deo obnoxius tenebatur, qui dominus est potestatum. Ambros. lib. 2. epist. 7. 
ad Simplicianum. 

> “ Quia erat rex, non habebat judicem superiorem qui posset eum punire nisi 
Deum.” Nicol. de Lyra in Psal. 50, 


OF THE PRINCE. 519 


punish him but God.” As Isidorus Pelusiota likewise 
writeth of another who was an heathen: that “ being® a 
king he was not to expect any judicial sentence from men ; 
forasmuch as such were subject to God’s judgment only.” 
And Cyril of Alexandria in the general: ‘* Who? dare vio- 
late the decrees of terrene kings, or attempt to dissolve 
the laws enacted by princes, unless he himself be one of 
those who are invested with regal dignity? for in such, the 
charge of transgressing the law hath no place at all.” 
And by this we may easily understand what Aristotle’s 
meaning was when he said, that ‘a* king tied to the laws 
doth make no new kind of government.” For if the 
people may call him to account for the breach of the law, 
the state is plainly democratical ; if the peers, it is aristo- 
cratical; if either or both of them, it cannot any way be 
accounted monarchical. To all which we may add like- 
wise that declaration of Thomas Aquinas: ‘The prince 
is said to be loosed from the law, forasmuch as con- 
cerneth the coactive force of the law. For no man is pro- 
perly constrained by himself; and the law hath no force 
coactive but from the power of the prince. Thus, there- 
fore, the prince is said to be loosed from the law, because 
no man can give sentence of condemnation against hin, if 
he do any thing against thelaw. But in respect of God’s 


© Baoiede Oy, cai Oivac rap’ avOporwr pr pé\NwOY arrarEicba Ty 
yap Oia dixy povoy 6 rovwdroc brebOuVoc. Isidor. Pelus. lib. 5. epist. 383. 
ad Petrum Correctorem. 

1 Vie rote Oeoricpact rev emi ye Baoréwr tovoracrinie émipierat, 
Kai Tapadvey émixerpet Ta Ova THE TOY KpaTobYTwY oUYTETaypEva Wi}pou 
TE KGL YYMUNC, i pi) Apa TLC Ely TUXWY THY THY Baciida TEPLKELMEVWY TI- 
Py Te Kat Odéav; TémoV yap éy ékeivowc ovK Exe THC Tapavopiac Ta éy- 
cAXjpara. Cyril. comment. in Johan. lib. 12. 

© ‘O card vopov Eeyopevoc Baciredc ode Ear Eidoc wodTEiac.  Aristot. 
Politic. lib. 3. cap. 12. 

f “ Princeps dicitur esse solutus a legibus, quantum ad vim coactivam legis. 
Nullus enim proprie cogitur a seipso; lex autem non habet vim coactivam nisi 
ex principis potestate. Sic igitur princeps dicitur esse solutus a lege, quia nul- 
lus in ipsum potest judicium condemnationis ferre, si contra legem agat, &c. 
Unde quantum ad Dei judicium, princeps non est solutus a lege quantum ad vim 
directivam ejus, sed debet voluntarius, non coactus, legem implere.”” Thom. 1. 
2. quest. 96, artic. 5. ad 3, 


320 THE POWER 


judgment, the prince is not loosed from the law, forasmuch 
as concerneth the directive power thereof; but he ought 
voluntarily, and not constrainedly, to fulfil the law.” And 
of Joannes Sarisburiensis: ‘‘ The? prince is said to be ab- 
solved from the obligation of the law, not because unjust 
things may be lawful to him, but because he ought to be 
one, who, not for the fear of punishment, but for the love 
of justice, should regard equity, procure the profit of the 
commonwealth, and in all things prefer the benefit of 
others before his own will and pleasure.” And. so, as the 
apostle speaketh in another case, “‘ having" not the law, is 
a law to himself: being’ not without law to God, but under 
the law to Christ.” 

The king therefore is not hereby made lawless, nor 
hath liberty given unto him to do whatever him listeth. 
For God’s Word and right reason must “ give* a law to the 
lawgivers themselves ;” as Gregory Nazianzen speaketh to 
the emperors of his time. ‘Greatness! of spirit indeed,” 
said Themistius to the emperor Theodosius, “ is requisite 
ina king: but it is fit also that this great spirit of his 
should be obsequious and easily persuaded to yield to 
reason.” ‘‘ None™ being able,” as Agapetus addeth in 
his admonitions to Justinian, *‘ to correct him who is in 
so high authority, but that very reason of his, which is 
moved by the conscience of himself offending.” And “ al- 
though" the king hath the laws so in his power,” saith 


& “ Princeps legis nexibus dicitur absolutus, non quia ei iniqua liceant, sed 
quia is esse debet qui non timore pene, sed amore justitia, equitatem colat, rei- 
publice procurat utilitatem, et in omnibus aliorum commoda private preferat 
voluntati.”’ Jo. Sarisbur. Polycratic. lib. 4. cap. 2. Sic et Soto de Just. et jur. 
lib. 1. qu. 6. art. 7. conclus. 4. Covarruvias ad c. alma mater pag. 1. sect. 1. n. 
3. Navarr. ad c. si quando. de rescript. except. 8. n. 12. Menoch. de arbitr. 
Jud. quest. 7. n.10. 20. Budzus, in annot. ad lib. Princeps. D. de leg. 

h Rom. chap. 2. ver. 14. i 1 Cor. chap. 9. ver. 21. 

k Nopoerqoe yap Kai vouoberaic 6 Adyoc. Greg. Naz. orat. 27. 

1 Aci piv kat Oupod péyeog tvuTrapyey ry Baorksi, ara péiyay byra 
roy Oupoy edyKooy slvac TpoonKer, Wore edpeTameoToY sivar TY Oyy. 
Themist. orat. 9. 

™ Obdeic yap ioxve Tov éy tovoia ryriKairy wadeverr, st wy oyeopdc 
oikéloc && avrov Tov wEppedovyroc Kiwwotmevoc. Agapet. Parzen. cap. 36. 

n “ Rex etsi leges in potestate habet, ut impune delinquat, Deo tamen sub- 


OF THE PRINCE. AS | 


St. Ambrose, “ that without fear of punishment he may 
offend, yet is he subject to God, who oweth nothing unto 
any ; and to whom more by him is owed, unto whom more 
by him hath been committed.” 


Regum® timendorum in proprios greges, 
Reges in ipsos imperium est Jovis. 


Over subjects kings command, 
Kings are under Jove’s high hand. 


And therefore “ Whatsoever? they shall unjustly, and 
wickedly, and in a tyrannical manner practise against the 
law, to the overthrow of right, therein,” saith Ireneus, 
“they shall perish by the just judgment which cometh 
equally upon all, and in none, or nothing, is deficient.” 
Whereupon that famous Eremite, Anthony, writing unto 
Constantine the Great, and his sons Constantius and Con- 
stans, gravely advised them, “ not‘ to esteem their present 
estate to be great, but rather to remember the judgment 
which was to come:” which also the Catholic bishops af- 
terward were not unmindful to put Constantius in remem- 
brance of, when he laboured so earnestly to propagate the 
Arrian heresy. And the prelates assembled in an Italian 
synod, five hundred years after that, do “ humbly’ sug- 


ditus est, qui nulli debet ; imo plus ipse debet, cui plus commissum est.’’ Ambr. 
in Psal. 118. serm. 86. 

° Horat. carm. lib. 3. Od. 1. vide et Sueton. in C. Jul. Cesare, cap. 16. ex 
Cesare ipso, in Julize amite laudatione funebri. 

P “ Quecunque ad eversionem justi, inique et impie contra legem, et more 
tyrannico exercuerint, in his et peribunt, justo judicio Dei ad omnes zqualiter 
perveniente et in nullo deficiente.” Tren. adv. heres. lib. 5. cap. 24. 

4 My peyara nyeic0arra rapdyra, d\\a padrov pynpovedery Tijc jEd- 
hovone kptcewc. Athanas. in vita Antonii. 

 "Hrethouy rv 1pépay Tie Kpicewe, Athanas. in epist. ad solitariam vi- 
tam agentes. 

s “ Cavendum summopere principibus, ut quia minime nunc judicantur, ne 
in futuro judicio ab omnipotenti Deo gravius judicentur : secundum apostolum : 
Etenim horrendum est incidere in manus Dei viventis. Nos vero qui debito- 
res sumus ut fideliter annunciemus, idcirco humiliter suggerimus, quod silere 
non audemus.” Synod. Regiaticin. anno 850. habit. cap. 16. Wherewith that 
of Otto Frisingensis also may be compared, in his preface before his history unto 
the emperor Frederick Barbarossa, “‘ Cum enim, juxta apostolum, omni mortali 


VOL. XI. CHe 


vee THE POWER 


gest” the same unto princes, which (in respect of their 
calling) they profess “they dare not be silent in;” that 
‘they should take special heed because they are not now 
judged, that in the judgment to come, they be not more 
severely judged by Almighty God: according to that of 
the apostle: It‘ is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of 
the living God.” 

The same apostle in his epistle to the Colossians, speak- 
ing of the mutual duties of servants and masters, setting 
this down as a general axiom: “ He" that doth wrong 
shall receive for the wrong which he hath done; and there 
is no respect of persons :” and then presently subjoineth: 
‘* Masters*, give unto your servants that which is just and 
equal, knowing that ye also have a master in heaven.” 
And in his epistle to the Ephesians, treating of the same 
argument, when he had laid the like general ground for 
the recompence of well-doing, as he did in the other for 
doing of wrong : ‘‘ WhatsoeverY good thing any man doth, 
the same shallhe receive of the Lord, whether he be bond 
or free ;” he addeth in like manner: ‘‘ Ye masters do the 
same thing unto your servants, forbearing threatenings ; 
knowing that your master also is in heaven, neither is 
there respect of persons with him.” ‘The reason is univer- 
sal, you see ; and so is applicable as well to the prince 
in the commonwealth, as to the master in the private fa- 
nily. Whereupon the Scripture elsewhere telleth us in 
express terms, that God “ accepteth” not the persons of 
princes ;” that ‘‘he* leadeth princes away spoiled, and 
overthroweth the mighty ;” that ‘‘ he” changeth the times 
and the seasons, he removeth kings, and setteth up kings;” 
that “ he® cutteth off the spirit of princes, and is terrible 
to the kings of the earth.” 


horrendum sit incidere in manus Dei viventis, regibus tamen, qui nullum preset 
ipsum supra se habent quem metuant, eo erit horribilius, quo ipsi czteris pos- 
sunt peccare liberius.”’ 


' Heb. chap. 10. ver. 31. " Col. chap. 3. ver. 25. 
* Col. chap. 4. ver. 1. y Ephes. chap. 6. ver. 8, 9. 
* Job, chap. 34. ver. 19. @ Ibid. chap. 12. ver. 19. 


b Dan, chap. 2. ver. 21. © Psalm 76. ver. 12. 


OF THE PRINCE. 323 


Upon the consideration of which judgments of God, 
(oftentimes inflicted by him even in this world, but most 
infallibly in the world to come) King David groundeth this 
admonition of his unto those great ones: “‘ Be‘ wise now 
therefore, O ye kings; be instructed, ye judges of the 
earth, serve the Lord with fear.” Whereof if you will 
have a more large paraphrase, you may take this out of the 
sixth chapter of the Book of Wisdom; ‘“ Hear therefore, 
O ye kings, and understand; learn ye that be judges of the 
ends of the earth. Give ear, you that rule the people, and 
glory in the multitude of nations. For power is given you 
of the Lord, and sovereignty from the Highest ; who shall 
try your works, and search out your counsels? Because 
being ministers of his kingdom, you have not judged 
aright, nor kept the law, nor walked after the counsel of 
God. MHorribly and speedily shall he come upon you: 
for a sharp judgment shall be to them that be in high 
places. For mercy will soon pardon the meanest; but 
mighty men shall be mightily tormented. For he which 
is Lord over all shall fear no man’s person, neither shall 
he stand in awe of any man’s greatness; for he hath made 
the small and great, and careth for all alike.” But leav- 
ing God to his own work, (which he in his infinite wisdom 
knoweth best how to order) let us look to what concerns 
ourselves, and consider that subjection which God hath 
charged us to yield unto our governors. 


4d Psalm 2. ver. 10, 11. 


eZ 


32! THE POWER 


PART II. 


THE OBEDIENCE 


OF THE 


SU Boar”: 


OBEDIENCE to authority is by A%schylus rightly termed 
“* The* mother of felicity ;’ by Philo the Jew, ‘The? best 
and most profitable thing in our whole life.” And there- 
fore Theopompus’, king of the Lacedemonians, hearing 
one attribute the safety of Sparta to the skill which their 
kings had in government, made answer, that this was to 
be ascribed rather to the obedience which the people so 
cheerfully rendered unto their governors. For in Sparta‘, 
above all other places, the most powerful citizens shewed 
themselves most obsequious unto the magistrates, and by 


* Teapyia yap tort tie evrpatiag pnrnp. Aschyl. in “Exra éi On- 
Bae, ver. 208. 

b"ApxsoGat, Td KaALCTOY Kai BiwdeAéotaTov. Philo, in lib. de Joseph. 

© OsdzopTroc 6 Baorede roy Aaxedampoviwy, mpdc Toy eimévTa cwlecBat 
THY Xaraprny, Oia Tove Bacreic apxtKove dyrac. Plutarch. in preceptis 
gerendz reip. 

d°Ey 0: ry Erdpry ot kparicroKai UTEpXoVTaL padioTa Tac apxac, Kat 
Tw TaTEwol sivar meyadtvvovTa, Kal TH OTaY KaN@YTAL, TPEXOYTEC, anda 
py BadiZovrec, braxobew' voptZovTec, Ny avroi karapxwor Tov opdcpa 
TetOecOat, WecOarxat rove ddAoveE. OED Kai yeyévnTat. Xenoph. de Lace- 
dzem. repub. 


OF THE PRINCE. 325 


their example drew the rest to do the like: as ‘“ knowing* 
obedience to be the greatest good, both in cities, in ar- 
mies, and in private families.” So writeth Xenophon, in 
his book of the commonwealth of the Lacedzmonians : 
which elsewhere he amplifieth more largely, in this speech 
which he makes Chrysantas use to his countrymen the 
Persians: ‘* Consider‘, I pray, what town of their enemies 
can they take who will not obey? What city of their 
friends can they keep that are disobedient? What army 
that is irregular and tumultuous can obtain a victory? 
What readier way can men make to receive an overthrow 
in battle, than when every one shall begin severally to 
consult of his own safety? What other good thing can 
be effected by those that do not obey their superiors ? 
What cities can be well governed? What houses can be 
preserved? How can ships be brought to the coast 
whereunto they are bound? By what means more have 
we ourselves acquired those good things which we now 
enjoy, than by obeying our prince? For hereby it came 
to pass that by day and by night we did both speedily 
come unto the place appointed, and with our whole forces 
following our prince carried all before us; while we left 
none of those things half done, which were enjoined unto 
us. And therefore as it is apparent, that obedience to 
our governor is the greatest means to purchase good 
things; so assure yourselves likewise, that the very same 


© ’Emetrep éyvwoav 76 meiPeoOar péiyicroy ayaGdy eivat Kai év TOAEL, 
Kal OTpaTLd, Kai éy Oth. Xenoph. de Lacedem. repub. 

 "Evvonoare yap On, Tic adv mode TodEMia HO pH TEMoMévwWY Groin ; 
tic 0 dy pirta U7 py TEOEMévwy DiapurAayMetn; Toioy O° dy are 
OobvTwy orpatevpa vikne Tixot; mo O Ay padAoy éy payaic Hr- 
rovro avOpwro, iy txedav adpEwyrar idia Exaotog mepi THE adrow 
curnptac BovretecOa; ri 0 ay addo ayabdy TedeOEin IO THY pur) 
meBomévwy Toic KpeiTToor; molar Of médEtC Yowimwe ay olkycEay; ? 
molot oikoe owOsinoay ; wc 0 dv vipec Oron Cet AdixowrTo ; “Hysic 0 
a viv ayaba ExXopev Cid Ti ado paddov Karewpdsaper, 7) did Td TEES - 
Oat TY apxXovTe; Cut TodTO yao Kai vUKTSC Kai Hepac Tayd piv bro 
dee Tapeywwopela, dbpdor OF TH Apxovre Exdpevol, dvUTOoTAaTOL uEY, THY 
0 imitaxGéevTwy obliv Hpuredéc KaTEreimomEV. Hi roivuy péytoroy cya- 
Boy rd reOapyxety paivera sic TO KaTaTparrey Tayabd, ovTWE Ed ioTE OTL 
avro TovTO Kai cic TO OLtacwle Det péytorov ayaOOv tort. Xen. lid. 8. 
KUpOU TaLoEtac. 


326 THE POWER 


will prove the best means to preserve those things which 
are convenient for you.” 

For to govern and to be governed are of so near a rela- 
tion, the one unto the other, that from the composition of 
them together, as Crito® the Pythagorean well noteth, ari- 
seth both the strength and the concord of the whole state : 
the like necessity being of both, and arising from the 
same spring of the law of nature. To which purpose that 
part of Julius Czesar’s speech, in Dio, is very pertinent: 
** Two" both necessary and wholesome things hath nature 
established among men, to rule, and to be ruled: without 
which it is impossible that any thing for never so small a 
time should hold out. Wherefore it behoveth him that 
hath the government of any, to find out such things as are 
fitting, and to enjoin them: as also him that is subject to 
the other’s authority, to yield obedience to him without all 
excuses, and to use all diligence in the performing of the 
thing that is commanded.” 

And ofthe two, Whether the want of government or the 
want of obedience would prove more pernicious to a state, 
is a point that S. Chrysostome maketh very questionable. 
‘* Ani anarchy is an evil thing indeed,” saith he, ‘ and 
the ground of the subversion of a state. But the disobe- 
dience of those that are under government is an evil no 
less than that: and bringeth the matter to the self same 
pass. For a people that doth not obey their governor, is 
like unto a people that hath no governor: and peradven- 
ture worse too. For there they have some excuse for 


& Ey woe [aovvappoya] réy apxopévwy Tori Twc apxovTac aToTEXEIC 
xparoc kai Opovotay. Crito, apud Stobeum, serm. 1. 

h @icee yap dvayKata Tiva Kai owrnpia, T~ meV, apXELY tv avOpwrotc, 
rip O&, apxecOa TéTaKkTa. Kai ddbvaréy éory avev adTay Kai bTiodY Kai 
orocovody SiayevicOar. TpoonKer TE TW pEVY emLTAaTOVYTE TLVOE, Exdpoy- 
rilew ri Ta OéovTa Kai imirarray TM O& Wroreraypivy, TeOapyeiy 
arpopactorwc, Kai txmovety TO KEXEvVOmEvoY. Dio, hist. Roman. lib. 41. 

i Kaxdy piv ody 9 dvapxia, kai dvatporijc imd0ece. Kakdy Of ovy 
yTTOV Kai  ameiOera THY Apxopévwy" TO avTd yap yiverac TAaNLY. adc 
yap apxXovre pay TWEOGpEvoc, Opmordg éaTe TH jury EXovTU Taxa Of Kai XEipwr. 
Exel piv yap ovyyvopny Exovow vrip THE aTatiac’ tvravla CE OvKETL, A)- 
Ad wai KoNaZovTat. Chrysost. in epist. ad Hebr. homil. 34. 


OF THE PRINCE. ood 


their disorder ; here they not only have none, but are 
punishable :” and that both from God and from man, as 
the same father, in another place, doth thus express 
the matter: Subjection to the higher powers is a 
thing which “God* hath ordained, and he is a sore 
punisher of those who make light thereof. No common 
penalty will be inflicted on thee if thou be disobedient, 
but an exceeding great one: and nothing shall exempt 
thee in this thy contradiction, but both thy punishment 
from men will be heavy, and none shall stand up in de- 
fence of thee, and thou wilt provoke God in an higher 
manner.” And Photius, after him: ‘ Thou! art a gainer 
by being a subject; not only because thou fulfillest the 
command; but also because thou dost honour God like- 
wise, whilst thou honourest the power ordained by him, 
and him into whose hand he hath committed it. Happy 
is he that in this manner, and for these respects, doth ho- 
nour the power, and submit himself unto it: as miserable 
on the other side he is, who for these regards will not be 
subject. For he must undergo a double judgment: the 
one from God, because he doth contemn the government 
ordained by him; the other from the magistrates that are 
despised.” 

St. Jude, speaking of such as did ‘‘ despise” dominion, 
and speak evil of dignities,” says that they “ perished in 
the gainsaying of Core.” This Core, or Korah, was a 
Levite ; who by his office was to have “ taught" Jacob 


k Kai yap 6 Osd¢ TovTo ivopobérnos, Kai oPodpog éoTL TYMwpde Kara- 
Ppovovpévwy ToUTwWY. OU yap THY TUXOVEAY arairnoet Oikny Tapakovoar- 
Ta, Ga Kai opddpa peyiorny’ Kai ObCEY GE eEaupnoerat avTursyorTa, ara 
cai rap’ avOporor drooTHnoy TYLwpLay yarerwrarny, Kai odie TpoaTH- 
ceral, kai Tov Ody Tapoéuveic petZovwc. Chrysost. in epist. ad Roman. 
homil. 23. 

| Kepdaivec egvred0ev yroraccépevoc, ob ovoy Ott évTohy Toot, 
GXN bre cai roy Osdy rynde, TyLaY THY VT avTOd TEeTAypEYnY eEOvCIaY, 
kai Tov tabTny xepiZovra. Makdgug 6 oitwe kai dvd TavTa THY eEou- 
ciav Tyav Kai UroTasedpevoc, orep GONG 6 Oia Tad’Ta py VTOKEI[E- 
voc. kai yap Cirody amodéperar Kpiwa TPOToy ix TOV Oeow, OTL THY UT’ 
avrov reraypivyny Kai dprobeicay apxiy eovOevet’ SevTEpoy Kai éx THY 
jTyacpévon apxévrwy, Phot. in cap. 13. ad Roman. apud Oecumenium. 

m Jude, vers. 8. 11. " Deut. cap. 33, ver. 10. 


328 THE POWER 


God's judgments, and Israel his law:” but he, being one 
of those who “‘ corrupted® the covenant of Levi,” drew? 
first three principal men of the tribe of Reuben, and then 
‘“‘two hundred and fifty princes of the assembly, famous 
in the congregation, men of renown,” into his confede- 
racy ; and having gathered his associates together against 
Moses and Aaron, stuck not to affront them thus unto 
their faces: ‘‘ Ye take too much upon you, seeing all the 
congregation are holy every one of them, and the Lord is 
among them: wherefore then lift you up yourselves above 
the congregation of the Lord?” as if they had “ taken? 
this honour unto themselves,’ and had not been ‘“ called 
of God” unto it. But by these men’s strange perishing in 
this gainsaying of theirs, even women did plainly see, 
that in opposing Moses and Aaron after this manner, they 
opposed God himself, the ordainer of their authority. 
For so the daughters of Zelophehad could say: ‘ Our" 
father died in the wilderness, and he was not in the com- 
pany of them that gathered themselves together against 
the Lorp in the company of Korah.” Nay the very 
words of the spirit of God, concerning Dathan and Abi- 
ram are express to this purpose: These were ‘ famous* 
in the congregation, who strove against Moses and against 
Aaron in the company of Korah, when they strove against 
the Lord.” ‘‘ And‘ the earth opened her mouth, and 
swallowed them up together with Korah, when that com- 
pany died ; what time the fire devoured two hundred and 
fifty men: and they became a sign.” 

A dreadful sign indeed unto all them which afterwards 
should follow their steps: to whom, St. Jude saith is “‘ re- 


© Malach. chap. 2. ver. 8. P Numb. chap. 16. ver. 1, 2, 3. 
4 Heb. chap. 5. ver. 4. 
™ Numb. chap. 27. ver. 3. ’ Ibid. chap. 26. ver. 9, 10. 


t Psalm 106. ver. 17, 18. ‘‘ Terrastatim fauces suas in populi divisores 
aperuit, et contemptores mandatorum Dei avido ore absorbuit. Intra momenti 
spatium ad transglutiendos predictos terra patuit, rapuit, clausa est. Et ne 
beneficium de mortis compendio consequi viderentur, dum non essent digni 
vivere, iis nec mori concessum est: tartareo carcere subito clausi, ante sunt 
sepulti quam mortui.” Optat. lib. 1. contra Parmenian. 


OF THE PRINCE. 329 


served" the blackness of darkness for ever.” For what 
other end may they expect, that dare adventure upon the 
like turbulent and seditious courses? The Levite begins 
the faction; he by false persuasions draws the nobles 
after him: his main motive being this, that the ruler as- 
sumeth too much unto himself, and invadeth the people’s 
rights and liberties; others that will not run with them in 
that strain, being censured for temporizers, and such as 
have men’s persons in admiration because of advantage. 
And without all doubt, this is that toérov Pevdoc where- 
with the father of lies laboureth to work discontentment 
in the minds of subjects, and to steal away their hearts 
from the willing performance of that duty which they owe 
unto their governors; to put into their heads, that others 
give, and they take upon themselves, a kind of a transcend- 
ent power and authority fitted for their own ends, which 
God never intended his people should subject themselves 
unto. Whereas no soul may exempt itself from that ex- 
press declaration of his: ‘‘ Whosoever* resisteth the 
power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that 
resist, shall receive to themselves damnation.” Upon 
which we may very well conclude here with Gamaliel : “ If 
this counsel, or this ordinance, be of Gop, ye cannot over- 
throw it; lest” haply ye be found even to fight against 
God:” like those giants, whom the poets feign to have 
assaulted heaven; from whose stock Plato’ is pleased to 
derive their pedigree who shew themselves adverse unto 
the magistrates. For ‘ It? is the pleasure of God,” saith 
Chrysostom, “that the magistrate, whom he hath stamped 

vith his own image, should have also his own power.” 


" Jude, ver. 13. with 2 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 10. 17. 

* Rom. chap. 13. ver. 2. 

Y Myzrore cai Oecopayxor evpeOjre. Act. chap. 5. ver. 39. 

z “Noster vero Plato Titanum e genere statuit eos, qui, ut illi celestibus, 
sic hi adversentur magistratibus.” Cicero, lib. 3. de Legib. 

2 °O Gs0¢ ovTwW BodidreTat iva 6 dpxwy 0 Tap’ aiTov TUTWHEic, Tijy 
oikslay ioxdy éxy. Chrysost. in epist. ad Roman. serm, 23. tom. 9. 

. pag. 689, E. 


330 THE POWER 


And “ he that obeyeth not him, maketh war in a sort 
with God who hath appointed these things.” ‘ Let* us 
not therefore invert this order, nor fight with God; de- 
monstrating by our deeds that saying of the apostle, Who- 
soever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of 
God.” 

Gregory Nazianzen telleth the governor of his pro- 
vince that ‘‘ together‘ with Christ” he did rule the people 
and administer the office committed to his charge: that 
‘* from him he had received the sword;” and in that re- 
spect was to be accounted as ‘“ the image of God.” 
Which if it have place in a subordinate magistrate, how 
much more in the prince? from whom under God, the 
magistrate derives the power which he hath. For so 
St. Augustine layeth it down in the case of Pilate, that 
*“* Cesar® was the author of his power; God!‘ indeed hav- 
ing given him a power, but yet such a one as should be 
under the power of Czsar.” And therefore Epiphanius, 
when he had declared, that ‘‘ in every kingdom there are 
many magistrates, but under one king;” and proved out 
of the thirteenth to the Romans, that all ‘‘ those powers 
were ordained by God ;” he thus then buildeth upon that 
foundation: ‘* You’ see that this worldly power is con- 


b‘O py vraxobwy éxeivivn, TH Oey TOdEWEL TW TAVTA VopoOETHOAYTi. 
Chrysost. in epist. ad Roman. serm. 23. tom. 9. pag. 687. B. 

© My rotvuy tH Tak avarpéToper, pnoe TY OEM TOEMOpUEV, TO ATTOT- 
ToAuKOY éKEtvo did TOY Epywv ereckvipevol, OTL TAC O aYTLTATObpmEVvOG 
TH ELovoig, TH Tov Oeov Otarayy avGéiorynKev. Chrysost. in serm. 1. de Da- 
vid et Saul, tom. 4. pag. 758. A. 

i Xpior@ cvuvapyxec, XpioT@ kai ovvdvorKeic, Tap’ éxeivov coi 7d Zidoe, 
&c. eixwy si Tov Ocov. Greg. Nazianz. Orat. 17. ad cives timore perculsos. 

® “Non sic potuit contemnere Casarem authorem potestatis sua, quemad- 
modum legem gentis alienz.” Aug. in evang. Johan, tract. 116. 

 « Talem quippe Pilato Deus dederat potestatem, ut etiam esset sub Czsaris 
potestate.” Aug. in evang. Johan. tract. 116. 

§ ‘Opace bre 9 Eovoia abrn 4) KoopeKy ix Oso TéTaKTal, Kai paxaipac 
éhaBe Tipy tovciav (ob« adrAaxyobev Oé TOOEV, AAN i Od) sic Exdixnow: 
Kai ov Ouvapefa déyery, Oia Td sivat apxac Kai 2Zovciac ty Kdopy, TOY Ba- 
oéa TobTwY pu ivar Baoiéa’ AXA sivar Tac apxde Kai Tac ?Zouciag iy 
Koop, sivar O: kai Tov robTwy Baciiéa. WC odVY Emi ye OpGper, CidEKT aL 
ovK évavTiag Tag apxae Tw Baoist, GX troreraypévac cig Croikyow 


OF THE PRINCE. 33l 


stituted by God, and from none but him hath received the 
sword for punishment. And we may not say, because 
there are principalities and powers in the world, that 
there is no king over them: but that there are indeed 
such principalities and powers in the world, and yet they 
have a king above them.” And upon this he infers, that 
these “ powers are not opposite to the king, but subordi- 
nate unto him, for the administration of the whole kingdom, 
and the well ordering of the land :” there being no greater 
disorder that can be brought into a commonwealth, than 
the making of these subordinates to be transcendents, by 
giving them allowance to make head against their head, 
upon any pretext whatsoever. 

Where the Word of God therefore would have us 
** put" in mind apyxaic Kat 2ovolae vrordccecAa, to be 
subject to principalities and powers ;” this i7orayi implyeth 
in it a subordination and orderly subjection to every one 
in his own proper rank and several degree. Thus the 
centurion acknowledgeth in the Gospel, that he was “ ai 
man set under authority ;” yet so, as he had also soldiers 
under him, who were as obedient to his commands, as he 
was to the injunctions of his superiors. ‘ I say unto one, 
Go, and he goeth; and to another, Come, and he cometh ; 
and to my servant, Do this, and he doth it.” For; as 
Otho speaketh in Tacitus, ‘‘ The* authority of generals 
and rigour of military discipline is of that nature, that 
many things must be simply enjoined by the centurions 
and colonels: If when commands are given out it be 
allowed to dispute and question the matter, obedience 
failing, government will fall to ground also.” Neither in 


mavToe Tov Baowrkiov, kat cic evTagiay yc. Epiphan. contra Archontic. 
heres. 40. 

h Tit. chap. 3. ver. 1. with Rom. chap. 13. ver. 1.5. and 1 Pet. chap. 2. 
ver. 13. 

i Luke, chap. 7. ver. 8. 

k “ Tta se ducum auctoritas, sic rigor discipline habet, ut multa pet centu- 
riones tribunosque tantum juberi expediat. Si ubi jubeantur querere singulis 
liceat; pereunte obsequio, etiam imperium intercidit.”” Tacit. histor. lib. 1. 


one THE POWER 


the camp alone, but in the civil state likewise, this kind of 
subordination must necessarily be observed: this uni- 
versal principle also being here fit to be taken into consi- 
deration: ‘‘ That! by which every thing is such, must 
itself much more be such.” Which is thus applicable to 
our particular; if we yield honour and obedience to our 
magistrates, for that authority which we see the prince 
hath been pleased to impart unto them; it standeth with 
all reason that before and above all them, the prince 
himself should be much more honoured and obeyed. 
And if we are to submit ourselves to the subaltern and 
supreme governor ‘ dua tov Kigiov, for the Lord,” as we 
have heard out of St. Peter™, it will follow necessarily 
that the Lord’s own commands must in the first place be 
observed by us, whatsoever any magistrate or king shall 
say to the contrary. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzen 
giveth this admonition to courtiers and such as were in 
high places of authority: ‘‘ Continue” faithful to your 
kings: but first of all to God; and for him to them also, 
unto whom you have been concredited and committed by 
him.” 

For any man to take® upon him the administration of a 
public office without the grant of the prince; or yet to 
cross? the authority, or call‘ in question the worthiness of 
that officer which he is pleased to make choice of, is by 
the imperial law accounted a kind of sacrilege. Now “ If 


ay ste Mts Metco Se itelin: Ts par jine RN nae Hse Sa ae ce eMeTE 
Asi yap Ou OuUTapXEL EKAOTOY, ExEtvO pa) UTAaPXEL OioY, Ov 0 Pitov 
ev, Excivo paddov diroy. Aristot. Analytic. Poster. lib. 1. cap. 2. 
fev, 

m 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 13. 

‘ r, ~ ~ ~ Pr , gran \ , Ky 

n lIvorot pevere Toic Bacwevou Oew O& TPOTEPOY, Ci OY Kai ToUTOLC, iG 
iTLOTEUTE, Kai oic¢ TapadédoPEerGe. Gregor. Nazianz. orat. 27. que 12. est in 
Latina Jo. Lewenklavii edit. ubi Gregorii interpres, Elias Cretensis episc. 
“Nam propter Deum etiam illis ipsis fidi eritis quibus commissi a Deo, et ab 
eodem traditi estis. At qui propter Deum ? quia si Deum metuetis et studiose 
dabitis operam ut ejus mandata servetis, fideles his etiam Dei causa eritis.” 

° L. 4. C. de crim. sacrileg. P L. 5. C. de divers. rescript. 

4 L. 3. C. de crim. sacrileg. 

’ El yap rode dpxovrag rovToVve Tobe WTO Paciiéws YELPOTOVOLYMEVOVE, 
Kay Tovnpol, Kady KNETTaAL, KdV AyoTai, KaY MetKOL, KEV OTLOVY WOW ETE- 


poy, CsCoikaper Kai wEedpixapey, ov Cia TY TOYNpPlay KaTAaPpOVOdYTEC ad- 


OF THE PRINCE. 383 


we reverence and fear those magistrates that are elected 
by the king,” saith St. Chrysostom, ‘although they be 
wicked, although they be thieves, although they be rob- 
bers, although they be unjust, or whatever they be ; not 
despising them for their wickedness, but standing in awe 
of them for the dignity of him that did elect them: much 
more ought we thus to do in the case of God,” and of the 
king chosen by him, how unworthily otherwise he may 
hap to prove. Neither may we omit here that gradation 
which St. Augustine maketh, for the illustration of that 
subordinate power whereof we have spoken: ‘ If’ thy 
curator command thee any thing, must it not be done?” 
yes questionless, ‘‘ and yet if the proconsul countermand,” 
and thou obey him, “ thou despisest not the power of 
thy curator, but servest a greater. Neither ought the 
lesser to be angry if the greater be preferred before it. 
Again if the proconsul himself does command one thing, 
and the emperor does command another; is there any 
doubt but that, contemning the one, we are to serve the 
other? ‘Then if the emperor does command one thing, 
and God another: what do you judge” should be done 2” 
Namely that which in another place he himself resolveth : 
“‘ As‘ in the powers of human society the greater in 
point of obedience is preferred before the lesser, so must 
God be before all.” Agreeable to the answer which 
Socrates made to the Athenians: ‘‘ I* will obey God ra- 
ther than you:” and Peter and John to the rulers of the 


TOY, AAG Oud THY akiay TOU XELpoTOVATaYToc SUoWToLmEvoL TOA pad- 
Aov éxi TOU Osov xpx) TOUTO ToLsiv. Chrysost. serm. 1.de David et Saul. 

s “ Si aliquid jusserit curator, nonne faciendum est? Tamen si contra pro- 
consul jubeat, non utiyue contemnis potestatem, sed eligis majori servire. Nec 
hinc debet minor irasci si major prelata est. Rursum, si aliquid ipse proconsul 
jubeat, et aliud jubeat imperator, nunquid dubitatur, illo contempto, illi esse 
serviendum? Ergo si aliud imperator, et aliud Deus; quid judicatis?” Au- 
gust. de verbis Domini, serm. 6. 

t “ Sicut in potestatibus societatis humane major potestas minori ad obedi- 
endum przponitur, ita Deus omnibus.” August. lib. 8. Domini, Confession. 
cap. 8. 

" Weicopar tp Oey maddov H bpiv. Plato, in apolog. Socratis. 


334 THE POWER 


people and elders of Israel, ‘“‘ Whether* it be right in 
the sight of God, to hearken unto you more than unto 
God, judge ye:” And all the apostles afterward, jointly 
and peremptorily: ‘‘ WeY ought to obey God rather than 
men:” concerning which thus Bernard: “ It* is a very 
perverse thing to profess thyself to be obedient in that 
wherein thou art known to dissolve a superior for an 
inferior, that is, a divine for a human obedience. For 
what? The thing that man commandeth, God forbid- 
deth : and shall I hear man, and turn the deaf ear to God. 
So did not the apostles: for they cried out, saying, It is 
better to obey God than man.” 

Upon the same grounds also, if any man shall think 
that he hath received hard measure from the inferior 
magistrate, he may, without breach of obedience, appeal 
unto the superior: and if the superior right him not, he 
may seek relief from the supreme. As we see in the case 
of St. Paul, who from the provincial governor ‘ was? con- 
strained to appeal unto Cesar,” and “ to” be referred 
unto his hearing.” But if it so fall out, that he who is 
our highest judge upon earth will be so far from doing 
Justice, that he himself shall do us open wrong; reason 
itself tells us that there may not be a processus ad _infini- 
tum: and therefore if our humble supplications cannot 
prevail with him to change his mind, there is nothing 
left, but that we commit® ourselves and our causes to God 
“that judgeth righteously.” So Athanasius in his apo- 
logy to the emperor Constantius: ‘ If* I had been ac- 


* Act. chap. 4. ver. 19. Y Ibid. chap. 5. ver. 29. 

z “ Valde perversum est profiteri te obedientem, in quo nosceris superiorem 
propter inferiorem, id est, divinam propter humanam, solvere obedientiam. 
Quid enim? Quod jubet homo, prohibet Deus: et ego audiam hominem, 
surdus Deo? Non sic apostoli: clamabant quippe dicentes, Melius est obe- 
dire Deo quam hominibus.”” Bernard. Epistol. 7. 

2 Act. chap. 28. ver. 19. b Tbid. chap. 25. ver. 21. 

© 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 23. with Psalm 17. ver. 5, 6. 

d Ri pév ody rap’ addore jpny draBrnVeic, THY ony evoEBEeray érEKadO- 
pv we 0 amdaroXog érekadéoaro TéTe TOY Kaioapa, Kai TEeTAaVTAL THY 
2xOpGy 9 kar’ adrov émiBovryH. "Errewd 62 mapa coi TeToApHKace Ka- 
TeTEV, Tiva ard Gov iwiKadéioomat; Tov TaTEpa TOU AEyOVTOC, Eyw sipe 7) 
adyea iva cov THY Kapdlay Ele Ebpéveray Ky. Athanas. apol. 


OF THE PRINCE. 335 


’ 


cused before others,” saith he, “ I would have appealed 
unto your Majesty; as the apostle appealed unto Cesar, 
and his enemies’ plots against him ceased. But seeing 
they have taken the boldness to calumniate me before 
thee, to whom shall I appeal from thee? but to the Fa- 
ther of him who said: I am the truth; that he may 
incline thine heart unto gentleness.” And /AEneas Sil- 
vius: “ Although® it be lawful to inform the prince by 
way of supplication, and humbly to petition for the resti- 
tution of our right; yet we may not clamour, nor disgrace 
or oppose him, if he persist: forasmuch as there is no 
man that may take cognizance of his temporal acts. That 
which the prince doth, although unjustly, we are pati- 
ently to tolerate; and either to expect amends from his 
successor, or else the correction of the heavenly Judge, 
who doth not suffer violences and injuries to be perpe- 
tual.” Such an appeal as this did David use in his parley 
with Saul, when he so eagerly sought after his life without 
a cause, and. God had delivered him into his hand, that 
he might have done to him what he pleased: “ The‘ 
Lord judge between me and thee, and the Lord avenge 
me of thee: but mine hand shall not be upon thee. (As 
saith the proverb of the ancients, Wickedness proceedeth 
from the wicked; but mine hand shall not be upon thee.) 
After whom is the King of Israel come out? after whom 
dost thou pursue? after a dead dog, after a flea. The 
Lord therefore be judge, and judge between me and thee ; 
and see, and plead my cause, and deliver me out of thine 
hand.” And when he had fallen into his danger the 
second time: “‘ The® Lord render to every man his righte- 


© “Quamvis liceat eum per viam supplicationis informare, humiliterque 
petere restitutionem, non tamen reclamare licet, vituperare, vel impugnare, si 
perseveret; cum nemo sit qui de suis factis temporalibus possit cognoscere. 
Tolerandum est patienter quod princeps facit, quamvis inique, expectandaque 
est successoris emendatio, vel superni correctio Judicis, qui violentias atque in- 
jurias non sinit esse perpetuas.” En. Silv. lib. de ortu et authorit. imperii, 
cap. 16. Vide etiam ibid. cap. 21. et 23. de appellationibus ab imperatoris 
sententia non admittendis. 

f 1 Sam. chap. 24. ver. 12, 13. &c. 

£ 1 Sam. chap. 26. ver. 23, 24. 


3536 THE POWER 


ousness and his faithfulness: for the Lord delivered thee 
into my hand to day, but I would not stretch forth mine 
hand against the Lord’s anointed. And behold as thy 
life was much set by this day in mine eyes, so let my life 
be much set by in the eyes of the Lord, and let him de- 
liver me out of all tribulation.” Hereupon the author of 
the Questions upon the Old and New Testament (in the 
third tome of St. Augustine’s works) demandeth, ‘‘ For" 
what reason David did call Saul, the Lord’s anointed, 
and did honour unto him after that Saul had departed 
from him?” and maketh answer, ‘ That David being not 
ignorant that there was a divine ordinance in the office of 
a state regal, did therefore honour Saul, who as yet had 
the privilege of that ordinance; lest he might seem to 
offer injury unto God, who had decreed honour to be 
given to those of this rank.” Optatus brings David in, 
thus speaking, while he had his enemy at so great an 
advantage: “ Victory’, thou provokest me without cause : 
in vain, Occasion, thou invitest me to triumph. “Tis 
true I had a desire indeed to overcome my enemy: but 
chiefly I must look to the keeping of God’s command- 
ments. I will not stretch forth mine hand against the 
Lord’s anointed. Upon this he drew back his hand and 
sword,” saith Optatus, “‘ and whilst he reverenced his 
anointing, spared his enemy.” Such another speech doth 
Basil of Seleucia attribute unto him: ‘‘ God" hath deli- 
vered up mine enemy unto me: but I will not stain the 


h “ Qua ratione David Saul, postquam Deus ab eo recessit, Cbristum Domini 
vocat, et honorem defert ei? Non nescius David divinam esse traditionem in 
officio ordinis regalis, idcirco Saul in eadem adhuc traditione positum honori- 
ficat; ne Deo injuriam facere videretur, qui his ordinibus honorem decrevit.” 
Quest. 35. ex Vet. et Nov. Test. 

i Sine causa me, victoria, provocas : frustra me, occasio, in triumphos in- 
vitas. Volebam hostem vincere: sed prius est divina precepta servare. Non, 
inquit, mittam manus in unctum Domini. Repressit cum gladio manum: et 
dum timuit oleum, servavit inimicum.” Optat. lib. 2. contra Parmenian. 

k Tlapédwxe Tov 2xOpdv, aXN ody UBpiw 7d dépov TY ddvy, ob potvyH 
THY XapLy Toic aipact. Zyreirw rary Kai OwxKérw" Tod govevsty 70 U70- 
pévery AvawrEdeorEpoy" Kay TaALY OKY, TO GEvYELY pEMETHKABEY. KY OVTOC 
dwwKy, Ode ovK Ode CwKEGOaL. Basil. Scleuc. crat. 16. sive in David serm. 4. 


20" 


OF THE PRINCE. Oo) 


gift with slaughter, I will not pollute the favour with 
blood. Let him seek after me again, let him persecute 
me. It is better to suffer than to kill, And if he again 
persecute me, we have resolved to fly: although he per- 
secute me, God cannot be persecuted.” And Chrysos- 
tom: ‘* He! is wicked, you will say, exceeding wicked, full 
of innumerable vices, and bent against us with all extre- 
mity. True; but he is a king, a prince, one to whose 
hands the government of us is committed. Nor yet doth 
he say, king; but what? that he is the Lord’s anointed: 
thereby making him venerable, not from the honour he 
had here below, but from the approbation which he had 
from above: as if he should have said, Dost thou despise 
thy fellow-servants? yet reverence the Lord. Dost thou 
make light account of him who is chosen? yet fear him 
by whom he was chosen.” 

To this election of his the Gibeonites also had respect, 
even then when they sought for a revenge of that bloody 
act, which he had committed against their house : ‘‘ The™ 
man that consumed us, and that devised against us that 
we should be destroyed from remaining in any of the 
coasts of Israel; let seven men of his sons be delivered 
unto us, and we will hang them up unto the Lord in 
Gibeah of Saul, whom THE Lorp pip cHoosr.” Where- 
with we may compare that part of the Sacred History 
wherein the first public inauguration of Saul is thus laid 
‘down: “ And" Samuel said to all the people, See ye him 
whom THE Lorp HATH CHOSEN, that there is none like 
him among all the people? And all the people shouted, 
and said, God save the king. Then Samuel told the 


' Te Aéyere ; OTL prapdc Kai Tapptapoe Kai puplwY yépwy KaKwY, Kai Th 
Ecxara nae Ovabeic; aNd Bacrredc, GAA ApXwY, AAG THY TeosTaTiaY 
THY IpETepay EvexerpicOn. Kai ovK« Eize, BaoiiedGr GANG Ti; bre Xptotoc 
Kupiov éariy, obk axd Tie KarwOev TysaC, AAX amd Tie avwOev LHpov 
Toujsacatdéouov. Karagpoveic rot cvvdotXov, pyciv ; aidéoOnri roy Oe- 
oroTny. lar riec TOY KEXE—poTOVHMEvoY ; HoBHONTL TOY XELPoTOVHCaYTa. 
Chrys. serm. 1. de David et Saul. 

m 2 Sam. chap. 21. ver. 5, 6. " Thid. chap. 10, ver. 24, 25, &c. 


VOL. XI. DD 


008 THE POWER 


people the manner of the kingdom, and wrote it in a 
book, and laid it up before the Lord: and Samuel sent 
all the people away, every man to his house. And Saul 
also went home to Gibeah: and there went with him a 
band of men, whose hearts God had touched. But the 
children of Bettat said, How shall this man save us? 
and they despised him.” Whereinit is a thing very consi- 
derable, that Samuel was not more careful to see the 
rights of the crown entered into a book and laid up before 
the Lord, than the Lord himself was provident, to record 
the different affections of these men toward their king in 
his own book; ‘ That? it might be for the latter day,” 
(or, the time to come,) for ever and ever. 

Some despised him in their hearts, and disgraced him 
in their words, saying, ‘‘ How shall this man save us?” 
which is interpreted, as if they had spoken in plain terms: 
“* Shall? Saul reign over us?” and these are censured by 
the Holy Ghost to be “ children of Belial,” that is, “ men 
without yoke, or naughty persons.” For ‘ the‘ worst of 
men,” as one well noteth, ‘“ do ofall others with most re- 
pugnancy admit a governor.” Which induced the Roman 
judges in the case of him who was found to have neglected 
the respect due to Servilius Isauricus, easily to ‘‘ believe’, 
that he who knew not to reverence the prime men of state, 
would run without scruple into any disorder whatsoever.” 
Whereof that excess of filthiness and riot, wherewith 
St. Peter’ and St. Judet do charge those presumptuous 
persons who ‘despised dominion,” and “ spake evil of 
dignities,” may serve for a sufficient demonstration. 

Thus Sheba the son of Bichri, who first attempted the 
drawing of the cities of Israel to revolt from David their 
king, is by God’s spirit branded in the forehead with this 


© Tsai. chap. 30. ver. 8. P 1 Sam. chap. 11. ver. 12. 

4 “ Pessimus quisque asperrime rectorem patitur.”” Sallust. Orat. 1. de Re- 
publ. ordinanda, ad C. Cesarem. 

* “ Bum qui venerari principes nesciret: in quodlibet facinus procursurum 
crediderunt.” Valer. Maxim, lib. 8. cap. 5. 


5 2 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 10. © Jude, ver. 5. 


OF THE PRINCE. 339 


note of being ‘ a" man of Belial:” and they who after- 
wards gathered themselves unto “ Jeroboam the son of 
Nebat,” and, with a success answerable unto their de- 
signs, ‘ strengthened themselves against Rehoboam,” 
David’s grandchild, ‘‘ when he was young and tender- 
hearted and could not withstand them,” are stiled by king 
Abiah, “ vain® men, the children of Belial:” which in 
effect is as much as if it had been said, that they were of 
their “ father’ the Devil;” if St. Paul’s application of the 
word may be admitted, in that question of his, ‘“‘ What’ 
concord hath Christ with Belial?” And surely, if they 
who honoured their king, had their ‘ hearts* touched by 
God,” as we have heard, such as bend their endeavours 
another way, should do well to lay their hand upon their 
heart, and consider with fear and trembling, whether they 
find not there some touch of “ the spirit that worketh 
in the children of disobedience.” 

But to return to Saul: the only motive, we see, that 
restrained David from stretching his hand against him, 
was this consideration, that he was ‘‘ the® anointed of the 
Lord.” Which lest any should think to have proceeded, 
not so much out of the staidness of his judgment, as out 
of the facility of his disposition, he peremptorily doth 
thus lay down the resolution of the point in the general, 
“Who! can stretch forth his hand against the Lord’s 
anointed, and be guiltless?” And maketh this the ground 
of that sentence of death which he pronounced after- 
wards upon the Amalekite, who took the killing of Saul 
upon himself: ‘* How® wast thou not afraid to stretch 
forth thine hand, to destroy the Lord’s anointed? Thy 
blood be upon thy head: for thy mouth hath testified 
thee, saying, I have slain the Lord’s anointed.” 


" 2 Sam. chap. 20. ver. 1. x 2 Chron. chap. 13. ver. 7. 
y Josh. chap. 8. ver. 44. 2 1 Cor. chap. 6. ver. 15. 
@ 1 Sam. chap. 10. ver. 26. b Ephes. chap. 2. ver. 2. 


¢ 1 Sam. chap. 24. ver. 6. 10. and chap. 26. ver. 11. 23. 
4 1 Sam. chap. 26. ver. 9. 
© 2Sam, chap. 1. ver. 14.16. ‘ Et cum compleret observantiam vindicavit 
occisum.” Optat. lib, 2. contra Parmenian. 
DD 


340 THE POWER 


And this indeed must be made the main foundation, 
not only of the observance, but also of all the other 
branches of that allegiance which we do owe unto our 
prince: that with the right which he hath obtained by 
election or succession here below, we be careful to conjoin 
that unction and ordination which he hath received from 
above. Both which, in this present case of Saul, are by 
Samuel thus linked together: ‘“ Behold‘ the king whom 
ye have chosen, and whom ye have desired: And behold 
the Lord hath set a king over you.” So ‘‘ Gop’ chose 
Solomon, and all the congregation made him king, and 
anointed him to the Lord to be the chief governor:” 
whereupon ensued that obedience, both of the commons 
and the great ones, which in the Scripture is thus ex- 
pressed : ‘‘ Then" Solomon sate on the throne ofthe Lord, 
as king instead of David his father and prospered, and all 
Israel obeyed him: and all the princes and the mighty 
men, and ail the sons likewise of king David, submitted 
themselves unto Solomon the king;” or, as the Hebrew 
hath it, ‘* gave the hand under him.” For the kingdom 
being God’s own, and “ by him given to whomsoever he 
will’;” it will follow, that unto our ‘ Prince‘, who beareth 
the place of God, we are to be subject as unto God him- 
self:” as by the author of the commentaries upon St. 
Paul's epistles, attributed to St. Ambrose, is well ob- 
served. 

Neither is it for nothing, that we find in the Scripture 
God and the king so nearly joined together: once indeed 
in two several sentences; ‘‘ Fear' God, honour the king ;” 
but more ordinarily in the self-same period; with one 


f 1 Sam. chap. 12. ver. 13. 

§ 1 Chron. chap. 29. ver. 1. 20. 22. 

h 1 Chron. chap. 29. ver. 23, 24. 

i Dan. chap. 4. ver. 17. 25. 32. 

k “ Principi suo, qui vicem Dei agit: sicut dicit Daniel propheta, Dei est 
enim, inquit, regnum; et cui vult dabit illud. Unde et Dominus, Reddite, ait, 
que sunt Cesaris, Cesari. Huie ergo subjiciendi sunt, sicut Deo.” Ambros. 
in Rom.*cap. 13. 

1 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 17. 


OF THE PRINCE. Jb4l 


verb relating to them both. So for that former point of 
fear ; we are elsewhere required to ‘“ fear™ the Lord and 
the king :” and for the other of honour; we read, that all 
the congregation “ worshipped" the Lord and the king.” 
As for the contrary likewise, in the prophesy of Isaiah: 
“*'They° shall curse their king and their,God :” and in the 
false accusation contrived against Naboth: ‘ ‘Thou? didst 
blaspheme God and the king:” as if the honour or disho- 
nour of the one were folded up and involved with the 
respect or disrespect of the other. Whereunto it were 
not much amiss, this also should be added ; that the per- 
son of the king hath heretofore been accounted so sacred, 
that the crimes committed against him, are in the civil law 
parallelled with that which striketh at God himself imme- 
diately : I mean sacrilege. So inthe places before quoted 
out of Justinian’s code, a man may not assume an oflice, 
not granted unto him by the prince, “ sine sacrilegii cri- 
mine :” and to oppose the officers placed by him, “ sacri- 
legii instar est.” By the same law, ‘“ He‘ that resisteth 
the prince’s rescript, is to be punished as a sacrilegious 
person :” and ‘ Treason™ is accounted a crime next unto 
sacrilege,” that is, the immediate violation of God’s own 
majesty: as by the Greeks it is esteemed not a whit worse, 
who use no other term for the expression of treason 
against the prince, but ‘ acé3aa’, impiety,” and Kkaoai- 


m Prov. chap. 24. ver. 21. where the Septuagint read, ‘ Pear, (ur as it is 
cited in the epistle of Ignatius ad Smyrnens. and by Theophilus Antiochenus, 
lib. 1. ad Autolyc. Honour) God and the king, and to neither of them be 
thou disobedient.” 

n 1 Chron. chap. 29. ver. 20. ° Isai. chap. 8. ver. 21]. 

P 1 Kings, chap. 21. ver. 10. 13. 

4 ‘O otadyrore EvavTwwOeic Baoitky avTLtypapy, we tepdavdog TYLwpEic- 
Ow. Eclog. Basilic. 2. tit. 5. cap. 23, 24. 

r « Pyoximum sacrilegio crimen est, quod majestatis sega? L. 1. D. ad 
leg. Jul. majest. 

S Dio, hist. Rom, lib. 59. de C. Caligula, ra rig aoeBeiac tyeAjpara wad- 
suc. et post, Ta THe aoeBstac éy«AHpata émavayaywy, sic oThHrAnv adOic 
eyypapivar éxéhevoe. et lib. 60. de Claudio, ro éy«Anpa Tijc aoEBEiac obK ev 
TOic ypappace povorc, AAG Kai ev Talc mpaseow Exavee. 


JAZ THE POWER 


wowc', which Eustathius expounds, “ An" opposing one- 
self against kings who are consecrated unto God;” “ rapa 
70 Kata TOV daiov yiveoBat, ijrou TOU BactAgwe, because it is 
committed against his sacred person, that is, the king,” 
saith Suidas. And “ What* is greater,” saith Justinian, 
“‘ what more sacred than imperial majesty? or who is 
puffed up with such a height of pride that he should con- 
temn the king’s sentence ?” 

From hence also it is, that others have held it ‘‘ Unfit’ 
for any so much as to pass their judgments upon princes,” 
and their affairs. ‘“ In the very entrance,” saith Naza- 
rius, “ that veneration which accompanies their majesty, 
presents itself, and repels busy inquirers: and if any have 
drawn nearer, the same hath befallen them, which hath 
done those who earnestly bend their eyes towards the 
sun; their sight is dazzled, and they lose the faculty of 
seeing.” 'To this purpose M. Terentius, in his speech to 
the emperor Tiberius, touching the advancement of Seja- 
nus: ‘ To? us it belongs not to examine whom you ad- 
vance above others, or upon what considerations. The 
sole and supreme disposal of things God hath given you: 


t Philoxen. Glossar. ab H. Stephano edit. “ Majestatis crimen rafwoudcewc, 
tykAnpa.” Glossar. Juris a Car. Labbeo edit. rd epi eafwowwcewc, TO Epi 
mpolociac Kai éziBourdne Bacriéwe. Eclog. Basilic. lib. 60. tit. 36. cap. 12. 
LPevvvvta ra eyeAIpara Ty TEAEUTY TOU KaTHYOpOUpEVOU, XwWpiC TOU TEpE 
KaQwowwsewe, ard TOU Kehadaiov THE TpOCociac Kai THE KaTa PactEwe 
emBovrrnc. Vide ejusd. citat. cap. 17. et 20. et tit. 50. ejusd. libri, cap. 9. 
item Socrat. lib. 5. hist. Eccl. cap. 14. de Symmacho, et Suid. in Ka@ociwouc. 

"-Avribeotc Kava TOY dciwy Tw Os Baothéwy. Eustath. in Iliad. 3. pag. 
647. ed. Rom. 

* “ Quid majus, quid sanctius imperiali est majestate? vel quis tante su- 
perbiz fastidio (an fastigio potius?) tumidus est, ut regalem sensum contem- 
nat?’ Lib. 12. Cod. de leg. et constitut. princip. 

y “ Existimare quidem de principibus nemini fas est. Nam et in vestibulo 
suo inquirentem repellit objecta veneratio ; et si qui propius adierunt, quod 
oculis in Solem se contendentibus evenit, preestricta acie, videndi facultate ca- 
ruerunt.’’ Nazar. Paneg. dict. Constantino imp. 

z “Non est nostrum estimare, quem supra czteros, et quibus de causis 
extollas. Tibi summum rerum judicium Dii dedere; nobis obsequii gloria re- 
licta est.” Tacit. Annal. lib. 6. Where for that observable term of the glory 
of obedience, a like parallel may be noted in Pliny’s panegyric to Trajan 
speaking of the empress his wife: ‘ Uxori sufficit obsequii gloria.” 


OF THE PRINCE. 345 


to us left nothing but the honour of our obedience.” 
Which honour or glory of obedience, seeing it appeareth 
‘** most* in that which a man hath least mind to do,” as 
Pliny observeth in his panegyric unto Trajan, the ready 
way to attain thereunto, is to frame our wills to the cheer- 
ful performance of that duty which we owe unto our gover- 
nors, according to that of Seneca: ‘‘ He who doth that 
willingly which he is commanded, escapes the most irk- 
some thing that is in service; which is, to do that which 
he would not do. Not him who being commanded doth a 
thing, can we call miserable; but him who doth unwil- 
lingly what is commanded him.” 

We read that when the soldiers cried out unto Valen- 
tinian the elder, whom they had newly elected emperor, 
that he should take to himself an associate’; he made this 
answer unto them: “ It’ lay in you to choose me your 
governor: but now you have chosen me, what you desire 
is not in your own power, but in mine. It belongs to you, 
as subjects, to be quiet and rest contented ; and to me, as 
your king, to consider what is fit to be done.” And for 
the general duty of obedience to kings, we find the testi- 
monies of God’s word gathered together by the archbi- 
shops and bishops of France assembled in a national sy- 
nod, held at Paris in the year of our Lord DCCCX XIX. 
under this title: “ That? all subjects ought humbly and 
faithfully to obey the regal power, as being ordained by none 
but God:” the last whereof, taken out of Jeremiah, chap. 


a “ Major est obsequii gloria in eo quod quis minus velit.” Plin. panegyr. 

» “ Qui imperia libens excipit, partem acerbissimam servitutis effugit, facere 
quod nolit. Non qui jussus aliquid facit, miser est: sed qui invitus facit.’’ 
Senec. epist. 61. 

© “ Quantulum refert deponas, an partiaris imperium? nisi quod difficilius 
hoc est.” Plin. panegyr. ad Trajanum. 

4 Té piv ehecOar pe apxery Upay, @ avdpec orpatiorat, év bpiy hv" éeret 
dé etheoOe, 6 viv aireire, odK Ev jpiv, GAN év ipol. Kai Xp TovC piv apXo- 
fEVOUC VAC YOVXiaY ayeLy, ipod Ot WE Bacriéa Ta TpaKTéia GKOTELY. Sozo- 
men. hist. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 6. 

© “ Quod potestati regali, que non nisi a Deo ordinata est, humiliter atque 
fideliter cuncti parere debeant subjecti.” Concil. Paris, VI. lib, 2. cap. 8 
tom. 2. concil. Galliz, pag. 53d. 


344 THE POWER 


29. ver. 7. is thus by them enforced: “ Iff Jeremy the 
prophet of God admonished them to pray for the life of 
Nebuchodonosor an idolatrous king; how much more 
ought humble supplications to be made by all sorts of 
men for the safety of Christian kings?” Which Optatus 
delivered long before them out of 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 1, 
2. “ Deservedly? doth Paul teach that we should pray for 
kings and those that are in authority, although the empe- 
ror were such as did live rather like a pagan than a Chris- 
tian:” and Chrysostom, out of Rom. chap. 13. ver 7. 
“‘ If" he prescribed these things, the governors being at 
that time infidels; much more ought this to be done 
under those who have received the faith.” All which, by 
just analogy, may be deduced out of that rule which the 
apostle layeth down, in | ‘Tim. chap. 6. ver. 1, 2. “ Let 
as many servants as are under the yoke, count their own 
masters worthy of all honour; that the name of God and 
his doctrine be not blasphemed. And they that have 
believing masters, let them not despise them, because 
they are brethren: but rather do them service, because 
they are faithful and beloved partakers of the benefit.” 

For the further declaration whereof, we may observe; 

First, “‘ A‘ household is a kind of a little commonwealth,” 
and ‘“ a commonwealth a great household:” as is ob- 
served both by Aristotle in his polities, and by Eustathius 
upon that verse of Homer: 


abd Rd oily ee yEE RA eee ; 
Avrapk zywy otKoro avags Eco 1mETEPOLO- 
fe mye 


f « Sic (leg. Si) Hieremias propheta Dei pro vita idololatre regis Nabucho- 
donosor orare admonet; quanto magis pro salute Christianorum regum ab om- 
nibus ordinibus Deo est humiliter supplicandum ?”’ Concil. Paris, VI. lib. 2. cap. 
8. tom. 2. concil. Gallia, pag. 534. 

$ “ Merito Paulus docet, orandum esse pro regibus et potestatibus: etiamsi 
talis esset imperator qui gentiliter viveret.” Optat. lib. 3. contra Parmenian. 

h Ee yap “EXMAnvwy ovtwy tore TOY apxovTwY TaiTa ivopobEéTnGE, 
TOMA paroy vuv ixt TOY TLOTOY Tav’Ta yivecGar yoy. Chrysost. in 
epist. ad Rom. serm. 23. 

1"Oorep yap 7 oikovopikn Bacrsia rig oixtac toriv, o'Twe 4 Bacrsia 
TOEWC, Kai EDVOUC EVOE } TAELOVOC, oikovopia. Aristot. Polit. lib. 3. cap. 11, 
et in Stobei Eclogis Ethicis (pag. 195. Edit. Plantin.) Muxpa& yap ric fouxev 
eivat TOALC, 0 Oikoc. 

k Hom, Odyss. a, ver. 397. ad quem Eustathius, "Opa dé kai we év “Ddde, 


OF THE PRINCE. 345 


And therefore what in the one a husband, a father, and a 
master may expect from those who have such relations to 
him ; the like, by due proportion, is to have place in the 
other. For, ‘‘ That! which the apostle speaketh of the 
master and the servant, is to be understood likewise of 
powers and kings, and of all the high estates of this 
world,” saith St. Augustine. 

Secondly, that as St. Paul elsewhere adviseth Christian 
servants to carry themselves as they ought to do toward 
their masters, ‘‘ That™ they might adorn the doctrine of 
God our Saviour in all things:” so in this place he dis- 
suadeth them from the contrary upon the same ground, 
‘that the name of God and his doctrine be not blas- 
phemed ;” as in that other place also he reqnires wives to 
be mindful of the duty they owe unto their husbands: 
“That™ the word of God might not be blasphemed.” 
Which St. Peter doth thus forcibly press for that sub- 
jection, which Christian subjects owe to their kings and 
governors: “ For® so is the will of God,” saith he, ‘ that 
with well-doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of 
foolish men.” And why foolish? because there cannot 
be imagined a greater folly, than to charge the profession 
itself, or the doctrine of God, which utterly condemneth 
these disorders, with the contrary practice of the profes- 
sors. Which cavil yet the apostle would have us really 
confute by our good behaviour: and so either stop the 
mouths of these fools altogether; or if they will needs 
open them, make them to do it with shame enough: 
‘* That? whereas they speak evil of us, as of evil doers, 
they may be ashamed that falsely accuse our good con- 
versation in Christ.” 

Thirdly, that how unworthy soever masters (and by the 
same reason parents and magistrates) be otherwise in re- 


ovTw kai WOE avaKTa TOY OtkodEeoTOTHY AEyEL GEUVGC, OLa TO JoKEiv TOV 
oikoy TOALY eivat piKpay, boTEp av TAA TY TOALY, OlKOY pEyay. 

1 “ Quod dixit de domino et servo, hoc intelligite de potestatibus et regibus, 
et de omnibus culminibus hujus seculi.” August. in Psalm. 124, 

m Tit. chap. 2. ver. 10. ‘n Tit. chap. 2. ver. 5. 

° 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 15, ' P 1 Pet. chap, 3. ver. 16. 


3546 THE POWER 


spect of their personal defects: yet such as God hath placed 
under their authority, are to count them worthy not only 
of honour, but also of all honour: we being not herein so 
much to look unto their persons as unto the ordinance of 
God, who hath placed them over us; and wisely to con- 
sider, that in respect of that dignity and power received 
from above, not of their personal virtues, all this honour 
is due unto them. ‘ Although? he be a contemner of the 
laws, and a wicked man, yet is he a father” notwithstand- 
ing, saith Justinian : and “ the person’ of the father,” saith 
Ulpian, ‘‘ ought always to be accounted honourable and 
sacred to the child.” So for other governments: ‘“ He’ that 
resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God.” For 
“‘ what kind of men those ought to be that do command, 
is not to be discussed by their subjects,” saith the author 
of the book of the conflict betwixt vices and virtues. For 
‘* whether* the power be good or bad,” saith Haymo, 
‘‘ whosoever doth resist it (by withdrawing his service 
from it, by denying tribute, and not giving unto it that 
honour which he ought to give) resisteth the ordinance 
and disposition of God, by whose appointment they bear 
rule.” And thus even among the heathen, Marcellus, in 
Tacitus, professeth that he ‘ prayed" and wished indeed 
for good princes ;” but would tolerate them whatsoever 
they were: and Petilius Cerealis, in the same author, 
useth the like persuasion unto others: “‘ As* you endure 


4 Ei yap KaiTav vopwv uTeporrng etn Kat aoeByc, AAAG TaTIP Opec 
sori. Justin. Novel. 12. 

r « Liberto et filio semper honesta et sancta persona patris ac patroni videri 
debet.’”’ 1. Liberto. D. de obsequ. parent. et patron. prest. 

s Qui resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit. Quales enim esse debeant 
hi qui imperant, non est a subditis discutiendum.” Lib, de conflictu vitior. et 
virtut. cap. 5. tom. 9. oper. Augustini. 

t ‘ Sive bona sit illa potestas, seu mala, quicunque ei resistit (subtrahende 
servitium ab ea, denegando tributum, et honorem non prebendo quem ei debet 
prebere) Dei ordinationi resistit et dispositioni, cujus ordinatione isti principan - 
tur.” Haymo, in Rom. chap. 13. 

« “Bonos imperatores voto expetere, qualescunque tolerare.” ‘Tacit. histor. 
lib. 4. 

x “ Quomodo sterilitatem aut nimios imbres, et cetera nature mala; ita lux- 


OF THE PRINCE. 347 


sometimes barrenness and drought, and sometimes immo- 
derate rain, and such other inconveniences of nature, so 
tolerate the riotous life, and avarice of your governors. 
As long as men are, faults will be. 'The comfort is, they 
are not continual, and are countervailed by the interven- 
tion of better things.” 

Fourthly, that difference of religion doth make no whit 
less due this honour to our superiors: for, not in regard 
of their religion do we owe it to them, but of their dignity, 
and the power God hath given them overus. And “hence 
it is” (saith the author of the questions upon the Old and 
New Testament, thought to be the Roman deacon Hi- 
lary) ‘‘ that we give honour unto a Pagan, if placed in 
authority ; although he be in himself most unworthy of it, 
who, holding God’s place, gives the devil thanks for it: but 
the honour we give to him, his place challengeth.” 

Lastly, that St. Paul in this place with honour doth 
couple service as the most considerable part thereof. 
Which maketh him elsewhere out of the command- 
ment, ‘‘ Honour’ thy father and mother,” to infer this duty 
of obedience, ‘‘ Children obey your parents in the Lord: 
for it is right.” 

And yet, as “ nothing? could be spoken so absurdly 
which was not maintained by some of the philosophers ;” 
so wanted there not some of them, who endeavoured to 
overthrow this so great a right (and so deeply founded in 
the law of God, and the light of nature) with this poor 
and silly sophism: “ Either? the father doth command that 


um, vel avaritiam dominantium tolerate. Vitia erunt, donec homines: sed ne- 
que hzc continua; et meliorum interventu pensantur.’”’ Tacit. histor. lib. 4. 

y “ Hine est ut gentilem in potestate tamen positum honorificemus ; licet ipse 
indignus sit, qui Dei ordinem tenens, gratias agit Diabolo. Potestas enim exi- 
git, quia meretur honorem.” Quest. 35. ex Vet. et Nov. Test. tom. 3. oper. 
Augustini. 

2 Eph. chap. 6. ver. 1, 2. 

@ Nihil tam absurde dici potest, quod non dicatur ab aliquo philosophorum. 
Cicer. lib. 2. de divinat. 

b Aut recte, inquiunt, imperat pater, aut perperam. Si recte imperat ; 
non quia imperat parendum, sed quoniam id fieri jus est, faciendum est: si per- 
peram ; nequaquam scilicet faciendum, quod fieri non oportet. Nunquam igi- 
tur est patri parendum que imperat. A. Gell, lib, 2, cap. 7. 


345 THE POWER 


which is right, or that which is wrong. If he command 
that which is right, it is to be obeyed; not because he 
commandeth it, but because justice requires it should be 
done : if what is wrong, surely because wrong, it ought not 
to be done. And therefore the father is not to be obeyed 
i any thing which he commandeth.” ‘To this frivolous® 
and vain argumentation (which taketh away all obedience 
as well in Church and Commonwealth as in private fami- 
lies) A. Gellius makes answer, that ‘ this‘ proposition: 
Hither the things which a father commandeth are good 
or bad, is imperfect ; there wanting the third member in 
the disjunction,” which compriseth such things as in them- 
selves are neither good nor bad, but of a middle® and in- 
different nature. Of this division tripartite, thus Bernard. 
clearly and significantly : ‘‘ Some‘things are purely good, 
some purely evil. In these no obedience is due unto men: 
forasmuch as the former are not to be omitted, although 
they should be forbidden, nor the latter committed, al- 
though they should be commanded. But between these 
there are certain middle things which in respect of the 
manner, place, time or person, may be both good and evil. 
In these, the law of obedience takes place, as it were in the 
tree of knowledge of good and evil, which was in the midst 
of Paradise. And in things of this kind, it is not law- 
ful for us to prefer our own minds before the pleasure of 
our masters.” 

So that if any man will be so perverse-as to call in ques- 


© © Argutiola quippe hee frivola et inanis est. A. Gell. lib. 2. cap. 7. 

4 “ Non integra est propositio dicenda, Aut honesta sunt qua imperat pater, 
aut turpia. Neque vytic vopusoy OveZevypévor videri potest ; deest enim dis- 
junctioni isti tertium, Aut neque honesta sunt neque turpia.” 

© “ Que in medio sunt, et a Grecis tum adtagopa tum péca appellantur.” 
A. Gell. lib. 2. cap. 7. 

f “Sane hoc advertendum, quod quedam sunt pura bona, quedam pura 
mala: et in his nullam deberi hominibus obedientiam ; quoniam nec illa omit~ 
tenda sunt etiam cum prohibentur, nec ista vel cum jubentur committenda. 
Porro inter hac sunt media quedam, que pro modo, loco, tempore, vel persona, 
et mala possunt esse et bona: Et in his lex posita est obedientiz, tanquam in 
ligno scientiz boni et mali, quod erat in medio Paradisi. In hisprofecto fas non 
est nostrum sensum sententie preescribere magistrorum.” Bernard, epistol. 7. 


OF THE PRINCE. 349 


tion the power which his superior hath to command, in 
things of this middle and indifferent nature; you see how 
easily he may be persuaded to shake hands with those 
libertines, who hold themselves not bound to give obe- 
dience to the commandments of manin any thing. Where- 
as, men of sound judgment have always been of the mind, 
that the authority of such as God hath placed over us 
should be esteemed so inviolable, that unless the thing by 
them commanded did certainly and evidently appear to be 
unlawful, we ought to yield obedience thereunto; and not 
to suspend or defer the doing thereof upon every idle 
scruple that may come into our heads, much less do other- 
wise than we are commanded, because we imagine we 
have better reason to lead us otherwise. And therefore 
when Crassus, having occasion to make a ram for the bat- 
tery of the walls of a certain town in Asia, gave order 
that of two beams which he had seen, the greater should 
be sent to him; and the master of the works sent the 
smaller, as in his opinion more fit for the use intended, 
and much more easy for carriage; he caused the fel- 
low to be soundly whipped for his labour, as_ well 
knowing" that all power of command would be extin- 
guished, if men should be permitted to satisfy what should 
be enjoined to them, not with obedience due to it, but 
counsel not desired of them.” 
And who seeth not what confusion would be brought, 
as well into a family as a state, if a son or a servant, ora 
subject might have liberty to stand upon terms and chop 
logic with his father master, or prince, and refuse to yield 
obedience to their commands, until he should see some 
reason for it? “* When? the lawyers are consulted,” saith 
Seneca, ‘‘ their answers are received and stood to, al- 
though they come accompanied with no reasons.” And 


h “ Corrumpi atque dissolvi officium omne imperantis ratus, si quis ad id 
quod facere jussus est, non obsequio debito, sed consilio non desiderato respon- 
deat.” A. Gell. lib. 1. cap. 13. ubi 7d desiderato ex primis Venetis editionibus 
Locatelli et Aldi est repositum: pro quo recentiores considerato legunt. 


h “ Jurisconsultorum valent responsa, etiamsi ratio don redditur.” Senec. 
epist, 94. 


350 THE POWER 


ought not this much more to have place in the law itself? 
which should be accepted “ as‘ a voice from God, that 
should command and not dispute.” Whereunto that ob- 
servation of Plutarch also might be added, that “ men’s‘ 
laws carry not with them always an apparent reason of the 
things commanded in them; but may oftentimes seem ri- 
diculous and absurd to him that knoweth not the mind of 
the lawgiver, nor the cause why those laws at first were 
written :” together with that smart saying of St. Augustine : 
** 'Think' rather what course you are to take with those 
who will not obey, and how to handle them ; than trouble 
yourself to make it appear to them that their disobedience 
is a thing unlawful.” 

Nay, for the preventing of these scrupulous questionings 
of the commands of our superiors and the curious enqui- 
ries into the reasons of them; the Spirit of God requires 
our obedience, not in something only (which we shall 
judge to be fitting in our own fancy) but indefinitely in 
all. For so do his precepts run: ‘‘ Let™ wives be subject 
to their own husbands in Every thing. Children", obey 
your parents in ALL things. Servants’, obey in aut things 
your masters.” Agreeable whereunto is that profession, 
made by the Israelites unto Joshua their prince: ‘ ALL? 
that thou commandest us we will do; and whithersoever 
thou sendest us we will go: according as we hearkened 
unto Moses in att things, so will we hearken unto thee.” 
To which rules so general we may not add any other ex- 
ception, but that wherewith the apostle qualifieth a like 


? “ Velut dimissa divinitus vox sit; jubeat, non disputet.” Senec. epist. 94. 

kK O6é yap ode aVOpwroL Vopove TiMEVTaL, TO EVLOyOY aTAGE EXOUEL Kai 
mavrore pawopevoyv, aX’ Ena Kai oKet Kopidy yedoia THY TpooTaypa- 
Twy. Et post, Kai d\we moddde ay rig éeior vopwy aToTiac, unre TOY 
Adyov ExwY Tod VomOOETOU, pHTE THY AKTiav GuVLEiC ExdoTOU THY ypapopée- 
vey. Plutarch. in lib. de his qui sero a numine puniuntur. 

' “Magis quid agas cum eis qui obtemperare nolunt cogitandum est, quam 
quemadmodum eis ostendas non licere quod faciunt.” August. epist. 245. ad 
Possid. 

™ Ephes. chap. 5. ver. 24. with 1 Tim. chap. 2. ver. 11. 

” Coloss. chap. 3. ver. 20. 

° Coloss. chap. 3. ver. 22. with Tit. chap, 2. ver. 9. 

P Josh. chap. 1, ver. 16, 17. 


OF THE PRINCE. 351 


precept of our peaceable carriage toward all: “ If% it be 
possible, as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all 
men.” This going also for a current rule in the civil law, 
that ‘ Impossibilium’ nulla obligatio est :” and in the ca- 
non, ‘“‘ NemoS potest ad impossibile obligari.” 

Now among such things as cannot be done are reck- 
oned not only those which are in their own nature impos- 
sible, (as that a man should pull down the moon) or in 
respect of one’s particular condition fall to be such, (as to 
pay a greater sum of money than his ability or credit can 
reach unto:) but those also that are repugnant to the law 
of God and the known rules of piety and honesty. ‘“ Let* 
one do for the temporal preservation of men,” saith St. Au- 
gustine, “‘what he is able. But when the matter is come 
to this pass that he cannot procure this preservation 
otherwise than by committing a sin, let him then think he 
can do nothing, when he shall see there is nothing left to 
do, but that which he cannot do with a good conscience.” 
This passage is put by Gratian into the Decret, where 
thus the Gloss speaketh: ‘ That" only we are thought 
we can do, which we can justly do:” and the Gloss upon 
the Regul in VI. in a like expression, “ So* much it is 
esteemed we can do, as we can do lawfully.” Papinian 
in the civil law more fully to the same effect: ‘ Such 
acts as wrong our piety, reputation, modesty, and, to 
speak generally, are done against good manners, it is not 
to be believed that we are able to do them.” 


