.IFE OF
JEANNE DALBRET
THE LIFE OF
JEANNE D'ALBKET,
QUEEN OF NAVARRE.
THE LIFE OF
JEANNE D'ALBKET
QUEEN OF NAVARRE
FROM NUMEROUS UNPUBLISHED SOURCES
INCLUDING MS. DOCUMENTS IN THE BIBLIOTHEQUE IMPERIALE
AND THE ARCHIVES ESPAGNOLES DE SIMANCAS
BY
MARTHA WALKER FREER
AUTHOR OF
ELIZABETH DE VALOIS AND THE COURT OP PHILIP II.,'
" THE LIFE OF MARGUERITE d'aNGOULEME,"
ETC., ETC.
" Pax certa, Victoria Integra, Mors honesta."
Le&ende de Jeanne D'Albret
LONDON
HURST AND BLACKETT, LIMITED
13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET
LIBRARY j
Richard Clay & Sons, Limiteb,
London & Bunoay.
voo
CONTENTS,
CHAPTEE I.
Birth of Jeanne d'Albret — Baptism of the princess — Her sponsors — The
baillive de Caen appointed governess to the princess — Her education
— Favours shown towards Jeanne by Francis I. — Affection of the
princess for her uncle — Departure of the king and queen of Navarre
into Beam — Refusal of Francis to permit the princess Jeanne to ac-
company her parents — The king's reasons for that act — King Francis
announces his intention to betroth the princess Jeanne to the duke of
Orleans — Establishment of the princess at Plessis-les-Tours — Details
respecting her household — Character of Jeanne d'Albret — Illness of
the princess — Francoise de Bohan — Melancholy of the princess — Her
aversion to Plessis — Arrival of the duke of Cleves at the court of
France — Francis designs to wed the princess to the duke — Her dis-
approval of the project — She quits Plessis — Her haughty reception
of the duke of Cleves — Arrival of the princess at Alencon — Anger of
queen Marguerite at her daughter's conduct — Francis commands the
solemnization of the betrothment — Protest of the princess Jeanne —
Ceremony of the affiancing performed at Alencon by the bishop of
Seez — Second protest of the princess — Arrival of queen Marguerite
with the princess Jeanne at Chatellerault, and ceremony of Jeanne's
marriage with the duke of Cleves — Fetes given on the occasion —
Jeanne retires with her mother to Pau — Her pursuits — Contest of
the duke of Cleves with the emperor Charles V. — Issue of the war —
Francis prepares to succour the duke — He summons the princess to
the camp in order to present her to her consort — Passionate grief
evinced by the princess Jeanne at this command — Her arrival at Sois-
sons — The duke of Cleves renounces his alliance with Francis I., and
makes peace with the emperor — Terms of his treaty with Charles V.
— The journey of the princess arrested by command of the king —
She retires to Fontainebleau — Francis decrees the dissolution of the
marriage between the duke of Cleves and his niece — Suit made to
Borne for the purpose — The duke of Cleves petitions pope Paul III.
to grant a divorce — A third protest made by the princess at Alencon
n CONTENTS.
— Her favour with Francis I. — She becomes one of the sponsors of
the princess Elizabeth, eldest daughter of the dauphin Henry — Jeanne
quits the court, and repairs to Plessis-les-Tours — Her fourth and final
protest against her marriage with the duke of Cleves — Ceremonial
observed on the occasion — Dissolution of the marriage between the
duke of Cleves and the princess is pronounced by the pope, and re-
gistered by the parliament of Paris 1 — 32
CHAPTER II.
Death of Francis I. — The princess Jeanne holds mourning state at
Mont de Marsan — Changes at court — Henry II.— Diane de Poitiers
— Catherine de Medici — The prince of Spain renews his suit for the
hand of Jeanne d'Albret — Desire of the emperor Charles V. to nego-
tiate this alliance — The project is opposed by the king of Prance —
Departure of Jeanne for Pontainebleau — Profusion of the princess —
Her letter to the chancellor of Alencon — The dukes de Vendome and
de Guise become suitors for her hand — Character of Antoine de
Bourbon — The duke de Guise — King Henry supports the suit of the
duke de Guise— Reply made to the king by Jeanne d'Albret — Mar-
riage of the princess Jeanne with the duke de Vendome — Her mar-
riage articles— She visits Beam — She is acknowledged by the states
of Beam as heiress presumptive to the principality — Death of queen
Marguerite — Affliction of the princess — Her love of study — Her
despondency at her want of offspring — Negotiation for the marriage
of the kingr of Navarre with the infanta Juana of Spain — Pregnancy
of Jeanne d'Albret — Her correspondence with the duchess de Guise —
Birth of the duke de Beaumont — The baillive d'Orleans is appointed
goiivernante to the infant prince — Her injurious treatment of the
prince — His decease — Birth of the count de Marie — Journey of the
princess into Beam — Joy of the king of Navarre — Accident which
befell the infant prince at Mont de Marsan — His death — Anger of the
king — His reproaches to his daughter— Engagement exacted by the
states of Beam from the duke and duchess de Vendome — Their de-
parture from Beam — Jeanne takes up her abode at the castle of La
Fleche — Her correspondence with the duchess de Guise — Her third
pregnancy — Departure of the duchess de Vendome for the camp in
Picardy — Accident which happened to her there — A deputation from
the states of Beam waits on the princess Jeanne — She receives the
envoys at Compiegne — Her journey into Beam — Birth of Henry IV.
— Incidents connected with that event — The king of Navarre takes
the sole charge of the infant prince — His treatment of the babe — He
presents the child to the nobles of Beam and Foix — The king con-
fides his infant heir to the care of Jeanne Fourcade — Baptism of the
prince — Convalescence of the duchess de Vendome — She returns
into France — Her meeting with the duke de Vendome at Estree-au-
Pont — She retires to the castle of Brenne — Correspondence of the
princess with the duchess de Montmorency — Decease of the king of
Navarre 33—61
CONTENTS. vii
CHAPTER III.
Arrival of Antoine de Bourbon at Baran — Jeanne causes him to be pro-
claimed king of Navarre — He is summoned to St Germain — Designs
of the French cabinet relative to Beam — Deportment of the king of
Navarre — His reply to the demands proposed to him — Queen Jeanne
is compelled to visit the court — Her deportment — Measures which
she adopts to defeat the designs of the king of France — Nominates
the baron d'Arros military governor of Bearn — Treachery of the
chancellor of Navarre — Politic conduct of the baron d'Arros — He
defeats the conspiracy to surrender Beam to the king of France —
Arrival of Jeanne and Antoine at Pau — Their enthusiastic reception
— Jeanne's reply to king Henry's commissioners — Coronation of the
king and queen of Navarre — They issue a new coinage — Antoine
favours the Reformation — State of religion throughout France — The
court — Correspondence of Jeanne d'Albret with the viscount de
Gourdon — Antoine's imprudent conduct — Letter of remonstrance is
addressed to the queen by the cardinal dArmagnac — The queen
assumes the sole administration of affairs — She resolves to visit the
court of France — Letter addressed to the sovereigns of Beam by
Henry II. — Jeanne appoints the cardinal dArmagnac governor of
Beam during her absence — Fetes given at La Rochelle to the sove-
reigns — Their arrival in Paiis — Antoine releases from the Chatelet a
gentleman of the train of the marechale de St Andre — Anger of the
king of France — His reception of the sovereigns of Navarre — Regard
shown by king Henry for the young prince of Navarre — His future
marriage with Marguerite de Valois is proposed — Satisfaction evinced
by Antoine and Jeanne at this design — Queen Jeanne announces the
alliance to the senechale of Poitou — Power of the house of Guise —
Departure of the sovereigns of Navarre from the court of France —
Birth of the princess Madelaine — Decease of the infant princess —
Battle of St Quentin — The duke de Guise declared lieutenant-general
of the kingdom — His conquests — Demands the immediate solemniza-
tion of the marriage between the dauphin and Mary Stuart — Opposi-
tion of queen Catherine to this project — The marriage is celebrated
in the presence of the king and queen of Navarre and the court of
France — La Guerre Mouillee — Peace of Cateau Cambresis — League
of Peronne — Marriage festivities of madame Claude with the duke
de Lorraine — Birth of the princess Catherine de Bourbon — Cor-
respondence of queen Jeanne with the constable de Montmorency —
Return of Jeanne and Antoine to Pau — Death of Henry II. king of
France 62—92
CHAPTER IV.
The king of Navarre is summoned to the capital by the constable de
Montmorency — His vacillations and delays — Counsel given to An-
toine by queen Jeanne — The king's favourites oppose his departure
viii CONTENTS.
for the court — Nature of their insinuations — The princes of Guise
possess themselves of the government — King Francis II. and his
mother retire to the Louvre — Position of Catherine de Medici — Her
designs — Triumph of the house of Lorraine — Catherine countenances
their projects — Departure of the king of Navarre from Nerac — His
dilatory progress towards the capital — He is joined at Vendome by
the chiefs of the Huguenot party — He arrives in Paris — Proceeds to
St Germain — His contemptuous reception by the king and queen
Catherine — His interview with Catherine — Conduct of the princes of
Guise — Antoine retires from court — He visits the tomb of the late
king Henry II. at St Denis — He is joined by Conde — Interview of
the princes with Throckmorton, the English ambassador — Message
sent to king Antoine by Elizabeth, queen of England — His reply —
The princes receive a command to attend Francis II. to Rheims for
the ceremony of the king's coronation — Letter of the cardinal de
Bourbon to the duchess de Nevers — Menaces of the king of Spain
— Their effect upon Antoine — He accepts the mission of conducting
the queen of Spain to the frontier — Perilous position of the queeu of
Navarre — Design of the cardinal de Lorraine to cede the fortress of
Bayonne to the Spanish crown — The queen retires to Navarreins — ■
She joins king Antoine at Bordeaux — Jeanne takes precedence of the
queen of Spain when within the limits of the principality of Beam —
Embassy ot the baron d'Audaux to Toledo — Correspondence of An-
toine de Bourbon with the king of Spain — Philip's supercilious reply
— Ardent love of study displayed by queen Jeanne — Mission of the
cardinal d'Armagnac into Beam — His reception by Jeanne d'Albret —
He orders the arrest of the minister Barran — The queen of Navarre
directs Barran's liberation — Despotic proceedings of the French go-
vernment — Conspiracy of Amboise — Conde is implicated in the de-
signs of the conspirators — He is examined before the council — He
retires to Nerac — The king of Navarre is summoned to attend the
states-general assembled at Orleans— Correspondence of Francis II.
with the king of Navarre — Counsel given to king Antoine by his
consort — Jeanne feels distrust of the machinations of the house of
Lorraine — The princess de Conde entreats her husband to refuse
obedience to the summons of the court — The king of Navarre deter-
mines to proceed to Orleans — Letter written by queen Jeanne to
Montmorency — The queen refuses to accompany her consort — She
makes a progress throughout Beam — Jeanne sends an embassy to
Borne — Her defence is espoused by cardinal Muret — His harangue
before the consistory — Pius IV. consents to receive queeu Jeanne's
letter — Intrigues of queen Catherine — Her letter to the constable — ■
Arrival of the king of Navarre at Limoges — He receives deputies
from the reformed churches of France — His interview with the car-
dinal d'Armagnac — His reply to the deputation — Antoine's letter to
Catherine de Medici — His repulse from Poitiers — The king of Navarre
retires to Lusignan — Remonstrance of queen Catherine — She sends
the marshal de Termes to encourage the princes to proceed on their
journey to Orleans — Her message to the princess de Conde — The
queen of Navarre receives orders to arrest the Lutheran ministers of
CONTENTS. ix
her principality — Her refusal to obey — She retires to Navarreins —
Her employment when there — Entry of Francis II. into the town of
Orleans — Numerous arrests made by command of the king — Arrival
of the princes — Arrest of Conde — His condemnation to death — Inso-
lent demeanour of the Guises towards the king of Navarre — Conduct
of Catherine de Medici — Project to assassinate the king of Navarre
— Catherine sends Antoine information of the plot — His brave de-
portment — Message to queen Jeanne — Illness of Francis II. — Cathe-
rine proposes to the king of Navarre to renounce his pretensions to
the regency — Assent of king Antoine to the proposal — Decease of
Francis II. — Changes at court — Antoine de Bourbon summons his
consort to join him at St Germain — Jeanne confides the care of the
principality to the baron d'Arros and the cardinal d'Armagnac — She
proceeds to the castle of Nerac with her children . . 92 — 128
CHAPTER V.
Queen Jeanne makes public avowal of her religion — Her distrust of the
sincerity of the court — She makes donations to the Lutheran church
within her dominions — Jeanne receives missives from Catherine de
Medici — Queen Catherine proposes the betrothment of the princess
of Navarre with the duke d'Anjou — Deportment of the king of Na-
varre — His intrigue with mademoiselle de Rouet — Queen Jeanne
liberates the minister Brassier — Arrival of the queen in Paris — In-
trigues of the Spanish ambassador, and of the Papal nuncio — Their
designs against Jeanne d'Albret — Correspondence of Chantonnay, the
Spanish ambassador— Jeanne takes up her abode in the hotel de
Conde — The king and queen of Navarre entertain the Danish ambas-
sador — They remove from Paris to St Germain — Conference between
Theodore de Beze and the cardinal de Lorraine — Caution of queen
Catherine's proceedings — The last session of the states-general —
Feud between the princes and the prelates of the realm — Discourse
of queen Catherine to the assembly — Harangue of the queen of Na-
varre — Conferences of Poissy — Arrival of the cardinal Hippolyte
d'Este — His mission — The sovereigns of Navarre are present at the
nuptials of the viscount de Rohan — Complimentary deportment of
the cardinal of Ferrara towards Jeanne d'Albret — King Antoine's
servile compliance with the suggestions of the Spanish ambassador —
Prudent conduct of queen Jeanne — Return of her ambassador from
Spain — Answer of Philip II. to the demands of Jeanne d'Albret — His
private message to king Antoine — Chantonnay proposes to Antoine
de Bourbon the divorce of his consort — Proposes an alliance between
Mary Stuart and the king of Navarre — Coldness between Catherine
de Medici and Jeanne d'Albret — Its occasion — Personal appearance
of the king of Navarre and his consort. Antoine attempts to compel
his consort to attend mass — Her refusal — Menaces her with divorce
— Her indignant reply — Her grief — Intrigues of Chantonnay — Nego-
tiation for exchanging the claims of the house of Albret upon Upper
Navarre for the island of Sardinia — Indignation of queen Jeanne —
X CONTENTS.
Coalition between Montmorency, the king of Navarre, and the duke
de Guise — Objects of the Triumvirate — Correspondence of queen
Jeanne with the viscount de Gourdon — Catherine de Medici exhorts
Jeanne to be reconciled to her husband, by changing her faith — Reply
made by the queen — Assumptions of Chantonnay, the Spanish ambas-
sador — Departure of Coligny, and the chiefs of the reformed party
from Paris — Disturbed condition of the kingdom — Turbulent pro-
ceedings of the Triumvirate — Departure of Catherine with her son
for Fontainebleau — Jeanne demands permission to depart — Project for
her arrest — She intimates her danger to Conde — Visits her son at St
Germain — Her resolute deportment — She departs from Paris — Her
arrival at Vendome — She continues her journey to Chatellerault —
Her sojourn at Duras — Receives ambassadors from Guyenne — Her
illness — She despatches envoys to mediate between the Protestants
and the marshal de Montluc — Restores the count de Condale his
liberty — Project of Montluc to surprise the queen at Caumont — Her
flight across the frontier — Proceedings of the Triumvirate— Politic
deportment of Catherine de Medici— Her letters to Conde — Despatch
of one of Catherine's secretaries to the Prench ambassador at Madrid
— Unpopularity of the king of Navarre — His conduct satirized in
ballads and lampoons — Indignation felt by the public at his desertion
of his consort . . . . 12S — 168
CHAPTER VI.
Position of the queen of Navarre after her return into Beam — Jeanne
makes her entry into Pau — Progress of the reformation in Beam —
Illness of the prince of Navarre — Letter of queen Jeanne to Catherine
de Medici — The parliament of Paris decrees the penalties of treason
to the Huguenot leaders — The prince de Conde is exempted there-
from — Queen Jeanne publishes letters-patent, permitting the exercise
of the reformed faith throughout her dominions — She augments the
fortifications of Beam — Anger of Antoine de Bourbon — He despatches
his secretary Boulogne into Beam — Boulogne's errand — The queen
orders Boulogne's arrest and imprisonment — The name of the king
of Navarre is omitted in the prayers used by the reformed churches —
Queen Jeanne remonstrates against this omission — Reply sent to the
queen by Theodore de Beze — The king of Navarre is wounded at the
siege of Rouen — Particulars relating to his illness and death — His
funeral obsequies — Grief of the queen — She retires to Orthez — Re-
ceives letters of condolence from the prince and princess de Conde
and others — Jeanne nominates the viscount de Rohan to be lieutenant-
general of Beam — She issues a medal — Battle of Dreux — Submission
of the towns captured by the Huguenots to the government — Siege of
Orleans — Assassination of the duke de Guise — The admiral de Cofigny
is accused of the crime — His defence — Anecdote of queen Jeanne —
The king of Spain nominates an ambassador to the court of Pau —
His mission — Proposes an alliance between Jeanne d'Albret and Don
Carlos, prince of the Asturias, or with Don John of Austria — Deport-
CONTENTS. xi
ment of the queen — Correspondence of the Spanish envoys — The
queen issues letters-patent interdicting the Romish faith throughout
her dominions — She confiscates the temporalities of the clergy — She
burns the images, and confiscates the treasures at Lescar — Corre-
spondence of the ambassador d'Escurra with Philip's secretary of state,
Erasso — Tumults at Lescar and Morlas — Interview of queen Jeanne
with Escurra — Details of the audience — Queen Jeanne sends to Geneva
for the minister Merlin — Her letter to Jansana — The bishop of Lescar
is reprimanded by the cardinal d'Armagnac — His letter to the queen
of Navarre — Its effect — Jeanne's reply — Designs of king Philip and
the pope respecting the queen of Navarre . . . . 169 — 216
CHAPTEE VII.
Queen Jeanne convokes a synod at Pau — Measures of the court of
Rome — Apathy displayed by Conde — Broils of the court — Designs
of the pope — Seven Gallican bishops cited before the tribunal of the
Inquisition — The pope publishes the Bull of excommunication against
Jeanne d'Albret — Queen Jeanne appeals to Catherine de Medici —
Discontent universally felt at the act of pope Pius — The queen-regent
promises her support to the queen of Navarre — She sends a menacing
letter to Rome — Pius revokes his censure against the prelates — He
refuses to absolve Jeanne d'Albret — The pope consents finally to the
virtual abrogation of his bull — Project to declare the marriage con-
tracted between Jeanne d'Albret and Antoine de Bourbon illegal, is
discussed by the courts of Rome and Spain — Attitude of the French
ambassador — Politic deportment of Catherine de Medici — Rebellion
in Lower Navarre — Queen Jeanne's sovereign rights over Beam are
disallowed by the parliaments of Bordeaux and Toulouse — The queen
resolves to visit the court of France — Her letter to Montmorency —
She appoints the count de Grammont governor of B6arn — Arrival of
the queen at Vendome — Her suite — She pleads her cause before the
parliament of Paris — Decision of the court in favour of the queen's
sovereignty — Erancoise de Rohan — -The duke de Nemours — The
queen arrives at Macon — Her enthusiastic reception — Her reply to
the address of the Maconnois — Displeasure of queen Catherine— The
king sends a message to the queen of Navarre — Her ministers are in-
terdicted from preaching — Procession of the court during the festival
of Corpus Christi — Jeanne accompanies the king to Lyons — Decease
of the princess de Conde — The queen of Navarre retires to Vendome
— Conspiracy to deliver her to the Inquisition in Spain — Details of
the plot — She returns to Pau — Mission of Dimanche into Spain —
Queen of Spain communicates Jeanue's danger to the French ambas-
sador — The queen of Navarre retires to Navarreins — Her appeal to
the French government — Its result — Violent measures of the Inquisi-
tion — Political position of the French court — The league of Peronne
— Conferences of Bayonne 216 — 250
su CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VIII.
Queen Jeanne entertains Charles IX. at Nerac — The queen accompanies
the court to Moulins — Her visit to Vendoine — Panic with which her
presence inspires Miron, governor of Vendome — His letter to the
duke de Montpensier — The queen gains a suit against the cardinal de
Bourbon — She visits the printing establishment of the Etiennes — Im-
promptu composed by Jeanne d'Albret on this occasion— Reply sent
to the queen by Henri Etienne — Revolt of the inhabitants of Pamiers
— Insurrection is suppressed by the count de Rambouillet — The
Bearnnois send a deputation to the queen at Paris — Its object — Let-
ters-patent issued by queen Jeanne, July, ]5G6 — The queen visits La
Eere — She requests permission to take her son — Displeasure of queen
Catherine — Her parting words to Jeanne d'Albret — The queen de-
parts for La Eere — She visits the castles of Beaumont and la Eleche
— League formed in Beam by the Roman Catholic prelates to resist
the execution of Jeanne's letters-patent — Return of the queen to Pau
— Conspiracy of the barons — Its progress — Sanctioned by the court
of Erance — Jeanne convokes the states-general of Eoix, Beam, and
Navarre — Contumacious deportment of the assembly — They demand
the repeal of the letters-patent — The queen refuses their petition —
The assembly demands its dismissal — Edicts published by the queen
regulating matters of religion — Marriage of the count de Guiche with
Corisande d'Andouins — Correspondence of Jeanne with Charles IX. —
Her letters to the viscount de Gourdon — Renewal of the civil war in
Erance — Jeanne retires to Pau — Scandal current respecting queen
Jeanne — Condition of the country — Battle of St Denis — Conde be-
sieges Chartres — Catherine tenders an offer of peace, which is ac-
cepted by Conde — Terms of the peace of Chartres — The inhabitants
of La Rochelle refuse to make submission to Charles IX. — The in-
surgent barons of Beam request the intercession of Catherine de
Medici — The queen sends Fenelon to intercede on their behalf — Reply
of the queeu of Navarre to the ambassador's suit — The barons sur-
render themselves — Their audience of queen Jeanne — Jeanne sends a
gentleman of her chamber to king Charles with suggestions for a
permanent peace — She assembles the states of her principality — Their
loyal deportment — Catherine de Medici attempts to surprise Conde
and the insurgent leaders — Plight of Conde from Noyers — Its conse-
quences — Commencement of the third civil contest — Plot discovered
by the queen of Navarre for the abduction of the prince of Navarre — ■
Jeanne determines to espouse the cause of the princes — She repairs
to Nerac — Correspondence with the marshal de Montluc — Her in-
terview with Fenelon — Her letter to the viscount de Gourdon —
Her flight from Nerac — Her journey and safe arrival at Bergerac
— Montluc pursues the queen — Jeanne's letter to Charles IX. —
Her letters to the cardinal de Bourbon and to queen Catherine —
Edict issued by the king, totally suppressing the reformed worship
throughout Erance — Procession of the court to Notre Dame de Paris
— Queen Jeanne proceeds to Archiac — Her meeting with Conde and
CONTENTS. xiii
the confederate barons — Entry of the queen of Navarre into La
Rochelle 250— 2S9
CHAPTER IX.
Queen Jeanne grants audience to the municipality of La Rochelle —
Speech of prince Henry — His popularity — Anecdote of the young
prince — Fac-simile of his handwriting — Jeanne presides at a council
of state — Conde is proclaimed generalissimo of the Huguenot forces
— The queen undertakes the government of La Rochelle, and the
management of the finances of the confederate princes — She sends an
embassage to queen Elizabeth — Her letter — Elizabeth's reply— She
presents queen Jeanne with a subsidy — Rapid progress of the Hu-
fuenot arms — Renewed revolt of the barons of Beam — Decree issued
y the king of France, confiscating the principality of Beam, with its
dependencies — Military measures adopted by Jeanne d'Albret for the
suppression of the revolt — The army of the Viscounts — Catherine
makes overtures of peace to Conde — She despatches Portal to the
camp — Conde's reply — Jeanne's letter to Catherine de Medici — Pro-
gress of hostilities — Battle of Jaraac — Death of Conde — Coligny
effects his retreat to St Jean d'Angely — Grief of the army — Queen
Jeanne arrives in the camp, with the prince of Navarre and Conde's
son — Her oration to the army — Its enthusiasm — Prince Henry is pro-
claimed general-in-chief, under the guidance of Coligny — Te Deum
chanted in Paris for the victory of Jarnac — Jeanne applies to queen
Elizabeth for aid — Her letter to the queen — Correspondence of Jeanne
d'Albret with Marie de Cleves — Advance of the duke de Deux-Ponts
— Junction of the German levies with the forces of the confederates —
Troubles in Beam — Jeanne nominates Montgommery her lieutenant-
general — Entry of Terride into Beam — He subjugates the whole of
Beam — Siege of Navarreins — March of Montgommery into the princi-
pality — His successful progress — Joined by the army of the Viscounts
— Combat at La Roche Abeille — Decrees issued by the parliament of
Paris, setting a price upon the Admiral's head — The queen of Na-
varre, her son, and Conde are specially exempted from the decree, by
command of king Charles — Storm and sack of the town of Orthez —
Montgommery takes the revolted barons prisoners — He marches upon
Pau — Flight of de Navailles, its governor — His assassination — Trans-
port of the people of Beam on receiving queen Jeanne's lieutenant —
Montgommery re-establishes the council of state — Death of the six
barons is resolved upon — Their execution — The whole of the terri-
tories of the queen of Navarre submit to her lieutenant-general, the
count de Montgommery 290 — 323
CHAPTER X.
Measures adopted by Montgommery in Beam — His summons to the in-
habitants of Lower Navarre — Their submission — Arrest of Bassillon
X1Y CONTENTS.
—His assassination— Battle of Moncontour— Coligny is wounded—
Arrival of queen Jeanne at Niort— Her defence of Coligny— Holds a
council of war — Jeanne proposes a plan of campaign — Dissensions of
the court— The queen returns to La Rochelle— She causes the New,
Testament to be translated in the Basque dialect— Plot to surprise
La Rochelle— Revolt of the town of Tarbes— Its bloody suppression
by Montamar— The queen publishes an edict, banishing Roman Ca-
tholic ecclesiastics from her dominions— The Romish faith is re-
nounced by the majority of the queen's subjects at Beam— Capitula-
tion of St Jean d'An'gely— Discontent of the French nobles— Catherine
despatches Castelnau to the queen of Navarre with propositions for
peace — Jeanne's cautious reply — She despatches a courier to the camp
of the princes— Articles of peace are forwarded by the queen and
princes for the assent of king Charles— Jeanne's embassy to the court
of France— Charles rejects the demands of the princes— He proposes
other terms of peace— Second embassage sent by Jeanne to the court
—Mission of the marshal de Biron to La Rochelle— Catherine medi-
ates in favour of the baron de Luxe— Letter of Lansac to queen
Catherine — Jeanne refuses to pardon the baron, or to reverse his at-
tainder—Victory gained by La Noue at Ste Gemme— La Noue is
dangerously wounded — He suffers amputation of the arm at the prayer
of the queen — Jeanne's courageous deportment — She is in danger of
being captured by the king's lieutenant, Puy Gailliard— Progress of
the campaign— Discontent of Charles IX.— His anger against his
mother and his brother— Catherine finds herself compelled to make
renewed overtures for peace — She nominates ambassadors to sign a
peace at St Germain— Its articles— The peace proclaimed at La Ro-
chelle in presence of the queen— Public distrust and despondency-
Anxieties of the queen of Navarre— She refuses to visit the court—
Her letter to Charles IX.— Menacing deportment of the Huguenot
leaders— Catherine invites the queen of Navarre to visit the court,
on the occasion of the king's marriage festivities — Jeanne declines
the honour— Embassage of Cosse to La Rochelle— His proposals-
Marriage proposed between the prince of Navarre and Marguerite de
Valois— Reply of queen Jeanne— She nominates envoys to proceed to
the court— Charles's gracious deportment and assurances— He sanc-
tions the holding of a Synod of ministers at La Rochelle— Marriage
of Coligny— Incidents connected with that event— Jeanne presides at
the Synod— Its acts— She publishes the New Testament in the Basque
dialect— Embassy of the marshal de Biron— Negotiations for the mar-
riage between the prince of Navarre and madame Marguerite —
Jeanne's excessive disinclination to negotiate this alliance— Her ex-
cuses and procrastination — Remonstrances of the ambassador— De-
tails of the interview— Coligny is invited by the king to repair to
court— His decision— Remonstrances of queen Jeanne and the princes
—His honourable reception by king Charles and restoration to his
dignities and offices— Departure of Jeanne d'Albret from La Rochelle
forPa'u 323-354
CONTENTS. xv
CHAPTEE XI.
Rumours of the alliance between Henry and Marguerite at court — Its
reception by the princess Marguerite — Her aversion to the proposal
— Beauty of Marguerite de Valois — Her portraits — Details of her
attachment to the duke de Guise — Marriage of the duke with the
princesse de Porcien — Illness of Marguerite — Her resentment — Pro-
gress of the queen of Navarre through her dominions — Her entry
into Pau— Revises her code of laws — Her correspondence with the
viscount de Gourdon — She constructs the chateau de Castel-Beziat
for her daughter, madame Catherine — Attitude of the French court — ■
Correspondence of the queen with Coliguy — Arrival of the marshal de
Biron on a special embassy to Pau — Renewed discussions on the union
of Henry and Marguerite — Queen Jeanne refers the matter to her
council of state — Decision of the council — Grief of the queen of Na-
varre on giving her assent to the marriage — Her letter to king Charles
— She journeys to Nerac — Summons the nobility of Foix, Beam, and
Navarre to a conference at Nerac — Her advice to her son — She re-
ceives the allegiance of her subjects of Lectoure — Queen Jeanne bids
farewell to her son — Her distress and anxiety of mind — She proceeds
to Blois — Her suite — She sojourns at Biron — Her letter to the prince
of Navarre — Her meeting at Vendome with the legate Alexandrini —
Deportment of Charles IX. — Dissensions between the king, and his
mother, and brother — Queen Jeanne sojourns at Tours until after the
departure of the legate — Is visited by queen Catherine and the court
— Negotiations on the marriage — Catherine's demands are rejected by
the queen of Navarre — Correspondence with the prince of Navarre —
Gracious deportment of Marguerite de Valois — Correspondence of
Jeanne with the baron de Beauvoir and others — Her letter to the
prince of Navarre — Fac-simile of the handwriting of Jeanne d'Albret
— The queen journeys to Blois — Her cordial reception by king Charles
— Details of her interview with the king — Insulting demeanour of
Catherine de Medici — Her insincerity in the negotiation — Her de-
mands — Resolute deportment of the queen of Navarre — Jeanne's
letter to her son — Her complaints of the court — Her anger at the
treatment to which she is subjected — She intimates to the queen-
mother her intention to arrest the journey of the prince, her son, to
the court — Anger of Catherine de Medici — Her instructions to the
prince of Navarre — Henry's love and confidence in his mother — He
returns to Pau — Resumption of the negotiation — The king forbids his
mother to interfere more in the affairs — Deputies are nominated to
discuss the marriage articles — Jeanne's interview with queen Eliza-
beth's ambassadors — Her perplexity — The king and queen-mother
continue to urge the presence of the prince of Navarre at Blois —
Jeanne steadily refuses her assent to the journey of the prince — De-
liberation of the deputies — Catherine still continues to influence the
proceedings — Displeasure of the king — He suddenly resolves to be-
stow his sister upon Henry without conditions, provided that the
prince of Navarre repairs to court to espouse Marguerite — Reluctant
xvi CONTENTS.
assent given by Jeanne d'Albret — Ai - ticles of the marriage contract
between Henry and Marguerite — The cardinal de Lorraine applies
to Rome for a dispensation authorizing the marriage — Refusal of
Pius V. to sanction the union — Rage of the king — He refuses per-
mission to the queen of Navarre to retire to Vendome pending
the negotiation with the Holy See— Failing health of the queen of
Navarre 354—390
CHAPTER XII.
Letter sent to queen Elizabeth by the queen of Navarre — Illness of the
princess Catherine of Navarre — Distress of queen Jeanne — She inter-
cedes for Charlotte de Bourbon, abbess de Jouarre — Arrival of the
dispensation authorizing the marriage between Henry and Marguerite
— Queen Jeanne summons her son — She consults the Calvinist minis-
ters on the ceremonial to be observed at the nuptial ceremony — She
departs from Blois — Her sojourn at Vendome — Her correspondence
with mademoiselle de Bourbon — Arrival of the queen in Paris — She
takes up her abode in the Hotel de Conde — Failing condition of her
health — Her occupations — Her illness — Nature of the queen's malady
— Her resignation— Her last interviews with Coligny and others —
Her message to her daughter — Death of Jeanne d'Albret — Her de-
cease supposed to have been occasioned by poison — Examination of
her remains — Its result — Ceremony of her lying in state — Funeral
obsequies of queen Jeanne — The intelligence of his mother's death
reaches prince Henry at Chaunay — Illness of the king of Navarre —
Epitaph and tomb of the queen of Navarre in the cathedral church of
Vendome — Homage rendered to the memory of Jeanne d'Albret —
Eulogiums on her character and virtues — Epigram composed in her
honour — Bequests made by queen Jeanne in her will — Her device and
motto — Her benefactions — Portraits of the queen of Navarre — Con-
sternation occasioned by her decease — Deportment of Coligny and the
Huguenot chieftains — Arrival of the king of Navarre in Paris — Mar-
riage of Henry and Marguerite — Attempted assassination of the ad-
miral de Coligny — The massacre of St Bartholomew — Letter of the
cardinal de Lorraine to Charles IX 390 — 416
THE
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
CHAPTEE I.
1528—1545.
Birth of Jeanne d'Albret — Baptism of the princess — Her sponsors — The bail-
live de Caen appointed governess to the princess — Her education — Favour
shown towards Jeanne by Francis I.- — Affection of the princess for her uncle
— Departure of the king and queen of Navarre into Beam — Refusal of
Francis to permit the princess Jeanne to accompany her parents — The king's
reasons for that act — King Francis announces his intention to betroth the
princess Jeanne to the duke of Orleans — Establishment of the princess at
Plessis-les-Tours — Details respecting her household— Character of Jeanne
d'Albret— Illness of the princess — Fraucoise de Rohan — Melancholy of the
princess— Her aversion to Plessis — Arrival of the duke of Cleves at the
court of France — Francis designs to wed the princess to the duke — Her dis-
approval of the project — She quits Plessis — Her haughty reception of the
duke of Cleves — Arrival of the princess at Alencjon — Anger of queen Mar-
guerite at her daughter's conduct — Francis commands the solemnization of
the betrothment — Protest of the princess Jeanne — Ceremony of the affiancing
performed at Alem;on by the bishop of Seez- — Second protest of the princess —
Arrival of queen Marguerite with the princess Jeanne at Chatellerault, and cere-
mony of Jeanne's marriage with the duke of Cleves — Fetes given on the
occasion — Jeanne retires with her mother to Pau — Her pursuits — Contest of
the duke of Cleves with the emperor Charles V. — Issue of the war — Francis
prepares to succour the duke — He summons the princess to the camp in
order to present her to her consort — Passionate grief evinced by the princess
Jeanne at this command — Her arrival at Soissons — The duke of Cleves re-
nounces his alliance with Francis I., and makes peace with the emperor —
Terms of his treaty with Charles V. — The journey of the princess arrested
by command of the king — She retires to Fontainebleau — Francis decrees the
dissolution of the marriage between the duke of Cleves and his niece — Suit
made to Rome for the purpose — The duke of Cleves petitions Pope Paul
III. to grant a divorce — A third protest made by the princess at Alen^on —
Her favour with Francis I. — She becomes one of the sponsors of the princess
Elizabeth, eldest daughter of the dauphin Henry — Jeanne quits the court,
and repairs to Plessis-les-Tours — Her fourth and final protest against her
marriage with the duke of Cleves— Ceremonial observed on the occasion —
Dissolution of the marriage between the duke of Cleves and the princess is
pronounced by the Dope, and registered by the parliament of Paris.
1
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
Jeanne d'Aleeet was born in the palace of Fontainebleau
on the 7th day of January, 1528.
She was the eldest child of Henry II., King of Navarre,
and of Marguerite d' Angouleme, sister of Francis I., King of
France. At the period of Jeanne's birth, Marguerite was re-
siding at Fontainebleau with her mother, Louise de Savoye
duchesse d' Angouleme, the king of Navarre being absent from
his consort, on pressing affairs connected with the levying of
finances in the duchy of Berry, for the government of his
brother-in-law, king Francis. Throughout the period of her
pregnancy the health of Marguerite occasioned serious alarm
to her royal relatives ; and her depression of spirits defeated
the unremitting endeavours of her physician, the learned Maitre
Jehan Groinret, to afford her alleviation.
Queen Marguerite's anxiety was occasioned by her un-
avoidable separation from her brother ; and by her distress at
the adverse condition of public affairs, when her own failing
health prevented her from offering to the king that political
aid and consolation which the attachment subsisting between
them prompted. At the time when the birth of Marguerite's
infant was expected, the armies of Francis in league with
Henry VIII. king of England, and with pope Clement VII.,
were ravaging Italy. The treaty of Madrid — that most unjust
and arbitrary of compacts — not meeting with implicit accept-
ance by Francis and his people, on the king's return from cap-
tivity in 1526, the emperor Charles V. had angrily rejected
compromise ; and, detaining in rigorous captivity the young
dauphin and his brother the duke of Orleans, again commenced
an exterminating warfare on the plains of Italy, in opposition
to the armies of the League, fighting under the French and
Papal banners.
Constant was the correspondence maintained at this time
between the royal brother and sister, both in prose and in
verse. 1 Marguerite cherished the hope that Francis would
find leisure to quit Paris, and the political conferences which
so greatly absorbed him, in time to receive her expected babe
at its birth.
A few days only before her accouchement, the queen wrote
thus to her brother : — " I assure you, Monseigneur, that the
fear I feel at the result of my approaching trial — which I dread
as much as, for many reasons, I earnestly desire it — is almost
converted into certain hope, seeing that my sorrow so affects
you, that to relieve it, you would even sacrifice the health so
1 Life of Marguerite d' Angouleme, queen of Navarre, vol. i.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 3
dear to me ; and in comparison of which I esteem my life as
nothing : nor can I endure pain so great as that which would
befall me, did any harm happen to you. I hope, nevertheless,
that God will permit me to see you before my hour arrives :
but if this happiness is not to be mine, I will cause your letter
to be read to me, instead of the life of Sainte Marguerite ; as,
being written by your hand, it will not fail to inspire me with
courage. I cannot, however, believe that my child will pre-
sume to be born without your command ; to the last, therefore,
I shall eagerly expect your much desired arrival." l The pres-
sure of public aft'airs permitted not the king's absence from
Paris : he, however, despatched Goinret and his first physician,
Noel Barnard, to remain with his sister until she was conva-
lescent : both of these learned doctors were in attendance on
Francis himself whose health, since his illness at Madrid, had
never recovered vigour. On Tuesday, January 7th, queen
Marguerite was safely delivered of a daughter, in the presence
of the duchesse d'Angouleme, who received the babe in her
arms from the midwife. There were also present at the birth
of the princess Jeanne, Madame de Silly, baillive de Caen, 2
and Madame la Senechale de Grammont, ladies of honour to
the queen of Navarre ; also a woman of the bed-chamber, who
bears the singular appellation of Madame Dartigaloube. A
courier was despatched to carry the happy tidings of the birth
of his infant niece, and the safety of his sister, to Francis ;
whose anxiety on this occasion is represented to have been ex-
cessive. The king wrote letters of congratulation in return to
Marguerite, conveying the gratifying assurance that her child
would henceforth hold the same place in his affection as did
his own daughters, Mesdames Madelaine, and Marguerite de
France — a promise which Francis ever afterwards faithfully
remembered.
The king of Navarre, at the period of his daughter's birth,
was sojourning in the town of Bourges, in Berry. A missive
from the duchesse d'Angouleme apprized him of his consort's
safety. Never Avas intelligence received with more thankful
joy ; for the precarious health of Marguerite had occasioned
Henry serious solicitude.
Queen Marguerite's faithful friend Aymee de la Fayette,
baillive de Caen, was appointed governess to the infant princess.
At a very early period of her existence, Jeanne began to dis-
play symptoms of the energetic temperament for which she
1 Life of Marguerite d'Angouleme, -vol. ii. p. 42.
8 Aymee de la Fayette, widow of Francois de Silly, seigneur de Lonray,
and de Fay, gentleman of the chamber to the king, bailiff and captain of Caen.
4 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
was afterwards so renowned ; and her royal mother was con-
tinually cheered during the period of her convalescence, by
reports of the vigorous health and the beauty of the new-born
babe. When Jeanne was little more than nine days old, she
was privately baptized in the chapel of the Holy Trinity, in the
palace of Fontainebleau. Her sponsors were king Francis —
who was represented by proxy ; the duchesse d'Angouleme ;
and one of the sisters of the king of Navarre, probably Madame
Isabel d'Albret, Henry's favourite sister. The unsettled state
of public affairs, and the absence of the king, prevented any
display of pomp on this occasion. The little Jeanne, moreover,
was not a royal daughter of France ; neither, at the period of
her birth, did it appear probable that she would eventually in-
herit the territories and royal title of her ancient house. Con-
sequently, there has been no official record preserved of the
solemnities observed on the occasion of her baptism.
The nativity of the princess Jeanne de Navarre, meantime,
gave occasion to many jests and sarcasms amongst the Spanish
people ; who were at once the most independent and obsequi-
ous of the varied races which acknowledged the sway of the
emperor Charles V. The resentment of the Spanish against
king Francis, for his evasion of the treaty of Madrid, exceeded
all bounds. By this treaty, Francis had pledged himself not
to afford the king of Navarre aid or countenance, in his endea-
vours to re-conquer the kingdom of Spanish Navarre ; which
had been wrested from Henry's mother, Catherine, by the
victorious arms of Ferdinand the Catholic, in virtue of a papal
interdict, launched in 1512, by Julius II., — a pontiff, whose
savage enthusiasm for war sent dismay to the heart of the
most ardent of Rome's adherents. This stipulation, which so
deeply affected the interests of the new-born princess, like the
remaining clauses of the treaty, remained unfulfilled. Francis,
nevertheless, carefully supported his rejection of the various
articles of the treaty, with the formalities which so grave a
decision required ; and the refusal to put into execution each
stipulation was skilfully made to emanate from the parties
most concerned by its import, rather than from the fiat of
Francis himself. Thus, a few weeks before the birth of Jeanne,
a summons from the privy-council was addressed to her father
in conformity with the treaty of Madrid, requiring the king to
execute a deed renouncing the ancient heritage of his house in
favour of the emperor, and his heirs for ever ; and also to
relinquish the title of king of Navarre. As Francis expected,
Henri d'Albret returned a peremptory refusal to these de-
mands. In his answer, which is addressed to the privy-coun-
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLEKET. 5
cil, Henry declared, " that, desiring above all things to give
contentment to the king, if a demand had been made to him
to cede his personal wealth to the said sieur the king, he would
give his Majesty carte blanche to dispose of that at pleasure ;
but he prayed his Majesty to consider that these were demands
which concerned the ancient patrimony of the House of Na-
varre ; the which, as he could not relinquish them without in-
curring the just reprobation of his heirs and successors, he
prayed the said sieur the king, not to take ill his positive re-
fusal to comply with such a proposal." l The indignation of the
emperor was great ; and he made many scoffing observations
on the improbability that any serious command addressed by
the sovereign of France to his subject, the prince of Beam,
would be met by defiance so determined. The birth of Henry's
child, the presumptive heiress of his claims on Spanish Navarre,
was. therefore, far from affording satisfaction to Charles. His
dislike for queen Marguerite, added to his knowledge of the
power that she exercised over her brother's mind, increased
the emperor's disquietude. " Milagro ! la vaca liizo una
oveja!" satirically exclaimed Charles's subjects, when they
heard of the birth of the princess Jeanne ; in allusion to the
arms of Beam, which quartered two cows on a field or. The
usual soubriquet which the Spaniards gave to Henri d'Albret,
was that of el vaquero — the cowherd. 2
When Jeanne was a month old she was committed to the
care of the baillive de Caen, who departed with her charge
from Fontainebleau to Lonray, a castle close to Alencon.
This was Madame de Silly's residence, when not in attendance
on her royal mistress. The constitution of the princess was
strong and healthy. Her courage, as she grew older, astonish-
ed every one ; and her frolicsome disposition kept her qouver-
nante in a state of perpetual excitement. In accordance with
the wise directions of queen Marguerite, none of the vexatious
restrictions, which in those days surrounded the children of
royal personages, were suffered to depress the joyous disposi-
tion of the little Jeanne. Her childhood was spent in pleasant
companionship with the children of Madame de Silly : living
at a distance from the court, the character of the princess suf-
fered no injury from the homage which there would have sur-
rounded Marguerite's daughter, child as she was ; while her
principles sustained not the shock of earlier initiation with the
profligacy of the courtiers. Often did Madame de Silly speak
to Jeanne of her royal mother ; she told her of Marguerite's
1 MS. Bibliotht-que Royale.— Inedited.
2 Cayet, Chrou. Novenaire, p. 105.
G LIFE OF JEANNE B ALBRET.
goodness, of the love which every one bore her, and of the
queen's efforts, when at Madrid, to procure the libei'ation of
king Francis from captivity. These lessons sank deep into the
heart of the princess ; her veneration for her mother became,
at length, a leading trait of her character, and influenced many
important events of her subsequent life.
"When the princess Jeanne had attained the age of two
years and a half, queen Marguerite gave birth, at Blois, to a
son, July, 1530. The infant was sent to Lonray, to be brought
up by the baillive de Caen ; but, to the grief of his parents,
the prince survived only five months, and died at Alencon, in
the arms of queen Marguerite. By this event, Jeanne again
recovered her position, as heiress presumptive of Navarre and
Beam. But, fortunate would it have been for her had it never
been her fate to succeed to a heritage contested from her birth ;
and fraught with perils during the troublous days impending
over France.
Jeanne remained at Lonray until she had completed her
fifth year. During this period she made occasional visits to
the court of her uncle at St Germain, who caressed the beauti-
ful child, and so overwhelmed her with indulgences, that, but
for her noble disposition, this favour might have proved most
injurious. The king of Navarre, likewise, took great pride in
his little youthful daughter, and never tired of watching her
infantine sports. The little madame Jeanne, therefore, the
darling and plaything of her royal father, and of her uncle, was
distinguished at court by the name of la mignonne des rois ; l
and the greatest nobles of the kingdom requested, as an espe-
cial favour, that their own daughters might be selected as com-
panions for the youthful princess.
After the decease of the duchesse d'Angouleme, in 1531,
Marguerite and her husband announced their intention to
leave the court of France for a season, and to reside within
their own dominions at Pan. Henry's frequent residence at
St Germain was a necessity entailed by his alliance with the
sister of his sovereign ; though the obligation was not the less
felt by him to be one intolerably irksome. The amour-propre
of the king of Navarre was continually wounded by a sense of
his dependence on the will of his brother-in-law. He felt that
his royal rank scarce gave him pre-eminence over the princely
aristocracy which thronged the court of Francis ; for the king,
while he shared his diadem with Marguerite, reluctantly per-
mitted king Henry to receive the homage which the latter de-
1 Caret, Chron. Novenaire
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 7
rived from his proximity to the throne. With jealous in-
dignation, Francis repressed any disposition, on the part of the
king of Navarre, to exercise conjugal influence over the actions
of Marguerite. While sojourning in the royal palaces of the
Valois, Francis willed that La Marguerite des Marguerites
should acknowledge no other sceptre than his own ; yet pro-
found as was the attachment which the queen of Navarre felt
for the king, she often voluntarily retired from the French
court, and sought, in her husband's society, a happiness more
tranquil, and, probably, more complete than that which she
partook of amid the pageantries she shared with her brother.
Marguerite, therefore, yielded cordial assent to her hus-
band's desire to visit his dominions. She had, moreover, im-
portant private reasons for quitting Paris ; 1 and so urgently
did she entreat the permission of the king, that Francis at
length reluctantly signified his consent to the departure of the
royal pair. As Marguerite and her husband contemplated a
residence of eighteen months in Beam, it was their desire to
take the princess Jeanne and present her to. her future sub-
jects. Francis, however, peremptorily refused to allow the
princess to leave his kingdom ; and he declared that her edu-
cation must be completed in France, under his own direction.
The persuasions of her brother prevailed upon Marguerite to
declare her acquiescence in this design. Her devotion to the
will of Francis never swerved ; she was, besides, sensible of the
many advantages which must follow this virtual adoption of
her daughter by the king. Not so, however, the king of Na-
varre. He was aware that the motive which prompted Francis
to this arbitrary act was distrust of his fidelity to the interests
of France. Jeanne was the presumptive heiress of her father's
dominions, in the south of France — comprehending the princi-
pality of Beam, and the counties of Foix, Armagnac, Albret,
Bigorre, and Comminges. She would inherit Henry's claims
to the kingdom of Upper Navarre, usurped by the crown of
Spain ; also the title of queen. Henry's extreme desire to re-
cover the territory so unjustly appropriated was known to
king Francis ; as well as the indignation which his brother-in-
law felt, that his interests had been so disregarded during the
conferences of Cambray, and in preceding negotiations. The
policy of the Emperor Charles aimed always at decreasing the
power of his popular rival by fomenting civil dissensions
throughout France ; and by kindling discord in the cabinet.
The rumour, therefore, had gradually gained ground — partly
* Life of Marguerite d'Angouleme, vol. ii. p. 156.
8 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
owing to the silence of the imperial ambassador, resident in
Paris ; and partly by the well-known coldness subsisting be-
tween the king of Navarre and king Francis — that secret
overtures had been made to Henry by the emperor, for the
betrothal of the princess Jeanne to his eldest son, Philip,
prince of the Asturias ; when, in favour of this alliance,
Charles had professed himself willing to make present and ad-
vantageous concessions to the house of Albret. The onlv con-
dition insisted on by the emperor was reported to be, that
Jeanne should receive her education at Toledo, with her future
consort. Marguerite in vain endeavoured to persuade the
king that this rumour was without foundation ; and that her
husband was incapable of so disloyal an action as that of con-
fiding his daughter, and presumptive heiress, to the guardian-
ship of the emperor. But Francis, believing that Marguerite
was likewise deceived, steadily adhered to his resolution of not
permitting his niece to approach the Spanish frontier. It is
probable, however, that the suspicion of Francis was then
needlessly excited, and that no direct overtures had been made
to king Henry relative to the marriage of his daughter with
the prince of the Asturias. The succession of the prin-
cess to her father's dominions was, at this period, doubtful ;
and in the event of the birth of a male heir to the heritage of
Albret, Jeanne's alliance would have been considered scarcely
brilliant enough for the future sovereign of Spain, and its de-
pendencies.
Having procured the consent of Marguerite to the per-
manent establishment of the princess Jeanne in France, the
king coldly signified to Henry his irrevocable decision on the
subject ; but, to give a certain sanction to this arbitrary
exercise of his royal prerogative, Francis informed the king of
Navarre that it was his intention to bestow the princess in
marriage on his second son, Henry, duke of Orleans. This
project received Marguerite's cordial assent; the alliance was
also one highly acceptable to the king of Navarre, despite the
unceremonious manner in which king Francis took upon him-
self to dispose of his niece. The young duke had entered his
thirteenth year, and seemed, in every respect, a suitable consort
for Jeanne ; while the probable reversion of the territories of
the house of Albret, with a revenue of six hundred thousand
crowns, formed a magnificent appanage in prospect for the
second prince of the blood royal. " Monsieur d'Orleans,
although his temper is somewhat reserved and melancholy,
already gives evidence of great good sense and judgment,"
writes the Venetian ambassador, Marino Giustiniano ; " he is
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 9
destined for the daughter of the queen of Navarre, who, jointly
with her husband, possesses a revenue of 600,000 crowns." 1 It
is uncertain whether any formal ceremony of betrothment
passed between the youthful pair before the departure of the
king and queen of Navarre for Beam: no official record is
extant ; but, as the alliance was never accomplished, it is possi-
ble that such a document may have been destroyed by command
of the king, on the marriage, in 1533, of the duke of Orleans
with Catherine de Medici. Had the good and noble-minded
Jeanne d'Albret ascended the throne of France when that
brilliant heritage fell to the duke of Orleans, by the prema-
ture decease of his elder brother, instead of the Italian
princess, whose alliance was hastily sought to further the king's
short-sighted policy respecting the Milanese, France might
have been spared the anarchy and the bloodshed with which
the latter half of the 16th century — that dark episode in her
history — abounds.
As queen Marguerite expressed a decided objection to leave
her daughter at the court of France, it was decided by the
king that the royal castle of Plessis-les-Tours should be assigned
as a permanent residence for the princess Jeanne. The greater
part of the household expenses of the princess, Francis took
upon himself to defray ; an arrangement of strict equity, as
the king had insisted that she should hold separate state, apart
from her royal parents. Madame de Silly, baillive de Caen,
was nominated chief lady of honour, and governess to the
princess. The poet, Nicholas de Bourbon, 2 received the
appointment of preceptor to Jeanne. It was his duty to teach
the princess languages, belles-lettres, and poetry ; an art in
which she never attained the proficiency of her mother, queen
Marguerite. King Francis appointed two chaplains to instruct
his niece in her religious duties and in theology ; they formed
part of her household, and were placed under the control of
Pierre du Chatel, bishop of Tulle and Macon. This illustrious
prelate seems to have been associated with the baillive of Caen
in directing the education of the princess Jeanne. M. d'Izernay
was appointed steward of the household of the princess at
Plessis. She had, moreover, a certain number of companions of
1 Relations dcs ambassadeurs Venetiens sur les affaires de France au 16eme
siecle, recueillies par Tommasio. Relation de Marino Giustiniano, ambassadeur
en 1.535, t. i. p. 105.
? The poet Nicholas de Bourbon was born in 1503, at Vendoeuvres, a village
near to Langres. He was the son of a master blacksmith. The talent dis-
played by the young poet soon gained him powerful patrons. Francis I. gave
him a post about the palace, and he had only attained the age of 29 when the
queen of Navarre appointed him preceptor to her daughter.
10 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
her own age ; a master of the horse, tirewomen, and many other
subordinate attendants. Jeanne took up her abode at Plessis
about the beginning of the year 1532, soon after the departure
of her mother into Beam.
Until the year 1537 all went on prosperously with Jeanne
in her lonely state at Plessis. She made rapid improvement in
learning ; and the truthfulness of her character developed
itself. The fault which her preceptress had to contend against
was the obstinacy of her temper. Once resolved on any
subject, the youthful Jeanne, undeterred by the fear of punish-
ment, and not to be subdued by remonstrances or persuasion,
always carried her point. Sometimes she found it expedient to
temporize ; but she unvaryingly resumed her project at the
first propitious opportunity. The freedom of her remarks to
her royal uncle, who visited Plessis as frequently as state
affairs permitted, excited the amazement, and often kindled the
alarm, of the good baillive de Caen. It was to her mother
alone that Jeanne testified the submission becoming to her age
and position ; for the pertinent remarks of the young princess
when reprimanded often occasioned discomposure to her in-
structors, and made them shrink from encountering her witty
and sharp retorts.
At the commencement of the year 1538, Jeanne's paternal
aunt and godmother, the princess Isabel d'Albret, viscountess
de Rohan, came to reside at Plessis. The pecuniary affairs of
the viscount de Rohan were much involved ; and had it not
been for the generous offer of queen Marguerite to afford a
home at Plessis to Madame de Rohan and her children, the
viscount's reverse of fortune would have entailed ruin on his
family. The two eldest sons of the viscount were placed by
Marguerite amongst the pages of the dauphin ; his eldest
daughter, Francoise, the queen adopted as her own child.
She caused her to be educated at Pau, under her own immediate
control ; an advantage which the jealous umbrage of Prancis
had denied to the princess Jeanne. When Marguerite visited
the Prench court, la petite Francoise — as Mademoiselle de
Rohan was called by her royal relatives — was sent to Plessis,
to pass the interval in her cousin's society. Possibly Pran-
coise, when there, often sighed to be restored to the gentle
guidance of her aunt ; and to resume her place again amongst
the noble damsels, whom Marguerite, when resident at Pau or
Nerac, condescended to instruct with her own lips. Prancoise
seems occasionally to have received very unceremonious treat-
ment from the hands of the youthful Jeanne, who already be-
gan to testify supreme indifference, and even contempt, for
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 11
those amongst her companions whose disposition she con-
sidered to be 'weak and vacillating. Steady rectitude of prin-
ciple, added to a disregard of consequences where truth was to
be supported or enforced, formed distinguishing traits of the
character of Marguerite's daughter, even during her childhood.
The temperament of Framboise de Rohan Avas the very opposite
of that other cousin. Gentle, timid, and dependent, she shrank
from contest of any description ; and was always ready to yield
a point, rather than combat it. Sometimes Jeanne's vivacity
of disposition surpassed her courtesy to her gentle cousin ; and
in their childish pastimes Erancoise used to receive severe
chastisement from the hand of the princess, for her want of
self-command and energy. When the queen of Navarre re-
turned into Beam, she usually visited Plessis to take leave of
the princess. On one of these occasions, before Marguerite's
departure, a poetical epistle of farewell was composed to pre-
sent to the princess, each lady of the queen's suite writing a
verse. Mademoiselle de Rohan, who was to return with the
queen, also contributed her share ; she there alludes to her
cousin's propensity for administering wholesome castigation.
But for the youth of " la petite Franchise," her lines might be
considered as written with satirical point. She says in her
address to the princess : —
Plus j'ay de toy souvent este battue,
Plus mon amour s'esforce et s'evertue
De regreter ceste main, qui me bat :
Car ce mal la m'estoit plaisant esbat.
Or adieu done la main, dont la rigueur,
Je preferois ii tout bien et honneur ! '
The writers of the remaining verses are, Madame de Clermont,
Madame de Benestaye, Madame Dartigaloube, Madame de
Brueil, Madame de Saint Pather, and the Senechale de Gram-
mont, 2 and her daughter. This latter lady was the favourite
companion and friend of the princess Jeanne, who deeply re-
gretted her departure into Gascony. Catherine d' Aster was
several years older than Jeanne ; and, like all the members of
her illustrious family, she was distinguished for superior abili-
ties. In her valedictory verse Catherine speaks of the proba-
bility of her own early marriage, and of that of the princess ;
1 Les adieux des dames de chez la royne de Navarre allant en Gascogne a
Madame la Princesse de Navarre. — Marguerites de la Marguerite des Prin-
cesses.
2 Claire de Grammont, heiress of the noble house of de Grammont, and
niece of the celebrated Gabriel de Grammont, cardinal bishop of Tarbes.
Claire espoused Menhauld d' Aster, viscount d'Aure, who assumed the name
and arms of Grammont
12 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
which, considering that Jeanne had only attained her eleventh
year, and Mademoiselle de Grammont her fourteenth, shows
that the princess already believed herself to have reached
woman's estate, and conversed accordingly with her friend.
Mademoiselle de Grammont's farewell is pretty and energetic.
She writes thus :
Je te requievs que me Teuilles permettre,
Que non adieu icy je puisse mettre.
A Dieu je clis eelle, dont la presence
J'ay desire depuis la mienne enfance;
Et main tenant que j'ay reiju ce bien !
Te perdre de veiie et ne scay pour combien.
Car un mary ou toy, ou moy prendra,
Dont eslongner ta veiie me faudra.
Mais j'ay espoir que ceux que nous prendront,
En liberte plus grande nous rendront
De nous revoir ; et quoy qu'il advienne,
Je te requiers que de moy te souvienne.
Car quelque part que tu ailles, ira,
Et vive ou morte a jamais t'aymera
Ta Catherine, estant d'Aste nommt'e,
Qui de regret est quasi assomee ! '
As soon as queen Marguerite and her train departed, a fit
of profound melancholy overpowered the princess Jeanne. The
loss of her two young companions, Mesdemoiselles de Rohan,
and de Grammont, seems to have greatly affected her; for
Jeanne, despite her occasional brusquerie of deportment, had a
very affectionate disposition, and became sincerely attached to
those whom she thought worthy of her regard. Her separa-
tion from her mother, likewise, was deeply felt by Jeanne ; nor
could she be appeased, even though it was represented to her
that her royal uncle, Francis I., for reasons which she would
hereafter appreciate, had decreed this painful parting. Jeanne
was now past the age of childhood ; her education, with its se-
vere study and philosophical bias, had prematurely developed
her character. She had intense veneration for justice and con-
sistency ; and then, as throughout her life, no arbitrary dictum,
the lawfulness and expediency of which was not at once appar-
ent to her, had power to compel her submission. In vain the
poet Nicholas de Bourbon invited the princess to return to
her studies ; and the baillive de Caen reproved her for her re-
pinings, and the unseemly levity of her deportment towards
her royal uncle, whose letters she scarcely condescended to
answer. Jeanne passionately desired them to obtain for her
permission to rejoin her royal parents, which was her para-
mount desire ; or else to prevail upon the king to suffer her to
reside at the court of France. For hours together the princess
1 Marguerites de la Marguerite.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 13
wept in her lonely chamber at Plessis, listening to the wailing of
the wind as it swept through the dense forests which, at this
period, encircled the fortress-palace of Louis XI. The gloomy
courts of Plessis, bristling still with the terrible defences and
iron cages, in which that stern despot immured the helpless
victims of his tyranny, filled the sensitive mind of the princess
with dismay. JN"or could the internal splendour of the palace,
assigned for her home by her uncle, reconcile her to its gloom.
Jeanne eagerly listened to every fearful legend connected with
the past history of the castle. The magnificent hall of Plessis,
in which the ceremonies of betrothmeut of Francis I., when
duke de Valois, with the princess Claude of Prance had been
performed, brought reminiscences only, to the excited mind of
Jeanne, of the terrible interviews which King Louis had there
granted to the famed provost of his archers, Tristan l'Hermitte ;
whose victims had often knelt in mute agony on the marble
pavement at the feet of the inexorable monarch. When she
walked abroad yawning chasms marked the spots where Louis
had caused pitfalls to be constructed to defend the approaches
of his fortress-palace against unauthorized intruders. Even
the rushing waters of the Loire, in the morbid imagination of
the princess, echoed back the moans of the unhappy wretches
who had perished in its depths ; or had met with death at the
hands of the merciless provost and his archers, by hanging
from the boughs which shadowed the river's bank. In truth,
a more gloomy residence for his young niece than Plessis-les-
Tours king Francis could not have chosen throughout his
wide dominions. Daily, therefore, the depression of the prin-
cess grew darker ; and she sighed to find herself in a scene
more congenial with the lively tone of her mind, and surround-
ed by companions of her own age, who could share her pur-
suits. " Jeanne, the heiress of our Henry and Marguerite,"
says Olhagaray, the historian of Beam, 1 "was brought up in
France, at Plessis-les-Tours, which place her uncle, Francis L,
seldom permitted her to leave, because he feared that his
brother-in-law intended to bestow this princess on Philip, son
of the emperor. This abode proved very wearisome to our
princess, so that her chamber often echoed with her lamenta-
tions, and the air with her sighs, while she gave a loose rein to
her tears. The lustre of her complexion (for she was one of
the fairest princesses of Europe) was marred by the abundance
of her tears ; her hair floated negligently on her shoulders,
and her lips remained without smiles."
1 Olhagaray, Histoive de Foix, Bt'arn et Navarre, p. 503.
14 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
It was the fear lest the king of Navarre should bestow his
daughter's hand on prince Philip which induced Francis to
insist on Jeanne's residence at Plessis ; and, with habitual de-
ference to the commands of her brother, queen Marguerite
acquiesced in a separation from her daughter, knowing well
how vain it was to combat the will of the king. Already the
name of Philip of Spain was a sound of evil omen to Jeanne,
and shadowed her youthful clays, even as her future was em-
bittered by his baneful influence.
The alliance of his daughter with the heir of Spain pre-
sented great and dazzling advantages, of which the king of
Navarre was sensible; it flattered his pride and his resentment,
that Jeanne — whose hand had been so unceremoniously reject-
ed by Francis, for his son the duke of Orleans, when it had
appeared expedient to the king to propitiate the Medici —
should ascend the proudest throne in Europe, and place upon
her brow the diadem relinquished by Isabel, the lamented con-
sort of the emperor Charles V. Had the king of Navarre per-
sisted in his design, there is little doubt that, with the active
connivance of the emperor, this union would have been accom-
plished. Charles, at this period of his life, desired it intensely ;
for the disgrace of his unsuccessful invasion of France, in
1536, would have been triumphantly effaced by the acquisition
to the crown of Spain of the rich frontier provinces of Jeanne's
southern heritage.
The increasing discontent evinced by the princess at the
secluded education which it was the will of her royal uncle to
bestow upon her occasioned serious embarrassment to Francis
I. He perceived that it was no longer possible to pursue the
same system ; but, before he confided the princess Jeanne to the
guardianship of her parents, the king resolved, by solemnly af-
fiancing her to a spouse of his own selection, to frustrate any
secret understanding which might exist between her father and
the emperor, relative to the disposal of her hand. It happened
that about this period, the year 1540, while king Francis was
sojourning at his castle of Amboise, during the month of May,
he received a visit from the duke of Cleves and Juliers, who had
journeyed to France to implore the assistance of the king in his
contest with the emperor, relative to the duchy of Guelders.
This succession formed one of the most complicated of the
questions then agitating Germany. The claimants of the duchy
were three ; first the duke of Cleves and Juliers, who was the
grandson of Ulric, last duke of Guelders ; secondly, the duke
of Lorraine, nephew of duke Ulric ; and thirdly, Charles V.,
who put in a twofold demand for this important succession.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 15
The emperor claimed the province of Gueklerland, as an
escheat to the imperial crown, owing to the decease of duke
Ulric without leaving heirs male; also, as a territory apper-
taining to the house of Hapsburg, in virtue of the will of
Arnoul, duke of Guelders, who, disinheriting his son Adolphus,
bequeathed the dominions of his house to the emperor's great-
grandfather, Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy. On the
decease of Ulric, duke of Guelders, the states of the duchy
adjudged his territories to his son-in-law, William II., duke of
Cleves and Juliers; but the latter dying before he could claim
a ratification of his investiture from the emperor, the cardinal
de Granvelle replied to the application, when made by William's
son and successor, " that the emperor declined to recognise the
pretensions either of the duke of Cleves or of the duke of
Lorraine ; as both these princes traced descent from female
members of the house of Guelders, who could transmit no right
to their posterity ; but that it was the intention of his imperial
Majesty to incorporate the duchy to his provinces of the Low
Countries, as a fief escheated to his crown." On learning the
determination of the emperor, the duke of Cleves renounced
his allegiance to the imperial crown ; and, hastily levying troops,
he placed strong garrisons in the principal towns of the ducby
of Cleves, and despatching a body of forces under the command
of Martin Yon Eossem to the borders of Guelderland, he
himself proceeded to Paris to implore succour from Francis I.,
and to demand the coveted investiture at the king's hands. 1
The welcome which the duke of Cleves received from Francis
exceeded his most sanguine expectations. The king promised
him succours in men and money : and, moreover, offered to
bestow upon him the hand of his niece Jeanne d'Albret, the
heiress of Beam. The king, by this measure, at once exoner-
ated himself from anxiety respecting Jeanne's future union
with the son of the emperor ; and by a subtle stroke of policy
he, in his turn, kindled in Charles's bosom the direst alarm, as
the duke of Cleves professed Lutheran tenets, and was consider-
ed to be one of the chief upholders of the reformed doctrines in
Germany. This alliance, therefore, would necessarily have the
effect of' strengthening the king's relation with the German
Lutherans — subjects always in revolt under Charles's imperial
sceptre.
The duke of Cleves had completed his twenty-fourth year :
he was tall and handsome in person, and endowed with the
1 Mezeray, Abrege Chronologique, t. ii. p. 504. Varillas, Hist, de
l'Heiesie, t. iii. p. 162. Sandoval, Hist, de la vida del Emperadur
Carlos V.
1G LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
accomplishments which, in that martial age, constituted a
finished cavalier. He was an expert horseman, magnificent in
his attire and equipage, profuse to his dependents, while he
possessed learning enough to discuss literature with the erudite
professors who thronged the court of France ; and to appreciate
the gorgeous specimens of art with which the king loved to
surround himself. The revenues of the duchy of Cleves were
ample for the maintenance of its sovereign's state : the position
of the duke in Germany was one of power and dignity. His
eldest sister, Sybilla of Cleves, was the consort of the elector of
Saxony, Frederick ; his youngest sister. Anne, had recently
become the fourth consort of Henry VIII. , king of England.
His descent, on the maternal side, from the house of Gruelders
— a race notorious for its criminal annals — was the only
apparent blemish to be discerned in the son-in-law presented
by king Francis for the acceptance of his sister and her royal
consort.
The king, meantime, informed the king and queen of
Navarre of his intention relative to the disposal of their
daughter's hand ; and, to reconcile the royal pair to this arbi-
trary decision, Francis announced that the duke of Cleves had
readily assented to the only condition he had thought proper
to impose, which was, that Jeanne after her betrothal should
be permitted to remain in France for the period of three years,
under her mother's guardianship. The intelligence was re-
ceived with great indignation by the king of Navarre ; who,
amongst other causes of complaint treasured against his brother-
in-law, added now the violation by Francis of his promise to
wed the princess Jeanne with his second son, Henry, duke of
Orleans. The marriage of the heiress of Beam with the duke
of Cleves, a prince in arms against his suzerain the emperor, ap-
peared to Henry a design fatal to the safety of the remaining
dominions of the house of Albret ; which lay on the Spanish
frontier, and exposed to the first impulse of indignation felt by
Charles, on hearing of the intended alliance. The king of
Navarre, moreover, knew that his last chance of inducing the
Spauisli monarch to restore the kingdom of Upper Navarre
expired from the day that the hand of Jeanne was bestowed on
the duke of Cleves. The states of the principality of Beam
also protested against this marriage ; their objections being
grounded on the inexpediency of allying their future sovereign
with a prince, whose territory was so remotely situated as re-
garded Beam; for they justly observed, that if the marriage
were accomplished, the principality, during the absence of its
sovereign, would, at no distant period, pass under the sway of
LTFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 17
the French or Spanish crown. 1 Queen Marguerite, however,
evinced no disapproval of the alliance proposed for her daugh-
ter ; and she applied herself to moderate her husband's oppo-
sition. Henry dreaded too much the threats of Francis to
offer prolonged resistance : for the king had declared that a
military occupation of Beam would follow the discovery of any
attempted negotiation with the emperor ; while the annexation
of that principality to the crown of France should he the penalty
inflicted if the king of Xavarre conveyed his daughter across
the Spanish frontier. The religion professed by the duke of
Cleves recommended him to Marguerite's favour ; his opulence,
and his pretensions to the imperial purple, after the members
of the house of Hapsburg, flattered her ambition ; but, above
all, it was the will of the king that this alliance should be
effected.
The princess Jeanne was at length apprized of the event
destined to effect so complete a subversion of the domestic
routine at Plessis. One day Francis, while sojourning at
Amboise, commanded a royal hunt along the banks of the
Loire ; and, attended by a few of his most favoured courtiers,
he separated from his train, and suddenly appeared before the
gates of Plessis-les-Tours. Jeanne, summoned to the presence
of her royal uncle, welcomed him with transports of delight,
and in return received from his lips the intelligence that her
hand having been promised to the duke of Cleves, she was to
fulHl immediately the engagement contracted for her; and was,
consequently, to depart with the shortest possible delay to join
her mother, queen Marguerite, at Aleucon. The proud blood
of her race mantled the brow of the princess at this per-
emptory command ; and, overpowered by surprise and indigna-
tion, she burst into a passionate flood of tears. Soon, how-
ever, recovering her self-possession, she resolutely approached
her uncle and "very humbly besought him that she might
not be compelled to marry M. de Cleves." 1 Francis, who
could never brook opposition to his will, turned coldly from the
weeping child ; and reiterating his directions for her immediate
departure from Plessis, he took his leave.
There remained no alternative for the princess but to obey
her uncle's mandate, and prepare for her formal presentation
to her intended consort. Jeanne desired a more cheerful
abode, and companionship with maidens of her own age ; but
she was passionately attached to France, and the thought of
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 11.
■ Lettre de Marguerite, Reine de Navarre, au roi. See Life of Marguerite
d'Angouleme, v. ii. p. 370. o
18 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
quitting her country wrung tears from her eyes. In Paris,
where she made a brief sojourn on her road to Alencon, king
Francis presented to his niece the bridegroom he had chosen
for her. Jeanne did not attempt to disguise the repugnance
which she felt for the duke : and child as she was, she demean-
ed herself so haughtily as to incur her uncle's displeasure.
She evinced not the slightest complacency at receiving the
homage of so brilliant a cavalier as duke William ; and it was
observed that the lip of the royal bride elect curled disdain-
fully as she marked the servility of deportment manifested by
the duke towards the king and the all-powerful constable de
Montmorency. When remonstrated with by the baillive de
Caen and others on her unconciliating demeanour, which, it
was observed, was likely to produce the worst possible effect
on the mind of her future spouse, Jeanne carelessly replied,
" that she deemed it no advantage to leave France, and her
own heritage of Beam, to espouse a duke of Cleves." Francis
manifested excessive anger at the contumacy displayed by the
young princess ; whose dawning intellect ancl strength of
character he was far from properly appreciating. The king
expressed himself with great severity to the baillive de Caen,
before her departure with the princess for Alencon ; command-
ing the former to communicate his words to queen Marguerite,
in order that her representations might induce the princess to
show becoming submission to his will. The jealous umbrage
of Francis took alarm at the unexpected opposition which he
encountered ; as he, perhaps rightly, attributed Jeanne's dis-
obedience to the secret encouragement afforded to her by her
father.
Queen Marguerite received the report of the baillive in
consternation. She sent for her daughter, and questioned her
on the reason of this rebellious defiance ; and expostulated
with her on the daring request which she had made to the
king on his visit to Plessis. Jeanne calmly replied: "that
she had then taken the liberty of speaking frankly to the king ;
having been in the habit of saying to him all she thought and
wished." Aware of her brother's suspicion of the want of
loyal fidelity manifested by the king of Navarre, and anxious
to excuse her daughter's conduct, Marguerite wrote thus to
the king :
" Monseigneur, in my extreme tribulation I experience but one
consolation, which is the certain knowledge that neither the king of
Navarre nor myself feel other desire than to obey you, not only in the
matter of this marriage, but in all that you command us. I have
heard, Monseigneur, that my daughter — not appreciating as she ought
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 19
the great honour which you conferred hy deigning to visit her, nor
the obedience which she owes to you ; neither, that a maiden ought
to have no will of her own — was bold enough to utter so senseless a
request as to beseech you that she might not be married to M. de
Cleves. I know not what to think, Monseigneur, nor how to address
you, for I am overpowered with grief, and have none in the world to
whom I can apply for comfort, or for counsel. The king of Navarre
is also so astonished and grieved that I have never before seen him
so indignant ; for we cannot divine whence this great boldness on
her part arose, she never having even mentioned such a design to us.
She excuses herself on the plea that she is on more intimate terms
with you than even with ourselves ; but this intimacy ought not to
inspire so great a freedom on her part, being, as I believe, not ad-
vised to it by any one. If I could discover the personage who inspired
her with such an idea, I would make so great a demonstration of my
displeasure as should convince you, Monseigneur, that this foolish
affair has been attempted without the sanction and desire of her pa-
rents, who have no will but yours. Knowing, therefore, Monseigneur,
that it is your habit to pardon eiTors, rather than to punish them — •
especially, when understanding fails, as it has evidently done in the
case of my poor daughter — I entreat you very humbly, Monseigneur,
that for this one unreasonable petition which she has preferred — and
which is the first fault she has committed in respect to yourself — you
will not withdraw that paternal favour which you have ever manifest-
ed towards her, and ourselves." 1
Jeanne, meanwhile, continued to offer pertinacious opposi-
tion to the alliance proposed for her ; her mother's eloquent
entreaties failed to mollify her heart towards her German suit-
or ; and she vehemently declared " that she should die if the
project were persisted in." The duke's religion proved no re-
commendation to his suit : for the princess had been brought
up in strict communion with the Church of Rome ; nor was it
until a subsequent period, after Jeanne had been domesticated
for several years with her royal mother, that she insensibly im-
bibed that leaning towards the tenets of Calvin which imparted
a distinctive colouring to her after-life. There is reason to
believe, however, that Marguerite caused her daughter to be
carefully instructed in the principles of reform ; for the prin-
cess herself asserts, that one of the reasons why she did
not make an earlier profession of its doctrines was, her
resentment at the little gratitude demonstrated by the
majority of the Calvinistic ministers for the benefits which
they received from the sovereigns of Navarre ; but, prin-
1 Lettre de la reine de Navarre au roi. See Life of Marguerite d'Angou-
leme, v. ii. p. 370.
20 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
cipally, for their misappropriation of a considerable sum of
money, despatched by her royal mother into Switzerland
and Germany as alms for the proscribed and suffering
Lutherans.
The bishop of Seez, meanwhile, returned from the mission
which queen Marguerite had confided to him — that of con-
veying her letter to the kiug — briugiug very positive com-
mands from Francis that the princess should be affianced with-
out delay to the duke of Cleves. When this ceremony was
accomplished, Francis requested his sister to conduct the prin-
cess to Chatellerault, that her marriage might there be solem-
nized in the presence of the court. So overwhelmed was
Jeanne by this command, and so indignant was her protest,
that queen Marguerite was compelled to have recourse to the
ludicrous expedient of threatening the princess with a severe
whipping, unless she evinced a more lowly and becoming deport-
ment. Jeanne's intrepid spirit was not, however, to be so
daunted ; indeed, to such a length did she carry her opposition
to the commands of her mother and her royal uncle, that, when
it is considered the princess had only just completed her twelfth
year, the conviction maintains itself that Jeanne was secretly
abetted in her rebellion by her father. Finding that her resist-
ance availed little, Jeanne adopted the extraordinary expedient
of making a secret protest against her compulsory nuptials — a
document which she caused three of the officers of her house-
hold to witness. This curious protest was composed by the
princess herself; it is written throughout by her own hand,
and its tenour is as follows: 1 —
" I, Jeanne de Navarre, persisting in the protestations I have al-
ready made, do hereby again affirm and protest, by these present, that
the marriage which it is desired to contract between the duke of
Cleves and myself, is against my will ; that I have never consented
to it, nor will consent ; and that all I may say and do hereafter, by
which it may be attempted to prove that I have given my consent,
will be forcibly extorted against my wish and desire, from my dread
of the king, of the king my father, and of the queen my mother, who
has threatened to have me whipped by the baillive of Caen, my gover-
ness. By command of the queen my mother, my said governess has
also several times declared, that if I do not all in regard to this mar-
riage which the king wishes, and if I do not give my consent, I shall
1 Papiers d'Etat clu cardinal Granvelle publies d'apres les MSS. de Besan-
(jon, par Charles Weiss, t. iii. docum. 30. This protest and the following one
have been published by the author in the Life of Marguerite d'Angouleme ,
nevertheless, these curious documents are too important to be omitted in the
history of Jeanne d'Albret.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 21
be punished so severely as to occasion my death ; and that by refus-
ing I may be the cause of the ruin and destruction of my father, my
mother, and of their house ; the which threat has inspired me with
such fear and dread, even to be the cause of the ruin of my said father
and mother, that 1 know not to whom to have recourse, excepting to
God, seeing that my father and my mother abandon me, who both
well know what I have said to them — that never can I love the duke
of Cleves, and that I will not have him. Therefore, I protest before-
hand, if it happens that I am affianced, or married to the said duke
of Oaves in any way or manner, it will be against my heart, and in
defiance of my will ; and that he shall never become my husband, nor
will I ever hold and regard him as such, and that any marriage shall
be reputed null and void; in testimony of which I appeal to God
and yourselves as witnesses of this my declaration that you are about
to sign with me ; admonishing each of you to remember the compul-
sion, violence, and constraint employed against me, upon the matter
of this said marriage.
(Signed) " Jeanne de Navarre."
"J. d'Arros."
" Frances Navarro."
"Arnatjld Duquesse."
Notwithstanding the fervour of her refusals, the ceremony
of betrothment was performed between the princess Jeanne
and the duke of Cleves, in the great hall of the castle of Alen-
con ; the prelate officiating being the bishop of Seez. In the
midst of her annoyance and distress, the princess exhibited
great presence of mind ; and afterwards she composedly pre-
pared to accompany her mother to Chatellerault, at which
place the more trying ordeal of her public nuptials was to
take place. Before her departure from Aleucon, prompted
probably by the parties who had before inspired her with
resolution to place on record a written protest against this
marriage, the princess drew up a second memorial, which she
presented for the signature of the same persons who had
witnessed the first. The princess expressed herself in the
following terms : —
" I, Jeanne de Navarre, in the presence of you, who out of love
for truth, signed the protestation which I before presented, and who
perceive that I am compelled and obliged by the queen my mother,
and by my governess, to submit to the marriage demanded by the
duke of Cleves between himself and me ; and that it is intended,
against my will, to proceed to the solemnities of a marriage between
us ; I take you all again to witness that I persevere in the protest I
made before you, on the day of the pretended betrothal between my-
self and the said duke of Cleves, and in all and every protestation that
I may at any time have made by Avord of mouth, or under my hand ;
22 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
moreover, I declare that the said solemnity of marriage, and every
other thing ordained relative to it, is done against my will, and that
all shall hereafter be regarded as null and void, as having been done,
and consented to by me, under violence and restraint : in testimony
of which I call you all to witness, requesting you to sign the present,
with myself, in the hope that by God's help it will one day avail me.
(Signed) " Jeanne dk Navarre.'"
" &c. &c. &c."
Jeanne received a cordial reception from king Francis on
her arrival afc Chatellerault, where sumptuous preparations
were in progress for the ceremony of her marriage. The king
disregarded every remonstrance made to him by his niece ;
affecting to regard her objections as childish and unreasonable.
The duke of Cleves, wearied of his vain attempt to propitiate
his youthful bride, devoted himself to queen Marguerite ; whose
beauty and fascinations made him oblivious of the disdain
manifested by her daughter.
The marriage ceremony between the duke and the princess
Jeanne of Navarre was performed on the 15th of July, 1510. 2
The bride was attired in a robe of cloth of gold, beset with
jewels. A ducal coronet circled her brow ; and the train of
her mantle was bordered with ermine. The ceremonial was
ordered with pompous splendour : all the great officers of state
had been summoned to Chatellerault ; and so great was the
profusion and display, that the coronation ceremonies of the
emperor Charles V. cost considerably less than the pageant in
which Jeanne performed so reluctant a part. 3 When king
Francis presented himself to lead the bride to the altar, Jeanne,
who was determined to oppose the measure to the very last,
rose from her chair ; then, suddenly complaining of indisposi-
tion, she professed her inability to walk under the weight of the
jewels and gold with which her robe was adorned. Francis,
inexpressibly annoyed, summoned the constable de Montmo-
rency, and commanded him to take the princess in his arms,
and carry her to the chapel. Montmorency obeyed, though
the king's command was considered by many persons, including
the constable himself, to inflict so manifest a degradation on
the eminent dignity of his office, as to betoken approaching
disgrace. Montmorency's inordinate vanity, wounded by the
command given by Francis, therefore prompted the exclama-
tion, as he returned to his position in the procession after
1 Papiers d'Etat du cardinal Granvclle, t. iii. clocum. 30.
2 Mezeray, Abbrege, chron. t. ii. p. 504. Paradin, Hist, de Notre Temps
3 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 13.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 23
placing the princess at the altar: " (Test fait desormais de ma
Javeicr. Adieu luy dis f" 1 The office lie had just so reluctantly
fulfilled, nevertheless, had been performed on other occasions
by princes of the blood royal, and therefore could bring no
degradation, even to a Montmorency. Eumours, however, had
long been rife of the king's intention to exile his quondam
favourite the constable : the courtiers therefore were on the
alert to detect, and perhaps to impute, more than due signifi-
cance to any incident in which Montmorency was concerned.
A magnificent banquet aud ball followed the solemnization
of Jeanne's nuptials, at which she was compelled to appear by
the express will of the king. She was then permitted to retire
to her mother's apartments ; where the princess was again
formally consigned by the duke of Cleves to the guardianship
of queen Marguerite, and the control of the baillive de Caen,
" until such time as she should have attained suitable years to
fulfil the conjugal engagements she had contracted." 2
For eight subsequent days brilliant pageants celebrated the
event. Jeanne still avoided her bridegroom, whose persistence
in a suit so displeasing to herself, she resented with more than
juvenile indignation. "In the meadow of Chatellerault," re-
lates one of the chroniclers of these festivities, "jousts and
tourneys were holden ; for which halls, galleries, triumphal
arches, and palaces were constructed of verdant boughs, within
which armed knights were placed to defend them in honour of
the ladies of their hearts, whose devices were interlaced in the
foliage with the arms of the cavaliers, and with other spoil
captured from the assailants. Close to these said edifices were
verdant booths tenanted by hermits, clad in green or gray
velvet, and other gay colours, whose office it was to serve as
guides to any strange knights, who might happen to arrive. In
another part of the meadow were ladies, who personated nymphs
and dryades, attended by their dwarfs ; all ordered according
to the mode and fashion of bygone days. This joust, for
novelty and magnificence, was the most memorable thing of the
kind which had been done or heard of in our days. These
knightly encounters came off in the day-time ; but that there
might not lack amusement at night, lists were constructed in
which the joustings continued by torchlight ; a thing never be-
1 Brantome, Dames Illustres — Vie de Marguerite de Valois.
2 Du Haillan, Hist. Gen. de France, p. 1466. Brantome, Barnes Illustres —
Vie de Marguerite de Valois. Dictionaire Historique de Bayle — Art. Jeanne
de Navarre. The nuptials of the princess Jeanne were sometimes designated
under the soubriquet of " les noces saU.es" as the profusion displayed by the
court on this occasion was liquidated by a rise of the gabelle, or salt duties pay-
able to the crown.
24 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
fore heard of in France." 1 The duke of Cleves, at the con-
clusion of the festivities, took his leave and departed, to prose-
cute his war against the emperor; encouraged by the positive
promise of king Francis to march a body of troops into Ger-
many, under his own immediate command, or of that of the
dauphin. The princess Jeanne, now scrupulously addressed at
court as duchess of Cleves, gladly bade farewell* to her uncle
who overwhelmed her with costly gifts, and accompanied her
royal parents to their castle of Nerac, from whence they pro-
ceeded to winter at Pau.
For the two following years Jeanne remained in Beam
happy in the society of her mother, and sharing the lessons
and the recreations of the noble damsels of Marguerite's train.
This period was productive of great moral benefit to the
character of the princess. The vehemence of her temper be-
came softened under the judicious guidance of her mother;
and her education made progress, though rather from associa-
tion with the learned men of the court of Pau, than from the
study of books ; for Jeanne's temperament was too lively to
permit her to display great power of application. From con-
stant companionship with the reformed teachers, refugees in
Beam, Jeanne began gradually to imbibe a liking for their
doctrine ; their lives, and the stern self-denial practised by
their followers, recommended itself to a mind which repudiated
compromise with principle for the sake of ease or expediency.
It was a problem at which every one wondered, though few
sought to solve it, the marvellous indifference so early displayed
by the niece of the magnificent Francis I. and the child of the
refined Marguerite d'Angouleme for qualities, or objects, how-
ever attractive in themselves, but which, upon closer survey,
might be pronounced deficient in genuine worth. The severe
simplicity of mind, and the habit, which early distinguished
Jeanne, of probing the motives of others, and of penetrating to
the origin of what was averred to be fact, rendered the princess
more than ordinarily liable to be impressed by the doctrines of
reform. Her inquiring mind was never checked in its search
of proof, when studying theology under Farel, or Boussel ; nor
was she arrested in her deductions by that solemn barrier so
often opposed by the bishop of Macon — the authority of the
church. Jeanne daily studied the Scriptures under the guid-
ance of her mother, and of Gerard Boussel, bishop of Oleron,
almoner to the queen ; a prelate of singular piety, and who as-
serted under the Boman purple a liberality of sentiment, and
a boldness in discussing theological tenets, worthy of Calvin
1 Paraclin, Hist, de Notre Temps.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 25
himself. The only distasteful circumstance connected with the
opinions so fearlessly broached, was the fact tbat her betrothed
spouse, the duke of Cleves, professed Lutheran tenets ; and
any trifling incident which seemed to strengthen the bond
wliich united the duke's career with her own became repugnant
to the princess. Nevertheless, the lessons which the princess
Jeanne imbibed during her residence in Beam ; and the truths
that she heard from the eloquent lips of queen Marguerite, left
their indelible impression on her mind, and afterwards brought
forth a plentiful result.
The political fortunes of the duke of Cleves, meantime,
declined. Scarce had eighteen months elapsed after the cele-
bration of his nuptials with the princess Jeanne, than the
formidable displeasure of the emperor threatened destruction to
the traitor vassal, who had offered allegiance to the lily of the
Yalois. The career of Martin Von Kossem, the general in
command of the troops of the duke of Cleves, received a check ;
not, however, before the province of Brabant had been ravaged,
and even the town of Antwerp menaced; but so exasperated
was Charles at this defiance, that he vowed " qu'il quitteroit
plutot sa couronne, que de laisser cm due un pouce de terre." 1
About the month of August, 1543, the emperor, at the head of
an army of 40,000 infantry and 8000 horse, levied for the in-
vasion of France, and the reconquest -of Luxembourg, entered
the duchy of Cleves, and laid siege to the town of Dueren.
King Francis, meanwhile, under whose protection alone the
duke of Cleves had ventured to defy his suzerain, occupied the
duchy of Luxembourg ; and at the time the emperor appeared
before Dueren, the king was employed in reconstructing the
fortifications of the castle of Landrecy upon a stupendous scale.
Appalled at the certain destruction which menaced him, the
duke of Cleves despatched courier after courier to implore the
aid of a division of the French army ; but Francis, with that
strange instability which characterized many of his measures,
now appeared as indifferent about espousing the defence of the
prince upon whom he had bestowed the hand of his niece, aa
he had been imperative in forcing the inclination of the prin-
cess. Part of the French army was engaged before Landrecy ;
the other half, under the command of the dauphin Henry,
penetrated to the borders of the provinces of Brabant and
Hainault, where many important fortresses had been captured.
The duke's messengers, therefore, were dismissed with vague
promises of future assistance on the part of the king; who already
1 M6m. de Martin du Bellay.
26 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
found it a difficult matter to provide efficient garrisons for the
conquests bis own army had achieved.
The town of Dueren, meantime, fell before the arms of
the irate emperor ; the inhabitants were indiscriminately
slaughtered, and the fortifications razed. Ruremonde, and
other of the principal towns of the Duchy, hastened to make
submission, apprehending the same massacre. The province of
Guelderland already acknowledged the sway of the invincible
Charles, who at the head of his victorious army laid siege
to the town of Venloo, which he menaced with destruction,
unless it capitulated within a given interval. The conquest
of the duchy of Clevea was complete. The panic which over-
whelmed duke William and his ministers, seems to have de-
prived them of power to meet the impending crisis ; still
greater was their incapacity to provide for future emergency.
There remained but two alternatives for the choice of the duke.
The first was unqualified submission to the potent Charles,
with the renunciation of alliance with Trance, and acceptance
of any terms which the emperor chose to impose for his late
defection : the second was, to abandon the duchy to the mercy
of its conqueror, and, at the head of the troops under the com-
mand of Von Rossem, to join the Trench army in Luxembourg,
and, beneath the banner of the fleur-de-lis, gloriously to win
back his ancient heritage. If a spark of martial energy had
glowed in the bosom of the duke of Cleves, such would have
been his undoubted decision. The recreant blood of the house
of Guelders, from which he maternally descended, however,
silenced the promptings of honour; and the duke suffered him-
self to be convinced of the expediency of adopting measures of
abject submission to propitiate his offended liege. It was
represented to the duke that his duchy, if once incorporated
with the dominions of the Hapsburg, would probably never be
restored ; but that the emperor, if duly propitiated, and being
on the eve of a momentous struggle with his ancient adversary
king Trancis, might extend his imperial clemency, rather than
drive the duke to more intimate alliance with France. Almost
beside himself at the uncertainty of his position, the courage of
the duke abandoned him ; the recollection of his bride and her
fair southern heritage, of her magnificent uncle, and the latter's
still more splendid promises, faded from his mind ; and he
determined to make peace with the emperor, at the cost of
any personal humiliation which Charles might think fit to
inflict.
During these transactions, the king had been engaged in
making active preparations for the succour of the duke of
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 27
Cleves. Believing that no better indication could be afford the
emperor, that it was his intention to espouse the protection of
the rebel vassal of the empire, than by perfecting the marriage
between duke William and his niece, he despatched the cardinal
Du Bellay into Beam, with express orders to conduct Jeanne
to the camp in Luxembourg, from whence the king intended
to escort her himself to Aix. 1 The despair of the young Jeanne
was overwhelming when she was apprized of the nature of the
cardinal's mission to Pau. "With tears she protested that she
should die if compelled to obey her uncle's summons. 2 Con-
vinced of her father's sympathy, Jeanne implored him to save
her from exile ; and from a destiny which she shuddered to
contemplate. Jeanne closed her ears to the remonstrances of
the cardinal Du Bellay, one of the most eloquent and insinuating
prelates of Trance : equally vain were the pleadings of queen
Marguerite, to impress upon her daughter the necessity of
submission to the will of the king. Jeanne, however, was
obliged to depart after taking an agonized farewell of her
royal mother ; and, accompanied by the king of Navarre, she
set forth for her new home.
The duke of Cleves, in ignorance of the exertions making
in his favour by king Francis, proceeded to the imperial camp
at Venloo, attended by fifteen of his officers, and demanded
audience of the emperor. This request was harshly refused ;
but it was intimated to the duke that the chancellor de Grran-
velle would grant him hospitality until his imperial Majesty
had decided on his fate. To the tent of de G-ranvelle the duke
accordingly repaired ; and by dint of entreaty he at length
induced that potent minister to intercede in his behalf with
Charles. Before nightfall the chancellor brought to his
suppliant the cheering intelligence that the emperor, in his
gracious clemency, on due representation being made of the
duke's repentance and readiness to atone for his treason, had
consented to admit him to his presence on the morrow.
Early on the following morning, the duke of Brunswick,
the coadjutor of the archbishop of Cologne, and another noble-
man, who acted as ambassador from the city of Cologne,
presented themselves, and introduced the duke to the presence
of his offended suzerain. The place of audience, selected by
the emperor, was a large tent which was fitted as a chapel for
the besieging army. Charles received the duke seated in a
1 Gailliard, Hist, de Francois I , t. i. Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret,
t. i. p. 15.
See Life of Mar-
guerite
* Lettre de Marguerite, Reinc de Navarre, a Francois I.
erite d'Angouleme, vol. ii. p. 425.
28 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
chair of state, with the crown on his head and the sceptre in
his haud.^ As his offending vassal approached with hesitating
step, the brow of the emperor contracted. The betrothed hus-
band of the princess of Navarre and his three mediators then
humbly knelt at the foot of the throne ; the emperor took not
the slightest heed of this action, but averted his head. The duke
then exclaimed : " Most august emperor ! I come to throw
myself at your feet, to accept whatever chastisement it may
please you to inflict for my past sins ; or to receive from your
clemency a hope, however faint it may be, of pardon and grace."
The duke of Brunswick then pronounced an oration in the
German language which lasted a quarter of an hour, still
kneeling : his address was followed by another from the ambas-
sador of Cologne, praying the emperor to exercise his gracious
clemency towards the criminal, though repentant, subject at
his feet. Charles listened with disdainful attention, having
first commanded a secretary to take note of the intercessory
harangues addressed to him : when they concluded, and the
culprit awaited the fiat in breathless suspense, he replied in a
short address, promising oblivion of the past, upon certain
conditions ; then with a smile he stretched forth his hand,
and raised the duke from his humble attitude. 1 The same day,
September 13, 1543, a treaty was presented to the duke of
Cleves for signature, which contained the stipulations upon
which the emperor consented to reinstate him in his forfeited
dominions. The first article stipulated, that the duke of
Cleves should return to the public exercise of the Romish
Faith, and restore that religion to its ancient pre-eminence
over the duchy ; and that he should engage to renounce his
alliance with the king of France. The duke further ceded the
disputed territory of Gruelderland and Zutphen to the empire ;
and engaged never to sign a treaty with any foreign power
whatsoever, which did not include the emperor and his brother
Ferdinand, king of the Romans. The forces of the duchy of
Cleves were to be incorporated in the imperial army ; and as a
guarantee for the performance of these conditions, duke Wil-
liam consented that the largest fortresses in the duchy — the
castles of Heinsberg and Sittard — should be garrisoned for ten
years by the emperor's troops. 2
"When these conditions were signed, the duchy of Cleves
was restored to its duke, now to all intents a vassal of the
house of Hapsburg. By the advice of the emperor, the duke
next wrote to excuse his act to king Francis, alleging, with
1 Sandoval — Historia del Emperador Carlos V., libro 25, p. 454.
2 Ibid.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 29
great truth, that to the king's delay in Luxembourg might be
attributed Charles's successful invasion of the duchy of Cleves.
Finally, the duke demanded that his consort, the princess
Jeanne de Navarre, might be conducted without delay to Aix-
ia-Chapelle, according to the agreement in her marriage con-
tract ; as the three years during which she was to remain
under the guardianship of her royal mother were nearly
expired.
The princess Jeanne had reached the city of Soissons, on
her route to the camp. She remained there one night to re-
cruit her strength ; for the most gloomy depression preyed
upon her spirits, as she drew nearer to the French frontier.
In the middle of the night the princess and her suit were
aroused by the arrival of a courier from the camp, bearing des-
patches from the king to the cardinal du Bellay. The royal
missive announced the abject surrender of the duke of Cleves
to the emperor ; and the consequent determination of Francis
to procure a dissolution of the duke's marriage with the prin-
cess of Navarre ; as the king impetuously declared that no
vassal of the empire should receive investiture of a fief apper-
taining to the French crown. The king, therefore, directed
that his niece should return, and take up her residence with
queen Eleanor at Fontainebleau, until he had decided on the
measures most politic to be pursued under the circumstances.
The joy felt by the princess Jeanne for her unexpected release
was boundless — a satisfaction participated in by her father,
who hastened to conduct her from the French frontier. 1
Queen Marguerite's indignation was greatly excited when
she heard of the ignoble concessions made by the duke of
Cleves to the emperor ; and she at once concurred in her bro-
ther's project to annul her daughter's marriage. " Monseign-
eur," wrote the queen to king Francis, " I would rather see
my daughter in her grave, than know her to be in the power
of a man who has deceived you, and inflicted so foul a blot on
his own honour." 2 Now that it suited the king to break the
bond he had so pertinaciously formed, the young princess was
suffered to state her objections to the alliance ; her aversion, it
was now gi^anted, might have a reasonable foundation ; and the
protests which she had made against the violence her uncle
sought to inflict, became important documents of state. Ap-
plication was at once made by the French ministers to the Holy
See, for a bull, annulling the marriage — the plea placed on record
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 16. Mem. de Martin du
Bellay.
s Life of Marguerite d'Angouleme, Queen of Navarre, vol. ii. p. ±25.
30 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
being the violence which had been done to the inclination of
the pi-incess throughout the affair. The duke of Cleves, who
certainly could not be expected to exhibit symptoms of exces-
sive disappointment at the prospect of losing his ungracious
bride, on hearing of this step despatched an envoy to Home
to second the demand for his release, w T ith somewhat unseemly
eagerness. The emperor, as some indemnification to the duke
for the loss of the rich heritage of his French bride, promised
to bestow upon him the hand of the archduchess Mary, daugh-
ter of the king of the Romans, in the event of his recovering
his matrimonial liberty.
Early in the year 1544, the princess again renewed her pro-
test against the marriage, at Alencon, where she was then re-
siding with her mother, queen Marguerite ; but, owing to the
unsettled condition of political affairs and the vacillations of
pope Paul, Jeanne was not released from an alliance so odious
to her until the spring of the year 1545. She was then an in-
mate of the castle of Plessis-les-Tours, where probably she
went at the suggestion of the king, to make a final declaration
respecting this marriage ; that, at a distance from her kindred,
and therefore beyond their personal influence, this act might
be deemed conclusive and satisfactory by the Holy See. During
this interval the princess had completely recovered her favour
with the king, which had been seriously shaken by her oppo-
sition to his commands. The princess had been chosen by
Francis to be god-mother to his inl'ant grand-daughter Eliza-
beth, the child of the dauphin Henry, and of Catherine de
Medici. The christening of the princess was solemnized with
great pomp at Eontainebleau, her other god-mother being
Eleanor, consort of king Francis ; the godfather was Henry
VIII. of England, represented at the ceremony by Dudley
lord Lisle, admiral of England, and by Thomas lord Cheney,
who bestowed upon the infant princess the name of Eliza-
beth. 1
It was a few months subsequently to this ceremony, about
Easter of the year 1545, that Jeanne took leave of her royal
relatives, and, attended by the baillive de Caen, proceeded to
Plessis. Easter-day fell that year on the fifth of April ; high
mass was chanted in the castle chapel in the presence of the
princess and her household, and an illustrious assemblage of
prelates and nobles ; who had journeyed to Tours expressly to
witness the ceremony of Jeanne's fourth and final protest
against her compulsory espousals at Chatellerault. Amongst
1 Godefroy, Grand Cerem. de France, t. ii. p. 156.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 31
the personages present were the cardinal de Tournon prime
minister of Francis, the count de Saint-Maurice ambassador of
the emperor, Pierre Palmier archbishop of Yienne, Philip de
Cosse-Brissac bishop of Coutances, Philibert Babou bishop of
Angouleme, and Pien*e du Chatel bishop of Tulle and Macon.
At the conclusion of mass, the princess, standing in the centre
of the chapel, addressed the assemblage with great self-pos-
session and dignity. " Messeigneurs," said she, " I have already
protested against, and caused declarations to be put on record
concerning, the marriage which it was once wished to contract
between Monsieur the duke of Cleves and myself. I further-
more declare in the presence of you all, messeigneurs, the car-
dinal, archbishop, and bishops here assembled, that it is my
wish and desire to persevere in those my said declarations and
protests; and that I persist in them, and will never retract.
My lords, in order the better to inform you of my will and in-
tent, I have drawn up a memorial, and signed it with my own
hand. This memorial and protest I will now read to you ; and,
my lords, by that holy sacrament I am about to receive, I swear
and affirm that what is here written contains nothing but the
truth, in all which things I steadily persist." Jeanne then
unfolded a sheet of paper which she held in her hand, and dis-
tinctly read as follows :
" Monseigneur le cardinal, and you, my lords the bishops and pre-
lates here assembled, in your presence, and in that of the notaries here
in this place, I declare that I have before written and signed with my
own hand two protests — one of these protests was signed upon the
day upon which certain solemnities of betrothment passed between
monseigneur the duke of Cleves and myself — the other, on the day
preceding this said pretended betrothal — both of which protestations
I will presently produce, and cause to be read before you. I swear,
and make affirmation on God's holy Gospels, that I made, wrote, and
signed them on these said days ; and, moreover, caused them to be
witnessed for greater surety by tho<e whose signatures appear with
my own. I swear and make affirmation that they contain the truth ;
and that such was then my Mill and intention, in the which I have
since persisted until the time that I made the declaration now before
you in the month of October last, in the town of Alencon — which
declaration I likewise swear and affirm contains the truth ; also, that
I still persist in the same will ; and intend to maintain it now, and
for the future — to wit, that I never had the will, nor am I so inclined
at the present moment, to bind myself under the law of marriage to
the said sieur de Cleves. nor to accept him for my husband ; but, on
the contrary, all that has passed in the matter of these said pretended
betrothal and solemnities, Avas done according to the statement con-
tained in my said protestations. I, therefore, demand judicial testi-
32 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
mony of this my declaration made before you my lords, the cardinal
and bishops here assembled, from the notaries present for that pur-
pose.
(Signed) " Jeanne de Navarre." »
Laying her hand upon an open missal presented by one of
the prelates, Jeanne d'Albret took a solemn oath that all she
had read and signed was the truth. She then delivered the
documents to the cardinal de Tournon, who transmitted them
by courier to Borne, together with a statement verified on
oath by queen Marguerite, and signed by the senechale de
Poitou, lady of honour to Marguerite, and by the baillive de
Caen ; containing the circumstances connected with the cere-
mony performed at Chatellerault. A few weeks afterwards
Paul IV. published a decree annulling the marriage, 2 and per-
mitting the parties to contract fresh alliance.
Thus the princess again became free ; and the marriage so
peremptorily insisted upon by king Francis was as unceremo-
niously dissolved. Its evil influence, however, clung through-
out life to the princess, shadowing her at times like a dark
cloud. The doubts, which this prior alliance inspired, marred
the happiness of the early part of her career as a wife. Jeanne
lived to hear the legitimacy of her children questioned, inas-
much as it was averred that, contrary to the solemn oath of
the princess and her mother, her marriage with the duke of
Cleves had been full aud perfect in every respect ; while the
papal bull cancelled the union on the ground only of its having
been nominally contracted. The princess, however, dreamed
not of the sorrows of the future ; but, says the historian, Olha-
garay, " the visage of our princess Jeanne grew serene again,
her deportment became cheerful, and she consoled herself as
best she might ; for it had appeared very grievous to her to
quit Trance to become the spouse of a simple duke, when she
could choose amongst the greatest princes of the blood royal ;
in fact, the emperor mightily desired to obtain her for his son
Philip, and would have bestowed great advantages on our
king Henry, her father ; who, nevertheless, refused to consent
to an alliance so hurtful to the crown of France ; or to have it
believed that he desired such an event." 3
1 Papiers d'Etat du cardinal de Granvelle, publies d'apres les MSS. de
Besan^on, document 30, t. iii.
2 The papal bull, decreeing the dissolution of the marriage between the
duke of Cleves and Jeanne d'Albret was registered by the parliament of
Paris after its promulgation.
3 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam et Navarre, p. 504.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 33
CHAPTER II.
1545—1555.
Death of Francis 1. — The princess Jeanne holds mourning state at Mont cle
Marsan— Changes at court — Henry II. — Diane de Poitiers Catherine de
Medici — The prince of Spain renews his suit for the hand of Jeanne d'Albret
— Desire of the emperor Charles V. to negotiate this alliance — The project
is opposed by the king of France — Departure of Jeanne for Fontainebleau —
Profusion of the princess — Her letter to the chancellor of Alenc_on — The
dukes de Vendome and de Guise become suitors for her hand — Character of
Antoine de Bourbon — The duke de Guise— King Henry supports the suit of
the duke de Guise — Reply made to the king by Jeanne d'Albret — Marriage
of the princess Jeanne with the duke de Vendome — Her marriage articles —
She visits Beam — She is acknowledged by the states of Beam as heiress^
presumptive of the principality — Death of queen Marguerite — Affliction of
the princess — Her love of study — Her despondency at her want of offspring —
Negotiation for the marriage of the king of Navarre with the infanta Juana
of Spain— Pregnancy of Jeanne d'Albret — Her correspondence with the
duchess de Guise — Birth of the duke de Beaumont— The baillive d' Orleans
is appointed gouvernante to the infant prince — Her injurious treatment of
the prince — His decease — Birth of the count de Marie — Journey of the
princess into Beam — Joy of the king of Navarre — Accident which befell the
infant prince at Mont de Marsan — His death— Anger of the king — His re-
proaches to his daughter — Engagement exacted by the states of Beam from
the duke and duchess de Vendome — Their departure from Beam — Jeanne
takes up her abode at the castle of La Fleche — Her correspondence with the
duchess de Guise — Her third pregnancy — Departure of the duchess de Ven-
dome for the camp in Picardy— Accident which happened to her there — A
deputation from the states of Beam waits on the princess Jeanne — She re-
ceives the envoys at Compiegne — Her journey into Beam — Birth of Henry
IV. — Incidents connected with that event — The king of Navarre takes the
sole charge of the infant prince — His treatment of the babe — He presents
the child to the nobles of Beam and Foix — The king confides his infant heir
to the care of Jeanne Fourcjade — Baptism of the prince — Convalescence of
the duchess de Vendome— She returns into France — Her meeting with the
duke de Vendome at Estree-au-Pont — She retires to the castle of Brenne —
Correspondence of the princess with the duchess de Montmorency — Decease
of the king of Navarre.
TnE next event that exercised important influence over the
fate of Jeanne d'Albret, "was the death of her uncle, Francis I.,
which occurred on the 31st of March, 1547. Queen Margue-
rite was sojourning at the nunnery of Tusson, in Angoumois,
at the time of her brother's decease ; the king of Navarre was
at Mont de Marsan ; and the princess Jeanne an inmate of
the castle of Plessis-les-Tours. The princess immediately join-
ed her father at Mont de Marsan; and there they together
3
34 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
held their mourning state for the deceased king, during the
space of a month.
A thorough change ensued on the death of king Fran-
cis in the politics of the court and the cabinet ; those per-
sonages whose influence had hitherto been paramount — the
veteran statesmen, and favourites of the late king — received
courteous dismissal from office ; or a peremptory mandate of
exile from the capital, according as they had rendered them-
selves more or less obnoxious to the powers then in the as-
cendant. The cardinal de Tournon, the admiral d'Annebaut,
the secretary of state Bayard, the duchesse d'Estampes, and
numbers of minor individuals composing the privy council of
the deceased king, were amongst those thus punished. The
constable de Montmorency, who had been deprived of his dig-
nities, and exiled to his castle of Ecouen by king Francis, was
recalled, and invested with powers of unlimited extent, by his
sovereign. 1 The queen of Navarre, though treated with re-
spect by her nephew king Henry II., lost her political influ-
ence — a reverse which affected her not ; as, absorbed by sor-
row for the loss which she had sustained, Marguerite, during
the remainder of her life, shunued the world, and devoted her-
self to prayer and to works of charity.
The dominant characters of the new court were the duchesse
de Valentinois, the queen Catherine de Medici, Montmorency,
and the princes of the house of Lorraine Guise. For undi-
vided possession of Henry's confidence, and for control over his
counsels, these noble personages contended duriug the entire
reign. Henry II. was a prince of mediocre capacity : impetu-
ous and daring like his father, he possessed not the political
capacity of Francis I. His disposition was reserved ; and in-
stead of that gracious affability and ready wit which endeared
his father to all classes of his subjects, Henry's manners were
cold, and often ungracious. In person he was very handsome ;
his stature rose above the ordinary standard : he was an ac-
complished swordsman, and excelled in martial games and
amusements.
Henry loved splendour as his father had done : the mag-
nificence which surrounded Francis I. seemed but the dazzling
emanation of his princely qualities ; while the diadem reflected
its lustre on his son and successor. The attachments of the
king were permanent ; his constancy was irreproachable in
love, as in friendship. He was slow in yielding to external
influences ; but his good opinion won, the individual so favour-
ed might enjoy this distinction without dread of reverse.
1 Mathieu, Hist, de Henri II., p. 32.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 35
Henry loved to be surrounded by the most brilliant cavaliers
and ladies of the court ; not, indeed, like his royal father, to
be the divinity, at -whose shrine every one offered incense ; but,
standing aloof with Diane de Poitiers at his side, Henry loved
to listen in silence, and in seeming indifference, to the witty
sallies of his courtiers.
Diane de Poitiers, duchesse de Valentinois, was the centre
from wheuce the rays of Henry's royal favour emanated. She
regulated the king's preferences, his dislikes, and his political
prejudices. On the accession of Henry II., this remarkable
woman, at the age of forty-nine, ruled the king with a sway
of almost magical power. Her beauty, once of dazzling lustre,
was somewhat on the wane ; yet even at this period not a
siugle silver hair, we are told, mingled with the tresses which
adorned the brow of the stately s6nechale. A daughter
of the noble Provencal house of St Vallier, the widow of Louis
de Ereze, grand senechal of Normandy, Diane de Poitiers,
though the mistress of the king, never forgot her illustrious an-
cestry. Scorning the paltry intrigues through which the
duchesse d'Estampes, during the late reign, prolonged her em-
pire, Diane governed the court with the haughty fearlessness
which might have appertained to Catherine de Medici ; con-
tent, whenever it should be the will of the king, to resign her
puwer, and retire to her dower-palace at Anet. Her powerful
mind inspired vigour and energy into Henry's counsels. She
was liberal, amiable, and generous; her discretion and tact
have been greatly lauded ; and her judgment was generally
sound on political affairs, except in matters affecting religion ;
for the very zeal kindled by a sense of her position at court —
a position which her conscience rebuked — warped her liberal-
ity, and led her to make atonement in the way deemed most
meritorious by the church.
As the characters of the constable de Montmorency and
the princes of the house of Lorraine Guise will develope them-
selves gradually, according as their influences affected the des-
tinies of the princess Jeanne d'Albret, we pass to the second
dominant persou at the court of St Germain — one, whose si-
lent influence pervaded everywhere, but who attracted little
observation, just as in gazing on a mighty river, the streamlet
trom whence the thronging waters take their source, is for-
gotten by the beholder — the queen, Catherine de Medici.
The wonderful ascendancy possessed by the young queen —
whose beauty of countenance made no great impression
on the astute ambassador of Venice, Giovanni Cappello,
though he condescended to pronounce her modesty of
3G LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
demeanour laudable 1 — was rather felt than acknowledged.
From the period (1533) when her uncle, pope Clement VII.,
confided Catherine to the care of king Francis, as the bride of
Henry duke of Orleans second prince of the blood, and she
entered upon that brilliant career, once destined for Jeanne
d'Albret, her life was chequered by extraordinary adversity.
Catherine was then fourteen years old : an orphan from her
birth, her life had been spent partly in the turbulent city of
Florence ; partly at Eome, under the auspices of her kinsmen,
Leo X., and Clement VII., pontiffs of the race of Medici. Her
talents had been cultivated — for Catherine possessed the liter-
ary tastes of her race in an eminent degree — but her moral
education was totally neglected by Clement VII. ; and her
mind suffered to mould itself, so that its dictates became pliable
to her personal interests. From her aunt Clarice,' 2 consort of
the exiled republican Philippo Strozzi, Catherine received an
early initiation into the tortuous policy, and the system of
temporizing deceit, successfully practised by the petty rulers of
Italy. An apt pupil, as much of this crafty theory was imbib-
ed by the youthful heiress of the Medici as suited her circum-
stances, and no more. It is related that the parting word of
her uncle, Clement VII., when he took leave of his niece at
Marseilles, after her marriage, was the counsel, "fatti figliuoli
de ogni maniera" Catherine, however, was too politic to
follow her uncle's advice. Her conduct became cited as a
model of feminine propriety ; and she gained the affection, and
the powerful support, of Francis I. and of his sister the queen
of Navarre. So flattering did Catherine find this tribute to the
decorum of her demeanour, that it rendered her comparatively
indifferent to the neglect with which she was treated by her
boy-husband, the duke of Orleans. During the vicissitudes of
the subsequent ten years that she passed as dauphiness — a
period during which her position was forlorn, her father-in-
law the king being the only person willing to protect her
against the hatred of her husband, who taunted her with
her plebeian origin, and her want of offspring — Catherine bowed
before the storm, to rise with serene brow and composed
resolve. During this interval a frightful malady threatened
permanently to impair her mental and bodily faculties. Cather-
ine, however, desponded not ; and, in due time, her recovery
was complete. Again, after the decease of the dauphin Francis,
in 1536, dark rumours of poison and assassination were current ;
' Tommasio, Relations des ambassadeurs Yenitiens sur les affaires de
France au 16eme siecle.
2 daughter of Pictro de Medici and Alfonsina d'Ursino, his consort.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 37
and the withering blight of suspicion affixed itself on the fame
of his young sister-in-law, Catherine de Medici. Catherine
uttered* no defence ; she put forth no protest ; her resignation
under the calumny — for the accusation was false — served her
better, as she had well divined, than the most fervid of denials.
The sword of every cavalier of the court sprang from its scab-
bard to defend the fame of that melancholy young girl, whose
seventeen years bad been darkened with unprecedented sorrow.
Next came the project of divorce, which the dauphin
formally presented for the deliberation of the privy-council.
The heart of Catherine quailed with apprehension : she was
childless, friendless, powerless. All the faculties of fascination
which she possessed, Catherine quietly brought into play to
defeat the measure. Her weapons were the prejudices, the
jealousies, the hatreds of those high in power. With unparal-
leled dexterity she wielded her arms ; for no one knew better
how to probethe weak points and the foibles of men than the
voung dauphiness. She triumphed: the suit for divorce was
withdrawn on the absolute command of the king, by the advice
of his cabinet. The indignation of the dauphin was great ; he,
however, consoled himself with the reflection that one day he
should likewise reign. The star of Catherine de Medici,
nevertheless, still shone. Warned by her past peril, she con-
trived to propitiate her husband ; so that, on the death of her
protector, Francis I., she sat enthroned in the halls of the
Louvre, her brow circled by the diadem of Jeanne d'Evreux, 1
with a fair young dauphin by her side, a proud, if not a happy
mother.
Queen Catherine was not a woman of genius. She possessed
promptness of action, and a facility of resource seldom at fault.
She read with precision the intricacies of the most versatile
character ; for her natural powers of observation had been
sharpened by the adverse destiny which surrounded her from
her cradle ; and by the ever present consciousness that her
enemies were far more numerous than her friends. During the
seventy-four years of her life, it was Catherine's luckless fate
to combat the hostility of faction without respite. She exer-
cised a perfect command over her sentiment and feelings : even
the very expression of her features was brought into subjec-
tion to her will ; though, when strongly moved, the flashing
glance of her dark prominent eyes betrayed the passionate
1 The crown of Jeanne d'Evreux, consort of Charles IV., was always used
at the coronation of a queen of France, as that of Charlemagne was at the
crowninar of the kin".
38 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
impulses repressed. Her attire was skilfully adapted to dis-
play her personal charms. Her complexion during her youth
was eminently beautiful ; and Phidias himself could not have
desired a fairer model for the graceful form of his Venus de
Medici than the figure of the great-grand- daughter of Lorenzo
the Magnificent.
Catherine never designedly made an open enemy ; if such
she possessed it was greatly against her will, and arose
from some mutual antipathy which she found it impossible to
subdue. The graceful figure, the gliding step, the sweet smile,
and the courteous words of queen Catherine, when she met her
court, beamed upon every one ; for it was her policy to con-
ciliate all — from Madame de Valentinois, to the lowest page of
the chamber. Such was the princess against whom Jeanne
d'Albret wielded a life-long contest, opposed in interests, in
principles, and sympathies ; the controversies between these
royal ladies ; each remarkable for mental powers of rare descrip-
tion, afford a subject of absorbing interest.
During the first few months of the new reign, the princess
Jeanne was permitted to remain in Beam with her royal
mother, whose failing health excited alarm. Though but re-
cently released from the unwelcome bond which united her to
the duke of Cleves, the heiress of Beam soon became again
the object of speculation and interest to numberless suitors for
her hand. Amongst other personages, Philip of Spain again
renewed his pretensions for the favour of the princess, the
greater portion of whose inheritance was already incorporated
with the Spanish monarchy. Philip's Portuguese consort died
in giving birth to a prince, after an union with her husband of
little more than a year. The emperor manifested the same
eager wish to obtain the hand of Jeanne for his son ; the
sovereignty of Navarre, wrested so arbitrarily from the house
of Albret, weighed heavily on the conscience of Charles. The
restoration of the kingdom having become impracticable in a
political sense, the emperor earnestly desired to legalize its
acquisition by this alliance. In the will which the emperor
Charles dictated at Augsburg, in the year 1548, he emphati-
cally admonished his son to contract marriage, either with the
sister of the king of Prance, or with the heiress of Albret, " a
princess in vigorous health, of admirable character, virtuous,
and of heart worthy of her birth." 1 The emperor proceeds to
advise his son, in case this alliance should be negotiated, to
1 De Thou, Hist, de son temps, liv. xxi. Sandoval, Hist, del emperador
Carlos V. libro xxx.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET. 39
enter into a proper understanding with the princess relative to
their mutual claims on Navarre ; and to make a compensation
for the past, satisfactory to the house of Albret. 1
The French court, however, prevented the possibility of
negotiation, for which the king of Navarre was well disposed,
by sending a mandate to Pau, requiring the presence of the
princess at Fontainebleau. Jeanne had then nearly com-
pleted her twentieth year. The expression of her countenance
was pleasing and animated, and her demeanour majestic.
Jeanne's readiness of speech, and her frank and open temper,
secured her great consideration at the court of her royal kins-
man, Henry II. The polished sophistry indulged in by the
queen was totally repugnant to the temper of the princess ;
and in consequence of the somewhat abrupt retorts by which
she repulsed Catherine's silken phrases, commenced that alien-
ation between these princesses, so especially unfortunate for
Jeanne, as she remained long ignorant of the dislike which she
had inspired.
The household of the princess continued to be maintained
on the same scale of magnificence ordered by Francis I. Queen
Marguerite complains, in her correspondence, of the vast ex-
penses which Jeanne's establishment entailed ; and she wrote
more than one peremptory letter to M. d'lzerney, steward of
the household to the princess, requiring him to introduce strict
economy in the departments over which he presided. 2
The queen likewise thought proper to admonish her daugh-
ter to be less profuse in her expenditure ; but, like her uncle
Francis I., Jeanne never knew how to refuse a suppliant ; and
she often bestowed her benefactions in so lavish a mode, that
not an ecu remained at her treasurer's disposal. One of the
earliest letters extant, written by the princess Jeanne, is a
pecuniary appeal to her mother, through the chancellor of the
duchy of Alencon, in favour of her nurse, and probably made
after she had exhausted her own resources. The letter is as
follows :
THE PRINCESS JEANNE OF NAVARRE, TO THE CHAN-
CELLOR OF THE DUCHY OF ALENCON.
" Mon compere. Since I last wrote to you, my nurse has been
with me to say that some man wishes to marry her daughter, but that
he expects a dowry with her of a thousand francs. As I understand
that the queen, my mother, has given you power to act for her in
1 Papiers d'Etat du cardinal Granvclle — Testament politique de l'enipe-
reur Charles Quint.
2 See Life of Marguerite d'Angouleme, vol. ii. p. 491.
40 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
these matters, I pray you write to her a word on the subject; and,
out of love to me, entreat her so that she may, at least, bestow some-
thing on my said nurse, in furtherance of this her project; in doing
which thing you will confer a favour upon one who, acknowledging
that it is done for her sake, will never prove ungrateful ; but will sup-
plicate always, that our Lord, mon compere, may grant you your
petitions, of the which, I feel assurance, that I shall partake, and
profit.
" Vostre bonne commere, et amie,
" Jeanne de Navarre."'
We are nowhere told the result of this application pre-
ferred in terms so characteristic and matter of fact. The at-
tention of the princess, nevertheless, was occupied at this
period, by the homage of two of the most exalted cavaliers of
the court, Antoiue duke de Vendome, and Francis duke de
Guise, who each had become an eager aspirant for her hand,
from the moment that the king placed his veto on the suit of
the prince of Spain.
Antoine de Bourbon was the eldest son of Charles duke
de Vendome, who died at Amiens in 1536, and of Francoise
sister of the duke d'Alencon, a prince, the first husband of the
mother of the princess Jeanne. The most intimate friendship
existed between the queen of Navarre and her sister-in-law
the duchess de Vendome ; a fact, which doubtless encouraged
Antoine to press his suit with the princess. The duke de
Vendome was born in the castle of LaFere, on the 18th of April,
1518. 2 He had, therefore, entered his twentieth year when he
sought the hand of the princess. The character of Antoine de
Bourbon presents one of those strange anomalies, where a
captivating address conceals grave moral deficiency. Super-
ficial and frivolous, the duke disarmed censure by his frank
admission of ignorance, and his good-natured condescension.
His disposition was vacillating and uncertain ; perpetually
wavering, and devoid of principle, he invariably became the
victim of those who last possessed his ear ; being himself totally
regardless of antecedent engagements. His temper was excit-
able ; in the first heat of passion his resentments appeared
unbridled, and his energy irresistible. His anger pacified, all
sense of wrong to himself, or of justice to others, passed away;
and Antoine became again the luxurious, effeminate prince.
As a soldier, however, the duke de Vendome had achieved
considerable repute ; he had bravely served the king in several
campaigns : but his love of ease, and his capricious temper,
i Ancien Fonds Franqais, 849o, p. 6. MS. Bibl. Roy.— Inedited.
2 Thevet, Vies des Homines Illustres. — Vie d'Antoine de Bourbon, t. ii.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 41
were as adverse to his attainment of military excellence, as
they were inimical to his social and political renown. Antoine
had a noble presence ; he was upright in figure, and carried
himself with grace. In his attire he was fastidious ; and the
fashion of the jewels and of the habits worn by M. De Ven-
dome was eagerly copied by the courtiers. His popularity with
the fair dames of the court was great ; the manner in which he
raised his plumed chapeau when paying obeisance to a lady, was
deemed a model of elegance ; and at the court balls he yielded
the palm to no cavalier in address, as, leading a fair partner, he
threaded the mazes of the lively coicranto.
At the conference of Nice, in 1538, pope Paul III. had
offered to bestow upon the duke de Vendome the hand of his
niece, Victoria Farnese ; but political events prevented the
accomplishment of this alliance. 1 Again, soon after the acces-
sion of Henry II., the king had proposed to give his sister the
princess Marguerite in marriage to the duke de Vendome ; who
held the first rank in the kingdom, after the dauphin and his
brothers. Marguerite, then in her twenty-seventh year, was
not dazzled by the duke's popular deportment ; and she coldly
excused her rejection of his suit by observing, " that she would
never condescend to espouse a subject of the king her brother's,
however illustrious might be his rank." 2 On the arrival of
Jeanne at the court of France, the duke de Vendome was free
and heart-whole ; for the attachments of so capricious a cavalier,
notorious though they might be, left neither trace nor impression
behind. The animation and the joyous spirits of the princess
were greatly admired by the duke ; even the occasional per-
versity of her humour seemed a charm to the fancy of one so
sated with adulation. It has been said that those persons
whose characters present the strongest contrast assimilate best
together ; be this as it may, Jeanne, with her serious mind,
her worship of truth, and her commanding talents, returned
duke Antoine's regard, over whom she soon exercised an extra-
ordinary degree of influence.
King Henry's interest at this period, however, was given
to Antoine's rival, the duke de Guise, 3 whose favour remained
paramount throughout this reign. The queen, also, who
secretly detested the duke de Vendome, and his flattery, feel-
1 Mczeray, Abrege Chron. — Vie de Francois I. t. ii.
" Brantome, Dames Illustres — Vie de Marguerite de France.
3 At the period of which we are now treating, the old duke Claude de Guise
was living, and his son bore the title of duke d'Aumale. As the death of the
duke de Guise soon ensued, we have given Francois de Lorraine the title of
duke de Guise, to avoid the confusion arising from a variety of appellations for
the same personage.
42 LTFE OF JEANNE D'ALBEET.
ing that he was almost as great an adept as herself in that
mystic cabala called Veau benite de la cour, supported the pre-
tensions of the prince of Lorraine.
The character of the duke de Guise presented a complete
contrast to that of Antoine de Bourbon. Already Francois de
Lorraine was the darling of the populace ; and whenever he
appeared in Paris, the streets of the capital echoed with the cry,
"a Guise ! a Guise ! " — the name destined, ere a quarter of a cen-
tury lapsed, to fall with omen so portentous on the ear of the
grandsons of Francis I. Seldom does the page of history pre-
sent the assemblage of so many brilliant qualities united in the
person of one individual, as is displayed in the character of Fran-
cois, the great duke de Guise — the soaring ambition of his race
seeming but the one alloy to mar its excellence. With liberal
hand the duke distributed his vast revenues ; munificent was
his patronage of learning and art ; his affability corresponded
with his lofty rank. The charm of the duke's address was
such that the kin£ himself succumbed to its fascination.
" Henry II. treated this prince almost as an equal," says
Davila,' " admitting him to his conversation, his recreations, and
to share in those bodily exercises which were welcome and suit-
able to the age and tastes of each." The duke's military talents
were universally acknowledged ; and the French, with acclama-
tions, hailed him the successor of the young hero of Cerizolles, the
lamented count d'Anguien. Iu a court adorned by such men as
Brissac, 2 Vieilleville, JS T evers, s Montmorency, 4 and St Andre —
soldiers, statesmen, and wits — men who had converted by their
exquisite tact the metier of the courtier into a science — it was no
slight triumph for Francois de Lorraine to maintain pre-emin-
ence. The eldest of six b brothers — each of whom individually
possessed capacity to confer distinction on his house — the duke
de Guise seemed especially calculated to become the leader of a
powerful faction by his command of temper, and the perse-
verance which characterized his actions. He possessed not the
fiery eloquence nor the subtle craft of his celebrated brother,
the cardinal de Lorraine ; nor yet the latter's versatile intel-
1 Davila, Hist, ties Guerres Civiles de France, t. i.
2 Timoleoo de Cosse, marechal, count de Brissac.
3 Francois de Cleves, duke de Novers, son of Charles, count de Nevers,
and Marie d'Albret.
4 Anne de Montmorency, the renowned Constable, son of Guillaume, baron
de Montmorency, and Anne Pot, born in 1493.
5 Charles de Lorraine, cardinal-archbishop of Rheims, known as the cardi-
nal de Lorraine ; Claude, due d'Aumale ; Louis, cardinal de Guise ; P'rancois,
grand-prieur of France ; Rene, marquis d'Elbceuf ; — sons of Claude de Lorraine,
first duke de Guise, and of Antoinette de Bourbon, sister of Charles, duke de
Vendome.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 43
lect, which seemed created to compass every possible casualty
and circumstance. "The six brothers of the house of Guise,"
says the Venetian ambassador, Jean Miehiel, 1 " possessed re-
venues, which, including their paternal patrimony, their ec-
clesiastical preferments, and the posts bestowed upon them by
the king, amounted together to the sum of 600,000 francs. 2
The cardinal (de Lorraine) also possesses ecclesiastical bene-
fices yielding him a yearly income of 300,000 francs. This great
wealth, added to the lustre of their rank, their piety, their
beauty of person, and the harmony which subsists between
them, elevates these princes above all the other nobles of the
realm."
The rivalry between the duke de Yendome and Francois de
Lorraine divided the court from the commencement of the
reign of Henry II. Favoured by the king, and by madame de
Yalentinois, whose daughter had espoused his brother, 3 the
duke de Guise, supported by the additional prestige of his well-
merited popularity, found it no difficult task to eclipse the fri-
volous Antoine de Bourbon. The dissension between these
princes was increased by the suit which the duke de Guise
was daring enough to make for the hand of Jeanne d'Albret.
The self-appreciation of the duke de Guise, however, offended
the princess ; and she expressed indignation that he should pre-
sume to place his pretensions on a level with those of Vendome,
and her other royal suitors. The king, nevertheless, persisted
in urging the suit of his favourite, whom he overwhelmed with
marks of distinction in the presence of the princess.
The queen of Xavarre encouraged ber daughter in her re-
jection of this alliance. In Marguerite's eyes, the accession of
dignity gained by the house of Guise by the union of the
duke's sister, Marie de Lorraine, with James V. of Scotland, was
more than balanced by the marriage which the duke d'Aumale
had contracted with the daughter of madame de Yalentinois.
One day, when king Henry was warmly recommending the
princess to accept the suit of the duke de Guise ; and assuring
her that the diadem of her ancestors could not be better be-
stowed than upon so princely a cavalier, Jeanne indignantly re-
plied, " What, monseigneur, would you indeed permit that the
duchess d'Aumale, who now feels herself honoured by perform-
i Tommasio, Relations des ambassadeurs Venitiens au lGeme siecle.
8 The wealth of the house of Guise was enormous, when it is considered
that money in those days had fifteen times its present value.
' Claude, due d'Aumale, espoused Louise de Breze, iu the chapel of the
Louvre. She was the daughter of Louis, count de Maulevrier, grand senechul
of Normandy, by Diane de Poitiers.
44 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
ing the office of my train-bearer, should become my sister-in-
law ; or that this duchesse, the daughter of madame de Valen-
tinois, through the marriage which you advocate, should ac-
quire instead the right to walk by my side ? " ' King Henry
made no reply to this impetuous speech ; but desisted, thence-
forth, in his attempt to obtain Jeanne's hand for his favourite.
Anxious, however, to defeat the schemes of those who would
have united her to the prince of Spain, Henry transferred the
weight of his royal influence to the suit of the duke de Ven-
dome. But the courtship of the duke suffered formidable
obstacles, from the sudden unwillingness manifested by the
king of Navarre to consent to the alliance, so soon as Antoine's
pretensions had received king Henry's sanction ; and the mar-
riage, in consequence, had become one of probable accomplish-
ment. The prodigal character of the duke excited the appre-
hension of the king of Navarre ; but the reluctance of the
latter served only to increase the suspicion of the king as to
his ulterior designs respecting the bestowal of his daughter's
hand. This distrust, added to the entreaties of the princess
herself, induced the king to summon the king and queen of
Navarre somewhat peremptorily from Beam ; in order that
the affair might be discussed and the marriage celebrated with-
out unnecessary delay. 2
It is asserted that queen Marguerite, also, opposed her
child's inclinations ; and positively refused to sanction the
suit of the duke de Vendome. No reason has been assigned by
historians for this pretended reluctance on the part of the
queen, which probably existed not at all. Antoine was the son
of Marguerite's sister-in-law, and old friend, Franchise, sister
of the duke d' Alencon ; and Vendome's known inclination for
the doctrines of the Beformed Church, — a predilection which
might be supposed as likely to give umbrage to the king of
Navarre, — was calculated to produce a contrary effect on the
mind of queen Marguerite, always the ardent upholder of the
Beformation. The absolute command of king Henry at length
compelled the assent of the king of Navarre ; and Marguerite,
whatever might have been the nature of her objections, sub-
mitted to receive her son-in-law with very good grace ; and at
queen Catherine's public entry into the city of Lyons, the
last state ceremonial in which Marguerite participated, duke
Antoine rode by the side of the litter, in which the queen and
her daughter sat. 3 The affability displayed by Marguerite on
1 L£gende de Charles, cardinal de Lorraine, p. 12. Mem. de Conde, t. vi.
2 Vauvilliers, t. i. p. 25.
3 Godefroy, Grand ceremonial de France, t. i. p. 850.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 45
this occasion towards the duke was remarked by many spec-
tators of the pageant.
The king of Navarre, meantime, was propitiated by a pen-
sion of 15,000 livres — a sum to be levied by his own officers
on the customs of Gascony ; and the promise, so often fruit-
lessly given, of aid to recover the kingdom of Navarre. 1 The
satisfaction evinced by the princess, and the fervour of her as-
surances as to the stability of principle possessed by her affi-
anced husband, did not reconcile the king of Navarre to her
union, nor mitigate his forebodings as to its ultimate issue.
Some days, therefore, before his daughter's marriage-contract
received the public assent of Henry, the king of Navarre sum-
moned the duke to his presence, and addressed him in lan-
guage of reproof, for the frivolity of his pursuits, his extrava-
gance, and his dissipated life. 2 The duke patiently submitted
to the rebuke ; and assured the king of Navarre that the pos-
session of his daughter's hand, being a priceless boon, would
for the future render him indifferent to dissipated pleasures.
As an earnest of his good intentions, Antoine proceeded to re-
form his household, and to dismiss many useless retainers,
whose brawls and profligate orgies reflected disgrace on their
master's name.
The marriage contract between Jeanne d'Albret and An-
toine de Bourbon was signed at Moulins, October 20th, 1518,
in the presence of Henry and Catherine, the king and queen
of Navarre, the duchesse de Vendome, the cardinal de Bour-
bon, and other noble personages. The king and queen of
Navarre gave their daughter a dowry in money of one hundred
thousand gold crowns, Tournois. Being still distrustful of
Antoine's promises of amendment, and believing that his
habits of extravagant expenditure were incorrigible, the king
of Navarre stipulated that this sum should be paid in yearly
payments of twenty-five thousand livres ; ten thousand livres
of which were to be devoted for the sole and separate use of
his daughter, while her husband was only to receive interest
on the remainder. The duke de Vendome, on his part, settled
lands on his future bride, to the annual amount of twelve
thousand livres ; and engaged to present her with jewels of
the value of ten thousand gold crowns, which jewels were to
become the personal property of the princess. As king Henry
considered that this jointure of twelve thousand livres was a
dower of scarcely adequate proportion for a lady who
brought a crown to the house of Vendome, the cardinal de
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 26.
* Ibid. t. ii. p. 26.
46 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
Bourbon, the younger brother of duke Antoine, was induced
to offer the lands of Conde and La Eerte, a part of his own
heritage, as a free gift for the benefit of his future sister-in-
law ; a cession which was accepted by the king and assigned
to the princess. It was, moreover, stipulated, that in the
event of children being born to Autoine and Jeanne, that
their eldest son should succeed to the united heritages of his
parents ; and that he should bear the joint arms of Navarre
and France. In case of widowhood, Jeanne was declared sole
guardian and tutoress of her children. As if a foreshadowing
of the dark future had been legible on the pale brow of the
young Catherine de Medici, as she listened with her accus-
tomed composure to the rehearsing of the marriage articles,
queen Marguerite caused a clause to be inserted, wherein it
was expressly stated that Jeanne was to be responsible to no
one for the education and nurture which it might please her
to bestow upon her children ; and that until her son attained
the age of eighteen years be was to be subject to her sole
government. The contract was witnessed by three public no-
taries ; and signed by the secretaries of state, Bochetal, Clausse ,
and Du Tiers. 1
The following day the marriage ceremony was performed
in the chapel of the castle of Moulins, in the presence of the
court, the king giving away the royal bride. Early on the
marriage day, however, the court was thrown into consterna-
tion indescribable, by a report of the alleged refusal of the
duke de Vendome to suffer the spousal ceremony to proceed ;
it was even insinuated that but from wholesome dread of the
king's wrath, the hitherto impatient bridegroom elect would
have departed from Moulins at early dawn for his castle of
Chatellerault. All kinds of speculations circulated amongst
the courtiers respecting this extraordinary whim of duke An-
toine's ; and until the bridal procession issued forth in the
pomp of royal pageantry from the castle portal, many doubted
whether, after all, the heiress of Navarre would wed with a
Bourbon. The truth of the matter was, that during the even-
ing of the day previous to his marriage, the duke had been as-
sailed with terrible misgivings as to the validity of Jeanne's
former marriage with the duke of Cleves. 2 His excitement
increased, until at length it bordered upon frenzy ; and forget-
ting the unmerited disgrace which his desertion would have
inflicted on the young princess whose hand he had so ardently
• Contrat fie manage d' Antoine de Bourbon, et de Jeanne d'Albret.
Leonard, Recueil des Traitez de Paix, &e. t. ii. p. 468.
? Brantome, Dames illustres — Vie de Marguerite de Valois.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 47
sought, Antoine protested that nothing should induce him to
perfect the alliance. In alternate paroxysms of jealous fury
and lamentation, the vacillating Autoine spent several hours,
until he was soothed somewhat by the solemn and reiterated
assurances of queen Marguerite, of madame de Silly, and of
the senechale of Poitou, 1 that the duke of Cleves had placed
the princess Jeanne under her mother's protection, immediate-
ly on the termination of the ceremonial performed at Chatelle-
rault ; and had never subsequently conversed with her, but in
the queen's presence.
King Henry, on his return from the nuptial ceremony,
publicly signed the marriage contract of the duke de Guise,
with Anne d'Este, daughter of the duke of Ferrara, and grand-
daughter of Louis XII. 2 Aware of the mortification inflicted
on his magnificent favourite, by the unceremonious way in
which his suit had been rejected by the princess of Navarre,
Henry devised this flattering method of reparation. Anne
d'Este was the king's first cousin ; and held precisely the same
degree of affinity to the royal family of France as did the
duchesse de Vendome. She was beautiful in person ; and
having been educated under the rigid surveillance of her mo-
ther the princess Renee, her rare acquirements rendered her a
suitable consort for the duke. Apart from the territorial ag-
grandizement, which the duke de Guise would have obtained
by an alliance with the heiress of Navarre, this marriage probably
afibrded him greater domestic felicity than he would have en-
joyed as the husband of Jeanne d'Albret. The gentle and
womanly disposition of the duchess de Guise endeared her to
her husband ; whose haughty independence of character would
not have brooked the semblance of rivalry in a consort of even
queenly rank.
On the termination of their marriage festivities at Moulins,
the duke and duchess de Vendome retired from court, and
took up their abode in the castle of La Fere, in Picardy, of
which province Antoine was governor. After making a brief
sojourn there, Antoine and Jeanne journeyed to Pau, in order
that the young duchess might receive the homage of the states
of Beam ; and the formal recognition of her right of eventual
succession, as heiress of the principality. Her reception was
enthusiastic. The people flocked to behold her again ; and to
welcome the consort she had chosen, whose religious sympathies
1 Louise de Daillon, wife of the seigneur de la Chateigneraye, chamberlain
in ordinary to the king, and senechal of Poitou. Madame de la Chateigneraye
was first lady of honour to the queen of Navarre.
2 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret.
48 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
were hailed with rapture by the Bearnnois. 1 The duke, with
the happy tact which rescued him from so many difficulties,
perceived that the loyal inhabitants of Beam had few things
more at heart than reverence for their good queen Mar-
guerite, and attachment to the religion which she had beeu so
instrumental in establishing amongst them. To queen Mar-
guerite, therefore, and to her Lutheran ministers, Antoine
offered devoted homage ; and, consequently, he won golden
opinions from all parties in the principality. The young
duchess, however, too honest to feign a sympathy which at
this period she did not feel for the Reformers, steadily continu-
ed her countenance to the Romish party, and to the prelates
of Beam. Although Jeanne's belief in the doctrines inculcat-
ed from her earliest youth had been shaken by her residence
in Beam with queen Marguerite, she was not prepared to
throw off her allegiance to Rome With less principle, but
with more policy, Antoine, whose interest was his creed
throughout life, perceived the advantage which might accrue
from such a course. The result realized his anticipations ; for
his name was associated with that of Jeanne d'Albret in the
formula of recognition, by which the states of the principality
acknowledged the successor of Henry and Marguerite.
As soon as the emperor was informed of the marriage of
the princess with the duke de Vendome, and of her recog-
nition as the future sovereign of Beam, he caused his son
Philip to be proclaimed king of Navarre, in a cortes he sum-
moned at Pamplona for the express purpose. He, moreover,
issued a proclamation wherein that kingdom was again for-
mally annexed, by right of conquest, to the Spanish crown.
The viceroy of Navarre, the duke d'Alberquerque, even me-
naced the frontiers of Beam. The king of Navarre assembled
levies, and increased the fortifications of Bayonne and Navar-
reins ; when the war, which seemed on the point of breaking
forth, was arrested by the illness and death of queen Margue-
rite ; an event which occurred at the castle of Odos, in Bigorre,
December 21st, 1548. 2 Prom that period the energy of the
king of Navarre departed ; and during the remainder of his
reign he made but feeble resistance to the hostile designs of
the emperor.
The loss of her admirable mother was a sorrow deeply felt
by the duchess de Vendome ; and in years subsequently she
ailuded to this event as one of the greatest calamities of her
life. The decease of queen Marguerite, in another point of
1 Olhagaray. Hist, de Foix, Beam et Navarre, p. 50o.
2 Lite of Marguerite d'Angouleme, vol. ii. p. 508.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 49
view, was a great misfortune for her daughter ; as she alone
possessed salutary influence over the duke de Vendoine, and
could check, in some measure, his wayward projects. Mar-
guerite's gentle firmness, the prestige of her great name
throughout the kingdom, and the power which she still pos-
sessed at court, imposed respect upon the unstable mind of
Antoine, and commanded his deference. Though the duke de
Vendome was attached to his young wife, and proud of the
esteem in which she was held by others, Jeanne's earnestness
of purpose, and the diligence with which she fulfilled her duties
seemed to rebuke his own frivolous pursuits, which seldom had
higher aim than the enjoyment of the moment. No two cha-
racters could present a greater contrast than those of duke
Antoine and his consort : the duchess, noble-minded, unselfish,
and acting always from principle, however great the pain of
self-denial ; Antoine, gay, luxurious, ever ready to make com-
promise with conscience, unstable, and passionate. While the
duke feasted royally with his boon companions, Jeanne, who
inherited the literary tastes of her mother, devoted herself to
the study of philosophy, theology, and history. The religious
questions of the day — topics so hotly debated, and assailed
with scepticism so impious — occupied much of her leisure.
Jeanne weighed and discussed these opinions with fearless in-
dependence : her mind partook of the severe tone which dis-
tinguished that of her grandmother Louise de Savoye ; and at
this period of her history, like that celebrated princess, it is to
be feared the duchesse de Vendome viewed the divisions agita-
ting the church more as curious speculations for the student
and politician than as subjects of vital import, in the elucida-
tion of which the well-being of all was involved. The duke's
dissipated habits, and the familiarity to which he condescended,
were very displeasing to his consort, and had the effect of in-
creasing the dignified reserve of her manner. Yet Jeanne was
tenderly attached to her husband ; and had he possessed wisdom
enough to be guided by her penetration, his career might have
been as prosperous as it proved the reverse.
Another source of disquietude, at this season, assailed the
princess Jeanne : she had been a wife for upwards of two
years, and yet there seemed no prospect of her bringing an
heir to the houses of Vendome and Albret. Her father, the
king of Navarre, openly expressed his disappointment ; a sen-
timent reciprocated by his subjects of Beam. The emperor,
therefore, had insidiously proposed, as the duchesse de Ven-
dome remained childless, that Henry himself should contract
a second marriage with the infanta Juana of Spain. Charles,
■i
50 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
moreover, professed a willingness to make some important
concessions relative to the kingdom of Navarre, in favour of
any offspring resulting from this alliance. 1 The project was
not unfavourably received by the states of Beam, loyal as
was the attachment felt for the daughter of Marguerite d'An-
gouleme. The king of Navarre, whose territory and alliance
had been so often the object of the emperor's political combin-
ations, received the proposal with indifference. Nevertheless,
the negotiation made such progress that Jeanne's ultimate
succession began to appear doubtful, even to her most faithful
adherents ; when the joyful news reached the principality
that the duchesse de Vendome was at length in a condition to
fulfil the ardent aspirations of her subjects of Beam. 2 The
overtures of the emperor were forthwith negatived ; for few
persons were credulous enough to believe that Beam woidd
ever again become independent of the sway of Spain, when
once a princess, daughter of the emperor, had been installed
over the heritage of Albret.
Jeanne retii'ed from court, and took up her abode in the
castle of Coucy soon after her pregnancy was announced. The
duke de Vendome made some sojourn with her there. An-
toine's content seemed unbounded ; for already the enemies of
the young duchesse, aware of her husband's besetting foible,
had ventured to insinuate their conviction that Jeanne's bar-
renness was a judgment from heaven, sent to signify the Divine
indignation at her abandonment of the duke of Cleves. After
the departure of the duke de Vendome for his military com-
mand, Jeanne wrote thus to her friend Anne d'Este, duchesse
de Guise : —
THE PRINCESS JEANNE OF NAVARRE TO THE
DUCHESS DE GUISE.
"Ma Cousine,
Not having been able to bid you adieu in person when I quitted
the court, I have resolved to do so in writing, to beg you always to
hold me in your affectionate remembrance, as I return the same to
you. I assure you, ma cousine, that you have no relative better
affected towards you than myself; and if you do not believe this you
do me great injury. To prevent you from becoming forgetful of the
friendship which I bear you ; and, also, that your esteem may not de-
crease for me, I will often remind you of it by letter ; so you will per-
ceive how desirous I am that our regard should continue throughout
our lives. Ma cousine, if you should happen to have news from the
i Olhaptaray, Hist, de Foix, Bt'arn ct Navarro, p. 507.
- Olhagaray. Favyn, Hist, de Navarre, liv. 13.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 51
camp, I pray you send me word of it by my messenger, and especially
concerning the health of monsieur my husband ; also, of the time
when they think of leaving the camp, and whether you are likely to be
besieged where you are, that I may lead succours to your rescue ! I
beg you to present my very humble commendations to the queen,
when you see her Majesty. I have not dared at present to importune
her with my letters. In conclusion, ma cousine, if you have tidings
from the camp, I pray you send the news to me ; and in return, I will
pray that God may bestow upon you all that, after commending her-
self to your favour and affection, she desires for you, who signs
herself,
" Votre bien bonne cousine, et parfaite amie,
Jeanne de Navarre." 1
On the 21st day of September, 15-30, the ducliesse de Yen-
dome gave birth to a son. 2 The young prince was named
Henry ; his sponsors were the king of Navarre, the count
d'Enghien. and Marguerite de France, afterwards duchess de
Savoye. The royal infant bore the title of duke de Beaumont,
an ancient pairie of the house of Vendome.
The faithful affection displayed by madame de Silly during
her own infancy determined the duchess to confide to her the
care of her infant. Madame de Silly, however, had become an
infirm old woman ; while several years of failing health had
subdued her energy. She had, moreover, espoused, some years
previously, Jerome Groslot bailiff of Orleans, and chancellor of
the duchy of Alencon, a man highly esteemed by queen Mar-
guerite for his integrity and learning. Instead, therefore, of
residing in the beautiful and salubrious castle of Lonray, where
Jeanne d'Albret had spent so many of her early years, the
baillive had taken up her abode in Orleans. The failing health
of the baillive had rendered her susceptible of the least change
of temperature; so that she now passed her days in an apart-
ment heated to an oppressive degree, and closely hung with
arras. The windows, by her directions, were rendered air tight ;
every aperture through which the slightest current could pass
being closed; and a fire was kept burning in a stove through-
out the twenty-four hours. To this stifling den, madame la
baillive bore her helpless charge; there she kept the prince
muffled in the barbarous appendages to baby-toilette of those
days; whilst she refused to permit him to be carried into the
open air, even during the finest weather. The baillive held
tenaciously to the doctrine that heat matured all things; and
when remonstrated with on the treatment of her nurseling, her
1 MS. Bibl. Roy. F. de Bethunc, No. S74G, fol. 21.— Inedited.
' i Cayet, Chron. Novenaire, p. 99. Favyn. Hist, de Navarre, liv. 14.
52 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
invariable reply was, " Laissez V enfant ! il vaut mieux suer que
trembler ! The consequence of this regimen was, that the un-
fortunate little duke de Beaumont wasted gradually away ;
and at length became so attenuated, that his attendants were
obliged to nurse him on a pillow. When the duchess was in-
formed of the pitiable condition to which her son was reduced,
she journeyed to Orleans. Shocked at the spectacle, the duchess
bitterly reproached the baillive for her selfish neglect of the
child confided to her care. She then took the prince to the
castle of Graillon, in Normandy, where she was sojourning in ex-
pectation of her second accouchement. The constitution of the
little prince, however, had been quite exhausted by the baillive's
sudorific treatment. He died, therefore, when little more than
one year and a half old ; a few weeks before the duchess gave
birth to her second child. 1
The death of this young prince was a great mortification to
his grandfather the king of Navarre ; and many a fervid ex-
pletive did he lavish on the doting old baillive, and her per-
nicious system of rearing children. The people of Beam began
again to discuss the expediency of their sovereign's union with
the daughter of the emperor, when Jeanne brought into the
world a second son at the castle of Graillon, during the month
of August, 1552. The duke de Vendome was, at this period,
with the royal forces in Picardy ; and the projected invasion
of the imperial territories of Artois and Hainault, and the
consequent unsettled state of the adjacent provinces, was the
reason wherefore the duchess Jeanne had retired from her
usual abode, the castle of La Fere, to the shelter of the strong
towers of Gaillon.
The new-born prince had the title of count de Marie be-
stowed upon him ; but so apprehensive was the duchess lest
some disaster should happen to him, that she insisted upon
having the child brought up under her own superintendence.
Jeanne's system answered perfectly. In a few months, the
infant became a strong and healthy child ; and the duchess was
able to comply with the earnestly expressed wish of the father,
that she would bring the prince, and present him to the
Bearnois, during the ensuing festival of Christmas.
On the conclusion of hostilities for the year 1552, the
duke de Vendome and his consort, with the young heir of
Navarre, set out for Pau. King Henry, anxious to greet his
daughter, " sa bonne filled as he called the princess, met the
royal couple at Mont de Marsan. The king contemplated
1 Cayet, Chron. Novenaire, p. 100. Vauvillicr.?, Favyn, liv. 14.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBEET. 53
his infant grandson with proud satisfaction ; and seemed never
weary of fondling the child, and exhibiting him to the admir-
ing gaze of the loyal Bearnois. The duke and duchess de Ven-
dome, soon after their arrival at Mont de Marsan, one day ac-
companied the king on a grand hunting expedition, leaving
their son in the care of his nurse, and that of the cham-
berlain, already appointed to attend upon monsieur Je Prince.
It happened that, during the afternoon, the nurse carried her
young charge to an open window. She was there joined by a
gentleman of the chamber to king Henry, who approached and
conversed from without. After some discourse had passed
between the pair, the nobleman noticed the young prince,
who was sleeping placidly, and requested permission to hold
the child. The lady complied : a scene of unseemly jesting
then ensued, during which the young prince several times
passed backwards and forwards from the arms of his nurse to
those of the cavalier, who sometimes took him, and, at others,
only feigned to do so. It so happened, that the window was
situated over an outer staircase, leading to the under-ground
apartments of the castle. For some time the two continued
their pastime ; when the nurse suddenly relinquishing her
grasp of the child, thinking that her companion held him, the
young prince fell on the marble steps, and fractured a rib. 1
Terrified at the result of their heedless mirth, the pair agreed
to conceal the accident. The nurse found means to quiet the
agonized cries of the poor infant ; and when the duchess de
Yendome returned home nothing was said on the subject.
During the following few days the cries of the suffering child
were ascribed to every cause but the right one ; and its shrink-
ing from the touch was attributed to magic, or to some fabu-
lous agency, believed in by the credulous of that age. It was
only after the death of the child, which happened some four
days from the date of the accident, that the injury was disco-
vered ; and the guilty parties brought to condign punishment
for their misdemeanour.
The wrath of the king of Navarre was excessive at this
second disappointment of his hopes ; but the accident aroused
the latent energy of his nature. He bitterly reproached his
daughter for her careless neglect of her children, to which he
was pleased to declare the loss of her two hopeful sons might
be attributed. He even went so far as to taunt her with the
appellations of maratre and inhuman. 2 He announced to her
his intention to marry a second time ; and bade her attribute
1 Cayet, Chron. Novenaire, p, 101. Favyn, Hist, de Navarre, liv. 14.
2 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, p. 38. Cayet.
54 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
to her neglect of her maternal duties any eventual loss of her
heritage of Navarre which might ensue from that event. The
princess, who could scarcely be considered as responsible for
the calamity which bereft her of her child, opposed submission
only to her father's anger. At length Henry suifered himself
to be pacified, on receiving his daughter's solemn promise,
that if ever she became likely to bear another child she would
repair to Pau for her accouchement ; and, after that event, re-
linquish the management of the infant to his care. The
duchess was, moreover, obliged to give the same assurance to
the states of the principality ; l the duke de Vendome, like-
wise, expressed his concurrence. After this untoward event,
duke Antoine and his consort declined to accompany the king
of Navarre to Pau ; and the princess Jeanne and her father
parted in mutual dissatisfaction. The high-spirited Jeanne re-
sented her father's strictures, which she thought unjust and
unmerited. She felt aggrieved also at the ascendency which
a certain noble lady exercised over the king and the little
court at Pau. It was believed that this lady, who was beauti-
ful, unscrupulous, and distantly allied to the house of Poix,
aspired to a matrimonial alliance with Henry ; to whom, since
the death of queen Marguerite, she had borne a son. The
duchesse de Vendome, therefore, had every reason to ap-
prehend that her father, even if he did not proceed to the
extremity of demanding the hand of the Spanish infanta, or to
that of espousing his misti'ess, would seek to legitimatize his
son, so as to place him next to herself in the succession to the
principality, should she die childless. Henry, indeed, had in-
timated the probability of his adopting such a measure in the
heat of his resentment at the loss of his grandsons ; because,
as the king told his daughter, " as she was not worthy, after
her careless disregard, to possess other children, God would
surely withhold from her the blessing of posterity."
In much mental disquietude, therefore, the duke and
duchess de Vendome took up their abode in the castle of La
Pleche, in Anjou, the magnificent dower palace of Francoise
d'Alencon, the duke's mother. In superintending the archi-
tectural embellishments of the edifice, then in the course of con-
struction by the duchess-dowager, Jeanne found alleviation
from sorrow. Like her mother, she was passionately fond of
flowers ; and the garden at La Fleche afforded her many hours
of relaxation, during the absence of duke Antoine, in Picardy.
Jeanne again renewed her correspondence with the duchess de
1 Vauvillicrs, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, p. 38. Cayet.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 55
Guise, during her sojourn at La Fleche. The character of the
duchess was much esteemed by Jeanne ; who admired her gen-
tle and womanly deportment, and the undeviating rectitude of
her conduct. From the anxiety which the princess always ex-
presses to hear news of her husband, it may be presumed that
Jeanne was not satisfied with the amount of intelligence which
she was in the habit of receiving from her consort.
THE PRINCESS JEANNE DE NAVARRE TO THE DUCHESS
DE GUISE. 1
" Ma Cousine,
" I entreat you to send me the news from the camp, by the messen-
ger whom I despatch to you, as I have heard that Coutel is arrived
from thence. You will do me an infinite good if you will send me
the tidings of what has recently happened there, by my messenger,
who is to be trusted ; also, what you may have heard relative to the
return of our husbands. I have been informed that monsieur has
quitted Chalons. I pray you write me word all that you know of this
matter. If there should be news which you fear may get abroad, as-
sure yourself that I shall as scrupulously guard the secret as any
friend that you have. As I know that you are rather idle at writing
with your own hand, I shall be content if the letter is written by your
secretary, provided that it be of ample length, and comprehensive,
stating whether you know anything of the proceedings of monsieur
man mart ; to whom I have written the enclosed letter, which I beg
you will forward to him. Do not deem me importunate if I address
myself to you, as to her from whom I have already received many
tokens of friendship ; so much so, that you may always rely upon me
as a personage more at your disposal than any relative or friend that
you possess. I pray God, ma cousine, to give you long life, and to
grant your desires.
" Votre bien bonne cousine, et loyalle amie,
"Jeanne de Navarre.
" P.S. Do me the kindness to prevent any letters that I write to
my husband from falling into other hands than his own."
It must have been mortifying to the pride of Jeanne
d'Albret to owe her knowledge of the proceedings of her con-
sort to the wife of the prince whose hand she had so positively
rejected. The duke de Guise dominated in the counsels of his
sovereign ; while Antoine de Bourbon appeared there as first
prince of the blood, and only in virtue of his rank. Had
Jeanne accepted the suit of the duke de Guise it is impossible
to divine to what power and state the house of Lorraine might
have aspired, supported by the royal title and heritage of her
1 MS. Bibl. Roy. Be'thune, 8746, fol. 19— Inedited. The letter is addressed
" A madame la ducliesse de Guise, ma cousiuc."
56 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
ancestors. Brighter days, however, dawned after a time for
the princess ; and early in the spring of the year 1553 Jeanne
found herself again likely to realize the hopes of the king of
Navarre. With some exultation, the princess despatched a
courier to notify the event to her father. Henry received the
intelligence with the utmost satisfaction ; and sent back a
message to remind his daughter of her promise to bring him
her child, that it might be reared in Beam, and not, like her
other offspring, " mollement, et a la Francaise.''''
During part of the summer of 1553 the duchess de Ven-
dome shared the discomforts of the camp with her husband ;
devoted to Antoine, she was his constant companion ; and her
enlightened mind proved of essential service to him, on more
than one occasion during the campaign. " Like a bold and
courageous Amazon, this noble princess followed her husband
to the camp, to kindle and support the courage of our warriors,
as she was well able to do," says a contemporary historian.
Instead of repaying the devotion manifested by his wife with
heartfelt homage and affection, Antoine lavished upon the
duchess the gallant attentions of a petit-maitre. There was a
reality in all that Jeanne did — a purpose in her actions, which
made her shrink from obtrusive and senseless adulation. The
heart of Jeanne must have grown sore within her, as she listen-
ed to the commendation lavished by all on the suitor whom
she had so peremptorily discarded for the sake of Antoine de
Bourbon — the chivalrous duke de Guise, whose deportment
elicited homage even from the foes of the house of Lorraine.
An incident occurred during the sojourn of the duchesse
Jeanne at the camp in Picardy, which nearly again frustrated
her hope of offspring. The duke de Vendome, with his
habitual thoughtlessness, perceiving one day an arquebuse
standing in a corner of his tent, took it up, and, without dis-
continuing his discourse, levelled it at his wife, and pulled the
trigger, believing it to be unloaded. To the horror of the
spectators, an explosion followed ; most providentially, however,
the bullet had dropped on the floor as Antoine raised the gun ;
and the young duchess stood agitated, but unharmed. Such
was the strength of Jeanne's nerves, that she experienced no
ill effects from this abominable escapade — an act very charac-
teristic of Duke Antoine. 1
As the period of the princess's delivery drew nigh, the
greatest excitement prevailed throughout Beam. The states
of the principality assembled ; and doubting whether duke
» Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, p. 374, t i.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 57
Antoine, of voluble renown, would suffer bis consort to under-
take tbe promised journey, tbey nominated a deputation of
members to request king Henry to adopt measures to satisfy tbe
wisbes of bis subjects. 1 With tbe consent of tbe king, envoys
were cbosen to proceed to France, to make known tbe desire
of tbe Bearnnois to tbe duchess ; and their expectation that
she would punctually fulfil her engagement.
The duchess de Vendome received this deputation, whilst
sojourning at the royal castle of Compiegne, whither her con-
dition had compelled her to retire from the discomforts of a life
in tbe camp. She assured the deputies that she was ready to
comply with their prayer ; and she informed them that, before
their arrival to renew the petition of the states, she bad intend-
ed to proceed to Pau for her accouchement : an assertion which,
perhaps, Jeanne's loving subjects permitted themselves to
doubt, as she had entered the ninth month of her pregnancy
without having made any preparation for a journey into Beam,
in the depth of winter. The duchess, however, perceived that
king Henry and his subjects were too much in earnest to admit
of any excuse on her part : besides, private information reached
her that her father bad recently made bis will ; in which
document his beautiful mistress claimed to have great interest.
These causes combined, inspired the duchess Jeanne with
courage to undertake so painful an expedition : she accordingly
bade adieu to the duke de Vendome at Compiegne, on tbe loth
of November, and set out for Pau, attended by tbe Bearnnois
deputies and a numerous suite.
The princess pursued her journey with speed, reclining in
a litter drawn by mules. She arrived at Pau on the 4th of
December ; having spent a fortnight and four days on the
road from Compiegne, in Picardy. The king received his
daughter with tender affection, and installed her in the apart-
ments formerly occupied by her mother, queen Marguerite, on
the first story of the castle. Jeanne soon recovered from the
fatigue of her journey, and charmed the Bearnnois, by frequent-
ly showing herself in public. Meantime, she was not unmind-
ful of the proceedings of her father's ambitious mistress ; and
of tbe latter' s intrigue to bring forward her son. Jeanne
often attempted to penetrate the secret of her father's will, much
to the amusement of the king, who seemed to take pleasure in
increasing her curiosity and anxiety on the subject. One day,
the duchess being alone with her father in his cabinet, made
allusion to tbe subject which so greatly occupied her thoughts ;
• Olhagaray, Hist, de Navarre, p. 507.
58 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
expressing a desire to be informed what the king's testamentary-
injunctions were, respecting this son. Henry rose, and open-
ing a coffer, took therefrom a small gold box, having a chain
attached to suspend it from the neck ; showing it to the duchess,
he said with a smile : " Ma fille, you see this box : well, it shall
be your own with my last will which it contains, provided that,
when the pains of labour assail you, you will sing me a Gascon
or a Bearnnois song. I do not want a peevish girl, or a
drivelling boy!" 1 The duchess laughed; but accepted the
proposal. The king, thereupon, placed an old and faithful
valet-de-chambre named Cotin in the princess's wardrobe-
chamber, ordering him to bring instant intelligence of the first
symptoms of indisposition felt by his daughter.
Early on the morning of the 13th of December, between
the hours of one and two o'clock, the duchess de Vendome felt
that her delivery was at hand. Faithful to her engagement
she ordered that Cotin might be informed of the event, and
sent with a summons to king Henry. The king rose in haste,
and proceeded to visit his daughter. When Jeanne heard her
father's step approach, she commenced in a firm and clear voice,
the Bearnnoise chanson " Kotre-Dame, du bout du pont, aidez-
moi a cette heure ! " This ditty was popular throughout
Beam : the Virgin invoked as " ]\ T 6tre-Dame dubout dupont,"
being a miraculous image, honoured as a Lucina, by the Bearn-
noise matrons, and whose chapel was built at the extremity of
the bridge crossing the river Gave, in the town of Pau. Jeanne,
it is recorded, bravely sang on, omitting not one of the numerous
verses of the song. -2 She had scarcely made an end, when her
son was born — the future hero of Coutras and d'Arques —
Henry IV., of illustrious memory,
Ce heros qui regna sur la France
Et par droit de conquete, et par droit de naissance ;
Qui par de longs malheurs apprit a gouverner,
Cahna les factious, sut vaincre et pardouner !
Transported with joy, king Henry received the new-born
babe in his arms, and carefully enveloping the child in the
skirt of his robe, he approached the duchess, and placing the
gold box in her hand, exclaimed, " There, that is thine own,
daughter ; but," continued the king, pointing to the infant,
" this is mine ! " It is stated, however that Henry mischiev-
ously withheld from the duchess the key of the golden box ;
therefore, though she possessed the much-desired document,
1 Cayet, Chron. Novenaire, p. 104 — Edition de 1790.
2 Cayet- Chron. Novenaire. Favyn, Hist, de Navarre.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALI3RET. 59
Jeanne being still tantalized by ber desire to peruse it, felt
mueb disconcerted at the king's subtle method of evading her
curiosity. King Henry, meantime, conveyed the babe to his
own apartments. The child, it was remarked, did not cry on
coming into the world — a circumstance considered one of
happy augury. Before the king consigned his grandson to the
nurse's care, he performed an ancient ceremony practised by
the Bearnnois. First, he took a clove of garlic, and gently
rubbed the lips of the little prince ; next, he presented him
with wine in a golden cup. The infant, it is asserted, on smell-
ing the wine raised his head, and otherwise testified satisfaction.
The king then put a few drops of wine on the child's tongue,
which he swallowed. " Va, tu seras un vrai Bearnnais!" ex-
claimed the old king, with rapture. Taking the infant in his
arms a second time, king Henry passed into his ante-chamber,
which was crowded with gentlemen and courtiers eager to offer
him congratulations. " SeTwres ! " said he, holding the child
aloft, that all might gaze upon him, "mira; agora esta oveja
parib un leone I "'
The nurse chosen by the prudent old king for his grandson
was not a superannuated lady like the baillive d' Orleans, nor
yet a flighty dame, likely to subject her nurseling to the same
disaster as befell the unfortunate count de Marie ; but a strong
and healthy peasant woman, who took the young prince from
the castle to her humble abode, to rear him with ber own child.
This nurse, however, soon fell sick of a low fever epidemic then
throughout the principality. Eight successive nurses, to
whose care Jeanne's royal infant was consigned, sickened of the
same disease. The prince was then confided to the care of Jeanne
Fourcade, the wife of a poor labourer named Lassansaa, of the
hamlet of Bilheres, situated on the river Gave. The park be-
longing to the castle of Pau extended along the banks of the
river to this hamlet, so that the duchesse de Vendome could
privately visit her son. 2 In the year 1820, the cottage occupied
by Jeanne Fourcade existed almost in the same condition as
during the infancy of Henri Quatre. It is described as a poor
cottage, standing in a garden of half an acre, surrounded by a
mud wall. Over the doorway the ancient arms of France
were blazoned, with the words " Sauve-garde die Boy;" such
distinction having been conceded to Jeanne Fourcade and to
her posterity for ever.
The duchesse de Vendome became speedily convalescent.
1 In allusion to the injurious expressions made use of by the Spanish people
on the birth of Jeanne d'Albret.
2 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, p. 46.
60 LIFE OF JEANNE DALBRET.
She was recovered sufficiently on twelfth-day of the ensuing
year, 1554, to witness the ceremony of the christening of her
son in the castle of Pau. The godfathers were the king of
France, and the king of Navarre : the godmother was the prin-
cess Isabel of Navarre, 1 sister of king Henry, and widow of the
viscount de Rohan. The prince was borne to the font by his
gi'andfather, on the shell of a tortoise ; which is still treasured
at Pau, and shown to travellers, and called the cradle of
Henry IV.
During the following month of February, the duchesse
Jeanne quitted Beam, and returned into Prance. The duke
de Vendome still retained a joint command of the army as-
sembled on the frontier of Pieardy, with the constable de
Montmorency. Jeanne met the duke at Estree-au-Pont.
After making a brief sojourn there with her husband she re-
tired to the castle of Baran, near to Brenne, a town situated
about four leagues from Soissons.
From this antique abode of the Merovingian kings, Jeanne
wrote to condole with Madelaine de Savoye, consort of the
constable de Montmorency, on the decease of a near relative,
whose name the duchess does not state in her letter. Probably,
the lady so affectionately mentioned by Jeanne d'Albret was
the countess de Villars, widow of madame de Montmorency's
brother, Rene, bastard of Savoy, count de Tende and de Yillars,
who was killed at the battle of Pavia.
The letter of the duchess de Vendome is as follows : —
THE DUCHESS DE VENDOME, TO MADAME LA CONNE-
TABLE, DUCHESSE DE MONTMORENCY. 1
" Ma Cousine,
" I should, indeed, give you cause to doubt the friendship which I
bear you, if I failed at this season to address you ; not, however, with
the intent to propose a better consolation for your grief than that al-
ready offered by many worthy personages, but to lament with you the
loss of so good a relative and friend. Believe me, ma cousine, that
after having experienced the loss of such a mother as I had, I know
how to sympathize in this your sorrow. That I may not renew your
distress by dwelling on this calamitous loss, I will now supplicate the
Sovereign Consoler of the afflicted to bestow on you all needful solace,
and to grant you life as long as she desires who is —
" Votre bien bonne cousine, et parfaite amie,
"Jeanne de Navarre."
The early letters of Jeanne d'Albret — very few of whicb
1 Isabel, third daughter of Jean d'Albret and Catherine, queen of Navarre.
She espoused in 1534, Kene, viscount de Rohan et de Laon, count de Porrhoet.
■ M.S. Bib. Imp., F. de B6thune, No. 8769.-Inedited.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. Gl
are extant — admit us to an insight into her character. Simple
and unadorned, they express her sentiments in words concise
as possible. The elaborate style, and courtly compliments, in
which queen Marguerite d'Angouleme excelled, find no place
in her daughter's correspondence. With a boldness of ex-
pression which, in those days, found few imitators, Jeanne
asserted her opinions, let who might gainsay or oppose them.
Her truthfulness rendered her formidable to the courtiers ;
and hateful to the young queen, whose insincerity Jeanne
loved to expose. Like the rest of the court, the duchess held
Catherine's talents in little estimation ; but disastrous for her
was the development of that character trained in the discipline
and self-control of the theory embodied by the words — " a
prudent prince cannot, and ought not, to keep his word, except
when he can do it without injury to himself; or when the cir-
cumstances under which he contracted the engagement still
exist. It is necessary, however, to disguise the appearance of
craft, and thoroughly to understand the art of feigning and
dissembling ; for men are generally so simple and so weak,
that he who wishes to deceive, easily finds dupes." 1 So taught
the famed protege of Lorenzo de Medici, Machiavelli — senti-
ments, however, which many princes, when placed in circum-
stances of peril, unless endowed with extraordinary integrity of
character, have more or less acted upon, as well as the astute
Catherine.
The duchesse de Vendome was still sojourning at Baran,
when intelligence reached her of the decease of her father the
king of Navarre, which event happened in the town of Hagetmau,
May 25th, 1555. Henry was organising a military expedition
for the invasion of Spanish Navarre, when he fell a victim to
the epidemic, which still ravaged certain districts of his do-
minions. 2 Long after her attendants hailed her as queen of
Navarre, Jeanne mourned her loss : so intense was her grief,
that a presentiment of the future trials and miseries which that
fatal title entailed upon her might have agitated her mind, and
have even shaken, for a season, the fortitude of a spirit so con-
stant and elevated.
1 Machiavelli, II Principe, cap. xviii.
2 Olhagaray, Hist, de iNavarre et Beam, p. 108. This quaint historian,
when recording the decease of king Henry, relates it in the following words :
" Le roy Henry estant a Hagetmau Fan 1555, le 25 de Main, il s'en alia jouyr
du rcpos eternal au Fare des bienheureux."
02 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
CHAPTER III.
1555—1559.
Arrival of Antoine de Bourbon at Baran — Jeanne causes him to be proclaimed
kins? of Navarre — He is summoned to St Germain — Designs of the French
cabinet relative to Beam — Deportment of the king of Navarre — His reply to
the demands proposed to him — Queen Jeanne is compelled to visit the court
— Her deportment — Measures which she adopts to defeat the designs of the
king of France — Nominates the baron d'Avros military governor of Beam —
Treachery of the chancellor of Navarre — Politic conduct of the baron d'Ar-
ros — He defeats the conspiracy to surrender Beam to the king of France —
Arrival of Jeanne and Antoine at Pau — Their enthusiastic reception —
Jeanne's reply to king Henry's commissioners — Coronation of the king and
queen of Navarre — -They issue a new coinage — Antoine favours the Reform-
ation — State of religion throughout France — The court — Correspondence of
Jeanne d'Albret with the Viscount de Gourdon— Antoine' s imprudent con-
duct — Letter of remonstrance is addressed to the queen by the cardinal
d'Armagnac — The queen assumes the sole administration of affairs — -She
resolves to visit the court of France — Letter addressed to the sovereigns of
Beam by Henry II. — Jeanne appoints the cardinal d'Armagnac governor of
Beam during her absence — Fetes given at La Rochelle to the sovereigns —
Their arrival in Paris — Antoine releases from the Chatelet a gentleman of
the train of the marechale de St Andre — Anger of the king of France — His
reception of the sovereigns of Navarre — Regard shown by king Henry for
the young prince of Navarre — His future marriage with Marguerite de
Valois is proposed — Satisfaction evinced by Antoine and Jeanne at this
design — Queen Jeanne announces the alliance to the senechale of Poitou —
Power of the house of Guise — Departure of the sovereigns of Navarre from
the court of France — Birth of the princess Madelaine— Decease of the infant
princess — Battle of St Quentin — The duke de Guise declared lieutenant-
general of the kingdom — His conquests — Demands the immediate solemniza-
tion of the marriage between the dauphin and Mary Stuart— Opposition of
queen Catherine to this project — The marriage is celebrated in the presence
of the king and queen of Navarre and the court of France — La Guerre
Mouille — Peace of Cateau Cambresis — League of Peronne — Marriage festivi-
ties of madame Claude with the duke de Lorraine — Birth of the princess
Catherine de Bourbon — Correspondence of queen Jeanne with the constable
de Montmorency — Return of Jeanne and Antoine to Pau — Death of Henry
II. king of France.
Whek Jeanne had recovered from the first sensation of
grief, which she experienced on learning her father's sudden
decease, she despatched a courier to the duke de Vendome, who
was with the camp at Estree-le-Pont, to request Antoine's
presence at Baran, in order to salute him as king of Navarre.
The title of king flattered the vanity of the duke de Ven-
dome in a supreme degree ; and while Jeanne was realising the
difficulties which beset her new dignity, Antoine thought only
of the appendages and power of patronage appertaining to royal
station. The duke, however, complied with his consort's re-
quest, and repaired to the chateau of Baran. His arrival
diminished Jeanne's anxieties ; for she had received intimation
LIFE OF JEANNE DALBRET. 63
that the king of France intended to profit by the difficulties
attending upon her accession to wrest from Antoine various
concessions prejudicial to her authority over Beam. The de-
lusion which possessed Jeanne at the period of her marriage
relative to duke Antoine's mental qualities, was at an eud.
Though still fondly attached to her husband, she perceived his
want of political sagacity ; and she knew that no means were
so effectual to win acquiescence from him in any matter as to
minister to his ease, or to his luxurious pleasures.
Antoine had been sojourning only a few days at Baran
when the missive arrived, so deprecated by the queen of Na-
varre, to summon her husband to the court at St Germain.
The constable de Montmorency, meanwhile, and the duke de
Guise, the active enemies of Antoine de Bourbon, had inspired
the king with sinister apprehensions relative to the future
career of the sovereigns of Navarre. The wealth of the new
sovereigns was declared by them to be excessive. The rich
heritage of the house of Albret, augmented by that of Ven-
dome, seemed to menace the royal supremacy over the south ;
while the lands of Beam, lying contiguous to the Spanish
frontier, afforded, they asserted, a dangerous facility for disaf-
fection, on the part of the prince. Henry listened eagerly to
these insinuations ; for, although the king of Navarre was
highly favoured by him, he had never ceased to regret the
assent he had yielded to his union with the heiress of Albret.
The king, therefore, resolved to compel the sovereigns to cede
to the French crown the principality of Beam, and its depend-
encies, in exchange for territories of equal extent lying in the
centre of France. 1 Never was there a more arbitrary and un-
just demand preferred by the French council ; it required,
moreover, of Jeanne, the representative of a line of illustrious
princes, the cession of her claims to Spanish Navarre, as well
as to the Basque portion of her heritage. It wrested from her
the possession of the venerable castle of Pau, the abode of her
ancestors ; and of the duchy of Albret with its splendid castle,
constructed by the English during their tenure of Gascony.
This measure was proposed to the king of Navarre by Henry
himself, immediately after Antoine's arrival at St Germain, in
obedience to the royal summons. Henry understood the dis-
position of the prince with whom he had to deal ; the royal
favour, therefore, seemed boundless in its manifestations to-
wards Antoine, whose vanity was flattered by the distinctions
ostentatiously accorded to his rank. The king then remon-
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Navarre, p. 508. De Thore.
64 LIFE OF JEANNE DALBEET.
strated with Antoine on the general prevalence of heresy
throughout his wife's principalities ; assuming, with great as-
tuteness, that the king of Navarre was perfectly orthodox in
his own creed, and demanded nothing better than the re-estab-
lishment of the ancient faith. He next proceeded to show
that the sword alone could restore the religion of Rome to its
former dominance in Beam ; and undo the evil which the late
queen Marguerite with her proselytizing propensities had in-
flicted on her subjects. Antoine listened with deferential at-
tention to these observations : he hazarded no objections ; on
the contraiy, the promise of territories adjacent to his own
duchy of Vendome in exchange for Beam, appeared to him to offer
a position far from unacceptable. Fortunately for the honour
of the king of Navarre, the thought of his high-hearted and
courageous consort interposed to stay him from committing
himself by act or promise, in sanction of the extortion medi-
tated by the French court. Antoine was king of Navarre, but
by Jeanne's sufferance and consent ; lie had no power to alien-
ate the principality ; nor yet to cede one of the ancient pre-
rogatives of the sovereign of Beam. He, therefore, requested
that a brief space might be allowed him for reflection ; at the
expiration of which period, Antoine returned the following an-
swer : — " That it was out of his power to dispose of the crown
of Navarre without the consent of the queen his consort ; he,
therefore, humbly prayed his Majesty to give him time and op-
portunity to confer with the said queen on the subject." 1
King Henry manifested some displeasure at this response.
However, the necessity of obtaining the consent of Jeanne, as
the preliminary to the intended transfer of Beam to the crown
of France, was so palpable, that the king had no valid objection
to urge against Antoine's proposal. In the suite of King
Antoine, was the chancellor of Navarre, Nicholas d'Angu,
bishop of Mende. This prelate was the bastard son of the
famous cardinal-chancellor Duprat. Subtle, enterprising, and
unscrupulous, the bishop of Mende, in many points, was the
couuterpart of Duprat. The falseness and duplicity of the
cardinal formed prominent traits of his son's character. The
manoeuvres of Duprat, however, with a kingdom for the arena
of his political intrigues, when imitated by his son in his deal-
ings with the affairs of a petty principality, assumed an aspect
of ignoble scheming, which might have been deemed ludicrous
but for its disastrous results. The enemies of the queen of
Navarre, therefore, aware that the ruling influence over this
» Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 53.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 65
bishop's mind was personal aggrandizement, applied to him to
forward their project. The injustice of the cabal to despoil his
royal mistress, proved no obstacle to this corrupt prelate ; and
he secretly promised Henry to use every artifice to procure the
assent of all parties concerned in the transfer.
Meanwhile the queen of Navarre, uneasy at the prolonged
absence of her husband at St Germain, and placing no reliance
on his stability of character, journeyed from Baran to the castle
of Coucy ; from whence she sent to request him to join her,
that together they might proceed into Beam. Antoine eagerly
demanded conge ; the king assented, but only on the express
coudition that Jeanne should visit St Germain ; that the matter
concerning the cession of the principality might be discussed
:n her presence. The king of Navarre reposed much trust in
his consort's shrewd ability : he, therefore, unhesitatingly gave
the promise required of him ; especially, as it was plainly
intimated, by the constable de Montmorency, that the royal
pair would not be permitted to quit the realm without the
express sanction of the council.
The indignation of queen Jeanne was boundless, when she
heard the details of the scheme devised to despoil her of the
territories of her father. The timid opposition hazarded by
Antoine inspired her with contempt ; for, rather than yield a
town of her heritage, Jeanne would have preferred rigorous
captivity. This difficult problem was queen Jeanne's first
initiation into the cares of royalty ; solved, however, she deter-
mined it should be to the confusion of her enemies. Distrust-
ful of the bland courtesy of her chancellor's deportment, Jeanne
despatched him into Beam under pretext of business, much
to the regret of the king of Navarre. AVithout intrust-
ing her design to any ear, she next entered into communication
with Bernard, baron d'Arros, 1 one of the twelve barons of
Beam; a man valiant, of elevated mind, and unblemished
honour. To him she confided the notable scheme concocted by
Henry's council ; also, she indicated, at the same time, the
measures which she desired him to pursue, in order to defeat
the project. D'Arros responded to her appeal with zealous
enthusiasm. The baron was still at Hagetmau, in command of
the levies raised by Henri d' Albret for the invasion of Navarre.
Iu case the baron's right to the military command-in-chief over
the principality, bestowed by the deceased king, should be dis-
1 The father of Bernard, baron d'Arros, was chamberlain to Henri d' Albret,
and shared with the king the perils of his escape from the fortress of Pavia,
where Henri was detained a prisoner after the defeat of Francis I. before that
city. See Life of Marguerite d'Angouleme, t. i. p. 453.
5
6G LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
puted, Jeanne secretly renewed his warrant, in her own name ;
which d'Arros was instructed to produce only in extreme emer-
gency.
Queen Jeanne then declared her willingness to pay her re-
spects to Henry at St Germain. At this juncture, the queen
conducted herself with extraordinary prudeuce. Aware that it
was in Henry's power to command her detention in France,
until such time as she should agree to his proposition, Jeanne
adopted the most serene and submissive deportment. In her
first audience of the king, she assured his Majesty that if the
states of the principality could be induced to sanction his de-
sire, she would personally offer no opposition to the union.
She then represented to the king that as the states of Beam
were renowned for their fidelity to their sovereigns, it would
be expedient for her to proceed thither, and absolve them, in
person, from their oath of allegiance. The king yielded a re-
luctant assent to Jeanne's words, the truth of which could not
be impeached, even by Henry's eager council. " Ma cousine,
there must be but one holding the title of king in Trance ! "
was king Henry's often-repeated and emphatic behest.
Permission was, at length, vouchsafed to the queen of
Navarre to depart for Pau. She was, however, accompanied
by three French commissioners, empowered by Henry to ac-
cept in his name the cession of Beam and Lower Navarre ;
and also to receive an oath of fidelity from the states of the
principality. So persuaded was Henry that his attempted
usurpation would be crowned with success, that he actually
commenced preparations for a journey into Beam ; the pro-
ject of which was alone confided to the bishop of Mende, in
whom the council placed implicit reliance. 1
The royal pair quickly availed themselves of Henry's per-
mission for their depai'ture, and set out for Pau. The bishop
of Mende, meantime, had been industriously intriguing amongst
the nobility of the principality, and with some success. The
expected arrival of the queen disconcerted his projects: the
personage chief-in-command over the principality was d'Arros,
in virtue of his commission of military governor, granted by
the deceased king. To the baron, therefore, d'Angu resolved
to apply ; being ignorant of the fact that the former had been
consulted by the queen. The chivalrous d'Arros had difficulty
in repressing his indignation, when the bishop, with some cir-
cumlocution, confided to him his treacherous design for the
subversion of his royal mistress's authority. He feigned, how-
1 Favyn, Hist, de Navarre, liv. 14. De Thou.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'ALBRET. G7
ever, acquiescence in the project, until d'Angu had revealed the
extent of his treasonable league, and had delivered into his hands
a list of the principal conspirators. The bishop of Mende,
aware of the importance of placing the garrisons of Beam un-
der the command of officers well-affected towards France, next
proposed that d'Arros should quit Hagetmau, under pretext of
meeting queen Jeanne on the frontier, taking in his suite de
Tic, governor of Navarreins, an officer devoted to Jeanne's inter-
est. The subtle bishop imagined that d'Arros would fail into the
snare, and so afford him the opportunity he thirsted for, of
placing himself at the head of the levies raised for the invasion
of Spanish Navarre ; and with them to seize the strong fortress
of Navarreins in the name of the king of France. The baron
d'Arros appeared well satisfied with this proposal ; d'Angu,
therefore, retired to Lescar to await his opportunity.
D'Arros, now the depository of the secret of his sovereign,
and of her rebel subjects, hastened to frustrate the iniquitous
designs of the chancellor. Marching at the head of his levies
upon Pau, he assembled the states of the principality, and de-
veloped the plot in all its bearings. He explained the designs
of the French king ; and announced the near approach of their
own legitimate sovereign. The revelation of their chancellor's
connivance in Henry's project was received with vehement in-
dignation. The people gathered together, and prepared to in-
flict summary chastisement on the tniitorous prelate. His
house was burned to the ground ; and himself pursued by the
infuriated populace to the very confines of the principality,
beyond which alone he found safe refuge. The states voted
reinforcements to the garrisons of Navarreins, Oleron, Pau,
and those in Lower Navarre ; and issued the most energetic
protest against the annexation of Beam to the French crown. 1
In the midst of this tumult, queen Jeanne and her husband
made their public entry into Pau. Before Antoine's departure
from Paris the king created him governor of Gruyenne, the most
influential and important of the governments into which France
was divided; and bestowed that of Picardy, vacated by the king of
Navarre, upon Antoine's youngest brother, Louis, prince of
Conde. 2 Queen Jeanne took up her abode in the castle of
Pau, where the young prince of Navarre had been brought
from the castle of Coaraze, by his governess Suzanne, baroness
1 Olhagary, Hist, de Navarre, p. 509. Favyn, Hist, de Navarre. Cayet,
Chron. Nov. p. 109-
Louis de Bourbon, prince de Conde, due d'Enghien, son of Charles, due
de Vendome, and Franchise d'Alenqon. born May 7th, 1530, and killed at the
battle of Jarnac, March 13, 1569. Conde was the younger brother of Antoine,
king of Navarre.
68 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
de Miossens, 1 to meet his royal parents. It was the first time
that Antoine looked upon the son whose rights he had recent-
ly so feebly defended. The strength and beauty of her child
delighted Jeanne ; and with tears of joy she vowed that no-
thing should compel her to alienate one of his eventual rights.
Whenever the queen appeared in public her presence was
hailed with enthusiasm ; crowds of people surrounded the
chateau patiently waiting for a glance from their sovereign.
Antoine de Bourbon likewise obtained a large share of popular
ovation ; his predilection for reform insured him the applause
of the Lutheran population of Beam. Instead of accompany-
ing his consort to hear mass daily in the cathedral, Antoine
made a parade of his attendance on the Lutheran worship,
established in Pau by queen Marguerite. This behaviour
occasioned the queen much uneasiness. In the troubled con-
dition of the principality it was important to conciliate all
classes of her subjects ; and especially to avoid exasperating
those persons who professed the Romish faith, and who, if
provoked, might league with king Henry, and encourage the
turbulent demonstration which the cardinal d'Armagnac had
already thought proper to make against the sectarian ministers
resident in Beam.
When Jeanne and Antoine took possession of the castle of
Pau, they found their new abode rich in works of art, and
splendid in decorations. The refined taste of Marguerite
d'Angouleme was visible everywhere. Jeanne's presence-
chamber was adorned with hangings of crimson satin embroi-
dered by the hand of Marguerite herself. The embroidery re-
presented a passage from the history of the queen's own life.
At the four corners of the room, the arms and ciphers of Henry
and Marguerite were magnificently wrought in gold. In the
picture gallery hung fifty large portraits of eminent personages;
there were, moreover, sixty small portraits, twelve medallion
portraits, and fifteen landscapes ; also, twenty-five wax medal-
lion pictures of kings and princes, arranged together in a
glass case. Jeanne's jewel-chamber was stored with precious
treasures ; cups of agate studded with gems, reliquaries, jewel-
led salt-cellars, ewers of silver gilt, vases of rock crystal, and
mirrors set in frames adorned with diamonds. Curious rings
and charms appear in the inventory of the queen's treasures
deposited in the castle of Pau. Amongst other articles men-
1 Suzanne de Bourbon-Busset, -wife of Jean cl'Albret, baron d' Miossens.
This lady sprang from an illegitimate branch of the house of Bourbon, tracing
descent from Louis de Bourbon, archbishop of Liege, son of Charles I. duke de
Bourbon and of Agnes of Burgundy
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 69
tioned, is the celebrated tortoise-shell upon which prince
Henry was carried at his baptism. The queen also possessed
a great variety of ornamental pieces of gold plate, of quaint de-
sign, for the adornment of the banquetting board — for in-
stance, one piece is thus described : " item, a demoiselle of
gold represented riding upon a horse of mother-of-pearl, stand-
ing upon a platform of gold, enriched with ten rubies, six tur-
quoises, and three fine pearls." The following description is
given of a personal ornament belonging to queen Jeanne :
"item, a fine rock crystal, set in gold, enriched with three
rubies, three emeralds, four pearls, and by a large sapphire,
set transparently ; the whole suspended from a small gold
chain." These valuable effects were treasured in coffers, la-
belled with the name of a saint for a distinguishing mark.
One coffer was named Ste Marguerite ; another, which con-
tained fifty pieces of plate, brought by the king of Navarre from
the castle of La Fleche, was distinguished as St John. 1
The commissioners despatched by the king to receive the
abdication of the queen of Navarre were, meantime, much dis-
concerted at the adverse turn affairs had taken throughout the
principality ; and being apprehensive for their own safety,
they clamorously demanded a final answer from the queen,
and a safe conduct to the frontier of Beam. Jeanne graciously
conceded both these requests : her reply to Henry was moder-
ate and conciliating, though she was aware that the condition
of his foreign relations was such, as to prevent him from at-
tempting a military seizure of her dominions. Her answer
was to the effect, "that her subjects, far from yielding to per-
suasion upon the projected tran>fer of Beam to the crown of
France, had been so transported with fury at the simple re-
port of such a project, that it was quite out of her power to
control their repugnance. The people had recently risen tu-
multously in defence of their ancient privileges and fors, as
his Majesty's commissioners might testify ; and she, therefore,
prayed the king to forego his purpose, and to hold her absolved
from pressing a matter distasteful to her subjects of every
rank." 2
The recreant chancellor of Navarre was at the court of
France when the commissioners returned. His malignant
representation of the conduct pursued by the queen highly in-
censed Henry ; but the king's sarcastic and angry reply to
1 Inventaire general de tous les meubles du chateau de Pau, pour le roy et
royne, &c., fait par messieurs l'Eveques d'Oleron, et de Lescar, et autres.
Le— jour de — 1561. M.S. Bibl. Imp F. de Bethune — Inedited.
2 Yauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albrct, t. i. p. 61.
70 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
Jeanne's notification produced little effect at the court of Pan.
Arros and her valiant barons of Beam applauded the queen's
firm resolve to hold her own ; and by their advice she com-
menced preparations for her coronation. The king, however,
proceeded to deprive Antoine of the most important part of
the command recently bestowed upon him, by detaching Lan-
guedoc from the jurisdiction of the governor of Gruyenne.
The prince of Conde was likewise dismissed from the command
given him in Picardy ; and that government was conferred on
the admiral de Coligny, nephew of the constable.
The ceremony of the coronation of the king and queen of
Navarre was performed in the great hall of the castle of Pau.
It was the first time that a sovereign of Beam had been con-
secrated within the limits of the principality. The coronation
of John d'Albret and his consort Catherine, heiress of Na-
varre, was performed with great pomp at Pamplona. Henry
and Marguerite never were formally invested with the royal
insignia, on account of the sanguinary warfare existing between
the emperor and Prancis I ; and the consequent unsettled con-
dition of the principality from dread of invasion. It was with
sorrowful regret, not unmingled with indignation at the usurp-
er of the fairest portion of her heritage, that the mind of
Jeanne dwelt upon the traditions of the past coronations of
her ancestors in the venerable cathedral of Pamplona, while she
prepared for the ceremony of her own consecration. As the
place of her coronation corresponded not with her lofty pre-
tensions as the sovereign of the two Navarres, Jeanne thought
proper to dispense with a portion of the ceremonial observed
at the inauguration of her predecessors. No royal pageant,
therefore, defiled through the ancient capital of the principal-
ity ; at the hour appointed, the states of Bearn, Bigorre, Poix,
Lower Navarre, the chief nobles, the municipalities, and the
officers of the various courts, entered the great hall of the
castle. Antoine and Jeanne presented themselves to the as-
sembly, and took their seats in chairs of state, placed under a
dais at the upper end of the hall. They were received with
acclamations, and with every mark of homage and affection.
The oaths were then administered to the sovereigns by the
bishop of Lescar. 1 The queen solemnly engaged to maintain
the ancient laws, the charters, and the privileges of her sub-
jects lay and ecclesiastical ; to maintain her territory intact ;
and to administer impartial justice to all. The same oath was
afterwards taken by the king of Navarre. The remaining
1 Louis d'Albret, natural son of Jean, king of Navarre, the grandfather of
Jeanne d'Albret.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET. 71
portion of the ceremonial was performed by the bishop of
Lescar ; and Jeanne and her husband were afterwards pro-
claimed joint sovereigns of Navarre and Beam. 1
Some months after her coronation, queen Jeanne issued a
gold and silver coinage from the royal mint, established in
subterraneous chambers under the castle of Pau. The money
was stamped with the effigy of the queen and of her husband ;
the exergue of the coin bore the legend : " Antonio et Joanna.,
D.G.Reg., Nav., D.B. ;" the reverse, the ancient motto of
the sovereigns of Beam : " Gratia Dei sumas id quod sumus."
To commemorate her coronation the queen also distributed
medals of beautiful design. One side of the medal displayed
the arms of Navarre and Beam, surrounded by the legend :
" No : son : tales : mys : amoves : " the reverse bore the he-
raldic device of the king of Navarre, with the motto : " Ad
calculos revert ere."
The reformed ministers, meanwhile, continued to find safe
asylum in Bearn ; their principles still held sway over the
minds of the majority of Jeanne's subjects. Queen Margue-
rite's revised missal, and the translation of the Holy Scrip-
tures, made by Briconnet bishop of Meaux, a work corrected
by Gerard Roussel bishop of Oleron, under the queen's imme-
diate superintendence, were books treasured as their solace
and pride by the Beamnois. The pious bishop of Oleron,
Mai'guerite's friend and chaplain, was no more : and no prelate
of equal ability, professing the reformed faith, had risen to
supply his place. The bishop of Lescar had little repute or
influence in the principality : though he was supposed to be
favourably inclined to the " new doctrines," the bishop's age
and mental indolence, and his assiduity as a courtier, prevented
him from studying the controversy, or from opposing his epis-
copal veto against the dissemination of reform. In Trance,
edicts had to be promulgated against heresy, rigorous enough to
satisfy the malevolence of the Sorbonne ; and that of the most
bigoted upholders of the supremacy of Borne. Decrees sub-
jecting the Lutherans to capital pains and penalties were issued
by the council during the years 1548, 1551, and 1555. The
executions throughout France for heresy were innumerable — dis-
persed, and intimidated, the Reformers for a time yielded
outward acquiesence to the cruel edicts fulminated against
them ; but in silence, amid adversity and oppression, the
principles they professed gained strength, so that the throne
hereafter quailed before their irresistible manifestation. At
' Favyn, Hist, de Navarre, liv. 14. Vauvilhers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret,
t. i. p. 63.
72 LIFE OF JEAKNE d'aLBRET.
the court of France, the ancient faith was omnipotent :
often at open warfare with the pope, and at times menacing
with his armies the territory of the Holy See, king Henry
never stayed his persecution of the sectarian teachers and their
adherents. The Sorbonne, so turbulent during the reign of
Francis I., seemed to relax in its denunciations, content to
confide in the zeal of the cardinal de Lorraine — the self-con-
stituted champion of orthodoxy throughout the realm. It
was the court which now had become intolerant; and its
orator, the cardinal de Lorraine, played the part enacted by the
formidable syndic of the Sorbonne, Noel Beda, during the pre-
ceding reign. But even in that court, so pitiless and stern,
the Beformers descried sympathy in the deportment of one,
whose future countenance, eagerly anticipated, sufficed to in-
spire them with present resignation. The young queen,
Catherine de Medici, received with marked favour those
leaders of the reformed party whose rank entitled them to ap-
pear at court. It was known that the queen had dared to
plead for the modification of some of the most rigorous edicts;
that she constantly cited the conduct of the deceased queen of
Navarre, and spoke of Marguerite as a princess whose deport-
ment was worthy of imitation. The character of the queen at
that early period was little understood. The people pitied her
as a forsaken wife, domineered over daily by madame de Valen-
tinois. She was supposed to have little influence in the state ;
and yet, by some means as surprising to Henry's ministers as
the obstacle often proved unexpected, Catherine showed herself
indirectly a formidable opponent to many of their projects.
The queen never in any circumstance abated her submissive
protestations ; or voluntarily offended any one ; she was never
elated — never dejected. Above all, she avoided that shoal upon
which so many princes make shipwreck — she never took a
favourite. In fact, the pi'otection of the reformed party, which
numbered many great and influential nobles, was, at this period,
Catherine's road to power. The court was divided into two
factions — the one, headed by the Guises, and the duchess de
Valentinois, was in favour with the king, and had constituted
itself the arbiter of public affairs, and the castigator of heresy.
The other party followed the constable de Montmorency, his
nephews of the house of Chatillon, chiefs of the reformed party,
and the Bourbon princes. The power of the princes of Lorraine
had long given umbrage to Montmorency : he, the veteran con-
stable, beheld his honours pale before the suavity of the great
duke, and the energy of the cardinal. An intimate alliance
with the princes of the blood, Montmorency, therefore, felt to
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 73
be needful, for the maintenance of his credit at court. His re-
conciliation was effected with the king and queen of Navarre,
and the other princes, through the good offices of the con-
stable's great-niece, the fair and gentle Eleanor de Roye, 1
princess of Conde. Catherine quickly read the secret of this new
alliance ; she remembered the axiom of her ancestors of the
house of Medici, by the which they had subjugated Florentine
faction. " 77 faut diviser four regner" Aloof from the great
dominant parties, Catherine was a mere cipher in the court ;
allied to the cause of the princess, she might hope successfully
to balance the authority of Diane de Poitiers and the Guises.
The queen, therefore, perceiving her advantage, accepted it with
her usual prompt address.
The king of Navarre, meanwhile, emboldened by his alliance
with Montmorency, proceeded with so little caution in the
favour which he was then pleased to lavish on reform, as to
kindle great discontent amongst the Roman Catholic portion of
his subjects of Beam. The queen remained stedfast in her
outward adherence to the Romish communion ; and she often
gravely remonstrated with Antoine on the peril to which he
was so heedlessly exposing her heritage.
There remains no doubt, however, that Jeanne fully par-
ticipated in her husband's religious sympathies, though she
manifested greater prudence in demonstrating her sentiments.
The example of her admirable mother was, doubtless, ever pre-
sent, stimulating the queen to examine the doctrines so keenly
contested. Jeanne's adoption of the principles of reform, seems
to have been a gradual process; and no one can be specially
indicated as having influenced her mind thereto. With the
duchess of Ferrara she maintained, indeed, a constant and con-
fidential correspondence ; for the daughter of Louis XII.
found congenial sympathy in Jeanne's spirit. Amongst many
other great barons of" the south, who had espoused the tenets
of Calvin, was the viscount de Gourdon. His character and
military repute seem to have recommended him to the favour
of the queen of Navarre, who honoured him with much friend-
ship and confidence. Beyond this fact, and the detail of a few
valiant exploits, history is silent on the career of de Gourdon.