4 Rom. chap. 12. ver. 18. 

r D. de Regul. juris, lib. 145. (al. 185.) 

S Nemo potest, de Regul. juris in VI. 

' “ Faciat homo, etiam pro temporali hominum salute, quod potest. Cum 
autem ad hune articulum ventum fuerit; ut tali saluti consulere, nisi peccando, 
non possit, jam se existimet non habere quid faciat, quando id reliquum esse 
perspexerit quod non recte faciat.” Augustin. lib. contra mendacium, cap. 7. 

u “Ex hoc cap. habes, quod solum illud dicimur posse facere, quod juste 
facere possumus.” Gloss. 22. quest. 2. c. Faciat. 

x “Td dicimur posse, quod de jure possumus.”’ Gloss. de Regul. jur. 68. 
in VI. 

y “ Que facta ledunt pietatem, existimationem, verecundiam nostram, et 
(ut generaliter dixerim) contra bonos mores fiunt, nec facere nos posse creden- 
dum est.” LL, Filius, D. de. condit. institut. 


oor THE POWER 


Yea, the same Word of God which commandeth wives 
and children to be subject to their husbands and parents 
in ALL things omitteth not elsewhere to add hereunto this 
necessary limitation: ‘‘ Children’, obey your parents in 
the Lord. Wives*, submit yourselves unto your own 
husbands, as it is fit, in the Lord:” and for the general: 
‘* Submit? yourselves one to another, in the fear of God.” 
Whereupon, when Pharaoh had given order for the killing 
of the male children of the Hebrews, we find this com- 
mendation given to the parents of Moses, that they were 
*‘ not® afraid of the king’s commandment;” and to the 
Hebrew midwives, that they ‘‘ feared‘ God, and did not 
as the king commanded them, but saved the men-children 
alive.” Which is consonant to that precept of our Sa- 
viour : “ Fear® not them which kill the body, but are not 
able to kill the soul: but rather fear him which is able to 
destroy both soul and body in hell.” ‘To which we may 
refer what St. Augustine hath by way of dialogue between 
the Pagan emperor and the Christian subject: ‘‘ Pay’ me 
my tribute, shew me thy obedience. Willingly: but not 
in the temple of idols: there I am forbidden to do it. 
Who forbids thee? A power far greater than your's. 
Be pleased therefore to excuse me. You threaten to cast 
me into prison, he into hell.” 

Hence come those restrictions in this kind, which we 
meet withal in others of the ancients: as in the constitu- 
tions attributed to Clement: ‘‘ Be® subject to every king 
and governor, in such things wherein God is pleased :” 
and in the epistle to the Antiochians, fathered upon Igna- 
tius: “* Be" subject unto Cesar, in such things wherein 


z Bphes. chap. 6. ver. 1. 4 Coloss. chap. 3. ver. 18. 
b Ephes. chap. 5. ver. 21. © Heb. chap. 11. ver. 23. 
4 Exod. chap. 1. ver. 17. € Matt. chap. 10. ver. 28. 


f « Solve tributum, esto mihi in obsequium. Recte: sed nonin idolio. In 
idolio prohibet. Quis prohibet? Major potestas. Da veniam: tu carcerem, 
ille gehennam minatur.’? August. de verbis Domini, Sermon. 6. 

& Naoy Baoista kai apxy UTordyyre, tv vic apéoxer Oe@. Const. Apost. 
lib. 4. cap. 12. 

h Tw Katoape irordynre, év oi¢ axivduvoec 4 vrorayy. Epist. ad An- 
tiochen. 


ana 


OF THE PRINCE. DIO 


your subjection may be without danger:” and in that 
speech which Polycarpus uttered unto the proconsul 
of Asia, immediately before his martyrdom: ‘‘ Wei are 
taught to give unto principalities and powers, ordained by 
God, such honour as befitteth them, and doth not hurt 
us.” Whereunto you may add, if you please, that passage 
of Tertullian: ‘‘ As* touching the honours due to kings 
or emperors, we have it sufficiently prescribed, that in all 
obedience we ought, according to the precept of the 
apostle, to be subject unto magistrates, princes and 
powers: but within the bounds of discipline, so far forth 
as we may separate ourselves from idolatry :” and the rule 
of St. Basil, that ‘‘ we! ought to be subject to higher 
powers in such thimgs as God’s command hinders not.” 
This distinction therefore must necessarily be made in 
the divers commands of princes: that some are of-such 
things as may and ought to be done, others of such as can 
not or ought not to be done. The former are of two 
sorts: either such as God hath tied us unto before, whe- 
ther the prince had enjoined them or not, or such as 
otherwise being of a middle and indifferent nature, the 
prince, for reasons best known to himself, thinks fit to 
interpose his authority in. Of the one whereof St. Au- 
gustine writeth thus: ‘‘ When™ emperors command that 
which is good, it is Christ and none else that commandeth 
by them:” and ‘ whosoever" will not obey the laws made 
by them for God’s truth, incurreth a grievous judgment.” 


1 AsdwWaypeOa apyaic Kai éEovciate aro Oeov TeTaypévace TINY KATA 
TO TpoaHKoY, THY py BaTTOVCAY Hpac aTovipev. Epist. Eccles. Smyr- 
nens. apud Euseb. lib. 4. Hist. Eccl. ced. ce’. (cap. 14.) 

k “ Quod attinet ad honores regum vel imperatorum ; satis prescriptum ha- 
bemus, in omni obsequio nos esse oportere, secundum apostoli preceptum, 
subditos magistratibus et principibus, et potestatibus: sed intra limites disei- 
plinee, quousque ab idololatria separamur.” Tertull. de Idololat. cap. 15. 

1 "Ore det tE0votatc uTEepexovaate vroraccecOat, ty oi¢ dy évToX1 Oeow 
py éu7rodiZy. Basil. in Ethicis, Regul. 79. 

m “Cum bonum jubent imperatores, per illos non jubet nisi Christus.” 
Augustin. epist. 105. 

n “ Quicunque autem legibus imperatorum, que pro Dei veritate feruntur, 
ebtemperare non vult, acquirit grande supplicium,”’ Augustin. epist. 185. 


VOL. XI. EE 


354 THE POWER 


Which elsewhere also he thus specifieth, in a larger man- 
ner: ‘“* When° emperors do profess the truth, they com- 
mand for truth against error: and whosoever contemneth 
their commands, purchaseth to himself condemnation. 
For he shall both suffer punishment among men, and shall 
have no part with God; because he would not do that 
which truth itself by the king’s heart commanded him to 
do.” To the other we may refer that of the same father: 
<* It? is lawful for a king, in the commonwealth where he 
reigneth, to command what neither any man before him, 
nor he himself before did command: and yet are not the 
liberties of the state impeached by obeying, but rather by 
not obeying the same:” and that likewise of Bernard : 
‘* There® are things of a middle nature, which in them- 
selves are neither good nor evil: yet may indifferently, 
both well and ill, either be forbidden or commanded; but 
neither by the subjects be ill obeyed.” 

But how are subjects to carry themselves, when such 
things are enjoined as cannot or ought not to be done ? 
Surely not to accuse the commander, but humbly to avoid 
the command; as Gratian™ would have us do, if our pre- 
lates should go about to constrain us unto evil: or, as 
some of the heathen have more fully expressed it: ‘‘ Evens 
those commands which we ought not to obey, mildly and 


° “Quando autem imperatores veritatem tenent, pro ipsa veritate contra 
errorem jubent: quod quisquis contempserit,ipse sibi judicium acquirit. Nam 
et inter homines pcenas luit, et apud Deum sortem non habebit ; quia hoc fa- 
cere noluit quod ei per cor regis ipsa veritas jussit.” Augustin. epist. 105. 

P “ Regi licet in civitate cui regnat, jubere aliquid, quod neque ante illum 
quisquam, nec ipse unquam jusserat: et non contra societatem civitatis ejus 
obtemperatur, imo contra societatem non obtemperatur.” Augustin. lib. 3. 
Confess. cap. 8. 

4 “Sunt media, que quidem per se nec bona esse noscuntur nec mala : possunt 
tamen indifferenter, et bene pariter et male, vel prohiberi vel juberi; sed male 
nullatenus in his a subditis obediri.” Bernard. epist. 7. 

r «Non hoc exemplo probantur prelati accusandi a subditis: sed forma tan- 
tum datur humiliter renitendi przlatis, ‘si forte eos ad malum cogere voluerint.” 
2. qu. 7. C. Nos si incompetenter. 

s “Sed ea tamen, que obsequi non oportet, leniter et verecunde, ac sine 
detestatione nimia, sineque opprobratione acerba reprehensionis, declinanda 
sensim et relinquenda esse dicunt quam respuenda.” A. Gell. lib. 2. cap. 7. 


OF THE PRINCE. 355 


modestly, without too great detestation, and without any 
bitterness of upbraiding or of reproof, are to be declined 
gently, and rather as it were omitted than rejected.” And, 
when nothing else will serve the turn, as in things that 
may be done, we are to express our submission by active, 
so in things that cannot be done, we are to declare the 
same by passive obedience, without resistance and re- 
pugnancy: such a kind of suffering being as sure a sign of 
subjection, as any thing else whatsoever. 

When Pharaoh imposed an impossible task upon the Is- 
raelites, that they should get them straw where they could 
find it, and yet make up every day the same tale of bricks 
which they had done formerly, when they had straw 
given to them: their officers could not escapebeating, for 
all the unreasonableness of that exaction. ‘‘ And‘ the 
officers of the children of Israel,” saith the text, ‘ did see 
they were in evil case, after it was said, Ye shall not mi- 
nish ought from your bricks of your daily task.” In this so 
evil a case, where active obedience could in no wise be 
performed, passive must serve the turn. So when Darius 
was drawn to sign that ungodly decree, that ‘“* Whoso- 
ever should ask a petition of any God or man for thirty 
days, save of the king, he should be cast into the den of 
lions ;’? Daniel, being none of those who would ‘ choose" 
iniquity rather than affliction,” made no scruple at all 
** to* kneel upon his knees three times a day, and to 
pray and give thanks before his God, as he did afore- 
time :” and when afterward, “ through’ faith he had 
stopped the mouths of the lions,” out of the bottom of 
that den he was able to say with a clear conscience: 
“* Before’ my God innocency was found in me; and also 
before thee, O king, have I done no hurt.” 

He that consults with flesh and blood, will hardly be 
induced to admit this doctrine of passive obedience: and 


* Exod. chap. 5. ver. 19. “ Job. chap. 36, ver. 21. 
* Dan. chap. 6. ver. 10. y Heb. chap. 11. ver. 33. 
z Dan. chap. 6. ver, 22, 

EE? 


356 THE POWER 


therefore, if he will learn this lesson, he must make choice 
of better masters; and listen in the first place to the 
advice of Solomon: ‘“ Trust? in the Lord with all 
thine heart: and lean not unto thine own understand- 
ing:” and to that oracle of the Son of God himself: 
** Tf? any man will come after me, let him deny himself, 
and take up his cross, and follow me.” Then must he 
raise up his thoughts to the height of that beatitude, 
which our Saviour’s own mouth hath given assurance of 
to all such as will be ruled by him herein: “ Blessed° are 
they which are persecuted for righteousness’ sake: for 
theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are you when 
men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all 
manner of evil against you falsely for my sake. Rejoice 
and be exceeding glad; for great is your reward in hea- 
ven: for so persecuted they the prophets” which were 
before you. Where, for the recompence of the reward, 
he is to weigh with St. Paul how “ our‘ light affliction, 
which is but for a moment, worketh for us a far more ex- 
ceeding and eternal weight of glory:” and for the prece- 
dent of the prophets, to give ear unto that exhortation of 
St. James: ‘ Take’, my brethren, the prophets who have 
spoken in the name of the Lord, for an example of suffer- 
ing affliction,” and of patience; and withal to cast his 
eye not only upon that “ great* cloud of witnesses” in the 
time of the Old Testament, of whom some “ were? tor- 
tured, not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain 
a better resurrection; others had trial of cruel mockings 
and scourgings, of bonds and imprisonment; were stoned, 
were sawn asunder, were tempted, were slain with the 
sword,” &c. but also upon that innumerable company of 
confessors and martyrs in the time of the New: the for- 
mer of whom, ‘ after" they were illuminated, endured a 
great fight of afflictions, partly whilst they were made a 


a Prov. chap. 3. ver. 5. > Matt. chap. 16. ver. 24. 

© Matt. chap. 5. ver. 10, 11, 12. 

a 2 Cor. chap. 4. ver. 17. © James, chap. 5. ver. 10. 

f Heb. chap. 12. ver. 1. = Ibid. chap. 11. ver. 35, 36, 37. 


h Heb. chap. 10. ver. 32, 33, 34. 


OF THE PRINCE. 357 


gazing stock, both by reproaches and afflictions, and 
partly, whilst they became companions of them that were 
so used, and took joyfully the spoiling of their goods, 
knowing that they had in heaven a better and an endur- 
ing substance:” the other loved' not their lives unto the 
death, but laid down their ‘“‘ heads* for the witness of 
Jesus,” and by that glorious “ death' of theirs glorified 
God.” 

But above all we are to ‘ look™ unto Jesus” himself, 
the author and. “ finisher of our faith: who for the joy 
that was set before him, endured the cross, despising the 
shame, and is set down at the right hand of the throne 
of God.” With which highest example (of him, who 
‘“‘ thought" it no robbery to be equal unto God,” and 
yet ‘* humbled himself and became obedient unto death, 
even the death of the cross”) St. Peter closeth up those 
“* forcible® words” of his, wherewith he thus presseth the 
performance of this passive obedience whereof now we 
speak: ‘ This? is thank-worthy, ifa man for conscience 
toward God endure grief, suffering wrongfully. For 
what glory is it if when ye be buffeted for your faults, ye 
shall take it patiently? but if when ye do well, and suffer 
for it, ye take it patiently, this is acceptable with God. 
For even hereunto were ye called; because Christ also 
suffered for us, leaving us an example, that ye should 
follow his steps: Who did no sin, neither was guile found 
in his mouth: Who when he was reviled, reviled not 
again; when he suffered, he threatened not, but com- 
mitted himself to him that judgeth righteously.” 

But those stiff spirits, that will not stoop unto this 
passive kind of obedience, if they can help it, think they 
have stricken the matter dead by proposing this case unto 
us: “‘ Suppose,” say they, “ the king should command 
us to worship the Devil. Would you wish us here to lay 


i Rey. chap. 12. ver. 11. K Tbid. chap. 20. ver. 4. 

' John, chap. 21. ver. 19. m Heb. chap. 12. ver. 2, 3. 
n Phil. chap. 2. ver. 6, 8. 

° Job. chap. 6. ver. 25. ‘ How forcible are right words?” 

» 1 Pet. chap. 2. ver. 19, 20. &e. 


308 THE POWER 


down our heads upon the block; and not give us leave to 
stand upon our guard, and to the utmost of our power 
repel the violence of such a miscreant? If not, what 
would become of God’s Church, and his religion?” As if 
this had been a new ease, never heard of before: and 
the apostle had not sufficiently declared unto us, that 
“* the? things which the Gentiles sacrificed, they sacri- 
ficed to devils and not to God.” And yet when this 
devil-worship was so vehemently urged by the cruel edicts 
of the persecuting emperors, did the Christians ever take 
arms against them for the matter? or betook themselves 
to any other refuge but fervent prayers unto Almighty 
God, whom they acknowledged to be their prince’s only 
superior, and patient suffering of what disgrace or punish- 
ment soever should be imposed upon them? ‘To the 
cheerful undergoing whereof, see how St. Peter, in that 
fore-cited {epistle, doth animate and encourage them: 
** Beloved’, think it not strange concerning the fiery trial, 
which is to try you, as though some strange thing hap- 
pened to you. But rejoice, in as much as ye are parta- 
kers of Christ’s sufferings; that when his glory shall be 
revealed, ye may be glad also with exceeding joy. If ye 
be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye; for 
the spirit of glory and of God resteth on you: who on 
their part is evil spoken, but on your part he is glorified. 
But let none of you suffer as a murderer, or as a thief, or 
as an evil doer, or as a busybody in other men’s matters. 
Yet if any suffer as a Christian, let him not be ashamed ; 
but let him glorify God on this behalf.” 

Lo, ‘ there’ is the patience of the saints: here are 
they that keep the commandments of God, and the faith 
of Jesus.” Here are they that stuck not to ‘ resist‘ unto 
blood, striving against sin:” and yet make conscience of 
resisting the power of their prince; as having learned 
that their obedience to God might well stand with their 
subjection to the authority placed by him in man. 


9 1 Cor. chap. 10. ver. 20. ; ¥ 1 Pet. chap. 4. ver. 12, 13. &c. 
s Rev. chap. 14. ver. 12. * Heb. chap. 12. ver. 4. 


OF THE PRINCE. 359 


Whereby so far off was it that ‘“‘ The" gates of hell (or 
death) did not prevail against the Church,” that the 
blood of this noble army of martyrs became the fruitful 
seminary thereof. For “ the* Christian faith, for many 
ages together, being distressed every way by nations, 
kings, laws, slaughters, crosses and deaths, and yet no 
manner of way repressed ; yea, in the midst of these, and 
by the means of these, it grew,” saith Paulus Orosius. 
“‘ The’ world raged,” saith St. Augustine, “the lion 
lifted himself up against the lamb, but the lamb was 
found stronger than the lion. The lion was overcome by 
shewing cruelty, the lamb did overcome by suffering.” 
And St. Hierome: “‘ By’ shedding of blood, and by suf- 
fering rather than doing injuries, was the Church of Christ 
at first founded : it grew by persecutions, and by martyr- 
doms was crowned.” 

But “ if men’s hands be thus tied,” will some say, “‘ no 
man’s state can be secure: nay, the whole frame of the 
commonwealth would be in danger to be subverted, and 
utterly ruined, by the unbridled lust of a distempered 
governor.” 

I answer, God’s word is clear on the point: ‘“‘ Whoso- 
ever* resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God : 
and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damna- 
tion :” and thereby a necessity is imposed upon us of being 
“* subject, even for conscience’ sake;” which may not be 
avoided by the pretext of any ensuing mischief whatso- 
ever. For by this means we should have liberty given 
unto us to ‘ speak” evil ofthe law, and to judge the law. 


" Matt. chap. 16. ver. 18. 

x “ Christiana fides per multa retro secula, sevientibus undique adversum se 
gentibus, regibus, legibus, cedibus, crucibus ac mortibus, reprimi nullo modo 
potuit ; imo inter hec et per hee crevit.” P. Oros. histor. lib. 6. cap. 1. 

y “ Fremuit mundus, erexit se leo adversus agnum: sed fortior leone in- 
ventus est agnus. Leo victus est seviendo, agnus vicit patiendo.” Augustin. 
in Psalm. 149. 

z “ Fundendo sanguinem, et patiendo magis quam faciendo contumelias, 
Christi fundata est Ecclesia: persecutionibus crevit, martyriis coronata est.’ 
Hieron. adversus errores Johan. Hierosol. epist. 39. op. tom. 4. pag. 338. 

2 Rom. chap. 13. ver, 2, 5. > James, chap, 4. ver. 11. 


360 THE POWER 


But if thou judge the law, thou art not a doer of the law, 
but a judge,” saith St. James. It becomes us in obedi- 
ence to perform our part; and leave the ordering of events 
to God, whose part only that is. 

Again, the ground of this objection is exceeding faulty ; 
and standeth not with the rules of humanity or divinity, 
either of sound policy or true piety. For in the one, who 
of us have not heard of that common rule of our common 
law, that ‘‘ a mischief is better than an inconvenience ?”’ 
Not that our common lawyers were so void of common 
understanding, as to imagine that a mischief, in itself 
formally considered, should be preferred before an incon- 
venience: but that an inconvenience, the consequence 
whereof would reach unto the general, should much more 
be prevented than any mischief which might fall out in 
any particular case, or tend to the greatest detriment of 
any person individual. 

Thus, for the determining of matters of fact, and the 
judgment depending thereupon, the law established by 
God himself is this: ‘* At® the mouth of two witnesses, or 
three witnesses, shall he that is worthy of death be put to 
death.” By the subordination of false witnesses it falleth 
out here that Naboth! who is not worthy of death, is 
yet put to death. The shedding of innocent blood, a 
very great mischief in that particular; but yet was to be 
given way unto, rather than the inconvenience should be 
admitted in the general, that nothing should be deter- 
mined upon the testimony of two witnesses. So, in the 
defining of matters of right, sometimes it so falleth out, 
that by the unskilfulness, negligence or corruption of the 
judge, the cause of the righteous is overthrown, and judg- 
ment quite perverted: and yet is he, notwithstanding his 
miscarriage in such particulars, accounted still in the 
number of the gods*; and his tribunal graced with 
the honourable title of “ the’ place of judgment and 
the place of righteousness.” And therefore, as our Sa- 


© Deut. chap. 17. ver. 6. d-1 Kings, chap. 21. ver. 13. 
€ Psalm 82. ver. 1, 2. 5, 6. f Eccl. chap. 3. ver. 16. 


OF THE PRINCE. 361 


viour speaketh in the former case: “ It® is written in your 
law, that the testimony of two men is true,” that is, as 
the former words of the law itself have it, ‘* At the 
mouth of two witnesses is the matter to be established :” 
so in this other it goeth for a rule in the civil law, that 
“al thing adjudged is accepted for truth:” especially if 
it be freely, and without all colour of surreption, so ad- 
judged by the prince, whose. “ sentence* is presumed 
always to be just,” and therefore not to be appealed from. 
For if things shoula not be thus ended by the last sen- 
tence of the highest judge, this intolerable inconvenience 
would ensue thereupon in the general matter of judica- 
ture, that strifes would prove infinite, suits immortal, and 
all controversies indeterminable. ‘To which purpose also 
/Mneas Silvius writeth thus: “ Although! sometime ini- 
quity and unjust judgment do proceed from the highest 
tribunal; yet must not a place therefore be given unto an 
appeal; seeing there is no judge that may examine the 
temporal acts of the emperor. Besides it is more profit- 
able to the commonwealth for the extinguishing of strifes, 
that the benefit of an appeal should be denied unto a few 
that are unjustly oppressed, than that the gates of com- 
plaints should be opened unto many that shall calumniate, 
after they have been justly condemned: seeing they are 
exceeding rare who will account themselves to have been 
justly condemned: and the lesser evil is always to be to- 
lerated, that the greater may be avoided. Surely where 


& John, chap. 8. ver. 17. h Deut. chap. 19. ver. 15. 

' “ Res judicata pro veritate accipitur.” Ulpian. in D. lib. 207. de Regul. 
juris et |. Ingenuum, de statu hom. 

k “ Principis sententia presumitur semper justa: unde ab eo non appellatur.” 
Cynus in lib. Rescripta, Cod. de precib. imper. offerend. 

' “Quamvis a summo solio nonnunquam procedat iniquitas, injustumque 
judicium prodeat ; non tamen idcirco locus est appellationi, cum nemo sit judex 
qui temporalia Cesaris facta valeat examinare. Utilius insuper est reipublics 
ad extinguendas lites, paucis injuste oppressis appellationis beneficium denegari, 
quam multis calumniantibus, postquam juste damnati fuerint, querelarum ja- 
nuas aperire : cum rarissimi sint qui se juste reputent condemnatos ; semperque 
minus malum tolerandum sit, ut evitetur majus. Nempe ubi licitum est appel- 
lare, ibi quoque lites sine fine reperiuntur ; ubi sunt inimicitie, ibicontentiones, 
ibi nova dietim scandala.” Ain, Sily. de ortu et authorit. imperii, cap. 23, 


362 THE POWER 


it is always lawful to appeal, there also are found strifes 
without end; there are enmities, there are new scandals 
every day.” 

When, “ out™ of a discomfited army, every tenth sol- 
dier is beaten with a cudgel, the lot falleth also upon the 
valiant. Every such great exemplary punishment hath 
somewhat that is unjust in it; which being in particular to 
the prejudice of some, is yet recompensed by the general 
profit of the whole,” saith Cassius, in ‘Tacitus; and 
Tully, speaking of the office of the plebeian tribunes: “ I" 
confess,” saith he, “ that there is some evil in that go- 
vernment; but the good which is sought in it we could not 
have without that evil.” And it is the part of a prudent 
man in matters of this nature to consider as well the in- 
conveniences of the one side, as the conveniences of the 
other, and wisely to compare together the mischiefs that 
are like to break out on either side; and especially to take 
care that the remedy which is thought upon, do not in 
the end prove far worse than the disease for the helping 
whereof it was provided. As in the particular now in 
hand; that the people may oppose their kings, and with- 
stand them even with arms, when they conceive the 
courses taken by them do tend to the dishonour of God, 
or the great detriment of the commonwealth, may seem to 
vulgar minds that look after nothing so much as their own 
liberty, to be a matter that standeth with very great rea- 
son: while in the time they take no notice at all of the 
high mischiefs rather than ordinary inconveniences, which 
are inseparable companions of such a desperate combi- 
nation. 

For what greater disorder® can fall out among men, 


m “ Ex fuso exercitu, cum decimus quisque fuste feritur, etiam strenui sorti- 
untur. Habet aliquid ex iniquo omne magnum exemplum ; quod contra sin- 
gulos, utilitate publica rependitur.” Tacit. Annal. lib. 14. 

n “ Ego fateor in ista potestate inesse quiddam mali: sed bonum quod que- 
situm est in ea, sine isto malo non haberemus.” Cicer. lib. de Legib. 

°”Avw ToTapov LepGy XYwpovor maya. 
Kai din, cai mavra wadw orpégerar 
Eurip. in Medea. 


OF THE PRINCE. 365 


than to make the inferior overrule the superior, the sub- 
ject the prince? Whereas Solomon might have taught 
such, that “ delight? is not seemly for a fool; much less 
for a servant to have rule over princes.” Besides, what 
more unreasonable thing can be thought upon, than to 
allow subjects to be accusers, and judges, and executio- 
ners too, and that in their own cause, and against their 
own sovereign ? whereas one denied‘ it to be fit that the 
emperor himself should be admitted to be an accuser ; 
considering that by all “ laws of God and man none may 
be both an accuser and a judge.” Again; what greater 
madness can there be, than to seek the preservation of 
the commonwealth by making a rent therein, and em- 
broiling it in a civil war? than which no speedier means 
could have been devised to bring it unto utter ruin and 
desolation. For we know who hath said: “ If* a king- 
dom be divided against itself, that kingdom cannot stand :” 
and it is a folly to imagine, that when the subjects have 
once betaken themselves unto arms, the king will look on, 
and be content to sit still by the loss. ‘‘ Arms’ are irri- 
tated by arms,” saith one, and “ift my kingdom were of 
this world,” saith our Saviour, “ then would my servants 
fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews.” 

The king, you may be sure, will not want his party to 
join with him: and if he should be put unto any straight 
at home, this would but drive him to supply himself with 
auxiliary forces from abroad: this being found true by 
experience, as Tully observeth, that ‘ the" afflicted states 
of kings do easily draw the helps of many unto pity, and 


P Proverbs, chap. 19. ver. 10. 

4 “ Taceo quod imperatorem accusatorem esse non conveniat, postremo, iis- 
dem divinis humanisque legibus nemo possit esse accusator et judex.” Sym- 
mach. P. Apologet. advers. Anastas. imp. 

¥ Matt. chap. 3. ver. 24. 

s “ Arma armis irritantur.” Plin. Panegyr. ad Trajan. 

t John, chap. 18. ver. 56. 

" “ Hoc jam fere sic fieri solere accepimus, ut regum afflicte fortune facile 
multorum opes alliciant ad misericordiam, maximeque eorum qui aut reges sunt, 
aut vivunt in regno; quod regale iis nomen magnum et sanctum esse videatur.”” 
Cicer. Orat. pro lege Manil. 


564 THE POWER 


especially of them who are either kings themselves, or do 
live ina kingdom; the regal name being by them esteemed 
to be great and sacred.” Which how ready a way it is to 
subvert the state of any such distracted kingdom, and to 
bring it under the subjection of foreigners, we need not 
seek further for proof than from our own Ireland. For 
when* one of the petit kings of this nation was by domes- 
tical dissension driven out of his country, Julius Agricola 
received him indeed under the colour of courtesy and 
friendship, but retained him only till occasion should 
serve, that he might use this as a means to subdue the 
whole island unto the Roman government. And howso- 
ever that project then failed, by the recalling of Agricola 
unto Rome from his lieutenantship in Brittany; yet after- 
ward, when, upon a like occasion, Dermot, king of Lein- 
ster, was forced by his rebellious subjects to crave the aid 
of king Henry II. for the restoring of him to his kingdom, 
this association produced that effect which now we see, 
that the Irish lost their dominion, and became subject to 
the crown of England even until this day. 

Nay, to turn our eyes unto Rome itself, and to pass by 
that known ode’ of Horace’s, touching the effect of the 
civil wars there: 


Altera jam teritur bellis civilibus ztas, 
Suis et ipsa Rome viribus ruit. 

Quam neque finitimi valuerunt perdere Marsi, 
Minacis aut Hetrusca Porsene manus, &c. 


That of Sallust, or some other not much inferior to him, 
unto Julius Cesar, a little before the changing of that 
state into a monarchy, is worth our consideration: ‘‘ This? 


x “ Acricola expulsum seditione domestica unum ex regulis gentis exceperat, 
ac specie amicitiz in occasionem retinebat.” Corn. Tacit. in vita Agricole. 

Y Epod. lib. Od. 16. 

z “ Ego sic existimo; quoniam orta omnia intereunt, qua tempestate urbi 
Romanz fatum excidii adventarit, cives cum civibus manus conserturos: ita 
defessos et exsangues, regi aut nationi pred futuros. liter non orbis terra- 
rum, neque cuncte gentes conglobatze, movere aut contendere queunt hoc im- 
perium. Firmanda igitur sunt concordiz bona, et discordie mala expellenda.” 
Sallust. Orat. 1. de republ, ordinand. ad C. Cesarem. 


OF THE PRINCE. 365 


is my opinion: seeing all things that have a beginning 
must have an end, whensoever that fatal time of the de- 
struction of the Roman city shall come, that citizens will 
fight with citizens, and so, having wearied themselves and 
lost their blood, will fall to be a prey unto some king or 
nation. Otherwise neither the whole world, nor all the 
nations gathered unto one heap, are able to move or quash 
this empire:” and much more that prognostic of Seneca, 
delivered not long after that the monarchy had been 
founded there by Czsar; wherein he declareth that 
the denying of obedience unto that monarch would 
prove the undoing of that mighty empire. ‘ Such* an 
accident as this,” saith he, ‘ will be the bane of the 
Roman peace; it will bring the fortunes of so great a 
people unto utter ruin. So long shall the people be free 
from that danger, as long as it knoweth how to endure 
the reins: which if at any time it shall break, or, when 
shaken off by any chance, it shall not suffer to be put on 
again, the union and contexture of this high empire will 
fallin pieces, and the dominion of this city will expire 
together with her obedience. For Cesar heretofore did 
so enbosom and enweave himself into the commonwealth, 
that the one cannot be disjoined from the other without 
the destruction of them both: for as he hath need of 
forces, so have they of a head.” 
But, 


O» curve in terras anime, et celestium inanes ! 


Have we not read that which was spoken unto us by 
God? ‘ 'The® Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice : let 


a “ Hic casus Romane pacis exitium erit ; hic tanti fortunam populi in ruinas 
aget. Tamdiu ab isto periculo aberit hic populus, quamdiu sciet ferre frenos : 
quos si quande abruperit, vel aliquo casu discussos reponi sibi passus non erit; 
hec unitas et hic maximi imperii contextus in partes multas dissiliet; idemque 
huic urbi dominandi finis erit qui parendi fuerit, &c.- Olim enim ita se induit 
reipubl. Cesar, ut diduci alterum non posset sine utriusque pernicie. Nam ut 
illi viribus opus est, ita et huic capite.” Senec. de Clementia, lib. 1. cap. 4. 

Pers. Satyr. 2. et ex eo Lactant. Div. instit. lib. 2. cap. 2. 

© Psalm 97. cap. 1. 


366 THE POWER 


? 


the many,” or great, ‘‘ sues,” whereof we are, “be glad 
thereof :” or must we yet be turned a grazing with Nebu- 
chadnezzar, until we have learned his lesson? ‘ That* the 
most high God ruleth in the kingdom of men, and that he 
appointeth over it whomsoever he will.” For the fuller 
declaration whereof, it will not be amiss to consider, first, 
how God doth appoint men over kingdoms according to 
his own pleasure; and then, how he doth rule in and with 
them therein. ‘Touching the first, we may observe, that 
God doth sometime give a king unto a people out of love, 
sometime out of anger. ‘‘ Because® the Lord loved Israel 
for ever, therefore made he thee king,” to do judgment 
and justice, saith the queen of Sheba to Solomon. And 
on the other side: “ I‘ gave thee a king in mine anger, 
and took him away in my wrath,” saith the Lord himself, 
by the mouth of his prophet Hosea. Whereby we are fur- 
ther alsogiven to understand, that God’s wrath may shew 
itself in the taking away of a king, as well as his anger in 
giving him: his wrath, I say, not against the king himself 
alone, as it fell out in the case of Saul, but even against 
the people also, as it appeareth by that acknowledgment 
of theirs, which went before in the same prophet: ‘* We? 
have no king, because we feared not the Lord:” and by a 
more strange effect of his wrath against them, in permit- 
ting good kings sometimes to take evil courses for their 
punishment; according to that which we find recorded in 
Scripture: ‘ And! again the anger of the Lord was kin- 
dled against Israel; and David was moved,” by Satan, 
“against them to say, Go number Israel and Judah :” 
even that David, to whom God had given this testimony : 
«* Tk have found Dayid the son of Jesse, a man after mine 
own heart, which shall fulfil all my will.” 


d Pan. chap. 5. ver. 21. and chap. 4. ver. 17. 25. 32. 

© 1 Kings, chap. 10. ver. 9. f Hos. chap. 13. ver. 11. 
§ 1 Chron. chap. 10. ver. 13, 14. 

h Hos. chap. 10. ver. 3. 

1 2 Sam. chap. 24. ver. 1. with 1 Chron. chap. 21. ver. 1. 

kK Acts, chap. 13. ver. 22. 


OF THE PRINCE. 367 


“ God',” saith St. Augustine, “ giveth bliss in the king- 
dom of heaven to the godly alone, but this earthly king- 
dom both to the godly and ungodly, as it pleaseth him, 
whom nothing unjustly can please. He that gave the 
government to Marius, gave it to Cesar; he who gave it 
to Augustus, gave it also to Nero; he who gave it to the 
Vespasians, father and son, most sweet and loved empe- 
rors, gave it likewise to that man of cruelty, Domitian: 
and, not to recount the rest of them, he who gave it to 
that Christian prince Constantine, gave it to that wretch 
Julian the apostate. These things without doubt that one 
and that true God doth rule and govern as he pleaseth, by 
causes, although hidden, yet not unjust.” And this lesson 
hath been generally taught by Irenzus™, Origen", Syne- 
sius®, Theodoret?, Olympiodorus?, Anastasius Sinaita’, 


' “ Dat felicitatem in regno ceelorum solis piis, regnum vero terrenum et piis 
et impiis; sicut ei placet, cui nihil injuste placet, &c. Qui Mario, ipse Caio 
Czsari ; qui Augusto, ipse et Neroni; qui Vespasianis, vel patri vel filio, sua- 
vissimis imperatoribus, ipse et Domitiano crudelissimo : et (ne per singulos ire 
necesse sit) qui Constantino Christiano, ipse apostate Juliano. Hec plane 
Deus unus et verus regit et gubernat, ut placet. Et si occultis causis, numquid 
injustis?” August. de civit. Dei, lib. 5. cap. 21. 

™“ Quidam illorum ad correctionem et utilitatem subjectorum dantur, et 
conversationem justitie; quidam autem ad timorem, et poenam, et increpa- 
tionem; quidam autem ad illusionem, et contumeliam, et superbiam, quemad- 
modum et digni sunt: Dei justo judicio in omnibus zqualiter superveniente.” 
Tren. lib. 5. cap. 24. 

n “ Non semper princeps populi et Ecclesize judex per Dei arbitrium datur ; 
sed prout merita nostra deposcunt. Si mali sunt actus nostri, et operamur ma- 
lignum in conspectu Domini, dantur nobis principes secundum cor nostrum.” 
Origen. in lib. Judic. Homil. 4. 

° “Orav Osirat ko\aory [6 Ode] xpnTar viv piv ver BapBapwr, viv 
6é dpxovre wovnp@. Synes. epist. 57. 

P “Cum vult eos qui peccant castigare, eos etiam a malis magistratibus regi 
permittit.” Theodoret. in Rom. cap. 13. 

4 TlokAaKte TH oXHpaTe pavdpevovy ayabdy cvyxwpEt etc Baciéa ava- 
yopevOivar, tb’ caxwOAvar BodtdrErat dv adrov rode iTHKGoVE Oia THY 
airy OvoKodiay Kai kaxorpayiav. Olympiodor. in Job. apud Anastas. Si- 
nait. quest. 16. pag. 186. edit. Graco-Lat. Ingolstad. Jac. Gretseri : conferend. 
cum pag. 508. Catene Greco-Lat. in Job. edit. Patr. Junii. 

¥ Tov Geov tv rp vopw éyovTOc, Adow dpiv apxovrac Kata Ta¢ Kap- 
Oiac HpGY, evdndoy Ort ol piv TOY apXOVTwY Kai Bactrliwy we aELoL THC 
TotavTnc Tyg Vd Oeod mpoxerpiZovTar ot Gt wad avadévor dyTEc mpdc 
Tov aévov Aaby THe adTav avakiwrnroc, Kara Oeod svyxwpnaw H BovAnoty, 
mpoxepicovrat. Anastas. quest. 16. init, pag. 182. 


368 THE POWER 


Gregory*, Isidoret, and others of the ancient (to 
speak nothing of Aineas Silvius", and others of later 
times) that according to the quality of the people God 
useth to fit them with princes: and therofore, when ei- 
ther evil ones are placed over them, or in their progress 
they prove worse than they were at their beginning, they 
should turn their thoughts from the discontent they con- 
ceive against the present government, unto the conside- 
ration of their own smns, and the wrath of God punishing 
the same by this means at which they do repine. It be- 
ing their duty rather in this case to ‘ humble* themselves 
under the mighty hand of God,” saying with David, “ IY 
was dumb, I opened not my mouth, because thou didst 
it:” and with the Church, in the prophet Micah: “1 
will bear the indignation of the Lord, because I have 


sinned against him.” 
Touching the second, we may observe with St. Augus- 
tine, that “ the* Almighty doth work in the hearts of men 


s “ Quid ergo illos in nobis presse despicimus, quorum super nos regimina 
ex Domini furore suscipimus. Si igitur, irascente Deo, secundum nostra me- 
rita rectores accipimus, in illorum actione colligimus, quid ex nostra zstima- 
tione pensemus.” Et paulo post: “ Sic ergo secundum merita subditorum tri- 
buuntur persone regentium; ut seepe, qui videntur boni, accepto regimine per- 
mutentur: sicut Scriptura sacra de Saule intulit, quia cor cum dignitate mu- 
tavit.” Gregor. Moral. in Job. lib. 34. cap. 14. 

t “ Quo manifestius elucet, bonam malamque potestatem a Deo ordinari: 
sed bonam propitio, malam irato. Reges quando boni sunt, muneris est Dei: 
quando vero mali, sceleris est populi. Secundum enim meritum plebium dis- 
ponitur vita rectorum, testante Jobo: Qui regnare facit hypocritam propter 
peccata populi. Job. cap. 34, ver. 30. juxta Septuaginta. Irascente enim 
Deo, talem rectorem populi suscipiunt, qualem pro peccato mereuntur, Non- 
nunquam pro malitia plebium etiam reges mutantur, et qui ante videbantur esse 
boni accepto regno fiunt iniqui.” Isidor. Hispal. Sentent. lib. 3. cap. 48. qui 
locus laudatur etiam in Concilio Paris. VI. lib. 2. cap. 1. (tom. Concilior. Galliz, 
pag. 529.) licet ibi perperam insertum sit lemma illud, Gregorius in Morali- 
bus: cum in cap. 5. pag. 529. rectius oppositum habeaturnomen Isidori. 

u “Deus sepe propter peccata subditorum depravari permittit vitam recto- 
rum; Ex quo fit, ut occulto Dei judicio apud Deum justa nonnunquam reperi- 
antur, que nobis videntur injusta.” En, Silv. de ortu et author. imp. cap. 16. 

x | Pet. chap. 5. ver. 6. Y Psalm 39. ver. 9. 

Z Micah, chap. 7. ver. 9. 

3 “ Ait omnipotens in cordibus hominum etiam motum voluntatis eorum ; 


OF THE PRINCE. 369 


even the motion of their own will; that he may work by 
them that which he hath a mind to work, who knoweth 
not at all unjustly to will any thing.” Whereunto we may 
refer that which God speaketh concerning the king of 
Assyria: ‘‘ O° Assyrian, the rod of mine anger, and the 
staff in their hand is mine indignation. I will send him 
against an hypocritical nation; and against the people of 
my wrath will I give him a charge to take the spoil, and 
to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire of 
the streets. Howbeit he meaneth not so, neither doth his 
heart think so; but it is in his heart to destroy, and cut 
off nations not afew. Wherefore’ it shall come to pass, 
that when the Lord hath performed his whole work upon 
mount Sion and on Jerusalem, I will punish the fruit of the 
stout heart of the king of Assyria, and the glory of his 
high looks :” and concerning the king of Babylon after 
him: “ Israel‘ is a scattered sheep, the lions have driven 
him away : first the king of Assyria hath devoured him, 
and last this Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon hath bro- 
ken his bones. Therefore thus saith the Lord of hosts, 
the God of Israel, behold I will punish the king of Baby- 
lon and his land, as I have punished the king of Assyria.” 

Themistius, a Heathen orator®, doth more than once 
commend this sentence, taken, as he saith, out of the writ- 
ings of the Assyrians: ‘that the king’s heart is kept in 
the hand of God:” by the Assyrians, in all probability, 
meaning the Hebrews: and that saying in their books, 
which Gregory Nazianzen thus citeth: that ‘ the’ king’s 
heart is inthe hand of God, is both said and believed.” And 
so indeed was it said by the wisest of kings, and so believed 


ut per eos agat quod per eos agere voluerit, qui omnia injuste aliquid velle non 
novit.”” Aug. de gratia et libero arbitr. cap. 21. 

> Tsaiah, chap. 10. ver. 5, 6, 7. ¢ Td. ibid. ver. 12. 

d’ Jer. chap. 15. yer. 17; 18! 

© Wemtorevce yap ed mov Ty N6yp TY ’Acoupiw, S¢ THY Kapdiav Tov 
Baoréwe éyer (eb Neywr) év TH Tov Ocod Tarapy SopygopeiaOar. Themist. 
Orat. 5. “AAN ty more vryoObpyy Kai THY Acoupiwy ypayparwy TavTd 
TOUTO KopWEVOpEVWY, WE dpa 0 YoU TOV Baoéwe iy TH TOV Osod Taapy 
Sopudopetrat. Id, in orat. 9. 

f Kapdia Bacidéwe év yetpi Oeov Kai cipnrarKai muoreverat. Greg, Nazi- 
anz. orat. 27. que in Latina Jo, Lewenklavii, edit. 12. est. 

VOL. XI, PF 


370 THE POWER 


by all faithful people, “‘ The? king's heart is in the hand 
of the Lord, as the rivers of water ; he turneth it whither 
soever he will.” For proof whereof we read in the book 
of Ezra, that ‘‘the® Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus, 
king of Persia, that he made a proclamation throughout 
all his kingdom,” for the freeing of the Jews from the Ba- 
bylonian captivity: that he ‘“ turned the heart of Darius 
unto them, to strengthen their hands in the work of the 
house of God ;” and that he “ put* in the heart of king Ar- 
taxerxes to beautify the house of the Lord which is in Je- 
rusalem.” And what a hand he hath in the restraining 
them from doing evil unto his servants, we may perceive 
by that speech which he useth unto Abimelech king of 
Gerar, concerning Sarah the wife of Abraham: ‘“ I with- 
held thee from sinning against me: therefore suffered I 
thee not to touch her.” As by that watchful eye which 
he had over our head, all his poor members may gather 
this comfort ; that all the potentates upon earth are not 
able to touch them, until he give them power so to 
do; and that, at such atime, and in such a place, and 
in such measure, as he shall be pleased to limit them 
unto. 

The consideration hereof made the apostles to lift’ up 
their voice ‘to God with one accord,” and say, ‘‘ Ofa 
truth against thy holy child Jesus, whom thou hast anoint- 
ed, both Herod and Pontius Pilate, with the Gentiles and 
the people of Israel, were gathered together, for to do 
whatsoever thy hand and thy counsel determined before 
to be done.” And our Lord Jesus himself here upon 
earth, being™ warned by some of the Pharisees to get him 
out of Galilee, because Herod would kill him; told them 
that “ he must walk to day and tomorrow, and the day 
following,” and that “it could not be that a prophet 
should perish out of Jerusalem:” shewing that it lay not 
in the power of Herod to appoint either the time of his 


S Prov. chap. 21. ver. 1. h Ezra, chap. 1. ver. 1. 
1 Ezra, chap. 6. ver. 22. k Tbid. chap. 7. ver. 27. 
1 Acts, chap. 4. ver. 24. 27, 28. ™ Luke, chap. 13. ver. 31, 33. 


a 
OF THE PRINCE. 371 


death, nor yet the place ; which was not to be in Galilee, 
where his jurisdiction lay, but in Jerusalem, which was 
then in the power of Pilate the Roman governor. And 
when Pilate himself did afterwards insolently brag, that 
he “had power to crucify him, and had power to release 
him ;” he returned him this answer again: “ Thou couldst 
have no power at all against me, except it were given thee 
from above.” Which St. Augustine compareth with that 
other saying of the apostle: ‘‘ There® is no power but of 
God:” and out of both deduceth this conclusion: ‘ A? 
man may have lust to hurt of his own: but power, if God 
do not give it, he hath none. For that there is no power 
but of God, is the definitive sentence of the apostle. He 
did not say, There is no lust but of God; for there 
is an evil lust which is not of God: but because 
that evil lust can hurt no man if he do not permit, 
he saith: There is no power but of God. Whereupon 
God made man, standing before a man, said: Thou 
couldst have no power against me, except it were given 
thee from above. The one did judge, the other did 
teach. When he was judged he did teach : that he might 
judge those whom he did teach. Thou couldst have no 
power, saith he, against me, except it were given thee from 
above. What is this?’ Hath a man only no power, unless 
he receive it from above? What hath the Devil himself? 
Durst he take away as much as one sheep from the holy 
man Job, before he had first said : Put forth thine hand, 


" John, chap. 19. ver. 10, 11. ° Rom. chap. 13. ver. 1. 

P “Cupiditatem nocendi potest homo habere propriam: potestatem autem, 
si ille non dat, non habet. Nonest enim potestas nisi a Deo : definita senten- 
tia apostoli est. Non dixit, Non est cupiditas nisi a Deo; est enim mala cupidi- 
tas, que non est a Deo: sed quia ipsa mala cupiditas nulli nocet, fi ille non per- 
mittat, Non est, inquit, potestas nisia Deo. Unde Deus homo stans ante homi- 
nem, Non haberes, inquit, in me potestatem, nisi data fuisset tibi desuper. Iste 
judicabat, ille docebat. Cum judicabatur docebat, ut judicaret quos docuerat. 
Non haberes, inquit, in me potestatem, nisi esset data tibi desuper. Quid est 
hoc? Homo tantum non habet potestatem, nisi cum acceperit desuper? Quid 
ipse Diabolus ? Ausus est vel unam oviculam tollere viro sancto Job, nisi prius 
diceret, Mitte manum tuam, hoc est, da potestatem? Ille volebat, sed ille non 
sinebat. Quando ille permisit, ille potuit. Non ergo ille potuit, sed qui permi- 
sit.” Augustin. in Psal. 82. Conc. 2. 

FF 


31D . THE POWER 


that is, give me power? He had a will to do it, but God 
did not suffer him. When he did suffer him, the other 
was able to do it. It is not he therefore that was able, but 
he that permitted him, even God: from? whom are all 
powers; howsoever all men’s wills are not from him.” 

To the same purpose, the same father writeth very ex- 
cellently in an other place : ‘‘ Not’ whatsoever we do suf- 
fer from our enemies, is to be imputed to our enemies, and 
not to our Lord God: forasmuch as our Mediator, even 
in his own example, hath demonstrated unto us that, when 
he from above doth permit men to hurt us, not the will, 
but the power of hurting is given from above. For every 
evil man hath in himself the will to hurt: but to have abi- 
lity to hurt, he hath not in his power. In that he hath the 
will, he is already guilty ; but that he should have the ability, 
it is permitted by the hidden dispensation of God’s provi- 
dence, toward some for punishment, toward some for trial, 
toward some for the obtaining a crown. For punishment: as 


4 “ A quo sunt omnes potestates, quamvis ab illo non sint omnium volunta- 
tes.” Aug. de civit. Dei, lib. 5. cap. 8. 

r “*Non quicquid passi ab inimicis fuerimus, hoc inimicis deputandum est, 
et non Domino Deo nostro. Quandoquidem in ipso suo exemplo Mediator 
demonstravit, quando nobis desuper permittit homines nocere, non volunta- 
tem nocendi desuper dari, sed potestatem. Unusquisque enim malus apud 
se habet voluntatem nocendi: ut autem possit nocere, non habet in potestate. 
Ut velit, jam reus est: ut possit, occulta dispensatione providentiz divine, 
in alium permittitur ad peenam, in alium permittitur ad probationem, 
in alium permittitur ad coronam. Ad pcenam: quomodo permissi sunt aAAdgu- 
oz, id est, alienigenz, capere populum Israel, quia peccaverunt in Deum. Ad 
probationem autem permissus est Diabolus in Job: probatus est autem Job, 
confusus est Diabolus. Ad coronam vero permissi sunt persecutores in mar- 
tyres. Occisi sunt martyres; quasi vicisse se arbitrati sunt persecutores : illi 
in manifesto falso triumphaverunt, illi in occulto vere coronati sunt. Ergo in 
quem permittitur, occulte dispensationis est providentie Dei; ut autem velit 
nocere ipsius hominis est: non enim continuo quem vult occidit. Itaque ipse 
Dominus, judex vivorum et mortuorum, stans ante hominem judicem (prebens 
nobis humilitatis exemplum et patientiz documentum; non victus, sed militibus 
pugnandi exemplum demonstrans) minanti judici, tumenti superbia (et dicenti, 
Nescis quia potestatem habeo dimittendi et occidendi te?) abstulit typhum in- 
flantis, ettanquam reddens exufflationem qua detumesceret, Non haberes, inquit, 
in me potestatem, nisi data tibi esset desuper.” Augustin. preefat. in enarrat. 2. 
Psalmi 29. Vide etiam eund. ad Simplicianum, lib. 2. quest. 1. cum Retractat. 
lib. 2. cap. 1. 


>-_ 


OF THE PRINCE. 370 


the Philistines were permitted to subdue the people of Israel, 
because they had sinned against God. For trial, the devil 
was permitted to assault Job: but Job was tried, the devil 
confounded. For the winning of the crown, the persecu- 
tors were let loose against the martyrs. The martyrs were 
slain, the persecutors thought they had gotten the day: 
these did falsely triumph in public, the other were truly 
crowned in secret. ‘Therefere, that he is permitted to deal 
against any, proceedeth from the hidden dispensation of 
God’s providence ; but that he hath a will to hurt, cometh 
from the man himself: for he cannot kill presently whom- 
soever he willeth. Whereupon the Lord himself, the 
judge of the quick and the-dead, standing before a man 
that was his judge (delivering therein unto us an example 
of humility, and a document of patience; not being himself 
overcome, but shewing unto his soldiers a pattern of fight- 
ing) from that judge threatening and swelling with pride, 
(and saying, Knowest thou not that I have power to re- 
lease thee, and to kill thee?) took away the tumour which 
blew him up, and giving it a puff as it were to make it 
grow down, Thou couldst, said he, have no power 
against me, except it were given thee from above.” 
Hereunto we may add likewise that place of Johannes 
Sarisburiensis : “ ‘That’ which the prince hath ability to 
do, is so from God, that the power doth not depart from 
the Lord: but he useth it by an under-posed hand, shew- 
ing in all things a document either of his mercy or of his 
justice. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, re- 
sisteth the ordinance of God, who hath the authority 
of conferring it, and, when he pleaseth, of taking away or 
diminishing it. For it is not in the power of a great man 
to exercise cruelty upon those that are under his govern- 
ment, when he listeth; but it is of God’s own dispensa- 


‘ “ Quod princeps potest, ita a Deo est ut potestas a Domino non recedat: 
sed ea utitur per suppositam manum; in omnibus doctrinam faciens clementie 
aut justitie suz. Qui ergo resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit, penes quem 
est auctoritas conferendi eam, et, cum vult, auferendi et minuendi eam. Ne- 
que enim potentis est, cum vult, seevire in subditos; sed divinze dispensationis, 
pro beneplacito suo punire vel exercere subjectos.” Joh. Sarisburiens. Poly- 
cratic. lib. 4. cap. 1. ] 


374 THE POWER 


tion, to punish or exercise the subjects according to his 
good pleasure.” Out of all which we may learn, that not 
only the ability which princes have of doing every parti- 
cular thing in their government, but also the ordering the 
ends thereof, either to the good or evil of the party to 
whom it is done, dependeth altogether upon the pleasure 
of God, who oftentimes bringeth light out of darkness, 
and disposeth of events to far other purposes than we 
at first would have conceived them to tend unto. 
Which the very Heathen did partly take notice of, who 
said: ‘* The condition of mortal men hath these kinds of 
vicissitudes, that adverse things do arise out of prospe- 
rous, and prosperous out of adverse. God doth hide the 
seeds of both; and the causes of our good and evil acci- 
dents do oftentimes lurk under a far different show.” 
«The Lord knoweth,” saith St. Peter, ‘“‘ how® to deli- 
ver the godly out of temptations; and to reserve the un- 
just unto the day of judgment to be punished.” And 
although ‘ the* wrath of man worketh not the righteous- 
ness of God:” yet doth God so order the matter, that 
“* The’ wrath of man shall praise him, and the remainder 
of wrath shall be restrained by him.” Whereupon St. Au- 
gustine when he had declared, that ‘“‘ The” power even of 
hurtful kings is from none but God ;” for the justifying of 
his proceeding therein he addeth, that ‘ It is not unjust 
that naughty men receiving power to hurt, both the pa- 
tience of the good should be tried, and the iniquity of the 
wicked persecutors should be punished.” For, as he 
elsewhere also noteth: ‘‘ When* emperors do make eyil 


t “ Habet has vices conditio mortalium, ut adversa ex secundis, ex adversis 
secunda nascantur. Occultat utrorumque semina Deus; et plerumque bonorum 
malorumque cause sub diversa specie latent.” Plin. Panegyr. ad Trajan. 

u 2 Peter, chap. 2. ver. 9. x James, chap. 1. ver. 20. 

Y Psalm 76. ver. 10. 

7 “ Etiam nocentium potestas non est nisi a Deo: sicut scriptum est, lo- 
quente sapientia : Per me reges regnant, et tyranni per me tenent terram, &c. 
Injustum enim non est ut improbis accipientibus nocendi potestatem, et bono- 
rum patientia probetur, et malorum iniquitas puniatur.” Aug. lib. de natura 
boni, adversus Manich. cap. 32. 

a “ Imperatores quando pro falsitate contra veritatem constituunt malas leges, 
probantur bene credentes, et coronantur perseverantes.” Aug. lib. de nat. hom. 


< 


OF THE PRINCE. 375 


laws for falsehood and against the truth, the right be- 
lievers are tried, and such as persevere are crowned.” 
And again: ‘ The? terror of the temporal powers, when 
it doth oppose the truth, is to the just and strong a glo- 
rious trial, but to the weak a dangerous temptation: but 
when it proposeth the truth to such as err, and are at 
discord ; to men of understanding it proveth a profitable 
admonition, and to such as are not sensible thereof an 
unprofitable affliction. And yet there is no power but of 
God; and he that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordi- 
nance of God: for rulers are not a terror to good works, 
but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the 
power? do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise 
for the same. For whether power favouring the truth, 
doth correct any man, he that is amended hath praise there- 
by ; or being enemy to the truth, doth use cruelty against 
any, he that receiveth the crown for obtaining the victory 
hath praise for the same.” And therefore, saith he : “ If* thy 
governor be good, he is thy nourisher: if he be evil, he is 
thy tempter. Receive thy nourishment willingly, and ap- 
prove thyself in temptation. Be thou gold: consider this 
world as the furnace of the workman. In one narrow 


advers. Manich. epist. 185. “ Imperatores si in errore essent, pro errore suo con- 
tra veritatem leges darent, per quas justi et probarentur et coronarentur, non 
faciendo quod illi juberent, quia Deus prohiberet.” Augustin. epist. 105. 

> “Terror temporalium potestatum, quando veritatem oppugnat, justis for- 
tibus gloriosa probatio est, infirmis periculosa tentatio: quando autem veritatem 
preedicat errantibus et discordantibus; cordatis utilis admonitio est, et insensatis 
inutilis afflictio. Non est tamen potestas nisi a Deo: qui autem resistit potes- 
tati, Dei ordinationi resistit; principes enim non sunt timori bono operi, sed 
malo. Vis autem non timere potestatem? bonum fac, et habebis laudem ex 
illa. Sive enim potestas veritati favens aliquem corrigat, landem habet ex illa 
qui fuerit emendatus; sive inimica veritati in aliquem seviat, laudem habet ex 
illa qui victor fuerit coronatus.”’ Aug. lib. de natur. hom, advers. Manich. epist. 
93. “ Non ait, Bonum fac, et habebis laudem ex illa, vel cum eam in obsequium 
Dei lucratus fueris, vel cum ejus persecutione coronam merueris,” Aug. in 
exposit. quarund. proposit. ex epist. ad Roman. 

¢ “ Bonus si fuerit qui tibi preest, nutritor tuus est; malus si fuerit, tentator 
tuus est. Et nutrimenta libenter accipe, et in tentatione approbare. Esto au- 
rum: attende mundum istum tanquam fornacem artificis. In uno angusto loco 
tria sunt; aurum, palea, ignis. Ad illa duo ignis apponitur: palea uritur, 
aurum purgatur.”’ Aug. de verbis Domini, serm. 6. 


376 THE POWER 


place there are three things: gold, chaff, and fire. The 
fire is put unto the other two: the chaff is burned, the 
gold is purged.” To which kind of “ fiery trial” those 
passages of Scripture are to be referred: ‘* When* he 
hath tried me, I shall come forth as gold.” ‘ That’ the 
trial of your faith being much more precious than of gold 
that perisheth, though it be tried with fire, might be so 
found unto praise, and honour, and glory, at the appear- 
ing of Jesus Christ.” ‘* Many shall be purified and made 
white and tried.” ‘ Blessed’ is the man that endureth 
temptation: for when he is tried, he shall receive the 
crown of life, which the Lord hath promised to them that 
love him.” 

To draw them to a conclusion of this point. ‘ Either‘ 
thou dost justly, and the just power will praise thee; or 
thus doirg justly, although the unjust power should con- 
demn thee, the just God will crown thee ;” is the saying 
of Primasius. And, “ If* the king doth punish thee 
when thou art nocent, give place to justice; if when thou 
art innocent, give place to fortune,” was of old the advice 
of sage Seneca. Now if a Heathen could bring his mind 
to such a temper, by yielding unto bis blind fortune ; how 
much more should a Christian arm himself with patience, 
by giving way to the all-seeing providence of our most 
wise God? who so “ worketh' all things after the coun- 
sel of his own will,” that he causeth ‘all things to 
work,” not only severally but also “jointly”, for good to 
them that love him:” making their temporal evil an occa- 
sion of their eternal good: according to that of St. Au- 
gustine: “ Princes" are to be suffered by their people, 


4 1 Peter, chap. 4. ver. 12. € Job, chap. 23. ver. 10. 

f 1 Peter, chap. 1. ver. 7. & Dan. chap. 12. ver. 10. 

h James, chap. 1. ver. 12. 

i “ Aut juste agis, et justa potestas laudabit te: aut juste agentem, etiamsi 
potestas injusta damnet te, Deus justus coronabit te.” Primas. in Rom. 
chap. 13. 

k “Rex est? si nocentem punit, cede justitiz ; si innocentcm, cede fortune.” 
Senec. de Ira, lib. 2. cap. 30. 

1 Ephes. chap. 1. ver. 11. 

™ Tladvra ovvepyet cic ayady. Rom. chap. 8. ver. 28. 

n “ Ita et a plebibus principes, et a servis domini sunt ferendi, ut sub exerci- 


OF THE PRINCE. oe 


and masters by their servants: that in the exercise of 
their patience temporal things may be borne, and eter- 
nal hoped for’ by them. Whereof his scholar Prosper 
maketh this paraphrase in his epigrams: 


Reddendum est quicquid mundi bene postulat ordo, 
Propositumque piz non violat fidei. 

Mitibus et sanctis nulla est spernenda potestas : 
/Equum servire est regibus et dominis. 

Ut Christi famulis ad verum prosit honorem, 
Dilexisse bonos, et tolerasse malos. 


And so much both of the active obedience, which, in 
all things that may be done, we are bound to perform unto 
our sovereigns; and of the passive, which, in other cases, 
with all Christian fortitude we are tied to undergo, without 
the least carnal thought either of resisting their autho- 
rity, or conspiring against their person, state or dignity. 





Ir followeth that we should here also say somewhat 
touching the oath® of God: than which no? bond hath 
been esteemed so straight to bind men’s faith, as in all 
other matters, so especially in this particular of fidelity* 
and obedience to be performed by subjects unto their 
princes. Wherein a double kind of oath may be taken 


tatione tolerantie sustineantur temporalia, et sperentur zterna.” Prosp. sen- 
ten. 34. ex August. 

© “OpKoe On risTworc iupéow Op. Gregor. Nazian. in opore sive defini- 
tionib. rerum simplicib. “Opxoe d& gore pera Oeiac TaparynPewc paorc 
ava7oodetktoe. Aristotel. Rhetoric. ad Alexan. cap. 18. 

P “ Nullum vinculum ad stringendam fidem jurejurando majores arctius esse 
voluerunt. Id indicant leges in XII. tabul. indicant sacra, indicant foedera qui- 
bus etiam cum hoste devincitur fides; indicant notiones animadversionesque 
censorum, qui nulla de re diligentius quam de jurejurando judicabant.” Cicer. 
Offic. lib. 3. 

4 “ Non ignarus alioquin, nemini religiosius quod juraverit custodiendum, 
quam cujus maxime interest non pejerari.” Plin. de Trajano in Panegyrico 
suo. Ad quem Lipsius: “‘ Nam principum status et salus juramento nitebatur, 
quod quotannis, ipsis Kalendis Januartis, senatus prestabat.” 


378 THE POWER 


into consideration; the one tacit, the other express. For 
as in matrimony the covenant’ made between man and 
wife is in the Scripture styled ‘“ the covenant’ of God ;” 
because thereby they have not only impledged themselves 
the one unto the other upon earth, but also to God in 
heaven, who is both a witness of that contract, and a 
severe revenger of the breach thereof: so this being 
** thet general covenant of human society,” as St. Augus- 
tine speaketh, ‘‘ to obey our kings;” God sheweth him- 
self to be so far interested therein, as if an attestation had 
been interposed of his own glorious and fearful name. 
Upon which ground Solomon doth counsel, or rather 
charge us (for the principal verb is wanting in the ori- 
ginal; as if ne word could be found significant enough to 
express the deepness of the charge) ‘“‘ To" keep the king’s 
commandment, and that in regard of the oath of God.” 
the very being in the condition of a subject, carrying with 
it by implication a silent kind of oath of fidelity, and due 
obedience. 

But princes, for their better security, beside this tacit 
and implicit, thought fit their subjects should be further 
charged with express and direct forms of oaths. Exam- 
ples whereof we have: one, that which the emperor Jus- 
tinian* required of those who bore office under him; an- 
other, taken’ by the subjects of Charles the Great; di- 
vers required’ both of the clergy and the laity, by Carolus 
Calvus ; the* oath of fidelity made unto Frederick Bar- 
barossa and king Henry his son by the cities of Lom- 
bardy, Marchia and Romandiola, and with us not only 
the oaths of supremacy and allegiance ordained by latter 


T Malach. chap. 2. ver. 14. 5 Prov. chap. 2. ver. 17. 

t « Generale pactum est societatis humane, obedire regibus suis.” Augustin. 
lib. 3. confess. cap. 8. 

" Eccles. chap. 8. ver. 2. x Justinian. Novel. 9. tit. 3. 

Y Marculph. Formul. a Frid. Lindenbrogio edit. num. 40. 

z Capitul. Caroli Calvi, cap. 13. 32. et 38. (pag. 117. 165. et 387. edit. Paris. 
ann. 1623. 

@ De pace Constantie (in fine corporis juris civilis.) 


OF THE PRINCE. 379 


statutes ; but also the oath” of ligeance, which every sub- 
ject above the age of twelve years is tied to take in the 
Tourn or Leet, by the ancient common law. The viola- 
tion of which sacred bonds, how heinously God doth take, 
even as a despising of his own oath and a breaking of his 
own covenant, these terrible threats of his against Zede- 
kiah, that “rebelled® against king Nebuchadnezzar, who 
had made him swear by God,” do sufficiently demon- 
strate. ‘* Behold‘, the king of Babylon is come to Jeru- 
salem, and hath taken the king thereof, and the princes, 
and led them with him to Babylon. And hath taken of 
the king’s seed, and made a covenant with him, and hath 
taken an oath of him: he hath also taken the mighty of 
the land. That the kingdom might be base, that it might 
not lift itself up, but that by keeping of his covenant it 
might stand. But he rebelled against him, in sending his 
ambassadors into Egypt, that they might give him horses 
and much people. Shall he prosper? shall he escape 
that doth such things? or shall he break the covenant 
and be delivered? As I live, saith the Lord God, surely 
in the place where the king dwelleth that made him king, 
whose oath he despised, and whose covenant he brake, even 
with him in the midst of Babylon he shall die. Neither 
shall Pharoah with his mighty army and great company 
make for him in the way by casting up mounts, and build- 
ing forts, to cut off many persons. Seeing he despised 
the oath, by breaking the covenant (when lo, he had 
given his hand) and hath done all these things, he shall 
not escape. Therefore thus saith the Lord God, As I 
live, surely MINE oath that he hath despised, and my 
covenant that he hath broken, even it will I recompense 
upon his own head. And I will spread my net upon him, 
and he shall be taken in my snare, and I will bring him to 
Babylon, and will plead with him there for his trespass 
that he hath trespassed against ME. And all his fugi- 


b Coke 7. Report. fol. 6. and 7. in Calvin’s case, and in his Institutes, sec. 94. 
and 259. 
© 2 Chron. chap. 36. ver. 13. 4 Ezek. chap. 17. ver. 12, 13, &c. 


380 THE POWER 


tives with all his bands shall fall by the sword, and they 
that remain shall be scattered towards all winds: and ye 
shall know that I the Lord hath spoken it.” 

And the sentence is very solemn which Isidore, that 
famous archbishop of Seville, with threescore and ten 
other bishops assembled in the fourth council of Toledo, 
did pronounce against such rebellious persons as made 
no conscience of the performance of that oath of fidelity 
which they had taken for the preservation of the safety of 
their king and country: ‘“‘ Whosoever® of us, or of the 
people throughout all Spain, shall from henceforward, by 
any kind of conspiracy or practice, violate the oath of 
fidelity which he hath taken for the safeguard of the 
country and Gothish nation, or the preservation of the 
king’s majesty, or shall attempt the king’s death, or de- 
prive him of the government of his kingdom, or by tyran- 
nical presumption usurp the regal throne; let him,” say 
they in the first place, “ be accursed before God the 
Farner and the angels, be cast out of the Catholic 
Church which by his perjury he hath profaned, and ex- 
communicated from the company of all Christian men, 
together with all the complices of his impiety: it being fit 
that they should be liable to the same penalty, who are 
found involved in the error of the like conspiracy.” And, 
in the second place: ‘‘ Let‘ him be accursed before Curist 
and his apostles, be cast out of the Catholic Church, &c. 
and be damned in God's future judgment, together with 


€ © Quicunque amodo ex nobis, vel totius Hispaniz populis, qualibet conjura- 
tione vel studio, sacramentum fidei suze, quod pro patriz gentisque Gothorum 
statu, vel conservatione regiz salutis (vel incolumitate regi potestatis) pollicitus 
est, temeraverit, aut regem nece attrectaverit, aut potestate regni exuerit, aut 
presumptione tyrannica regni fastigium usurpaverit, anathema in conspectu Dei 
Patris et angelorum, atque ab Ecclesia Catholica, quam perjurio profanaverit, 
efficiatur extraneus ct ab omni ceetu Christianorum alienus, cum omnibus impie- 
tatis sue sociis: quia oportet ut una pcena teneat obnoxios, quos similis 
error invenerit implicatos.” Concil. Toletan. IV. cap. ult. 

f « Anathema in conspectu Christi et apostolorum ejus sit, atque ab Ecclesia 
Catholica, quam perjurio profanaverit, efficiatur extraneus, et ab omni consortio 
Christianorum alienus, et damnatus in futuro Deijudicio habeatur, cum partici- 
bus suis: quia dignum est ut qui talibus sociantur, ipsi etiam damnationis eo- 
rum participatione obnoxii teneantur.”” Concil. Toletan. IV. cap. ult. 


OF THE PRINCE. 381 


his partakers: it being just that they who are associated 
to such, should likewise be held obnoxious to the partici- 
pation of their condemnation.” And, the third time also: 
** Let® him be accursed before the Hoty Guost and the 
martyrs of Christ, be cast out of the Catholic Church, &c. 
and let him have no portion with the just, but be con- 
demned to eternal punishments with the Devil and his 
angels, together with those that are combined in the same 
conspiracy; that they may be tied in the same penalty of 
perdition, who were joined in the same wicked society of 
sedition.” Which sentence of the bishops, three times 
thus denounced, In the name of the Father, and of the 
Son, and of the Holy Ghost, was seconded by this ge- 
neral acclamation of the whole clergy and people that 
were present: ‘ Whosoever" shall presume against this 
definition of yours, let him be Anathema Maranatha, that 
is, accursed unto the coming of our Lord; and let them 
have their part with Judas Iscariot, both they and their 
associates.” 

This provision for the safety and behoof of princes, was 
confirmed likewise in the fifth council of Toledo; and this 
canon enacted therein, for the time to come: ‘ In* regard 
of the facility of evil-affected minds, and the forgetfulness 


$ “ Anathema sit in conspectu Spiritus Sancti et martyrum Christi, atque ab 
Ecclesia Catholica, quam perjurio profanaverit, efficiatur extraneus, et ab omni 
communione Christianorum alienus: neque partem habeat justorum, sed cum 
Diabolo et angelis ejus eternis suppliciis condemnetur, una cum iis qui eadem 
conjuratione nituntur ; ut par poena perditionis constringat, quos in pernicie pra- 
va societas copulat.” Concil. Toletan. IV. cap. ult. 

h “ Ab universo clero et populo dictum est, Qui contra hanc vestram definitio- 
nem presumpserint, Anathema Maranatha, hoc est, perditio in adventum Do- 
mini sint ; et cum Juda Iscarioth partem habeant, et ipsi et socii eorum. Amen.” 
Concil. Toletan. IV. cap. ult. 

1 “ Hee nostri concilii communiter considerata defertur sententia ; ut servetis 
quzcunque in universali et magna synodo provisa conscriptaque circa princi- 
pum salutem et utilitatem sunt.’’ Concil. Toletan. V. cap. 2. 

* “ Propter malarum mentium facilitatem et memoriz oblivionem, hoc sacra- 
tissima statuit synodus; ut in omni concilio episcoporum Hispaniz, universalis 
concilii decretum quod propter principum nostrorum est salutem constitutum, 
peractis omnibus in synodo, publica voce debcat pronunciari: quatenus sepe re- 
plicatum auribus, vel assiduitate iniquorum mens territa corrigatur, que ad pre- 
varicandum et oblivione et facilitate perducitur. Concil. Toletan, V. cap. 7. 


382 THE POWER. 


of memory, this holy synod hath ordained, that in every 
council of the bishops of Spain, the decree of the na- 
tional council which was made for the safety of our 
princes, after all things are finished in the synod, should 
with a public voice be pronounced: that being often re- 
presented unto men’s ears, even by this very assiduity the 
mind of evil men being terrified may be corrected, which 
by their forgetfulness and facility would otherwise be 
drawn to disloyalty.” Whereunto, in the tenth council of 
Toledo, this canon also was afterwards added, for the 
deposition of such of the clergy as should violate those 
oaths that were generally taken for the preservation of 
the safety of the king and country. ‘‘ Whereas', both 
by the sanctions of certain decrees of the fathers, and by 
legal constitutions, it hath been provided, that none should 
attempt to devise any thing contrary to the safety of our 
prince, nation or country; this one thing is now added, 
specially to be observed, that if any religious person, 
from the bishop unto the meanest of the clerical or mo- 
nastical order, shall be found with a profane intendment 
to have violated those general oaths that have been taken 
for the safety of the king, nation, or country, he shall be 
presently deprived of his dignity, and be excluded both 
from his place and honour; this hope of mercy being 
only reserved, that it shall be left in the power of the 
prince, whether he shall repossess either his place, or 
his honour, or both of them.” Thus far the fathers of 
Toledo. 

The first we find that stiffly stood against the taking of 
these general oaths of fidelity, were the Pharisees, who 


1 « Cum et quorundam paternorum sanctionibus decretorum et institutionibus 
sit legalibus cautum, ne contra salutem principum gentisque aut patrie quisquam 
meditari conetur adversum; hoc unum specialiter nunc depromitur observan- 
dum; ut siquis religiosorum, ab episcopo usque ad extremum ordinis clericorum 
sive monachorum, generalia juramenta, in salutem regiam gentisque aut patrie 
data, reperiatur violasse voluntate profana, mox propria dignitate privatus, et loco 
et honore habeatur exclusus; eo miserationis obtentu tantummodo reservato, ut 
an locum, an honorem, an utraque possideat, concedendi jus licentiamque prin- 
cipalis potestas obtineat.”’ Concil. Toletan, X. cap. 2. 


OF THE PRINCE. 383 


being of “ the™ strictest sect” of the Jewish religion, 
did indeed “ outwardly" appear righteous unto men,” 
but within ‘‘ were full of hypocrisy and iniquity.” Yet 
by this outward show of religion they gained such a re- 
putation with the people, that ‘‘ they° were able by that 
means to do much hurt unto those that hated them, and 
to give great furtherance unto such as stood friendly 
affected toward them; being strongly believed by the 
multitude, even when for mere envy they did speak hardly 
of any man:” so far, that “ if? they did speak any thing 
against the king himself, or against the high priest, they 
were presently believed.” Of them thus writeth Jose- 
phus: ‘“ These‘ were called Pharisees, such as were able 
openly to practise against kings; being very subtle, and 
presuming by their motions to raise war against them, 
and to annoy them. Whereas, therefore all the Jews had 
by oaths obliged their fidelity to Caesar Augustus, and to 
the estate of King Herod, these men would not swear at 
all, being above six thousand in number. Whereupon 
the king having imposed a fine upon them, the wife of 
Pheroras, Herod’s brother, paid it for them. For which 
cause, they intending to requite her kindness, and being 
esteemed by their intercourse with God to have obtained 
the knowledge of things to come, foretold her that God 
had determined to bring the government of Herod and 


m Acts, chap. 26. ver. 5. 

. Matt. chap. 23. ver. 27, 28. with Luke, chap. 12. ver. 1. 

© AvyvacOat word Tapa Toic lovdaiow TovTOUE Epaoke, Brapar Te pe- 
sovvrac, Kai dirove dvakepévouc wpedioau padtoTa yap TMioTEvEDAaL Tapa 
Tp TAHOE wept wy ay Kai PVovovyréc TL xaderov AEywou. Alexander rex, 
apud Joseph. lib. 13. antiqu. cap. 23. vide et cap. sequ. et lib. 18. cap. 2. 

P Tocairny txovor tH ioxiv rapa TP TAHOE, We Kai KaTa TOU Bact- 
Aéwe Ti AEyo"TEC, Kai KaTa ApXLEpewc, EVOIE mioTEvETOaL. 

4 Dapicaio: kadovvra, Baowrevor Suvdpevor padiora avTimpdcoey, 
apopnOEic, kgK TOU rpobTrod Eig TO TOAEpELY TE Kai BAarTELY EqnppevoL. 
Tavric ovy Tov’ lovdaixot BeBawoavroc Ov bpcwr h pny evvojoacKaioapt, 
rai Toic Baoiéwe Tpaypact, ode ot AvdpEs odK Wpooay, byTEC UTEP ea- 
Kuoxirwot. Kai avrove Bacttéwe Cnpiwoavroc xpnpacy, n PEpwpov yuri) 
THY Cnpiay irip abroy siogéper, &c. Joseph, lib. 17. cap. 3. 


384: THE POWER 


his posterity to an end, and that the kingdom should be 
transferred to her and Pheroras, and the children begot- 
ten of them both.” But Herod, having discovered the 
conspiracy of these false prophets, put the principal con- 
trivers thereof unto death, and all those of his household 
servants that were of their faction. 

Not long after these, ‘‘ rose’ up Judas of Galilee, in 
the days of the taxing, and drew away much people after 
him :” but with the like success: for ‘‘ he also perished, 
and all, even as many as obeyed him, were dispersed ,” 
as is related by Gamaliel in the Acts of the Apostles. 
This’ Judas, with Sadduc the Pharisee his associate, soli- 
cited the people to rebellion: “ alleging that the taxing 
brought with it a plain confession of their servitude, and 
exhorting them to maintain their liberty,” and brought 
in a new sect among the Jews; the followers whereof did 
** in‘ all other things agree with the opinions of the Pha- 
risees, but had a most constant love of liberty, accounting 
God alone to be their prince and Lord. Insomuch 
that they make little account of undergoing exquisite 
kinds of deaths, or of the punishments of their kins- 
folks, and friends, rather than they would call any man 
their Lord.” Whereas, on the other side, the Essenes 
would admit none to any near communion with their 
sect, before he had first bound himself by a solemn 
oath, “ ever" to keep his faith unto all, but especially 
unto princes; considering that no man doth attain 
to that power without God’s own appointment.” And 


T Acts, chap. 7. ver. 37. 

S LaddovKoyv papicaioy mpocapPavopevoc, naElyeTO emi aTrooTacEL 
THY TE AToTipNoLY OVdEY AKO 1) avTiKpde OovdEiay ErUpépELY EyoTEC, Kal 
THe tkevGepiac tm’ avTiner wapaxadovyTec 7d EOvoc. Joseph. lib. 18. 
antiqu. cap. 1. 

t Ta piv Nowra TavTa yvouy TOY Paptcaiwy dporoyovar, OvoKiyynroc dé 
Tov thevOEpov tpwe éoriv avroic, povoy Hyspova Kai Osomdrny Toy OEdy 
wreArnpoo. Oavarwy re idéac UTopévery TapHnrdrAaypévac ey OALyw TiHEV- 
Tal, Kai oVyyEVoOY Timwptac Kai Pilwy, Tip TOU pHdéva AvOpwToY zpoC- 
ayopedbey Oeorrorny. Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 2. 

" TO mioroy dei wapizery WHOL, padoTa O& ToIc KpaTovELY. Ob yap Oixa 
Oeod TeptyivesOai Tu TO apxey. Joseph. lib, 2. Bell. Jud. cap. 7. 


OF THE PRINCE. 385 


the people of the Jews generally had been so far this way 
instructed out of God's word, that when Sejanus intended 
his conspiracy against Tiberius, he first ‘‘ endeavoured* 
to remove this nation out of the way: which he knew 
would either alone or most of all oppose his ungodly coun- 
sels and practices, for the endangering the life of the 
emperor.” Whereupon commandment was given by Ti- 
berius, afterwards unto all the presidents of the provinces, 
that they should “ take’ into their protection, both the 
men themselves as persons of a peaceable disposition, 
and their laws likewise as things much tending to the 
settlement of public tranquillity.” 

So, upon his death, the people of the Jews with the 
first took their oath’ of fidelity to his successor Caius ; 
and offered solemn‘ sacrifices at the temple of Jerusalem 
for his safety. Who are therefore represented by king 
Agrippa to Caius himself as a nation “ from” the begin- 
ning most religiously and piously affected toward his fa- 
mily. For in what things they may,” saith he, “ and are 
permitted to do by the laws of their religion, they come 
no ways short of any people either of Asia or Europe, in 


X Tyiavov rd €9voe avapwacat Vdoytoc, OEP 7} povoy 7) pauaTa BCE 
Bovdaic avocio Kai rpdzeow avTiByoopevoy, Urip Tov TapacroevdnOHvat 
KivdevvevoayToc abroxpatopoc. Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 

Y TapacaraOjeny Exe Tove re avdpac we eipnryicode rac gicetc, Kai 
Ta vomlpa We adeipovra mpdc EvoraBeray. Philo, in legat. ad Caium. 

2 “Qoxuse THY TANODY tx’ ebvoig Ty Taiov. Joseph. antiqu. lib. 18. cap. 7. 
de Vitellio Syriz preside, Hierosolymis tum agente. 

® Ilpdrov TO ipérepor tepdy edéEaro Tac drip Tic apxije Tatov Ovoiac. 
Philo, legat. ad Caium. ’E@vcapey, cai éxarouBac 20boapev, Ov Td aipa 
7@ Bopp meplometrapres Ta Kpia OvK sic Goivny Kai ehwyxiay otKade éxo- 
pioaper” (m¢ e0¢ évioug oti) GAN’ Oécavra Ta Lepeia TapaddyTEc TH 
igog @doyt. Philo, legat. ad Caium. 

b EvoeBeorara kai dowrara dvaceiwevoy i& apxne mpdc drarvra roy 
vpérepoy oixov. "Ey oi¢ yap épeirar cai eeore peta vopwr eboeBeiy, obdc- 
voc ote THY’ Aotavey odTE THY tv Ebpwry deEiwETAL TO Taparxay, evyaic, 
avalnparwor catackevaic, TAHOE Ovowy, ob povoy ty Taic Kard Tae Onpo- 
TeXEic éopTac dvayopévare, GNX Kai iy raic Ka’ Exdorny ipépay tyrere- 
Xeow: 2& Oy ov oromart Kat yrdooy pnviovor TO aoeBic Hadoy 7 7?) Wuxiic 
agpavoic Povdeipacry, ot pr) MNEyovTec, OTe Pidokaioapic sic, AN byrec 
ovtTwc. Philo, legat.ad Caium. 


VOL. XI. GG 


386 THE POWER 


prayers, erection of donaries, and multitude of sacrifices, 
not only in their public celebrities, but also in their daily 
devotions. Whereby they do declare this pious respect 
of theirs, not so much with their mouth and tongue, as 
with the willingness of their inward soul: not saying that 
they are the friends of Cesar, but being so in truth and 
in deed.” Thus Agrippa wrote unto Caius, being in- 
censed against the Jews for not giving way to the dedi- 
cating his statue in their temple, with the title which he 
had assumed unto himself of New Jupiter. In the car- 
riage of which unhappy business, it will not be amiss to 
consider that notable example of passive obedience shewed. 
at that time by this people. 

The inhabitants of Jerusalem and all the rest of the 
country no sooner had notice of these woful tidings, but 
presently as one man, leaving their towns and castles, and 
houses, they presented themselves in Pheenicia before 
Petronius the president of Syria, unto whom Caius had 
committed the execution of this wicked command of his. 
Where the old men, young folks and boys distributed into 
three ranks, and the old women, younger women and vir- 
gins divided into three other, at one instant fell down 
unto the ground before the president, with a lamentable 
kind of howling. Being commanded to arise and to draw 
nearer, with much ado they did so; and being covered 
with dust, and beblubbered with tears, came with both 
their hands drawn behind their backs after the manner of 
condemned persons, causing their mind to be delivered 
by their spokesmen to this effect: “* We° are unarmed, as 


© "AomXot topiv we dpae, Tapaysvopévove Ot aiTyTal TiVEC WC TOAELI- 
ove’ & O& 4 Piote EKAOTY TpOceVEpEY ApYYTHpLA péON, XElpac, aTETPdha- 
per, EvOa pndév tpyacacOar StvayTa, TapeXoVTEC AUTOY Ta CWpaTa TPdC 
evoxérouc Totc Move amroKTetvat Borac. Tvvaixac kai rékva Kai yevede 
ixnyayopea cot, Kal dia cov Tpoorecotpeba Taiy, pndéva oicot karade- 
TOVTEC, iva i) TEPLTWONTE TaYTAC, } TaVTac TayweOpia CLagOEipnre, &c. 
TuvOavopeOa reZac cai immedc duvaperc nvtperioOa Kal npwy, si rpdc 
riy avabeow avTiBainper. oddeic oUTH pEngvEY, Wc dodADC WY tvayTovobaL 
dcordry. Wapéxoper éy éroimp Tac ohayac Aopevor. KTELVETWOAY, LEpEVETW~ 
cay. Kpewvopetrwoay apaxel Kai dvapwrt TaYTA boa KEKPaTHKOTWY Epya 
doarwoar, &c. “Amwo0avevTwy 76 triraypa yvicOw pipair’ ay od: Osde 
Hpac appotéowy oroxalopévoug, kai THe mpdc Toy avToKparopa edaPeEtac, 


OF THE PRINCE. 387 


thou seest ; though some did give out that we were come 
in an hostile manner. And our hands, the members 
which nature hath given unto every man for his defence, 
we have put behind us, that they are able to do nothing: 
presenting our own bodies as a fair mark to be shot at, to 
those that have a mind to kill us. Our wives and our 
children and our families we have brought unto thee, and 
by thee do prostrate ourselves before Caius; having left 
none at home, to the end that you might either save us 
all, or cut us off all by a common destruction. We hear 
that foot and horse forces are prepared against us, if we 
give impediment to this dedication. ‘There is none so 
mad, that being a servant he would oppose himself against 
his master. We are ready to undergo our slaughter most 
willingly. Let them kill us, sacrifice us, cut us in pieces 
without fight or any loss of the least drop of their own 
blood, let them put in execution whatsoever conquerors 
use todo. This shall be our last will, when we are a 
dying; that neither God himself may find fault with us 
for having a respect to both these, the reverence we owe 
unto our prince, and the observance due unto our most 
sacred law.” 

Petronius, at that time being not able to prevail with 
them, removed from Ptolemais to Tiberias in Galilee ; 
where. fifty days together were spent in the treaty of 
this matter: the Jews the mean while neglecting their 
seed time, and “ crying‘ out, that before their law should 
be violated, they were ready to suffer any thing.” ‘To 
whom Petronius: ‘* Are you then minded to fight against 
Cesar?” Their answer was, that ‘ Twice every day 


kai THE Tpoc Tove KaDwoiwpévovc vOpmovg azodoxi¢. Philo, legat. ad 
Caium. 

4 TIpo¢ tavta 76 mhijQoc Tay eBoa, mpd TOU vOmLov waoxew eroipuc 
EXE. caraoreiiac O& 6 TleTpwyi0e abtay riy Bony, Todepioere, eimey, 
apa Katoape; Kat *Tovdator, epi per Kaicapoc kai Tov Onpod TOY 
‘Pwpatwr dic rie npépac Obew Epacayr. et Ot BotvdeTat Tae Eikdvac ?yKalt- 
Spvey, mpdrepov adroy Veiv émrav 7d ‘Tovdaiwy £0voc tpoPicacbar: Tapé- 
xe O& ofac abrTovc Eroipouc eic cpuyny, wa TéKvoLG Kai yuvatiy, Joseph. 
lib. 2. Bell. Jud. cap, 17. (al. 9.) 


GG? 


388 THE POWER 


they did offer sacrifice for Czsar and the people of Rome : 
but if he would needs erect those images, he must first 
offer the whole nation of the Jews for a sacrifice; they 
being ready to present themselves to the slaughter, toge- 
ther with their wives and children.” With which car- 
riage of theirs the president was so moved, that he stayed 
the execution of the business: wherewith the emperor 
was so highly offended, that he threatened death unto 
him, for being so slow in the performance of his com- 
mandments. But seven and twenty days before those mi- 
natory letters came unto his hands, Petronius received 
others that certified him of the death of that bloody ty- 
rant; who was so professed an enemy not only to the 
Jewish nation, but also to his own, that he ‘ wished® 
the people of Rome had but one neck,” that he might cut 
it off with one blow.” 

There were living at that time three of the sons of 
Judas of Galilee, James, Simon and Manahem: who, no 
doubt, would not let slip such an opportunity as this, to 
stir up those seditious spirits that adhered unto their 
father’s sect, unto an open defection from the Roman 
government. But sure it is, that the two’ former, for 
such practices as these, were not long after crucified by 
Tiberius Alexander the Roman governor. The third 
lived to be a chief captain of the rebellious rout, that 
under pretence of recovering their liberty, made that war 
against the Romans which brought themselves and their 
country unto utter ruin: Agrippa the king, and Josephus 
the priest labouring in vain to dissuade them from those 
seditious attempts. For, said Agrippa to them, ‘ Now’ 
to desire liberty is unseasonable: you ought at first to 


© “ Utinam populus Romanus unam cervicem haberet.” Sueton. in C, Cali- 
gula, cap. 80. Dio, histor. lib. 59. P. Oros. lib. 7. cap. 5. 

f Joseph. lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 3. 

S ’ANAd piv rove viv EdevOepiac ExBupeiv awpov" déov dep Tov nde 
avoBaXrsiy abryy aywvilesOar zporepoy. 4 yap meipa THe SovdEiag xade- 
7H, Kai TEP TOU pnd: apeacOa TadTne 6 aywr Cikatoc’ 6 Of dwak xELpw- 
Osic, Eretra tdiordpevoc, abOdine OovAdc Eat, ov PirehevDEpoc. Joseph. 
lib. 2. Bell. Jud. cap. 28. (al. 16.) 


OF THE PRINCE. 389 


have striven, that you might not lose it; considering that 
the admittance of slavery is a heavy thing, and that it may 
not at all begin is a just cause of war. But he who being 
once subdued doth afterwards revolt, sheweth himself to 
be a contumacious servant, rather than a lover of liberty.” 
Which Josephus also put them in mind of afterward; 
that although “ it" be a good and commendable thing to 
fight for liberty, yet that was to be done in the begin- 
ning: but for those that were once brought into subjec- 
tion, and for a long time had undergone the same, to 
shake off the yoke afterward, would be the part of those 
that were desirous of a shameful death, rather than of 
such as would be accounted the lovers of liberty.” 

The prime foundation! of this cruel war was laid by 
Kleazar the son of Ananias the high priest; who, with his 
complices, rejected the sacrifice that was to be offered for 
Cesar, and with him for the Romans, notwithstanding 
that divers of the chief priests and others of the best 
esteem did earnestly request them not to intermit that 
custom of sacrificing for their governors; telling them 
thereby, merely ‘ to‘ provoke the arms of the Romans, 
and,” as it were, “ to wed a war from them, they had 
brought in a newkind of religion: it! being to be feared, that 
such as rejected the sacrifices which were for them, 
should be forbidden any more to sacrifice for themselves ; 


h Et yap 0y cai wodspety drip éXevOepiac KadOY, xpHVat TO TPwTOY. TO 
0 drags iroressvrac, kai pacpoic eiZayrac Xpovoic, EretTa aTooEtecHar TO 
Cuyov, dvoPavaravrwy ob diredevbépwy eivat. Joseph. lib. 6. Bell. Jud. caps 
26< (al. cap. 11.) 

 Tovro 0é Hy Tov rpdc ‘Pwpatovge woEMov KaTaBody. THY yao d7Ep TOU- 
twv Ovoiayv Katoapoc arippupar, cai toda THY TE ApXLEPswY Kai THY 
yvwupipoy rapakadovyrwy, py Tapadurety TO UTEP THY NyELOVYWY EO0C, odK 
évédocay. Joseph. lib. 2. cap. 30. (al. cap. 17.) 

k Adrouc 02 viv ipebiZovrac ra ‘Pwpaiwy oma, Kai pynoTevopéivove 
Toy am éxsivwy TOEpOV, KavoTopmEiy Opyokeiay Eévyny. Joseph. lib. 2. cap. 
30. (al. 17.) 

' Acdotkévan pévroe py Tac dip ixeivwv aroppipartec Ovaiag, KwVIGoL 
Ove cai ra iwip EavToy, yevynrai TE EKaoToVOOE TiC HyEMoviac H TOC, 
£l Py TAXéwC GwhpovncavTEes aTodWaover Tac Ouaiag, Kai mpiv eEedOciy 
Ep’ ove HBpikace THY Phunv, OwpOwcovra THY UBpw. Joseph. lib. 2, cap. 
30. (al. cap. 17.) 


390 THE POWER 


and that the city of Jerusalem should be outlawed by the 
empire, if quickly gathering their wits together they did 
not accept Cesar’s sacrifices, and rectify this contumely 
before the fame thereof should come unto those whom 
they had wronged thereby.” The mischief was brought 
to the full height by those turbulent persons, who as- 
sumed to themselves the name of Zelots™: and did in- 
deed, saith Josephus, “ by" their works make good their 
name: for there was no evil work which they did not 
imitate, nor any evil practised within the memory of man, 
wherein they shewed not themselves zealous : howsoever 
they took their name from such as were zealous in good- 
ness.” But in the end they brought desolation? upon 
their city, ruin upon their nation, and the severity? of 
God’s just judgment upon themselves. ‘‘ For as many 
punishments as it is possible for man’s nature to endure 
were heaped upon them, even to the last expiring of 
their life; which with variety of tortures they miserably 
finished.” 

The tail of this smoking firebrand was kindled after- 
ward by that captain of the Jewish rebellion, who named 
himself Barcochebas, the ‘‘ son of the star,” (as if that 
part of Balaam’s prophesy, ‘There’ shall come a star 
out of Jacob,” had been meant of him) but was by the 
Jews, when they found their expectation deceived by him, 
termed Barcozba, the “ son" of a lie.” This lewd im- 


™ Touro ydp avTove ikaXecay we tx’ ayaboic ixirndedpacw, aX od Zy- 
AWoavTEecTa KaKLOTa THY EPywY Kai VTEPBadAOpEVOL. Joseph. lib. 4. cap. 
12. (al. 5.) 

" Tyy mpoonyoptay roic Epyoug emnAnOevoay. wav yap Kakiac épyov 
eZeuupnoavro, pO etre mporepoy TpoUTapXOEy H pYipn TapedwKeEY, adToi 
Tapahuréyrec alnworoy’ KaiTot THY Tpocnyopiay adbtrotc amd THY ix’ 
aya0p Cnrovpéivwy ixeOnoay. Joseph. lib. 7. cap. 30. (al. 28.) 

°‘H yap card Tov Onpou rev Cyrwroy ériPeotc Karipkey adwoewe TH 
moet. Joseph. lib. 6. cap. 1. 

® Mpooijkoy tkacrot TO Tédoe EUpoyToO, TOU Osou THY akiay imi Tao 
avroic Tytwpiay BpaBEevtoayToc. doac yap avOpwrov divarat dvotc Koda- 
Tee UTOMELVEL, TATA KaTECKYWaY Eic AUTOVC, EXPL Kai THC EoXaTNE TOU 
Biov TerEVvTIIC, iy bwépevay ey TouTpdTOLC aikiare aoOavdyTeEC. Joseph. 
lib. 7. cap. 30. 

4 Num. chap. 24. ver. 17. 

* “ Cochebas dux Judaice factionis nolentes sibi Christianos adversum Ro- 


OF THE PRINCE, 391 


postor, because he could not draw the Christians from 
their allegiance, nor persuade them to join arms with the 
Jewish faction against the power of the Romans, inflicted 
all the tortures upon them that he could devise. For the 
heresy of Judas of Galilee had by this time fully possessed 
the Jews; a people who ‘“ neithers pleased God,” and 
were contrary to all men; not only “ denying' that they 
were any way tied by the Roman laws,” but also account- 
ing it a crime to obey them. And now the spirit of obedi- 
ence did pass from the synagogue of those ‘* which" say 
they are Jews and are not,” to the “ Church* of the living 
God,” which did so wait for the kmgdom hoped for at 
the glorious appearing of our Saviour Jesus Christ, that it 
detracted nothing in the mean time from that subjection 
our Lord himself, both by his precept and example, had 
prescribed to be given by his followers unto all earthly 
kings and governors. 

And yet were the Pagans so mistaken herein that, 
* When’ they heard the Christians did expect a kingdom, 
they undiscreetly supposed that they meant a worldly one, 
not that which hereafter they should have with God,” at 
the second coming of our Saviour. Which the emperor Do- 
mitian is therefore said to have no less feared’, than 
Herod did the first. Whereupon he caused some that 
remained of the kindred of our Lord according to the 
flesh to be presented before him, who being ‘‘ demanded* 
touching Christ and his kingdom, what kind of thing it 


manum militem ferre subsidium, omnimodis cruciatibus necat.’ Euseb. in 
Chronico. Vid. et P. Oros. hist. lib. 7. cap. 13. 

S 1 Thess. chap. 2. ver. 15. 

t “ Cum ipsi Romanis legibus teneri se negent, ita ut crimina leges putent; 
nunc velut Romanis legibus se vindicandos putent?”’? Ambros. lib. 5. epist. 29. 

" Rev. chap. 2. ver. 9. and chap. 3. ver. 9. 

x 1 Tim. chap. 3. ver. 15. 

Y ‘Ypsic, axovcarvrec Bacireiay ToocdoKwYTag Hua, akpiTwg avOouTe- 
voy Nye Hua rEAN~aTE, HuwY THY peTa DEO eyovTwy. Justin. 
Martyr. pro Christianis apolog. 2. 

2 ’EgoBeiro yap tiv Tapouciay Tov Xptorov, w¢ Kai “Hpwdnc. Hege- 
sippus apud Euseb. lib. 3. hist. eccles. cap. 20. 

4 ’EpwrnQévrac O& wepi Tov Xpiorov Kai THC Bacreiag adrov, oroia 
rig ein, Ka TOTE, Kai TOL PayNTopéEvN, AOyoY OovYaL, WE Od KOoMLKN piv OO 


392 THE POWER 


was, and when and where it should appear, they returned 
for answer, that it was neither worldly nor earthly, but 
celestial and angelical; and that it should be at the con- 
summation of the world, when that he coming in glory 
shall judge the quick and the dead, and render unto every 
man according unto his works.” Upon which it is said, 
that Domitian condemned them not, but despising them 
as mean persons, did both let them go free, and by edict 
stayed the persecution then raised against the Church. 
But our Saviour himself had long since resolved this 
doubt in that ‘ good” confession which he witnessed be- 
fore Pontius Pilate;’ when he plainly declared, that 
“ his® kingdom was not of this world.” Whereupon 
St. Augustine maketh this loud proclamation: “ Hear* 
Jews and Gentiles, hear circumcision, hear uncircumci- 
sion, hear all kingdoms upon earth. Ido not hinder 
your government in this world. My kingdom is not of 
this world:” and then biddeth them “ not* to fear with 
that most vain fear, wherewith Herod was so troubled, 
when news was brought him that Christ was born, and 
killed so many infants, that death might come upon him ; 
being made more cruel by fearing than by being angry.” 
Of whom Maximus Taurinensis alsothus : ‘‘ The‘ king was 
troubled, fearing, I believe, his kingdom should be 


émtyetoc, éToupavwoc Ct Kai ayyeducy TYy Xaver’ Ewi GuYTEEia TOU aiwVoC 
yevnoopivn, O7nvixa thOwy ty Od&y kpivet COvTac Kai vexpode, Kai aro- 
Owoe ExaoTw Kara Ta imirndsdpara abTov. ’Ed’ oic pHdev a’T@y Karey- 
vuxota Tov Aopetiavdy, AAAG Kai We EvTEAGY KaTappovycayTa, thevOE- 
poue piv avrovc aveiva, Kararavoat O& Out rpooTayparog Toy KaTa THES 
ixkAnoiac Owypdov. Hegesippus apud Euseb. lib. 3. hist. eccles. cap. 20. 

b 1 Tim. chap. 6. ver. 13. © John, chap. 18. ver. 36. 

4 “ Audite Judzi et Gentes, audi circumcisio, audi preputium, audite omnia 
regna terrena. Non impedio dominationem vestram in hoc mundo: regnum 
meum non est de hoc mundo.” Augustin. in Evang. Johan. tract. 115. 

€ “ Nolite metuere metu vanissimo, quo Herodes ille major, cum Christus 
natus nunciaretur, expavit, et tot infantes, ut ad eum mors perveniret, occidit ; 
timendo magis quam irascendo crudelior.” Augustin. in Evang. Johan. tract. 115. 

f « Turbatur rex, regno (credo) metuens suo: nescius quia Christus non venie- 
bat regnum ejus invadere, sed salvare ; et quod nulli inferret mortem, qui est vita 
cunctorum.” Maxim. Taurin. homil. 4. in Epiphania Dom. See the book of 
the religion of the ancient Irish, toward the end of the eleventh chapter. Works. 
vol. 4. pag. 371. 


OF THE PRINCE. 395 


touched: not knowing that Christ came not to invade his 
kingdom, but to save it; and that he intended not to 
bring death upon any, who is the life of all men.” 

And whereas, after the ascension of our Saviour, there 
had been ‘ a® great fame spread abroad, which charged 
his apostles with sedition and innovation, as if they had 
directed all their actions” and speeches to the subversion 
of the common laws; St. Paul therefore was very careful 
to “ give” order unto the Church of God, that without 
making any opposition to secular princes and powers, in 
quietness and tranquillity of life, it should exercise the 
work of justice and piety.” For “ if we should admit, 
for example,” saith Origen, “ that such as believed in 
Christ would not be subject to the secular powers, nor 
render tribute, nor pay customs, nor give fear or honour 
unto any: should not they by this means deservedly turn 
the arms of governors and princes against themselves, 
and thereby make their persecutors excusable, but them- 
selves culpable? For now it would appear that they were 
impugned, not for their faith, but for their contumacies’ 
sake, and to have a cause indeed of death, but a merit 
of death very unworthy” of their profession. 

Which apostolical lesson the Christians, which endured 
the brunt of the first ten persecutions, had learned so 
exactly, that none in the whole world were found so du- 
tiful unto their princes as they: as appeareth both by 
their known practice, and their own professions in their 
public apologies. “For! if we did expect an earthly 


§ Kat yap wodve reptepipero Oyo Tore, iwi oTdoet Kai Katvorouta dia- 
Badrwy rode arooTOXovE, Kai We er’ avatpoTy TOY KOLYOY VopwY dtayTa 
wowvvrac kat NéyovTac. Chrysost. in epist. ad Roman. homil. 23. 

h “ Ordinat quidem per hc Paulus Ecclesiam Dei, ut nihil adversi principibus 
et potestatibus seculi gerens, per quietem et tranquillitatem vite, opus justitie et 
pietatis exerceat. Si enim ponamus, verbi gratia, credentes Christo potestatibus 
seculi non esse subjectos, tributa non reddere, nec vectigalia pensitare, nulli ti- 
morem, nulli honorem deferre ; nonne per hec rectorum et principum merito 
in semetipsos arma converterent ; et persecutores quidem suos excusabiles, 
semetipsos vero culpabiles redderent ? Non enim jam fidei sed contumacie 
causa impugnari viderentur: et esset eis causa quidem mortis, meritum vero 
mortisindignum.” Origen. lib. 9. in epist. ad Roman. cap. 13. 

" Ei yap avOpwrwor Baorkiay rpocedokoper, Kav npvoipea Owe ju} 


394: THE POWER 


kingdom,” saith Justin Martyr to the emperor Antonius, 
we would deny our religion, that we might escape death ; 
and we would labour to conceal ourselves that we might 
attain our expectation. But because we have not our 
hopes fixed upon the things of this life, we care nothing 
for those that slay us; being otherwise assured that we 
must certainly die. And as for the preservation of peace, 
we yield to you more help and assistance than all other 
men.” And for “ tributes* and collections, we endea- 
vour every where before all others, to bring them in unto 
the officers appointed under you: as we have been taught 
by our Lord himself,” commanding us to give unto Cesar 
the things that are Czsar’s. ‘“ Whence we worship 
indeed God alone, but in other things we cheerfully do 
service unto you, acknowledging you to be the kings and 
princes of men.” So Theophilus, bishop of Antioch : 
“‘ Honour' the king, honour him by wishing well unto him, 
by being subject unto him, and by praying for him. For 
in doing thus thou shalt do the will of God: for the law 
of God saith, My son, honour God and the king; and be 
disobedient to neither of them.” And again: ‘‘ The™ word 
of God commandeth us to be subject to principalities and 
powers, and to pray for them, that we may lead a quiet 
and peaceable life.” So likewise Athenagoras, in his 
apology to M. Aurelius and his son Commodus, having 


avaipwopsba, kai NavOavew érepwpeOa OWE THY TPOdOKWpEVWY TUXOpED. 
GXXG érrei odK Eig TO VY Tac EXTridac ExopeEY, AvapobYTwY ov TEPPOYTiKa- 
HEV, TOU Kai TavTwc aToPaveiy dpettopévov. “Apwyoi 0 wpiv Kai cuppa- 
Xot mpoe eipyyny éopiv TavTwy padrov avOpwrwy. Justin. Martyr. 
apolog. 2. 

K Popoue 6 Kai eiahopac Tote bp’ Upwy TEeTaypévote TavTAaXov Tpd TaY- 
Twy Tepwpeda dépety we EdOaXOnpEV Tap’ avTov [ Xpiorov] &c. OOev Oedv 
Hiv povoy mpockvvovper, bpiv O& mpde Ta ara YaipovTEc UTNPETOUpPEY, 
Baoirere Kai dpxovTec avOpwrwy dporoyourrec. Justin. Martyr. apolog. 2. 

1 Tov Baoiréa Tipa, Tipa ebvowY aiTY, ITOTATTOpEVOS adTw, EVXOPEVOC 
UTép abrov' TOTO yap ToLwY, ToLEiC TO OEANWa TOU OEod. EyEL yap 6 Vd- 
foc. Tipa, vit, Tov Ody Kai Baowéa, Kai pydevi airay ameOije WC: 
Theophil. ad Autolye. lib. 1. 

m"Ere pév cai TEpi Tov UroTdocesMa apyaic Kai *ovoiac, Kai EVXEO- 
Gar snip aiT&y, cedeber piv 6 Oeioe AOyoe, Orwe FpEpov Kai HobXLOY 
Btov dudywpev. Theophil, ad Autolyc. lib. 3. 


OF THE PRINCE. 595 


declared that the Christians were “of” all others most 
piously and justly disposed toward God and their empire ; 
and wished them to® make enquiry touching their life, 
doctrine, observance and obedience toward them, toge- 
ther with their house and empire:” concludeth his whole 
discourse with this profession: ‘‘ We? pray for your em- 
pire that the son (as it is most just) may in the kingdom 
succeed the father, and that your empire may increase 
and flourish, all being made subject unto you; which 
would be much for our good; that we, leading a quiet 
and peaceable life, may readily obey you in all your com- 
mands.” 

Tertullian is full to the same purpose; ‘‘ Thou! that 
thinkest we have no care of the safety of Cesar, look into 
the Word of God, I mean our books, which neither we 
ourselves do suppress, and many chances bring to foreign- 
ers. Know, that by them we are commanded for the 
shewing the redundancy of our charity to pray unto God 
even for our enemies, and to wish well unto our persecu- 
tors. _Now who are more enemies and _ persecutors 
of Christians than they, the neglect of whose majesty we 


» Tlavtwy evosBicrata drakepévove Kai Oueadrara mode TE TO Osiov 
Kat THY DpETEpaY Bacireiay. Athenagor. legat. pro Christian. 

° Hpd¢ vpay Aourby, 'éiracw TomsacGat Biov, doyyarwy rie mpdc 
jpag Kai TOY dpérEpoy olkoy Kai THY Baoirkiay oToVdAC Kai braKoRe. 
Athenagor. legat. pro Christian. 

P TIepi piv THC aPXIC Tic UpeTepac EvXOpeOa, iva Talc piv Tapa Ta- 
Tpdc KaTa TO OiKatoraroy Oiadéxnrat THY Bacrstay, av’&novy Oé Kai éxido- 
OW 1 APX? KMOV, TaVTWY JroXEiwY yryvomévoY, KapBavy. TOUTO CO 2ori 
Kal Td MOY, OTwWC HpEWoy Kai HovXLOY Bioy OiayoumEer, avToi O& wavTAa 
Ta kekeXsupeva TpoOVuwe mnpeTOimeEY. Athenagor. legat. pro Chris- 
tian. 

4 “Qui putas nihil nos de salute Casarum curare, inspice Dei voces, literas 
nostras ; quas neque ipsi supprimimus, et plerique casus ad extraneos transfe- 
runt. Scito ex illis praceptum esse nobis, ad redundantiam benignitatis etiam 
pro inimicis Deum orare, et persecutoribus nostris bona precari. Qui magis ini- 
mici et persecutores Christianorum, quam de quorum majestate convenimur in 
crimen? Sed etiam nominatim atque manifeste, Orate, inquit, pro regibus et 
pro principibus et potestatibus, ut omnia tranquilla sint. Vobiscum enim con- 
cutitur imperium : concussis etiam czeteris membris ejus, utique et nos (licet ex- 
tranei a turbis estimemur) in aliquo loco casus invenimur.”  Tertull. apolog. 
cap. 31, 32. 


396 THE POWER 


are brought to answer for as a crime? But beside, by 
name and expressly, pray, saith the Scripture, for kings 
and for princes and powers, that all things may be peace- 
able. For together with you is the empire shaken: 
and the rest of the members thereof being so shaken, 
surely we also (although esteemed strangers from such 
troubles) will be found partakers of that fall.” And “there- 
fore’ do we sacrifice for the safety of the emperor, but to 
our God and his, and in such sort as God himself hath 
commanded, with pure prayer. So that we pray for the 
emperor’s safety more than you, asking it of him who is 
able to give it.” And again: ‘* We* pray for emperors, 
for their officers and magistrates. For' the emperors’ 
safety we call upon the eternal God, the true God, the 
living God ; whom the emperors themselves would wish 
before all others should be propitious unto them. They 
know who gave them their empire, and they know, as 
they are men, who gave them their soul: they understand 
that he only is God, in whose power alone they are. 
Having" our arms therefore thus spread out unto God, 
let the hooks tear us, the crosses hang us, the fires lick 
us up, the swords cut our throats, the beasts leap upon 
us: the posture of a Christian praying is prepared 
for all kind of torment. Go to now, you good presidents, 
wrest out the soul that is a supplicating for the empe- 
ror. 


r “ Ttaque et sacrificamus pro salute imperatoris, sed Deo nostro et ipsius: 
sed quomodo precepit Deus, pura prece, &c. Ita nos magis oramus pro salute 
imperatoris, ab eo eam postulantes qui prastare potest.” Tertull. ad Scapulam, 
cap. 2. 

s “ Oramus etiam pro imperatoribus, pro ministris eorum et potestatibus.” 
Tertull. in apolog. cap. 39. 

t “ Nos pro salute imperatorum Deum invocamus zternum, Deum verum, 
Deum vivum, quem et ipsi imperatores propitium sibi preter cxteros malunt. 
Sciunt quis illis dederit imperium, sciunt qua homines, quis et animam : sentiunt 
eum Deum esse solum, in eujus solius potestate sunt.” Tertull. ad Scapulam, 
cap. 30. 

u “ Sic itaque nos ad Deum expansos ungulz fodiant, cruces suspendant, ig- 
nes lambant, gladii guttura detruncent, bestiz insiliant: paratus est ad omne 
supplicium habitus orantis Christiani. Hoc agite, koni presides, extorquete 
animam Deo supplicantem pro imperatore.’”’ Tertull. in apolog. cap. 30. 


OF THE PRINCE. 397 


And with what invincible constancy they endured this 
cruelty (which* they accounted their glory) without any 
thought of revenge or resistance to the authority placed 
over them, howsoever they had power enough to meet 
with their persecutors, the same author thus elegantly 
declares: “‘ We’ are defamed touching the imperial ma- 
jesty : and yet were Christians never found to be Albi- 
nians, Nigerians or Cassians ;” relating to Clodius Albinus, 
Pescennius Niger, and Avidius Cassius, who rebelled 
against the emperors of his time, “ but the same men 
that the very day before did swear by the genius of the 
emperor, that offered up and vowed sacrifices for their 
safety, that had often condemned the Christians, were 
found to be their enemies. And that we indeed do 
carry ourselves according to that lesson which we have 
learned of divine patience, hereby it may be manifest 
enough unto you, that being so great a multitude of 
men, the greater part almost of every city, we behave our- 
selves silently and modestly ; being perhaps better known 
severally than jointly, nor otherwise discernible but by 
the amendment of our former vices. For God forbid that 
we should take those things in evil part which we desire 
to suffer, or plot any revenge from ourselves, which we 
expect from the hand of God. Otherwise one’ night, 


* “ Crudelitas vestra gloria est nostra.” Tertullian. ad Scapulam, cap. ult. 

y “Circa majestatem imperatoris infamamur: tamen nunquam Albiniani, 
nec Nigriani, vel Cassiani inveniri potuerunt Christiani; sed iidem ipsi, qui per 
Genios eorum in pridie usque juraverunt, qui pro salute eorum hostias et fece- 
rant et voverant, qui Christianos sepe damnaverant, hostes eorum sunt reperti. 
Et utique ex disciplina patientize divine agere nos, satis manifestum esse vobis 
potest, cum tanta hominum multitudo, pars pene major civitatis cujusque in si- 
lentio et modestia agimus; singuli forte magis noti quam omnes, nec aliunde 
noscibiles, quam de emendatione vitiorum pristinorum. Absit enim ut indigne 
feramus ea nos pati que optamus, aut ultionem a nobis aliquam machinemur, 
quam a Deo expectamus.”’ Tertull. ad Scapulam, cap. 2. 

z “ Quando vel una nox pauculis faculis largiter ultionis posset operari, si 
malum malo dispungi penes nos liceret. Sed absit ut aut igni humano vindice- 
tur divina secta, aut doleat pati in quo probatur. Sienim et hostes exer- 
tos, non tantum vindices occultos. agere vellemus, deesset nobis vis numerorum. 
et copiarum? Plures nimirum Mauri et Marcomani, ipsique Parthi, vel quan- 
teecunque unius tamen loci et suorum finium gentes quam totiusorbis? Externi 


398 THE POWER 


with a few firebrands, would yield us sufficient revenge, if 
it were lawful with us to expunge evil with evil. But 
God forbid that the followers of the divine religion should 
either revenge themselves with human fire, or be grieved 
to suffer that wherein they are tried. And had we been 
minded to profess open hostility, and not to practise hidden 
revenge, could we want number of men or force of arms? 
Are the Moors, and the Marcomans, and the Parthians 
themselves, or any one particular nation whatsoever, more 
in number than we that are spread over the world? We 
are not of you, and yet we have filled all you have; your 
cities, islands, castles, towns, assemblies, your very tents, 
tribes and wards, yea the palace, senate, and place of 
judgment. Your temples alone we leave unto yourselves. 
For what war were we not able and ready, though we 
were fewer in number than you, that go to our martyrdom 
so gladly ; if it were not more lawful in our religion to be 
slain than to slay? We could without arms, never rebel- 
ling, but only dividing ourselves from you, have done you 
spite enough with that separation. For if so great a mul- 
titude of men as we are, should have broken out from you 
into some corner of the world, the loss of so many citizens 
would have shamed you, yea, and by the very destitution 
punished you. Without all peradventure you would have 
been afraid to see yourselves left solitary; and in that si- 
lence of things, and kind of amazement of a dead city, you 


sumus, et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, concilia- 
bula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum, forum. Sola vobis relin- 
quimus templa. Cui bello non idonei, non prompti fuissemus, etiam impares 
copiis, qui tam libenter trucidamur? si non apud istam disciplinam magis oc- 
cidi liceret quam occidere. Potuimus et inermes, nec rebelles, sed tantummodo 
discordes, solius divortii invidia adversus vos dimicasse. Si enim tanta vis ho- 
minum in aliquem orbis remoti sinum abrupissemus a vobis ; suffudisset utique 
dominationem vestram tot qualiumcunque amissio civium, imo etiam et ipsa des- 
titutione punisset. Proculdubio expavissetis ad solitudinem vestram, ad silen- 
tium rerum et stuporem quendam quasi mortue urbis quesissetis quibus in ea 
imperassetis. Plures hostes quam cives vobis remansissent: nunc enim pauci- 
ores hostes habetis pre multitudine Christianorum pene omnium civium, pene 
omnes cives Christianos habendo.” Tertull. in apolog. cap. 37, Vide etiam cap. 
49, et 50. 


OF THE PRINCE. 399 


would have sought whom you might rule init. More ene- 
mies would have remained unto you than citizens: where 
now you have fewer enemies by reason the multitude of 
your citizens, that are almost all Christians.” 

And yet, saith Origen, ‘‘ when* we do nothing contrary 
to the law and word of God, we are not so mad nor furious 
as to stir up against ourselves the wrath of the king or the 
magistrate, which would bring upon us blows, torments, 
and divers kinds of death. For we have read that which 
is written: Let every soul be subject unto the higher pow- 
ers: for there is no power but of God ; and the powers 
that be are ordained of God. They therefore that op- 
pose the power, do oppose the ordinance of God.” But 
when without any opposition to this power, the Christian, 
for the preservation of a good conscience, submitteth him- 
self thereunto, ready to endure any torments rather than 
on either side to violate the duty imposed upon him by his 
God; the less he seeketh to right himself therein, the 
more will he to whom vengeance belongeth assume the 
cause into his own hand. Which maketh St. Cyprian 
thus boldly to deliver his mind unto Demetrius, the cruel 
prosecutor of God’s saints in Africa: ‘* Leave? off to hurt 
the servants of God and Christ by thy persecutions; 
whom being hurt the divine vengeance doth defend. For 
hence it is, that none of us when he is apprehended doth 
resist, or revenge himself against your unjust violence, al- 
though the number of our people be exceeding great. 
The confidence we have, that God will hereafter avenge 


2 "Ev0a pév ror oddty évarrioy mparropuev von Kai dy Oeod, ob pEpi- 
vapev, ob0 dppopsv Kad’ Eavroy tyeipey Bactdéwe i) Ovydorou Oupdy, eri 
aikiac kai Bacaviornpia i) Kai Oavaroucg ypic PépovTa. avéyvumev yap 
kai 70, aoa Wuyxn touciacce irepexovoais iroraccisOw: ov yap tori 
sovaia ei uy aro Beov, at dé odoar Eovciat Wd Tov Oeod TeTaypévac ciciv, 
Wore ot avOeornKbrec TY eEovoia, TH Tov Oe0v SiaTrayy avPictavTa. Ori- 
gen. lib. 8. contra Celsum. 

b “ Ledere servos Dei et Christi persecutionibus tuis desine, quos lzsos ultio 
divina defendit. Inde est enim quod nemo nostrum, quando apprehenditur, 
reluctatur ; nec se adversus injustam violentiam, quamvis nimius et copiosus nos- 
ter sit populus, ulciscitur. Patientes facit de futura ultione securitas.” Cypri- 
an, de De metrian. 


4.00 THE POWER 


us, doth make us patient :” to the returning of which ven- 
geance the Lord is the sooner moved, when he doth find 
at the same time the persecuted labouring with him for 
the welfare of their persecutors. For “ we’,” saith Cyprian 
there, “ day and night continually and instantly do pray, 
propitiating and appeasing God for your peace and safe- 
ty.” And ‘to’ him we pour incessant prayers for the 
reign of Valerianus and Galienus, that it may continue 
unshaken;” saith Dionysius bishop of Alexandria. ‘‘ For* 
thy safety have I always worshipped Christ, and for the 
state of the Roman empire have I always adored him who 
is in heaven;” saith St. Sebastian unto the emperor Dio- 
cletian: and again: ‘‘ The priests of the temples do pos- 
sess the minds of your majesties with most unjust surmi- 
ses, suggesting false tales, as if they were adversaries to 
the commonwealth : whereas by their prayers the com- 
monwealth is bettered and encreased : for they cease not 
to pray for your empire, and for the safety of the Roman 
army.” 

And here, under those cruel emperors Diocletian and 
Maximian (in whose army St. Sebastian served) that most 
illustrious example of passive obedience presenteth itself 
unto our view, which the Theban legion shewed, con- 
sisting of six thousand six hundred and sixty-six valiant 
Christians. The tenth man of whom when Maximian 
had caused to be executed, for refusing to offer sacrifice 
unto his false gods; Mauricius, taking the rest of the le- 


¢ “ Pro pace ac salute vestra propitiantes ac placantes Deum, diebus ac noc- 
tibus jugiter atque instanter oramus.”’ Cypr. ad Demet. 

4 Kai roity dunverdc irip rig Baoetacg avtoy (Ovadeptavod Kai Ta~ 
Auyvov) Owe agadevToc diapévy. Dionys. Alexan. advers. German. apud 
Euseb. lib. 7. hist. eccles. cap. 11. 

€ “ Pro salute tua semper Christumcolui: et pro statu orbis Romani illum 
qui in ccelis est semper adoravi.”’ Act. 5. Sebastiani; upud Surium, Januar. 
20. et Vincent. Bellovacens. in specul. historial. lib. 12. cap. 18. 

f “ Tniquissimis subreptionibus animos imperii vestri templorum pontifi- 
ces obsident, suggerentes de Christianis falsa commenta, tanquam illi sint 
reipublice: adversarii : cum illorum orationibus respublica in melius proficiat et 
crescat: non enim cessant pro imperio vestro et pro salute Romani exercitus 
orare.”’ Act. 5. Sebastiani; apud Surium, Januar. 20. et Vincent. Bellova- 
cens, in Specul. historial. lib, 12. cap. 18. 


OF THE PRINCE. 401 


gion aside, used this oration unto them; as Eucherius 
archbishop of Lyons relateth, in the Acts oftheir martyr- 
dom: “ I8 congratulate your virtue, most worthy fellow- 
soldiers, that, for the love of religion, the command of 
Czesar wrought no fear at allin you. You have seen your 
fellow-soldiers, in a manner with rejoicing minds, to have 
been delivered up unto a glorious death. How did I fear 
lest any of you, as it was easy for armed men to do, un- 
der pretence of defence should by lifting up his hands 
give interruption to their most blessed funerals! I had 
now ready at hand, for the forbidding of this attempt, the 
example of our Christ; who by the command of his own 
mouth put up the sword which was unsheathed by his 
apostle: teaching thereby, that the virtue of Christian 
confidence is greater than all weapons. Here Christ our 
God did clearly prohibit your minds and hands; that 
none with mortal arm should resist the divine work, but 
rather with ever continued religion add a consummation 
to the work begun. Hitherto we have read examples in- 
serted into the Holy Scriptures: but even now we our- 
selves have beheld, whom we ought to imitate.” 

Then, when Maximinian had commanded that a second 
decimation should be made of those that remained, Mxu- 
perius, taking into his hands the ensigns of his legion, 
spake thus untothem: ‘‘ My" most worthy fellow-soldiers, 


§ “ Gratulor virtuti vestree, commilitones optimi, quod amore religionis nul- 
lam vobis Cesaris preceptum attulit formidinem, Gaudentibus quodammodo 
animis tradi ad necem gloriosam commilitones vestros vidistis. Quam timui ne 
quisquam, quod armatis facile est, specie defensionis beatissimis funeribus manus 
afferre tentaret! Jam mihi ad hujus rei interdictum Christi nostri parabatur 
exemplum, gui exemptum vagina apostoli gladium proprie vocis jussione recon- 
didit: docens, majorem armis omnibus Christiane confidentiz esse virtutem. 
Hic Deus Christus plane mentes vestras manusque prohibuit ; ne quisquam di- 
vino operi mortalibus dextris obsisteret, quin imo ccepti operis finem perenni re- 
ligione compleret. Hactenus exempla sacris inserta codicibus legebamus: jam 
nunc per nosmet ipsos, quos sequi debeamus, adspeximus.” &c. Eucher. Lug- 
dunens. in Actis martyrum Agaunensium, tom. 5. Surii, Septemb. 22. 

h “Tenere me, commilitones optimi, secularium quidem bellorum signa per- 
spicitis ; sed non ad hee arma provoco ; non ad hec bella animos vestros virtu- 
temque compello. Aliud nobis genus eligendum est preliorum. Non per hos 
gladios potestis ad regna ccelestia properare.”” Eucher, Lugdunens. in Actis 
martyrum Agaunensium, tom, 5. Surii, Septemb. 22. 


VOL. XI. HH 


402 THE POWER 


I hold, as you see, the ensigns of a secular warfare: but 
to these arms I provoke you not; I excite not your cou- 
rage and your valour to such wars as these. Another 
kind of fight is to be chosen by us. It is not by these 
swords that you can make your way to the kingdom of 
heaven:” and afterwards wisheth this message should be 
returned unto the persecuting emperor: ‘“‘ Wei are thy 
soldiers indeed, but withal, which we freely profess, God’s 
servants. To thee we owe our employment in the war, 
to him our innocence: from thee have we received the re- 
ward of our labour; to him we are beholding for the be- 
ginning of our life. We cannot so follow thee in this, 
though our prince, as to deny God who is our maker, and, 
whether thou wilt or wilt not, is thine also.” 

After this, in Ado’s martyrology, there are many other 
passages interserted; and in the end this: ‘‘ Non nos vel 
hee ultimee vite necessitas in rebellionem cogit. As for 
us, even this necessity of our last life doth not drive us to 
rebellion.” But it followeth in Eucherius: ‘“ Despair* it- 
self, O emperor, which most strengthens men in dangers, 
hath not been able to arm us against thee. Behold, we 
have our weapons, and yet resist not: as willing rather to 
die than overcome, and choosing rather to perish innocent 
than live traitors. If to what already thou hast decreed 
against us, thou wilt add more, be it fire, or torture, or 
the sword, we are ready for it. We are Christians, and 
such as ourselves we cannot persecute. Consider, O 


i “ Milites sumus, imperator, tui: sed tamen servi (quod libere fatemur) Dei 
Tibi militiam debemus, illi innocentiam. A testipendium laboris accepimus ; ab 
illo vite exordium sumpsimus. Sequi imperatorem in hoc nequaquam possu- 
mus, ut authorem nostrum negemus Deum; authorem, velis nolis, tuum.” 

k “Non nos adversum te, imperator, armavit ipsa, que fortissima est in pe- 
riculis, desperatio. Tenemus ecce arma, et non resistimus: quia mori magis 
quam vincere volumus, et innocentes interire quam noxii vivere preoptamus. 
Siquid in nos ultra statueris, ignem, tormenta, ferrum; subjici parati sumus. 
Christiani sumus, persequi Christianos non possumus. Inexpugnabiles legionis 
istius animos, Cesar, agnosce. Tela projicimus : exarmatas quidem dexteras sa- 
telles tuus, sed armatum fide Catholica pectus inveniet. Occide, prosterne: 
secandas gladiis persecutoribus cervices preebemus intrepidi.” Eucher. Lugdu- 
nens. in Actis martyrum Agaunensium, tom. 5. Surii, Septemb. 22. 


OF THE PRINCE. 403 


Cesar, the courage of this legion. Our weapons we cast 
away: and thy executioner shall find our hands unarmed, 
but our breasts he shall find armed with the Catholic 
faith. Kill us, down with us: without all fear we offer 
our necks to be cut off by the swords that are appointed 
to slay us.” And so “ were! they all put to the sword, 
not any way gainsaying or resisting; but, with their wea- 
pons laid down, giving their necks, and offering their 
throats or naked bodies unto the persecutors.” 

Not unlike was the case of the martyrs that afterwards 
sutfered under Sapor king of Persia; in whose name Jo- 
seph answered thus to Zeroth that sat in judgment upon 
him: ‘* We™ have given up ourselves like sheep unto the 
slaughter ; as having learned to be subject to all higher 
powers.” And that Christ’s Church militant in general 
had very well learned this lesson of passive obedience, 
that place of St. Augustine may sufficiently declare unto 
us : ‘ Neither" then did the city of Christ, although as yet 
it were a pilgrim upon earth, but had armies nevertheless 
of great peoples appertaining unto it, fight for their tem- 
poral safety against their wicked persecutors ; but rather, 
that it might obtain eternal happiness, made no resistance 
at all. They were bound, they were shut up in prison, 
they were beaten, they were tortured, they were burned, 
they were slaughtered, they were cut in pieces; and yet 
were multiplied :” together with the testimony of Lactan- 
tius, who was himself an eye-witness of that terrible per- 


' “ Caedebantur itaque passim gladiis, non reclamantes saltem aut repugnan- 
tes, sed et depositis armis cervices persecutoribus prebentes, et jugulum vel in- 
tectum corpus offerentes.” Adonis Martyrolog. X. Calend. Octobr. 

m “ Nos enim nos ipsos tanquam oves tradidimus ad occisionem ; ut qui didi- 
cerimus esse subjecti omnibus potestatibus.’’ Acta 55. Acepsime, Josephi et 
Acithale ; apud Simeon. Metaphrast. Novemb. 3. tom. 5. Lipomani, fol. 18. 
fin. 

n “ Neque tune civitas Christi, quamvis adhuc peregrinaretur in terris, et ha- 
beret tamen magnorum agmina populorum, adversus impios persecutores suos pro 
temporali salute pugnavit, sed potius, ut obtineret zternam, non repugnavit. Li- 
gabantur, includebantur, cedebantur, torquebantur, urebantur, laniabantur, tru- 
cidabantur, et multiplicabantur. Non erat eis pro salute pugnare nisi salutem 
pro Salvatore contemnere.” August. de civit. Dei, lib, 22. cap. 6. 


HH 2 


404 THE POWER 


secution raised by Diocletian and Maximian. ‘‘ Where- 
as° we suffer such terrible things, we do not resist so 
much as with a word; but leave the revenge to God.” 
Whereof he wished the persecutors to make this use: 
“‘ Whereas? from the rising of the sun to the fall thereof 
the divine law hath been received, and every sex, every 
age, and people, and country, with united and equal minds 
do serve God; the same patience is found every where, 
the same contempt of death: they ought to understand 
there is some reason in the matter, that not without cause 
it should thus be defended unto the death; and there is 
some foundation and solidity therein, that persecution 
doth not only, by the injuries and vexations thereof, not 
dissolve this religion, but also increase it continually and 
make it firmer.” 

Neither was this patience of the saints seen only in the 
primitive persecutions, wherein the imperial edicts armed 
the infidel people for the extirpation of Christianity : but 
also, after that Constantine the Great had abolished those 
bloody acts, and enacted other laws for the liberty of the 
Church of God, the like subjection was constantly con- 
tinued ; as well under the Arian emperors, who, retain- 
ing the title of Christians, did endeavour with all their 
power to advance that damnable heresy, but also under 
Julian himself, who utterly revolted from the very profes- 
sion of the name of Christ. For this man at first shewed 
such zeal in the embracing of our religion, that he’, with 


° “Cum tam nefanda perpetimur, ne verbo quidem reluctamur: sed Deo 
remittimus ultionem.” Lactant. institut. lib. 5. cap. 21. 

P “Cum ab ortu solis usque ad occasum lex divina suscepta sit, et omnis 
sexus, omnis ztas, et gens, et regio unitis ac paribus animis Deo serviant; eadem 
sit ubique patientia, idem contemptus mortis: intelligere debuerant, aliquid in 
ea re esse rationis, quod non sine causa usque ad mortem defendatur, aliquid 
fundamenti ac soliditatis, quod eam religionem non tantum injuriis ac vexatione 
non solvat, sed augeat semper et faciat firmiorem.”’ Lactant. institut. lib. 5. 
cap. 21. 

4 Ty pév ye kAQow PepovTec éavTode tyxarieéay, Wore Tag Oeiac vTa- 
vayiwooKey TH ap BiBAove, oddEVdE EXaTTOY Eic Jd~aY adToig TOUTO Ei- 
pat vomiZoyrec, GAG Kai TavTwY pEiZoy KaddwTopa, THY EboZBELaY. 
Gregor. Nazianzen. orat. 1. in Julian. 


OF THE PRINCE. 405 


Gallus his kinsman, (although of the blood royal) thought 
it no scorn to take upon him the office of reading the holy 
Scriptures unto the people in the church : and howsoever 
he afterwards secretly’ withdrew himself, and adhered to 
the devilish superstition of the Pagans; yet at his first en- 
trance into the public government, he pretended still to be 
a Christian, and for the further manifestation thereof, 
upon the sixth day of January, which we call the Epi- 
phany, he repaired unto the church of the Christians, and 
there joined with them in God’s public worship. But 
when shortly after he had declared himself to be an open 
enemy unto the faith of Christ, the Christian soldiers, of 
whom the main bulk of his army did consist (as appeareth 
by their general acclamation unto Jovianus recorded in the 
ecclesiastical history’, when upon the death of Julian, he 
was made emperor in his room) did not thereupon revolt 
from him, as he had done from Christ ; but held them- 
selves still tied in conscience to ‘‘ render unto Cesar the 
things that were Czsar’s, as to God the things that were 
God’s.”  “ Juliant was an unbelieving emperor,” saith 
St. Augustine. ‘‘ Was he not an apostate, an oppressor, 
anidolater? Christian soldiers did serve that unbelieving 
emperor. When they came to the cause of Christ, they 
would acknowledge no lord but him that is in heaven. 
When he would have them to worship idols, and to offer 
incense, they preferred God before him. But when he 
said, go forth to fight, invade such a nation, they present- 
ly obeyed. They did distinguish their eternal lord from 
their temporal: and yet were they subject even to their 
temporal lord for his sake that was their lord eternal.” 


* “ Utque omnes nullo impediente ad sui favorem illiceret, adherere cultui 
Christiano fingebat, a quo jam pridem occulte desciverat arcanorum participibus 
paucis aruspicine auguriisque intentus, et cwteris que Deorum semper fecere 
cultores. Et ut hec interim celarentur, feriarum die quem celebrantes mense 
Januario Christiani Epiphaniam dictitant, progressus in eorum ecclesiam, solen- 
niter numine orato discessit.’’ Ammian. Marcellin. histor. lib. 21. 

§ Rufin. lib. 2. histor. eccl. cap. 1. Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 22. Theod. lib. 4. cap. 1. 

* “ Julianus extitit infidelis imperator. Nonne extitit apostata, iniquus, idolo- 
latra? Milites Christiani servierunt imperatori infideli. Ubi veniebatur ad 
causam Christi, non agnoscebant nisi illum qui in ceelis est. Quando volebat ut 


AG THE POWER . 


And what kind of weapons the other Christians used 
(who were the far stronger part of the empire) against the 
present injuries which he offered unto them, and the more 
grievous afflictions which he intended afterwards to bring 
upon them; Gregory Nazianzen declareth, when he 
sheweth that “ they" were repressed by God’s mercy and 
the Christians’ tears, which were many and shed by many, 
as having no other remedy against that persecutor.” ‘ For 
we*,” saith he, “‘ unto whom no weapon, nor bulwark, nor 
any other defence was left but only our hope in God, all 
human succour being utterly taken away and cut off from 
us ; whom else could we have, either hearer of our prayer, 
or stopper of the things that were threatened against us, 
but him that sweareth against the pride of Jacob?” And 
when that miserable man’s wrath was gone, and_ those 
great thoughts of his perished with him, this grave father 
doth thus magnify God’s exceeding great goodness unto 
his supplants ; ‘“‘ What’ great preparation of arms, and 
plotting of projects, could have wrought such things ? 
how many thousands of men and orderings of armies? as 
only we supplicating, and God using his own pleasure, 
hath brought to pass.” 

Among the Arian emperors the prime persecutors of 
the Cotholics was Constantius, the son of the great Con- 
stantme : unto whom the orthodox Christians, where they 
could not tender their active, did readily present their pas- 


idola colerent, ut thurificarent, preponebant illi Deum. Quando autem dicebat, 
Producite aciem, ite contra illam gentem ; statim obtemperabant. Distingue- 
bant dominum zternum a domino temporali: et tamen subditi erant, propter 
dominum zternum, etiam domino temporali.” August. in Psal. 124. 

0 ’Exeoyxidn O& TY TOU OEod PiravOpwrig Kai Tolg XPLOTLAVaY OaKkpvoL, 
di moda O& Kai Epi TONAGY EXbOH, TOUTO pbvOY EXOvTwWY KaTa TOU OLwOK- 
rov dappakov. Greg. Nazianzen. orat. 1. in Julian. 

x “Hysic dé oi¢ kai O7Aov Kat Teixoc, Kai GAO TAY apvyTHpLOY, 4 TPdC 
Tov Ody Eric dredetreETO, Tacay aVOpwTivyY TEPLYPHPEVOLC Kal TEPtKE- 
KOmpéevore Exukoupiay TavTaTase Tiva apa évEpov i THE EVXHE aKpoaTHY 
}) Kwdury rey amedoupsvon ery Euedopev, } Toy buvvovTa Kara TiC 
‘LakwB Ody brrepngaviac. Greg. Nazianzen. orat. 2. in eund. 

Y locate ratra carimpatay av Omwy TapacKevai Kai pnXaYvnparwy 
itivota ;* roca pupiadec avdpav Kai padayyec; boa tKkeTEbovTEC POvOY 
mpeg Kai Ode BourAnOEic KaTEtpyaoaro. Greg. Nazianzen. orat. 2. in eund. 


OF THE PRINCE. 407 


sive obedience: acknowledging his power to be from God, 
to whose judgment therefore they referred him ; without 
the least thought of defending themselves and the truth 
of the religion which they professed, by any violent oppo- 
sition or taking up arms against their sovereign. ‘ Cease’ 
to persecute the Christians, do not labour by our means 
to bring impiety into the Church. We are ready to suffer 
all things, rather than be called Arians: compel not us, 
who are Christians to be accounted fighters against Christ. 
This is our counsel unto thee. Fight not against him 
that hath given this empire unto thee ; do not, instead of 
thanks, requite him with impiety. Persecute not them 
which believe in him; lest thou also hear, It is hard to 
kick against the pricks.” Thus freely did Liberius bi- 
shop of Rome encounter the heretical emperor : resisting 
him no otherwise, but with the ready submittal of himself 
to that banishment which he was assured beforehand was 
determined for him. In the like manner Hosius, that old 
confessor, beginneth his stout, but dutiful, letter which 
he wrote unto him. ‘ I? was a confessor at first, when 
the persecution was raised by your grandfather Maxi- 
mian: and if you do also persecute me, I am now also 
ready to endure any thing rather than shed innocent blood 
and betray the truth.” Afterwards he putteth him in 
mind of his mortality, and of the day of judgment : ac- 
knowledging in the mean time that he had received from 
God his imperial sovereignty, and therefore whosoever 
did detract any thing from thence, should therein oppose 


3 = de A aa ey Me 5 ORC RDC ARAN spe bis ns 
ILatvoa duwxwy yprotiavode, uy 7Elpace Ov NOY Eloagae TY AOEPELAY 


cic THY éxkAnolay. TavTa bropévery topiv Eroimoe 7 Apecopavirac KyOH- 
val. XptoTiavovde dvTac Hpac py avayKale XpioTopaxoue KrAHOiVat. TOUTO 
cai coi oVpPovrAEVopev, My paxov mpdc Toy DedwKdra Got THY apXHY TAd- 
THY, pay aT evXapLoTiag aoEBHoYC Eig adTOY. pr) OlwKE TOC TLOTEVOYTAL 
Eig aUTOY, pH Akoboye Kai od, EKAypdv oor TPdE kévtpa AakTiZev. Libe- 
rius ad Constantium, apud Athanas. in epist. ad solitar. vit. agentes, op. tom, 1. 
pag. 367. 

@ Ey piv opodoynoa kai td mpaTor, bre Swypoe yéyovEY emi TY Ta7- 
xp cov Matquavp. Hi dé cai ob pe OudKetc, Eroupoc Kai viv Tay OTLOiv 
dropévery i éxkevovy a0pov aipa Kat mpodwWovar THY aAnOeLay. Hosius, 
initio epistole ad Constantium, apud Athanas. in epist. ad solitar. vit. agentes, 
Op. tom 1. pag. 370. 


408 THE POWER 


God’s ordinance: as we have heard heretofore. For 
which readiness of suffering, that general protestation of 
the people of Alexandria is not here to be forgotten, “If 
it be the emperor’s command that we should be persecu- 
ted, we are all ready to suffer martyrdom. But if there 
be no such thing, we do beseech Maximus the governor 
of Egypt and all the magistrates, that they would entreat 
his Majesty such things may not be attempted against 
WSs, 

To this patient submission unto whatsoever pressure 
should be imposed upon them by the authority which God 
had placed over them, his servants added most humble 
supplications ; seconded with most earnest prayers for the 
welfare of the persecuting emperor. Hence came that of 
St. Hilary unto him; “Your® mild nature, most blessed 
lord, agreeth with your gracious disposition. And be- 
cause mercy doth flow abundantly from the fountain of 
your fatherly godliness ; that which we entreat for, we as- 
sure ourselves we shall easily obtain. We beseech you, 
not only with words but also with tears, that the Catholic 
Church be no longer oppressed with grievous injuries, and 
endure intolerable persecutions and contumelies, and that, 
which is most foul, even of our brethren. Let* your cle- 
mency permit the people to have such teachers as they 
like, such as they think well of, such as they choose: and 
let them solemnize the divine mysteries, and offer prayers 
for your safety and happiness :” and that of the twenty 


b El pév ody mpdoraypa tore OweecOar Htc, ETotpor TAaYTEC papTUpi)- 
cat ci Of pH ict. TOU AvyovoTou TpdoTaypa, akwipev tov Exapxov Thc 
Aiyirrov Mdémoy, cai robe wohirevtadc wavrac, Géioar adTov, wyKETe 
rotaura émexeipyoat. Populi Alexandrini Protestatio, tom. 1. oper. Athanas. 
pag. 395. ; 

¢ “ Benignifica natura tua, domine beatissime Auguste, cum benigna volun- 
tate concordat. Et quoniam de fonte paterne pietatis tue misericordia largiter 
profiuit ; quod rogamus, facile nos impetrare posse confidimus. Non solum 
verbis sed etiam lacrymis deprecamur, ne diutius Catholice ecclesiz gravissimis 
injuriis afficiantur ; et intolerabiles sustineant persecutiones et contumelias, et 
quod est nefarium, a fratribus nostris.” Hilar, ad Constantium, lib, 2. 

4 « Permittat lenitas tua populis, ut quos voluerint, quos putaverint, quos ele- 
gerint, audiant docentes et divina mysteriorum solennia concelebrent, et pro in- 
columitate, et beatitudine tua offerant preces.” Hilar. ad Constantium, lib. 2. 


OF THE PRINCE. 409 


bishops of the west, in the conclusion of the first letters 
which they wrote unto him from the synod held at Ari- 
minum: ‘‘ We beseech you that you cause us not to 
stay from our charges, but that® the bishops together 
with their own people may with peace employ themselves 
in prayers and the service of God; making supplications 
for your kingdom, safety, and peace, in which the divine 
Majesty long preserve you.” And of the second likewise : 
** Again’ we beseech your clemency, our lord and king, of 
God most beloved, that before the sharpness of the win- 
ter, if it so please your godliness, you command us to re- 
turn to our churches: that we may together with the 
people accomplish our accustomed prayers to the Almighty 
God, and our Lord and Saviour Christ his only begotten 
son for your empire ; as we have always heretofore done, 
and now continue still to do.” And how ample those 
prayers were which the true Christians made for the wel- 
fare and long continuance of him and his posterity, that 
which is yet extant, of Cyril’ bishop. of Jerusalem, may 
sufficiently demonstrate. 


€"Tya otézioxotot oy Toig tdiowe Aaotc per ElONYNC Eic EVKXaCTE Kai Na- 
Tpeiac TXOAHY GyoLeV, ikeTEvOVTEC UTEP TiC ONC BacirElag Kai owTNpPiac 
kai sipnvync hy 1 Oedrne oor cic TO OtnveKéc Yapietrat. Epist. 1. synod. 
Ariminens. ad Constantium, apud Athanas. in epist. de synodis Arimin. et Se- 
leuc. Sozomen. lib. 4. cap. 18. et Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 37. 

f Tdduy ony THy ditavOpuriay akwiperv, Kip Oeopidtorare Baordev, 
Smwc TPO THC TPAXUTNTOC THY KEMwWYWY, EiTED ApETELE TH OF) EvoEBEIG, 
Kedevoetc pac eic Tac HmeTépac ExcAyotac éravedOEiy, Urip TOU dbvacbat 
pac Tp WavroKparoo. Gep Kai TY OeoTTY Kai CwrHpe ypmav Xpisr~p vip 
povoyevei, vip TIC aio Baowkiac, Tag 2Dimove EvXaC PETA TOY NadY 
amomAnpouy, KaQwe kat det érereNecapery Kai viv éxopevot. Epist. 2. Sy- 
nod. Arimines. apud Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 37. 

& [Xprorov] ry OvvdperKnai ry xapari oe Ppovpodpevoy AapTporépore TE 
cai peiZociv evoeBeiac tumpétovra KaTop0wpacw vidyTe yvysioy Baot- 
kaic évaBpuvopevoy Braorhnpaciy. AvToc 6 tapPaorrede Oedc, 0 TaTHC 
ayaQwabtvnc Tapoxoe woARaic éraY sipnyiKaic Teptddoic, KaLXHpa Xpio- 
Tiavoic kai Kopp cbprrarre pudAaEY TavaicLoY, EPPwpLEVOY Kai Tay KEKOo- 
pévoy apery, kai THY cuvHONn THY TE dyiwy EkKAnoLdY Kai Tig “Pwpatwy 
apxie THY GravOpwriay trWeKvipevoy, Kai peiloow evosBetac BpaBetorc 
Aaprpvvopevoy, TODatlc eipnricaic érdv TEprddotc 6 THY Owy Oso Hpi 
xaplonrac ravaiowy, Aiyouore Bacwed Ocopiréorare. Cyril. Hierosolym. 
. in fin. epist. ad Constantium. 


410 THE POWER 


We have yet remaining the apology of Athanasius arch- 
bishop of Alexandria unto the same Constantius: wherein 
he cleareth himself of four accusations that were laid to 
his charge. 

I. That he had used some evil language against this 
emperor unto his brother Constans. 

II. That he wrote letters to Magnentius, who rebelled 
against and murdered the said Constans. 

III. That he celebrated public prayers in the great 
church of Alexandria before it was dedicated, 

IV. That he obeyed not the emperor’s command, re- 
quiring him to part from Alexandria. 

Where to the first his answer is this: “ I" am not mad, 
O king, neither have I forgotten the voice of God, which 
saith, Curse not the king, no not in thine heart.” 

For the repelling of the second, he draweth an argument 
from the public prayers which he made for Constantius 
himself; in whom he could not but contemplate (as ina 
glass) the image of Constans his brother. And ‘ Witness’ 
hereof,” saith he, ‘‘is first the Lord, who heard us and grant- 
ed unto you the entire empire which was left unto you by 
your ancestors: then those who at that time were present. 
For the words I used were only these: Let us pray for the 
welfare of the most religious emperor Constantius: and 
presently the whole people with one voice cried, O Christ, 
be favourable. unto Constantius: and so continued a long 
time, thus praying.” And then concludes: “ Let* truth 
take place with you, and leave not such a suspicion upon 


h Od patvopat, Bacded, ov0: trehaDopyy Tijc Oeiac Pwvigc Aeyovanc, Katye 

éy ovVELOnoE cov Bactréa py) KaTapacy, &c. Athanas. in apologia ad Con- 
‘stantium. Op. tom. 1. pag. 296. 

' Maprupec rovTwr, mpoyyoupéivwc pév 6 Kvptoc, 6 éxaxoboag Kai xapt- 
odpevoc ON6KANPOY oot Ek TpoyovwY Bacireiay. wapTUpEc OF Kai ot TOTE Tap- 
ovTsc’ povoy yap éXeyov, EvéwpeOa repi rhe owrnpiac Tov eboeBecrarov 
Avyovorou Kwyorartiov. kai mac 6 ade evOdE pig wry) EBda, Xproré Bon- 
Oec Kwvoraytiov: cai Oupevey ottwe evxopevoc. Athanas. in apologia ad 
Constantium. Ibid. pag. 301. 

K Kparsirw 7) adnOeva rapa coi, kai py adye UTOvOLay KaTa TAaONE ék- 
Kdnoiac yeveoOar, We ToratTa Bovropévwy Kai ypapoyTwy xXpLoTLaVay, Kai 
pariora Twy émtoKkdmwy. Athanas. in apolog, ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 302. 


OF THE PRINCE. 411 


the whole Church, as though such things as these should 
be thought on or written by Christians, and especially by 
bishops.” 

As for the third, he confesseth indeed he did so, being 
urged! thereunto by the importunity of the people, who 
earnestly pressed that they might all pray for the wel- 
fare of the emperor, in that church which he himself had 
builded ; being ready otherwise to go out of the city, and 
to assemble themselves in the deserts, at the solemnity of 
Kaster, which at that time was celebrated. ‘ And™ you, 
O king, most beloved of God,” saith he, ‘‘ where would 
you have had the people stretch out their hands and pray 
for you? there where the Pagans did pass by, or in that 
place which bore your own name; and which then, or 
rather from the laying of the first foundation thereof, all 
men did call a kirk?” and then turning his speech unto 
our blessed Saviour, “O° Lord Christ,” saith he, ‘* who 
art indeed the king of kings, the only begotten Son of 
God, the word and wisdom of the Father, because the 
people have implored thy goodness, and by thee called 
upon thy Father, who is God over all, for the welfare of 
thy most religious servant Constantius, Iam now accused :” 
and to the emperor again, ‘‘ You°® do not forbid, but are 


1 Tév éxxcAnolwy ddiywrv Kai BoaxuTarwy oiowy, O6pUvBoe Ay obK dXé- 
yoc, agvovytwy ty Ty peyady éxcAycia ouvedOeiv, KgKet TavTac ebyecOat 
kai Umip THC Cwrnpiac, OEP Kai yéyovey. Athanas. in apologia ad Constan- 
tium. Op. tom. 1. pag. 303. 

m Dv dé, OeodidéoraTe Baowrsv, ov To'c Aaodc av HOEdEC ExTEtvVaL Tac 
Xtipac Kai ebEacOa TEpi cov; EvOa Kai“EAnvec toravrar Tapepyopevor, 
h tv TQ irovipy cov ré7w ; Oy HON, wadoy Of Kai dpaT@~ Oepweriv, kupra- 
Koy wavrec Ovopazouc.. Athanas. in apologia ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 304. 

1 °O déorora katadnOdc Baoisd roy BaoilevovTwy XooTé, vie TOU Oeod 
povoyevic, Oye Kai codia Tov Tlarpoc, éwedy TY ony dravOpwriay 6 
Aade EvEaTO, Kai Oia Gov Toy ody TaTEpa TOY imi TavTwY OEY TapEKa- 
Nese, Tepl TiC owrnpiac ToU cov YeparovTog TOU evoEBEcTaTOY Kwyoray- 
Tiov, KaTHyopovpat. Athanas. in apologia ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 305. 

© OU KwAdveEtc, ara OEdELe TavTac EdXETAAL, EWC OTL TaYTUWY eoTiV Eby?) 
owlecOat oe kai Bacwever év tipnyvy OtaTayToc. tyw pév ody Kai TadTa 
mpoc Toy KaTeiTovTa aTodUpopat. Ld dé, Oeopiiéorare AUyouoTe, Choevac 
TodNaic ETHy TEpLodote, Kat Ta éyKaivia EmiTEhEoELac’ al yap yEevouEVvar Ta- 
pa TavTwWY TEP THC ONC cwrnpiac Eyal obK EprodiZoveL THY THY éyKas- 
viwy maynyvow. Athanas. in apologia ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 306. 


412 THE POWER 


willing that all men should pray, knowing that this is the 
prayer of all, that you may live in safety and continually 
reign in peace. And this is the expostulation which I 
make against my accuser. But as for you, O emperor of 
God most beloved, many circuits of years I pray you may 
live, and accomplish the dedication of this church. For 
those prayers that are made therein for your welfare, do 
not a whit hinder the solemnity of the dedication.” 

Lastly, to the fourth charge he answereth peremptorily : 
“« IP did not oppose the command of your Majesty. God 
forbid. Iam not such a man as would oppose the very 
treasurer of the city, much less so great an emperor.” ‘14 
was not somad as to gainsay such a command of yours.” 
«‘ And I‘ neither did oppose the command of your majesty, 
nor will now attempt to enter into Alexandria, until you of 
your humanity be pleased I shall so do.” 

We find this also recorded in the ecclesiastical history 
as a discreet speech of Aphraates a zealous Christian; 
that when Valens, another Arian emperor, demanded of 
him whither he went, he made answer, he was going to 
« pray® for his empire.” And: yet how miserably the 
Church was afflicted under his government, St. Basil, be- 
side many others, bemoaneth at large in sundry of his 
epistles: prescribingt herein no other remedy, but con- 
stancy in maintaining, and ‘patience in suffering for the 
truth. In both which how forward he shewed himself to 
be, may appear by that resolute answer which he made to 
Modestus the governor of his country. ‘“ In" other things 


P Ob« avTécTHY TPosTayparLTic onc evoeBElac. py yEvolTO. ov yap TH- 
AucovToc Huyny, a Kai oyrory TOEWC AYTLOTO, MNTLYE THALKOUTY Bacurel. 
Athanas. in apolog. ad Constantium. Op. tom. 1. pag. 307. 

4 Ob yap tpawopny avremety TOLOUTW COV TpooTaypaTt. Athanas. in 
apologia ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 308. 

© Obre yap avréoryny TpooTaypare THC OC evoePelac. ovTE vy sic’ ANéé - 
avopevay sioehOeiy Treipaow, Ewe 1) 67) PtAavOpwria TovTO Botdera. Atha- 
nas. in apologia ad Constantium. Ibid. pag. 311. 

* ‘Yip rij¢ ong mposeveouevog Baorreiac. Theodor. hist. eccles. lib. 4. 
cap. 26. 

t Vide Basil. epist. 71.ad Alexandrinos. 

u TédXa piv equecketg ypetc, Urapxe, Kat mavTdg adAov ramewdrepor, 


OF THE PRINCE. 413 


we are mild, and more humble than any other, (God’s law 
so commanding us) and lift not up our brow against any of 
the meanest, much less against so great power. But, 
where the cause of God is in danger, we neglect all other 
things, and look only unto him. Fire, and sword, and 
beasts, and hooks that tear our flesh, are matter of rejoic- 
ing to us rather then terror. Beside all this; upbraid, 
threaten, do unto us what ever pleaseth thee, employ thine 
authority. Let the emperor also hear of this: that thou 
shalt not overcome us, nor persuade us to consent to im- 
piety; although thou shouldest threaten unto us far hea- 
vier things than these.” This speech of his is related by 
Gregory Nazianzen, in the oration which he made upon 
his death: and the general rule of obedience is thus re- 
commended unto us by Gregory himself: ‘ This* is one 
of our laws, and of those laudable ones and most excel- 
lently ordained by the Spirit of God (who knew best how 
to temper his law with the mixture of what was possible 
to us and honest in itself) that as servants should be obe- 
dient to their masters, and wives to their husbands, and 
the Church to our Lord, and disciples to their pastors 
and teachers: so should we also be subject to all higher 
_ powers, not only for the fear of punishment, but also for 
conscience’ sake.” 

The next emperor infected with the heresy of Arius, 
was Valentinian the younger: with whom St. Ambrose 


TOUTO TiC EVTOAC KEEVOUONC, Kai uy OTL TOTOUTW KpaTEL, NAG pdt TOY 
TUXOYTWY éEvi THY ddpvY aiporTec. Ob Jt BEdE TO KLVOUYEVEMEVOY TAG TE- 
pippovovvrec Tpdc EavToy povoy Bdémopev. lve d2 Kai Eidoc Kat OApec 
kai ob Tac capkac Tépvoytec bvuxEc, TPUG? PaOVY Hiv EloLy, 7) KaTA- 
mnie. Tpdc TavTa VBpiZe, aTreEideL, Tole TAY 6, TLAaY 7 Povropév Cot, 
Tic EEovoiag amddave, akovéTw TavTa kai Baoirsdc, WE Hpac ye ov aipn- 
Ec, OVOE TrEloELC GUVOECMaL TH AoEBEia, KAY ATEAW XarerWTEpa. Gre- 
gor. Nazianzen. orat. 20. in funere Basilii. 

x "Hort kal ovTo¢ ig TOY METEMWY VOMWY, Kai OUTOS THY éraLVOpévwY 
kai Kad\NOTa OvaTeTaypivor TY TvEbpart (76 OUVaToy pEéTa TOU Kado OoKI- 
pacayre Kai vomobernoavtt) Worep Dovovc Urakovey ETT OTALC, Kai yu- 
vaixac avdpact, Kai Kupip ray éccdnoiay, kai pabyrac rotpéot Kai wWac- 
Kado’ ovTw Of Kat macatc tovoiac jrEpexovoatc VroTdocEGOa, ov 
povoy dia THY bpynv, adrAG Kai Ova THY cuVEidnoy. Gregor. Nazianzen. 
orat. 17. ad cives timore perculsos. 