1 Eleanor was the daughter of Charles, sieur de Roye, and Madeleine de
Mailly, daughter of the baron de Conty, by Louise de Montmorency, sister of
the Constable. Eleanor was born at the castle of Chastillon-sur-Loire, on the
eve of St. Matthew's Day, 153-5. She received the name of her godmother
Eleanor, second queen of Francis I. Her other sponsors were Marguerite
d'Angouleme, queen of Navarre, the dauphin Francis, and the bishop of Beziers,
Eleanor's great-uncle. She was married to the prince de Conde at Plessier do
Roye, June 22nd, 1551, in the presence of *-* 1 the members of the house of
Yendome.
74 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
Jeanne appears to have confided many of her perplexities to the
viscount. Some of the letters which she wrote to him remain
amongst the most curious and interesting records of her life ;
and alone detail her early resolves on religious matters. Hop-
ing to profit by the advice and experience of de Gourdon,
Jeanne, about this period, invited him to confer secretly, at
the castle of Odos in Bigorre. Her letter was written a few
weeks after her arrival at Pau ; and, as it contains a revelation
of her most secret sentiments, mingled with many other curious
details, this epistle deserves to find a place in the history of the
queen's life.
JEANNE, QUEEN OF NAVARRE, TO THE VISCOUNT DE
GOURDON. 1
"Monsieur le Viscomte,
" I write to inform you, that up to the present time, I have followed
in the path indicated by the deceased queen, madame my most honour-
ed mother, (whom may God absolve,) relative to my choice between
the two i-eligions ; nevertheless, the said queen, being persuaded by
her brother, monseigneur king Francis I., of happy and glorious me-
mory, my most revered uncle, not to puzzle her brains with new dog-
mas, after a time seemed to care only for humorous and witty ro-
mances. Moreover, w r ell do I remember, that long previously, the
king, monsieur my most honoured father and lord, hearing that the
said queen was engaged in prayer in her own apartments, with the
ministers Roussel and Farel, entered and dealt her a blow on the right
cheek — the ministers having contrived to escape in great perturbation
— while he soundly chastised me with a rod, forbidding me to concern
myself with matters of doctrine ; the which treatment cost me many
bitter tears, and held me in dread until his decease. At the present
moment, however, free by the demise of the said monseigneur my
father two months ago, and incited by the example and the exhorta-
tions of my cousin the duchess of Ferrara, it appears to me that re-
form is as reasonable, as it seems necessary ; so much so, that I deem
it disloyal cowardice towards God, towards my conscience, and towards
my people, to halt longer in suspense and perplexity. Inasmuch as
the long disputes and altercations between monseigneur king Henry
of France and the pope resulted three years ago in the publication of
an edict of great severity against the said reform, it seems needful to
me that all worthy people should confer together to meet such pre-
sent and future danger. Having, therefore, been duly apprized that
you have about you certain reverend personages, and that in yourself
are united wit, nobility, and courage, if you will with them repair to
the castle of Odos in Bigorre, I for my part will not fail to give you
the meeting there, towards the end of the ensuing month of Septem-
ber. Hoping there to meet you, I pray God, monsieur le viscomte, to
i Bibl. Roy. M.S. de Valiant— Portef. ler. p. 290— Inedited.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 75
have you in His holy keeping. Written at Pau, this 22nd day of August,
1jo6.
" Votre bien bonne et asseuree amye,
"Jeanne, Royne."
Jeanne's reminiscences of her early days are amusing
enough ; and the earnestness with which she alludes to her
father's anger confirms the opinion that King Henry had ob-
tained great ascendancy over the mind of his daughter. It is
nowhere on record whether Jeanne journeyed to Odos to meet
the viscount de Grourdon as she proposed : the probabilities,
however, are in the negative : as Antoine's incautious conduct
gave great umbrage to his Roman Catholic subjects, and to in-
crease such disapprobation would have been totally at variance
with the tenour of the queen's policy at this period.
The king, nevertheless, in defiance of his consort's example,
persisted in his imprudent acts ; and not content with accord-
ing favour to the reformed ministers, he exclusively bestowed
his patronage on their adherents. One of the most conspicu-
ous of these ministers was David, a man of fierce zeal, who had
rendered himself bitterly obnoxious to the Romish party by
the virulence of his aspersions. David's orations made great
impression upon Antoine ; for stout words and a resolute
manner generally take effect upon wavering and unstable na-
tures. The king, therefore, took the minister David under
his special protection ; he nominated him his chaplain in or-
dinary, and bestowed upon him the title of " Predicateur du roi,
et de'la royne de Navarre." 1 At the suggestion of his chaplain,
the king sent a messenger to Geneva, to invite thence a cele-
brated minister named Boisnormaud, to whom he promised
great favours, provided he established himself in Beam ; in
short, Antoine, with the tenacity of feeble intellect, blindly
pursued the policy which won him popular applause on his first
arrival at Pau, without thought of its suitableness to the present
circumstances of his consort, and her dominions.
During the first few months after her arrival at Pau, the
queen of Navarre seldom took a prominent part in the affairs
of the principality ; her time was devoted to her son, and in
superintending the orderly conduct of the royal household,
which, upon her accession, Jeanne found in a condition of lax
discipline. Probably had Antoine de Bourbon displayed ta-
lents, even of ordinary description, Jeanne d'Albret would
never have been handed down to posterity as one of the hero-
ines of history. The murmurs of her people ; the coldness
1 Brautome, Eloge d' Antoine de Bourbon, rov de Navarre
70 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
with which many of the nohles, faithful to their allegiance
to Home, regarded Antoine ; added to her own disapproval of
his caprice, at length roused the attention of the queen, and
drew her from her retirement. From Rome, the manifesta-
tions of displeasure with which pope Paul IV. viewed the con-
duct of Antoine, alarmed the queen. The cardinal d'Armag-
nac, 1 the prelate, who, as archbishop of Toulouse, exercised the
authority of metropolitan over Beam and its dependencies,
was then resident in Rome, and addressed from thence a letter
of stern remonstrance. He represented the anger of the su-
preme pontiff at innovations not even publicly sanctioned by
the late sovereigns, Henry and Marguerite ; and finally, he ad-
monished the queen, that unless these unseemly proceedings
were checked, the pontifical censures, withheld then only at his
intercession, would assuredly be hurled upon the principality.
The reception of this letter was the occasion which Jeanne
chose for asserting her sovereign prerogatives. The queen
understood that the menaces of d'Armagnac were not to be
disregarded with impunity ; she was aware of the power which
that courtly and subtle prelate possessed at Rome ; and of the
unscrupulous use he made of it to put down heresy. The car-
dinal had been the first prelate who had dared to protest against
the protection accorded to reform by queen Marguerite.
During the reign of Francis I., when to censure his sister was
regarded by the king as an offence of deepest dye, the cardinal
d'Armagnac laid a formal complaint of her proceedings in
Beam before the privy council and the Parliament of Paris.
The avidity manifested by Henry II. to annex the domains of
Albret to his crown, was not forgotten by queen Jeanne. It
was in consequence of a papal interdict that Upper Navarre
— the brightest jewel in the diadem of her ancestors — had been
wrested from them by the Hapsburg. Jeanne felt that a tem-
porizing policy might result in her dethronement, bounded as
were her territories by the dominions of Prance and Spain —
the sovereigns of both these countries being equally covetous
for possession of her principality and its dependencies. The
queen, therefore, summoned the barons d'Arros and d'Audaux,
and the count de Grammont. 2 Their first measure was to issue
1 George d'Armagnac, cardinal-archbishop of Toulouse. He was created
cardinal by Paul III., December 19th, 1544. The cardinal d'Armagnac was
the son of Pierre, Bastard d'Armagnac, count de l'lsle en Jourdain, by Yo-
lande de la Haye, dame de Passavant He died June 5th, 1585, aged 84.
s Antoine d'Aure, eldest son of Claire, heiress of Grammont, and of the
viscount d'Aster. Antoine assumed the name and arms of Grammont. This
great noble was one of the most faithful partizans of Jeanne d' Albret, who
elevated him to the highest offices in Bearn. He died a.d. 1576.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 77
letters patent, addressed to the bishop of Lescar, directing
him to admonish priests holding beuefices in his diocese to re-
side on their cures ; and authorizing him, after this intimation
had been thrice given, to remove all ecclesiastics who should
prove contumacious. The queen next signed an edict forbid-
ding any person to preach in public, without having first ob-
tained a license from the bishop of Lescar. David, Boisnor-
mand, and other reformed ministers, protested against this
prohibition ; and petitioned the king of Navarre to procure its
revocation. Antoine felt highly displeased at his consort's
independent act ; but Jeanne met his angry remonstrances
with a firmness, very discouraging to his design of compelling
her to repeal the obnoxious limitation. " If it be your plea-
sure, monseigneur, to lose your own domains by confiscation,
as a penalty for your intemperate zeal, I have nothing to
observe thereon. As for myself, it is not my intention thus to
hazard the little remnant that remains to me of the territories
of the kings, my predecessors ! " ' was the stern response that
Antoiue's importunity, at length, drew from his consort.
King Antoine himself was soon compelled to acknowledge
the wisdom of Jeanne's decisions ; the imprudence of his con-
duct had so irritated Paul IV. that the pope addressed remon-
strances on the subject to the king of France, admonishing
him to check betimes the heretic real displayed by the chief of
the house of Bourbon. Henry had not forgotten the grudge
he owed Jeanne, for the tact with which she had frustrated
his views on Beam : he, therefore, dictated a severe re-
primand to the king of Navarre — a document signed by a
majority of the cabinet — in which the king declared it to
be his royal intent to despatch an army under the duke de
Guise, to take possession of the principality, unless the king
and queen of Navarre interdicted by proclamation the minis-
trations of the reformed teachers ; and dismissed Boisnormand,
David, and other sectarian preachers from their territories. 2
To render his menace more effective, the king commenced pre-
parations for the despatch of an army to the south ; and his
lieutenants in Languedoc received instructions to lead towards
the frontiers of Beam the forces under their command. The
danger seemed imminent, as the intrigues of the French party
daily grew more formidable. Jeanne therefore found herself
compelled to adopt decisive measures for averting the calamities
impending. She determined, in the first instance, to visit the
court, and to confer personally with king Henry. To render
' Brantome, Eloge d' Antoine de Bourbon.
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Bearn et Navarre, p. 517.
7S LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
her conference productive of good she proceeded, before her de-
parture, to effect important reforms in the government. The
obnoxious Calvinist minister Boisnormand received an order
to retire from Pau ; an ordonnance was published prohibiting
persons to assemble in the streets for the purposes of public
worship ; the edicts in force during the reign of Henry and
Marguerite were revived, to the great joy of the Bearnnois. The
numerous ministers patronized by the king, and attached to
the court, were dismissed, and forbidden to preach in public,
excepting the minister David, who was duly licensed for the
office by the bishop of Lescar. The bishops of Oleron and
Lescar, moreover, received letters patent signed by the queen's
hand, empowering them to suppress religious tumults, and to
punish their promoters. The crowning concession which
Jeanne d'Albret made to the exigencies of her position, was to
recall the cardinal d' Armagnac from Rome, and to constitute him
her lieutenant throughout Beam, and its dependencies, during
her absence at the court of France. 1 Antoine submitted with
very bad grace to these proceedings ; but as the queen and her
council declared the measures to be imperative, he was com-
pelled to acquiesce. Prom thenceforth, however, Jeanne d'Al-
bret assumed her regal sceptre, which she nevermore delegated
to the hands of her husband ; on her accession she had suffer-
ed him to rule supreme over her councils ; but, having made
experience of his incapacity, the queen trusted him no more
with the sole conduct of her affairs.
The king and queen of Navarre quitted Pau about the
middle of March, of the year 1557, accompanied by the
young prince of Beam, and his governess, madame de Mios-
sens. Proud of her son, Jeanne d'Albret wished to show him
to her royal kinsman, the king of France ; and to ask favour
for the grandson of Marguerite d'Angouleme, from the
son of Francis I. In order that their journey to the court
might not be regarded as a compulsory measure, the royal
pair made a progress through the different towns of Antoine's
government of Guyenne. They were entertained with great
splendour at Bordeaux and at La Rochelle. At this latter
place, amongst other fetes provided by the municipal coun-
cil, was a theatrical performance. With much want of con-
sideration for the sentiments and position of the sovereigns,
the piece performed contained satirical and offensive allusions
to the Romish faith ; and a complete travesty of the ceremonies
of the church. 2 The brave Rochellois concluded that the
' Olhagaray, Favyn. Vauvilliers.
4 Bayle, Dictionuaire Historique. Article Navarre.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 79
daughter of Marguerite d'Anrrouleme could not, in her heart,
be inimical to the faith of the Reformed ; while the eclat of
Antoine's late proceedings in Beam, gave undeniable proof,
that to him such an exhibition must be acceptable. The
queen sat throughout the performance, without testifying any
applause whatever, and retired to her lodgings with so grave a
demeanour, that the authorities remained in doubt whether
their farce had not grievously offended their royal guests.
From this suspense, however, they were speedily relieved by
the king of Navarre, as far as he was himself concerned, who
highly commended the performance ; and, as a mark of appro-
bation, took all the comedians under his special patronage,
and, moreover, presented each with a considerable gratuity. 1
Autoine, when he committed this egregious blunder, was at-
tended by the chancellor of Navarre, Bouchard,' 2 and by Des-
cars, his first chamberlain, and one of Jeanne's privy council-
lors. These personages, it was subsequently discovered, were
secret partisans of the Guises, whose stedfast purpose it was,
rst to humble, and then to destroy, the Bourbon princes ;
hat no party in the state might prove strong enough to
balance their own authority. The want of politic tact, so
glaringly displayed in the conduct of the king of Navarre,
must have been galling beyond measure to Jeanne d'Albret ;
for not all the brilliant wit, and the many personal and social
qualities which Antoine possessed, could compensate, as Jeanne
felt when too late, for the absence of that conduct and dis-
cretion in which her husband was deficient. Antoine's weak-
ness of character rendered him the tool of his party. Trusted
by no one, he was sought for the splendour of his name ; and
feared in proportion as his capricious defection might entail
evils which his personal prestige, apart from his rank, would
have led none to dread.
From La Rochelle, the king and queen of Navarre jour-
neyed to Paris, and from thence to Amiens, where the French
court was sojourning. "While in the capital, Antoine's luck-
less destiny involved him in another affair, which, as it trench-
ed upon the prerogatives of the king of France, might have
had a disastrous termination, and have totally defeated the
pacific intent upon which Jeanne visited the court. It hap-
pened that the marechale de St Andre had a favourite retainer,
the sieur de la Rochechampdieu, who was confined in the
diocesan prison of the Chatelet on a charge of heresy. The
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 82.
2 Aymcry Bouchard, succeeded the traitor bishop of Mende, as chancellor
of Navarre.
80 LIFE OP JEANNE d'aLBRET.
marechale, upon Antoine's arrival, applied to him to procure
the liberation of her gentleman usher. The king of Navarre
promised his assistance, without reflecting that snch an act
was injudicious ; especially when the stigma of heresy was
attached to his own name, and had involved him in much pre-
sent trouble. The cardinal de Bourbon, 1 being governor of
Paris, Antoine had little difficulty in procuring the release of
the marechale's retainer. Fortunately, however, in the first
instance, he applied for the sanction of the law officers of the
crown ; who, whatever might be their opinion of the culprit's
guilt, thinking it too iusignificant a question upon which to
incur the displeasure of the first prince of the blood, responded
as Antoine desired. The whole affair, however, was represent-
ed to Henry in a different light ; and the previous displeasure
he entertained against the king and queen of Navarre, was
greatly increased by this officious interference on the part of
king Antoine. On their arrival at Amiens, Jeanne and An-
toine proceeded without delay to pay their respects to the
king. Henry received them with the utmost sternness of
countenance ; and his greeting was so cold, that Jeanne felt
that her conciliatory overtures had been politic and necessary.
The king, addressing Antoine, haughtily exclaimed, " How,
monseigneur ! have I not before told you that there is, and
shall be, but one king in France ? " " Sire," replied Antoine,
with that courtly suppleness which had extricated him from
so many difficulties, " before your gracious Majesty, my sun is
in eclipse, and in this kingdom I am but your subject and
servant." " Why, then, did you presume to open my prisons
with royal authority ? what has induced you to do that ? "
resumed the king. "Sire," responded Antoine, "it was at
the entreaty of madame la marechale de St Andre, 2 that I in-
terfered to deliver a gentleman her retainer, by and with the
advice and consent of your own officers and judges — a fact,
which I will maintain against any one. The cavalier, more-
over, had not been proved guilty of the crime charged against
him." The marshal de St Andre being one of the king's fa-
vourites, Henry was unwilling to investigate further into an
affair which probably might implicate madame la marechale ;
although the latter, despite of her enormous wealth, did not
1 Charles de Bourbon, cardinal-archbishop of Rouen, brother of Antoine
de Bourbon, and of Louis prince de Conde.
2 Marguerite de Lustrac, consort of Jacques d'Albon, marechal de St.
Andre, marquis de Fronsac. This lady was renowned for her extravagant
luxury and ambition. So improvident was she, that though a great heiress,
and thrice married to nobles of the highest rank, she died in the utmost
penury in Paris, about the year 1580.
LIFE OF JEAXNE D'ALBRET. 81
enjoy much consideration at court, and lived on bad terms
with her husband. " Tlie affair has been represented to me
differently," replied Henry, in more conciliatory tones; "never-
theless, I am willing to overlook it. You will do well, mon-
seigneur, however, in future, to remember the rank you hold
in France." 1
As king Henry uttered these words, the little prince of
Navarre ran into the room, and took hold of his father's hand ;
the patience of the child being exhausted by waiting so long
in the royal ante-chamber. It proved a fortunate diversion
for king Antoine. The beautiful boy, with his innocent and
merry smile, made Henry forget his wrath. Calling the little
prince to his side, the king placed him on his knee, embraced
him, and paid queen Jeanne many commendations on her son's
beauty of countenance and artless manner. " Will you be
my son ? " asked Henry, caressingly, after talking for some
time with the child, in delight at the acuteness of his replies.
" Ed que es Jo pay,'''' responded the young Henri de Navarre,
in the dialect of Beam, lixing his eyes on his father. "Well,
then, will you not like to become my son-in-law?" 2 rejoined
the king. " Oui bien, sire! " answered the child, gravely.
From thenceforth, it is asserted, that an alliance was con-
templated between Henri de Navarre and the king's youngest
daughter, the celebrated Marguerite de Valois, who, at this
period, had entered her fourth year. The project of tins alli-
ance appears to have afforded equal satisfaction to Jeanne and
her royal consort. The honour conferred on the young prince
was great ; for to have been selected as the future husbaud of
madame Marguerite, gave the prince virtual adoption into the
royal family, with the privileges appertaining to the rank of un
frfs de France. King Antoine wrote forthwith to his sister, the
duchesse de JSevers, 3 that this alliance " was the thing in the
world that he desired most to obtain ; and which from thence-
forth placed both his repose and prosperity upon a secure
basis."
The queen also addressed a letter, during her sojourn at the
court of France, to the senechale of Poitou, her mother's old
and devoted servant, who was then confined to her house by
sickness, in which she expressed herself, concerning the pro-
posed alliance, in the following words : " Ma grande amie : To
1 Caret, Chron. Novenaire, p. 111. " Ibid. p. 112.
a Marguerite de Bourbon, second daughter of Charles, duke de Vendome
and Francoise d' Alencon. She married the duke de Nevers in 1538. Her
beauty and wit are highly extolled, and she was an especial favourite with
Francis I. n
$2 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
cheer and console you in your sickness, I send you the news
which I have heard from the king my husband, that he having
taken courage, boldly and finally, to ask the king to bestow
madame his young daughter upon my son, his Majesty has been
pleased to grant us this favour ; for the which I will not at-
tempt to conceal the gladness and content I feel." l When
Jeanne wrote thus to the senechale of Poitou, she was at St
Germain, with queen Catherine. In after years, amidst the
anguish which attended the negotiations for this alliance, here
so exultingly alluded to, mournful must have been Jeanne's
smile, if she recalled her words ; and contemplated the abhor-
rence with which she then regarded the project.
Queen Jeanne, meantime, made politic use of her sojourn at
the court of France. With extreme apprehension, she beheld
the power of the duke of Guise and his brothers dominant
everywhere. Montmorency, and the princes of the house of
Bourbon, were alike compelled to yield them pre-eminence.
The consummate tact of the cardinal de Lorraine, combined with
his unprincipled daring, swept away every obstacle which might
have arrested the more disciplined ambition of the duke de
Guise. Closely connected with the house of Bourbon, 2 there
seemed no barrier before the throne itself, to interdict its as-
cent to the princes of Guise. Their alliances had been con-
tracted with politic dexterity ; all tending to the one supreme
point— their elevation to uncontrolled dominion over the coun-
cils of the sovereign. The alliance of the duke d' Aumale with
the daughter of madame de Valentinois was negotiated in this
view; the queen alone, impracticable, and dexterousas themselves,
afforded them unmitigated solicitude. Catherine was ambitious ;
but by the betrothal of their niece, Mary Stuart, to the dauphin,
they trusted to extort from her that support which they had
ceased to expect from her favour. The duke de Lorraine, the
youthful chieftain of their house, was pursuing his education in
France under the auspices of the duke de Guise ; the intense
aversion shown by the duchess Christine, his mother, to an
alliance with France, had not diverted her ambitious kinsmen
from their purpose, which finally issued in the betrothal of the
young duke to Claude de France, second daughter of the king.
Their wealth, their alliances, and above all, their undoubt-
ed talents, encircled them, and constituted a barrier, insur-
1 Brantome, Dames Illustres. — Vie de Marguerite de France.
2 The mother of the duke de Guise and his brothers was Antoinette de
Bourbon, sister of Charles duke de Vendbme. The duchess-dowager de Guise
was, therefore, the aunt of the king of Navarre. Kenee, sister of the constable
de Bourbon, espoused Antoine le Bon, duke de Lorraine, elder brother of
Claude, first duke de Guise, the husband of Antoinette de Bourbon.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 83
mountable to such puny assailants as the princes of the blood
royal.
At the period when Jeanne arrived at court, the intrigues
of the cardinal de Lorraine had procured the subversion of the
treaty of Vaucelles, the last political act of importance executed
by the emperor Charles V.. previous to his departure for the
retirement of Tuste. Before the queen quitted the court, the
duke de Guise, at the head of a numerous army, was on the
point of proceeding to Italy, armed with regal powers of com-
mand ; and with unlimited privilege of negotiation. The re-
newal of the war was universally mourned by the French, who
cared little for the intrigues of the unprincipled nephews of
Paul IV., the cardinal Carafta, and his brothers ; or the contest
in which that imperious pontiff was involved with Spain. The
nation manifested even less interest in the revival of the anti-
quated pretensions of the crown of France upon the kingdom of
Naples ; to wrest which from the Spaniards was the ostensible
errand of the duke in Italy. To the Guises alone peace was
unwelcome. The battle-field was the arena upon which the
chivalrous duke could only hope to win the renown he coveted.
The fiery oratory and insidious argument of the cardinal de
Lorraine, were never heard to greater advantage than when he
developed before the council his schemes of daring aggression.
The Guises had learned, moreover, that peace invariably lowered
them in the scale of political eminence ; for king Henrv, the
creature of habit, deferred often, in matters of internal policy.
to the advice of Montmorency, witli whom it was notorious
that they never agreed. The exquisite address of the cardinal
de Lorraine, nevertheless, was seldom disconcerted. The
Guises boldly placed themselves at the head of the religious
movement and reaction, which ensued on the decease of Francis
I. The faith of Home, during that reign, though dominant in
the state, had suffered eclipse. On the accession of Henry II.,
" the sectarian heresy " was proscribed by edict. The princes
of Lorraine, therefore, assumed to themselves the offices of
champions of the faith, and the promoters of orthodoxy through-
out the realm. Although the veteran constable had never given
symptoms of defection from the creed of Rome, the cardinal de
Lorraine skilfully contrived to throw doubt on the sincerity of
his profession, by artful allusions to the avowed heresy of the
Chatillons, Montmorency's favoured nephews. At this period,
though, Jeanne d'Albret had nothing to dread from the religi-
ous animosity of the princes of Lorraine, as she herself had, at
this time, committed no overt act of disloyalty to the ancient
faith ; yet what evils might she not then descry from the future
84 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
conflux of such characters as the dauphin Francis, the queen
Catherine, the Guises, Antoine de Bourbon, the princes of
Bourbon, and the stern Montmorency !
As no military command had been assigned to the king of
Navarre in the expedition under the duke de Gruise to recover
the diadem of Naples, Jeanne, wearied of seeing her husband a
mere cypher at court, determined to return to Pau. The
queen, moreover, was within a few weeks of her accouchement,
which event she desired should happen in Beam. Henry
made no opposition to the departure of the royal pair ; except
that he desired Jeanne would leave her son to be educated at
the court of France with madams Marguerite. This proposi-
tion was declined by the queen ; but, as Henry did not persist
in his demand, probably influenced by Catherine de Medici,
ivho had more ambitious views for her daughter, Jeanne was
finally suffered to depart with her son. 1
Soon after the arrival at Pau, the queen gave birth to a
daughter. The young princess received the name of Madelaine,
an appellation endeared to the Bearnnois from their grateful
reminiscences of Madelaine, sister of Louis XL of Prance,
mother of Gaston Phoebus, king of Navarre, who for some
years governed the principality for her son. The infant princess,
however, survived only a fortnight. Her royal mother had
scarcely leisure to deplore the loss of her child, when the in-
telligence of the defeat at St. Quentin 2 filled the sovereigns of
Navarre with dismay. The brilliant victory gained by the
armies of Spain, under the command of the young duke of
Savoy, reduced France to the verge of ruin. Had Philip's
victorious army marched upon Paris, the surrender of the
capital was inevitable. The constable remained a prisoner in
the hands of the Spaniards ; and the fatal field of Pavia itself
displayed not a more indiscriminate slaughter of the noblest
aristocracy of France. In Italy, the successes of the duke de
Guise had been checked by Alba, and by the treason of the
pope's perfidious nephews ; and probably the military renown
of the duke was saved some diminution by the command which
was forwarded to him from the privy council to return and un-
dertake the defence of his own country. 3
The duke was received on his landing with rapturous wel-
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 84. Cayet, Chron. No-
renaire.
- The battle of St Quentin was fought August 10th, 1557, on St Law-
rence's Day.
3 Lettre de Henri II. au due de Guise, dated September 1st, 1557. Let-
tres et Memoire* d'etat de Ribier, t. ii. p. 700.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBKtT. 85
come. Never before had the popularity of the Guises so ob-
scured the prestige of the princes of the blood. It was even
proposed to confer upon him the title of viceroy of France !
Letters patent, however, were issued by Henry nominating the
duke " lieutenant des armeesdu, roi, dedans et dehors le royaume,"
with powers which for the time superseded the authority of
the king himself. 1 On perusing this edict, conveying the most
comprehensive authority ever intrusted by sovereign to subject,
the helplessness of king Henry in abdicating the prerogatives
of his crown, though but for an interval, is more to be wonder-
ed at than that the great duke, intoxicated by his brief experi-
ence of supreme power, and sated with adulation, should after-
wards somewhat forget the pliant bearing of the courtier.
The valiant exploits of the duke, however, seemed to justify
his elevation : in less than a fortnight from the period of his
nomination to supreme command, the Spanish army no longer
menaced the frontier; the towns of Calais, Guisnes. and Ham,
were conquered from the English, and the fortresses of the
two last places razed to the ground. Finally, the security of
France was insured by the capture of Thionville. "When the
duchess de Guise appeared in public, she was saluted with ac-
clamations ; and the cry of " vive la petite Jille die Ion roi
Louis!" echoed through the streets of Paris, in the hearing
of the sovereign himself. The guerdon which the duke de
Guise demanded for his exploits was the immediate union of
the dauphin with Mary Stuart. Queen Jeanne and Antoine
de Bourbon resolved on a journey to Paris to witness the royal
nuptials ; and, if possible, to balance by their presence the
overwhelming power of the Guises. The junction of the
princes of Bourbon, and their union during the captivity of
Montmorency, could alone maintain the semblance of power for
their party.
Jeanne was welcomed by Catherine de Medici, to whom
the project of her son's marriage with the niece of Guise was
hateful beyond measure. From his prison in Ghent the con-
stable wrote to implore his master to pause ere he permitted
his ambitious subjects to place a princess of their own blood on
the throne of France. It is more than probable, that had not
the peculiar position of affairs placed the Guises at the head of
the government, the fair brow of the queen of Scotland would
never have been circled by the crown matrimonial of France,
as the bride of Henry's eldest son. The constable, and his
faction, wished that Mary should espouse the duke of Orleans,
1 Mezeray, Abbreg. Chron. Vie de Henri II. Mem. de Rabutin, 1. 9eme.
Mem. de Muutluc.
8G LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
afterwards Charles IX. This design received the sanction of
Jeanne d'Albret ; and earnestly did she employ her influence
with king Henry to accomplish that alliance. In vain the
Guises tried to propitiate Catherine ; the queen absolutely re-
fused her consent, on the plea that the dauphin's health remain-
ed as yet too infirm to permit him to marry. " I will not, there-
fore, ask the king to do a thing which I cannot approve. Is
not the king the guardian of both parties ? The queen of
Scots is not likely to be removed from the kingdom ; then,
Avherefore, I pray you, should I seek to hurry a marriage which
may be accomplished at any time, while the health of monsieur
le dauphin my son remains in so precarious a condition ? "
The sovereign who permits his subject to assume undue as-
cendency, personal or political, is certain some day to be made
sensible of his error. Henry, when immediate danger of inva-
sion was averted from his realm, discovered that he had be-
come a puppet in the hands of his new ministers. The tone of
courtly arrogance assumed by the conqueror of Calais imposed
as much upon the sovereign as the dictatorial hauteur of the
cardinal de Lorraine curbed freedom of deliberation at the
privy-council board. " I have been constrained to create the
duke de Guise my lieutenant-general," wrote Henry to the im-
prisoned constable de Montmorency ; " also affairs have now
compelled me to conclude the marriage of monsieur le dauphin
with the niece of the said duke ; and likewise to do many other
things. Time, however, nx'en fera la raison." 1 The ominous
conclusion to the royal despatch testifies that Henry at length
realized the prudence of his father's dying injunction relative
to the Guises : 2 his conviction, however, came too late, and the
marriage of the dauphin Francis, with Mary Stuart, was solemn-
ized with regal pomp on the 24th day of April, 1658.
The details of this splendid ceremonial do not appertain to
the history of the queen of Navarre. Jeanne and her husband
held their royal rank in the procession ; the queen walked by
the side of the little madame Marguerite, youngest daughter of
the king, destined to be the bride of the prince of Navarre, and
followed next in rank to the queen Catherine de Medici. The
king of Navarre supported the youthful bridegroom in his mag-
nificent progress to Notre Dame. At the grand banquet in
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 89.
2 Francis I. emphatically admonished his successor to check the aspiring
assumptions of the princes of the house of Guise, if he wished for a prosperous
reign, and to transmit his crown to his posterity. The princes of Lorraine,
the king warned his son, " pouvaient mettre les enfans royaux en pourpoint,
et tous leurs sujetx ea chemise." Charles IX. put this royal prediction into
Terse.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 87
the Palais, on the eve of the bridal day, queen Jeanne sat at
the right hand of the king, next in rank after the beautiful
bride, and mesdanies Elizabeth and Marguerite, the eldest
daughter and the sister of the king. On the left of the queen
s.\t the pope's nuncio. After the banquet, queen Jeanne danced
at the ball which ensued, taking for her partner madame Claude,
second daughter of the king ; and she entered heartily into the
merriment excited by the attractive pageant, which closed the
festivities of the day. 1
During the remainder of the year 1.558 Jeanne d'Albret
remained in France. Amid the attractions of the splendid
court of Henry II. the queen studied politics and theology.
Jeanne possessed not the social talents of her beautiful mother ;
she had Marguerite's solidity of understanding, without that
sprightliness of demeanour, so fascinating in the sister of
Francis I. But neither, it must be remembered, had Jeaune
d'Albret the prosperity which gilded the early and the middle
life of queen Marguerite ; the latter shared the throne of
Francis I., then the most magnificent in Europe ; and her
brother's affection rendered her omnipotent over the court.
Jeanne d'Albret, on the contrary, held rank only after the
royal family: her small territories were unjustly coveted by
her suzerain, the king of France ; and to reward merit, litera-
ture, or personal service, Jeanne had resource but in her own
revenues — while the exchequer of the state at her mother's
command poured forth its treasures. Sometimes the queen of
jSavarre found herself comparatively isolated in the midst of
that court, over which she was once destined to reign ; the
courtiers shunned converse with a princess whose learning and
powers of language exposed their own ignorant pretensions.
The learning and the diplomatic ability of Marguerite were in-
herited by her daughter; but as the power and the beauty of
person which had graced their late idol, descended not to Jeanne,
the venal courtiers preferred to offer homage at the shrine of
Diane de Poitiers.
During the year 1558 an expedition was organized by
Antoine de Bourbon for the recovery of Navarre. The armies
of Philip of Spain and of the king of France confronted each
other, prepared for combat, on the banks of the river Somme.
The Spanish government was embarrassed by home defections
and financial difficulty; the advisers of Antoine de Bourbon,
therefore, urged him to take advantage of so favourable a junc-
ture for the recovery of his consort's heritage. The levies
1 Godefroy, Grand Cerem. de France, t. ii. Mariage du dauphin Francois,
fils de Henri II., avec Marie Stuart, Royne d'Escosse.
88 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
raised by Henri d'Albret were accordingly re-organized, and,
under the command of d'Arros, marched to the Spanish fron-
tier ; but the dissensions which arose in the camp, and the re-
ligious animosities subsisting between the commanders, added
to the secret discountenance of the king of Trance, occasioned
the failure of the entire plan of campaign. Antoine had hastily
quitted Paris to place himself at the head of his army. There
he narrowly escaped falling victim to a plot to betray him into
the power of the Spanish viceroy of Navarre, through the
treachery of one Gamare, a confidential valet-de-chambre ; who,
like the king's other favourites, was in the pay of the house of
Lorraine. The weather, during the expedition, was tempest-
uous ; and the rivers, swollen by heavy rains, overflowed their
banks, and caused a disastrous inundation ; so that, ever after,
this unlucky campaign was ironically alluded to as la guerre
tnouillee}
The conferences, meanwhile, for the re-establishment of
peace between the crowns of France, England, and Spain,
opened on the 15th of October, 1558, in the Abbey of Cercamp,
near the town of Hesdin. The sovereigns of Beam despatched
thither an ambassador to negotiate for the restitution of Na-
varre. The plenipotentiaries on the part of Spain were Christine
duchess of Lorraine, Perrenot de Granvelle bishop of Arras,
Philip's favourite minister Ruy Gomez de Silva, and the duke
of Alba. The ambassadors nominated by Henry were the con-
stable de Montmorency, who still remained in captivity, the
cardinal de Lorraine, the marshal de St. Andre, Morvilliers
bishop of Orleans, and de l'Aubespine, principal secretary of
state. The death of Mary, queen of England, intervening on
the 15th of November, the plenipotentiaries agreed upon a
suspension of negotiation for the space of two months. During
this interval occurred the famous conference in the town of
Peronne, between the king of Spain, the duchess Christina, and
Granvelle, with the Guises. 3 This interview exercised potent
influence on the after-life and the fortunes of Jeanne d' Albret.
The king of Spain had no military genius ; his diplomatic ability,
however, was great; and he had inherited his father's hostile
disposition towards France. Bigotry was the ruling principle
which guided the policy of the Spanish cabinet. To depress
the power of France, by involving her in domestic tumult, and
thus to cripple her resources, was Philip's design when he
sheathed his sword, and yet resolved upon remaining the first
1 Favyn, Hist, de Navarre, p. 830 and 831.
- Cayet, Chron. Noveuaire. De Thou, Hist, de son Temps. Memoires de
Rabutin.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 89
potentate of Europe. The horror which king Philip professed
to feel at the spread of heresy was genuine. Every kingdom
throughout the then civilized world counted its defaulters from
the old faith by thousands. The provinces of the Low Countries
especially harboured schism. The bold burghers of Antwerp,
Ghent, and Liege, clung tenaciously to opinions which bestowed
upon them religious emancipation — a boon they had as yet
failed to obtain from their civil rulers, despite their frequent
revolts. In all countries where the Reformation had made
progress, Philip remarked the growing antipathy of the people
to submit to a despotic form of government. The contiguity
of the provinces of the Netherlands with France, therefore,
justly excited his apprehension. The mission for the extirpation
of heresy throughout Europe suited the sentiment of abject
veneration for the popedom in which Philip had been educated :
it coincided with the genius of his policy, which aimed at blood-
less victories won by the glossing skill of his diplomats ; and
the repression of that bold spirit of inquiry, which, whenever it
became dominant, subverted despotism.
In Eranee, this had been the role aimed at by the princes
of Guise; the weakness of the king of Navarre had favoured
the wily designs of the cardinal de Lorraine ; for the vacillating
support of the former injured the cause of reform. Philip
penetrated the subtle depths of the cardinal's policy ; and
through the medium of the duchess of Lorraine a secret
league was proposed by the king for the extermination of
heresy, and the restoration of the ancient faith to its supremacy
— in fact, to undo all that the Reformation had hitherto effected.
Christine was a princess of quick intellect, decision, and devoted
to the cause of Rome and the Hapsburg, which she identified
as one. She was efficiently aided by Granvelle, who worked
on the cardinal's overweening vanity. The princes of Guise
were invited to the closest alliance with Spain : their elevation
to supreme power was guaranteed ; and a mode pointed out by
which they might at all times, independently of their sovereign,
communicate with the cabinet of Madrid. Thus commenced
the fatal league which, for more than half a century, inundated
Eranee with blood. With Erancis I. the grandeur of the
ancient monarchy expired ; decimated by subsequent bloody
wars, the nobles never recovered their preponderance — but
amongst the first of the noble houses whose glory departed, was
that of princely Guise.
After concluding this secret convention with Spain, the
duke de Guise and his brother returned to Paris to complete
90 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
the alliance of the youthful madame Claude, second daughter
of the king, with the duke de Lorraine, the head of their house.
In the pompous ceremonial the queen of Navarre was to have
occupied the same rank as at the nuptial ceremony between the
dauphin and Mary Stuart. Jeanne, however, excused herself
from gracing this unwelcome festival with her presence, on the
plea, that as she had entered the eighth month of her pregnancy,
the fatigue would be too great. 1 The king of Navarre declined
upon some account not on record ; as did also his sister, Mar-
guerite de Bourbon, duchess de Nevers.
The marriage, however, was solemnized with great magnifi-
cence on the 22nd day of January, 1559. The fetes and
rejoicing lasted eight days. The duke de Guise, during this
period, held open board to all comers ;■ lists were erected before
the Hotel de Guise, and the magnificence of the jousts there
holden eclipsed those given in honour of his daughter's mar-
riage by the king himself.' 2
Ten days after the conclusion of these festivities, Jeanne
d'Albret gave birth to a daughter, her fifth and last child. The
princess was born on the 7th of February, 1559 ; Catherine de
Medici stood godmother, and bestowed her own name, of
Catherine, on the infant princess. Soon after her accouchement,
the queen wrote to the constable de Montmorency, in reply to
a letter which she had received from him congratulating her on
the happy birth of the princess. Montmorency was still a
captive in the Low Countries ; where he was engaged in draw-
ing up articles of peace, which were afterwards accepted by the
belligerent states at Cateau Cambresis. Jeanne and her husband
had solicited the constable to support their interests during the
negotiation ; and to make the restitution of Spanish Navarre
one of the conditions of peace. The queen's letter, written be-
fore she quitted her sick chamber, is as- follows :
QUEEN JEANNE TO THE CONSTABLE DE
MONTMORENCY.
"Mon Cousin,
" I feel so assured of the affectionate regard which you hear me,
that I harbour not a doubt on that matter ; neither do I question your
desire to promote my interest, and that of the king my husband, the
which I pray you ever to hold in remembrance. Respecting my health,
I thank you much for your kind inquiries. I must tell you that I find
myself making progress, and my daughter also ; so much so, that I hope
1 Godefroy, Grand Cerem. de France, t. ii.— Benediction nuptiale du due
de Lorraine, Charles II. et de Claude de France.
- Mem. de Francois de Rabutin, liv. xieme.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 91
to bs well again in ten or twelve days ; for the rest, the messenger
who brings you this letter will more amply inform you of my condi-
tion. I supplicate the Almighty, mon cousin, to give you the felicity
of concluding a happy peace, and to bestow upon you a life as long as
she desires, who is,
" Vostre bien bonne cousine, et parfaite amie, 1
Jeanne."
The queen, nevertheless, did not make the rapid progress
towards convalescence which she anticipated. The health of her
infant failed ; and she suffered much anxiety of mind on this
account, for Jeanne was now the most devoted of mothers.
During the queen's indisposition the peace of Cateau Cambresis
was ratified, April 3rd, 1559. The interests of the queen of
Kavarre were again passed over ; and nothing was stipulated
relative to the restoration of Jeanne's ancient heritage. France
had always too many grievances of her own to adjust with the
Spanish crown ; and her need of pacification was generally too
intense to permit her to stipulate for other interests than her
own. Tbe disappointment was deeply felt by Jeanne d'Albret ;
she foresaw that it probably would be the last time that this
often-debated question could be brought before the Spanish
cabinet: for on no occasion less momentous than the ter-
mination of sanguinary warfare between the two countries,
could the cession of a kingdom be proposed to the monarch of
Spain.
The articles of peace negotiated at Cateau Cambresis, be-
tween the plenipotentiaries of the powers, stipulated that each
monarch should respectively restore the conquests effected by
his arms during the last eight years. France reinstated the
duke of Savoy in his territories, and abandoned her Italian con-
quests ; in return, she was confirmed in the possession of the
imperial cities, Metz, Toul, and Verdun ; and the places cap-
tured in Picardy by the duke Emmanuel Philibert w r ere re-
stored to her. The king bestowed the hand of his eldest
daughter Elizabeth on Philip II. of Spain, with a dowry of
400,000 gold crowns; and gave his sister Marguerite to the
gallant young duke of Savoy, with a portion of 300,000 gold
crowns. It was commonly observed throughout France, when
the treaty of Cateau was published, that king Henry had re-
linquished more to obtain the release of Montmorency, than
the nation had sacrificed to procure the liberty of Francis I.
after the defeat of Pavia.
The result of this peace which proved most disastrous to
the destinies of Jeanne d'Albret, was the league of Peronne.
1 MS. de Beth. No. S788. p. 63. Bibl. Imp.— Iiieditcd.
92 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
Emboldened by his secret liaison with the Guises, then omnipo-
tent in the state, Philip first cautiously intimated to Henry
that his court was infected with heresy ; and that the most
illustrious of the nobles of France, the house of Lorraine
excepted, were converts to the sectaries, and their doctrines.
The consequence of this insidious notification was the revival
of the celebrated edict of Chateaubriand. The persecution
commenced afresh ; inquisitorial chambers were established ;
and even five members of the parliament of Paris were arrest-
ed in the presence of the sovereign, on the odious charge of
heresy.
The queen of Navarre and her husband had quitted Paris
before the commencement of these rigorous measures. Jeanne
retired to Nerac with her children, having declined to partici-
pate in the ceremonial of the approaching royal marriages.
The character of Philip was well understood by Jeanne d'Albret.
She was aware of the unextinguishable hatred which the king
of Spain bore towards the legitimate claimant of one of his
crowns : she divined the enmity he felt towards Antoine de
Bourbon, for his heretical opinions, for the accident of his
position as first prince of the blood ; and as the prince whom
she had chosen to espouse in preference to Philip himself. But
before the queen had leisure to organize measures to meet the
impending danger, the sudden decease of Henry II. changed
the tenor of politics, not only in France, but throughout Europe.
In the prime and vigour of manhood, king Henry was smitten
by the lance of Montgomery, at the tournament given in honour
of the nuptials of his daughter Elizabeth with Philip of Spain.
The wound, accidentally inflicted by the count de Montgomery,
was pronounced a mortal injury. The lance had entered the
king's eye, and penetrated to the brain; and eleven days after
the catastrophe, Henry ceased to exist, leaving his crown to his
son Francis, the husband of Mary Stuart, the niece of the
duke de Guise.
CHAPTER IY.
1559—1560.
The king of Navarre is summoned to the capital by the constable de Montmo
rency — His vacillations and delays — Counselgiven toAntoine byqueen Jeanne
— The king's favourites oppose his departure for the court — Nature of their in-
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 93
sinuations — The princes of Guise possess themselves of the government —
King Francis II. and his mother retire to the Louvre — Position of Catherine
de Medici — Her designs — Triumph of the house of Lorraine — Catherine
countenances their projects — Departure of the king of Navarre from Nerac —
His dilatory progress towards the capital — He is joined at Vendome by the
chiefs of the Huguenot party — He arrives in Paris — Proceeds to St Germain
— His contemptuous reception by the king and queen Catherine — His inter-
view with Catherine — Conduct of the princes of Guise — Antoine retires from
court — He visits the tomb of the late king Henry II. at St Denis — He is
joined by Conde — Interview of the princes with Throckmorton, the English
ambassador — Message sent to king Antoine by Elizabeth queen of England
■ — His reply — The princes receive a command to attend Francis II. to
Rheims for the ceremony of the king's coronation — Letter of the cardinal de
Bourbon to the duchess de Nevers — Menaces of the king of Spain — Their
effect upon Antoine— He accepts the mission of conducting the queen of
Spain to the frontier — Perilous position of the queen of Navarre — Design of
the cardinal de Lorraine to cede the fortress of Bayonne to the Spanish
crown — The queen retires to Navarreins — She joins king Antoine at Bor-
deaux — Jeanne takes precedence of the queen of Spain when within the
limits of the principality of Beam — Embassy of the baron d'Audaux to
Toledo — Correspondence of Antoine de Bourbon with the king of Spain —
Philip's supercilious reply — Ardent love of study displayed by queen Jeanne
— Mission of the Cardinal d'Armagnac into Beam — His reception by Jeanne
d'Albret — He orders the arrest of the minister Barran — The queen of Na-
varre directs Barran's liberation — Despotic proceedings of the French go-
vernment — Conspiracy of Amboise — Conde is implicated in the designs of
the conspirators — He is examined before the council — He retires to Nerac —
The king of Navarre is summoned to attend the states-general assembled at
Orleans — Correspondence of Francis II. with the king of Navarre — Counsel
given to king Antoine by his consort — Jeanne feels distrust of the machina-
tions of the house of Lorraine — The princess de Conde entreats her husband
to refuse obedience to the summons of the court — The king of Navarre de-
termines to proceed to Orleans — Letter written by queen Jeanne to Mont-
morency — -The queen refuses to accompany her consort — She makes a pro-
gress throughout Beam — Jeanne sends an embassy to Rome — Her defence
is espoused by cardinal Muret — His harangue before the consistory — Pius
IV. consents to receive queen Jeanne's letter — Intrigues of queen Catherine
— Her letter to the constable — Arrival of the king of Navarre at Limoges —
He receives deputies from the reformed churches of France — His interview
with the cardinal d'Armagnac — His reply to the deputation — Antoine's letter
to Catherine de Medici — His repulse from Poitiers — The king of Navarre
retires to Lusignan — Remonstrance of queen Catherine — She sends the mar-
shal de Termes to encoui-age the princes to proceed on their journey to Or-
leans—Her message to the princess de Conde — The queen of Navarre receives
orders to arrest the Lutheran ministers of her principality — Her refusal to
obey — She retires to Navarreins — Her employment when there — Entry of
Francis II. into the town of Orleans — Numerous arrests, made by command
of the king — Arrival of the princes — Arrest of Conde — His condemnation to
death — Insolent demeanour of the Guises towards the king of Navarre —
Conduct of Cathei-ine de Medici — Project to assassinate the kins? of Navarre
— Catherine sends Antoine information of the plot — His brave deportment —
Message to queen Jeanne — Illness of Francis II. — Catherine proposes to the
king of Navarre to renounce his pretensions to the regency — Assent of king
Antoine to the proposal — Decease of Francis II.— Changes at court —Antoine
de Bourbon summons his consort to join him at St Germain — Jeanne con-
fides the care of the principality to the baron d'Arros and the cardinal
d'Armagnac — She proceeds to the castle of Nerac with her children.
"Whex the official reports announced that king Henry's re-
covery was hopeless, the constable de Montmorency despatched
94 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
a courier with the important news to the king and queen of
Navarre, who were then at Nerac. To remove every lingering
doubt from the mind of Antoine that the danger of the king
might he exaggerated, the constable despatched la Mare,
Henry's faithful and attached valet-de-chambre, on the mission.
He was the bearer of letters addressed by the constable, by the
princes of Bourbon then resident in Paris, and by other in-
fluential personages, to Jeanne and Antoine, urging the latter
to hasten to Paris ; and warning the royal pair of the designs
of the princes of Lorraine, which could only be defeated by the
presence of the chief of Bourbon in the capital, and by his
union with the party opposed to the Guises. 1 These missives
must have reached the king of Navarre before the decease of
Henry; and it is even supposed that Catherine de Medici was
cognizant of and sanctioned the departure of the constable's
messenger. The magnitude of the part he was urgently sum-
moned to perform appalled the feeble Antoine. When politi-
cal power was distant and apparently unattainable, the king of
Navarre had resorted to intrigue of every description to acquire
authority, though its burden seemed now intolerable. Jeanne,
on the contrary, hailed the summons sent by the constable.
Her spirit exulted in the grandeur of the prospect opened before
them. The guardianship of the young king, scarcely past the
age of boyhood, the pacification of parties, the emancipation of
Prance from Spanish rule, and the abasement of the house of
Guise, were the noble missions which seemed now to await her
husband, the chief of Bourbon. The thought of queen Cather-
ine, with her subtle genius and her dexterous diplomacy, ap-
pears not to have cast even a temporary shadow over the san-
guine aspirations of Jeanne. With fervour she represented
to her husband that now was the time to retrieve the fortunes
of the princes ; and to reinstate the Bourbons in their proper
rank in the councils of the sovereign. She commented with
irony on the subordinate position which Antoine had content-
edly accepted ; and she ventured a comparison between the
energy displayed by the great duke, and his brother the cardi-
nal, and the supine indifference manifested by the princes of
Bourbon. Taking the young prince of Navarre by the hand,
the queen exhorted her husbaud to insure the high destiny for
their son to which his birth entitled him.
Prom the exhortations of his heroic wife, Antoine turned to
the more congenial counsels of his favourites. Pre-eminent
amongst these reigned Nicholas d'Angu, bishop of Mende, the
identical nrelate whose traitorous connivance with Henry's
De Thou, Hist, de son Temps. 1. 23.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 95
scheme for annexing the principality of Beam to the crown of
France, had procured his ignominious expulsion from the ter-
ritories of Jeanne. The versatile mind of this bishop exercised
potent influence over Antoine, as he never failed to suggest in-
genious remedies for the personal and political difficulties of
common occurrence with his royal patron. The duke de Guise,
therefore, found little difficulty in bringing about the reconcili-
ation of the bishop of Mende with the king of Navarre, much
to the displeasure of Jeanne d'Albret, who had refused to rein-
state the bishop in his forfeited offices, or to permit his return
into Beam ; though she was unable, or, perhaps, felt reluctant,
to interdict his intercourse with Antoine, in virtue of her
sovereign authority, when the latter was sojourning at Nerac.
This factious prelate, therefore, with Descars, chamberlain to
Antoine, and Bouchard, the new chancellor of Navarre, united
in dissuading the king from repairing to court in obedience to
the summons addressed to him from thence. Antoine's pre-
sence they were well aware must prove a grave impediment to
'he ambitious aspirings of the princes of Guise, whose cause
hey favoured. Instead of promptly adopting a line of action,
which, with the powerful intervention of Montmorency, must
have placed the government of the country at his disposal,
Antoine trifled away the opportunity in debating the matter;
while indulging in ill-timed invectives on the political turpitude
of the constable, in permitting the exclusion of the ambassador
of Navarre from the congress at Cateau Cambresis. The
bishop of Mende even went so far as to express his fears, lest
the constable's invitation would prove only a subtle snare to en-
trap the king into a compulsory exchange of his principality
of Bearn in accordance with that design of the late king ; who,
it was notorious, had acted in this matter on the suggestion of
Montmorency. The chamberlain Descars feigned to believe
that, should the power of the Guises chance to be dominant,
the axe of the executioner would free them from vexatious op-
ponents, even though it were bathed in royal blood ; he, there-
fore, adduced from this assertion that his conscience would not
permit him to advise his master to incur so grave a peril with-
out more positive knowledge of events.
Meantime, while Antoine indulged in these and other
gloomy forebodings, the Guises, by a skilfully-planned stroke,
made themselves masters of the position so ingloriously ceded
by the first prince of the blood. Sensible of the grandeur of
the role that their relationship to the queen Mary Stuart
would enable them to enact, if they suffered themselves not to be
forestalled in the favour of Francis II., the duke de Guise,
96 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
some days before the decease of the king, adroitly availed him-
self of the universal consternation, to assemble and introduce
within the walls of Paris large bodies of his partisans. When
king Henry had received the last sacraments of the church, the
duke repaired to the palais des Tournelles, attended by a picked
band of gentlemen devoted to his service. He posted this
guard in the wardrobe-chamber of the apartments assigned to
him in the palace ; and prepared forcibly to oppose any project
for the removal of the king. He next rallied to his standard
the members of his house ; and with such energy and foresight
were all the movements of the duke concerted, that, at the
moment when king Henry expired, accompanied by the car-
dinals de Lorraine and d'Este, 1 by the prince Alphonso of Fer-
rara, he was the first to congratulate the young sovereigns on
their accession. It then required little persuasion, on the part
of Guise, to induce the young Francis to accept of his escort
to the palace of the Louvre. The body of the deceased king
was consigned to the guardianship of Montmorency, the Colig-
nis, the prince de Conde, and the duke de Montpensier. The
nomination of these noble personages was another consummate
artifice on the part of the Guises : for, until the obsequies of
king Henry were celebrated, the princes remained bound, by
the duties of their office, in captivity as stringent as if circled
by the walls of the Bastille. Attended by the duke de Guise,
king Francis, who had not yet attained his sixteenth year,
entered a carriage provided for the occasion, and, escorted by
the duke's guard, proceeded to the Louvre. To the duke
de Nemours 2 was committed the task of escorting the two
queens.
On her arrival at the Louvre Catherine de Medici betook
herself to her chamber, where, during forty days, inexorable
custom required that royal widows should mourn their bereave-
ment. The apartment was hung with black cloth, beset with
silver ornaments, intended to represent tears. Never had any
previous queen entered that chamber with a mind so little de-
jected for her loss, or with a heart so tortured by worldly anx-
ieties. The queen beheld her son monarch of the realm the
rule of which she coveted ; but feeble in health, and infirm of
mind, without discrimination, incapable even of enacting the
part of king ; and much less able, therefore, to fulfil the duties
1 Hyppolite d'Este, son of Alphonso duke of Ferrara, and Lucretia Borgia.
The cardinal d'Este was a prelate of consummate dexterity in political affair.*,
lie was the uncle of the duchess de Guise.
2 Jacques de Savoye, due de Nemcurs, one of the most gallant and wealthy
cavaliers of the court. After the decease of the duke de Guise, Anne d'Este
bestowed her hand upon him.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 97
of so exalted a station. The true ruler of France, consequently,
would be the personage on whom the feeble Francis first cast
the burden of his embarrassments ; and whose energy should,
hereafter, hold in subjection his timid, yet wayward spirit.
During the progress of king Henry's malady, the two parties —
that of the princes of the blood united with the Montmorency ;
and that of the princes of Lorraine, supported by the influence
of their niece, the queen consort — had each, indirectly, sought
to obtain from the astute Catherine a pledge of adherence to
their interests. The queen, whose hatred of the Guises w r as
notorious, happened, at this period, to be on unfriendly terms
with the constable, and with madame de Valentinois ; l she,
therefore, held aloof, knowing that both parties w r ere so equally
balanced in public esteem, that whichever faction she finally
judged it expedient to uphold, could hardly fail to become
dominant.
Meantime, the party of the duke de Guise (or Guisards, as
his adherents began to be popularly termed) daily increased in
Paris, and gained in numbers through the dilatory delays of
the king of Navarre. The great majority of the nation, how-
ever, beheld with displeasure the efforts of the house of Lorraine
to usurp that which appeared to be the peculiar office of the
first prince of the blood. Moreover, a powerful party of the
nobility declared for Antoine ; though his chief strength lay in
the adherence of the constable, and his nephews the Colignis.
From her darkened chamber Catherine watched these indica-
tions of popular sentiment ; the wonderful faculty which she
possessed of combining together, and, by intuition peculiar to
herself, rendering, as it were, present to her mind a political
intrigue in all its several stages, served her well at this juncture.
She excelled in minute deductions, and proved herself unrivalled
in the faculty of tracing results to their cause. Catherine was
forty years old when her husband died ; though not strictly
handsome, her figure was stately, and formed with grace ; she
was fluent of speech in the French, Italian, and Spanish
tongues ; while in the graciousness of her demeanour, her tact,
and dissimulation, she surpassed the courtly savoir of her great
uncle, pope Leo X. The Guises, the young Mary Stuart, and
the princes of Bourbon, felt that in the queen dowager existed
the incarnation of that tortuous policy which for centuries had
convulsed the Italian states. Jeanne d' Albret in vain attempted
1 Catherine resented the alliance which the constable had sanctioned be-
tween his second son Damville, and Antoinette de la March, daughter of the
marshal de la March, duke de Bouillon, and Franchise de Breze, eldest daughter
of the ducliess de Valentinois. 7
98 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBKET.
tp reassure the wavering spirit of Autoine de Bourbon, by
expressing her conviction that he to whom Catherine gave her
hand in political alliance must ere long be master of the
destinies of the kingdom ; nevertheless, the king continued
immovable in his resolve to wait events in the tranquil se-
curity of N£rac. The duke de Guise and his brother, while
Antoine deliberated, omitted no precautionary measure likely
to give stability to their administration. All minor posts in
the government were declared vacant, and filled with the
adherents of the ministry, which as yet, however, was not
publicly acknowledged. The reformation of the council, and
the banishment of his ancient enemy, Montmorency, next
occupied the attention of the cardinal de Lorraine ; but even
the daring spirit of that prelate shrank from the responsibility
of these reforms. The Guises felt themselves, as yet, establish-
ed only in the young king's favour through their dexterotis
scheming, and the favour of queen Mary. They dreaded a re-
action, perhaps fatal to their power, when the remonstrances,
which they knew were impending from the distant parliaments
and courts of the kingdom, should be presented to Francis,
enforced by the stern censure of Catherine de Medici ; whose
character they appreciated too well to doubt but that she would
resent their assumption of independent power, by leaguing
herself with the Bourbon princes. It was, therefore, indispens-
able for the future tenure of their authority to gain over
Catherine ; or, at least, if she openly refused to declare herself
of their party, to extort from her a promise of neutrality in the
pending contest.
Catherine admitted no one to her presence ; foreseeing the
difficulties attendant on the advent to power of either factions,
she resolved to abide in her seclusion, and from thence to watch
events. The cardinal de Lorraine, however, being convinced,
as was the queen of Navarre, that Catherine's favour or dis-
countenance must eventually establish or crush any adminis-
tration, boldly determined to compel the queen to grant the
interview he had so frequently solicited. Accordingly, one day,
probably aided in his project by the young queen, he presented
himself unexpectedly in her mourning chamber. Without
heeding the queen's indignant protest at being thus intruded
upon, the cardinal entered upon his errand. With that tact
and eloquence in which he was unsurpassed, the cardinal defined
her position, as she herself had done in her own secret cogita-
tions. He commented on the incapacity of Antoine, and on
his heretical tendencies, which were tolerated, if not shared, by
the queen of Navarre ; he promised the dismissal from office of
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET. 99
any individuals he chose to name, and the banishment from
court of the duchess de Valentinois. He pointed out to the
queen, that in the event of the formidable coalition of Antoine
and his brothers with the house of Montmorency, her influence
would be deemed secondary to their legitimate pretensions.
Moreover, that with a cabinet thus equally balanced, and in
which the Huguenots beheld their chief occupy precedence
second only to the king and his brothers, she could not advance
the semblance of a reason for demanding a larger share of
power than her position as queen-mother warranted. Leagued
with themselves, on the contrary, the subtle cardinal argued,
the case would be reversed : opposed to the princes, and to a
powerful faction of the nobility, the house of Lorraine would
perpetually need her support and countenance. Catherine too
well appreciated the resources of her own diplomacy to doubt
the premises so ably put forth by the cardinal ; though she
was aware, that when once established in the government, it
was not his intent to accept the protection which he now so
plausibly evoked. Catherine, at length, permitted the cardinal
to believe that he had vanquished her reluctance by his impor-
tunate pleadings : she therefore signified her assent to the
administration of the Guises ; and promised her open recog-
nition of, and her private support for, their government.
Catherine, also, concurred in their project of removing the
constable from his high offices. This step proved a defective
link in Catherine's finely-drawn politics ; for the disgrace of
Montmorency, whose house was alone powerful enough to
compete with that of Guise, removed the only barrier to the
unlimited dominion of the uncles of the reigning queen.
Subsequently, the queen became sensible of her oversight, and
sought, when too late, to repair the error. 1
fearlessly, now, the Guises derided the machinations of
king Antoine, who still remained at Nerac. The clergy, and
the ultra-Eomanists throughout the kingdom, looked upon the
cardinal and his brother as specially deputed by God to preserve
the ancient faith from extinction. The presidents of the par-
liament of Paris favoured their designs ; the king of Spain ex-
horted his youthful brother-in-law to take to his counsels men
animated with so admirable a zeal for the spiritual welfare of
his subjects ; 2 and last, but not least important, were the
1 Mem. de Michel de Castelnau, 1. 1. chap. ii. Mem. du mareehal de
Tavamies, chap. xv.
2 Lettre de l'Aubespine— eveque de Limnges, amhassadeur en Espagne, a
Francois II. Negotiations et pieces sur le regne de Francois II. — Documents
ineditss sur l'Histoire de France, edited by M. Louis Paris — Docum. 4, dated
luly 19, 1559
100 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBEET.
secret, but zealous efforts of the young queen Mary Stuart, in
their behalf.
Thus reinforced, the first object of the Guises was to cause
their future position in the state to be acknowledged by the
nation at large. Accordingly, when the king quitted his
chamber to receive the condolences of the parliament, the duke
de Guise, presumptuously assuming the peculiar privileges of
the princes of the blood, insisted on bearing the train of the
royal robe, with the prince de Conde, and the prince de la
Hoehe-sur-Yon. 1 "When the deputies, sent by the parliament,
concluded their harangue, they put the customary question on
such occasions, " to whom it would please his Majesty that they
should thenceforth apply to learn the royal will and pleasure ? "
Great must have been the triumph of the house of Lorraine
to hear the young king reply, in the presence of the princes,
" that by the consent and council of the queen his mother he
had chosen his uncles, the duke de Guise and the cardinal de
Lorraine, to govern his realm ; and that the duke would take
the military department under his jurisdiction, and the cardinal
the direction of the finances." 2 From that moment, to quote
the words of the valiant Tavannes, " tout fuit, tout erie — vive
Guise!"
During these transactions, Jeanne d'Albret perseveringly
continued her efforts to rouse her vacillating consort to a pro-
per sense of his importance in the realm. Failing in her at-
tempts, she wrote to the prince of Conde, desiring him to
second her endeavours by making one more fervid appeal to
his brother's patriotism. Of all the princes of Bourbon, Louis
prince of Conde gave the enemies of his house the keenest
alarm ; while he inspired respect by the consistent conduct
which he displayed. Of mean stature, but courageous, of
quick perception and sound judgment, this young prince had
as yet achieved little military repute. Nevertheless, the re-
formed church, throughout France, looked upon Conde as its
future chief; for his decision of purpose acquired double
appreciation in public esteem when contrasted with the shift-
ing tactics of his brother, king Antoine. A whole month was
consumed by queen Jeanne in the thankless office of advocat-
ing the interests of a prince, who thus showed himself so reck-
lessly indifferent. At the expiration of this period, the
persuasions of his queen, and the remonstrances of the prince,
1 Charles de Bourbon, prince de la Roche-sur-Yon, younger brother of the
duke de Montpensier. The duke de Montpensier and his brother were the
sons of Louise de Bourbon, sister of the great constable de Bourbon.
z De Thou, Hist, de son Temps, liv. 23.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 101
induced Autoine to set out on bis journey to court ; on
condition that Conde, the duke de Montpensier, the count de
la Rochefoucauld, Daudois secretary to Montmorency, and the
admiral de Coligny, gave him rendezvous at Vendome, and
from thence formed his body-guard to Paris. Before he took
his unwilling departure from Nerac, Antoine's paroxysms of
iudecision returned, after a conference -with his favourite bishop
of Mende ; who communicated to his royal master that he
had learned from the duke of Alba, 1 " that in case the princes
of Lorraine were molested in the exercise of their functions
as ministers by the royal princes, it was the intention of king
Philip to create a diversion in their favour by directing the
Spanish viceroy of Navarre to cross the frontier and invest
Bayonne or Navarreins."
This threat made a deep impression on the mind of the
queen of Navarre. She was aware that the king of Spain
would oppose, by every artifice, the elevation of Antoine de
Bourbon. Philip's tenure of the kingdom of Navarre might be
endangered, should Antoine assume supreme direction of the
military resources of the realm. As soon, therefore, as An-
toine had taken his departure for Paris, Jeanne summoned her
faithful servant the baron d' Arros to JNerac, and committing to
his care her children, Henry and Catherine, she proceeded on
a tour of inspection throughout the principality. Every fortress
of her dominions did the queen visit ; she even penetrated to
the frontiers of Spain, and gazed towards the capital of her
ancestors — Pampluna, so cherished by its ancient princes.
Throughout her progress, the queen was enthusiastically hailed.
as followed by a brilliant military escort she presented herself
to her subjects. Jeanne reinforced the garrisons of all the
frontier towns, and commanded that double stores of provision, .
and military ammunition, should be provided for the fortresses
of Bayonne and Xavarreins.
The cardinal d' Armagnac probably accompanied the queen
on her progress. Prom the castle of Pan Jeanne issued letters
patent appointing the young prince her son lieutenant-general
of Beam and its dependencies, with the cardinal as his associate
in the government, provided that any unforeseen event com-
1 Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo, duke of Alba, born in 1.508. The duke
was one of the most valiant captains of the age, and successively rilled the
highest offices of state. He espoused donna .Maria Henriquez Guzman Alba de
Liste, and died in 1-582, at the age of 74 years. The duke of Alba had been
nominated to espouse the princess Elizabeth of France, as proxy for his master
Philip II. He was, therefore, sojourning in Paris, when he communicated
with the bishop of Mende.
102 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
pelled her to quit her dominions. 1 In all her public and
private actions at this period the queen showed the greatest
caution ; Philip of Spain, and the devices of his cabinet, cast
always a dark shadow over Jeanne's life. The queen made a
brief sojourn at Pau ; she then returned to Nerac, leaving the
cardinal d'Armagnac in Beam, and made preparation to follow
Antoine to Paris, provided his reception by the court seemed
propitious.
At Vendome, meantime, king Antoine was received by a
goodly and gallant company. The king was everywhere
greeted with enthusiasm, both by the nobles and the people.
The intelligence which the admiral de Coligny brought from
Paris, however, was discouraging in the extreme : the Guises,
now firmly established in the government, defied their enemies ;
and had not the counsel of the Spanish ambassador been ne-
gatived by Catherine's more cautious policy, a royal mandate
would have interdicted Antoine's approach to the capital. To
enforce the rights of the princes there was now no other re-
source than warfare: the vidame de Chartres 2 advocated this
alternative. The w r iser counsels of Coligny however prevailed ;
and it was unanimously agreed that before any hostile demon-
stration was made the king of Navarre should proceed to Paris,
and demand the convocation of the states-general — a request
certain to meet with denial ; but which would serve as a basis
for the remonstrances which the princes were preparing to lay
before the parliament.
By slow journeys Antoine continued his unwilling progress.
When he reached Paris, the court had quitted the capital for
St Germain. Thither he despatched a chamberlain to notify
his arrival, and to prepare for his use the lodging which he
usually occupied in that palace. Those apartments, however,
were assigned to the duke de Guise ; who absolutely refused to
vacate them. The duchess de Guise had likewise been installed
in the suite of rooms appropriated for the use of the queen of
Navarre. The unfortunate chamberlain was ordered into the
presence of the duke and the cardinal. The latter subjected
him to a severe cross-examination on the motives of his master's
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret.
2 Francois de Vendome, vidame de Chartres, prince de Chabanois. This
nobleman descended from the ancient counts of Vendome, and was the last
of his race. Catherine de Medici bestowed at one time much favour on the
vidame de Chartres. He died, December 16th, 1560, aged 38, leaving no chil-
dren by his consort, Jeanne, daughter of Louis, baron d'Estissac, governor of
La Kocbclle.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 103
visit, and the number of the king's suite. " Tell your master,"
exclaimed the imperious prelate, " that it will cost him his life,
and that of some 10,000 men, before he deprives us of the place,
and of the apartments assigned to us here by the good favour
of the king!" 1
Shortly before the hour when the arrival of Antoine was ex-
pected, the king left the palace to hunt, accompanied by the duke
de Guise ; while the cardinal de Lorraine proceeded to pay his^
respects to the queen, under pretext of announcing the visit of
the king of Navarre ; but, in reality, to observe how Catherine
received that prince. Meantime, by command of the Guises,
no preparation was made for the reception of Antoine ; and
when the latter arrived, not one of the royal household was in
waiting to greet him. Even his admission into the palace
seemed a doubtful matter; for king Antoine's baggage had
been unladen in the court-yard ; and his coffers, and those of
his numerous retinue, were piled here and there, and purposely
left to block up the way. For a few seconds, Antoine hesitated
whether he should not retrace his steps back to Paris ; the^
Guises, however, had calculated upon the timid spirit of
their rival. They knew that rapid and decisive measures
created dismay in his mind; and that during the bewilder-
ment of the moment, Antoine would temporize, and conse-
quently alienate many of his adherents by such a display of
weakness.
Antoine therefore alighted from his horse in awe and per-
plexity ; the chilling aspect of the deserted palace-courts pro-
duced' the effect which the Guises anticipated. He was imme-
diately ushered into the presence of queen Catherine. The
queen was seated at her tapestry-frame ; the cardinal de
Lorraine stood at her right hand. As the king approached,
neither the queen nor the cardinal suffered any token of recog-
nition to escape them. After Antoine had performed the
customary obeisances, Catherine resumed her discourse with
the cardinal, occasionally addressing a word to the appalled
prince; who, daunted by this insolent reception, 2 advanced,
and actually embraced the cardinal.
On the return of Francis from the chase, Antoine approached
to pay his respects, as his Majesty alighted from his horse in
the courtyard of the castle ; which was still encumbered with
baggage. Francis met him with reserve ; while the duke de
Guise studiously held aloof. Astounded at such a reception,
Antoine's presence of mind again deserted him ; and he drew
1 Regnault de la Planche, Hist, de l'Estat taut de la^ republique que de la
religion, p. 47. De Thou, Hist, de son Tumps, 1. 23. 2 Ibid.
101 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
upon himself the sneers of the court, by condescending to
throw the utmost empressement into his manner towards the
duke, addressing him as " mon cousin ; " and feigning not to
remark the supercilious way in which his overtures were
received. Disgusted at this undignified deportment, many of
the nobles in Antoine's suite took leave and returned to
Paris, uncertain how far they might be compromised by a
prince so careless of his own honour. Others openly aban-
doned the Bourbons, and ranged themselves on the side of the
Guises.
It was presently intimated to the king of Navarre, that
accommodation could not be afforded within the precincts of
the castle to the members of his suite ; his Own reception, mean-
time, yet appeared doubtful, as the duke de Guise refused to
vacate the chambers usually occupied by the king. At length,
the marshal de St Andre, prompted, probably, by madame la
marechale, who had not forgotten Antoine's deed in releasing
her gentleman usher from the dungeons of the Chatelet, offered
to cede his apartments for the king's use. Antoine accepted
the proposal, to the triumph of the Guises and the mortification
of his own adherents. 1
Not satisfied with the indignities already heaped upon the
first prince of the blood, the cardinal proceeded to exclude
king Antoine from the privy council-board. After this con-
tumelious treatment, were it not too well attested to admit of
dispute the fact would appear incredible, that the contemptible
Antoine suffered himself to be persuaded to express to king
Francis his approbation of the appointment, and the conduct
of his ministers ! 2
A missive from his high-minded consort, filled with re-
proachful comments on his unworthy deportment, roused Antoine
from his apathy. Jeanne counselled him to demand his conge,
and return to her. The delusive hope of the restoration of
the kingdom of Navarre, however, had been again presented
to the king by the Spanish ambassador, provided that he ab-
stained from any overt act of disapprobation. Antoine, there-
fore, instead of quitting a court which had treated him with
ignominy, demanded permission to visit the tomb of the late
king at St Denis ; a request graciously acceded to.
The constable de Montmorency had likewise been de-
spoiled of his offices of grand-master of the king's household,
and keeper of the privy seal. Francis, after his father's obse-
quies were performed, intimated to the veteran constable that
1 La Planche, Hist, de l'Estat, &c, p. 47.
2 Ibid. De Thou, Hist, de son Temps.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 105
for the future he must yield precedence to the Guises, both at
the council-board and in the circle of the queens. Montmo-
rency received the communication with great equanimity , and
prepared to retire to Chantilly, notwithstanding the positive
commands sent to him by queen Catherine to remain at court.
The policy of the queen woidd have been supported by the
presence of Montmorency in Paris. The old constable,
however, was not to be diverted from his purpose by the
menaces of his royal mistress ; and he retired to Chantilly,
escorted by so large a number of the most influential person-
ages of the realm, that the king's suite seemed small in com-
parison. 1
At St Denis Antoine was joined by his brother Conde.
Instead of demeaning himself by making unworthy concession
to the dominant faction, this gallant young prince had been
engaged in organizing the designs of his partisans in Paris.
He had, moreover, entered into secret relations with Nicholas
Throckmorton, the English ambassador. The alarm of Antoine
was unbounded at this announcement ; he, nevertheless, after
much persuasion, consented to grant Throckmorton a midnight
audience at St Denis, that the ambassador might deliver a
message from queen Elizabeth, who warmly interested herself
in the welfare of king Antoine and his noble consort.
It was entirely owing to the entreaties of Conde that
Antoine consented to admit Elizabeth's ambassador. So
entirely had he become impressed with a conviction of the
"charmed fortunes" of the Guises, that it even irritated
him to hear their downfal projected. The message sent to
Antoine by queen Elizabeth, stated in general terms "the
esteem which her Majesty felt for his virtues ; her wish to form
an alliance with him for the honour of God ; and her trust
that by yielding mutual assistance to each other, they might
prevent their enemies from injuring the cause of God, and of
true religion." "With ludicrous promptness, king Antoine
replied, " that he should be happy to accept so illustrious an
ally in so sacred a cause ; but that for greater security, he
would correspond dh'ectly on the matter with the queen
herself." 2
The intrigues of the Bourbon princes, meantime, escaped
not the watchful eyes of the cardinal de Lorraine. Antoine
was still sojourning at St Denis, when a missive reached him,
containing a peremptory summons to follow the king to
1 La Planche, Hist, de PEtat de France, &c, p. 20. De Thou, Commentaires
de l'estat de la religion et republiquc, par le president la Place.
2 Lingard — Forbes.
106 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
Rheims, where his Majesty was about to proceed for his coron-
ation. All the princes were commanded to attend the august
ceremony,' and required to submit to the position and prece-
dence allotted to them. The cardinal de Lorraine thought
his triumph over the princes incomplete until their humiliation
was participated in by the queen of Navarre. Catherine,
therefore, signified her desire that Jeanne should journey to
court for the occasion. The queen's determination, however,
proved as unalterable as that of the Guises ; and she positively
declined to quit her own dominions. " The king of Navarre
is here in very good health ; he has not sent for the queen,
his consort, being yet uncertain whether he will not, instead,
return to her himself," wrote the cardinal de Bourbon to his
niece, the witty duchess de Nevers. The cardinal was the
only one of the Bourbon princes whose presence at Bheims
was dispensed with, probably on account of his age and infirm-
ities. The duchess de Nevers had, likewise, excused herself
to queen Mary Stuart, on the plea of her failing health. 2 In the
same letter, the old cardinal grumbles in the most amusing
manner about the treatment experienced by the princes ; and,
considering the unscrupulous manner in which the Guises
availed themselves of every means of information, his petulance
might have entailed unpleasant results. " Madame," writes
the cardinal, " I only wish that you could witness the fine
sports going on here, though I protest to you, that I deem
you happy in being exempt from the sight. The coronation of
the king is postponed until the 17th of this month; after
which it is thought that the king of Navarre will make a jour-
ney into Lorraine, where the king, it is said, goes to instal
madame, his sister, 3 in her menage ; from thence, it is said, the
queen of Spain will set out to join the king, her husband. As
for myself, madame, I shall depart as quickly as I can from
this court and return home, until they command my services
to go into Spain, or elsewhere. I can assure you, madame,
that seeing what I do see, I shall much more gladly serve them
afar off than near." 4
1 Francis II. was crowned at Rheims, on the 18th day of September, 1559.
- The duchess de Nevers suffered frequently from ill-health. She lived,
nevertheless, to a good old age, dying at the castle of Augilon in Berry, Octo-
ber 20, 1589, at the age of 73. She is buried in the cathedral of Nevers.
Marguerite de Bourbon had four younger sisters, all nobly endowed abbesses.
Marie, her eldest sister, was once the betrothed bride of James V. of Scotland.
3 Claude de France, second daughter of Henry II. and of Catherine de
Medici, consort of the young duke of Lorraine.
4 Negotiations et Pieces sur le regne de Francois II. Col. de Docum.
Inedits, p. 108. Bibl. Roy. MSS. de Beth. No. 8655. The cardinal's letter is
dated " de Villars Cotterets, le 3 de Septembre 1559."
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 107
As soon as the coronation of the king was accomplished,
the Guises, by another politic move, separated the princes,
and despatched them on different missions from Paris. This
step was partly resolved upon by the unusual energy displayed
by the kiug of Navarre ; who, after the coronation, finding
himself surrounded by the noblest peers of France — the ma-
jority opposed to the pretensions of the house of Lorraine — ■
took courage to enter the council-chamber, and demand the
assembly of the states-general. The Guises, having perfect
insight into the character of Antoine, played upon his well-
known credulity, and thus defeated the cabal. At the council-
board, in the presence of king Antoine, they read a letter
from Philip of Spain, in which that monarch threatened dire
chastisement to any subject of France daring enough to op-
pose the king his brother-in-law, and the minister whom he
had chosen ; "if there is any such presumptuous enough thus
to rebel, his Catholic Majesty will annihilate them by the
weight of his power, and of his military resources." 1 Antoine
understood that the invasion of Beam was here hinted at ; and
in proportion as he dreaded that measure he unfortunately
lowered his tone. On the other hand, the Spanish ambassador,
and Catherine de Medici, vaguely insinuated that the king of
Spain was not unwilling, provided that Antoine acquiesced
quietly in the existing order of affairs, to open negotiations for
the restoration of Navarre ; or that, at least, his Catholic Ma-
jesty would consider whether the island of Sardinia might not
be allotted to queen Jeanne in compensation.
This bait was eagerly swallowed by Antoine ; and he
readily undertook the mission of conducting the young queen
of Spain to the Spanish frontier, and of delivering her to the
noblemen sent by Philip to receive his bride. " The king of
Navarre has promised the king to conduct, and demean himself
on this august mission, so as to give his Majesty full content-
ment, and to them (the Spanish nobles) no occasion of com-
plaint," wrote the cardinal de Lorraine, to de l'Aubespine, the
French ambassador at Madrid. 2
Meantime, the queen of Navarre had been exposed to great
peril within her own principality. The cardinal de Lorraine,
it has been supposed, in his hatred and fear of the Bourbon
princes, had secretly consented that Philip should garrison
Jeanne's fortress of Bayonne. Jn furtherance of this design,
he despatched orders on his own responsibility to de Montluc,
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 108. Castelnau. De Thou.
2 Docum. sur le regne de Francois II. p. 160. The letter is dated, " La
Haye en Touraine, Novembre, 1559.''
108 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
and the marshal de Termes, generals commanding in the south,
to co-operate with the Spanish viceroy of Navarre. This dark
intrigue was discovered by Montmorency: the constable, like-
wise, asserted that the viscount d'Orthez had been gained over
by the Guises ; and had engaged to surrender Bayonne on the
first summons of the Spaniards. The duke de Guise and his
brother indignantly denied the imputation ; and the discovery
of the plot effectually defeated its execution, if it were really
contemplated. The queen of Navarre, neverthless, quitted
Nerac, and retired with her children to the fortress of Navar-
reins. The queen immediately bestowed the command of her
fortress of Bayonne upon the baron d'Arros, of whose fidelity
she had received ample demonstration.
Jeanne quitted Navarreins about the middle of December,
1559, and journeyed with the prince her son, to meet her hus-
band and the young queen of Spain at Bordeaux. Accom-
panied by Elizabeth, the royal pair entered Pau on the 20th
of December, and there kept the festival of Christmas, 1559.
At Bordeaux, and throughout the journey in Guyenne, Jeanne
yielded precedence to the queen of Spain, as madame Roy ale
of France. "Within her own dominions, at Pau, however, the
queen of Navarre asserted her sovereign rank, and everywhere
took precedence of Elizabeth ; by which act she gave great
offence to the king of Spain, and to the court of France. 1
During his sojourn at Pau, king Antoine commenced
another notable negotiation for the restoration of Spanish Na-
varre, without asking the previous assent of his consort, though
he freely compromised her name throughout the affair. In
truth, this first Bourbon king excelled not in the arts of di-
plomacy ; and his shallow artifice must have excited derision
amongst the astute councillors of king Philip. On the strength
of the promise made to him in Paris by the Spanish ambassa-
dor, Antoine despatched, on his own authority, Pierre d' Albret, 2
brother of the bishop of Lescar, to sound the intentions of the
Spanish king. This individual, whom the king addresses as
" seigneur don Petro," on Antoine's arrival at Pau, had made
little progress in his mission, not having been able to obtain
audience of any of Philip's ministers, as his errand was not
acknowledged by the French ambassador. The king, there-
fore, wrote fresh letters to the king of Spain ; he also addressed
one to the ambassador de lAubespine. These missives An-
toine despatched by Claude de Levis, baron d'Audaux ; he
1 Cayet, Chron. Novenaire.
- Pierre d' Albret was afterwards elevated to the see of Cornminges, through
the favour of Jeanne d' Albret.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBKET. 109
also sent instructions to Pierre d'Albret, directing the latter
to aid the new envoy in every way in his power. In his letter
to the king of Spain, Antoine requested that safe-conducts
might be forwarded to himself and to his consort, to enable
them to wait upon his Majesty, and kiss his hand. " I have sent
the sieur d'Audaux," said king Antoine, in his letter addressed
to the French ambassador, 1 " one of my gentlemen in waiting,
to pray that the king (of Spain) will grant permission to my
wife and to myself to journey, and kiss his hand ; having cal-
culated that this expedition must bring us fruitful result ; for
if I obtain anything," adds the royal sophist, " that little will
be more than I now possess ; if I get no satisfaction, even
then I shall be a gainer, as it will serve to dissipate many
hopes and illusions with which they have entertained me."
Antoine continues, " I have thought it good to notify thus
much, as, having imparted my project to the king, and to the
queen his mother, they were pleased to signify approval."
The sequel of this affair will show Avith what facility the
king of Navarre was imposed upon ; and how venial a matter
it was thought by any party in the state to palm upon him a
delusive scheme.
The baron d'Audaux, on his arrival at Toledo, delivered his
letters of credence. In virtue of his rank, he obtained audience
of Philip. The king, in the first place, eagerly demanded news
of his young bride; he then promised to give the baron an
answer upon the various articles of his mission, after he had
conferred with his council. When d'Audaux had taken leave,
Philip sent for the French ambassador, and asked whether
Antoine's proceedings had the sanction of his government.
De l'Aubespine answered, " that he had received no instruc-
tions on the subject."
The result of this reply was, that the king quitted Toledo,
leaving letters for the king of Navarre, and for d'Audaux, with
his secretary of state, Cortavilla. The latter was commanded
to state, in his master's name, " that it would be useless to ex-
pose the duke de Vendome and his consort to the fatigue of a
journey into Spain; as when there the only answer they could
receive to their demands would be a repetition of the reply
given to their ambassador at the conference of Cateau." 2
Antoine had departed for the Spanish frontier with the
young queen, when d'Audaux returned to Pau with Philip's
letter and message. Jeanne's mortification was excessive when
1 Negociations et Pieces sur le regne de Francois II. publics d'apres les
MSS. de la Bibliotheque Royale, par M. Louis Paris, par ordre du ltoi. Do-
cum. p. 164. The letter is dated, " Pau, le 16eme jour de Decembre, 1559."
2 De Thou, Hist, de son Temps.
110 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
she learned the humiliating overtures to which she had been
made accessory by her husband. The queen, however, found
consolation for this and other disquietudes in her love of study.
With the stedfast purpose which distinguished the character
of her grandmother, Louise de Savoy e, Jeanne applied herself
to learning. Like that renowned princess, she loved know-
ledge as a source of power : and theology, philosophy, and
logic, were the studies which engaged the queen's mind, rather
than the more gentle accomplishments. Alone in her cabinet,
Jeanne studied the ancient charters, or fueros, of Beam, pre-
paratory to their revision ; and she examined into the ecclesi-
astical questions which convulsed tbe principality. " The
queen of Navarre was eloquent and learned above all the
princesses of her age, following in this the example of her
mother, queen Marguerite, who, by the persuasive eloquence
of her discourse, charmed and soothed the very passions and
emotions of the soul," says Pavyn, with enthusiastic praise, as
he recounts the patriotic actions of queen Jeanne. 1
The revival of the chambres ardent es, or inquisitorial cham-
bers, established during the regency of Louis de Savoye, to
take cognizance of heresy, had created tumults in many parts of
Prance. The cardinal de Lorraine was installed in the office of
chief commissioner ; with the power of nominating other pre-
lates to perform the same functions, in various districts of the
kingdom. The cardinal d'Armagnac accepted the office of in-
quisitor-general over the duchy of Albret, and the principality
of Beam and its dependencies. This appointment, and the
pending executions created the greatest consternation through-
out Beam. The cardinal traversed Guyenne, and visited the
towns of Poitiers, Toulouse, and Narbonne, leaving behind him
sanguinary indications of his fearful powers. At length he
approached Pau, where Jeanne d Albret held her court ; all re-
mained in suspense, watching the reception which the daughter
of Marguerite d'Angouleme would accord to a prelate bound
on so terrible a mission. At Oleron, while d'Armagnac was
passing through the streets, arrayed in the insignia of his rank,
the cortege halted, that the cardinal might bestow the custom-
ary benediction on the people. Instead of kneeling to receive
the priestly benison, the crowd profanely greeted the cardinal
with shouts of derisive laughter, and bade him pass on. 2 At
Pau, the queen had taken measures to prevent tumult ; she re-
1 Favyn, Hist, de Navarre, 1. 14.
2 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d' Albret. La Gaucherie, preceptor to the
young prince of Navarre, joined in the mocking cry of the multitude. Although
the cardinal d'Armagnac complained of this conduct, La Gaucherie retained
his appointment at the court of Jeanne d'Albret.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. Ill
ceived the cardinal with the honour due to his dignitj' ; but by
her command, all public disputations on religious matters were
forbidden by the bishops of Oleron and Lescar. Thus she de-
prived d' Armagnac of one of his principal weapons. Her next
act was dexterously ordained. She granted permission to the
cardinal to make inquisition, and to report any suspected case
of heresy to the privy council ; reserving to herself, as sove-
reign princess, the power of arrest and punishment. The car-
dinal, thinking to awe the queen by a display of the power he
held from the cardinal de Lorraine, caused the minister Barran
to be arrested, and thrown into prison. Jeanne immediately
issued a warrant under her great seal, which designated the
cardinal's act as unauthorized and illegal, and commanded the
instant release of Barran. Subsequently, she addressed a
spirited remonstrance to the cardinal, informing him that such
arbitrary measures could not be tolerated within the limits
of the principality ; and admonishing him to respect the ancient
ecclesiastical codes of Beam.
The despotic proceedings of the government, meantime, re-
sounded throughout France, creating disaffection and tumult.
The execution of Anne de Bourg, for heresy, had been followed
by countless trials and condemnations. The courts of inquiry
proceeded with pitiless severity to exterminate heresy. All
who dared openly to oppose the princes of Gruise were doomed
to destruction. Rigorous edicts were issued, forbidding any
person to carry firearms ; or even to wear a dress capable of
concealing weapons. Catherine herself, treated with insolent
disrespect by the cardinal de Lorraine, and closely watched by
queen Mary, who made a daily report of Catherine's depoi'tment
to the duke de Guise, felt herself a prisoner ; and saved only
from actual captivity by the outward sanction which she be-
stowed upon the acts of the ministry. Montmorency remain-
ed at Chantilly ; while Conde was detained under the surveil-
lance of the Guises at court. Acts of murder, and of lawless
aggression, became of daily occurrence in the capital. The
president de Minard, one of de Bourg's judges, was assassinated
in the public streets, by a Scotch Calvinist of the name of
Stuart : inquisitorial measures were then adopted to discover
concealed heretics ; and terror, with a burning thirst for venge-
ance, inspired the minds of both the Catholic and the Pro-
testant population of France. 1
The popular exasperation at length demonstrated itself in
the celebrated conspiracy of Amboise ; a plot to procure the
forcible removal of the princes of Lorraine from the councils of
1 Mem. de Michel de Castelnau, 1. i. De Thou, Hist, de son Temps.
11^ LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
the sovereign, and to obtain their impeachment before the
states-general. The leaders of the movement were Calvinists ;
the conspirators, under la Eenaudie their ostensible chief, con-
certed their measures with consummate skill ; throughout every
province of France numbers of the disaffected were organized,
ready to rise at the signal of their chief, and overthrow the
tyrannical government. A body of armed malcontents was to
assemble at Blois on a given day ; after forcibly presenting a
petition to the king, their design was to seize the royal person,
transfer the government to Paris, and effect the arrest of the
cardinal de Lorraine, and his brother. So profoundly secret
had the design been kept, that Francis and his court were
quietly sojourning at the castle of Blois, unapprehensive of
danger, until within a few days of the period fixed for the exe-
cution of the enterprise. When all preparations had been
completed by the Huguenot leaders, the plot was basely be-
trayed to the cardinal de Lorraine by a lawyer of Paris, named
des Avenelles, who professed the reformed faith, and to whom
it had been heedlessly revealed. 1
The Guises, thus forewarned, easily defeated the machina-
tions of their enemies. The conspirators were dispersed, ar-
rested, and condemned to death. The prisons of Prance could
scarce contain the number of victims doomed to destruction;
while the Avaters of the Seine, and the Loire, actually became
tinged with the blood of the multitudes massacred in Paris, and at
Amboise, whither the cardinal de Lorraine had transferred the
court. The depositions of some of the prisoners implicated
Conde — even Catherine herself was suspected by the Guises of
participation in the plot. Conde was examined by the council,
in the presence of the king ; he was at length pronounced
guiltless of the treasonable attempt, more, however, as a matter
of policy, than from any conviction which the Guises entertained
of his inuocence. The prince retired from Amboise, and sought
refuge at his brother's court at Nerac ; where he was warmly
welcomed by queen Jeanne, whose indignation was excited at
the merciless executions desolating Prance. 2
King Antoine, during these transactions, fearful of being
implicated in the pending investigations, placed himself at the
1 Mem. de Michel de Castelnau, 1. i. Mem. de Tavannes. De Thou, Hist,
de son Temps, liv. 25.
2 Ihid. La Planche, Hist, de l'etat de France, p. 393, &c. " Cliacun
savoit," wrote Regnier de la Planche, "que le due de Guise, et son frere le
cardinal estoient deux testes en un chaperon, en sorte que n'y l'un n'y l'autre
ne proposaicnt rien au conseil qu'ils ne l'eussent premedite ensemble aupara-
vant ; on s'esbahit done comme ce cardinal avait mit en avant de sc saisir de la
pcrsonne de Conde, car son frere fut d'avis tout contraire.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 113
head of a body of men at arms, and proceeded to the Agenois ;
where he dispersed and slaughtered a division of the insurgent;
forces, about to march to the succour of the Huguenots. This
exploit, designated as " valiant " at the court of France, received
neither sanction nor commendation from Jeanne d' Alb ret.
She deemed it an act fatally reflecting on her consort's reputa-
tion, to have assailed and slaughtered men whose opinions he
approved ; and whose rebellion he would have imitated had he
been endowed with their fearless courage.
The condition of the young king at this period, however,
cannot fail to inspire compassion : a prey to the deepest depres-
sion of mind, or goaded into transports of jealous fury by the
insinuations of his ministers, Francis found no solace. Cathe-
rine de Medici, stern and resolute in anticipation of future
vengeance for the affronts so heedlessly offered to her, stood, at
this period, aloof. The queen, Mary Stuart, ill-judging and
reckless, devoted to her brilliant uncle the duke de Guise,
undertook the perilous office of a spy on the actions of her
mother-in-law. 1 Hereafter, the fair head which then so proudly
wore the diadem of France, paid forfeit on the block for the
hatred thus incautiously inspired. The constable and his
nephews, of the house of Coliguy, waited events in gloomy fore-
boding. The princes of the house of Bourbon gathered round
the standard of King Antoine and his heroic consort ; and
armed bands of men garrisoned the fortresses and towns of
Beam. Attended by Conde, queen Jeanne made her royal
progresses, and prepared her subjects for the expected conflict ;
whilst Antoine indolently lamented the untoward condition of
affairs with his favourites, Descars and the bishop of Mende.
The assembly of Fontainebleau 2 met, and separated without
devising a remedy for the evils which afflicted the realm ; and
the states-general were, at length, convoked to meet in the
town of Orleans.
A scheme of daring magnitude was then projected by the
house of Guise. In the presence of the representatives of the
people, it was determined to exterminate the power of the
Bourbon princes ; and to suppress heresy throughout the realm,
by the scaffold, or the knife of the assassin. After the convoca-
tion of the states at Orleans, the cardinal resolved that no future
risings of the people, in behalf of religion, or of the princes,
should disturb his peaceful tenure of power. Rumours of the
connivance of Conde, in the late sedition at Amboise, daily
gained ground ; a suspicion which was confirmed by the arrest
1 De Thou, Hist, de son Temps.
* The conferences of Fontainebleau commenced on the 18th of August, 1530.
8
Ill LIFE OF JEANNE D A.LBRET.
of one La Sague, the bearer of certain confidential despatches
of Antoine and his brother, to the constable, and others. An
attempt to surprise the city of Lyons, by Maligny, an adherent
of the princes, augmented the fears and confirmed the san-
guinary designs of the princes of Lorraine. Military prepara-
tions were made to an unparalleled extent, to support their
lawless projects. Troops were distributed over the kingdom :
those suspected of favouring the pretensions of the princes, or
of being infected with sectarian principles, were detached from
their regiments and joined to divisions trusted by the govern-
ment. The Guises proceeded so far as to suspend, for the
time, the powers of the constable as commander-in-chief; so
fearful were they that any deviation from the prescribed
routine might give their enemies the ascendency.
All things being thus disposed for their project, Francis wrote
a peremptory letter to the king of Navarre, commanding him
to bring his brother Conde to Orleans, to respond to the treason-
able charges alleged against him, in the presence of the states.
" Mon oncle," said the young king, " you, doubtless, well re-
member the letters which I wrote to you, touching the rising
which lately happened at Amboise, and also concerning mon
cousin, the prince de Conde, your brother, whom many of the
prisoners accused vehemently ; a belief which I could not then
entertain against one of his blood, out of the affection which I
bear towards my own lineage, hoping that time, and his own
loyal depoi*tment, would demonstrate the falsehood of his un-
happy accusers, and give me satisfactory proofs of his innocence.
Nevertheless, I have since received repeated information, from
various parts of my kingdom, of the evil designs and deeds of
the said prince against the welfare of my realm ; all which re-
ports, however, I have steadily refused to credit, until lately,
when I have myself perceived such evident tokens of disloyalty,
that I have decided to investigate the matter, having resolved
not to pass my life in trouble, through the mad ambition of
any one of my subjects." The king then charges his uncle to
bring Conde to Orleans, whether the said prince were willing
or not, " for should the said prince refuse obedience, I assure
you, mon oncle, that I shall soon make it apparent that I am
your king, as I have commissioned monsieur de Crussol to ex-
plain to you both." 2
This letter, half persuasion, half menace, created constern-
ation at the little court of Nerac. Queen Jeanne divined at
once some sinister design in this project of the Guises to as-
1 Lettre de Francois II. a Antoine, roj r de Navarre — Memoires de Conde,
t. i. p. 572.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 115
semble together the princes of the blood, and the most illustrious
personages of the kingdom ; and she strongly opposed the de-
parture of her consort, unless Antoine consented to be accom-
panied with an armed force, powerful enough to awe the enemies
of his house. " It is your salvation," exclaimed she to Conde,
" and that of the king of Navarre, to remain here. Stay, or at
least appear before the princes of Lorraine surrounded by a force
which shallcompelthem to respectthe august blood of Bourbon!"
Antoine, however, perversely affected to see the affair in a
totally different light ; and as his consort grew more earnest in
her admonitions to him to remain, his desire to visit the court
increased. The count de Crussol assured the king that he had
nothing to apprehend. Catherine de Medici wrote private let-
ters to Antoine of the same purport ; being either ignorant of
the ultimate design of the Guises, or that weary of living sub-
servient to their policy, she considered that the arrival of the
princes would create a diversion favourable to her own projects.
Conde constantly received secret warning that some perfidious
scheme was meditated by the court ; the disarming of the inha-
bitants of Orleans, and the military preparations everywhere ap-
parent, afforded, in queen Jeanne's opinion, confirmation suffi-
ciently alarming. The duchess of Ferrara, 1 Marillac, archbishop
ofVienne, the duchess de Montpensier, 2 Catherine's fa vouritehuly
of honour, all warned the princes to be on their guard. The prin-
cess of Conde wrote to her husband, that " every step he took
towards the court brought him nearer to destruction ; and that
if his death was inevitable, it was more glorious to die at the head
of an army, than to perish ignominiously on the scaffold ! "
In vain, also, Jeanne with tears besought Conde to remain
behind in Beam ; the prince was too courageous, or too confident
of his innocence, to suffer his brother to proceed alone to court.
"The queen-mother," wrote d' Aubigne, 3 "persuaded the king
of Navarre to advance with fearless courage ; so that at leno;th
all this patelinerie made him resolve on the journey, against the
counsel of his faithful friends and servants; and above all against
the advice of the Dame de Boye, mother of the princess de Conde
— all these faithful counsellors being unfortunately regarded by
the princes as foolish and importunate."
1 Renee do Franco, daughter nf Louis XII., and of Anne de Bretagno.
2 Jacqueline de Longwy, ou de Givry, daughter of Jean, sieur de Givrv,
and of Jeanne, natural daughter of Charles, count d'Angouleme, father of Fran-
cis I. Jacqueline de Longwy married Louis de Bourbon, duke de Montpensier,
fourth prince of the blood royal, nephew and heir of the constable de Bourbon.
Madame de Montpensier was first lady of honour to Catherine de Medici. She
was a princess of great learning and strong intellect, and she favoured the
Reformation .
J D'Aubigne, Hist. Uuivers, t. i. 1. 2.
116 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
With a mind oppressed by sorrowful anticipations, Jeanne
prepared to take leave of her husband, and of his gallant brother.