414 “THE POWER 


had to do: who yet, as the ecclesiastical history noteth, 
“didY not defend himself by his hand or his weapon; 
but with fastings and continual watchings remaining under 
God’s altar, by his prayers procured God to be a defen- 
der both of him and his Church ;” from which spirit pro- 
ceeded that speech of his to his flock at Milan; ‘* Wil- 
lingly? I will never forsake you; being constrained I know 
not how to make opposition. I can sorrow, I can weep, I 
can sigh: against armour, soldiers and Goths, tears are 
my weapons: for such is the munition of a priest. In any 
other manner I ought not nor cannot resist;” and to the 
emperor's officers: ‘‘ If*my patrimony be the thing sought 
for, take it: ifmy body, I will be ready: Will you hale 
me unto prison, or unto death? you shall do me a plea- 
sure. I will not guard myself with multitudes of people: 
I will not lay hold upon the altar to entreat for life ; but 
will more willingly myself be sacrificed for the altars ;” 
and to the notary: ‘ Deliver? up my Church I may not : 
but fight [ ought not.” And when it® was required of him 
that he should appease the fury of the people; his answer 
was, that “it lay in his power not to incite them, but in 
the hand of God to mitigate them.” And yet how little 
cause the others had to fear that people, whom St. Am- 
brose had so well instructed in their duty towards their 


y “ Neque se manu defensavit aut telo; sed jejuniis continuisque vigiliis sub 
altari positus, per obsecrationes defensorem sibi atque Ecclesia Deum paravit.” 
Rufin. hist. ecclesiast. lib, 2. cap. 26. 

z “ Volens nunquam vos deseram, coactus repugnare non novi. Dolere po- 
tero, potero flere, potero gemere ; adversus arma, milites, Gothos quoque la- 
chrymez mez arma sunt. Talia enim munimenta sunt sacerdotis. Aliter nec de- 
beo, nec possum resistere.”” Ambros. in orat. de Basilic. non tradend. contra 
Auxentium. Op. tom. 1. pag. 864. 

a “ Si patrimonium petitur, invadite: si corpus, occurram. Vultis in vincula 
rapere? Vultis in mortem? voluptati est mihi. Non mihi me vallabo circum- 
fusione populorum, nec altaria tenebo vitam obsecrans, sed pro altaribus gratius 
immolabor.” Ambros. ad Marcellinam sororem, epist. 20. op. tom. 1. pag. 854. 

> “ Tradere basilicam non possum, sed pugnare non debeo.” Ambros. ad 
Marcellinam sororem Ibid. pag. 858. 

° “Exigebatur a me ut compescerem populum, Referebam, in meo jure 
esse ut non excitarem, in Dei manu ut mitigaret.’ Ambros. ad Marcellinam 
sororem. Ibid. pag. 855. 


OF THE PRINCE. 415 


prince; the general acclamation made by them, and by 
him ascribed to the very inspiration of the Holy Ghost, 
may testify to all posterity. For “‘ what®” saith he, “ could 
more excellently have been said by Christian men, than 
that which the Holy Ghost spake in you this day? We 
make request, O emperor, we fight not: afraid we are not, 
but yet we entreat. This” saith that good bishop to his 
disciples, ‘‘ doth beseem Christians ; that both the tran- 
quillity of peace should be desired by them, and their con- 
stancy in the faith and truth should not be deserted, no 
not with the peril of death.” 

And as in the empire, so in those other kingdoms 
which were under the government of Arian princes, their 
orthodox subjects were careful to yield unto them all du- 
tiful observance, acknowledging their power to have been 
given them by God; and, in that respect, as heartily 
praying for the continuance of their state and dignity, as 
they did for the abolishing and extinguishing of their he- 
resy. For proof whereof we need go no further than to 
the books written by Fulgentius unto Thrasimundus king 
of the Vandals in Africa ; and the council of Agatha, held 
under Alaric king of the Goths in France. ~ For about 
the beginning, of his first book Fulgentius thus maketh his 
entrance unto the Arian persecutor. ‘‘ When® we answer 
freely for our faith, as far as God hath given us ability to 
do; we ought not to be taxed with any suspicion of con- 
tumacy or contumely: seeing we are not unmindful of the 
regal dignity, and know that we must fear God and honour 


1 “ Quid prestantius dici potuit a Christianis viris quam id quod hodie in vo- 
bis Spiritus sanctus est locutus ? Rogamus Auguste, non pugnamus : non time- 
mus, sed rogamus. Hoc Christianos decet, ut et tranquillitas pacis optetur, et 
fidei veritatisque constantia nec mortis revocetur periculo.” Ambr. ad Marcel- 
linam sororem, epist. 20. op. tom. 1. pag. 855. 

© “ Cum pro nostra fide, in quantum facultatem divinitus accepimus, libere 
respondemus, nulla contumacize seu contumeliz debemus suspicatione notari : 
eum nec regiz simus dignitatis immemores, sciamusque Deo timorem, honorem 
regibys esse exhibendum ; apostolica ita nos premonente doctrina, &c. Com- 
petens igitur mansuetudinis tue deferimus honoris obsequium, cui regalis api- 
cem culminis divina cernimus largitate collatum.’”’ Fulgent. ad Thrasimundum 
regem, lib, 1. 


416 THE POWER 


kings ; according to the apostle’s doctrine. We therefore 
render all due obedience of honour unto your grace ; unto 
whom we see the top of regal eminency hath been con- 
ferred by the divine liberality:” and towards the end of 
his last book concludes with this submiss and religious ad- 
monition to him: ‘ I‘ beseech you, O glorious king, that 
you would consider in yourself the largeness of the divine 
gift, and not diminish the power of him who bestoweth the 
same upon you: that he who hath given you this kingdom 
temporal, may give you also that which is eternal.” The 
preamble of the council of Agatha, wherein the Catholic 
bishops pray for the prosperity of their Arian king, is this: 
‘© When! the holy synod in the name of God and by per- 
mission of the king, had met in the city of Agatha, and we 
had set ourselves down in the church of St. Andrew; we 
there, with knees bended on the ground, did pray for his 
kingdom and the long continuance of his people; that as 
he had granted us liberty to assemble ourselves, so God 
would extend his kingdom with happiness, govern it with 
justice, and protect it with virtue.” 

Thus stood things hitherto, and a long while after, until 
the following times of darkness obscured this truth; so 
far, that in the days of the emperor Henry III. (or IV. as 
others number him) that wicked innovation was brought 
in, whereof Sigebert maketh this mention in his chronicle : 
** That’ I may speak with the leave of all good men, this 


f “ Queso, gloriose rex, ut in te consideres largitatem divini muneris, et po- 
testatem non minuas largitoris ; ut qui tibi temporale donavit regnum, donet 
etiam sempiternum.” Fulgent. ad Thrasimundum regem, in fine lib. 3. ad 
eund. 

§ “ Cum in Dei nomine ex permissu regis in Agathensem civitatem sancta 
synodus convenisset, et in S. Andrez basilica consedissemus ; ibique flexis geni- 
bus in terra, pro longeevitate populi deprecaremur, ut qui nobis congregationis 
permiserat potestatem, regnum ejus Dominus felicitate extenderet, justitia gu- 
bernaret, virtute protegeret,” &c. Procem. synodi Agathensis. 

h “ Ut pace omnium bonorum dixerim, hc sola novitas, ne dicam heresis, 
necdum in mundo emerserat, ut sacerdotes illius (qui dicit regi apostata, et qui 
regnare facit hypocritam propter peccata populi,) doceant populum quod malis 
regibus nullam debeant subjectionem, et licet ei sacramentum fidelitatis fecerint, 


OF THE PRINCE. 417 


mere novelty (that I say not heresy) was not yet risen up 
in the world; that the priests of God (who saith to a king, 
remove; and who maketh an hypocrite to reign, for the 
sins of the people) should teach the people that they owe 
no subjection to wicked kings, and albeit they have given 
an oath of fidelity unto them, yet they owe no fidelity to 
them, nor are to be accounted perjured though they hold 
against the king: nay, he that obeyeth the king shall be 
held as excommunicated, and he that opposeth the king 
shall be absolved from the guilt of injustice and perjury.” 
Of which schismatical novelty, introduced by Satan‘ new- 
ly loosed, the clergymen of Liege complain at large in 
their answer to the epistle of Pope Paschal II. where, 
among many other things pertinent to this purpose, they 
thus justify the continuance of their subjection to their 
unjustly deprived emperor; ‘‘ Fors the present we say 
nothing in the defence of our emperor: but this we say, 
that although he were such as you report him to be, yet 
should we suffer him to rule over us; because by our sins 
we have deserved that such a one should rule over us. 
Be it: let us grant against our will that he is such a one 
as you say he is. Even such a prince ought not to be 
repelled by taking arms against him, but by pouring out 
of our prayers to God.” Which kind of weapons Ber- 
nard, not long after that, proposeth as the only lawful ones 
that may be used for the vindicating of the injuries offered 
unto God’s Church: writing thus confidently unto Ludo- 
vicus Crassus, then king of France, ‘‘ Indeed! we will 


nullam tamen fidelitatem debeant, nec perjuri dicantur qui contra regem sense- 
rint; imo qui regi paruerit, pro excommunicato habeatur, qui contra regem fece- 
rit, a noxa injustitie et perjurii absolvatur.” Sigebert. Chronic. ann. 1088. 

i Rev. chap. 20. ver.7. See the book De Christianorum Ecclesiarum succes- 
sione et statu, cap. 5. Works, vol. 2. pag. 144. 

k “ Nihil modo pro imperatore nostro dicimus : sed hoc dicimus, quod etiamsi 
talis esset, tamen eum principari nobis pateremur; quia ut talis nobis principe- 
tur, peccando meremur. Esto: concedimus vobis inviti, eum talem esse qualem 
dicitis. Nec talis a nobis repellendus esset armis contra eum sumptis, sed pre- 
cibus ad Deum fusis.”’ Eccles. Leodicens. in respons. ad epist. Paschalis IT. 
Pape, tom. 2. Concilior. edit. Colon. ann. 1551. pag. 815. 

' “ Profecto stabimus et puznabimus usque ad mortem, si ita oportuerit, pro 


VOL. XI. Ir 


418 THE POWER OF THE PRINCE. 


stand and fight even unto death, if need so require, in 
our mother’s behalf, with such weapons as we may law- 
fully use: not with bucklers and swords, but with prayers 
and tears to God ;” and yet for his allegiance to the king 
himself he delivereth his mind as resolutely on the other 
side: “If™ the whole world should conspire against me, 
that I should attempt any thing against the king’s majesty, 
I would notwithstanding fear God, and not presume rashly 
to offend the king ordained by him. For I am not igno- 
rant where I have read, Whosoever resisteth the power, 
resisteth the ordinance of God.” 

And thus have I laid together such testimonies of anti- 
quity as did occur in my reading, as well touching the 
doctrine as the exercise of regal sovereignty and Christian 
subjection. Wherein however in the handling of par- 
ticulars some error may have escaped me; yet my main 
aim and scope, I am sure, is straight and upright; which 
is no other but to confirm all good subjects in their duti- 
ful obedience unto their prince, and to prevent sedition 
and rebellion in such, as being otherwise well minded, 
might perhaps for want of better information be drawn 
out of the way, and misguided to their own destruction, 


matre nostra, armis quibus licet : nonscutis et gladiis, sed precibus fletibusque ad 
Deum.” Bernard. epist. 221. ad Ludovicum regem. 

m “Si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret, ut quidpiam molirer adversus re- 
glam majestatem ; ego tamen Deum timerem, et ordinatum ab eo regem offen- 
dere temere non auderem. Nec enim ignoro ubi legerim, Qui potestati resistit, 
Dei ordinationi resistit.” Bernard. epist. 170. ad eund. 


OF THE 
ORIGINAL AND FIRST INSTITUTION 
CORBES, HERENACHES, AND TERMON 


LANDS. 


| th Hi) till ie a 
al ie Bri) uit Bit: 
MA = habe Hist ith ; iy? Hai 


pi ie 


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aM. mi iH mr ry 
Mitt!) iW HitPs 
aia | Hl RH 
peru Lae 


Mt it it ma 1 i } 


i mn H 

| Hig) it iy hl ti Hite Wi MNT capt GE Ec cait 

tlh Mi iti) a i i ’ Ap he shtbddas A PRGA HORE AL REAR 

Ati Hin Aviad ht in nit Ath 
i" i Ah souk He 

Hi ; at AUP adet SMR YU 

RU ; Hy im Wik ih Bay STMT UA Fut ant 


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if Ha , | a Ae APH ra Ni h f as At ane 
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aL 


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ye I site i “i bh hi mia i Wi 

I 































( ut i i 1 mi Tia i Hi i ine a ral pil A i. Weil i iW 
i ) Wh fH bhi Hi Hah 7 ne nee HH an Hi me Mal F i my i ‘4 


es 
— 


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me iin ny Mi 
bd ‘ie ait | ij 





OF THE 


ORIGINAL 


AND 


FIRST INSTITUTION, 


&c. &c. 


For the declaration of the original and first institution 
of Corbes, Herenaches, and Termon lands, it is to be con- 
sidered, 1. Of what nature these lands be. 2. How 
they came to be possessed by the Termoners. 3. Who 
these Corbes and Herenaches may seem to have been, 
who now are the chief of the Termon men. 4. and lastly, 
Who had interest in the profits of these lands. 

Touching the first, it may be observed, that in times 
past it was provided, that whoever founded a church should 
endow the same with certain possessions, for the mainte- 
nance of those who were to attend God’s service therein, 
insomuch that a bishop might not consecrate any church, 
before an instrument of such a donation were delivered by 
the founder. ‘‘ Unusquisque* episcopus meminerit, ut non 
prius dedicet ecclesiam aut basilicam, nisi antea dotem 
basilicee, et obsequium ipsius per donationem chartule 


* Council. Braccarens. cap. 5. 


4.29 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


confirmatum accipiat. Namque non levis est ista teme- 
ritas, si sine luminariis, vel sine sustentatione eorum qui 
ibidem servituri sunt, tanquam domus privata ita conse- 
cretur ecclesia.” And after this donation, the founder 
was no longer to have the disposal of these possessions, 
but the ordering thereof appertained unto the bishop. 
Whereupon this canon was enacted in divers councils : 
“‘ Multi®, contra canonum constituta, sic ecclesias, quas 
zdificaverint, postulant consecrari, ut dotem, quam eidem 
ecclesiz contulerunt, censeant ad episcopi ordinationem 
non pertinere, quod factum et in preeteritum displicet, et 
in futuro prohibetur.” Hence it came to pass, that every 
church had allotted to it a certain proportion of land, 
with servants appertaining thereunto, free from all tempo- 
ral impositions and exactions, as may appear by the sta- 
tute a Charlemagne: ‘‘ Statutum’ est ut unicuique ec- 
clesiz unus mansus integer, absque alio servitio attribu- 
atur,” &c. And the council of Cologne, held in the time 
of Charles the gross: ‘ Neque ex dote ecclesiz, id est, 
ex uno manso et quatuor mancipiis census exigatur.” 
Neither is it to be doubted, but that those who founded 
churches upon their lands, being willing to assign an en- 
dowment unto them in places most convenient, would for 
this purpose especially make choice of the lands next ad- 
joining unto the house which they had builded, as Bede 
particularly recordeth in his history of bishop Aidan, 
That he had no proper possession, ‘‘ excepta® ecclesia sua 
et adjacentibus agellis.” 

Now Herenache and Termon lands being free from all 
charges of temporal lords, as all ecclesiastical possessions 
were by the fourth constitution of the council held at 
Cashel, anno 1172. the bishops‘ being the chief lords of 
them, and churches being commonly built upon them, the 
reparation of a great part whereof lay continually upon 


© Synod. Toletan. 3. cap. 19. Concil. Mogunt. sub Arnulpho, cap. 4. Concil. 
Wormatiense, cap. 16. 

4 Capitular. ab Ansegiso collect. lib. 1. cap. 9. 

© Hist. Eccles. lib. 3. cap. 17. 

‘ Girald. Camb. hist. Hib. exp. lib. 1. cap. 34. 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 423 


the Herenaches that belonged to them, there is no question 
to be made but that they were of this nature; and foras- 
much as unto these lands certain freedoms were annexed, 
namely, the privilege of sanctuary, as appeareth by the 
office taken for the county of Cavan, the land from 
thence was called Termon, or free and protected land: for 
the word ceapmujn is used in the Irish tongue for a sanc- 
tuary, whence Termon-fechin, a town belonging unto the 
archbishop of Armagh hath his denomination, as it were 
the sanctuary of Fechin", one of the country saints, and 
may well be thought to have been borrowed by the Irish, 
as many other words are, from the Latin terminus, by 
reason that such privileged places were commonly de- 
signed by special marks and bounds. ‘‘ ‘Terminus sancti 
loci habeat signa circa se,” says an ancient synod! of Ire- 
land; and the old law of the Bavarians: ‘‘ Si* quis ser- 
vum ecclesiz vel ancillam ad fugiendum suaserit, et eos 
foras Terminum duxerit, et exinde probatus fuerit, re- 
vocet eum celeriter,” &c. I conclude, therefore, that 
Termons were indeed free land, but free from all claim of 
temporal lords, not of the church, being truly territorium 
ecclesiasticum, land merely ecclesiastical, not of such a 
middle nature as the jurors of Gangall found that land to 
be of, wherein their monastery was seated, whose evi- 
dence is thus recorded: ‘‘ Nostri' jurati dixerunt, quod 
nostrum monasterium in loco libero, non in fisco, non in 
terra ecclesiastica esset,” &c. Our Termons, I say, were 
not free after this sort, but tributary unto the church, as 
may be seen in the register of Clogher, where Matthew, 
bishop of Clogher is said to have granted certain lands™ 
unto one Philip O’Heogain, “ pro duobus solidis sin- 
gulis annis sibi et suis successoribus et ecclesia Clogher- 


h De quo Cambrensis topog. Hib. dist. 2. cap. 52. Mortuum esse circa annum 
664. vel 667. ex Ultoniensibus annalibus liquet. 

i Cujus fragmenta habentur in vet. lib. canonum bib. Cotton. 

k Lib. 4. sec. 1. 

1 Centur. chartarum a Goldasto edit. tom. 2. Alaman. antiqu. charta 96. 

m Glebe lands belonging to the church in Devonshire, and the west country, 
are called sanctuary lands, and tearmuin in the Irish is the same as asylum. 


4.24 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


ensi solvendis nomine tributi;” and a little after; ‘‘ quam 
terree peciam fecit Patricius fuscus O’Heogain herenacus 
dicte ecclesiz nobis et ecclesia Clogherensi tributariam, 
reddendo inde nobis et successoribus nostris ex ea singu- 
lis annis unum solidum usualis monete.” 

So the tenants of the Herenach and Termon-lands were 
tributarii, or servi ecclesiastici, which is the second point 
to be enquired. For the understanding whereof it is to 
be considered, that the temporal lands appertaining to 
the church, were occupied by laymen, who husbanded 
the same, both for the behoof of themselves and their 
families, and likewise for the benefit of the church. ‘‘ In® 
admonitione Caroli apud Pistas: Ut coloni, tam fiscales 
quam ecclesiastici, &c, non denegent carropera® et ma- 
nopera eX antiqua consuetudine. Ut? quoniam quibus- 
dam in locis coloni tam fiscales, quam de casis Dei suas 
hereditates, id est, mansa que tenent, non solum suis 
paribus, sed et clericis, canonicis, ac villanis presbyteris, 
et aliis quibuscunque vendunt, et tantummodo cellam re- 
tinent ; et hac occasione sic destructe sunt ville, ut non 
solum census debitus inde non possit exigi, sed etiam qux 
terre de singulis mansis fuerunt, non possunt cognosci ; 
constituimus ut precipiatur a nostris ministerialibus et a 
ministris, ut hoc nullo modo de cetero fiat, ne ville de- 
structee atque confuse fiant.” These occupiers of the 
land were of two conditions, as appeareth by the sen- 
tence of Anastasius the emperor: ‘ Agricolarum? alii qui- 
dem sunt adscriptitii, et eorum peculia dominis competunt ; 
alii vero tempore annorum triginta coloni fiunt liberi ma- 
nentes cum liberis suis, et ii etiam coguntur terram colere 
et canonem prestare;” and in the same title, in the last 
law save one, last section, no man may “ vel adscriptitium 
vel colonum alienum scienti prudentique in suum jus re- 
cipere ;” but he must restore him ‘‘ admonente domino 
vel ipsius adscriptitii vel terre.” Dominus terre, the 


» Pithceus in Glossario vocal. Manopera, Mansus, pares. 
© Carriage and manuring- 
P Cod. Just. lib. 11. tit. Agre. et Cons. et Colon. leg. 18. 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 425 


landlord, was lord to the adscriptitius, but not to the free 
colon, who had for his lord, the land, rather than the 
landlord. Whereupon the emperors Theodosius and Va- 
lentinian give this note concerning them: ‘ Licet? condi- 
tione videantur ingenui, servi tamen terra ipsius, cui nati 
sunt, existimentur, nec recedendi quo velint, aut permu- 
tandi loca habeant facultatem.” 

Such were the “ coloni liberi,” who by thirty years’ 
possession obtained from the landlords an estate of in- 
heritance, remaining free tenants, though holding by a 
base tenure. Forasmuch as, even by the common law’, 
no land holden by villenage, nor any custom rising of the 
lands, can ever make a freeman villein. Adscriptitii were 
the same with those whom the Grecians call “ é080éAoves 
T@ ayow, agri ipsius conservos ;” our common law, “ vil- 
leins regardant to a manor;” and the French, “ homi- 
nes' manus mortue,” who could not be alienated away, 
but were perpetually bound unto those lands, whereunto 
at first they were appointed ; in which respect, ‘‘ manci- 
pia rustica,” in the civil law, are reckoned among those 
goods which are immoveable. ‘ Nominatim" Julianus ait 
mancipia esse veluti membra rerum immobilium: atque 
ideo longe possessionis prescriptio locum habere 
dicitur tam in prediis quam in mancipiis,” &c. Thus 
Cujacius in his exposition of Justinian’s seventh novell, 
where the statute of Leo the emperor is thus recited : 
* Vult” illa, (Leonis constitutio,) neque Deo amabilem archi- 
episcopum, &c. neque ceconomum vendere, aut donare, aut 
aliter alienare rem immobilem, domum forsan, aut agrum, 
aut colonum, aut mancipia rustica, aut civiles annonas (nam 
et hee inter immobilia sunt numeranda,) que competunt 
Constantinopolitane sanctissima majori ecclesia,” &c. 
In like sort, the council held at Senlis : ‘‘ Nulli* liceat alie- 
nare rem immobilem ecclesia, sive domum, sive agrum, sive 


4 Cod. Just. lib. 11. tit. 51. de col. Thrac. 

" Littleton in villenage. 

* Sozomen. lib. 9. hist. eccles. cap. ult. * Connan. lib. 2. cap. 10. sect. 3. 

" Lib. 3. D. de divers. temp. prescript. w Authent. collat. 2. tit. 1. 

* Concil. Silvanect. apud L. Bochellum Decretorum Eccle. Gallicane. lib. 4. 
tit. 16. cap. 25. 


426 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


hortum, sive rusticum mancipium.” ‘These servants were 
often manumitted and made free, remaining yet still tri- 
butary unto their landlords, of which condition were they 
who in France of old were called Lidi, or Liti ; in Italy, 
Aldiones; of whom mention is made in this constitu- 
tion of Ludovicus Pius, apud Ansegisum”, (in the copy 
which Reinerus Reineccius* used ; for in Pithceus his edi- 
tion I do not find it:) ‘* Aldiones vel Aldianz ea lege 
vivant in Italia in servitutem dominorum suorum, qua 
Fiscalini vel Lidi vivunt in Francia.” And in the laws of 
the Rinuarians: “‘ Si¥ quis servum suum tributarium aut 
litum fecerit, si quis eum interfecerit 36 sol. culp. jud.” 
Of these divers conditions of servitude, mention is made 
in the laws of the emperors Arcadius and Honorius : 
** Servos’ vel tributarios vel inquilinos apud dominos suos 
volumus remanere ;” and in the second council of Chal- 
lons: “ Quia* constat in ecclesia diversarum conditionum 
homines esse, ut sint nobiles et ignobiles, servi, coloni, 
inquilini, et caetera hujuscemodi nomina, oportet ut quicun- 
que eis preelati sunt, clerici sive laici, clementer erga eos 
agant, et misericorditer eos tractent, sive in exigendis ab 
eis operibus, sive in accipiendis tributis, et quibusdam de- 
bitis,”’ &c. Thus in times past those who endowed 
churches and abbeys, bestowed not only bare lands, but 
lands stocked as it were with certain septs and races, 
tied there perpetually to perform all services for the 
behoof and benefit of those to whom they were given. 
Such a deed of gift we find made by one Erfoinus’, in the’ 
time of Elpericus or Chilperic the French king, about 
860. years ago: “ In loco qui dicitur Openwilare tradi- 
mus, S. Galloni, (he meaneth Gallus, one of the old wor- 
thies of Ireland, from whom the famous monastery and 
town of Gangall, in Switzerland, had the name,) viginti 
juchos, et in Eberingen unum juchum de vinea, et de 


w Lib. 4. cap. 102. 

* Poetam de Gestis Caroli magni, f. 59. b. 

y Tit. 64. sec. 1. 

* Cod. lib. 11. tit.de Agric. et Cens. et Colend. leg. 12. 

* Concil. Cabillon. 11. cap. 51. 

» Centur. Chart. a Goldast. edit. tom. 2, antiqu. Alan. ann, ch. 41. 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 427 


colonis meis Erfoinum cum uxore sua, et cum omni apper- 
tinentia sua, cum casa et cum terra, et cum omnibus suis, 
et alium servum nomine Waldolfum, cum casa, cum terra, 
et cum omnibus ad eum pertinentibus.” Hence it is that 
we find so often in old grants, men numbered among 
other possessions given in Frank-Almoigne; as in a 
charter of king Henry II. ratifying a former donation of 
earl Strongbow in these words: “ Sciatis quod ego dedi et 
concessi et hac mea charta confirmavi Thome Dominico 
meo clerico dignitatem que dicitur abbatia de Glenda- 
lache, et personatum intus et extra, et omnes res et pos- 
sessiones, et homines, et redditus in ecclesiis, et oblation- 
ibus, et decimis, &c. et cum omnibus aliis rebus ad abba- 
tiam illam pertinentibus in perpetuam eleemosynam, sicuti 
melius Richardus comes sua charta confirmavit.” Thus 
there appertained unto churches two sorts of tenants, 
“* servi ecclesize cum onere” in the nature of villeins, “ et 
liberi,” or ‘‘coloni ecclesiastici,” as may evidently be seen 
in the laws of the old Almaynes, where several fines are 
set down for the killing of either of them, such as the 
Irish call erich, or pretium sanguinis, and likewise a 
taxation of the ordinary duties which both of them were 
bound to perform unto the church whereunto they were 
regardant. ‘The first is to be read tit. 8. and 9.: ‘Si quis 
ecclesiasticum servum vel regium occiderit, tripliciter com- 
ponetur, hoc est xlv. sol. Quicunque liberum eccle- 
siz, quem colonum vocant, occiderit, sicut alii Alamanni 
ita componatur.” ‘The other tit. 21. and 22: ‘ Servi ec- 
clesize tributa sua legitime reddant, xv. siclas de cervisa, 
porcum valentem tremisse uno, panem modia duo, pul- 
los v. ova xx. Ancillee autem opera imposita sine neglecto 
faciant, &c. Liberi autem ecclesiastici, quos colonos 
vocant, omnes sicut et coloni regis, ita reddant ad ec 
clesiam.” 

That the holders of the Termon lands were at the first 
tenants in one of these kinds, seemeth to me more than pro- 
bable. I mean that those were no other than “ originarii,” 
as Gelasius® termeth them, “ originales inquilini, tributarii;” 


© Gelasius, in epist. Lucaniz. 


428 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


or ‘‘ persone colonariz,” as Sidonius Apollinaris‘ doth enti- 
tle them, or “ adscriptitii,” or some such thing. Where- 
upon John Walton, archbishop of Dublin, anno 1473. 
giving out a sequestration of the Corbeship of Glenda- 
lach, directeth it in this sort: ‘‘ Johannes®, miseratione 
divina Dubliniensis archiepiscopus et Hiberniz primas, 
clericis, vassallis, ascriptitiis, et aliis habitatoribus ville et 
totius dominii nostri de Glindelaghe, terrarum, silvarum, 
nemorum, et aliorum locorum ipsius manerii nostri, salu- 
tem gratiam, et benedictionem.” <A strip of which servi- 
tude may seem to remain to this day upon the Herenache, 
who, besides an annual rent paid “ nomine tributi, (as 
before I noted out of the register of Clogher,) doth like- 
wise give to the bishop a fine upon the marriage of every 
of his daughters, which they call Luach jmpjgche, as the 
bishop of Kilmore, who doth usually receive it, informed 
me; so that I take no hold of the words of Dermicius 
O’Cane, one of the Corbes of the North, and one of the 
jurors in the inquisition for the church lands, in the 
county of Colerain, used to the bishop of Derry, which, 
as his lordship told me, were to this effect: ‘‘ Non debet 
dominus mutare censum antiquum, sed si careat rebus ne- 
cessariis, vaccis pinguibus, &c. debet ad nos mittere, et nos 
debemus illi subministare. Nam quecunque nos habe- 
mus domini sunt, et nos etiam ipsi illius sumus.” 

Neither will it seem strange that the original of these 
matters should be fetched from this kind of vassalage, if 
it be well weighed, that the tenure is little better, where- 
by the northern people hold their land generally. as ap- 
peareth by the taillages, or cuttings, wherewith the Irish 
lords oppress their tenants at their pleasure, and_like- 
wise that in times past, the buying and selling of servants, 
which now is grown out of use, was a matter so common 
in this country, that in an ancient synod of Ireland, a 
bishop's legacy out of the church goods is proportioned 
by the price of a wife, or a maid servant, as may be seen 
in two ancient books of canons, written about 700. years 


' Lib. 5. epist. 19. & Ex registr. arch, Dublin. 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 429 


since, the one remaining in Bennet College, and the 
other in Sir Robert Cotton’s library. ‘‘ Princeps,” saith 
that synod, meaning thereby the bishop, as elsewhere 
ordinarily, ‘‘in sua morte etiam de rebus ecclesiz com- 
mendare potest, hoc est, pretium ancille, sive de mobili 
substantia, sive de agro.” Whereunto may be added 
another canon of that Irish council, which cometh more 
near to the matter in hand: ‘ De! commendatione mu- 
lieris degentis sub conjugio, si habuerit ecclesiam cui 
servierit quamdiu cum viro fuerit, ex consensu viri tertiam 
partem substantize dabit ecclesiz suze, sed vir ejus distri- 
buet, cetera autem viri et filiorum ejus erunt.”. Whereby 
I take it to be clear, that the churches of Ireland in old 
time had not only servants belonging to them in the way 
of villenage, but also ‘liberi ecclesiastici,” who had a 
propriety in the goods which they acquired, and might 
freely dispose of them, and yet ought service to some 
special church; in which respect, though otherwise 
laici, they were usually termed ‘“ homines ecclesastici,” 
as in capitulis Carolinis*, a Benedicto Levita collectis : 
** Pro nimia reclamatione que ad nos venit de hominibus 
ecclesiasticis seu fiscalinis, qui non erant adjurnati,” Xc. 
and in the old laws of the Ripuarians: “Si! quis hominem 
ecclesiasticum interfecerit c. sol. culpab. Si™ quis feemi- 
nam regiam aut ecclesiasticam parientem interfecerit, CCC. 
sol. culp.jud. Quod si ingenuus aut regius vel ecclesiasti- 
cus home servo os fregerit, viii. sol. culp. jud.” 

I come now to the third point, which concerneth the 
original of the Corbes and Herenaches, who bear them- 
selves as head lords over these ‘‘ homines ecclesiastici.” 
Where it is to be noted, that for the receiving and dis- 
posing of the church goods it was thought expedient” that 
every church should have an ‘ ceconomus, cui res eccle- 
siastica gubernanda mandabatur.” For so this officer is 
defined in the constitution of the emperors Leo and Anthe- 


i Tn vet. lib. can. bib. Cotton. k Capitular. lib. 5. cap. 151. 
Il Tit. 10: sect. 1. m Tit. 21. 
® Concil. Chalced. can, 26. - Concil. Nicen. 2. can. 11. 


430 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


mius®. The law there (enlarged afterwards by Justinian’, and 
extended to all provinces) is this: ‘‘ Jubemus, nulli posthac 
archiepiscopo in hac urbe regia sacrosancte orthodoxe ec- 
clesiz presidenti, nulli ceconomo, cui res ecclesiastica gu- 
bernanda mandatur, esse facultatem fundos vel predia, 
sive urbana sive rustica, res postremo immobiles, aut in his 
praediis colonos vel mancipia constituta, aut annonas civiles 
cujuscunque suprema vel superstitis voluntate ad religiosas 
ecclesias devolutas, sub cujusque alienationis specie ad 
quamcunque transferre personam, &c. (conomus autem 
qui hoc fecerit, imo fieri passus fuerit, vel quacunque pror- 
sus hujusmodi venditione, seu donatione, vel commutatione 
(nisi ea quze presenti lege concedimus) postremo in qua- 
cunque alienatione consenserit, commissa sibi ceconoma- 
tus administratione privetur, deque ejus bonis, quodcun- 
que exinde incommodum ecclesiz contigerit, reformetur : 
heeredes ejus, et successores, ac posteri super hoc pacto 
sive consensu competenter ab ecclesiasticis personis actione 
pulsentur.” The execution of this office was in times 
past committed to those who were archipresbyteri, or, 
archidiaconi. Whence Hincmarus, archbishop of Rheims, 
in his epistle to the church of Tournay, willeth the bishop 
“* Ut pro constituendis ministerialibus ecclesiasticis pre- 
mium non accipiat, sed archipresbyteros, et archidiaconos 
eligat, facultatum ecclesiasticarum dispensatores, qui in 
fide sint sinceri, et moribus probati.” And the fathers of 
the first council of Braccara’ giving order for the dispo- 
sing of a portion of the church goods towards reparations 
and lights, set it down thus: ‘De qua parte sive archi- 
presbyter, sive archidiaconus illam administrans episcopo 
faciat rationem.” ‘The archidiaconus and the Herenache 
have in the Irish tongue both the same name, viz. @jpejn- 
neach, or, as some would write it, Ojpchjnoeuch, and the 
name of the Copbe, Coppach, or Copbuch (for the 
Irish use the letters p and 6 indifferently) and the 
chorepiscopus seemeth to me to have his original from 


° Lib. 1. codicis Justiniani, tit. 1. de sacrosanct. eccles. reg. 14. 
P Anthent. collect. 2. tit. 1. in novel. constitut. 7. 
9 Can. 25. 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 431 


the same with archipresbyter. ‘‘ Quos' Graeci Chorepisc- 
opos, hoc est, certarum regiuncularum, in qualibet dicecesi, 
speculatores, alii archidiaconos, alii archipresbyteros vo- 
cant, in nostra ecclesia cathedrali archidiaconi, in reliqua 
vero dicecesi decanorum ruralium nomine censentur.” Our 
Corbes and Herenaches, besides the office of gathering up 
the bishops’ rents, were likewise charged with maintaining 
of hospitality, relieving the poor, and entertaining travel- 
lers and strangers. ‘That the chorepiscopus of old had 
some especial care over the poor, appeareth by the last 
canon save one of the council of Neocesarea. But that 
charge properly belonged to the deacons, who’ had the 
oversight and disposing of the ecclesiastical monies, as 
Origen noteth', and the care of providing for the poor and 
strangers (whence in times past xenodochia were called 
diaconiz") and so to the archdeacon, as the principal of 
that order: I mean the ancient archidiaconi, who in de- 
gree were inferior to the presbyteri, not the archdea- 
cons of higher rank that exercise jurisdiction under the 
bishop. And to that former kind of archidiaconi do I 
refer the Herenaches, who therefore were so many in num- 
ber in every diocese, and, for aught that I can learn, were 
wont to be admitted ad primam tonsuram et diaconatum, 
and not promoted ad presbyterium. But the Corbe, whom 
I suppose to have been the same with chorepiscopus, or 
archipresbyter, was of a higher dignity, and stated in ec- 
clesia matrice; and had also in many places, one or more 
Herenaches under him. In Latin he was called plebanus, 
as it is found in the office taken for the county of Cavan. 
Now that plebanus was the same with a rural dean, archi- 
presbiter, or chorepiscopus, may appear by the testimony 
of the canonists, cited by Isidorus Moponius. “ Ruralis* 
archipresbyter vel decanus” says Moponius, “ alio nomine 
plebanus a regimine plebis nuncupatur; unde si habet 


’ Synod. Augustan. ann. 1548. 

s Can. 16. Concil. Trullani. vide etiam Cassandrum et Onuphrium Panyinium 
in exposit. obscur. voc. ecclesiast. verb. diaconus. 

' Tractat. 16. in Mattheum. 

“ Mopor. lib. 1, de majestate militantis ecclesie, parte 1, cap. 19. 


4952 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


capellanos perpetuos in sua ecclesia dicitur esse cum dig- 
nitate, vel si est in collegiata et in parochiali curata.” 
Wherewith compare this certificate delivered unto Sir 
John Davis three or four years since by an Irish scholar 
in the north: ‘‘ Corbanatus sive plebanatus, dignitas est, 
et modo ad regem pertinet, sed antea ad papam; in ma- 
trici ecclesia debet necessario esse, initiatus in sacris or- 
dinibus, omnesque decimas pertinentes ad hance debet 
habere, et beneficia adjuncta huic ipsius sunt, eorumque 
conferentiam habet et presentationem: dictum hoc nomen, 
quia populo et plebi ecclesiasticee matricis ecclesie pre- 
fuit; certum numerum sacerdotum quasi collegialium de- 
bet habere secum; primum stallum in sua ecclesia habet; 
habet etiam stallum vacuum in ecclesia cathedrali; et vo- 
cem in omni capitulo tam publico quam privato : inscribi- 
tur Romano registro, ideoque dignitas est.” 

The consideration of all these circumstances put toge- 
ther, have induced me to think that our Corbe at the first 
institution was chorepiscopus, whose’ name and dignity 
being unknown unto the ruder Irish, no marvel, though 
some of them have detorted the name of Corbe to 
Converbius (for sosome of them in Latin stile him) or 
Compuptbach in Irish, which importeth as much as Conterra- 
neus. Inthe Irish annals? the name is written thus, Comrba, 
or Comhurba, where the first mention of a Corbe that 
I find is at the year eight hundred and _ fifty-eighth 
from Christ’s nativity, (or eight hundred and fifty-nine 
from his incarnation, after the computation of the church 
of England) there’ it is recorded, “‘ that O’Carrol king of 
Ossory, assisted with other kings, brought his army into 
the field against the king of 'Taraughe; but Imfeathna, 
Patrick’s Corbe, and Imsuairlech Finno his Corbe, inter- 
posing themselves, O Carrol was persuaded to yield to 
St. Patrick and his Corbe.” Soin the same annals, at 
the year of our Lord 920. (or 921. after the common ac- 
count,) is noted the death of Moeanach Mac Siadhaiel, 


Y Vide rempub. eccles. Lelii Zecchii de statu prelatorum, cap. 27. et Johan. 
Azorii institution. moral. 2. lib. 3. cap. 21. 
“ Annal. Ulton. 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 433 


St. Comhgall his Corbe, the chief head (as he is there 
called) of all the learning or antiquities of Ireland. 

It may be objected, that the Corbes and Herenaches al- 
ways used to marry, and therefore not like to have been 
archipresbyteri or archidiaconi. But unto this I answer, 
that in Ireland, when churches were there first erected, 
no such law was admitted, which should restrain presby- 
teri or diaconi from the state of wedlock ; for proof 
whereof I allege the testimony of him, whose authority is 
of highest esteem with our people of Ireland, I mean 
St. Patrick, who had to his father Calpurnium diaco- 
num, and to his grandfather Potitum presbyterum, as 
Probus setteth down in the first book of his life; and he 
himself saith also in his confession: ‘‘ Patrem habui Cal- 
purnium diaconum, filium quondam Potiti presbiteri.” 
In a very ancient book which belonged to the cathedral 
church of Worcester, and may now be seen in Benett 
college library, in Cambridge, there are extant certain 
canons bearing this inscription: ‘‘ Synodus episcoporum, 
id est, Patricii, Auxilii, Issernini,” which otherwhere I 
have read also cited by the name of Synodus Patricii, as 
held by our great St. Patrick, in whose days Auxilius and 
Isserninus flourished, as may be proved not only by our 
Irish authors, but also by Nennius* the British writer, 
and Matthew of Westminster”. Among other canons of 
that synod this is one: ‘‘ Quicunque clericus, ab ostiario 
usque ad sacerdotem, sine tunica visus fuerit, atque tur- 
pitudinem ventris et nuditatem non tegat; et si non more 
Romano capilli ejus tonsi sint, et uxor ejus si non velato 
capite ambulaverit, pariter a laicis contemnentur, et ab 
ecclesia separentur.” And as it is manifest by this canon, 
that the clergy at that time were not debarred from 
marriage, so is it apparent that afterwards in the very see 
of Armagh, for fifteen generations, the primacy hath 
passed to the chief of the sept, as it were by a kind 
of inheritance, and that before Celsus, a married bishop, 
who deceased about the year 1129. ‘‘jam octo extiterant 


9 Hist. cap. 55. al. 57. » Flores historiarum ad ann. 491. 
VOL. XI. KK 


434 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


viri uxorati, et absque ordinibus, literati tamen,” as Ber- 
nard writeth in the life of Malachias, which is right the 
state of our Corbes and Herenaches ; for as those in time 
possessed themselves of the place of the archbishop, so 
did others in like manner keep in their sept the dignity 
of the archipresbyter*®, by the name of Corbes, and others 
of the archdeacon, by the name of Herenaches, very little 
differing from those, which in Wales were called lay 
abbots, of whom Giraldus Cambrensis* thus writeth, 
which is a testimony very pertinent to this purpose: 
‘* Notandum quod hee ecclesia, sicut et alia per Hiber- 
niam et Walliam plures, abbatem laicum habet. Usus 
enim inolevit et prava consuetudo, ut viri in parochia 
potentes, primo tanquam ceconomi, seu potius ecclesiarum 
patroni et defensores a clero constituti, postea processu 
temporis aucta cupidine totum sibi jus usurparent, et 
terras omnes cum exteriore possessione sibi impudenter 
appropriarent, solum altaria cum decimis et obventioni- 
bus clero relinquentes, et hc ipsa filiis suis et cognatis 
assignantes.” Our Corbes and Herenaches do commonly 
speak Latin, and are in account as clergymen, being 
subject unto the bishop’s visitation, giving unto him a 
subsidy at his entrance, and remaining chargeable with 
proxies and refections ; whereof in the first office taken 
for the county of Tyrone, die 27° Julii 1608. this evi- 
dence is given: ‘ Ac ulterius jurati praedicti super sacra- 
mentum suum dicunt, quod in qualibet dictarum baronia- 
rum preter illas terras, que antehac possidebantur, ac 
modo possidentur ab hominibus nunc laicis, sunt aliz 
quedam terre de quibus quidam clerici sive homines 
literati qui vocantur Herenaci, ab antiquo seisiti fuerunt, 
&c. Nihilominus quilibet dictorum Herenacorum solvebat 
et solvere debebat archiepiscopo sive episcopo, in cujus 
diocesi terrae quas possidebant situate fuerunt, quoddam 


© Innocentius 3. monet legatum suum Joh. Galenitanum cardinalem tit. S. 
Stephani in monte Celio, ut eum in Hibernia abusum tollat, quo filii et nepotes 
patribus et avis in beneficiis succedebant, quemadmodum ex registro ejus notat in 
ejus vita Alphonsus Ciaconius, pag. 515. 

4 Ttiner. Cambria, lib. 2, cap. 4. 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 435 


charitativum subsidium, refectiones, ac pensionem annua- 
lem secundum quantitatem terre et consuetudinem pa- 
trie.” The same may be said of the Corbeship, which 
was in like manner subject to the bishop’s visitation, and 
sometimes also by him sequestered, no less than other 
places ecclesiastical were, whereof I find this precedent in 
the archbishop of Dublin his register: ‘* Quia ex quibus- 
dam rationabilibus causis coram nobis deductis, animum 
nostrum juste moventibus, officium Corbanatus ibidem 
cum omnibus emolumentis et pertinentiis suis duximus 
sequestrandum, et sequestramus per presentes: Tadeum 
Oskelly clericum ejusdem ville et ecclesize Glindelacen- 
sis ipsius sequestratorem custodem deputantes, juriumque 
et pertinentium dicti officii antiquitus excrescentium, et 
excrescere valentium, usque nostram visitationem et ec- 
clesia et popularium de Glindelaghe predict. ratiocinio 
emolumentorum ipsius officii et rerum ad illud pertinen- 
tium nobis reservato, &c. etiam ex scrutatis antiquis 
ecclesiz nostre Dubliniensis scripturis et monumentis 
seu chartis, dispositionem dicti officii, cum illud vacare 
contigerit, ad nos et nostros successores pertinere debere, 
et nullum alium, (sede Dubliniensi duntaxat plena et con- 
sulta archiprzsule) pronuntiamus, decernimus et declara- 
mus in his scriptis. Datum in manerio nostro de Finglas, 
undecimo die mensis Decembris, anno domini 1473. et 
nostra consecrationis anno secundo.” ‘This is the seques- 
tration given out by John Walton, archbishop of Dublin, 
whereof before I made mention. 

It now resteth in the last place that I should shew who 
had interest in the profits of these church lands, where 
for latter times it appeareth by the register of Clogher 
and other records, that the Herenaches held these lands 
by grants from the bishop, dean, and chapter, which by 
order were still to be renewed, both at the first entry of 
every Herenach, and upon the consecration of every new 
bishop. The Herenaches were tied to manure the Termon 
land, to reside upon it, and in no wise to alienate it 
unto any stranger. Out of the profits thereof they 
maintained hospitality, kept up their part of the fabric 

KK 2 


436 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


of the churches, and yielded a yearly rent to the bishops : 
a certain portion of free land remained unto themselves, 
which they call ‘“ honorem ville,” not chargeable with 
any rent. In turning over the registers of the arch- 
bishops of Armagh, which by means of my uncle, the 
lord primate, I had occasion to peruse, I met with three 
evidences tending to this purpose. One containeth the 
grant of an Herenachy made by Milo, archbishop of Ar- 
magh, anno 1365. in this form: “ Universis® sanctz matris 
Ecclesiz filiis has literas visuris vel audituris, Milo, Dei 
et apostolicee sedis gratia, archiepiscopus Armach. Hi- 
bernie primas, salutem in Domino sempiternam. Noverit 
universitas vestra, nos de unanimi assensu et voluntate 
decani et nostri capituli Ardmachani, dedisse, conces- 
sisse, et hac presenti charta nostra confirmasse dilectis 
nobis in {Christo Willelmo et Arthuro Mac Bryn, filiis 
magistri Arthuri Mac Bryn, terras nostras subscriptas in 
tenemento nostro de Kylmor, quas nunc idem magister 
Arthurus de nobis tenet, videlicet Teachrana, &c. Ha- 
bendum et tenendum preedictas terras, cum earum perti- 
nentiis debitis in bosco et plano, &c. quas et que idem ma- 
gister Arthurus consuevit habere, et omnibus viis et 
semitis, pratis et pascuis, et omnibus libertatibus et liberis 
consuetudinibus ad preedictas terras spectantibus, secun- 
dum ipsarum terrarum debitas et antiquas limitationes, 
cum pleno jure Herenaciz in toto tenemento ecclesiz de 
Kellmore, nobis et successoribus nostris, quoad vixerint 
et quilibet eorum vixerit possidendas, quamdiu nobis, 
nostre ecclesize Armachane, nostrisque successoribus et 
ministris grati fuerint et obedientes, et quilibet eorum gra- 
tus fuerit et obediens, et dictas terras coluerint, seu colue- 
rit, ac eas in parte, vel in toto, nulli laico extrinseco colen- 
das tradiderint, seu tradiderit: salvo tamen jure charte 
dicto Arthuro super lisdem terris confecta ad totam vitam 
ipsius magistri Arthuri; quam chartam volumus pro vita 
sua, preesenti charta non obstante, in suo robore perma- 
nere. Reddendo inde annuatim predict. Willelmus et 


¢ Habetur in registro Nicholai archiep. Armach. fol, 61. 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 437 


Arthurus filius pradicti magistri Arthuri, et quilibet 
eorum qui supervixerit, nobis et successoribus nostris, 
unam marcam, et octo denarios sterlngorum, ad festa 
apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi, et Omnium Sanctorum, per 
portiones zquales, una cum aliis oneribus, et servitiis inde 
debitis, et consuetis. In cujus rei testimonium sigillum 
nostrum, et sigillum commune nostri capituli antedicti 
presentibus sunt appensa. Datum apud Dunum, die 21. 
mensis Novembris, anno Domini 1365.” 'The second is a 
grant of certain lands in the diocese of Dromore, made 
during the vacancy of that see, anno 1427. by John 
Swayne, then archbishop of Armagh, in these words: 
“‘ Universis sanctz matris Ecclesie filiis praesentes literas 
visuris vel audituris, Johannes, &c. custos spiritualitatum, 
et spiritualis jurisdictionis ac temporalitatum episcopatus 
Dromorensis, ipso episcopatu non plene consulto, salutem 
in Domino sempiternam. Noverit vestra universitas, quod 
nos, ratione custodiz supradictz, juxta antiquam et lau- 
dabilem consuetudinem ecclesiz nostre Ardmachane, 
hactenus inviolabiliter observatam, terras de Lachreacht, 
Dyrke, Dromorensis dicecesis vulgariter nuncupatas, di- 
lecto in Christo filio Mauritio Mac Bryn Herenaco (ha- 
bendum et tenendum preedictas terras, cum omnibus suis 
juribus, et antiquis limitationibus) quousque ecclesiz Dro- 
morensi plene consulatur, seu de legitimo provideatur 
pastore, concessimus et concedimus per presentes, ra- 
tione custodize supradicte: inde annuatim, nobis et suc- 
cessoribus nostris pro tempore existentibus, reddendo, 
reditum solitum et antiquum bone et usualis monet Angli- 
can, medietatem videlicet ad festum apostolorum Philippi 
et Jacobi, et aliam medietatem ad festum Omnium Sancto- 
rum; cum aliis servitiis, et omnibus ordinariis et extraor- 
dinariis et consuetis, quamdiu nobis, ut supra, semper 
salvo. In quorum fidem et testimonium, has literas nos- 
tras fieri fecimus patentes, nostri appensione sigilli muni- 
tas.” The third containeth the confirmation of an Herena- 
chy granted by John Mey‘, archbishop of Armagh, anno 


f Ex registro Johannis Mey, H. f. 43. a. 


438 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


1455. to one, whose ancestors had formerly enjoyed the 
same. ‘ Universis sancte matris Ecclesiz filiis, ad quos 
presentes literae pervenerint, Johannes, permissione divi- 
na archiepiscopus Armachanus, Hibernie primas, salutem 
in Domino sempiternam. Vestra noverit universitas, 
quod, exponente, et supplicante nobis dilecto filio Patricio 
Mackassaid, Herenaco de Twinha, eo quod ipse ab olim 
a nostris preedecessoribus (sicuti et progenitores sui nos- 
tri fuerunt) Herenachiam de Twinha et terras nostras 
ibidem quas per sui particulas duximus, presentibus vul- 
gariter plenius specificandas, consecutus fuisset in iisdem 
debite inchartatus ; de antiqui sui juris confirmatione et 
nostri nova investitura, quo sic firmius et securius valeat 
permanere; ex certis licitis causis nos moventibus, ad 
supplicationem suam hujusmodi annuentes benevole et 
gratanter, nedum jus omnimodum, quod in antea hucus- 
que, ex concessionibus, ac chartis, et inde secutis in 
Herenacia, et terris predictis cum suis pertinentiis fuerit 
assecutus, in omni sui robore ratum habentes, confirma- 
mus, et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus; verum 
etiam, pro modo et forma nostre ratione investiture, de 
consensu et voluntate unanimis decani et nostri capituli 
Armachani, dedimus, concessimus, et hac presenti charta 
nostra confirmamus predicto Patricio Mackassaid terras 
nostras de T'wynha, sic per sui particulas, hic quo supra 
vulgariter specificatas, videlicet &c. cum suis pertinentiis et 
antiquis limitationibus. Habendum et tenendum sibi et 
heeredibus suis de nobis et successoribus nostris dictas 
terras cum suis particulis, pertinentiis, et limitationibus 
antedictis; inde nobis reddendo, et nostris successoribus, 
annuatim ad festa Omnium Sanctorum et apostolorum 
Philippi et Jacobi, equis portionibus quinque marcas et 
duos solidos sterlingorum bone et legalis monete Anglie, 
cum aliis servitiis et oneribus ordinariis et extraordinariis 
inde debitis et consuetis, quamdiu dictus Patricius, et 
heredes sui, nobis et successoribus nostris, ac officiariis 
nostris grati obedientes et fideles fuerint, atque dictas 
terras inhabitaverint, et eas coluerint, ac nulli laico ex- 
trinseco colendas tradiderint, et reditus suos, servitia et 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 439 


onera preedicta pro temporibus debitis fideliter et plene 
persolverint. Alioqui si in aliquo solutionis debito defe- 
cerint in praemissis, liceat nobis et successoribus nostris 
de dictis terris disponere, concessione pradicta pro aliquo 
non obstante, jure alterius cujusquam semper salvo. Et 
dictum Patricium, nostrum Herenacum in ecclesia de 
Twynha, cum omni inde onere et emolumento, fecimus, 
constituimus, et in forma premissa tenore przsentium 
ordinamus. Nihilominus, quidem, per has nostras con- 
cessionem, constitutionem et ordinationem, nobis vel suc- 
cessoribus nostris, de novo introitu ratione nove conces- 
sionis seu investiture, cum contigerit, pro aliquo nolumus 
derogare. In cujus rei testimonium, sigillum nostrum, 
una cum sigillo communi capituli nostri praedicti, praesen- 
tibus est appensum. Datum Armachie nono die Au- 
gusti, A. Dp. 1455. et nostre consecrationis, anno duo- 
decimo.” By these evidences, and others that might be 
produced out of the register of Clogher, which for bre- 
vity I omit, may easily be collected in what sort, and upon 
what terms these church-lands have been held in latter 
days. At the first beginning, I conceive the same order 
to have been here, which commonly was used in other 
parts of Christendom, that the tithes and profits of tem- 
poral lands appertaining unto every church, were taken 
up by a common receiver, and distributed into four equal 
portions, one* whereof was allotted to the bishop, another 
to his clergy, the third upon the reparation of the fabric, 
and a fourth towards the relief of the poor and strangers. 
This was the custom of the churches of Italy, as may be 
seen in the epistles of Simplicius", Gelasius', and Grego- 
rius*, bishops of Rome, alleged by Gratian'. The 
same was also received in the churches of France and 
Germany, as appeareth by the letter of Gregory™ the 


§ Vid. capitular. Car. m. f. 401. a, 

h Epist. 3. ad Florentinum, Equitium et Severum epos. 

i Epist. ad epis Lucanie ad Justinum archidiac. ad Clementem et plebem 
Brundusii. 

K Epist. lib. 3. ad Maximian. Syracus. epis. 

! Caus. 12. quest. 2. 

™ Apud Joh, Aventin, annal. Boiorum, lib, 3. pag. 289. edit. Ingolstad. 


440 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


second ad Carolum Martellum, and" ad clerum et 
plebem 'Thuringize ; by the seventh canon of the coun- 
cil of Worms, et libro septimo capitularium cap. 290. 
Lastly, Gregory I. making answer to the first question of 
Austin, bishop of Canterbury: ‘“ Mos® sedis apostolice 
est,” saith he, ‘ ordinatis episcopis preecepta tradere, ut 
de omni stipendio quod accedit, quatuor debent fieri por- 
tiones: una, viz. episcopo et familie, propter hospitali- 
tatem atque susceptionem ; alia clero; tertia pauperibus; 
quarta ecclesiis reparandis.” In Spain, the division of the 
church revenues was made into three parts, as is plain by 
divers councils held there; and namely the first of Brac- 
cara: ‘ Placuit?, ut de rebus ecclesiasticis tres eque fiant 
portiones, id est, una episcopi; alia clericorum, tertia in 
reparatione, vel in luminariis ecclesiz.” And the coun- 
cil of Tarragona: ‘‘ Quia‘ tertia pars ex omnibus, per an- 
tiquam traditionem, ut accipiatur ab episcopis, novimus 
statutum.” In the present state of our northern churches, 
if we well mark it, some traces of these ancient orders 
may be observed. For first in the canons which have 
been cited, this may be noted, that in these days the 
parishioners were not tied to the reparation of their 
churches ; but the charge thereof was to be defrayed out of 
the revenues of the Church. ‘ Ex omnibus istis capitulis 
collige,” saith the gloss' upon the decrees, “ laicos non 
esse compellendos ad reparationem fabrice, sed tantum 
clericos.” Now this old order, which otherwhere is 
grown out of use, remaineth still in the north. ‘* We 
find,” say the jurors of the Cavan, “‘ that the parson, vicar 
and erenach, are to repair and maintain their proper 
parish church at their own charge, out of their bene- 
fices and the Termon land, unto which work the pa- 
rishioners did oftentimes voluntarily give their benevo- 
lence.” Again, by the same canons the bishop was to 


. Tom. 3. conciliorum, pag. 179. edit. Binii. 

° Bede eccles. hist. lib. 1. cap. 27. P Cap. 25. 

4 Tom. 2. concil. pag. 350. can. 8. edit. Binii. Vide concil. Emeritens. tom. 2. 
pag. 1182. Toletan. 4. can. 32. et 9. can. 5. tom. 3. pag. 163. b. 

® Joh. Semeca in 12. quest. 2. cap. 4. 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 441 


have ‘ vel quartam, vel tertiam, secundum locorum diversi- 
tates,” as Gratian" noteth. And so, according to the di- 
versity of places, the bishop enjoyeth his fourth in Con- 
naught, and in the diocese of Clogher, as likewise in the 
diocese of Derry and Raphoe his third part, which also 
still retaineth the name of quarta and tertia episcopalis. 
The taking up of the collections, and distribution of the 
church profits into their several portions, was in those 
days the special charge of the archidiaconus, as may ap- 
pear by the epistle of Gregory” ad Honoratum archidia- 
conum Salonitanum; and of Isidore* ad Lindifredum 
Cordubensem episcopum, thus describing the office of an 
archdeacon: ‘‘ Collectam pecuniam de communione ipse 
accipit, et episcopo defert, et clericis proprias partes idem 
distribuit.” The archdeacon to this day is termed by the 
Irish, €jpejnneach, as before I have declared ; and we find 
that this was one office of our Herenach, to be the bishop's 
collector, as in the inquisition for the county of Donegal 
is particularly set down of O’Morreeson, the Herenach of 
the parish of Clonemanny, “‘ That he was anciently ac- 
customed to collect all the bishop’s duties throughout the 
whole barony of Enishowen.” 

Now by the “ canonica dispositio quartarum’” as Gregory’ 
calleth it, the bishop being to have his fourth book of the 
spiritual and temporal profits of the church in Clogher, 
he receiveth accordingly the fourth part of the tithes of 
such parishes as are within that diocese. Besides this, 
every Herenach payeth unto him a certain yearly rent out 
of the Termon lands belonging unto his church, which 
if I should guess to have been in consideration of the 
quarta due unto the bishop out of the temporal posses- 
sions of that church, I suppose my conjecture would be 
found to have in it more probability and conformity to 
the ancient church government, than that which by some 
of the northern jurors, men not very skilful in matters 


“ Grat. 16. quest. 1. cap. 61. 

* Greg. 1. lib. 1. epist. 20. op. tom.2. pag. 504. 
* Isidor. pag. 615. edit. Paris, anno 1601. 

Y Epist. 11. lib. 4. op. tom. 2. pag. 691. 


442 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


of such antiquity, was delivered, viz. that* when the tem- 
poral lords in their several wars, and upon other occa- 
sions, began to charge and tax the Termon lands with 
divers exactions and impositions, the Corbes and Here- 
nachs fled unto the bishop of the diocese wherein they 
lived, and besought his protection against the wrongs and 
injuries of the temporal lords, and therefore voluntarily 
gave unto the bishop a rent or pension out of their land.” 
But to let this pass. The bishop’s portion being de- 
ducted in such sort as hath been shewed, there should 
remain a fourth both of the tithes and of the temporali- 
ties to be allowed unto the ministers that attended the 
cure, another fourth to be spent in reparations and keep- 
ing up of the church, and a fourth likewise pauperibus et 
peregrinis fideliter eroganda, as the canons? require. 
When therefore the receiving of the church goods into a 
common hand, and the sharing of them into their several 
portions began to be abused, he which was the ceconomus 
carving, as it is like, very favourably for himself, or upon 
some other respect was disused, and every one was willing 
to be the steward of his own portion, the presbyteri, that is, 
the parson and vicar, and the archidiaconus, (or Herenach,) 
may be thought to have grown to this composition; the 
Herenach charged himself with the reparation of two thirds 
of the fabric, taking upon him the care of the lower part 
or body of the church, the parson and vicar undertook 
the charge of the other third part. There being to di- 
vide betwixt them the three quarters of the church goods 
which remained above the bishop’s allowance; for more 
quiet and ease, the presbyteri took wholly unto themselves 
the three quarters of the tithes, two whereof fell into the 
parson’s lots, and one to the vicar’s, without challenging 
any benefit in the temporal profits, except some small 
quantity of glebe land they were to dwell on; the archi- 
diaconus or Herenach for keeping of hospitality, and en- 


@ See the office of the Cavan. 

> Gelas. epist. ad Clem. et pleb. Brundusii apud Gratianum, 12. quest. 2. 
cap. Concesso. Greg. 11. in epist.ad Clem. et pleb. Thuringie, concil. Worm. 
can. 7. et 47. 


o 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 443 


tertainment of strangers, besides the common care of 
reparations, had assigned unto him the commodity 
of the three quarters of the temporal lands, which 
he raised out of such rents, cuttings and services as 
were to be exacted of the coloni ecclesiastici, or Ter- 
moners. ‘Thus were things ordered, where the dis- 
tribution of the church goods into four parts was ad- 
mitted, as may be observed in those places, which belong 
to the diocese of Clogher, in a part of Tyrone, in Fer- 
managh, and in the county of Monaghan, called in times 
past Ergallia, where quarta episcopalis is said to have 
been granted to the bishop of Clogher, by Innocentius 
the second, at the request of Malachias. For so we read 
in the register of that bishoprick: ‘“* Malachias, archie- 
piscopus Ardmachanus, apostolice sedis legatus, ab In- 
nocentio IT. impetravit quartam episcopalem per totam 
Ergaliam dari episcopo Clochorensi, sicut in pontificali 
ejusdem ecclesize combusta continetur; quam vidimus, 
legimus, et approbavimus.” Howbeit, it appeareth by 
Bernard, that this Malachias, all the time that he was bi- 
shop, enjoyed not the benefit of any tithes, nor yet of 
lands, either mensal or censual; but lived rather by cosh- 
ering after the Irish fashion. ‘‘ Non® servos,” saith 
Bernard in his life, “ non ancillas, non villas, non viculos, 
non denique quicquam redituum ecclesiasticorum, secula- 
riumve, vel in ipso habuit episcopatu. Mensz episcopali, 
nihil prorsus constitutum, vel assignatum, unde episcopus 
viveret; nec enim vel domum propriam habuit; erat, 
autem, pene incessanter circuiens parcecias omnes, evan- 
gelio serviens, et de evangelio vivens, sicut constituit ei 
Dominus; dignus est, inquiens, operarius mercede sua.” 
But to return to the matter, whence I have a little di- 
gressed. Asin Clogher the canonica dispositio quartarum 
was in use, so,in the dioceses of Derry, and Raphoe the 
distribution in tertias was observed. There the Herenach 
taketh up tertiam episcopalem of the tithés, which he 
delivereth not in kind, but payeth in consideration thereof 


© Bernard. in vit. Malach. 


4.44 ORIGINAL OF CORBES, 


a yearly rent unto the bishop. He giveth unto him, in 
like manner, a certain annuity out of the Termon lands, 
which possibly might have been due, according to my 
former conjecture, in regard of the bishop’s interest in the 
third of the temporal lands belonging unto that church. 
So there should remain two thirds both of the tithes and 
of the temporalities. The two thirds remaining of the 
temporalities the Herenach held for the maintenance of his 
charge; the parson and vicar contented themselves with 
the two thirds of the tithes, which were equally divided 
between them; the parson, vicar and herenach, charging 
themselves in common with the keeping up and repara- 
tion of the church. This is the order observed in Derry 
and Raphoe. In the diocese of Armagh, from which also 
the state of the diocese of Kilmore differeth not much, 
the tithes are divided into three parts, whereof the par- 
son hath two, and the vicar one; the archbishop chal- 
lenging only certain mensal tithes out of the lands lying 
about the city of Armagh. The Herenach possesseth the 
temporal lands of the church, yielding a rent unto the 
bishop, and intermeddleth not with the tithes; yet bear- 
eth together with the parson and vicar, the charge of re- 
parations. So in divers dioceses, divers customs are 
held for the distribution of the church revenues: where- 
upon it falleth out sometimes, that in one and the same 
county very different customs are observed in that behalf. 
As, namely, in one part of ‘T'yrone, belonging to the dio- 
cese of Clogher, the bishop and vicar have one half of the 
tithes, and the parson the other; in another part, belong- 
ing to the diocese of Derry, the parson, vicar and here- 
nach divide the tithes betwixt them in such sort as for- 
merly hath been declared; and in another part, belong- 
ing to the diocese of Armagh, the parson taketh up two 
third part of the tithes, and the vicar one; the archbi- 
shop and herenach claiming no part thereof. 

And thus have I delivered my judgment, not so much 
of the present state, and much less of that which were 
meet to be settled hereafter, the ordering whereof I 
wholly refer unto the higher powers, not minding to inter- 


HERENACHES AND TERMON LANDS. 445 


pose myself in state affairs, as of the original and first 
estate of Corbes, Herenaches and Termon lands; wherein 
as I myself profess that I have carried an indifferent hand, 
without any partiality or private respect whatsoever, (mihi 
enim isthic nec seritur nec metitur) so would I have none 
to imagine, that I take upon me peremptorily to deter- 
mine any thing in this matter of antiquity; as being not 
ignorant with what obscurities questions of that nature are 
involved, especially where help of ancient monuments is 
wanting. My purpose only was to point unto the foun- 
tains, and to compare the present state of things with the 
practice of ancienter times ; thinking I have done well, if 
hereby I may give occasion of further enquiry unto those 
who have greater judgment and more leisure to hold out 
the truth of this business. 

























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Pate ey iy ty 
Hi eRe Re 





OF 
THE FIRST ESTABLISHMENT 
OF 


ENGLISH LAWS AND PARLIAMENTS 


IN THE 


KINGDOM OF IRELAND. 


EYE | 
ti uF 


4 = : : 


a ae 
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OF THE 


FIRST ESTABLISHMENT 


OF 


ENGLISH LAWS AND PARLIAMENTS, 


&e. &e. 


As soon as the realm of Ireland was come into the hands 
of the kings of England, their first care was to provide, 
that the church and commonwealth, in both nations, 
should be governed by the same laws. And _ therefore 
king Henry IJ. being here in person in the year 
1172. among other orders taken for the settlement of this 
state, caused two councils to be assembled; the one at 
Cashel, the other at Lismore. In the former it was 
agreed by a synodical constitution, that ‘‘ Omnia: divina 
ad instar sacrosancte ecclesiz, juxta quod Anglicana 
observat ecclesia, in omnibus partibus Hibernia, amodo 
tractentur: dignum etenim, et justissimum est, ut sicut 
dominum et regem ex Anglia sortita est divinitus 
Hibernia, sic etiam exinde vivendi formam accipiant me- 
liorem ;” so recordeth Giraldus Cambrensis in the first 
book of his history of the conquest of Ireland*. In the 


2 Cap, 34. 
VOL. XI. LL 


450 OF ENGLISH LAWS 


other, ‘‘ Leges Angliz ab omnibus sunt gratanter re- 
cept, et juratoria cautione prestita confirmatz ;” as wit- 
nesseth Matthew Paris in his great history. 

The like course was taken by his son king John, at his 
being here in the year 1210; as appeareth partly by the 
report of the same Matthew Paris, but especially by 
letters patent of Henry III. dated at Woodstock the 
ninth of September, in the thirtieth year of his reign, re- 
maining among the records of the tower of London. 
The words of the historian be these, speaking of king 
John’s doings in Ireland: “ Fecit rex ibidem construere 
leges, et consuetudines Anglicanas, ponens vice-comites, 
aliosque ministros, qui populum regni illius juxta leges 
Anglicanas judicarent.” The tenor of the record is this: 
** Quia pro communi utilitate terra Hiberniz, et unitate 
terrarum de communi concilio provisum est, quod omnes 
leges et consuetudines, que in regno nostro Angliz te- 
nentur, in Hibernia teneantur, et eadem terra iisdem 
legibus subjaceat, et per easdem regatur ; sicut Johannes 
rex, cum illic esset, statuit, et firmiter mandavit: Quia 
rex Henricus vult, quod omnia brevia de communi jure, 
que currunt in Anglia, similiter currant in Hibernia; sub 
novo sigillo regis mandatum est, archiepiscopis,” &c. 

In like sort Henry HI. son to King John, in the 
twelfth year of his reign: ‘‘ Mandavit justiciario suo 
Hiberniz, ut convocatis archiepiscopis, episcopis, comi- 
tibus, baronibus, militibus ibidem, coram eis legi faciat 
chartam regis Johannis, quam legi fecit, et jurari a mag- 
natibus Hiberniz, de legibus, et consuetudinibus Angliz 
observandis, et quod leges illas teneant, et observent ;” as 
is related out of the same records by that worthy anti- 
quary Mr. William Camden Clarentius’. 

Hereupon, in doubtful matters of law, recourse was had 
from thence into England; as in the days of the said 
king Henry upon a question of inheritance devolved unto 
sisters, four knights were sent unto the king’s court in 
England, by Gerald Fitzmaurice, then lord chief jus- 


> Camden Hibern. pag. 734. 


AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 451 


tice of Ireland, to bring a certificate of the custom of 
England in that case; who brought back the king’s 
rescript, commonly known by the name of ‘ Statutum® 
Hiberniz de coheredibus ;’ which is thus concluded: 
‘** Ideo vobis mandamus, quod predictas consuetudines, 
quas in regno nostro Angliz habemus, in hoc casu, ut 
predictum est, in terra nostra Hiberniez proclamari, et 
firmiter teneri facias, et observari. Teste meipso apud 
Westmonaster: 9. die Febr. anno regni 14:” as it is 
in the printed statutes, or, as Matthew Paris setteth it 
down in his history, anno 1240. ‘‘ Teste meipso apud 
Norwicum, 30. die Augusti anno regni 21.” 

Sot upon an erroneous judgment given in Ireland, 
matters might be removed by a writ of error to the 
king’s bench in England; and, upon a debt recovered 
in the king's court in England, a writ of a Fieri facias 
hath been directed to the justice of Ireland for levying 
the same upon the lands and goods of the debtor; a pre- 
cedent whereof is to be seen in the days of Richard H. 
in the case® of Robert Wickford, then archbishop of 
Dublin; who being in arrear of a certain annual rent of 
ten pounds due to one Thomas, a clerk in England; the 
sheriff of Middlesex having returned, that he had no 
lands, tenements, goods, or chattels in his baliwick, 
and testatum being made, that he was in Ireland, and 
there had divers goods, chattels, lands, and tenements, as 
well of his own purchase, as of his archbishopric, whence 
the said sum of ten pounds might be made; the king’s 
writ was thereupon directed to the justice of Ireland in 
this manner: ‘“Ideo vobis mandamus, quod de terris, et 
catallis ejuasdem Roberti jam archiepiscopi in terra nostra 
Hiberniz fieri faciatis preedictas decem libras, et illas 
habeatis coram, &c. octavis Michaelis ad reddendtam 
prefato Thome de arreragiis annui redditus predicti; et 
habeatis ibi hoc breve.” 


© Edit. cum Magna Charta. 
4 §.2. R. 3. fol. 12. Registr. brev. original. fol. 13. 2. Fitzherb. Natur, 
Brey. fol. 24. 
© Registr. brev. judicial. fol. 43. 6. 
LL2 


452 OF ENGLISH LAWS 


This order being settled, that the king’s English sub- 
jects in Ireland, and such also of the Irish, as had the 
benefit of the English laws vouchsafed unto them, for 
that all enjoyed not this privilege appeareth plainly by 
the king’s recorder, should be ruled by the same law, 
wherewith the state of England was governed; it came 
to pass, that such statutes, as were enacted in parlia- 
ments held in England, were intended always to have 
been made for the government as well of this kingdom, as 
of the other. And therefore, albeit in the presence of 
the statute of Glocester, in the - - - - - year of Edward I. 
the act is said expressly to be made for the behoof of the 
realm of England ; yet in the preface of the statute of 
Westmonaster, the second made the thirteenth year of the 
same king’s reign, we find it thus interpreted: ‘“ Cum 
nuper dominus rex, in quindena 8S. Johannis baptiste, 
anno regni sui 6. convocatis prelatis, comitibus, baroni- 
bus, et consilio suo apud Glocester, &c. quadam statuta 
populo suo valde necessaria, et utilia edidit, per que po- 
pulus suus Anglicanus, et Hibernicus sub suo regimine 
gubernatus celeriorem justitiam, quam prius, in suis op- 
pressionibus consecutus est,” &c. So in the statute of 
merchants made the same year: ‘‘ The king wills, that 
this ordinance and act be observed from henceforth 
throughout his realm of England, and Ireland.” And 
the statute of York, in the twelfth year of Edward II. 
is said to be made upon this consideration ; that the peo- 
ple of the realm of England and Ireland have heretofore 
suffered many times great mischiefs, damage and disheri- 
son, by reason that in divers cases, where the law failed, 
no remedy was provided; for the publication of which 
statute, together with another formerly enacted at Lin- 
coln in the ninth year of his reign, the king sent this writ 
to his chancellor in Ireland : 

‘“* Edwardus' Dei gratia rex Anglia, dominus Hiber- 
miz, dux Aquitaniz, cancellario suo in Hibernia salu- 
tem: Quedam statuta per nos de assensu prelatorum, 


f Ex libro albo Saccarii Hibernia. 


AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 453 


comitum, baronum, et communitatis regni nostri nuper 
apud Lincoln, et quedam alia statuta postmodum apud 
Eborum facta, que indicta terra nostra Hiberniz ad com- 
munem utilitatem populi nostri ejusdem terre observari 
volumus ; vobis mittimus, sub sigillo nostro mandantes, 
quod statuta illa in dicta cancellaria nostra custodiri, et 
in rotulis ejusdem cancellarie irrotulari, et ad singulas 
placeas nostras in regno nostro pradicto ad singulos co- 
mitatus ejusdem terra mitti facias per breve nostrum sub 
dicto sigillo nostro; ministris nostris placearum illarum, 
vice comitibus dictorum comitatuum mandantes, quod 
statuta illa coram ipsis publicari, et in omnibus, et singulis 
articulis observari firmiter faciatis. ‘Teste meipso apud 
Nottingham 20. Novembris, anno regni nostri 17.” 

About the same time, and in the same place, at 
Nottingham, on the twenty-fourth of November, anno 
R. Edw. II. 17. the ordinances’ for the state of Ire- 
land were made, which are to be seen in French in the 
second part of the ancient statutes printed at London, 
anno 1532. Add hereunto the statutes made at West- 
minster in the eleventh and twenty-seventh years of Ed- 
ward III. the former touching drapery, and wearing of 
outlandish cloth and furs, extended as well to Ireland and 
Wales, as unto England: the other concerning the erec- 
tion of staples at Dublin, Waterford, Cork, and Droghe- 
da, and the establishment of the staple law in this 
land: but especially the statute” enacted at Westminister, 
in the fourth year of king Henry V., touching promotion 
of clerks of the Irish nation, is to be considered: by which 
it is evident, that the kings of England, granting liberty 
of holding parliaments in this land, intended nothing less 
than to abridge their own authority thereby, or to ex- 
empt the inhabitants of this realm from the power of the 
laws, which should be made in the mother kingdom. 

In the second year of Richard Lil. the matter was first 
called into question upon this occasion. It was provided 


& Magna Charta, edit. anno 1532. et 1556. 
» Westmon. statut. anno 4. Hen. V. cap. 6. 


4A OF ENGLISH LAWS 


bya statute made at Westminster in the tenth year of Hen- 
ry VI. that ifany wools, woolfells, hides, lead, tin, &c. should 
be found carried out of the realm of England, or the lands 
of Ireland, Wales, and Berwick upon Tweed, to any place 
beyond the seas, besides Calais; the one half of all such 
goods should be forfeited to the king; and the person, 
that espied, and proved the same, thould have the other. 
It fell out afterwards, that certain merchants of Waterford 
shipped divers merchandises of the staple, agreeing by 
indenture with the master of the ship, that he should 
transport the said merchandises to Sluce in Flanders; 
but contrary to their will the ship was driven into Calais ; 
where Sir Thomas Thwayght, treasurer of Calais, seized 
the ship, one moiety for the king, and the other for him- 
self, as the first finder. The merchants, by a bill pre- 
ferred to the king in his council at Westminster’, craved 
restitution; whereupon this question came to be debated 
in the Exchequer chamber: “ Si villee corporate in Hi- 
bernia, et alii habitantes in Hibernia, erunt legati per sta- 
tutum factum in Anglia:” whereupon it was said Ireland 
had a parliament in itself, whereby it made laws, and 
changed laws, and was not bound by a statute made in 
England, forasmuch as it had not there any knights of 
the parliament. But the question being renewed the next 
term*, which fell on the beginning of the reign of Hen- 
ry VII. Hussey the chiefjustice resolved, that the statutes 
made in England do bind those of Ireland ; which was in a 
manner agreed upon by all the other justices then assem- 
bled in the Exchequer chamber: ‘‘ Nient-obstant, que 
ascunde eux fuerunt in contraria opinione te darre in terme 
enson absens,” saith the reporter; notwithstanding that 
some of them were of contrary opinion the last term in his 
absence. 

There followed not long after, the parliament! held before 
Sir Edward Poynings at Drogheda, in the tenth year of Hen- 


1 OMS Go tells Wee 

k M.1.H. VII. fol. 3. Fitzherb. tit. Accion sur le statut. 6. Brook tit. par- 
liament. and statutes, 90. 

1 Stat. Hibern. 10. H. VII. cap. 22. 


AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 455 


ry VII. wherein it was ordained, and established, that all 
statutes late made within the realm of England, concern- 
ing or belonging to the common, and public weal of the 
same, should thenceforth be deemed good, and effectual 
in the law, and be accepted, used, and executed within 
this land of Ireland in all points, at all times requisite, 
according to the tenor, and effect of the same; whereby 
many have been induced to believe, that the statutes of 
England could have no authority in Ireland, without spe- 
cial confirmation of the parliament in this land: not con- 
sidering, that in this self same parliament™ it was in like 
manner ordained, and established, that the statutes of 
Kilkenny, which were of full validity before the time of 
this confirmation, should be authorized, approved, con- 
firmed, and deemed good, and effectual in the law, and 
be executed according to the tenor, and purport of them, 
and every of them: even as before this in a parliament” 
holden at Dublin in the eighteenth year of Henry VI. it 
was enacted, that all statutes made within this realm, and 
not repealed, should be holden and kept in all points: 
and in another parliament holden in the same place, the 
eleventh year of Henry IV. that the great charter and the 
statutes made in the time of the Duke of Clarence, and in 
the time of Thomas of Lancaster, lieutenant of Ireland, 
and all other good statutes, and reasonable ordinances 
made in the time of any justice or lieutenant of this land 
should be firmly holden, and kept: whereby it is mani- 
fest, that from the reviving, or confirming of any statutes, 
no sufficient argument can be drawn to disannul the autho- 
rity of those acts before such confirmation. 

Lastly, whereas by authority of a parliament? be- 
gun at London, in the twenty-first year of King Henry 
VIII. the act of Faculties was ordained not only for 
the realm of England, but also for all other the king’s 
dominions, with this penalty annexed, that whatsoever 


™ Stat. Hibern. 10. H. VII. cap. 8. 
u Ex Rotul. parliamentar. Hib. 18. H. VI. cap. 4. et 11. Hen. IV. cap. 4. 
© Stat. Angl. anno 25. Hen. VIII. cap. 21. 


456 OF ENGLISH LAWS 


person, subject, or resident within the realm of England, 
or within any the king’s dominions, did sue to the court, 
or see of Rome, or to any claiming authority from thence, 
for any licence, or faculty, or put in execution any licence 
so obtained, or maintain, allow, admit, or obey any man- 
ner of censures, or other process from Rome, should incur 
the punishment comprised in the statute of praemunire: the 
states of Ireland, assembled in parliament in the twenty- 
eighth year of the same king, thought it nothing strange, that 
the effects of the act, ordained in England, should be 
thus extended to the king’s other dominions; but freely 
acknowledged so much in these words: ‘* Forasmuch? as 
it is mentioned in the said act, that the effects thereof 
should not only extend into the realm of England and to 
the commodity thereof, and to the subjects of the same, 
but also to all other the king’s dominions, and his sub- 
jects; and that this the king’s land of Ireland is his pro- 
per dominion, and a member appending, and rightfully 
belonging to the imperial crown of the said realm of Eng- 
land, and united to the same; and also like inconvenience 
hath ensued within this land of Ireland, as hath been 
within the said realm of England by reason of the usurpa- 
tion of the bishop of Rome, like as is mentioned in the 
said act. Be it therefore enacted by authority of this 
present parliament, that the said act, and every thing, 
and things therein contained, shall be established, con- 
firmed, taken, obeyed, and accepted within this land of 
Ireland, as a good and perfect law.” 

Thus we see how the English laws were here esta- 
blished, and how from time to time the king’s subjects 
of Ireland were ruled, not only by the common laws, but 
also by the statute laws of England: notwithstanding, for 
the ordering of their particular affairs, wherewith the no- 
bility and commons of that other realm could not be so 
well acquainted, they have had always, as proper courts, 
so likewise proper parliaments of their own in this land. 
The first order out of England for this matter, that I 


P Stat. Hib, 28. Hen. VIII. cap. 19. 


AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 4.57 


meet withal, is a constitution of King Edward I. in the 
twelfth year of his reign, remaining among the close 
rolls in the tower of London, that parliaments should be 
held every year in the land of Ireland; but that respecteth 
the determination of the time, rather than the first insti- 
tution of parliaments in this country: for in the chroni- 
cles of Ireland, and especially in the annals written about 
the year 1370. which Phillip Flattesbury followed in his 
collections, and my learned friend Mr. Camden, at my 
entreaty hath lately published out of the Lord William 
Howard’s library, there is mention made of sundry par- 
liaments holden here in this same king’s reign before this 
order was taken; as may be seen in the said annals at the 
years of our Lord 1309. 1310. 1315. and 1317. So like- 
wise in the days of Edward I. anno 1294, “ Richardus 
comes Ultoniz,” saith the same author, ‘‘ cito post festum 
sancti Nicholai captus est per dominum Johannem filium 
Thome, et in castro de Lega, id est, Ley, detentus est us- 
que ad festum sancti Gregorii pap; cujus liberatio facta 
fuit tunc per concilium domini regis in parliamento de Kil- 
kenny.” And, to ascend higher unto the time of Henry 
III. in the register of the archbishop of Dublin there is to 
be seen: “ Inquisitio facta ad parliamentum de Tristel- 
Dermod die Mercurii proxima post festum sancti Trini- 
tatis, anno 48. H. LI. coram D. Richardo de Rupella, 
capitali justiciario Hibernie, et coram Domino Hugone de 
Tachmone episcopo Midensi, tunc thesaurario,” &c. 

Yet all parliaments, that we read of in the chronicles, 
are not to be accounted to have been of the same nature; 
but a distinction may be observed therein of petite, and 
grande parliaments : for the name is sometimes given to 
such meetings, as were parlies, rather than parliaments ; 
as in the foresaid annals, anno Domini 1368. R. Edw. 
III. 42. ‘In Carbria post quoddam parliamentum 
finitum inter Hibernicos, et Anglicos capti sunt frater 
Thomas Burley', prior de Killmaynan, cancellarius regis 


4 Camden, Hibern. pag. 733. ® Butler. 


458 OF ENGLISH LAWS 


in Hibernia, Johannes Fitz-Reicher vice-comes Midie,” &c. 
Others were grande parliaments, wherein the three estates 
of the land were assembled; such as in the submission of 
Mac-Mahowne, inthe twenty-fifth year of Henry VI. are to 
be understood ; where he promiseth in Arch parliaments to 
carry nothing out of the English pale contrary to the sta- 
tutes; and these in the chronicles are sometimes called 
magna parliamenta, as in the annals of Ross, anno 1333. 
“ 'Tenetur parliamentum magnum Dublin, et eundo versus 
dictum parliamentum occiditur dominus Willelmus nobilis 
juvenis comes Ultonia, per suos Anglicos Ultonie prodi- 
tiose; et in eodem parliamento occiditur Mauricius filius 
Nicholai Othoil Hibernicus, et in armis strenuus:” but 
more usually communia parliamenta, as may be seen in 
sundry places of the annals set out by Mr. Camden; one 
whereof, because it containeth some other memorable 
things concerning the matter in hand, I will set down at 
large. 

«“ Anno Domini 1341. commune parliamentum Hiber- 
niz de concilio regis mense Octobris extitit ordinatum. 
Ad idem parliamentum Mauritius filius Thome comes 
Desmondiz non pervenit: ante quod tempus nunquam 
inter Anglicos in Anglia oriundos, et Anglicos in terra 
Hiberniz oriundos, ita nobilis et manifesta divisio habe- 
batur. Majores insuper civitatum regalium ejusdem ter- 
re, una cum nobilioribus dicte terre universis unanimes 
existentes, habito consilio deliberato in czeteris conclusi- 
onibus decreverunt, et statuerunt parliamentum commune 
Kilkenniz, mense Novembri; ad utilitatem et profectum 
regis, et preefate terre, consilio justiciarii, et regalium 
predictorum irrequisito penitus in hac parte. Justicia- 
rius autem, et czteri ministri regis ad idem parliamentum 
Kilkenniz accedere nullatenus presumpserunt. Majores 
igitur terre: prenotati, una cum majoribus civitatum ordi- 
naverunt de solemnibus nunciis regi Angliz quantocius 
destinandis pro statu terre relevando, et conquerendo de 
ejus ministris in Hibernia, de iniquo, et injusto regimine 
eorundem; et non de czetero tolerarent, quod terra 
Hiberniz per suos ministros more solito regeretur, con- 


AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 459 


queruntur pro parte de preedictis ministris per questiones. 
Quomodo terra plena guerris regi possit ab illo qui bello- 
rum ignarus? Quomodo minister regis brevi tempore ad 
magnas opes venire posset? Quomodo rex in Hibernia 
non factus ditior ?” 

A like attempt of assembling a parliament without the 
privity of the king’s council was not long after renewed by 
the Earl of Desmond; who is here noted to have absented 
himself from the king’s parliament. The matter is thus 
related by John Clinn, a friar of Kilkenny, who lived at 
the time, anno 1344. “In festo cathedrz Petri fuit par- 
liamentum factum apud Callan, rege nescio; ad quod 
venit Mauritius filius Thome cum multis millibus homi- 
num, ad quod credidit majores terrae ad eum venisse. 
Sed rex timens talia conventicula suspecta, et potius ma- 
lum, quam bonum ex hoc evenire; per breve regis prohi- 
bitum est omnibus, ne venirent: et per hoc majores 
terre predicto Mauritio se excusabant, sed domi man- 
serunt.” 

The next year a parliament by the king’s authority was 
summoned at Dublin; from whence the said Earl of Des- 
mond again absented himself, and was thereupon prose- 
cuted by the lord deputy; for so we read in Camden’s 
annals, anno 1345. ‘‘ Septimo die Junii commune parlia- 
mentum Dubliniz ; ad quod non venit dominus Mauricius 
filius Thomz, comes Desmoniz. Item dominus Radul- 
phus de Ufford justiciarius Hiberniz post festum beati 
Johannis baptiste cum vexillo regis, sine tamen assensu 
majorum terre levato, contra dominum Mauricium filium 
Thome, comitem Desmondiz ad Momoniam progreditur,” 
&e. 

Afterwards upon the beheading of Thomas Earl of 
Desmond, called unto a parliament at Dublin by John 
Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, it is said, that King Ed- 
ward IV. about the ninth year of his reign, granted, 
that the earls of Desmond should never be enforced to 
come to any parliaments to Dublin more, nor any where 
else in Ireland; using themselves dutifully to God, and to 
their prince; as in the book of Houthe is recorded, 


460 OF ENGLISH LAWS 


Whereupon in the thirty-second year of Henry VIII. 
James Fitz-John, then admitted Earl of Desmond, in his 
submission before Sir Anthony Sentleger, on the sixteenth 
January, anno 1540. disclaimed the privilege challenged 
by his ancestors of not coming to parliament, grand coun- 
cil, or within any walled town. 

Otherwise, sure it is, that all the lords of the land as 
well spiritual, as temporal, were bound to appear at these 
parliaments; and for default herein we find, that, in the 
days* of Edward II. a fine of two hundred marks upon 
George Lord Roche; as also in the dayst of Henry VI. 
the bishops of Leghlyn, Ossory, Down, and Limrick 
were amerced for the same cause. And as they were 
bound to resort to parliaments, so were they there to take 
their places according to their estate, and to wear their 
robes of parliament after the manner of England. For the 
former, the order of sitting observed in the parliament 
holden at Dublin before Gerald, Earl of Kildare, in the 
twenty-fifth year of Henry VIII. is registered by John Al- 
len, archbishop of Dublin, then present, the year before 
he was cruelly murdered by Lord Thomas Fitz-Gerald, 
son to the aforesaid earl. And for the latter two special 
statutes were provided, one in the sixteenth year of Ed- 
ward IV. and another in the tenth year of Henry VII. 

Now by this frequent use of parliaments, appointed to 
be holden every year, and oftentimes more than once 
within the compass of one year, as appeareth both by the 
chronicles, and bya statute"in the thirty-fourth year of Hen- 
ry VI. whereby the summoning of parliaments, more than 
once in the year, is for a time restrained, it may easily be 
collected, that the principal use of parliaments in former 
times was not so much to make new laws, as to see the 
old put in execution, and to advise of other matters, that 
concerned the state of the commonwealth. Sometimes 
they were gathered for the trial or acquittal of some great 
personages, as may be seen in the annals often alleged, 


* Camden Hibern. pag. 729. ex archivis regis. 
‘ Rotul. parliamentar. Hib. ann. 27. Hen. VI. cap. 21—24. 
« Ex Rotul. parliamentar, Hibern. 34. Hen. VI. cap. 6. 


AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 461 


anno 1510. 1317. and 1327. Sometimes for consultation in 
times of great danger; as the parliament holden at Kil- 
kenny in the days of Edward II. whereof John Clinne thus 
writeth: anno 1315. ‘‘ Commune parliamentum magna- 
tum Hiberniz apud Kilkenny pro auxilio, et consilio ha- 
bendo contra Scotos in principio mensis Junii.” Some- 
time for viewimg the state of the king’s tenants, as the 
parliament holden at Ross, in the time of Henry IV. of 
which another author” writeth in this manner: anno 1401. 
**'Thomas Dominus de Lancaster, filius et locum tenens 
domini regis Henrici quarti in Hibernia, tenuit parlia- 
mentum apud Ross, in quo habuit visum chartarum, et 
patentium horum, qui a domino rege tenuerunt in capite.” 
Sometime for obtaining a subsidy: as the parliament hold- 
en at Kilkenny, in the forty-fourth year of Edward III. be- 
fore Sir William Windsor ; wherein three thousand pounds 
were granted to the king, “ pro subsidio ad guerras,” as we 
read in the same author: and another held in the same 
place in the days of Henry IV. by Thomas of Lancaster ; 
of whom Henry Marlburgh, vicar of Balscadden, in his 
chronicles thus writeth: anno 1408. “ Post festum S. 
Hilarii tenuit parliamentum apud Kilkenny, causa tallagii 
habendi.” Sometime for hearing and determining con- 
troversies of right between party and party; as the par- 
lament holden at Dublin in the fifth year of Henry VI. 
before James Butler Earl of Ormond; the whole roll 
whereof containeth nothing but a process upon a writ of 
error, in a plea betwixt the prior of Lanthony in Wales, 
and the prior of Molingar in Ireland. Sometime also for 
enacting and establishing statutes for the government of 
the land; of which kind these are the special. 
Anno 1309. 

In the reign of Edward If. a parliament holden in Kil- 
kenny, whereof in the annals set down by Mr. Camden, 
mention is made in these words: Anno 1309. “ Parlia- 
mentum tentum est apud Kilkenny in octavis purificati- 
onis beate Mariz per comitem Ultonia, (et Johannem 
Wogan justiciarium Hiberniz) et cateros magnates; in 


” Ex collectaneis Thadxi Dowling. 


462 OF ENGLISH LAWS 


quo fuit sedata magna discordia orta inter quosdam mag- 
nates Hiberniz, et multe provisiones tanquam statuta 
providebantur: utiles terre Hiberniz, si fuissent ob- 
servate.” 

Anno 1366. 

Inthe fortieth year of Edward ILI. another parliament hol- 
den at Kilkenny the first Thursday in Lent, by Lionel 
Duke of Clarence, the king’s son, and lieutenant of Ire- 
land: the acts whereof are to be seen among the rolls of 
the Chancery, and are commonly known by the name of 
the statutes of Kilkenny*; of which in the act of confir- 
mation, it is thus recorded: ‘* All the season, that the said 
statutes were set in use, and duly executed, the land con- 
tinued in prosperity, and honour ; and since the time that 
they were not executed, the subjects rebelled, and di- 
gressed from their allegiance, and the land did fall to ruin 
and desolation.” 

Anno 1402. 

In the third year of Henry IV. a parliament holden at 
Dublin in the month of September by Thomas Lancaster 
the king’s son, and lieutenant of Ireland; wherein divers 
statutes were enacted touching herbinage, and livere, the 
office of clerk of the market, and escheator, &c. 

Anno 1404. 

In the fifth year of the same king, another parliament 
holden at Dublin before the Earl of Ormond; wherein 
the acts of the two precedent parliaments were con- 
firmed ; as appeareth by Henry Marleburgh, whose words 
are these: anno 1404. ‘In die 8. Vitalis incipit parlia- 
mentum Dubliniz coram comite Ormondiz, tunc justi- 
ciario Hibernia ; ubi confirmata fuerunt statuta de Kil- 
kenny Dubliniz, et charta pro Hibernia :” or as another 
author’ setteth it down: ‘‘ Charta libertatis Hiberniz, 
et statuta Kilkenniz fuerunt confirmata authoritate par- 
liamenti, coram comite Ormoniz, justiciario Hiberniz die 
Vitalis martyris.” 


* Stat. Hib. ann. 10, Hen. VII. cap. 8. 
¥ Collectan, Thadei Dowling, 


AND PARLIAMENTS IN IRELAND. 463 


Anno 1408. 

About the eighth year of the same king’s reign, a third 
parliament holden at Dublin before James Butler, Ear] 
of Ormond, then Lord Justice of Ireland; wherein the 
same acts were again confirmed, as witnesseth the foresaid 
Henry Marleburgh, in these words: anno 1408. “ Dic- 
tus justiciarius tenuit parliamentum Dubliniz ; in quo par- 
liamento confirmata fuerunt statua Kilkenny, et Dub- 
liniz, et charta concessa sub magno sigillo Anglia, contra 
Purveyours.” 

In the eleventh year of the same king’s reign a fourth 
parliament holden at Dublin before Sir Thomas Butler, 
prior of Kilmainham, deputy to Thomas of Lancaster, 
the king’s son: wherein both the foresaid acts, and all 
other good statutes, and reasonable ordinances made in 
the time of any justice, or lieutenant of this land, were 
confirmed, and order taken, that if any statutes, or ordi- 
nances were made, which formerly were not put in execu- 
tion, or proclaimed, the same should then be proclaimed, 
and put in execution. Here also it was concluded, that 
the form of adjournments of parliaments should be kept 
after the manner of England; and sundry other statutes 
established, which are extant in the parliament rolls con- 
taining twenty-four chapters. 

Anno 1428. 

In the seventh year of Henry VI. the parliament hol- 
den at Dublin, the Friday next after the feast of All 
Saints, before Sir John Sutton, Knight, Lieutenant of 
Ireland. It remaineth among the parliament rolls, and 
containeth fourteen chapters. 

Anno 1431. 

In the tenth year of the same king’s reign another par- 
liament holden at Dublin, the Friday next before the 
feast of St. Catherine, before Sir Thomas Stanley, Knight, 
Lieutenant of Ireland: the roll containeth eight chapters; 
the fifth and seventh whereof are to be seen in the printed 
book of the statutes of Ireland; with the beginning 
whereof [ will make an end of this narration, and sur- 
cease from farther discourse of the parliaments of this 
country. 





A DISCOURSE, 


SHEWING WHEN, AND HOW FAR, 


IMPERIAL LAWS 


WERE 


RECEIVED BY THE OLD IRISH, 


AND THE SEVERAL 


INHABITANTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. 


VOL. XI. MM 





i lO LT Ete 


&e. &e. 


I. un Irish never received the imperial law, but used 
still their own Brehon law: which consisted partly of the 
customs of the land, partly of the ordinances enacted by 
their kings and chief governors; whereof there are large 
volumes yet extant in their own language. Yet the 
Brehons, in giving of judgment, were assisted by certain 
scholars, who had learned many rules of the civil and 
canon law, rather by tradition than by reading: as by 
Sir John Davies* is reported: although for their skill in 
the canon law Hannibal Rosselli, the Calabrian, giveth 
unto them this testimony : ‘‘ Olim? homines illius regionis 
plurimum intendebant juri pontificio, erantque optimi 
canonistz.” 

II. The natives of Scotland, in the north part of Great 
Britain, being a colony of the Irish, used the like custo- 
mary laws, which were augmented by Kenneth II. the 
son of Alpin, of whom these verses run : 


Primus in Albania fertur regnasse Kinedhus, 
Filius Alpini, prelia multa gerens : 


4 In Cambden’s Hibern. pag. 152. of the English edition. 


b Rossel. comm. in Mercur. Herm. Trismegist. Pemandr. et Asclep. tom. 5. 
pag. 125. edit. Colon. 


MM 2 


468 OF THE IMPERIAL LAWS 


being called the first, either because he was the first 
that reigned over whole Albania, having overthrown the 
Picts, and adjoined their kingdom to his own; or, as I 
read in the book of Meilross, “ Quia primus leges Scoti- 
canas instituit, quas vocant lees Mac-Alpin.” 

III. While Britain was a Roman province, it was sub- 
ject to the Roman laws‘: for the learning whereof the 
neighbouring nation served as a school; according to that 
of Juvenal, in the fifteenth satire: 


Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos. 


We find a rescript’ of the emperor Severus, proposed 
at York, the year before he ended his life there: but that 
Papinian executed judicature there, I could wish might 
be proved by some witness of more antiquity than Ste- 
phanus Torcatulus® was of: for it would redound unto 
some honour unto the nation, that the most skilful man 
in the civil Jaw, that ever lived, should be appointed a 
minister of justice there. 

IV. After the departure of the Romans from hence, 
the Britons being driven by the Saxons into Cornwall 
and Wales, returned again to the customary laws of their 
own country ; having no written law, for aught I can find, 
before the days of Howel-Dha, or Howel the Good ; who 
succeeded his father Cadhel in the kingdom of South 
Wales, and Powis in the year 907. and his cousin Edwal 
Voel in the kingdom of North Wales, anno 940. He, 
having thus obtained the sovereignty of all Wales, in an 
assembly at ‘Twy-Gwin upon the river Taff, at which 
were present one hundred and forty of the clergy, re- 
formed the old laws, and established new; the book 
whereof is still extant both in the Welsh and in the 
Latin tongues. The Latin translator, who was then also 
present, is in the Welsh chronicle’ named Blegored, by 


© “Cernitis ignotos Latia sub lege Britannos.’”’ Catalect. 
d Lib. 1. C. de rei vendic. 

€ Vide Dion Cass. lib. 76. in excerpt. Xiphilin. 

f Pag. 127. 


IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 469 


Bale, Blegabridus Languaridus®; of whom I find this 
mention in those barbarous verses, which are at the end 
of the Latin copy in the library of Corpus Christi, or 
Bennet College in Cambridge : 


Explicit editus liber bene finitus : 

Quem regi scripsit Languoridus, et quoque fuit 
Howeli turbe doctor tunc legis in urbe, 

Gornando cano tune judice cotidiano 

Rex dabat ad partem dextram, non sumpserat artem. 


See Sir Henry Spelman’s British Councils, page 408. 
where he is called Blangoridus, and styled ‘ Clericus 
doctissimus.” 

.V. At what time Justinian published the body of the civil 
law, not only Britain, but all the rest of the western part 
of Europe also were disjoined from the Roman Empire ; 
Italy and Sicily only excepted : and in Italy itself the use 
thereof continued but a short time: until at length in 
the year 1102. “Irnerius, philosophiam Bononiz docens, 
Mathildis rogatu, Pandectas interpretari coepit, et primus 
glossas in eas scripsit :” as Sigonius hath it in the argu- 
ment of his Bononian history; and abbas Urspergensis in 
his Chronicle more fully: “ Eisdem temporibus Dominus 
Warnerius libros legum, qui dudum neglecti fuerant, nec 
quisquam in eis studuerat, ad petitionem Mathilde Co- 
mitissaz renovavit; et secundum quod olim a dive re- 
cordationis imperatore Justiniano compilati fuerant, pau- 
cis forte alicubi interpositis", eos distinxit,” &c. 

VI. The laws and customs of the English Scots, King' 
David I. with the advice of the people and clergy of his 
whole kingdom, caused to be reduced into four books, 
according to the number of Justinian’s Institutes: and in 
imitation thereof caused the like proem to be prefixed 
thereunto: ‘‘ Regiam majestatem non solum armis contra 
rebelles, sibi, regnoque insurgentes, oportet esse decora- 


é Bal. Centur. 2. pag. 127. v. Blegabridus. 
In his interlineary gloss. 
* Vid. Regiam majestatem in fine prefationis. 


ATO OF THE IMPERIAL LAWS 


tam; sed etiam legibus ad subditos, et populos pacifice 
regendos, oportet esse armatam; ut utraque tempora, 
scilicet pacis, et belli,” &c. Whereby I gather, that in 
his time, betwixt the year 1124. and 1153. the notice of 
Justinian was brought into that kingdom. Although, if 
I may here freely deliver my mind, I am much rather in- 
duced to think, this “ Regiam majestatem” to have been 
written after the year 1330. in the days of David II. 
than, as Skene would have us believe, in the reign of 
David I. as for other important reasons, so because in 
other copies of that book, Glanvil’s Tractatus de Legi- 
bus, et consuetudinibus regni Anglia, written in or 
after the thirty-third year of Henry II. is vouched, and 
mentioned often therein; as in the English preface, 
printed before Glanvil anno 1604, may be seen. But as 
for the use of the civil law in Scotland, although the sub- 
jection thereto be disclaimed by two several acts of par- 
liament, quoted by Mr. Selden’, yet the practice thereof 
is much the same in that kmgdom as in France. 

VII. In the Norman™ chronicles I meet with the pre- 
cise time of the first profession of the civil law in Eing- 
land, recorded in this wise: ‘‘ Magister Vacarius, gente 
Longobardus, vir honestus et juris peritus, cum leges 
Romanas anno ab incarnatione Domini 1149. in Anglia 
discipulos doceret; et multi, tam divites, quam pauperes, 
ad eum causa discendi confluerent; suggestione paupe- 
rum de codice, et digestis excerptos novem libros compo- 
suit, qui sufficiunt ad omnes legum lites, que in scholis 
frequentari solent decidendas, si quis eos perfecte noverit.” 
Whereby we may understand, what that Vacarius was, 
and what those leges Romane were; whereof Johannes 
Sarisburiensis thus writeth in the eighth book, and twen- 
ty-second chapter of his Polycraticus: ‘* ‘Tempore regis 
Stephani a regno jusse sunt leges Romane, quas in Bri- 


' Review, pag. 479. 
™ Chronic. Norman. ab Andr. Duchesino, edit. ex biblioth. S. Victor. Paris 
anno 1619. pag. 983. 


IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 471 


tanniam domus venerabilis patris Theobaldi® Britanniarum 
primatis asciverat. Ne quis etiam libros retineret, edicto 
regio prohibitum est, et Vacario nostro indictum silen- 
tium. Sed, Deo faciente, eo magis virtus legis invaluit, 
quo eam amplius nitebatur impietas infirmare.” By which 
we see, that the civil law (not the ecclesiastical, as some® 
have imagined) was not with greater indiscretion rejected 
in the days of King Stephen, than it was with great fervour 
restored again in the days of his successor King Henry 
II. For in his days was the Polycraticus written: at the 
same time also flourished Willelmus de Glavile (or Glanvil) 
one of the followers of Thomas Becket, and afterwards 
bishop of Rochester: ‘‘ In utroque jure scientiam commen- 
dabilem assecutus,” as it is in the fourth book of the fore- 
cited quadrilogue: as Leland also in his book De scrip- 
torib. Britann. noteth of Roger Hoveden the historian; 
not long after that, ‘ Mediis studiorum suorum annis 
legibus Czsarianis operam dedit; a quibus recta se con- 
tulit ad pontificias.” His book De legibus, et consue- 
tudinibus regni Angliz, written much after the same 
manner, and in the same words commonly, that the Re- 
giam majestatem of Scotland is; with the like proem out 
of Justinian’s Institutes placed in the beginning of it. 
But Bracton, who after him drew a more full body of the 
common law toward the end of Henry III. stuffeth his 
book every where with quotations of the civil law, which 
to have been done also in the pleadings at the bar, the 
reports of the year books of Edward II. (vouched by Mr. 
Selden?) do sufficiently testify. 

VIII. After the restitution of the imperial laws here, 
in the time of Henry II. public schools were erected for 


" Anno 1138. as it seems; when Theobald went to Rome, to get his pall. 
Whence Thomas Becket, (as we read in the Quadrilogue, or Quadripartite his- 
tory of his life, lib. 1, cap. 5. edit. Par. 1495.) being bred in his family, “ Juri 
civili operam dedit. Impetrata vero postea a Domino suo archiepiscopo transfre- 
tandi licentia, per annum in legibus studuit Bononiz; postea Antisiodoro.” 

° Selden, in Jano Anglor. pag. 89. lib. 2. sec. 43. Notes upon Fortescue, 
pag. 45. not. 21. and Review of hist. of tithes, pag. 490, 491. ad fin, 

P Review of the history of tithes, cap. 7. fin. 


472 OF THE IMPERIAL LAWS 


the profession thereof in the city of London: for the sup- 
pressing whereof, in the year 1235. the king’s writ was 
directed to the mayor and sheriffs: ‘‘ Quod‘ per totam 
civitatem London clamari faciant, et firmiter prohiberi, ne 
aliquis scholas regens de legibus in eadem civitate de ca- 
tero ibidem leges doceat. Et si aliquis ibidem fuerit 
hujusmodi scholas regens, ipsum sine dilatione cessare 
faciant. Teste Rege’ apud Bassing undecimo die Decem- 
bris.” And yet all this notwithstanding, the English cler- 
gy remitted nothing of their diligence in the study of the 
civil law; as appeareth both by the relation of Matthew 
Paris, at the year 1255. (which was the thirty-ninth of 
Henry III.) and by the reproof given unto them for it by 
Roger Bacon, who deceased anno Domini, 1292. under 
Edward I. in his Compendium theologie; cited at large 
by Mr. Selden in his notes upon Fortescue‘. 

IX. At length the profession of the civil law was esta- 
lished in both the universities; and recourse had to the 
sages thereof in weighty consultations; though with pro- 
testation, that the kingdom was not subject to the rule of 
that law: as appeareth by the proceedings in the parlia- 
ment, anno 11. Richardi II. related by the same Mr. Sel- 
den, both in the said notes‘, and in Jano Anglor*. 

X. In Wales I met with the writings of Thomas Saincte, 
archdeacon of St. David’s, who lived in the latter days of 
Henry VII. and the beginning of Henry VIII. and was a 
reader of the canon law in Aula profunda Oxoniz : where 
he made an exhortation to his scholars to follow their 
studies, beginning thus: 


Multum preclari sacrati juris alumni, 
Salvete, insignes laudibus usque viri, &c. 


This Aula profunda, if I be not deceived, belonged to 


4 Selden, review of the history of tithes, pag. 491. ad fin. 

¥ Claus. 19. Hen. III. Membran. 22. 

* Pag. 43, 44. not. 21. t Pag. 41, 42. not. 21. 
w Lib. 2. sec. 42. 


IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 473 


All Souls College: where you may inquire farther hereof; 
as also of Dr. Zouch, touching the foundation of the civil 
law lecture in Oxford; for which also you may look into 
the memorials out of the records bestowed by Mr. Hare 
upon the university. 


‘si ae lik thi one 
i iby ih) eae in| 
ne ‘vil nc waite ng : aaliiaetes Vslgiahy) hen Ne OEE j 
ia Indi Nii made St NT atin al hel a ei: may 
NLU RRR LA A ben |: ibe OER RR NAS eel ah vt 
11 Mien ane rit ate, | 
rapa eta i uli italien Mi 
LAG able Soran dy a mT 


ue ae 


/ Sat a i vit | hf 
t i) ag A 
a ih poi i Aa 


i ‘4 
ya an ith ik en, 
; { 





JACOBI USSERII 


ARMACHANI 


CHRONOLOGIA SACRA, 


ANNORUM ET IIAIAOTIOITADS PATRIARCHARUM, THAPOIKIA2 
ISRAELITARUM IN ZGYPTO, ANNORUM ETIAM JUDICUM, 
REGUM JUD ET ISRAELIS 
“ATIOAEIZ IS 


CHRON OLOGICA. 


OPUS POSTHUMUM HUCUSQUE ANEKAOTON. 





ain it | ee Hh ae 


HEY TAU ARE SA i 
rT i ny TEAS Me i se ie sith ao 


ni a 
Mar iat uf | it ni hh 
RM ae i 


; i 
is et RH oh 

: it Mf ih 

i ry ! it i na if ie an A} De ii rial i 

| nh PRE NS Rh pi at 4 ae We Raat yt te phan i ci 

te aie ni Ha a TEOMA TG TEE PY i baa 

. Phd: Sh uu DWE al | 


een) Mi 
uaa ns a Ae ae ne 







Hh Wye Nisy 
ae , i ; Ke ne Nea 







An 





















Pipt Oy ne » 
ti ite wi th te WES, es. i fai i 
i f ; : vor f 
OU La ain Ht} nity dd ie a aii 


Ls a ne i ov i - 
| SR i in ah HO a ! Hi 
Ba a hi a oe 'e na ie Hin 
hei ‘i I Wi . i i ht HH 
a 


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VIRO AMPLISSIMO ET AMICISSIMO 


DOMINO TIMOTHEO TYRRELL 


EQUITI AURATO, 


ET, QUOD MAJUS EST, 


MAGNI ARMACHANI Tou paxapirov, GENERO DIGNISSIMO, 


> ~ 
Evdamovev. 


VIR AMPLISSIME, 


Sacram Jacosr Usseru, soceri tui, chronologiam, 
quam non adeo pridem fidei mez manuscriptam 
commisisti, ingeniosa preli industria excusam, et, 
uti spero, emaculatam refero. Nempe, quod pro- 
be nosti, librum meum in clientelam tuam non 
commendo, amplitudini tuze non inscribo, conse- 
crove; sed tuum, apud me depositum, reddo. 
Tuum, inguam; nam licet Reverendissimum Hi- 
bernie Primatem ejus authorem novimus, quod 
ex tota libri indole et genio, ex multiplici et re- 


condita eruditione, ex scriptura codicis originalis, 


ATS EPISTOLA DEDICATORIA. 


manu propria doctissimi Archi-Presulis exarati, 
abunde constat, te tamen, ex dono authoris, bone 
fidei possessorem agnoscimus. Pientissimus enim 
senex et sacra infula dignissimus, socer tuus, 
musei integri, cujus pars non exigua erat hec sa- 
cra chronologia, armarii nempe sui, codicibus in- 
finitis pene, et optimis, qua excusis, qua manu- 
scriptis, instructissimi, te heredem scripsit. Nec 
mirum, si bibliothecam suam moriens supremis ta- 
bulis tibi legavit, qui vivens filiam, quam habuit 
unicam, foeminam optimam, et tanto parente dig- 
nissimam, virtute pariter et prole numerosa ac 
pulcherrima feecundam, matrimonio copulavit. 
Habe igitur tibi tuum peculium, et soceri tui opus 
posthumum, eadem qua te tuosque benevolentia 
perpetuo complexus est sanctissimus senex, fove. 
Te incolumi, orbus non erit hic tractatus, magni 
Armachani fetus yvijovoc et genuinus, licet, quod 
dolemus, posthumus. Dum enim chronologiz sa- 
cre arcana examine scrupuloso rimatur, dum enig- 
mata illa dopa et advadvra; in annorum veteris 
instrumenti supputatione, et nodos Gordios diligen- 
tia pertinaci, sed et victrici, solvit, dum _ patriar- 
charum regumque Jude et Israelis tempora expli- 
cat, dum libris inheret, et chartis perdius et per- 


nox impallescit, labore jugi et senio confectus, 


EPISTOLA DEDICATORIA. 479 


tandem tempori et terris valedixit, et, quam insig- 
ni pietate et multiplici virtute prius meruisset, 
eternitatem induit. Sic vitam absolvit, non ita 
chronologiam ; cui manum ultimam non adhibuit, 
licet ultimus esset doctissimi antistitis conatus, et 
quasi lucerne mox emoriture supremus fulgor, 
cum ipse ad celum, prius quam tractatus hic ad 
umbilicum, pervenerit. Dolendum sane, quod sa- 
crum hoc opus, plaudente ccelo institutum, super- 
stes non consummaverit : gaudendum tamen, quod 
in justas veritatis divine vindicias, et non exiguum 
reipublice literarize et Ecclesiz Christiane com- 
modum, eousque perduxerit. Dubia enim illa, que 
in antiqui feederis instrumento occurrunt plurima, 
difficillima illa quidem, que non solum novitiis, 
sed ipsis chronologia mystis Avra videbantur, 
mira dexteritate, et facilitate quadam sua, solvit : 
scopulos illos chronologicos, ad quos commenta- 
tores, aliique magni nominis scriptores illisi, non 
solum lapsu, sed ruina prosternebantur, ipse cau- 
tius evitavit, imo, ne aliis postmodum impedimen- 
to essent, vel damno, sustulit. Adeo ut jam nau- 
tz, licet Palinuri non sint, ipsum chronologiz 
sacrz oceanum, non solum sine naufragio, sed et 
pene sine periculo securi navigent. Ingens hoc 


beneficium Deo debemus, et Usserio ; de quo Ma- 


480 EPISTOLA DEDICATORIA. 


ronis illud de AEnea, verbis, we év tapwola, pau- 


lulum immutatis, apponam : 


O? fama ingens, ingentior arte 
Armachane, quibus te cceelo laudibus z2quem ? 
Doctrinamve tuam mirer, doctosque labores, 


An pietas laudanda prius ? 


Sed de tanto presule silere prestat, quam pauca 
dicere : cum talis sit, quod olim de Antonino phi- 
losopho dixit historicus, ‘‘ Quem» mirari facilius 
quis, quam laudare possit.”’ Pietatem ejus insig- 
nem, perpetuam in legendo, scribendo, concio- 
nando industriam, eruditionem in re antiquaria, 
theologia, et omni humanioris literature genere 
summam, cum «quali modestia conjunctam, fu- 
sius laudare nec opus, nec mihi animus ; histo- 
riam enim non scribo, sed epistolam. Virtus 
Usseriana est sui ipsius panegyrica, laudis nostra 
non indiga. Vivit, aternumque vivet in scriptis 
suis cedro dignis, in ore et corde doctorum, in 
memoria hominum, et monumentis temporum ; 
illumque (quem Hibernia parens ingrata, tali filio 
et presule indigna, bonis, preterquam animi, om- 
nibus exutum in exilium misit) posteritas sera 
venerabitur. 


* Drances de Ainea apud Virgilium, Aineid. 10. 
» Eutropius in Antonino philosopho. 


EPISTOLA DEDICATORIA. 481 
Quo nihil majus, meliusve terris 
Fata donavere, bonique divi ; 


Nec dabunt, quamvis redeant in aurum ] 


Tempora priscum. 


Vale, vir amplissime, et te, tuosque omnes Deus 
Optimus Maximus quam diutissime incolumes 


servet. 


Tui, nominisque Usseriani amantissimus, 


THOMAS BARLOVIUS. 


VOL. XI. NN 






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LEC TOR. 


BENEVOLE Lecror, 


Rem tibi non ingratam fortassis et opere pretium fac- 
turus sum, si te ad lectionem sacre hujus chronologia 
properantem, quasi 2v 7ooavAiy et vestibulo paucis mo- 
rer; dum nonnulla de opere hoc chronologico, et ejus 
authore succincte et quasi compendio explicem. Primo 
igitur sciat velim benignus lector, opus hoc chronologicum 
reverendissimi archi-presulis, annis et meritis gravis, 
evo pariter et judicio maturi conatum fuisse ultimum. 
Opus scilicet viro sancto, et summo antistite dignum. 
Regendi enim gubernandique temporis munus apud 
omnes populos, soli quondam sacerdotes et pontifices 
obierunt, ut iisdem, communi nature suffragio, et sa- 
crorum cultus, et, rei omnium sanctissime, temporis 
procuratio concessa sit. Igitur apud Babylonios Chal- 
dxi, apud Indos Brachmanes, apud A%gyptios Hiero- 
phante, apud Romanos pontifices, apud Britannos Gal- 
losque Druide, apud Judzos sacerdotes popularibus 
fastis ordinandis, summo jure prefuerunt. Dum ideo 
chronologiz addiscend# primulum, mox ornandz fusius- 
que et penitius explicandze operam dedit vir sanctissimus, 
rem suo ordine, et sacrainfula dignissimam aggressus est. 
Quantos autem in chronologia, preesertim sacra, dubiis- 
que illis nodisque pene Gordiis enodandis, explicandis- 
que progressus fecerit, ex annalibus, allisque scriptis 
NN2 


484, LECTORI. 


etiamnum editis, ex parte pateat, et ex hoc tractatu, luce, 
si quid judico, et eternitate digno, ulterius elucescat. 
Postquam utriusque Testamenti annales diligentia summa, 
et judicio «quali condidisset, et bono publico edidisset 
infulatus senex, tractatum hunc, quem prius sub con- 
ditione* promisit, serio aggreditur. Sed dum 





Veritatem 
Dumos inter et aspera 


Scrupulosis sequitur vadis, 


dum operi instat, dum authores omnis evi optimos re- 
volvit, dum mella sacro hoe alveari recondenda colligit, 
dum inceptum opus ad umbilicum perducere festinat, in 
morbum fatalem, et reipublicee literarize damnosum in- 
cidit: ex quo decubuit primum, et tandem fatis cedens, 
vitae finem imposuit, sed non ita chronologie. Sic mag- 
nus antistes Armachanus in ccelum receptus, 


Sub pedibus vidit nubes, et amcena piorum 
Concilia, Elysiumque colit. 





Usserio sic in ceelumrecepto’, bibliothecam, quam habuit in- 
structissimam, adeunt, codices, qua excusos, qua manu exa- 
ratos lustrant, chronologiam hance sacram, opus magnum, 
sed mediis mcudibus ablatum, in pluteo repositam inveniunt, 
cum viris doctis communicant, de editione deliberant, et 
tandem a Reverendo Viro I). D. Bernard aliisque ro- 
gatus sum, ut tractatum hunc edendum aliquando cura- 
rem. ‘Terruit me primo opus ipsum, utpote ab authore 
ipso manu ultima non elaboratum; terruit me ipsius 
codicis manuscripti scriptura, quem, ut esset prelo ido- 


a “ Korum que in sacre historie dispositione ampliorem confirmationem re~- 
quirere videntur, in chronologia sacra, si vitam Deus et vires dederit, rationem 
sum redditurus.” Jac. Usserius, in prefat. ad annal. part. 2. 

b Fatis cessit Rigate non longe a Londino, die Veneris, Mart. 21. hora 1. 
promeridiana, anno 1655. stilo veteri. 


LECTORI. 485 


neus, pulchre non descripserat, nec secunda cura emacu- 
laverat; multa video expuncta, multa passim interscripta, 
multa, que notulis quibusdam signaverat, interserenda: 
adeo ut labore jugi, et pertinaci diligentia opus erat. 
Subdubitabam insuper ne his Mzandris implicatus, satis 
commode memet non expedirem, aut doctissimi authoris 
mentem non assecutus, luxatos autographi artus in inte- 
grum restituendo non essem. Ex adverso, ad provinciam, 
duram licet, suscipiendam, nonnulla me reluctantem ani- 
mant, scilicet quod authoris manum jam a multis annis 
familiariter noveram, quod opus ipsum, extra omnem con- 
troversiz aleam, yvijovov esset, et genuinum, hoc est vere 
Usserianum, magno authore suo, prelo, et luce dignum ; 
necnon quod a viris doctis, qua nostris qua exteris, serio 
et ardentissimis desideriis efflagitatum vidi. Exterorum 
desideria, ut alias non paucas mittam, ex literis® clarissimi 
G. Hornii, historiarum in academia Leydensi professoris, 
ad doctissimum virum S. Hartlibium datis, abunde discas : 
quarum exemplar mihi communicabat vir optimus’, non 
minus virtute sua, et multiplici eaque recondita erudi- 
tione, quam splendore generis nobilissimus. 

Quod ad nostros spectat, ut alios, infinitos pene, preeter- 
eam, (quis enim mortalium est, cui cordi sunt humaniores 


© “Sed nunc vehementer velim, ut inquiras quid factum sit Chronologiz sacre, 
quam Usserius se editurum in prefatione annalium promiserat. Quia enim ille 
vir omnium accuratissime tempora digessit, damnum foret irrecuperabile et con- 
junctum cum maximo Ecclesiz et reipublicee detrimento, si labores illi chronolo- 
gici perirent. Haud dubie pleraque a multis annis jam perfecit : inquire igitur 
apud heredes ejus, vel qui bibliothecam habent, ut illud opus, sive perfectum 
sive imperfectum, reperiatur, et ut repertum in lucemedant. Da operam, que- 
sO, per amicos, et, si necesse est, implora authoritatem superiorum, ut editio il- 
lius procuretur. Nullus enim labor est, quo Ecclesia magis indigeat, et ex quo 
majorem utilitatem in interpretandis Scripturis, maxime prophetis, et que ad his- 
torias spectant, sperare ausim,” &c. Hae Hornius. 

4 DP. Robertus Boyle, honoratissimi comitis Corcagize demortui filius, et su- 
perstitis frater, 


486 LECTORI. 


literee, qui Usserii omnia non deamat?) vir magnus et 
jurisconsultissimus*, quem honoris, et observantiz meri- 
tissimz ergo gratus nomino, legis Anglican alter 'Tribo- 
nianus, de chronologia hac sacra seepe multumque rogi- 
tabat, editionem urget, et, ut erat nominis Usseriani 
amantissimus, schedas a prelo madentes, summo desiderio 
legendas exposcit, nec minore gaudio transmissas legit. 
Hee et consimilia, me ad editionem sacra Chronologie, 
qua fieri poterat diligentia accurandam animabant, ne 
periret opus zternitate dignum, nec sine publico Ecclesiz 
pariter et reipublicaee damno periturum. 

Habes igitur, benigne lector, tgoad xaraAsiuoara, sacras 
reverendissimi archi-presulis reliquias, genuinas _ illas 
quidem, sed, quod dolemus, posthumas. In quibus si 
legenti tibi o¢dApara aliqua et wapopauara, si nonnulla 
inconcinna, et minus elimata occurrunt ; mihi, correctori, 
aut typographo imputetur, et cuivis potius quam Usserio ; 
cui si vitam Deus, ille chronologiam hance sacram per- 
fectam tibi dedisset et cumulatam. Illud tantum addam, 
quod de Platone olim dixit Socrates’: zpoojxov civat 
pot paiverat, kal Covra, cai teOynxdra DAatwva tysav. Con- 
gruum judico, ut sicut vivo, ita Usserio mortuo honorem 
habeas. Vale, lector, et his gratus fruere. 


« D. Mattheus Hale, serviens ad legem, ut juris consulti nostri loquuntur, 
vir de academia Oxoniensi, cujus olim alumnus erat, de Ecclesia et universa re- 
publica, si quis alius, optime meritus. 


f Socrates, epist. 30. pag. 70. per Leon. Allatium. 


CHRONOLOGIZ SACRE 


PARS PRIOR, 


DE ANNIS PATRIARCHARUM. 


CAPUT, I. 
DE TEMPORIS INITIO. 


CHRONOLOGIA est temporum secularium ratio. 

Differt tempus a tempore physico; sicut numerus in 
arithmetica et musica, et sicut magnitudo in astronomia et 
geometria. Nam sicut numerus consideratur in arithme- 
tica absolute, in musica conjunctim cum sono: ut magni- 
tudo in geometria apaperixoc, in astronomia quatenus in 
corpore coeleste subsistit : sic tempus a physicis abstracte, 
a chronologis vero conjunctum cum rebus in eo gestis tra- 
ditur. 

Generales chronologiz affectiones sunt, Epocha seu era 
sive initium computationis, et Synchronismus sive compa~- 
ratio temporum inter se. 

Temporis consideratur, initium, (quod ex principio 
Geneseos constat fuisse cum creatione) et progressus. 

Hoc autem initium temporis, qua parte anni (respectu 
scilicet prime hominum habitationis) coeperit, inter scripto- 
res non convenit : aliis ad «2quinoctium tum autumnale, 
tum vernale ; aliis ad solstitium zstivum referentibus. 

Ab zstate ccepisse a solo Mercatore admittitur, argu- 
mento commoto duplici: Testimonio computationis A.gyp- 
tiace, ex Solino asserente AZgyptios sacerdotes annum 


488 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. I. 


suum ab introitu Solis in Leonen inccepisse: verisimile 
autem esse ab Hebreis eos didicisse, qui diu apud Aigyp- 
tios commorati sunt, quod parum firmamenti ad hanc cau- 
sam videtur afferre: nobis autem non est morandum, 
quid AXgyptii senserint Solini tempore; aliter vero sen- 
sisse antiquos A‘gyptios constat authoritate duorum vetus- 
tissimorum scriptorum, Julii Firmici Astronomiz libro 
septimo, capite tertio, qui autor est . > “ ~ 
[Czetera desunt. ] 


CAP, Il. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 489 


CAP. II. 


De temporis progressu, et distinctis ejus periodis: deque varietate, que in du- 
arum primarum periodorum calculo, inter Judezorum, Samaritanorum, et 


Grezcorum codices invenitur. 


De temporis initio dictum est hactenus. Progressus 
sequitur: in quo duo precipua spatia consideramus a 
temporis initio usque ad temporis plenitudinem, unum: 
deinde a temporis plenitudine, usque ad seculi consum- 
mationem, alterum: illam temporis plenitudinem, quam 
apostolus Gal. cap. IV. ver. 4. appellat, in Curist1 Serva- 
toris nostri nativitate constituimus: quam labente anno 
mundi 4000. factam esse colligimus. Totum vero illud 
spatium sex sequentibus periodis, mundi etates totidem 
comprehendentibus, subdistinguimus: quarum termini, 
mensis et diei nota insigniti imperfectorum annorum frag- 
menta nobis definiunt. 


Ann.|Men.|Dies. 











finitum eodem ejusdem mensis die; sunt mundi veteris 
anni, 


I. A mundo condi ceepto mensis 1. die 1. usque ad diluvium 
\ 1656} 0} 0 


II. Hine ad initium peregrinationis Hebreorum, ab ilies 496] 61 14 
hamo post mortem patris coepte, mensis 7. die 15. 

III. Hinc ad exitum Hebreorum, ab A.gypto mensis primi 
(sic enim ab hoc tempore mensis septimus antiquorum wt 430} 0} 0 
pellatus est) die 15. sunt peregrinationis eorundem anni. 

fV. Hinc ad jacta fundamenta templi Salomonici, mensis att 479) 01 417 
die 2. 

V. Hinc ad ejusdem templi conflagrationem, mensis 5. die 10. | 424) 3] 8 

VI. Hine ad natalem Domini et Servatoris nostri Jesu Curis- 
TI (die 25. Decembris in anno periodi Juliane 4709. qui } Boallisillias 
diei mensis 9. in anno mundi 4000. responderet ; si antiqui Pm 


kalendarii ratio ad ista usque tempora retenta fuisset.) 





490 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. Il. 


Ita a vespera primum mundi diem aperiente, usque ad 
mediam noctem initium prebentem 25. quidem diei De- 
cembris, quo Christum natum supponimus, annos Julianos 
3999. menses rpiaxovSnpépove 2. dies 4. et horas 6. Ka- 
lendis vero Januariis anni periodi Juliane 4714. (a qui- 
bus vulgaris erz Christiane exordium deducimus,) annos 
4005. menses 2. dies 11. et horas 6. decurrisse colligimus. 

Hujus supputationis veritas ab intervallorum in supe- 
rioribus periodis assignatorum certitudine dependet. Se- 
ries temporum in duabus primis periodis per annos pri- 
morum patrum deducitur; quorum successio in cap. V. 
et XI. Geneseos est exposita. Proxime sequentes pe- 
riodi duz, integris numeris, Exod. cap. XII. ver. 40. et 
1 Regum cap. VI. ver. 1. sunt expressee. Quinte calcu- 
lum, partim ex integro annorum 390. numero, Ezechielis 
cap. IV. ver. 5. proposito, partim ex singulorum Israelis 
et Jude regum annis, rite inter se collatis elicimus. 
Sextz annos, tam ex sacra, quam ex exotica historia 
eruimus: cujus utriusque firmissimam connexionem ex- 
hibemus ; ejusque beneficio tum colligationem annorum 
mundi cum annis periodi Juliane, tum continuationem 
temporum sextz periodi ex probatissimis quibusque ve- 
terum monumentis et astronomico eclipsium calculo, qui 
fallere non potest, instituimus. 

Quinque igitur primarum periodorum tempora non 
aliunde quam ex sacre Scriptura contextu deduci pos- 
sunt: in quo expendendo, ubi dissentiunt codices, He- 
braicam veritatem (non a Chaldzis tantum, Judeorum 
paraphrastis ; sed etiam a Syra Antiochene, et Latina 
Romane ecclesiz editione hic agnitam) jure merito cx- 
teris praferendam esse statuimus. Pracipua autem dis- 
crepantia in primis duabus periodis cernitur; ubi in pa- 
triarcharum annis dinumerandis, Gracorum et Samarita- 
norum codices ab Hebraicis nostris exemplaribus mirum 
in modum dissentiunt: quemadmodum in epistola ad Lu- 
dovicum Cappellum, de variantibus Hebrei textus lection- 
ibus, a nobis est ostensum; et in sequenti tabella dis- 
tinctius videre licet. 


CHRONOLOGIA SACRA, 


ANNI PATRUM. 












































Post watdoyoviay 


















































CAP. ll. 
Ante zawWoyoviay 
juxta. 
Heb.| Samar. | Grec. 
Ll Adlant’ 130} 130 | 230 
-alseth “105 105 | 205 
| 3iEnos | 90 90 | 190 
CalKhihan AO GOW el TO 
[5|Maleleel | 65| 65 | 165 
Pa saeann | 162} 62 | 162 
7{Enoch | 65| 65 | 165 
[glMathusala | 187} 67 | 167 
olLamech | 182| 53 | 188 
10\Noe | 600} 600 | 600 Ante 
| Dilu- 
Summa |1656) 1307 |2242 vium. 
I inca es Mia aes Post 
| ff diy 
1\Sem 2 2 2 vium. 
dala eharadel t35 135 “135 
 olCainan i Soe angen 
" 3iSala ‘| 30! i30/ 130 
| 4lEber igalenga Waser) 
“s[Phaleg | 30| 130/130 
res ~ 32) 132. 132 
“7|saruch ‘| 301 130 | 130 
: g|Nachor | 29 TON FE9 i i 
irnas ‘| zo} 70° 70 
in Summa 292] 942 11079 



























































juxta. 

Heb.| Samar. | Gree. 
800) 800 “700 
$07 807 707° 
“$15 815 715 
840 840 “740° 
"$30 830 730 | 
800] 785 | 800° 
“300 300 “200 
782) 653 | 802 
595 600 565 | 

| 
“500 500 500° 
403 303 330° 
alo | 330 | 
403) 303 | 330. 
“430 270 | 270. 
209; 109 909° 
207} 107 | 207 
200 100 | 200 
“119 69 125 | 








A9| 


Totius vite 































































































juxta. 
‘Heb. Samar. | Grec. 
930} 930 930 
“912 912 “912, 
“905 905 “905° 
“910/910 | 910. 
895} 895 895. 
962) 847 962° 
365 365 365 
969} 720 | 969° 
117 653 753° 
“950 950 “950° 
arte 600 ay 
nae 438 iia 
ee ; ae 
Gr 433 Ae 
Bie 404 a 
reba 239 Wik 
Raat 239 ay 
Ties 230 ifn 
aah 148 et 
9205 145 | 205 





492 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. II. 


Hanc discrepantiam in priore Greci sui chronici libro 
proposuit diligentissimus Eusebius*: triplice annorum 
dinumeratione exhibita : secundum Septuaginta, secundum 
Hebreorum, et secundum Samaritanorum exemplaria. 
His Georgius Syncellus et quartam adjicit, secundum 
Africanum: qui a vulgata rév Septuaginta editione non 
in secundi solum Cainanis omissione recessit Africanus, 
in qua et Eusebius? eum est secutus, sed etiam in Ma- 
thusale annorum numeratione. Cum enim vulgati libri 
annos illi tribuerent ante natum filium Lamechum 167. et 
post eum natum 802. animadvertens Africanus ea ratione 
ad 14, annos ultra diluvium (contra Scripture authorita- 
tem) vitam illius fuisse protendendam, aliam lectionem 
cum Hebraica convenientem sequi maluit, qua ante natum 
filium annos 187. post ejus nativitatem 782. illi assignans, 
mortem illius sexennio ante diluvium collocat. Indeque 
effectum, ut ab initio mundi ad diluvium, Africanus qui- 
dem 2262. Eusebius vero, a communiter receptis rationi- 
bus non recedens, 2242. annos numerandos censuerit. 
Qua de re in syntagmatis de Septuaginta interpretum 
editione capite secundo pluribus a nobis actum est°. 

Eam de annis Mathusalze questionem, in libro tradi- 
tionum in Genesin, tractans Hieronymus, ex Hebrezis et 
Samaritanorum libris colligit, mortuum illum esse eo 
anno, quo ccepit esse diluvium. Et verum quidem est, 
juxta utrorumque libros, non vixisse Mathusalam post 
diluvium, sed eodem quo illud ccepit anno fuisse defunc- 
tum, id quod precipue in hac questione spectabat Hiero- 
nymus: non tamen ex lisdem premissis in utrorumque 
libris eadem nata est conclusio. Neque enim in Samari- 
tanorum, ut in Hebrzorum libris, Mathusala 187. anno- 
rum Lamechum genuit, 782. annos postea fuit superstes, 
et Lamechus 182. annos natus Noachum genuit; (ut ab 
Hieronymo, quum Samaritanus codex ad manum non 
adesset, significatum est :) sed Mathusala 67. annorum 
gignens Lamechum supervixit annis 653. usque ad dilu- 


@ Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 80. > Id. ibid. 
© Works, vol. 7. pag. 456. 


CAP, II. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 493 


vium, et Lamechus 55. annorum gignens Noachum et 
600. annis postea superstes vixit et ipse (uti et cum his 
Jaredus) usque ad diluvium. Hance enim eorum chrono- 
logiam non nostra solum Samaritani Pentateuchi exem- 
plaria, sed (ne post tempus Hieronymi illa fuisse immutata 
quis suspicetur) ea etiam quibus Eusebius‘ est usus, nobis 
exhibent. Itaque ut in alia re observatum est a Pererio‘, 
ita et hic ‘‘videtur S. Hieronymus memoria lapsus: id 
quod magnis viris, vel nimia memorize fiducia, vel alias in 
res studio curaque intentis, non raro contigit.” 

Eusebium quoque sequutus Georgius Syncellus', ex 
Samaritanorum calculo, ab Adamo usque ad diluvium 
annos 1307. a diluvio usque ad primum annum Abraami 
(quem 70. anno Thare natum illi autumant) annos 942. 
omnes simul annos 2249. dinumerat, quod ad amussim 
congruit cum singularium patriarcharum annis, quos in 
superiore tabella ex Samaritano Pentateucho jam descrip- 
simus. Quatuor vero simul computorum, in annis ante 
diluvium, collationem idem Georgius ita instituit. “ Méxou' 
rolvuy tov karakAvopov, Kabwc rodxeiral, Siapwrover Ta 
“EBoaca avriypapa Tove TO Sapapirwv apyardrarov kal roic 
Xaoakrijoor duadAdrrov (6 Kai adnfic civatkalto@rov EBpator 
caDouoroyovor) erect Tu0. mode SE THY Tw 6 EkOoow, TO Nev 
“EBpatkov ereoe prs. TO Of Zapuapirov mrs. *Apotkavoc 
dt mod EvaéBuov, aro Ada Ewe kataxAvopov Srapwvet ETH 
eixoot. Usque ad diluvium igitur, sicut est propositum, 
Hebraica exemplaria a Samaritarum codice vetustissimo 
et longe diversis characteribus exarato (quem et verum et 
primum esse Hebrai confitentur) annis 349. discrepant. 
A Septuaginta interpretum editione, Hebraicum exemplar 
annis 586. Samaritarum vero 935. Africanus demum ab 
Eusebio dissonat annis 20.” cum enim ab Adamo ad dilu- 
vium, juxta rationes Judzorum anni sint 1656. juxta 
textum Samaritanorum 1307. juxta Eusebii calculum 
2242, juxta Africani autem 2262. consequens est, compu- 


4 Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 80. 
© Perer. in Genes. lib. 7. parag. 133. 
f Georg. Sync. chron. pag. 89. 8 Id, pag. 83. 


494) CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. II. 


tum Samaritanum minorem esse, Judaico quidem annis 
349, Kusebiano vero, ex Septuaginta deducto, 935. 
Kusebianum autem majorem esse, Judaico amis 586. 
minorem altero illo Africani, annis 20. Ut hallucinatio, 
quam hic in Georgio notavit Scaliger", in ipsius Scaligeri 
deprehendatur ratiociniis. 

Reliquis vero omnino przferendam eam esse chronologi- 
am concludit Georgius', quam Greca Septuaginta interpre- 
tum nobis exhibet editio. ‘‘ [avrayd0ev rovyapowv Tic tov 
6 Eounvelac ik TaXalac, we EouKe, Kar adlaotpopou “EBoatwr 
yoagig perabeBAjoIa cuvictapévye, cikdTwWe TavTY Kal HpEtc 
kexonucOa kara Ti Tapoveay Yoovoyoadiay’ bre waAtoTa Kat 
n ka? dAne Tie oikoupévne HrAwMEVvN Xotorov éxxAnola TavTy 
TOOGEXEL, THY TOV LwTHop0e Huwv atootoAwy TE kat palyrav 
aoxnbev adv7n xonoPa rapadedwxdrwv. Antiqua igitur 
Septuaginta interpretum editione, ceu ex incorrupto, ut 
videtur, Hebraico fonte quondam traducta, per totam hanc 
chronographiam passim merito sumus usi: cum maxime 
quaqua patet universus terrarum orbis dilatata Christi Ec- 
clesia receptam eam habeat, et Salvatoris nostri, apostolo- 
rum ac discipulorum ejus authoritate usibus nostris a prin- 
cipio fuerit commendata.” Quo spectat et illa similis Juliani 
archiepiscopi Toletani, in tertio libro contra Judzos, con- 
clusio. ‘‘ Hic jam dicat unusquisque quod sentit. Nun- 
quid brevitas ista annorum ex codicibus Hebrzis ostensa, 
contemptis annis pluribus qui in editione Septuaginta 
interpretum continentur, preferenda ullo modo judicabi- 
tur? qui prophetandi potius munere quam transferendi 
officio, divinas Scripturas, revelante sibi Domino, transtu- 
lerunt ; apud quos etiam hc supputatio reperitur anno- 
rum. Ergo illa nobis et sola pro his annis est observanda 
Septuaginta interpretum, quz merito omnibus editionibus 
et translationibus antefertur ; quam etiam hucusque omnes 
doctores ecclesiastici tenuerunt, et in hac precipue anno- 
rum supputatione secuti sunt.” Et Antonii Contii juris- 
consulti, in notis ad Nicephori Constantinopolitani chrono- 


h Scalig. not. in Euseb. chronic. Gr. pag. 243. 
' Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 89. 


CAP. II. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 495 


logiam, altera. ‘‘ Quare satis mirari non possum homi- 
num nostri temporis, et eorum qui chronologias scripse- 
runt, vanitatem ac novandi studium: qui omnem Septua- 
ginta editionis auctoritatem longissime rejiciunt, et nihil 
nisi quod in Hebreis codicibus hodie legatur rectum 
putant.” 

Atque hinc inter Latinos recentiores, in annorum mundi 
supputatione, Hebraicis fontibus posthabitis, rev Septua- 
ginta numeros sunt secuti, Onuphrius in chronico eccle- 
siastico, Hieronymus Vielmius de sex diebus conditi orbis 
ject. 5. Christoph. Lauretus*, et alii, sic perstricti a Sca- 
ligero: ‘“‘ Neque! desunt hodie capitones, qui Hellenista- 
rum Alexandrinorum editionem Mosaice veritati preefe- 
rant, et eos novatores, qui aliter sentiunt, vocent. Ita 
sane audivit Hieronymus etiam apud virum omni excep- 
tione majorem Augustinum: qui tamen aliter postea 
sensit.” 

Et Hieronymus™ quidem, in annis patriarcharum assig- 
nandis Grecam editionem erravisse, sine ulla circuitione, 
asserit. Modestissime vero Augustinus: “ Illa,” inquit, 
“* numerorum varietas qu inter codices Hebrzos inveni- 
tur et nostros, si quid habet ita diversum ut utrumque 
verum esse non possit : rerum gestarum fides ab ea lingua 
repetenda est, ex qua interpretatum est quod habemus.” 
Venerabilis Beda, quum in libro de temporibus, relicto 
Septuaginta interpretum calculo, ad Hebraice veritatis 
normam rationes suas conformasset; indeque “ a lasci- 
vientibus rusticis inter pocula hereticus denotaretur, quod 
regnaret in sexta ztate seculi,” currente nimirum sexto, 
hoc enim illi volebant annorum mundi millenario, ‘* Domi- 
num Salvatorem in carne venisse :” ad Plegwinum de sex 
ztatibus seculi apologeticam, adhuc ineditam, scripsit 
epistolam ; ostendens “ qua ipse auctoritate assertionem 
sue computationis astrueret, Hebraica videlicet veritate, 
per Origenem prodita, per Hieronymum edita, per Au- 


k Vid. Laur. et Zohar. 

! Scalig. not. in Euseb. chron. Gree. pag. 252, a. 
™ Hieron. tradit. Heb. in Genesin, 

" Augustin. de civit, Dei, lib, 15, cap. 14, 


496 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. Il. 


gustinum laudata, et per Josephum confirmata, quibus 
ego,” inquit, “in rebus talibus nullos invenio doctiores.” 
Idemque in majoris, de temporum ratione, operis prefa- 
tione,ab Eusebiana chronologia in ecclesia occidentali tunc 
passim recepta, ipse discesserit, rationem reddens: ‘ Ego,” 
inquit, ‘‘ confidenter profiteor, quia non reprehendo vete- 
res chronographos, qui translationem Septuaginta inter- 
pretum modo secuti sunt, modo, prout libuit, probantur 
habuisse contemptui; sicut etiam in processu hujusce 
opusculi nostri monstrabitur. Sed omnibus his Hebraice 
veritatis integram przfero puritatem; quam przeminen- 
tissimus doctorum Hieronymus in libris Hebraicarum 
questionum, Augustinus in libris de civitate Dei, Kuse- 
bius ipse chronographus in tertio historiz ecclesiastice 
libro, ex verbis Josephi historici adversus Apionem gram- 
maticum scribentis, breviorem temporum seriem quam in 
Septuaginta editione vulgo fertur contineri comprobant.” 
Atque ut hos Juliano ,Toletano, et Georgio Syncello, 
ita Latinis illis recentioribus (preter innumeram hujus et 
superioris seeculi chronologorum, a pauculis illis dissen- 
tientem turbam) Johannis Pici Mirandulani, in disputa- 
tione contra divinatricem astrologiam’, judicium speciatim 
opponimus: una cum Johannis Marie Brasichellensis” 
pontificii palatii magistri, in loca illa ex Juliano Toletano, 
et Antonio Contio producta a Thoma Malvenda mutuata, 
censura. Sic enim ille, ad locum Juliani annotat : ‘‘Caute 
lege; nam certum est Ecclesiam Catholicam in editione 
vulgata approbare eam annorum rationem, que est in 
codicibus Hebraicis Geneseos cap. V. et XI. cum vul- 
gata egregie Hebraico fonti consentiat in etatum enume- 
ratione, atque supputatione temporum.” Et ad Contii 
illum alterum: ‘ Contius, dum nimio studio Septuaginta 
interpretum translationis chronologiam tuetur, non videt 
se incaute Hebraici fontis et vulgate editionis chronolo- 
giam labefactare, que cum illa Septuaginta interpretum 


° Edit. Basil. pag. 565. 
P Tom, 1. indicis lib. expurgand. edit. Rome, anno 607. 


CAP, I. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA, 497 


perspicue pugnat. Et patres corruptelam Septuaginta 
interpretum exemplarium ingenue profitentur.” 

Contexit quidem hic Baronius? catalogum antiquorum 
patrum, qui secundum Septuaginta interpretes, annos ab 
origine mundi usque ad ortum Christi numerare consue- 
verunt : additque ‘ profiteri et Romanam ecclesiam in 
suo martyrologio, se annos supputare secundum eosdem 
interpretes.” Sed ad horum prius Benedictus Pererius, 
et Jacobus Bonfrerius, ad posterius Thomas Malvenda et 
Johannes Despieres, responsum pro nobis dabunt. ‘“‘ Non 
me fugit,” inquit Pererius', ‘‘ plerosque veterum tam Gree- 
corum quam Latinorum, chronologiam, que est in trans- 
latione Septuaginta interpretum sequi maluisse: quod 
eam translationem illi cernerent multis seculis esse in 
Ecclesia Dei reverenter usurpatam, religioseque cultam : 
atque ob eam causam aliqua in parte eam mutare, aut non 
sequi, religioni haberent. Sed apud me (quantum ad 
chronologiam, de qua nunc agitur) auctoritas Scripture 
Hebraice ac Latine versionis vulgate, necnon et duorum 
principum Ecclesiz doctorum, Hieronymi atque Augustini 
judicium et sententia praponderat.” Et Bonfreriuss : 
“* Certum est, versionem Septuaginta in hisce annis pas- 
sim esse mendosam, et in hac annorum supputatione La- 
tinum nostrum, et Hebraeum textum esse sequendum, ut 
Augustinus' ostendit ; etsi ipsius tempore sola editio Sep- 
tuaginta in Ecclesia, tam Graca quam Latina esset re- 
cepta.” 

De Romano vero martyrologio, Malvenda" respondet : 
** Quod ecclesia Romana in publicis tabulis eam annorum 
rationem laudare videatur, quam Septuaginta dederunt, 
id quidem non facit quod veram et incorruptam eandem 
existimet ; cum huic e diametro adversantem ut veram et 
genuinam, eam summam que in editione vulgata est con- 
signata, omnibus recipiendam proponat: sed id tantum 


4 Baron. Appar. ad annal. num. 119. et not. in martyrolog. Roman. Decem, 
25. a. 

® Perer. in Genes. lib. 7. num. 130. 

8 Bonfr. preloqu. in Scriptur. cap. 16. sec. 6. 

t Lib. 15. de civit. Dei, cap. 13. |" Malvend, de antichristo, lib. 1. cap. 16. 


VOL. XI. 00o 


498 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. II. 


salubri temperamento cavit, ut vetus aliquod venerandz 
vetustatis monumentum, tametsi lacerum ac deforme et 
pannis annisque obsitum exhiberet; omnibusque palam 
faceret, quam rationem sequuti fuerint antiqui patres in 
enumerandis ex sacra Scriptura annis ab orbe procreato 
ad Christum nascentem, cum soleant vetera antiquitatis 
monumenta, quantumvis corrosa et attrita. gratum aspec- 
tantibus intuitum preestare. Quocirca nihil opus est 
nunc ecclesiz Greece vulgatam numerandi rationem com- 
mendare, aut Greecorum exemplarium patrocinium contra 
Hebraicam veritatem suscipere.” Et Johannes Des- 
pieres: ‘‘ Nec” nos,” inquit, “‘movere debet quod Ecclesia 
supputationem Septuaginta interpretum ab omni tempore 
in communem usum receperit. Neque enim ea mens fuit 
Ecclesiz, ut nemini liceret ab ea deflectere : sed solum 
usum probavit, non autem supputationis errores, quos 
corrigit quando commodum fuerit. Et forte usa est hac 
supputatione corrupta, eo quod religioni duceret versionem 
illam contemnere, cujus auctoritatem, inquit Augusti- 
nus, celebriorem suscepit Ecclesia, et quam ut divinam 
omnes venerati sunt: vel forte quod meliora tunc non 
suppeterent. Sic Ecclesia et universus orbis Christianus 
utitur era vulgari et calculo Dionysiano: cum tamen 
chronologi non ignobiles doceant, eum non parum ablu- 
dere a vero et germano calculo.” 

Nempe, ut chronicon ita etiam et martyrologium 
Eusebii in Latinam linguam transtulit Hieronymus : quod 
in Romano, Bede, Usuardi, Adonis et aliorum martyro- 
logiis variis accessionibus auctum, in 25, die Decembris 
ab ipso Eusebio positum annorum mundi usque ad natalem 
Christi numerum retinuit: unde in universam occidenta- 
lem Ecclesiam chronologize Eusebiane usus est propaga- 
tus; absque ullo tamen Hebraice veritatis prejudicio. 
Nam et ipso in chronico Eusebius codicum Hebraicorum 
calculum, simul cum suo, diligenter annotaverat, ac seriem 
amnorum mundi ab Hebreis per 50. annorum jubilzos 
dimensam proposuerat, initio jubilei quadragesimi, sive 


* Despier. de versione 70. interpret, disput. 2. dub, 5. fine. 


CAP, II. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 499 


anno mundi 2000. in anni 51. eztatis Abrahami, a 70. 
patris Terachi deductz, fine collocato. Ad annum vero 
imperatoris Tiberii Cesaris decimum octavum principium 
septuagesimi jubilei, sive anno mundi 4000. secundum 
Hebrzos est appositum. Unde colligitur, inter annum 
51. Abrahami et illud tempus, Hebrzeorum illorum senten- 
tia, 2000. annos intercessisse. 

Hoc igitur posito ; ex Hebraicis codicibus veram ztatis 
primorum patriarcharum supputationem esse petendam : 
quomodo inde recta annorum mundi series sit eruenda, 
jam ostendendum est, 


008 


500 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP, III. 


CAPONE. 


De ztatis mundi per annos patriarcharum supputande ratione.: ubi de zatdo- 
yovtaic, utrum ad conceptionem an nativitatem liberorum sint referendzx? 
Et de annis, quibus patres filios genuisse dicuntur ; num ineuntes vel com- 
pleti sint accipiendi? De tempore incepti et finiti diluvii; in quem annum 
mundi et ztatis Noachi inciderit. 


PrimoruM novem patriarcharum anni, priusquam li- 
beros gignerent, in quinto Geneseos capite commemorati, 
summam 1056. annorum conficiunt. Annorum enim non 
integra vite, sed generationis patrum rationem hic esse 
habendam. Josephus etiam hoc in loco sic admonuit: 
“ REcraZérw* poste tae teAsurac Twv avdowv, add Tac 
yevéostc avt@y povov doatw. Obitus virorum illorum nemo 
exquirat, sed natales eorum tantum consideret.” Quan- 
doquidem vero nova deinceps erat assumenda epocha, a 
qua secunda mundi periodus esset inchoanda; ne per 
Noachi decimi patris wa:doyoviay chronologia continuanda 
existimaretur, tempus tantum quo liberis gignendis ope- 
ram ille dare coepit est notatum, non ex unius, ut antea, 
sed trium filiorum nominibus promiscue appositis: sed 
600. ipse annorum fuisse dicitur, quum diluvium terras 
occuparet®: quibus ad priores patrum illos 1056. an- 
nos additis, annus mundi exurgit 1656. in quem incidit 
diluvium. Et quum eodem quo mundus cecepit, arefacte 
dicantur aque a superficie terre, anno Noz 601. inde® 
annos 1656. solidos numerandos esse colligimus, a mundi 
initio ad exitum diluvii, finis prime, et initii secunde 
mundi periodi, communem terminum. 


2 Joseph. antiquit. lib. 1. cap. 4. 
© Genes. cap. 7. ver. 6. © Tbid. cap. 8. yer. 1. 


CAP. Il. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 501 


Ad secunde deinde illius periodi spatium definiendum, 
Geneseos cap. XI. Arphaxadi nativitas facta fuisse nar- 
ratur, biennio post diluvium. Cui additi anni, quos Ar- 
phaxadus ipse et sex sequentes ante genitos filios exe- 
gisse ibidem memorantur, annorum 222. summam effici- 
unt. Ne vero per proxime subsequentis patriarche Thare, 
sive Terachi zadoyoviav, chronologia continuanda puta- 
retur; hic ut in priore periodo, annus solummodo quo 
et ille liberis operam dare ccepit, est designatus, trium 
item filiorum nominibus confuso ordine subjectis. Et 
quum in toto reliquo capite, quot ceteri omnes patriarche 
post susceptos filios exegerint annos, Moses exponat; 
sed integra simul vita annorum summam, cum mortis 
ipsorum mentione conjunctam, (quod in cap. V. fecerat) 
studiose pretermittat in solo Thara, annorum numero post 
generationem filiorum pretermisso, integram ipsius eta- 
tem annorum 205. simul cum morte commemorat; ut ad 
mortis potius ipsius, quam ad waréoyoviag tempus in anno- 
rum hujus periodi summa colligenda attendi oportere 
innueret. Cujus mentem minime assecutus Dositheus Sa- 
maritanus, quasi imperfectus hic esset textus Mosaicus, ad 
capitis quinti normam eum conformare est ausus; integra 
vite cujusque patriarche annorum numero, una cum 
mortis mentione, adjecto, quod consulto a Mose est omis- 
sum, ut Thare annos singulariter hac in parte obser- 
vandos esse ostenderetur. Additis igitur totius vite ip- 
sius annis 205. ad 222. illos, qui a diluvio ad ejus nativi- 
tatem effluxerunt, emergit annus a diluvio 427. in quem 
et mors ipsius, et eam statim insecuta Abrami a Charane 
profectio, et in terra Chanaanis peregrinatio occurrit: se- 
cundz periodo finem, et tertia prabens exordium’. Quia 
vero coepta est hac peregrinatio eodem die, quo post 480. 
est finita*, decimo quinto videlicet die mensis primi’, qui 
ante exitum ex Aigypto, ut in capite primo est osten- 
sum, septimus numerabatur: a mensis 1. die 1. quo 
diluvium desiit, usque ad mensis 7. diem 15. quo pere- 
srinatio hac ccepit, non annos 427. integros numerare 


4 Genes. cap. 16. ver. 3. © Exod, cap. 12. ver. 41. 
§ Numer. cap. 33.’ver. 3. 


502 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP, III. 


possumus, sed, terminorum ratione ita postulante, 426. 
tantum, cum mensibus 6. et diebus 14. 

His ita preemissis, de annis quibus genuisse, vel gene- 
rasse dicuntur patres, primo in loco est inquirendum, 
utrum ad filiorum conceptionem, an ad nativitatem sint 
referendi? Quia enim gignendi vocabulum, actum gene- 
rationis paternum proprie denotat, atque inter genera- 
tionem et nativitatem filiorum novem mensium spatium 
ordinarie intercedit: pro septemdecim generationibus hic 
commemoratis, anni 12. et menses fere 9. ad chronologiam 
videri possent adjiciendi. Quod commentum Jacobus 
Auzoleus in chronologia quadam Gallica parturire dicitur, 
referente Henrico Harvilleo%, qui sententiam hanc tum 
aliis argumentis compluribus refellit, tum hoc etiam ad 
extremum, quod ea admissa, incerta plane hic nobis relin- 
quatur temporis ratio: ‘‘ Nam alias,” inquit, ‘‘ quis 
poterit assignare nisi divinando, quot menses, et dies quili- 
bet partus fuerit in utero? cum multi gestentur in eo non 
solum per 9. menses, sed per 10. 11. 12. ac 13. preeter- 
quam quod nonnulli quandoque gestantur per pauci- 
ores.” 

Ad ejus vero fundamentum respondetur: illud 75’ He- 
breorum, atque illi respondens 70 yevvay Grecorum, et 
gignere Latinorum, patri et matri esse commune, et ad na- 
tivitatem, magis quam ad conceptionem referri solere. 
Apud Latinos enim genitus et natus idem sonat: ut ex 
Plinii illo loco, libri septimi historiz naturalis capite octavo, 
manifestum est: “ In pedes procedere nascentem, contra 
naturam est: quo argumento appellavere Agrippas ut 
egre partos; qualiter M. Agrippam ferunt genitum, unico 
prope felicitatis exemplo in omnibus ad hune modum 
genitis.” Hine geniture et nativitatis apud Genethliacos 
schema idem est; et apud theologos regenerati iidem 
sunt, quietrenati. Ita 1 Petr. cap. Il. ver. 2. “ aprvyév- 
vyta Boépn, modo geniti infantes,’ qui lac concupiscunt, 
jam nati innuuntur ; non concepti tantum: et Matth. cap. 
II. ver. 4. “Incov yevvnbévroc mentione facta, non con- 


¢ Harvill. Isagog. chron, parag. 15. col. 165. et 175. 