Aware of the participation of Conde in the counsels of the late
conspirators, although he shared not in the actual demonstra-
tion against the Guises, Jeanne deplored his infatuation in
placing himself in their power. The conduct of the king of
Navarre had been more guarded ; although the cardinal de
Lorraine distrusted his professions of submission. In her anx-
iety for the fate of the king and his brother, Jeanne wrote to
the constable, praying Montmorency to afford them every aid
and protection in his power. " Mon cousin, I fail not to write
you a line, knowing that Dardeuil is about to be despatched to
you, to entreat, mon cousin, that you will continue to the king
my husband, and towards myself, that good will you have
always been accustomed to show us, especially at this time,
when the king will need your counsel. I pray you be to
him such as he hopes and desires ; and as for myself, I beg you
only to keep me in his good favour and grace." '
Antoine continued to disregard the remonstrances of his
wife; for the queen felt daily more persuaded that some trea-
cherous coup d'etat was meditated. Every despatch brought
indications of the insincerity of queen Catherine. In the let-
ters delivered by the count de Crussol to the king of Navarre,
Catherine had caused it to be inserted, on purpose to embroil
Montmorency with Jeanne and her consort, that la Sague, the
bearer of the despatches of the princes, had been arrested on
private information afforded by the constable. About a fort-
night afterwards, Montmorency was informed by Catherine
herself of what she had done, in an audience granted to him at
St Germain. Catherine laughed excessively at, as she termed
it, " le bon tour qu'elle avoit joue a son compere." The indig-
nation of Montmorency, however, was greatly kindled ; and
when he quitted the palace, he wrote to Jeanne and Antoine,
to deny the implied treachery. " Sire," said he, in his letter, 2
"you can well imagine for what reason the queen made that
charge. I very humbly entreat you not to believe anything
they may have informed you of; nor any matter in which they
may have made, or may cause me to speak words offensive to
your honour and to your rank. If any other parties except the
queen-mother and the king had dared to write such statements,
1 should at once speak and act as becomes a man of honour,
1 Lettre de la reine de Navarre, au connetable de Montmorency. Bibl.
Roy. F. de Beth. 8671, fol. 19.— Inedited.
- Le connetable de Montmorency, au roy de Navarre. — Memoires de Conde
t. i. p. 5S3
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET. 117
when falsely accused of a thing of which he has not even once
thought."
The queen of Navarre, and the princess de Conde, con-
tinued to receive intimations, warning them to he on their
guard, and to keep the princes from attending the states-
general, through the duchess de Montpensier, the archbishop
of Yienne, and others — who all vaguely hinted that the caution
proceeded from queen Catherine herself. The king of Navarre,
however, was not to be dissuaded from obeying the royal sum-
mons ; his favourites, Bouchard and Descars, dependents of
the princes of Lorraine, were as eloquent in persuading their
master to disregard the wise remonstrances of his consort, as
they had before industriously thwarted her desire that he
should hasten to court after the decease of king Henry."
" Madame, je m 'assure tant sur les prowesses du roy, et de la
■parole de la royne sa mere, et en la justice de notre cause, que je
ne pense pas qu 7/ puisse m 'arriver mal /" seems to have been
the invariable reply of the impracticable Antoine to his queen's
objections.
Alarmed at the hesitation displayed by Antoine and his
brother in setting out from Nerae, Catherine despatched the
cardinal de Bourbon to admonish the king and queen of Na-
varre that king Francis viewed with suspicion and displeasure
the reluctance displayed by them to obey his royal mandate.
The cardinal was, moreover, commissioned to deliver a message
from the king, pledging his royal word that Antoine and his
brother Conde should be allowed to depart from court after
they had confronted their accusers. In the parting audience
which she granted to the cardinal, Catherine wept while she
deplored the miserable condition of the kingdom, torn by fac-
tion and religious dissension. "What is the object of the
princes!" exclaimed she, "in fomenting civil discord? If
affairs go against them, why do they not come in person and
remonstrate ?"
The cardinal de Bourbon seems to have been completely
imposed upon by these tears of Catherine; " ces larmes de
crocodile," 1 as a contemporary historian designates the queen's
emotion ; he wept with the astute princess, and promised to
bring his brothers without delay before the tribunal of the
nation. The Guises thought that the queen-mother, both
dazzled and subdued by the grandeur and the extent of their
success, had resigned herself to become their subordinate in
the administration. They, however, found that they had been
1 Regr.ier de la Planche.— Hist, de l'Estat de France, &c.
US LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
deceived ; and that she had been preparing the sharp -weapon
for their overthrow, when apparently most devoted to their
interests.
The persuasions of the cardinal de Bourbon, after his ar-
rival at Nerac, completely prevailed over the prudent counsels
of Jeanne; and together the brothers set out for Orleans,
attended by a numerous retinue, including the chancellor
Bouchard. The queen bade her husband farewell with many
tears : at the moment of his departure she made another pow-
erful but fruitless appeal to him, to leave Conde behind.
" Monseigneur, consider your own honour and safety. Leave
M. le Prince here, to command in your cities of Beam, until
after your most desired return !" With almost incredible in-
fatuation, Antoine persisted in rejecting his consort's solicita-
tions. Queen Jeanne said no more ; but contented herself
with dictating a reply of stern refusal to the message brought
to her by the cardinal de Bourbon from Catherine, praying her,
in courteous terms, to join the court at Orleans. If Jeanne
could not prevent her husband from compromising his honour
and his life, she possessed sufficient resolution and foresight to
preserve herself and her son from like peril.
The king of Navarre had no sooner, therefore, taken his
departure, than Jeanne, with her children, quitted Nerac, and
proceeded to Pau. There she assembled her thirteen barons
in council. By their advice she levied troops, and placed her
principality in a complete state of defence. She stationed gai'-
risons in all her fortresses bordering upon Prance. So deeply
impressed was she with the necessity of propitiating, at this
critical period, the Roman Catholic portion of her subjects, that
she resolved to despatch Pierre d'Albret, now bishop of Com-
minges, to Borne, on a mission of conciliation to his Holiness,
Pius IV. In her letter to the Pope, Jeanne gave Pius the as-
surance that it was not her intention to appropriate, or in any
way alienate, the temporal possessions of the Romish clergy,
throughout her hereditary dominions ; and she concluded by
offering an excuse to his Holiness for the long period she had
suffered to elapse, before she tendered her homage to the Holy
See. The Pope being exceedingly enraged at the proceedings
sanctioned in Beam by Jeanne and her consort, whom he
branded as "heretics and schismatics," forbad the queen's am-
bassador to approach Rome. Queen Jeanne, however, with
politic foresight, obviated this expected obstacle by the secret
overtures which she had made to cardinal Muret, a prelate of
ability and learning. Muret undertook to plead Jeanne's
cause in the consistory ; to remonstrate in private with Pius ;
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLEEET. 110
and to entreat the Pope not to suffer the invectives of the
Spanish ambassador to prejudice him against the submissive
overtures of his "queenly penitent." In consequence of the
cardinal's interference, the bishop of Comminges was admitted
to kiss his Holiness's slipper ; after which Pius received and
publicly read queen Jeanne's letter — a document that appeared
to give him satisfaction.
Although the cardinal Muret was the ostensible agent in
this temporary reconciliation between Jeanne d'Albret and the
Holy See, it is believed, and a careful consideration of docu-
mentary evidence confirms the supposition, that Catherine de
Medici herself disposed the pope to receive Jeanne's ambassa-
dor with favour. It is impossible to study the political history
of this period without feeling amazement at the wonderful
resources in intrigue possessed by queen Catherine. Some-
times her acts appear to aim in direct opposition to her private
projects of aggrandizement ; but follow the intrigue to its
termination, and some wondrous complication, or disposition of
events, favourable to Catherine's designs, is certain almost to
result. Catherine went to Orleans, in apparent obedience to
the projects of the duke de Cruise, and the cardinal his brother.
She had aided them with the power of her subtle wit to draw
the king of J^avarre and the other princes thither ; but it was
her firm resolve to depart from thence mistress of their position.
As one step towards this design, which could only be accom-
plished by the help of the princes, she promoted the seeming
reconciliation of Antoine de Bourbon and the Holy See, with the
view of presenting him, as chief and leader of the Catholic
population of Prance, in opposition to the duke de Guise.
Catherine's secret correspondence with Montmorency developes
the same intricate and far-sighted policy. While in the pre-
sence of the Guises, and on all public occasions, the queen
affected to treat the constable with haughty indifference, she
privately demanded his sympathy and support against the
oppressions of her son's ministers. " Mon compere," wrote
Catherine, at this period, " I desire greatly that your health
might permit you to remain at court ; for then I believe that
all things would be better conducted than now, and that you
would aid me to deliver the king, Jiors de page ; for you have
always willed that your master shall be obeyed by all his sub-
jects. I shall not write a longer letter, but will leave the sieur
marquis, 1 to give you farther news of me, only contenting
1 The marquis de Villars, who was the bearer of Catherine's letter to the
constable.
120 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
myself by observing tbat I wish that you alone were here with
the king ; vostre bonne commere et amie. — Catherine." 1
Meantime, the threatening aspect of affairs might well have
daunted a prince of firmer resolution than Antoine de Bourbon.
The country swarmed with soldiers, whose fierce aspect awed
the people, and repressed the enthusiasm with which they
welcomed the princes. At Limoges, deputies from the reform-
ed churches of France met Antoine, to offer him a force of six
thousand men as an escort to Orleans, and engaging to defray
the expenses of their maintenance for six months. At the
same time nine hundred noblemen offered to join the standard
of the Bourbon princes. 2 The proposal was a tempting one: the
warnings so repeatedly uttered by Jeanne d'Albret often rung
in the ears of king Antoine ; but to obey the royal mandate,
marching at the head of such a body of troops, would be con-
sidered as a virtual declaration of war. The distraction of
king Antoine's mind at length became so great, that he took
to his bed with a low fever, in which condition the cardinal
d'Armagnac found him at Vertueil, the palace of the count de
la Rochefoucauld ; he having been despatched by the king to
command Antoine not to approach the court with more than
his usual retinue of attendants. The cardinal manoeuvred with
so much dexterity, that he prevailed ; and the princes were
persuaded to continue their journey, followed only by their
respective households. During the audience of farewell which
king Antoine granted to the deputies sent by the Protestant
communities of France, he addressed them at length, and con-
cluded his harangue by promising to ask the king's gracious
pardon for all who had taken up arms to meet him thus at
Limoges. " Pardon ! " indignantly responded one of the depu-
ties ; " think only of asking pardon for yourself, monseigneur,
and that right humbly, when you are going to yield yourself
a prisoner, with a rope round your neck ! " 3
At a place named Mussidan, Antoine attempts to relieve
the disquietude of his mind by addressing a long epistle to
Catherine, in which he bitterly complains of the indignities and
accusations to which he and his brother were subjected. Oc-
casionally, in kiug Antoine's letters, he manifests a spirit
worthy of his princely descent ; but, in this epistle, the indica-
tions which he affords of his trifling and irresolute character,
1 Negotiations et Pieces sous le regne de Francois II., p. 678. Col. de
Docum. Inedits.
2 La Planehe, Hist, de l'Estat de France, p. 609.
3 La Planehe.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 121
must have moved the scorn of the queen. " Madame," writes
kiug Antoine, 1 " I have received the letters which it has
pleased you to send by Bouchet my secretary, who found me
in this place confined to my bed. It was meet, therefore, that
I should hope to derive consolation from these said letters ;
nevertheless, as no one can be considered to have his feelings
and emotions under perfect command, especially when they
have rise in events of only too probable occurrence, I confess to
you, madame, that your letters, though they imparted comfort,
have not dissipated the languor which assails me ; so much so,
that I perceive that this indisposition, a low fever, will always
hang about me, until I have the felicity to see the king, and
you, madame." Antoine continues, in the same strains, to
lament the misrepresentations of his enemies ; he implores the
queen to refuse credit to their assertions ; and he promises to
travel as rapidly as the condition of his health will permit.
King Antoine's letter is dated October 9th. Between that
time, and the 18th of the same month, Catherine had respond-
ed so satisfactorily to his expostulations, that her letter inspired
Antoine, as he states, with vigour to continue his journey. He,
therefore, indited a second epistle from Lusignan, to inform
the queen that he intended to make his entry into Poitiers on
the following day. 2 On the morrow, nevertheless, when the
king and his brother presented themselves before Poitiers they
found the gates of the town closed, cannon ready mounted for
action on the ramparts, while Montpezat, governor of the town,
peremptorily refused to admit them. In utter consternation,
king Antoine returned to Lusignan. Again the princess of
Conde renewed her protest against her husband's further pro-
gress ; and implored Antoine to return to iNerac, whilst it was
yet time. After a few days of anxious suspense, the marshal
de Termes arrived to make the amende honorable, brinsrius:
letters from Catherine, in which she gave some sort of explana-
tion of their repulse from Poitiers, and invited the princes to
proceed. The princess de Conde received letters at the same
time, from the duchess de Montpensier, in which Catherine
sent her a message to the effect, " que c'etoit la niort de son
mary s'il venoit a la coicr.'" Probably, the repulse of the king
of Navarre from Poitiers was the result of a manoeuvre on the
part of queen Catherine, alarmed at the daring schemes of the
Cruise faction ; or, perhaps, she had only then ascertained their
1 Lettre d'Antoine de Bourbon a la reine mure du roi. Bibl. Roy. MS. F.
de Colbert, vol. xxvii. — Inedited.
? Lettre d'Antoine de Bourbon a la reinc mere du roi. MS. Bibl. Roy. F.
de Colbert.
122 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEKT.
bloody design relative to Conde, and desired as eagerly then to
check the approach of the princes as she had before promoted
it. The wit of king Antoine, however, was far too circum-
scribed to follow in the mazes of Catherine's tortuous intrigues ;
and, as he persisted in giving faith to the authorized and open
communications sent him by de Termes, the princess de Conde
took leave other husband in tears, " ains sen alia esploree comme
elle estoit venue" adds one of the chroniclers of these events. 1
Meantime, simultaneously with Antoine's repulse before
the town of Poitiers, queen Jeanne received a peremptory
command from the privy council, to arrest the ministers, David,
Boisnormand, Theodore de Beze, and three others of minor
note, and to send them, under a strong guard, to Orleans, that
they might be put on their trial for sedition. 2 The better to
enforce this mandate, the marshal de Termes was directed to
concentrate the forces under his command on the frontier of
Beam ; and to hold himself prepared to execute the royai
behest, in case Jeanne should refuse obedience.
The menacing language adopted by her former suitor, the
duke de Guise, occasioned the queen little dismay ; but, as a
measure of prudence, she retired, with her children, to her
strong fortress of iNavarreins, and issued her ordonnance
respecting the ministers. Jeanne courageously refused to
deliver them over to the sanguinary fate which awaited them at
Orleans. She, however, revoked the permission given to them
to teach throughout the duchy of Albret, and the other domains
which she held as fiefs of the crown, and restrained their
ministrations to the principality of Beam, over which she
acknowledged no superior. All the ministers rendered prompt
obedience to the queen's mandate, excepting Theodore de Beze ;
who preferred to seek refuge at Geneva.
For some weeks Jeanne sojourned within the shelter of
Xavarreins. During the period that she remained in suspense
whether her refusal to apprehend the Huguenot ministers
would be punished by the invasion of her territories, Jeanne's
recreation consisted in aiding La Gaucherie, preceptor of the
young prince of Navarre, in the lessons he daily gave his pupil.
In the life of Jeanne d'Albret there are no passages of brilliant
happiness, and few of courtly magnificence upon which her bio-
grapher may enlarge : surrounded by tumult, and oppressed
always with care, her existence passed in laborious conflict.
She was born rather to command admiration by her talents, her
heroic self-denial, and her learning, than to inspire love. The
1 Lu Planehe, Hist, de l'Estat de France.
2 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne D'Albret, t. i. p. 148.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET. 123
volatile and courtly Antoine de Bourbon felt himself out of his
sphere in the decorous and most irreproachable circle of his
consort. While Jeanne's ministers expounded, or discussed
the philosophy of the ancient schools, the lively imagination of
king Antoine wafted him to the perfumed saloons of the Louvre,
where the beautiful young maidens in queen Catherine's train
nightly assembled — Vescadron de la reine-mere, as this brilliant
band, which numbered three hundred ladies, was popularly
termed. During the hours which the queen allowed herself
for relaxation, she worked tapestry, and discoursed with some
one of the learned whom she protected. Like her mother,
queen Marguerite, Jeanne understood the Greek and Latin
languages. She spoke Spanish with fluency; her style in writ-
ing her own tongue is terse and vigorous ; she excelled in the
arts of rhetoric ; and her readiness of speech was so great, that
at the council-board she was often known to rise and discourse
eloquently upon subjects which she had not previously medi-
tated.
The education of prince Henry seems to have been very
precocious. One of his daily tasks consisted in making Latin
and Greek translations, and rendering them back again into
the original language. The queen generally corrected with
her own hand these exercises ; and when she was separated
from her son, his preceptor forwarded them for her inspection.
At the age of eight, it is asserted, that Henry had translated
the greater part of Plato, under the guidance of his royal
mother. As the gallant and chivalrous Henri Quatre cai'ed
little in after life for student's lore, it is to be presumed that
the elaborate lessons of his boyhood left few pleasant remi-
niscences. Henry, at a very early age, wrote a bold and legible
hand ; an accomplishment which few princes then possessed.
The hand-writing of queen Jeanne is small, and for the age,
very distinct. The character is pale ; and many of her writings
bear the impress of haste.
The intelligence which reached Jeanne, and her little court
at Navarreins, after the lapse of some weeks, was portentous
enough to awaken dread in every heart. King Francis, accom-
panied by the duke de Guise, and his brother, entered Orleans,
on the 18th day of October, at the head of a body of 8000 men,
with drums beating, colours flying, and surrounded by the
paraphernalia of war.' Catherine de Medici, with her daugh-
ter-in-law, Mary Stuart, made her entry the same afternoorij
mounted on a white palfrey, and superbly attired. The inhabit-
1 De Thou, liv. 26, p. 564. La Place, Commentaires de l'Estat.
124 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
ants of Orleans had been previously required to give np their
arms ; and every household suspected of harbouring heretical
inmates, had troops quartered in it. 1 Every noble in France
had been summoned to attend this congress; and no one was
permitted to plead in excuse, age, or sickness, under pain of
immediate attainder.
The day following the entry of the court, warrants were
issued, commanding the arrest of Groslot, high bailiff of
Orleans, and of several hundred noble personages of the realm :
— including the nephews of the constable de Montmorency, the
count de la Rochefoucauld, the prince de Porcien, and many
illustrious ladies of Orleans, amongst whom figures the name of
the old baillive d'Orleans, nurse to the little duke de Beaumont,
eldest son of Jeanne d' Albret. In utter consternation, the
inhabitants of Orleans expected the arrival of the princes : and
the nation, arraigned before the tribunal of the cardinal de
Lorraine, seemed to wait its doom in gloomy silence.
On the last day of October, king Antoine and his brother
entered Orleans. They were publicly received by Francis,
attended by the Guises. The platform upon which the throne
stood, was surrounded by an armed guard. On the evening of
the same day, the prince de Conde was arrested as he left
the apartment of Catherine de Medici, for his alleged partici-
pation in the conspiracy of Amboise, and his relations with
the insurgent leaders of the Calvinistic faction. As Conde,
escorted by a guard of soldiers, was on his way to the prison
prepared for him, he met the cardinal de Bourbon, whose
persuasions had confirmed the princes in their design to
confide in the word of the king, and fearlessly to approach
the court. " Monseigneur," reproachfully exclaimed the
prince, " by your credulous faith in the promises of the court,
you have delivered your brother to the executioner!" The
cardinal, it is reported, turned aside and wept. 2
Privy-council warrants were next issued for the arrest of
Conde's mother-in-law the countess de Roye, the courier la
Sague, and of Bouchard, chancellor of Navarre, 3 and others.
The position of the king of Navarre was perilous in the ex-
treme ; and had it not been for the protection of queen Cathe-
1 Mem. de Michel de Castelnau, 1. 2, chap. x.
La Place, Commentaires de l'Estat, &c, fol. 103.
3 The treacherous Bouchard was arrested by his patron, the cardinal de
Lorraine, because the latter believed that he withheld secrets of vital import
to the king and queen of Navarre ; secrets, which would probably involve
the former in the designs of the insurgent leaders, and therefore furnish
ground for an appeal to the privy-council for the impeachment of king
Antoine.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 125
rine, he doubtless would have shared his brother's prisou.
Tbe cardinal de Lorraine had already determined upon the
death of Conde. As the future vengeance of Antoine, there-
fore, might greatly be apprehended, he essayed every means to
involve the latter in the same destruction. The duke de
Guise, during this period of terror, demeaned himself with
greater moderation ; more politic, and less sanguinary in his
resentments, he refrained from voting in the council, when the
doom of Conde was discussed ; and, moreover, he affected to
deprecate the violent counsels of his brother.
The prince de Conde was eventually adjudged to suffer the
penalty of death by decapitation before the royal lodging in
Orleans, on the 26th day of November. "When this most arbi-
trary sentence was published, Antoine de Bourbon visited the
cardinal and his brother, to request their intercession with the
king, in behalf of the prince. The Guises received the king of
Navarre without the usual marks of respect paid to royal per-
sonages ; and returned a decided negative to his request. An-
toine made a like unsuccessful suit to the two queens. Cathe-
rine shed tears, whether real or feigned, it were difficult to say,
and lamented the straits to which the princes were reduced.
A few days afterwards, however, she rendered the king of
Navarre an essential service, by which his life was probably
saved ; for with the destruction of the princes, her own ambi-
tious views would have been annihilated. It is related that
the cardinal de Lorraine, being determined to effect the ruin
of both the Bourbon princes, resolved to render the helpless
young king the agent of his atrocious design. Francis had
been previously exasperated almost to frenzy by the insidious
reports of his ministers. It was, therefore, decided that the
king should summon Antoine into his presence : after reproach-
ing him for the disturbed condition of the kingdom, Francis,
as if suddenly transported with passion, was to strike at him
with a poniard ; when the duke de Guise, the marshal de St
Andre, and the cardinal de Lorraine, who were alone to be
present at the interview, were then to fall upon the unfortunate
prince, and complete the bloody deed.
Catherine, having been informed of this project by the
young king himself, remonstrated against it in horror ; and
conjured her son to refrain from so heinous a crime. She then
sent for the duchesse de Montpensier and commissioned her to
warn Antoine to excuse himself, upon any plea, from visiting
the king in private. When next summoned by the king, An-
toine, consequently, declined to obey. A second and more
peremptory mandate followed. The king of Navarre, who was
12G LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
personally brave, then resolved to repair to the royal presence.
He called, however, a favourite valet-de-chambre named Eenty,
and desired him, in case of his assassination, to carry the shirt
stained with his blood to his consort. " Brave Eenty, the
queen will avenge rny death. Let her send the fragments of
this shirt to every court in Europe, that all its sovereigns may
read in my blood how they ought to avenge the assassination
of a king ! " 1 When Antoine entered the apartment of Fran-
cis, the king stood by a table attired in a loose robe, having a
short dagger in his girdle. The marshal de St Andre and the
cardinal de Lorraine were also present. The latter instantly
closed the door of the cabinet behind Antoine. The king of Na-
varre, warned beforehand, carefully avoided opposing the king
on any matter ; and his demeanourwas so humble and conciliatory,
that Francis found it impossible to provoke a dispute. Proba-
bly the young king felt his courage fail, when called upon to
perpetrate the contemplated crime ; he, therefore, dismissed
Antoine from his presence unharmed. The cardinal de Lor-
raine, beside himself with rage, was heard to exclaim : " Voila
le plus poltron coeur qui fut jamais /" 2 This anecdote would
appear incredible, if queen Jeanne herself was not the guaran-
tee of its truth ; for the fact is related in one of her manifestoes
published in the year 1568, in which she states that Catherine
bad avowed to her the part which she and the duchesse de
Montpensier took in saving the life of the king of Navarre on
this occasion. 3
As the day for the execution of Conde approached, all was
terror and confusion within the city of Orleans. The Guises
remained inflexible to the numerous intercessions made them
to spare the life of the prince ; and such was the surveillance,
also, to which the king of Navarre was subjected, that, meet-
ing the unhappy princess of Conde, he dared not address her,
but turned his head another way. All at once king Francis
fell sick ; his illness rapidly increased ; and in a few days,
Pare 4 and his surgeons pronounced his Majesty's recovery to
be hopeless. The malady of Francis was an abscess in the
head. The king's sombre and sinister looks, and the fevered
irritation of his spirits, had been remarked with wondering as-
tonishment by his subjects of Orleans. The Guises, in con-
• Cayet, Chron. Novenaire, t. i.
2 Davila, Histoire des guerres civiles de France, t. i. p. 85.
s Queen Jeanne uses the following words in her declaration : " De vray la
reine m'a souvent dit que le roy mon mary estoit oblige a elle de sa vie, et
que si latlite duchesse de Montpensier estoit en vie, elle lui en seroit temoin."
4 Amboise Pare, the first surgeon of his day ; born at Laval, and deceased
in Paris, 1592.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBEET. 127
sternation at the reverse which awaited them, and dreading
the anticipated vengeance of the princes, sought to hasten the
execution of Conde ; and urged the queen to grant a warrant
for the safe apprehension of the king of Navarre. Catherine,
better advised by the chancellor de l'Hopital and by madame
de Montpensier, dismissed the cardinal de Lorraine with
vague promises. The regency of the kingdom was again about
to be contended for : the queen's favour could elevate Antoine
to the highest honours in the realm, provided that he avowed
himself obedient ; the Guises, on the contrary, already estab-
lished in the government, had arrogantly proclaimed their
independence of her patronage. By the queen's directions,
therefore, the chancellor de l'Hopital found means to delay
the execution of Conde; and Catherine, meantime, summoned
the king of Navarre to a private conference. Antoine found
the queen bathed in tears, and attended only by the duchesse
de Montpensier. In a few words Catherine explained her
position. Her son Charles, the future king, had just attained
his tenth year ; l she, therefore, demanded from the king of
Navarre the renunciation of his pretensions to the regency. 2
She offered, in return, to nominate him lieutenant-general of
the kingdom, and to publish all edicts in their joint names.
' The queen promised king Antoine that he should become
lieutenant-general of the king of France, and have the sole
management of affairs of war ; that he should first open all
despatches relating to warlike measures; and that nothing,
generally, should be ordained in the kingdom, without his ad-
vice and assent." 3 If the king refused her overtures, and per-
sisted in claiming the regency, Catherine declared it to be her
intention to espouse the party of Guise; as the duke and his
brother had offered to support her claims upon any conditions
she was pleased to impose — and to exclude him forcibly from
her son's counsels. Having been previously warned by ma-
dame de Montpensier not to oppose the queen if he desired to
save his own life, and that of Conde, king Antoine, bewildered
by the perils which surrounded him, tendered to Catherine
his solemn renunciation in her favour of the regency.
On the 5th of December the unfortunate young king, Francis
II., expired, surrounded to the last by cabals. The dying prayer
dictated to Francis, by the cardinal de Lorraine, was : " Lord !
pardon my sins: and impute not to me. thy servant, the sins
j Charles IX. was born at St Germain-en-Laye in L5.j9.
Hist de I'etat de France, Kegnier de la Plane-he, p. 7-14. De Thou.
Mathieu, Hist, de Francois II.. t. iv.
- Montl'uucon, Monuments de la Monarchic Francois, t. v. p. 92.
128 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
committed by my ministers, under my name and authori-
ty ! " 1
Thus terminated the celebrated assembly of Orleans. The
funeral procession of the unfortunate Francis II. traversed in
gloomy majesty the streets through which, scarcely six weeks
previously, he had passed in the pomp of military appareil ;
intent on crushing heresy throughout his realm, by the cruel
massacre of many of the best and noblest of his subjects.
Catherine de Medici and king Antoine remained arbiters of
the destinies of France. The states were transferred from
Orleans and its terrific reminiscences to Pontoise. Conde,
liberated from prison, retired to the castle of Ham in Picardy.
The duke de Guise betook himself for a brief season to his
castle of Joinville ; and the cardinal de Lorraine to his diocese
of Metz. The widowed queen Mary Stuart, who had abetted
in every way the violent counsels of her uncles, retired to Fon-
tainebleau, where she spent her forty days of seclusion. She
then joined her uncle the cardinal; and accompanied by him
she visited Nancy.
By the first day of the year, 1560, Jeanne d'Albret receiv-
ed the new T s of her husband's escape from the thraldom of his
enemies. Antoine prayed his consort with her children to
join him at St Germain, as he needed her counsels, he then
modestly averred, to support his new dignities.' 2 Queen
Jeanne, therefore, quitted Kavarreins, and proceeded to Pau.
When there, she confided the government of the principality
to d'Arros, and to the baron d'Audaux, senechal of Beam.
Jeanne with her two children, prince Henry and madame
Catherine, then journeyed to Nerac ; where, still distrustful
of the designs of the court, she took up her abode until further
tidings reached her from the king her husband.
CHAPTEE V.
1560—1562.
Queen Jeanne makes public avowal of her religion — Her distrust of the sin-
cerity of the court — She makes donations to the Lutheran church within her
dominions — Jeanne receives missives from Catherine de Medici— Queen
Catherine proposes the betrothment of the princess of Navarre with the duke
1 La Place, Commentaires de l'Etat, p. 106.
2 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 129
d'Anjou — Deportment of the king of Navarre — His intrigue with mademoi-
selle de Itouet — Queen Jeanne liberates the minister Brassier — Arrival of
the queen in Paris— Intrigues of the Spanish ambassador, and of the Papal
nuncio— Their designs against Jeanne d' Albret — Correspondence of Chanton-
nay, the Spanish ambassador — Jeanne takes up her abode in the hotel de
Conde — The king and queen of Navarre entertain the Danish ambassador —
They remove from Paris to St Germain — Conference between Theodore de
Beze and the cardinal de Lorraine — Caution of queen Catherine's proceedings
• — The last session of the states-general — Feud between the princes and the
prelates of the realm — Discourse of queen Catherine to the assembly— Ha-
rangue of the queen of Navarre — Conferences of Poissy — Arrival of the car-
dinal Hippolyte d'Este — His mission — The sovereigns of Navarre are
present at the nuptials of the Viscount de Rohan — Complimentary deport-
ment of the cardinal of Ferrara towards Jeanne d' Albret — King Antoinc-'s
servile compliance with the suggestions of the Spanish ambassador — Prudent
conduct of queen Jeanne — Return of her ambassador from Spain — Answer
of Philip II. to the demands of Jeanne d' Albret — His private message to
king Antoine — Chantonnay proposes to Antoine de Bourbon the divorce of
his consort— Proposes an alliance between Mary Stuart and the king of
Navarre — Coldness between Catherine de Medici and Jeanne d'Albret — Its
occasion — Personal appearance of the king of Navarre and his consort —
Antoine attempts to compel his consort to attend mass — Her refusal —
Menaces her with divorce — Her indignant reply — Her grief — Intrigues of
Chantonnay — Negotiation for exchanging the claims of the house of Albret
upon upper Navarre for the island of Sardinia — Indignation of queen Jeanne
— Coalition between Montmorency, the king of Navarre, and the duke de
Guise — -Objects of the Triumvirate — Correspondence of queen Jeanne
with the viscount de Gourdon — Catherine de Medici exhorts Jeanne to be
reconciled to her husband, by changing her faith — Reply made by the
queen — Assumptions of Chantonnay, the Spanish ambassador — Departure
of Coligny and the chiefs of the reformed party from Paris — Disturbed con-
dition of the kingdom — Turbulent proceedings of the Triumvirate — -Depar-
ture of Catherine with her son for Fontainebleau — Jeanne demands permis-
sion to depart — Project for her arrest — She intimates her danger to Conde —
Visits her son at St Germain — Her resolute deportment — She departs from
Paris— Her arrival at Vendome — She continues her journey to Chatelleraut
— Her sojourn at Duras — Receives ambassadors from Guyenne — Her illness
— She despatches envoys to mediate between the Protestants and the mar-
shal de Montluc — Restores the count de Condale his liberty — Project of
Montluc to surprise the queen at Caumont — Her flight across the frontier —
Proceedings of the Triumvirate — Politic deportment of Catherine de Medici
— Her letters to Conde — Despatch of one of Catherine's secretaries to the
French ambassador at Madrid — Unpopularity of the king of Navarre — His
conduct satirized in ballads and lampoons — Indignation felt by the public at
his desertion of his consort.
Queen Jeaxxe possessed too much experience in politics
implicitly to trast the new aspect of affairs at court. The
ambitious daring of the princes of Lorraine, and the subtle
wiles of queen Catherine, justified this suspicion. United by
so many bonds with the Protestant community of France,
Jeanne felt that her caution could not be too strongly exer-
cised on the present emergency. The eagerness displayed by
Catherine de Medici for her presence at St Germain might
possibly be but a snare to draw her from her stronghold of
Xavarreins ; while the gracious favour lavished by the queen-
regent upon Antoine was probably bestowed with a view to
9
130 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
the same object. Jeanne was well aware of the credulous con-
fidence too frequently displayed by her consort : she was, also,
perfectly cognizant of the fact that the strong garrisons and
armed men of the principality of Beam had contributed not a
little to insure Antoine's comparative safety of person, during
the late congress at Orleans. She felt, moreover, that her
consort's dignity, and perhaps even his life, would be more
secure whilst she remained at the head of a powerful force in
the south : besides, Jeanne prudently determined not to expose
the liberty and the heritage of her son, until perfectly assured
of Catherine's good faith.
By the advice of her council, Jeanne now determined to
make a fearless and public avowal of her religious faith. This
step answered two purposes : it tested the sincerity of the
government, which Antoine intimated was prepared to tolerate
reform in religion ; secondly, at the commencement of a new
reign, the juncture seemed propitious for the open profession of
so great a princess. The queen, therefore, publicly received
the Holy Communion, according to the reformed ritual, in the
cathedral at Pau, before her departure for Nerac. As she
passed through Condom, on her way to this latter place, Jeanne
bestowed the Franciscan convent, which she found deserted
by its inmates, on the Protestant community of Beam, to
found a college of theology. The queen made a similar dona-
tion to her subjects at Nerac ; and presented them with a
spacious monastery, which she converted, at her own expense,
into a church, combined with lodgings for the ministers. 1
Soon after her arrival at Nerac, Jeanne received letters
from queen Catherine, pressing her to repair to court without
delay ; and proposing a project of betrothal, between the little
madame Catherine, then in her fourth year, and Henry, duke
d' Anjou. " This alliance, madame, ma bonne soeur, will render our
union indissoluble," wrote the politic Catherine. She proceeds
to assure Jeanne of her great desire to see her at court, with
her children, whom Catherine calls " her own ; " and she ter-
minates the epistle, by assuring queen Jeanne that she cannot
have a more affectionate and sincere relative than herself. 2 This
letter, however, tended only to increase Jeanne's suspicions.
Meantime, the court had removed to Pontainebleau, after
the departure thence of queen Mary Stuart. Catherine and
the king of Navarre exercised an equal share of power ; and,
for some weeks, things proceeded smoothly, until the return of
the duke de Guise. Coligny and the Huguenot leaders were
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret t. i. p. 165. 2 Ibid.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 131
now received by Catherine with gracious favour ; ministers of
every denomiuation nocked to the court ; each great noble en-
tertained there his favourite preacher ; and animosities, arising
from conflicting creeds, filled the palace with brawls. Cather-
ine herself, accompanied by the young king, by the king of
Navarre, and the duchesses de Montpensier and d'TJsez 1 , at-
tended the daily ministration of the eloquent bishop of Valence,
Jean de Montluc. The papal nuncio, Prosper de Sainte Croix, 2
and the Spanish ambassador, Thomas de Chantonnay, wrote m
despairing language to their respective courts, on the license
prevailing at Fontainebleau ; from whence, in truth, all decorum
on religious matters seems to have been dispensed with. " The
day after Easter Sunday, the preches which were publicly
holden in the grand court of Fontainebleau, before the lodgings
of the admiral de Coligny, the prince of Conde assisting thereat,
have been forbidden ; so that from henceforth it is not lawful
for any person here to have, or to hear, other preachers when at
court, excepting him who is appointed to officiate before the
king, and the very Christian queen. God grant that this com-
mand may be observed ! " wrote the Spanish ambassador. 3
At the same time the Papal nuncio preferred a formal com-
plaint to queen Catherine, remonstrating on the levity of some
of the courtiers, who had dressed up the young king in mas-
querade costume as a priest, with a mitre on his head. Cather-
ine carelessly replied, " that what had been done was only a
childish jest ; but as the Papal envoy made so great an affair of
it, the thing should not happen again." 4
The constable de Montmorency alone presumed, at this
juncture, to uphold the ancient faith ; and he boldly reproached
the queen for the toleration which she accorded to heresy, with-
in the precincts of the court, once so zealous and orthodox.
Catherine replied, by assuring Montmorency, " that she still
cherished the old faith, and was prepared to make any sacrifice
to restore the religion of Rome to its ancient pre-eminence ;
provided that she could content the vacillating mind of her co-
1 Louise de Clermont, daughter of Bernardin, viscount de Tallart, and of
Anne de Husson, countess de Tonnerre. She married, first, Francois, sieur
du Bellay ; secondly, Antoine de Dacier, count de Crussol, first duke d'Uzes.
The duchess d'Uzes was celebrated for her wit, beauty, and learning, and she
commanded great influence at the court of Catherine de Medici.
2 Prospero de Santa Croce, cardinal-bishop of Chisamo, one of the most
intriguing diplomatists of the age.
3 Lettre de M. de Chantonnay, ambassadeur d'Espagne au roi catholique.
— Memoires de Conde, t. ii. p. 5. Edition de M. de Secousse.
4 Lettre du Nonce Prosper de St Croix, au cardinal Charles Borromeo,
t. i. des Actes Ecclesiastiques Civils, et Synodaus par monsieur Aymou, p. 5.
This letter is datf-d November 15, 1561.
132 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
adjutor in the government, king Antoine, whose defection would
ensue, if she discountenanced reform."
She drew Montmorency's attention to the numher and in-
fluence of the Protestants of France ; she observed that a party
which acknowledged for its leaders the first prince of the blood,
his consort a sovereign princess, and the Colignis, nephews of
the constable, merited some indulgence and consideration from
the head of the state. To the reformed party at court, the
queen, meantime, expressed her satisfaction ; she alluded often
with shuddering horror to what she designated as the " iron
sway of the Guisards," and she admonished the princes to pro-
mote friendly relations between herself and their followers, as
the only method of defeating the projects of the Spanish and
Papal courts. By thus conciliating both parties, it was Cather-
ine's intention gradually to form a third faction, solely devoted
to her own interests, armed with power formidable enough to
defy opposition. The queen, nevertheless, took the very de-
cided step of writing to Pius IV., demanding, amongst other
things, that the images of the saints, and of the Virgin Mary,
should be removed from the churches throughout the realm ;
and that the holy communion might be administered in both
kinds to the laity. 1 This demand excited great consternation at
Some ; and the Spanish and Papal envoys received instructions
to spare no efforts to sow dissension between the queen-regent
and the king of Navarre ; and by dint of any promises and bribes
to detach that very unstable prince from the reformed party.
Political dissensions were again resuming their ascendency
at the court of Catherine ; and undignified contests between
king Antoine and the duke de Guise daily afforded mingled
diversion and disgust to the courtiers. Antoine demeaned him-
self throughout these disputes with peevish querulousness : the
duke, calm and imperturbable, treated his opponent with pro-
found respect, and always appeared ready to tender any ex-
planation likely to soothe the latter's irritation. Antoine found
matter of ofience in many of the duke's most harmless actions.
If Catherine smiled upon, or discoursed with, the duke de Guise
longer than Antoine thought meet, the fiery jealousy of the
latter was sure to be evoked ; and the queen had to put forth all
her arts of persuasion to entice him back into more amiable mood.
The vagaries of Antoine's restless spirit afforded infinite
disquietude to Catherine de Medici ; and induced her to re-
quest the queen of ]N T avarre, with much solicitude, no longer to
delay her journey to the court. No dependence could be placed
1 De Thou, Hist, de son Temps, liv. 28, p. 78. This letter is dated August
4, 1561. — Mem. de Conde.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 133
upon Antoine ; his private conferences with Chantonnay and
the nuncio at times filled her with alarm ; whilst, at other
periods, the king's hostility towards these redoubtable person-
ages, offended them so greatly, that they threatened to demand
their conge, and retire from France. Catherine, also, informed
queen Jeanne, doubtless to the hitter's infinite astonishment,
of various negotiations which Antoine was engaged in with the
king of Spain, for the recovery of the kingdom of Navarre ; and
she admonished Jeanne, that the king, duped by the promises
made to him by Chantonnay, had actually proposed to cede the
principality of Beam to the crown of Spain, in exchange for
the island of Sardinia, which was to be tendered and accepted
in lieu of all other claims on the Spanish government. In fact,
Catherine had to watch closely the proceedings of her coad-
jutor in the government ; for this contemplated exchange was
as repuguaut to French interests, and to the queen-regent per-
sonally, as it could possibly be to Jeanne herself. A fragment
of a curious despatch still exists, addressed by command of
Catherine to de l'Aubespine, the French ambassador in Spain,
directing him to take every method of discovering whether
Antoine had seriously consented to such a proposal; and. if so,
to frustrate the project : " for, to speak the truth, the king of
Navarre gives himself up to many designs, which those who
love and honour him regret to perceive ; and they therefore
hold him to be badly advised." 1 The queen-regent ordered her
ambassador to give every support to Antoine's fulsome suppli-
cations to king Philip that his wife's heritage might be re-
stored ; though he was directed to oppose the exchange. Queen
Catherine added another powerful incentive to induce Jeanne
to hasten to Paris. She apprized her that conferences were
about to be opened at Poissy, between the Eoman Catholic
clergy of France and twelve eminent ministers of the Ee-
formed Church, at which her presence was indispensable. This
resolution of inviting the reformed ministers to a controversy
with their opponents, had been taken at a council holden after
the coronation of the young king.'- chiefly at the instigation of
the cardinal de Lorraine ; who flattered himself that his elo-
quence and learning, in expounding the doctrines of the church,
would greatly contribute to the extirpation of the Lutheran
heresy. Jeaune, moreover, received private advices that the
conjugal faith of king Antoine presented any aspect rather
than an edifying one to the court; and that his attentions to
1 MS. Bibl. Royale. F. de l'Aubespine Villebon. — Inedited.
2 Charles IX. was crowned at Rheiins by the cardinal de Lorraine, on
Ascension Day, May 15, 1561.
134 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
Catherine's beautiful maid of honour, mademoiselle du Rouet, 1
had become a matter of public comment and censure.
The queen, therefore, reluctantly resolved to proceed to
Paris. Before she quitted Nerac, Jeanne wrote to her faithful
friend the viscount de Gourdon, to inform him of her intent,
and of the proposed conferences at Poissy, — a project which
the queen hailed with enthusiasm, as she states, " for the peace
of the realm, and for her own better instruction in the faith of
the reformed." The queen probably quitted Nerac about the
end of July, or the beginning of August, 1561. She was ac-
companied by her children, and by a numerous suite of ladies
and cavaliers ; her chaplain, Jean de la Tour, followed his royal
mistress. Jeanne had intended that la Tour should take a
prominent part in the Colloque de Poissy ; but the presence of
Theodore de Beze, who was appointed with acclamation by the
churches to the honourable office of defending the reformed
faith against the assaults of its two ardent opponents, the car-
dinals de Tournon and de Lorraine, frustrated her intent.
At Perio-ueux, Jeanne liberated the minister Brassier, who
had been thrown into prison at the suit of the canons of the
cathedral in that town, for his advocacy of reform. Jeanne
somewhat mischievously committed him to the charge of these
said churchmen who had cast him into prison, telling them that
on her return she should demand Brassier at their hands.
Prom Perigueux the queen travelled rapidly to Paris. Her
arrival was dreaded by the Spanish factions in the capital.
They feared lest the queen's penetration might bring their
sinister designs to light. Her rectitude, they knew, was irre-
proachable ; and her intellect too keen to permit them to hope
that she also could be deluded with facility. Guided by the
counsels of his consort, they apprehended that king Antoine
would detect their projects ; which tended to establish the om-
nipotence of the pope, and the king of Spain, over the counsels
of France. Dark and mysterious does the chain of Spanish
politics become, after the arrival of Jeanne d'Albret in Paris ;
and far could the latter have been from divining the anguish
which would overwhelm her, ere she retraced her steps to the
sunny heritage of her ancestors.
To the Spanish ambassador de Chantonnay, and to the
Papal nuncio, the cardinal Prospero de Santa Croce, was as-
signed the conduct of the intrigue, the object of which was to
1 Louise de la Beraudiere, daughter of Louis de la Beraudiere de la Guiche,
seigneur de 1' Isle Rouet en Poitou. Louise was distinguished at the court of
Catherine by the name of la belle de Rouet. After the death of the king of
Navarre, she espoused M. de Combault, to whom she bore two daughters.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 135
separate Jeanne d'Albret from her husband ; to procure from
the feeble Antoine a recantation of bis Calvinistic heresy ; and
to promote his union with the Guises, and the consequent
triumph of the Eomish faith. It is a curious circumstance
that tbese two famous agents of Philip II. have left on record
in their letters a full avowal of the unprincipled part which
they took in aggravating the political difficulties of the times.
Chantonnay inberited the sagacity, and more than the astute
daring, of his father, the chancellor Nicholas de Granvelle :
Santa Croce, the Papal nuncio, was a prelate of cunning and
intriguing genius, plausible, and excelling in the art of courtly
parlance ; calculated in every way to attract the fastidious ap-
proval of a prince, who like Antoine de Bourbon exclusively
judged individuals and circumstances by their outward bearing.
The known inflexibility of Jeanne's character, and her argu-
mentative turn of mind, rendered it hopeless to expect that, in
passive unconsciousness, she would aid the scheme to restore
the Guises to their former power over the realm : indeed, the
idea never seems to have been entertained — but her destruc-
tion was all along coolly resolved. It is a matter of historical
inquiry whether Catherine de Medici was privy to the projects
of Philip's cabal ; or whether the queen-regent, finding that
she had herself been duped, eventually gave her countenance
to the strongest party, and that with such consummate address,
as to appear even to the chief actors concerned, never to have
differed from them in design.
Chantonnay, when he had occasion to mention the king
and queen of Navarre in his despatches, gives them the title of
'• Monsieur et madame de Vendome." He makes the follow-
ing comment on the arrival of the queen of Navarre at Paris :
'• Madame de Vendome arrived here a few days since ; she
continues to live after her own peculiar fashion, in which she
is resolved to make no change." l In another letter, Philip's
ambassador hazards many acrimonious remarks on the sectarian
spirit pervading the court, which had suffered no abatement in
consequence of the edict, lately promulgated. 2 " The heretic
faith goes on in its accustomed routine," writes the Spanish
ambassador, " we have always a prcche going on in the apart-
ments of some lord or lady of the court, quelque chose que
fen crye. The upshot of my remonstrances is always that no one
knows anything of the matter, but that inquiry shall be made."
1 Lettre de M. de Chantonnay, au conseiller Tisnacq. — M6m. de Conde, t.
ii. This letter is dated, de St Cloud, le 6eme de Septembre, 1561.
- This edict, against the holding of public assemblies by the Huguenots,
was published at the demand of the Spanish court, July, 1561.
136 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
Queen Jeanne took up her abode, while in Paris, in the
hotel de Conde rue de Grenelle, and declined the pressing in-
vitation of the queen-regent that she would accept of lodgings
in the Louvre. AVhen the queen with her consort appeared a
few days subsequently on the Pre-aux-Clercs, then the fashion-
able promenade of Paris, she was received with acclamations
by the populace.
Soon after her arrival in Paris, Jeanne and Antoine enter-
tained the Danish ambassador Gluck, at a banquet given in
the hotel de Conde. Polemics mingled then in discourse even
during the most convivial meetings ; and king Antoine took this
opportunity to assure the ambassador, at the instigation, it is
said, of the queen his consort, that ere many months elapsed,
the pure faith of the Bible should alone be preached at court.
This unguarded observation was repeated to the nuncio, and
gave great offence to that eminent personage. 1
During the first week in August, the king and queen of
Navarre accompanied the court to St Germain-en-Laye.
Catherine proceeded thither for the double purpose of dissolv-
ing the states-general which were holding their last session at
Poissy ; and to convoke the congress of prelates and ministers
summoned to confer upon matters of religion. The secret,
meantime, of the proposed conferences was carefully concealed;
and by Catherine's command every method was taken to pre-
vent the details of the project from reaching the ears of the
pope. The greatest distrust was manifested by the court of
Spain and that of Rome, relative to the designs of the regent.
The frequent interviews between Catherine and the queen of
Navarre were viewed with extreme jealousy ; for the firm yet
politic deportment of the former, at this crisis, afforded evi-
dence that she was yielding to the guidance of a mind which
rejected the wiles of tortuous diplomacy.
On the 23rd of August, Theodore de Beze arrived at St
Germain, 2 where the principal prelates of the realm had as-
sembled in readiness to present their ecclesiastical report to
the sovereign, previous to the prorogation of the states. The
day following, Beze preached before the court, in the apart-
ments of Conde. At midnight he received a summons to re-
pair privately to the presence chamber of the queen of Navarre.
He was there received by Jeanne dAlbret, queen Catherine,
the king of Navarre, Conde, the cardinals de Bourbon and de
Lorraine, the duke d'Estampes, and the duchesses de Mont-
1 De Thou, liv. 27.
The colleagues of De Beze were the ministers Saules, Marlorat, Pierre
Martyn, Jean de l'Espine, Claude d'Espence, Merlin, and others.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET. 137
pensier and d'Uzes. 1 A conference then ensued between the
great reformer and the cardinal de Lorraine, in the presence
of the above illustrious personages. The subtle and refined
eloquence of the cardinal was greatly praised by Beze ; who,
however, qualified his admiration by commending its ingenuity,
while avowing himself still unconvinced by its argument. The
cardinal replied : " It gives me great content to have seen and
conferred with you. I adjure you, in God's name, that we
frequently renew our conference in order that I may hear your
statements, and you mine. You will then acknowledge that I
am not so black as I have been represented to you." " In
such case," promptly observed the duchess d'Uzes, addressing
Queen Catherine, " we ought to have paper and ink here, in
order that monseigueur may sign that admission. To-morrow,
M. le Cardinal Avill publish a different statement respecting
this conference." This assertion, despite its apparent harsh-
ness, was verified ; for, after the conference, the cardinal osten-
tatiously proclaimed that he had totally vanquished Beze at
the outset of their argument. The constable de .Montmorency
was so transported with joy at this news, that he presented
himself at Catherine's lever to congratulate her : but the
queen very gravely assured him that his triumph was prema-
ture; for that, on the contrary, the reformer had acquitted
himself with the utmost ability during the conference. 2
As the period fixed for the public debates between the pre-
lates and the ministers approached, Catherine renewed her care
that no information of her proceedings should reach Borne.
Couriers, who were suspected of conveying inconvenient reve-
lations from the country, were arrested, and their despatches
detained. " These few last days, a courier despatched to the
pope by his nuncio here, was arrested near to Turin, by com-
mand of the government, and detained four days," Avrote the
ambassador Chantonnay, in high indignation. 3 " All his des-
patches were opened and read, even to the smallest letter.
My letters were also read. All the letters addressed to private
persons were restored to the courier; but those written by
the nuncio, and by myself, were brought back again to Paris.
This is the gratitude shown by the queen, and by monsieur de
Vendome, for the favours conferred on the said sieur by the
pope ; and the friendship his Holiness has demonstrated towards
the young king. I fully expect that, one of these days, my
own despatches for Flanders, or even for Spain, will be thus
1 The. de Beze — Hist, des Esdises Refomiees de France, t. i. p. 392.
2 Hist, des Cinq Roys, p. 137.
3 Lettre de Chantonnay, au conseiller Tisnacq. — Mem. de Conde, t. i. p. 17.
138 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
detained ; and, if the king endures it, they will do even worse.
However, I leave all to the consideration of his Catholic Ma-
jesty ! "
On the 27th day of August, the states-general, convoked
by Francis II. to meet in the town of Orleans, closed their
session at Poissy. The king, with his mother, and the king
and queen of Navarre proceeded in state to the Hall of As-
sembly, to receive the resume of the matters discussed by the
three estates of the realm, during their stormy deliberations.
The princes of the blood, headed by Conde, took this oppor-
tunity to dispute precedence with the cardinals : as the lieu-
tenant-general of the realm professed Calvinist tenets, and
the queen-regent declared herself favourably disposed towards
reform in the church, the result of this feud was, that the car-
dinals had to cede the pas to the princes. The cardinals de
Lorraine, de Tournon, and de Guise, refusing to comply with
the royal mandate, retired from the assembly ; the cardinals
de Bourbon, de Chatillon, and dArmagnac, however, consented
to lead the procession of prelates. The clergy, dreading the
general odium which had befallen their order, essayed to pro-
pitiate the regent, by voting a subsidy of fifteen millions of
livres. Catherine, in return, thanked the clergy for their aid
in a speech of great dexterity. She promised that the Boman
faith should be maintained throughout the realm, and the
privileges of the hierarchy suffer no diminution ; although, in
refutation of this, her Majesty's statement, the prelates might
have appealed from her words to her recent decision respecting
their precedence before the princes. When the Tiers-Etat
presented itself before the sovereigns, Catherine replied to the
remonstrances addressed to her, respecting the dissolute morals
and the rapacity of the Eomish clergy, by engaging that the
reformed doctrines should be allowed full toleration through-
out the realm ; she even carried her dissimulation so far, as to
assure the deputies that she would cause the young king and
his brothers to be brought up in that belief. By this de-
claration, however, Catherine defeated her subtle calculations.
The queen's words roused the bigoted ire of the partisans of
the popedom. Chantonnay, the nuncio Ste Croix, and the
constable, quoted Catherine's own words as the basis of their
subequent appeal to the upholders of the ancient faith, to de-
feat the machinations of the sectarian party.
When Catherine had separately addressed the three estates
of the realm, the king of Navarre pronounced an harangue in
presence of the united assembly. Jeanne d'Albret, it is re-
corded, then made, in her turn, an oration, which was received
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 139
with great applause. It is difficult to divine under what pre-
text queen Jeanne addressed the states ; nevertheless, with her
usual judgment, the queen of Navarre said what was required
from her, and no more. Even the nuncio, Ste Croix, finds ap-
plause for the " heretic queen," in his admiration of her ca-
pacity. " Two days ago, the assembly of the states-general
closed," writes the nuncio, in one of his celebrated epistles. 1
" It is commonly reported that the chancellor propounded his
sentiments with so much moderation, that, to listen to him
then, he might readily have been taken for another individual.
The king and queen of Navarre addressed the assembly last.
That princess stated her opinions with such force and facility,
that it is said, never has any orator before expressed himself
with greater eloquence, or with more energy and success." It
was precisely, however, because she possessed these talents,
that Jeanne was singled out as the object of the most bitter
persecution ; and it proved little consolation to the queen,
that her enemies thus admired, whilst they oppressed her.
The conferences of Poissy, meantime, opened on the 9th of
September. Jeanne accompanied the court, and was present
at the public disputations. She sat on the haut-dais, having
the princess Marguerite on her right hand. Queen Catherine
and the young king occupied chairs of state on the platform,
which was magnificently draped with purple velvet. 2 The
pope, alarmed at the threatening aspect of affairs iu France,
hastily nominated a legate to proceed thither on a special
mission to co-operate with the Spanish envoy ; but, ostensibly,
to congratulate the king on his accession. The prelate chosen
by Pius, was the cardinal Hyppolite d'Este, uncle of the duchess
de Guise ; " an ambitious churchman, who, born of Lucrezia
Borgia, daughter of Pope Alexander VI., appeared to have
inherited the character of his grandfather, and that of
Csesar duke de Valentinois his uncle," says the historian
Galluzzi. 3
The cardinal of Ferrara gloried in the repute of being one of
the master spirits of that corrupt diplomacy which deems sub-
terfuge lawful, so that the end aimed at is accomplished. "I have
always found it advisable," says the cardinal of Ferrara, " to
bend to the times, and to the exigencies of the period ; not to
precipitate affairs, is the method most likely to achieve them,
and proves generally a much more efficacious plan than a vio-
1 Lettrc du nonce, Prosper de Ste Croix, au cardinal Borromeo, t. i. Actcs
synodaux de France.
- See, Montfaucon, Monuments de la Monarchic Franchise, t. v.
3 Istoria del Granducato, t. i. p. 19-5.
HO LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET.
lent decision I have most thoroughly realized this, and can
assuredly assert that having hitherto laboured in all gentleness
and moderation, I have profited much more than others with
their haste, and threatening deportment. Nevertheless, I also
have acted with wily diplomacy, and in secret, when it was
necessary ; and I have proved to all that I never slumber at
my post. 1
The mission confided to this subtle prelate, was to detach
Antoine de Bourbon from the Huguenot party ; to bring oyer
the queen of Navarre to the Bomish communion ; or failing
which, to procure her divorce from her husband, and her de-
thronement. This accomplished, it was moreover planned to
arraign Jeanne before the tribunal of the inquisition, as a con-
tumacious heretic. The king of Spain held the tempting
bribe, the kingdom of Navarre — which was to lure Antoine
through his lust of power, from his duty to his consort, and
his defence of the Beibrmation in France. Having once avow-
ed herself a member of the Protestant communion, they knew
that queen Jeanne would not retract: on this, her firm
refusal, they relied for the accomplishment of their political
schemes.
On Michaelmas-day, 1561, the king and queen of Navarre
were present at the marriage of M. de Bohan, 2 cousin-german
to the queen, with Diane de Barbancon, niece of the duchesse
d'Estampes, the once powerful favourite of Brands I. The
marriage was celebrated at Argenteuil, by Theodore de Beze,
according to the reformed ritual. The prince de Conde, and
Coligny and his brothers, were likewise present. This affair
exerted the displeasure and uneasiness of the legate, Avho had
looked upon the king as already half Avon. The cardinal of
Berrara, however, ascribed the blame to the wilful obstinacy
of Jeanne d'Albret ; who, regardless of the high authority to
which her consort had attained, compelled him to make so
public a demonstration of his preference for reform.
Jeanne, soon after her arrival at Paris, accredited an am-
bassador, the sieur d'Ozance, to proceed to Madrid, and de-
mand from Philip II. the restitution of her kingdom of Upper
Navarre. D'Ozance was furnished by Catherine with letters
to the Brench ambassador, and to Philip himself, wherein the
queen expressed her desire that the conquered heritage of the
1 Negotiations diverses d'Hvppolite d'Este, cardinal de Ferrara, p. 3.
'■= Jean de Rohan, seigneur de Frontenay, second son of Rene, viscount de
Rohan, and of Isabel d'Albret, aunt of queen Jeanne. He was killed at the
massacre of St Bartholomew. Diane de Barbancon his wife, was the daughter
of Michel de Iiarbancon, seigneur de Cany, and of Peronne de Pisscleu, eldest
sister of the duchess d'Estampes.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 141
house of Albret might be restored. Charles IX. indited one
of the earliest letters written by him now extant, to his sister
Elizabeth, Philip's youthful cousort, praying her to intercede
with her husband, that he would grant the prayer of the sove-
reigns of Beam. The Spanish cabinet, however, had other
designs ; for the articles of the league of Peroune prescribed
its line of action. Already the king of Navarre listened with
complacent attention to the wily suggestions of the nuncio —
that neither grace nor justice could he aud his consort expect
from the hands of the Catholic king, whilst they countenanced
heresy. " The sieur de Vendome," wrote Chantonnay at this
period, 1 " appears more favourably inclined towards the Catho-
lic religion. If the king (of Spain) will only give him hope,
we shall yet gain him over, which will be a thing most advan-
tageous for Christendom." The cardinal of Perrara was,
meantime, paying assiduous court to Jeanne d' Albret : during
his visits to her apartments at St Germain, he even tolerated
the presence of Beze and other ministers in her suite. One
day, he carried his compliance so far as to propose to the
queen to be present with her at Beze's sermon, provided that she,
in return, would attend a mass celebrated by fete Croix, during
which the nuncio was to preach. Jeanne smiled, and accepted
the proposition ; the cardinal, thereupon, to the amazement of
the court, escorted the queen to Conde's apartments, and pa-
tiently remained to the end of the sermon.'-' This politic over-
ture is stated to have been tendered by the legate at the insti-
gation of the cardinal de Tournon. The kini;- of Navarre has-
tened to express to Ste Croix, his appreciation of the cardi-
nal's condescension ; at the same time, he took the opportunity
of requesting that prelate's intercession with Philip for the
restoration of Navarre. " The king of Navarre," wrote fete
Croix, satirically, 3 " requested me to observe that his ministers,
though he retains a good number in his household, have ceas-
ed, by his command, to speak against the authority of his Holi-
ness ; or to say anything that might offend. 1 profited by
this opening, to beseech his Majesty that he would be pleased
to give such commands, that these said ministers might not be
suffered to preach again ; representing to his Majesty, how
very agreeable and pleasant to his Holiness such a decision
would be." The proposition of the wily nuncio was evaded in
some confusion by Antoine ; who knew too well his consort's
1 Lettre de M. de Chantonnay a M. de Tisnacq.— Mem. de Conde, t. ii. p. 20.
- Lettre du nonce, Prosper de Ste Croix, au cardinal Borromeo. Aymon,
Actes synodaux de France.
J Ibid.— Lettre 2.
142 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
character, to pledge himself to a proceeding which he was
aware she would not sanction.
The intrigues of the cardinal de Ferrara, meantime, gained
over Descars, principal chamberlain to Antoine, and the bishop
of Auxerre, 1 a prelate whose luxury and ostentatious mode of
life had recommended him to the friendship of the king. By
the advice of Lainez, general of the Jesuits, who had accom-
panied the cardinal of Ferrara to France, Antoine took, as hia
physician in ordinary, one Vincent Lauro, a Calabrian by birth,
notwithstanding the expostulations of his consort. These men
continually irritated the mind of Antoine by their invidious
representations : they feigned to deplore the little influence he
possessed over the party for which he had sacrificed so much ;
but which, in reality, regarded Conde as its head. They com-
mented in daring language on what they presumed to term the
" obstinate heresy " of Jeanne d'Albret ; and they commise-
rated Antoine for his subserviency to the will of so hard and
imperious a woman. Lauro failed not to play his part in these
proceedings ; he terrified his royal patron by vivid descriptions
of the eternal pains that awaited the contumacious heretic ;
and he offered to become the medium of Antoine's secret com-
munications with the subtle Spanish diplomatist, Chantonnay.
Jeanne d'Albret conducted herself with consummate pru-
dence during these tracasseries, though beset by snares. Con-
fiding in no individual of the dissolute court, she preserved an
impenetrable reserve. In vain the supple cardinal de Ferrara
sought to insinuate himself into her favour ; she received him
with courteous grace ; b.ut he gained nothing from his daily
visits to her apartments. Indeed, the cardinal's attentions be-
gan to excite wonder and suspicion ; the rumour of them even
reached Rome, and drew from the sovereign pontiff a severe
censure on the legate's complaisance, in having appeared with
Jeanne d'Albret at Beze's preche. Ste Croix, however, wrote
to Rome, in defence of the legate's tactics ; he says, " I find
myself compelled to remark that the threatened departure of
monsieur le legat from hence, would so essentially damage the
interest of our religion, that if his Eminence were even at Con-
stantinople, my advice would be, that he should be promptly
summoned thence." 2 The legate excused himself to the sove-
reign pontiff for his courteous deference towards Jeanne, by
explaining that he assisted at the obnoxious preche, on purpose
to recommend himself to the favour of the sovereigns of Na-
1 Philippe de Lenoncourt.
2 Lettre du nonce, Prosper de Ste Croix. Aymon, Ar.tes synodaux de
France, t. i.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 143
varre, in order that, from that confidence, salutary effects might
ensue.
The ambassador, meantime, whom Jeanne despatched to
the court of Spain, returned, bearing Philip's reply to the
queen's demand. The sieur d'Ozance was admitted to a per-
sonal audience of the king, at the intercession of the young
queen Elizabeth. Philip's answer was to the effect, " that, if
the sovereigns of Beam wished for the restitution of Navarre,
they must, in the first place, declare war to the death against
heretics ; in proof of which, Antoine de Bourbon, in his ca-
pacity of lieutenant-general and co-regent, must subdue and
punish for their heresy, Conde, his brother, and the princes of
the house of Chatillon." 1 The nuncio, Ste Croix, was com-
missioned, at the same time, secretly to wait upon the king of
Navarre, and to inform his Majesty, "that if he achieved some
notable deed, tending to the glory of God, and the maintenance
of the true religion, his Catholic Majesty promised, on the word
of a king, to bestow upon him, out of favour, and not by way of
right or reward, so good a compensation in the Low Countries,
or in Italy, as would give him ample satisfaction."
At this conference, the nuncio, and the Spanish ambassador,
unfolded to Antoine their perfidious design relative to Jeanne
d'Albret. After commenting, with subtle casuistry, on the
queen's defiant attitude, and her resolute refusal to attend
mass, Chantonnay exhorted Antoine to rid himself of a consort
whose prejudices impeded his political advancement. The
nuncio then added, that a suit to Borne, for the dissolution of
the marriage, founded on the plea of Jeanne's pre-contract
with the duke of Cleves, would probably be received with ap-
probation by his Holiness. Ste Croix proceeded to tempt the
credulous Antoine, by promising, in the name of the Holy See,
to negotiate his marriage with Mary Stuart ; whose relatives
of the house of Guise were ready, he asserted, to promote the
alliance, provided that the king of Navarre abandoned his
connection with the Calvinistic faction. The Spanish ambassa-
dor then commented on the glorious future, which a frank
reconciliation with the church revealed for Antoine. He added,
that the triple crowns of England, Scotland, and Navarre, would
form a royalty worthy to be accepted by the first French
prince of the blood. To such cogent arguments, these de-
lectable diplomatists added others, which, they trusted, might
prove equally dazzling. They hinted, that the Catholic king
would willingly see the regency conferred upon Antoine de
1 Lettre du nonce, Prosper de Ste Croix. Aymon, Actes synodaux de
France, t. i. — Lettre 4eme.
144 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBKET.
Bourbon, and queen Catherine deposed from her dominion, to
become the tutoress only of the king's person, during his
minority. Finally, they exhorted the king of Navarre to ac-
complish his reconciliation with the Holy See, seeing that
three princes only, of tender years and failing health, stood
between himself and the throne of France. Antoine listened to
these expostulations without surprise or repugnance. Instead
of repulsing the evil counsellors who incited him to do such
cruel wrong to his consort, he presently demanded, "how, in
the event of his assent to this measure, could Navarre be se-
cured to him ; as he held that crown only in right of queen
Jeanne?" Ste Croix replied, that the sovereign pontiff was
not only ready to annul his marriage with Jeanne d'Albret,
but also to declare that princess deprived of her dominions for
the crime of heresy, and to confer the principality of Beam
upon himself. Antoine then, with all the appearance of being
much disturbed in mind, requested a few days to consider the
proposal, promising, meantime, inviolable secrecy on the matter.
The queen of Navarre, against whom this dark intrigue was
directed, continued to live almost isolated at the court. She
had adopted the Beformed tenets from principle ; Antoine de
Bourbon from expediency — being prompted by that craving
vanity which induced him, during the late reign, to accept the
title of chief of the Calvinistic faction, rather than remain com-
paratively obscure. The colloque de Boissy, meantime, had
terminated without favourable results ; the disputants, as in
most cases of controversial strife, commenced by contradiction
of each other, and ended by personal abuse. Theodore de Beze,
and the other ministers, excepting La Tour, Jeanne's private
chaplain, had quitted St Germain in high indignation at the
vacillating conduct of king Antoine. A slight coldness had
arisen between Jeanne and the queen-regent, on account of an
anonymous sonnet, which was published after the closing of
the conferences at Boissy, in which the writer exhorted the
queen of Navarre to lead Catherine and her son to a know-
ledge of true religion ; an insinuation which greatly piqued
the regent. In these lines, Jeanne was told more emphatically
than gracefully, —
" II vous fault a la Roine et a son fils aussi
Ouvrir les vrais tresors de l'escripture-saincte ;
Puis la France affranchir de ces pipeurs eagots,
Qui s'engressoycnt d' abus, a l'ombre des fagots,
Souillants l'honneur de Dieu de farces et de feintes ! " '
The primary defect of Jeanne's character was the uncom-
1 Mtm. de Conde, t. ii. p. 517.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 145
promising indifference which she manifested towards those
whose actions she disapproved. She seldom attempted the
gracious medium of conciliation ; but, rigid in her appreciation
of right, she suffered the intrigues of those around her to work
their own result, unheeded, apparently, by herself. When
Jeanne d'Albret was roused to remonstrance, her words fell
with telling force on the culprit's ear. At the present junc-
ture, her reproaches kindled the utmost exasperation in the
mind of Antoine de Bourbon. He fled from his consort's
appeals ; and resented the assertions which he was powerless
to disprove. The public homage which the king of Navarre
thought proper to offer in the presence of his consort to
Catherine's beautiful maid of honour, mademoiselle de Eouet,
added another insult to the many heaped upon the queen by
her husband, at this season. One of the most successful of the
artifices resorted to by the queen-regent, was to subjugate
the unruly spirit of her warriors and nobles, by potent spells,
woven by her fair attendants. The behests of Catherine were
usually obeyed with scrupulous minuteness ; and when, on the
arrival of the king of Navarre at Orleans, mademoiselle de
llouet was directed by her royal mistress to put forth her ut-
most fascinations to detain and amuse him, the queen was only
too well obeyed. The result of her criminal intrigue with the
king of Navarre, was a son, 1 born a few weeks prior to the ar-
rival of Jeanne d'Albret at the French court. The nuncio, Ste
Croix, and Philip's ambassador, Chantonnay, in pursuance of
their unscrupulous designs, inspired mademoiselle de llouet
with the delusive hope of becoming Antoine's lawful con-
sort, provided that she aided in preparing the mind of the king
to assent to the repudiation of queen Jeanne, whom they con-
sidered as the chief obstacle to Antoine's secession from the Re-
formed party. Mademoiselle de llouet therefore, in the arrogance
of her power over the feeble mind of Antoine de Bourbon, in-
dulged in his presence in all manner of insolent invective rela-
tive to the queen: she fearlessly branded her as a heretic, utter-
ing flippant comments on the sedate gravity of Jeanne's deport-
ment; while she conducted herself withreprehensible levity when
present before the queen of Navarre, in the circle of the regent.
The Venetian ambassador, Giovanni Michieli,residentatthis
period at the court of Catherine de Medici, gives the following
description of Antoine's personal appearance. " The king of Na-
varre," writes the ambassador, " is now between forty-four and
forty-five years of age. His beard is getting grey ; his demean-
1 Charles de Bourbon, afterwards bishop of Commiuges, and archbishop of
Rouen. JO
146 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
our is much more imposing than that of his brothers, whose
stature is low, and their figure awkward. The king is tall,
robust, and well made ; and his courage in battle is highly laud-
ed ;"though he is rather a good soldier than a skilful general." 1
The king is represented as a great coxcomb in his attire ;
he being marvellously fond of gorgeous robes and jewels.
All the portraits of Antoine portray him arrayed in a dress
puffed, slashed, and adorned in the most approved fashion of the
age. His hair is carefully frizzed and curled ; and his plumed
chapeau beset with rich gems, his sword-knot and gloves, evi-
dence the care and taste of the most complete petit maitre.
Another ambassador, sent by the Venetian senate, com-
ments, in wonder, on the number of goodly rings, and rich ear-
rings, worn by the king of Navarre. Jeanne d' Albret is described
as a woman of serene and stately presence, with a fresh complex-
ion, dark hair, and eyes very large and melancholy in expression.
At this period the queen had only completed her thirty-
third year ; sorrow was Jeanne's heritage ; and it had long ago
subdued the buoyant spirit of her youth. The atmosphere of
love and sympathy had never swept with cheering influence
over the character of Jeanne d' Albret. Endowed with genius
for command, Jeanne's mind was divested of many of its
feminine attributes by the philosophical bias of her education ;
while her girlhood was spent in solitary state at Plessis-les-
Tours, surrounded by objects and reminiscences calculated to
harden the mind and to induce self-control. The disposition,
therefore, of queen Jeanne partook of the stern discipline of her
earlier years ; so that she was enabled, beneath a composed and
even frigid demeanour, to hide the anxiety which oppressed her.
The effect of the insidious counsel of the nuncio was soon
perceptible in the conduct of the king of Navarre ; he became
moody, perverse, and exacting. By the advice of the cardinal
de Ste Croix, and of Louise de Eouet, Antoine displayed great
coldness towards his consort ; and even threatened to deprive
her of her children. The bribe of an independent kingdom
was constantly held towards Antoine by Chantonnay and his
unprincipled coadjutors ; and Jeanne d' Albret was represented
by them as the sole obstacle to his aggrandizement. When
Catherine issued a command, requiring all the ladies of the
court to attend mass, and to forbear from introducing theolo-
gical discussions into their private converse, the king of
Navarre — to demonstrate to the Guises and the nuncio that
he lived not under the dominion of his consort — insisted that
1 Tommasio, Relation des ambassadeucs Veniticns sur les affaires de
France, au 16eine siecle.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 147
Jeanne should likewise comply with the mandate. Antoine
even ventured to try compulsion ; and it is recorded that one
day when Jeanne was about to step into her litter to attend
the preche of one of the ministers, Antoine presented himself,
and taking the queen by the hand, he led her back to her
apartments, and commanded the litter to be dismissed. He
next proceeded to signify his commands that she should no
more attend the services of the Calvinist ministers ; but out-
wardly conform in all things to the worship of the Eoman
Catholic Church. Jeanne coldly replied, " that it was not her
purpose to barter her immortal soul for territorial aggrandize-
ment ; and that she would not be present at mass, or at any
ceremony of the Eomish Church whatever."
Perhaps, had the queen shown a more docile spirit, An-
toine might have been diverted from the unworthy course he
meditated. Exasperated by his wife's contemptuous firmness,
the king avowed the plot in agitation against her ; and threat-
ened, unless she paid implicit obedience to his commands, to
sue for divorce. Indignation sealed the queen's lips for some
minutes ; then tears, wrung from the depths of Jeanne's proud
heai-t, fell from her eyes. The scorn which she felt for the
contemptible prince before her, who, in addition to the foul
wrong he threatened, boasted of his intention to despoil her of
the inheritance of her ancestors, presently restored Jeanne to
composure. With eloquence the queen descanted on his
treacherous liaison with the legate, and with the Papal nuncio,
which she characterized as dishonourable and treasonable : she
warned him that their object was his own degradation, and the
elevation of his hereditary enemies, the princes of the house of
Guise, to supreme power over the realm ; " and for this pur-
pose, monseigneur, to overthrow you, it is that they seek to
embroil you with Conde, with the admiral, and with his party."
She continued then to assure king Antoine that it was not her
purpose to abandon her dominions to the rapacity of her foes ; and
that she knew how to hold, by the aid of her true subjects, the
royal state conferred upon her by God. Eeferring then to the
infamous projectof divorce with which he had menaced her, queen
Jeanne exclaimed, " Monseigneur, although my fate does not
move you, at least have mercy upon your two children. Know you
not that this repudiation of their mother, while consummating
her ruin, will also destroy them ! that they will be branded as bas-
tards ; They, your children ! The fruit of a holy union recognized
bymen,upon which God bestowed his benediction, and the legiti-
macy of which is now only questioned by our mutual enemies ! J
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Aibret, t. i. p. 199.
148 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBKET.
Under the blind delusion of passion, Antoine had never
contemplated the obvious fact brought before him by his con-
sort. Her reasoning seemed to move him ; and he sullenly re-
plied, " that such being the case, she had better, by her prompt
compliance with his will, and by her consequent reconciliation
with the courts of Rome and Spain, render that step unneces-
sary ; as for himself, he was still undecided which religion was
the true one ; but that whilst his incertitude continued, he was
minded to follow the faith of his fathers." J
Jeanne d'Albret might have recalled to his mind the early
days of their rule over Beam, when his imprudent zeal for the
cause of reform, had exposed the principality to imminent peril
of invasion. " Well then," replied Jeanne vehemently, in reply
to her consort's last observation, "if you entertain equal doubts,
monseigneur, on the subject of both religions, I beseech you,
adopt, at least, the one likely to do you the smallest prejudice ! "
The king of Navarre made no reply, but quitted the apart-
ment, to report his progress to the intriguing junta without ;
who were doubtless waiting with eagerness to learn how queen
Jeanne had received his announcement.
In solitude, however, Jeanue indulged the anguish which
oppressed her. She was attached to Antoine, despite the many
wrongs and the slights which she had received at his hands.
Too proud to complain, she had witnessed in indignant silence
his devotion to mademoiselle de Rouet ; but not the less bit-
terly did she mourn his alienation. During the few subse-
quent days after her interview with Antoine, Jeanne seems to
have lived in seclusion ; doubtless her grief was too poignant
to enable her to bear unmoved the curious scrutiny of the court,
and the hypocritical homage of the cardinal de Ferrara and his
colleagues. Chantonnay instantly forwarded a despatch to
Madrid announcing the fracas between the royal pair ; he
says : " Madame de Vendome has been compelled by her hus-
band to forego her preches ; there are now no sermons per-
mitted in her apartments at the castle of St Germain ; the
which causes grief and astonishment to many. Madame de
Crussol, madame l'Admirale, and the bishop of Valence, and
such like personages, cease not to importune the queen with
their accustomed pernicious wickedness to restore them." 2
Total alienation seems to have subsisted from this period
between Jeanne and her husband ; the queen insisted on- her
right to retire into Beam and to take her two children. An-
toine, at one time, seems to have assented to her desire, doubt-
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne D'Albret, t. i. p. 199.
2 Lettre de M. de Chantonnay — Mem. de Conde, t. xi.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 149
less feeling glad to be relieved from his consort's presence.
The cardinal de Ferrara did all in his power to widen this do-
mestic strife. In a letter written by that subtle prelate to the
cardinal Charles Borromeo he owns his share in the design for
separating the royal pair. "The king of Navarre, on purpose
to give me a certain proof that his dispositions are good respect-
ing religion, told me a few days ago that he designed to send
the queen his wife home to Beam, under the plea that aifairs
required her presence there ; and that she had testified to him
her willingness to depart. However, since then things have
changed their aspect, and she does not yet go, whether on ac-
count of the rigour of the season, or her own failing health, I
know not. The king (of Navarre), nevertheless, is very firmly
resolved to send her back early in the spring : for my part, I
shall not fail, you may feel assured, to contribute with all my
power to the achievement of either of these designs." '
Probably, ill and broken-hearted, Jeanne delayed her journey
to make one more effort to reclaim her faithless consort. An-
toine alluded less frequently to his intent to espouse Mary
Stuart. 2 Perhaps Mary herself may have sent him the same
indignant denial which she gave to Damville, the constable's
second son, who was madly enamoured of her, and offered to
put away his wife, Antoinette de la Marck, to espouse her ; or
that the cautious diplomacy of the cardinal de Perrara aroused
some suspicion that Philip's overtures were not so sincere as
they were represented. Meeting the legate one day in
Catherine's presence-chamber at St Germain, the king of
Navarre put the question direct, whether his Catholic Majesty
were indeed ready upon certain conditions to bestow upon him
the kingdom of Navarre ? The cardinal replied with hesita-
tion, " that effectively his Majesty might find opposition in his
cabinet, which it would require time to overcome ; but that at
any rate king Philip would gratify him with the donation of
Sardinia, after declaring that isle a kingdom." The effect of
this frank declaration was, that Antoine's elation being some-
what subdued, he offered no impediment to the departure of
Jeanne from St Germain to Paris. Wearied of the court, the
1 Negociations, ou Lettrcs politiques d'Hippolyte d'Este, cardinal dc Fer-
rare, p. 11.
- The Protestant writers satirized this design of the king of Navarre in the
following lines :
" Cependant par cautele, et mille beaux portraits
Qu'on apporte a propos, on lui grave les traits,
La grace, et la beaute dc- la Heine d'Escosse,
Jeunc, fraische, gentillc, arm que par la noce
Faite.d'ellc et de luy, pnisse etre conyerti
A leur religion, et tenir leur party."
150 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
queen took up her abode again at the hotel, Rue de la Grenelle.
She was there joined by the prince de Conde, who warmly re-
sented the heartless treatment she experienced at his brother's
hands. The little madame Catherine, then four years old. ac-
companied her mother, and proved a great solace to Jeanne in
her affliction. The prince of Navarre, by the command of his
father, remained at St Germain, to the extreme regret of the
queen ; who dreaded lest the mind of her son might become
contaminated by association with the depraved court. " The
palace of the queen of Navarre is truly a school for the study
of the new doctrines," writes the Venetian ambassador, then
resident in the capital. 1 "The religious belief of the king of
Navarre was once sustained by his consort's exhortations, for
he loved her much and submitted to her guidance. This woman,
born with a perverse mind, but endowed with wit, marvellously
sagacious and subtle, urged him on, and confirmed him in these
opinions whenever she perceived that he relaxed in his fervour
respecting them."
The formidable coalition, meantime, was effected between
the constable de Montmorency, the duke de Guise, and the
marshal de St Andre to maintain the ascendancy of the Romish
faith throughout the realm ; to compel the queen-regent to re-
instate the princes of Guise in the government ; to discoun-
tenance heresy ; and to revive the ancient edicts decreeing pains
and penalties against defaulters from the faith. These great
champions of Romish supremacy thus leagued together, were
designated the Triumvirate. The Protestants, scattered and
divided by Antoine's veering politics, were too feeble to make
successful head against the preponderance of the rival faction
in the cabinet. Most urgent became the importunity of., the
legate that Antoine should abandon the Reformed party, and
league himself with the Guises against the aspiring pretensions
of Queen Catherine and Conde. Every condition which An-
toine stipulated for was promptly conceded ; because it was
intended to fulfil nothing. The Spanish ambassador promised
him in his royal master's name the immediate possession of
the island of Sardinia, should he prefer to keep his consort
Jeanne, rather than accept the hand of Mary Stuart. The
sterile island tendered for his acceptance was represented to
Antoine as a paradise of delights. The balmy climate, the
orange and lemon groves, the luxuriant foliage and verdure,
and the fertility of the soil, were themes upon which the wily
Chantonnay perpetually dwelt. He even proceeded to the
1 Tommasio, Relation des ambassadeurs Venitiens sur les affaires de France
au 16eme siecle. Relation de Marco Antonio Barbaro. 1563.
LIFE OF JEANNE DALBEET. 151
length of causing an apocryphal map to be drawn of the coun-
try, having the districts most famed for fruitful produce and
delicious scenery indicated thereon. Sites of noble cities in-
debted for existence to the felicitous imagination of the legate,
were there noted. The venal chamberlain Descars affirmed on
oath, that having visited Sardinia and examined with his own
eyes the country so rapturously eulogized, it surpassed in
beauty the description given by the legate. The bishop of
Auxerre, who had never even approached the island, boldly
confirmed Descars's assertions ; and dilated enthusiastically on
the subject to his unsuspecting master. Antoine was at length
so overpowered by the glowing description of the magnificent
kingdom tendered for his acceptance, that he finally sent his
reply to the Spanish ambassador in the following words : " Tou
may inform his Catholic Majesty that it has been all along
rather your fault than mine, that his will has not been already
accomplished." 1
The cardinal of Ferrara, as may be divined, did not relax in
his endeavours to dazzle the mind of Jeanne d'Albret, with a
relation of the donations in store for herself also, provided that
she renounced her connection with the Eeformed party. Jeanne
coldly replied, " that she desired from his Catholic Majesty only
her just rights ; and that she was by no means minded toalienate,
or exchange, any part of the heritage still remaining to her."
When the court removed from St Germain to Paris, at the
commencement of the year 1563, Antoine commenced a series
of most scandalous persecutions towards his unhappy consort.
On several occasions he tried to compel her forcibly to attend
mass. The young prince of JNavarre, a bold and gallant boy of
ten years old, happened to be present at one of these scenes.
Being devotedly attached to his royal mother, Henry flew to
her side, and with all his strength tried to defend her from
violence ; angrily protesting that nothing should induce him-
self, either, to go to mass. In spite of Jeanne's supplications,
Antoine, in a fury, snatched up his son, and after soundly box-
ing his ears, he summoned the prince's sub-preceptor, and com-
manded that he should undergo further castigation. 2
These many and varied provocations roused at length the
spirit of the queen. In her affliction she sought the advice of
her staunch friend, the viscount de Gourdon. The queen's
letter is peculiar : its phraseology savours of the stern, senten-
tious style, then in vogue with the sectarian ministers. It is
greatly to be regretted, that the hard, and even ascetic, tone of
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. 2 Ibid.
152 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
Jeanne's mind, veiled so much that was lovable and womanly
in her character. Jeanne expresses herself very strongly, as
will be seen in her letter to the viscount, respecting Antoine's
follies, in terms such as, if she had the indiscretion to taunt
him with personally, could not fail to aggravate his displeasure
and their alienation.
QUEEN JEANNE, TO THE VISCOUNT DE GOURDON.i
MONSIEUE LE VlSCOMTE,
During the early days of this reign, perceiving that madame the
queen-mother, and monsieur the king of Navarre, my husband, con-
tinued in peace and concord to discharge the affairs of the regency,
and that they not only put a stop to the tortures and executions for
heresy, but even granted liberty of conscience, with leave to erect
churches outside the towns, and within all castles and fiefs de haubert,
such as yours — after mature thought I came to the conclusion that
from thenceforth all things might progress to a happy end. Since
which, however, the king of Navarre, hungering after the seductive
flatteries of several fair damsels, dexterous and versed in toils for
inspiring love, of whom the said queen avails herself to accomplish and
perfect her secret designs, the said king of Navarre, I repeat, has
become so deluded and enervated, both, mentally and bodily, by
indolence and luxury, that he has permitted the Guises, assisted by
the constable, to regain the tipper hand, to his great shame and the
public calamity. Besides which, the said triumvirate has traitorously
and unworthily assailed the prince de Conde ; while the said king of
Navarre is become so stultified by the trickery and false promises of
Rome made through the queen-mother, to give as restitution of our
kingdom, iniquitously retained by the Spaniards, and by his fear of
losing what still remains to us, that he will neither say nor do any-
thing, nor yet permit me. My heart feels heavy and sorrowful, when
I contemplate all that is concocting here in so sinister a manner ; and
when I see this said triumvirate oppose the princes and the peace of
the realm, and purpose to sow tares with discord throughout the
kingdom — as all here who are expert, and advised in the modes of
good government, acknowledge ; amongst whom I name the arch-
bishop of Vienne, the bishops of Valence and Oleron, the chancellor
de l'Hopital, and other sage personages not misled and distracted by
vice, avarice, and ignorance. Amidst all this woe, my soul, sad and
perplexed, yearns to be counselled and consoled by a loyal friend.
Come then to me here, or at least write me word what it appears to
you that I ought to do, and I will try and conform to your opinion.
Since the unexpected skirmish which occurred at Vassy, through the
said duke de Guise, the prince of Conde has courageously manifested
himself as becomes the champion of reform, and the declared enemy
of the said triumvirate ; although the king of Navarre, his brother,
has most unnaturally placed himself at its head. I pray God, mon-
1 MS. Bibl. Roy., Valiant, Portef. ler.— Inedited.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 153
sieur le Viscornte, to have you in his Holy keeping. Written at Paris, 1
this 28th day of January, 1562.
Your very good and assured friend,
Jeanne, Royne.
In reply to this flattering letter from queen Jeanne the
viscount de G-ourdon despatched a courier -with his response ;
which did not reach the queen until the middle of February,
as he was sojourning at the castle of Sennecieres, in Querey.
After a rambling statement of fears kindled by the critical
position of parties, the viscount gives his opinion on the con-
duct which his royal mistress ought to pursue, thus : " In
respect to the measures which it appears to me that your
Majesty should adopt on this present emergency, it is my
advice, that, being tied to a husband, and living under his
authority, and being at the same time despoiled of your king-
dom, but having present hope of its final restitution, your
Majesty should neither act, nor undertake anything whatever,
against the will of your said husband, in the matter of religion.
Every one is convinced that your Majesty — a most enlightened
princess, and virtuously firm in well-doing — follows the Eeform-
ed opinions. Such being the fact, it is needless to furnish your
enemies with subject and cause for declaration and controversy
as heretofore." 2 The viscount de G-ourdon seems to have
attached a certain degree of credit to Philip's fallacious pro-
mises ; and, consequently, he advises the queen to temporize.
Jeanne's spirit, however, could not brook such counsel ; nor
vet to make submissive overtures to a prince who had threat-
ened her with divorce ; and whose ill-usage had degraded her
in the presence of the court. Conde, Coligny, La Eochefou-
cauld, and a multitude of brave cavaliers, injured by the shifting
politics of the court, looked to her for countenance and sup-
port ; and Jeanne vowed in her innermost heart that they
should not be disappointed.
The bloody fray at Vassy, between the retainers of the duke
de Guise, and the Huguenots, who were assembled at worship
when the duke passed through, with his armed train, had
revived the ancient animosities of creed. Antoine refused to
listen to the representations of the Protestant ministers, who,
headed by Theodore de Beze, proceeded to Paris, to demand
justice for the outrage ; declaring, " que qui toucheroit au lout
die, cloigt au clue de Guise, son frere; le. toucheroit au corps."
1 The letter is dated from Pau, in the document preserved in the Biblio-
theque Imperiale. But as the queen was undoubtedly sojourning- in Paris
during the early part of the year 1562, it is doubtless a fault of transcription.
2 MS. Bibl. Royale.— Valiant, Portef. ler.— Ined.
154 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
The queen-regent, alarmed at the reconciliation and junction of
the king of Navarre with the chiefs of the Romish faction —
which destroyed the balance of parties enabling her to dominate
over the cabinet — in vain attempted to create a diversion. It is
stated, by some historians, that, in order to retain the king of
Navarre as chief of the Reformed party, to oppose his influence
to that of the duke de Guise, Catherine offered Antoine the
hand of her youngest daughter, Marguerite de Valors, the pro-
mised bride of his son, the prince of Navarre. This assertion
is scarcely deserving of credit, as the king of Navarre was
nearly forty-four years of age, and the young princess had not
yet accomplished her tenth year. In her perplexity, Catherine
had recourse to the queen of Navarre, remembering how entire
was once Jeanne's empire over the restless mind of king An-
toine. Catherine implored the queen to exert her power over
her consort, to induce him to break his fatal alliance with
Guise. She recalled to the mind of Jeanne the happiness of
the early days of her union with Antoine ; and, with the win-
ning argument in which she excelled, Catherine exhorted her
to make the most unqualified submission to appease her hus-
band's resentment, and to conform, in all things, to his direction,
until the dawn of a more propitious day. Jeanne's heart, how-
ever, was sore ; the insults she had received left behind a feel-
ing of ineffaceable resentment ; and she coldly declined " to
hold any communication with the king of Navarre, on the sub-
ject of religiou or politics, in which matters they so materially
differed." The queen-regent persisted in her remonstrances,
and admonished Jeanne to yield, at least, outward conformity
to the Romish faith ; and to reconcile herself to the papal en-
voys, the cardinals of Ferrara and Ste Croix. Jeanne demand-
ed of the queen what step her Majesty, on her conscience,
would advise her to take to achieve that desirable end ?
Catherine replied, that she counselled her to attend mass,
which, in her opinion, was the only remedy by which she could
hope to reconcile herself to her husband, and to preserve the
principality of Beam for her son. "Madame," exclaimed the
queen of Navarre, with passionate vehemence, "if I, at this
Aery moment, held my son, and all the kingdoms of the world
together, in my grasp, I would hurl them to the bottom of the
sea, rather than peril the salvation of my soul." 1
The king of Navarre finally leagued himself with the trium-
virate, and attended mass publicly on Palm Sunday, 1562, ac-
companied by the Guises, and his brother the cardinal de
Bourbon. The procession passed in solemn pomp through the
1 Theodore de Beze, Hist, des Eglises Refbrmees de France, t. i. p. 689
LTFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 155
streets of Paris, to the church of Ste Genevieve. The con-
stable surrounded by a staff of valiant captains rode some little
distance in advance of the procession, proclaiming to the as-
sembled multitude, " Mes amis, thank God for having rescued
you from mighty woes, in sending to your aid the king of Na-
varre. You perceive the cordial union which exists between
his Majesty and the duke de Guise, and which will serve to
maintain you in concord, while serving God and the cause of
religion, and will contribute to the glory and exaltation of our
king!" 1
The warlike attitude of parties in Paris created much
solicitude in the mind of all true subjects of the king. The
hotels de Montmorency and de Guise resembled hostile cita-
dels, ready at any instant to pour forth bauds of armed soldiery,
and to deluge the streets of Paris with blood. The consort of
the constable, Madelaine de Savoye, a woman of dauntless and
imperious spirit, incessantly urged her husband to uphold the
true faith ; and, if needs be, to wrest from Catherine the power
which she seemed inclined to delegate to Conde, and to the ad-
miral de Coligny. " Monseigneur, you are the representative
of the noblest barony of France. The escutcheon which you
have inherited from your ancestors, with its right noble legend,
' Dieu conserve le premier Baron Chretien, 11 indicates to you the
part which their example ought to compel you to take for the
maintenance of religion. It is your illustrious mission to de-
fend the faith with all your power, and to preserve it pure and
undefiled. It is for you, Monseigneur, to uphold religion
throughout the realm, and to maintain it with the inviolable
constancy which your forefathers manifested for the holy Eo-
man Church." 2 The duchesse de Yalentinois also addressed
urgent supplications to the constable, entreating him to uphold
the true faith ; and to aid the princes of Guise in checking the
sectarian tendencies of the court. Damville, Montmorency's
second son, a prince of fiery and impetuous temper, and a fer-
vid partisan of Pome, implored his father to become a second
time the saviour of his country. The marechal de Montmo-
rency, 3 on the contrary, prudently advised the constable to adopt
moderate measures ; to conciliate and persuade the queen-re-
gent, rather than attempt to intimidate her ; and to gain the
1 Lettre du Nonce, Prosper de Ste Croix, au cardinal Borromee. Aymon,
Receuil des Actes Synodaux de France.
- De Thou, Hist, de son Temps, liv. 27.
3 Francois, the eldest son of the constable de Montmorency and of Made-
laine de Savoye, was born at Chantilly in July 1;330. He espoused, in 1550,
Diane de France, the legitimated daughter of Henry II., and widow of Horace
Farnese, duke de Castro.
15G LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
confidence of the queen of Navarre, as a future means of con-
trolling her consort. So suspicious did this sage advice appear
to the intolerant duchesse de Montmorency, that fearing lest
her sou, the heir of Montmorency, should fall into the toils of
the Lutheran party, she quitted Chantilly, and took up her
abode with the marechal in his official residence at the Hotel
de Ville as governor of Paris, the better to watch his move-
ments. " Madame la connetable, the mother of monsieur de
Montmorency, suspicious of the latter's intentions, is gone to
live with her son, to watch his conduct, and to take care of
him. That right noble lady manages in so adroit a way, that
she often induces monsieur le marechal to attend with her the
sermons of a learned monk of the order of Minimes," approv-
ingly wrote the nuncio, Prosper de Ste Croix. 1
Meanwhile, the most deadly alarm possessed queen Cather-
ine, at the unexpected desertion of the king of Navarre. The
duke de Guise, at the invitation of Antoine de Bourbon, entered
Paris with 3000 horse ; and took every possible opportunity,
when in the presence of the two queens, Jeanne and Catherine,
to demonstrate his good understanding with that misguided
prince. The cardinal de Perrara and the nuncio aggravated
by their subtle intrigues the distrust and the perplexity of
parties. The ambassador, Chantonnay, demeaned himself in
the most insolent manner when in the presence of the regent,
openly threatening her with the displeasure of the king of
Spain. The queen of Navarre he treated with scornful disre-
spect ; and he was heard more than once to menace her with
the immediate invasion of her domains in the south, unless
she very materially altered her conduct, so as to give satisfaction
to king Philip. As some check to the daring interference of
this ambassador, Catherine caused the young king to sit at the
council-board ; and to be present at the audiences which she
granted to foreign ambassadors. One clay, the queen remarked,
in reply to some observation that Chantonnay made with his
usual freedom, " that the king would not always continue in
his minority ; and that those who presumed most now, would
then find themselves only his servants and subjects, and very
far removed from the power and influence they coveted ; but
that she herself should always remain a queen, a mother, and
one whose behests would be implicitly obeyed by her children."
Addressing the young king, Catherine said, " Is it not so, mon-
seigneur ? " " Madame, you may feel very well assured that it
is so, and will be so ! " responded Charles, in no very gentle
1 Lettrc du Nonce, Prosper de Ste Croix, Actes Synodaux de France, t. i.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 157
accents, with a frowning glance at the audacious Chantonnay. 1
Nothing daunted, however, by the menaces of the youthful
king, and of his royal mother, the intrigues of Chantonnay and
the Italian cardinals at length achieved the expulsion of the
great Huguenot chieftains from the court. The king of Na-
varre, the blind tool of the Spanish faction, and the nominal,
leader of the triumvirate, enforced Philip's mandate with wil-
ful obstinacy. The admiral de Coligny, Conde — whose noble
bearing throughout these cabals challenged the worship of the
Huguenot population of France — the cardinal de Chatillon,
d'Andelot, the count de la Rochefoucauld, and the prince de
Porcien, retired from court, and sought refuge in the towns of
Meaux and Orleans. Catherine, incensed beyond measure,
told the intriguing nuncio, " that the princes departed by their
own free will from the court, and had her permission to return
whenever they deemed it expedient." The ambassador Chan-
tonnay directly replied, " in that case, his Catholic Majesty
had less to thank the Christian queen for than he had sup-
posed ; nevertheless, it mattered not to the king of Spain upon
what pretext the admiral and his brothers received their de-
mission from court, provided that they did depart." In his
next despatch to his royal master, Chantonnay observes, after
informing Philip that it was debated in the council of the tri-
umvirate whether it would be expedient to interdict the Re-
formed ministers from preaching in public : " Monsieur de
Yendome has prayed me to mention this circumstance to the
Catholic king ; and to supplicate his Majesty to bear in mind
the compensation which the said sieur expects from the king."* 2
Philip's envoys, meantime, irritated the queen-regent by
their malignant insinuations. Catherine's perplexity was ex-
treme : Jeanne d'Albret implored her to place herself under
the protection of Conde, and to quit Paris for Orleans. The
triumvirate affected to hold councils in the palace of the sove-
reign, to which Catherine was not admitted. The most violent
measures, it was rumoured, were then discussed, r-elative to the
two queens, Catherine and Jeanne d'Albret. The Papal and
Spanish envoys, in reality, advocated sanguinary expedients to
rid themselves of the opposition, which they expected to en-
counter from both these princesses. The queen, with her ac-
customed daring, being resolved one day to ascertain the sub-
ject discussed by the triumvirate with closed doors, caused a
tube to be introduced between the wall and the arras hangings
1 Lettre de l'ambassadeur Chantonnay au roi Catholique. Memoires de
Conde, t. ii. p. 23.
* Ibid. p. 26.
158 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
of the apartment in which they assembled, so that from the
chamber above she could hear their debates. After listening
to some factious and treasonable propositions from the duke de
Guise and the king of Navarre, Catherine heard the marshal de
St Andre propose that the triumvirate should rid themselves
of the queen-regent, by causing her to be seized and secretly
drowned in the Seine. 1 This atrocious project was combated
by the king of Navarre ; who, on the first impulse, generally
opined with regard to some principle and honour. This pro-
posal was probably not seriously proffered by St Andre, who
was a bold and bluff soldier, intemperate, and somewhat jocular in
debate ; the menace, however, insph'ed Catherine with such hor-
ror, which, added to the tumultuous condition of the capital, deter-
mined her to retire precipitately to Fontainebleau with the king.
Jeanne d'Albret, therefore, remained alone in the factious
capital, exposed to the assaults of her rancorous enemies, the
nuncio and the cardinals de Lorraine aud of Ferrara. As soon
as the court departed she renewed her demand to be permitted
to retire into Beam ; supporting her application on the express
sanction given to her project by the queen-regent. Philip
and his emissaries, however, were again plotting Jeanne's over-
throw : she was alone in the capital, deserted by Conde aud
Coligny, who had retired to Orleans ; oppressed by her hus-
band ; and ill and sick at heart from the persecution which
she endured. At this period Jeanne's life was even in serious
jeopardy ; and it was more than once hinted in the councils of
the formidable triumvirate, that a well-directed bullet from
the arquebuse of one of the fanatics who swarmed in the
streets of Paris, would probably save the future effusion of
much Catholic blood. It is certain that it was formally pro-
posed in the council to arrest Jeanne d'Albret, and detain her
as a prisoner of state in one of the fortresses of Prance. The
matter was brought before the council, it is surmised, by
Chantonnay, the Spanish ambassador. Philip II. hated Jeanne
d'Albret, as the protectress of reform, and as the rightful
claimant of one of his Spanish crowns. The cowardly Antoine
gave his full and voluntary consent to this scheme for the im-
prisonment of his noble-minded consort ; and expressed him-
self so well pleased at the design, that the cardinal de Lorraine
grasped the king's hand, and ironically exclaimed : " Voila,
monseigneur, un acte digne de vous ! jDieic vous donne honne
vie, et long ue ! " 2 The warrant for the queen's detention was
prepared ; but during the time that elapsed, whilst the self-con-
1 De Thou. Hist, de son Temps.
2 Vauvill'ers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 212.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 159
stituted council debated upon whom the questionable honour
of its execution should devolve, Jeanne obtained information
of the proceeding. The queen manifested no emotion on learn-
ing this fresh instance of ber husband's desertion, and of his
collusion with her bitter foes ; " but from that moment," she
sadly remarks in one of her letters, written some years after
the event, " I closed my heart for ever against the affection
which I still cherished for my husband, and devoted its every
impulse to perform my duty." 1
Queen Jeanne notified to Conde the danger to which she
was exposed. The secret soon transpired, doubtlessly by de-
sign, and the Huguenots of the capital, encouraged by their
ministers, gathered tumultuously before the Hotel de Conde,
where the queen resided, hoping to protect her against the
designs of her enemies. The queen then again firmly demand-
ed permission to depart ; and she intimated to her worthless
consort, that, whether license were granted to her or not, she
intended to quit Paris. Some slight remorse seems, at this
period, to have agitated the contemptible Antoine ; Chanton-
nay, however, was always at hand — the tempter who stifled
misgivings, and who urged him to ruin. He represented that,
if affairs remained as now, the king would never receive any
indemnity from king Philip ; but, on the contrary, his Majesty
would incur the resentment of the Catholic king. It was,
nevertheless, unanimously agreed that to arrest the queen of
Navarre in the capital, after the turbulent demonstration so
recently made in her favour, would be an experiment too
hazardous to attempt. Jeanne's enemies, therefore, came to
the conclusion, to execute their design at Yendome, in which
town the queen would sojourn on her journey homewards.
The triumvirate committed a grave error in permitting the
queen of Navarre to quit the capital. Jeanne's energies re-
vived, when she found herself free : her friends were numerous ;
and Conde, with several thousand troops, held possession of
Orleans. Had the Guises persisted, with unwavering courage,
in commanding her arrest, the Eoman Catholic faction would
have effected a comparatively easy and bloodless triumph.
Queen Jeanne quitted Paris about the beginning of April,
15G2, accompanied by her daughter madame Catherine, and
escorted by a numerous and imposing troop of horsemen.
Before her departure, Jeanne visited her son at St Germain,
where it was the will of Antoine de Bourbon that Henry
should reside, under the care of Vincent Lauro ; who had been
1 Vauvilliers. Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 212.
160 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
recently nominated as governor to the young prince, in the
room of La Gaucherie, and the other professors appointed by
the queen. This had been a deep grievance to Jeanne ; and
in vain she remonstrated against the nomination of the in-
triguing Lauro, to be the prince's preceptor. The king of Na-
varre, nevertheless, by the advice of the Jesuit Lainez, persisted
in his design. The young prince was greatly afflicted at his
approaching separation from his mother ; the queen wept bit-
terly, as she clasped the prince in her arms, and besought him
never to forget her counsels, amidst the distractions of the
court. After a brief interval, queen Jeanne dried her tears ;
then, taking her son by the hand, she earnestly and aifection-
ately forbad him to attend mass ; she added thereto a threat,
that if the prince disobeyed her command, she would disinherit
him, and refuse longer to own him for her son. 1
The following day, Jeanne took leave of her husband.
Her parting from him was melancholy : with the eloquence of
which she was mistress, the queen besought Antoine to abjure
his connection with the Guise faction ; to return to her, and
to his allegiance to Catherine, whose good faith Jeanne does
not seem to doubt. The king made an evasive reply ; the
royal pair, once so fondly attached, then separated to meet no
more.
It appears that the queen did not suspect the design of the
council, for her arrest at Vendome, until after she quitted
Paris. She rested, the first night, at Olivet ; Theodore de
Beze here met the queen, bringing letters sent by Catherine to
Conde, and which Jeanne was requested to deliver to the
prince in person.
The following day, Jeanne continued her journey with
great despatch. She reached Vendome about the 14th of May,
The queen took up her abode in the chateau of her husband's
ancestors, intending to make a brief sojourn there to recruit
her strength, which was much exhausted. It was at this place
that peril awaited queen Jeanne from the machinations of the
council. The king of Navarre was aware that his consort in-
tended to repose at Vendome ; accordingly secret instructions
had been forwarded to the authorities of the town to prevent
the queen from continuing her journey. This danger Jeanne
escaped only by the sudden and lawless descent of a body of
four hundred mercenary troops upon the town of Vendome,
for the purpose of pillage. As these troops were on their way
to reinforce the garrison of Orleans, Jeanne forbade that their
1 Negociations d'Hippolvte d'Estt', cardinal de Ferrara, p. 136.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 161
entrance into the town should be opposed. No sooner, how-
ever, were these fierce marauders admitted, than they formed
themselves into bands, and paraded the town, pillaging the
houses of the inhabitants, and slaughtering all who opposed
them. They entered the cathedral, and overthrew the altar,
breaking the images of saints, and otherwise mutilating the
sacred edifice. Even the monumental effigies of the ancient
counts de Vendome were destroyed by these ruthless soldiers ;
who, moreover, smashed the stained glass windows of the
splendid sepulchral chapel of Vendoine. Jeanne does not ap-
pear to have made any effort to appease the tumult. She
was suffering from indisposition, and probably was too pros-
trated in mind to be capable of exertion. It is possible, more-
over, that these troops may have been sent by Conde to cover
Jeanne's retreat from Vendome ; he having obtained inform-
ation of the plot against her liberty : certain is it, however,
that they offered the queen neither insult nor molestation ;
but remained in possession of the town until Jeanne had taken
her departure thence. The ambassador Chantonnay, amidst
other choice morsels collected for the special enlightenment of
his royal master, king Philip, says, " whilst madame de Ven-
dome was sojourning in Vendome, a body of four hundred
horsemen made a descent on that town. Madame de Vendome
forbad any one to oppose them, saying, ' that she would not
have them harassed ; but that she herself would so control
them, that they should commit no ravage.' Nevertheless, as
soon as these lawless marauders entered the town they dese-
crated the churches, and especially the monastery where that
sacred relic the Holy Tear is deposited, and drove away the
priests and monks : after having pillaged everything they
could lay their hands upon, they took their departure. I be-
lieve, however, that this enterprise was executed without the
sanction or knowledge of the said dame de Vendome." 1
From Vendome, queen Jeanne continued her journey to
Chatellerault. Here she remained one night an inmate of the
lordly castle appertaining to her consort. On the morrow
she proceeded to Duras. Jeanne was received with great
magnificence by M. de Duras, who was one of the most re-
nowned of the Huguenot chieftains. After her arrival at the
castle of Duras the indisposition of the queen increased ; and
worn out by anxiety, Jeanne took to her bed on the following
day. The queen was still suffering from sickness when she re-
ceived a visit from one M. de Eemy, who came to Duras to
1 Lettre de M. de Chantonnay au roi Catholique, Mem. de Conde, t. ii.
Journal de Brulart. ,-,
1G2 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
represent to her Majesty the lamentable condition of the Pro-
testant population of Guyenne, of which province the king of
Navarre was governor ; and to supplicate the queen to inter-
cede in their behalf with king Antoine and his lieutenant de
Burie. The count de Burie had been a staunch friend of
Jeanne's mother, queen Marguerite. Jeanne readily promised
her intercession, and despatched a messenger to de Burie,
with whom she was on terms of amity. The count, who bore
Jeanne reverential respect, readily promised to comply with
her request, as far as his orders permitted him freedom of
option. He also sent a private message to the queen, enjoin-
ing her not to bestow her public patronage upon the Hugue-
nots, after her arrival in Beam ; as, in case she adopted so
imprudent a step, he had received formal instructions from
the government not to oppose the entrance of Spanish troops
into her principality. 1
All the Protestant leaders of the province of Guyenne,
meantime, had risen to arms ; and the capture of Orleans by
Conde was the signal for a general insurrection. The marsha.
de Montluc, commissioned by the government to suppress the
rebellion, executed his commission with unrelenting cruelty.
Montluc, who was the elder brother of the pious and eloquent
bishop of Valence, a favourer of the Reformation, was, on the
contrary, the fiery champion of Rome : the marshal's renown
as a soldier was great ; though Montluc and the marshal de
Tavannes had the repute of being the most ferocious and san-
guinary generals in the king's service.
Jeanne listened in sorrowful concern to the report brought
to her of the persecutions endured by the Huguenot popula-
tion of Guyenne, and of the indiscriminate slaughter by which
their risings were avenged ; and she resolved to despatch Bar-
baut her secretary, to remonstrate with Montluc, and to re-
quest him to suspend the executions ; pi'omising to accomplish
the pacification of the country herself, with the aid of de Burie.
Barbaut found Montluc at Calonge, on his way to succour
Bordeaux, then menaced by a party of Huguenot troops under
the count de Duras. Montluc, however, turned a deaf ear to
the queen's expostulation, for his savage disposition delighted
in bloodshed. " When the Huguenots heard my name men-
tioned they fancied that the executioner was at their back ;
and consequently they gave me the name of le tiran, ,, ' i writes
the marshal himself, with much complacency, in his celebrated
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret. Mem. du marechal de Montluc.
2 Commentaires de Messire Blaise de Montluc, marechal de France, liv.
3eme.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBEET. 163
Commentaries. Montluc was not to be diverted from his en-
terprise on Bordeaux by the remonstrances of Jeanne's secre-
tary. He, however, consented to despatch two gentlemen to
confer with the queen at Duras, and to hear from her own lips
the remedy which she proposed to adopt for the pacification of
the province. This apparent concession on the part of Mont-
luc, who continued his march upon Bordeaux without abate-
ment of speed, was merely a feint to amuse the queen, so that
she might fall an easier victim to the snare he had laid for her.
The marshal had received a command from Antoine de Bour-
bon, and his colleagues of the triumvirate, to arrest the queen
and to escort her back to Paris ; but above all, he was directed
carefully to intercept her passage, so that she might not cross
the frontier into Beam.
Jeanne continued ill at Duras whilst her secretary Avas
absent. During a skirmish in the neighbourhood, between
some of M. de Duras' troopers and a party of Montluc's levies,
the count de Candale 1 was taken prisoner, on his way from
Bordeaux to Cadillac. By command of Duras, Candale was
presented to queen Jeanne as her prisoner, by his captors.
The count was the son-in-law of the constable de Montmorency ;
so that Jeanne, if she felt disposed, might have avenged the
slights she had recently received from the constable and his
consort, by commanding the detention of her prisoner. Instead
of which she instantly gave him his liberty ; after first de-
manding and receiving a promise from the count, who was her
own near relative, that he would not in future bear arms
against the Huguenots. Candale promised all that was asked
of him, intending to perform nothing; and with the perfidious
intent of going over again to the enemy, when Montluc's bands
approached Duras — a design which he successfully accom-
plished. 2
Prom Duras, queen Jeanne proceeded to Caumont, where
she was received by M de Clerac, brother of the great Protest-
ant chieftain, Cauinont de la Force. Montluc's ambassadors
i Henri de Foix, count de Candale, dc Beranges et d'Astarac, Captal de
Buch, chevalier de l'Ordre du Roi. He married Marie de Montmorency,
fourth daughter of the constable, Anne de Montmorency. The count left one
daughter, Marguerite, heiress of the princely house of Candale, Captal de
Buch, who married Louis de la Valette, duke d'Epernon. The count de
Candale died in 1573.
2 " Mons. le comte," says the marshal in his memoirs, " related to me the
promise he had made, for otherwise he could not have escaped out of their hands.
I told him that M. de Bordeaux should grant him absolution. After all, that
promise could not bind him, as the count was not a prisoner of war ; besides,
the promise had been given to the queen of Navarre, who styled herself the
very humble servant of our king, and very loyal to render his Majesty service."
1G4 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
followed her thither, but before their arrival, Jeanne received
the important advice from the count de Duras, that Montluc,
with the army under his command, was advancing rapidly upon
Caumont, in the hope of surprising the castle, and taking her
prisoner. The feeble condition of her health had induced the
queen to travel by slow stages after she quitted Yendome ; for
Jeanne fully appreciated the sorrowful fact that there was no
safe abiding place for her in the kingdom over which her royal
consort nominally ruled. The queen had taken the precaution
of despatching a missive addressed to the barons d'Arros and
d'Audaux, commanding them to meet her on the banks of the
Garonne with a force sufficiently strong to protect her retreat
into Beam. "When Jeanne, therefore, received intelligence of
the advance of Montluc, ill as she was, she rose from her bed,
and taking to horse, she made rapidly for the frontier, protected
by a small troop of the loyal retainers of Caumont. Fortun-
ately for the queen, her mandate had been well and promptly
obeyed by the gallant seneschal of Beam. The cavalry, eight
hundred strong, headed by the brave d'Audaux, met the queen
and her slender escort as she was flying towards the frontier.
The blast of Montluc's trumpets was distinctly audible as the
gallant troop closed round their sovereign : and by the time
that Jeanne found herself in safety within her hereditary prin-
cipality, the marshal's standard was floating above the tower
of Caumont. "Thus we came to the chateau de Caumont,"
relates Montluc in his Commentaries.' "Heaven only knows the
grudge the queen of Navarre afterwards bore me, and how she
reviled me, calling me tyrant, and every other sorry epithet she
could think of; but she was a woman, and therefore enjoyed
immunity from personal combat," adds the marshal, with ap-
parent regret. Montluc continued Jeanne's bitter enemy ; and
solicited permission to pursue her to her own capital at Pau ;
uttering, at the same time, a threat, that to subdue her haughty
spirit he would there have recourse to so atrocious an ex-
pedient, as demonstrates both the violence and profligacy of his
character, and the license of the times which permitted of so
treasonable a boast without consigning the offender to well-
merited chastisement. " God, however, preserved the queen
of Navarre to become the prop of our France ! " says the his-
torian who records the incident. 2
From Fontainebleau, during this interval, the queen regent
had addressed her celebrated series of letters to Conde ; in
which she implored him to take up arms in behalf of "the
1 Livre oeme. 2 Hist, des Cir.q Roys, p. 218.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALIJRET. 1G5
mother and her children," and not to disarm until her enemies
and those of the kingdom should be subdued. " Mon cousin,
be assured that I will never forget what you do for me. If I die
before having the means of acknowledging your services, I will
leave behind me a memorandum to that effect, for my children's
guidance." l In these letters, Catherine undeniably authorizes
Conde to arm for her rescue from the tutelage of the triumvir-
ate. These famous epistles, which transfer to the queen the
responsibility of placing weapons in Conde's hands, and, by
this act, of having sanctioned the bloody war which ensued,
were perused by every cabinet in Europe ; and were even sub-
mitted to the judgment of the German Diet. So general was
the impression that Conde, as a true and good subject, could
not have refused obedience to the summons of the regent, and
had not, therefore, been guilty of rebellion, that Catherine
found herself compelled to publish an explanation of what her
words did really signify ; as she afterwards peremptorily
denied the interpretation everywhere given. The gloss which
Catherine was pleased to assign to her letters, when she no
longer needed Conde's services, is quite at variance with the
words she there uses ; so that, if the queen's statements are to
be credited, the text of her epistles to Conde can only be re-
garded as a clever cypher, to be accepted in sense contrary to
the usual meaning of the language employed.
Soon after Jeanne's departure from Paris, the king of Na-
varre and the Guises, at the suggestion of the nuncio, to whom
Catherine had imprudently avowed her intention of proceeding
to Orleans, set out for Fontainebleau ; and, despite the regent's
opposition, they compelled her, with the king, to return to the
capital. 2 The politic Catherine, though almost beside herself
with consternation, managed affairs with her accustomed ability.
She lavished more than ordinary favour on the king of Na-
varre and the Guises, whilst she continued her importunity to
Conde, " to deliver the king from the power of messieurs de
Guise, who held his Majesty a captive." The valiant Conde
promptly obeyed the mandate. Manifestoes were published
by the Huguenot chieftains, summoning all loyal subjects to
join their standard, and rescue their sovereign from the princes
of Lorraine. Copies of the queen-regent's letters were for-
warded to the Protestant electors of Germany ; and levies of
troops were made throughout the Germanic states. Conde
remained at Orleans, which he garrisoned with two thousand
eight hundred men. The queen of Navarre, after her return
1 Lettre de Catherine de Medici au prince de Conde, Mem. de Conde, t. ii.
2 Mem. de Michel de Castelnau. Mem. de Tavannes. De Thou.
166 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
iuto Beam, despatched the count de Grammcmt to the prince,
with a body of six thousand Gascon troops, " all old and
choice soldiers," says Brantome, " veterans who had weathered
many a Spanish campaign." This important reinforcement en-
abled Conde to take the field in equal force to his opponents.
"When Antoine de Bourbon was apprized of this proceeding on
the part of his consort, his fury surpassed bounds; and, pro-
bably, queen Jeanne might have witnessed the advance of the
terrible Montluc and his legions upon her capital, had not the
lukewarm countenance which the queen-regent afforded to the
mandates of the triumvirate held them somewhat in restraint.
Though Antoine and his colleagues threatened and oppressed
queen Catherine, they lived in constant dread of her intrigues.
Catherine had succeeded in inspiring them with so unfeigned a
fear of her powers of dissimulation, that they would willingly
have resigned into her hands the authority so violently usurped,
provided that they could satisfy themselves that the queen had
forgiven their rebellion, and that she was prepared to maintain
the Romish faith.
Rapid triumphs attended the arms of Conde. Ere three
months elapsed, the Huguenots were in possession of the towns
of Orleans, Bourges, Blois, Tours, Pont de Ce, Poitiers, La
Rochelle, Agen, Montauban, Castres, Montpellier, Beziers,
Nimes, Tournon, Lyons, Valence, Rouen, Havre de Grace,
Dieppe, Caen, Bayeux, and eight other places of smaller note ;
"so that," says Brantome, " when any one inquired what towns
the Huguenots had reduced, the - reply was, " you should rather
inquire the names of the places which they do not hold."
The extremity to which Prance was reduced, by the double-
dealing of her rulers, and the conflict of faction, is detailed, in
a highly interesting and important letter, written by a con-
fidential secretary of Catherine's, and addressed to the bishop
of Limoges, the Prench ambassador in Spain — a document
hitherto iuedited.
The king of Navarre is mentioned in this despatch under
the contemptuous soubriquet of " V Eschangeur" so little was
Antoine respected, or confided in, by the Roman Catholic party.
" AVhen Lutaine quitted this, we were involved in troubles, of
which he has doubtless given you account," writes the queen's
scribe to de l'Aubespine. 2 " Since which, nevertheless, Blois,
Tours, Angers, le Mans, Rouen, Lyons, and an infinite number
of other places have deserted our cause ; so that the king is no
longer obeyed — or at least, what is written from hence, is not
regarded by the prince; who states that he does everything
l MS. Bibl. Royale.— Iuedited.
LIFE OF JEANNE DALBRET. 167
for the king's service, and that those around his Majesty, and
the Queen-mother, detain them as prisoners. In every town
the greatest licence prevails. All the churches are ruined, and
the churchmen driven away. Amidst this desolation, I leave
you to imagine the murders, pillage, and violence committed.
They (the Huguenots) hold the hanks of the river from Nevers
to Xantes ; so that not a soul do they suffer to pass without
searching and rifling his person, seizing his letters, and detain-
ing the king's moneys. The inhabitants of the towns have
no liberty of egress ; nor can they take from their homes so
much as' a single shirt; so that it may be said, that we have
fallen into the most pitiable and lamentable condition. The
queen-mother does all in her power to tranquillize affairs ; but
I know that it must be all in vain. One faction insists on estab-
lishing a new religion-; the other defends and maintains the
old by fire and sword, at the expense of the king's poor sub-
jects, and the ruin of the kingdom ; and all through the counsels
of that fine league, 1 the details of which we have before dis-
cussed. Your Chantonnay and the legate have stirred these
troubles ; so that, between them, we are reduced to go bare-
footed, and are so under the sway of our passions, as even to
think of introducing strange troops into our kingdom. L'Es-
changeur, and those of his train, said lately to the said Chan-
tonnav, that his Catholic Majesty must succour us by sending
10,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry' to our aid. He even pressed
the said ambassador to write and procure these troops from
Flanders. Chantonnay replied, ' that such an order must
proceed straight from Spain.' The queen-mother is mad with
rage, perceiving that the kingdom is partly lost. She knows
not what security she can take for herself and her children ;
for she can expect nothing from the party in the asctudant,
except that they will attempt to impose law upon her and the
kingdom, a thing which she believes appertains only to her son.
V ' Eschangeur understands nothing and perceives nothing ; it
is not possible for any man to conduct himself worse than he
does. He knows not to what saint to vow himself; and in
these negotiations he is turned by every wind. The said prince
de Conde is at the head of from '7000 to 8000 horse ; and such
is the disposition here, that without the great favour of God, it
will not be long before we come to a hard encounter."
In this curious missive, Mary Stuart is alluded to as " Je
gentilhomme ; " and the Guises as " Jes parents du gentil-
homme;" and the writer states, " qu'ils gastent tout par leur
obstination." He then continues to inform the bishop that
1 The League of Peronne.
1<38 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
a cabinet courier, named Carbonnieres, had been arrested
by the admiral de Coligny, near to Orleans ; when, in the
packet of letters addressed to the bishop of Limoges, they found
the copy of a letter written by that bishop to a person whose
name is illegible, " dont Us ont fait leur clioux gras pour y avoir
trouve des nouvelles de VEschangeur." Catherine's secretary
continues his gossiping despatch by giving a recital of the
froward and unstatesmanlike manner in which the king of
Navarre demeaned himself. He says, " the said V Eschanr/eur has
not seen the letter written by you, and intercepted at Orleans ;
for its perusal would only have embittered his temper ; as it
indeed happened, when Chantonnay told him that you had
said to his Catholic Majesty, he was growing insolent, though
he pretends not to show his displeasure. I know that this
said ambassador couceals nothing from VEschangeur, nor V Es-
changeur from the ambassador. To-day, when the matter was
debated, whether we should accept from his Catholic Majesty
the said 10,000 men and 3000 horse, the queen said, that to
do so would be to proclaim the Catholic king, king of France.
Incontinently, the said Eschangenr departed straight, and re-
ported the queen's words to Chantonnay, at which the queen-
mother feels annoyed ; doubting not that the said ambassador
will transmit her observation to his Majesty."
Antoine's political and religious apostasy was satirized in
ballads and lampoons innumerable. Every weakness was ridi-
culed : and his shameful treatment of his consort elicited keen
traits of satire. Mademoiselle de Eouet shared the king's un-
enviable notoriety ; and her name was posted with his in scan-
dalous publicity, from one end of France to the other. In a
song, composed by the Huguenot troopers of Conde's army,
and sung in the streets of Orleans, amongst other comparisons,
Antoine was likened to Julian the Apostate ; and the refrain
and chorus of each verse of the sonnet was " Caillette qui tourne
sajaquette ! " — Caillette being a favourite epithet for the king of
Navarre, whose capricious veerings, from Koine to Calvin, from
Calvin to Luther, and back again, as a very devoted son of the
holy Roman church, challenged mocking irony.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. I 69
CHAPTEE VI.
1.562—1563.
Position of the queen of Navarre after her return into Beam — Jeanne makes
her entry into Pau — Progress of the Reformation in Beam — Illness of the
prince of Navarre — Letter of queen Jeanne to Catherine de Medici — The
parliament of Paris decrees the penalties of treason to the Huguenot leaders
— The prince de Conde is exempted therefrom — Queen Jeanne publishes
letters patent, permitting the exercise of the reformed faith throughout her
dominions — She augments the fortifications of Beam — Anger of Antoine
de Bourbon — He despatches his secretary, Boulogne, into Beam — -Boulogne's
errand — The queen orders Boulogne's arrest and imprisonment — The name
of the king of Navarre is omitted in the prayers used by the reformed
churches — Queen Jeanne remonstrates against this omission — Reply sent to
the queen by Theodore de Beze — The king of Navarre is wounded at the
siege of Rouen — Particulars relating to his illness and death — His funeral
obsequies — Grief of the queen- — She retires to Orthez — Receives letters of
condolence from the prince and princess de Conde and others — Jeanne no-
minates the viscount de Rohan to be lieutenant-general of Beam — She issues
a medal — Battle of Dreux — Submission of the towns captured by the Hugue-
nots to the government — Siege of Orleans — Assassination of the duke de
Guise — The admiral de Coligny is accused of the crime — His defence — Anec-
dote of Queen Jeanne — The king of Spain nominates an ambassador to the
court of Pau — His mission — Proposes an alliance between Jeanne d'Albret
and Don Carlos, prince of the Asturias, or with Don John of Austria — De-
portment of the queen — Correspondence of the Spanish envoys — The queen
issues letters-patent interdicting the Romish faith throughout her domin-
ions—She confiscates the temporalities of the clergy — She bums the images,
and confiscates the treasures at Lescar — Correspondence of the ambassador
d'Eseurra, with Philip's secretary of state, Errasso — Tumults at Lescar and
Morlas — -Interview of queen Jeanne with Escurra — Details of the audience —
Queen Jeanne sends to Geneva for the minister Merlin — Her letter to Jan-
sana— The bishop of Lescar is reprimanded by the cardinal d'Armagnac — ■
His letter to the queen of Navarre — Its effect — Jeanne's reply — Designs of
king Philip and the pope respecting the queen of Navarre.
The life of Jeanne d'Albret after her return from the
court of Trance took a new and higher development. Prom
this period her career of fame commences. The difficulties
which she had to encounter were sufficient to paralyse a spirit
undaunted even as her own. When she returned to assume
the government of her hereditary principality, Jeanne possessed
not a single friend from whom she could seek succour and
counsel. Her husband had become her bitter persecutor ; and
she was deprived of her son. Catherine de Medici, who, for
the sake of the power which she then believed Jeanne exercised
over the mind of Antoine de Bourbon, had once conciliated
and flattered, now treated her with disdain ; and repeatedly
sent the queen word that if she wished to retain the favour of
170 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
king Charles, she must conform to the religion recognised at
court. The perseverance shown by Jeanne in the faith which
she had deliberately accepted, became a tacit reproach to Ca-
therine for her own convenient latitude in religious matters.
The queen-regent abhorred a character at once consistent and
open ; it was an anomaly which she could not fathom, but which,
nevertheless, she persecuted with rancour. Queen Jeanne's
frankness of speech disconcerted the astute Catherine ; and sen-
timents, which the queen intended to veil amid the flowery
mazes of rhetoric, were frequently brought to a premature reve-
lation by some apt comment or word from the lips of the
queen of Navarre.
When Jeanne retired into Beam, the marshal de Montluc,
with an army animated with fanatical animosity against the so-
called sectarians, hovered on the French frontier of her do-
minions ; on the Spanish border the duke de Albuquerque,
viceroy of Navarre, commanded a formidable body of troops —
veterans of the renowned armies of Charles V., who all had sig-
nalized their zeal against heresy during the religious warfare in
Germany. These armies waited but a word from the monarchs
of France and Spain to cross the frontiers, and to wrest from
Jeanne the sovereignty of Beam. To render the queen's po-
sition, at this period, even more critical, pope Pius IV. menaced
her dominions with interdict ; while her name appeared on the
rolls of those cited before the terrible tribunal of the Inquisition.
The inhabitants of Beam, faithful to their princes, and devoted
to their reformed ritual, welcomed the queen with rapture ;
religious feuds, however, desolated Jeanne's sovereignty of
Lower Navarre, where the Bomish faith was dominant ; and
the disaffection of a portion of her subjects considerably aug-
mented the queen's peril.
The courageous heart of queen Jeanne rose as she contem-
plated the dangers which beset her. Persecution, instead of
inducing her to relinquish the religion which she had adopted
by choice, and by conviction, rendered her only the more sted-
fast in upholding the doctrines of Beform. While Philip of
Spain and the princes of Guise strove to crush the Beformation
by sanguinary edicts, and by overpowering armies, Jeanne
gloried in beholding the pre-eminence which the pure ritual
she professed had obtained over the kingdoms of Europe.
England, Denmark, Sweden, a considerable number of the
states of Germany, and of the Low Countries, had thrown off
the yoke of Borne. The victorious arms of the gallant Conde
appeared on the verge of rescuing France also from the thral-
dom of the Papacy. With enthusiasm, Jeanne recalled the
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 171
firmness displayed by her mother queen Marguerite, in the
cause of religion : the first princess of any royal house, who
embraced the principles of the Reformation, Marguerite had
courageously encountered the persecutions of the Sorbonne and
the universities ; and that at a period when doubt, and a linger-
ing reverence for the ancient forms, reigned in the minds of
even the promulgators of the " new doctrines " themselves. In-
spired with laudable emulation, queen Jeanne resolved not to
forsake the faith she deemed to be truth, when the example set
by that revered mother had brought forth so noble a return ;
and while many princes rendered homage to the belief, which
Marguerite, once the only one of her royal order, had professed.
To Elizabeth, queen of England, the Protestants of the conti-
nent looked for support, succour, and counsel. The power of
Philip II. was, at this period, and for many subsequent years,
almost supreme over continental Europe. By matrimonial
alliances, or by the ties of kindred, he dominated, as his Im-
perial father had before done, over the cabinets of the civilized
world.
The sixteenth century is pre-eminently the era presenting
the most dazzling combination of female regal talent ; these
fair rulers, however, Philip appears to have taken malicious
pleasure in discomfiting, or in tyrannizing over, did they hap-
pen to hold delegated authority from the crown of Spain. In
England, Elizabeth reigned with glory ; the only sovereign of
Europe who successfully defied Philip's thraldrom. In France,
Catherine de Medici wielded her son's sceptre ; but, at this
period, more as the viceroy of king Philip, than as an inde-
pendent sovereign. In the Low Countries, Marguerite duchess
of Parma, Philip's illegitimate sister, administered that sove-
reignty with able rule. Portugal was governed with consum-
mate ability by the dowager-queen, Catherine, sister of the
emperor, and aunt of king Philip, as regent for her grandson,
Sebastian I. Jeanne d'Albret ranked in power as the fifth
sovereign-princess of Europe ; though, perhaps, not one of her
crowned sisterhood had to contend with foes so overwhelming,
or with difficulties apparently so insurmountable, as herself.
The heartless treatment which Jeanne experienced, and the
perils that she had so narrowly escaped, admonished her that
her safety, and her sovereign dignity, depended upon her own
able conduct. She thenceforth devoted herself with enthu-
siasm to the high mission which she believed was assigned to
her. In her desolation, the queen looked for comfort from the
ministers of her religion : the stern asceticism of their doctrines
fell with consoling power upon her spirit. The joys and the
172 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
amenities of life seemed to hold no place in the struggle before
her; and by self-denial and rigid discipline, the queen prepared
herself for the arduous future. The contrast between the
destinies of Marguerite d' Angouleme and those of her daugh-
ter cannot fail to inspire wonder. The one, cradled from her
birth in the luxury and splendour of the most magnificent court
of Europe ; prosperous, and revered by courtiers and men of
letters ; omnipotent, almost, in her influence over the sovereign
— beautiful, gracious, and fascinating. The other, oppressed,
and deserted by her nearest kindred ; maintaining her rank by
invincible strength of character ; stern, of austere morals and
carriage, and rigidly devout in religious matters. Yet the
character of each of these princesses was adapted to the exigen-
cies of her destiny : Jeanne was born to command ; to become
the life and support of a powerful faction ; and to lead, with a
tenacity of purpose and of intellect which disdained the very
notion of failure. Marguerite, with her literary gifts and
persuasive eloquence, often stood in the character of a media-
tor between her brother and his people : " She won all hearts,"
says Brantome, " by her most gracious speech."
The martial spirit of her ancestress Catherine d' Albret, 1 and
the political capacity of her grandmother Louise de Savoye,
seem to have united in Jeanne's character. On all points, she
bore a closer resemblance to the duchess d' Angouleme than to
her brilliant and gifted mother. The early training of her
youthful years had not been without pernicious effect on the
softer traits of her character. After her marriage, the miser-
able vacillation displayed by the husband of her choice, roused
the spirit of peremptory command in Jeanne's bosom, which
under happier auspices might, perhaps, have slumbered. An-
toine de Bourbon had finally wounded and outraged her feel-
ings as a wife, a mother, and a sovereign princess : for such
offence Jeanne deemed that there could be no forgiveness on
her part ; and in measure as the king of Navarre pledged him-
self more positively to the Spanish faction, the queen, to de-
monstrate her disapprobation, daily lavished signal marks of
favour on the cause of Beform. " To obtain for all men liberty
of conscience, I am minded to do good battle, and not to relax
my efforts. The cause is so holy and sacred, that I believe God
will strengthen me by his mighty power ; and although I may
1 Catherine de Foix, queen of Navarre on the decease of her brother, king
Gaston Phoebus, was the daughter and eventually sole heiress of Gaston,
prince of Viana, and of Madelaine, sister of Louis XI. king of France. Ca-
therine was born in 1469 : she married Jean d' Albret in 1494, and became the
mother of Henry, king of Navarre, father of Jeanne d'Albret, in 1503
Queen Catherine died at Mont de Marsan, a.d. 1516, at the age of 47.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 173
not at once avow my full and entire sentiments, I will conduct
myself with such dexterous energy, so as greatly to aid by my
endeavours the common cause, to the glory of the Eternal", and
the public weal ; for it is high time to quit the land of Egypt, to
traverse the Bed Sea, and to rescue the church of Christ from
amid the ruins of that throne of all pride, unclean Babylon ! "
wrote Jeanne, to ber friend and adviser, the viscount deGrourdon. 1
Surrounded by a troop of valiant men-at-arms, queen Jeanne
made her triumphant entry into the castle of Pau. There,
under the shadow of the princely banners of Navarre and
Beam, the queen recovered her health ; and applied berself
with unwearied perseverance to promote the pacification of Low-
er Navarre ; and to suppress the tumultuous assemblies which
aggravated popular discontent. The Huguenots of Gruyenne
and Languedoc maintained their defiant attitude; while the
king's lieutenants, Montluc and de Burie, still perpetrated appal-
ling massacres ; but despite their cruel zeal, the cause of reform
flourished. Numbers of the persecuted escaped over the
frontiers, and sought refuge for their lives in Beam. Jeanne
gave them compassionate welcome ; she furnished them with
food and with every necessary comfort at her sole expense ; and
she, moreover, assured the refugees of her protection, though,
as she well knew, at great risk to the safety of her dominions.
Soon after Jeanne's arrival at Pau, Catherine de Medici
addressed a letter to her, praying the queen to use her influence
over Conde, to induce him to lay down arms, and to accept the
propositions which, in conjunction with the Guises, aud the
king of Navarre, she was preparing to tender. Civil war now
desolated every province of the kingdom. The Protestant
population of Erance, so easily intimidated during the reign of
Erancis I., and so obedient to the smallest indication vouchsafed
to them by their former patroness, Marguerite d'Angouleme, now
boldly demanded toleration ; and permission to erect churches,
wherever the prevalence of their opinions rendered a place con-
secrated for worship desirable. The vacillating policy pursued
by the government, in its issue of edicts and counter-edicts, 2 —
' Lettre de Jeanne d'Albret, au viscomte de Gourdon. MS. Bibl. Roy.
Valiant, Portef. i. p. 294.— Inedited.
2 The edict of the 17th of January, 1561, given at St Germain-en-Laye,
granted toleration, and places for public assembly to the Huguenots. The
violation of this celebrated edict was the cause of the subsequent civil war.
Counter-edicts were issued by the court, July 31st, 1561, and August 16th.
The parliament of Paris, however, had refused to register the edict of January,
" No?i possumus, nee debenms," said the members by acclamation. The edict
was eventually registered, under stringent protest, by the absolute command
of the queen-regent, and the threats of the young king.
174 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
at one time granting those concessions, which, if they had heen
honestly carried out, would have restored concord throughout
the country ; at another, annulling the boon conferred, under
the pressure of temporary embarrassment, — exasperated the
people, and led them to place confidence neither in the pro-
mises nor in the acts of their rulers. Until the period when
the queen-regent appealed to the queen of Navarre, Catherine
trembled equally at the dark and insolent menaces of Philip's
agents, and before the threats of Conde. One party possessed
the allegiance of the priesthood, and of the Catholic potentates
of Europe ; it had also at command the censures of Rome,
the treasures of the New World, the disciplined forces of the
mighty Charles, so recently deceased, and the prestige of tra-
dition and orthodox faith. The popular party enlisted the
vigorous intellects of the age ; and the principles of the Reform-
ation were now defended by the sword of soldiers, such as
Conde, Coligny, d'Andelot, la Rochefoucauld, and Montgom-
mery ; and not, as in the two previous reigns, solely by the
eloquent discourses of the learned. Hundreds of noble ladies
contributed their silent, but not less potent, influence ; so that
there existed scarcely a princely house throughout the realm
which counted not one of its members, or even more, amid the
ranks of Conde's forces. Queen Catherine's two principal
ladies of honour, the duchesses de Montpensier and d'Uzes, made
no secret ot their preference for reform. Both these princesses
were women of energy and masculine understanding ; and well
skilled in ancient divinity and classical lore. Catherine con-
fided in madame de Montpensier as much as she trusted any
one ; but, as the policy pursued throughout by the queen-
regent consisted of dexterous combination and unscrupulous
use of present opportunity, rather than systematic design in
politics, the advice of the duchess profited her little.
The compulsion which the king of Navarre and the princes
of Guise had presumed to use, in compelling the return of king
Charles to Paris, was considered by the queen as so decisive a
proof of their superior power in the state, that she at once
resolved on leaguing herself with the Roman Catholic party.
The princes of Guise and Antoine de Bourbon were profuse in
expression of exaggerated deference to her authority, after the
king's return to Paris. Reassured, therefore, by their submis-
sive attitude, and by the comparative tranquillity that now
reigned in Paris, owing to the preponderance of the Romish
party, the queen finally gave her adherence to the dominant
faction, which maintained the faith of her ancestors — a belief
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 175
which she had only feigned to neglect, when its profession
seemed to menace her authority.
Catherine was now at liberty to demonstrate the dislike
she instinctively felt for Jeanne d'Albret. The letter she
addressed to that princess was drawn in haughty terms : she
informed the queen of the proposed interview with Conde at
Toury ; and admonished her, as a faithful subject of king
Charles, to use the influence that she so notoriously possessed
over the mind of the prince, to induce him to make his sub-
mission. The daughter of Marguerite d'Angouleme, however,
was not to be intimidated by disdainful words ; the queen,
moreover, had totally lost the good opinion of the austere
Jeanne, by her faithless denial of her own commands, when,
considering herself in extremity of peril, she had invoked the
assistance of the Huguenot party. The sense of another
wrong — a deep and personal one — burned angrily at this period
in Jeanne's bosom. The young prince of Navarre was seized,
while at St Germain, with virulent small-pox. For some
weeks his life had been considered in imminent danger.
Throughout his sickness, the prince had called piteously for
his mother ; but the queen was then flying before enemies who
were instigated in their persecution by her husband. As soon
as Jeanne heard of prince HemVs illness, she despatched an
urgent entreaty that he might be sent back to her maternal
care. The king of Navarre and the queen-regent, however,
were too wary to grant this petition : they regarded the young
prince as a precious hostage in their hands, knowing that
Jeanne's actions must necessarily be fettered, so long as they
held her son and heir in safe custody. The queen of Navarre,
finding that she could prevail nothing by entreaty, next wrote
to request that Henry might be committed to the care of
Renee duchess of Ferrara, 1 of whose friendly feeling towards
herself Jeanne had had many proofs. As the duchess was
mother-in-law to the duke de Guise, the queen's prayer was
granted ; and the young prince was happily transferred from
the guardianship of mademoiselle de Eouet, to that of the
admirable and gifted duchesse Eenee.
Jeanne's mood, therefore, when she received Catherine's
commaTid to employ her good offices with Conde, was not very
placable. The queen, doubtless, at many periods of her life,
! Renee, daughter of Louis XII. The duchess, on the decease of her
husband, the duke Ercole I. of Ferrara, returned to France, and took up her
residence in the castle of Montargis, where, despite the commands of the
privy-council, she professed the reformed faith, and protected the Cahinist
ministers.
17G LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
aggravated the malevolence of her enemies by her freedom of
speech, and her disdain of conventional courtesies. Her letter
to Catherine de Medici greatly incensed the regent ; its pur-
port is as follows : —
QUEEN JEANNE, TO CATHERINE DE MEDICI, QUEEN
OF FRANCE.
Madame,
It has pleased your Majesty to write to me by Bladre 1 (whom I
sent on a mission to the king, my husband) desiring me to counsel
the prince my brother to lay down arms. I hold, madame, little
communication with the said prince ; and, moreover, as on reflection
it appeared to me that it would be unbecoming on my part to offer
advice to so many personages of more competent understanding than
myself, you will be pleased, madame, to hold me excused, if I have
not done more in this affair than to commission a cavalier, who was
about to join the standard of the said prince, to inform him of that
which it has pleased you to command me. To this message, madame,
the prince has returned me such an answer, that it seems to me that
he has no other desire than to serve and obey you in all things. 3 I
assure you, madame, that I lament deeply, as any loyal subject of the
king can do, the unhappy differences in which you are involved. I
will even confess to you that I should dread to behold their effect up-
on your health, were it not that I believe that the continual prayer
which is made for you will be granted by our gracious God.
Madame, you were pleased to promise me the post of gentleman of
the chamber, vacant by the decease of Monsieur de (na?ne illegible)
for M. d'Audaux, 3 as your Majesty may perhaps remember. Never-
theless, madame, another has been recently nominated to the office ;
and your promise, upon which I steadily relied, remains unfulfilled.
I entreat you very humbly, madame, to recall your promise and to
fulfil it ; failing the which, you will cause me to receive the most cruel
vexation, as I have spoken assuredly, and even boastingly, to others, of
my credit with you in this matter, which, it seems, that I have for-
feited only because I felt reluctant to importune you earlier on the
subject. I entreat you, therefore, madame, not to allow those to tri-
umph who would rejoice in proclaiming the little influence which I
possess with your Majesty. The messenger I send with this, if it
pleases you to hear him, will tell you how the matter stands, and the
remedy which I propose.
I commend to your care, madame, my husband and my son ; espe-
cially I would remind you of the promise which you made to me,
not to command my said son to do anything opposed to the principles
in which I have caused him to be educated. Meantime, until I have
the honour to offer to you my personal service, I will pray God,
1 A courier.
2 The prince reiterated his assertion that Catherine and her sons were
captives in the hands of MM. de Guise and the king of Navarre. He profess-
ed his willing desire to obey the queen, when her Majesty was released from
the control of the triumvirate.
3 Claude de Levis, barou d'Audaux, senechal of Beam.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 177
madame, to grant you a long and happy life, with every satisfaction
which she could desire for you, who subscribes herself,
Your very humble and very obedient sister and servant,
Jeanne.
The superscription of the letter is, " To the queen, my Sove-
reign Lady." 1
Queen Catherine had disavowed her letters, and her appeals
to Conde to arm for the rescue of la mere et lejils, and Jeanne
was at little pains to conceal the contempt which she felt for
such double dealing. The proposed interview between Cather-
ine and Conde took place in the presence of the king of Na-
varre ; but resulted in nothiug. The king of Navarre over-
whelmed his valiant brother with reproaches; but failed to
move Conde's determination to effect the exile from court of
the Guise faction, and to obtain toleration for the Protestant
churches, ere he laid down arms.
On the 2Gth of June, 1562, the parliament published a de-
cree, declaring the Huguenot chieftains, and all who had share
in the capture of the towns seized by Conde, guilty of high
treason, and subject to the penalties inflicted by the laws of
the realm upon traitors to their sovereign. 2 As the prince de
Conde, in his manifestoes, thought proper to treat the king and
the queen-mother as captives, in the hands of Antoine de Bour-
bon and the princes of Guise, the parliament retaliated and ex-
empted the prince from the pains of treason, on the supposi-
tion that he was an unwilling participator in the enormities
committed by the Huguenots.
Queen Jeanne, during these transactions, had been medi-
tating important reforms within her principality of Beam, over
which she reigned as sovereign-princess. When legislating for
Gascony, Foix, Lower Navarre, and Albret, Jeanne had to ap-
peal, in contested cases, to the decision of her suzerain, the
king of France. Free, therefore, as regarded her principality,
to follow the dictates of her will, the queen assembled her
council, and published letters - patent, authorizing the public
celebration of divine service, in conformity with the Protestant
ritual. She likewise published an ordonnance for the more
effectual defence of the principality against Spanish invaders.
She caused the fortifications of Navarreins to be strengthen. -d ;
and the garrison augmented to a force of 2000 men. Seventy
cannons were there mounted, by Jeanne's especial directions ;
and, moreover, she provided the place with abundant stores of
1 This letter is in the possession of M. Louis Paris, Rue d'Angouleme, St
Honore, Paris, who has courteously forwarded a copy of it to the author.
'' The edict is published in the Memoires de Conde, t. iv. p. 114.
12
178 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
provisions and ammunition. The citadel of Bayonne was also
thoroughly repaired, and the garrison changed ; and the forts
of Azenuilas and Orthez were reinforced by supplies of artil-
lery, and by the nomination of efficient commanders. The king
of Navarre, meanwhile, watched his consort's proceedings in
bewildered amazement. Aghast at her defiance, he seems, for
a time, to have been incapable of devising any method of repri-
sal. The king's wholesome consciousness of his consort's men-
tal prowess, was not even comprehensive enough for her pre-
sent daring. Jeanne occasionally still addressed letters to her
husband ; whom she compassionately regarded as one sojourn-
ing under blind infatuation in a court, where, in her opinion,
"there abided neither safety nor salvation." For fear lest
these letters, which doubtless contained stirring: counsel, might
be intercepted, Jeanne frequently transmitted them under cover
to Anne d'Este, duchesse de Guise, the daughter of her friend
and cousin, Eenee de France, duchesse de Ferrara. In an
epistle to the duchesse de Guise, Jeanne says, " I pray you, ma
cousine, do me the kindness to take care that the letter which
I have written to monsieur mon marl falls only into his hands.
Do not, therefore, think me importunate, if I address myself in
this matter to you, from whom I have often received many
tokens of friendship."
The reproaches of the legate, Ste Croix, at length roused
Antoine from his apathy. Conde and the Huguenot army lay
encamped between queen Jeanne and her irritated consort ; or
Antoine might have proceeded, in person, to avenge the im-
poverished hierarchy of Beam. A fear of calling down the
legions of the mighty Elizabeth of England upon the southern
provinces, prevented the council from " praying that the king
of Spain would occupy the principality." The same dread,
likewise, restrained the sanguinary advance of Montluc upon
Pan. Conde had recently signed a treaty, offensive and de-
fensive, with queen Elizabeth, 1 who promised to aid the cause
with men and with subsidies. Elizabeth acknowledged a kin-
dred spirit in the queen of Navarre ; and throughout the war she
manifested the deepest interest in Jeanne's welfare, and, upon
several occasions, afforded her substantial aid. The friendship of
Elizabeth stood Jeanne in good stead at this crisis ; as, but for
her powerful protection, the regent of France and the king of
Spain would speedily have obliterated the principality of Bearn
from its rank amongst the sovereignties of Europe. King
Antoine, therefore, as he could imagine nothing more menacing,
1 The treaty between queen Elizabeth and Conde was signed at Hampton
Court, September 20th, 1562. See the treaty, Mem. de Conde, t. iii. p. G89.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 179
despatched one of his secretaries, named Boulogne, upon a
secret mission into Beam. His errand was to protest, in the
name of Antoine, against the innovations perpetrated by Jeanne.
He was ordered to proceed in the matter with the greatest
caution ; and to gain, by persuasion or by bribery, a majority
in the approaching assembly of the states of the principality,
convoked by the queen. Boulogne's instructions empowered
him to remove all Protestants from offices of state ; to interdict
the exercise of the reformed worship, throughout queen Jeanne's
dominions ; and, finally, to require from every individual hold-
ing a public office in the principality, a distinct confession of
his adherence to the Bomish faith, under pain of banishment
and confiscation. Obedience to these mandates, Boulogne was
empowered to demand from the queen, the states, and the coun-
cil, in the name of the king of Xavarre, their lord and sovereign.
In case of contumacious resistance, Antoine's envoy was au-
thorized, after having employed every personal and private
method of persuasion and menace, to call in the aid of the
king's lieutenant, the redoubtable marshal de Montluc. Elated
by the importance of the functions confided to him, Boulogne
set out on his mission. Jeanne, nevertheless, received private
intimation to be on her guard respecting the instructions given
to Boulogne; and she, therefore, resolved to test them, before
she permitted the envoy to approach her capital. She, accord-
ingly, transmitted orders for the detention of Boulogne, as
soon as he entered the principality ; and directed that his
papers should be seized and forwarded for the inspection of the
privy council. Her command was punctually obeyed ; and the
discomfited envoy, who hoped to play so conspicuous a role in
Beam, was placed in safe arrest, until the decision of queen
Jeanne was known. The queen's indignation was profound,
when, on perusing Boulogne's secret instructions, she read
fresh evidence of her husband's disloyal desertion and ingrati-
tude. In her anger at the persecution to which she was sub-
jected, Jeanne determined to make a salutary demonstration of
her sovereign rights, by the punishment of the envoy sent, so
perfidiously, to plot the overthrow of her authority. Compelled
to regard her husband as her most implacable foe, the queen
hesitated not to perform the duty which she believed to be ne-
cessary for the safety of her people. She, therefore, signed a
warrant, committed Boulogne to the custody of the baron
d'Arros, a prisoner for an indefinite period. "By this act,"
said the queen, "I asserted the power that God had given me
over my own subjects, but which I once ceded to my husband,
in deference to the obedience which God commands wives to
ISO LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
show towards their husbands. But when I perceived that, by
this concession, the glory of God and the welfare of my people
were outraged, I, without hesitation, exercised my royal rights." '
Boulogne remained a close prisoner until after the death of
king Antoine ; and Jeanne appears, against her usual practice,
to have used much severity in his case. Probably, as there were
many malcontents, even within the limits of her loyal princi-
cipality, and that the neighbouring states of JFoix and Gascony
continued in a fever of religious excitement and rebellion
against her authority, she deemed it requisite to make an ex-
ample of one whose treasonable designs had been so noto-
rious.
Although Jeanne felt the deplorable necessity of defending
herself against the machinations of her husband, she still paid
him great outward respect. His name was always joined with
her own in the prayers of the liturgy daUy recited before her.
The queen being informed, about this time, that the ministers
throughout France had ceased to mention the king's name in
their services, she wrote to remonstrate against this omission
to Theodore de Beze ; who exercised, apparently, the office of
presbyter in chief over the reformed churches. De Beze re-
sponded in his usual self-sufficient style, refusing the queen's
request that Antoine's might be re-inserted in their liturgy ;
but yet vouchsafing to give her Majesty some hope that the
king's perdition was not yet consummated.
" Whilst the king, your husband, madame, manifested the
smallest reverence and fear for his God, he was named in our
prayers with yourself, in the hope which we cherished that he
would gradually profit by our petitions. Even when he had
made profane league with the enemies of God, we ceased not
earnestly to commend him to mercy in the prayers of our
church ; and that the more ardently, seeing the ruin and misery
which his perversion entailed. This contiuued until he so
thoroughly divested himself of all godly restraints, to our very
unfeigned regret, that he not only scandalized the church, but,
moreover, declared himself chief and protector of those whose
hands are imbued with the blood of God's children, and who
have always professed and gloried in the title of their perse-
cutors and avowed foes. Reflect, madame, I beseech you, and
believe, that not without great grief and anguish of mind has
this great and grievous omission been decided upon. We
were, however, compelled so to act ; for with what colour could
we pray agaiust the enemies of God and his church, and after-
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 181
wards particularly commend to mercy in our prayers one
•whom we had been forced to name in the first category ? " l
The queen made no more efforts to propitiate the stern
Reformer. The carping spirit so constantly displayed by de
Beze impaired the queen's regard ; whose generous mind
scorned the censorious insinuations by which the Reformer too
often sought, in his writings, to avenge himself and his
cause. His unjust strictures, likewise, on the conduct of her
mother, whose memory was proudly venerated by Jeanne, had
offended the queen, and she consequently showed him little
favour ; nor did she manifest any desire that Beze should as-
sume a pastoral office over her churches in Beam.
Jeanne, however, was soon to be released from the domestic
feuds which so greatly aggravated the sorrow of her position.
The king of Navarre was severely wounded at the siege of
Rouen, October 25th, 1562 ; and his subsequent follies, rather
than the injuries which he had there received, caused his death
on the 17th of the following month of November.
The royal army had opened the campaign against Conde, by
the capture of Poitiers, on the 1st day of August. On the 29th
of the same month the town of Bourges surrendered at the
summons of the king of Navarre and the duke de Guise. The
army next laid siege to Rouen. The garrison was commanded
by the count de Montgomery, and included three thousand
English soldiers, sent by queen Elizabeth to the aid of Conde.
The entire contingent furnished by Elizabeth consisted of 6000
men ; part of this force garrisoned Havre-de- Grace, which had
been ceded to the queen by Conde, on her Britannic Majesty's
promise to hold that port until the termination of the war,
that it might serve for a sure retreat to the king's persecuted
subjects of the reformed faith. The garrison of Rouen made a
valiant defence, and refused to surrender. At length the town
was taken by assault on the 26th of October, and abandoned to
fire and pillage. Catherine and the young king were present
in the camp during the siege operations ; and the queen greatly
encouraged the troops by her affability, and by the large gra-
tuities which she lavishly promised, as the reward of the capture
of Rouen. On the last day but one of the assault, the king of
Navarre was wounded while standing in the trenches, by a
bullet which penetrated his left shoulder. He was immediately
borne to his quarters, and his physicians summoned, but they
failed in their endeavours to extract the ball. The king's con-
dition, nevertheless, was not considered dangerous : he was
1 Lcttre de Theodore de Beze a la reine de Navarre. Mem. de Conde, t.
ii. p. 359.
182 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
enjoined to keep his bed, and to maintain perfect tranquillity of
mind and body. " The physicians have good hope of the cure
of M. de Vendome from the gun-shot wound which he lately
received in the left shoulder," writes Chantonnay to his royal
master. 1 " The surgeons say that there is no danger. God
grant it ! One of my people discoursed long with the prince
yesterday as he reclined in his bed." This subtle ambassador
had by no means abjured his evil practices of fomenting discord
between queen Jeanne and her husband. In a letter to Philip,
dated "from Chartres, September 16, 1562," Chantonnay
sends his master the following choice piece of information :
" Madame de Vendome, finding that her designs do not pros-
per, appears inclined to lay down arms. She has sent to her
husband to say that she is now willing to obey him in all
matters. She wished to propose some novelty or other for the
sanction of the states of Beam ; but the members replied that,
being a wife, she could do nothing without the permission of
her husband ; and therefore if her said spouse did not append
his assent to whatever transaction she might propose, they
would not confirm any of her mandates." The queen had not
summoned the states of Beam to meet since her return from
the court of Prance : nor did the arrest and imprisonment of
Boulogne look as if Jeanne was prepared to surrender her
conscience, or to obey the commands of a husband who had
forfeited all claims to her confidence and respect.
For some days the king of Navarre continued much in the
same condition ; but instead of the repose prescribed by his
physician his apartment was the resort of the gayest and most
profligate of the courtiers in the train of the queen. Reposing
on a low couch, placed near the stove which warmed his cham-
ber, with mademoiselle de Rouet by his side, Antoine de Bour-
bon passed a great portion of the day in watching young
girls and boys dance to the sound of timbrels, or engage in
other sports. 2 The effect of the noise, and the excitement of
such a scene, upon the shattered nerves of the king may be ima-
gined. When Antoine learned the surrender of Rouen, he in-
sisted upon making his triumphal entry into the town through
the breach in the wall. Accordingly, reclining in his litter,
surrounded by a division of the victorious army, the unfortu-
nate Antoine performed his deplorable progress. He was car-
ried in his litter across the battered ramparts, as far as the
Hotel de Ville, and then back again to his chamber, where he
was consigned to his bed in a fainting fit.
1 Lcttre de Thomas Perronot a sa majeste Catholique. Mem. de Conde, t. ii
2 De Thou, livre 33, p. 431.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET. 1S3
His wound, after this absurd exploit, began, as might be
expected, to inflame rapidly, and fever and delirium consumed
his strength. Still, mademoiselle de Rouet never quitted the
king ; and the same scenes of ribald license continued to dis-
tract his dying hours. At length, at the solicitation of his
first physician, the sieur de Mezieres, 1 a Huguenot, whose skill
had induced the king of Navarre to retain his services, the bishop
of Mende 2 informed the king that his days were numbered.
Antoine received the intelligence with resignation ; he com-
manded his chamber to be cleared of the noisy throng of
courtiers ; and no one to remain, but mademoiselle de Rouet,
and his personal attendants.
The same day the king made his will. In that document
he bequeathed his stud of horses to the duke de Guise ; leav-
ing various small legacies to his servants, and the remainder of
his wealth to his son Henry. 3 He also wrote a letter to the
queen of Navarre, in which he bade her farewell, and solemnly
commended their son to her care. He admonished the queen
not to visit the court of France ; but to guard the safety of
Bearn. 4 Antoine then received a visit from the officious
Chantonnay, who, like a spirit of discord, seems to have haunt-
ed every scene of carnage and tumult. " The Spanish ambas-
sador," says de Beze, 5 " coming to visit the king, the latter
greatly heated himself in discourse. After the departure of
the said ambassador, the king exclaimed, ' that he was begin-
ning to understand the wiles by which he had been deceived ;
and that if he could only get cured of his wound, he would
take heed for the future : nevertheless, he desired that his wife
might be admonished to look well after the affairs of her prin-
cipality.' " Unfortunately, this first Bourbon king always
perceived his errors when too late to retrieve them. Religious
matters then harassed the weary and halting spirit of the un-
happy prince. He professed the Romish faith, while his heart
inclined towards the ritual he had so faithlessly abandoned.
Lauro, one of his physicians, nevertheless, prevailed upon the
king, during the afternoon, to make his confession to an eccle-
1 Raphael de Tailleiis de la Mezieres, and the Calabrian, Vincent de
Lauro, were the two household physicians of the king of Navarre. The first
was a rigid Lutheran ; de Lauro, a bigoted Roman Catholic, who, afterwards
taking priestly orders, obtained a cardinal's hat.
- Nicholas d'Angui, son of the cardinal Luprat. He was chancellor to
king Antoine, and held other offices in that prince's household.
s Relation de la mort du roy de Navarre. MS., Bibl. Roy., Dupuy, vol.
500, p. 2. This curious document is published in the Mem. de Conde.
* De Thou, liv. 33.
5 The. de Beze, Hist, des Eglises Reformees de France, t. ii. p. 665.
1S4 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
siastic, who filled the office of judge in the archiepiscopal court
of Rouen.
Late on the same evening, queen Catherine entered the
king's apartment to take leave before the departure of the
court for Yincenues. She found Antoine plunged in mournful
despondency ; while the sorrowful faces of those around show-
ed how grievous had been his plaints of mental and bodily an-
guish. " Mon frere," said the queen, " why do you not com-
mand some one to read to you ? " " Madame," replied the
unhappy prince, doubtfully, "allarouud me here are Huguenots."
" They are, nevertheless, your servants, monseigneur, aud will
do as you direct," 1 responded Catherine. When the queen
had taken her departure, Antoine called de Mezieres, and bid
him read from the book of Job, to which he listened with
clasped hands. De Mezieres then pronounced a long admoni-
tion to the royal penitent ; and set before the eyes of king
Antoine the evils of his past career, especially of the last few
years of his life, bidding him put away hope of intercession
and acceptance, except in the merits of Jesus Christ. " Ah,
Raphael ! " exclaimed the dying prince, reproachfully, " I per-
ceive now, indeed, that the hand of death is upon me. Here,
for the last twenty years have you served me, and only to-day
do you perceive and warn me against the deplorable errors of
my life ! " The king then made confession of his past sins,
and vowed, if God restored him to health, that he would cause
the gospel to be preached throughout France, according to the
Lutheran belief. Another day, the king said to his attendants,
" You will report everywhere that the king of Navarre is be-
come a Huguenot, being now better advised. Never mind, if
so it is believed ; as I am firmly resolved to live or die in ac-
cordance with the confession of Luther." 2 Thus, for the fifth
time, did king Antoine change his belief. Finding himself
gradually growing weaker, the king requested to be moved
from the infected atmosphere of Rouen. With restless perti-
nacity, he insisted upon going down the river as far as the
village of St Maur-les-Fosses. His sufferings from fever and
the inflammation of his wound were intense. The thought of
his consort seems often to have weighed heavily on his mind ;
and he several times expressed disappointment that she had
not set out to visit him in his extremity. De Mezieres was
reading to his suffering master one evening the chapter in St
> Bibl. Roy.— Dupuy, vol. 500.
- Pavticularites de la mort du roy de Navarre. Bibl. Roy., Dupuy
vol. .500.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 185
Paul's epistles, where the apostle exhorts -wives to he obedient
to their own husbands. Antoine made a gesture for his phy-
sician to pause ; he then hastily said, " Raphael, you perceive
that God commands women to pay obedience to their hus-
bands ? " " It is true, sire," replied de Mezieres ; " but
Holy Scripture also says, Husbands, love your wives I" 1
About the 14th day of November, ait night, Antoine was
carried from his sick chamber, and placed in a boat on the
Seine, to proceed to St Maur. He was accompanied by his
brother, the cardinal de Bourbon, and the prince de la Roche
sur Yon. The movement of the boat increased the torment of
his wounds. He suffered during the night from sickness and
convulsions ; towards morning he faintly desired Raphael, at
once his faithful physician and chaplain, to recite the prayers
for those in extremity. All on board knelt round the dying
prince, excepting the cardinal de Bourbon and the prince de
la Roche sur Ton, who stood aside covered. When the pray-
ers terminated, the cardinal de Bourbon was heard to murmur
to himself, " These are indeed true prayers and orisons, and not
what I supposed ; they believe as we do."
When the boat reached Andelis, it was evident that the
last moments of the king of Navarre were at hand. He was
carried on shore, and every remedy used to allay his sufferings.
About three hours before he expired, Axitoine was roused from
the stupor preceding dissolution by the voice of some person
beside him, who exclaimed, " Jesus Christ died for you ! "
Antoine opened his eyes, and perceiving the strange figure
of a monk, leaning over his couch, said, " Who are you, who
thus address me. I die a Christian ! " " Sire," interposed
Merieres, "hear him. He is a pious and worthy man."
The intruder was a noted Jacobin monk, who had been
sent for by the cardinal de Bourbon, to soothe the last moments
of the dying king. Antoine uttered a fervent amen ! when
the monk concluded his exhortation ; he then addressed a few
words to Raphael, and to an Italian valet-de-chambre. Soon
after, a paroxysm of convulsions ensued, during which the king
expired, in the forty-fourth year of his age. 2
The comments which Antoine's two subtle tempters, the
cardinal de Ste Croix and the ambassador Chantonnay, make,
on his decease, in their despatches to Spain, are characteristic.
Chantonnay writes : " Having been informed of the decease of
monsieur de Vendome (whom may God assoilize ! ), which hap-
pened at nine o'clock yesterday evening, I would not delay in
1 Particularites de lamort du rov de Navarre. Bibl. Rov., Dupuy, vol. 5C0.
2 Bibl. Roy., MSS., Dupuy, vof.500.
186 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
making this event known to your Majesty. I have not yet
heard whether the said sieur ended his days as a good Catholic;
nevertheless, I think so, as monsieur le cardinal, his brother,
was with hiin." Prosper de Ste Croix, in an epistle to the
cardinal Borromeo, flippantly says, after announcing the fact
of the king's demise: "The Portuguese 1 is just returned from
Spain : from the minutes of the resolution of the (Spanish)
privy-council which he brings, I think it a most lucky event
that he found the king of Navarre dead ; because I believe that
had not this event happened, the refusals (of his Spanish Ma-
jesty) would have worked a great revolution in the mind of that
prince." 2
The mortal remains of the king of Navarre where abandoned
to the care of de Mezieres, who caused them to be embalmed
and placed in a leaden coffin until instructions should be issued
by the court for their interment. The cardinal de Bourbon re-
paired to Vincennes the day after his brother's decease ; so
anxious was he to profit by the alteration which that event
produced in the position of pai'ties at court. Antoine's funeral
obsequies were celebrated some weeks after his decease in the
cathedral church of St George, at Vendome, where his tomb
and monumental effio-v are still to be seen. The cardinal de
Bourbon officiated as chief mourner. Never had the faults of
any prince been more fatally visited to his own discomfort and
ruin than those of Antoine de Bourbon. A faithless husband,
and a fickle friend, no wife, child, or ally, shed a tear over his
untimely grave. With gifts eminently calculated to gain the
heart of men, brave, chivalrous, and accomplished, Antoine's
instability of character, his shallow wit, and cold affections
alienated all. His obsequies were celebrated in obscurity and
haste ; his funeral cortege traversed a country in arms, and a
prey to fearful devastation ; while the notes of his requiem
were drowned in the din of battle, wherein his valiant brother
was a second time taken prisoner by the duke de Guise.
Queen Jeanne dared not even nominate ambassadors from her
household to be present at the funeral solemnities of her royal
spouse ; for no security of person, even for the performance of
this sacred duty, could be given in the face of hostile armies
preparing for conflict. Innumerable were the pasquinades, and
indecent satires, which commemorated the demise of Antoine,
the first Bourbon king: his project of divorcing Jeanne
d'Albret to espouse Mary Stuart ; his simplicity in crediting
i A courier, whom the nuncio sent on special missions.
- Lettres du Nonce Prosper de Ste Croix. Aymon, Actes synodaux de
France, t. i.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 187
theegregious deceptions of the legates and the Spanish am-
bassador ; his discreditable intrigue with la belle de Rouet, 1
and his unfortunate instability of purpose, are all noted in every
variety of verse.
The intelligence of her husband's decease was brought to
queen Jeanne at Pau, by a courier despatched from Andelis by
the cardinal de Bourbon. Jeanne deeply mourned her loss :
her wrongs, and the insults to which she had been subject,
were forgotten by her. The grave shed its all-atoning influence
on Antoine's memory, and Jeanne remembered only the hus-
band of her early love. Jeanne retired to her favourite castle
of Orthez, 2 there to hold her mourning state ; and for some
time she maintained rigorous seclusion. Austere, indeed, must
have been the religious exercises, and the acts of self-denial, by
which the queen sought to control her grief. During her re-
tirement, the queen received letters of condolence from the
prince and the princess de Conde, the count and countess de la
Rochefoucauld, 3 from the sieur Pumee, a member of the parlia-
ment of Paris ; and from the prince of Amalfi. The letter
written by the countess de la Rochefoucauld is singular in
its import ; and suggests grounds of consolation, finding little
sympathy, we may suppose, with the practical and unimagin-
ative mind of Jeanne d' Albret. She says :
THE COUNTESS DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULD TO
QUEEN JEANNE.
Madame,
Doubtless the evil which has befallen you is great, the grief just,
the loss irreparable. To be severed from one's better half, to be se-
parated from one's head, from one's own flesh and blood ; is there not
enough in this to aittict, and to fear ? Yes, truly ; nor can there be
heart so hard as not to melt at so grievous a loss; so that I would even
that my tears might mingle with your own, and fall together on the
sepulchre of your deceased king, that we might give evidence of our
grief, and relieve the emotion inherent to flesh and blood on so doleful
an occasion. But what of this body, which is given for a life short
and calamitous ? What regret ought we to feel for the loss of a thing
■which brings us nothing but sorrow and disappointment ; and winch
hinders us often from gathering the fruit of a more holy life ? Let all
1 The gallant inclinations of the king of Navarre were so well appreciated,
that it used to be said of him, " Pour t'assurer de ce prince assure-toi de sa
dame."
- The ruins of queen Jeanne's apartments in the castle of Orthez are still
shown to travellers. The castle of Orthez was especially called by the Bearn-
nois, " Le chateau de la royne Jeanne," from the queen's well-known prefer-
ence for that ahode.
3 Charlotte de Roye, sister of the princesse de Conde. The countess de la
lluchefoucauld was a lady of great piety and learning.
188 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
of us, therefore, that be married, live as though we were not ! Let us
not, even in thought, attach to corruptible flesh the divine image and
semblance in which we were created ; let us detach the spirit from
that gross and material substance ; so that despite the body and its
belongings we may take possession of the things to come, over which
death has no power. You will then, madame, perceive, while think-
ing to have lost the king, your spouse, that you will enjoy his society
a hundredfold more than if he were living with you. For who will
now prevent you from speaking to him, reasoning with him, and con-
versing with him as long as you please, without fear that monsieur
and madame may come to whisper in his ear, to pull him by the robe,
to divert his attention from you ? It is now, madame, that he will ex-
plain to you the reason of his long absence, of his change of life, and
of his other affairs. It is now, madame, if he has committed any fault
in respect to yourself, that he will confess it, making you all his satis-
faction that the regard between you requires. In short, madame, it
seems to me that the body cannot prevent you from having pleasure
in his presence ; seeing that his spirit of delusion [son vieil esprit) be-
ing also cast aside (with the flesh) he will for ever be united to you :
the which ought to be greatly consoling, for God has left his spirit
free, so that you may commune together often as it may please you.
If you receive and heartily accept this belief, I shall esteem you happy,
and myself also, madame, if I have the felicity of remaining youi
Majesty's very humble, and very obedient servant,
Chaklotte de Roye. 1
One of Jeanne's first acts, on emerging from her retirement,
was to appoint her cousin, the viscount de Rohan, lieutenant-
general of Beam, and its dependencies, during the minority of
her son, prince Henry. Jeanne next ordered a medal to be
struck and distributed amongst her people ; its device and
emblem indicated her determination to surmount every diffi-
culty. On one side of the medal the arms of Beam were
blazoned with the motto of Albret : — sum id quod sum, Sfc. —
The reverse bore the device of a flame, with the words, aut
facie t, aut inveniet viam.
Queen Jeanne was thirty- four years old when she became a
widow. From the time that she bade farewell to the king of
Navarre, in Paris, she seems to have had a presentiment that
she should never more behold her husband. She too well
knew the unscrupulous daring of the dominant parties at
court, to doubt that the life of the nominal chief of the trium-
virate would be sacrificed upon the first symptoms of his vacil-
lation in the cause which be bad been prevailed upon to sup-
port ; " for," says le Grain, " this princess was a woman of
great discernment." It was always doubted by queen Jeanne,
1 Lettre de madame la comtesse de la Rochefoucauld a la Royne de Na
varre, Mem. de Conde, t, iv.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET. ISO
whether the bullet, fatal to her husband's life, was fired from
the ramparts of Rouen ; or whether it proceeded from a hand
which Antoine had recently grasped in friendship. From the
very earliest days of her widowhood the queen protested that
she would never more enter into the bonds of matrimony. Her
life had been embittered by Antoine's neglect, her power as a
sovereign princess curtailed ; and her fine and noble spirit, so
susceptible of good in its aspirations, had been wounded. Out-
raged and disappointed in her hopes of domestic happiness,
Jeanne, concentrating those admirable talents with which na-
ture had endowed her, became the dauntless and politic prin-
cess, against whose genius such a character as that of Antoine
de Bourbon became helpless as a straw tossed on the waves of
the ocean.
The hopes, meantime, of the Huguenots, suffered a great
reverse. The capture of Bourges and Rouen had been follow-
ed by the battle of Dreux, fought December 20th, 1562, which
resulted in the complete triumph of the Boman Catholic party,
and the capture of the prince of Conde. As some compensa-
tion for this disaster, the constable de Montmorency remained
a prisoner in the hands of the Huguenots. He was conducted
to Orleans, and placed in the keeping of the princess de Conde,
as a hostage for the safety of her gallant consort.
Rapid, from thenceforth, was the progress of the royal
arms ; most of the towns captured by Conde, and his adherents,
submitted to their sovereign. Orleans alone refused ; and
boldly defied the menaces of Guise, and the remonstrauces of
queen Catherine. During the month of February, 1563, the
duke de Guise laid siege to the town, before which he was
basely assassiuated by Jean Merey Poltrot, a Huguenot, in
the service of the Baron de Soubise. Thus, in little more than
three years from the decease of Francis II., Catherine de Medici
found herself delivered from the formidable competition of the
two princes, who had menaced her authority and coerced her
will. Humanly speaking, the queen-regent appeared at the
summit of fortune : Guise and Bourbon both prostrate in an
untimely grave ; the first prince of the blood, Antoine's son, in
his minority ; the heir of Guise yet in his boyhood ; Conde a
prisoner ; the Huguenot faction apparently vanquished ; Mont-
morency, the veteran constable, in captivity — nothing seemed
powerful enough to resist the omnipotent fiat of Catherine de
Medici. Nevertheless, a cloud rested on the horizon, the har-
binger of woes more terrible than had yet riven the ancient
monarchy. "When Catherine, in the fulness of sovereign power,
seated herself on the throne of St Louis, without a competitor
190 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
who presumed to aspire to her authority, the bloody feud be-
tween the houses of Coligny and of Guise, fostered by Philip
of Spain, chief of the league 'of Peronne, already shadowed forth
those dark scenes of anarchy which finally swept the crown
from the grasp of the royal line of Francis I. The admiral de
Coligny was accused of having caused the assassination of the
duke de Guise. Protestant historians invariably and fully
acquit the admiral of this crime, doubtless from a partial or
imperfect perusal of documentary evidence ; their admiration
of his valour and military skill rendering them oblivious of, or
determined to veil, his misdeeds. Yet, in the manifestoes pub-
lished by the admiral, and presented to the queen, Coligny,
while denying that he had either openly bribed or incited
Poltrot to commit the crime, distinctly avows that he was
aware of the design ; and knew the motive of the assassin's
desire to visit the camp of the duke de Guise before Orleans.
His own words attest, moreover, that he sent Poltrot to the
camp as a spy, after having heard him make revelation of his
purpose when there : " the admiral takes his honour to witness,
that when the said Poltrot told him aforetimes that he should
be glad to take the life of the seigneur de Guise, the said ad-
miral replied nothing to the observation, nor said he anything
in favour, or deprecation of the deed." ' If the admiral did not
actually compass the assassination of his potent rival, surely he
was morally and intentionally guilty of the crime, when he
permitted the assassin to depart, without a word of warning to
the intended victim. Poltrot all along affirms that Coligny
was accessory to the deed ; nor can it be wondered that his
words met with belief, after such an assertion as the above —
or, as the admiral calls it, " a defence," which was circulated
throughout Prance. This circumstance, though it cannot pal-
liate the subsequent atrocious assassination of Coligny by the
son of the murdered Guise, yet diminishes, somewhat, the guilt
of the reckless animosity evinced by the house of Lorraine
against that of Chatillon, else so sanguinary and inexplicable.
Such expressions as the following, which the admiral indis-
creetly addressed to Catherine de Medici, were not calculated
to confirm a belief in Coligny's innocence ; nor yet to diminish
the thirst for vengeance felt by the relatives of the duke de
Guise : " Think not, madame," wrote the admiral, 2 " that the
words which I utter in self-defence are said out of regret for
1 Declaration de M. 1' admiral quant a son faict particulier, etc., du 5eme
de Mai, 1563. Mem. de Conde, t. iv. p. 339. f
- Lettre envoyee a la royne par le seigneur admiral, datee de Caen, lieme
de Mars, 1562. Beze, Hist, des Eglises Ileformees de France. Mem. de
Conde, t. iv. p. 304.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 191
the death of M. de Guise; for I esteem that event as one
which cannot be surpassed by fortune for the good of the king-
dom, and the church of God. and most especially is it beneficial
for myself, and for all my house."
The Protestant party of France, despite the admiral's ad-
missions, asserted his innocence of participation in the crime ;
and to lessen the odium attaching to the event, de Beze, and
other ministers as unscrupulous, overwhelmed the memory of
the deceased duke with undeserved opprobrium. Even Jeanne
d'Albret herself seems to have connived at these slanderous
imputations ; and the only incident which reflects upon her
truth and candour occurred at this juncture, when the ebulli-
tion of party-spirit defied restraint.
If the anecdote in question were not given on such unim-
peachable testimony as that of Eenee de France, duchess of
Ferrara, under her own hand, in a curious, inedited letter,
which she addressed to Calvin, its insertion here, judging from
the past character of queen Jeanne, would justly admit of hesi-
tation, as a story apocryphal and untrue. The duchess states,
that some short time after the decease of the duke de Guise,
the queen of Navarre paid a visit to her castle of Montargis.
The secretary of one monsieur d'Arzy was present, and tried to
entertain the royal ladies with scandalous tales respecting the
duke, whom he appeared to forget was the son-in-law of the
duchesse Benee. The duchess presently asked this loquacious
visitor whether he could affirm that all he stated was the truth.
He made an evasive answer ; but upon being closely questioned
by the duchess, he acknowledged that the greater part of what
he had stated was fictitious ; naming the person who had in-
vented the slander, which he excused, by saying " that it was
done to benefit religion." The duchess indignantly rebuked
such a theory ; but it is affirmed that the queen of Navarre in-
terposed, saying, " that she believed such fictions were lawful
in self-defence ; and that falsehood might even be commendable
and holy, when uttered to advance the cause of religion." " I
could not help resisting such a doctrine," writes the duchess of
Ferrara, with honest warmth; "so that I observed to them,
that God was not the father of lies, but that the devil is. God
is the God of truth, and His word is potent enough to defend
his own, without using the devil's armour, and that of his chil-
dren. Nevertheless," adds the duchess, '-the said queen of
Navarre shows so much zeal, and is endowed with so admirable
a judgment in most matters, that I desire to take pattern by
her ; for, as the late queen of Navarre, her mother, was the first
princess of this realm who favoured the gospel, it may be that
192 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
the queen, her daughter, may build up and complete the work.
She is, it appears to me, able to do so, as any princess or lady of
my acquaintance. I bear towards her a mother's love ; and ad-
mire the manifold graces which God has bestowed upon her." '
The proceedings of the queen of Navarre continued to be
closely watched by the court of Spain. A minute record of
the most trivial proceedings of Catherine and her sons, of
Jeanne d' Albret, and of the princes of Vendome and Chatillon,
was furnished to Philip by his ambassadors. The recent
widowhood of the queen of Navarre opened a fresh prospect
for intrigue to the Spanish cabinet. To obtain possession of
the fertile provinces of Beam, Foix, and Armagnac, by alliance,
conquest, or exchange, had been one of the favourite schemes
of the emperor Charles V., from the period that the kingdom
of Navarre became annexed to Spain, by the arms of his grand-
father Ferdinand the Catholic. The conscience of the Spanish
monarchs, nevertheless, smote them for their unjust spoliation
of the rightful sovereigns of Navarre ; and Philip II., with the
assent of the emperor, had desired to legalize that important
acquisition by his union with Jeanne d' Albret. But the com-
placent feelings with which Philip had once regarded the heiress
of Albret had been long exchanged for sentiments of bitter hate.
To despoil the heretic princess, and to wrest from her the heritage
of ber ancestors by arms, or by treacherous intrigue, Philip now
considered as a sacred and imperative duty. Any scruples which
he might still retain on the subject, were removed by the ex-
press commands of the pope ; who exhorted his Catholic Ma-
jesty to prevent the overthrow of the Roman Catholic religion
in Beam by every means in his power. The Spanish archives
of Simancas aiford us some important revelations of the means
adopted by Philip's envoys to impose upon Jeanne, and to
induce her by the most fallacious artitice to attempt nothing
against the Romish religion, and the hierarchy of Beam and
Foix. The subtle fraud with which Antoine de Bourbon had
been plied by Chantonnay and Ste Croix was now brought to
bear, with even keener point, on the mind of his consort. The
past defeats which Philip's diplomatists had suffered at
Jeanne's hands were forgotten in the ardour with which they
adopted their royal master's pi'ojects.
At the commencement of the year 1563, about the third
month of Jeanne's widowhood, the king of Spain nominated as
his envoy to the court of Pau, Don Juan Martinez d'Escurra
1 Lettre de madame Renee de France, duchesse de Fen-are, a Calvm.
Bibl. Roy., MSS. Dupuy, 85, 86, fo. 120.— Inedited. Dated " de Montargis,
ce xxi. Mars."
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 193
— an unexpected appointment, which Philip explained, by ob-
serving that the demise of Antoine de Bourbon having render-
ed queen Jeanne an independent sovereign, such a measure
had become requisite. D'Escurra was accompanied by one
Jansana, as secretary of legation ; and both these individuals
were placed in subordinate capacity to Chantounay, the Span-
ish ambassador at the court of France. It was with feelings
of little complacency that queen Jeanne beheld this junta
established in her capital ; believing, however, that d'Escurra
and his colleagues were placed there as spies upon her conduct,
she determined to receive them with the honour due to their
master's dignity ; but, nevertheless, to accept with confidence
the challenge to diplomatic combat offered by her persevering
opponent, the Spanish king. In the subsequent intercourse
which took place between Jeanne and the envoys of Spain, it
is amusing to observe the queen's skilful diplomacy : during
an interview, Jeanne would pretend to listen with deference to
the opinions of d'Escurrra, and adopt his inferences with a do-
cility which sometimes emulated even that once shown by
king Antoine to the suggestions of Chantounay. When the
time for action arrived, the queen proceeded to the execution
of the project under discussion, as she had pre-determined,
often to the extreme confusion of her dishonest counsellors.
The alleged object of d'Escurra's mission to the court of
Jeanne d'Albret, was to negotiate a marriage between the
queen and don Carlos, son and heir of king Philip ; or, if her
Majesty preferred — the suit of don John of Austria, brother
of his Spanish Majesty, was tendered for her acceptance. The
insincerity of Philip's proposals, with respect to the prince of
the Asturias, was at once palpable to queen Jeanne. The
prince had not completed his eighteenth year ; while his violent
temper, and strange vagaries, caused it to be apprehended that
the hereditary insanity of his house had claimed another victim.
Don John of Austria, the illegitimate son of Charles V., was a
bold and gallant prince, some two months younger than don
Carlos ; and who already displayed that spirit of martial enter-
prise which, twenty-six years afterwards, covered the brave
victor of Lepauto with glory. This notable scheme was kept
profoundly secret, and confided alone to the queen ; a reserve
in which Jeanne coincided, as she could not help feeling that
such preposterous proposals, on the part of the king of Spain,
were degrading to her royal dignity. She, nevertheless, pre-
tended to feel satisfaction at the alliances proposed for her ac-
ceptance ; and declared that, of the two cavaliers, her choice
would lead her to prefer the suit of the prince of Spain.
13
194 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
" Madame de Vendome," wrote the secretary Jansana to
d'Escurra, who was then absent in Paris, " shows herself to be
excessively flattered by the hope of an alliance with so excel-
lent and lofty a prince." 1 Upon receiving this intimation,
d'Escurra forwarded a despatch to Madrid. He addresses
himself to Philip's secretary of state, Eraso. " On the 29th of
March," writes he, " I informed your Excellency that we were
expecting an answer from the wife of Vendome 2 upon the
memorandum which we read to her, respecting religious affairs ;
and whether she will submit her opinions to the judgment of
the forthcoming council. As to the matrimonial projects, I
have heard that she is willing, if such is his Majesty's desire ;
but that she desires to espouse his Majesty's son, rather than
his brother. I suspect that as she is not yet assured of this
marriage, she will pledge herself to nothing. In affairs of
religion, the secretaires Jansana and Colon do well their duty j
they have recently certified to me, that the wife of Vendome
confers with no one but themselves on the matter of this ne-
gotiation." 3
The plausible overtures of Philip and his agents had no
effect on the mind of the queen, except perhaps to hasten the
measures, which, with the assent of the council of state, she
had determined to adopt, relative to the suppression of the
Romish faith in Beam. The scneehal of Bearn d'Audaux,
was at this period faithful to the interests of his royal mistress;
the Spanish envoys, however, aware of d'Audaux's influence in
the council, made overtures to him on the part of the king of
Spain, and even offered to impart the secret of their negotia-
tion. This step coming to the knowledge of the queen of Na-
varre, she wrote to d'Escurra, forbidding him to hold confer-
ences with any of her subjects on the proposed alliance between
herself and the prince of Spain ; intimating, that in case her
wishes on this point were disregarded, she should decline to
discuss the project. During this interval the Spanish ambas-
sador was congratulating himself on the success of his diplo-
matic wiles ; which he flattered himself prevented the queen
from attempting anything to the prejudice of the Romish
1 Archives de Simancas, K. 1392, A. B. 16, No. 44. De Jansana a Juan
Martinez d'Escurra, dated 2 April, 1563. — lnedited.
'-' The Spanish envoys use the most disrespectful terms in speaking of Jeanne
d'Albret. She is generally called by them " la inuger de Vendoma," Madame
de Vendoma, or la Prineipessa de Beam,
a Archives de Simancas, K. 1392, No. 42 (73), dated, 10 April, 1563. These
documents are now deposited in the Archives de France, with many other in-
valuable papers, comprehending the negotiations between France and Spain
during the sixteenth century. These state documents were forwarded to Paris
on the capture of the Castle of Simancas by Marshal Victor.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 195
faitli. The astonishment and confusion of d'Escurra were,
therefore, boundless, when the queen, at the commencement of
Juue, 1563, assembled her council, and boldly published let-
ters-patent interdicting the exercise of the Romish religion
within the limits of Beam ; and authorizing the seizure of the
temporalities of that church, and their union with the domains
of her crown. The queen states her royal will in the preamble
to the letters-patent, thus :
" We ordain, declare, and command by this our present
edict, that we will that all our subjects of the said countries, of
whatever condition and degree, do make public profession of
the faith which we now publish under our seal and authority,
as being most surely grounded on the doctrine and written
word of the prophets and apostles ; and that no one may
plead ignorance in default of obedience, we have thought meet
to command that the said articles of faith should be incorpor-
ated, and inserted in these our said letters-patent."
The articles of the Calvinistic confession are then inserted,
clothed in the vigorous phraseology none knew better how to
wield than Jeanne d'Albret — not even her famed contempo-
rary, queen Elizabeth. The queen proceeds to regulate the
future application of the temporalities which she had declared
confiscated. She establishes a permanent ecclesiastical council
of nine personages, to settle the affairs of religion, and to ad-
minister these revenues. She commands that all charters,
title-deeds, and documents connected with benefices, or other
sources of ecclesiastical emolument, shall be delivered into the
hands of the said commissioners by a certain day, under pain
of severe penalties, arbitrary fines, and imprisonment. " For-
asmuch," continues queen Jeanne, in language rivalling even
that of king Hemw VIII., in his warrants decreeing the dis-
solution of monasteries in England — " as it is expedient to
elect competent persons to administer these temporalities, we
ordain and command that all the lands hitherto appertaining
to the said bishops, canons, abbes, deans, archdeacons, deacons,
priors, cures, prebends, monks, and nuns, in virtue of nomina-
tion, or presentation from patrons lay or ecclesiastical, and
which they enjoyed in virtue of their several titles, and insti-
tution, by the provision of their ordinaries, or of the pope, and
which they possessed under the title of benefices, or command-
eries, or hospitals for lepers, or hospitals for the sick generally,
or brotherhoods, or chapelries, shall, from the present time and
henceforth, be placed under the control, government, and ad-
ministration of the said council." Then follows a paragraph,
by which the queen makes over to her commissioners these
196 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
church lands ; all of which were placed at her disposal : and
she confirms the lay peers of Beam in any impropriation of
tithes in fee, granted to them, or to their ancestors, within the
memory of man. 1
This celebrated edict, abolishing the Eoman Catholic wor-
ship throughout Beam, was issued by queen Jeanne, from her
castle at Pau ; it is countersigned by the senechal of Bearn,
Claude de Levis, baron d'Audaux, president of the queen's
privy council. An act of more dauntless independence than
the issue of these letters-patent has never been perpetrated by
any sovereign whatever. At this juncture, queen Jeanne's
little territory was beleaguered by hostile armies. Montluc,
animated with religious fury, almost insensate in its manifesta-
tions, waited but the permission of his government to carry
fire and sword throughout the length and breadth of Beam.
Philip of Spain hungered to unite the fragment of heritage
which still remained to the grand-daughter of the heroic
Catherine de Poix, with the four-and-twenty realms which al-
ready bowed beneath his sovereignty. Pius IV. menaced the
queen with interdict and excommunication ; while her young
son remained a hostage at the court of Catherine de Medici.
The daring of the queen in this matter, it must be owned,
amounted to rashness ; and the dissensions of the government
of France alone saved her from irretrievable ruin. Moreover,
this arbitrary confiscation of the temporalities of the church of
Eome within the limits of her principality, partook too much
of the nature of a persecution to be attended with satisfactory
results, political or moral.
The queen speedily followed the issue of these letters-patent,
by the publication of a second edict, regulating the disposal of
the funds so acquired. A large grant was made by queen
Jeanne for the foundation of a college of theology at Orthez.
She founded, also, secondary collegiate institutions in various
parts of Beam for the education of her youthful subjects. No
part of the ecclesiastical forfeitures did the queen appropriate
for her own private expenditure, or to the temporal service of
the state ; nor yet did she bestow a single acre in donation
upon private individuals. She ordained that all churches, hav-
ing insufficient congregations, should be delivered over to her
Protestant subjects. Ju those places where the two religions
were equally balanced, she decreed that the church should be
the common property of both denominations of worshippers.
1 Lettres patentes de la royne Jehanne sur le Conseil Ecclesiastique touch-
ant l'union au domaine des biens Ecclesiastiques Catholiques. MS. Bibl. •Roy-
ale, F. Dupuy, No. 152-153. — Inedited.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET. 197
This last ordonnance extended to all her subjects and vassals of
Beam, Foix, and Lower Navarre, indiscriminately. Jeanne
proceeded steadily in her work of reform : she listened to no
protests ; she coldly disregarded the menaces of France and
Spain, and day after day she issued fresli mandates with inex-
orable pertinacity, completing and regulating her design.
Amongst the members of her council, Jeanne occasionally
met with steady opposition. D'Audaux, though he still ad-
hered to the policy of the queen of Navarre, and countersigned
the decree suppressing the exercise of the Romish faith, wavered
somewhat in his co-operation, owing to the intrigues of the
Spanish envoys. Antoine de Pardaillon, senechal of Albret,
one day warmly represented to the queen that she grievously
transgressed the laws of God and of the king by so oppressing
her Roman Catholic subjects. Jeanne replied, that, on the
contrary, she was proving herself a zealous servant of God ;
" and as for the king of France, monseigneur, what then ? Am
I not an anointed queen, and a sovereign, likewise?" "Dare
you venture upon such a comparison, madame ?" bluffly re-
torted the senechal, " I could clear the frontier of your Ma-
jesty's realms with a bound." Jeanne fixed her eyes steadily
on her insolent censor. " 'Tis well, monseigneur," replied she,
"you will do well, therefore, to quit my realm without delay."
" The next act of the queen was to sign a privy-council
warrant, authorizing the removal of images, relics, and shrines,
from the churches in Beam. The vessels used heretofore at
the celebration of the mass were confiscated ; nevertheless, the
queen refused to permit the gold and silver plate to be melted,
or otherwise appropriated ; but she confided the whole under
sequestration to the care of one of her recently appointed
ecclesiastical commissioners. To invest her act with more
solemnity and weight, queen Jeanne was present when the
images were taken from the cathedral church of Lescar. She
afterwards caused the high altar to be removed ; and, attended
by a numerous train of courtiers, she was present at the first
Protestant service performed in the cathedral, and celebrated
after the work of demolition was pronounced complete. " On
the second day of this month I went to Lescar," wrote the am-
bassador d'Escurra, to Philip's secretary of state, Eraso, " and
there I saw the church despoiled of the holy images, the Host,
and the crucifix ; also of a silver statue of Our Lady, and of
the child Jesus, with the pixes, wherein the said holy sacrament
reposed, all which, with the i"emaining treasure of silver plate,
madame de Vendome carried away with her to Pau, on the
17th of June last. The following day, being the 18th of the
198 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
said mouth, she sent people of her accursed sect, to break all
the images, crucifixes, aud altar-pieces within the said church ;
moreover, they overthrew the altars, and burned the holy
wafers appertaining thereunto ; carrying away with them other
vessels ; no inhabitant of the said town of Lescar daring to
molest them, under pain of death, or confiscation of goods." 1
At other places, however, the people rose to resist the queen's
mandate for the spoliation of their churches. At a small place,
a league from Pau, Jeanne's commissioner was severely handled
by the women of the district, who seized the unfortunate envoy
while he was in the act of burning their images ; they tore olf
his hair and beard, and dragged him from the church to strangle
him, had he not fortunately been rescued by a party of Hu-
guenots, who, heai'ing his cries, hastened to his assistance. A
fight ensued between the Protestant and Roman Catholic in-
habitants of the place, during which the minister received
several wounds from a dagger. At length he made his escape
to Pau, and waited on the queen, to inform her of the outrage
to which he had been subjected. Jeanne instantly despatched
personages to investigate the affair, and arrest the guilty
parties ; but when her commissioners arrived, they were so
roughly assailed by the excited populace, that they were forced
to flee for their lives. 2
At the little town of Morlas, six miles from Pau, the same
tumultuous scenes occurred ; but Jeanne, nothing daunted,
executed her designs with calm determination, causing the
treasures from all the churches to be conveyed to the subter-
raneous chambers of the mint, situated beneath her castle of
Pau ; and presiding most days, personally, at the ecclesiastical
council, which she had instituted for the sequestration and
future disposal of the revenues and benefices of the priesthood.
So little had her purpose been divined by the astute Spanish
minister, who still remained absent in Paris, that on the next
day (June ISth, 1563) to that upon which queen Jeanne
seized the treasures at Lescar, we find him writing thus to
Madrid : — " The secretary, Jansana, certifies to me that the
wife of Vendome (la inuger de Vendoma) greatly desires the
completion of the marriage between herself and the prince of
Spain ; but not the alliance proposed between herself and the
uncle of the said prince. Jansana asks whether I have informed
your Excellency of this, to which I replied in the affirmative.
He further stated, that if this project (which is most desirable)
1 Archives de Simancas, 1392, No. 42, 148 (66). D'Escurra a Don Juan
Eraso, dated 14 Agosto, 463. — Ined.
* Archives de Simancas, K. 1392, No. 42. — Ined.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 190
be persisted in, so that she can rely on the performance of the
articles proposed in the letter sent to her, the wife of Vendome
will remain faith fid to the Catholic Apostolic church ; and that
all will end prosperously, especially if the hand of the prince
be tendered for her acceptance." To which I replied, "that I
knew not why the term prosperously was used in the matter ;
but that no matrimonial negotiation would be entered into
whatever, unless the said wife of Vendome reconciled herself
to the Romish church. In her own territories, the wife of
Vendome undertakes nothing adverse to our religion ; to all
her subjects she permits liberty of conscience, a fact in which
I am well informed, and which I impart to your Excellency be-
cause I know that it is the truth, should you have heard to
the contrary." l Philip's secretary Eraso replies to this des-
patch in very gloomy strains ; he informs the envoy that he
had submitted his letter, and that of Jansana, to his Catholic
Majesty ; but that the king had not been pleased to ordain any-
thing fresh concerning the proposed union between the prince of
Spain and madame de Vendome, " inasmuch as the latter otters
no substantial pledges, but persists in treating only upon matters
in general." Upon the progress of the reformed faith through-
out France, the Spanish secretary proceeds to descant thus : "It
appears to me that each day our faith falls into greater disre-
pute ; our churches are demolished, and many other things are
perpetrated, most unworthy and prejudiciable to the service of
God our Master. These things are much felt here, and your
Excellency may believe that his Majesty, being eminently a
most Catholic prince, and so near a neighbour to the realm of
Erance, will never cease until he descries a remedy for these
evils ; which remedy would be best found in the alliance of
madame de Vendome, should such be possible, as it would
satisfy both herself and her party, and would afford ground for
further negotiation." 2
A rumour of the probable intentions of the queen of Navarre
had, meantime, reached the French court. Catherine, there-
fore, sent directions to Montluc, rigorously to suppress the
exercise of the reformed faith within his government, which
comprehended the military supervision of the territories Jeanne
held in feudal tenure under the French crown. Montluc was,
likewise, desired by Catherine to make his peace with the queen
of j\avarre, and to apologize for certain violent expressions
which he had used, and respecting which Jeanne complained.
1 Archives de Simancas, K. 1392, A. B. 16, No. 42 (76).— Iuecl.
- Ibid. No. 43 (123).— Iiied.
200 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
The marshal, it appears, had publicly alluded to a reported de-
scent of the English on the coast of Gruyenne ; adding, "that
it was not to be believed, but that they were encouraged and
summoned to the enterprise by some personage of exalted rank,
and which could only be the queen of Navarre ; but, if it even
were the said queen, or any other individual, he would cause
them to expiate such treason with their life." This allusion
gave great offence to queen Jeanne, and she appealed to Ca-
therine for redress. As the French court, at this period, was
likewise indulging in the hope of cajoling the queen into a be-
trayal of the interests of the Huguenot party, Montluc receiv-
ed a command from his sovereign to write to the queen of
Navarre, and offer the best explanation in his power, relative
to the offensive allusion. As words cost Montluc little, he un-
hesitatingly obeyed Catherine's directions : " I supplicate you
in all humility, madame," wrote he to Jeanne d'Albret, 1 "not
to hold me inexcusable, if in my extreme consternation, hold-
ing the office that I do over these countries, I did use those
words. I hold them now in great displeasure ; and if it pleases
you that I humbly crave your pardon for such, I am quite pre-
pared to do so, and ask it earnestly. If you will condescend,
madame, to confer so great a benefit upon me as to forget my
offence, in pledge of the contentment and delight wduch your
gracious pardon will confer, I offer to you my lifelong service, my
fortune, and my sons, to render you very devoted service against
all your foes ; excepting only my prior duty to their Majesties, the
king and the queen, and their Highnesses the princes." - Mont-
luc, when he thus wrote in terms which, for a man of his
haughty and unscrupulous bearing, the queen of Navarre might
well deem ironical, had not heard of Jeanne's edict, confiscat-
ing the temporalities of the Romish clergy. Catherine also wrote
to Jeanne, mentioning the rumour that had moved the indigna-
tion of the French court, exhorting her to caution and forbear-
ance. This interference, which Jeanne ascribed to the gossip
of Jansana, addressed to his chief, Escurra, in Paris, greatly
offended the queen of Navarre. It appears that Jeanne took
no further notice of the unwelcome admonition than to intimate
to the secretary, Jansana, how ill she received the officiousness
of those who busied themselves in recording her actions to
satiate the animosities of her enemies of the French and Span-
ish courts. " On Sunday last, madame de Vendome sent me
i Archives de Simancas, K. 1302, No. 44 (156), translado de una carta
scripta de 12 Julio (1563) a madama de Vandoma de la parte del Senor de
Montluc. — Ined.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBEET. 201
word by my nephew, that the queen-mother had also written
to her to say that it was rumoured she (madame de Vendome)
intended to compel her subjects to profess the same religious
opinions as herself — a report which the said wife of Vendome
declared that she deemed both strange and extraordinary," [
adds Jansana ; who throughout his despatches evinces a keen
sense of Jeanne's knowledge of his faculty of misrepresentation
and slander.
The queen of Navarre, regardless of the subtle manoeuvring
of her enemies, was now actively negotiating to obtain suitable
ministers to officiate in the churches which she had so uncere-
moniously provided for her Protestant subjects. She wrote to
Geneva to request that the elders of the Calvinistic church
would send her a noted minister named Merlin, and twenty
other sound preachers, to administer the word of God to her
Bearnnois people; 2 but especially to the inhabitants of Eoix
and Lower Navarre, her loving vassals, who still remained
stedfast in their fidelity to what queen Jeanne designates as
the "Romish idolatry."
The unfavourable report which Jansana gave of the queen's
proceedings, and especially of the stripping of the churches in
Beam, and of the suspension of the Romish ecclesiastics, caused
the ambassador d'Escurra to quit Paris, and to hasten with
all speed to Pau in the hope of prevailing upon the queen of
Navarre to recall some of her edicts ; and upon a more positive
promise of alliance with Don Carlos, to reconcile herself with
the Holy See. D'Escurra, on his arrival, found that the queen
had quitted Pau, to sojourn for a few days in the episcopal
palace at Lescar. Thither he, therefore, proceeded, observant
for once during his ambassage of the queen's prohibition
against his holding conference with d'Audaux, or any member
of his council. He sent to notify his arrival to the queen, and
to request audience. Jeanne, aware of the menaces and of the
probable insolence of the expostulation she was likely to receive
from Philip's envoy, replied that d'Escurra might speak with
her, if he pleased, on the following day at three in the after-
noon, in the garden attached to the episcopal palace of Lescar.