CAP. III. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 505 


ceptum, sed natum in Bethlehem Servatorem fuisse quis- 
que intelligit. Similiter et apud Hebrzos, Genes. cap. 
XL. ver. 20. “ nt5n coy dies natalitius est.” Ezech. cap. 
XVI. ver. 4. “ Gnx nti ova pnb. Nam ad ge- 
nituras tuas, in qua genita vel nata es tu, non est precisus 
umbilicus tuus, et aquis non es lota.”. Et Hosez cap. H. 
ver. 3. “ Ne denudem eam plane, et statuam eam 1’ 
11517 ut die quo genita, vel nata fuit.” Commune vero (hoe 
sensu) utrique sexui esse vocabulum, ex illo Matthai 
cap. I. ver. 16. ligquet =. °° Laxa3 &yévnos Tov lwonp, TOV 
dvooa Mapiac 2& fie eyevynOn "Inoovc 6 Aeyopuevoc Xovo70c. 
Jacob genuit Joseph, virum Mariz, ex qua genitus est 
Jesus, qui dicitur Christus.” Atque ita de muliere pa- 
riente vox gignendi usurpatur, Luc. cap. I. ver. 57. “ Ty 
68 "EXicaBer érAhoOn 6 xpdvoc rou TEKeiv avTiv, Kai eyév- 
veoev vidv. Elizabethze vero completum est tempus ad 
pariendum; et genuit (id est, peperit) filium.” Et apud 
Latinos: in 1. A‘neidos: 


Tune ille Aneas, quem Dardanio Anchisz 
Alma Venus Phrygiis genuit Simoentis ad undam? 


Similiterque apud Hebreos, genitura, a conceptione et 
gestatione in utero distincta, foeminis passim tribuitur: ut 
in Geneseos cap. XVI. ver. 11. et cap. XXIX. ver. 34. 
et Esaia chap. VII. ver. 14. videre licet. Qua quidem 
acceptione, in illis verbum hoc, peperit vel enixa est ; 
in viris, procreavit, suscepit, sustulit, aut pater effectus 
est, significat. Quia enim mulier quum prolem in lucem 
edit, viro gignit; idcirco, quum illa parit, et ipse vir ge- 
nerare dicitur. Vide Geneseos cap. IV. ver. 20. cum cap. 
V. ver. 3. cap. XVI. ver. 15,16. cap. X XI. ver. 3. 5. cap. 
XXIX. ver. 3, 4. Numer. cap. XX VI. ver. 59. Luc. cap. 
I. ver. 15. &c. 

Verum altera etiam hic de annis qui patribus ante sus- 
ceptos filios tribuuntur, movetur queestio : utrum ineuntes 
illi intelligendi sint, an completi? an partim ineuntes, 
partim completi? Respondet Dionysius Petayius nulle 


h Petay. de doctrina temp, lib. 9, cap. 17, 


504 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. III. 


ex argumento certo posse colligi, utrum qui anni patri- 
archarum in Scriptura numerantur, completi sint ac ver- 
tentes, an inchoati: ac credibile esse, non omnium saltem 
patriarcharum annos integros fuisse cum genuerunt. Quo- 
niam vero ex genealogiarum subductione, que in Mosis 
historia continentur, annorum summa petitur; incertum 
est autem, utrum anni omnes isti solidi completique fue- 
rint, qui pro completis nihilominus habentur: propterea 
tempus epocharum diluvii et natalis Abrahami certo, ac 
sine dubitatione, minime posse constitui. Contra vero, 
longe rectius monet Harvillaus', omnino credibile esse, 
Scripturam sacram voluisse, in assignandis annorum nu- 
meris, tradere chronologiam: saltem quantum ad annos 
quos ipsa recenset: ‘‘ At nisi voluerit,” inquit ille, ‘‘ tra- 
dere chronologiam per annos completos: nihil certi tradi- 
derit. Quis enim poterit divinare, quot dies, hebdoma- 
das, aut menses importent anni fracti, aut incepti?” Cum 
igitur Spiritui Sancto fuerit propositum, numerum anno- 
rum primevi mundi, qui aliunde sciri non poterat, hic 
colligere : a primario illius scopo aberraverimus, si non 
annos patrum, quibus genuerunt filios, plus minus com- 
pletos intelligamus. 

Dixi, plus minus ; ne quis putet nos velle, uno eodem- 
que vel die vel mense, omnes patriarchas genitos: quan- 
quam Hebrzorum doctores nonnulli, Davide Kimchio* re- 
ferente, primum veteris anni mensem ex eo nomen Etha- 
nim consecutum fuisse existimaverint, quod in eo pres- 
tantes illi patres nati sint ; quos, phrasi ex Mic. cap. VI. 
ver. 2. mutuata, “ yI8 97019 Cvanxn fortia fundamenta 
terre” appellant. Sed nihil necesse est ut eo recurramus. 
Nam ut postremus annus waooyoviac unius patriarche 
mensibus aliquot deficiat; alterius vero ultra unum aut 
alterum mensem protensus fuerit, ad summam rei nihil 
interest: cum utrobique compensatione facta, in annorum 
totius intervalli aggregatione fiat exaquatio, que ad 
‘mundi etatem et seriem patefaciendam abunde sufficiat. 


i Harvill. Isagog. chron. parag. 14. col. 164. 
kK Vide Kimch, rad. yy et in 3 Reg. cap. 8. ver. 2. et Buxtorf. lexic. 


CAP. Ill. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 505 


Operam igitur Jacobus Cappellus hic perdidit, qui’, ut 
anni mundi per 7. et 49. divisi, dent hebdomadum et ju- 
bileorum annos, quadriennium prime periodo detrahit : 
quatuor primarum Sethi, Enosi, Kainanis, Mahalaleelis 
generationum annos in numeros rotundos (denarios vide- 
licet vel quinarios) desinentes, pro inchoatis vel decurtatis 
accipiens. Atqui annorum sabbaticorum et jubileorum 
legem tum demum observandam prescripsit Deus, quum 
Israelite ‘“ ingressi™ fuissent terram” promissam: esse 
vero eos ab orbis initio numerandos, opinio est que nullo 
nititur fundamento. Et ad rotundos numeros quod at- 
tinet, si de integris annis verteretur questio, aliquem hic 
locum habere fortasse possit istorum consideratio; ut 
quum Kainan, verbi gratia, 70. annos vixisse dicitur, queri 
potuisset an 69. vel etiam 71. is vixerit: at ubi de parte 
tantum anni queritur, non magis ad rotundum, quam 
ad alium quemvis numerum spectat dubitatio, pro abso- 
luto ne sumendus sit an inchoato. Quod sinumeri in qui- 
narium desinentes habendi sint pro rotundis: quum Jared 
etiam et Mathusala dicuntur nati patribus annos etatis 
65. agentibus, cur non in horum eque generatione annus 
decurtabitur, atque in Enoshi, quem pater Sethus an- 
nos 105. natus, genuisse memoratur? nam quinarii pro- 
fecto ratio hic una est et eadem. Mitto querere, cur in 
annis patrum qui ante diluvium genuerunt, ista spectetur 
annorum rotundatio, in eorum qui post diluvium vixerunt, 
negligatur. Illud dictum sufficiat, si a recepto calculo 
discedamus, neque filiorum nativitate claudamus annos, 
quibus patres dicuntur a Mose filios genuisse ; incerta hic 
omnia, neque in fundamento aliquo vero (ut ab Harvillzo 
probe est animadversum) sed in volentis arbitrio fore 
constituta. 

Ad Petavium iterum redeo; qui ad sacri calculi certi- 
tudinem infirmandam porro adjicit, neque illud constare, 
cum rotundo numero usus Moyses, sexcentesimum, ex- 
empli causa, Noe, aut centesimum Sem usurparet. Nam 
consuetudinem ipsam rv axpieav hic excludere ; neque 


? 


' Ja. Cappel. histor. pag. 3. et 20. m Levit. cap. 25. ver. 2. 


506 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP, III. 


quicquam e Scripturis explorari posse, quod miror homini 
docto et industrio venire in mentem potuisse. Nam Sem 
quidem in Gen. cap. X. ver. 10. fuisse dicitur “‘ centum 
annorum, quando genuit Arphaxad biennio post diluvium.” 
Verum non a Semi centenario textura annorum mundi 
dependet, sed a ‘ biennio post diluvium :” ut sive cente~ 
simo precise acto natus fuerit Arphaxad, sive uno, alte- 
rove plus vel minus, ad mundi etatem nulla inde accedat 
sive accretio, sive diminutio. Ad Noz vero sexcentesi- 
mum quod attinet: aliquam fortasse scrupuli speciem in- 
jicere potuisset, si in illo solo textu Geneseos cap. VII. 
ver. 7. facta fuisset ejusdem mentio: “ Erat sexcen- 
torum annorum, quando diluvii aque inundaverunt su- 
per terram.” Verum quum versiculo ejusdem capitis 11. 
“anno sexcentesimo vitae Noz, mense secundo, septimo 
decimo die mensis,” diluvium ccepisse legamus: et capite 
sequente, versu 13. “‘sexcentesimo primo anno, primo 
mense, prima die mensis,” siccatas fuisse aquas e super- 
ficie terre: stuporis cujusdam fuerit negare e Scripturis 
explorari posse, utrum pracisum tempus annus ille sex- 
centesimus denotet, an vero unius, aut alterius anni vel 
additionem, vel diminutionem admittat. 

Neque ullo modo andiendus est Josephus Scaliger, qui 
contra expressa hee Scripture testimonia, in elencho 
orationis chronologice D. Parei", ex Geneseos cap. IX. 
ver. 28, 29. hance nectet conclusionem : “‘ Noa vixit annos 
950. de quibus 350. vixit post diluvium. Deductis 350. 
de 950. remanet annus Noz 600. post diluvium. Ergo 
diluvium inivit anno Noz 599. non autem 600. ut hac- 
tenus omnes putarunt.” Atqui deductis 350. de 950. 
relinquitur annus Noe 600. non post diluvium, sed 
quo diluvium operiebat terram. Quum igitur Scaliger 
anno Noe 599. diluvium iniise hine concludit, et anno 
sexcentesimo Noe currente finem accepisse, (id enim 
argumento hoc a se demonstratum esse, pag. 82. jactitat :) 
non modo contra clarissima, que nos produximus, Scrip- 
ture testimonia, sed etiam contra textum quem pro cause 


n Pag. 53. 


CAP. III. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 507 


sue firmamento adduxit ipse, aperte militat. Ea enim 
ratione 350. anni ab initio diluvii deducti 948. a fine vero 
949. tantum annos integre vita) Nox constituerent : 
quum annos 950. eum vixisse et Scriptura aperte affir- 
met, et ipse Scaliger agnoscat. 

Illud igitur immotum maneat, quod a Spiritu Sancto 
tam luculenter habemus expressum: anno 600. vite: Noz, 
mense 2. die 17. diluvium ccepisse ; anno 601. mense 1. 
die 1. superficiem terre aquis liberatam, et mense 2. die 
27. tellurem plene arefactam esse: et consequenter inte- 
grum annum, ut de excurrentibus diebus nihil dicamus, 
Noam in arca exegisse. De annis tamen illis 600. et 601. 
ulterior adhuc discutienda manet quzestio : num ineuntes 
illi, an vero completi sint hic accipiendi? Recentiorum 
enim chronographorum nonnulli pro completis eos acci- 
pientes, a rerum initio ad initium diluvii, annos 1656. 
absolutos numerant : quum nos, cum fine diluvii, annum 
et Now 600. et mundi 1656. terminandum existime- 
mus. De quo ut rectius judicemus, textus ille Genes. 
cap. IX. (ubi post diluvium 350. in universum autem 
950. annos Noa vixisse dicitur) cum altero Genes. cap. 
XI. ver. 10. (ubi Arphaxad natus fuisse memoratur, 
biennio post diluvium) conferendus est. Johannes Func- 
cius cum sequacibus suis, unius anni interjectione ztatem 
mundi augens, ab initio anni 600. Noz, usque ad initium 
diluvii, annum unum, ab initio diluvii ad finem ejusdem 
annum alium, et a fine diluvii ad nativitatem Arphaxadi, 
biennium numerat. Ergo cum Arphaxad biennio post 
diluvium natus dicitur, de diluvio finito hoc accipit, et 
recte accipit. Quum igitur Noa similiter post diluvium 
350. annis vixisse dicitur: pari omnino ratione post 
finem diluvii tot annos exegisse putandus est. Jam si, ut 
Funcciana statuit hypothesis, ab ortu Noachi usque ad 
diluvii exitum, 601. anni transacti fuerint: additis 350. 
qui post decurrerunt, fierent omnes dies Noachi 951. 
annorum, non 950. ut habet Scriptura, Genes. cap. IX. 
ver. 29. Sethus Calvisius et discipulus ipsius Johannes 
Bohemus, ab initio quidem anni 600. Now usque ad 
initium diluvii, annum unum cum Funccianis numerat : 


508 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP, III- 


sed biennium post diluvium, quo natus Arphaxadus, non, 
ut illi, a fine, sed ab initio diluvii deducit. Admissa enim 
hypothesi, qua sub finem anni 600. diluvium cceptum 
esse supponit: epocham annorum post diluvium numer- 
andorum, non in exitu (ut visum illis, qui inter initium 
600. anni Noachi et nativitatem Arphaxadi, quadriennii 
interstitium constituunt) sed in exordio diluvii esse collo- 
candum, epilogismus ille annorum Noachi, quem ex 
Genes. cap. IX. ver. 28, 29. proposuimus, evidenter 
ostendit. Ea vero ratione, in serie annorum mundi con- 
stituenda, nulla omnino inter nos orietur differentia. 
Sive enim ponamus, sub initium anni 600. Noachi ccepisse 
diluvium, et a diluvii fine usque ad natum Arphaxadum 
effluxisse biennium ; sive sub finem anni 600. ccepisse 
diluvium, et a diluvii initio usque ad natum Arphaxadum 
decurrisse biennium: non nisi tres annos inter initium 600. 
anni Noachi, et nativitatem Arphaxadi interjectos depre- 
hendemus. 

Quanquam vero ad summam rei nihil intersit, utra hy- 
pothesis admittatur: priorem tamen preferendam esse, 
his de causis existimamus. I. Genes. cap. X. ver. 1. 
ubi Moses scribit: ‘“‘ Ha sunt generatiunes filiorum Noe, 
Sem, Cham, et Japheth, natique sunt ei filii post dilu- 
vium:” nemo est qui finem diluvii non intelligat. Quidni 
ergo eodem modo intelligatur, in loco parallelo? Genes. 
cap. XI. ver. 10. ‘‘ He sunt generationes Sem: Sem 
erat centum annorum quando genuit Arphaxad, biennio 
post diluvium.” II. In posteriore isto loco Moses, orbis 
renovati chronologiam pertexere exorsus, ab Arphaxadi, 
ut vides, nativitate eam deducit, facta ‘‘ biennio post dilu- 
vium.” Quod si a diluvio incepto epocham suam repe- 
tiisset ; sequeretur ipsum diluvii annum in novi orbis tem- 
poribus ab eo fuisse comprehensum. Atqui diluvii annus 
ad priscum® mundum, ut eum B. Petrus appellat, omnino 
pertinebat, non ad eum qui nunc? est: cujus idcirco 
annos ipse Annianus Berosus? ‘‘ a salute humani generis 


© 2 Petr. cap: 2. ver. 5. P Ibid. cap. 3. ver. 6, 7. 
1 Pseudo-Beros. lib. 3, 4, et 5. 


CAP. III. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 509 


ab aquis,” tanquam mundo tum denuo reviviscente, denu- 
merat; sicut et “‘secundz etatis primam diem” appellant 
Beda et Marianus, 27. illam mensis secundi, qua de arca 
egressus est Noachus'. III. In historia diluvii postquam 
in septimo capite dixisset Moses, ccepisse illud anno sexcen- 
tesimo vite Noachi, mense 2. die 17. in capite sequente 
subjicit, mense 7. die 17. requievisse arcam in montibus 
Ararati’, 10. mense, primo die mensis apparuisse cacumina 
montium‘, ac demum addit, ‘‘ sexcentesimo" primo anno, 
primo mense, prima die mensis” siccatas fuisse aquas e 
superficie terre. Si mensis 2. die 17. quo diluvium 
coepit, ad finem vergeret annus vite Noachi 600. tum 
proximo mense septimo annus 601. fuisset numeratus. 
At neque 17.die mensis 7. neque etiam primo die mensis 10. 
annotatus est a Mose annus 601. sed primo primi mensis 
die, numerus epoche primum est immutatus. Unde 
colligere liceat, 600. vitae Noachi annum, si non totum, 
saltem maxima sui parte, anno inundantis diluvii respon- 
disse. Ut recte observaverit Quintus Julius Hilario, “ sex- 
centesimo anno Noe, et factum et consummatum esse 
diluvium.” 

Contra vero, absoluto sexcentesimo Noachi anno, et 
sexcentesimo primo ineunte, incepisse diluvium, compietis 
a mundi origine 1656. annis et 1657. currente, tribus 
quoque rationibus pugnat Leonhartus Krentzhemius*. 
Ait primum, “annos generationis et etatis patrum,” 
Genes. cap. V. et XI. pro completis numerari. Sem- 
per enim,” inquit, ‘‘ex annis etatis patrum, qui an- 
tecesserunt generationem liberorum, et illorum numero 
qui secuti sunt a generatione ad vite exitum, colligitur 
summa quam producunt numeri annorum utrinque com- 
pleti. Unde sequitur summam illam annorum 1656. ex 
annis istis ab Adam ad diluvium collectam, etiam pro 
completis accipi oportere.” Nos vero sequi hoc omnino 
pernegamus. Annos quidem patrum, quibus genuerunt 
filios, intelligendos esse plus minus completos, atque ex iis 


T Genes. cap. 8. ver. 14, 15. S Ibid. ver. 4. 
* Genes. cap. 8. ver. 5. " Tbid. ver. 13. 
* Krentzh. observat. chron, lib. 1, cap. 5, parag. 1. 


510 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. IIi. 


simul collectis integros 1056. confici, facile Krentzhemio 
concedimus : ut longissime opinione sua fallatur ille, 
quum aliud ex nostra sententia sequi, denuo etiam hunc 
in modum repetit. ‘‘ FallunturY sua opinione, qui dilu- 
vium referunt ad annum mundi labentem 1656. hac enim 
ratione sequeretur, annos generationis patrum non pro 
completis, sed pro labentibus, quibus semper filiorum 
natorum annus primus includeretur, accipiendos esse : 
quod sacra historia manifeste refutat.” Verum, quum 
non zadoyovia Noachi, sed tempus irruentis diluvii, alia 
plane locutionis formula, a Mose factum notetur, “ anno’ 
sexcentesimo vitae Noachi, mense secundo, septimo de- 
cimo die mensis ;” annum sexcentesimum 1056. completis 
additum 1656. labentem exhibere affirmamus. Nec ob- 
stat, quod nobis hic a Funccio est objectum. ‘“‘ Certissi- 
mum*,” inquit, “est in sacris literis, et regula infallibilis ; 
quod ubicunque annorum numerus ponitur, eique menses 
et dies mensis adjiciuntur, ibi sermonem esse de annis 
completis. Quod diligens lector facile animadvertet. 
Itaque cum Scriptura dicat: Anno sexcentesimo vite 
Noah, mense secundo, septimo decimo die mensis, rupti 
sunt in ipsa die omnes fontes, &c. manifeste indicat, 
diluvium venisse anno sexcentesimo primo Noah currente ; 
qui fuit annus mundi 1657. currens, ut loqui solent.” 
Secundum hance igitur regulam, quum Moses Deuterono- 
mium populo proposuisse legitur, anno post exitum ex 
Agypto 40. mense 11. die mensis” primo, factum hoc intel- 
ligeretur, completis post exitum 40. annis et 10. mensibus. 
At neque ipsius Funccii chronologia hoc admittit, neque 
rei veritas. Nam ante exitum, 80. annorum fuisse Mosem 
constat®; et, mortis tempore’, 120. ut inter exitum ex 
Egypto et mortem ipsius non nisi 40. anni interjici 
potuerint. Nec fallax modo est illa infallibilis Funccii re- 


Y Krentzh. observat. chron. lib. 1. eap. 5. parag. 3. 

2 Genes. cap. 7. ver. 11. 

4 Func. lib. 1. comment. in chron, ad ann. 1657. 

> Deut. cap. 1. ver. 3. © Exod, cap. 7. ver. @. 
1 Deut. cap. 34. ver, 7. 


CAP. III. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA, 511 


gula, sed plane et omnino falsa. Nam quotiescunque 
litera Hebreea 3, Latinz prepositioni In respondens, 
certo annorum, mensium et dierum numero prefigitur ; 
diem ad mensem, et mensem ad annum cujus proxime 
facta est mentio, pertinere semper indicat. Unicam hic 
¥voraowy contra profert Calvisius® ex libro primo (aliis ter- 
tio) Regum cap. VI. ver. 1. sed in ea fallitur. Quum enim 
ibi templum eedificari coeptum fuisse dicitur, anno post 
exitum ex Egypto 480. mense 2. annus ille non exactus, 
sed inceptus fuisse intelligitur. Quod preter recentiores 
chronographos animadvertit inter veteres etiam Euse- 
bius. Sic enim ille, in chronici sui procemio: ‘‘ A Moyse, 
usque ad Salomonem, et primam edificationem tem- 
pli, anni 479. secundum minorem tamen numerum, 
quem tertius liber Regum continet :” et in Greecis excerp- 
tis’: “Awd ric e&ddou, txt tHv TOU vaov KaTacKevny, ETH 
vo. 

Secundum argumentum petit Krentzhemius ab “ obitu 
Methusalah avi Noah; quem mortuum esse constat ipso 
anno irruentis diluvii. Affirmat autem Judezorum que- 
dam antiqua traditio a patribus accepta, obitum hujus 
patriarche precessisse diluvium diebus tantum septem. 
Incidit igitur in diem decimum mensis secundi. Sed 
Methusalah natus est anno patris Henoch 65. plus minus 
completo, qui fuit annus ztatis Adami 687. completus : 
et vixit annis 969. itidem completis. Summa igitur ex 
duobus proximis numeris collecta, producit annos com- 
pletos 1656. Obiit igitur Methusalah die 10. mensis 2. 
anni inchoati 1657. qui est annus labens diluvii irruentis.” 
Hee ille. Nos vero non multis diebus ante coeptum 
diluvium Mathusalam defunctum fuisse, ultro agnoscimus : 
ut ad Judzorum traditiunculas hic recurrere nihil sit ne- 
cesse. Septem diebus postquam in arcam ingredi jussus 
est Noachus, Deum diluvium distulisse legimus Genes. 
cap. VII. ver. 4.10. Tot dies luctui Mathusale datos 
fuisse, Hebraei inde colligunt. “‘ Docet Deum suspen- 
disse illis septem dies luctus Mathusalz justi, quo agerent 


© Calvis. Tsagog. chron. cap. 35. f Pag, 32. 


oe CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. III. 


poenitentiam, et non egerunt:” inquit vetustissimus au- 
thor Bereshith Rabb. et R. Salomo Jarchi in locum 
eundem. 

At Hebrei iidem, qui septem diebus antequam incipe- 
ret diluvium, Mathusalam obiisse statuunt, anno mundi 
1656. hoc contigisse agnoscunt ; et quidem post mortem 
Lamechi quinquennio: quemadmodum in R. Abrahami 
Zakuti libro Johasin videre licet. Quod idem affirmamus 
et nos: cum B. Hieronymo tenente, “ nongentesimo® sex- 
agesimo nono anno vite suze Mathusalam mortuum esse 
eo anno quo ccepit diluvium.” In eo vero fallit ista 
Krentzhemii argumentatio, quod pro concesso sumit, 
Mathusalam vixisse annis 969. completis. Nam annos 
quidem vite 969. tribuit illi Moses: sed ita quoque in 
recum Israeliticorum chronologia, Jeroboamo regni annos 
22, Nadabo 2. Baasee 24, Ele 2. Achabo 22. sacra tribuit 
historia. Ut igitur illic, horum collatione cum temporibus 
regun Jude instituta, deprehendimus, postremum quem- 
que dictorum regum annum inchoatum fuisse tantum, 
nequaquam vero absolutum: quod suo loco, Deoque 
volente videbimus': ita et hic, Mathusale et Noachi tem- 
poribus inter se comparatis, extremum longeevi illius 
patriarche annum similiter inchoatum, non completum 
fuisse, intelligimus. Non enim eadem axpiea in annis 
maooyoviac, et integre vitae patrum est querenda. Ut 
annos tadoyoviac mutilemus nulla ratio nos suadet, et 
ne mutilemus persuadet illa, quod ita incerta redderetur 
integra annorum mundi series. Ut postremum vite pa- 
triarcharum paxpoywrdrov decurtemus annum, evidens 
non cogit ratio: et ne id faciamus, nullum est incommo- 
dum quod deterreat, quum ab annis generationis, non 
integra vitae patrum, chronologia mundi dependeat : 
quemadmodum in hujus capitis initio ex Josepho est 
annotatum. 

Tertiam rationem ex Geneseos cap. VII. ver. 6. petit 
Krentzhemius. ‘Cum Moses scribit: Noah erat filius sex- 


§ Hier. tradit. Hebr. in Genesin. h Vide part. 2. cap. 1. 


CAP. III. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 513 


centorum annorum, quando aque diluvii inundaverunt 
super terram: manifeste docet, Noah ante diluvium com- 
plevisse annos ztatis 600. Sequentes igitur annotationes 
chronologic, de diluvio inundante anno! ztatis Noah 
601. mensis 2 die 17. et de exsiccatis aquis anno 
ejusdem 601. die primo mensis primi, intelligende sunt 
de completis annis.” Atqui certissimum est, ex He- 
brzorum idiotismo, per filium sexcentorum annorum 
designari eum qui sexcentesimum annum quoquomodo est 
Ingressus, utcunque eum non exegerit: fallique omnino 
Johannem Funccium, qui hic “ necessario! integros annos 
esse intelligendos” asserit. Nam pari ratione, filius™ 
octo dierum jubetur circumcidi, qui octavum a partu 
diem attigit: et‘ M3w-}3" primi anni’ agnus appellatur, qui 
die octavo et deinceps offerri poterat Domino. Nam in 
agno quoque paschali legem illam Levit. cap. X XII. ver. 
27. ab Hebrzis fuisse observatam, ostendit Maimonides’. 
Porro Funccianam illam sententiam, quod ingruente di- 
luvio sexcentesimus Noachi annus non tantum fuerit in- 
choatus, sed plane completus, exactis praterea 47. diebus 
anni sexcentesimi primi; tribus novis argumentis firmare 
conatus est Benedictus Pererius?; sed fundamento, ita 
extra modum ridiculo, subnixis, ut ea referre pudeat. 
Omnino enim aliud agebat vir doctus quum ista scriberet, 
nec ipsum ea sine mora deleturum fuisse dubitamus, si 
quis monitor opportunus intervenisset. 


1 Genes. cap. 7. k Ibid. cap. 8. 
' Func. lib. 1. comm. ad ann. 1657. 
™ Gen. cap. 17. ver. 12. n Exod. cap. 12. ver. 5. 


© Of offering sacrifice, chap. 1. sec. 12, 15. vide de phrasi eadem paschali 
Exod. cap. 29. ver. 38. Num. cap. 28. ver. 3. Confer Levit. cap. 22. ver. 27. 
et cap. 9. ver. 3. et cap. 28. ver. 18, 19. Num, cap. 7. ver. 87, 88. cum cap. 
28. ver. 3. 9. 19. 

P In Gen. lib. 12. sec. 3. 


VOL, XI. 1d 


514 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP, IV. 


CAP. IV. 


De biennio post diluvium, quo Semo natus est Arphaxad: ubi etiam de ordine 


trium filiorum Noachi, et cui eorum primogenitura debeatur. 


De biennio diluvium proxime insequente locus habetur, 
Genes. cap. XI. ver. 10. “‘ Sem erat centum annorum, 
quando genuit Arphaxad, biennio post diluvium.” Pro 
quo Greeca versio habet: “ deurépou trove peta Tov KaTa- 
kAvopov, secundo anno post diluvium.” Eum annum pro 
completo acceperunt, qui Septuaginta interpretum nume- 
ros secuti, a diluvioad ortum Abrahami annos vel 942. (ut 
Eusebius, et ejus sequaces) vel, admisso in patrum numerum 
Cainane, 1972. (ut Augustinus de Civitate Dei, libro deci- 
mo sexto, capite decimo, et Julianus Toletanus libro tertio 
contra Judzos) supputaverunt. Alii vero, in quibus et 
Paulus Crusius et Jacobus Cappellus, pro inchoato capien- 
tes, sacrum calculum earatione unius anni detractione muti- 
larunt. Atqui Spiritus Sanctus in textu originali non 
dicit mawn mwa vel nw n3wa quomodo loqui* solet, 
quum annum secundum currentem denotare vult: sed 
simpliciter voce dualis numeri nw utitur, ut in hoc 
eodem libro, Genes. cap. XLV. ver. 6. Eaniw nt “ Bi- 
ennium est quod coepit fames esse in terra, et adhuc 
quinque anni restant,” de septem scilicet, ‘ quibus nec 
arari poterit nec meti.” Unde recte et in Syra, et in Chal- 
daica (tum Onkelosii, tum ea que Jonathani tribuitur) 
paraphrasi, Arphaxad natus ponitur “ y1 nn duobus 


4 Exod. cap. 40. ver.17. 3 Reg. cap. 15. ver. 25. 4 Reg. cap. i. ver. 17 
eap. 14. ver. 1. cap. 15. ver. 32. Esai. cap. 37. ver. 30. Daniel. cap. 2. ver. 1 
lage. cap. 1. ver. 23. cap. 2. ver, 10. Zachar. cap. 1. ver. 1. 7. 


CAP. Iv. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 515 


annis,” et in Hieronymiana translatione, biennio post di- 
luvium: nec non in Ruffiniana Josephi versione, “‘ Sem 
filius Arphaxad natus est post annos duos facti diluvii,” 
licet in Greeca editione hodie corrupte legatur, (3 pro 2 
posito:) Sha 2 vide Aopakadnc fw pera ttn Owdeka Tie 
trouBptac yevouevoc. Ut admodum ridicule Stanislaus 
Gisepsius in futili libello De multiplici siclo et talento 
Hebraico, ex corrupto hoc Josephi loco absurdissimum 
hoc pronunciatum deduxerit: ‘‘ Sicut sex talenta dicun- 
tur talentum, ita et sex anni dicuntur annus apud He- 
breos.” Neque vero commentitii Berosi autoritate moveri 
debebat Crusius, ut ineunte a diluvio anno altero natum Ar- 
phaxadum concluderet: quum apud homines cordatos nul- 
lius omnino ea sit momenti neque ratio ulla reddi possit, 
quare, cum in reliqua tota per patrum raidoyoviac a Mose 
contexta chronologia, anni vel completi, vel quasi completi 
accipiantur, in hoc solo articulo inchoati sint intelligendi. 
At alii non solum annum secundum ineuntem hic acci- 
piunt, sed ab ineunte etiam diluvio epocham ejus dedu- 
cunt; atque ita biennium hoc, inter exitum diluvii et 
ortum Arphaxadi interpositum, in annorum mundi sup- 
putatione prorsus negligunt. Hi enim, ex Genes. cap. V. 
ver. 32. colligentes Noachum, cum 500. esset annorum, 
genuisseSemum; et ex Genes. cap. XI. ver.10. Semum, cum 
100. esset annorum, genuisse Arphaxadum, anno post 
diluvium altero: ineunte anno Noachi 601. et desiisse 
diluvium et natum fuisse Arphaxadum, inde concluserunt : 
cumque inter initium anni 600. Noachi, et nativitatem 
Arphaxadi, juxta Johannis Funccii sectatores (de quibus 
in tertio capite diximus) quadriennium, juxta alios, ad quos 
et nos accedimus, triennium, juxta illos de quibus prox- 
ime jam egimus biennium solidum interjectum suppo- 
natur ; ex horum rationibus unus tantum annus, isque 
ille idem quo terras diluvium occuparit, relinquetur. 
Atque hee fuit Theophili Antiocheni, capite primo chro- 
nographi illius qui ad annum decimum tertium Alexandri 
Severi tempora perduxit?; Julii Africani, Severi Sulpitii, 
Josephi Christiani scriptoris, in Hypomnestico, nondum 


“ Tom, 2. antique lectionis Henr. Canisii, pag. 581. 


pp2 


516 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. IV. 


edito; Constantinopolitani chronici, authoris fastorum 5i- 
culorum, sive quod Alexandrini nomine a M. Radero est 
editum ; Maximi monachi, in computo; Syri mei chrono- 
graphi, et aliorum aliquot sententia: a qua etiam non 
abscedunt multum Nicolaus Vignerius in bibliotheca sua 
historiali, ad annum mundi 1657. et Josephus Scaliger, in 
Elencho orationis chronologice D. Parei, ubi de primo- 
genitura Semi disserens, quum g generalem thesin statuis- 
set, ‘‘ hunc ordinem filios in esos habere quem illis 
natura dedit :” particularem hance hypothesin ista, quam 
vocat, demonstratione stabilire nititur: ‘‘ Anno Noz 601. 
ineunte, Sem genuit Arphaxad, annos natus centum ; cen- 
tesimo anno absoluto postquam pater ejus ccepit generare. 
Quare si Noa annorum 500. erat quum ccepit generare, 
et filius-ejus annorum 100. ccepit generare, anno patris 
sui 60]. ineunte, nullus ergo filius Noz natus est ante 
Sem. Propterea errant, qui natalem Arphaxad statuunt 
anno mundi 1658. Now etatis 602.” Ita Scaliger. 

Nos vero cum longe majore, et meliore chronologorum 
parte, Scriptures ductum secuti, que biennio post terras 
ab aquarum eluvione liberatas, Arphaxadum ortum non 
obscure significat, ineunte anno mundi 1659. et ztatis 
Noz 603. natum illum fuisse defendimus: et Scaligerum, 
ad ineuntem annum Noz 601. natalem ejus referentem, et 
a veritate, eta fundamentis propriis hie discessisse affir- 
mamus. $i enim ineunte anno Noachi 601. natus fuisset 
Arphaxadus, ut Scaliger et veteres illi putarunt, statim 
post finitum diluvium in lucem eum editum fuisse opor- 
teret: mam sexcentesimo primo anno, primo mense, 
prima die mensis amovisse Noachum operculum arce; et 
mense secundo, die mensis 27. siccata terra, egressum ex 
ea fuisse Scriptura sacra testatur®. Si continuo post egres- 
sum ortus fuisset Arphaxadus, non dixisset Scriptura: 
“ Sem® erat centum annorum quando genuit Arphaxad, 
biennio post diluvium :” sed potius, “ Statim* post dilu- 


b Gen. cap. 8. ver. 18, 14. “© Thid. cone 11. ver. 10. 
d Mera 6? rov caraxAvopoy ebOiwe 6 Upp Oy érwy p éréxvwoe TOV Ap: 
gagaQ. Theophil. ad Autolycam, lib. 3. 


CAP. IV. -CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. ole 


vium Sem centum annorum existens, genuit Arphaxad,” 
quemadmodum antiquissimus alterius sententiz assertor 
loquitur Theophylactus Antiochenus. 

Quis autem credat, invalescentibus super universam 
terram aquis diluvii, Semum in arca, quasi in sepulchro, 
conditum, liberis operam dedisse? Uxoremque ejus 
eodem carcere conclusam, foetum animatum atque adeo 
partui jam maturum, in utero gestasse? quod vix, aut ne 
vix quidem, cum illo apostoli pronunciato poterit consis- 
tere: ‘‘ in‘ arca paucas, id est, octo animas servatas fuisse 
in aqua.” Adde, cum Torniello®, eos qui in arca erant, 
nimio terrore correptos, pcenitentiz potius opera exer- 
cuisse, lugentes communem illam humani generis cladem ; 
nec ad mulieres accedendum esse existimasse, usque quo 
intelligerent Deum humano generi esse placatum, ac de 
ipso reparando deliberasse : alioqui videri posse, frustra 
Dominum, expleto diluvio iterum protulisse verba illa de 
generatione liberorum; ‘ Crescite’, et multiplicamini,” 
&c. redintegrato nature ordine, sicut erat in prin- 
cipio’. 

Nec illud pratereundum, quod Genes. cap. X. ver. 22. 
et 1 Paralip. cap. I. ver. 17. filii Semi recenseantur, Elam, 
et Assur, et Arphaxad. Quod si, (ut hic contendit Sca- 
liger) ‘* eum ordinem filii in Scriptura habeant, quem illis 
natura dedit :” necesse est ut Elam et Assur ante Ar- 
phaxadum geniti fuerint, neque ineunte Noachi 601. sive 
primo post diluvium anno, omnino nasci potuit Arphax- 
adus. Et certe dignatione gratia Arphaxad utroque 
fratre prior fuerit; non alia videtur afferri posse ratio, cur 
tertio nominatus ille sit loco, quam ob nativitatis ordinem. 
Nam quod potissimum pro Arphaxadi primogenitura a 
Jacobo Cappello contra Augustinum Torniellum urgetur 
argumentum, a tempore priorum filiorum alimoniz assig- 
nando petitum; quod “tum neque nutrix ulla, nec lactis 
pecuini copia, suppeteret:” ab ipso Torniello ad annum 
mundi 2, num. |. prolixe est solutum. Neque illud etiam. 


d 1 Pet. cap. 3. ter. 20. 
© Torniell. ann. mundi, 1657. parag. 19. 
f Genes. cap. 9. ver. 1. 7. & Ibid. cap. 1. ver. 28. 


518 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. IV. 


a Scaligero est animadversum, labefactari hic ab eo illam 
epocham quam prius ignoratam et a se constitutam esse 
jactitat, “ Omnium" aut -sacre historize aut exotice cer- 
tissimam, unde omnes rationes temporum biblice historiz 
pendeant; ut‘ vere possis illam vocare matrem czterarum 
epocharum.” Epocham nimirum Exodi, quando migra- 
tum est ex finibus Egypti: quam et alibi semper, et in 
hoc quoque Elencho, in annum mundi 2453. conjicit, 
atque in annum tertium annalis Hebdomadis currentis. 
Si enim ineunte anno Noachi 601. Arphaxadum natum 
admiserimus; nec in annum 2453. incurret Exodus (po- 
sito etiam natali Abrahe in anno Thare 70.) nec anni 
mundi per septenarium divisi, hebdomadem annalem ex- 
hibebunt: indeque Johannes Bohemus, hoc observato, 
ab effatis magistri sui hoc quidem in loco necessario sibi 
discedendum esse putavit. 

Erroris vero fundamentum in eo est positum, quod Noa- 
chus tum precise 500. annorum fuisse existimatur, quando 
Semum genuit: idque ex textu illo colligi putatur: ‘ Et! 
fuit Noah filius quingentorum annorum,” id est, quingente- 
simum agebat annum, “‘ et genuit Noah Semum, Chamum 
et Japhetum.” Cum autem uno et eodem anno, omnes istos 
tres nequaquam susceperit, non aliud voluisse Mosem con- 
sentaneum est, quam Noachum anno etatis 500. liberis 
operam dare ccepisse, adeoque primogenitum procreasse : 
sed cui eorum primogenitura danda, res est non adeo 
perspicua, ac prima facie posset videri. Illam enim Sca- 
ligeri rationem, que ‘‘ hunc ordinem filios in Scriptura 
habere” statuit, ‘ quem illis natura dedit,” admodum infir- 
mam esse ostendit Benedictus Pererius. ‘* Quamvis* 
enim,” inquit, “ illud videatur arguere, Sem fuisse pri- 
mum natu filiorum Noe, quod semper in Scriptura cum 
nominantur filii Noe, primus omnium censetur Sem (ut 
Genes. cap. V. VI. IX. X. et initio prioris libri Parali- 


© Scalig. in animadvers. Eusebian. pag. 31. col. 2. 
' Scalig. in canon. Isagog. lib. 3. pag. 282. 

J Genes. cap. 5. ver. 31. 

k Perer. in Gen. lib. 15. sec. 132. 


CAP. IV. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 519 


pom.) idque pro magno argumento ad id ipsum proban- 
dum afferunt nonnulli: attamen id non magnam vim ha- 
bere videtur. Namque etiam Cham inter filios Noe se- 
cundus memoratur, quem tamen minimum fuisse omnium, 
planum! est. Similiter Isaac™ nominatur ante Ishmaelem, 
et Jacob" ante Esau, non propter priorem ortum, sed 
propter prerogativam electionis et benedictionis divine, 
majoremque eorum dignitatem. Quanquam non satis 
liquet cur semper Cham nominetur ante Japhet; cum et 
ortu et dignitate posterior eo fuerit.” De quo postremo 
tamen illa B. Ambrosii observatio non est preetermittenda : 
** Ubi° generantur, hunc ordinem esse; ubi autem gene- 
rant, Japheth primo loco scribi, tertio Sem,’ non Cham, 
ut habetur in impressis omnibus Ambrosii exemplaribus. 
Nam et in Genes. cap. X. et in 1 Paralipom. cap. I. ubi 
filiorum Noe posteritas explicatur, Japheti progenies 
primo loco proponitur, Semi tertio: semper autem in 
medio Cham relinquitur, quasi et hic locum haberet, quod 
ab eodem Ambrosio ex Homero? ibidem est productum : 
“‘ caxouc © é¢ pécoov EXacoev, Malos autem in medium 
inseruit,” quomodo etiam ab aliis4 est notatum, semper 
medium poni Cham improbum inter duos probos; quod 
ita sit Ecclesia comparata utrinque, ut inter improbos ut 
hostes versari cogatur. 

Cum autem in utroque illo Scripture loco, duplici 
modo recenseantur filii Now: ubi generati commemo- 
rantur, Sem, Cham, et Japhet, ubi generantes, ordine re- 
trogrado, Japhet, Cham, et Sem: posteriorem hunc, ut 
genituree ordini respondentem, ampleetuntur quidam, 
inter quos R. Levi ben Gersom, in Genes. cap. IX. 
ver. 24. Nicolaus Lyranus, et Alphonsus Tostatus Abu- 
lensis ; in quorum sententiam et nos libentissime conce- 
deremus, si persuaderi nobis posset Semo juniorem fuisse 
Chamum: quod illa retrograda ordinis inversio sic re- 


' Genes. cap. 9. ver. 24. 

m ] Paralip. cap. 1. ver. 28. Gen. cap. 25. ver. 9. 

" Gen. cap. 28. ver. 5. Josu. cap. 24. ver. 4. 

° Ambros. de Noe et Arca, cap. 2. 

P Iliad, 4. 4 Mercer. in Genes. cap. 10. ver. 1. 


520 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. IV. 


sponderet aptissime ejusdem generis loco illi alteri, Ge- 
nes. cap. XI. ver. 26. ubi Thara genuisse dicitur Abra- 
hamum, Nachorem, et Haranem; cum naturalis genera- 
tionis ordo, Haranem, Nachorem, et Abrahamum ponen- 
dos requirit. Priorem veromodum sequuntur alii, in qui- 
bus Pseudo-Clemens libro recognitionum primo, Ambro- 
sius', Epiphanius*, Johannes Chrysostomus‘, Augustinus", 
R. David Kimchi, et alii plurimi. Benedictus Pererius, 
cum Flavio Josepho’, Semum primo, Japhetum secundo, 
Chamum tertio loco; ‘Thomas Lidyatus Chamum primo, 
Semum secundo, Japhetum tertio natum loco existimat : 
Tremellius vero, cum Hebreorum et nostrorum aliquot, 
Chamum ultimo, medio Semum, Japhetum primo loco 
collocat. Quam sententiam et nos cateris omnibus pre- 
ferendam esse judicamus: si clare ex Scripturis ostendi 
possit, Chamum Semo majorem natu non fuisse. 

Et quidem “Sem fuisse priorem natu quam ipsum 
Cham,” ex Genes. cap. IX. ver. 24. manifestum esse 
docet Pererius’; ‘‘appellari enim illic Cham filium Noe 
minorem precise : quod apud Hebreos idem significat 
atque filius parvus vel minimus. Totam-igitur contentio- 
nem esse inter Sem et Japhet de principatu ortus.” Ita 
Josephum quoque sensisse videmus, notissimam illam his- 
toriam, Genes. cap. IX. de retecta Noachi nuditate, ita 
enarrantem : “ O<acamevoc* & avrov 6 vewraToe TOV TalowY 
roic adeApote émvyeA@v Ceikvucw" of O2 mepicTéAXNOVEL Tov 
taréoa, kat Nwyoe aicbépuevoe, toic piv dAAoe Taaly evoat- 
poviay evxerar' Tw O& Xapua Oia THY ovyyéveav avdT@ piv ov 
KaTnoaTO,TOIC O ekyvolc avTOU Kal TOV GAAwWY OlaTepevyorwy 
THY aoav, TovG Xavavaitov waidac pérecow 6 Bede. Id con- 
spicatus filiorum natu minimus, per ludibrium fratribus 
indicavit : illi vero parentem operuerunt. Sensit hoc 
Noachus, et precatus aliis filiis felicitatem, ne Chamum 
quidem diris deyovit, respectu sui sanguinis, sed tantum 


* In lib. de Noe et Arca. * Heres. lib. 1. cap. 4. 
" In Genes. serm. 29. " De civitate Dei, lib. 16. cap. 3. 
* In 1 Paralipom. cap. 1. y Lib. 1. Antiquit. cap. 5. 


7 Perer. in Genes, lib. 15. sec. 132. * Joseph. Antiquit. lib. 1. cap. 7. 


CAP. IV. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 521 


ejus posteros: quas cum ceteri evasissent, Chananzi li- 
beros ultio divina est consecuta.” 

Verum quum nepotes dicantur filii avi, non minus quam 
filii ipsi, quod, ne a proxima Semi ipsius progenie dis- 
cedamus, ex 1 Chronic. cap. I. ver. 17. cum Genes. 
cap. X. ver. 25. collato liquet: non desunt qui par- 
vum filium in ea historia nequaquam Chamum ipsum, sed 
filium ipsius Chananem, intelligendum esse existiment. 
Ita ex Hebrais, R. Levi ben Gershom, et R. Abraham 
Aben Ezra in Geneseos cap. IX. e nostris Theodoretus 
quest. 57. in Genesin, (si? non Origenes potius ; cujus 
expositio, ab Hebrzeo magistro suo accepta, ex Catena 
Greca a collectore fragmentorum Theodoreti hic inserta 
fuit) et Procopius Gazzus in Geneseos cap. IX. Quam 
sententiam licet in Elencho orationis chronologice D. 
Parei summopere propugnatus fuerit Josephus Scaliger ; 
nihil ille tamen attulit, quod a simplici et recepta historia 
intelligentia cogat nos abscedere. 

** Quid fecit Cham patri suo?” inquit ille, ‘‘ Nihil; tan- 
tum fratribus de patris probro nuncius fuit. Atqui Scrip- 
tura diserte dicit nescio quid Noz a minore filio factum, 
propter quod Noa in maledictionem eruperit.” Respon- 
deo ; nihil illud Scaligeri, aliquid profecto fuisse factum 
filio indignissimum. ‘‘ Oculum qui subsannat patrem, 
aut spernit obedientiam matris, hunc effodient corvi vallis, 
aut comedent eum juvenes aquilz:” dicit Sapiens, Pro- 
verb. cap. XXX. ver. 17. et ipse Plutarchus, in libro 
Teo piradeAgiae, sive de amore fraterno. Ovd ad raw 
wsicuwny émlozéic abzov yéyove tne Tepl yovetc dArywolac Kat 
TAnppmersiac. 616 Tove piv aAXoVE KaKWe ToLEiy amelonraL’ 
pytot © avrov Kal marpl TO pu) TapéxEy LavTode Spwvrac 
az cat Aéyovtac ad’ WY eVPOOVOVYTAL, KAY J) TEOGH TO Av- 
Touv avoclov tyynvTat Kat aDecpov. Quomodo vero Cha- 
mus erga patrem suum se gesserit, ex Theodoreto, quem 
suze sententiz vindicem laudavit, intelligere hic poterat 
Scaliger. ‘O° Xam 7ijv rov watpadXoiov Katnyooiav 2ocEaro, 
we Tapaac TOV THE Pbaeoc vopov. bri yap Kal TO yepatoe 


b Vide Grec. Caten. © Theodoret. in Genes. quest. 57. 


522 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. IV. 


Tove yeyevunkorag 1) piace edidacke, uagTUpOVEL of TOU Xap 
adeApol, of map’ éxeivov TO TaTOG peuaOnKdrEC TOU TaTpdC, 
peta TOAANC aidove cic TOUTIow BadiCovrec ouvexaduay Tov 
Tatéoa, we av iyKloTa toouev SOev orapévtec iAaoTHoaV’ Tol- 
yap Tot kat pada cikdtwe Kal TOV warpdc TH evAOYlav zdpé- 
Wavro. Cham parricidii reus habitus est, tanquam trans- 
gressus legem nature. Nam quod natura ipsa doceret vene- 
rari et colere parentes oportere, testificantur fratres ipsius 
Cham: a quo cum intellexissent quod patriacciderat, multo 
cum pudore retro gradientes patrem operuerunt, ut minime 
viderent, unde erant prognati. Itaque merito benedic- 
tionem a patre acceperunt.” Et si illi ob tectam patris 
ignominiam benedictionem fuerint consecuti; ob contra- 
rium certe factum Chamus maledictionem meruerit : 
quippe qui patris nuditatem non modo non texerit, sed 
etiam publicaverit, et lumina faciens hic noxia, et linguam 
quoque. 

** Atqui Scriptura diserte dicit, nescio quid Noz a 
minore filio factum, propter quod Noa in maledictionem 
eruperit. Experrectus enim vidit quod sibi minor filius 
fecerat, quod quidem Scriptura non exprimit, sed tamen 
constat factum esse ; ut eleganter monet doctissimus Aben 
Ezra. Propter aliquod enim factum maledictio emissa 
est, non quod Cham pudenda patris viderat. Id enim 
experrectus ipse nescire non potuit.” Ita Scaliger. 
Resp. Factum illud quod experrectus rescivit Noa, et 
maledictionem ab eo expressit, ut extra Scripturam que- 
ramus non est opus: sufficit abunde illud, quod Chamus* 
nuditatem et turpitudinem patris sciens et libens aspexit, 
cum contemptu irrisit, divulgavit, et fratres suos ad ejus 
irrisionem provocavit. ‘Tanta in uno hoc facto crimina 
recte notavit Pererius : qui de ratione etiam qua pater ista 
rescire potuerit, conjecturam affert admodum probabilem. 
Noe® expergiscens, cum vidisset pudenda sua propria 
veste nudata, et alieno pallio contecta, causam ejus rei 
queesivisse ex filiis: atque ita eos ad narrandum quod ac- 


4d Perer. in Genes. lib. 14. sec. 146. 
© Perer. in Genes. lib. 14. sec, 154. 


CAP. IV. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. Dee 


ciderat esse compulsos : de qua et Chrysostomus: “ I1dé0ev! 
Eyvw; lowe of adeAgar ?yvipicay, ovyt Tov adeApdv Sra- 
Barety BovAduevor, adXAa 7o TOGA We 2yéveTO OLddoKOVTEC, 
iva xatadAhArov ékeivoe rH Toabuate THY BonPaav deEnrar. 
Unde cognovit? forte fratres significaverunt : non accu- 
sationis quidem gratia, sed rem ut facta erat docentes ; ut 
conveniens ille suo vulneri remedium acciperet.” Ne 
quis opus esse existimet, cum fastorum Siculorum, et 
Glossz interlinearis authore, ac R. Levi: ben Gershom ad 
spiritum propheticum et divinam revelationem hic con- 
fugere. 

Sed pergit Scaliger. ‘Si Cham: aliquid fecisset, in 
eum competebat maledictio. Sed in Chanaan destricta 
est illa. Chanaan igitur fecit: atque adeo ipse est qui 
dicitur minor frater.”  Verum in filio punitum hic fuisse 
ipsum patrem, si non.ex Chrysostomo® vel Augustino", 
certe ex ipso (quem ut sententiz-suz vindicem hie protu- 
lit) Theodoreto discere potuisset Scaliger’ de Chamo ‘ita 
scribente : ‘‘’Ezedy}! vide Ov zEjpaprev tic matépa, Ova THC 
TOV Taldoce av’TOV apac SéxXETaL THY TYyswotav. Quia, cum 
filius esset, in patrem deliquit, ob id per filii maledic- 
tionem peenas luit.” -Additque, Noachi verba non tam 
imprecationem in se continere, quam futurorum predic- 
tionem. ‘‘’Eqed) yao tuedAev 6 “IopanA ek Tov Sih 
KaTraywv TO yévoc, the Tladacorivne tapaAapPavev tiv deo- 
torciav, Tadrny O& TaAaL WKouV O8 & TOV Xavady B<3XAaorTn- 
KérEc’ cic apdy oxnuariZea THY TOOppHoL, ToOayopEbwY [ev 
Ta eoopuéva, Seditrouévog O62 TOv’E VoTEpOV ooMévOUS 1) 
TAnupersiv ci¢ yovéac. Nam cum Israel ex Sem genus 
ducens, Paleestinam occupaturus esset, quam olim incolue- 
rant qui ex Chanaan descenderant ; in maledictionis for- 
mam prophetiam effert: pradicens quidem futura, deter- 
rens autem posteros ne peccent in parentes.” Similia 
habet et Diodorus Tarsensis* in hujus loci explicatione : 
et Augustinus' rem totam breviter ita expediens : ‘‘ Que- 


f Chrysost. in Genes. serm. 29. 

& Chrysost. in Gen. serm. 29. h August. de civit. Dei, lib. 16. cap. 1. 
1 Theodoret. in Gen. quest, 58. k Catena Grec. in Genes. cap. 9. 

' Quest, 17. in Genes. 


524 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. IV. 


ritur quare, cum peccans Cham in patris offensa, non in 
seipso sed in filio suo Chanaan maledicitur? nisi pro- 
phetatum est terram Chanaan ejectis Chananzis inde et 
debellatis, accepturos fuisse filios Israel, qui venirent de 
semine Sem.” 

Quum vero subjungit Scaliger, in sermone Hebreo 
avos vocare nepotes suos ‘ &/20pm £32 filios minores :” 
prolato aliquo Scripture testimonio probare hoc potius ile 
debuerat, quam id quod huc omnino non facit ; a filiis fami- 
lias “‘filios fratrum fratres vocari.” In sacris literis certe, 
ejusdem parentis immediatos filios ad seniorem fratrum 
eetatem respectu habito filios minores appellari, vel ex 
loco illo Genes. cap. XXVII. ver. 11. 15. constat: ubi 
Rebecca dicitur accepisse vestes Esau “ 5930 732 filii sui 
majoris,” lisque induisse Jacob “jpn 732 filium suum mi- 
norem.” Licet illi, qui ex prajudicata opinione Chamum 
zetate medium filiorum Noz fuisse existimaverunt, relicta 
propria et simplici vocis intelligentia, qua filius illius minor 
sive vewreooc, ut Greeci interpretes reddiderunt, fuisse is 
significabatur, vel ob corporis' staturam parvam, vel ob 
animi ‘‘ ruditatem, quasiin quadam intellectus infantia con- 
stitutum,” ut loquitur Ambrosius™: vel ob fortune etiam sui 
conditionem ‘ *}}27) 5995 abominabilem et contemptibi- 
lem,” quemadmodum ex versu secundo prophetiz Obadize 
R. Salomolarchi id explicandum censuit. ““Newrepov dé érav 
on viov, ovk HAuktac Ovoua avayodpe, veoreporoiay & eu- 
paiver TOOTOU oua8eow. Cum juniorem filium appellat, non 
tempus etatis describit, sed morum dispositionem novis 
rebus studentem:” inquit Philo, in libro de resipiscentia 
Now; et Chrysostomus, serm. 29. in Genes. Chamum 
Japheto majorem natu fuisse existimans, cur Chamus 
tamen junioris" et Japhetus senioris® appellationem adep- 
tus fuerit, tropologicam hanc similiter reddit rationem: 
“ homeo ouToc O7Ep eixev avo TIC Pbaewe, ToO0UCOKEV Ty 
wo Onola tiie Tooapécewe, OUTWC 6 “LapeD, OrEp OK cixer 


! Jo. Behm. chronol. lib. 1. tit. 2. cap. 6. 
m Ambros. lib. de Noe et Arca, cap. 31. 
1 Genes. cap. 9. ver. 24. © Thid. cap. 10. ver. 21 


CAP. Iv. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 525 


amo Tie picewc, TouTO TooGéAaBEv ard Tie VyLovG yvw- 
pac. Sicut Cham, id quod natura habuit, nequitia volun- 
tatis amisit; ita Japhet quod natura non habuit, saniorem 
ob mentem accepit.” 

Ut a Chamo igitur ad Japhetum jam transeamus, et 
hujus cum Semo de principatu ortus contentionem expen- 
damus: eam Semo deberi dignitatem confirmat Salianus?, 
non ea solum conjectura, quod primo semper loco nomina- 
tur, et quod Noe in benedicendis filiis, Semum Japheto 
preetulit; sed ea potuis ratione, quod Scriptura Semum 
vocat fratrem Japheti majorem?. Sed conjecturarum 
illarum duarum infirmitatem satis aperuit Pererius, licet 
et ipse non minus quam ille acer primogenituree Semi 
patronus: alias causas afferri posse docens, quare Semus 
et primo loco nominatus et a patre ante Japhetum bene- 
dictus fuerit, praeter illam unam ab etatis ratione desump- 
tam. De imbecillitate argumenti ab ordine recensionis 
fratrum ducti, verba illius supra produximus: quam et 
ipsi postea, Deo volente, in loci consimilis Genes. cap. 
XI. ver. 26. tractatione, pluribus sumus patefacturi. Va- 
rias autem causas ob quas Noe Semo benedixisse dici 
posset ante Japhetum, problematice hunc in modum pro- 
posuit Pererius™: ‘“ Cur prius benedixit Sem quam Japhet? 
An quia ille primogenitus erat? An quod sanctimonia et 
prudentia morumque gravitate preestaret ; idcirco patri 
Deoque carissimus esset? An quod ipse vehementius 
objurgasset Cham, autorque fuisset Japheto id erga pa- 
trem faciendi quod factum ab illis esse legimus? An 
potius propter excellentiam posteritatis ejus in qua futuri 
erant patriarche, reges, prophet, et, quod super omnia 
est, Messias ipse?” Adde in benedictione Semi fundatam 
fuisse benedictionem Japheti; nec nisi illa prius proposita, 
hance omnino intelligi potuisse: ‘‘ Dilatet*,” vel potius alli- 
ciat, ‘‘ Deus Japhet; et habitet in tabernaculis Sem.” 

De textu. igitur illo, Genes. cap. X. ver. 21. tota 


P Salian. ad ann. mundi 1559. parag. 2. 
4 Genes. cap. 10. ver. 21. Y Perer. in Gen, lib. 14, sec. 185. 
5 Genes. cap. 9. ver. 27. 


526 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. IV. 


est controversia: “Sem quoque nati sunt, patri omnium 
filiorum Heber, fratri Japheth majori.” Sed utrum Sem 
an Japheth fuerit natu major inter filios Noe, non facile 
hine posse determinari agnoscit Torniellus*, propter He- 
braici textus ambiguitatem: in quo legitur, 59739 MD? /AK. 
Cum enim casibus Hebrei careant, illud 59737 vel dativi 
casus esse poterit et referri ad Sem, vel genitivi et referri 
ad Japheth. Et ut uno modo reddidit editio vulgata Lati- 
na, “ fratre Japheth majore :” ita altero, editio vulgata Gre- 
ca: “ adeAgeo Lapel rou petCovoc, fratri Japheth majoris.” 
Licet enim Augustinus, libro decimo sexto de civitate Dei, 
capite tertio, majore in Latino suo codice hic vel legerit, vel 
legendum esse putaverit: in Graco tamen, eodem quo 
hodie modo, row peiZovoc, lectum fuisse, ex eo quod pos- 
tremum ex Chrysostomo citavimus testimonio manifestum 
est. 

Salomoni Gesnero, in Genes. cap. X. quest. 8. ‘* Tex- 
tus Hebrzus id potius innuere videtur, Semum esse fra- 
trem Japheti grandiorem: quia 1 prefixum voci 5)73 non 
genitivum, sed nominativum casum innuit ;” quum si ad 
Semum hoc loco referatur, non nominativi, sed dativi 
casus esse oporteat: et articulum 7 omnium casuum no- 
minibus promiscue prefigi solere constet; et genitivi 
speciatim, in loco huic simili a nobis producto ex Geneseos 
cap. XXVII. ver. 15. ubi Rebecca accepisse dicitur 
“ O590 32 wy *122 MN vestimenta Esau filii sui majoris.” 
Kandem sententiam hac ratione persuadere conatur Pere- 
rius: ‘‘ Omnino", que hic narrat Moses de Sem, ad com- 
mendandam ejus excellentiam dignitatis pertinent: ut, 
quod ipse pater fuerit omnium filiorum Heber, id est, 
populi Hebrei, et tot tantorumque virorum qui in eo po- 
pulo claruerunt. Ergo quod subdit, ipsum fuisse fratrem 
Japheth majorem, ad ejusdem spectat commendationem. 
Quorsum enim hoc loco Moses dignitatem Sem signifi- 
cans, dixisset illum fuisse fratrem Japhet majoris ipso?” 
Sed hanc rationem probabilem tantum esse, fatetur ipse 
Pererius : et quidquid in ea probabilitatis est ex eo totum 


* Torniel, ann, mundi 1659. « Perer. in Gen. lib. 15. sec, 134, 


CAP. IV. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 527 


dependet, quod nondum nobis liquet, qua de Semo hic 
narrantur, encomiastico, et non mere historico modo a 
Mose fuisse proposita; aut si commendationis aliquid hic 
ille spectaverit, Semi potius dignitatem a populi Hebrei 
prestantia, an populi sui Hebrei dignitatem a patris Semi 
prestantia zstimandam, illum voluisse, ex quorum neutro 
erit consequens, in altero membro, quod ztatis Semi et 
Japheti collationem continet, aliud fuisse spectatum, quam 
simplicem historice veritatis enarrationem. Nam quod, 
velut a Pererio prztermissum, Harvilleus hic addendum 
censuit ; secundum hoc membrum, non minus quam prius 
illud, esse, ut ille loquitur, ‘‘ declarativum seu confirmativum 
qualitatum Sem:” nihil omnino rem promovet. Utrumque 
enim membrum declarationem, non qualitatum quidem, 
sed relationum Semi complectitur: paterne, ubi dicitur 
fuisse “ pater omnium filiorum Eberi;” fraterne deinde, 
quum dicitur fuisse frater Japheti non major, quod ille hoc 
argumento confectum frustra putabat, sed natu maximi, ut 
Tremelliusjet Junius sunt interpretati : hac etiam interpre- 
tationis suze ratione et explicatione addita. 

‘* Heec, rationem accentuum, fidemque historia sequuti, 
sic exposuimus. Nam quum Noach quingentesimo de- 
mum ztatis anno gignere cceperit*, sexcentesimo sit dilu- 
vium expertus’; sexcentesimo secundo, id est altero post 
diluvium anno Schem Arpacschadum agens centesimum 
annum genuerit?; omnino hunc constat non fuisse natu 
maximum. Cham autem diserte minimus natu fuisse di- 
citur*. Necessario itaque de Japhetho locum hunc sic 
oportuit accipere: ut natus 500. annos Japhethum, natus 
502. annos Schemum, natus eo plures annos Chamum 
genuerit. Cur autem hic frater Japhethi appelletur ex- 
cluso Chamo, id ex illa Noachi historia cognoscendum 
est, que habetur supra.” 

Huic argumento, a Nicolao Lyrano et Alphonso Tos- 
tato ad probandam Japheti primogenituram ex Hebre- 


x Gen. cap. 5. ver. 32. Y Ibid. cap. 7. ver. 6. 
= Gen. cap. 11. ver. 10. 4 Ibid, cap, 9. ver. 24. 
b Gen. cap. 9. ver. 23, et sequ. 


528 CHRONOLOGIA: SACRA. CAP. IV. 


orum scriniis producto, Pererius probabiliter responderi 
posse judicat: “* Vel° Noe non ccepisse generare quingen- 
tesimo eztatis suze anno precise, sed quingentesimo secun- 
do, eoque ipso anno generatum esse Sem, ob idque biennio 
post diluvium eum fuisse centum annorum; vel Sem se- 
cundo anno post diluvium cum generavit Arphaxad, non 
fuisse centum annorum precise, sed fuisse centum et duo- 
rum annorum.” Cum divine Scripturee mos sit, parvis et 
minutis numeris tacitis ac preetermissis, maximum et inte- 
grum numerum duntaxat commemorare. Addit Cornelius 
a Lapide in Genes. cap. XI. ver. 10. ‘‘ Quid hic numerus 
minutus exprimitur, scilicet quod, biennio post diluvium, 
Sem fuerit centum annorum, qui non exprimitur cap. V. 
ver. 32. hinc Moysem hic potius, quam capite V. preecise 
videri consignare annos Sem.” Itaque de altero loco, 
Genes. cap. V. respondet Salianus: ‘‘ Anno’ quingente- 
simo Noe nullum ipsi filium natum esse, sed velle tantum 
Moysem docere hosce tres filios natos esse post annum 
quingentesimum patris, et non ante. Cui locutioni,” in- 
quit, ‘‘ quz non paucos induxit in fraudem, Cajetanus 
affert aliam longe simillimam ex Geneseos cap. XI. ver. 26. 
ubi de Thare dicitur, eum vixisse 70. annis et genuisse 
Abram, Nachor, et Aram, qui tamen divisis valde annis 
geniti sunt;” ubi tamen explicationem istam negativam, 
quod Thare non ante 70. annos incepit generare, ista, ita 
ipse Salianus accipit, ut anno illo 70. expleto, aliquem 
illorum trium nasci oportuisse agnoseat. ‘* Alioqui®,” 
inquit, ‘‘falsum esset, Thara genuisse Abram, et Na- 
chor, et Aram cum vixisset 70. annis, si neque de om- 
nibus neque de ullo eorum id verum esset.” Qui id- 
ipsum proculdubio de altera illa ‘ locutione longe si- 
millima,” Genes. cap. V. ver. 32. fuisset pronuntiaturus, 
side Semi primogenitura prejudicium mentem illius non 
occupasset. 

Sed condonato illi hoc errore, accipiamus quod ipse 
ultro dat’, et ex Scriptura Genes. cap. XI. ver. 10. 


© Perer. in Gen. lib. 15. sec. 138. 4 Salian. ann. mundi 1559. num. 3. 
© Salian. ann. mundi 1979, num, 4.‘ Ibid. 1559, num. 1. 


CAP. IV. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 529 
** perspicue confirmari” agnoscit, natum fuisse Semum an- 
no Noz 502. exacto, et annis 98. ante finitum diluvium. 
Hoc enim ad firmandam veritatem chronologicam, quam 
in hoc capite defendendam suscepimus, abunde sufficit ; 
et ad eorum errorem refellendum, qui integro biennio an- 
norum mundi seriem mutilarunt: quem ipsum jamdudum 
animadversum, et hoc eodem argumento refutatum a 
Quinto Julio Hilarione videmus, in libello de mundi 
duratione ita hac de re dicente: “ Quia anni Sem. 98. 
in consummatione diluvii completi sunt ; duo scilicet anni 
ad rationem summe, quam post diluvium designavimus 
necessarii sunt. Ipse enim Sem biennio post diluvium fuit 
annorum centum, et sic genuit Arfexat: quos annos duos 
descriptores hujus rationis in numerum annorum non po- 
suerunt, quomodo eos minime praeviderunt.” 


VOL. XI. Qe 


580 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. Y. 


CAP. V. 


De multiplicatione generis humani post diluvium, et gentium dispersione ad 
argumenta ab historia petita, quibus Johannes Morinus Hebraice chronolo- 
giz veritatem infirmare conatus est. 


Sep in biennio post diluvium nimis diu hesimus. De 
temporibus illud insecutis, usque ad 70. annum Thare, jam 
dispiciendum est, quorum, cum illo conjuncto, summam ex 
Grecis codicibus ita Augustinus’ colligit: “‘ Fiunt annia di- 
luvio usque ad Abraham 1072. secundum vulgatam editio- 
nem, hoc est interpretum Septuaginta ;” de Hebreis deinde 
subjiciens: ‘‘ In Hebrzis autem codicibus longe pauciores 
annos perhibent inveniri: de quibus rationem aut nullam, 
aut difficillimam reddunt.” In his enim a diluvii exitu ad 
finem anni 70. Thare, quo Abrahami ortum ille retulit 
292. tantum numerantur anni, ex quibussolum 101. a finito 
diluvio ad nativitatem Phalegi, quo confusionem lingua- 
rum et dispersionem gentium esse referendam idem cen- 
suit, decurrisse statuuntur; atque in his anni Cainanis 
quos ille in summa sua exposuerat, omnino preetermittun- 
tur. Ut autem tam brevi annorum spatio, tanta ex tribus 
Noachi filiis oriri posset hominum multitudo, que coloniis 
quaquaversum per orbem deducendis sufficeret, atque ut 
ex patriarcharum serie Cainan ille expungeretur, quem 
non in vulgata tantum Moysis editione sed etiam in evan- 
gelio” locum obtinuerat, res Augustino expeditu difficillima 
videbatur. 

Confusionem vero linguarum, et cum ea conjunctam 


@ Lib. 16. decivit. Dei, cap. 10. bh Lue, cap. 3. ver, 36. 


CAP. V. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 551 


migrationem gentium, in ortum Phalegi incidisse, ex ver- 
bis illis Scripture, Genes. cap. X. ver. 25. et 1 Parali- 
pom. cap. I. ver. 19. colligunt: ‘‘ Natique sunt Heber 
filii duo: nomen uni Phaleg, eo quod in diebus ejus divisa 
sit terra; et nomen fratris ejus Jectan, vel Joktan ;” de 
quibus Augustinus, in libri citati capite secundo : ‘ Intelli- 
gendum est ipsum Heber propterea tale nomen imposuisse 
filio suo, ut vocaretur Phalech, quod interpretatur di- 
visio; quia tunc ei natus est, quando per linguas terra 
divisa est.” Quanquam alii post nativitatem Phalegi divi- 
sionem hance factam fuisse malunt: tum quod Scriptura 
non in ortu sed in diebus ejus divisam terram fuisse dicat ; 
tum quod inter colonarium duces, filii tredecim Joktanis, 
fratris Phalegi, recenseantur’. Cum autem, juxta veri- 
tatem Hebraicam, 34. tantum annorum fuerit Heberus, 
quum natus ei fuit Phalegus: etiamsi 17. tantum annorum 
illum fuisse concederemus quum natus est ipsi Joktan, 
et totidem Joctanem quum susceptus ab eo fuisset filiorum 
illorum tredecim natu maximus: reliquos duodecim tem- 
pore nativitatis patrui sui Phalegi in lucem nondum fuisse 
editos, necessario consequetur. Quod si eo tempore na- 
tus fuisset ipse Phalegus, quo conspirantes turbe turris 
Babylonicz insanam structuram primum moliri coeperunt 
“ne® dispergerentur in superficiem totius terre ;” stultis- 
simo huic conatui, nominis hujusmodi impositione, op- 
portune Heberus occurrere potuisset ; recens nati pueruli 
diebus gentium dispersionem, quam illi frustra impedire 
conabantur eventuram predicendo. Nam et a futuro 
eventu nomina interdum imponi fuisse solita, ex Genes. 
cap. V. ver. 29. et Hos. cap. I. ver. 6. apparet: et He- 
berum vaticinio quodam filio suo Phaleg nomen hoc impo- 
suisse, Chrysostomus sermone trigesimo in Genesim, Hie- 
ronymus libro quzstionum Hebraicarum in Genesim, R. 
Jose in Seder olam Rabba, capite primo, R. Salomon 
Jarchi in Genes. cap. X. et alii affirmant. 

Verum hec licet satis verisimilia, certitudinis tamen non 
sunt tanta, ut a simpliciore et magis recepta Josephi 


» Gen. cap. 10. ver. 26. € Ib. cap. 11. ver. 4. 
QQaZz 


532 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. V. 


atque Augustini sententia cogant nos recedere. Neque 
enim Mosi, quod primo hic loco considerandum venit, in 
decimo hoc Geneseos capitulo fuit propositum, omnes om- 
nium coloniarum, que ante ipsius tempora fuerunt, ducto- 
res memorize tradere, sed earum tantum que Abrahami 
ortum precesserunt. Aliarum enim qui postea accesse- 
runt, ut Israelitarum, Midianitarum, Ammonitarum, Moabi- 
tarum, Idumzorum, Amalekitarum, origines, suo postea 
loco commemoratas fuisse videmus. Et ipsarum illarum an- 
tiquiorum coloniarum deductio, quod secundo loco est per- 
pendendum, quo tempore in lucem editus est Phalegus, ccep- 
ta tantummodo fuit, non autem ad exitum perducta. Terra 
enim per centum totos annos inculta indeque partim pu- 
trescentibus graminibus palustris effecta, partim etiam 
senticetis et dumetis obsita colonos quousque vellent, 
cito currere non sinebat : ut proinde viciniora primum loca 
occupare, procedenteque tempore et crescente populi 
multitudine ulterius progredi, atque in remotioribus regi- 
onibus longo post tempore sedes figere cogerentur. Quo 
fortasse respiciens Moses in diebus potius quam in ipso 
ortu Phalegi, divisas fuisse terras dicere maluit. 

Adde quod non omnes Noachi posteri, turris et urbis 
Babylonice structuram sunt aggressi, sed ii quos filios 
heminum Moses‘ nominat; cujusmodi et idem paulo ante 
filiis® Dei opposuerat, et quorum “ duévoay rovnpiac con- 
sensum iniquitatis,” author’ libri Sapientiz hic incusat. 
Isti enim a ceteris, (numero quidem paucioribus, sed quo- 
rum posteros multitudine auctos, in varias sedes urgente 
necessitate dispergendos, nescire non poterant,) segregati, 
ut potentiores et aliis magis formidabiles sese redderent, 
unitis viribus intra unius munitissime civitatis septa con- 
tinere se, quamdiu poterant, conabantur. Etsi vero struc- 
ture illius per confusionem linguarum facta interruptio, 
gentium dispersioni primum dederit initium: Moses ta- 
men coloniarum deductionemé ante linguarum illam ody- 


| Gen. cap. 10. ver. 5. ¢ Ibid. cap. 6. ver. 2. 
Sapien. cap. 10. ver. 5. £ Gen. cap. 10. 


oOo 


CAP. V. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 5350 


xvow" enarrans, non ab iis tantum qui turris Babylonice 
zdificationi interfuerant, sed et universim ab omnibus 
Noachi filiis ante ortum Abrahami deductas colonias tra- 
ditas a se fuisse significare voluit: quod et in catalogi 
totius generali illo epilogo declaravit apertissime: ‘ Hee! 
familiz filiorum Noz juxta populos et nationes suas. Ab 
his divisee sunt gentes in terra post diluvium.” Quo 
minus mirum videri cuiquam debeat, post natum Phale- 
gum, tredecim ipsius ex fratre Joktane nepotes inter ha- 
rum coloniarum duces recenseri. 

Ut numerum posterorum Noachi, qui circa tempus nati 
Phalegi existere potuerit, conjectura aliqua Johannes 
Temporarius assequeretur, in secundo Demonstrationum 
suarum chronologicarum libro, tres Noachi filios, similiter- 
que posterorum eorundem unumquemque 20. etatis 
annos assecutum, singulis annis gemellos ex conjugibus 
suis suscepisse censet : indeque per progressionem arith- 
meticam anno post diluvium 102. mares simul et foeminas 
1551420. ex illa stirpe prognatos fuisse colligit. Nos di- 
midia illius summe parte dempta, (quod illa de natis uno- 
quoque anno gemellis aliquanto durior videatur esse hy- 
pothesis) 388605. marium, totidemque foeminarum, nu- 
merum assumimus: ex quo tantam* Babylonice turris ex- 
tructoribus deduci posse arbitramur, que primarum 
coloniarum deductioni (de propagatione enim res est alia) 
pro ratione temporis esset suffectura. Nam si statim 
pubertate (quam ab exacto 14. statis anno ordiebantur 
Romani) novos illos orbis imstauratores, (viribus ad hoe 
peragendum a Deo suppeditatis,) liberis operam dedisse, 
geminosque sepius et quandoque tergeminos suscepisse, 
liberet admittere: de numero hominum, anno post fini- 
tum diluvium 102. in colonias deducendorum non est quod 
magnopere futuri essemus solliciti; praesertim si conside- 
raverimus, Noacho et tribus filiis ejus bis a Deo prolatam 
fuisse benedictionem illam: ‘ Crescite’ et multiplicamini. 


h Gen. cap. 11. i [bid. cap. 10. ver. 33. 
k Turbam vel multitudinem. 1 Gen. cap. 9, ver. 1. 7. 


534 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. V. 


et replete terram,” ad™ certitudinem promissz foecundita- 
tis fidem faciendam (ut notat hic Pererius) et ut nullo mo- 
do dubitarent fore, ut tanta illorum paucitas in amplissi- 
mam posteritatis multitudinem brevissimo tempore multi- 
plicanda esset. 

Ex tanta tamen in tam brevi tempore posteritatis ipso- 
rum multiplicatione, Hebraici calculi fidem Johannes Mo- 
rinus ita elevare nititur : ‘‘ Est" admodum mirabile, quo- 
modo tam potentes reges, adeoque multi, regnaverint 
vivente Abrahamo; cum Abrahz nativitatem a diluvio, 
quo Noe solus cum tribus filiis superstes fuit, anni tre- 
centi juxta Judzos non effluxerint: tum ad Indos usque 
ex omnium calculo imperabat Ninus Assyriorum rex po- 
tentissimus: ASgyptum tenebat rex magnus, apud quem 
aliquandiu vixit Abraham tribus mensibus, ut scribit 
Seder Olam. Reges alii plurimi quorum mentio fit in 
sacris literis Abrahe cozetanei erant; ut novem illi de 
quibus Genes. cap. XIV. quorum uni, scilicet Chodorla- 
homor, quinque reges annis duodecim servierant, annoque 
decimo quarto redintegratum est bellum, quo Loth cap- 
tus est, et ab Abrahamo servatus. Ecce Abrahamo ju- 
vene quam multi reges, quam multa bella, quam varie et 
a se invicem dissite nationes. Trecentorum tamen anno- 
rum spatio (juxta Judaicum calculum) hac omnia ex qua- 
tuor hominibus pullularunt. Quantum inde multiplicationis 
Israelitarum in AXgypto ex 75. animabus ducentorum et 
aliquot annorum spatio facte miraculum elevatur? Imo 
si tantum non fuisset Israelitarum incrementum, sterili- 
tatis a Deo damnati tum temporis credi potuissent.” 

Verum non satis hic zqua inter incrementum Israelita- 
rum et primorum, edito in lucem Phalego, novi orbis co- 
lonorum instituta ab eo est comparatio. Cum enim multo 
diutius quam Israelite, patres illi primi vixerint ; 2qua- 
lem ab his et ab illis liberorum numerum expectari, haud- 
quaquam rationi consentaneum est. Et verum quidem 


m Perer. in Genes. lib. 14. num. 4. 
® Morin. exercitat. bibl. 7. cap. 2. 


CAP. V. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 535 


illud est, ‘‘ Filios® Israelis foetificavisse, progenuisse, at- 
que adauctos et corroboratos fuisse quamplurimum ; adeo 
ut terra Aigypti impleretur ipsis,” et juxta Dei promissi- 
onem? efficerentur ibi gens magna: sed hoc pro miraculo 
nusquam in Scripturis habetur traditum. Ut enim a viris 
septuaginta quinque vel septuaginta, vel etiam pauci- 
oribus, intra 215. annorum spatium, ultra sexcenta® viro- 
rum millia, prater foeminas et parvulos, propagarentur, 
nihil’ ab ordinariis naturz viribus alienum requirebatur, 
quum non minus fortasse mirandum fuerit, ab uno Ama- 
leko, Esaui ex filio Eliphaso nepote, gentem’ adeo nume- 
rosam processisse; ut tante Israelitarum multitudini ipso 
post egressum eorum ex Aigypto mense altero, opponere 
se auderet, et prelium cum ipsis conserere'. Ut autem 
minore quam dimidio annorum illorum 215. spatio, a 
tribus solummodo Noachi filiis tanta hominum exoriretur 
multitudo, que Babylonice turris extructione relicta, 
tempore nati Phalegi dispersa in superficiem totius terre, 
divisioni illius primariz daret exordium; peculiaris ali- 
quis repetite illius benedictionis, de qua est dictum, 
fructus requirebatur. Ut non sine causa monuerit hic 
D. Petavius, “ Singulari* Dei providentia factum, ut ad 
incrementum sobolis humanz, ad orbis vastitatem instau- 
randam, pracipua quedam in illis foecunditas inesset, 
que justam alioquin etatem anteverteret ; ut vel a pueris 
ipsis, quod nonnulli suspicantur, probabile esset generandi 
vim illis et usum potuisse suppetere.” 

A nativitate vero Phalegi usque ad Abrahami adventum 
in Chanaanis, quando novem illi reges, quorum Morinus 
meminit, vixerunt, juxta nostras rationes ex Scriptura 
Hebraica deductas, non minus quam 324, anni decurre- 
runt: quz temporis diuturnitas tanta fuit, ut intra eam 
ex tot hominum myriadibus qui urbi et turri Babylonice 
extruendz operam dederunt, ut de czteris nihil dicam, 


° Exod. cap. 17. ver. 12. P Gen. cap. 46. ver. 3. 
4 Exod. cap. 12. ver. 37. cum cap. 38. ver. 26. et Num. cap. 1. ver, 46. 
¥ Vid. infra, cap. 11. ® Gen. cap. 36, ver. 12. 


* Exod. cap. 7. ver. 8. 
" Petay. doctrin. tempor. lib. 9. cap. 14. 


oa CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. V. 


eam procreari potuisse multitudinem que amplissimis 
regnis complendis possit sufficere, nemo qui logisticz ali- 
quem usum habuerit dubitare poterit. Nam ex novem 
illis Geneseos cap. XIV. commemoratis regibus, quinque 
non regionum, sed urbium fuerunt regu, et quatuor reli- 
quorum tant non fuerunt copia, ut Abrahamum cum 
318. servis suis eos persequentem, a prada ablata recu- 
peranda potuerint cohibere. Quam magnus fuerit rex 
ille Acgypti, apud quem aliquandiu vixit Abraham, Scrip- 
tura non indicat, ejusdem autem Abrahami tempore vel 
antea, “‘ Ad Indos usque ex ommium calculo imperavisse 
Ninum Assyriorum regem potentissimum,” nimis audax 
est assertio; quum preter alios patrem historia Herodo- 
tum omnium quos habemus exoticorum, rerum Assyria- 
carum  tractatorem antiquissimum, ad longe posteriora 
tempora Nini imperium retulisse constet. De quo videndi 
annales nostri ad annum mundi 2757. Thomas Lydiatus 
in defensione sua adversus Scaligerum, libro primo, et Ni- 
colaus Abramus in Phari veteris Testamenti libro sexto, 
quiest de regno Assyriorum. 

Exagitata deinde inepta illa Judzorum opinione, qui 
confusionem linguarum et primam gentium dispersionem 
ad postremum vitz Phalegi annum referunt, altero hoc 
argumento Hebraic chronologiz numeros suspectos red- 
dere conatur: ‘ Conciliare difficile est qua ait sacra 
Scriptura de partu Saree in senectute, cum illis numeris. 
Se parituram diffidebat Sara propter senectutem, dicens: 
Postquam* consenui, et dominus meus vetulus est, voluptati 
operam dabo? Num vere paritura sum anus? rursum- 
que ait: Quis’ auditurum crederet Abraham, quod Sara 
lactaret filium, quem peperit ei jam seni? Cum hee 
dicebat Sara, annos natus erat Abraham 99. Sara vero 
aliquot junior,” toto videlicet decennio; ut ipsius Abra- 
hami verba illa, (ne cum Morino ad Judaicas fabulas re- 
currere hic sit necesse) Genes. cap. XVIII. ver. 17. clare 
ostendunt: “ An nato centum annos nascetur proles? an 


* Gen. cap. 18. ver. 12, 13. Y Ibid. cap. 21. ver. 7. 


CAP. VY. CHRONOLOGIA SACKA. Dodd 


etiam Sara nata nonaginta annos pariet?” Sed pergit 
ulterius querere Morinus. “ Que causa tum admira- 
tionis, que stuporis, si nonagenaria mulier pareret? cum 
sinumeros Judaicos sequamur, hoc esset omnibus muli- 
eribus vulgare. Viderant oculis suis Abraham et Sara 
avos, proavos, abavos, atavos, tritavos, et tritavorum avos 
et abavos, annis ducentis, trecentis, quadringentis, filios 
generantes. Cum hec diceret, vivebant pater, avus et 
proavus Abrahe, atque etiamnum Sarz abavus. Vegetus 
tum temporis adhuc erat Abrahe tritavus Heber, utpote 
qui Isaaco genito, 139. annis supervixit. Vivebat Heberi 
tritavi Abrahz, pater Sala, avus Arphaxad, proavus Sem. 
Sala enim post natalem Isaaci 74. annis vixit, Arphaxad 
45. Sem 110. Quid ipse totius orbis pater Noe? ad an- 
num usque quinquagesimum octavum Abrahe vitam pro- 
traxit. Nemini dubium esse potest quin idem de muli- 
eribus dicendum sit. Qu ergo in Sara tanti causa stu- 
poris, cum tot avias, post ducentos vite annos, filios ge- 
nerare quotidie videret.” 

Aiqui ut stuporis illius causa, et Moriniani illius effati 
veritas, nonagenariz partum tum temporis “ omnibus mu- 
lieribus fuisse vulgarem,” recta ratione patefieret; non 
cum proavis, abavis, atavis, tritavis, et tritavorum avis 
atque abavis, sed cum Abrahami et Sare eaqualibus in- 
stituenda fuisset comparatio. Quum enim post Phalegi 
ortum dimidio quam ante breviores vite patrum fuerint 
effectae, mirum nemini videri debet, Abrahamum et Seram, 
licet non ipsum Phalegum, neque etiam pronepotem ejus 
Nachorem, jam vita functos, (vitiosam enim Morini chro- 
nologiam examinare hic non libet,) Noachi tamen posteros 
Phalego natu majores, post trecentesimum etatis annum 
filios generantes, oculis suis videre potuisse. Conside- 
randum deinde et illud est; inter ipsos etiam qui eodem 
seculo nati sunt, eam vivacitatis esse disparitatem, ut alii 
aliis citius senescant, et qui plures etatis annos numerant 
minus effceto sint corpore quam qui multo pauciores: Et 
ut Sara quidem nonagenaria appareret, illius quoque zta- 
tis hominibus rarioris res exempli videri potuisset; eti- 


538 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. V. 


amsi aliud impedimentum nullum intervenisset”; sed mi- 
randa plane, ut ex ea nonagenaria, maritus centenarius 
prolem susciperet, quam septuagenarius ex eadem sexa- 
genaria suscipere non poterat. Ut autem ipse Abraha- 
mus, qui 175. annos vivendo exegit, juxta nature vires eo 
tempore ordinarias, ex alia uxore, nisi maturior senectus 
et virium debilitas accedisset, procrearet filium; non 
magis mirum videri debet, quam ut ii qui nostro zvo 
moriuntur septuagenarii, liberos progignant quadragenarii. 
Certe Abrahami nepos Jacobus, qui 147. annos vixit, 
quum annorum plurium quam 97. (imo et 110. ut in 
capite decimo postea videbimus) Benjamin  suscepit ; 
pater autem Terachus, qui 205. vixit annos, quum 130. 
esset annorum, ipsum Abrahamum progenuit: quemad- 
modum suo loco declarabitur. Verum ut Dei potentia 
in dando, et patris credentium fides in suscipiendo pro- 
misso semine magis eluceret; inter annum 86. quo Is- 
maelem et 100. quo Isaacum genuit, ut prius conjugis 
Sare, ita jam ipsius quoque Abrahami corpus ad gene- 
rationem quasimortuum evasisse, confirmat apostolus*, qua 
vexowoe per Dei beneficium hoc demum sublata ita vege- 
tum habuit corpus, ut post 37. deinde annos, Sara mor- 
tua, sex filios ex Ketura generaverit”. 

In Primasii commentariis ad Rom. cap. IV. ver. 19. 
“ Queritur quomodo Abraham postea de Cethura filios 
generaverit, qui de Sara non potuit;” et respondetur: 
“‘Tdcirco de Sara non genuit, quia anus erat, et sterilis: de 
illa vero, que in etatis juventute posita erat, facile valuit 
procreare.” In Sedulii ad eundem locum collectaneis 
eadem habetur responsio, sed addita et ista alia: ‘‘ Quod 
de Cethura postea genuit Abraham filios; quia donum 
gignendi quod a Domino accepit, etiam post obitum Sarz 
uxoris mansit.” 

Tertium argumentum, quo calculi Hebraici fidem im- 
minui posse putat Morinus, est hujusmodi: “ Quomodo 


* Gen. cap. 11. ver. 30. cap. 18. ver. 11. cum. Hebr. cap. 11. ver. 11. 
* Rom. cap. 4. ver. 19. et Heb. cap. 11. ver. 11. 
5 Genes. cap. 23. ver. 2. cap. 25. ver. 1, 2. 


CAP. V. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 539 


tam multi reges tanta tamque szva bella gesserunt, Abra- 
hamo juvene; cum adhuc non modo viveret, sed etiam 
robustus et vegetus esset Sem? vixit enim post Abrahe 
natalem ducentis et aliquot annis. Nullamne filii, nepotes, 
pronepotes, venerandi senis rationem ducebant? Nul- 
lamne Noachi? ‘ Num regibus cesserant Noe, Sem, Ar- 
phaxad, caterique majores, jus imperii Babyloniorum, 
/Egyptiorum, Sicyoniorum, aliorumque populorum ; cum 
ztate, viribus et animo, maxime vigerent? Num siccis 
oculis filios suos barbare sese trucidantes conspiciebant? 
Nullane patria potestate aut intercessione sua pacem con- 
ciliare satagebant? Esau boni patris pessimus filius, ex- 
trema fratri minitans, in ipso iracundie fervore patrem 
lecto decumbentem reverebatur. Venient’, inquit, dies 
luctus patris mei; et occidam Jacob fratrem meum. 
Credibile non est Noachi tot posteros hominem ita penitus 
exuisse, ut parentes suos ztate vigentes, filiosque alios 
generantes nullo loco habuerint.” 

** Heec incommoda sane difficillime cum recta ratione in 
gratiam redire posse,” Morinus sibi persuadet: que ta- 
men levissimis hypothesibus, et frigidissimis conjecturis 
nituntur omnia, A Noacho enim, Semo, Arphaxado, eos, 
qui contra ipsorum voluntatem secessione a piis facta, et 
conjuratione contra Deum inita, urbis et turris Babylo- 
nicz extructioni incumbentes, a Deo in superficiem totius 
terre sunt dispersi, cessionis jus aliquod expectaturos 
quis nisi Morinus crediderit ? quis aliud jus a ductoribus 
coloniarum et urbium conditoribus, quam populorum qui- 
bus prafuerunt consensum, quesitum fuisse existimave- 
rit? Nam jure belli finibus imperii sui propagandis toto 
hoc tempore studuisse Nimrodum tantum et Cedorlaome- 
rum regem Elami invenimus: quicquid de “ tantis tamque 
seevis bellis, Abrahamo juvene” gestis, Morinus nobis hic 
occinat. Nam que de patrum in filios affectu et filiorum 
erga patres reverentia ille rhetoricatur, nugatoria plane 
sunt atque ridicula. Quasi vero bellatoribus illis patres 
defuissent, si Grecum magis quam Hebraicum libeat 


© Gen. cap. 27. ver. 41. 


540 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. V. 


nobis sequi calculum : et quasi Esaui de morte fratris, ob 
patris reverentiam, consilium plus adversus bella illa fa- 
ceret, quam pro illis fratricidium a Caino’ et Absolamo*, 
nihil obstante patribus honore debito, reipsa perpetratum. 
A proximis quoque parentibus ad remotiores illos, Noa- 
chum, Semum, Arphaxadum ascendenti, considerandum 
primum illi fuerat posterorum eos bellis, per tot orbis 
provincias longe lateque dispersorum, przesentes non ad- 
fuisse ; ut vel pro deponendis inimicitiis intercedere, vel 
filios suos sese trucidantes sive siccis sive madidis oculis 
possent conspicere: deinde et absentiam et distantiam 
istam, ex posterorum pectoribus, tum erga majores tum 
erga «quales, quantumvis cognatione propinquissimos, 
orooynv illam et naturalem consanguinitatis affectum plu- 
rimum imminuisse et debilitavisse. Cujus posterioris in 
Josepho, mercatoribus' Midianitis et Ismaelitis ab invidis 
fratribus vendito, exemplum habemus evidentissimum. 
Cum enim Abrahamus ex Hagara Ismaelem, ex Sara 
Isaacum, et ex Ketura Midianem sustulerit ; Josephum, 
ut Isaaco ex filio Jacobo nepotem ita Ismaeli et Midiani 
ex fratre Isaaco pronepotem esse oportuit. Et tamen 
necessitudinis adeo propinque tam exigua, inter cog- 
natos habitatione dissitos, habita eo tempore est ratio, ut 
Josephum a Midianitis et Ismaelitis, perinde ac e nostris 
aliquem a Turcis, ut mancipium coemptum esse vi- 
deamus. 

Sequitur difficultas longe gravior, et vindice dignus no- 
dus, de insitione Cainanis inter Arphaxadum et Salam: 
ubi S$. Lucas, uti Morinus® objectat, ‘‘ Septuaginta in- 
terpretes amplectitur, Hebrzis codicibus preferens; si 
modo Hebrzi codices aliter tunc constanter legebant 
quam Greci.” Sed quia operosiorem questio hec requi- 
rit disquisitionem, proprium illi caput dicare statuimus. 


4 Gen. cap. 4. ver. 8. © 2 Sam. cap. 13. ver. 28, 29. 


Genes. cap. 37. ver. 28. 
Morin. exercit. biblic. lib. 7. cap. 7. 


G3 


CAP. VI. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 541 


CAPIONT: 


De Cainano Arphaxadi filio, in vulgata editione Graca memorato, et commenti- 


tiis illius annis in sacram chronologiam non admittendis. 


Prater Cainanem illum, Enoshi filium inter veteris 
mundi patriarchas celebrem*: duo ejusdem nominis alii 
post diluvium in editione Graca adjecti leguntur, quos 
Moses omnino non agnoscit: Semi dictus filius unus? ; 
Arphaxadi vero alter®, in Christi genealogia Luce cap. 
III. ver. 36. pariter commemoratus. Que apparens inter 
Lucam et Mosem dissonantia perplexam illam questionem 
excitavit, cui solvende imparem se fuisse Beda profitetur; 
in preefatione commentariorum suorum in Acta apostolo- 
rum, difficultatis rationem sic exponens: ‘‘ Lucas testi- 
moniis Grecis utitur potius quam Hebreis. Ex quo ac- 
cidit quod maxime miror, et propter ingenii tarditatem 
vehementissimo stupore perculsus nescio perscrutari, qua 
ratione, cum in Hebraica veritate a diluvio usque ad 
Abraham decem tantum generationes inveniantur, ipse 
Lucas, qui Spiritu Sancto calamum regente nullatenus 
falsum scribere potuit, undecim generationes, juxta Sep- 
tuaginta intrepretes adjecto Cainan, in evangelio po- 
nere maluit ;” et in erratione evangelii secundum Lucam ; 
*‘Scito ergo beatum Lucam generationem Cainan de 
Septuaginta interpretum editione sumpsisse; ubi scrip- 
tum est, quod Arphaxad centum triginta quinque an- 
norum genuerit Cainan, et Cainan cum centum triginta 


4 Genes. cap. 5. ver. 9. b bid. cap..10. ver. 22. 
© Genes. cap. 11. yer. 12. 


542 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP, VI. 


fuerat annorum genuerit Sela. Sed quid horum sit 
verius, aut utrumque verum esse possit, Deus noverit.” 

Que tanti viri modestia inconsideratam Antonii Contii 
temeritatem satis redarguit: qui hinc occasione arrepta, in 
notis ad secundum caput Chronologie Nicephori CP. contra 
Hebraic veritatis defensores ita debaccatur: ‘“‘ Cum 
computationi Septuaginta interpretum suffragetur divini 
Luce evangeliste genealogia a Christo ad Adamum re- 
plicata; nefas duxit tam Greca quam Latina ecclesia 
Hebraicam sequi numerationem, ac non potius eam am- 
plecti que ex evangelio autoritatem accipit. Eant nunc 
novi Pseudo-Christiani et Hebraisantes molestissimi, qui 
Judaica obstinatione et nuda literarum atque apicum au- 
toritate freti, adversus divinam Septuaginta interpretum 
translationem, et cum translatione conjunctam prophetiam, 
et Hebraicorum mendorum emendationem, quotidie blas- 
phemant.” 

Latinz vero ecclesia usum in notis ad precedens Nice- 
phori capitulum, ita ille confirmaverat: ‘ Ecclesiz occi- 
dentales chronologiam ex vetere Septuaginta interpretum 
editione mordicus retinuerunt: ut testantur Beda, Isido- 
rus, auctor fasciculi temporum, Hugo et alii passim auc- 
tores. Sed et argumentum hujus rei evidentissimum pre- 
bent tabula que quotannis in ecclesiis’ cathedralibus 
Francie cum cereo paschali publice proponuntur.” Ne- 
que interim animadvertit, et Bedam in martyrologio (nam 
extra illud, ubi de temporum ratione ex professo agit, 
Hebraicam illum veritatem secutum esse constat) Isidorum 
et minorum illos gentium ab eo nominatos auctores, ipsas- 
que illas ab eo productas tabulas ecclesiasticas, ejusmodi 
ex Septuaginta editione petitam chronographiam reti- 
nuisse, que Cainanem tamen, in quo tantopere Contius 
sese jactitat, ejusque annos prorsus e medio sustulerit. 
Talem enim, ab Eusebio acceptam, numerandi annos 
mundi rationem, non martyrologia solum, Romanum, 
Usuardi, Rabani, Adonis et aliorum (ad diem 25. Decem- 
bris) usurparunt: sed Latini etiam chronologi et histo- 
rici, Hieronymus in chronico, Orosius‘, Idacius, Victorius 


4 Lib. 1. eap. 1. 


CAP. VI. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 543 


in paschali computo, Prosper, Victor ‘Tunnunensis, Mar- 
cellinus Comes, Cassiodorus, Isidorus, Gregorius Turo- 
nensis°, author appendicis ad Aimoin. historiam adjecte’, 
Nennius in historia Britonum: quibus et ille addatur 
qui de mirabilibus sacrz Scripture scripsit?, et quotquot 
alii vel a diluvio ad Abrahamum, annos 942. vel ab 
Adamo ad Christum annos 5199. numeraverunt. Ita enim 
Hermannus Contractus in chronico suo, Dominum nos- 
trum natum scribit, “ transactis ab initio mundi secundum 
Hebraicam veritatem annis 3952. secundum Septuaginta 
interpretes vero 5199.” et 250. post eum annis, Bar- 
tholomaus Cottomius Norwicensis monachus, in Angliz 
historia: ‘‘ Ab origine mundi,” inquit, ‘‘ usque ad annos 
gratie, 5199. quicquid alii dicant ; quorum redarguitur 
contradictio et varietas.” 

Unde, quum hi qui in aliis Septuaginta interpretum 
supputationem sunt secuti, in annorum Cainanis adjectione 
illos dereliquerint ; eos satis mirari non possumus, qui in 
aliis textus Hebraici caleulum amplexati, in Cainanis so- 
lius annis sequendos sibi Septuaginta censuerunt. Itaque 
argumenta, quibus ad id faciendum sunt inducti, jam ex- 
pendenda veniunt: quorum primum, et omnibus com- 
mune, est ejusmodi. Si generatio Cainanis inter Ar- 
phaxadum et Salam sit interponenda: annorum illorum 
numerus, quibus ante genitum Salam vixit Cainan, ad 
Hebraicam chronologiam necessario est adjiciendus. Sed 
generatio Cainanis inter Arphaxadum et Salam est inter- 
ponenda. Ergo annorum illorum numerus, quibus ante 
genitum Salam vixit Cainan, ad Hebraicam chronologiam 
necessario est adjiciendus. 

Propositionem vero illam hypotheticam docti quidam 
negant ; et, admissa Cainanis interpositione, numerum 
tamen annorum Hebraice chronologie idcirco necessario 
esse augendum minime concedunt. Ut enim in Christi 
genealogia, Matthzi capite I. ver. 8. Joram dicitur ge- 


© Lib. 1. histor. Francor. cap. 7. f Lib. 4. cap, 54. 
& Lib. 2. cap. 4, in 3. tomo operum Augustini. 


544, CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VI. 


nuisse Oziam; quamvis proxime Ochoziam ille genuerit, 
Oziz proavum: ita et dici potuisse, ab Arphaxado geni- 
tum fuisse Salam", ut ab avo nepotem; intercedente 
proximo Arphaxadi filio Cainane'. ‘‘ Quod* si vere Ar- 
phaxad,” ait Genebrardus, ‘‘genuit Cainan, deinde Cai- 
nan Selam: genuit Cainan anno 18. et Cainan Selam anno 
17. Qua ratione Sela natus est ipsi Arphaxad, cum 
Arphaxad ageret 35. annum;” sicut in textu habetur He- 
braico. Ubi si quis cum doctissimo Spanhemio! nobis 
objiciat, non agi hic wept tov Suvarwyv, sed epi Tov 
évrwv, non de possibilibus, sed de gestis: meminisse 
illum oportebit, non opponentium partes nunc a nobis 
suscipi, quibus a posse ad esse argumentari non est lici- 
tum, sed respondentium, et quidem ad conditionatam 
propositionem respondentium ; cujus negande sufficiens 
redditur ratio, quum fieri posse ostenditur ut illud non 
contingat, quod hypothesi sua admissa, disputator neces- 
sario inde consequi affirmaverat. Atque ita negate pro- 
positionis probabili, et a Fr. Gomaro™ probata, ratione 
reddita ; assumptionis refutationem a Petro Possino hisce 
verbis propositam, subjicere pergimus. 

‘“‘Magnis" viris assentior, Abulensi, EKugubino, Caje- 
tano, Cornelio Jansenio episcopo Gandavensi, Sixto Sen- 
ensi, Genebrardo, Benedicto Pererio, Cornelio a Lapide, 
Dionysio Petavio, aliisque antiquioribus et recentioribus 
multis: nullum unquam fuisse inter homines Cainanum 
qui Arphaxad quidem filius, Sale vero pater extiterit. 
Id invicto argumento conficere mihi videor affirmatione 
diserta Mosis, genitum ab Arphaxado Salam narrantis. 
Quod testimonium quin prout sonat, ac prout jacet acci- 
piendum sit, causa nulla idonea potest afferri. Si ergo 
cum idem Moses, eodem loco, genitum aut a Semo Ar- 
phaxadum, aut a Sala Heberem, divina qua valuit autori- 
tate, revelasse nobis creditur, proprie et auéswe Heberem 


h Genes. cap. 11. ver. 12. i Luc. cap. 3. ver. 36. 
* Genebrard. chron. ann. mund. 1659. 

' Spanhem. Dub. evang. part. 5. dub. 23. sect. 29. 

™ Tn libelli de genealogia Christi cap. 2. 

» Possin. Dialectic. theogenealogic. cap. 2. 


CAP, VI. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 5A 


Sale fuisse patrem, Semo Arphaxadum filium; adeo ut 
qui proferre auderet alios quosdam quorum generatio 
media inter istos fuerit, convitio repellendus videretur, 
tanquam temerarius et lumini rebellis, divine, inquam, re- 
velationis, per Moysen Sancti Spiritus interpretem, nobis 
oblatee contemptor contumax: non video quis superesse 
locus possit isti de insititio Cainano sententiz.” 
Adjiciantur his et Benedicti Pererii illa. “Sic? cum 
animo meo reputare soleo. Aut hac generatio Cainan 
ignota fuit Mosi, aut nota. Ignotam fuisse Mosi, que 
perspecta fuerit et cognita Septuaginta interpretibus, 
quis audeat dicere? cum Moses tanto propior quam illi, 
fuerit illi ztati, solusque illorum temporum historiam tanta 
cum diligentia et cura conscripserit. Sin autem ea gene- 
ratio nota fuit Mosi; cur igitur eam pretermisit? pra- 
sertim autem cum ejus generationis vel adjectio vel de- 
tractio non parum variet chronologiam, que inter dilu- 
vium et Abraham a Mose describitur: quam quidem 
chronologiam voluisse Mosem integre, exacte ac perfecte 
tradere, illud est clarissimum indicium, quod seriem gene- 
rationum que fuerunt inter diluvium et Abraham distincte 
et accurate percenset, et suos cuique generationi annos 
subtiliter computatos proprie assignet. Qui fit igitur 
credibile Mosen, generatione Cainan pretermissa, vitio- 
sam nobis chronologiam aut voluisse tradere, aut, cum 
minime vellet, inscienter tamen tradidisse? Equidem diu 
multumque cogitans, nullam rationem, que mihi animum 
expleret, reperire potui, cur Moses generationem Cainan, 
siquidem ea inter Arphaxad et Sale intercessit, praeterire 
debuerit aut potuerit. Nam quod aiunt quidam, voluisse 
Mosen generationes que fuerunt ante et post diluvium 
ad duas tantum decades redigere: id nec probari ab istis 
potest, et leve ac futile est, nec tale ut propter id debuerit 
Moses chronologiam, cujus exacta cognitio magni erat 
momenti, perturbare atque confundere. His adde, quod 
saltem in libris Paralipomenwn, in quibus supplentur que 
alibi in sacris literis derelicta fuerant, unde nomen etiam 


9° Perer, in Gen. lib. 16. sect. 174, 175. 


VOL. XI. RR 


546 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VI. 


illi habent, commemorata fuisset generatio hee Cainan, si 
quidem in exordio prioris libri Paralipomenwn, series 
generationum quz fuerunt ante et post diluvium, similiter 
atque hic recensentur; nec ullum tamen verbum fit de 
generatione Cainan.” 

Hue accedit, quod Cainanem istum nec Onkelosius, para- 
phrastes Chaldzeus, agnoscat, nec Flavius Josephus in primo 
libro Originum, capite septimo, neque Berosus Chaldzus, 
in sequente capite ab eodem citatus ; “ pera kataxAvopov 
Sexary yeved, post diluvium decima generatione,” Abraha- 
mum fuisse significans; uti et cum eo Eupolemus éy rw 
wept “lovdaiwy, ab Alexandro Polyhistore? productus. 
Quem denarium, secluso Cainane, generationum nume- 
rum, “ Berosum et Eupolemum ab Hebreis, qui a clade 
decem tribuum toto terrarum orbe sparsi fuerunt, haud 
dubie didicisse,” Salianus! affirmat. Quibus tamen omni- 
bus primo authoritas Septuaginta interpretum, deinde 
Luce evangeliste, ab ipso Saliano et aliis hic opponi- 
tur. 

In vulgata enim editione Greeca, que Septuaginta inter- 
pretum nomen preefert, locus ille undecimi capitis Geneseos 
ita legitur: “ Kat ?noev ’Acpakad, éxarov TOLUKOVTAaTEVTE, 
trn, kat 2yévunoe Tov Kawav. Kai nov "Aogpagad, pera 
yevvica avrov Tov Kaway, ern TEeToAKOoLa, Kal 2yévvnoev 
viove kai Ouyarépac, Kat awlOave. Kat ?Znoev Kawvay éxarov 
kal ToLaKovTa ETN, Kal éyévynoe TOV Dadra. Kat noe Kawar, 
peta TO -yevvqoa avTov Tov Dada, ern TpLakdora Kal TOLaKOVTA, 
cat ¢yévvnoev viove Kal Ovyarépac Kat amwéOave. Et vixit Ar- 
phaxad 135. annos, et genuit Cainan. Et vixit Arphaxad, 
postquam genuit Cainan, annos 400. et genuit filios et 
filias, et mortuus est. Et vixit Cainan 130. annos, et 
genuit Sala. Et vixit Cainan, postquam genuit Sala, 
annos 330. et genuit filios et filias, et mortuus est;” licet 
in annis Arphaxadi post genitum Cainanem, pro 400. quos 
ex Greca editione Romana posuimus, Latina Flaminii 
Nobilii versio habeat 300. Aldina et Germanic editiones 


? Apud Eusebium libro 9. praparationis evangelice. 
4 Salian. prefat. in 3. tom. annal. 


CAP. VI. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 547 


cum omnium antiquissimo exemplari Cottoniano, Syro 
meo chronographo et fastis Siculis, 330. Georgius Syn- 
cellus 355. Arabicus meus Geneseos interpres 363. Com- 
plutensis cum Alexandrino quem in Anglia habemus co- 
dice, 430. Tanta Grace lectionis hic est inconstantia. 
Sed et in annis qui Cainani tribuuntur post natum Salam, 
licet in nonnullis exemplaribus 330. legi notet Georgius 
Syncellus', ipse tamen ea sequitur que 430. legunt: quod 
et a Syro meo chronographo, cui Georgio quoque nomen 
fuit, est factum; nam Arabicus meus Geneseos interpres 
hic etiam, ut in Arphaxado et Sala, 363. habet. 

Ad argumentum hinc deductum jam respondendum est : 
quod est hujusmodi. Si in Septuaginta interpretum edi- 
tione Cainan inter Arphaxadum et Salam reperiatur in- 
terpositus ; repudiari ille omnino non debet. Sed verum 
est antecedens. Ergo et consequens. 

Propositionem istam connexam nos simpliciter negamus. 
Frustra enim Salianus nobis hic occinit, ‘‘ Potuisse® illos 
Septuaginta viros, qui non meros agebant interpretes, sed 
prophetas, quique Spiritum illum Scripturarum autho- 
rem inhabitantem habebant, ut plerique sanctorum patrum 
scripto prodiderunt, non solum ea in Greecum sermonem 
convertere que in Mose reperissent, sed supplere etiam, 
qua ab illo justa quidem, parum tamen nobis explorata, 
ratione fuissent praetermissa: nec magis dubitandum esse 
eos Cainan in vertendo Mose supplere potuisse, quam 
Spiritum ipsum Sanctum, qui per eorum ora loquebatur.” 
Qui si attentius considerasset, divina Grzecz illius editi- 
tionis authoritate semel admissa, vulgatam* editionem La- 
timam, a concilio Tridentino authenticam declaratam, 
totam esse corruptam cogi suos fateri: cum socio suo 
Bellarmino pronunciaturus potius fuisset, patres illos qui 
scripserunt Septuaginta seniores dictante Spiritu Sancto 
fecisse quod fecerant, ‘“‘ pie quasivisse rationes excusandi 


* Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 115. 
* Salian, preefat. in 3. tom. annal. 
' Bellarm. de verbo Dei, lib. 2. cap. 6. 
RR 


548 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA, CAP. VI. 


et defendendi eam versionem, qua tunc Ecclesia uteba- 
tur ;” et cum Martino Martini Hispano theologo: ‘ Hie- 
ronymus" in prophetis crebro illorum Septuaginta ne- 
gligentiam carpit; interdum affirmans literarum simili- 
tudine fuisse deceptos, interdum non satis intellexisse 
quod transferebant. Denique nullibi non adimit iis Spi- 
ritum Sanctum; nec immerito profecto. Quare, si me 
judice translatio Greeca cum nostra,” vulgata Latina, “ de 
primatu contenderet; non dubitarem primas nostre trans- 
lationi deferre, et fateri longo intervallo illam a nostra 
fuisse superatam. Nec adduci possum ut credam ullum 
tam stupidum, dummodo illas inter se et cum Hebraico 
contulerit, qui de hac re dubitare possit et nobis re- 
fragari.” 

Atque ‘in his etiam insititii Cainanis patronis verum esse 
illud deprehenditur, quod a Beda olim est observatum : 
‘“‘ Hos* qui Septuaginta magnis divinisque laudibus ad 
ceelos tollunt,” breviorem tamen annorum mundi summam 
im textu Hebraico et editione vulgata Latina traditam 
sequi non dubitare; quod et a Dionysio Petavio sic illis 
videmus esse objectum: “ Illi ipsi, sicubi commodum est, 
Septuaginta suos facessere jubent, aut eorum codices de- 
pravatos esse defendunt. In duplici genealogiarum or- 
dine, quem ab Adam ad diluvium, et a diluvio ad Abra- 
hamum Moyses perduxit, scimus quam diversi sint Gra- 
corum calculi ab Hebraicis et nostris. Neque vero recens 
est discrimen istud, sed ab antiquissimis notatum scrip- 
toribus, ut promde mendi non nisi levis possit esse sus- 
picio. Hic illi qui Grecos interpretes tanti faciunt et 
prophetas appellant, ab eorum rationibus discedunt nihilo- 
minus, easque falsas et conturbatas esse non dubitant. 
Quare cur non idem et in Cainani nomine usurpare nobis 
liceat, et Grecis illis codicibus Hebrzorum, ad vulgatze 
nostre editionis autoritatem preferre?” Ita Petavius, 
libro nono, de doctrina temporum, capite decimo septimo. 

Quin et in Cainanis ipsius temporibus consignandis, 


“ Martin. Hypoteposeon. theologicar. lib. 1. cap. 4. 
* Beda, in prefat. lib, de ratione tempor. 


CAP. VI. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 549 


\ 
Septuaginta suos deserere isti deprehenduntur. Cum enim 
Marianus Scotus, qui omnium primus, Hebraorum in 
ceteris retento calculo, Cainani in mundi chronologia con- 
texenda locum dedit, editionem Gracam simpliciter se- 
cutus Arphaxado ante genitum Cainanem 135. Cainani 
ante genitum Salam 130. annos tribuisset: 200. totos eo 
ex numero annos subducendos novi nostri censuerunt 
temporum arbitri, Bellarminus, Gordonus, Torniellus, 
Salianus, Samerius, Harvilleeus, Henricus Philippi, et alii, 
cum Pererio scilicet statuentes, ‘‘ AdditionemY illam cen- 
tum annorum ad annos quos habent Hebrei et Latini co- 
dices mendosam esse, nec a Septuaginta interpretibus 
profectam, sed vitiose in translationem eorum aliunde in- 
fusum.” Atqui centum annorum illa additio in omnibus 
constanter non est observata: ut in Jaredo, Mathusala, 
Lamecho, et Nachore videre licet. Complutensis enim, 
et eam hic secuta Romana editio, qua Nachori ante 
genitum Tharam 179. annos pro 79. adscribit, plane vi- 
tiosa est. Deinde et minoris numeri in annis Cainanis 
inconstans reperitur lectio. Jornandes enim in libro de 
regnorum successionibus, et Georgius Syrus in chronolo- 
gicis suis tabulis Cainani ante natum Salam annos 135. tri- 
buunt. Et licet vulgatum 130. annorum numerum Georgius 
Syncellus przeferat; in aliis tamen codicibus 159. fuisse 
lectum simul agnoscit, ita hac de re scribere: ‘“ “H’ d tite 
Tevésewe towTn Mwvoiwe BiPAoc tH or Ere avrov Pyotr 
Tov avtov Kawav yeyevencévat tov Sada év rote jKolw- 
pévolc TOV AVTLYPAPWY, WE Kal HET EoTOLXYELWOaMEV. EV TLOL 
yao oD péperar avtov Kawav. Primus autem Geneseos 
a Mose conscriptus liber, in accuratioribus, Cainanem 
etatis anno 130. Salam genuisse refert, quemadmodum 
et nos supputavimus. In quibusdam enim, anno 139. 
Cainanis natus ille fuisse fertur.” Quam posteriorem 
lectionem authores Constantinopolitani computi, a Greecis 
et Moscovitis hodie recepti, qui ad annum mundi 5509. 
Christi natalem retulerunt, secutos fuisse confirmat Sca- 


Y Perer. lib. 16. in Genes. cap. 11. sect. 183. 
2 Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 186. 


55 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VI. 


vu 


liger*. Ut nullo certo argumento constare nobis possit, 
utrum ad chronologiam mundi constituendam assumendus 
hic a nobis fuerit annorum 30. 35. aut 39. vel etiam 130. 
135. aut 139. numerus. Cum enim centenariorum anno- 
rum illa additio non in nostris solum, sed in antiquissi- 
morum etiam Christianorum patrum codicibus, iisque 
etiam qui ante Christi tempora ‘sunt exarati, ut ex Deme- 
trii chronologia postea ostendetur, locum obtinuerit: cur 
eam magis, quam hanc de Cainane totam laciniam, ‘ vi- 
tiose in translationem rwv Septuaginta aliunde infusam,” 
fuisse dicamus, nullam possumus rationem reddere ido- 
neam. 

At negat Salianus “ Fuisse? quempiam aliquando mor- 
talium tam effuse temerarium, aut audaciz tam projecte, 
qui non unam aliquam commutare vocem in sacrosanctis 
codicibus, sed integram hoc loco periodum inserere atque 
infercire ausus fuerit;” multumque hic ille rhetoricatur : 
pluribus ea urgens, que a socio ipsius Henrico® hisce in- 
terrogatiunculis sunt comprehensa: “ Que vel Septua- 
ginta interpretum, vel aliorum audacia tanta esse potuit, 
quze non modo nomen Cainan, sed et annos, quos ante, 
quos post genitum filium vixisse memoratur, in sacrum 
textum intruderet, si Cainan nunquam extitit? Que ma- 
litia, que spes utilitatis aut Septuaginta seniores, aut 
corum amanuenses potuit ad hoc mendacium impellere, 
tam disertis verbis, toties nomine repetito, tam accuratis 
annorum numeris concinnandum?” Sed quod verba au- 
diam, cum facta videam? et tot aliarum periodorum et 
capitulorum aliquando pluribus periodis constantium, tum 
additiones tum detractiones in Greca ista editione alibi 
occurrant, quarum causa nulla reddi potest, preter me- 
rum ipsius scriptoris arbitrium. Cum pretermissorum 
tantum esse numerum confirmet Hieronymus, ut “ si‘ ea 
vellet cuncta digerere, non libro, sed libris opus futu- 
rum” dicat; atque additamenta, vel in uno Esthere vo- 


4 Scalig. Canon. Isagog. lib. 3. part. 2. cap. 1. epoch. 2. 
> Salian. preefat. in 3. tom. annal. 

© Henr. Philipp. quest. chron. 1. in Gen. cap. 11, 

4 Hieron. lib. 3. comment. in Jerem. cap. 17. 


CAP. VI. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. S5ik 


lumine, tanta et talia ab Origene, in epistola ad Julium 
Africanum, sint notata; ut propter ea “‘ liber® hic quam- 
vis Hebraicus et Hebrzis receptus, sero admodum epud 
Christianos canonicam authoritatem receperit.” 

Ad assumptionem jam veniendum est; et videndum, 
an in germana Septuaginta interpretum editione Cainan 
inter Arphaxadum et Salam fuerit interpositus. Ubi pri- 
mitiva primum Mosaic Pentateuchi versio, quae Hebraico 
textui exactissime respondebat, ut in nostro de Septua- 
ginta interpretum editione syntagmate est ostensum, et 
consequenter Cainanem istum insititium, neque ab He- 
breis, neque ab eorum sequace Beroso Chaldzo, illis 
temporibus agnitum, habere non poterat, a liberiore illa 
totius veteris instrumenti interpretatione est secernenda, 
que post quartum Ptolemei Philometoris annum, ut ex 
fine libri Esthere liquet, concinnata, procedente tempore 
Septuaginta seniorum locum et nomen obtinuit. De pos- 
teriore deinde illa ex Hieronymo est sciendum: ‘ Aliam‘ 
esse editionem, quam Origenes, et Czsariensis Eusebius, 
omnesque Greci tractatores kowny, id est, communem 
appellant atque vulgatam, et plerisque Aovxiavic, vel 
Avxiavic, dicebatur; aliam Septuaginta interpretum, que 
in &arAoic codicibus reperiebatur; et quidem xowijy is- 
tam, hoc est, communem editionem, ipsam esse que et 
Septuaginta; sed hoc interesse inter utramque: quod cow) 
pro locis et temporibus, et pro voluntate scriptorum ve- 
terum corrupta editio est; ea autem que habebatur in 
iEamAoic, ipsam esse que in eruditorum libris incorrupta 
et immaculata Septuaginta interpretum translatio reser- 
vari’ credebatur. In communi illa tum vetere, que ante 
Origenis tempora erat in usu, tum nova a Luciano mar- 
tyre interpolata, Cainanem interjectum fuisse agnoscimus ; 
eo quo supra ex vulgatis libris proposuimus modo. In 
altera vero, que incorrupta et immaculata Septuaginta 
editio a doctis censebatur, quamque in Alexandrina Cleo- 
patra bibliotheca repositam, et in Adgypto, Palestina et 


€ Sixt. Senen. Bibl. Sanct. lib. 1. sect. 2. 
' Hier. epist. 11. ad Sun. et Fretel. op. tom, 2. pag. 627. 


552 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VI. 


Syria tum receptam, Hexaplis suis Origenes inserendam 
curavit, Cainanem locum habuisse negamus; atque ita 
textum Mosaicum representatum fuisse defendimus : 

“ Kai t@noev Apgpatad ixardy TovaxovtamévTe ETn, Kal eyév- 
vynoe Tov Sara’ Kai enoev Apgatad, pera yevvicar avtov 
vov Sada, tn roia kat terpaxdora (al. tovakdora) kal eyévvn- 
cev viove kai Quyarégac, kal a7wéBave. Et vixit Arphaxad. 
135. annos et genuit Sala. Et vixit Arphaxad, postquam 
genuit Sala, annos 403. (al. 305.) et genuit filios et filias, 
et mortuus est.” 

Incommunieditione 7@v Septuaginta, Origenes “ Theo- 
dotionis editionem miscuit, asteriscis designans quae minus 
fuerant, et virgulis que ex superfluo videbantur oppo- 
sita:” ut in apologia adversus Rufinum habet Hierony- 
mus': ubi et codices istos ab Origene elaboratos, Pales- 
tinis suis Eusebium et sodalem ejus Pamphilum tradidisse 
significat. Hic vero Origenes ea que ad Cainan spectant 
uti invenit, ita et reliquit; sed virgula sive obelisco pre- 
notata: quod ex illis Procopii Gazziin Geneseos cap. XI. 
intelligimus: ‘‘ Hebraica veritas habet, Selam genitum 
esse ab Arphaxad. Que deinde in medio ponuntur obelisco 
signata visuntur.” Ipse vero Eusebius, in priore chronici 
sui libro annos patrum ex triplici textu, Hebraeo, Graco 
et Samaritano, recensens, in nullo eorum Cainanem po- 
suit; sed in eo etiam qui est kara tiv 6 éounveiay (juxta 
Septuaginta interpretationem) Arphaxadum, annos 135. 
natum, genuisse Salam commemorat. Quod magnopere 
se mirari Georgius Syncellus dicit: “‘ Lectos* per omnes 
Christiecclesias sacros Geneseos libros” Cainanem habere 
affirmans; et ob illum pratermissum, tum Eusebium, tum 
alium quendam etate sua vetustiorem erroris coarguens. 
Ienorabat enim ille quod Eusebio probe erat cognitum, 
discrimen inter communem et sinceriorem illam rov Sep- 
tuaginta editionem, quz in Hexaplis fuerat, ex quibus in 
Ceesariensi bibliotheca a Pamphilo suo repositis, illam an- 
norum mundi seriem seligendam putavit quam germanz 
Septuaginta interpretum sententize magis congruentem 
esse judicavit. 


! Op. tom, 4. pag. 125. ® Georg. Syncell. pag. 86. et 169. 


CAP, VI. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 553 


Neque alicujus est momenti quod ab Henrico Philip- 
pzo opponitur. Eusebium quidem “ aliquando dissimu- 
lare Cainan:” sed quum eum ‘alibi exprimat, negasse 
non esse censendum.” Fefellit enim hic eum socius ipsius 
Jacobus Salianus: qui in tertii annalis procemio, hoc ex 
Latina Eusebii chronici versione, in prefatione cujus est 
initium, “ Incipiunt tempora,” confirmat ; atque locis ali- 
quot pro Cainane facientibus ex putido illo excerptorum 
Barbaro-Latinorum libello, a Scaligero edito, descriptis, ex 
illis videre nos posse concludit, ‘‘ pro qua sententia Euse- 
bius stare censendus sit ;” quasi qui aliquid omnino videt, 
excerpta illa non ex Eusebio solo, sed ex aliis etiam ab 
Eusebii chronographia summe dissentientibus, desumpta 
fuisse ignorare potuerit : et alteram illam przfationem, ut 
eam Saliano appellare libuit, ‘‘ aut alius auctoris esse, aut 
pauca Eusebiana intermixta” habere, ipse Scaliger" non 
monuerit; et illud ad prasentem causam attinere satis non 
-evicerit, quod in ea “ab anno diluvii usque ad nativitatem 
Abrahz anni 1072.” numerentur: quum Eusebius’, tam 
juxta Septuaginta interpretationem, card twv 6 counvetar, 
quam juxta textum Samaritanum, a diluvio usque ad pri- 
mum annum Abrahez annos 942. supputaverit. Cumque 
in omnibus suis epilogismis hunc numerandi modum 
Eusebius constanter retineat, et per eum Cainanis annos 
a sua chronologia penitus excludat, atque ob hoc ipsum 
non a Georgio Syncello, sed etiam ab illo longe antiquio- 
ribus chronographis Alexandrinis*, Aniano et Panodoro, 
reprehensum eum fuisse constet: temeritatis certe notam 
illi effugere non possunt, qui vel Eusebium Cainanem 
agnovisse affirmaverint, vel ab editione rHv Septuaginta, 
quam ille sequendam proposuerat, Cainanis generationem 
abfuisse negaverint. 

Sed et ante Eusebium Origenis equalis Julius Africa- 
nus, cui ad bibliothecam Alexandrinam, in qua authenti- 
cum erat editionis illius, qua tum germanam Septuaginta 


" Scalig. animadversion. Eusebian. pag. 10. a, 
i Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 86, 87, et 88. 
k Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 35, 36, 


554: CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VI. 


seniorum interpretationem continere credebatur, exem- 
plar, continuus patebat accessus, pretermisso Cainane, 
Arphaxadum! annos 135. natum genuisse Salam, et ab 
Adamo usque ad mortem Phalec annos 3000. fluxisse 
memorat. A mundi enim initio annos 2262. usque ad 
nativitatem Arphaxad, neglecto, ut alibi est dictum, bien- 
nio post diluvium, ille numerat. Quibus additi anni 130. 
Sale ante natum Eberum, et Eberi 134. ante natum 
Phalegum, cum integre vite Phalegi annis 339. tot enim 
in Grecis codicibus illi tributos invenimus, simul annos 
3000. conficiunt. ‘“‘Kai™ 6 wumovootmevoe Tov itwv Tie 
Tov KOcpov dtanovng dpiBuoe sic dvo Simon ioarara. 
Tolcxitia yao emt TH yevéos avToV The TOV Kédopov UTA0- 
Eewe Ern ereoatwOy. Et qui mundi durationis annorum 
numerus esse existimatur, hinc in duas partes zquales est 
divisus. Ex quo enim ille est natus, anni mundi conditi 
ter mille elapsi sunt:” ut apud Eustathium patriarcham 
Antiochenum legitur: yevéoe: proculdubio reXeuri, nati- 
vitate pro morte, librarii vitio, substituta: sicut sequen- 
tia illa clare ostendunt : ‘ Tiverac ody awd Adam émt rv 
reXeuTny Parzk zn torsxitva. Ab Adam itaque usque ad 
mortem Phalee anni ter mille numerantur.” Quz etiam 
annorum mundi medietas ab Hesychio in Christi natalem, 
apud Anastasium Niceenum: in Scriptur. quest. 93. Suida 
in ®adix, Johanne Malela Antiocheno et Georgio Cedre- 
no, in chronicis suis est constituta: loco Genes. cap. X. 
ver. 15. et 1 Chronic. cap. I. ver. 19. ita accepto ac 
si diebus Phalegi in duas zquales partes dividenda fuis- 
sent mundi tempora. Ejusmodi enim divisionem He- 
braico nomine Phaleg significatam putabant; sicut Da- 
nielis cap. VII. ver. 25. in originali Chaldaico yay 55 
dimidium temporis ; et cap. IX. ver. 27. in Syriaca inter- 
pretatione Xyiaw n125pD dimidiatam vel mediam Septi- 
manam denotat: et 6000. annis integrum presentis se- 
culi spatium definiebant: que recepta fuerat apud He- 
brzeos, Greecos, et Latinos opinio; ut in Barnabe tributa 
epistola, dicto illo domus Eliz apud Talmudicos celebri, 


' Georg. Syncell. chron. pag, 86. m Eustath, in Hexamer, pag. 55. 


CAP. VI. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 555 


Cabalistico authore libri 017) in primum Geneseos versi- 
culum, Lactantio™, Tichonio in regula quinta et. aliis 
videre licet. 

Sed et Julio Africano author antiquior Theophilus 
Antiochenus, in libro tertio ad Autolycum, temporum epi- 
logismum juxta Septuaginta instituens, omisso Cainane 
Arphaxadum Sale patrem facit. Imo et ipsorum apos- 
tolorum temporibus Dositheus, in textu, quem interpola- 
tum Samaritanis suis dedit, Hebraico, patrum post dilu- 
vium annis ante zadoyoviay ex Septuaginta editione de- 
sumptis, Cainanem cum suis annis prorsus pretermisit : 
numeratis" hoc modo a diluvio usque ad primum Abrahami 
(vel 70. Tharz potius) annis 942. “‘ éiéca jv Kat Kara Tov 
6. quot erant et juxta Septuaginta,” ut ex Eusebio refert 
Georgius Syncellus. Qui numerorum in Eusebianis et 
nostris Samaritanis exemplaribus consensus imprimis 
est observandus: ne quis Grotianum illud commentum in 
errorem inducat ; quod ‘ Samaritani? quos nunc habemus 
codices facti fuerint ad Grzca exemplaria, ex quo Sama- 
ritani ab Justiniano coacti sunt suscipere Christianis- 
mum.” 

Addi his poterant, preter Eusebii sequaces, etiam Jo- 
sephus in Hypomnestico suo adhuc inedito, et Quintus 
Julius Hilarion in libello de mundi duratione, anno zxre 
Christiane 397. conscripto: qui annorum calculo juxta 
Septuaginta instituto, Caimanis tempora preterierunt. 
Ab argumento enim a Septuaginta ad gravius illud alte- 
rum, a Luce evangeliste authoritate deductum, libet jam 
accedere ; quod ita sese habet. Si B. Lucas Spiritus 
Sancti amanuensis, in Christi genealogia Camanem inter 
Salam et Arphaxadum interponendum esse censuit; ea 
de re dubitandi nullus amplius relinquitur locus. At ve- 
rum est prius: ut ex Luce cap. III. ver. 35, 36. liquet. 
Ergo et posterius. Ubi ad hypotheticam illam proposi- 
tionem distinguendo primum respondetur: si quidem ex 
propria sententia hic locutus evangelista fuerit, veram 


m Lib. 7. cap. 14. " Syncell. chron. pag. 38. 
° H, Grot. annotat. in Levit. cap. 17. ver. 4. 


556 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VI. 


eam esse; sin ex aliorum, non item. Non magis certe, 
quam Melchisedecum reipsa “ sine patre, sine matre, sine 
genealogia, neque initium dierum neque finem vite ha- 
buisse,” oportere credi; quia ex vulgo recepta senten- 
tia id apostolus? pronunciaverit. ‘ Consuetudinis’ enim 
Scripturarum est, ut opinionem multorum sic narret histo- 
ricus, quomodo illo tempore ab omnibus credebatur. Si- 
cut Joseph ab ipsa quoque Maria" appellabatur pater 
Jesu: ita et Herodes dicitur contristatus, quia hoc dis- 
cumbentes putabant:” inquit Hieronymus. Et “ Sep- 
tuaginta’ prophetam non dixere Ananiam: ne scilicet 
prophetam viderentur dicere, qui propheta non erat. 
Quasi non multa in Scripturis sanctis dicantur juxta 
opinionem illius temporis quo gesta referuntur, et non 
juxta quod rei veritas continebat.” Atque in libro se- 
cundo adversus Helvidium: ‘‘ Evangeliste opinionem vul- 
gi exprimentes, que vera historiz lex est, patrem dixerunt 
Joseph Salvatoris.” 

Ita igitur evangelista Lucas, patres Salvatoris omnes, 
tam vulgo ita habitos quam veros, recensendos sibi pro- 
ponens; genealogiam ipsius ita exorsus, “ @v we évoutZero, 
vine ‘lwanp, Tov "HAI, rou MarOav, existens, ut putabatur, 
filius Joseph, filius Eli,” patris Maria Deipare, “ filius 
Matthan,” nominativo illo vide in sequentibus omnibus 
avo Kolvov repetito: in progressu quoque ejusdem inter 
Christi patres et Cainanem nominare poterat; non quod 
talis revera ipse esset, sed quod a Judzis Hellenistis 
et Christianis, non alia quam Greca Testamenti veteris 
interpretatione usis, quorum maximus erat numerus, 
inter Abrahami majores numeraretur. Etsi enim in ea 
editione, que Alexandriz in Cleopatrina bibliotheca repo- 
sita pro genuina Septuaginta seniorum postea est habita, 
Cainanis istius nullam extitisse mentionem ostensum fue- 
rit: In kowy tamen sive vulgata, que in communiori usu 
fuerat, Cainanem locum etiam ante Christi tempora obti- 
nuisse, Demetrii in libro de his qui in Judea regnaverunt 


P Heb. cap. 7. ver. 3. 
4 Hieron. Commentar. in Matthei cap. 4. ver. 9. 
T Luc, cap. 2. ver. 48. * Hieron, in Jer. cap. 28. ver. 10. 


CAP. VI. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 557 


chronologia, apud Eusebium" ab Alexandro Polyhistore 
proposita, demonstrat. Ea enim, usque ad Jacobi et fi- 
liorum descensum in Aigyptum, ab Adamo annos 3624. a 
diluvio, 1360. (vel potius 1362.) ab Abrahami ex Charane 
in Chananzeam adventu 215. dinumerans, 130. annorum 
Cainanis interpositionem nccessario requirit. Quod si a 
Grotio fuisset animadversum, in eam opinionem nunquam 
concessisset ; in Luce cap. III. ver. 36. primum Cainanis 
nomen errore quodam fuisse repositum : ‘‘ Deinde cum late 
spargi ea lectio per Luce exemplaria coepisset, Graecos 
Christianos etiam in versione Geneseos secundum Septua- 
ginta, inter Arphaxadum et Salam interposuisse nomen 
Cainanis, annis etiam additis, quo magis Luce, quem sic 
scripsisse arbitrabantur, sua auctoritas constaret.” 
Longe igitur probabilior, ut ad assumptionis examen 
jam veniamus, altera est sententia, Cainanis nomen ex 
kowy, sive vulgata Geneseos editione, ut in primum libri 
prioris Paralipomenwn capitulum, ubi neque in Greco 
codice Vaticano, neque in bibliorum Jayanorum versione 
Arabica, neque in Ruthenica sive Illyrica translatione 
vetere, adhuc insertum illud reperitur, ita in Christi apud 
Lucam genealogiam fuisse transfusum. De eo, in secundo 
chronicorum suorum libro, Christianus Masszeus: ‘ In 
primis dubium videri potest, utrum beatus Lucas ita 
scripserit. Quis enim audeat asseverare, quod probari 
non potest? Quis autem non videat potuisse contingere, 
ut non ab ipso, sed ab aliis Grecis post mortem ejus 
insertum sit, si viderint evangelium a suis bibliis discre- 
pare, quod fieri non debuisse constabat: in eo maxime 
loco ubi generationum series scribebatur ; ubi facillime 
putari potuisset, non voluntatem, sed inadvertentiam 
affuisse scriptoris?” Et, in commentariis ad Geneseos 
cap. XI. Benedictus Pererius: ‘‘ Ex’ his recte concludi- 
tur generationem Cainan non fuisse in omnibus libris 
Septuaginta interpretum. Unde probabiliter etiam con- 
jicitur eam non fuisse traditam a Septuaginta interpreti- 


° In Evangelicee preparationis lib. 9. 
® Perer. in Gen. lib. 16. sect, 178, 179. 


558 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VI. 


bus: atque eos libros qui ea generatione carebant, ut qui 
cum Hebrzis codicibus congruerent, veros et integros 
esse judicandos; eos autem qui generationem Cainan ha- 
bebant, ut corruptos atque mendosos esse abjudicandos, 
ac rejiciendos. Facile autem fuit, aliquem nactum libros 
septuaginta interpretum in quibus erat generatio Cainan, 
inde eam transtulisse in evangelium Luce: quod a prin- 
cipio non animadversum non solum inhesisse in uno eo 
libro, sed in eos postea qui usque ad hanc diem exscripti 
sunt, esse derivatum. At enim vero, si quod de veritate 
librorum Septuaginta interpretum circa generationem 
Cainan satis bene probatum est, idem quoque de libro 
evangelico B. Luce probaretur; equidem sententiam 
hanc toto assensu complecterer. Verum neque hac zxtate 
ullus est liber B. Luce qui in genealogia Salvatoris 
non habeat generationem Cainan ; nec legi fuisse unquam 
aliquem, qui diceret, vel a se, vel ab aliis visum esse co- 
dicem ullum B. Luce qui tali generatione careret.” 
Ita ille. 

Atqui librum B. Luce Greeco-Latinum, in antiquissimis 
membranis, literis majusculis, sine spiritibus et accenti- 
bus, descriptum ipsi vidimus: ubi in Greco, tov Padsk, 
tov Ee, tov Sara, tov Apgagad, tov Sym, in Latino: 
“ Qui fuit Phalec, qui fuit Eber, qui fuit Sala, qui fuit 
Arphaxad, qui fuit Sem,” exerte legebatur ; Cainanis hu- 
jus mentione prorsus pretermissa. Codex ille, quatuor 
evangeliorum et Actorum apostolorum historias complec- 
tens, ex Grecia olim in Galliam perductus, in monasterio 
S. Irenzi in suburbio Lugdunensi est repositus; ibique 
oriente civili bello anno 1562. repertus, a Theodoro Beza 
anno demum 1581. publice Cantabrigiensis academiz 
bibliothecze est donatus. Neque hujus generis Greecus 
ullus MS. est alius, vel a Beza commemoratus, vel in 
Angliam e Grecia nuper missus : quicquid in notationibus 
suis ad hunc Luce locum dicat Hugo Grotius. 

Querit hic igitur Salianus; que sit ‘ vis‘ in manuscrip- 
to uno, sive Gallico, sive Anglicano, in quo Cainan in 


' Salian, preefat, in annal, tom. 3. 


CAP. VI. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 559 


evangelio Lucz omissus fuerit, ut omnibus omnium biblio- 
thecarum id genus libris opponi possit ?” Negatque om- 
nino Gomarus", unum illum codicem tantz videri esse vel 
** antiquitatis, ut reliquis omnibus priscis patribus sit con- 
ferendus, nedum preeferendus ;” vel “ sinceritatis, ut fidem 
pre czeteris mereatur.” Quasi aliam huic codici vim a 
causee hujus patronis adscribi fuisset necesse, quam quan- 
ta ad objectum universalem exemplarium Lucz in Cai- 
nane retinendo consensum refellendum sufficeret ; que 
cui lectio esset praeferenda, non ex hujus codicis vel anti- 
quitate vel sinceritate, sed ex Mosis et Ezre authoritate, 
zstimandum relinquentibus. 

In profundioris autem antiquitatis exemplaribus varie- 
tates occurrere plurimas, que in posteriorum temporum 
Manuscriptis nullibi apparent, vel hic ipse de quo agimus 
codex fidem facit : qui unus in evangeliis plures a vulgatis 
libris discrepantes lectiones nobis exhibet, quam aliarum 
fortasse bibliothecarum exemplaria conjuncta simul omnia. 
De cujusmodi in libris novi Testamenti suo tempore re- 
perta varietate, ita et Origenes non monuit: ‘ Multam* 
differentiam inter exemplaria invenimus, sive per negligen- 
tiam scribentium, sive ex temeritate quorumdam, sive 
propter eos qui negligunt emendare Scripturas: vel prop- 
ter eos qui quod ipsis videtur in emendationibus vel abji- 
ciunt, vel subducunt.” 

Itaque quemadmodum in Romanorum cap. I. ver. 
17. recte nos hodie legimus, “‘ Justus ex fide vivet :” 
ubi libri qui Hieronymi tempore extabant (quemad- 
odum libro primo commentariorum ipsius in Haba- 
kuk, cap. II. liquet) prime persone pronomine ex Sep- 
tuaginta addito, ‘ Justus ex fide mea vivet,” legerunt: 
ita vice versa, ubi hodie apud Lucam ex xowwy, sive vul- 
gata Greca editione Cainanem videmus repositum ; in illa 
que Origenis tempore ferebatur codicum varietate eundem 
pari consensu non fuisse adjectum, tum ex nostro hoc 
venerande antiquitatis exemplari argumentum capere 
possumus, tum ex ipsius Origenis verbis illis, tractatu 


“ Gomar. de geneal. Christi, cap. 2. x Origen. in Matt, tract, 8. 


560 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VI. 


vigesimo in Johannem: ‘‘ ’Apadpu cikoordg yeyévyntat aro 
Tov wowroTAdoTou’ deka yao yeveat avo Addu emt Noe, Kai 
déca avd Noe éxi ABoaau. Abraham a primo homine vice- 
simus natus est. Decem enim generationes ab Adamo sunt 
ad Noe, et decem a Noe ad Abraham.” Ut Noe enim, 
seniore Cainane connumerato, ab Adamo decimus; ita 
Abrahamus ab eodem, nisi secluso Cainane juniore, nu- 
merari nullo modo poterit vicesimus; quibus addendum 
quoque quod Josephus, vetus scriptor Christianus, in 
Greco suo Hypomnestico, recensens generationes ab 
Adamo ad Christum, post Arphaxad ponit Sala; insititio 
isto Cainane prorsus omisso. 

Sed et ex Romanensium castris Johannes Cordesius, in 
Gallico de genealogia Christi libello, Cainanis nomen in 
primitivis Lucz codicibus non extitisse confirmat. Hic 
enim est anonymus ille cujus contra Cainanem argumenta 
recensuit in Dubiis’ suis evangelicis noster Spanhemius : 
ut ‘homo non leviter eruditus,” cujus rationibus hac in 
parte respondere conatus est, in tertii sui annalis preefa- 
tione, Jacobus Salianus. Cui et comites adjicere liceat, 
ex eadem e qua Salianus fuit societate Jesu, theologos 
tres: quorum primus, ab ipso Cordesio productus, Cor- 
nelius a Lapide, in commentariis suis ad Geneseos, cap. 
XI. ver. 12. docet Cainan in Lucam inrepsisse “ errore 
librariorum, vel scioli alicujus, qui Hebraice nesciens cum 
in versione Septuaginta, que olim vulgata fuit, in Genesi 
inveniret additum Cainan, eundem ex Septuaginta in Lu- 
cam transtulit, illumque ei inserendum putavit.” Alter 
Dionysius Petavius, in libro nono de doctrina temporum, 
capite decimo septimo, non debere ‘‘ mirum aut incredibile 
videri si Cainanis nomen ex Septuaginta corruptis libris in 
Evangelium Luce redundasse suspicemur.” ‘Tertius de- 
nique Petrus Possinus, in Diallactico genealogie Christi ca- 
pite nono, confidenter concludit ; ‘‘ ex corrupta jam editio- 
ne Septuaginta longo demum intervallo libris Luce inditum 
a sciolis exscriptoribus fuisse nomen Cainanis. Nam quis 


% Part. 1. dub. 23. 


CAP. VI, CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 561 


-‘nescit,” inquit ille, “'T'estamentum novum librorum om- 
nium frequentissime fuisse descriptum ? Quod ergo assueti 
editioni Septuaginta jam mendose, semidocti Greculi 
descriptionem evangeliorum accederent, restituere, ut 
ipsis quidem videbatur omissum apud Lucam nomen non 
dubitaverunt: que hallucinatio emendationis erudite au- 
thoritatem habuit, ut in omnes brevi codices vulgaretur, 
si tamen in omnes.” Et de testimoniis, pro retinendo 
Cainane, a Septuaginta interpretum et Luce evangelist 
authoritate deductis, ista dicta sufficiant. 

Aliud enim illud argumentum ab Harvillzeo* ‘“ a natio- 
nibus, ortis ab ipso Cainan,” petitum pondus in se habet 
omnino perexiguum. ‘“ Eusebius,” inquit ille, ‘ libro 
primo chron. S. Epiphanius® in Ancorato, et chronicon 
Alexandrinum, dicunt ab ipso Cainan ortos fuisse Gas- 
phenos.” At vero Epiphanius Caianos, nescio. quos, hic 
nominat; chronicon Alexandrinum, vel Constantinopolita- 
num potius, Sarmatas; Eustathius Antiochenus* Soggo- 
dianos; de Cainane hoc preterea addito: ‘’Awd totrovu 
O21) aoTpovopita Kal Olwvicpol éavonOncav. Ab isto astro- 
nomia et auguria excogitata sunt.” Ortos autem ab eo 
fuisse Gasphenos, non Eusebius, quem Cainanem illum 
omnino non agnovisse ostendimus, sed Georgius Syncel- 
lus memorat : eadem qua et alterum illud narrat fide. 
“Tot Pome tra Kawav dwdecbwy tv ry Tedly evpev Tijv 
yoapny tev yryavtwrv, Kal Exkoupev map’ éavtp. Mundi 
anno 2585. Cainan deambulans in agro, scriptum gigan- 
tum reperit, et penes se recondidit.” Eutychius filius 
Patricii Alexandrinus patriarcha, in Arabico suo chronico, 
anno Phaleki 36. mense Ab, Cainanem mortem obiisse notat. 
Catenz autem in Pentateuchum Arabice, que in Bodleiana 
bibliotheca habetur, collector, eundem 18. die mensis Elul, 
feria sexta, vita excessisse scribit : filios eyus eum pollinxis- 
se, sepeliisse, et per 40. dies luxisse, adjicens. Nempe, qui 


4 Harvil. Isagog. chron. sec. 37. 

b Epiph. cap. 5. 

4 Georg. Syncell. chron. pag. 46. 
VOL. XI. 


© Hexaemer. pag. 54. 


ss 


562 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VI. 


filium Arphaxadi eum revera fuisse existimarunt, ne nu- 
dum nomen videretur, quicquid vel de eo commenti sunt 


ipsi, vel ab aliis acceptum nimis secure posteritati com- 
mendandum putaverunt. 


~ 
Feo 


CAP. VII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 300 


CAP. (VIE: 


De secundz, et tertiz: mundi ztatis connexione legitima: ubi Abrahamum ante 
mortem patris in Chananzam non venisse, ex Mose, Stephano, et aliis osten- 


ditur ; et ante annum patris 130. in lucem non fuisse editum defenditur. 


In secunda annorum mundi periodo, de connexione 
mortis Thare cum filii ipsius Abrahami in Chananeam 
profectione, que tertize periodo dat initium, questio ad- 
huc discutienda restat. A qua, quia tertiz quoque mundi 
ztatis exordii determinatio dependet: utramque, syllo- 
gismo ita expositorio comprehensam, exhibere visum 
fuit. 


Tempus quo Charane profectus est Abrahamus in Chananzam, initium est 
peregrinationis Hebrzorum in terra non sua. 

Dies 15. mensis septimi (primi postea dicti) mortem Thare proxime subsecu- 
tus, tempus illud est quo Charane profectus est Abramus in Chananzam. 

Ergo dies 15. mensis septimi, mortem Thare proxime subsecutus, initium 
est peregrinationis Hebreeorum in terra non sua. 


Majoris propositionis confirmationem, quia tertiz pe- 
riodi explicationem magis spectat, ad proximum differe- 
mus: minoris in hoc capite aggrediemur. Et quia men- 
sis et diei ratio in capite tertio supra est reddita ; hic de 
connexione mortis Tharze cum Abrahami in Chananzam 
profectione tantum agemus: quam a Mose, in fine undeci- 
mi, et initio duodecimi Geneseos capituli, ita habemus 
declaratum. 


Et fuerunt dies Tharz ducentorum quinque annorum ; et mortuus est Thara 
Charane. 

Et dixit Dominus ad Abram: Egredere de terra tua, et de cognatione tua, 
et e domo patris tui, in terram quam ostendam tibi. 


564 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VII. 


Et faciam te in gentem magnam, et benedicam tibi, et magnificabo nomen 
tuum; et esto benedictio. 


Et benedicam benedicentibus tibi, et maledicentibus tibi maledicam: et bene- 
dicentur in te omnes familiz terre. 
Et profectus est quemadmodum est locutus ad eum Dominus, et profectus est 


cum eo Lot, et septuaginta quinque annorum erat Abram, cum egredere- 
tur Charane. 


Ubi inprimis perpendendum est quod sub capitis tertii 
initium, supra a nobis est explicatum, patriarcharum om- 
nium qui post diluvium nati sunt, integre vite annorum 
summa consulto pretermissa, solius Tharz universos quos 
vixit annos esse hic commemoratos; et cum mentione 
mortis ejus, profectionis Abrami in Chananzam narra- 
tionem deinde esse conjunctam, ut inde intelligeretur, 
ubinam constituendum esset secunde mundi periodi finis, 
et tertia exordium. Quod Mosis consilium non animad- 
vertentes hic alii, per prolepsin et anticipationem mortem 
Thare ante Abrahamie Charane profectionem ab eo po- 
sitam fuisse dixerunt: et Scripturam alias ‘‘ incertum re- 
linquere, quanto tempore post mortem Thare venerit 
Abraham in regionem Chanaan; utrum illo anno quo 
Thara mortuus est, an aliquot post annis quam mortuus 
fuerat.” Ita Pererius. Cui reponimus, quod ab ipso ag- 
noscitur: ‘“‘ Chronologiam* voluisse Mosem integre, exacte 
ac perfecte tradere:” addimusque in hunc ipsum finem 
mortem Thare et profectionem Abrahe, ut eodem anno 
factam, simul conjunxisse; ut annorum prime mundi 
periodi cum annis secunde connexionem patefaceret. 
Nulla enim ratio erat cur Abram, ex Ur Chaldzorum a 
Deo vocatus’, et vocationi ejus obsecundans, simul cum 
patre Chananeam versus iter instituens, et cum illo 
Charanez aliquandiu subsistens’, patre demum mortuo, 
Charan diutius moraretur, et injunctum a Deo iter am- 
plius protraheret, etiamsi nulla iterata Dei vocatio inter- 
cessisset. Post mortem vero patris, Abramum Charane 
in terram Chananazam migravisse, disertis etiam verbis 


 Perer. in Gen. lib. 16.num. 195. Id. ibid. num. 174. 
> Genes. cap. 15. ver. 7. Nehem. cap. 9. ver.7. Act. cap. 7. ver. 2. 
© Genes. cap. 11. ver: 31. 


CAP. VII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 565 


protomartyr Stephanus’ confirmat, sic de eo narrans. 
“Tére eEehOov tk yng XadOalwy KatwKnoev tv Xappav' 
kakeiOev, pera TO aToOavely Tov marépa avTov, peTWKICEV 
avTov eic THY YyHY TavTnV cic HY VEC vv KaToLKEITE. 
Tunc exiens e terra Chaldeorum, habitavit in Char- 
ran: et illinc, postquam mortuus est pater ejus, 
transtulit eum Deus in terram hanc, in qua nunc vos 
habitatis.” Cui tam clare luci, mirandum profecto est, 
quantas offundere conentur tenebras illi, qui anno 70. 
Thare Abramum natum fuisse opinantur: et in quam 
varias, ut hoc efficiant, se convertant formas. Hierony- 
mus, in Questionibus Hebraicis in Genesim, “‘ indissolu- 
bilem questionem” hanc appellat. Josephus Scaliger, in 
Elencho posterioris orationis chronologice D. Parei, 
‘liam expectandum’ esse ait, ‘‘qui nodum solvat.” Mel- 
chior Canus, et memorize lapsum ex concionis zstu in 
Stephano admittit. Abramus Bucholcerus, in Isagoge 
sua chronologica, dicit esse “‘examinanda Acta ad Gene- 
sin, non Genesin ad Acta; lignum ad normam exigendum, 
non normam ad lignum:” additque “esse in Stephani 
narratione plura, que cum grano salis, ut loquuntur, acci- 
pienda, et commoda interpretatione lenienda sunt.” Qua- 
si hic aliqua inter Genesin et Acta intercederet diffe- 
rentia ; et quasi ut primarius historiz hujus author citatus 
hic fuisset Stephanus, et non ut Mosis fidissimus inter- 
pres, qui nos doceret locationem Abrahami initio Geneseos 
cap. XII. propositam, recto et naturali ordine, sine re- 
capitulatione aut voréow mpwrw ullo mortis Thare fuisse 
subnectendam, cujus mentio immediate precesserat: aut 
quasi grano salis condiri illius dicta necesse {haberent, 
quem angelo magis quam homini similem orationem hance 
exorsum et Spiritu Sancto plenum eandem finiisse, Spiritus 
ipse Sanctus confirmat*. 

Addit his Sethus Calvisius, ‘“‘ Quod‘ affirmatur ex Ste- 
phano Abrahamum post defunctum Tharam in terram 
Chanaan profectum esse, id ex versione Septuaginta in- 


4 In Act. VII. ver. 4. ¢ Act. cap. 6. ver. 15. et cap. 7. ver. 55. 
f Calvis. Isagog. chron, cap. 35. 


566 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP, VII. 


terpretum mutuatum esse. Sed paraphrases Septuaginta 
interpretum, si pugnent cum fontibus et textu, cum grano 
salis accipiendas.” Qutm tamen in versione Greca, que 
Septuaginta interpretibus tribuitur, nihil omnino invenia- 
tur quod pro hac sententia magis faciat, quam quod in 
ipsis fontibus et in textu legitur Hebraico. 

Georgius Syncellus', Andreas Masius®, et Nicolaus 
Abramus", verba Stephani non de morte Tharz naturali, 
sed de spirituali idololatriz morte interpretantur: quod 
apud Deos suos, quorum vanissimo cultui erat deditus, 
Charane manere statuisset, et filium inde a Deo vocatum 
in Chananzeam sequi obstinatissime renuisset. Sed pre- 
terquam quod a sensu literali quem in historica sua nar- 
ratione B. Stephanum spectasse non est dubium, ad mys- 
ticum et tropologicum verba protomartyris, preter omnem 
rationem, illi detorqueant: cum ipsius etiam historie ve- 
ritate nobis certe videtur, eam expositionem omnino non 
posse existere. Etsi enim Tharam Diis alienis aliquando 
servivisse, a Josua' edoceamur: tamen cum filium Abra- 
mum ex Ure, idololatrica Chaldzorum urbe, miseratione 
divina vocatum, ultro Thara secutus fuerit, in Chananzeam* 
quoque, si in itinere morbo Charane detentus et morte 
sublatus non fuisset, comitaturus ; in Charane subsisten- 
tem ad vomitum suum fuisse reversum, et Servatoris pro- 
genitorem in tam foeda idololatria fuisse mortuum ut cre- 
damus, animum inducere non possumus. 

Daniel Angelocrator, in suze chronologiz prodromo, 
queestionis solutionem in voce pera consistere arbitratur, 
qu in loco Actorum non post, sed circa, vel sub signi- 
ficet: ‘* Ut sit sensus, quod sub mortem patris vel circa 
mortem, hoc est ingravescente etate ejus profectus sit.” 
Verum neque exemplo ullo probatur, eam esse vocis pera 
latitudinem, ut circa, vel sub significare possit: illud 
enim pera THv petouectav, ex Mattheei cap. I. ver. 12. pro- 
ductum, nihil aliud omnino denotat, quam revera post 


' Georgius Syncell. chron. pag. 49. 

= Mas. in Josu. cap. ult. 

h Abram. in Pharo Vet. Testam. lib. 7. cap. 22. et 37. 

i Jos. cap. 24. ver. 2. K Gen. cap. 11, ver. 31. 


CAP. VII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 567 


exilium Babylonicum inchoatum, a Jechonia genitum fu- 
isse Salathielem: et si maxime probaretur, hic certe ea 
significatio locum habere non potest. Quia enim diceret, 
circa vel sub mortem Thare profectum fuisse Abramum ; 
si inter eam filii profectionem et mortem patris, 60. ipsi 
anni, ut Angelocratoris, in septuagesimum annum Thare 
natalem Abrahami conjicientis necessario requirit hypo- 
thesis, intercessissent. 

Pererius*, cum Abulensi, duas Abrahami profectiones 
ex Charane in Chananzam distinguendas esse asserit. 
Priorem, quum 75. esset ille annorum, patre adhuc vi- 
vente; posteriorem, quum esset annorum 135. patre jam 
mortuo, factam: de quarum priore Moses, de posteriore 
Stephanus meminerit. Per 90. vero postremos patris sui 
annos, non tam habitasse in terra Chanaan eum dici posse 
putat, quam peregrinatum esse; quod, per intervalla, pa- 
trem et fratres reviseret. Sed renuntiata patris morte, 
reversum in Charan, ut vel patris funus curaret, vel ne 
bona que paterna hereditate sibi obvenerant perderet, 
egressum inde postea eum fuisse ait, firmissimo animo 
certissimoque proposito nunquam eo in posterum rever- 
tendi; ut perpetuus deinceps terra: Chananez colonus 
et thabitator esset: ita enim per@Kiev' avrdv ille 
interpretatur : “‘Colonum et habitatorem fecit, eique 
quasi nunquam amplius reversuro domicilium in terra 
Chanaan statuit ; siquidem vox perokia, non simplicem 
translationem, sed quasi coloniam denotat.” 

Verum hoc de duplice Abrami in Chananzam transla- 
tione firmamentum abunde refutarunt Torniellus, D. Gual- 
terus Ralegh™, Salianus, Bonfrerius, Henricus Philippi; 
et fusissime, Harvillaus". Illa enim verba apostoli®: “ Si 
patria illius memores fuissent ex qua exierant, habe- 
bant opportunitatem ad revertendum ;” in Abrahamo pre- 
cipue locum habuerunt qui urgente fame, ad Aigyptios, 


k Perer. in Gen. lib. 16. a num. 199. ad 204. 

1 Act. cap. IV. ver. 4. m Histor. Mundi, lib, 2, cap. 1. sec. 5. 
" In Isagog. chron. sec. 33. a col. 323. ad 340. 

° Hebr. cap. XI. ver. 15. 