The envoy punctually made his appearance at the period indi-
cated ; he found the queen walking in the garden attended by
her ladies. At a sign from Jeanne they retired to some dis-
tance, so as not to be able to hear the discourse of the ambassador.
D'Escurra approached, and with an obeisance presented to the
i Archives de Simancas, 1392, No. 126. — Ined.
2 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre.
202 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
queen a letter from king Philip, to deliver -which was the
ostensible purport of the audience he had demanded. Be-
fore Jeanne opened the letter he exclaimed, " Madame, if
I had thought to have seen all that I have beheld in this town,
and in the church of Lescar, I should not have waited
upon your Majesty in this place ; never before has there been
committed by any Christian prince so enormous a sacrilege
as has been perpetrated here. Omnipotent God! hast thou
indeed patience to suffer that the Holy Sacrament of thy
body should be impiously consumed by fire, with the images of
thy Blessed Mother ! "
The speech of the envoy was arrested by the queen, who
quietly said, " What have the princes, to whom you allude, to do
with my actions here in Pau ? They do what pleases them in
their own dominions. I have acted in accordance with the
commands of God, as I read in His Holy Gospel." " Madame
de Vendome," says d'Escurra, " looked fixedly in my face, being
paler than usual when she thus spoke, and somewhat agitated.
I replied to this last speech," continues he, " by observing, that
what she thus deemed to be truth, was error ; and that, in
thiukiug to do well, she had committed great wrong." To this
the queen made no reply ; but opened the letter sent to her by
Philip, and read it attentively. " Madame," persevered the
officious envoy, " when his Catholic Majesty addressed that let-
ter to you, he might have divined that which you recently have
performed, because, at the very hour when his Majesty w r rote it,
which was on the 17th of June, you began the demolition of
the church of Lescar." " Monseigneur," rejoined queen
Jeanne, "I feel indebted to his Catholic Majesty for the in-
terest which he deigns to show me, for which I remain his
humble servant. I would fain demonstrate, by my actions, the
good will which I bear him on the several points discussed in
this letter. In that which concerns the religion in which I
have been born and educated, and professing the w r hich my
father, my mother, and my husband died — God gave me the
dominion of these countries at a very youthful age, that I might
rule by the guidance of His Gospel, and cause those holy pre-
cepts to be taught everywhere. If, for this act of duty, his
Catholic Majesty chooses to declare war against me and my
people, I commend my cause to God, who is over all, and
above all. If it is the intention of the Catholic king to take
advantage to do me harm, as his Majesty insinuates, of the con-
tiguity of our vassals and territories, why does he not perform
the same threats as respects the queen of England, who has
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 203
executed the very same things which I have done in her king-
dom?" " Madame," replied the astute Spaniard, " two men
kill a third ; but from the one, justice asks nothing ; hut from
the other, she takes and exacts retribution. Finally, however,
justice pounces equally upon both." " Monseigneur," inter-
posed the queen, " for these many years past I have been
harassed by similar negotiations on the part of his Catholic
Majesty : your king places confidence in you ; I will now reci-
procate the trust, as far as you are concerned, by asking what,
in your opinion, would be the remedy to obviate all the things
that I have lately done ? " For an instant the wily diploma-
tist paused, before he gave his answer ; feeling conscious that
the queen intended to probe the extent of concession expected
from her by the Spanish court. " Madame," replied d'Escurra,
" I know of no remedy excepting one, which is, that you com-
mand the arrest of all heretic, ministers, and others who have
counselled you to commit this heinous crime ; and, at the same
time, assemble your nobles, gentry, and the principal citizens
of your dominions. When this is done, you should, in presence
of them all, demand pardon of Almighty God; next, you must
condemn those, your late evil counsellors and abettors, to the
flames ; and, afterwards, command a solemn procession, and,
with your own hand, replace the holy images in the churches
from whence, by your orders, they have been torn. You
ought, then, to despatch an embassy, to ask pardon and
absolution from the pope. By so acting, madame, you will
mitigate the great anger felt against you by the Catholic
princes of Europe." Great must have been the self-com-
mand of the high-spirited Jeanne, when she heard herself so
insolently taken to task by Philip's envoy. She replied, that
nothing should induce her to adopt his counsel : that, before
she had. undertaken such important matters, she had consulted
with her parliament, and with many learned and wise person-
ages ; and that, having perpetrated so notable a thing, to re-
voke, or to modify it in any way, would be holding forth an
example very pernicious in its consequences. Jeanne then
abruptly dismissed the ambassador, saying, " that another time
she would discourse with him on these matters." 1
During the time that the Spanish embassy remained in
Beam, a period of one year, Jansana and his agents were
directed by Philip's cabinet to transmit statements respecting
Jeanne's fortified places, the distances between the principal
towns of Beam and Navarre, the condition of the roads, and tho
1 Archives de Simancas, K. 1395, No. 42, 148, fol. 2.— Ined.
204 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
complement of the queen's garrisons. After d'Escurra re-
turned from Paris, Jansana seems to have employed especial
diligence in pursuing these inquiries, whilst his chief was occu-
pied in quarrelling with the queen. The queen quitted Les-
car a few days after her interview with Escurra, and proceeded
to another place, which is nameless, about six miles from Pan,
probably, however, the little town of Nai. "While here, Jeanne
tried to compose some of the differences in her cabinet, by re-
conciling the baron de Luxe, one of the most potent and wealthy
peers of Beam, with the seigneur de Mazaux. Her efforts,
however, so deeply offended the senechal d'Audaux, who was
the personal enemy of de Luxe, that he took leave of the queen,
and departed with his consort and her children to his castle in
Perigord, vowing never more to return to Pan. The queen,
who attributed the disaffection of d'Audaux to the wily over-
tures of the Spanish envoy, manifested how deejdy she was dis-
pleased by their proceedings. 1
D'Escurra, during this interval, still importunately demand-
ed audience ; Jeaune at length sent for him one afternoon,
while she took her after-dinner promenade in the great hall of
her castle of Pau. The audience lasted for five hours, the am-
bassador trying to read the queen's intentions ; while Jeanne
essayed by the subtilty of her questions to penetrate the tor-
tuous politics of Philip II. She opened the parley by putting
the singular question to the ambassador, whether, u being of
the religion she was, she could marry a husband professing the
iiomish faith?" "I perceive," continued the queen, "that
all the discourse which has been held to me concerning my
marriage with Don Juan of Austria, or with the prince of Spain,
tends to the same fashion and effect as the fine negotiations
which were held with my deceased husband relative to the
kingdom of Sardinia. Since the death of my said husband,
monseigneur, a letter has fallen into my hands, written by the
pope's legate, 2 in which his Eminence stated to his Holiness,
that it might be convenient for the fortune of the war to in-
spire me, if possible, with the same delusive hopes relative to
the realm of Sardinia — " The queen's remarks being exceedingly
unpalatable to the envoy, he hastened to break the thread of
her discourse by observing, " It is true, madame, that neither
the prince of Spain, nor yet Don Juan of Austria, will consent
to espouse a consort professing a religion contrary to his own
1 Archives de Simancas, R. 1392, No. 126.— Ined.
'" The cardinal d'Armagnao, orProspero de Santa Croce, cardinal bishop of
Chisamo.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 205
belief, even were she queen and mistress of the world itself. As
to what you say, that you see not proof sufficient on our part
to lead you to believe in the sincerity of this proposed alliance,
we also affirm that we perceive nothing on your side to en-
courage us to propose more, as you confer on things generally,
and on nothing in particular."
" Tou know, monseigneur, that I am now thirty-four years
old ; besides, no princess enters into second nuptial engage-
ments before she has completed her year of widowhood. When
that is accomplished, I may have changed my mind respecting
this alliance ; even if the king of Spain is pleased to maintain
his friendship for me during so long a period." D'Escurra re-
plied : " If you, madame, were sensible of the offence which you
have committed in the sight of God, I should have great hope
of the fortunate issue of this negotiation ; but as you experience
no remorse, I cannot anticipate a happy result." Jeanne's
patience, at this renewed objurgation on the part of the envoy,
failed her : she turned towards d'Escurra, and with eyes flash-
ing with anger, exclaimed : " What you term Sacrament, mon-
seigneur, is an idolatrous fraud, which has caused the everlast-
ing perdition of countless souls ! I saw the wafer belonging to
the church of Lescar, which was made only of flour and water,
kneaded together with a crucifix ; it was old, and green as the
colour of grass ! And you assert that God is incarnate there ! "
" That Sacrament, madame," rejoined Escurra, " was the true
body of God ; and, for such, it is adored and reverenced by all
orthodox Catholics. But, as vou hold it in such little esteem,
I may no longer converse with you." The envoy proceeded to
state, that having satisfied himself of the truth that the queen
had committed the horrible profanity of burning the Host, he
requested dismissal from her presence. The lion spirit in the
bosom of Jeanne d'Albret, was now thoroughly roused, both
against the subtle envoy and his unscrupulous master. The
bitterness of her contempt for their artifices, so long repressed,
fell now in words of telling power. " I should have been con-
tent in knowing what were your true instructions, monseigneur,
respecting this negotiation. Although the Catholic king is a
great prince, I also have the power of serving you. I leave all
to your discretion ; you perceive my intentions at the present
time, and for the future. My conscience dictates this course ;
for, even if I knew that the king of Spain, or any other poten-
tate, would take my head, and before my death slay my children
under my eyes, I would suffer all, sooner than believe any other
creed than that which I now profess. I desire the favour and
friendship of the Catholic king more than that of any other
206 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
prince ; nevertheless, I am not so forlorn and defenceless, but
that I command the allegiance of 1500 gentlemen of valour, all
professing the reformed faith ; besides which, I have 30,000
soldiers, who would die to accomplish my will ; and all the
warriors who fought in France, during the last civil war, have
placed their swords at my disposal ! " D'Escurra made no reply,
except to request Jeaune to favour him with a written state-
ment of her response to his Spanish Majesty. Jeanne replied,
that she would send her reply in cypher to the ambassador ;
she then terminated the audience, by summoning back her
ladies, and discoursing with them in a pleasant and merry
tone. 1
D'Escurra consoled himself for the little influence which his
words had produced by writing a despatch for Spain, in which
he urged his royal master to undertake an expedition to punish
the heresy of the queen of Navarre. He said that the queen
was badly served by her vassals, so that if any Catholic prince
would confirm them in their privileges as Roman Catholics,
they would rise against her authority, including Jeanne's Basque
subjects ; for the entire Calvinist population of Beam, accord-
ing to the ambassador, amounted to less than one thousand
persons. D'Escurra concludes his despatch by a pitiable state-
ment of the way in which queen Jeanue had foiled his designs.
" For two years have I been occupied with this negotiation,
hoping one day to reap fruit for my pains," writes d'Escurra,
" but now I witness its termination without result whatever. I
have lost my time and my money in making journeys hither
and thither, besides, also, sending my son to this court, as your
Excellency may recollect." The despatch ends by a supplica-
tion on the part of the envoy, that Philip would reimburse him
for the sums thus lavished in his service." 2
The queen of Navarre allowed some days to elapse before
she sent the response to Philip's letter, so imperiously demanded
by d'Escurra. Being well aware that her strength lay in the
support of France, and not wishing to offend queen Catherine,
who had already testified surprise at the empressements of the
Spanish envoys in Beam, Jeanne despatched her secretary, le
Royer, to St Germain, to communicate with the queen-mother;
and to submit, for the approval of the council, the answer which
she intended to make to Philip's propositions. D'Escurra,
offeuded at the reception which he had received from Jeanne,
quitted Pan, and proceeded to Paris, leaving Jansana to conduct
affairs. To him, therefore, the queen communicated her reply,
1 Archives de Simanca, K. 1392. No. 148.— Inecl. 2 Ibid. A. 1392.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 207
which was to this effect, " that the queen greatly prized and
desired the friendship and countenance of king Philip. Never-
theless, all that she had done in the matter of religion she
firmly maintained and ratified, and that she would sooner die
than act differently. Finally, she reminded king Philip that
amongst princes, it was a rule not to interfere in the internal
government of each other's territories ; and she, therefore,
prayed his Catholic Majesty to remember this fact, and to re-
frain from promoting disaffection in the countries over which
she ruled as sovereign princess." 1
Jansana despatched this reply to Escurra, in Paris ; and
from thence the latter sent it to Madrid, adding a letter of his
own, in which he informs the secretary of state, Eraso, that
the answer of madame de Vendome had been read and approved
by the French court ; and that there was no chance of her
submission, as she obstinately adhered to the errors of her
sect. " I beseech your Excellency to inform me, whether, under
these circumstances, it is becoming to treat more with her. I
greatly fear, that she will induce her people to become as she is
herself; but, as I know not the ultimate designs of his Majesty,
although I feel persuaded that they are good aud holy, I cannot
decide whether it will be better to dissimulate the remedy we
propose, on the supposition that some day Ave may agree with
her. But, if what I am about to suggest will not mar other
negotiation, it appears to me that now is our opportunity to
strike a blow at smaller cost, and by fewer troops, inasmuch as
her vassals and nobles are indignant and disaffected. 2 In due
course, Escurra received a reply from Madrid. His instruc-
tions directed him still to dissimulate ; and to express again to
the queen of Navarre the horror which his Majesty, in common
with other Catholic princes, felt at her conduct. The ambas-
sador was also instructed to request Jeanne, in his master's
name, to be satisfied with the destruction which she had
wrought at Lescar and Morlas ; and not to attempt other
sequestrations of treasure. 3 Queen Jeanne, always watchful
of the proceedings of the Spanish envoys, knowing that they
were constantly occupied in subtle plots for the overthrow of
her authority, addressed about this period a note, in Spanish.
to Jansana one Saturday evening, evidently to intimate that
1 Archives de Simancas, A.B. 16, No. 65. De Juan Martinez d'Escurra,
a Eraso, secretario de estado. — Ined.
8 Ibid.
3 Ibid. K. 1392, 126. De Don a Don Juan Escurra. The following
words are appended in a marginal note to the original despatch in the hand-
writing of Philip II., "Esto tambien que no podia ser, no son a niipare^er. " —
Ined.
203 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
she was cognizant of his intrigues, and prepared to circumvent
them.
QUEEN JEANNE, TO THE SECRETARY JANSANA.
" Jansana,
" I request that you will continue to send notice to myself of all
things concerning my government, with which you have to do. I
have received news from the court of France, where my religion
prospers. The queen has especially done me the honour to write to me,
that she has heard a rumour that the Spanish king (el Espanol) intends
to invade my dominions, but she assures me that neither the king nor
herself will suffer such an outrage Besides which, nearly the whole
of my friends, relatives, and allies, design to come to my assistance.
You will, therefore, take an early opportunity of informing me of all
that you have to communicate resjjecting this design. I pray God to
grant you your desires.
"Juana." 1
This letter of Jeanne's was also forwarded to Madrid ; in
fact, so alert were Philip's agents in reporting her designs,
words, and actions, that, besides the usual couriers passing
between Madrid and Paris, Escurra maintained an army of
spies and agents, whom he despatched on his missions over the
Pyrenees, under all kinds of disguises.
Religious matters, were, at this period, progressing to the
desire of the queen's heart in her territories. The new minis-
ters, and Merlin, had been welcomed with enthusiasm ; and the
ecclesiastical commissioners carried out the work intrusted to
them with ability and success. The papal court, however, had
not been unobservant of Jeanne's proceedings. Inflamed by
the insidious representations of Philip II., the wrath of pope
Pius, which had been drifting hither and thither, throughout
civilized Europe, now concentrated itself upon Beam. The
support afforded to the queen of Navarre by Catherine de
Medici offered a serious obstacle to the designs of Jeanne's
enemies in the consistory ; but they relied on the alleged
disaffection of her subjects, and on the wily diplomacy of Philip
of Spain.
The cardinal d'Armagnac at length returned from Trent,
and resumed his legatine and inquisitorial functions over
Beam and the south of France. Notwithstanding the able
apology for her proceedings, pronounced in full consistory by
the cardinal Muret, Jeanne's name had not been removed from
1 Archives de Simancas, No. 65, K. 1392. — Ined. Del Secretario Jansana
a d'Escurra. "Mi senor,'' says the secretary, " sabado a la noche, digo
el passado, madama de Vandoma me scrivio una carta, que es del tenor segui-
eate."
LIFE OF JEANNE DALBRET. 209
the lists of the Holy Office in Home : and Pius IV. never
heard her mentioned in his presence without manifesting angry
emotion. The first indication of the coming storm fell on the
devoted head of Louis d'Albret, bishop of Lescar ; l who, it
must be owned, merited censure for suffering, even at the
command of his sovereign, that the sacred vessels and the
images should be removed from his cathedral, while he styled
himself an obedient son of the holy Eoman church. The cardi-
nal, in his legatine capacity, therefore, addressed a sharp repri-
mand to the bishop : " Monsieur," wrote he, " I have been long
without believing what occurred lately in your church of Lescar,
because it could not enter into my imagination that you would
concert the ruin of the said church ; nor yet so unworthily aban-
don the flock over which you are appointed, to side with the ene-
mies of God and of Christendom. I am, however, constrained
to believe, and to hold for truth, that in your presence, and by
your consent, the images in your said church of Lescar have
been taken from the altars, the crucifixes and the baptismal
fonts broken, the ornaments and reliquaries sequestrated, and
your priests and canons suspended, and forbidden to serve God
according to the ritual of our Catholic church ; and all this you
have permitted, in order to introduce heresy, and sanction the
preaching of abominable errors ; the which the devil has sown,
in our days, by the instrumentality of his ministers. Monsieur,
can it be possible that you have so far forgotten the duties of
your priestly calling, the salvation of your soul, the repose of
your conscience, the faith that you have vowed to God, and
the obligations that you have contracted in the sight of men ?
A prelate so advanced in years as yourself, who has so solemnly
sworn obedience to the Vicar of our Lord Jesus Christ, and
engaged to feed his sheep, to cherish them, and to keep them
within the fold — can he forget himself so immeasurably as to com-
mit so notable a perjury, and abandon his poor flock to become
a prey of famishing wolves ? Monsieur, Monsieur, I fear me that
the scandal and the crime are so infinite, that retribution will
fall upon him who has committed them ! " In this strain, the
cardinal rates the bishop through a very long epistle : and finally
he signs himself, " votre ancienfrere, cousin, et meilleur ami,
qiiand votes serez reconcilie a Dieu, et son eglise" 2
1 The bishops of Lescar were appointed directly by the Holy See. They
held most important rank in the principality ; the bishop of "Lescar being
always president of the states of Beam.
2 Lettre du cardinal d'Armagnac a 1'eveque de Lescar. Mem. de Conde, t.
iv. p. 628. The cardinal, amongst other charges, accuses the bishop of having
publicly espoused a young wife. The cardinal's zeal often transports him
beyond the boundary of fact ; and in this instance no evidence exists to prove
14
210 LIFE OF JEANNE DALBRET.
The poor old bishop, alarmed by this threatening address,
could choose no better course than to lay the letter before his
good mistress and her privy council. The council had scarcely
perused the missive than Jeanne herself received an admonition
from the irate legate. The letter was couched in more moder-
ate language ; but its insolent insinuations greatly incensed the
queen.
" Madame," said this indefatigable prelate, " I cannot deny
that I have felt great and just regret on learning what has re-
cently happened in your town of Lescar, when the images in
the church were felled, the fonts and altars destroyed, the
jewels, ornaments, and silver plate seized by your people, and
the canons and priests interdicted from celebrating their ac-
customed service. All this is the more to be deplored, madame,
as I understand that the said outrage was committed in your
presence, and by your commandment. Reflect, madame, on
the consequences of this enterprise, which can only entail great
disasters, and which has been concocted by the evil counsellors
you retain round your person, who under pretext of religion
would place you in such a position, that, unless Grod himself
interposes, you could not extricate yourself. Madame, al-
though you are minded through their evil council to plant a
new religion in your countries of Beam and Lower Navarre,
the design will not succeed. Tour subjects will never consent ;
they have already plainly intimated to you, during the session
of the states-general, that they will never abandon the faith in
which they have been nurtured. Assure yourself, madame, that
you have to deal with a people, constant, and devoted to the
traditions and customs of their country ; and that were you
to touch even the smallest of their seignorial rights, you would
find a jealous resistance of the design ; how much greater,
therefore, will be their opposition, when you attempt to force
their consciences, and to deprive them of the religion of their
ancestors."
The cardinal next menaces the queen with the discounten-
ance of her potent neighbours, the kings of France and Spain.
" Moreover, madame," continues he, " I pray you to reflect,
that your states are encircled by the dominions of tw T o of the
most potent kings of Europe, who abhor nothing more than
the religion which you favour, and into whose countries your
subjects will retire. Should they not do this, the king of Spain
will not, as you know, endure such neighbours ; but his Ca-
tholic Majesty will gladly avail himself of this unhappy pretext
that the aged prelate had brought so great a scandal on the church iu which
he ministered.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET. 211
to invade your dominions. I do not know, madame, what our
own king will say to the matter; and whether he will not himself
seize your territories rather than suffer another to possess him-
self of them. Assure yourself, therefore, madame, that it is
impossible for you to plant peacefully and to maintain perma-
nently a new religion in your small territories, surrounded as
you are by such potent kings — you not having for a rampart
and defence the great ocean as has the realm of England. I
know full well, madame, that you will say to me that you pre-
fer to forfeit kingdom, duchy, and principality, and to content
yourself with a revenue of five hundred livres, rather than re-
linquish your enterprise, which is founded, as you imagine,
on the Gospel ; but, madame, messieurs your children have
deserved better from you, than that you should deprive them of
such fine heritages, which the kings of holy memory, your royal
ancestors, have so carefully preserved for them ; having first
placed the crown of a kingdom, and of so many duchies and prin-
cipalities, upon your head, that you might transmit it unimpair-
ed to monseigneur le prince, your son." 1
Queen Jeanne, like her mother, wielded the pen of a ready
writer. So transported with indignation did she feel at the
audacious remonstrances addressed to her. that she commanded
the courier who had brought the legate's letter, to wait, and
carry back at once her response. She then retired into her
cabinet, and penned the following spirited reply. The letter,
notwithstanding its great length, is given almost entire ; as no
other document exists which presents so vivid a picture of the
passionate energy of mind and deed which distinguished this
noble princess.
QUEEN JEANNE, TO THE CARDINAL D'ARMAGNAC.
"Mon Cousin,
" Having knowledge from my earliest years of the manner in which
you devoted yourself to render service to the deceased king and queen,
my father and mother, your present strange delusions shall not pre-
vent me from acknowledging and lauding such fidelity ; nor also, from
owning that you have, until lately, continued such towards her who
has inherited their worldly substance. I could, nevertheless, have de-
sired that this good and faithful friendship on your part should not
have been lessened, or rather crossed, by that which I scarcely know
whether to term religion or superstition: nevertheless, I thank vou
for the warnings which you have given me, taking them as I do with
1 Lettre du cardinal d'Armagnac a la rovne de Navarre, datee de Belle-
perehe le lOeme d'Aoust, 1563. Olhagaray, Hist, de Fuix, Beam, et Navarre.
Mem. de Conde, t. iv. p. 59-1.
212 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
reservation, as inconsistent, like the mingling of Heaven with the clay
of earth. As to the first point upon which you comment — the reform-
ation in religion which 1 have commenced at Pau, and at Lescar — I
am very earnestly resolved, by the grace of God, to continue such re-
formation throughout my sovereignty of Beam. I have learned to do
so from my Bible (which I read more than the works of your doctors),
in the book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel, from whence I
take king Joash for my pattern, in order that I may not be reproached,
as were some of the kings of Israel, that, professing myself a servant
of God, I yet destroyed not the high places consecrated to idols. As
for the ruin which you state that my evil counsellors prepare for me,
I am not yet so forsaken by God and my friends, as not to have still
some worthy persons near me — persons, who not only wear the sem-
blance of religion, but practise its precepts : for, such as the head is,
so are the members. Neither have I undertaken, as you assert, to
plant a new religion, but only to build up again the ruins of our an-
cient faith, in which design I feel certain of a fortunate issue.
" I clearly perceive, mon cousin, that you have been deceived, both
in the matter of the answer of the states, and also upon the condition
of my subjects generally. The said states have tendered me obedience
in religious matters. My subjects, ecclesiastical, noble, and plebeian,
have, without one single exception, offered me obedience, and continue
daily to pay me the same deference, which, you will own, differs mate-
rially from your assertion of their menaced rebellion. I do nothing
by compulsion : I condemn no one to death, or to imprisonment,
which penalties are the nerves and sinews of a system of terror. I
know the kings my neighbours perfectly : the one hates the religion
which I profess : I also abhor his faith. Yet despite this, I feel as-
sured that we shall not cease to live in amity. Nevertheless, I have
not taken so little heed of my affairs, nor am I so destitute of relations,
allies, and friends, but that my remedy is promptly at hand if he de-
cided otherwise. My other neighbour is he who sustains my strength,
and who is the root of my race, from whence the greatest honour I
have is to be an offshoot. This my neighbour abhors not the reform-
ed faith, as you say ; but permits its exercise around his person, by
the nobles and princes, amongst whom it is my son's happiness to be
included ; and finally, throughout his kingdom.
" You have invented a response for me which I approve, when you
assert that I would rather be poor than cease to serve God. Never-
theless, I do not perceive that I am endangering any worldly interest ;
but, on the contrary, instead of lessening my son's heritage, I augment
it, and increase his greatness and honour, by means which every true
Christian ought to seek. If the Spirit of God did not lead me to this
conclusion, my common sense would teach me the lesson by an infin-
ity of examples ; but more especially, by that of the king, my deceased
husband, whose history is known to you from beginning to end, and
whom you beguiled by the promise of all those fine crowns which were
to be his, if he fought against true religion and his conscience — a fact
his death-bed confession testifies ; also, the words which he addressed
to the queen, protesting that, if he recovered, he would cause the
LIFE OF JEANNE DALBRET. 213
ministers to preach everywhere throughout France the doctrines of
the Reformation. Behold the true fruits of the gospel, which divine
mercy perfects in due season ! behold how the Eternal Father cares
for those in favour of whom his clemency has been invoked!
'• I blush for you, and feel shame, when you falsely state that so
many atrocities have been perpetrated by those of our religion. Pull
the mote from your own eye, then shall you see clearly to cast out the
beam in your neighbour's eye ! Purge the earth first from the blood
of so many just men shed by you and yours; take in witness of which
the facts that you are well aware, I know, of the origin of the first
seditions, when patiently, and by the permission of the king and queen,
our ministers, according to the edict of January, preached the word of
God, when, by the evil counsel of M. le Legat, of the cardinal de
Tournon, and of yourself, all this subsequent trouble was concocted ;
you, aiding your designs by imposing on the easy good-nature of the
late king, my husband. "When I assert this, I do not mean to palliate
the evil that has been done under the guise of true religion, to the
very great regret of her faithful ministers, and of all worthy persons.
I, for one, am most earnest in demanding retribution against those
who thus pollute the true faith ; from which pestilential persons, by
the grace of God. Beam shall be exempt, as it has been to the present
time, from this and other ills.
" I perceive by the description that you adventure upon, that you
do not know our ministers ; or, at least, that you have not profited
greatly by their converse ; otherwise, you would know that they preach
the necessity of obedience to their temporal rulers, patience, and
humility, according to the pattern set them by their great examples,
the martyrs and apostles. You state that you do not wish to enter
into controversy with us upon a doctrine which I assert is so true
that you cannot prove its falsity. Herein I agree with you ; not be-
cause I doubt the sufficiency of our faith, but that I fear 1 should reap
too little profit from the holy desire which possesses me to show you,
out of charity and love, the true path to our Sion. You are pleased
to assure me that the number of our people is small. I, on the con-
trary, inform you that our faithful increase daily. As to what you
remark respecting the books of the ancient fathers of the church, I
hear them constantly quoted by our ministers, and approve them.
Nevertheless, I own that I am not learned as I ought to be in this
matter ; but neither do I believe that you are more competent than
myself, having observed that you have always applied yourself more
to the study of politics than to that of divinity. When you state
that we have left the true faith to follow the religion of apostates,
look to yourself first — you, who have unworthily rejected the holy
food with which the late queen, my mother, led you, before the
honours of Pome darkened the eyes of your understanding. "We
unite in opinion, as you state, on the necessity of studying the Holy
Scriptures ; but we care not to look beyond. We do not deny that
therein are things hard to be understood ; but we know that the
errors which thereon ensued in the early church inflicted but a slight
wound in comparison to the cancer which now devours your eccle-
siastical theory. I agree in all your comments on the Prince of
214 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
Darkness ; and own that you and yours afford admirable examples of
the evil nature which you censure.
"As to the difficulty in interpreting the true meaning of the words,
'this is my body,' Saint Augustine, in his treatise against Adaman-
tius, has amply vindicated that matter (as I have learned more by the
teaching of our ministers than by study of books), when he says that
Jesus Christ made no scruple to name the body when he gave its
symbol. I think that our ministers have more profoundly studied
this passage than you and yours, else you would not fall into the
error of asserting that Jesus Christ said before the communion,
" Henceforth, I speak no more in parables," when it is manifest by
the 13th chapter of St John, that he uttered those words after the
conclusion of His Holy Supper. Turn to the 22nd chapter of St
Luke's Gospel, and learn for the future to comprehend a passage before
you quote it: an error of the kind, nevertheless, would be excusable
in a woman, such as myself; but, certes, mon cousin, to see an old
cardinal like yourself so ignorant, kindles shame.
" You desire to learn in what degree I put confidence in the books
of your learned doctors in theology : I reply, in the measure that they
take Holy Scripture for their guide and model. I find that the
works of Calvin, Beze, and others, are founded on the word of God.
You say that you wish to refer our ministers to the decision of a
general council— a thing which they themselves desire, provided that
efficient security of person is guaranteed ; they, in demanding this,
having before their eyes the examples of John Huss and Jerome of
Prague. I know not where you have learned that there are so many
diversities of sects amongst our ministers : though, at the Colloque
de Poissy, I became very sensible of your own divisions in doctrine
and practice. We have one Gocl, one faith, one law ; and the Holy
Ghost has promised to be with His Church to the end of time, to
bless and to maintain this faith.
" I thank God that I know, without the aid of your teaching, how
toserve and please God, the king my sovereign lord, and all other
princes my allies and confederates ; all of whom I appreciate better
than you can do. I also know how to bring up my son, so that
hereafter he may be great and revered ; and to maintain myself in
communion with that church, without the pale of which there is no
salvation. You request me not to think it strange or to take in bad
part what you have written. Strange I do not deem your words,
considering of what order you are, but as to taking them in bad
part, that I do as much as is possible in this world. You excuse
yourself, and allege your authority over these countries, as the pope's
legate : I receive here no legate at the price which it has cost France ; I
acknowledge over me in Beam only God — to whom I shall render
account of the people he has committed to my care. As in no point
have I deviated from the faith of God's Holy Catholic Church, nor
quitted his fold, I bid you keep your tears to deplore your own errors;
to the which, out of charity, I will add my own, putting up, at the
same time, the most fervent prayer that ever left my lips, that you
may be restored to the true fold, and become a faithful shepherd
instead of a hireling. As respects my present enterprises, if you can-
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBEET. 215
not convince me of evil by stronger argument, cease, I pray yon, to
importune me. I pity, from my heart, your worldly wisdom, which,
with the apostle, I deem foolishness before God. He will not dis-
appoint my hopes in Himself; He is not a liar, like men; and He
will never desert those who place their trust in His providence.
Your doubts, mon cousin, may well make you fear ; while my sted-
fast faith gives me assurance. I must entreat that you will use other
language, when next you would have me believe that you address
me, impelled, as you affirm, by motives of respect, and by the duty
which you say that you owe me ; and, likewise, I desire that your use-
less letter may be the last of its kind.
" I have seen that malignant, pernicious, and most seditious letter
which you have thought it expedient to write to mon cousin de Les-
car, who is about to answer you. Suffice it for me to inform you
that I perceive that you are determined to bring upon this little coun-
try of Beam that deluge of misfortune in which you have recently
attempted to drown France. You envy our happy condition ; the
which, being bestowed by our great God and Master, He will main-
tain for us, despite your malicious conspiracies. I pray Him to par-
don your crime ; though do I even tremble at the prayer, lest it
should be replied to me as to Samuel weeping and interceding for
Saul.
" From her who knows not how to subscribe herself ; being fearful of
signing herself your friend, and who even doubts her relationship to you ;
but whom, in the day of your penitent repentance, you will find,
" Yotre bonne cousine et amve,
" Jeanne." 1
This epistle was penned by queen Jeanne, at Yillepinte, in
Beam ; the assertions in which she indulges, respecting the
astute cardinal, tilled her loving subjects of the reformed faith
with rapture ; and such was the enthusiasm her letter created,
that many hundreds of copies of d'Armagnac's address, with
the queen's reply thereto, were printed and circulated through-
out Beam and Lower Navarre. " Our queen," says Olhaga-
ray, 2 " forbad all religious processions in public ; which man-
date could not fail to be highly displeasing to her Roman
Catholic subjects. The blow stirred up all the Romish clergy ;
and consternation so greatly obscured their minds, that they
knew not to what saint to vow themselves. Some said that it
was nought but a feminine freak, which would soon exhaust
itself, and be extinguished, as the sun sinks for a time before
the shades of night. But the wise providence of God, guiding
the hand of our valiant Judith, and quickening her appi-ehen-
sion, raised opportunity for her triumph, where neither human
1 Lettrc de la royne clc Navarre au Cardinal d'Armagnac— Mem. de Conde,
t. iv. Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Bearn,et Navarre.
2 Hist, de Foix, I3earn,et Navarre.
216 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
"wisdom nor counsel descried ought. The cardinal d'Armagnac
was most exasperated, and vowed to arrest our queen in her
progress ; ' so that,' said he, ' in the midst of the tempest which
she has created, and which seems to bear her onwards to tri-
umph and to victory, she shall be plunged into an abyss dark
as the most dismal of sepulchres.' Nevertheless, as enterprises
are not always well concerted, he miscarried in this his design ;
and all that he obtained for his pains, was the famous letter
which, our queen sent him from Villepinte, where she was
sojourning."
Versed in the secrets of the Spanish and Papal councils,
the cardinal d'Armagnac meant to utter more than a mere
figure of speech, when he spoke the threat against Jeanne
d'Albret, recorded above. He intended and hoped to witness
its literal fulfilment. The queen's letter, the reply of the
bishop of Lescar, and copies of other edicts, recently promul-
gated by Jeanne, were forwarded without delay to Rome by
the cardinal. The bishop of Lescar, intimidated by the menaces
of the stern prelate, returned a conciliatory reply, promising to
be more orthodox for the future ; and to yield as little to the
commands of his imperious mistress as seemed consistent with
his own safety and the tenure of his see. An assiduous courtier
of queen Marguerite d'Angouleme, the bishop's infirmity of
purpose had been hidden beneath her potent patronage: for,
in company with Lefevre, Farel, Calvin, and Roussel, the
alleged heresy of the bishop of Lescar became absorbed in their
greater delinquency — at least in the opinion of his ecclesiastical
superiors. Queen Marguerite, besides, as the bishop pleaded,
never proceeded to the extremities which her dauntless daughter
had decreed.
The bishop of Lescar, therefore, infirm and wavering in
intellect, withdrew from the contest ; Jeanne d'Albret fearlessly
awaited the result of her defiance of the mandates of the Spanish
and Papal courts.
CHAPTER VII.
1563—1565.
Queen Jeanne convokes a synod at Pau — Measures of the court of Rome —
Apathy displayed by Conde— Broils of the court — Designs of the pope—
Seven Gallican bishops cited before the tribunal of the Inquisition — The
pope publishes the Bull of excommunication against Jeanne d'Albret —
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 217
Queen Jeanne appeals to Catherine de Medici — Discontent universally felt at
the act of pope Pius — The queen-regent promises her support to the queen
of Navarre — She sends a menacing letter to Rome — Pius revokes his censure
against the prelates — He refuses to absolve Jeanne d' Albret — The pope con-
sents finally to the virtual abrogation of his bull — Project to declare the
marriage contracted between Jeanne d' Albret and Antoine de Bourbon
illegal is discussed by the courts of Rome and Spain — Attitude of the French
ambassador — Politic deportment of Catherine de Medici — Rebellion in
Lower Navarre — Queen Jeanne's sovereign rights over Beam are disallowed
by the parliaments of Bordeaux and Toulouse — The queen resolves to visit
the court of France— Her letter to Montmorency — She appoints the count de
Grammont governor of Bearn — Arrival of the queen at Vendome — Her
suite — She pleads her cause before the parliament of Paris — Decision of the
court in favour of the queen's sovereignty — Francois de Rohan — The duke
de Nemours — The queen arrives at Macon — Her enthusiastic reception — Her
reply to the address of the Mac;onnois — Displeasure of queen Catherine — The
king sends a message to the queen of Navarre — Her ministers are interdicted
from preaching — Procession of the court during the festival of Corpus
Christi — Jeanne accompanies the king to Lyons — Decease of the princess de
Con.de — The queen of Navarre retires to Vendome — Conspiracy to deliver
her to the Inquisition in Spain — Details of the plot — She returns to Pau —
Mission of Dimanche into Spain — Queen of Spain communicates Jeanne's
danger to the French ambassador — The queen of Navarre retires to Navar-
reins — Her appeal to the French government — Its result — Violent measures
of the Inquisition— Political position of the French court — The league of
Peronne — Conferences of Bayonne.
About ten days after the despatch of her letter to the
cardinal d'Armagnac, Jeanne convoked a synod of ministers to
meet in the great hall of her castle at Pau. The queen formally
laid hefore the assembly the letters and mandates of the papal
legate, with her replies thereto ; all which documents she caused
to be publicly read. The clergy and the people applauded the
brave heart and resolute daring of their queen ; and they pro-
mised her every moral aid and pecuniary support in their power
to bestow. The inhabitants of Foix and Lower Navarre alone
looked on in sullen displeasure. It is impossible to view without
admiration the courage, and the powers of tenacious resistance,
displayed at this juncture by the queen of ]S"avarre. Though her
peril was imminent — her counsellors few and incompetent — and
the whole burden of responsibility for the measures adopted rest-
ed upon herself, the queen appears never to have shrunk before
her enemies ; or to have suffered the slightest sinking of heart
to impair the vigour of her opposition. Had queen Jeanne
swayed the sceptre of France, or of Spain, the world would
have resounded with her exploits : so that, as Marguerite
d'Angouleme conquered all hearts by her beauty and learning,
the talents and the heroic spirit of her daughter must have
commanded universal homage and respect.
The aspect of the court of Eome, meantime, became more
mysterious and threatening. The cardinal d'Armagnac quitted
his archiepiscopal residence at Toulouse, and proceeded to
218 LIFE OF JEANNE d"aLBRET.
Rome : the cardinal of Ferrara, likewise, received a summons
to repair thither without delay. Moreover, the nuncio Ste
Croix suddenly departed from the French court, stating to all
inquirers that he was about to proceed into Flanders, to confer
with madam e Marguerite, duchess of Parma ; whereas, it sub-
sequently transpired, to the indignation of the skilful and
scheming Chantonnay, that the cardinal had taken the road
direct for Italy. 1
Meanwhile, the treaty of peace negotiated between Conde
and queen Catherine, after the death of the duke de G-uise,
gave contentment to no party. The court, grudgingly fulfilling
the conditions of accommodation, issued an ordonnance'va. favour
of the Huguenots — a modification of the celebrated edict of
January — which the parliament ol Paris angrily accepted, and
registered under protest. The provinces of France continued
agitated, and a prey to the lawless ravages of the soldiery of
both parties ; the people taking part, with factious violence, in
the broils of their local parliaments, which in many places
refused to register the edict of pacification, or to annul, in
accordance with the clauses of that document, the censures and
penalties adjudged against heresy. The court was a focus in
which this animosity met, and expended itself. To render the
prince de Conde more subservient, Catherine spread the same
toils by the which she had before entrapped the king of Navarre :
and Mademoiselle de Limeuil, 2 another beautiful attendant
upon the queen, showed herself not less compliant to the com-
mands of her royal mistress than la belle de Rouet had been
before her. Conde, like his brother Antoine, forgot, amid
pleasure and dissipation, to exact from Catherine the fulfilment
of various stipulations which the queen found it advantageous
to evade ; and amongst other things, that he should be ap-
pointed lieutenant-general of the kingdom. The great ladies
of the court followed the example of disunion set them by their
lords. The Huguenot ladies, under the guidance of the prin-
cess de Conde, the duchesse de Ferrara, and the duchesse d' tJzes,
waged open warfare against the Roman Catholic dames of the
court, who chose the widowed duchesse de Guise for their
leader.
The presence-chamber of the queen was often the arena of
unseemly disputes. One day, soon after the termination of
hostilities, the princess de Conde introduced her mother, madame
1 Lettre de Chantonniy, auroi Catliolique.
2 Isabelle de la Tour, daughter of Gilles de la Tour Turenne, seigneur de
Limeuil, and of Marguerite de la Cropte, dame de Lanquais. Mademoiselle
de Limeuil finally espoused Seipion Sardini, viscount de Buzancy, baron de
Chaumont, an Italian protege of queen Catherine de Medici.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 219
de Roye, a lady of stately presence and rigid morals, to kiss the
queen's band. Madame de Eoye had never condescended to visit
the court since her brief imprisonment at St Germain, during the
reign of Francis II., for her supposed connivance in the conspi-
racy of Amboise. Catherine gave her a gracious welcome, and all
went well so far, when the princess de Conde, taking her mother's
hand, led her to a seat next to herself ; and, consequently, as the
princess held rOyal rank, above madamede Guise and all the other
ladies present. There was a brief and ominous silence through-
out Catherine's presence-chamber : at length, the duchesse de
Guise rose, and making a profound obeisance to the queen,
swept majestically from the apartment, followed by all the
Roman Catholic ladies present, excepting the queen's personal
attendants. Queen Catherine, after a pause,retired to her cabinet,
manifesting much displeasure at the proceeding of the princess:
thus leaving the Huguenot ladies in possession of the held. 1
The queen used to threaten the leaders of these unmannerly
disputes with banishment from her presence ; and she often
talked in a very indignant strain on this and on several other
matters to Conde, telling him that she would have no coadjutor
in the council ; but that he, and all the king's subjects, must
demean themselves humbly and loyally when at court. " This
Mould have been a very fine declaration on the part of her
Majesty," says the adroit Chantonnay, who recounts with sar-
castic humour the doings of the court, " provided that she
had maintained the same language on all matters. Instead of
which, they do little else here again at court than preach
sermons and sing psalms ; and daily prayers are said in the
saloon of the prince de Conde, with the help of all who have
the will and the ability to go there ; so that the Christian king
is less respected and obeyed in his own household than the
lowest judge of the realm within his district." 2
Upon this mass of social and religious disorganization, pope
Pius IV. hurled the anathemas of the church. The war with
the sword having ceased, the pope commenced a crusade with
the pen. After the conclusion of the conferences at Poissy,
the name of seven eminent prelates of the Gallican church had
been inscribed with that of the queen of Navarre, on the rolls
of the Holy Office, preparatory to their citation before the
tribunal on a charge of heresy. The consistory had, afterwards,
feigned to be content Avith the explanation given by cardinal
Muret, respecting the designs and opinions of Jeanne d'Albret.
The embassy she had sent to Home had likewise softened the
1 Chantonnay, au roi Catholique — do Paris, ce 27 de Juin, 1563.
2 Chantonnay, au roi Catholique, p. lo9. Mem. <L- Conde.
220 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
indignation of the supreme pontiff. As for the accused pre-
lates, the civil war which menaced France rendered it probable
that heresy might be extirpated without having recourse to
extreme ecclesiastical procedures. The citations, therefore,
against the bishops had not been issued, partly owing to the
above considerations ; and partly out of deference to the
remonstrances of the Guillart du Mortier. the resident French
envoy at the papal court.
The contumacy recently displayed by the queen of Navarre,
and especially the letter which she had addressed to the legate,
so exasperated the pope as to induce him to deviate from the
wise and cautious policy he had hitherto pursued. Jeanne's
defiance was rendered more unpalatable by the treaty of Or-
leans, recently signed between the regent and Conde. Pius
perceived that defection from the faith of Rome was everywhere
tolerated ; and in defence of the papacy, he resolved to put
forth those spiritual weapons which his predecessors had so
unscrupulously wielded.
The cardinal de la Bourdaisiere, in his despatches, con-
stantly gives the queen-regent intimation that some secret
affair of magnitude occupied the attention of the members of
the Holy Office in Some, after the arrival thither of the car-
dinals d'Armagnac, de Ferrara, and de Ste Croix. He, at
leno-th, writes to inform the bishop of Rennes, 1 that the former
i -i it*
decrees issued against the bishops were to be executed ; and it
was rumoured that the queen of Navarre was likewise cited.
" Monsieur," wrote the cardinal, " although I have no letter
from you, I will not delay in sending you tidings that the case
of the prelates 2 of our realm accused of heresy, was decided
yesterday in consistory : when, in default of their appearance,
judgment was pronounced against them all, front in cedula, as
the term mentioned in their citation was holden to have ex-
pired. I know not whether this sentence is to be regarded as
final, or interlocutory ; but this matter rests with M.M. de
l'lnquisition. I made all the remonstrances I could in their
favour, which was the reason matters did not take the evil turn
that many apprehended. The pope demeaned himself very gra-
ciously. It is universally reported in Rome that the queen of
1 Bernardin Bochetel bishop of Rennes, and French ambassador at Vienna.
2 The bishops were, Jean de St Gelais, bishop d'Uzes, Claude Regin, bishop
of Oh'ron, Jean de St Chamond, archbishop of Aix, Jean d'Albret, bishop of
Lescar, Franqois de Noailles, bishop d'Acqs, Jean de Montluc, bishop of
Valence, Charles Guillart, bishop of Chartres, Jean Caraccioli, bishop of
Troyes, Jean de Barbancon, bishop of Pamiers, and the cardinal de Chatillon,
whose ecclesiastical title is totally ignored, he being simply named count de
Beauvais. The pope had reason for alarm, it must be owned, when all these pre-
lates, who filled the most illustrious sees of France, were denounced as heretics.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 221
Navarre is txcommunicated by the consistory ; this, however,
is not precisely true, although she is cited to appear. I know-
nothing more of the affair, not having the honour of beiug a
member of the Holy Office of the Inquisition ; for, although
the pope offered, and commanded me to accept the said post, I
have invariably declined." 1
About the middle of the month of October, 1563, the pope
published his celebrated Monitory against Jeanne d'Albret. It
was affixed during the night to the doors of St Peter's, and on
the palace of the Vatican, and posted in all public places in
Eome. In this document the queen is cited to appear within
the space of six months before the Holy Tribunal of the In-
quisition, there to give account of her proceedings, and to clear
herself from the stain of heresy. If the queen contumaciously
disregarded the citation, and failed to present herself within
the given period, she was declared convicted of heresy, excom-
municate and accursed, " her kingdoms, principalities, sovereign-
ties, lordships, and domains, being given to the first despoiler ;
or to those on whom his Holiness, or his successors, may please
to bestow them." This bull 2 was confirmed and sealed on the
28th day of September, 1563 : at the same time sentences of
excommunication were launched against Elizabeth, queen of
England, the kings of Sweden and Denmark, the elector of
Saxony, the landgrave of Hesse Cassel, the duke of Wirtem-
burg, Conde, Coligny, and all the leaders of the Huguenot
faction in Erance. At the court of France alone this whole-
sale anathema made impression ; in Beam, not a single copy of
the bull entered the principality. Calm and resolved, Jeanne,
aware of the peril which menaced her dominions from the am-
bition of Philip of Spain, appealed to the queen-regent for sup-
port and protection ; and declined to take any direct measures
to propitiate the papal court. She represented to Catherine
that she was vitally interested in not suffering the Spanish
king to possess himself of Beam ; and that the Pyrenean chain
was the natural boundary line between France and Spain, the
which could not be violated with impunity to the monarchy.
She commented on the flagrant disregard manifested by the pope
for the articles of the Concordat of Francis I., in his presump-
tuous citation of seven prelates of France and a princess of
1 Le Laboureur — Additions aux Mt'moires de Castelnau, t. i. p. 863.
* The woi\;s of the bull are, " Ita quod in casu contraventionis, quod Deus
avcrtat, et contumaciam, Rcgnum, Principatus, ac alia cujuscunque Status et
dominia hujuscemodi, dentin- ct dari possint cuilibet ilia occupanti, vel illi aut
illis quibus Sanctitati sua?, et successoribus suis dare et concedere magis pla-
cuerit." Moratorium et Citatio Officii Sanutae Inquisitionis, contra ilhistris-
simam et serenissimam Dominam Joannam Albrctiam, Reginam Navarrse.
222 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
the blood royal before the tribunal of the Inquisition, without
the assent of the king. Finally, she asked the aid of France to
defend her dominions against the violence of the Roman pon-
tiff, and the king of Spain, if only on the ground that her an-
cestors lost the fairest portion of their heritage for their faithful
adherence to Louis XII. in his contest with pope Julius II." 1
The dignified deportment of the queen of Navarre rendered
her essential service at this crisis ; it reassured her subjects,
and it roused their enthusiasm in her cause. The extreme pro-
ceedings of the pope found few supporters, even amongst the
most devoted champions of the papacy. The age was past, it
was universally felt, when such demonstrations of ecclesiastical
authority might be attended with beneficial results to religion ;
for delinquents were now so numerous that they afforded each
other both courage and countenance in their contumacious
courses. The prelates assembled in council at Trent unani-
mously indicated their disapproval of the pope's precipitate
measure. The aim of their deliberations professed to conciliate
all, and to restore religious concord throughout the civilized
world. Most imprudent did it, therefore, appear to the pre-
lates, that the pope, before the termination of the conferences,
should have thought proper to launch sentences of excommuni-
cation against the most puissant rulers of Europe ; and to
alienate the friendship of France, by his ill-timed censures on
seven bishops of the Gallican church, and against a sovereign
princess, the vassal and ally of the French crown.
The cardinal de la Bourdaisiere received instructions from
Charles IX. to remonstrate with Pius, and to use every per-
suasion to induce him to annul his decrees ; but the consistory
advised the pope to persist in enforcing the sentences. The
condition of religion in France might well inspire the minds of
Pius and his councillors with misgiving ; the extraordinary and
unusual proceedings of the chief prelates, who still professed
reverential obedience to the Holy See, demonstrated how much
the papal prerogative, and ecclesiastical discipline, had lost in
•prestige. The cardinal de Bourbon had twice applied to the
Holy See, to be so far released from his priestly vow, that he
might marry ; and requested that the dispensation should state
that no discredit thereby attached to his ecclesiastical rank.
The cardinal de Chatillon, bishop of Beauvais, had openly
espoused a wife, to whom he gave the appellation of madame de
Beauvais : 2 the cardinal de Lorraine led a life of open license,
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre. La Popeliniere. Hist, de
France, t. i. liv. 10.
2 The cardinal's assumed consort was Isabelle de Hauteville, dame de Lora.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 223
to the great scandal of both his friends and his foes. The
voluptuous life of the bishop of Auxerre had passed into a pro-
verb throughout France; like the cardinal de Lorraine, there
seemed no indulgence, lawful or prohibited, which that luxu-
rious prelate did not revel in, setting at defiance the obligations
of the priesthood and of public morality.
The conduct of the pope, meantime, greatly incensed
Catherine ; and she wrote to assure the queen of Xavarre, that
the king heartily responded to her appeal : and that his
Majesty would undertake her defence against the oppressions
of Rome. In this unexpected step, on the part of the supreme
pontiff, Catherine descried the revival of the intolerant preten-
sions of the popedom, as once exercised by Gregory VII. ; and
no tenet or prerogative of the papacy met with more utter re-
jection by the monarchs of the sixteenth century, than the
assertion, that princes might be lawfully deposed by the fiat
of the successor of St Peter. It was. therefore, in behalf of
her son's throne that Catherine undertook Jeanne's defence ;
especially as the queen by no means felt herself bound in con-
science to resist, out of zeal for the papacy, any future modifi-
cations of the Roman Catholic ritual, which might content the
king's enterprising subjects of the reformed faith. She, ac-
cordingly, despatched the sieur d'Oysel, on a special embassy
to Rome, in order to represent to the pope, that the citation of
the French bishops before the tribunal of the Inquisition could
not be tolerated by the privy-council, it being opposed to the
liberties and privileges of the Grallican church. " Should his
Holiness still persist in the measure," wrote Catherine to her
ambassador at Vienna, when giving him a summary of d'Oysel's
instructions to lay before the emperor Maximilian, " you know,
monsieur de Rennes, the remedies and resources which we
possess. As for the queen of Xavarre, her case is one of para-
mount import," continues the royal diplomatist ; " we have,
therefore, given the said sieur d'Oysel charge to make his Holi-
ness comprehend that we do not acknowledge his authority and
jurisdiction over those who bear the title of king or queen ; and
that it is not for him to give their kingdoms and territories to
any conqueror whatsoever ; and not even as respects the queen
of Xavarre, who holds the greater part of her dominions under
the king, my lord and son." 1
D'Oysel, moreover, was commissioned to present to the
She took up her abode in the episcopal palace of Beauvais about the year 1561.
Chantonnay, in his despatches, sarcastically gives her the title of Madame la
Card in ale.
1 Lettre de Catherine de Medici, a l'eveque de Rennes. Additions aux
Mem. de Castelnau, Le Laboureur, t. i. p. ~S'd.
22 A LIFE OF JEANNE DALBRET.
consistory a statement of the various motives and causes by
which king Charles was induced to espouse the protection of
his vassal and relative, the queen of Navarre, against the usurp-
ation of the Holy See. The document terminated with the
threatening intimation that, unless the pope recalled his decree
of citation and excommunication against the queen of Navarre,
" the king, to his very great and infinite regret, would find him-
self compelled to employ the remedy resorted to by his ances-
tors, on such occasions — his Majesty being under the necessity
thus to act, upon so just a demand as that made to him by the
said queen of Navarre ; which admonished him to spare neither
the strength nor the power that God has given him, in aid of
right : all which, the king, upon occasion, is minded to do and
perforin." ' Catherine's envoy performed his office with ad-
mirable spirit and effect : the pope made not much demur about
reversing the citation issued against the prelates, provided that
they were arraigned before their own national tribunals, and
deposed from their sees. Pius, nevertheless, obstinately per-
sisted in his censures on Jeanne d'Albret. Catherine found
herself under the necessity of sending more peremptory instruc-
tions to her envoy ; as also to the French resident ambassador
in Rome. After much angry discussion, the pope remained
firm in his refusal to annul the sentence of excommunication,
by a second formal decree. He agreed, however, that it should
be virtually considered of non-eft'ect, as regarded its temporal
pains and penalties ; and he furthermore consented that the
document should be expunged from the ecclesiastical ordinances
of his pontificate. 2 This concession was celebrated by public
rejoicings throughout Jeanne's principality; and the people,
in their enthusiasm at the effectual manner in which the king
had defended their princess, relaxed in much of their hostility
towards Charles, which had been provoked by the cruel deeds
of Montluc in the south. It was always a subject of honest
gratulation to the Bearnnois, that neither priest nor layman had
presumed to publish the pope's Monitory ; for not a copy of it
even reached Pau.
Jeanne's persecutions were, nevertheless, not terminated
for this most luckless year, in the course of which she had
found herself in danger of imprisonment, and even of the knife
of the secret assassin. As a mother, she had been bereft of her
son ; as a sovereign, she had lain under excommunication, and
her territory subjected to interdict. The unappeasable aui-
1 Olhagaray, Hist, cle Foix, Beam, et Navarre. Mem. de Conde. t. iv.
De Thou, Hist, de sou Temps.
2 He Thou, Hist, de sou Temps, liv. 35, p. 583.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 225
mosity of Pius IV. and of Philip of Spain never relaxed :
scarcely, therefore, had the affair of the Monitory been decided,
than some prelate of the consistorial council — probably the
cardinal d'Armagnac — proposed that queen Jeanne's marriage
■with Antoine de Bourbon should be pronounced null and void,
and her children declared illegitimate, and incapable of suceeed-
ino- to the heritage of Albret, on account of her previous contract
with the duke of Cleves. 1 This infamous design, so evidently
vindictive in its object, actually met with support in the papal
council, and was there discussed in the presence of the pope.
" Mi seiior," wrote the indefatigable envoy Jansana, who yet
lingered at Pau, "from letters which have reached me here
from the court of France, I have heard how it has been pro-
posed in council to declare the marriage contracted between
madame de Vendoma and Vendoma, null and void ; a thing not
to be moved without caution, as being displeasing to the said
court of Prance, which is resolved to defend her territories
against any who shall attempt to assail her. The individual
who writes this to me says, moreover, that it would be well
not to undertake the affair rashly, on account of the great
leagues and cabals forming everywhere throughout Christen-
dom ; for that, while we act on the one side, we lose ground
in another." Although no precise record of the deliberation
exists, yet the queen's honour, and the legitimacy of her chil-
dren, must have been in imminent peril, from the attitude as-
sumed by the French court. Even those most inimical to the
projects of'the queen of Navarre, perceived that the assumptions
of the papal court must be checked. King Charles, therefore,
wrote a letter to the pope, with his own hand, remonstrating
against this design, at the request and entreaty, as he stated,
of his auut, the queen of Navarre. The French ambassadors
were directed to make a formal protest against the proceeding ;
after which, if the pope persisted in his project of annulling the
marriage which Jeanne had contracted with Antoine de Bour-
bon, they were ordered to withdraw to Venice, and wait further
orders from the court. 2
In both these affairs, Catherine warmly espoused the cause
of Jeanne d' Albret ; and, doubtless, without the powerful pro-
tection of the regent of France, the results must have been dis-
astrous to the queen of Navarre. Catherine, however, acted
sagaciously, and with politic foresight, in the energy which she
1 Archives de Simancas.— K. 1292, B. 16— 6.5.— Ined. Jansana, a Don
Martinez d'Escurra.
* De Thou. liv. 35.
15
226 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
displayed on those occasions ; her decision in the matter arose
from a careful consideration of her own interests, rather than
from affection for the person or for the prosperity of the queen
of Navarre. She was far too ahle a politician to admit the doc-
trine of the pope's supreme right to depose princes, upon any
ground whatever. At any juncture, the recognition of such a
power was dangerous ; still more so, therefore, did it become,
when a portion of the subjects of every European realm were
demanding, at the sword's point, from their prince, a recognized
deviation from the Roman ritual. Catherine herself, at this
very period, was prepared, upon the demand of the majority of
her son's subjects, to acquiesce in such a project ; and to abide
by the appeal which, on the accession of Charles IX., she had
made in her famous letter to Pope Pius IV. The queen ex-
pressly states her sentiments on the matter in a despatch which
she wrote to her ambassador at the court of Vienna ; when
directing the bishop to watch and report minutely the result of
a similar application which the emperor Maximilian II. had
just made to the Holy See, that the cup, at the holy commun-
ion, might be administered to both clergy and laity irrespect-
ively. The queen says, " we are anxious to learn what the
pope replies to the demand, made in the despatch just sent to
him by the emperor, to permit the marriage of priests, and the
administration of the holy communion, sub utrdque. If we
find that the emperor our good brother obtains his desire, and
we think it would profit us here in our realm, we will take into
consideration how we shall demean ourselves in the matter." 1
Professing opinions so liberal and accommodating, Catherine's
pobcy might well reject the precedent which was sought to be
established by the arbitrary deposition of Jeanne d'Albret. The
scheme set afloat by the king of Spain, to declare that the mar-
riage of the queen of Navarre had been void, was, moreover,
injurious to the interests of the crown of France. If king An-
toine's son were pronounced illegitimate, the cardinal de Bour-
bon became first prince of the blood, in collateral descent. A
priest, and consequently incapable of bequeathing his rights to
legitimate issue, the succession would then devolve on the
prince de Conde and his children. Catherine's political per-
ception was acute enough to discover the immense accession of
power which this hypothetical claim on the part of Conde to
the crown of France would infuse into the Huguenot faction,
of which the prince was the acknowledged chief. The letter
1 Lettre de Catherine de Medici a Bernardin BocheteL eveque de Rennes-
Le Laboureur, Additions au Mem. de Michel de Castelnau, t. i.
LIFE OF JEAXXE D'ALBRET. 227
written by king Charles was drawn in terms emphatic enough
to convince Pius that his sentence, annulling the legality of
the union between Jeanne cl' Alb ret and her deceased husband,
would never be accepted in France; and, moreover, that it
would occasion a breach between the Papal and French cabinets
most hurtful to the interests of the true faith. The matter,
therefore, was gradually and skilfully put aside by the assent of
the Spanish ambassador; and it ceased to be debated in con-
sistory, under plea that more important affairs demanded the
attention of the Sacred College. The design, however, was
not relinquished ; it was appended as an additional article to
another plot of still more monstrous intent, and fatal issue,
then negotiating against Jeanne d'Albret by the courts of
Rome and Spain.
The discussion of the affairs of the Monitory, and the legal-
ity of the marriage of the queen of Navarre, occupied from the
mouth of September to the middle of December of the year
1563. Scarcely had the excitement abated, when a rebellion
broke out in the queen's provinces of Lower Navarre; while
simultaneously the parliaments of Bordeaux and Toulouse issued
a decree, pronouncing Jeanne's sovereign rights over Beam to
be invalid; and stating that the principality, like the other
domains of the house of Albret, was subject to the controlling
power of the king of France, as suzerain-paramount. The de-
cree proceeded to state that the queen of Navarre, therefore,
could not establish in Beam a new religion, or a civil code.
without a notorious breach of fealty to her sovereign the king;
neither without the assent of the said king was she at
liberty to alienate ecclesiastical temporalities, or to confer any
benefices whatever.
So notable an impeachment of her sovereign preroga-
tive occasioned great disquietude to the queen ; its evil effect
on all the disaffected amongst her subjects was likely to be
speedily evidenced, when every delinquent convicted under the
stringent code of laws, promulgated by Jeanne for the go-
vernment of her principality, might appeal to the superior tri-
bunal of the king of France. Aware of the absolute necessity
of procuring from king Charles the early annulling of the
decrees of the ollicious parliament, and a distinct recogni-
tion of her independent sovereignty over Beam, the queen
of Navarre resolved to undertake a journey to the court of
France, whither she had been pressingly invited by queen
Catherine. Doubtless, also. Jeanne desired to tender her per-
sonal thanks to the queen-recent and to the young king for
the countenance which she had received from them during
228 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
her contest with the Holy See. Having determined upon
visiting the court of Catherine, where Conde still maintained a
hotly contested pre-eminence, Jeanne's chief difficulty rested
in the nomination of a suitable personage to govern the princi-
pality, and its dependencies, during her absence. It was re-
quisite that this personage should possess her own confidence
and that of the French court, besides being welcome to her
subjects. D'Arros, the gallant governor of Pau, displeased
queen Catherine ; for his loyal devotion to his sovereign was
without reproach ; and he bore implacable enmity to the mar-
shal de Montluc, who still retained his detested sway over the
southern provinces of France. In this emergency, Jeanne had
recourse to the count de Grammont, the brother of her early
friend Catherine d'Aster. Of his faith to her interests, Jeanne
had many proofs ; of his devotion to the reformed tenets, she
was equally convinced ; and in his favour with her subjects the
queen confidently relied. Grammont, however, was sojourning
at the French court, being one of the most zealous of the coun-
sellors of Conde. On the completion of the convention of Or-
leans, a certain number of the Huguenot chiefs had bound
themselves to repair to court, and there dutifully serve his
youthful Majesty of France. As Grammont was one of these
noble cavaliers, queen Jeanne applied to the constable to re-
quest him to use his influence with Catherine to send the
count to undertake the government of Beam during her sojourn
in France. " Mon cousin," wrote queen Jeanne to Mont-
morency, 1 "having ascertained that it is his Majesty's good
pleasure that I should repair to kiss his hand, I have resolved
to journey to the court. I have despatched a courier to learn
the route which his Majesty takes ; and the place where he wills
that I should join the court. Nevertheless, mon cousin, feel-
ing that interest in the affairs of my principality of Beam
which I am bound to do, I am anxious to depose the chief
authority, during my absence, in the hands of one who will
govern prudently. I, therefore, humbly desire that his Majesty
will command monsieur de Grammont to repair hither ; for I
should be glad to commit this government to the care of one
whom the king approves, to avoid all occasion for that calum-
nious dealing to which I have been subject. Mon cousin, the
thing which I desire most," continues queen Jeanne, with
earnestness, " is, that as by my very humble obedience, and
faithful service to his Majesty, I may set a worthy example to
the subjects of this realm, so also my territories may be those
1 MS. Bibl. Roy. F. de Bethune, No. 8761.— Inedited. Archives de
Simancas, K. 1392. A. B. 16. No. 117— Ined.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 229
in which his royal commands are most observed and honoured.
I greatly fear that during my absence this may not be the case,
for the reason which you may divine ; for that intermeddler, 1
that enemy of concord, will never stay his hand until he has
disquieted something, on purpose to say, ' it is in the country
subject to the queen of Navarre that this tumult arises,' a
tiling he would have before said, if I had not diligently main-
tained order everywhere. I fear, therefore, that he will find
his opportunity during my absence. This is the reason where-
fore I desire that the queen should permit monsieur de Gram-
niont, at my request, to hold command during my absence over
Beam. He will be well obeyed ; because he will be placed
there by my authority ; being my subject born, and a most
worthy gentleman : moreover, if it pleased the queen to com-
mand that he shall also govern over my dependencies, which
are under the suzerainty of the king, his Majesty will there
likewise be more implicitly obeyed."
Queen Catherine was pleased to condescend to the desire
expressed by Jeanne d'Albret ; she therefore despatched M.
de Grammont to Pau, with all diligent speed. Jeanne im-
mediately issued letters -patent, nominating the count lieu-
tenant-general over Beam and Navarre ; and suspending,
during the interval of her absence, the similar functions hitherto
exercised by the viscount de Bohan. 2 Queen Jeanne quitted
Pau, for her castle of Nerac, about the middle of January. 1564.
Her suite was very numerous ; though, unfortunately, it was
principally composed of personages likely to prove unacceptable
to the king, and to his politic mother. The zeal which inspired
the queen of Navarre frequently led her to commit great im-
prudence ; and many of Jeanne's misfortunes may be traced to
the indiscretion with which she pursued the object upon which
her mind was concentrated. The queen travelled, attended by
the most learned jurisconsults and lawyers of Foix and Beam,
to demonstrate the legitimacy of her sovereign rights, which
had been so rudely assailed by the parliaments of Bordeaux
and Toulouse, before the privy council. She was also accom-
panied by no less than eight Calvinistic ministers, all learned
and ready of speech, to the horror and consternation of the
Spanish ambassador, Chantonnay. " The duchesse of Ferrara
has quitted the court, which is, indeed, a very notable good ;
1 The marshal do Montluc, who still continued to wage a bloody war in
the provinces adjacent to Jeanne's dominions, in order to suppress heresy.
- The queen had bestowed upon de Rohan a patent, conferring upon him
the dignity of lieutenant-general of Beam, during the minority of prince
Henry.
230 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBKET.
for every day prayers and preches were holden in her apart-
ments. Nevertheless, I must tell your Majesty that madame
de Vendome is expected, who unhappily will follow in the same
evil courses ! " writes Chantonnay to king Philip, in disconso-
late mood. " Though his Holiness has summoned madame de
Vendome hefore his tribumal, the king has resolved to under-
take her defence, and to protect her against any adversary,
whoever he may be! " were words in his ambassador's despatch,
doubtless of unpalatable meaning to the king of Spain. 1
Attended by her train of ladies, ministers, and jurisconsults,
queen Jeanne arrived at Vendome about the first week in
March, 1564. While sojourning here, Jeanne issued her royal
letters, granting and confirming to the sieur d'Ozay, senechal
de Beaumont, and to Marie de Moulinet, his wife, the right of
commonage in her royal forest of Parsaine, an important and
lucrative privilege. 2
Catherine and her son, meantime, had quitted Paris for a
progress through the provinces of France. The tracasseries of
the court, and the strife on religious matters between the
nobles — the feuds of these illustrious personages often leaving
his Majesty in danger of having no court at all — decided Ca-
therine to undertake the progress. Interviews had been like-
wise agreed upon between Catherine and her married daughters,
the queen of Spain and the duchess of Lorraine ; both of which
meetings have acquired fatal notoriety from the political mea-
sures supposed to have been then concerted. The duchess
Claude had just given birth to a son and heir, to whom the
young king was to stand godfather ; and, during the time of
Charles's visit to Bar-le-Duc, where the baptismal ceremony
was performed, the queen of Navarre was sojourning at
Vendome.
Prom Vendome Jeanne proceeded to Paris, where she was
enthusiastically welcomed by the Huguenot nobles; most of
whom had refused to accompany the king in his progress, as
the royal journey had been undertaken without their assent.
Conde accompanied the court as far as Vitry, where an express
met him, announcing the dangerous illness of the princess his
consort, whose recovery was despaired of. The prince, there-
fore, took leave of Catherine, and repaired to the castle of Conde,
in the county of Brie.
During her sojourn in the capital, the queen of Navarre
1 Lettres de Chantonnay au roi Catholique. Mem. de Conde, t. ii.
2 Lettres patentes de la royne de Navarre datics de Vend6me le denxieme
jour de Mars l'au de grace 1564, signees Jehanne ; et sur le pli — par la Royne
duehcsse. MSS. Bibl. Roy.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 231
caused her suit, relative to her sovereign rights over Beam, to
he pleaded before the parliament of Paris, and the council of
state. Her jurisconsults so ably defended her rights, that the
case was decided in her favour by these potent courts ; and the
sentence waited only the royal confirmation before the requisite
edict was issued, annulling the decrees of the hostile parliaments
of the south. This affair having made so satisfactory a pro-
gress, the queen applied her energetic mind to procure a simi-
lar solution for another cause, pending before the high courts
of the realm ; one in which she considered the honour of the
house of Albret to be singularly compromised.
La petite Frangoise, the early friend and playmate of queen
Jeanne, had grown up a beautiful and gentle woman, as de-
pendent upon others for kindness and countenance as her royal
cousin had established an opposite character. In due time,
Mademoiselle de Eohan was enrolled amongst the maids of
honour in the train of queen Catherine. Whilst one of that
brilliant throng, Erancoise attracted the homage of the duke de
Nemours ; an attachment to which she responded. The duke
was considered, by the fair dames of the queen's suite, to be
the most captivating cavalier of the court ; he was handsome,
brave, and wealthy ; his extraction, like that of mademoiselle de
Eohan, was royal ; and the alliance seemed in every way suit-
able for both parties to contract. There was, however, one
adverse ingredient. The duke professed ardent admiration for
the stately duchesse de Guise ; and had actually worn her co-
lours, yellow and black, at the tournament which inaugurated
the reign of Henry II. Notwithstanding this preference, which
the duke openly avowed, he made suit to Trancoise de Eohan ;
and exchanged rings of betrothment with her, in the presence,
as it is asserted, of some third party. Taking advantage of his
position, and the influence which he exercised over the yielding
mind of mademoiselle de Eohan, the duke de Nemours betrayed
the trust reposed in his honour ; and the condition of Fran-
chise, about to become a mother, soon attracted the attention
of the court. In that age of lax morality, however, made-
moiselle de Eohan's fault was deemed a mere unfortunate
deviation from the propriety befitting her illustrious rank ; the
queen considered her as the betrothed consort of the duke de
Nemours, and continued to receive her in that character. To
do Catherine justice, she was extremely anxious, at this juncture,
that the duke should publicly espouse mademoiselle de Eohan ;
and she frequently urged him to repair the wrong he had in-
flicted. The viscount de Eohan, Comic, and the queen of
Navarre, joined their indignant expostulations to the queen's
232 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
remonstrances. The contract drawn on their betrothal existed ;
and Francoise delivered to the queen the written promise of
marriage, on the strength of which the duke had betrayed her.
The duke de Nemours, having due respect for the august pa-
rentage of Francoise, and overpowered by the accumulated proofs
of his perfidy in the hands of the queen, seemed inclined to give
mademoiselle de Rohan a legal title to his name. Whilst the
affair remained thus in suspense, the duke de Guise was assas-
sinated by Poltrot ; and Anne d'Este, consequently, became
free to contract fresh matrimonial engagements. The insipid
beauty of Francoise de Rohan, and her gentleness, became
odious to the duke, in contrast with the character and the lofty
features of the duchesse de Guise. The birth of a son made
no difference m the duke's sentiments ; excepting that, after
that event, he positively declined to acknowledge the contract
which bound him to mademoiselle de Rohan. Unfortunately,
as it proved for Francoise, she was a Huguenot, like her bro-
ther ; her religion, therefore, acted fatally, as well as her con-
nection with the house of Albret, to the success of the suit,
which she immediately carried to Rome, to obtain the recognition
of her right as the duke's consort, and the mother of his heir.
Nemours opposed the suit, backed by the mighty influence of
the house of Guise ; all the members of which were anxious to
promote the union of the widowed duchess with a prince of
such lineage and wealth. Pius annulled the contract, as illegal
and void ; and granted a dispensation for the marriage of the
duke with Anne d'Este. The affair had been brought before
the parliament of Paris by the viscount de Rohan ; and was
under consideration when the queen of Navarre arrived in the
capital.
During her residence there, Jeanne put forth all her in-
fluence and her eloquence to ward the wrong from her suffer-
ing kinswoman ; but the cause was still pending before the
courts when the queen quitted Paris. As this suit was brought
to an issue in the year 1565, its termination may as well be
recorded here. The duke's betrothal to Francoise de Rohan
was then summarily pronounced null and void by a privy-
council warrant ; and their child declared illegitimate. In the
following month of May, 1566, the duke de Nemours espoused
the duchesse de Guise, at St Maur, in the presence of the court.
The nuptial ceremony was performed by the cardinal de Lor-
raine. Its progress was interrupted by a gentleman sent by
the unfortunate Francoise, and by her brother, to forbid the
ceremony. He advanced to the altar, and was commencing
the requisite form of protest, when, at a sign from queen
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 233
Catherine, the captain of her gentlemen-at-arms arrested the
envoy, and conveyed him to the prison of the town. 1 Made-
moiselle de Rohan was, subsequently, created duchesse de
Loudonois by king Charles. She retired with her son, and
sought refuge in the dominions of the queen of Navarre ; and
spent the remainder of her life in sorrow and obscurity. Her
son bore the title of prince de Genevois, and was, in after life,
advanced and patronised by his father. As some excuse for
the weakness manifested by Francoise de Rohan towards the
duke de Nemours, Brantome says of this prince, " Jacques de
Savoye was, in his day, the most perfect and accomplished of
princes, lords, or gentlemen. The full meaning of this eulogium
must be conceded to him ; others, besides myself, can bear
witness to this fact. He was a very handsome prince, grace-
ful, brave, valiant, amiable, and affable ; he spoke well and
wrote well, in prose and verse ; he attired himself with skill,
so that all the nobles of the court fashioned their habits on his
model. He was endowed with great wit and wisdom ; his
orations were fine ; and his discourse in council eloquent and
plausible. He was a perfect horseman ; and very skilful and
graceful in running at the ring, and in breaking a lance in
tourney. He played admirably at rackets and ball ; vaulting
and dancing with wonderful dexterity ; in fact, he was perfect
in all chivalrous and manly exercises." 2
From Paris queen Jeanne proceeded to join the court at
Macon. She made her entry into that town before the arrival
of the king from Dijon. The reformed faith had made great
progress amongst the inhabitants at Macon ; and one-half of
the population professed the tenets of Calvin. Jeanne's wel-
come was enthusiastic ; all the Hugnenots of the place went
out to meet the queen about a league from Macon. They after-
wards presented to her a humble address, praying her Majesty
to stand as mediatrix between themselves and king Charles.
They further supplicated her to maintain, as she had so nobly
done, the cause of religion ; and they offered her Majesty bodily
service, and pecuniary aid, in any enterprise which she might
undertake, in her wisdom, for the benefit and extension of the
reformed faith. This promise on the part of the Maconnais
was certainly not consistent with the duty and fealty which
they owed to king Charles. The queen of Navarre, never-
theless, replied, " that she would take care so to demonstrate
her zeal in religious matters, that the inhabitants of Maqon
1 Journal de Brulart.
2 Eloge de Jacques de Savoye, due de Nemours.
234 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
should acknowledge that they had a good and firm protectress."
She further added, " that during her residence in Macon they
might attend la preclie in her house, as she had with her eight
sound and efficient ministers." 1
The Protestants at Macon were constructing a new church
on the city ramparts ; and the queen Jeanne gained great ap-
plause by paying a daily visit to the building. So eager were
the Maconnais to prove themselves worthy of her notice, that
the works proceeded with extraordinary alacrity ; the younger
male and female members of the congregation joining in the la-
bour in her Majesty's presence, and greatly assisting the workmen
employed. The queen caused a service to be celebrated in the
half-finished edifice by one of her " right reverend chaplains."
This ovation to the queen of Navarre, and her countenance
of so fervid a demonstration in a town about to be honoured
by the presence of the sovereign, the princes of the blood, and
many Koman Catholic prelates, greatly incensed Catherine ;
and certainly, on this occasion, queen Jeanne cannot be said to
have acted with her usual prudent caution. The day following,
therefore, after the entry of the court into Macon, Jeanne re-
ceived a sharp reprimand from Catherine for her conduct ; and
also, for having permitted her ministers to preach in public.
The message was conveyed to the queen with formal ceremony ;
its purport was " that the king being informed that the queen
of Navarre permitted her ministers to preach, in defiance of the
articles of pacification, his Majesty had sent very expressly to
forbid her to do so more ; moreover, that if any of her minis-
ters presumed to preach at all while with the court, the king
would inflict so sharp a chastisement upon them that others
should thereby take wholesome warning." 2
Jeanne was very indignant at this menacing message ; she,
however, dissembled her anger, and applied for a licence to
celebrate divine service privately in her apartments. This re-
quest was peremptorily rejected, without a word to soften its
refusal. These misunderstandings cast a gloom over the re-
ception of Jeanne d'Albret at court ; nor did they augur well
for the accomplishment of the purpose for which she had un-
dertaken the journey from Pau. Queen Catherine gave her a
cold welcome ; and altogether affairs seemed so adverse, that
had it not been for the joy which she felt at embracing her
1 Lottre d'Antoine Scarron, secretaire d'ambassade d'Espagne, au roy
Catholique.— Mem. de Conde, t. ii.
2 Lettre d'Antoine Scarron, au roy Catholique, datee de Lyons ce 16eme de
Juin, 1854.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBKET. 233
son, Jeanne would have retreated hastily to Orleans. The
prince had improved in courtly grace, though not in learned pro-
ficiency. Catherine discouraged knowledge in a prince. The
young Henry, moreover, was compelled to attend mass daily
with his companions, the king's brothers. The queen of Na-
varre deplored this decision ; but Catherine insisted upon being
obeyed, and positively refused to allow the prince to return
with his mother. Jeanne's spirits became greatly depres^d
as she marked the development of the training which her son
had received since he was taken from her guidance. Already
in the humour of the child of ten years old, the observant eye
of the queen detected that inclination for gallant frolic, and for
games of chance, which became afterwards the besetting sins
of the great Henri. Catherine ridiculed Jeanne's prudish
fears, when the latter remonstrated on the scenes of levity
which the prince daily witnessed in the queen's ante-chamber ;
or when the queen of Navarre deprecated the profane oaths and
jests, and the indecent songs habitually on the lips of the king
and his brothers, the dukes d'Anjou and d'Alencon. Prince
Henry, nevertheless, assured his royal mother that he well re-
membered her teaching ; and that when opportunity occurred
she should have full proof of it — a declaration which Henry,
boy as he was, vindicated ere many months elapsed.
Another dispute on religious matters again brought Ca-
therine and Jeanne into angry collision during their sojourn at
Macon. On Thursday, in the Octave of Corpus Domini, the
court traversed the city in solemn procession to hear mass
chanted in the cathedral dedicated to St Vincent. The pre-
cession was one of extraordinary pomp and solemnity; it was.
in fact, a kind of expiatory offering to Heaven for the preva-
lence of heresy amongst the inhabitants. The day previous to
this event, the king issued an edict, commanding all the Hu-
guenot inhabitants to walk in procession, each man and woman
bearing a lighted torch : it was also ordained that the houses
of those inhabitants in the line of procession, irrespective of
religious distinction, should be adorned with arras, or with ver-
dant branches. This ordonnance excited violent clamour : and
at the request of the Protestant congregations, the queen
of Navarre undertook to remonstrate with the queen ; and to
represent to her Majesty that if preaching in towns, or localities,
other than those conceded by the edict of Orleans, was illegal,
it was no less so to require the king's subjects to do violence
to their consciences by taking part in a procession of the
Eomish church. Jeanne's representations were of no avail :
obedience to the ordonnance was enforced ; and on the mor-
230 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
row the king departed for Lyons, after having greatly alien-
ated and offended his faithful lieges of Macon. 1
Jeanne accompanied the court to Lyons ; and during the
sojourn there of the king she obtained his recognition of her
sovereign rights over Beam ; a piece of fortune she was scarcely
prepared to hope for, after the unpleasant discussions at Macon.
News, meantime, reached the court of the decease of the prin-
cess de Conde in child-bed, at the castle of Conde. Queen
Jeanne wrote a letter of condolence to madame de la Roche-
foucauld, sister of the deceased princess. The letter contains
merely the expression of the queen's grief at the loss of the
princess, " knowing, ma cousine, the great distress that you
feel at the loss of our sister, in which I heartily participate."
She desires her affectionate commendation to Conde' s mother-
less children ; and promises to stand towards them in future in
lieu of the mother they had lost. 2
The queen, after the despatch of this epistle, having obtain-
ed the boon that she came to solicit, took leave of the court, and
proceeded to Vendome, to hold an assembly of the states of
that duchy. Jeanne knew that the ministers in her train were
a source of perpetual heart-burning and discord amongst the
Roman Catholic courtiers of the king ; while the peremptory
mauner in which Chaides had forbidden her to profit by their
ministrations, even in private, became necessarily a source of
embarrassment to herself in her dealings with the court. The
queen apprehended, moreover, that any injudicious display of
zeal on the part of these champions of reform, whom she had
so imprudently conducted into the vortex of controversy, would
be punished by a decree of council, revoking the important
concession she had obtained. Jeanne, therefore, took leave of
Catherine, and arrived at Vendome about the end of the month
of July, 1564.
By her early departure from Lyons, queen Jeanne uncon-
sciously aided the conspiracy aimed, at this time, against her
life and liberty by the courts of Rome and Spain. The hatred
which Philip bore the queen of Navarre was peculiar as it was
vehement : and he thirsted, with vindictive eagerness, for the
destruction of her life, and of her renown. Jeanne had twice
refused his overtures of marriage ; she resolutely maintained
her claim to the crown of Spanish Navarre, usurped by his
great-grandfather, Ferdinand the Catholic ; and she applied the
1 Lettre de Scarron, an roi Catholique. — Mem. de Conde, t. ii. p. 202.
2 Lettre de Jeanne d'Albret a madame la comtesse de la Rochefoucauld. —
MS. Bibl. Roy. F. de Beth. No. 8697, p. 17.— Inedited. The princess de
Conde died July 23rd, 1564.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 237
energy, arising from sincerity of belief and intellectual capacity,
for the defence of that faith which was deemed accursed by the
gloomy tyrant at Madrid. Philip's persecution of Elizabeth,
queen of England, had its origin in the self-same cause. _ He
had dared to defy even that puissant sovereign ; the weight,
therefore, of his hate fell with crushing power upon Jeanne, her
little territory, and insufficient resources. At the interview of
Peronne, a.d. 1558, it had been accepted as one of the funda-
mental bases of the confederation there entered into by the
king of Spain with the house of Guise, that to insure the tri-
umph of the orthodox faith, it would be requisite to extermi-
nate utterly all princes, nobles, and wealthy individuals what-
soever who professed the tenets of Luther, Calvin, or Zuinglius ;
all, who after due invitation refused to make recantation of
their heresy. No ties of parentage or alliance were to be re-
spected ; and no intercession was to alleviate the fate of those
doomed. Jeanne d'Albret, therefore, had notoriously subjected
herself to the penalties so decreed : the queen, however, was a
princess of France ; she had been the consort of the first prince
of the blood, lieutenant-general and co-regent of the kingdom ;
and she was, moreover, the near relative and the vassal of the
king. This lofty position held in check the more overt designs
of Philip and his colleagues, parties to the treaty of Peronne ;
they had, nevertheless, raised all manner of political and reli-
gious feuds to effect her destruction — but, hitherto, without suc-
cess. Through the intrigues of the agents of the pope, and of
the king of Spain, Jeanne had been menaced with deposition
from her royal dignity, by divorce, imprisonment, assassination,
and by excommunication ; finally, it was suspected, and not on
idle surmise alone, that her husband had been assassinated in
the trenches before Eouen, to render her condition more for-
lorn, and to degrade her from the rank that the position which
the king of Navarre held in the realm bestowed upon his con-
sort. It was believed that the condemnation of Jeanne d'Al-
bret by the tribunal of the Inquisition would be deemed so fear-
ful an example of the judicial powers possessed by the Holy
See, that heresy thereby must receive its final overthrow in
Erance, Spain, and the Low Countries. It was not, also, without
a feeling of triumph that the church proceeded in its attempt
to wrest expiation from the daughter of Marguerite d'Angou-
leme for the mortifications aud losses which the sister of Fran-
cis I. had inflicted on the orthodox faith and its priesthood, by
her obstinate support of heresy.
The juncture of political circumstances, during the autumn
of 1564, was deemed favourable for the execution of the con-
238 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
templated enterprise. The compact of Peronne had been
further consolidated, by the assent of Catherine de Medici and
of her son, king Charles, to its various clauses — the league
having been gradually revealed, with certain obvious restric-
tions of detail, to the queen by the cardinal de Lorraine. In-
stead of rejecting this compact with horror, and inflicting the
penalties of treason upon those traitorous servants who had
entered into such a league with a foreign monarch, unknown
to their own sovereign, Catherine accepted the articles. Dur-
ing the royal sojourn at Bar-le-Duc they were communicated
with the utmost caution and secresy to the duke de Lorraine ;
and when the duke of Ferrara visited the king at Lyons they
were also confided to him. Catherine, about this time, also,
despatched a gentleman of the name of Villemontes to Edin-
burgh, to invite her daughter-in-law, queen Mary Stuart, to
join in the convention of Peronne, negotiated by her maternal
kindred ; ' but with what success, still remains a matter of his-
torical controversy. The queen, likewise, made ceaseless efforts,
at this period, to bring about an interview between herself, the
king of Spain, and the emperor Maximilian II., for the better
settlement of the religious and political questions of the day.
She argues, in her despatches, that when once they, the three
most powerful monarchs in Christendom, shall have come to a
definite decision, no minor potentate, not even the pope him-
self, would presume to legislate in civil or religious matters,
other than they should decree. Although Catherine's concur-
rence cannot be denied in the compact of Peronne — a compact
accepted, but not originated by herself, and which bore as its
latal fruit the massacre of St Bartholomew, and the disastrous
wars of the league — historical justice compels the statement,
that at this period, in the despatches which the queen addressed
to her ambassador at Vienna, Catherine, contradictory as it
may seem, states it as her opinion that concession ought to be
made to the members of the reformed communion. She com-
mands the bishop of Eennes to impart her sentiments to the
emperor : and to urge upon him the expediency of their inter-
view on that ground ; when they might, in conjunction with
Philip of Spain, compel the pope to receive whatever ecclesias-
tical compact the good of their respective dominions might seem
to require. It was always thus, however, with Catherine de
Medici ; incapable of conceiving or of perfecting a grand de-
sign, her energies expended themselves .in providing for the
transient, though pressing, emergencies of the moment. The
intricate combination of Catherine's political intrigues, at home
1 Memoirs of Melville, v. i. p. 194.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 239
and abroad, exhibits an array of present resource so amaz-
ing, as may well astonish and sadden the student of this event-
ful era.
Queen Catherine having adopted the compact of Peronne in
its broader details, Philip and his colleagues believed, conse-
quently, that the period had arrived when neither Jeanne's
royal blood, nor her parentage to the A'alois, would interpose
to arrest their long-delayed vengeance. Throughout her queenly
career, Catherine de Medici believed herself to be the soul and
the originator of every political enterprise of importance that
agitated Europe ; when, after all, she was only a tool in the
hands of others. Had Catherine united to her powers of dis-
simulation a mind of equal strength in integrity and independ-
ence of action, she might have given the law to her royal con-
temporaries ; whereas, always busied in intrigue, overreaching,
or being deceived, she became only a dreaded enemy, wondered
at for her astuteness, feared for her want of principle, and not
unfrequently outwitted by masculine understandings, as de-
signing, but more comprehensive, than her own.
The object of the conspiracy against Jeanne d'Albret was
to seize the queen, with her children, in the royal city of Pau,
and to deliver her to the Spanish Inquisition. Incredible as
this project may appear, it is confirmed by authentic evidence.
The queen was to be incarcerated in the prisons of the Holy
Office at Madrid, while her trial for heresy proceeded ; the
children were to be confined in one of Philip's fortresses.
Lower Xavarre was to be invaded and seized by Spanish troops ;
and the king of Prance invited to annex Beam to his crown.
The conspirators were king Philip, the cardinal de Lorraine,
pope Pius IV., the marshal de Montluc, d'Aspremont viscount
d'Orthez, Descars, formerly chamberlain to king Antoine, and
the cardinal d'Armagnac. To this list, the name of Jeanne's
brother-in-law, the cardinal de Bourbon, is added. That feeble
prelate, who eventually opposed the accession of his nephew,
Henry I V., and suffered himself to be proclaimed by the Guises
as king of the League, replied to those who afterwards remon-
strated with him on his unnatural proceeding, " No ties of
blood must be heeded; and no deed must be thought too atro-
cious, if it aids the extermination of heresy ! " It is believed
that Catherine de Medici was not cognizant of the meditated
crime : her actions, at any rate, both before and after the dis-
covery of the conspiracy, confirm the supposition. Montluc,
the king's lieutenant in the southern provinces, nevertheless,
was one of the initiated ; and he was prepared to employ the
royal army under his command in support of Philip's enterprise,
210 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
The question remains undecided, in this case, whether so loyal
a subject as the marshal, and so devoted a partizan of queen
Catherine's, would render himself liable to the penalties of
treason by consenting to act in so grave a matter without in-
structions from his royal mistress ; or without even confiding
the project to her ear.
The first phase of the conspiracy manifested itself during
the sojourn which the queen of Navarre made at Vendome,
after taking leave of Catherine and her son at Lyons. The
whole province of Lower Navarre broke into revolt ; the rebels
being incited by certain ecclesiastics, who had been despoiled
of their beuefices by the decree alienating the temporalities of
the Roman church throughout the principality. The energetic
measures pursued by the count de Grammont partially put
down the insurrection : but the sedition more than answered
the designs of Jeanne's enemies ; inasmuch, as the queen, on
receiving intelligence of it, departed instantly for Pau, where
she arrived soon after the ringleader of the insurgents, one
Guillaume Labaddie, a canon of the cathedral at Oleron, was
brought a prisoner to the capital.
Philip, meantime, was at Moncon, holding the Cortes of
Arragon. A report was purposely propagated that his Span-
ish Majesty intended, on leaving Moncon, to undertake a
campaign to expel the remainder cf his Moorish subjects from
Spain ; and that Philip purposed to assume the command in
person, on the rising of the Cortes. This rumour served as a
plausible pretext for bringing up numerous bodies of soldiery
along the frontiers of French Navarre ; for Barcelona had been
named by the king as the place of rendezvous for his army.
When every portion of the plan seemed matured, it was agreed
that Philip should despatch a division of this army to Tarra-
gona ; a detachment was to be drafted therefrom, and sent
over the Pyrenees by mountain passes and hidden tracks to
form a junction with the troops of Montluc. Amidst the gene-
ral rising of the disaffected population of Lower Navarre an
advance was designed upon Pau. The queen was then to be
conveyed a prisoner over the frontier, and delivered to the
mercy of her implacable enemy. Every measure to insure the
success of the scheme was calculated with consummate ability.
Jeanne's possible retreat over the frontier of Beam into
Gruyenne was provided against ; and had not a providential
circumstance occurred to defeat the design, her capture must
have been inevitable.
In the most skilfully concerted schemes the failure of a
single incident, however trifling, is often sufficient to overthrow
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 211
the whole ; and so it fortunately proved at this juncture —
though the defect proceeded from a source whence it could
least have heen expected. A certain malcontent Bearnnois,
named Dimanche, had been employed by the conspirators as
their medium of communication. This man was a staunch
Komanist. His hatred against the queen of Navarre was in-
creased almost to frenzy by an edict which she published after
her return from Vendome, securing to Roman Catholic eccle-
siastics the full enjoyment and tenure of their benefices, on
condition that they accepted the reformed ritual. The edict
was followed by numerous instances of submission ; the test,
which the priesthood considered as likely to be most pleasing
to their sovereign, that they should marry, being very univers-
ally adopted. This Dimanche, having first communicated
with all the participants in the design, was despatched by
Montluc from Bordeaux into Spain to confer with Philip and
the duke of Alba. He, therefore, crossed the Pyrenees and
repaired to the town of Alba, where the duke waited his
arrival. After many conferences, the duke gave Dimanche in-
structions to proceed to Mon^on, and present himself before
Philip, who was still presiding there over the Coi'tes ; he also sent
an aide-de-camp, Don Prancisco Ayala, to introduce the Bearn-
nois envoy to his royal master.
At Madrid, however, Dimanche fell ill, and was unable to
proceed ; but, as it was first believed that his sickness would
only be temporary, Don Francisco journeyed alone to Moncon,
to announce to the king the envoy's expected arrival. The
malady which had stricken Dimanche, however, increased ; and
in his paroxysms of suffering he repeatedly implored the pre-
sence and attendance of one of his own countrymen. Vespier,
a valet- de-cliambre in the service of the queen of Spain, charit-
ably responded to the appeal of the dying man, as Dimanche
was then considered to be. Contrary to the expectations of
every one, however, Dimanche rallied. In the warmth of his
gratitude for the generous assistance he had received from
Vespier, the Bearnnois mysteriously hinted, that although he
was too poor to reward his charitable offices, yet, that those
who had sent him into Spain, on the errand upon which he
was bound, were mighty enough to grant Vespier recompense.
This speech, together with other dark allusions uttered by
Dimanche during the delirium of fever, convinced Elizabeth's
sagacious valet-de-ehambre that the Bearnnois was the depository
of some state secret of importance. Vespier, therefore, re-
doubled his attentions to the sick man, and resorted to various
devices to unravel the mystery. At length, he extorted from
16
242 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
the Bearnnois the entire plot in all its details. Vespier listened
with affright and indignation to the words exultingly pro-
nounced by Dimanche, " before many weeks have elapsed, the
princess of Beam and her children will be in the power of the
Holy Inquisition." Whether this revelation escaped in the
transports of delirious agitation, or was extorted from a mind
weakened by disease, its effect upon the actions of the queen's
gentleman of the chamber was decisive ; the more so as Ves-
pier happened to be a subject born of the house of Albret.
He very prudently, however, first requested a sight of Di-
manche's written instructions ; and this was, likewise, con-
ceded by the Bearnnois.
Having thus acquired certainty of the existence of the
plot, Vespier confided the secret to the abbe St Etienne,
formerly preceptor to the queen of Spain ; and who then filled
the post of Elizabeth's grand almoner. St Etienne immediately
sought audience of his royal mistress, and revealing the intrigue
which menaced the life of the queen of Navarre, he implored
Elizabeth to save so near a relative from the dreadful fate im-
pending. The young queen listened to his recital with indig-
nation ; tears bedewed her beautiful face as she exclaimed, " A
Dieu ne plaise, que cette mcchancete advienne !" The fear of
Philip's wrath, so paralyzing to every other individual about
the palace, deterred not the queen from taking immediate
measures for frustrating the scheme. Elizabeth, conscious of
the empire which her beauty gave her over the heart of the
stern monarch, dared even to thwart that which Philip seemed
to prize most amongst his royal prerogatives — the power of
revenge. She instantly wrote a letter in cypher to the French
ambassador Everard de Saint Sulpice, revealing the enterprise ;
she sent the ambassador a description of Dimanche's person ;
and she even indicated the lodging which he was to occupy
after his arrival at Moncon, when convalescent. Finally, she
prayed Saint Sulpice to inform the queen of Navarre of her
peril. Elizabeth's courier arrived at Moncon one day before
Dimanche. Saint Sulpice took measures to watch his move-
ments ; and ascertained that Ayala, during the course of a day,
had introduced the envoy three times into Philip's private cabi-
net, and that a long conference ensued at each interview. The
extraordinary movements of the Spanish army in Catalonia
had before excited the suspicion of the French ambassador ;
and now confirmed his belief in the reality of the enterprise
denounced by the queen. 1
1 De Thou, Hist, de son Temps, liv. 36, who gives a minute detail of every
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 243
Saint Sulpice, therefore, secretly despatched his secretary,
Eouleau, the bearer of letters to Catherine de Medici, contain-
ing a detail of Dimanche's revelation. He also intrusted him
with a despatch for the queen of Navarre, which Eouleau was
directed to forward to Pau, on his arrival at Bayonne. The
ambassador exhorted Jeanne to retire from the principality,
and seek refuge at Nerac; where she would find a safe refuge
under the protection of the king of France.
The valiant heart of Jeanne d'Albret surpassed itself in
this moment of peril. Instead of following the advice of Saint
Sulpice, she commenced measures of defence ; she visited her
fortresses, penetrating to the very frontiers of Spain ; then,
she retired to her strong castle of Navarreins, taking with her
her ladies and the little madame Catherine, and waited the
event — prepared to sustain a vigorous siege. She addressed to
Catherine de Medici, and to the king, a most indignant de-
nunciation of the plot. She declared that Philip, by his disloyal
and cruel project, had, in her person, aimed a murderous blow
at all the sovereign heads of Europe. Finally, Jeanne de-
manded that condign punishment might be awarded to all who
had joined and abetted the conspiracy.
Eouleau found the court sojourning at Valence on the
Ehone. Catherine, at first, refused to believe in the reality of
the plot, saying, " that her daughter, the queen of Spain, if
there had been any truth in the alleged design, would have
written the details directly to herself." Elizabeth, however,
no doubt believed that she had interfered in the affair to the
very extent of her duty as the consort of Philip : she had pre-
sumed to frustrate her husband's project — a deed which would
have brought any other person, subject to the laws of Spain,
upon the scaffold. Eouleau assured Catherine that he had
himself seen Diinanche enter Philip's cabinet, in disguise. The
queen then sent for the constable, and the secretary of state,
Claude de l'Aubespine, and ordered Eouleau to read the am-
bassador's letter, and to repeat his own statement, in their
presence. Montmorency counselled the queen to issue a war-
rant of arrest for Dimanche, when he should return to Prance,
elate with the apparently successful result of his mission. This
advice the queen declined to adopt. Catherine's conduct, at
this period, certainly seems mysterious : she, however, ex-
pressed the utmost abhorrence and amazement at the contem-
plated enterprise ; though she refused to allow any investigation
to be made, or inquiry instituted, into the guilt of the parties
circumstance connected with this conspiracy to betray Jeanne d'Albret into the
power of the Inquisition. — Memoires de l'Etat de France, sous Charles IX.
214 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET.
implicated. Probably, the rank of the accused convinced
Catherine that their arraignment would again plunge France
into the abyss of civil warfare. Sheltered within the fortress
of Navarreins, the queen of Navarre was safe from the treason
of her enemies ; and with that knowledge Catherine declared
herself content. In reply to the continued appeals for justice
made to the privy-council by Jeanne d'Albret, Catherine
positively returned the answer, " that the Protestants had more
than once been guilty of similar violent intents towards the
king, their sovereign lord; and that the queen of Navarre
ought to follow the example his Majesty had set, of freely for-
giving those injuries which it Avas out of his power to punish!" 1
Dimanche escaped all chastisement, both for his treacherous
revelation of the plot, and, likewise, for having undertaken such
a mission. On his return from Spain he proceeded in disguise
to Paris, where he found shelter for some time in the hotel
of one of the conspirators — probably that of the cardinal
de Lorraine — and afterwards in the monastery " des Bons
Homines." This concealment on the part of Dimanche was
adopted to escape the vengeance of some of his original em-
ployers, whose safety his revelations had compromised ; rather
than from fear of arrest from the government.