568 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP, VII. 


non sine presente vite periculo, proficisci maluit, quam 
ad suos reverti®; et tantopere cavit, ne filius suus Isaacus 
in eam terram reduceretur, ex qua ipse est egressus?. 
Illud autem perorxiZev nihil aliud denotare certum est, 
quam facere ut quis migret, vel sedes mutet: sive pere- 
grinatio ea transmigratio dicenda fuerit, sive quid aliud; 
sive is qui migrat, fixe et constanter in termino quem 
petit, sive ad tempus sit permansurus. Unde et de pe- | 
rotkeota, sive transmigratione Babylonica, hoc ipsum vo- 
cabulum in hac ipsa Stephani concione usurpatum fuisse 
videmus. ‘* Mero. bude ééxerva BavAwvoc, Transfe- 
ram vos trans Babylonem:” et; ‘ MerwxioOn' Iovdata ad 
TaTEWwasoe avTng Kal avo TANOove SovAsiac avrg’ Migravit 
Judzea prez humiliatione sua, et pree multitudine servitutis 
sue.” Atque ut Abrami migrationi e Charane’ anno 
eetatis suee 75. cum familia, re familiari tota et Dei jussu 
sese transferentis, jeroukiac appellatio maxime _ proprie 
convenit, ita et universam tam ipsius, quam posterorum 
ejus in Chananza habitationem et commorationem, 
pro peregrinatione esse habendam, tum ex apostoli verbis 
illis liquet. ‘‘ Pert fidem Abraham commoratus est in terra 
promissionis, tanquam in aliena, commoratus in tabernaculis 
cum Isaac et Jacob, coharedibus ejusdem promissionis ;” 
tum ex ipso Mose, Chananzam ut terram peregrinationum 
Abrahami, Isaaci et Jacobi subinde nobis exhibente”. 
Unde et Debril, Perkinsii, aliorumqne opinio quoque con- 
cidi; qui, seposito etiam illo de duplici Abrami ex 
Charane in Chananzam translatione commento, cum 
B. Augustino”, difficultatem omnem per expositionem 
verbi perwxtoev tolli posse existimant, quod “ collocavit,” 
seu “firmiter habitare fecit” illi interpretantur: Abraha- 
mum dicentes, 60. quidem annos in terra Chananzea*, vi- 
vo adhue patres transegisse, sed nihil in ea possedisse ; 


© Gen. cap. 12. ver. 10. 12. P Ibid. cap. 24. ver. 5, 6. 8. 
9 Act. cap. 7. ver. 43. ’ Threnor. cap. 1. ver. 3. 
S Gen. cap. 12. ver. 4, 5. © Heb. cap. 11. ver. 9. 


Genes. cap. 36. ver. 7. cap. 37. ver. 1. Exod. cap. 6. ver. 4. 
w Libro 16. de civitate Dei, cap. 15. 
x Genes. cap. 23. ver. 17, 18. cap. 25. ver. 9, 10. et cap. 50. ver. 13. 


CAP. VII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 569 


post patris vero mortem ex emptione possidere agrum et 
speluneam, atque hac ratione firmius domicilium ibi ha- 
bere coepisse, nulla interius proprietatis vel Latin vocis 
“ transtulit” quae motum quendam, vel Grace perwKicer, 
quz transmigrationem denotat habita ratione, quemadmo- 
dum recte hic a Bonfrerio est observatum: ut non addam, 
fixum hoc Abrahami juxta Hebronem domicilium, non 
minus peregrinationis ipsius locum fuisse habitum’ quam 
reliquam Chananzam, in qua liberius antea oberrabat. 

Ludovicus de Dieu, vir doctissimus et mihi quum vixit 
amicissimus, in animadversionibus ad Actorum cap. VII. 
ver. 4, hanc etiam conjecturam suam eruditis considerandam 
proponit: ‘ Verbis illis Stephani, de translato Abrahamo 
cig THY yy Tadrnv sic Hv tusic vvv KaToLKEiTe, IN terram 
hane in qua vos nunc habitatis, non videri innui terram 
Canaan universim, sed speciatim determinari eam partem 
qua tribui Jude cesserat, in qua Judzi quos Hierosolymis 
alloquebatur Stephanus tunc habitabant, adeoque respici 
habitationem ejus in Mamre, et quidem postquam empto 
ibi, prope Hebron in meditullio tribus Jude, agro firmam 
sedem ibi fixit.” Cum autem Sarah, in cujus sepulturam 
ager iste emptus fuerat, decennio marito junior’, annos 
127. nata, ex hac vita decesserit*: et Abrahamum annos 
137. natum tum fuisse oportuit, et altero jam anno vivere 
desiisse Tharam etiamsi ab ipso septuagenario Abraha- 
mum susceptum fuisse admiserimus. 

Sed neque ista explicatio cum serie orationis protomar- 
tyris satis quadrat: in qua mentioni commorationis Abra- 
hami in Charane hee statim subjiciuntur: ‘“ Et illinc 
postquam mortuus est pater ejus, transtulit eam Deus in 
terram hanc in qua vos nunc habitatis. Et non dedit ei 
hereditatem in ea ne vestigium quidem pedis: et pro- 
misit, se illam daturum ei possidendam, et semini ejus 
post eum; quum non esset ei filius.” Ubi ex Charane 
immediate, id enim vox éxe(Oev illinc indicat, in aliam ter- 


Y Genes. cap. 35. ver. 27. % Genes. cap. 18. ver. 17. 
* Ibid. cap. 23. ver. 1. 


570 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VII- 


ram translationem eam, de qua Stephanus loquitur, fac- 
tam fuisse clarum est; non ex una Chananee parte in 
aliam, post plures quam 60. a relicta Charane annos de- 
mum factam, migrationem alteram: que sive cum fixa 
domicilii sede conjuncta fuerit, sive secus ad rationem 
peroukispov, ut dictum est, nihil omnino attinet. Deinde 
translationem hance circa illud tempus contigisse Stepha- 
nus significat, quo pollicitus est Deus Abrahamo, se da- 
turum terram illam semini ipsius, quum nondum haberet 
filium?. At fixam illam, que non a nostro solum Ludo- 
vico, sed etiam Delrio, Perkinsio, Pererio, et aliis hic 
obtenditur, Abrahami habitationem longe post natum 
Abrahamo filium multoque longius post hereditariam 
terre promissionem, contigisse nemo dubitat. 

Neque huic objectioni plane satisfacit responsio illa 
Petavii*: “ Non translatum esse Abraham ait Stephanus, 
antequam haberet filium: neque enim illud prius, Et inde 
postquam mortuus est pater ejus transtulit illum, neque 
que deinceps dicuntur omnia necesse est, et ad idem 
pertinere tempus. Repromisit, inquit, dari illi enim 
iM possessionem, et semini ejus post ipsum, quum non ha- 
beret filium. Sola ergo repromissio facta dicitur ante- 
quam haberet filium ; non autem translatio, et secunda in 
Chananzam migratio: quasi diceret: Repromisit illi jam 
tum quum non haberet filium. Porro ista promissio 
jampridem edita est, cum primum e Chaldza proficisce- 
retur ; ut indicat Stephanus.” Ita enim scribit Petavius ; 
quum promissionis vel illius vel ullius Abrahamo e Chaldea 
proficiscenti factae, ne uno quidem verbo Stephanus memi- 
nerit. At vero quam primum e Charane in Chananeam De- 
us illum transtulit, ut Stephanus loquitur*, editam esse pro- 
missionem illam ostendit Moses: ‘¢ Semini*® tuo dabo terram 
jam tum quum non haberet filium. Indeque non unam a 
hance ;” Mose Abrahami migrationem anno ipsius 75. aliam 
a Stephano, anno ejusdem 127, factam; sed unam et eam- 


> Act. cap. 7. ver. 5. 
* Petav. Rationar. tempor. lib. 2. cap. 2. 
“ Act. cap, 7. ver. 4. € Gen, cap. 12. ver. 7. 


CAP. VII. CHRONCLOGIA SACRA. 571 


dem ab utroque intellectam fuisse concludimus. Nec 
aliud quidem voluisse Mosem, quam post patris demum 
excessum, primam Abrahami in terram Chananitidem pro- 
fectionem esse susceptam, recapitulatione vel anticipatione 
nulla interposita, ex Charane primum decessisse apud Ju- 
dzos qui Stephani tempore vixerunt communiter recepta 
fuit sententia; quod vel illa Philonis Judai, in libro zegi 
amvoutac, verba satis ostendunt: “ Ovdéva trav EVTETUXN- 
KOTWY TOIC VOUOLG ayVOEiY EiKOC, OTL TOEOTEDOY piv eK THE 
Xadéakne avacrac vig ABoadp wknoev cic Xappay, redkv- 
Thoavroe ob: auT@ TOV TaTpvC eet, Kata TavTNE pETavio- 
tara. Neminem latere potest, qui legibus,” sive libris 
Mosaicis, ‘ studium adhibuerit, quod Abraham primum 
quidem e Chaldzorum terra veniens habitavit in Charan; 
ibi vero defuncto ipsius patre ex ea quoque profectus est.” 
Itaque Dositheo, qui paulo post Samaritanis suis Mosai- 
cum Pentateuchum a se interpolatum dedit, ita fuit persua- 
sum, ut quum falsa opinione ductus, anno 'Thare septua- 
gesimo natum fuisse Abrahamum existimaret, simulque 
Tharam 205. extatis anno vite functum, ac deinde Abra- 
hamum anno vita 75. Charane discessisse legeret; ista 
aliter inter se conciliare nesciens, pro 205. annis Thare, 
non in Hebrzo solum, sed etiam in Greco et Caldaico 
textu repertis, 145. (numerum ex 70. Thare et 75. Abra- 
hze conflatum) inaudita andacia substituere non dubitavit. 
Ex quo apparet tamen, quam alte animis illius temporis 
ea insederit sententia que Abrahami ex Charane in ter- 
ram Chanaanis profectionem cum patris morte fuisse con- 
junctam, indeque 430. peregrinationis Hebrzeorum annos, 
in Exodi cap. XII. ver. 40. memoratos, deducendos esse 
constituit, que Samaritanorum omnium chronologorum, 
ad hunc diem usque, communis est opinio: quam inter 
Christianos quoque fastorum Siculorum authorem fuisse 
secutum, non difficile fuerit animadvertere. 

Pro nobis quoque facit Chrysostomus, homilia trigesima 
prima in Genesin, de Abrahami ex Charane discessu ita 
scribens: ‘* Nonantea eum Deus inde evocavit, donec mor- 
tuus Thara. Tunc enim, illo defuncto, inquit: Etdixit Do- 


Bree CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP, VII. 


minus Abre : Egredere? de terra tua,” &c. et in homilia tri- 
gesima sexta: ‘‘Occupata Charan, postquam illic taberna- 
culum fixerunt, et morte functus est Thara, iterum preecep- 
tum est ei a Deo, ut exiret inde; Egredere, inquit, de terra 
tua,” &c. 

Neque aliud quid sentirent ulli alii; nisi Dositheano 
illo praejyudicio, Abrahami a patre septuagenario suscepti, 
in transversum acti, hoc uno ariete, cum Abulensi, que a 
nobis dicta sunt concuti, et prosterni posse omnia sibi 
persuaserint. Si decessit Abraham Charane post mortem 
patris sui; natus fuisset ille, quum Thara esset annorum 
1380. Thara enim vixit 205. annos®. Abram vero erat 75. 
annorum quum egrederetur Charane’. Atqui a Thara 
genitum fuisse Abrahamum, quum esset 70. annorum, 
verba illa Mosis*, clare ostendunt: “ Vixitque Thara sep- 
tuaginta annos, et genuit Abrahamum, Nachorem, et 
Haranem.” 

Et quidem si unius tantum filii hic, uti in anteceden- 
tibus a Mose facta fuisset mentio; nulla de nativitatis 
illius tempore suboriri poterat dubitatio. Verum quum 
tres simul ille nominet, quos omnes uno et eodem anno 
haudquaquam genitos fuisse constat; nihil aliud quam 
Tharam anno etatis sue septuagesimo, liberis operam 
primum dare ccepisse, et tres filios, suo quemque ordine, 
deinceps suscepisse, significare voluit; ordine eorum, de- 
dita opera, confuso, ut non a tempore suscepte primum 
ab eo prolis, sed a morte ipsius, et cum ea conjuncta 
Abrahami in Chananzam profectione, annorum mundi se- 
ries continuanda fuisse intelligeretur ; quemadmodum sub 
tertii capituli initium supra declaravimus. 

‘Ita Procopius Gazzus, in hunc Geneseos locum secri- 
bens: “ Queritur,” inquit, “‘ quomodo Thara annos na- 
tus 70. procreaverit Abrahamum, et deinde concesserit fato, 
natus annos 205. Fuit autem eo tempore Abrahamus non 
155. annorum, sed attigit annum 70.” vel 75. potius, “‘juxta 


* Genes. cap. 12. ver. 1. © Ibid. cap. 11. ver. 32. 
' Genes. cap. 12. ver. 22. & Ibid. cap. 11. ver. 26. 


CAP. VII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. aie 


Scripturze sacree testimonium. Verum enim vero mihi elu- 
cescere videtur, Tharam genuisse Abrahamum (lego Arran 
vel Haranem) non instante anno septuagesimo, sed eo 
perfecte completo. Nec etiam continuo, ubi ille annus 
finem accepit, natus est Abraham: sed demum 130. Tha- 
re. Nec Moses recordatur Abrahami, ut inter primoge- 
nitos eum connumerari velit, sed ejus meminit ut primi, 
et preecipui, et filiorum celeberrimi, qui vel imprimis ne- 
nessarius sit ad preesentis histori relationem.” Et post: 
‘* Hine quis intelligat, Arran annorum numero anteivisse 
Abrahamum et Nahor? licet in narrationis serie priore 
loco Abraham sit positus, non tamen id accidit, ut se- 
nior ceteris sit habendus: sed id tributum est honori pa- 
triarche.” 

Similia habet et Theodoretus, ex Catena Greca ab 
Aloysio Lipomano productus, docens Abrahamum novis- 
simum trium filiorum in senecta patris fuisse genitum. 
Quin et ipse Augustinus, licet opinioni que a Thara sep- 
tuagenario Abrahamum susceptum statuit sit addictior, in 
apparente tamen inter Mosem et Stephanum differentia 
enodanda, explicationem hanc non esse negligendam ultro 
agnoscit : questione 25. in Genesin, de difficultate ista 
hune in modum scribens: ‘ Potest et sic solvi, quoniam 
Scriptura que dixit: Cum esset Thare annorum septua- 
ginta genuit Abraham et Nachor et Aran; non utique 
hoc intelligi voluit, quia eodem anno etatis suze omnes 
tres genuit ; sed ex quo anno generare ccepit, eum annum 
commemoravit Scriptura. Fieri autem potest, ut poster- 
ior generatus sit Abraham, sed merito excellentia, quee in 
Scripturis valde commendatur, prior fuerit nominatus : si- 
cut propheta priorem nominavit minorem: Jacobi dilexi, 
Esau autem odio habui; et in Paralipomenon cum sit 
quartus ordine nascendi Judas, prior est nominatus, a quo 
Judaice genti nomen est datum, propter tribum regiam. 
Commodius autem plures exitus inveniuntur, quibus ques- 
tiones difficiles dissolvuntur.” Ita ille. 

Josephus Scaliger in Elencho secundo rationis chronolo- 


i Malach, cap. 1. ver. 2,3. 1 Chron. cap. 2.-ver. 3. 


574 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VII. 


gice D. Parei, magna verborum pompa, sed nullo ratio- 
num pondere, solutionem hanc deprimere conatur : quam 
a Matthzo Beroaldo primum fuisse excogitatam ille opi- 
natus est; quum non ab antiquis solum, sed etaim a re- 
centioribus, Nicolao Lyrano, Cardinali Cajetano, Aloysio 
Lipomano, Jacobo Naclanto, et Johanne Calvino discere 
potuisset, ante Beroaldum eam fuisse traditam. Verum 
si hune audire volumus, “ illud omnem pervicaciam ex- 
pugnaverit ; quod Deus precepit Abrahamo discedere ex 
Ur Chaldzorum, ut statim in terram Chananzorum con- 
tenderet, non ut in Charran resideret.” Deinde ex B. 
Stephano hoc probato, sic ille infert : “‘ Si praeceptum 
datum est Abrahamo, non Thare: nihil antiquius Abra- 
hamo esse debuit, quam in illam terram concedere, quam 
illi Deus indicaverat. Aliter non paruisset mandato Dei. 
Relicto igitur patre in Charran et assumpto Lot, juxta 
mandatum Dei, nulla interposita mora, in Chananzorum 
fines abiit.” Atqui, preecepto isto nihil obstante, ‘‘ Abra- 
hamum aliquod tempus in Charran moratum esse,” non 
Stephanus solum in Act. cap. VII. ver. 2. 4. quod et 
ipse agnoscit Scaliger, sed etiam Moses in Geneseos cap. 
XI. ver. 51. cap. XII. ver. 5. Cujus utriusque narrationi, 
nisi prius fides penitus derogetur, Scaligeri argumentum 
hoc nemini facturum est fidem; Abrahamum, “ relicto 
patre in Charran, nulla interposita mora, in Chananzorum 
fines abiisse.” 

Neque multo majoris momenti est argumentatio illius 
altera: ‘‘ Abraham primo loco genitus est, ut qui primus 
fratrum nominetur, itaque natus est septuagesimo patris 
sui anno.” Cui cum opponeretur a Pareo, ‘ nominari 
Abraham primo loco, non geniture, sed dignitatis ra- 
tione:” negat ille confidenter, ‘‘ vel in sacris vel in exo- 
ticis scriptis filios aliter recenseri quam geniturz ordine.” 
Ille ait, “ Scripturam nunquam aliter filios numerare 
quam ut quemque natura in lucem dedit.” Sectator ejus 
Johannes Bohemus propositionem illam hac restrictione 
addita proferendam fuisse censuit: “‘ Scripturam eo quo 


k Joh. Boh. chron. lib. 1, titul. 2. cap. 6. 


CAP. VII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA, 575 


generati sunt ordine liberos, ex legitimo matrimonio natos, 
numerare solere:” ut preoccuparet scilicet locum illum ex 
1 Chronicorum cap. I. ver. 28. objiciendum: “ Filii Abra- 
ham, Isaac, et Ismael;” ubi Isaac anno centesimo Abra- 
hami natus!, preponitur Ismaeli, anno ejusdem 86. in lu- 
cem edito™ ; neque animadvertit ille tamen, quem ex Gene- 
seos cap. XLVI. cum Scaligero ad confirmandam propo- 
sitionem suam producit, eandem plane everti. 

“‘Omnes filii Jacob,” inquit Scaliger, et eum fide impli- 
cita hic secutus Bohemus, “secundum genituree tempus 
recensentur: primo, quatuor ex Lea, secundo, duo ex 
Bala: tertio, duo ex Zelpha: quarto, duo ex Lea: quin- 
to, duo ex Rachel, prout nature ordo eos protulit.” At 
si quis locum ipsum Genes. cap. XLVI. consulere volue- 
rit, inveniet primo loco susceptos ex Lea filios sex, et 
Dinam filiam; secundo ex Zelpha duos ; tertio ex Rachel 
duos; quarto ex Bala duos: quinto ex nulla nullos; ne- 
que eo ordine omnes Jacobi filios ibi esse recensitos, quo 
natura eos in lucem protulit. Quod manifestius etiam in 
alia eorundem recensione, 1 Chronic. cap. II. ver. 1, 2. 
observari poterit. Addit deinde Scaliger, Scripturam 
alibi non solum primogenitum primo loco ponere, ut in 
1 Chronic. cap. VI. Rubenem, licet jus primogeniti ille 
amisisset, sed etaim quis sit primus, quis secundus, quis 
tertius, designare": quod etaim contra ipsum facere recte 
notavit D. Pareus®; quid enim alicubi diserta designatione 
opus fuisset, siquidem ubique naturalis ordo servatus fuis- 
set. Dignitatis vero ratione, non Isaacum solum Ismaeli?, 
sed etiam Jacobum Esavo!, Ephraimum Manasse", atque 
ob principatus prerogativam, Judam reliquis fratribus*, 
et Mosem Aaroni fratri seniori’ praepositum fuisse inveni- 
mus. 


! Genes. cap. 21. ver. 5. m Tbid. cap. 16. ver. 16. 

n 1 Sam. cap. 3. ver. 2, 3,15. 1 Chron. cap. 6. ver. 28. et cap. 8. ver. 1, 2, 
3. 30. 39. et cap. 28. ver. 19, 20. 

© In comm. ad Gen. cap. 11. P Genes. cap. 25, ver. 9. 

4 Genes. cap. 28. ver. 5. Josu. cap. 24. ver, 4. 

¥ Gen. cap. 48. ver. 20. 

® 1 Chronic. cap. 2. ver. 3. cum cap, 5. ver. 2. 

t Exod. cap. 7. ver, 7. 


576 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VII. 


Porro ex tribus Tharez filiis, Haran natu fuisse maxi- 
mum, non Abrahamum, licet ob dignitatem primo loco 
is ponatur, non inde solum a Cardinale Bellarmino" con- 
firmatur, quia obiit ante caeteros, et quia fratrum alter 
Nachor, filiam ejus Melcham accepit in uxorem ; sed etiam 
quia alteram Haranis filiam Jescam ipse Abraham uxorem 
duxit. Ita enim in Geneseos cap. XI. ver. 28, 29. legi- 
mus: “* Et mortuus est Haran in conspectu Thare patris 
sui, in solo natali suo, Ure Chaldzorum. Et duxerunt 
Abram et Nachor uxores: nomen uxoris Abram Sarai; 
et nomen uxoris Nachoris, Melcha filia Haranis_patris 
Melche, et patris Jesche.” Quo loco, inquit Bellarminus, 
“per Jescham non potest intelligi Sarai nisi, que, teste 
Josepho in Hieronymo, binominis erat. Neque enim ullo 
modo credibile, Scripturam prodere voluisse patrem Mel- 
che et non patrem Sarai, persone longe dignioris: et 
deinde quorsum mentio fieret Jeschz, si diversa esset a 
Sarai?” Et hee certe non Josephi tantum*, sed etiam 
omnium veterum Hebrazorum communis est sententia: a 
B. Augustino’ quoque et majore Christianorum parte 
recepta. Unde argumentum hoc nectit Nicolaus Lyranus 
in Geneseos cap. XI. ‘‘Secundum Hebrzos et omnes alios 
expositores, Sara uxor Abram fuit filia Aran. De ipsa 
vero scribitur infra: Putesne? centenario nascetur filius, 
et Sara nonagenaria pariet? Ex quo patet, quod Sara 
erat junior Abram decem annis tantum. Si igitur Aran 
fuit junior ipso Abram, sequitur, quod non habebat decem 
annos quando genuit Saram, imo nec octo; quia inter na- 
tivitatem Abre et Aran fuerunt plus quam decem anni.” 
Quod ipsum etiam concedunt Hebrzi, in Sanhedrin cap. 
8. et Seder Olam Rabba, capite secundo, in quo ita legi- 
mus “2155 nm AW 7 ON AW NWI) DAW) PIT San 
mw xvqw mp nox mow Quum ad annorum sex eta-. 
tem Haran excrevisset, accepit uxorem: que peperit ei 
annorum octo existenti, uno anno Lotum, altero anno 


" Bellarmin. controvers. de Sacram. matrimon. cap. 28. 
x Lib. 1. Antiquit. cap. 7, et 8. y Lib. 16. de Civit. Dei, cap. 12. 19. 
2 Genes. cap. 17. ver. 17. 


CAP. VII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. yi 


| 
Jescham, que et Sarah est.” Neque ut hoc fieret, ab- 
surdum esse, inter Christianos Genebrardus* quoque som- 
niavit. Verum sapientior Cardinalis, nova ex positione 
verborum illorum Genes. cap. XI. ver. 26. “ Vixit Thare 
Septuaginta annis, et genuit Abram, Nachor, et Aran,” 
difficultatem totam solvi posse. Ex quo loco ille colligit 
anno 70. Thar, jam natos fuisse tres illos filios. ‘* Non 
enim,” ait ille, “ Scriptura significat, eodem anno omnes 
tres genitos fuisse; sed illo anno jam habere ccepisse 
ipsum Thara tres filios: unum videlicet illo anno genitum, 
et alios antea. Illo autem anno natus est Abraham. 
Scriptura enim in Genesi, semper indicat tempus nativita- 
tis eorum, quorum texit genealogiam, ut sciamus atatem 
totius mundi; aliis pratermissis, qui ad istam chronolo- 
giam non pertinent. Ita videmus Scripturam Genes. 
cap. IV. prodidisse, quoto anno etatis Adz natus sit 
Seth, per quem texitur chronologia; non autem quoto 
anno ejusdem Adz natus sit Abel vel Cain. Et Gen. 
cap. V. dicitur Noe, cum quingentorum esset annorum, 
genuisse Sem, Cham, et Japhet; ubi notatur precise 
annus quo natus est Sem, quia per illum deducitur chro- 
nologia: et in reliquis idem observare licet. Cum ergo 
solus Abraham ex filiis Thare sit is, cujus explicatur 
genealogia, et per quem texitur chronologia: necesse est 
dicere, illo anno ipsum natum esse, alios autem antea.” 
Atqui ut concessum Bellarminus hic sumit, quod a no- 
bis pernegatur : per annos etatis vel Abrahami, vel Semi, 
annorum totius mundi seriem Scripturam texere voluisse. 
Ut enim in omnibus illis locis im quibus unius cujusque 
patriarche ortus singulariter et distincte est memoratus, 
fieri hoc libenter concedimus: ita ubi tres simul mixtim 
et confuse nominantur, aliter longe rem se habere dici- 
mus; et abrumpi ibi per annos alicujus illorum patrum, 
zetatis mundi continuationem, atque a nova epocha dein- 
ceps eam deduci asserimus, a diluvio videlicet, ubi Sem, 
Cham, et Japhet’; ab initio vero peregrinationis Hebra- 


4 Genebrard. chronograph. in fin. zetat. 2. 
® Gen. cap. 5. ver. 32. cum cap. 11. ver. 10. 


VOL. XI. AN 


578 : CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VII. 


orum, sive Abrahami ex Charane in Chananzam profec- 
tione cum obitu Thare patris conjuncta, ubi Abram, Na- 
chor, et Haran simul enumerati reperiuntur®. Ex colla- 
tione vero prioris illius ternarii, ex Geneseos cap. V. a 
Bellarmino hic producti, nova hee ipsius expositio com- 
mentitia esse deprehenditur. Ut enim in Geneseos cap. 
IX. ut rarum quid et maxime observandum nobis propo- 
nitur, quod ante annum quingentesimum Noe liberos 
gignere non ccepisset ; cum ceteri omnes in eodem capi- 
tulo, inter annum 65. et 187. genuisse memorentur : ita 
et in XI. capite, cum reliqui omnes post diluvium nati, inter» 
annum 29, et 35. genuisse legantur; quod hare ante 
septuagesimum vite sue annum liberis operam dare non 
ccepisset, ut res notatu non indigna, similiter nobis exhi- 
beretur, par et eadem requirebat ratio. Et quum eodem 
uterque locus explicandus sit modo, in priore exponendo 
deceptum Bellarminum esse apparet, ibi “ notari precise 
annum, quo natus est Sem,” existimantem. Quum enim 
502. esset annorum Noe, susceptum ab eo fuisse Semum, 
in fine capitis quarti supra a nobis est ostensum: ideo- 
que verum non esse, eum quum 500. precise esset anno- 
rum, jam habere ccepisse tres natos, Sem, Cham, Japhet ; 
de quo etiam iterum Nicolaum Lyranum audire liceat, in 
Geneseos cap. V. ver. 32. ita scribentem: “ Dicunt He- 
brei quod Sem non fuit primogenitus Noe ; quod probant, 
quia hic dicitur quod quingentesimo anno vite sua ccepit 
generare: et sic primogenitus ejus erat centum annorum 
tempore diluvii; quia tune fuit Noe sexcentorum anno- 
rum. Sem vero non habuit centum annos; ut dicitur in- 
fra, undecimo capite.” 

At si anno 70. Tharze natum Abrahamum fuisse non 
admitteremus ; incertum futurum summi patriarche an- 
num natalitium, objectant alii: ‘‘ Quinquies vero expri- 
mit Moses diversos annos etatis Abrahe; scilicet 75. 86. 
99, 100. et 175. Cur igitur annum, quo natus est, reti- 
ceret? imo, quorsum attinebat majores istos ztatis Abra- 
he annos nominatim exprimere; si primus Abrahze, unde 


© Gen. cap. 11. ver. 26. cum cap. 16. ver. 3. 


CAP. VII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 579 


pendebat reliquorum numeratio, ignoraretur ?” inquit 
Abrahamus Bucholcerus. Verum nos primum annum 
Abrahami ignorari nullo modo concedimus. Subducto 
enim ab integra vite Thare annis 205. numero annorum 
75. quos Abrahamum egisse Scriptura confirmat, quum, 
coepte in Chananeam profectionis impedimento per mor- 
tem patris penitus sublato, Charane est egressus : inter 
nativitatem Thare et filii ejus Abrahami 130. annorum 
spatium intercessisse intelligitur. Neque officiunt que 
contra hoc a Bucholcero postea objecta esse videmus. I. 
** Abraham ipsum miraculi loco duxisse, si ex se centena- 
rio, et Sara nonagenaria nascatur filius Isaac’. Il. Ne 
quidem annum 130. Thare certo assignari posse nativi- 
tati Abrahe: obstante eo, quod migrare potuisset Abra- 
ham annis aliquot a morte Thare decursis.” Sed ad poste- 
rius hoc, in capitis hujus initio, contra Pererium ; ad prius 
illud, in quinto capitulo, contra Morimum, jam respon- 
dimus. Ut concludere tandem liceat ; Abrahamum statim 
post mortem patris, ex Charane in Chananzam primum 
esse profectum: a qua profectione, et peregrinatio He- 
przorum in terra non sua, et cum ea mundi etas tertia, 
de qua deinceps acturi sumus, suum capit exordium. 


dGenvcape lifevers lis. 


Gin as 4 


580 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VIII. 


CAP. VIII. 


Peregrinationis Hebraorum annos 430. qui tertiz ztatis mundi spatium consti- 
tuunt, a prima Abrahami ex Charane in Chananzam profectione, non a Ja- 


cebi et filiorum in terram Egypti descensu, arcescendos esse ostenditur. 


Dionysius Petavius, suo more, sacri calculi certitudi- 
nem infirmaturus, de praciso tempore, et imitii, et exitus 
tertiz hujus periodi, sive «tatis mundi, quzstionem mo- 
veri posse existimat. ‘“‘ Nam* si quis,” inquit, ‘ pertina- 
cius obsistere voluerit, urgeri potest, non constare, utrum 
anni illi 430. post quos legem datam esse Paulus testatur’, 
precise sic accipiendi sint; ut annus Abrahami 76. sit illo- 
rum primus, an 77. ita ut exeunte 76. promissa sit Abra- 
hamo soboles. Tum utrum subinde 430. annis expletis, et 
in ipso 431. lex in monte lata sit, an post unum alterumve 
annum ab illis expletis: an labente 430. Pro hac enim 
varietate putandi, uno, aut duobus, aut tribus, aut eo am- 
plius minusve, si Mosen rotundum numerum expressisse 
quis dicat, minuenda vel augenda erit annorum summa.” 

Atqui de utroque horum Moses nos certos reddidit. De 
initio quidem: Abrahamum docens, accepta promissione de 
semine, in quo benedicende essent omnes tribus terra, ad 
quam respexit B. Paulus’, ex Charane egressum fuisse, 
quum 75. esset annorum, et in terram Chananzam perve- 
nisse’, posteaque ingressum eum esse ad Hagaram ancil- 
lam, exacto decennio, ex quo in terra Chananza ille habi- 
taverat ; que filium Ismaeclem ipsi peperit, quum esset 
ille annorum® 86. Ex quibus inter se collatis, luce clarius 


a Petav. Doct. temp. lib. 9. cap. 24. 
> Galat. cap. 3. ver. 17. ¢ [bid. ver. 14. 16, 17. 
@ Gen. cap. 12. ver. 1. 5. © Ibid. cap. 16. ver. 3. 16. 


CAP. VIII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 58 i 


est, ab ineunte anno Abrahami 76. et ipsius peregrinationis, 
et promissionis benedicti seminis, epocham a nobis, cum 
Eusebio, esse deducendam. De exitu, non minus claram 
explicationem, per verba illa Exodi cap. XII. ver. 41. 
idem nobis exhibet: ‘‘ Et factum est post FrINEM quadrin- 
gentorum triginta annorum, ut eodem ipso die egrederen- 
tur omnes exercitus Domini de terra Aégypti.” Et quum 
mense ab inde tertio legem in monte Sinai datam fuisse, 
ex Exodi cap. XII. ver. 1. 16. constet: legislationem 
illam ad annum 431. labentem esse referendam in dubio 
non relinquitur ; adeoque totius tertiz hujus periodi spa- 
tium 430. precise annorum esse statuendum. 

Sed hic imprimis locus ille primarius, Exod. cap. XII. 
ver. 40. paulo diligentius a nobis est expendendus. 

© raya yaw awe ox qwe 32 aw) peregrinatio au- 
tem filiorum Israel, qui commorati sunt in Algypto, fuit 
quadringentorum triginta annorum.” Ad quorum verbo- 
rum rectam intelligentiam notandum est. 

Primo vocem Hebraeam 1w%s, uti Chaldaicam hic ei 
respondentem 319; ut generatim quamvis habitationem, 
ita ad externos et advenas relatam, peregrinationem, non 
migrationem e patria denotare: quemadmodum ex ejus- 
dem originis in utraque lingua vocabulis apparet. Ita 
apud Hebrzos passim, 241M non incolam modo, sed 
etiam inquilinum et peregrinum designat. Unde Abra- 
ham? se in terra Chananza 2wini-44 fuisse dicit: quod 
in Greca interpretatione tdapo.koc Kal tapertdnuog, in vul- 
gata Latina, advena et peregrinus, est redditum. Similiter 
apud Chaldzos*; pro ‘ 53) et peregrinatus est”, in Chal- 
dzo 3n1m) habetur:” et cap. XXVIII. ver. 4. “ yox-nx 
739 terram peregrinationis tue,” Chaldzeus paraphras- 
tes RVR FY JNanin reddidit. In Greeca denique inter- 
pretatione, hoc ipso de quo jam agimus loco, ubi Ro: 
manus codex legit, ‘‘“H xaroiknoie trav vier "TopanaA iy 
katwknoav, Habitatio autem filiorum Israel qua habitave- 
runt ;” alii cum vetustissimo nostro Alexandrino habent: 


d Genes. cap. 23. ver. 4. © Ibid. cap. 21. ver. 34, 


285 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VIII, 
“H 62 rapolknoie Tov view “Iopand hv tapyknoay, Pere- 
grinatio autem filiorum Israel qua peregrinati sunt.” 
Secundo; Chananzeam terram peregrinationis, ut Abra- 
ham, Isaaci et Jacobi‘, ita et Israelitarum ab eis descen- 
dentium fuisse habitam; propter arctissimum videlicet 
illud quod inter majores et posteros necessitudinis inter- 
cedit vinculum. Et tribus certe illis patriarchis terram 
hance peregrinationis ipsorum hereditario possidendam eis 
se daturum Deus promiserat®: quod in posteris tamen 
eorum completum tantum fuisse novimus. Ut posterio- 
rum possessio patribus; ita et patrum peregrinatio hic 
tribuitur posteris, eadem plane ratione, qua horum ipso- 
rum posterorum posteri transitum maris rubri et Jordanis 
sibi cum patribus communem faciunt, in Psalmo LXVI. 
ver. 6. ‘ convertit mare in aridam; per flumen transive- 
runt pede: illic letati sumus in eo.” Ita, quum in Be- 
thele cum Jacobo locutus est angelus, in eo etiam cum 
posteris ejus locutus fuisse dicitur: ‘‘ Bethel" invenit 
eum, et ibi locutus est nobiscum,” et a patribus ad filios 
illa traducta est criminatio: ‘‘ Numquid' hostias et sacri- 
ficium obtulistis mihi in deserto quadraginta annis domus 
Israel?” In solenni illa denique confessionis forma, quam 
Deus primitias sibi in festo Pentecostes offerentibus pre- 
scripsit, posteris ea omnia videmus attributa, que patribus 
ipsorum in AZgyptiaca hac peregrinatione contigerunt. 
‘Syrus* periens erat pater meus, qui descendit in A‘gyptum 
hominibus paucis, ut peregrinaretur illic; evasi autem illic 
in gentem magnam, robustam, et amplam. Quumque malo 
nos afficientes AXgyptii et affligentes nos, imponerent nobis 
servitutem duram; inclamavimus Dominum Deum majo- 
rum nostrorum: exaudiensque Dominus vocem nostram, 
respexit afflictionem nostram, molestiamque nostram, et op- 
pressionem nostram. Nam educens Dominus nos ex 
Agypto manu forti, et brachio extento et terrore magno, 


f Exod. cap. 6. ver. 4. cum Gen. cap. 28. ver. 4. cap. 36. ver. 7. cap. 37. 
ver. 1. 

£ Psal. 105. ver. 11. h Hose, cap. 12. ver. 4. 

i Amos, cap. 5. ver. 25. Act. cap. 7. ver. 42, 

k Deut. cap. 26. ver. 5. 9. 


> 


CAP. VIII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 585 


signis etiam et prodigiis, introduxit nos in locum hunc, 
deditque nobis terram hance, affluentem lacte et melle.” 
Quibus addantur et illa ad filios Israelis Dei verba: ‘‘ An’ 
non ex A eyptiis, et ex Amoreis, et ex Amonitis, et ex 
Philistais, Sidoniis quoque et Amalekitis, et Moabitis op- 
primentibus vos; quum clamaretis ad me, tum servavi vos 
e manu eorum?” et Samuelis: ‘‘ MisitS Dominus Jerubba- 
alem, et Bedanem, et Jephtham, et Samuelem; eripuitque 
vos e manu hostium vestrorum circumquaque, ita ut habi- 
taretis secure;” ubi manifeste et ipsi, et patres eorum 
simul comprehenduntur, ut in presente loco, Exod. cap. 
XII. ver. 40. In quo si filiorum Israelis nominatione, 
patres hic excluderentur: nec ipse quidem Israel in ho- 
rum peregrinantium numero fuisset comprehensus; quem 
tamen hujus in AZgyptum profectionis principem fuisse 
nemo dubitat. 

Tertio, cum Hebrzi casibus careant pronomen WRX 
ambigue hic esse relationis. Unde et in ipsa editione 
vulgata Latina, Biblia polyglotta Antwerpiana regia, et 
Jayana Parisiensia hic legunt, ‘‘ Habitatio autem filiorum 
Israel, QUI manserunt in AXgypto, fuit 430. annorum:” 
ubi alia ejusdem editionis exemplaria habent, ‘‘ Habitatio 
filiorum Israel, qua manserunt in Atgypto.” Qu pos- 
terior relativi pronominis acceptio, yoovoyeadiav determi- 
nans, mansioni Israelitarum in Aigypto, ipsorum 430. 
annorum moram assignat ; que tota parte dimidia brevior 
fuisse ostendetur. Quod incommodum prior illa explica- 
tio, quam ut aptiorem textus originalis interpretationem, 
non ut veriorem vulgate editionis Latinz lectionem pro- 
ponimus, secum non adfert ; tpoowroypagiay tantum no- 
bis exhibens, sive descriptionem eorum quorum universa 
wapoiknoic, sive peregrinatio, ab anno 76. patris Abra- 
hami ccepta, inde ad egressum ex Adgypto usque, 430. 
annorum spatio est continuata. 

Eam autem Israelitarum descriptionem ab Aigypti tan- 
tum incolatu petendam, Moses censuit: quod illa patrum 


i Judic. cap. 10. ver, 11, 12. k J Sam, cap. 12. ver. 11. 


584 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. Vii. 


in Chananza peregrinatio et paucorum hominum extiterit, 
et interrupta fuerit aliquoties, et minus in oculos homi- 
num incurrerit; ‘‘ Cum! essent ipsi numero modici, pau- 
cissimi et inquilini in ea, et pertransirent de gente in gen- 
tem, et de regno ad populum alterum;” hee vero filio- 
rum, in AZgypto ingentem hominum multitudinem com- 
plexa, stabilis fuerit et apud omnes gentes celebratissima. 
Nam habitatio Hebraeorum in AXgypto, tribus rebus fuit 
valde insignita et nobilitata: ut a Pererio™ hic est annota- 
tum. Primum enim Joseph eo tempore summo cum impe- 
rio universam AX gyptum per octoginta annos gubernavit, 
et eo tempore magna in prosperitate fuerunt Hebrei. De- 
inde, post mortem Josephi, perinsignis et admiranda fuit 
multiplicatio Hebraorum, licet laboriosissima_ servitute 
afflictarentur ab Aigyptiis. Denique, liberationem eo- 
rum, atque exitum ex A%gypto, tot et tanta tune facta 
prodigia, valde memorabilem et admirabilem reddide- 
runt. 

Thomas Stapletonus in Antidotis suis apostolicis, ad 
Act. cap. VII. ver. 6. quiritatur: “Omnes horum tempo- 
rum hereticos, Rabbinorum potius calculo, quam aperte 
Seripturee subscribere, circa annorum numerum quibus 
filii Israel in AZgypto versabantur ;” quos per totos 430. 
annos ibi versatos fuisse, ille asserit. 

In cujus sententize rejectione, cum omnibus horum tem- 
porum, quos illi appellare lbuit, heereticis, omnes pro- 
pemodum omnium temporum scriptores Catholicos con- 
sentire convenisset: si vel veritatis inquisitioni ipse studu- 
isset, vel Lyranum saltem suum, in presentem Exodi 
locum sic scribentem, consuluisset: ‘* Manifestum est, non 
mansisse in Adgypto Hebreeos quadringentis triginta annis. 
Sed iste numerus annorum incepit, secundum doctores 
Caruo.icos, ab eo tempore, quo Abram ex Mesopotamia 
primum venit in terram Chanaan; in qua ipse et filii ejus 
habitaverunt tanquam peregrini usque ad descensum in 
/Egyptum.” Sed Stapletonus Genebrardum magistrum 


9 


I Psal. 105. ver. 12, 13. 
m Perer. in Exod. cap. 12. disput. 9. num, 116. 


CAP. VIII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 585 


hic sequi maluit: quem absque ullo vel magistro vel suf- 
fragatore, opinionem initio evulgare fuisse ausum, ipsum- 
met hisce verbis profitentem potuisset animadvertere : 
‘‘Cum™ ista in primis editionibus annotabam, carebam qui- 
dem Latino, aut Greco suffragatore: at postea reperi 
Augustinum Eugubinum in cap. XII. Exodi, in ea ver- 
sari sententia.” Quum tamen tum aliorum veterum, ex 
Augustini questione quadragesima septima in Exodum ; 
tum antiquissimi Theophili Antiocheni, in libro tertio ad 
Autolycum, et Clementis etiam Alexandrini, ut videtur, 
in libro primo Stromatum fuisse sententiam comperimus. 

Verum ab Abrahami in Chananzam et non a Jacobi in 
/ALgyptum migratione, 430. annorum exordium esse capi- 
endum ostendunt argumenta: quorum 

Primum (non ab Hebreis solum, in Seder Olam Rabba, 
capite tertio, et in commentariis ad Geneseos cap. XV. et 
Exodi cap. XII. sed etiam a nostris, Augustino, queestione 
47, in Exodum, Sedulio in Galat. cap. III. Beda in libro 
de sex etatibus mundi, et aliis productum) est hu- 
jusmodi. Kohath sive Caath, filius Levi, cum avo 
suo Jacobo descendit in AXgyptum”. Hujus vite anni 
fuerunt 145. filii vero ejus Amrami anni? 137. filius 
Amrami Moses 80. fuit annorum, quum liberandi es- 
sent Israelite a servitute Afgyptiaca?. Hi omnes anni 
simul juncti, 350. tantum summam conficiunt, ex qua de- 
trahendi etiam anni sunt, tum quos Caath post natum 
Amramum, tum quos Amramus egit post natum Mo- 
sem; simul cum iis etiam quos ante descensum in 
/Egyptum exegit ipse Caath: ne iidem anni bis numeren- 
tur. Ex quibus manifeste colligitur, commorationem Is- 
raelitarum in Aégypto annorum 430. esse non potuisse. 
Duo quidem contra opponit Genebrardus: sed que Thad- 
dao Duno! sectatori suo adeo non satisfecerunt, ut agno- 
verit restare hic ‘ difficultatem longe maximam et forte 
insuperabilem.” Oppositiones tamen illas, quales sunt, 
non tacebimus; sed Benedicti Pererii responsionibus co- 
mitatas, hic subjiciemus. 


m Genebrard. Chronogr. lib. 1. " Gen. cap. 46. ver. 11. 
° Exod. cap. 6. ver. 18. 20. P Tbid. cap. 7. ver. 7. 
1 Dun. de peregrinat. filior. Israelin Aigypto, grad. 34. 


586 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VIII. 


Ait primo, cum dicitur, annos vite Amram fuisse 137. 
non esse intelligendum hoc de omnibus annis totius vitze 
ejus ; sed de annis vite, quam agebat* cum amisit patrem, 
aut cum genuit filios: ‘‘ At quis non videt,” inquit Pere- 
rius, ‘‘istud interpretamentum violentum esse et contra- 
rium consuetudini loquendi Scripture? Cum enim ea re- 
censet annos vite alicujus simpliciter et precise, ut facit 
in commemorando annos vite Caath et Amram, haud 
dubie loquitur de totius vitae annis: cujus rei tot sunt 
exempla in sacris libris, et ita passim obvia, ut legenti ea 
perspicuum et indubitatum futurum sit quod dixi.” Sic 
Pererius. Duo vero Torniellus’ hic opponit: primo, non 
esse sufficientem ejus responsionem. 

Ait secundo Genebrardus, inter Caath et Amram, et 
inter Amram et Mosem, intervenisse alias personas pre- 
termissas in libro Exodi: sicut Matthzeus, in describendo 
genealogiam Salvatoris, dicens quod Joram genuit Oziam, 
intermisit tres reges intermedios, Ochoziam, et Joas, et 
Amasiam. Sed id profecto gratis ab eo esse dictum, recte 
respondet Pererius. ‘‘ Nulla enim,” inquit, ‘ ratione os- 
tendi potest, fuisse intermedios aliquos homines inter 
Caath et Amram, vel inter Amram et Mosem. Ubicum- 
que enim Scriptura istam progeniem Levi recenset, sem- 
per facit ipsum Amram proxime succedere ipsi Caath, et 
Mosem et Aaron ipsi Amram. Tres autem illos reges 
pratermissos fuisse a Matthzo, propterea vere dicitur, 
quia liquido id constat ex libris Regum, et ex libris Para- 
lypomenwn ; in quibus libris Regum illorum scripta est his- 
toria.” Ita Pererius. Et vero (ut de Josepho', Mosem 
ab Abrahamo septimum numerante, nihil dicamus) ipsum 
Mosem, aut quis avus suus fuisset ignorare potuisse, aut si 
sciret, in genealogia sua preterire nomen ejus voluisse, quis 
animum ut credat poterit inducere? Quos scopulos Abra- 
hamus Frisius, Jacobus Auzoleus, et Nicolaus Abramus 
ut devitarent, Cahathum in AXgypto fuisse natum, dicere 
maluerunt : in eorum decedendo sententiam qui contra ex- 


t Perer. in Exod. cap. 12. disput. 19. num. 108. 
S Torniell. ann. mundi 3329. num. 12. 
t Lib. 2. Antiqu. cap. 5. 


CAP. VIII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 587 


pressa Mosis verba contendunt, ‘‘ non omnes qui Gene- 
seos cap. XLVI. recensentur, jam natos fuisse, cum Jacob 
in AXgyptum descenderet ;” de qua in capite decimo plu- 
ribus a nobis erit agendum. 

Secundum argumentum a generatione Jochebede ma- 
tris Mosis deducitur, que ipsius patriarche Levi fuit 
filia. Unde in Exodi cap. VI. ver. 2. Amram uxorem 
accepisse dicitur Jochebedam ‘1N73% amitam suam :” R. 
Salomo Jarchi, Abulensis, Cajetanus, Pagninus, Steuch- 
ius, Lipomanus, Driedo, Oleaster, recte sunt interpretati. 
Licet enim editio vulgata Latina patruelem, et Grzca 
“ @uyarépa tov adeApov avro, filiam fratris sui,” hic red- 
dat : priorem tamen explicationem /praeferendam esse, ip- 
ipsius Mosis verba illa ostendunt: ‘‘ Nomen uxoris Amra- 
mi Jochebeda filia Levi, quum ipsam Levi in Augypto pe- 
perit” mater illius: hoe enim subaudiendum foemininum il- 
Jud verbum indicat, 155 Ansx n7>° we simulque evincit, 
frustra vim loci hujus eludere Salianum” et Bonfrerium 
fuisse conatos, dicendo eodem modo Jochebedam dictam 
fuisse filiam Levi, quo Ephraim* et Manasses dicuntur filii 
Jacob, Christus Dominus filius David, omnes Levita filii 
Levi, et Elizabeth’ una de filiabus Aaron. Porro ex annis 
137. quos vixit Levi’, juxta nostras rationes in Aigypto acti 
sunt 87. juxta aliorum 93. circiter. Anni 93. juncti annis 
80. quos tempore Exodi agebat Moses’*, efficiunt 173. qui 
a 430. subducti 257. relinquunt : quot saltem annorum, 
admissa Genebrardi sententia, Jochebedam esse oporte- 
ret, quo tempore Mosem peperit; etiamsi ipso 137. Levi 
patris anno genitum fuisse poneremus: quum juxta nos- 
tram chronologiam, Jochebedam annos centum natus gig- 
nere potuisset Levi, «tate minor quam Jacobus pater, 
quum suscepit Benjaminem: Jochebeda 85. annorum, 
quum Mosem peperit. 

Tertium argumentum suppeditat atatis Hesronis consi- 


« Num. cap. 26. ver. 59. 

W Salian. ann. mundi, 2452. num. 3. 

* Bonfrer. in Exod. cap. 6. ver. 20. 

Y Luc. cap. 1. ver. 17. 2 ixod, cap. 6. ver. 16. 
3 Exod. cap. 7. ver. 7. 


588 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VIII. 


consideratio, quem infantem cum Jacobo in AZgyptum 
fuisse deductum in capite decimo ostendemus: ille sexa- 
genarius duxit filiam Machiris filii Manassis, que Segu- 
bum illi peperit®, cujus filium Jairem, anno 40. post exo- 
dum, villas Bashanis, et regionem occupavisse ex Mose 
constat®°. Unde consequitur, ex nostra etiam hypothesi, 
que moram Israelitarum in Aigypto constituit, plures 
quam 404. essent illi adscribendi. 

Quartum argumentum ex genealogia seditiosorum, 
Core, Dathanis, et Abirami est desumptum: quorum 
avos cum Jacobo in Aigyptum descendisse, ex Geneseos 
cap. XLVI. ver. 9. 11. liquet. Ut enim Cahath Levi 
filius de Amrano Mosem; ita et ex Izhare nepotem ha- 
buit contradictorem illius Coram; similique modo, Rube- 
nis filius Pallu ex Eliabo nepotes suscepit Core satellites, 
Dathanem et Abiramum*. Que unius tantum progeniei, 
inter descendentes in A‘gyptum, et a terra in deserto ab- 
sorptos, interpositio, manifestum facit more in Aigypto 
annos 430. tribui omnino non posse. 

Quintum argumentum, a paraphrastica verborum Mo- 
sis explicatione est petitum, que in Grecis Bibliis® 
ita sese habet. “ ‘H 62 zagotknoie tev vier Io- 
oanA, Hv mapyknoav év yy Aiyimrov, Kat tv yy Xa- 
padv, avrol Kal of watéoec avT@y, Ern TETPAaKdoLA ToLA- 
kovra. Peregrinatio filiorum Israel, qua peregrinati sunt 
in terra AXgypti, et in terra Chanaan, ipsi et patres eo- 
rum, quadringenti triginta anni,” ubi illud, “ auroi cai ot 
maréosc autor, ipsi et patres eorum,” in Romano tev Sep- 
tuaginta codice, librarii vitio, desideratur: quod tamen in 
Alexandrino nostro, non minoris antiquitatis exemplare, ut 
et in editione Complutensi et Aldina, atque aliis omni- 
bus, ex Romana non expressis, eodem hic modo legitur, 
quo ab Eusebio in Chronico, Quinto Julio Hilarione in 
libello de mundi duratione, Augustino questione quadra- 
gesima septima in Exodum, Sedulio in Galat. cap. III. 
et veterum aliis habetur etiam citatum. Sed et ipsis 


b 1 Chron. cap. 2. ver. 21. 
© Num. cap. 32. ver. 41. % Deuter.’ cap. 3. ver. 14. 


¢ Num. cap. 16. ver.\]. et:cap. 26. ver. 8, 9. 
© Exod. cap. 12. ver. 40. 


CAP. VIII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 589 


apostolorum temporibus Dositheus, alia Pentateuchi loca 
quamplurima, sic et preesens hoc ex Grea editione simi- 
liter interpolatum Samaritis suis tradidit. ‘32 awiM 
mwhy cay yoNd) yD 79ND Ow? TWN maxi dow? 
maw MIND yay) mw Peregrinatio autem filiorum Israel 
et patrum eorum, qua commorati sunt in terra Chanaan 
et in terra AXgypti, fuit quadringentorum et triginta 
annorum.” 

Ex his liquet, quantum Nicolaus Abramus operam’ hic 
luserit, dum ex illa unius Romani codicis ab aliis discre- 
pantia ‘‘ conjecturam propemodum certam duci posse” ex- 
istimat, non modo, avrot kai of tarépec avT@y, quod solum, 
properantis librarii vitio, a Romano exemplari aberat, sed 
etiam, ‘‘ kal 2v yy Xavaay, aliud esse nihil quam glossema, 
quod initio margini adscriptum, lapsu temporis in contex- 
tum irrepserit ; aut certe plagulam quandam ex transla- 
tionibus assutam:” quod posterius, non minus inani opera, 
ex Hieronymi in librum Paralipomenwn prefatione ad- 
struere ille nititur: in qua, “ Origenes dicitur in editione 
Septuaginta interpretum Theodotionis editionem mis- 
cuisse, asteriscis videlicet designans que minus fuerant, 
virgulis que ex superfluo videbantur apposita ;” indeque, 
“in ecclesiis legi quod Septuaginta nescierunt:” quum 
ea, quee ex Theodotione sub asteriscis ab Origene fuerunt 
addita, in Hebreo textu reperta fuisse constet : ideoque 
ad illa, kat év yp yavady, avrot Kai of warépec avTw@y, ut in 
Septuaginta non in Hebrzo extantia, obelum sive virgu- 
lam ab eo fuisse oppositam, dubitare non liceat. Neque 
quicquam nos ledit, quod ab eodem Abramo adjicitur : 
* illos ipsos, qui Septuaginta seniorum authoritatem plenis 
buccis hic opponunt: antequam ad duodecimum Exodi 
caput pervenirent, jam vicies a Grecorum interpretum 
authoritate discessisse.” Non enim, si Greci interpretes, 
quicumque illi fuerint, quum textui originali aperte con- 
tradicunt, deserendi sunt; idcirco in Exodi cap. XII. 
audiendi non sunt, ubi eandem fere Mosis sententiam 
paraphrasi sua exhibent, quam ceeteri Hebrzei, qui eorum 


f Bonfrer. in Exod. cap. 7. 


590 CHRONOLUGIA SACRA. CAP. VIII. 


interpretationem a textu originali dissidentem nihili fa- 
ciunt, sunt amplexi. 

Sextum argumentum ab insigni illo testimonio beati 
Pauli, Galat. cap. III. ver. 17. est desumptum: ‘* Tovro 
dt Aéyw, StaOixny ToeoKekvpwpévny vTd Tov Oeov sic yor- 
oTov, & peta Eryn TEToAKOcLa Kal TpLaKOVTA YyeyoVWCG VOUOC 
OUK kUpOT, cic TO KaTapynoaL THY erayyeAlav. Hoc autem 
dico pactionem a Deo prius sancitam, respicientem in 
Christum, que post quadringentos et triginta annos ex- 
titit, irritam non facit, ut evanidam reddat illam_pro- 
missionem.” Ubi a promissione facta Abrahamo, de be- 
nedicendis in ipso omnibus tribubus terre‘, usque ad. 
legem, datam post egressionem Israelitarum ex Egypto 
mense tertio®, annos 430. apostolus dinumerat. Unde ad 
anni Abrahami 76. exordium, annotat Eusebius in Chro- 
nico: “ Primus annus repromissionis Dei ad Abraham: 
a quo, usque ad Moysen, et egressum gentis Hebraorum 
ex Algypto, supputantur anni 430. quorum meminit 
Paulus.” Et cum eo Augustinus: ‘‘ Computantur® ab 
anno septuagesimo et quinto Abrahe, quando ad eum 
facta est prima promissio, usque ad exitum Israel ex 
/Egypto, 430. anni: quorum apostolus meminit,” et quest. 
47. in Exod. “Ex illa vocatione qua vocatus est Abraham 
et credidit Deo, post 430. annos factam legem dicit aposto- 
lus: non ex eo tempore, quo Jacob intravit in Aiégyp- 
tum.” 

Atqui, si Genebrardum hic audire volumus nos, in Pauli 
verbis illud post “non refertur ad promissionem Abra- 
he, sed ad legem que data est post 450. annos quam 
Hebrzi venerant in AZgyptum, quasi dicat Paulus: Lex 
que post 430. annos facta legitur, Exodi capite XII. 
testamentum Dei, prius Abrahze factum, non potest 
irritum facere.” Cui bene respondet Pererius', robur 
argumentationis Pauline pendere a tempore promissionis 
Abrahz, non autem a tempore habitationis Hebreeorum in 


f Gen. cap. 12. ver. 3, cum Galat. cap. 3. ver, 8. 14. 
§ Exod. cap. 19. ver. 1. 16. 

h Lib. 19. de civitate Dei cap. 24. 

? Perer. in Exod. cap. 12. disput. 19. 


CAP, VIII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 591 


ALigypto, cujus nempe nec ullam ibi significationem facit 
Paulus; nec ea juvat consilium et propositum Pauli. 
Sic enim illum argumentari. ‘ Deus Abrahz promisit 
fore, ut in semine ejus, hoc est, in Christo, benedicerentur 
omnes gentes; que promissio facta est 430. annis prius- 
quam daretur lex: nec lex tanto post data infirmare 
atque irritam facere potuit promissionem illam Dei. 
Ergo benedictio, et salus omnium gentium, non a lege, 
sed a Christo speranda et petenda est.” Vide et Torniel- 
lum, ad annum mundi 2829. num. 15. 

At nihil prohibere hic, objectat Nicolaus Abramus', 
‘‘ut Paulum dicamus argumentari ad hominem, ut lo- 
quuntur, et scribentem ad Galatas, non ex sua, sed ex 
eorum sententia, et ex Septuaginta seniorum codicibus, 
prout usu publico viritim terebantur, hunc annorum nu- 
merum protulisse.” Sed’ si revera credidit Nicolaus glos- 
sema illud, de quo dixerat, apostolorum tempore in editione 
Septuaginta seniorum fuisse receptum: qua rationis spe- 
cie suspicari potuit, ex Theodotionis interpretatione illud 
ab Origene ipsorum editioni fuisse assutum, quum eorum 
utrumque post apostolorum tempora vixisse nemo nesciat. 
Et si Paulus credidisset cum Nicolao, inter promissionem 
et legem, 645. annorum spatium intercessisse; nulla se- 
cundum hominem argumentandi ratio requirebat, ut mi- 
norem ille numerum exprimeret: quum vi argumenti 
ipsius nihil decederet, si multis annis ante legem promul- 
gatam, Abrahamo promissionem fuisse factam, indefinite 
pronunciasset. 

Itaque huic refugio non satis confisus Jesuita, ad alte- 
rum hoc recurrendum sibi putavit. Non* “ ait apostolus 
annis 430. post promissiones dictas Abrahamo, latam esse 
legem, sed post testamentum confirmatum a Deo. Con- 
firmari porro dicitur non cum primis veluti lineis informa- 
tur, promittitur, aut etiam primo conditur; sed cum in- 
formatum et conditum antea fuerat, iterata testatoris 
voluntate renovatur.” Postremam vero testamenti con- 
firmationem, que, priusquaam Deus Mosi loqueretur, 


i Abram. in Pharo. cap. 15. k Ibid. cap. 14. 


592 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VIII. 


narratur facta patriarchis, eam promissionem fuisse affir- 
mat, que Jacobo in AXgyptum profecturo, hisce verbis 
facta fuisse legitur: ‘ Ego! descendam tecum, et inde 
adducam te huc repertentem.” Quum, simul cum illa 
quz immediate precesserat, ‘In gentem magnam po- 
nam te.” Ibi Regenerus Barelius, vel quicunque fuit au- 
thor Problematum harmoniz chronologic in Genesim", af- 
firmat esse “‘ omnium promissionum tribus patriarchis fac- 
tarum complementum: et quicquid priores omnes sigillatim, 
id hanc simul uno complexu conjunctim comprehendisse.” 
Cui aliud nihil opponere hic fuerit opus, quam quod ab. 
ipso Nicolao Abramo postea habetur objectum. Loqui- 
tur" enim apostolus, ut ille bene observat, non de qualibet 
promissione, sed de promissione quze in omnes gentes 
redundarit : ‘ut in Gentibus benedictio Abrahe fieret in 
Christo Jesu ; ut pollicitationem Spiritus accipiamus per 
fidem’.” quum in pollicitationibus Jacobo in ASgyptum 
cum tota familia migranti factis, ne verbum quidem appa- 
reat, quod secundum literam videri possit ad vocationem 
et benedictionem omnium gentium pertinere. 

Recte igitur omnino statuit Dionysius Petavius; ‘‘ Pau- 
lum? manifeste de prima illa érayyeAia loqui, que anno 
Abraami 75. facta est: que et apud patres, et chrono- 
logos celeberrima est ; uti ex Eusebii chronico liquet, qui 
ab ea sepius titulum ducit annorum.” Cujus sententiam 
ita hic oppugnat Nicolaus‘ noster, ut falsa nixus hypothesi, 
in ipsum apostolum cudat hanc fabam; quem, argumenti 
sui vim, in longinquitate temporis inter confirmatum a Deo 
testamentum legemque latam intercepti ponentem, ‘ loqui 
debuisse ait, non de prima illa promissione, sed de pos- 
trema et novissima, conditione sive confirmatione testa- 
menti. Alioquin,” inquit, “ parum solide et sophistice 
procederet, pessime ratiocinaretur, et ne secundum ho- 
minem quidem, id est, humano more, loqueretur. 'Testa- 


' Genes. cap. 46. ver. 4. ™ Dissert. 4. num. 21. et 25. 
» Abram. num. 7. cap. 26. © Galat. cap. 3. ver. 14. 
» Petav. de doctr. temp. lib. 9. cap. 24. 


4 Abram. num. 7. cap. 16. 


CAP. VIII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 593 


mentum enim ab ea testatoria voluntate vim habet, que 
postrema innotuit, unde et suprema voluntas dicitur: et 
quidem inter homines, ut notat apostolus, ad Hebrzos cap. 
IX. ver. 16. testamentum in mortuis confirmatum est; 
alioquin non valet dum vixit qui relatus est.” Quasi vero 
dtaOhxn¢e vocabulum, quod a vulgato Latino interprete 
testamentum reddi solet, supremam testatoris voluntatem 
semper denotaret ; et non frequentiori usu n’43 Hebraico 
responderet, quod Septuaginta, quorum loquendi genere 
uti solent apostoli, duafjxnv, Aquila vero et Symmachus 
ouvvOhKknv, id est, pactum, interpretati sunt. Et in loco 
quidem ad Hebrzos, ubi de Christo, sua morte noyvum 
foedus nobis sanciente, agitur, restrictior illa vocis signi- 
ficatio locum habet: sed generalior illa altera in praesenti 
ad Galatas loco, ubi de Dei Patris promissione agitur, in 
quo prime et supreme voluntatis nullum admitti potest 
discrimen. Per dsabixny igitur rookekvowpévny 7rd row 
cov, nihil aliud intellexit apostolus, quam pactum illud 
gratuitum quod cum Abrahamo Deus primum iniit, atque 
ineundo sancivit, ratumque et authenticum effecit ; sub- 
sequentibus ejusdem repetitionibus nihil amplioris autho- 
ritatis primeevee promissioni adjicientibus. 

Sed objicit rursum Nicolaus, apostolum ‘“‘ aperte tes- 
tamenti confirmationem ab illa prima promissione discri- 
minare: nam si idem est confirmatum testamentum quod 
promissio, ridicula erit,” inquit ille, ‘‘ inepta, et putide 
redundans oratio. Quis enim nisi plane balbutiens ita 
loqueretur? Lex non irritum facit testamentum confir- 
matum a Deo, ad irritandum testamentum a Deo confir- 
matum; vel, Lex non evacuat promissionem, ad evacu- 
andam promissionem.” Et istas sane Nicolai locutiones, 
eadem lisdem verbis plusquam putide iterantes, plane nu- 
gatorias esse facile concedimus: cum in eo quo utitur 
apostolus loquendi modo, posterius membrum prioris ex- 
plicationem contineat; et simplicem Dei promissionem, 
pro pactione satis in se authentica habendam esse, non 
edoceat. 

Loco Exodi, cujus genuinam explicationem hactenus 
tutati sumus, affinis est pradictio illa Abrahamo a Deo 

VOL. XI. UU 


594. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VIII. 


facta: “‘ Scito® prenoscens quod peregrinum futurum sit 
semen tuum in terra non sua, et subjicient eos servituti et 
affligent eos quadringentis annis.” Ubi per “ terram non 
suam” Genebrardus A°gyptum intelligit, in qua Abrahami 
posteros peregrinatos fuisse per annos 430. existimat; ro- 
tunda 470. annorum summa, fractis numeris pretermissis, 
hic expressos. Sensit idem et Stapletonus: de quo, in 
commentariis ad dictum Actorum locum, Johannes Lo- 
rinus: ‘* Gravius hallucinatur quam ceteri Stapletonus, 
in Antidotis ad hunc locum Actuum, volens totos quadrin- 
gentos annos consumptos esse in Aigyptiaca habitatione, 
atque etiam afflictione. Non fuit opus valentibus antidoto, 
aut si quo modo hac in re male heretici valerent, non 
laborarent morbo heresis: cum citra fidei periculum hu- 
jusmodi res varie a Catholicis discutiantur.” Alphonsus 
Cumiranus?, ab eodem Lorino ibidem productus, adhuc 
ineptius, annos quidem 430. a promissione Abrahamo 
facta accepit, 400. vero ab ingressu Jacobi in Aigyptum ; 
quem tamen 115. annis ipsa morte Abrahami posteriorem 
fuisse constat. Author Problematum harmonize chrono- 
logicee, in dissertatione illa quarta, numero tertio, Israeli- 
tarum commorationi in terra AXgypti annos 430. cum 
Genebrardo et Stapletono tribuens, 400. durissimz ser- 
vitutis et afflictionis eorum annos a morte Levi‘ inchoat, 
et ad tempus quo deletis septem gentibus plenarie terram 
Chananis hereditate illi possederunt, extendit. 

Sed longe major et sanior chronologorum pars, per “ ter- 
ram non suam” tum Chananzam tum AZgyptum hic desig- 
nari asserit: et 400. hosce annos a primis Isaaci annis 
incipit, in quo benedictum Abrahami semen vocari ccep- 
tum est’; ita ut intra illud spatium totius etiam peregri- 
nationis, non servitutis tantum et afflictionis, que in ex- 
tremis illius annis contigit, tempus complectatur. In his 
enim verbis, ut tum ab aliis, tum a Pererio est observatum, 
tria “ continentur’, quorum unum est peregrinatio se- 


© Genes. cap. 15. ver. 13. Act. cap. 7. ver. 6. 

P Cumiran. tom. 1. conciliat. 22. 4 Exod. cap. 6. ver. 16. 

* Genes. cap. 21, ver. 12. Rom. cap. 9, ver. 7, Hebr. cap, 11. ver. 20. 
= Perer. in Exod, cap. 1. disput. 6. num, 29. 


CAP. VIII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 595 


minis Abrahe in terra non sua, alterum servitus, tertium 
afflictio. ‘Tempus itaque illorum 400. annorum non com- 
petit in quodlibet illorum trium disjuncte ac separatim, 
sed in tria illa conjuncte; quod illa tria eventura essent et 
complenda intra spatium 400. annorum. Ergo sensus 
illorum verborum Domini ad Abraham, hic est. Semen 
tuum, priusquam veniat ad possidendum terram Chanaam, 
tibi et illi promissam, transiget 400. annos: in quo tem- 
poris spatio, et peregrinabitur in terra aliena, et aliquam- 
diu etiam dura servitute affligetur.” 

Quod' vero hic Abrami semen peregrinaturum fuisse 
dicitur “ =9nm5 xd y4x2 in terra non sibi,” vel sua, ut in 
editione vulgata Latina rectissime est expressum, id de 
“‘ terra non ipsis debita, non promissa, non destinata,” 
accipi vult Nicolaus Abramus; ne Chananza sub ea 
comprehendi posse putetur, quum simplicissimo ac maxi- 
me germano sensu in vulgata Graeca Mosis versione, “ In 
terra non propria; év yj ovK idia,” in novo Testamento 
‘gy yy aAAoroiain terra aliena,” illud habeatur expositum. 
Ubi in primis observandum recte notavit Eustathius: ‘ é70" 
ovK eimev év Atyirry aXN év yp GAAoTpia TapotKOY ETAL TO 
oréaua tov APoaau, quod non dixerit in AXgypto, sed in 
terra aliena peregrinum erit semen Abrahez: ’A)Xorpia o 
uTioxe Kat 7) Xavavata yi, nv TwapyKnoeyv 6 Iloaak oTéoua 
rou "ABoaau. Aliena autem fuit terra Chanaan; quam 
incolebat Isaac semen Abrahe.” 

At Nicolaus contra hic objicit: ‘‘ Cum Deus posteris 
Abrahami terram Chanaan promisisset, jamque illi, si 
nondum jus in re, ut loquuntur, saltem jus ad rem 
suo tempore possidendam haberent; terram Chanaan 
magis eorum dici potuisse, quam non eorum;” verbis- 
que illis Dei ad Jacobum, ‘‘ Revertere* in terram pa- 
trum tuorum,” rem totam confectam putat: conclusione 
hac inde deducta chronologis insultans: “ Igitur Dei judi- 
cio terra Chanaan Abrahz et seminis ejus fuit ; chronologo- 


¢ Perer. in Exod. cap. 12. " Act. cap. 7. ver. 6. 
Ww V. CEconomen. in Act. cap. 7. ver. 6. et Caten. Graec. in Genes, cap. 15, 
* Gen, cap. 31. ver. 3. 


596 CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VIII. 


rum interpretatione non fuit.” Werum mentem suam satis 
explicavit idem ipse Deus quum patribus illis daturum se 
dixit ‘‘ terram* Chanaanis, terram peregrinationum ipso- 
rum, in qua peregrinabantur.” Quomodo et Isaac filio Ja- 
cobo optavit, ‘‘ Ut’ hereditario jure possideret terram pe- 
regrinationum suarum quam Deus dedit Abrahamo.” Si- 
militerque de Jacobo et Esauo legimus, quum utrumque, ob 
armentorum multitudinem, terra peregrinationum ipsorum 
capere non posset, Esauum quidem, sive Edomum, cum 
tota sua familia in monte Seir habitavisse, que regio dein- 
ceps terra possessionis Kdomeorum fuerit habita; Jaco- 
bum vero habitavisse ‘“ in’ terra peregrinationis patris sul, 
in terra Chanaan;” que in Chananzorum respectu pos- 
sessionis ct crijococ, ita et Jacobi? et reliquorum Hebreo- 
rum terra fuit®, respectu incolatus et tapoucfjoewc. Quam- 
obrem et apostolus in Hebr. cap. XI. ver. 8. scribens. 
“ Tliote cadotpevoc ABpadu vahKxovaev 2EeAOety elc Tov T0- 
mov Ov iyucddAe AaPetv cic KAnoovomiav. Per fidem vo- 
catus Abraham auscultavit, ut exiret ad locum illum 
quem accepturus erat in hereditatem:” cum illo tamen 
‘* jure ad rem suo tempore possidendam,” consistere potu- 
isse preesentem ‘ peregrinationem in terra aliena,” statim 
ostendit ; in versu proxime sequente de eodem subjiciens: 
“< rire: TaWKNHGEV ele THY yHV THE eayyeAlac we adXoTpiav 
év okynvaic KaToiknoacg pera loaak Kal Taxa TOV ovyKAn- 
povoswy erayyeAlac the avtnc. Per fidem peregrinatus est 
in terra promissionis ut aliena, in tabernaculis habitans 
cum Isaac et Jacob cohzredibus ejusdem promissionis.” 
Ut dubitare nemini jam liceat, Isaac, et ejus posteris in 
Chananza commorantibus, divini illa verba oraculi Abra- 
hamo facti, convenire posse: ‘ dre Zarat TO oTéppa avToU 
Tapouov év yn aAXorpia. Quod semen illius peregrinum 
futurum esset in terra aliena.” 

Sed et hoc preeterea a Nicolao objicitur : ‘‘ De illa terra 
loquitur duntaxat Deus, de qua post servitutem egress! 


xX Exod. cap. 6. ver. 4. Y Gen. cap. 28. ver. 4. 
7 Gen. cap. 36. ver. 7, 8. 43. et cap. 37. ver. 1. 
4 Genes. cap. 30. ver. 25. b Tbid. cap. 40. ver. 15. 


CAP, VIII. CHRONOLOGIA SACRA. 597 


sunt cum magna substantia.” Nos vero ut ex Avgypto, 
non e Chananza, ita eos fuisse egressos, facile conce- 
dimus: ita quod pro confesso hic ab eo sumitur, de illa 
terra duntaxat loqui Deum, unde illi ita sunt egressi, 
plane pernegamus. Quod in Chananzam deinde illi ten- 
debant, ex illis oraculi verbis probat: ‘‘ Generatione au- 
tem quarta revertentur Huc:” concluditque, “ ut egres- 
sum ab ingressu, profectionem a reditu, sic AXgyptum 
(non eorum terram) a Chananezea (eorum terra) distingui.” 
Atqui status peregrinationis seminis Abrahz hic pra- 
dictus, a statu servitutis et afflictionis distinguendus pri- 
mum fuerat, et prior ad Chananzam zque ac Aigyptum, 
posterior ad solam A%gypti terram referendus. Licet 
enim in posteriore hoc statu, ‘‘ Egressum ab ingressu, 
profectionem a reditu, Augyptum a Chananza,” distingu- 
endam esse libenter agnoscamus: nihil tamen id obstat 
quo minus in priore, seminis “‘ peregrinationi in terra non 
sua” Chananeam et Aigyptum conjunctim assignare va- 
leamus. 

Ad Achjoris denique Ammonite verba, de Hebrzis in 
fEgypto per annos 400. tantopere multiplicatis, qua ex 
libri Judith capite V. ver. 9. tam multis ab eo° urgen- 
tur, breviter respondemus: in Greco non haberi, et a 
Chaldaico editore, ex loco Genes. cap. XV. minus attente 
considerato, fuisse adjecta; eodem modo quo a Josepho*, 
iidem 400. annorum spatio vexati fuisse dicuntur, quos ta- 
- men in proxime insequente capitulo 215. tantum annorum 
moram ibi fecisse, idem ipse comperit. Vide apud Tor- 
niellum plura, ad annum mundi 2329. num. 17. 

Et hactenus quidem Nicolaus pro Genebrardo suo 
strenue depugnavit: sed tandem illum deserens*, ad 
Thaddezi Duni castra transit, qui 400. annorum initium 
non a descensu Jacobi, sed a venditione et abductione 
Josephi in Aigyptorum, deducit: quo tempore promis- 
sionem illam Genes. cap. XXXYV. ver. 11. 12. uterque , 


© Nicola. in Gen. cap. 20. 4 Libro secundo Antiqu. cap. 5. 
© Nicola. in Gen. cap. 24. et 3. sequent. Deinde peregrinat. filior. Isr. in 
AEgypto, grad, 21. 


598 CHRON OLOGIA SACRA. CAP. VIII. 


Jacobo factam fuisse affirmat; et consummatam fuisse 
promissionis confirmationem, a Paulo commemoratam ex- 
istimat : ‘‘ Ego sum Deus omnipotens: Cresce et multi- 
plicare. Gens et coetus gentium erit ex te: et regese 
lumbis tuis egredientur. Et terram quam dedi Abrahamo 
et Isaaco, tibi dabo eam: et semini tuo post te dabo ter- 
ram hanc.” Verum hanc promissionem ante nativitatem 
Benjaminis dictam fuisse constat: quam ipsam aliquot 
annis venditione Josephi fuisse priorem, in capite decimo 
postea videbimus. Et si eo quo illi volunt tempore dicta 
ei fuisset; ad locum tamen apostoli nihil omnino facerent, 
que de promissione, non Jacobo, sed Abrahamo edita, 
locutum fuisse constat. ‘Tichonius Donatista, in regula 
quinta, annorum illorum 430. exordium a regno, ut ille 
appellat, sive proregia dignitate Josephi arcessit: cujus 
annis 80. exactis, servitutem et afflictionem Israelitarum 
coepisse putat, et per 350. annos duravisse; quos Deus® 
synecdochice 400. dixerit. Sed quia tam hec quam 
Thaddzi Duni opinio, iisdem quibus illa Genebrardi re- 
fellitur argumentis ; ulteriore utriusque examine lectorem 
fatigare noluimus. 


© Genes. cap. 15. ver. 13. 


END OF THE ELEVENTH VOLUME. 


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ANNALIUM 


Peake RSs OS) ERE Oke 


In consequence of the illness of the Editor, the Title- 
page of Vol. IX. was inadvertently reprinted for Vol. X. 


The proper Title-page is now given. 


ee Be ~ ek ots VU 


EXCIDIUM, DEDUCTUM. 


JACOBO USSERIO ARMACHANO 


DIGESTORE. 


LONDINI. 
1654. 


= of se 


ea, 


. ed aes Ht ae pie pie bah “ane ade igs 4 vighpaara ol 


tc ON Hara yap es ode Ga ‘2 


as Hale Hi ur 3 mr ae od 


wa 


Wy 
hs 
me 





ANNALIUM 


PACKS eOrscl E Rie Oeke 


PRATER MACCABAICAM 


NOVI TESTAMENTI HISTORIAM, 


IMPERII ROMANORUM CHSARUM 
SUB CAIO JULIO ET OCTAVIANO ORTUS, 
RERUMQUE IN ASIA ET #GYPTO GESTARUM CONTINETUR 


CHRONICON: 


AB 
ANTLIOCHI EPIPHANIS REGNI EXORDIO, USQUE AD IMPERII VESPASIANI 


INITIA ATQUE EXTREMUM TEMPLI ET REIPUBLICEX® JUDAICH 
EXCIDIUM, DEDUCTUM. 


JACOBO USSERIO ARMACHANO 


DIGESTORE. 


LONDINI. 
1654. 


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y ndghe gH eabaye 


pemag Bete we Sa 


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Be ae ee eee Ragas sant eae ees ee Se Sees Diora 


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