A circumstance, meantime, occurred which offered testi-
mony that Philip's design towards Jeanne d'Albret had neither
been misrepresented, nor exaggerated ; for the self-same plot,
originally organized against her life, was successfully executed,
at this very time, upon two persons whose heretical opinions
had given offence to the Inquisition. Two French merchants,
formerly inhabitants of Sardaigne, in Tiousillon, having become
converts to the principles of reform, quitted that county, and
established themselves in Foix. under the tolerant sway of the
queen of Navarre. These persons had long been marked for
destruction by the Holy Office. One night, therefore, a party
of Philip's soldiery, accompanied by a band of officials from the
Inquisition, made a sudden descent upon the little town where
these unfortunate men had found refuge, surprised, and con-
veyed them, bound hand and foot, to Sardaigne, where they
were delivered over to the tender mercy of that dreaded tri-
bunal. It was in vain that the magistrates of Foix offered every
opposition in their power to this flagrant violation of the right
of territory ; and admonished the Spanish officer, in command
of the troop, that he was invading a country held by the queen
of Navarre, under the crown of France. The parliament of
1 Yauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. De Thou.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 215
Toulouse immediately memorialised the queen of Navarre, and
urged her to address remonstrances on the subject to the court
of France. " Madame," said the counsellors, who a few months
before had so violently assailed Jeanne's sovereign rights, "in
tii is outrage, the king and your Majesty have beeu notably in-
jured; not only in the matter that these persons have, without
your permission and assent, executed the mandate of this said
court of Inquisition, which is not recognized in this realm ; but
also, that they have entered this kingdom, and your dominions,
in arms, and have committed a violent deed, demonstrating on
the part of those who sent them an outrage and contempt most
inexcusable." 1 The queen wrote from Navarreins on this
matter to Catherine de Medici ; the latter being very sensible
of the spirit of enterprise which possessed her son-in-law, as
respected the realm of France, thought proper to order the
French ambassador, in Madrid, to make a remonstrance on the
subject. Accordingly, Saint Sulpice waited upon Philip IF,
before he quitted Madrid to spend the Christmas festival of
1564, in seclusion, at some monastery, as was his Spanish Ma-
jesty's invariable custom. In reply to the ambassador's re-
monstrances at the bold inroad of Spanish troops on the terri-
tories of queen Jeanne, Philip replied, "that he had never
given any special command ou the subject, and that he should
be sorry to ordain such a thing. Nevertheless, the Inquisition,
without having respect to nation, quality, or person, proceeded,
as it was privileged, to take cognizance in affairs of religion,
and to chastise those guilty of heresy." The king added,
'• that he would speak on the affair to the Grand Inquisitor,
and let the ambassador know the result of the conference." 2
There is no record, however, that the unfortunate merchants
regained their liberty. The French court did not, probably,
persist iu its solicitations on the subject, satisfied with having
entered a protest on the lawless invasion of territory by the
emissaries of the king of Spain.
During her residence at Navarreins queen Jeanne issued
some excellent laws for the pacification of Lower Navarre —
that unhappy province, always torn by domestic and religious
strife, coveted by the king of Spain, and infested by his agents,
Avho, under plea of zeal for the Komish faith, kindled disaffec-
tion and revolt. AVhile abiding in her fortress-palace, the
1 Inquisition d'Espnirnc. — Les Avocats et Proeureurs do la Ville de Tou-
louse ala roynede Navarro. MSS. Bib. Roy. — Mortemart, vol. 3 l J. — Inedited.
The document is dated, Tholouse, 12 Novembre, 1564.
- Lettrc de St Sulpice, ambassadeur en Espagne, au roy Charles IX. — Bib.
Roy. MSS. de .Mortemart, yj : datee de Madrid, ce dernier jour de Decembre,
1564— Inedited.
216 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET.
queen seems to have resorted to the same severe studies by
which she had diversified her former abode there in 1560. She
had then studied the ancient fueros of her principality ; the
codes promulgated by Henry and Marguerite ; and the laws
which governed the innumerable local courts of her dominions,
Jeanne, at this period, enlarged her studies ; she perused the
codes of the most celebrated legislators of antiquity, with a
view to the thorough reformation of the existing laws of Beam.
Assisted by the chancellor Erancourt, the queen devoted many
hours daily to this laborious undertaking. The criminal code
Jeanne submitted to her judges to undergo a thorough revision.
Severe penalties were decreed in the new code against persons
convicted of uttering counterfeit coin ; or of clipping, or other-
wise defacing, her Majesty's coinage — a crime which appears to
have been very prevalent. The salaries of the officers presiding
in all her courts are carefully regulated by the queen. Jeanne's
attorney-general had a salary of 300 livres Tournois ; the first
master of requests, and the president-criminal, 400 livres Tour-
nois. All barristers pleading in her courts are expressly ad-
monished, by Jeanne, not to attempt to conceal truth, by florid
declamation : but to represent facts as they found them, so
that the minds of her people, and of her judges, might not be
distorted by partiality or by prejudice. Many other admirable
exhortations abound in this code of laws, which at once evi-
dence the intellectual powers possessed by Jeanne d'Albret,
and her insight into the social wants of her people. The queen
quitted JNavarreins to spend the Christmas of 1564 at Pau,
and to publish her code. These laws were received with raptur-
ous gratitude by the Bcarnnois, who found in their application
a remedy for many abuses which had long oppressed them.
Even the inhabitants of Lower Navarre discovered, for once,
matter for approbation in the deeds of their noble-hearted
sovereign ; and they deigned to nominate a deputation to
thank the queen for her enlightened legislation. This code,
which was called le Stil de la Royne Jeanne, remained in force,
without modification, throughout the domains of the house of
Albret, until after the Great Revolution.
The winter of 1564 set in with extraordinary severity. The
rivers in Trance were frozen for the space of several weeks.
The vine and olive-yards suffered severely from the frost ; and
the public roads were blocked with snow, so as to interrupt,
for days tog;ether, all traffic aud communication. In the midst
of this inclement season the king and his mother continued
their progress as the weather permitted. At Carcassone,
where the young monarch arrived on the 12th of January,
LIFE OF JEANNE DALBRET. 217
15G5, so heavy a storm of snow fell, that Charles was detain-
ed for ten days. The object of this journey taken by Catherine
de Medici, through the southern provinces of the realm, was
to meet her daughter, Elizabeth, queen of Spain, at Bayonne,
in the territories of the queen of Navarre. The duke of Alba,
Philip's minister and the favoured counsellor to whom the king
confided his schemes for the annihilation of heresy, accompanied
his royal mistress. Most historians have stated, and document-
ary evidence confirms the assertion, that the object of this
celebrated interview was to give greater development to the
convention concluded at Peronne. The interview of the young
and innocent Elizabeth with her mother and brother was the
veil which concealed the purport of the ominous conference.
" It is a well-known fact, in respect to these conferences,"
says the President de Thou, 1 "that Jean Baptiste Adriani, who
continued Cruicciardini's history with great fidelity and exacti-
tude, and who, according to all appearances, made deep research
into the papers of Cosmo duke of Elorence, has stated in his
writings that this conference was holden at the request of the
pope ; and that the king of Spain desired greatly that the pope
should be present : the matter to discuss being — the means to
deliver France from the Protestants, whose faith was regarded
as pestilential. The conference ended in the adoption of the
opinion expressed by the duke of Alba, which coincided with
that of Philip ; namely, that all the most illustrious heads
should first fall ; and that the plan of the Sicilian Vespers
should be followed, and all Protestants massacred indiscrimin-
ately."
It was the frequent boast of the king of Spain, "that
instead of employing doctors to convert heretics, he commis-
sioned executioners to destroy them." Catherine de Medici,
therefore, was extremely* anxious to come to some definite
determination with the king of Spain, on the all-absorbing
topic of politics in the sixteenth century — the suppression of
heresy.
The interview between Catherine and her daughter took
place during the month of June, 15G5. The splendour of the
fetes and pageants, given on the occasion by the courts of
Erance and Spain, exhaust the descriptive powers of the various
chroniclers who have recorded them. The duke of Alba
escorted his royal mistress ; he was, moreover, commissioned
by his sovereign to invest the young king of France with the
order of the Golden Fleece. Although the interview between
1 Hist, de son Temps, liv. 37.
248 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
the queens of France and Spain took place in Jeanne's terri-
tory, the queen of Navarre was not invited to be present at
the festivities. Catherine dreaded Jeanne's penetration ; and
did all in her power to induce the queen to believe that the
interview had no other object than to gratify her maternal
tenderness. At Bayonne, during the day, nothing was heard,
or debated, but the details of balls, fetes, and pompous pageants.
Even statesmen of the gravity of Alba and de l'Hopital
appeared to be inspired with no graver care than the pastime
of the present. At night, however, Catherine repaired to her
daughter's apartments by a secret passage constructed between
their two abodes, which were contiguous. 1 There she met the
dukes of Alba and Najara, the bishops of Pampeluna and Bur-
gos, and other trusted members of the Spanish cabinet. These
midnight conferences were not unknown to the queen of
Navarre, and they naturally excited alarm and consternation
in her mind. In the suite of king Charles was the young
prince of Navarre, then in his twelfth year. Jeanne had felt
reluctance to permit her son to take part in the interview
between the courts ; fearing that his rights to the kingdom of
Upper Navarre might be thereby compromised. Catherine,
however, had insisted on the presence of the prince in the
king's train. The queen, therefore, unable to resist the man-
date, had wisely determined to mitigate the evil by surround-
ing her son with some of the wisest and most trusted of her
faithful Bearnnois nobility. She very expressly commanded the
young prince to conduct himself solely by their advice and
counsel, as if she herself were present to claim his obedience.
The prince was frequently admitted by Catherine to her private
apartments; his youth and the enjouevient of Henry's character
deceived the queen, who believed that pleasure was his para-
mount object. One day, it is recorded, Henry overheard the
duke of Alba observe to queen Catherine, that the only way
to tranquillize the kingdom, and to subdue the disaffection of
the princes, was to re-enact in France the tragedy of the Sicilian
vespers ; and not to spare the noblest blood : " Car, tnadame,"
said the duke, " une fete de saumon vaut inieux que cent tetes de
grenouilles^' 1 The duke, moreover, exhorted king Charles to
follow the example of his brother, Francis II., who, had his
life been prolonged, intended to have exacted from every noble
in the kingdom a distinct profession of faith, taking condign
vengeance on all dissentients from the holy Roman faith. On
1 Elizabeth de Valois, and the Court of Philip II., vol. ii. for a full detail
of this interview.
- Mathieu, Hist, de France, t. i. p. 1S3.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET. 219
quitting the apartments of Catherine, Henry repeated all he
had heard to on'e of Jeanne's privy councillors, named de
Calignon, in attendance about his person. De Calignon, finding
his fears confirmed respecting the treacherous nature of the
conference, despatched a messenger with a letter in cypher to
the queen of Navarre, who was sojourning at Pau. Jeanne
was suffering from illness and depression ; a presentiment of
the evil likely to follow from the personal conference of such
spirits as those of Alba and Catherine, each commanding the
resources of a powerful kingdom, filled her mind with appre-
hension. The president de Calignon added, moreover, that it
had been debated in the secret conclave, held nightly in the
apartment of the young Elizabeth, whether the town of Moulins
should not be the scene of the measure contemplated ; whither
the court was to repair on its return, that Catherine might
effect an outward reconciliation between the hostile houses of
(uiiseand Chatillon. Without losing an instant in useless
conjecture, Jeanne despatched missives to Conde, to the admiral
de Coligny, the cardinal de Chatillon, and to the chiefs of the
Huguenot faction ; thus were the seeds sown that gradually
ripened into disastrous maturity, and which, ere long, resulted
iu a second bloody war.
It is probable, however, that the fears and the distrust felt by
the Protestant chiefs, respecting Catherine de Medici, induced
them to exaggerate their danger. There exists no doubt that the
question of the extirpation of heresy was discussed by Catherine
and the duke of Alba ; but the assertion that a massacre of the
Huguenot chieftains at Moulins was absolutely contemplated is
not confirmed by documentary evidence of valid description.
Indeed, at the very time of the interview at Bayonne, Catherine,
with her habitual dissimulation, was carrying on a secret cor-
respondence with the emperor, with a view to the pacification
of Prance by the concession of certain rights and prr\ ileges to
the reformed Galilean churches. The rapid spread of Luther-
anism, throughout the provinces of Philip's dominions of the
Low Countries, inspired Catherine with disquiet. The formid-
able party, distinguished by the soubriquet of Jes Gueux, applied
to it first by the duchess of Parma's confidential minister,
the count de Barlaimont, had established relations with the
French Protestants. It is not to be wondered, however, that
gloomy distrust roused the passions and defiance, lulled by the
concessions so reluctantly made by Catherine at the Peace of
Orleans. Gradually the privileges granted to the Huguenots
had been curtailed. Edict after edict diminished somewhat of
their privilege of freedom of worship. The peril to which the
250 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
queen of Navarre bad been subjected ; and the sinister proceed-
ings of the Inquisition to establish its authority over the south
of France, excited keen apprehension. The massacres perpe-
trated by the king's lieutenant, de Montluc, in Languedoc and
Guyenne, impelled and kept ever glowing a spirit of retaliation.
Aware of the want of confidence felt towards her, both bv the
Catholic king and the Protestant league, and placed between
two potent factions, without possessing strength of purpose to
adhere faithfully to either, Catherine conceded first to one
party, and then to the other ; maintaining her position by
dexterous artifice, and dissimulating her weakness, until the
necessity for definite action led her to assent hastily to the
subsequent massacre on the eve of St Bartholomew's day, 1572,
which has consigned her memory to opprobrium.
During the interview of Bayonne, the princely bearing of
the young heir of Beam excited the admiration of the Spanish
court. Henry's adroitness in all manly games elicited from
the duke de Medina de Rioseco 1 the exclamation, " Mi parece
que este principe 6 es Emperador, 6 lo ha de ser ! "
CHAPTER VIII.
1565—1568.
Queen Jeanne entertains Charles IX. at Nerac — The queen accompanies the
court to Moulins — -Her visit to Vendome — Panic with which her presence
inspires Miron, governor of Vendome — His letter to the duke de Mont-
pensier — The queen gains a suit against the cardinal de Bourbon — She visits
the printing establishment of the Etiennes — Impromptu composed by Jeanne
d'Albret on this occasion — Reply sent to the queen by Henri Etienne —
Revolt of the inhabitants of Pamiers — Insurrection is suppressed by the
count de Rambouillet — The Bearnnois send a deputation to the queen at Paris
— Its object — Letters-patent issued by queen Jeanne, July 1566 — The queen
visits La Fere — She requests permission to take her son — Displeasure of
queen Catherine — Her parting words to Jeanne d'Albret — The queen departs
for La Fere — She visits the castles of Beaumont and La Fleche — League
formed in Beam by the Roman Catholic prelates to resist the execution of
Jeanne's letters-patent — Return of the queen to Pau — Conspiracy of the
barons — Its progress — Sanctioned by the court of France — Jeanne convokes
the states-general of Foix, Beam, and Navarre — Contumacious deportment
of the assembly — They demand the repeal of the letters-patent — The queen
refuses their petition — The assembly demands its dismissal — Edicts published
by the queen regulating matters of religion — Marriage of the count de
Cjuiche with Corisande d'Andouins — Correspondence of Jeanne with Charles
IX. — Her letters to the viscount de Gourdon — Renewal of the civil war in
1 Don Juan Alonso Enriqucz de Cabrera, Duque de Medina Rioseco,
Condc de Medica, grand-admiral of Castile.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 251
France — Jeanne retires to Pan — Scandal current respecting queen Jeanne —
Condition of the country — Battle of St Denis — Conde besieges Chartres —
Catherine tenders an offer of peace, which is accepted by Conde — Terms of
the peace of Chartres — The inhabitants of La Rochelle refuse to make sub-
mission to Charles IX. — The insurgent barons of Beam request the inter-
cession of Catherine do Medici — The queen sends Fenelon to intercede on
their behalf — Reply of the queen of Navarre to the ambassador's suit — The
barons surrender themselves — Their audience of queen Jeanne — Jeanne sends
a gentleman of her chamber to king Charles, with suggestions for a per-
manent peace — She assembles the states of her principality — Their loyal
deportment — Catherine de Medici attempts to surprise Conde and the in-
surgent leaders — Flight of Conde from Noyers — Its consequences — Com-
mencement of the third civil contest — Plot discovered by the queen of
Navarre for the abduction of the prince of Navarre — Jeanne determines to
espouse the cause of the princes — She repairs to Nerac — Correspondence
with the marshal de Montluc — Her interview with Fenelon — Her letter to
the viscount de Gourdon — Her flight from Nerac — Her journey and safe
arrival at Bergerac — Montluc pursues the queen — Jeanne's letter to Charles
IX. — Her letters to the cardinal de Bourbon and to queen Catherine— Edict
issued by the king, totally suppressing the reformed worship throughout
France — Procession of the court to Notre Dame de Paris — Queen Jeanne
proceeds to Archiac — Her meeting with Conde and the confederate barons
— Entry of the queen of Navarre into La Rochelle.
The visit of the queen of Spain to her royal mother and
brother lasted seventeen days. Catherine, after taking leave of
her daughter, proceeded on her progress. On the 28th of July
king Charles made his entry into the town of Nerac, 1 where he
was received and magnificently entertained by the queen of
Navarre. If the misgivings of Jeanne had been excited by the
report sent to her of the conferences at Bayonne, the deport-
ment of Catherine and her son confirmed her distrust. Never
were the gracious and winning manners of Catherine more
condescendingly demonstrated. The king, likewise, over-
whelmed Jeanne with friendly courtesies ; yet less practised in
dissimulation than his mother, his hatred of the Huguenots
continually betrayed itself. The pungent jest, and the mock-
ing allusion to the calamities of Prance, so often on the lips of
her monarch, revealed to the penetrating eye of Jeanne
d'Albret the resentment which agitated his mind against the
" disturbers of the peace of the realm."
During the sojourn of the court at Nerac, the queen of
Navarre repeated her request, that the prince of Beam might,
for the future, remain under her guardianship. As usual, the
request was refused. Jeanne, therefore, suddenly decided upon
accompanying the king to Moulins. She was resolved to rescue
her son from the moral ruin which menaced him in the licen-
tious court of the Yalois. She had, likewise, another reason
for her journey into France, one which affected the pecuniary
interest of the prince, her son. The cardinal de Bourbon, to
1 Itineraire des rois de France.
252 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
punish his sister-in-law for her heresy, unexpectedly claimed
again the lauds lie had ceded to Jeanne on her marriage, and
which were secured to her by contract. To defend her rights,
therefore, Jeanne determined to proceed to Moulins ; and from
thence to journey to the capital. Charles quitted Nerac on the
1st of August. Tt is related that the desolate condition of the
country through which the king travelled, and the sight of the
ruined churches and monasteries, excited in Charles's mind a
transport of wrath. With gloomy mien, and with eyes sparkling
with fury, he pointed out these ravages to Jeaune d'Albret,
while sarcastically commenting on the alleged humility of the
sectarians ; and on the Christian spirit attributed to them of
preferring martyrdom to the crimes of vengeance and rebellion. 1
From that moment, it is asserted, the queen of Navarre pre-
dicted the bloody tragedy impending over the country.
Jeanne made a brief sojourn at Moulins ; from thence she
proceeded to her favourite city of Vendorne. Popular tumults
disturbed the peace of the inhabitants ; and La Curee, the
governor appointed by the queen, had been slain by his Roman
Catholic townsmen. The provinces of Maine, Touraine, and
l'Orleannois, through which she passed, were agitated by re-
ligious factions ; so that Jeanne often travelled in peril of her
life, from the violence of the seditious multitudes. Vendorne
Avas under the sway of a commissioner, one Gabriel Miron, sent
by the king to suppress the insurrectionary movement during
which La Curee fell. When Miron heard of the approach of
queen Jeanne his apprehension was greatly excited ; as he
supposed that the object of her journey was to avenge the
death of La Curee. He, accordingly, despatched a courier to
the duke de Montpensier, lieutenant-iu-chief over the midland
provinces of France, to inform him that the queen of Navarre
was on her road to Orleans, at the head of 1500 men at arms ;
and that it was her Majesty's inteut to sui'prise aud capture
Orleans, Blois, Tours, aud Amboise. He requested the duke
to send a body of soldiers to intercept Jeaune's march ; " be-
sides which, monseigneur, you must graciously grant permis-
sion, liberty, and command, to the people to rise en masse, and,
at the sound of the tocsin, to take up arms and go forth to seize
aud annihilate the said queen of Navarre !" 2 — so greatly did
the arrival of queen Jeanne terrify the king's commissioner.
While Miron remained thus fired with martial excitement, the
queen of Navarre made her peaceful entry into Vendorne, at-
tended by a numerous suite of ladies, and escorted by twelve
1 Davila, Hist, dcs Gucrres Civiles, t. i. liv. 3, p. 216.
- Vauvilliers, Hist, do Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. De Thou.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET. 233
gentlemen only. She proceeded to the castle, and there took
up her abode. The inhabitants of her duchy received Jeanne
with acclamations ; and, far from sharing in Miron's bloody
projects, they guarded the queen with watchfulness during her
residence among them. The panic felt by the royal commis-
sioner, so ludicrously assuaged by queen Jeanne's pacific caval-
cade and entry, afforded the brave Vendomois with subject for
many a witty jest.
The proceedings instituted by the cardinal de Bourbon to
regain possession of the domains of Conde la Ferte, obliged
the queen to repair hastily to Paris, after a brief sojourn at
Vendome, much to the relief and contentment of messire
Gabriel Miron. The animosity which the cardinal felt against
his sister-in-law was extreme at this period. The weak intel-
lect of this unfortunate prelate rendered him a ready instru-
ment for evil in the hands of the partisans of Spain and Lor-
raine. The king of Spain affected to regard the cardinal as the
only prince, in collateral descent, capable of succeeding here-
after to the crown of France ; Jeanne's son and Conde and
his children having forfeited, as Philip averred, their right to
the succession, should it lapse from the direct line. The car-
dinal had all the faults of his brother, king Antoine, increased
by a neglected education, and an intellect even more contracted
and puerile. His cause against Jeaame d'Albret was supported
by the influence of the house of Guise. His ungenerous pro-
ject of despoiling his brother's widow was, nevertheless, disal-
lowed by the parliament of Paris. That august body, despite
its many short-comings, and its fervid bigotry, generally legis-
lated with due regard to principle and honour. The cardinal's
suit was, therefore, rejected by an immense majority of the
assembled chambers ; a decision immediately confirmed by the
council of state. 1
During her sojourn in Paris, Jeanne visited the printing
establishment of Henri Etienne, son of the celebrated printer,
Robert Etienne, who died at Geneva, in 1559. The queen
manifested the greatest interest in every portion of the estab-
lishment- Though Jeanne's life was passed amid contention
and warfare, she inherited from her mother a love for literature.
She spoke Latin with ease and elegance ; her acquirements in
the Greek tongue are also highly lauded. Her poetic talents
she had not leisure to cultivate ; yet, the readiness with which
Jeanne composed the following impromptu, in praise of print-
ing, on the occasion of her visit to the Etiennes, proves that
1 Cayet, Chronologic Novenaire, p. 22.
251 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
the art so prized by her accomplished mother, was likewise
appreciated by herself. The verse is the only one now extant,
composed by the queen of Navarre.
" Art singulier, cl'ici aux derniers ans
Ilepresentez aux enfans de ma race,
Que j'ai suivi des Craignants-dieu la trace
Afin qu'ils soient des mimes pas suivants ! "
In reply to this address, Etienne presented the queen with
the following sonnet.
REPONSE EN FORME DE SONNET AU NOM DE L'lM-
PRIMERIE A LA DITE DAME ROYNE.
Princesse que le ciel de graces favorise,
A qui les Craignans-dieu souhaitent tout bonheur,
A qui les grand esprits ont donne tout honneur,
Pour avoir doctement la science conquise.
S'il est vrai que clu temps la plus brave entreprise,
Au devant des vertus abbaise sa grandeur,
S'il est vrai que les ans n'offusquent la splendeur
Qui fait luire partout les enfans de l'Eglise.
Le ciel, les Craignans-dieu et les hommes savants
Me feront raconter aux peuples survivans,
Vos graces, et votre heur et louange notorie.
Et puisque vos vertus ne peuvent prendre fin
Par vous je demeurerai vivante, a cette fin
Qu'aux peuples a. venir j'en porte la memoire. 1
During the following month of June, 1566, the queen of
Navarre received news, while sojourning at Paris, that her
subjects, the citizens of Pamiers, had risen in revolt, and tur-
bulently refused to submit to her officers. The cause of the
tumult originating in a mandate issued by the queen, to sup-
press throughout her dominions the May games ; and certain
ceremonies connected with the celebration of that floral festi-
val, which she thought highly injurious to public morality.
The excesses to which the malcontents resorted, supported by
their bishop Jacques de Peleve — who cared not for the cause
of sedition, provided that the sovereign right of the queen of
Navarre was assailed — at length became so flagrant, that
Jeanne was compelled to request the aid of king Charles's
lieutenants in putting down the revolt. The count de Eam-
bouillet, therefore, entered the country of Foix, and soon put
the daring rebels to rout ; but less merciful than their injured
i MS. Bibl. Roy. F. Gaignieres, No. 13S4.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBKET. 255
and oft-defied sovereign, the count condemned the ringleaders
of the insurgents to expiate their crimes on the gallows. 1
Jeanne's faithful lieges of Beam, meantime, contemplated with
sorrow and indignation the enormities committed by their fel-
low-subjects, the inhabitants of Lower Navarre, under pretext
of allegiance to the See of Eome. The chief inhabitants of
Pau, therefore, convoked an assembly at the commencement of
the month of June, 156G, in which it was determined to des-
patch a deputation to the queen of Navarre to implore her
Majesty to make final and total abolition of the Eoman Catho-
lic faith throughout the hereditary domains of Albret. She
was likewise solicited to govern in strict accord with the
maxims of Holy Scripture ; and to issue stringent laws against
thieves, usurers, drunkards, gamblers, and tavern-keepers,
all which class of persons greatly infested her Majesty's loyal
principality. The Calvinist minister, Michel de Vignaux, was
elected chief of the deputation, which immediately set out for
Paris, taking a very notable exposition of the causes provoking
the turbulent condition of Lower Navarre, according to the
opinion of Jeanne's faithful lieges of Pau, to present to the
sovereign. 2
No petition could be more in accord with Jeanne's private
wishes and sentiments. The minister de Vignaux received
cordial greeting, and was lodged in the hotel de Conde, where
the queen resided. In matters of religion the queen of
Navarre conceded nothing to expediency ; nor would she even
postpone any decision connected with the controversy between
the two modes of faith, after its utility had once impressed it-
self on her mind, until a more propitious opportunity. Her
sense of the overwhelming injury which she had received
from the pope, and from the king of Spain, hurried her often to
acts solely intended to manifest her utter disregard both of
their power and of their vengeance. Her dauntless temper
defied their threats ; and her retaliations were prompt, and
seldom unsuccessful. The queen, therefore, condescended to
the prayer of the deputation. Jeanne issued her letters-patent
about the commencement of July, 1500. She thereby forbade
the ecclesiastics of Beam, Poix, and Navarre to confer bene-
fices ; the same prohibition extended to all lay patrons profess-
ing the Romish faith. The benefices lapsed were to be
conferred by the same ecclesiastical board that administered
the confiscated revenues of the priesthood. The queen inter-
dicted public processions, interment in churches, dissolute
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre, p. 5.59
2 Ibid, p. 563.
256 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
amusements, and games of chance. She likewise ordained in
this comprehensive edict, that all persons excommunicated by the
ministers of the reformed faith, should after the lapse of one
year be deemed guilty of felony, and their property forfeited ;
unless they forthwith made submission to the church, and re-
ceived the benefit of absolution. 1 The queen then dismissed
de Vignaux and his colleagues, confiding to them her edict,
which she expressly commanded should be delivered to the
count de Grammont, and promptly published.
After Jeanne had taken leave of de Vignaux, she prepared
to visit her domains of La Fere, in Picardy. Before her depar-
ture she waited upon the king, to request his Majesty's leave
to take prince Henry with her, that she might present him to
the vassals and retainers of Vendome. Charles unhesitatingly
granted the queen's request, without having even a suspicion
of the project which absorbed her mind. AVhen Catherine
was informed of the permission which her son had given, she
displayed much annoyance ; and more wily than the king, she
seems to have suspected Jeanne's secret design. Catherine,
therefore, convinced of the policy of retaining the young prince
de Beam under her own control as a hostage for his royal mo-
ther's fidelity, refused her assent to his journey into Picardy ;
and even absolutely prohibited his departure from St Germain.
Jeanne conducted herself with her usual moderation : she en-
tered into no debate on the subject with the queen ; but she
firmly reiterated the promise which the king had made her, re-
marking, " that it would be too great a discredit to his Majesty
to suppose him capable of breaking his word." Charles, there-
fore, insisted that his promise should be fulfilled, as Jeanne
had rightly conjectured. Obliged, then, to yield the point
against her better judgment, Catherine exclaimed, when she
bade farewell to the prince, and suffered him to depart with
his mother from St Germain, " Madame, once more I rely
implicitly on your word, and on your honour, that the peace
and the repose of Prance shall not be endangered by this con-
cession which we have made ! " " Tour Majesty honours me
greatly by asking my co-operation in so desirable an object. I
entreat you, madame, to be assured that I shall never fail in the
devotion which I owe to the king my sovereign lord, and to your-
self. The peril, or the menaced destruction of my house, could
alone inspire me with altered sentiments ; " 2 was the unbending
reply given by the queen of Navarre to Catherine's admonition.
i Olhagm-ay, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre, p. 563. Vauvilliers, Hist
de Jeanne d'Albret.
- Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i. p. 353
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 257
Jeanne and her son were, nevertheless, suffered to depart ;
but, by vouchsafing this permission, Charles severed the last
link which enabled him to exercise a controlling power over the
Huguenot faction. Its chief personages were now all free from
the dominion of the court : Conde, and his new consort, Fran-
chise d'Orleaus, 1 were sojourning at his castle of jNbyers ; the
admiral and his brothers were at Chatillon ; la Eochefoucauld
at Verteuil ; the prince of Navarre, again under the guidance
of his wise aud politic mother — all were at liberty, angry, dis-
contented, and ready to take up arms at the slightest indication
that their conjectures relative to the interview of Bayonne had
real foundation. The departure of the young prince with his
mother was the error which darkened the after political for-
tunes of Charles IX. : on the reversal of that decision, though
the king divined it not, rested the future prosperity of the
monarchy, as then constituted under the Valois.
Joy, such as had rarely of late years been the lot of the
queen of Navarre, inspired Jeanne when she embraced her son,
and felt that he was rescued from the snares of the court of
Catherine. Without delay she departed with the prince, and
an imposing suite, for Picardy : much caution was yet requi-
site, for the merest suspicion of her ultimate design would have
sufficed for Henry's detention. From La Fere Jeanne pro-
ceeded to visit her castle of Beaumont, in Vendomois ; from
thence, accompanied by her son, she journeyed to the most
magnificent of the feudal domains of the house of Venduiiic,
the castle of La Fleche in Anjou, where the happiest days of
her married life had been spent. During her progress, Jeanne
kept up a diligent correspondence with Catherine ; and ap-
peared tacitly to request her Majesty's sanction for the pro-
longation of her journey, on the plea that the ravages occasion-
ed by the recent civil warfare on the various appanages of
Vendome required the presence of the prince.
At La Fleche the queen of Navarre received intelligence of
a dangerous league forming in Beam, to resist the publication
of the letters-patent which she had issued when in Paris, at the
request of Michel de Vigneux. The disaffected were chiefly
ecclesiastics, or dependents on the church's bounty, whose in-
terests had been compromised by the sequestration of the re-
venues of the priesthood. Their leader was Jean d'Albret,
abbe de Pontac. The malcontents met to deliberate in the
palace of the bishop of Lescar ; who had been terrified, by the
> Franchise d' Orleans Longueville, daughter of Francois, marquis do
Rothelin, and of Jacqueline de Rohan. She espoused the prince of Conde in
1565, and brought for her dowry the counties of Chateau-Chinon and Noyers.
17
258 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
sentence of excommunication launched against him, into mak-
ing humble overtures for reconciliation with the Holy See.
The power and resources of the disaffected, and their obvious
relations with the Spanish government, so alarmed de Gfram-
mont, that he consented to suspend the publication of the edict
xmtil another embassy had waited upon queen Jeanne to peti-
tion her to annul, or, at any rate, to modify this decree. De
Gframmont, therefore, despatched d'Aureau, the queen's at-
torney-general, to La Fleche, to receive Jeanne's instructions ;
and to explain the motive of his apparent disobedience to her
commands.
Although the queen felt greatly incensed at the factious
attitude of her Roman Catholic subjects, yet this untoward
event favoured her own designs ; and she determined to make the
revolt the pretext she had been so long seeking, of excusing her
own return, and that of her son, to the French court. Catherine,
alarmed by the queen's lengthened progress, had despatched a
positive mandate for the instant return of the prince to Paris :
the terrible Montluc hovered on the confines of Anjou ; and
Jeanne knew that he was authorized by his royal mistress to
watch her movements, and to arrest the prince did he attempt
to cross the frontier of the principality. The resolution
displayed by queen Jeanne generally surmounted every
obstacle which opposed her designs. She dismissed d'Au-
reau from La Fleche, the bearer of a message to the count
de Grammont, announcing her own speedy return to Pau ; and
desiring that he would despatch a body of soldiers for her
escort within a given period. Within six hours after the
departure of d'Aureau, the queeu with her. son and a small
retinue quitted La Fleche secretly, and, rapidly traversing
Gruyenne, she arrived safely on the frontiers of Beam ; where
she was received by the brave d'Arros, at the head of a
body of troops, who escorted her in safety and triumph to
Pau. 1
Jeanne's first act, after her return, was to write to Cather-
ine de Medici aud excuse her infraction of the promise she had
given to conduct her son back to Paris ; alleging the revolt of
the barons of Beam, which demanded her presence in the
principality. This letter increased Catherine's discomfiture;
she felt that again Jeanne had adroitly foiled her designs ; and
the courage displayed by the queen of Navarre inspired her
with profound uneasiness.
After queen Jeanne had despatched her letter of explanation
1 Olkagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre. Favyn, liv. 14. De Thou.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 259
to the French court, she applied herself to subdue the cabal
formed against her authority by her Roman Catholic subjects.
Her first action was not a conciliating one, though, considering
the threatening aspect of affairs in France, it would have been
more prudent if the queen had tendered such ; but Jeanne's
mind ever prompted her to destroy the subject of contention,
where she believed herself in the right, rather than by conces-
sion to retard an act of final necessity. She accordingly issued
a second edict commanding the literal execution of her letters-
patent of July, 1566. Moreover, believing that peace would
never be established until every trace of the religion of Home
was proscribed, she nominated commissioners to proceed
throughout her dominions to remove images from the churches ;
to destroy the shrines and altars wherever erected; to seize the
vestments of the priesthood ; and to interdict the exclusive
celebration of mass in any church or cathedral. 1
The edict was met by renewed defiance from the clergy :
they assembled in the house of Gabriel de Beam, seigneur
de G-erdrest, where such was their animosity against the queen,
that they actually entered into a league to compass her destruc-
tion. The names of the conspirators were, Henri de Navailles,
seigneur de Pere, Sainte Colombe, Jean de Bordenave, the
baron de Monein, two learned advocates of the civil courts of
Pau named Tasta and Supersantis ; and the principal canons
of the cathedral towns of Oleron and Lescar. The object of
the league was to seize and imprison the queen of Navarre and
her son in the fortress of Navarreins; and to massacre the
Protestants of the principality as they assembled to partake of
the Holy Sacrament, on Whitsunday. 1567. The chapters of
Lescar and Oleron undertook to furnish the pecuniary funds,
requisite for the execution of the plot. Before the conspirators
separated, they each signed the articles of this iniquitous league
with their blood ; and bound themselves, by frightful anathe-
mas, never to rest until the project was accomplished, and the
Roman Faith once more dominant.-
Notwithstanding Jeanne's vigilance, no rumour of this con-
spiracy reached her ear ; and so totally unconscious was she of
danger that the queen quitted Pau for the baths of Eaux-
Chaudes. Ste Colombe, meantime, was despatched into France,
to justify, and to ask the co-operation of the king, in the design
for dethroning the queen of Navarre. It was decided to put
the plot into execution before Charles's answer was known ;
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. ii.
* Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre, p. 565. De Thou.
260 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
that neither the refusal of king Charles to abet the project,
nor his avowed disapprobation, might dishearten the conspir-
ators.
The baron de Moneins, however, experienced many mis-
givings of conscience ; the only individual amongst the con-
spirators who could boast of illustrious extraction, his aristo-
cratic prejudices were perpetually wounded by the tone of
equality assumed by his colleagues. At leugth, his disquietude
and remorse became so intense, that he sought an interview
with the baron d'Audaux, and disclosed the design of the
conspirators. DAudaux promptly despatched his brother,
St Greniez, with a troop of horse to seize the town of Oleron,
the principal haven of the disaffected. He then conducted the
repentant de Moneins to the feet of his royal mistress ; who, on
her way to les Eaux-Chaudes, was sojourning in her town of
Ossau. The queen returned to Pau, from whence she des-
patched d'Audaux to disarm the rebels ; who, upon receiving a
secret notification of their betrayal by de Moneins, fled to
Oleron ; and to reduce that town to submit to her authority.
The most sanguinary insurrection, meanwhile, broke out there
after the arrival of St Geniez. The inhabitants of Oleron,
triumphant for a brief season, massacred the Protestant popu-
lation of the town, committing savage outrages. Led by the
abbe de Saubalade, they opposed the entrance of dAudaux with
the troops sent by Jeanne. After several engagements in the
suburbs and streets of Oleron, the rebels were subdued ; and
the abbe de Saubalade and other leaders of the revolt were
arrested, and sent in chains to Pau. They were instantly put
on trial and condemned to death. 1
The queen during this interval steadily enforced the pub-
lication of her letters-patent. She next convoked the states of
the principality, hoping to allay the seditious spirit which
animated her subjects of Poix and Lower Navarre. The first
day of the session Jeanne proceeded to the chamber, and pro-
nounced an harangue, in which she explained to the assembly
the condition of the country ; and the remedies which she pro-
posed to adopt in order to restore concord. She presented her
son to the chambers ; and concluded her discourse by announc-
ing a royal act of grace, which should have mollified the heart
of the most seditious in that assembly. She proclaimed the
full and complete pardon of Saubalade and the rebel leaders
condemned for their treasonable design against her life, and
1 Olhagaray. De Thou. Favyn.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 261
for participation in the insurrection at Oleron. This pardon
Jeanne granted on her sole responsibility ; the senechal of
Beam, the baron d'Arros, aud the count de Grammont being
unanimously of opinion that the criminals ought to suffer the
penalty of their crime at Oleron ; which town was still filled
with wailing and bloodshed through their lawless violence.
The states responded ungraciously to the concession tender-
ed by their royal mistress. On the day following, after voting
a reply to the address made by the queen, the assembly nomin-
ated a deputation of members, headed by the bishop of Oleron,
to represent to their sovereign, that her dominions would never
enjoy the blessing of peace and concord until she had repealed
her letters-patent of July, 1566. They therefore prayed her to
issue a revocation of the edict, ere they proceeded to discuss
other matters. The members of the states of Beam, mean-
time, secretly assured the queen of their support ; and counsel-
led her not to yield to the menacing demand of their colleagues
of Foix and Lower Navarre. The queen, therefore, received
the prayer of the deputation with haughty displeasure ; ad-
dressing the bishop of Oleron, she declared, " that she wonder-
ed much at the countenance he afforded to the factious demand
of the members for Foix and Navarre ; seeing that he had
many times conjured and exhorted her not to attend mass." 1
She then dismissed the members from her presence, with the
assurance, that it was her determination to maintain the edict,
and to suppress the Roman Catholic religion as the dominant
faith ; adding, that " she willingly tolerated its profession, but
denied its ascendancy." The following day the assembly sent
to demand its dismissal ; as the queen refused to accede to the
only method which occurred to the majority of members as
likely to restore peace. Jeanne replied, " that there was no
need for the sovereign to take leave of rebellious subjects ;
that it was not her intent to do violence to the assembly ; but
it was her desire, that they should proceed to legislate upon
other matters." This, however, the members refused to do
until the obnoxious edict was repealed ; and they again de-
manded their dismissal in more peremptory terms. Jeanne,
finding that the states were resolutely resolved to exact the
recall of her edict, and being as determined to resist their dic-
tation, she finally decided to grant them leave to depart. Ac-
1 Olhagaray, Hist.^ de Foix, Beam, et Navarre, p. 569. The bishop of
Oleron was Claude Regin. His origin was obscure; and he owed his see to
the favour of the queen of Navarre. The bishop had once been an ardent ad-
herent of the reformed faith ; but, like the bishop of Lescar, the menaces of
Rome arrested his zeal for the reformation of the church.
262 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
cordingly, the queen sent, through the count de Grammont,
the necessary authority for their dispersion ; accompanying her
mandate with the message, " that to bad and faithless subjects
she willingly accorded conge ! " '
The members, thus released from the duties of legislation,
dispersed over Jeanne's dominions advocating revolt, and hold-
ing tumultuous meetings in various places of the principality.
Another plot was formed to imprison the queen, and to offer
the domains of the house of Albret to the crown of Spain, or to
the king of France. The baron de Luxe, one of the most
powerful and wealthy of the queen's subjects, joined the rebels.
They were further reinforced by the adherence of the viscount
d'Orthez, of Ste Colombe, now returned from his traitorous
mission into France, of Valentine count de Damesau, and by
the baron de Moneins — who, although he had before betrayed
the design of the conspirators, was again accepted as a confeder-
ate. It is, moreover, believed that Ste Colombe was commis-
sioned by Catherine de Medici to convey to the conspirators
the approval of the French council in their project ; provided
that no personal violence was offered to the queen of Navarre,
further than for her safe apprehension, and her transfer into
France. This plot was, in fact, but the re-organization of
that which had before been suppressed by the energy and de-
termination of the senechal of Beam.
The queen at this season, by the advice of de Grammont,
issued edicts prohibiting any to carry fire-arms, to hold secret
assemblies, or to ring the tocsin. She, moreover, published an
ordonnance authorising the profession both of the Roman Ca-
tholic and reformed religion in Beam and Foix ; though still
insisting on the perfect temporal equality of the churches in
the division of ecclesiastical benefices, and the possession of the
cathedrals for the purposes of worship. The queen forwarded
this edict to the bishop of Lescar, and required his co-operation
for its due execution. The bishop refused to countenance the
decree ; and peremptorily demanded that the sacred vessels,
and the ornaments of the churches, confiscated by the mandate
of the queen, should be restored ; and especially the treasures
appertaining to the cathedral of Lescar. The queen made a
characteristic response to this demand by commanding a public
sale of the greater part of the treasures confiscated ; the re-
maining portion, chiefly consisting of vessels of silver and gold
plate, was conveyed to the mint, and forthwith coined into
money. Her next proceeding was to direct by letters -patent
1 Olhagaray.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBPvET. 2G3
the seizure of the temporalities of the bishopric of Lescar ; and
the appropriation of all churches and chapels deserted by the
priesthood within that diocese. The queen committed the ex-
ecution of her mandate to two counsellors of la Chambre des
Comptes, named Tissuis and Coulomme. l
After the queen had satisfactorily arranged these important
affairs, she permitted herself some relaxation from politics. It
•was at this season that she celebrated the marriage of the count
de Guiehe, eldest son of her faithful subject and friend de
Grammont, with the beautiful Corisandre d'Andouins, the
richest heiress of her principality, and a lady who brought her
husband a revenue of 25,000 livres Tournois. 2
The queen, during this period of comparative leisure, estab-
lished rules for the education of her son ; whom she caused to
be thoroughly examined in his religious belief, and confirmed in
the tenets of the reformed church, by the most learned doctors.
She appointed as his preceptor, Florent Chrestieu, a man well
versed in literature and poetry, and a devoted adherent of Cal-
vinism. To madame Catherine, her youthful daughter, the
queen gave as a preceptor the sieur de la Roche, son of the
learned professor Macrin. She likewise confirmed madame de
Thignonville in her office of governess, and principal lady of
honour to the princess. Hitherto, the queen had exercised
little influence over the education of her sou ; as Henry, while
resident at the court of France, shared the studies of the
king, and his mother's inclination had been only consulted so
far as it coincided with Catherine's designs. When he return-
ed to his mother's guardianship, at the age of thirteen, Henry
was proficient in the gallant accomplishments of the day. He
rode well, danced, wrestled, and was thoroughly initiated in the
bearing and deportment of the brilliant cavalier. His taste
for poetry was cultivated ; by Catherine's command the young
prince had been well versed in the French, Spanish, and Italian
languages. The queen of Navarre, however, prepared to cor-
rect the defects which she disarmed in the system of her son's
past education. By her desire the prince commenced in good
earnest a diligent study of the Greek and Latin tongues ; the
chivalrous lays and novelettes of France and Spain, in which the
young Henry delighted, were exchanged for books of history,
politics, and religion. To demonstrate to her son that the
reality of war was other than the mimic warfare exhibited by
the tourney, Jeanne confided the prince to the care of her
senechal of Beam ; and sent him to aid in suppressing a second
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. ii.
8 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre.
2G4 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
insurrectionary movement of the town of Oleron. The queen,
moreover, strictly interdicted all games of chance, such as dice,
cards, and billiards ; she also established regulations for the
deportment of her ladies of honour, when in the presence of
the prince ; and she discouraged, to the utmost of her power,
any social intercourse between her son and the fair damsels in
her train. Probably, the strict etiquette of his mother's court
would have speedily proved intolerable to the gay and gallant
prince, had not the incidents of the impending war roused in
Henry that great and martial spirit which Catherine had in
vain essayed to quell.
The queen of Navarre about this time rendered essential
service to her husband's son by mademoiselle de Eouet. Jeanne
had great magnanimity of spirit ; and from the day that the
grave closed over the remains of her husband, once so fondly
loved, all cause of offence between them was forgotten ; and
every person or thing which Antoine had cared for was regard-
ed by Jeanne with reverence. The reversion of the bishopric
of Comminges had been promised to king Antoine for his son ;
the see becoming vacant, Catherine de Medici, forgetful of her
former engagement, nominated to the benefice the bastard son
of the baron de Lansac — the latter being one of the most able
diplomatists of the day, and queen Catherine's devoted ad-
herent. Jeanne, willing always to aid the oppressed, undertook
to write to king Charles on the subject ; and to remind his
Majesty of the promise made to the king of Navarre. Accord-
ingly the queen wrote as follows :
QUEEN JEANNE TO CHARLES IX., KING OF FRANCE. 1
" MONSEIGNEUR,
" I am bound by so many souvenirs of the honour which was mine
during the life of monseigneur the late king, my husband, that if I
did not now employ every means in my power to aid and favour those
who were dear to him, I should consider myself most culpable. Mon-
seigneur, I feel assurance, therefore, that you will not take in bad part
(until you shall be pleased to grant me my just request), if I cease not
to importune you for the bishopric of Comminges, the which having
been bestowed upon the king my husband, as an acknowledgment of
his services, he was, in his turn, pleased to give to his bastard son. I
pray you, therefore, monseigneur, to consider whether it is a just act
to deprive the said bastard of this bishopric, to bestow it upon the son
of M. de Lansac ? If it will please you, monseigneur, to compare the
1 Catalogue La Verdet, No. 528. Vente du 31 Janvier, 1854. The original
of this curious document was sold in Paris on the above date. The author is
indebted for a copy of the letter, which has never been published, to Monsieur
L. Paris.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 265
dignity of the fathers of these two claimants, I feel certain you will
perceive that without doing us great wrong and injustice, you cannot
bestow the benefice on the bastard of Lansac. I pray you very hum-
bly, monseigneur, to remember that the observance of your promise is
a thing worthy of your royal dignity. You have so many other ways
of recompensing the said de Lansac, that, if it pleases you, both claim-
ants may remain satisfied.
" I cannot, hoAvever, fail to inform you, monseigneur, that in defiance
of the edict of pacification between your Majesty and_ your subjects,
the said bastard of Lansac has taken up arms in the diocese of Com-
minges, as I have heen advertised by the marquis de Villars. I have
requested M. de Villars to explain to you, that this violence may be
the cause of sedition ; to foment which, MM. de Toulouse, 1 according
to their usual custom, leave nothing undone, having already com-
menced their practices by sending the said bastard arms and artillery.
I entreat you very humbly, monseigneur, to chastise the audacity of
this said de Lansac ; and to acknowledge the patience and loyal en-
durance displayed by the bastard de Bourbon. If the latter were as
headstrong as his competitor, he might have contrived more ways to
punish this insolence than de Lansac has found means to act on his
side : but, monseigneur, you will always perceive by our actions, with
what sincerity we offer you service. I, therefore, again tender to you,
monseigneur," my righteous petition, while praying that God may
augment and pour upon you His holy favours,
" Votre tres humble," et tres obeissante, servante et subjecte,
" Jeanne."
The queen of Navarre finally obtained her petition for her
husband's illegitimate son. During the earlier years of his
reign, Charles was impressed with a proper sense of the in-
violability of his royal word. Upon most subjects, however,
when Jeanne made one of her fearless appeals to king Charles,
and to his royal mother, she seldom failed in obtaining its ob-
ject ; but, while Catherine dreaded her scrutiny, the young
king loved her not, who rebuked him in language so resolute
and uncompromising.
Jeanne's polemical ardour revived again at this period ; and
she addressed a letter to the viscount de Grourdon, on the
comparative merits of the reformed and the Eomish churches,
and their respective claims to be regarded as Catholic and or-
thodox. The queen expresses her opinions with great violence,
throughout this strange epistle. The controversy absorbed
every faculty of Jeanne's mind. She lived immersed in dis-
cussion : the time that she could spare from politics was spent
by her in drawing up expositions of her faith, or in debates on
the disputed points with the Eomish prelates of her princi-
1 The members of the parliament of Toulouse.
266 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
pality. Doubtless, her influence over the reformed churches
of continental Europe was almost despotic ; she inherited the
ready pen of her ancestors of the house of Angouleme ; and her
dissertations on the controversial points which agitated the
churches, and the irony of her style, produced more permanent
impression than the turgid compositions of de Beze and his
colleagues. A true descendant of Louise de Savoy, Jeanne's
courage bore her triumphant over obstacles often most formid-
able ; while that ability cannot be too highly appreciated, situ-
ated as the queen of Navarre was — her territory surrounded by
hostile courts, and agitated by factions — which yet perseveringly
pursued the policy that had caused her to incur the ban of all
neighbouring princes. On the duty which she owed to her
subjects, the queen expresses herself thus, in her epistle to de
Gourdon ; " I remember well, as a child (being born to queenly
heritage), the exhortations and artifices which were resorted
to, to induce my acceptance of the Roman faith. I was told
that it was only necessary to make an outward profession of
this said faith, in order to govern my subjects as slaves ; wdien,
by the Holy Testament of our Celestial Father, I learned that
all earthly power proceeded from Himself, and was delegated
to princes, that they might maintain justice, and succour the
fatherless, widows, and orphans, and protect them against evil
and malignant men. Power is not given to me, to pamper and
indulge my worldly pride, avarice, and vanity, at the expense
of the blood of my brethren in the flesh, although they be my
subjects in this lower w T orld." In another part of her letter,
Jeanne says, " I pray you, tell me in what part of the Holy
Scripture it is written, that the pope may usurp the attributes
and office of our Lord Jesus Christ ? or that he may, at the
promptings of avarice, open Heaven, close the gates of Hell,
quench the fires of Purgatory, bind the devils, and exalt his
own sceptre above the thrones of angels, principalities, and of
all the hosts of heaven ; that he may decide upon the cecumeni-
cality of councils, and grant indulgences of a thousand years for
the commission of any crime wdiatever ? The Church has not
maintained her pristine innocence and vigour — her purity, and
holiness of doctrine and practice : she has exchanged the spirit-
ual for the carnal ; her roses are become thistles ; her healing
balms, as venomous banes ; her charity is nought but chilling
vanity ; her priests and bishops, who ought to be like Timotheus,
chaste, sober, humble, hospitable, watching night and day to
cherish the holy fire which glows in the bosom of every true
priest of God, have defiled themselves, and have become
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 2G7
abominable, by their avarice and most unholy sloth." 1 In
such like strains queen Jeanne continues, through an admir-
ably written letter of several pages — eloquent in its fervour :
but stern and defiant in its denunciation of heresy. The viru-
lence of the hate with which Jeanne was regarded by the ad-
herents of Rome, may be divined, when such statements of her
sentiments were not confined to the letters addressed to her
personal friends, but were launched by her in the shape of
manifestoes, and dispersed by hundreds over France, Germany,
and the Low Countries.
About the end of August, 1567, the queen quitted Pau to
visit her county of Foix, accompanied by the prince of Beam,
and by a numerous suite. She was sojourning at St Gaudens,
when she received an express from Conde, and the admiral de
Chatillon, announcing that the Huguenots had again taken up
arms ; that fifty towns in France already acknowledged their
authority ; and that by the merest accident the king and his
brother had escaped capture, while sojourning at Catherine's
palace of Monceaux in Brie. This important intelligence in-
duced the queen to return without delay to her capital : she,
therefore, delegated authority to the seigneur de Rabat to con-
voke the states of Foix at Vrilles, over which assembly Jeanne
had intended personally to preside, in the hope of finding the
members in more tractable humour, when separated from their
turbulent colleagues of Lower Navarre.
" M. de Montluc," wrote the queen to Catherine's lieutenant,
" as I was on my road for the county of Foix, there to hold the
states, and to visit my subjects under the suzerainety of the
king my sovereign lord, I heard, when at St Gaudens, that in
various parts of the realm there were assemblies of the dis-
affected in arms, for which reason I have resolved to return to
Pau. I am now on my way thither, being firmly resolved still
to hold and maintain my countries and subjects in that peace
and tranquillity, which, by the grace of God, I have hitherto
been enabled to do, despite the troubles that have prevailed
around me : being, likewise, firmly minded to spare nothing in
my power to render his Majesty service." 2
The impression produced by Catherine's interview at
Bayonne with the queen of Spain and the duke of Alba, acted
fatally on the peace of the kingdom. The intimate political re-
1 Lcttre de la royne de Navarre au vicomte de Gourdon. — MS. Bibl. Roy.
Valiant.— Portef. ler. f. 295, dated de Pau, 12 Juillet.— Inedited.
2 Archives Espagnoles de Simancas, K. 1393. No. 200. — Inedited — Lcttre
de madame de Vendome a Montluc. — The letter is dated, Tarbes, ce 3 d'Oe-
tobre, 1567. — Archives Imperiales de France.
2G8 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
lations into which she had entered with her son-in-law and the
Spanish cabinet were regarded with dread and distrust. Let-
ters had even been intercepted, and placed in the hands of the
queen of Navarre, proving the fact that the French government
coincided with the political projects entertained by Philip of
Spain. The cardinal de Lorraine again dominated in the
cabinet ; and the counsels of the enlightened chancellor de
l'Hopital were negatived with angry vehemence by the princes
of Guise at the council-board, in the presence of the sovereign.
The belief received fresh affirmation every day that some coup
d'etat was meditated, to rid the state of the Huguenots : some-
times, it was rumoured that this was to be effected by a mas-
sacre ; at others, by a proscription, like that which Philip had
issued against the unfortunate Moorish population of Spain.
The fact, however, which completed the exasperation of the
Huguenots, and led them to reject all further trust in the pro-
fessions of Catherine, was, that notwithstanding the known
amicable understanding existing between the courts of Prance
and Spain, the queen had taken the pretext afforded by the
passage of the duke of Alba through Pranche Comte at the
head of an army to chastise the revolt of the Flemish rebels, to
levy a body of six thousand Swiss mercenaries. The funds re-
quisite for this levy were, moreover, raised by Catherine with
the utmost secrecy from certain rich merchants of Lyons; and
the negotiation was concealed from the majority of the council. 1
The Huguenots, therefore, assembled at Chatillon, to discuss
hostile measures, tending to remove the cardinal de Lorraine
from the ministry, and to establish Conde at the head of the
government. It was resolved, in the first place, to attempt a
surprise of the court at Monceaux : the expedition was, there-
fore, organized and led by the admiral in person, on the 28th
day of September, 1567. 2 Simultaneously, a general rising of
the Huguenot population took place throughout France : on
the preceding day outward tranquillity reigned everywhere —
within the next twenty-four hours the king had fled from
Meaux to Paris ; public order was annihilated ; half of the
population of France had recourse to arms ; and the sound of
the tocsin echoed through the large and opulent cities of the
kingdom, rousing the murderous passions of the multitude to
slaughter and pillage. 3
The admiral de Coligny, failing in his design of seizing the
person of the king, followed his sovereign to Paris, and en-
1 Mathieu, Hist, du regne de Charles IX. liv. o. p. 288.
2 Memoires du due de Bouillon. Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 4. — De Thou.
3 Journal de Brulart, p. 170. Mem. du marechal de Travannes, chap, xx
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 2G9
camped his army on the plains of St Denis, from whence he
menaced the capital. The king's escape was entirely owing to
the fidelity manifested by his Swiss guard ; and the bravery
displayed by the officers of his personal suite. On the arrival
of the court in Paris, the constable de Montmorency was
nominated to command the army destined to repulse the
advance of the Huguenots upon Paris.
The queen of ]N"avarre, during these events, entered her
capital, from whence she observed, with the greatest solicitude,
the progress of the war. Jeanne took no active share in this
second religious contest, beyond granting to certain of her
subjects of Beam permission to enrol themselves in the army
of Conde. The disaffected in her principality, however, seized
the opportunity to renew their traitorous cabals. The inhabit-
ants of Oleron, especially, manifested disaffection. The queen,
therefore, sent her son, with a gallant train of nobles, to expos-
tulate with the citizens, and to persuade them to return to
their allegiance. The frank and vivacious bearing of the young
Henry captivated the populace of Oleron : and when he
addressed them, and declared that the queen, his mother, desired
not to force their consciences, but required only the loyal
obedience which subjects owed to their sovereign, their enthu-
siasm was unbounded. They assured the prince that they
would from henceforth live and die the faithful subjects of
queen Jeanne ; and they accused the turbulent Basque nobles
of fomenting revolt by the calumnious reports which they
propagated, to the detriment of the queen their mistress.
The baron de Luxe and his colleagues persevered, neverthe-
less, in their treasonable designs. At the head of a body of
armed brigands, the baron seized the castle of Oarris in Lower
Navarre, a fortress situated on the frontiers of Spain. Jeanne
despatched her son with de Grammont and d'Arros to retake
this important place, and to put the insurgent forces to the
rout. This was the first military expedition undertaken by
Henri le Grand. On the approach of the prince, de Luxe
escaped from Oarris with the greater number of his officers, and
took refuge in the fastnesses of the mountains. The fortress
surrendered on the first summons ; and Henry triumphantly
despatched the remaining members of the garrison as prisoners
of war to Pau. Moneins, de Luxe, Ste Colombe, and other of
the principal leaders of the insurrection refused to avail them-
selves of the amnesty immediately published by the queen, on
condition that they laid down arms, and submitted to her
mercy. Protected by the king of Spain, they found refuge in
270 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
some of tbe towns on the Spanish frontier, where their turbulent
demonstrations at the head of bands of lawless marauders,
occasioned serious solicitude to the queen throughout the dura-
tion of the civil war in France. 1 The persistance of these rebel
subjects of Navarre in their treason was afterwards discovered
to have been encouraged by Catherine de Medici, and by the
king of Spain : who both dreaded lest Jeanne should actively
espouse the party of Conde, and so infuse into the Protestant
councils her own vigour and steadiness of design.
The shafts of scandal, meantime, spared not even the reput-
ation of the austere Jeanne. Surrounded by ministers of the
reformed churches, and by theologians of every grade and per-
suasion, the queen led a secluded life at her castle of Pau ;
seldom showing herself in public, except when she attended
daily prayers in the cathedral. Amongst her gentlemen-in-
waiting was one Goyon, a man zealous in religious matters, and
possessed of great mental ability. His devotion to his royal
mistress was remarkable ; but so little discretion did he manifest
in its avowal, that soon it became rumoured abroad, that the
queen had bestowed her hand upon him, in a kind of morgan-
atic alliance, sanctioned by her ministers of the Calvinist
persuasion. The queen's enemies, moreover, insinuated that
Jeanne had borne this Goyon a sou, who, immediately after his
birth, was sent, as they asserted, into Holland. The story, at
the time, obtained many believers ; aud, some years after
the queen's decease, a Protestant minister at the Hague, named
Goyon, declared himself to be the grandson of this princess — a
claim acquiesced in by many credulous persons. It is almost
needless to add, that the story is not confirmed by evidence of
any description ; nor by the historians of the day. It is
recorded by Bayle, as one of the traditions of the times, and
is transcribed by him as such. The individual named Goyon
is never mentioned in history in conjunction with Jeanne
d'Albret ; nor is his name even enrolled amongst the officers
of her household.
The queen quitted Pau in the month of March, 1568, for
St Palais, in Lower Navarre, at which place she had convoked
the states. She there again solemnly confirmed her act of
amnesty, excepting only the rebel nobles who still contuma-
ciously defied her authority ; and two persons captured at;
Garris, and condemned by the Chancellerie de Navarre to
expiate their treason on the scaffold. While the queen sojourn-
ed at St Palais, the news reached her of the peace concluded
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 271
between Conde and the court, at Chartres. In the battle-field,
the arms of Charles IX. had again nominally triumphed.
Conde and the admiral de Coligny were repulsed from before
Paris ; but the victory of St Denis was purchased after a bloody
struggle, in which the veteran constable de Montmorency fell,
assassinated by Stuart, a Scotch trooper. The Huguenot
forces, nevertheless, held possession of the adjacent country for
upwards of five days after their defeat ; and then retired in
battle-array upon Montereau, on their march to form a junction
with Jean Casimir, son of the Elector Palatine, who was
advancing at the head of a body of six; thousand horse to their
aid. So valiant had been the deportment of the Huguenots,
that the envoy of the Sultan, watching the muster of the army
from the walls of Paris at the close of the action, exclaimed,
" AYould that my master had only six thousand horsemen like
those men of the white great-coats, and he would be lord of
Europe ! "
On the news of the check received by the Huguenot army
at St Denis, the most menacing demonstrations ensued in the
south of France. The Protestant population of Languedoc,
Eoix, and Beam, led by the seven valiant Viscounts of the
South, 1 rose to arms. Orleans, Bourges, la Bochelle, Auxerre,
Blois, and Charite sur Loire, opened their gates and received
Huguenot garrisons. Succours of men and money were
promised to Conde, for the prosecution of the war, by the queen
of England, the duke of Saxony, and the marquis of Branden-
burg. Catherine trembled lest the sceptre should at length be
snatched from her grasp. In her dismay, she despatched envoys
to the principal Roman Catholic courts of Europe, to ask
succours for the defence of her son's crown, menaced by the
insurgent violence of Conde, and his Huguenots. She sent
La Suse with a message to the king of Spain ; Annibal Bucellai,
by the queen's command, proceeded to Italy ; while to Castel-
nau was intrusted the most important of these negotiations —
that of communicating with the duke of Alba, and requesting
that a detachment of the Spanish army might pass the Flemish
frontiers, for the support of the royal authority. 2 Castelnau,
accordingly, proceeded to Brussels, and was admitted to several
conferences with Alba. The duke offered to march at the head
of the entire Spanish army under his command, and subdue
i The names of these valiant noblemen, distinguished in the history of
these troublous times as the seven Viscounts of the South, were, de Comminges
viscount de Borniquel, Bertrand de Rabesteins viscount de Montclar, the vis-
counts de Caumont, de Gourdon. de Montamar, de llapin, and the viscount de
Paulin.
2 Davila, liv. 4. p. 253.
272 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
and punish the insurrection. He expressed his deep sorrow to
learn that their most Christian Majesties had been besieged in
their capital by "their rebel Calvinist subjects, whom the
king must destroy, root and branch, and utterly exterminate."
As Castelnau had not power to accept the offer made by the
duke, which would virtually have placed France under the
sceptre of Philip II., the duke of Alba declined to sanction the
advance of a division of Spanish troops over the frontier ; assur-
ing Castelnau, however, that whenever their Majesties should
need his personal services, he was ready to place himself and
his army at their devotion. 1
If compelled to make a choice between evils of such magni-
tude, Catherine preferred la preche, with Conde for her coad-
jutor in the government, rather than the iron despotism of
Philip of Spain. From this consideration alone resulted the
peace of Chartres, or of Longjumeaux, as it is sometimes termed.
Conde and his army proceeded from Montei'eauto Chalons-sur-
Saone, and from thence into Lorraine, where he was joined by
prince John Casimir, 2 and the German levies. Thus reinforced,
the prince had laid siege to the city of Chartres. As a coun-
terpoise to this important move on the part of Conde, Catherine
despatched Castelnau into Germany, to request the advance of
duke John of Saxony, 3 with five thousand horse, to check the
march of the Huguenots upon Paris. She, moreover, accepted
the sum of four hundred thousand livres as a voluntary gift
from the citizens of Paris. The clergy, likewise, presented the
king with two hundred and fifty thousand crowns for the pro-
secution of the war.
Catherine's financial difficulties, however, being increased
by the enlistment of these German mercenaries ; and as the
merchants of the capital excused themselves from furnishing
her Majesty with a loan, the queen resorted to the extreme
measure of commanding the seizure, in the king's name, of the
sum of sixty thousand pistoles, appertaining to one of these
aforesaid recusant traders, which sum he was about to convert
into Flemish bonds, and transfer to the Low Countries. The
queen, likewise, despatched Charles de Gontaut, seigneur de
Biron, and Henri de Mesme, seigneur de Mai- Assise, to treat
for peace with Conde and the Huguenot leaders. Catherine
perceived no other alternative, other than this mortifying eon-
cession, to preserve her son's realm from destruction. The
1 Mem. de Michel de Castelnau, chap. G.
2 Second son of the Elector Palatine Frederic III.
3 Second son of Jean Frederic the Great, elector of Saxony, deposed by-
Charles V. The dukes of Saxe-Weimar are the lineal descendants of duke
John of Saxony,
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 273
kingdom was inundated with foreign legions, whose lawless
rapacity defied restraint : over all loomed the threatening
hosts of the Catholic king, ready to traverse France, and exact
submission to the Hapsburg both from the sovereign and his
seditious people. The confederacy of the French and German
Protestant princes once dissolved, the moral power vested in
the successor of St Louis, and the strength to be hereafter de-
rived from alliances as yet only projected, would avenge the
present humiliations of the throne ; and annihilate that power-
ful faction which had dared to dictate to its sovereign. More
and more vividly, however, did the ominous words uttered by
the duke of Alba, at Bayonne, impress themselves on the heart
of Catherine.
The peace, therefore, was signed on the 2nd of March,
1568. The edict in favour of the Protestants, given after the
peace of Orleans, March, 15G3, was published anew ; and all
subsequent decrees contrary to its letter and to the spirit of
its enactments were repealed. The king, moreover, took upon
himself the payment and dismissal of the German reiters, and
duke John Casimir— the equivalent for these concessions, on
the part of the crown, being the restoration of the places cap-
tured by Conde and his Huguenots. La Bochelle, and several
other towns, refused to accept the conditions of peace; believ-
ing them to be offered in order to dissolve the formidable coali-
tion of the Protestant powers, against which Catherine found
herself wholly unprepared to contend.
The viscount Caumont de La Force brought the news of
the pacification into Foix and Beam. He caused the royal
edict to be published ; and required the inhabitants of Lower
Navarre and Foix to accept its enactments, and to reconcile
themselves to their countrymen of the reformed religion. The
insurgent nobles, meantime, still sought the refuge of the
Pyrennean fastnesses. De Luxe, who possessed some influ-
ence with Catherine de Medici, applied to her, after the ratifi-
cation of the peace of Chartres, to make intercession, in their
behalf, to queen Jeanne. Catherine, accordingly, despatched
La Mothe Feuelon 1 to pray the queen to show clemency to-
wards the rebels, and, once more, to offer the amnesty which
they had hitherto disdained. Fenelon found the queen at
Orthez : Jeanne received the ambassador with dignity, being
well aware that de Luxe and his colleagues had so long main-
1 Bertram! do Salignac, seigneur de la Mothe Fenclon. Fenelon was one
of the most sagacious and able diplomatists of the age. He was for long am-
bassador at the court of queen Elizabeth, who highly esteemed his moral
worth and eminent abilities. i q
274 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
tained their factious defiance only in obedience to the mandates
of the French court. She, therefore, replied, " that she never
had other intent than to vindicate her sovereign rights, and to
teach her subjects the duty they owed to their queen. If,
therefore, the rebel barons wished to obtain the pardon they
had before contumaciously rejected, they must personally im-
plore her clemency." The fidelity with which Jeanne adhered
to her word was universally appreciated by all her subjects :
the outlawed nobles, therefore, no sooner heard from Fenelon
the queen's reply to his application, than they fearlessly quitted
their places of refuge, and surrendering themselves to Jeanne's
officers, were conducted to Pan. The queen granted them im-
mediate audience. They entered her presence-chamber, where
she sat under a canopy of state, attended by her ladies, her
officers of state, and by king Charles's ambassador. The baron
de Luxe, Monneins, the viscount de Damesan, d'Eschaux, and
others, then humbly knelt, and besought the gracious pardon
of their liege-lady for their late revolt. Jeanne received their
prayer with stern severity ; for she could not forget the calam-
ities occasioned by their treasonable league. " Messieurs,"
said she, addressing the suppliant cavaliers, " bad subjects like
yourselves, traitors to their sovereign and to their country, can
no longer be addressed by the titles of noblesse : such persons
as yourselves are unworthy of honour ; for you are traitors
whose crimes scarcely admit of expiation in the sight of God,
or in that of man. Nevertheless, He, who orders all things
according to His holy pleasure to enhance His glory, having
rescued me from past dangers, He teaches me to exercise
clemency, even in respect to such as yourselves, who have now
assured me of your repentance for the past ; and of your desire
(penetrated by a just horror of your crimes) to live, from
henceforth, so blameless a life, that the very memory of your
late detestable conspiracy may be effaced from the mind of
man. Go, messieurs ; I forgive the past, in consideration of
the contrition you have so humbly expressed ; and in the firm
trust that the great clemency which I this day show towards
you, may in time produce a result worthy of faithful and loyal
subjects. May God grant this my prayer! " '
The barons then kissed the hand extended towards them
by the queen, and quitted the presence. De Luxe retired
to his castle in the county of Foix, where any unpleasant
reminiscences of the rebuke administered by his offended
sovereign was effaced in joy at his decoration with the grand
collar of St Michael, which Charles IX. sent in acknovv-
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Bearn, et Navarre, p. 573. — De Thou.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 275
ledgment of the baron's services in finding employment for the
queen of Navarre within her own dominions during the recent
war ; though his Majesty had made public admission of the
heinous nature of the revolt. 1
After having thus so justly excited the indignation of the
queen, Catherine again despatched La Mothe Fenelon to the
court of Beam, to persuade Jeanne to visit France, or to send
her son thither. At the desire of his royal mistress, Fenelon
had recourse to every device of diplomacy to obtain her object.
He represented to Jeanne the unsettled condition of affairs,
and urged her to proceed to the court, on the ground that the
Protestant party would acquire confidence by Avitnessing her
fearless trust in the promises of Catherine ; while he asserted
his belief that Jeanne, alone, could negotiate a peace accept-
able to both parties. With sagacious foresight, Jeanne avoid-
ed the snare ; she had little confidence in the stability of the
compact recently concluded, and, therefore, she positively de-
clined to leave her own territories. The queen, however, drew
up a project of pacification, which she despatched to the king
by a gentleman of her chamber, named de la Vaupilliere. In
this remarkable document Jeanne denounces the marshal de
Montluc as the instigator of the horrors perpetrated in the
southern provinces of the realm ; and she entreats the king to
recall him from his command : she informs the king of Mont-
luc's design of garrisoning Beam and Foix with French soldiers ;
and she cautiously intimates that so flagrant an assault upon
her sovereign rights she was fully prepared to resist. She be-
seeches his Majesty to tranquillize the Protestant churches of
the realm by the issue of a second edict, embodying of his own
free will the concessions extorted by Conde at the Aveapon's
point before Chartres. Finally, she assured the king of her
devotion to his interest ; of her attachment to his person ; and
of her reverence for the anointed representative of St Louis.
When queen Jeanne had despatched her missive to the king,
she assembled the states-general of Foix, Bigorre, and Beam
to meet at Pan. When the queen appeared in the hall of as-
sembly, she Avas greeted with acclamation, and scarcely a tear-
less eye Avas to be seen Avhen Jeanne concluded her address.
The capacity of their queen inspired a feeling of admiration in
the bosom even of her most inveterate foe. "This great prin-
cess," says d'Aubigne, " was a woman only in her sex ; her
soul soared in flights of lofty contemplation. Her mind Avas
mighty in comprehension of great matters ; her valiant heart
rose invincible before the darkest assaults of adversity."
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre, p. 573. — De Thou.
276 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
The loyal fervour manifested by the deputies gave much
satisfaction to the queen. Her first measure was a daring trial
— one which might again have compromised the friendly feeling
manifested towards her by the representatives of the people.
Before a single matter was discussed relating to the present
emergencies of the principality, political and local, the queen
caused her edict of July, 1566, which formerly had been so an-
grily rejected, to be presented for the assent of the assembly.
In a few simple words, Jeanne recommended the measure as
one of paramount necessity ; and, as she had done before, she
intimated her inflexible resolve to obtain for it the ratification
of the assembly before she permitted the members to legislate
on other matters. The edict, however, instead of provoking
the stormy discussion it had previously given rise to, was re-
ceived and registered without further debate. The bishops of
Lescar and Oleron, who before had factiously opposed most of
the queen's ecclesiastical measures, now gladly sanctioned her
designs, under shelter of the edict of Chartres. The bishop of
Lescar even accepted a commission from the queen to translate
the Gospels and Epistles into the Bearnuois dialect. The queen
obtained, moreover, the recognition of her ecclesiastical commis-
sion ; and the sanction of the states to various alterations which
she desired to make in the mode of celebrating public worship. 1
Meantime, the projects of queen Catherine had been ripen-
ing. Her alliance with the Catholic powers of Europe, and
especially with the king of Spain, was now placed on a satisfac-
tory footing. The chancellor de l'Hopital was disgraced. The
exile of this faithful servant of the state was occasioned by his
general opposition to the violent designs of the cardinal de
Lorraine ; the immediate cause of the chancellor's disgrace
being, that he had applauded and implored his royal master
to accept the project of pacification sent by Jeanne d'Albret.
The seals were given to the President de Birague, with the
title of Lord Keeper. Birague was a devoted adherent of the
Guises ; he, likewise, possessed Catherine's confidence, and had
secretly negotiated for her the loan which enabled the queen to
enrol the 6000 Swiss ; the ostensible cause of the late infrac-
tion of peace by the Huguenots.
The enterprise of Meaux, where Coligny had nearly cap-
tured the king, made an indelible impression on Catherine's
mind, and she resolved, in concert with the cardinal de Lor-
raine, to retaliate, and entrap the Huguenot leaders by the
same subtle device. Conde was sojourning at Noyers with
his consort ; the admiral de Coligny at d'Andelot's fortified
1 Mem. de Gaspard de Tavannes.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
:/ /
castle of Tanlay ; the la'ter was residing on the estates of his
wife, in Bretagne ; and the cardinal de Chatillon was sojourn-
ing, in luxurious ease, at Bresle, his country house ; the queen
of Navarre and the prince of Beam were making a royal pro-
gress through the disaffected districts of the principality, ac-
companied by their personal attendants only. Queen Catherine
took as her coadjutor in the design, only the cardinal de Lor-
raine ; the plot, therefore, which might have been successfully
executed, had it been placed under the conduct of one versed
in military tactics, proved a failure in the hands of a woman
and of a churchman. The queen suddenly sent orders to the
marshal de Tavannes, governor of Burgundy, to surprise ISToy-
ers, and to arrest Conde and his family ; similar directions
were transmitted to the governors of the provinces where the
princes of Chatillon resided. Tavannes, however, refused to
undertake the mission, unless the measure was first authorized
by an open declaration of war against the Huguenots ; or by a
positive order under the sign manual of the king. De Tavannes,
though the most inveterate enemy of" Conde, was so moved by
the disloyal project of the court, that he contrived to warn the
prince of his danger. The marshal relates, in his Memoirs, the
ingenious method which he took to apprise Conde of his peril,
without compromising his loyal fidelity to his sovereign. The
sobriquet given to Conde by the Bomish party was " le cerf."
Tavannes, therefore, wrote letters addressed to his friends, con-
taining only the words, " Le cerf est anx toiles : la chctsse est
preparee." These letters he gave to couriers, desiring them to
pass on their route before Xoyers. As the marshal had antici-
pated, one of his messengers being arrested by command of the
prince, the mystic scroll was unfolded by Conde himself. The
prince instantly took alarm ; and prepared to quit Xoyers.
During the subsequent few hours, Coligny arrived, with a train
of forty gentlemen only ; having ridden with breathless speed
from Tanlay, to admonish Conde of the meditated perfidy ; the
admiral having received an intimation to hold himself on his
guard against the designs of the queen from some unknown
friend at court. D'Andelot fled, in like manner, from Bretagne ;
while the cardinal de Chatillon escaped in disguise from Bresle
to the coast of IVormandy, from whence he took boat, crossed
the Channel, and sought refuge in England. 1
On the 25th of August, 1568, just five months after the
signature of the peace of Chartres, Conde, with his consort,
Mho was daily expecting her accouchement, his eldest sou, and
1 De Thou, liv. 4-1. Mem. de C'astelnau, chap. i. liv. 7. Mem. de Tavannes,
clinp. xxi.
278 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET.
four young children, fled precipitately from Noyers, escorted
by Coligny. The priuce crossed the Loire opposite Sancerre.
Prom this place Conde" despatched a messenger to the queen of
Navarre, to inform her of the sinister proceedings of the court,
and of his own contemplated l'etreat to La Rochelle. Conde's
envoy found the queen at Vic, in Bigorre ; he remained in
close conference with her for upwards of four hours. Circum-
stances, moreover, had recently unfolded to the vigilant eye of
the queen a plot to seize the prince of Beam, and restore him
to the guardianship of Catherine. De Losse, captain of the
royal body-guard, had been selected for the mission : he was
the bearer of a warrant from Catherine to the marshal de
Montluc, authorizing him to support the design ; and to pre-
vent, at any risk, the departure of Jeanne from her own terri-
tories, excepting as a prisoner under escort for Paris.
The faithless policy of the court, its seeming moderation,
yet vindictive intent, roused vehement anger in the bosom of
the queen of Navarre. Her penetration enabled her to per-
ceive that the fortunes of her children were involved in the
fate of Conde and his adherents; and she judged that the time
was arrived when it became her duty to take an active part in
the contest. The banishment of the house of Guise from the
kingdom appeared to Jeanne a measure absolutely requisite
for the safety of the princes of the blood. The pacification of
the kingdom was perpetually interrupted by the intrigues of
these princes with foreign potentates ; for the fatal compact of
Peronne proved alike the bane of public and private interests.
Against the promoters of that league, Jeanne determined, at
length, openly to array herself. In the manifestoes which she
issued about this period, the queen expressed the most devoted
allegiance and respect towards the young king, whom she re-
presented as being under the tutelage of the cardinal de Lor-
raine, calumniated and deceived by that prelate's mendacious
statements.
Queen Jeanne, therefore, despatched a messenger to the
fugitive princes, assuring them of sympathy, and promising to
give them the rendezvous at no distant period in La Rochelle.
Jeanne then hastily returned to Pau, and during some days
she occupied herself in publishing edicts for the better go-
vernment of the principality. The prince accompanied his
mother everywhere ; so fearful was Jeanne of being deprived
of her son. Having accomplished the purpose of her return
to her capital, Jeanne took a reluctant and tearful farewell of
the castle of her ancestors, and attended by a small but chosen
suite she proceeded to Nerac. At this season the queen's re-
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 279
serve was impenetrable ; and she seems to have revealed her
projects, and the thoughts which inspired her, to no person.
Jeanne arrived at Nerac on the first Sunday in August,
1568. The marshal de Montluc was at Cassaigne, from whence
he anxiously observed the queen's movements. Her most
trifling acts appear to have been reported to Catherine's un-
scrupulous agent. Numbers of Protestant gentlemen daily
arrived at Nerac to offer their services to the queen. She
thanked them with many gracious words ; but Jeanne neither
accepted nor rejected their proffered service. Montluc also
sent his nephew M. de Leberon to compliment Jeanne on her
arrival at Guyenne, with the message, that he very humbly
besought her Majesty to render her happy arrival beneficial
for the maintenance of peace ; for be assured her that the first
signal for war should not be given by the Roman Catholics.
The queen replied, " that the purport of her journey to Nerac
was to preserve the peace of the realm, and to put down the
evil designs of all, whether of the reformed or of the Romish
communion, who desired war. That it gave her infinite grati-
fication to learn that M. le Marechal was of the same will as
herself respecting this matter ; and she requested that he
would inform her of all matters concerning the said question." 1
The queen added, moreover, " that she would take upon herself
to command in all that related to those of the reformed
churches," It is asserted by another author, that Montluc
wrote at this period in a menacing tone to the queen, threaten-
ing her with personal detention, and Beam with invasion, if
she presumed to stir from Nerac ; or to sanction the most in-
significant rising on the part of the Protestant population.
The queen replied, "that she was the king's obedient subject,
and ready to obey his Majesty in all matters that did not
violate her duty to her own subjects."
While the queen sojourned at Nerac, Fenelon made another
effort to draw her to the court of France. As Fenelon was
the queen's personal friend, and a noble of most honourable
and virtuous repute, it is to be surmised that he was not aware
of the sinister projects entertained by Catherine and the Guises
against Jeanne d'Albret. He sincerely believed that her pre-
sence at St Germain would smooth the difficulties in the way
of a final settlement of the controversy. The repute of the
queen, her anxiety for peace, and, above all, the moral influ-
ence which Jeanne exercised, led him to entertain sanguine
hopes relative to the success of her personal mediation. "Mon-
seigneur," replied the queen, "what trust can I repose in the
1 Commeutaires de Blaise de Montluc, liv. 6ome.
2S0 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
promises of a court which, at the very time that it professes to
treat with me, is plotting my arrest, and now would tear my
children from me ! No ; I am well informed that the pro-
scriptions of Flanders and merciless executions for heresy are
on the point of being adopted here, according to the resolution
taken at Bayonne with the duke of Alba, Our royal blood is
even more interested in this measure than our Protestant
faith ; for the victim of these perfidious designs must be my
son, the first prince of the blood. The court of France, mon-
seigneur, is agreed with that of Spain to complete my destruc-
tion, and that of my son also. Montluc already devours in
anticipation my country of Beam ; the Spanish king is ready
to seize upon Lower Navarre. Losse, captain of his Majesty's
body-guard, has been deputed to arrest me, and to tear my
loved children from my arms. Montluc and d'Escars are di-
rected to afford every facility in their power to the enterprise.
In this extremity what resource is thei e left to my son, or to
myself, except to make common cause with a noble and mag-
nanimous pi-ince, whose ruin is no less desired than our own !
No, monseigneur, never will we more submit our lives and our
fortunes to the inconstant favour of the court."
Fenelon then represented to the queen that she was ex-
posing her dominions to the danger of invasion, both by the
French and the Spaniards ; that her son would be deprived of
the crown of his ancestors, while she herself must be reduced
to the condition of the most miserable princess in Europe.
" Monseigneur, I deem it a sacred duty to share the perils
of my fellow-worshippers, to afford them aid and every sup-
port in my power in a contest which has for its holy objects
the cause of religion, of patriotism, of their king, and of liberty !"
rejoined the queen. " This flame of civil war, when once kin-
dled, will destroy your kingdom, madame, and the realm of
France likewise," said Fenelon. The young prince of Beam
was present during the conference : after this last remark from
Fenelon, he quickly replied, " Bali, hah ! monseigneur, c'est un
feu a eteinclre avec tin seau d'eau." The ambassador appearing
puzzled at the simile, Henri laughingly rejoined, for from his
boyhood he could never resist the utterance of a hon-mot, " II
faut faire avaler ce seau d'eau au cardinal de Lorraine jusqu'a
crever, voila tout, monseigneur." 1
Finding that he could prevail nothing with the queen,
Fenelon reluctantly took leave, and returned to Paris. Jeanne,
meantime, had been making secret preparation for her depar-
1 Yauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. ii. De Thou. Commentaires de
Montluc. Favyn, Hist, de Navarre, liv. 14, p. 853.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 2S1
ture from Nerac ; for she well knew that any attempt to quit
the castle openly would be opposed by Montluc. She sent to
desire the baron de Fontrailles, and Armand de Clermont,
seigneur de Piles, both devoted adherents of her house, to ga-
ther troops, and hold themselves in readiness to protect her re-
treat. She likewise despatched missives to Montamar, one of
her noted viscounts of the south, and to the viscount de St
Maigrin, to levy soldiers, and to be prepared to join her stand-
ard at the shortest notice. The queen likewise wrote thus to
her faithful friend, the viscount de Gourdon, to request his
presence at Nerac at this period of anxiety.
JEANNE, QUEEN OF NAVARRE, TO THE VISCOUNT
DE GOURDON.
" Monsieur le Viscomte,
'• You are, I presume, informed, ere this, that by the grace of God,
and without sloth or deceit, 1 have openly engaged to follow the pro-
fession of the reformed faith, and to peril my crown, my dominions,
and my son, to insure its public exercise, and the safety of all its pro-
fessors. If damage happens to your castles, and to your worldly
goods, through the cruel and iniquitous edicts lately issued, fear not, for
the God of Hosts will maintain His own righteous cause, and will
abundantly recompense those who have fought and laboured in His
service. The prince de Conde, my brother-in-law, has claimed and
obtained the aid of the princes of Germany ; and the queen of Eng-
land, who shares and sustains our belief, will in a short time aid me
with troops and money ; and not myself alone, but also all those
faithful ones who refuse to bow the knee before Baal. You, and the
other viscounts also, who like myself are firmly built up in the faith,
must set an example of fortitude and resignation. The Eternal God
rejects the weak and faint-hearted. The blessed hour is at hand
when those who are of Israel must risk the loss of their worldly
goods, to build temples wherein God may be adored in spirit and in
truth, in bodily worship, and with the homage of the heart ; but
where abominable idols are now enthroned before the mighty and the
jealous God. For this purpose, at the end of the present month, I
shall join the Prince at La Rochelle, with my son the prince de
Beam, who bears you esteem and love. Since he has been with me,
the latter prince has made progress in the faith, and shows himself to
be a lover of truth and of arms. You will find him tall for his age.
I pray you hold frequent converse with him on the subjects of reli-
gion, controversy, and war, in which matters you are expert, and the
prince eager. I pray God, monsieur le Viscomte, to have you
in his holy keeping. Written at Nerac this 1 st day of September, 1568,
" Votre tres bonne, et assuree amie, '
" Jeanne."
On Sunday, September 6th, 156S, all was prepared for the
1 MS. Bibl. Roy. Valiant, Poitef. ler.— Iuedited.
282 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLERET.
queen's flight. To deceive the marshal de Montluc the more
thoroughly as to her projected enterprise, Jeanne treated him
with distinguished attention ; and appeared to be entirely oc-
cupied with those affairs to which he directed her notice.
Madame de Monti uc and her children, being at Agen with the
marshal, were frequently invited by the queen to Xerac, On
the day fixed for her departure, the queen asked them to visit
her, that the prince might run a course at the ring with de
Montluc's eldest son. 1 All things being prepared, Jeanne and
her son received the Holy Communion in the chapel of Nerac
at early dawn. She then placed herself in a litter, with the
little madame Catherine, and madame de Thignonville, precep-
tress to the princess, and surrounded by fifty valiant gentlemen,
Jeanne and her little train, before sunrise, were safe beyond
the walls of JNerae.
The young prince of Beam commanded the queen's escort.
Rapidly the fugitives took the road for Castel-Jaloux. The
rencontre of a single band of the lawless marauders enrolled in
Montluc's army would have been disastrous to the queen and
to her cause. With dauntless courage, however, the troops
advanced, encouraged by Jeanne's hopeful spirit and gracious
words. At length, they descried the approach of a body of
cavalry bearing down full upon their route. Jeanne com-
manded a halt. The moment was one of anxious suspense.
The standard of the chief in command at length became visi-
ble ; and with a shout of exultation, the queen's gallant gen-
tlemen-at-arms pushed forwards, and soon Jeanne found herself
surrounded by the company of her senechal of Armagnac, de
Fontrailles.' 2 Thus reinforced, there was no longer danger of
immediate capture ; for every town and village through which
they passed gave Jeanne defenders, and augmented the ranks
of her escort.
At Castle-Jaloux, the viscount de Montamar joined the
queen with a regiment of infantry, consisting of ten companies.
The queen refused to rest, or to suspend her journey, until she
had passed the river Dordogne. At Bergerac she was received
by de Piles and by the viscount de St Maigrin with a power-
ful reinforcement. Jeanne's escort now amounted to four
hundred horse, and three thousand infantry. At the head of this
gallant body of troops, the queen made her entry into Bergerac,
amidst the plaudits of the inhabitants, with the intent of so-
journing there until she had communicated with Conde. 3
1 Commentaires de Blaise de Montluc, liv. 6eme.
2 La Popeliniere, Hist, de France, liv. 14, f. 62. Olhagaray, Hist, da
Foix, etc.
3 Mem. de Castelnau, chap. i. liv. 7.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 2S3
The first intimation which the marshal de Montluc received
of the flight of the queen was from one of her chamberlains,
who by his mistress's command presented himself at Agen dur-
ing the morning of Sunday, September Gth, to express the
queen's regret that it was impossible for her to receive madaine
de Montluc — a satisfaction she had promised herself on that
day, as pressing affairs required her presence at Castel-Jaloux r
for which place she had quitted Nerac. 1 The marshal perceiv-
ed that Jeanne had proved herself more dexterous than him-
self, and had escaped from his toils. Transported with fury,
he transmitted orders to the captains and commandants of the
various districts to intercept the queen of Navarre, and to cut
off her passage into France, or her retreat into Beam ; then
taking to horse himself, he pursued her with such impetuosity,
that at the head of a troop of cavalry, Montluc entered Castel-
Jaloux only four hours after the queen had quitted the town. 2
D'Escars, governor of Limousin, had also received orders to
occupy the country, and to prevent the queen of Navarre from
passing the Garonne ; and if Jeanne had quitted Nerac only a
few hours later, or had d'Escars punctually fulfilled his in-
structions, the arrest of the queen must have been inevitable.
"Well might Jeanne d'Albret exclaim, when she heard of the
perils which she had escaped, " a cceur vaillant rien (Pim-
•possible ! "
During the sojourn of the queen at Bergerac, she addressed
the following letter to Charles IX., in which she gives the king
a clear statement of her actions and future designs :
JEANNE, QUEEN OF NAVARRE, TO CHARLES IX.
" MONSEIGNEUR,
" When I received the letter which it pleased you to write and send
by M. de la Mothe, I was far advanced in my present enterprise, being
overwhelmed with sorrowful dismay at the late disastrous revolution
in affairs. Nevertheless, it is one by which we have been menaced
long ; for we have noted the animosity of our enemies. Their malice,
monseigneur, has now extinguished the hope of tranquillity on which
we relied, after the publication of your last edict of pacification.
Monseigneur, this edict has not only been badly observed, but its
clauses have been reversed, and its import falsified by the cardinal de
Lorraine, who in defiance of the promises which you have been
pleased to make to your subjects of the reformed faith, by letters to
your parliaments, and to others (as I myself witness), has rendered all
1 Commentaires de Blaise de Montluc, liv. 6eme.
2 Commentaires du marechal de Montluc, liv. 6eme.
234 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
the enactments of your said edict null, and of no effect. The said
cardinal has kept all things in suspense, and has been the cause of so
many unresented massacres, that, emboldened by the patience which
we have hitherto manifested at his unprincipled dealings, he has now
passed the limits of our endurance, by making enterprise even against
the princes of your blood ; in witness of which, mark the pursuit
which he has instituted against the prince my brother. Monseigneur,
this said prince has been compelled to seek succour and refuge
amongst his kindred ; so that I and my son, being so nearly allied to
him, find ourselves constrained to afford him that aid which the ties
of blood and of friendship exact. We are well convinced of your
gracious will : you have so often assured us both by word of mouth
and in writing that you desire from us only the service, fidelity, and
obedience which we owe towards your Majesty, and in which we will
not foil for any advantage that the world can offer. Monseigneur,
we know that your goodness and benignant feelings would compel
you to preserve our lives and fortunes, rather than to compass our
ruin. Therefore, when we see such enterprises concerted against us,
knowing that you are a monarch most faithful and veracious, and
have promised us the contrary, we can arrive at no other conclusion,
but that we are persecuted despite your royal will and intent, by the
malicious enmity of the cardinal de Lorraine, whose hatred we have
so often experienced : I repeat, that we have ample reasons forjudging
thus. I pray you, therefore, monseigneur, to take in good part, and
let it not excite your royal displeasure that I have departed with my
son from my dominions, in the firm intent of serving my God, your-
self, my king and sovereign, and in succouring my kindred ; and, in
concert with the latter, of opposing myself, as long as life and fortune
lasts, to the shameless enterprises and malice of our enemies. I
entreat you, moreover, monseigneur, to believe that we have taken up
arms for three things alone ; first, to hinder our enemies from exter-
minating us, our children, and our friends, as they maliciously design ;
secondly, to fight for your honour and service ; thirdly, to defend and
protect the princes of our blood from the murderous violence of some
about your person. Monseigneur, in regard to myself personally, the
said cardinal did great wrong, when he wished to commit so gross an
outrage, and hide it under the cloak of your royal power and authority,
as to steal away my son from my protection, to conduct him to you, as
if your simple command would not have proved effectual both with
myself and the prince. Monseigneur, I very humbly entreat you to
believe that we are your devoted servants ; and that our fidelity and
loyal obedience more than equals the duplicity and want of faith
manifested by the said cardinal and his accomplices. I assure your
Majesty, that when it will please you to make the trial, you will find more
truth in my deeds than in his words, as the gentleman, whom I send
to your Majesties, will further explain. Monsieur de la Mothe, also,
departs satisfied with the blameless nature of my intentions, the which
will never falter. "We shall continue to devote our lives and our
worldly substance for your glory, and the prosperity of your reign ;
which, monseigneur, I pray God to render eminent by his benedictions,
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 285
and to grant you a long and happy life. From Bergerac, this lGth day
of September, 1568.
" Your very humble, and very obedient subject, and aunt,
"Jeanne. 1 "
Jeanne wrote, also, during her abode at Bergerac to queen
Catherine, to the duke d'Anjou, the brother of the king — who
had just been appointed lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and
as such was invested with the command of the army preparing
to encounter the prince de Conde — and to the cardinal de
Bourbon. When addressing that weak and cowardly prince,
Jeanne attempts not to conceal her sentiments of indignation
and contempt. She reproaches him with his degrading subser-
viency to the house of Lorraine ; and she reminds him of the
terror and affright which he experienced, when, during a dan-
gerous illness of queen Catherine, it was supposed that the
carninal de Lorraine had conspired to assassinate all the princes
of Bourbon, the marshal de Montmorency, and the chancellor
de l'Hopital, in order to maintain his contested pre-eminence in
the council, in case of Catherine's decease.
" Until when will you remain the slave of the cardinal de
Lorraine ? " asks the heroic Jeanne in her letter to her brother-
in-law. "Have you already forgotten his design upon your
life ? Do you remember no longer the disquietude he occa-
sioned you, and which for long prevented your eyes from
slumber ? The false oath which this cardinal has sworn before
you, seems to have dissipated your fears; you have chosen
rather to believe the treacherous protestations of that knavish
prelate, than to save your race from destruction, or to ward from
your House the peril that menaces it ! My brother, show to
the world, and to France, that you resent the injuries inflicted
on your kindred ; prove that you share the indignation which
animates my noble son, which glows in my own bosom, I who
have adopted the interests of your House as my own. Let us
both serve the king ; you, according to your own holy and
peaceful calling,— I, according to the duties of my sex, and
my royal dignity. We may not sheath the sword ; neverthe-
less, let us both labour to accomplish the same mighty work —
that of negotiating a peace ; not merely a temporary suspension
of arms, but solid and irrevocable peace." 2 To the queen,
Jeanne wrote not less forcibly. She implored her to stay the
effusion of blood, and to grant permanent peace to the suffering
and persecuted Protestants. She briefly alludes to the cruel
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Xavarre, p. 576.
2 De Thou, Hist, de sou Temps, liv. 44.
286 LIFE OF JEAKNE D'ALBRET.
treatment she had herself experienced from the court, during
the life of her husband. She protests before God her willing-
ness to pardon all injuries inflicted upon herself personally ;
and to combine with Catherine for the restoration of concord.
Jeanne confided these letters to a gentleman of her cham-
ber, to convey to Paris ; giving him express directions to
deliver them to Fenelon, that the latter might present the
missives to the royal personages whom she had so eloquently
admonished, in the hope that that prudent and subtle diplo-
matist would support their prayer. The most violent irritation
against the Huguenots, unfortunately, agitated the mind of
Catherine at this period; careless of everything but of re-
taliating their defiance, the queen rejected the more moderate
counsels of the men who would have preserved the kingdom
from the calamities of war, forgetting that her own unprovoked
aggression had again driven Conde to revolt. The cardinal de
Lorraine, execrated by the French Protestants, and foreseeing
that the recognition of their faith must inevitably be followed
by his exile and disgrace, inflamed the resentment of the young
king, and the more bigoted members of the council, by his
specious harangues. The prayer of the queen of Navarre was,
therefore, rejected ; and the remonstrances presented to Cathe-
rine, and signed by Conde and Ccligny, were cast aside with
words of insolent derision. Tavannes, and the duke de Mont-
pensier, were ordered to pursue Conde to the banks of the
Garonne ; to incite the Romish population to massacre the
Protestants ; and to lead as prisoners to Paris the queen of
Navarre, her son, Conde, and all the leaders of the Huguenots.
On the 28th dav of September, about two days- after the receipt
of the missive sent by queen Jeanne, the king issued an edict,
which was ratified on the day of its publication by the parlia-
ment, interdicting the exercise of the reformed religion through-
out France. The edict forbad the private, as well as the public,
profession of any doctrine contrary to the religion dominant
throughout the realm ; it decreed capital pains and penalties
to any sectarian minister found resident in the kingdom fifteen
days after the promulgation of the edict. All Huguenot officers
in the service of the state were dismissed from their posts ; and
it was provided that, for the future, individuals nominated to
any public employ, should previously swear to live and die
in the profession of the Romish faith ; or, in case of defec-
tion therefrom, to consent to be summarily deprived, without
form or process, of office and dignity. 1 This edict raised the
i Journal do Brulart.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 2S7
fury of the Huguenot population to such a degree, that even
queen Jeanne avowed herself powerless to check its lawless
manifestations. Catherine had rendered herself doubly odious
by despatching, a few weeks previously, letters-patent, counter-
signed by the cardinal de Lorraine, offering the protection of
the king to his Majesty's Protestant and Romish subjects,
without favour or partiality, provided that the inhabitants of
Guvenne, Languedoc, Beam, and Foix, refrained from taking
up arms. 1 This offer was received with distrust, and rejected
by all ; it deceived no one, so universally were the cardinal's
perfidious designs appreciated. As either the axe of the exe-
cutioner, or the sword of the warrior, seemed destined to gleam
over every head, the battle-field, as the lesser evil, was the
alternative accepted.
To inaugurate this edict of woe and carnage, king Charles
commanded a solemn procession from the Sainte Chapelle to
the church of Notre Dame. The cardinal de Lorraine, arrayed
in pontificalibus, carried the Host, his feet and head uncovered.
The shrines of Ste Genevieve, and of St Marceau, were, more-
over, borne in procession. The king followed the Host, on
horseback, as the condition of his health prevented him from
walking. He was preceded by his two brothers, bearing his
crown and sceptre. Queen Catherine, attended by a numerous
train of ladies, the cardinals, and princes of the blood, followed
walking, each personage bearing a torch of wax. The court of
parliament, the members wearing their scarlet robes, closed the
procession. 2
During the residence of the queen of Navarre at Bergerac,
she received intelligence of the capture of the town of Mazeres,
in the county of Foix, by the viscount de Caumont. Attended
by Fontrailles, Piles, Montamar, St Maigrin, and a suite of
brave officers, Jeanne quitted Bergerac, after a sojourn there of
four days, and repaired to Mucidan in Perigord. She was
there received by Briquemaud, at the head of five hundred
lances. Leaving Aubeterre and Barbesieux on her left, the
queen entered Archiac, escorted by her brave army, which now
mustered nearly four thousand men, in the presence of d'Escars,
governor of Perigord and Limousin, who had been sent by the
duke de Montpensier to arrest her progress. Not a single
accident happened to interrupt the queen's admirably contrived
evasion from Nerac ; not one of her measures failed. Her
escorts awaited her punctually, at the moment indicated ; the
devotion and energy of her officers supplied every deficiency.
1 Mezeray, Abbrege Cbron. Vie de Charles IX. : Brulart.
2S8 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBEET.
The people received her with homage, as a queen ; and with
admiration, as a heroine.
The town of Archiac having been chosen, by the queen, for
her meetiug with Conde, and the principal Huguenot chieftains,
Jeanne made a sojourn of a few days there. During this in-
terval, Montluc essayed again to propitiate the queen, and to
tempt her from the safe protection of her loyal troops, by de-
lusive offers of peace. " Tell him," responded Jeanne d' Albret,
" that I, also, even now, seek to restore union and concord
throughout the realm. Do not my actions prove this fact to
his satisfaction ? "
Conde, meantime, after his flight from Xoyers, crossed the
Loire at Bonny, near to Sancerre, just in time to escape the
troop of horse sent in pursuit by Tavannes. As the last of the
fugitives passed the river, Tavannes' s cavalry appeared on the
opposite bank, at St Godon. li It touched the hearts of all
with sincere commiseration, to witness the lamentable plight
in which the second prince of the blood travelled," says the his-
torian Mathieu. " The heat of the weather was intense : the
princess, being pregnant, travelled in a litter; the prince had
three little children in the cradle ; besides which, he was ac-
companied by the admiral and his family ; by d'Andelot with
his wife ; there being, altogether, a great number of children
and nurses. Their escort consisted only of 150 men ; their
only consolation being, that one day the memory of this their
present misery would be sweet, as their resentment was strong
and vehement." The prince continued his march with celerity;
and entered La Eochelle on the 18th of September, having, by
the exercise of sagacious foresight, escaped the numerous de-
tachments sent out by Montluc and de Vieilleville, to intercept
his route. Probably, had the flight of Jeanne d' Albret and
Conde been less precipitate, they could not have evaded cap-
ture ; the premature revelation, by Catherine, of the plot for
their arrest, took Charles's officers by surprise ; so that, whilst
they deliberated on the measures expedient to be pursued, the
fugitives escaped. Tavannes, in his memoirs, speaks very
scornfully of the imperfect organization of this design, which
he calls, " dressee de quenouille et de plume" by the queen and
the cardinal de Lorraine.
As soon as Conde received news of Jeanne's arrival at
Archiac, he quitted La Eochelle to meet and escort the queen
thither. At the head of a gallant body of troops, he first
stormed the town of Cognac, which had refused to open its
gates ; and, triumphantly passing thence, he arrived at Archiac,
attended by the elite of the Huguenot noblesse. Great must
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 289
have been queen Jeanne's exultation, as she gazed upon the
valiant throng, kneeling to offer her homage. Montgommery,
Gourdon, La INoue, d' Andelot, Barbesieux, Montamar, Coligny,
le Vidame de Chartres, Fontrailles, Pardaillan, and her valiant
viscounts of the south, whose almost fabulous exploits are re-
corded in ballads and Provencal lays, all rallied round the
standard of Beam. The princely bearing of her son, and his
aptitude for military exercises, likewise gave singular pleasure
to the queen. The young son of Conde appeared also to have
inherited his father's genius, with other qualities worthy of his
illustrious ancestry.
As queen Jeanne was gifted with excellent powers of speech,
she frequently harangued the assembled warriors and nobles.
In all matters the queen seems to have taken the lead ; and
often did she rouse the martial ardour of that assemblage by
recapitulating all that she had suffered from the artifices of the
French court. The intrigues to separate her from her husband ;
the arrest of Conde ; his condemnation to death on the scaffold
— a doom he escaped by the premature decease of Francis II.
only; the plots of the courts of Eome and Spain; the project
of delivering her to the Inquisition, — were all skilfully dwelt
upon by the queen. " The half of the crown of Charles rests on
the brow of our adversary. Shall we, therefore, withhold the
salutary shock which may restore it entire to its anointed pos-
sessor ? " exclaimed queen Jeanne, in one of the harangues
pronounced by her before the confederate princes.
On the 28th day of September, 1568, the queen of Navarre
made her entry, on horseback, into the town of La Eochelle,
escorted by Conde. The prince of Beam rode by the side of
his royal mother, and Conde at the left hand of the queen. Her
reception was one of extraordinary solemnity. The mayor and
the authorities met the queen, and presented her with the keys
of the town ; and on her entry into La Eochelle, Jeanne waa
received by a cavalcade of ladies, headed by Madame d' Ande-
lot, in the absence of the princess de Conde, who was too indis-
posed to bear the fatigue of the ceremonial. With royal
honours, and in the midst of the acclamations of the people, the
queen of Navarre was conducted to the Hotel de Ville, where
lodgings had been provided for herself, and for her train, by
the Eoehellois.
19
290 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
CHAPTEE IX.
15G8 — 1569.
Queen Jeanne grants audience to the municipality of La Rochelle — Speech of
prince Henry— His popularity — Anecdote of the young prince — Fac-simile
of his handwriting — Jeanne presides at a council of state — Conde is proclaim-
ed generalissimo of the Huguenot forces — The queen undertakes the govern-
ment of La Rochelle, and the management of the finances of the confeder-
ate princes — She sends an embassage to queen Elizabeth — Her letter —
Elizabeth's reply — She presents queen Jeanne with a subsidy — Rapid pro-
gress of the Huguenot arms — Renewed revolt of the barons of Beam — Decree
issued by the king of France, confiscating the principality of Beam with its
dependencies — Military measures adopted by Jeanne d'Albret for the sup-
pression of the revolt — The army of the Viscounts — Catherine makes over-
tures of peace to Conde — She despatches Portal to the camp— Conde's reply
— Jeanne's letter to Catherine de Medici — Progress of hostilities — Battle of
Jarnac — Death of Conde — Coligny effects his retreat to St Jean d'Angely —
Grief of the army — Queen Jeanne arrives in the camp, with the prince of
Navarre and Conde's son — Her oration to the army — Its enthusiasm — Prince
Henry is proclaimed general-in-chief, under the guidance of Coligny — Te
Deum chanted in Paris for the victory of Jarnac — Jeanne applies to queen
Elizabeth for aid — Her letter to the queen — Correspondence of Jeanne d'Al-
bret with Marie de Cleves — Advance of the duke de Deux-Ponts— Junction
of the German levies with the forces of the confederates — Troubles in Beam
■ — Jeanne nominates Montgommery her lieutenant-general — Entry of Terride
into Beam — He subjugates the whole of Beam — Siege of Navarreins — March
of Montgommery into the principality — His successful progress — Joined by
the army of the Viscounts — Combat of La Roche Abeille — Decrees issued
by the parliament of Paris, setting a price upon the Admiral's head —
The queen of Navarre, her son, and Conde are specially exempted from the
decree, by command of king Charles — Storm and sack of the town of Orthez
— Montgommery takes the revolted barons prisoners — He marches upon Pau
— Flight of de Navailles, its governor — His assassination — Transport of the
people of Beam on receiving queen Jeanne's lieutenant — Montgommery re-
establishes the council of state — Death of the six barons is resolved upon —
Their execution — The whole of the territories of the queen of Navarre sub-
mit to her lieutenant-general, the count de Montgommery.
During the afternoon of the day upon which she entered
La Eoehelle, queen Jeanne gave audience, in the Hotel de Ville,
to the authorities of the town; and was complimented by an
harangue, pronounced on behalf of his townsmen, by the mayor,
Jean de Labeje. Her spirited reply to this address enchanted
the Eochellois ; so that the hall of audience rang with acclama-
tions. The young prince of Navarre was welcomed, in his
turn, by the people of La Eoehelle, in a second most erudite
address. Henry listened with a gravity above his years ; and
when the mayor brought his harangue to a close, he replied :
" Messieurs de la Ville, I am not sufficiently advanced in my
studies to speak as you do. I assure you, however, that,
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET. 291
though I possess not yet great facility of speech, my conduct
shall deserve your approbation : I know much better how to
act than to speak." The simplicity of these words, and the
grace and frankness of the prince's manner, greatly affected the
assembly ; and Jeanne, with her noble son, retired, escorted by
the people to the very threshold of her private apartments. 1
The engaging deportment of the young prince was of es-
sential service to the cause Jeanne had so much at heart ; and
to promote which she had risked the confiscation of her hered-
itary dominions, and rendered her son liable to the penalties
of treason. Great was the sacrifice that the queen of Navarre
thus made from conscientious motives : the future hung on the
success of the arms of Conde. If the court triumphed, there
remained no other fate for Jeanne and her heroic son, than
proscription, and, possibly, dependence upon the bounty of
Elizabeth, queen of England. Well might Jeanne exclaim, " I
have a work to perform, and I must steel my heart to accom-
plish its demands ! " The prince won favourable opinions from
all classes of persons. " We have with us here the young
prince of Beam," wrote one of the inhabitants of La Rochelle,
" and he is, I assure you, a most loveable creature. He is
agreeable, affable, and obliging. He receives his friends with
a most noble and gracious air ; and in all things he acts as be-
comes a great prince. When he enters into conversation, it is
with the tone of one who perfectly understands his subject. He
talks well ; and when the discourse turns on the court, he
shows himself cognizant with its ways and projects. In shoi't,
the prince always expresses what he ought ; and never says any-
thing irrelevant to his dignity, or to the position in which he
now finds himself." Another writer at this season states,
" This young prince of Navarre daily gains fresh adherents.
He insinuates himself into all hearts with an ease and dexterity
perfectly marvellous. If men honour and esteem him greatly,
I can assure you that he is not less favoured by the ladies here.
His face is very handsome ; his nose is neither too large nor
too small ; his eyes have a mild expression ; his complexion is
brown, of a clear hue, and most healthful to look upon. His
vivacity is so piquante and animated, that if the ladies do not
fall in love with him, it will be a most strange and surprising
circumstance." The object of Henry's chivalrous gallantly at
this season was the beautiful Corisandre d' Andoins, the youth-
ful bride of the count de Guiche, who had followed in queen
Jeanne's train to la Rochelle. The ardour of the prince's court,
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, cle Jeanne d'Albret, vol. i. Lc Grain, Vie de Henri IV.
292 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
and the manner in which his overtures were received hy the
countess, occasioned much disquietude to Jeanne d'Albret, as
it greatly offended the count de Grammont, her old and attach-
ed servant, to reward whose fidelity she had bestowed the heir-
ess of d'Andoins on his son. ' As an instance of the influence
exercised by the versatile gifts of Henry over the minds of his
friends, the following anecdote is recorded. The young prince
was addicted to habits of profusion. As he never presumed to
apply for pecuniary aid from his mother — who, having assigned
the prince a sufficient revenue, reserved her treasures for higher
purposes than to defray the cost of his dissipation — Henry
several times resorted to the extraordinary expedient of address-
ing a letter, signed by himself, to the principal nobles and
ladies of Guyenne and Beam, in which he requested the loan
of a certain sum, specified therein, in consideration of which
the lender was at liberty to keep the billet ; if, on the contrary,
the loan were refused, the prince desired that the letter might
be returned.
" Such was the affection borne towards the prince," says the
historian, Le Grain, 2 " that no one ever thought of refusing
his demand ; for there was not a house that felt it not an
honour to possess amongst its records the writing and auto-
graph of this noble prince."
It would be doing the queen of Navarre great injury to
suppose that this clever ruse, on the part of the prince of Beam,
was countenanced bv herself. Jeanne would have regarded
her son's extravagant expenditure with indignation ; so frugal
and self-denying were her own habits. The following is a fac-
simile of the signature so highly prized by Henry's future
lieges of Beam and Guyenne, given when the prince had ac-
complished his eighth year.
Henry excelled in penmanship ; his firm and well-formed
characters present themselves with refreshing distinctness to
1 After the decease of her husband, Philibert, count de Guiche, the beau
tiful Corisandre became the avowed mistress of the king of Navarre.
- Hist, de Henri le Grand.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 293
the eye wearied in dwelling on the confused, and often illegible,
manuscripts of the latter half of the sixteenth century.
The day that followed queen Jeanne's entry into La
Eoehelle, witnessed an imposing ceremonial. The council,
composed of the queen of Navarre, the princes, the nobles, and
the principal citizens of La Eoehelle, assembled to nominate
and proclaim a commander-in-chief for the Huguenot army ;
and to determine the form of government proper for the Bochel-
lois and the inhabitants of the adjacent Pays d'Aunis, during
the suspension of their allegiance to the crown of France.
This important deliberation was holden in the Hotel de Ville.
The command of the army could alone be claimed by the vete-
ran Conde, or by the young prince de Beam, to whom honour-
able precedence properly appertained by right of birth. Jeanne
and her son took the chief places at the council-board ; the
ladies and gentlemen in the queen's suite occupied the space
immediately behind the chair of their royal mistress, and the
lower end of the hall was filled by spectators. It was a triumph-
ant moment for the gallant heart of Jeanne d'Albret, as well
as an incident of deep and painful import in her life, when she,
the hitherto devoted subject of Charles IX., sanctioned, for con-
science-sake, by her presence and active participation, the re-
bellion which threatened to dethrone the grandson of Francis I.
Amidst the silence of the assembly, Conde rose ; in an elo-
quent address he resigned the chief command of the confeder-
ated army to the Prince de Beam. After expatiating on the
heroic virtues which adorned the character of the queen of Na-
varre, the prince promised her son paternal guidance. The
enthusiasm manifested for her son, and the words of Conde,
deeply affected the queen ; and it was observed that she had
difficulty in repressing her emotion. She then rose, and on
behalf of her son, declined the command-in-chief of the con-
federated armies. " No, messeigneurs, I and my children are
here to promote the success of this great enterprise, or to share
in its disasters. We will joyfully unite beneath the august
standard of Conde, and obey the behests of a chieftain who has
gathered glory from every enterprise. The cause of God,
messeigneurs, is dearer to me than the aggrandizement of my
son. The same sentiments inspire the prince ; he would rather
return and abandon his share in this great design, than permit
a resignation so pernicious to the glory of our God, and to the
successful issue of our arms. Continue, monseigneur," added
Jeanne addressing Conde, " continue to us your counsels. For
the salvation of all, for the sake of my son, the chief of your
race, retain the command which you have rendered illustrious
294 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
by deeds of heroic valour. As for myself and my son, we are
ready and willing to obey you everywhere, and in all things." l
In vain the chiefs of the council tried to shake the queen's re-
solution ; Conde, in his turn, represented to Jeanne that while
prince Henry was invested with the nominal command, he
would fulfil towards him an office similar to that performed by
the marshals de Tavannes and de Biron in the camp of Cathe-
rine's son, the young duke d'Anjou. But the queen's grateful
affection for Conde, and her trust in his integrity, rendered
her firm in her refusal not to permit that any authority should
even nominally supersede his own. By her command, there-
fore, Conde was proclaimed general-in-chief of the confederated
army. " My son," exclaimed the queen, when Henry had sig-
nified his assent to the measure, " policy, gratitude, and neces-
sity have combined to render it expedient that you should
resign this command to your uncle. This honour, in truth,
appertained to yourself in virtue of your birth and rank ; but it
is a privilege which you cannot now safely claim without ex-
posing your party to ruin — a ruin that must entail your own.
Europe is at this moment watching your actions ; you have
ceased to be a child. You have become a man. Go then,
my son, and being subordinate now, learn under the valiant
Conde to command some day also in your turn. Show yourself
worthy of the blood you inherit ; and augment the ancient glory
of our race ! " The noble spirit of Henri le Grand was moved
within him at this address. Jeanne appreciated the magnani-
mous heart of her son. In a few brief' words the prince pro-
mised obedience to his uncle, and vowed to devote himself to
the cause ; and never to sheathe his sword until his mother's
enemies were vanquished.
The next act of the council, before it separated, was to offer
to the queen the civil administration of La Eochelle ; the
management of the finances of the confederates ; the conduct
of negotiations with the court of Trance, and with foreign
cabinets ; and the general supervision of the allied forces. 2 In
fact, Jeanne's duties were as onerous as those of Conde :
whilst his standard led the combined forces to the battle-field,
the queen's intellect, foresight, and prudence, were needed to
insure the successful execution of the designs of the confeder-
ates. This post of difficulty and anxiety was accepted by the
queen : Jeanne's intrepid spirit knew no wavering ; as her
health declined under the pressure of misfortune, her mental
powers shine the more brilliantly. Already, the queen's con-
1 De Thou, Hist, de son Temps.
2 De Thou. Vauvilliers. Favyn, Hist, de Navarre, liv. 14.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 205
stitution showed symptoms of the disease which had heen so
fatal to her mother and to other members of the royal house
of Angouleme ; and, at times, she suffered acutely from pul-
monary disorders. After Jeanne's arrival at La liochelle, her
nights were disturbed and sleepless. During the day, her
activity, and her surprising memory, excited the wonder of all
persons admitted to audience ; but when she retired to the
privacy of her apartments, heavy care oppressed her, and often
she was observed to sit motionless, as if exhausted with the
mental effort of the past day.
One of queen Jeanne's first acts was to despatch Chastellier,
a gentleman of her household, holding a high command in the
navy of the confederates, to queen Elizabeth, to ask her aid ;
and to explain the cause of the hostile attitude which she had
assumed against Charles IX. She commences her letter by
statiug, that as God had given Elizabeth grace to become one
of the nursing mothers of His church, it behoved all who were
engaged in the same holy work to render her Majesty a due
account of their proceedings. " In that which relates to my-
self, madame, I entreat you to believe, that three things alone
have induced me to depart from my kingdom ; the first of which
is — the cause of religion, menaced and afflicted by the treach-
ery and barbarous policy of the cardinal de Lorraine, and
others inspired with like sentiments. It would be a scandal,
and a shame, madame, that my name should be even mentioned
in so holy a cause, in concert with other noble princes and lords,
if I did not determine to spare neither my blood, nor my trea-
sures, to insure its success." The queen proceeds to discourse
on the other points which had occasioned her departure from
Xerac, nearly in the language she uses in her letter to the king,
dated from Bergerac ; and she makes the same statement re-
lative to Conde's flight from Xoyers. " I very humbly be-
seech you, madame, to accept these my assurances, and to assist
us with your favour and countenance. I will, further, pray
God to reward your efforts, and to augment His benedictions
upon you, to the preservation of your person and realms. I
pray you, madame, receive the humble commendations of a
mother and her children, who would fain render you service ;
also to credit what the sieur de la Chastellier has in charge to
unfold to your Majesty, whom I take the liberty of recommend-
ing to your gracious notice." ' The cardinal de Chatillon, who
yet remained the guest of Elizabeth, visited the queen at her
palace at Richmond, to represent the condition of the princes,
and to beseech her Majesty to send them succour. Elizabeth
1 MSS. Cotton. Calig. E. vi. No. 61.— Inedited.
296 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
was moved with indignation when she learned the perils to
which Conde had been exposed ; but especially after she had
perused the edict issued by the king, in defiance of his past
royal assurance, suppressing the reformed faith, and declaring
its adherents guilty of misdemeanour and treason. She grant-
ed the succour solicited; and despatched to La Rochelle six
pieces of artillery, with ammunition in great abundance. She
likewise presented to the queen of Navarre, as a gift, the sum
of one hundred thousand angelots ; l she also sent her a letter
of sympathy, containing the promise of more effectual aid at a
future period. Conde acknowledged Elizabeth's present bj
sending her Majesty, by the same vessels that conveyed the
welcome succours, some musical bells, woollen goods, and
several tons of iron and other metal." Elizabeth always mani-
fested the staunchest friendship for Jeanne, and for her son ;
and in addressing the queen, she invariably discarded the per-
emptory strain of her style of correspondence with foreign po-
tentates. Her support of the hostile demonstration made by
Jeanne and Conde occasioned serious disquietude to the French
government ; and it induced Catherine to make the overture
for peace which she subsequently tendered.
Meantime, the forces of the confederated princes increased
with astonishing rapidity. The towns of St. Maxent, Eontenay,
Niort, St Jean d'Angely, Pons, Blaye, Angouleme, and Taille-
bourg, received garrisons from the army of Conde. The ad-
miral de Coligny, with an army of twenty-five thousand men,
lay encamped on the plains of Jaseneuil. D'Andelot, his
brother, found himself, in less than a month, at the head of one
hundred thousand combatants ; Jacques de Crussol, count
d' Acier, raised a body of twenty-two thousand infantry, by the
command of queen Jetinne, in Languedoc, and marched to join
the prince. The duke de Montpensier in vain tried to inter-
cept and defeat this division : a conflict ensued at Messignac,
in which the Huguenots lost three thousand troops ; but they
nevertheless continued their march, and joined the army of the
Prince without further molestation. In less than a month after
Conde's flight from Noyers, he had subjugated the greater
part of Angoumois, Saintonge, and Poitou, with the territory
adjacent to La Rochelle. The generals commanding the royal
army, distracted by counter-orders from the court, did little
more than oppose an ineffectual resistance to the enthusiasm
demonstrated in the south for the Protestant cause. Driven
from Campron, by Conde and Coligny, the duke de Mont-
1 An angelot was a coin of the value often shillings.
2 Mem. de Michel de Castelnau, liv. 7, chap. ii.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 297
pensier and the viscount de Martigues, failing to check the
advance of the Huguenots across the Loire upon Saumur, the
campaign for the year 1568, in all only two months of warfare,
was terminated by the retreat of the royal army into Limousin,
for winter quarters. 1
The queen of Navarre, during the progress of the campaign,
had quitted La Eochelle, and repaired with her son to Tonnay-
Charente. There she bade farewell to the prince, who depart-
ed to join the army. With her own hands Jeanne invested
her son with that armour, which during his eventful and glori-
ous career Henry was destined never to lay aside. The
woman and the heroine shone in the few emphatic words with
which she dismissed him to fight for the great cause ; to main-
tain which she was content to sacrifice dignities and life it-
self. "When some individual expressed astonishment that she
could thus witness, with unshaken fortitude, the departure of
the prince, Jeanne replied, " The felicity and glory of promoting
so holy a cause enables me to surmount the emotions of my
sex ; while it has inspired my noble son with courage to rise
above his age."
From Tonnay-Charente the queen journeyed to Niort, to
confer with Conde on the finances of the confederated princes.
Jeanne devoted the treasure, which she had conveyed from
Nerac, to the purposes of the war ; she also sold jewels of great
value, and gave the money to replenish the exchequer of the
princes. The town of La Eochelle advanced the sum of 16,000
gold crowns, for the same purpose. As these sums, added to
the 100,000 angelots, the gift of queen Elizabeth, proved in-
adequate to defray the vast expenses already incurred, the ob-
ject of Jeanne's journey to Niort was to consult Conde on a
measure for improving the finances of the confederates. The
queen proposed, that the church lands, situated within the
territory recently subjugated, should be confiscated, and offered
for sale, and the funds arising therefrom applied for the prose-
cution of the war. 2 This project was adopted ; and Conde and
the queen jointly issued the required commission, authorizing
the seizure of the temporalities of the Eoman church, wherever
the Huguenot arms triumphed.
King Charles and his mother, during these transactions,
quitted St Germain, and took up their abode in the Louvre.
When Catherine found that her plausible promises produced no
impression on the mind of Jeanne d'Albret, her rage and con-
1 Mem. de Michel de Castelnau. De Thou, Hist, de son Temps. D'Au-
bigne, Hist. Universelle, t. i. liv. 5.
- Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 7, chap. ii.
298 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBEET.
sternation were excessive. Her schemes, which she had thought
so cleverly planned, were defeated with ignominy ; for Jeanne's
letter to king Charles proved that she had all along been cog-
nizant of the existence of such design, when Catherine believed
that the secret rested in her own bosom, and in the keeping of
her tried agents. Catherine's forte was the art of gaining in-
significant successes by tortuous diplomacy ; of providing in-
genious interpretations for state documents without strictly
violating their letter; and of veiling her true intents beneath
the figures of a gracious and fluent rhetoric. She, therefore,
hated the queen of Navarre, because Jeanne generally discerned
the true object of her diplomatic wiles.
The council was immediately summoned, on the news reach-
ing Paris of the departure of the queen of Navarre for the
camp of the confederates ; the letter which she had addressed
to the king from Bergerac, being read before the assembly by
the cardinal de Lorraine. Charles expressed intense resent-
ment at the conduct of the queen ; while the cardinal de Lor-
raine, whose removal from ofhce was declared by the Huguenot
leaders to be the object of their demonstration, pleaded no less
bitterly. The sequestration of the domains and of the lands
held in fief by the queen of Navarre was hastily decided upon.
With a plausible reserve, doubtless emanating from the cautious
policy of Catherine de Medici, the seizure of Beam was com-
manded on the plea, that the queen and her son were captives
in the camp of the confederates ; and compelled, despite their
will, to sanction the hostile attitude of Conde against the king,
his sovereign. In her ardour for the cause, Jeanne had reck-
lessly abandoned both her territory and her friends to their
fate. When d'Arros, to whom the queen had intrusted the
government of the principality before her departure from Nerac,
announced to the council and states of Beam the retreat of the
queen, the consternation was general. The people at first
listened to the communication in silent dismay ; murmurs and
discontent soon prevailed everywhere ; and all began greatly
to dread the sovereign before whose displeasure their valiant-
hearted queen had been compelled to flee. It was, perhaps, one
of the gravest errors committed by Jeanne d'Albret, thus to
abandon her dominions, before she had provided for their de-
fence, or for the means of allaying the panic certain to arise
there on the news of her departure for the camp of the con-
federates.
The malcontent barons, whom the queen had pardoned at
the intercession of Catherine de Medici, forthwith renewed
their treasonable intrigues in Beam. The county of Bigorre
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALB3ET. 203
revolted, and transferred its allegiance to Charles IX., at the
instigation of Antin, its senechal. In the county of Foix, the
standard of revolt was raised, and some bloody massacres en-
sued. To complete the calamitous condition of Jeanne's here-
ditary domains, the Spaniards entered Foix, and besieged the
castle of d'Heurs. 1 Philip's designs greatly alarmed the French
council ; and an order was forwarded, without delay, to the
baron de Luxe, 2 the leader of Jeanne's rebellious subjects, to
seize the principality of Beam, the territory of Lower Navarre,
and the counties of Foix, Armagnac, and Bigorre, in the name
of the king of France. An edict was likewise despatched to
the parliament of Toulouse, enjoining the members to aid de
Luxe to execute the commission intrusted to him. This docu-
ment is worded with great caution; the queen and her son
were therein expressly exonerated from the crime of treason,
so as to afford the possibility of treating with them, should a
favourable opportunity occur. The tenor runs thus :
" Charles, by the grace of God, King of France, to our
trusty and well-beloved members of the High Court of parlia-
ment at Toulouse. AVe have been informed that our very dear
and beloved aunt, and the prince of Navarre, her son, our dear-
ly beloved brother, are, at this present time, with those of our
subjects in arms against our authority. Nevertheless, as the
favours and gifts which they have received from our crown are
numberless, we cannot believe that they have taken this
measure voluntarily and of their own free-will; otherwise,
they would most justly be chargeable with the crime of ingra-
titude, considering the manifest and most notorious treason of
those our said subjects. We having, therefore, always em-
braced the cause, and taken under our royal protection the
persons and domains of our said aunt, and our brother, her son,
regarding their territories in all things as our own, it would
now be unbecoming to our dignity not to extend to them our
aid in their present calamitous captivity ; and, also, to employ
ourselves to the utmost, to preserve to the said lady and queen
her dominions, which may hereafter descend and appertain to
the prince her son. Such being our desire, and after due ex-
amination made of the means in our power to effect this object,
we have found no remedy better calculated to obviate the evil
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre. Favyn, Hist, de Navarre,
liv. 14.
- Charles, sovereign Count of Luxe in Lower Navarre, Knight of the
order of St Michael, and Captain of fifty men-at-arms. He espoused the
daughter of the baron de Lansac, and their daughter and heiress became the
consort of Louis de Montmorency, seigneur de Bouteville.
300 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
designs of those who would do the said queen disservice, than
to take possession of her territories ; and not only those which
she holds in fief from our crown, but, also, the countries be-
longing to her in sovereign right. For this reason we order,
command, and very expressly require you, by these our letters,
to seize and retain, until our further command, all lands, towns,
places, castles, and lordships, belonging to the said lady and
queen, whether situated under our jurisdiction or not ; for
which purpose we have given ample instructions to our well-
beloved and trusty Sieur de Luxe, Knight of our order of St
Michael. Given at Paris, this 18th day of October, in the
year of our Lord, 1568.'"
The first act of the parliament of Toulouse, after receiving
Charles's mandate, was to despatch an agent, one Christopher
Hicharde, into the county of Foix, with an order authorizing
him to take down the armorial bearings of the queen of Na-
varre from public buildings, to efface her seal from all state
documents, and to substitute the arms of Charles IX. The
parliament of Bordeaux, receiving from the council an edict of
similar tenor, entered with alacrity into the designs of the
sanguinary Montluc upon Beam. The marshal published a
manifesto at Agen, in which he branded Jeanne d'Albret as a
traitor to her sovereign, declared her domains forfeited to the
crown of France, and exhorted the king's faithful lieges to slay
and imprison all the queen's subjects of B£arn who should re-
sist the ordonnance of the king of France. 2 D'Arros, and the
brave Montamar, organized measures for the defence of the
principality ; they levied twelve companies of infantry, the
command of which they bestowed upon one Bassillon, an ad-
herent of the house of Albret. 3 From La Rochelle queen
Jeanne watched the progress of the storm which was about to
desolate her heritage of Albret, and to concentrate its fury up-
on Beam. She issued commissions to the viscounts de Bour-
niquel, Montclar, Gourdon, and Rapin, to levy more troops,
and to march with all speed to the aid of d'Arros and Monta-
rnar. This brave body of troops, distinguished as " Varmee des
Vico?ntes," afterwards rendered the queen right noble service.
The extreme severity of the weather continued to suspend
all warlike operations. King Charles's lieutenant-general, the
duke d'Anjou, had retired into winter quarters at Chinon,
while the royal army encamped in Limousin. The rapidity of
the successes of Conde filled the mind of Catherine with per-
plexity. The organization of his army, and the ardour which
1 Olhngaray, Hist, de Foix. Beam, et Navarre, p. 578.
2 M6m. de Montluc. Oluagaray. D'Aubigne. 3 Ibid.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET. 301
actuated the Protestant population of the south, occasioned,
also, deep misgivings in the mind of Charles's counsellors. The
royal generals, Montluc, Bellegarde, and Montpensier, vainly-
essayed to repress the risings in the southern provinces ; for
inspired with enthusiasm, the Huguenots gathered round the
standard of their chieftains. Already the Protestant popula-
tion of the German states responded to the animated appeal
made to them by Jeanne d' Albret ; and levies of troops waited
but the dawn of spring to pour upon Prance. The army of
the viscounts clamoured to be led to the combat ; while the
fleets of Elizabeth of England transported to the Eochellois
supplies of provisions and ammunition of war. During this
brief suspension of arms, Catherine de Medici, moved by these
considerations, resolved to make an effort to dissolve the for-
midable confederation which her own treachery had cemented.
In the prison of La Conciergerie was one Portal, a Hugue-
not, formerly accountant-general at Agen, who was incarcerated
for false testimony, and alleged malversation in his office. For
reasons which, at this distance of time, defy explanation,
Catherine liberated this Portal, and despatched him, as her
ambassador, to Conde, the bearer of a message from the queen,
to this effect — that if the prince would propose negotiations
for peace, his overtures would be warmly seconded by the court.
Tbe mission of Portal occurred during the last days of Decem-
ber, 1568. Conde granted Portal audience, in presence of the
princes and of his officers. His reply to the queen's message
was, " that he had not taken up arms against the king, but to
subdue the enemies of his faith, and principally the cardinal de
Lorraine ; also, that he was ready to lay down arms, provided
his Majesty would grant liberty of conscience to his subjects
generally, with license for the public exercise of the Protestant
faith." 1 Jeanne, likewise, addressed expostulations to the
queen, by the sieur de Eenty, and her secretary, La Chas-
setiere, who accompanied Portal back to Paris. Queen Ca-
therine's reply to Conde's message being unfavourable, Jeanne
again despatched Eenty with the following letter : —
JEANNE, QUEEX OF NAVARRE, TO CATHERINE DE
MEDICI, QUEEN OF FRANCE.
" Madame,
" It has pleased your Majesty to receive and listen to the sieurs de
Renty and la Chassetiere with so much condescension and favour, that
I should fail in my obligation if I omitted to return you my humble
thanks. Nevertheless, madame, as it has pleased you to return us no
1 Mem. de Michel de Castelnau, liv. 7. La Popeliniere, Hist, de France.
302 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
answer to the things we craved of your Majesty's goodness — such as,
that it would please the king to grant us liberty of conscience, the
public exercise of our faith, with the restitution of our estates, hon-
ours, and dignities, we cannot proceed with this negotiation. For
this cause, madame, I again despatch the sieur de Renty to be in-
formed through him of your Majesty's final intentions. Madame, the
said sieurs de Renty and la Chassetiere have apprized us that your
Majesty said, that we must make no demand respecting the exercise of
our religion. I can scarcely persuade myself, having once had the
honour to know your Majesty's sentiments intimately, that you could
wish to see us reduced to such an extremity as to profess ourselves of
no religion whatever, which must be the case if we are denied the
public exercise of our own ritual. As you, moreover, assured them,
madame, that you sincerely desired peace, I will state to you the only
way to obtain this blessing : it is, madame, to be achieved only by
allaying the feuds and animosities which now exist amongst all classes
in the realm ; and to satisfy your humble subjects, of whatever degree
and faith, who desire nothing so much as permission to worship God
according to their conscience in obedience to their king. Madame,
with tears in my eyes, and actuated by sentiments of affection and
loyalty towards you, I solemnly assure your Majesty, that if it will
not please the king and you to condescend to our sorrowful demands,
I see that nothing can result from this negotiation but a truce, to be
followed by disastrous civil conflicts. We have come to the deter-
mination to die all of us rather than to abandon our God, and our
religion, the which we cannot maintain unless permitted to worship
publicly, any more than a human body can live without meat and
drink. 1 pray you, therefore, madame, take gracious heed of my
fervent and humble supplications, and grant peace, with tranquillity,
to this realm. I have indicated to you the sole method of achieving
this purpose ; consider, moreover, madame, the torrents of blood which
must flow ; and the iniquities certain to be committed during this
cruel war, which one word from your royal lips can arrest.
'• You may, perhaps, suspect, madame, that we ask much at first, in
order to obtain concession the more readily on divers points. Be-
lieve, madame, however, that the affairs of the immortal soul admit
not of the same latitude as temporal concerns. There is only one road
to obtain eternal salvation : therefore, what we propose for your
Majesty's acceptance, is all that we can concede, and neither more nor
less. I can, therefore, but implore for it your Majesty's earnest at-
tention. I know well, that if it pleases you, you can grant our de-
mands to the full : the age of the King, and the maturity of his sense
and judgment, having confirmed his sense of duty as a son towards
his mother, of which legitimate influence and authority, if your Ma-
jesty makes tho use we trust in, all will doubtless be well.
" Madame, la Chassetiere repeated to me the many words of kindness
which your Majesty was pleased to use respecting myself; for which
honour and favour I very humbly return you thanks ; nothing do I
desire more earnestly, madame, than that by the conclusion of a satis-
factory peace, I may be enabled personally to assure you of my
gratitude.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 303
" Madame, I will unceasingly supplicate the God, who disposes the
hearts of kings according to His holy will, so to inspire the mind of
the king and of yourself, that peace and concord may again reign in
this realm to His glory and the prosperity of your Majesties, despite the
base intrigues of Monseigneur the cardinal de Lorraine, as revealed
by himself to Villegagnon, respecting the which, if your Majesties
were not already well informed, I could state something.
" I pray God, madame, in his mercy, to grant your Majesty a long
life.
" "W ritten at La Rochelle, this 27th day of December.
" Votre tres-humbie et tres-obeissante serviteur et subjecte.
" Jeanne." 1
Catherine returned no answer to this appeal ; every hope
of negotiation passed away, and the massacres committed by
both the belligerent parties inspired all peacefully disposed sub-
jects of the realm with disgust and horror. Jeanne retired to
La Eochelle, where she ruled with consummate wisdom, pro-
pitiating all parties, providing for the efficient victualling of
the garrisons of the confederates, and forwarding, almost daily,
large supplies of food and provision for the army of the princes.
Her energy and decision were deemed marvellous ; the queen
superintended all things often in person ; and attended by a
staff of officers, she visited the port and every part of the town.
She daily held council, and ordained all matters relating to the
finances of the confederates.
The royal army, meantime, quitted Limousin, in January
of the year 1569, and passing the Vienne, advanced upon Ver-
teuil. The forces of the duke d'Aujou had been augmented
by the junction of the count de Tende with a body of 3000
troops. Several weeks were spent in skirmishes by both
parties, and in the assault and capture of towns and fortresses.
The forces of the princes advanced in the beginning of
March upon Cognac, where they were joined by a division from
the army of the Viscounts. It was Conde's intent to wait the
arrival of Wolfang of Bavaria, duke de Deux Ponts, witli a
succour of 13,000 German mercenaries, before engaging in con-
flict with the royal troops. The duke d'Anjou, however, by the
advice of Tavannes and Biron, opposed Conde's progress to-
wards Cognac, and passing the Charente, he attacked the prince
at Jarnac. The vanguard of the confederates was commanded
by Coligny, who being repulsed by the impetuous onslaught of
the king's troops, sent to entreat Conde to hasten to his aid
with the main body of the army. Conde complied with the re-
1 The original of this letter is in the collection of M. Louis Paris, who has
courteously forwarded a copy to the author. It is now published for the first
time.
304 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
quest, and led the battle in person, though at the commence-
ment of the action his right leg was broken by a kick from the
horse of the count de la Rochefoucauld, who never quitted the
side of the prince throughout that disastrous day. The con-
flict became general : Conde performed prodigies of valour ;
his presence animated and sustained the drooping courage of
the Huguenot troops, who, attacked by overwhelming numbers,
and before any of the numerous detachments in reserve could
advance to their aid, gave way on all sides. Tavaunes and
Biron pursued their advantage ; and, at length, the prince him-
self was surrounded, and taken prisoner. The rout then be-
came universal. Coligny rallied his broken battalions ; and by
the exercise of the highest skill and judgment he effected a re-
treat to St Jean d'Angely. 1
Conde, meantime, strictly guarded by his captors, d' Argence
and Jean de la Roche, was conducted to the rear of the enemy.
An officer, high in the favour of the duke d'Anjou, named
Montesquiou, then suddenly rushed forwards, accompanied by
several companions, loudly vociferating " Tue, tue, Mort Dieu /"
and, before any could interpose, he levelled a pistol, and shot
the prince dead on the spot. 2 This barbarous murder was suf-
fered to remain unavenged : the duke d'Anjou is supposed to
have expressed approbation of the crime ; and it is, at least,
certain that he proposed to erect a chapel, and found a per-
petual service of thanksgiving, on the spot where the unfor-
tunate prince fell. 3 The body of the valiant Conde was treated
with contumely : thrown carelessly, without any covering,
across the back of an ass, it followed in the rear of the royal
army, when Anjou made his entry into the town of Jarnac.
The remains of the prince were subsequently restored to his
son ; and queen Jeanne caused them to be interred in the
mausoleum of the Bourbon princes at Vendome.
For many days after the fatal battle of Jarnac, the spirit of
the Huguenot army seemed extinct. Conde was mourned
with frantic lamentations by his army : his gallant deeds,
courage, and affability, and his base assassination, aroused, by
turns, the most powerful emotions of sorrow, admiration, and
vengeance. The soldier, dispirited and desperate, no longer
yielded willing obedience to his superior; discipline, during
the few dreary days succeeding Conde's death, appeared to be
set at nought and defied within the Huguenot camp. The
1 Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 7. De Thou. Maimbourg, Hist, du Calvinisme,
liv. 5, p. 422.
2 Ibid. D'Aubigne. De Thou, liv. 45. La Popeliniere. Brantome.
3 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 305
movements of the royal generals, at length, admonished Co-
ligny, that do longer interval of suspense might be indulged in
with impunity : the army required a fresh stimulus, and to
be roused to renewed eflbrts in the cause. He, therefore,
despatched a messenger to La Bochelle, to entreat the presence
of Jeanne d'Albret in the camp. The queen, however, was
already upon her way thither, accompanied by the two young
princes, neither of whom had been actually engaged in the
bloody fight of Jarnac.
The most acute grief for the loss she had sustained op-
pressed the queen ; for no one understood better than Jeanne
d'Albret the peril to which the Huguenot cause was exposed
by this defeat. By the command of Coligny the army was
drawn up in battle-array, to receive the queen. The gloom
which darkened every brow, the trailing banners, the mourning
veil which everywhere covered the escutcheen of the fleur-de-
lis, the emotion of Conde's son, who rode at her left hand, se-
verely tried Jeanne's fortitude as she approached But the
queen permitted no weak lamentations to impede the fulfil-
ment of her varied duties : her sense of what was due to the
glorious cause for which she suffered and laboured, supported
Jeanne d'Albret at this crisis, and she demeaned herself as be-
came the heroine and the queen. Her popularity with Conde's
soldiers had been confidently relied upon by Coligny ; and the
shouts of joyous welcome which saluted her as she rode along
the front ranks of the army, proved that her influence was un-
impaired. Cheers were also given for the prince of Beam,
who, clad in armour, and bearing the shield with the fleur-de-lis
emblazoned, which became afterwards so renowned, seemed in-
spired with martial ardour to avenge the disastrous defeat. In
Jeanne's train were Coligny, d'Andelot, la Bochefoucald, Font-
railles, de Piles, Rohan, Pontivy, several of the valiant Vis-
counts, Genlis, and others. The queen advanced, having Con-
de's son on her left, and the prince de Navarre on her right ;
and, sustained by " that high heart, and lofty and resolute
spirit," says de Thou, 1 she spoke thus to the assembly : —
"Children of God, and of Prance, — Conde is no more!
That prince, who has ofttimes set you the example of courage,
and of unstained honour, who was always ready to combat for
his king, his country, and his faith ; who never took up arms
except to defend himself against implacable enemies ; that
heroic prince, whom even his foes were constrained to reverence,
has sacrificed his life for the noblest of causes ! Instead of re-
1 De Thou, Hist, de son Temps, liv. 45. Mathieu, Hist, de Charles IX.,
liv. 7. 20
306 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET.
ceiving from us the laurel crown, the just guerdon of his valour,
his brows are now circled with the diadem of immortal glory.
Conde has resigned his breath on the battle-field, in the midst
of his career of fame. He is dead ! A sacrilegious hand has
severed the thread of life. His enemies have deprived him of
being, by a deed of cowardly perfidy. What say I ? Have
they not even added foul insult to his cold remains ? Oh !
how, by this base outrage, have they not increased his renown,
and defiled for ever the laurels culled on the fatal field of
Jarnac !
" Soldiers, you weep ! But does the memory of Conde de-
mand nothing more than tears? AVill you be satisfied with
profitless regrets? No! let us unite, and summon back our
courage, to defend a cause which can never perish, and to
avenge him who was its firmest support ! Does despair over-
power you? Despair! that shameful failing of weak natures;
can it be known to you, noble warriors, and Christian men ?
"When I, the queen, hope still, is it for you to fear ? Because
Conde is dead, is all, therefore, lost ? Does our cause cease to
be just and holy? No! God, who placed arms in his hand
for our defence, and who has already rescued you from perils
innumerable, He has raised us up broth ers-in-arms worthy to
succeed him, and to fight for the oause of religion, and the
king, our country, and the truth ! Not only princes of royal
lineage remain for our leaders, but Coligny, la Rochefoucauld,
la Noue, Rohan, de Piles, d'Andelot, Montgommery ! To these
brave warriors I add my son. Make proof of his valour! The
blood of Bourbon and of Valois flows in his veins ! He burns
with holy ardour to avenge the death of the prince. Behold,
also, Conde' s son; now become my own child. He is the
Avorthy inheritor of his father's virtues. He succeeds to his
name, and to his glory. Soldiers ! I offer to you everything
in my power to bestow : my dominions, my treasures, my life,
and that which is dearer to me than all — my children ! I make
here solemn oath before you all — and you know me too well
to doubt my word — I swear to defend to my last sigh the holy
cause which now unites us : which is that of honour and of
truth!" 1
Profound silence succeeded Jeanne's harangue ; then cheers
resounded from every part of the field. The soldiers crowded
round the queen, clamorously demanding to be led to the com-
bat. During this scene of excitement, the young prince of
Navarre mingled with the soldiers. Inspired with sudden im-
1 De Thou, Hist, de son Temps, liv. 45. Mathieu, Hist, de Charles IX.,
liv. 5. Mezeray. D'A»bign6, liv. 5. Mem. de Michel de Castelnau, liv. 7-
LIFE OF JEANNE d'-ALBKET. 307
pulse, the army unanimously hailed him for its chief and leader
in the room of Conde. Jeanne having signified her assent, the
youug Henry was saluted on the spot as generalissimo of the
confederate forces. " Soldiers, your cause is mine, our inter-
ests are identical. I swear to you on the salvation of my
soul, and by my honour, and life, never to abandon you ! ' M ex-
claimed he, enthusiastically. Proclamation was made of the
command henceforth to be exercised by the prince of Xavarre
under the guidance of Coligny. By the queen's direction, the
youug prince de Conde* took the same oath as Henry had done
to remain faithful to the cause. Jeanne then publicly presented
him to her son as his brother-in-arms. " Thus," says the
historian, " queen Jeanne, by her courage and heroism, dissi-
pated the dejection of our warriors, so that the army, after
hearty cheering, and a great salvo of artillery, dispersed, every
man retiring content to the quarters allotted to him."
The news of the defeat and death of Conde was received
with transport by the court. The courier arrived in Paris at
midnight, when the king rose, and attended the chaunting of a
Te Deum for the victory of Jarnac, performed in the chapel of
the Louvre. 2 The valour and military science of the duke
d'Anjou 3 became a theme of laudation for the poets and cour-
tiers ; not one of whom, however, believed that the prince had
of himself contributed to the victory, which was due solely to
the ability of Tavannes and Biron. Catherine, however, exult-
ed in the praise of her best-loved son ; and she was even be-
trayed into expressing her delight more fervently than was
politic in the presence of the king, who was jealous of his bro-
ther's growing renown, and who loathed the inaction in which
his mother held him. Castelnau was commissioned to hasten
the advance of the marquis of Baden and the German levies in
the pay of the king ; while the dukes de Nemours and d'Au-
male were despatched by the council, at the head of six thou-
sand men, to intercept the advance of the duke de Deux Pouts
to join the army of the princes.
Queen Jeanne quitted St Jean d' Angely two days after she
had harangued the troops, and retired to Saintes. After so-
journing there for a short time, she departed for La Eochelle.
The finances of the confederates being exhausted, Jeanne again
had recourse to the friendship of queen Elizabeth ; who con-
* Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. i.
- Journal de Brulart. Charles sent the standards and colours captured at
Jarnac to the pope.
3 The duke d'Anjou had just attained his sixteenth year, when the laurels
won by Tavannes and ZJiron were awarded to him, by the flattery of the court
poets.
308 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
sented, at the request of the queen of Navarre, to advance a
considerable sum of money upon certain valuable jewels and
other effects offered by the prince de Conde and the admiral.
The queen also placed in the keeping of Elizabeth a diamond
necklace of great value, one of the most precious heir-looms of
the house of Albret. The necklace is described in the inven-
tory of the jewels given into the hands of Elizabeth as " being
set with eleven large table diamonds, one diamond being set
clear, as a pendant, the said necklace being valued at the
sum of 160,000 crowns. Jeanne, likewise, pawned a ring set
with a large balass ruby, surrounded by pearls, and valued at
1000 crowns. l Upon these jewels Jeanne received consider-
able sums, which enabled her to transmit the necessaiy funds
to her valiant viscounts for the military enterprises which she
at this time contemplated in the south.
The inventory of the jewels sent by Jeanne to Elizabeth is
dated June 4th, 1569. A few weeks later the queen addressed
the following letter to the queen of England, whose support
she fouud so constant and encouraging.
JEANNE, QUEEN OF NAVARRE, TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.
" Madame,
" I will not fail to profit by the present opportunity to thank you
for your past kindnesses, and for the assistance which it has pleased
you to bestow upon us, beseeching you, madame, to continue this
your favour and countenance, in return for which, I pray God to grant
you rewards worthy of your piety, and exalted dignities. First, ma-
dame, I supplicate that the great God may bestow everlasting felicity
upon you, who so nobly sustains the church. Secondly, the heartfelt
homage of all the valiant princes, nobles, and captains, who have vow-
ed to serve you ; thirdly, glory and honour so exalted that your re-
nown, madame, may resound to the limits of the world itself. Madame,
I will not enter upon the subject of our affairs, as M. l'amiral intends
to explain to you every incident connected therewith. I shall only
commend myself, madame, to your Majesty's gracious favour, while
supplicating God to augment the mercies He is pleased to vouchsafe
you.
" Written at La Rochelle, this 19th clay of July, by your Majesty's
" Very humble and obedient sister,
" Jeanne." 2
Elizabeth sent to the queen the most affectionate reply to
this flattering letter ; and she caused the fleet to transport to
La Rochelle a second succour of artillery, powder, and ammu-
nition of various descriptions ; also, she promised to take under
1 MS. Cotton. Calig. E. vi. No. 93.— Inedited. 2 Ibid. No. 106.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 309
ber own guardianship the valuable jewels intrusted to ber by
Jeaune.
The queen about this season addressed the following curious
letter to her niece, Marie de Cleves, youngest daughter of the
duke de JNevers, and Marguerite de Bourbon, sister of ber late
husband.
JEAXXE, QUEEN OF NAVARRE, TO MARIE DE
CLEVES, MARQUISE DTSLE.
"Ma Niece,
" I have singular pleasure in learning that your health continues in
a satisfactory condition. I experience, nevertheless, much sorrow to
hear that the affairs of your soul progress not so well, as, knowing the
zeal which you feel for religious matters, I doubt not that it is a very
great trouble and unhappiness to you to live thus. God, ma niece,
will remedy this misfortune at His own good time. As for news of
myself it is good — excepting only the extreme grief which we feel
for the loss of M. le Prince, my brother, in 'which sorrow I doubt
not that you share. Our sole and only consolation is that he died on
the bed of true honour (au lit d'honneur). spiritually and bodily, for
the service of his God, his king, and for the welfare of his country.
Mv son lias received so great honour from the army as to be elevated
to the command, in the place of M. le Prince. He will render good
service, or else he will likewise give his life for his God and his king.
Our army is in a better condition than it has yet been. Nevertheless,
we trust more in God than in the strength of our forces : peradven-
ture He may grant us peace and repose, after so long a period of ad-
versity. Be assured, ma niece, that wherever I may be, I will always
fulfil towards you the duties of a mother ; and you will confer sin-
gular pleasure upon me by often sending me news of yourself, as you
have greater opportunity of doing so than myself. I send you your
furrier, M'hom I retained here until after the arrival of Coderson, in
the hope that I might learn from him happy tidings of you. I beg
you to heed the dictates of your conscience. Praying that our merci-
ful God will keep you in safety, and bestow upon you all requisite
blowings,
" I remain, your loving aunt, and best friend, 1
"Jeanne."
Marie de Cleves 2 eventually espoused the young prince ot
Conde. The queen took great interest in her welfare ; and at
the request of the duchesse de JNevers she had selected a pre-
ceptress for the princess, madame de Belestar, whose attach-
ment to the cause of reform had been the means of inspiring
1 MS. Cotton. Vespasian, F. iii. art. 5. — Incdited.
2 The duke de Nevers left three daughters only, coheiresses ; Henriette,
dueliesse de Nivernois, espoused Ludovico de Gonzaga, brother of the duke of
Mantua; Catherine espoused, first, Antoine de Croy, prince de Porcien —
secondly, Henri duke de Guise; Marie became the consort, in L572, of Henry
de Bourbon, prince de Conde.
310 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
Mademoiselle de Cleves with distaste for the religion of her
ancestors. The passion which the duke d'Anjou conceived for
Marie de Cleves, and which was thwarted by the ambitious in-
trigues of Catherine de Medici, embittered the after life of
both parties, and occasioned disastrous results.
The queen, meantime, continued to enforce obedience to
her mandates within the town and district of La Rochelle.
Her rigid justice was appreciated and respected. It had been
ordained in the council of war holden in the camp of the
princes, that the levies of money made on the Rochellois for
the payment of the foreign mercenaries about to join the army,
and to defray the expenses of the new fortifications construct-
ing at La Rochelle, should be raised arbitrarily from the citizens,
according to the allotment made upon each householder by the
council. A mandate was, moreover, issued, forbidding the
members of the town-council, established by queen Jeanne, to
take cognizance of any complaints and grievances made by
those so mulcted. This law was submitted, in the first instance,
to Jeanne d'Albret ; its prompt and uncompromising tenor,
providing for a necessity which could not be obviated without
its enforcement, gratified the queen ; and she replied, " that
the law had so much of her entire approval, that it was her
pleasure it should be exactly and wholly obeyed by the mem-
bers of her council in La Kochelle." It so happened, however,
that the town-councillors sympathized more with the alleged
grievance of their brethren than did the members of the con-
federate council ; and the ordonnances of the princes were
modified, and even sometimes totally evaded. The consequence
was, that delays arose in the levy of the requisite funds. The
princes, therefore, republished their former decree during the
month of June 1569, supported this time by a formal mandate
from queen Jeanne, decreeing heavy penalties for any evasion
of its letter or intent. 1
The duke de Deux Ponts, and the count de Mansfeldt,
during these transactions accomplished their march through
France, from the banks of the Rhine into G-uyenne, at the head
of a body of mercenary troops, to join the army of the princes
at St Tvrier. The dukes d'Aumale and de Nemours had been
sent, each at the head of a considerable division of the royal
army, to intercept its progress. The duke de Deux Pouts,
however, skilfully evaded the conflict, and crossed the Loire
between the towns of la Charite and Nevers. In the army ot
1 Registres des Ordonnances et Deliberations du Conseil estably par la
Reine de Navarre a la Roehelle.— MS. Archives Imperiales, K. 100. No. 55.
■ — Inedited.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 311
the duke -were the brave Huguenot chieftains, the marquis de
Renel, de Mouey, d'Autricourt, and Franeourt, chancellor of
Navarre, who had been seut by his royal mistress, after the
defeat of Jarnac, to hasten the advance of the German troops.
The duke d'Anjou prepared to oppose the duke on his entry
into the province of Limousin ; and Montluc and Bellegarde
advanced to arrest his passage across the river Char^nte : but
the Germans steadily continued their pi'ogress, and avoided a
combat. The duke de Deux Ponts, their skilful leader, how-
ever, succumbed beneath the fatigues of the campaign, struck
by a fit of apoplexy at Nessun, a town close to Limoges. The
count Wolrad Alansfeld assumed the command of the troops ; and
capturing Nontron on his route, a place appertaining to Jeanne
d'Albret, he effected a junction with Coligny at St Yvrier.
The queen of Navarre immediately repaired thither. The
army reinforced, and inspirited by the repulse of the duke
d'Anjou from Cognac, received Jeanne with its accustomed
enthusiasm. Again she electrified the soldiers by an harangue,
pronounced in the presence of the assembled chieftains. Her
noble spirit showed itself competent to meet every contingency.
She then granted audience to the officers of the confederated
armies. At this reception the queen renewed the articles of
confederation and alliance between the German Protestant
princes and the Huguenot party in France. Before her
departure from La Pochelle to commemorate the alliance,
Jeanne had caused a gold medal to be struck, bearing her own
effigy, and that of her son : on the reverse were the words,
Pax cert a ; victoria Integra; mors honesta ! Each medal was
suspended to a chain of gold. Jeanne placed one of these
chains round the neck of each of her brave officers, French and
German, in sign of friendship and alliance, as they stooped to
kiss her hand, at the conclusion of the audience. 1 By the
queen's direction, a quantity of medals of inferior value, but of
similar design, were liberally distributed to the soldiers.
The news which Jeanne received from Beam, meantime, was
of disastrous import. It overwhelmed the queen with anxiety
and grief; and increased her many causes of disquietude. The
town of Oleron had declared for Charles IX. Ste Colombe,
one of the most factious of the barons of Beam, led the revolt,
which soon extended throughout the principality. Beam became
divided against itself; one half of the population declaring for
Charles and theEomish faith, present security, and future fa-
vours from the court ; the other party, comprehending thequeen's
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre, pp. 6, 7. Castclnau, liv. 7,
chap. vi.
312 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
poorer subjects, strenuously resisting the decree of confiscation
issued by the Trench government. Amongst the nobles faith-
ful to their royal mistress and her interests at this crisis, were
d'Arros, governor of the principality, and his two sons ; Mont-
amar, 1 one of the viscounts who was associated with d'Arros in
the government ; Henri d'Albret Miossens, de Sales, and many
other personages of less note. The party hostile to the cause
of the queen, comprehended the faction whose disaffection had
harassed the government of Jeanne from the day of her acces-
sion, the barons de Luxe, de Pordiac, de Gerdretz, de Ste
Colotnbe, de Gfoas, and Henri de Navailles, whose brother, the
baron de Peyre, nevertheless, was one of the queen's bravest
servants.
D'Audaux, senechal of Beam, once favoured by the queen
above her other counsellors, held aloof for some time from
leaguing with either of the factions desolating the principality.
One of the most important and wealthy of Jeanne's subjects,
his aid was eagerly coveted both by d'Arros, and by Ste Co-
lombe, chief of the rebels of Oleron. D'Audaux, compelled at
length to declare himself, decided on obeying the mandate of the
king, whom he publicly acknowledged as sovereign paramount
over the principality. He, therefore, in his capacity of senechal of
Beam, published a manifesto, calling upon all loyal Bearnnois,
to render obedience to their sovereign, by respecting the man-
dates of king Charles ; as his Majesty had seized the principal-
ity, with the benevolent intention of restoring it to queen
Jeanne as soon as she had recovered her liberty. The valiant
de Grammont, meanwhile, Jeanne's devoted partisan, declined
to take share in the conflict ; and retiring to his castle, he
sturdily maintained a neutral attitude. It is supposed, that
both d'Audaux and de Grrammont 2 felt the slight inflicted by
their royal mistress, in excluding them from all share in the
administration during her absence ; and that this cause greatly
influenced their subsequent conduct. Jeanne, however, beset
by treason and ingratitude, had confided the care of her domin-
ions to the subject who never betrayed her interests ; who was
a devoted personal friend, as well as an enlightened counsellor.
The father of d'Arros aided the escape of Henry, king of
Navarre, from the fortress of Pavia ; and his son had been
1 The viscount de Montamar -was the brother of Michel d'Astarac, baron
de Fontrailles.
2 It is asserted by some, that when summoned by Montamar to join the
army of the Viscounts, de Grammont replied, " that when queen Jeanne
deigned to request his services, he would implicitly obey her Majesty's com-
mands." The letter announcing this, the determination of one of her most
faithful subjects, never reached the queen at La Rochelle.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBEET. 313
educated by queeu Marguerite d'Angouleme, as her favourite
page of honour. To the ear of d'Arros Jeanne confided all
her projects, as he professed the reformed religion ; these cir-
cumstances, therefore, induced the queen, at her departure, to
place the sceptre of her principality in his keeping, to the
exclusion of her potent subjects, d'Audaux and de Grrammont.
Oleron continued successfully to resist the queen's lieuten-
ants, d'Arros and de Montamar. Ste Colombe, dreading the
result of a prolonged siege, wrote to Antoine de Lomagne,
seigneur de Terride, general-in-chief of the French army, who
had been commissioned by Catherine to take military possession
of Beam, to delay no longer his entry into the principality.
Terride, therefore, passed the frontiers, and encamped on the
plains of Bisanos. D'Audaux, senechal of Beam, then joined
the camp of the French general, summoning all the towns on
his route to receive Terride, and defeat the designs of the
revolted Huguenots, who, he asserted, after detaining queen
Jeanne in captivity, wished to seize on the heritage of Albret.
Soon all Beam had made submission to the king's lieutenant :
town after town received detachments from the main army,
with one of the rebel barons as commandant of its garrison.
Perceiving that it was impossible to resist the overpowering
force under the command of Terride, d'Arros and his brave
band retreated to the fortress of Navarreins, and there declared
their intention of defending themselves, until succours arrived
from the queen, their mistress ; or of falling sword in hand. 1
The army of the Viscounts still remained encamped in
Quercy : upon this brave body of men the hopes of the queen's
lieutenants were fixed. Dissensions, however, between the
commanders, had hitherto prevented its advance into the prin-
cipality. Jeanne caused these troops to be augmented by con-
siderable levies. She then nominated the count de Montgom-
mery 2 to the command-in-chief over her armies of the south,
and intrusted to him unlimited powers for the pacification of
Beam. The letters-patent conferring upon Montgommery
this high mission, were placed in his hand by Jeanne herself,
in the presence of her council, at La Bochelle. Every day
increased the perils to which her hereditary domains were sub-
jected, through the resentment of the king and his mother.
Pau, her capital city, had surrendered to Terride ; from thence,
the baron led his victorious army before Navarreins, and laid
1 Olhagaray, Hist, de Beam. Favyn, Hist, de Navarre. De Thou, liv. 4-5.
1 Gabriel de Lorges, count de Montgommery. Montgommery had been
living a refugee in England from the period of the fatal tourney in which he
accidentally killed king Henry II. He returned to his own country to combat
for the Protestant cause, and was present at the siege of Kouen, 1563.
3U LIFE OF JEANNE DALE-RET.
siege to this her last stronghold. Tears of mortification and
grief were shed by Jeanne when she thought of the ravages
committed throughout Beam — the heritage of her ancestors —
by Terride's fierce soldiery ; the pillage and sack of her flourish-
ing towns ; the overthrow of the laws which she had established ;
and the misery of her subjects, roused within the bosom of the
queen a longing for signal retribution on the authors of such
calamity.
Montgommery's warrant bestowed upon him unlimited
authority. All the queen's subjects, whatever might be their
degree and position, were placed under his authority. He was,
also, invested with power of life or death, over all criminals
convicted of offences against the state. " Go, valiant Mont-
gommery," exclaimed the queen in the presence of her council,
" go, and deliver Beam ! Smite traitors, and those guilty nobles
whom no past clemency has been able to subdue. Pardon my
misguided people. If these traitorous nobles escape retribution
from your hands, provide, at least, that they do no more harm ;
assail their vital interests ; you will then, at least, render them
obedient to the laws, from a knowledge that submission is
unavoidable ! " The queen then received Montgommery's oath
of fidelity and allegiance : he promised her Majesty " to perish in
her service, or to win back her dominions.'"
Every hour added to the critical position of d'Arros and his
brave followers, besieged in INavarreins by Terride. Their
faith in the word of the queen, and their knowledge that she
would exert every effort for their relief, inspired them with
fortitude to endure the terrible privations of a lengthened siege.
Already Moutluc had received an order from the duke d'Anjou,
to attack the army of the Viscounts ; and to put it to the rout.
The royal troops, led by the most renowned commanders of
France, such as Montluc, Bellegarde, Negrepelisse, Damville,
hemmed in Jeanne's principality, while Terride occupied every
fortress in her country, excepting Navarreins. The duke
d'Anjou, with Tavannes and Biron, his coadjutors in command,
lay encamped in Limousin ; the mission, therefore, which
Jeanne had conferred on the valiant Montgommery, seemed to
be one impossible of accomplishment, until the arms of Coligny
had thrown back the tide of war upon the banks of the Loire.
Montgommery, nevertheless, commenced his march from
La Rochelle, escorted by two hundred horse equipped at the
private expense of the queen. He boldly pushed forward into
Limousin, passed the camp of the duke d'Anjou, crossed the
Dordogne, and arrived safely at Montauban. Prom thence he
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. ii.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 315
proceeded to Castres, a little town on the river Agout, avoiding,
with most astonishing good fortune, capture from the outposts
of* the royal camp at Moissac, under Fontenille. At Castres
Montgommery was joined by the Viscounts and their army, and
by numbers of gentlemen professing the reformed faith. Gra-
dually the ranks of Jeanne's defenders increased. Montamar,
Cau mont de la Force, Eapin, Serignac, j oined the standard of Mont-
gommery ; and by the middle of July the queen's army amount-
ed to many thousand men. Damville and Bellegarde vainly
strove to arrest the count's march. With incredible rapidity
and success Montgommery passed onwards through the county of
Foix. After defeating Negrepelisse in a skirmish, close to
St Gaudens in the Pyrenees, the count stormed and captured
the town of Bigorre. "After this success, Jeanne's army steadily
increased ; the proclamations of the general were responded
to with alacrity ; and provisions in abundance were furnished
to the troops by the peasantry of the district. In short,
the successful march of Montgommery into Beam, through a
country swarming with hostile armies, was only to be equal-
led by the celebrated progress of the duke de Deux
Ponts, from the Bhine into Gruyenne. Historians are at a
loss to assign motives for the extraordinary inactivity and
incompetence displayed by Charles's generals, in both these
instances. The opposing force, which they were commanded
to intercept and destroy, amounted not to half the num-
ber of troops under their own command ; yet, Nemours,
and d'Aumale, Montluc, Bellegarde, and Damville, Tavannes
and Biron, suffered themselves to be beaten and out-manoeuvred
in military tactics by an enemy inferior in numbers and
prowess. Every anomalous incident in war, or politics, during
the reigns of tlie three last Yalois kings, is attributed to the
intrigues of Catherine de Medici. Faithful to her motto, " que
tout perisse pourvu que je regne" the queen, it is asserted, fear-
ing that the complete triumph of the Catholic arms would ren-
der the power of that faction dominant, and wishing to retain
the balance of parties in her own hands, contrived that such
contradictory orders should be transmitted to the royal gener-
als, as might paralyse their operations, and thus prolong the
contest so favourable to her ambitious designs.
Montgommery entered Beam on the 6th day of August,
1569. He was the leader of an imposing force ; Montamar
being second in command. The people, groaning under the
sanguinary oppression of Terride's soldiery, rallied with en-
thusiasm round the banner of Albrct. Jeanne possessed, in
an eminent degree, the affectionate homage of the lower classes
316 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRZT.
of her subjects ; the simplicity of her deportment and the
frankness of her disposition attracted their respect and admira-
tion. On the 7th of August, Montgommery traversed the river
Gave, below Coaraze, in the sight of Terride's army, besieging
Navarreins, and prepared to offer him battle, or to compel him
to retreat. During the night of the 8th, the besieging army
retired in battle-array, and sought refuge in the town of Orthez,
declining the combat against troops fresh, and animated with
enthusiastic ardour for their cause. 1 The following morning
Montgommery and his gallant army entered Navarreins, which
had been defended so long and valiantly by d'Arros. The tri-
umph of Jeanne's brave adherents was great in proportion as
their victory had been signal and complete.
AVhilst Montgommery thus subjugated the royal forces in
Beam, queen Jeanne triumphed in another success obtained by
the arms of Coligny at the great skirmish of La Roche- Abeille,
gained by the Huguenots in the presence almost of queen Ca-
therine herself ; who had advanced Avith the court to Limoges
to visit her favourite son, though ostensibly to treat for an
armistice with the queen of Navarre. The army of the Princes
then laid siege to Poitiers, which was defended by the young
duke de Guise.
On the 13th of September the parliament of Paris issued a
decree, declaring Gaspard de Coligny, admiral de Prance, guilty
of high treason, and degrading him from his dignities. The
decree condemned him to death, and directed that the sentence
of the High Court should be executed on his effigy, if Coligny
himself was not previously apprehended. The admiral's estates
were confiscated ; his children degraded, and pronounced ple-
beian ; and, lastly, a sum of 50,000 crowns was offered for his
apprehension alive or dead. 3 The same day the admiral was
hanged in effigy on the Place de Greve ; and the escutcheon of
his arms was broken and defaced by the public executioner.
This sentence received the assent of the king on the 27th day of
the same month ; his Majesty, however, forbad Messieurs de la
Cour to proceed, as they intended, to pronounce j udgment against
the queen of Navarre," the prince of Navarre, and the prince de
Conde ; nor yet to attaint the memory of the late Louis, prince de
Conde : " We, therefore, address to you these present letters, by
which we expressly command and enjoin, that you proceed not
yourselves, nor suffer any judgment to be recorded against the
1 La Popeliniere, Hist, de France, t. i. liv. 17. D'Aubigne, Hist. Univer-
Belle, t. i. liv. o. Mem. de Montluc.
- Mem. de Michel de Castelnau, liv. 7-
3 See the Edict — Journal de Brulart.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 317
said personages, on account of present troubles, as we reserve
for ourselves the sole cognizance and decision in all and every-
thing which may concern them ; also, in the matter concerning
the memory of the late prince de Conde. Moreover, if any
proceedings have already been instituted against the said per-
sonages by the parliament, it is our will and pleasure that such
be rescinded, and declared void. Given au Pare du Plessis-les-
Tours, this 23rd day of September, 1569." 1
It must be admitted that Charles and his mother invariably
interposed to save Jeanne d'Albret and the princes from the
penalties arising from their defiance. The Pvoman Catholic
faith was dominant in Prance ; and in the eyes of the majority
of Prenchmen Jeanne and her party were guilty of malignant
treason, in taking up arms against the king, calling in the aid
of foreign potentates, and in presuming to encounter the armies
of the sovereign in the battle-field. Though the maintenance
of their religion was the pretext alleged by the Huguenots for
their rebellion, yet if its public exercise were denied by
the king, his fiat had been voluntarily confirmed by the vast
majority of their countrymen. The treaty offensive and de-
fensive, concluded by Jeanne with queen Elizabeth, was of it-
self a misdemeanour which exposed her, as a vassal of the crown
of France, to the confiscation of all her territories, and digni-
ties holden within the realm. Her position as sovereign ot
Beam alone prevented this act from lapsing into absolute trea-
son ; though her independence of the crown of France had
been repudiated by her subjects of Foix, Beam, and Navarre,
by their immediate submission to Terride when he demanded
their obedience in Charles's name.
Doubtless the true motive of the tender regard evinced by
the crown for Jeanne d'Albret, and its clemency towards the
princes at this period, arose from the successes of Montcjom-
mery in Beam. As Montluc observes in his Commentaries :
" The victories of Montgommery procured for queen Jeanne
that consideration which later neither treaties nor supplication
could have extorted from Charles IX."
After Terride had been compelled to decamp from before
Navarreins, brief was the interval consumed by Jeanne's vic-
torious chieftains in mutual congratulations on their triumph.
After the troops had reposed for the space of one hour, and
had joined in a solemn religious service, Montgommery led his
army upon Orthez, in which place Terride, the rebel barons,
and nearly the whole of Charles's army, had sought precarious
i Mandement du Roy a sa Cour du Parlemont. MS. Bibl. Roy. Dupuy,
500, p. 120.— Inedited.
318 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
refuge, in the hope of being succoured by Fontenille, or Belle-
garde. Montgommery's first halt was at the village of St Maigret;
from thence he commanded a view of the devoted town. Pre-
parations were therein making for a vigorous defence ; the
place swarmed with troops, French and Bearnnois, with priests
and friars, who, all at Terride's bidding, assumed arms. The
senechal de Beam had retreated thither with the French army ;
as soon, however, as d'Audaux heard of Montgommery's ad-
vance, he quitted Orthez, under pretext of hastening the ad-
vance of some recently hired bands under Damazan, and sought
refuge in the fastnesses of the mountains. Montgommery
advanced to the assault under a hot fire from the besieged ; the
irresistible ardour of his troops overpowered all obstacles.
Led by Montamar, Caumont de la Force, Montclar, and Gour-
don, all Jeanne's devoted friends and adherents, they valorous-
ly attacked the fauxbourgs of the town. The walls were scaled
— the soldiers making use of the hayracks of their horses in
lieu of scaling-ladders ; whilst the surrounding country was
fired by a division under Montclar. Montgommery's soldiery
soon entered the town ; the carnage then became of the most
horrible description : all were massacred at the sword's point
without respect to age, sex, or supplication. The current of
the Gave was arrested by the bodies of multitudes of victims
hurled into the river to find therein a more merciful release
from torment than some of their unhappy townsmen. The
monasteries and convents were burned ; while not one of the
inmates was permitted to escape from the blazing edifices.
The lamentations of women and children, the shouts of the
ferocious soldiers, and the burning city, gave terrible evidence
of the savage prowess of the " army of the Viscounts." '
Terride, and the rebel barons de Ste Colombe, Gohas,
Gerdretz, Pordeae, Caudan, and Favas, fought their way through
the streets, and took refuge in the citadel, which was situated
on a hill, commanding the town of Orthez and a great extent of
country. So total was their rout, that they fled thither without
artillery, or provisions of any kind. The city, after a combat
of a few hours, surrendered unconditionally to queen Jeanne's
lieutenant. Then commenced a terrible act of retribution, by
command of Montgommery and the viscounts : every Boman
ecclesiastic, proved to have borne arms during the conflict, suf-
fered the punishment of death, by being precipitated, bound
hand and foot, from the bridge over the Gave into the river.
1 Castelnau, liv. 7. Commcntaires de Montluc, liv. 6. D'Aubigne, Hist.
Univevselle, p. 296. D'Aubigne estimates the slaughter in the streets of Or-
thez to have exceeded three thousand men. De Thou.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBKET. 319
The spot where this sentence was executed is still shown to
the traveller ; and is known by the designation, in the Basque
dialect, of " lajinestre deous caperoits." Of all the ecclesiastics
then congregated in Orthez, one alone escaped, — the dean of
Oleron.
After having authorized this act of retributive justice,
queen Jeanne's chieftains gathered their troops, and proceeded
to bombard the castle, the last refuge of the rebel barons, and
of Charles's lieutenant, de Terride. By the order of Mont-
gommery, the cannon of the vanquished, captured in the streets
of Orthez, was seized, and brought to bear on the fortress. For
some time the besieged defended themselves by deeds of sur-
prising valour ; the troops in the town, however, set fire to the
city from several points, and the flames soon reached the out-
works of the castle. The attack continued, on the part of
Montgommery's soldiers ; and the spirit even of the bold Bearn-
nois barons, who had so long defied their sovereign, died within
them when they contemplated the doom awaiting them, if the
castle fell by assault. Accordingly, Terride and the barons
hoisted a flag of truce, preparatory to a capitulation. For-
tunately for the vanquished, the brother of Terride, the vis-
count de Serignac, interceded on their behalf with Jeanne's
lieutenant ; or their prayer to capitulate would have been re-
jected. Articles of surrender were drawn up, and sent to
Terride, who accepted them without demur. The bombard-
ment of the castle then ceased, the gates were opened, and
Montgommery and the viscounts entered the fortress. The
conditions imposed on the rebels were, "first, the liberty of all
Protestant ministers taken during the war, with restitution of
their property. Secondly, that Terride should remain a prison-
er, 1 until he had paid the sum of eight hundred gold crowns for
his ransom ; or was exchanged for the brother of Montgom-
mery and the baron de Pouilly, both prisoners of war in the
hands of the French." The third condition was the most im-
portant, and the one which has given rise to much historical
inquiry and conjecture. The article was that which decided
the fate of the rebel barons whose intrigues had brought inde-
scribable calamity on their country. It stipulated that " the
chieftains and gentlemen of every degree within the castle of
Orthez, at the moment of Terride's capitulation, without even
excepting the rebel Bearnnois barons, should incur no peril of
their lives (rtaiiront vial desplaisir, metis la vie sanlve) ; only,
that they bound themselves to remain prisoners of war, until
1 Terride died some few months afterwards of mortification at his disgrace-
ful defeat, while still a prisoner in one of queen Jeanne's fortresses.
320 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
exchanged for Protestant captives of the same rank, then in the
hands of his Majesty's generals in the south ; or, the alternative
might be offered them of paying a ransom for their liberty."
The fourth clause of the conditions imposed upon Terride,
states, that the common soldiers engaged should be liberated
and permitted to return to their homes ; and, that the ammu-
nition of war taken in Orthez and the castle, should be for-
feited to queen Jeanne. 1 The first part of this latter clause
was punctually executed by Montgommery : Jeanne had said,
" Pardon my misguided people!" Throughout his public ca-
reer, as viceroy of Beam, Montgommery cannot be said to have
violated one command given to him by his royal mistress ; but,
while acting to the very letter of the sentiments he had heard
her express, he refrained from exercising the discretionary
power with which she had likewise invested him.
As soon as Orthez surrendered, Montgommery despatched
Montamar and a division of the army, to summon the governor
of Pau, de Navailles, to yield the capital. This de Navailles,
during his brief tenure of power, had become the scourge of all
classes of the queen's subjects. Cruel and perfidious, he ruled
by terror and the sword. Roman Catholic and Protestant
alike fell victims to his rapacious tyranny. The day that
Montamar appeared before Beam had been fixed by de Na-
vailles for the execution of the president la Vigne, and three
members of the council of state, for having presumed to render
some negative assistance to the cause of their royal mistress.
The governor of Pau refused, at first, to surrender at the sum-
mons of the viscount de Montamar ; but, when informed of the
advance of Montgommery, he escaped in disguise from the
capital, and fled to Hagetmau. Pursuit was instantly made, by
order of the queen's lieutenant. The unhappy de Navailles
was discovered crouching, in abject terror, under one of the
arches of the bridge at Hagetmau, over the Grave — that river
already red with the blood of Jeanne's enemies. Montauban,
the officer in command of the detachment, approached, and,
drawing a pistol from his girdle, deliberately shot the baron ; but
whether actuated by motives of private enmity, or in obedience
to the commands of Montgommery, 2 has not been ascertained.
On discovering the flight of their governor, the populace of
Pau rose to arms, and, with loud shouts for the queen, they
massacred a great part of the garrison placed over them by
Terride. Montgommery and his victorious army entered Pau
1 De Thou, liv. 45. Commentaircs de Montluc, liv. Geme. Olhagaray,
Hist, de Beam, p. 617-
-' Ibid.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 321
on the 23rd day of August, 15G9, after a campaign, brief, yet
brilliant in success. The white banner of France was lowered
from the hold of the ancient castle of Pau, and that of Albret
raised in its stead, amidst clamorous vivas. The minister
Vinet then addressed the people, taking the words of the 124th
Psalm as the subject of his discourse : " Praised be the Lord,
who hath not given us over for a prey to our enemies ; for they
had swallowed us up, when they were so wrathfully displeased
with us ! " 1
The following day, two individuals named Audios and du
Puy, this last being a canon of Lescar, who had rendered them-
selves peculiarly subservient to the tyranny of de Navailles,
were hanged, by order of the queen's lieutenant. Meantime,
the rebel barons, Gohas, Ste Colombe, Gerdretz, Sus, Pordeac,
and Favas, had been conducted, under a strong escort, to Na-
varreins. where they Avere incarcerated in a dungeon beneath
the castle. A ruler, stern, unrelenting, and impracticable,
dominated now in that hall, where these rebel leaders had be-
fore received pardon from their merciful sovereign, for their
treacherous conspiracy against her bfe. The council of state
was immediately reconstituted by Montgommery ; it com-
menced its operations by annulling the ordonnances given by
Terride, and restoring the Code of queen Jeanne. In the
fervour of their indignation against their late oppressors, the
members declared every noble who had joined, or even coun-
tenanced, the insurrection against the queen's authority, guilty
of treason ; and condemned all such to proscription and confis-
cation. Montgommery declined to sanction this edict; but,
satisfied with the spirit of loyalty it displayed, he published an
amnesty, granting pardon to all rebels who voluntarily re-
newed their oaths of obedience to the queen, excepting, how-
ever, by name, the six barons, leaders in the late revolt. The
council, nevertheless, seized the goods and chattels of the
rebels ; or, to use the words of the edict, " of all those engaged
in the late conspiracy, whether dead or alive, absent or pre-
sent ;" and commanded a public sale of the effects thus confis-
cated, to replenish the exchequer of the state. 3
The ominous exception of the names of the barons from the
list of the amnestied, might have prepared their adherents for
the fate awaiting them. The barons and their friends, how-
ever, persisted in asserting their claim to eventual liberation,
on the faith of the articles of capitulation, signed at Orthez,
i Olhagaray, Hist, de Foix, Beam, et Navarre, p. 619.
2 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d' Albret.
21
322 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
where ' mil deplaisir, inais la vie saulve " was guaranteed to
them.
The danger of liberating these nobles, who, for twelve suc-
cessive years, systematically defied their sovereign ; who had
conspired against her life, and had raised the standard of revolt
three times in the heart of her dominions, — was forcibly repre-
sented to Montgommery. The pardon which they had before re-
ceived from the lips of the queen herself, seemed only to have
provoked still more malignant disaffection. It was represented
to the count, that in tbe present condition of the country, the
liberation of these traitors would again inflict the woes, civil
and religious, from which he had delivered them. The council
clamoured for their execution. Montgommery's own secret
conviction of the impolicy of the concession which he had made
at Orthez, added greater weight to these representations. It
had first been resolved that the barons should be detained in
safe custody, whde their ultimate fate was decided by the
queen. This decision, however, was overruled : Ste Colombo
and his fellow-prisoners were hastily arraigned, and condemned
to die. On the 24th of August, therefore, they were led from
their prison, and placed in the middle of a company of soldiers,
drawn up to receive them. At a given signal, the soldiers fell
upon the condemned barons, and massacred them on the
spot. 1
Most historians assert that this execution was directly
commanded by Jeanne d'Albret. Such, however, is not the
case. The despatch written by Montgommery to Jeanne, who
was at La Eochelle, announcing the capitulation of the town
of Orthez, is dated August 17th : so that the surrender even
of the rebel barons to her lieutenant, could not have been
known to the queen on the 24th of the same month — the day
of their execution. The last order which Jeanne transmitted
to Montgommery was received by him while at Castres, July
27th ; while tbe queeu's reply to her lieutenant's despatch,
communicating the capture of Orthez, and the captivity of
the barons, is dated September 15th. Montgommery had no
further indication of the queen's will in the matter, than
what was conveyed to him by her parting words : " Go, Mont-
gommery ; go, and deliver Beam ! Smite the traitors, and
those guilty nobles whom no past clemency has been able to
tmbdue ! Pardon my misguided people ! " It is almost im-
possible to divine what Jeanne's decision would have been,
1 D'Aubigne, Hist. Universelle, t. i. liv. 5. De Thou, Hist, de son Temps,
liv. 44. Olhagaray, Hist, de Navarre, p. 620.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBEET. 323
under the circumstances, if the fate of these guilty men had
been referred to herself. Her sense of justice, and of duty to
her subjects must, doubtless, have rendered her sensible of the
inexpediency of interposing to rescue from their just doom
men stained with crimes of the most atrocious description, and
whose only claim to pity is the barbarity of the punishment
inflicted. It is to be presumed, however, that Jeanne would
have redeemed her general's plighted word, had appeal been
made to her ; so unsullied is her own repute for frank and
scrupulous honour.
The violation of the capitulation of Orthez is the only stain
resting on the renown of Montgommery : his achievements, at
this period, seem almost fabulous in their prowess and fortune.
He took leave of queen Jeanne at the end of the month of
June, traversed one hundred and fifty leagues of country, beset
by no less than five hostile armies ; avoided the king's gener-
als ; gathered his own troops together ; leagued with the Vis-
counts, without loss or hindrance ; and marched into Beam on
the 6th day of August, surmounting every obstacle. Once
within the principality, in the space of fourteen days he raised
the siege of the queen's strongest fortress ; stormed the town
of Orthez ; routed the royal army, and took its general prison-
er, capturing the rebel lords, whose treason had convulsed their
country for years ; and, finally, on the 23rd of August, 15G9,
he crowned his valiant exploits by planting again the standard
of Albret on the castle of Pau.
CHAPTER X.
1569—1571.
Measures adopted by Montgommery in Beam — His summons to the inhabit-
ants of Lower Navarre — Their submission — Arrest of Bassillon — His assas-
sination — Battle of Moncontour — Coligny is Mounded — Arrival of queen
Jeanne at Niort — Her defence of Coligny — Holds a council of war — Jeanne
proposes a plan of campaign — Dissensions of the court — The queen returns
to La Rochelle — She causes the New Testament to he translated in the
Basque dialect — Plot to surprise La Rochelle— Revolt of the town of Tarhes
— Its bloody suppression by Montamar — The queen publishes an edict, ban-
ishing Roman Catholic ecclesiastics from her dominion — The Romish faith
is renounced by the majority of the queen's subjects of Beam — Capitulation
of St Jean d' Angely — Discontent of the French nobles — Catherine despatches
Castelnau to the queen of Navarre with propositions for peace — Jeanne's
cautious reply— She despatches a courier to the camp of the princes — Articles
of peace are forwarded by the queen and princes for the assent of king
Charles — Jeanne's embassy to the court of France — Charles rejects the
324 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
demands cf the princes — He proposes other terms of peace — Second embassage
sent by Jeanne to the court — Mission of the marshal de Biron to La Rochelle
— Catherine mediates in favour of the baron de Luxe — Letter of Lansac to
queen Catherine — Jeanne refuses to pardon the baron, or to reverse his
attainder — Victory gained by La Noue at Ste Gemme — La Noue is danger-
ouslywounded — He suffers amputation of the arm at the prayer of the queen — ■
Jeanne's courageous deportment — She is in danger of being captured by the
king's lieutenant, Puy Gailliard — Progress of the campaign — Discontent of
Charles IX. — His anger against his mother and his brother — Catherine finds
herself compelled to make renewed overtures for peace — She nominates
ambassadors to sign a peace at St Germain — Its articles — The peace pro-
claimed at La Rochelle in presence of the queen — Public distrust and de-
spondency — Anxieties of the queen of Navarre — She refuses to visit the court
— Her letter to Charles IX. — Menacing deportment of the Huguenot leaders
— Catherine invites the queen of Navarre to visit the court, on the occasion
of the king's marriage festivities — Jeanne declines the honour — Ambassage
of Cosse to La Rochelle — His proposals — Marriage proposed between the
prince of Navarre and Marguerite de Yalois — Reply of queen Jeanne — She
nominates envoys to proceed to the court — Charles's gracious deportment and
assurances — He sanctions the holding of a Synod of ministers at La Rochelle
— Marriage of Coligny — Incidents connected with that event — Jeanne pre-
sides at the Synod — Its acts — She publishes the New Testament in the Basque
dialect — Embassy of the marshal de Biron — Negotiations for the marriage
between the prince of Navarre and madame Marguerite— Jeanne's excessive
disinclination to negotiate this alliance — -Her excuses and procrastination — ■
Remonstrances of the ambassador — Details of the interview — Coligny is in-
vited by the king to repair to court — His decision — Remonstrances of queen
Jeanne and the princes — His honourable reception by king Charles, and
restoration to his dignities and offices — Departure of Jeanne d'Albret from
La Rochelle for Pau.
The terrible justice of Montgommery continued to strike
persons of whatever degree, compromised in the late revolt.
If queen Jeanne wished to exact retaliation to the utmost for
the heinous offences committed by her turbulent barons, her
selection of the stern and able Montgommery as her lieutenaut
had accomplished this purpose. His openly expressed deter-
mination to punish with the sword every malcontent noble
captured in arms, produced a salutary terror on the minds of
the rebel barons still at large. De Luxe, that most malignant
of traitors, fled for refuge to the Pyrenean fastnesses ; and
placed himself under the protection of the Spanish viceroy of
Navarre, the duke de Medina Celi. Goas fled to Tarbes, from
whence he joined de Luxe. The inhabitants of Lower Navarre,
intimidated by the rumour of the vast preparations making by
the queen's lieutenant to punish their rebellion, despatched
deputies to sue for pardon and amnesty. They engaged to to-
lerate and protect the ministers of the reformed faith ; and to
construct a certain number of churches for the purposes of
Calvinistic worship.
Montgommery had already despatched Bassillon at the
head of a body of troops to take possession of Navarre, when
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 325
these deputies arrived at Pau ; and the oft-repeated treason of
the Navarrois would have been avenged by a bloody expiation,
but for an accident which arrested the army in its march.
Circumstances occurred which rendered questionable the fidel-
ity of Bassillon to the cause of the queen. He was accused of
holding treasonable communications with the marshal de
Montluc ; aud of even harbouring the design of delivering into
the hands of the French the fortress of Navarreins, of which
he was commandant. Prompt in all his actions, Montgommery
despatched an officer to overtake and deprive Bassillon of the
command of the army he was about to lead into Lower Na-
varre, giving orders that he should be conducted to Xavarreins,
where the accusation might be investigated. The envoy, more-
over, desired Bassillon, in the name of the count, " to prove to
the satisfaction of all men, his loyal adherence to his sovereign
lady, the queen."
During the interval between Bassillon's arrest and his ar-
rival at Navarreins, information was received by Montgommery
which confirmed his guilt. The absence of documentary proofs
was little heeded by Montgommery ; and he at once issued
his usual unrelenting fiat against the enemies of queen Jeanne.
The unfortunate Bassillon, therefore, was stabbed to the heart,
as he entered the gates of the fortress. 1 The most humble
submission and pecuniary fines were exacted from all convicted
of having even " spoken of queen Jeanne in terms of con-
tempt." Montgommery himself commanded the sequestration
of the revenues of the bishoprics of Lescar and Oleron ; of the
abbeys of Vic and Saubalade, and of all the benefices appertain-
ing thereto ; because the ecclesiastics were suspected of having
furnished pecuniary loans to the defeated rebels. 2 He then
despatched an envoy to the queen at La Rochelle, praying her
Majesty to issue a new edict, suppressing the exercise of the
Romish faith within her dominions, and confiscating the reve-
nues and benefices of the church. Jeanne was pleased to com-
ply with this request. She, moreover, nominated a commis-
sioner to repair to Pau, and to c'onfer with Montgommery on
the execution of various projects. The principal articles were
contained in a memorandum, written by the queen herself, and
which Jeanne commanded her lieutenant to execute before he
withdrew his army from Beam. The queen therein directed
the suppression, total aud entire, of the Roman Catholic faith ;
the convocation of a Synod at Pau, the restoration of all her
1 Olhagarav, Hist, de Navarre, p. G20.
2 MS.Bibl. Roy. F. de Beth.
326 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
codes and ordonnances ; and the re-establishment of her officers
of state, and of justice, in their respective posts.
The most important part of the envoy's mission was the
presentation of an amnesty signed by the queen ; a document
which Jeanne directed him to deliver to Montgommery, with
the injunction that the latter was to delay its publication for
as brief a period as possible. This act of grace was extended
by Jeanne to her subjects generally ; she excluded from parti-
cipation in her clemency, only the baron de Luxe, Armand de
Gontaut baron d'Audaux senechal of Beam, the bishop of
Oleron Claude de R6gin, and seven magistrates, subjects of
Beam, who had been appointed to that office by Terride, and
under whose mandates so many of her subjects had perished.
When these, her injunctions, were satisfactorily accomplished,
the queen commanded her faithful Montgommery to re-establish
d'Arros and the viscount de Montamar as joint lieutenants
over Beam and its dependencies ; and to march with his victo-
rious army to Condom, there to wait her future behests. Her
last command was, the somewhat singular one, that Montgom-
mery before his departure should cause it to be proclaimed
" that the queen forbade any of her loving subjects to recall or
to discourse of the past under penalty of death." 1
This mission was soon accomplished by Montgommery.
At the head of his victorious army he passed from Pau to
Mont de Marsan, and from thence, according to the orders of
the queen, he intrenched himself at Condom, waiting until
Coligny should give the signal for a descent upon Languedoc.
The successes of Montgommery were balanced in a degree
to the royalist party by the fortunate issue of the siege of
Poitiers, which was valiantly defended against the attack of
Coligny by the young duke de Guise ; and by the sanguinary
defeat of the admiral at Moncontour, by the army under the
duke d'Anjou, October 3rd, 1569. The combat lasted only
two hours. Some historians assert, and amongst them the
brave La ]S T oue, who was there taken prisoner, that the battle
raged only during the space of half an hour. The defeat of
the Huguenots was bloody and complete. The Roman Catho-
lic chieftains performed feats of valour and daring. Mont-
pensier, Coss<5, Tavannes, Biron, and Martigues, retrieved the
discredit fallen on the king's lieutenants in consequence of the
extraordinary inertness of their past measures to terminate the
war. The duke d'Anjou won fresh laurels on this occasion by
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, do Jeanne d'Albret.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 327
his personal conduct during the conflict ; the young prince being
unhorsed, and several times exposed to peril. Coligny was severe-
ly wounded by a pistol discharged in his face by the marquis
of Baden, commanding the German reiters in the royal army, which
shattered his jaw. The admiral unflinchingly maintained him-
self in his saddle, despite the severity of his wound, and shot
his assailant dead on the spot. 1 After the rout of the Hugue-
not army, a dreadful massacre ensued. The French soldiers
and the German mercenaries butchered the unhappy prisoners,
amidst savage shouts of Eoche-Abeille ! Sainte Colombe ! 2 " for
they perpetrated this great and terrible carnage," says La None,
"under pretext of avenging the death of the barons, and the
loss at La Eoche-Abeille, and at Orthez." The duke d'Anjou,
to his honour be it told, spared no eftbrt to terminate the horrid
spectacle ; his voice being heard in every part of the field, con-
trolling the ferocity of his soldiery.
The shattered army of the princes precipitately retired from
the battle-field, and sought refuge at Partheney ; from thence
it marched to Xiort. The admiral grievously wounded, and
unable to articulate, was conveyed thither in a litter. It is
impossible to imagine a more cruel position than that in which
the brave Coligny found himself. The bloody defeat was
ascribed to his imprudence ; and the grief and anger, in short,
every emotion which agitated the minds of his officers, seemed
concentrated upon himself. Confined to his couch, and unable
to justify himself by word, or by action, Coligny's agitation of
mind threatened alarming results. Eelief, however, was not
distant ; for the queen of Navarre was already on her road
to the camp. The tidings of the defeat of Moncontour
were no sooner received by her, than Jeanne d'Albret quitted
La Eochelle, and, attended only by her usual suite of gentle-
men, she traversed the country, beset by perils innumerable,
and safely arrived at Niort. Coligny received the queen as an
angel sent from heaven for his rescue ; and tears bedewed the
cheeks of the stern warrior as he clasped the royal hand stretch-
ed so compassionately towards him. " The admiral," says
d'Aubiane, 3 "was deserted by his officers and the nobles, who
showed no pity for his deplorable condition, and by all his
friends, excepting by one woman, who having nothing in com-
1 D'Aubigne, Hist. Universelle, liv. 5, p. 306.
2 Ibid. La Popeliniere, liv. 19, fol. 140. The Swiss soldiers, in the vain
hope of trying to propitiate their conquerors, knelt on the ground, and with
clasped hands, exclaimed : " Bon Papiste, bon Papiste moi ! "
3 Hist. Universelle, liv. 5, p. 309. Havila, Hist, des Guerres Civiles, liv. 5.
328 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
mon with lier sex, except the name of woman, heroically ad-
vanced to Niort, to raise up and comfort the afflicted, and to
re-establish order in the affairs of the confederates. Jeanne's
indignation was greatly excited at the isolation of the admiral ;
and she publicly expressed her opinion of the selfish ingratitude
of his officers. After the arrival of the queen, the camp of the
confederates resumed its wonted aspect ; her words inspirited
the troops ; she held council daily ; and above all, her presence
and support cheered the admiral, and exercised the most bene-
ficial influence on his health. " The genius, the valour, and the
virtue of the illustrious Coligny," exclaimed Jeanne, with gen-
erous enthusiasm, " soar above the misfortune which has now
smitten him. Let vulgar natures condemn him; noble and
elevated minds will cheer, pity, and console him ! "
A council of war, attended by all the confederated princes,
and over which Jeanne presided, was holden soon after the
arrival of the queen in the camp. Many important resolutions
were there adopted. It was determined to despatch envoys to
the courts of England, Scotland, Denmark, and Germany, to
crave succours for the cause. The queen, likewise, decided that
from thenceforth her son and the prince de Conde should share
in the perils of the conflict, as she was desirous that they should
" become competent and inured to hardships by experience and
toils." The admiral, on account of the youth and inexperience
of the princes, had hitherto only permitted them to view the
battles in which he had been engaged from a distance. The
queen herself promised to defend La Eochelle, in case of attack
from the duke dAnjou ; and she selected the count de la Roche-
foucauld for her lieutenant in this arduous undertaking.
Jeanne then herself proposed that admirable plan of cam-
paign which ultimately insured the success of the confederate
cause.
Another ingredient of discord had meantime arisen in the
court of Catherine de Medici, creating a diversion in favour of
Coligny and his colleagues, and obstructing the vigorous pro-
secution of the war. This impediment was the jealousy felt by
Charles IX. for the military renown of his brother. The cold
approbation expressed by the court for the victory gained at
Moncontour ; and the vacillating mandates thence transmitted,
provoked disunion in the royal camp. The counsels of the
brave marshal de Tavannes were unheeded, when he earnestly
recommended that pursuit should be made after the remnant of
the Huguenot army, until it was exterminated ; and no time
be wasted in useless sieges. " We know the character of the
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 329
admiral de Coliguy well," pleaded Tavannes, Cosse, Biron, and
the other chieftains. " AVe know him to be one of the most
wary and cunning of commanders, and one who is pre-eminently
fitted to retrieve a disaster. If we afford him leisure, he will
rally his forces and form a junction with Montgommery in
Languedoc; so that in the spring we shall see him re-appear at
the head of a fresh army, with which he will ravage our pro-
vinces, and perhaps even beard us in Paris itself." 1 This sage
counsel was disregarded ; by the peremptory order of the king,
the duke d'Anjou besieged St Jean d'Angedy ; while Charles
announced his intention of arriving speedily in camp to super-
intend the operations. Already the paroxysms of fiery wrath
in which the king indulged were dreaded by his mother ; but
with consummate address Catherine yielded apparent acquies-
cence, while studying the foibles of her son's character, until
she achieved the art of governing his wayward temper, and
of subduing it by the fascination almost of her own even
tones.
The queen of Navarre, therefore, proposed, as a plan of
campaign, to leave the towns garrisoned by Hugueuot troops
to their own resources. She proudly directed the attention of
the chiefs of the council to her army of the Viscounts, under
Montgommery, flushed by recent success, admirably disciplined,
and waiting her orders at Condom. She proposed that Coligny
should march to winter in Languedoc after uniting his standard
with that of Montgommery ; aud that the campaign of 1570
should open by an attack on Languedoc, and the conquest of
the towns on the Rhone, and so transfer the theatre of war
from the south-western provinces of France. The proposal
was unanimously acceded to ; the admiral departed from Niort,
October 18th, penetrated into Saintonge, and reached Agen in
safety : " this our escape was owing to the imprudence of the
Catholics," writes La Noue, 2 "they despised our prowess;
but like a ball of snow they allowed us to roll along the ground
while gradually our dimensions increased until we had grown
into a mass the size of a house."
The queen, accompanied by the count de la Rochefoucauld,
retired to La Rochelle : the town was re-victualled ; and vast
stores of arms and ammunition were amassed by the provident
foresight of Jeanne, should the siege of the place be resolved
upon by the royal forces.
Amidst the exciting cares of her daily life, Jeanne still
1 Mum. do Francois sieur de la Noue, chap, xxvii.
- Ibid. chap. xxix.
330 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
found leisure to pursue her theological studies. La Eochelle
was the refuge of many ministers, who had fled thither to avoid
tortures on the scaffold. Under Jeanne's auspices, the chap-
lains attached to her household had commenced a translation
of the New Testament into the Basque dialect; which the
queen destined for the special instruction of her subjects of
Lower Navarre. The intestine troubles which convulsed Beam
having interrupted the labours of Jeanne's chaplains, the queen,
about this period, expressed a desire that the work should be
concluded. She nominated an eloquent minister, of the name
of Lecarague, to superintend the translation ; aud his fiat was
to be decisive on any disputed point during the prosecution of
the task. This Testament was published at La Eochelle during
the following year. Several copies of it are still extant ; and
its execution affords honourable testimony of the diligence and
learning of queen Jeanne and her chaplains. The queen daily-
attended the afternoon sermon, preached by her chaplains in
rotation. Often, however, weary with the excess of her mental
labours, and lulled by the drowsy intonation of some of these
ministers, the queen slept during part of the discourse. Jeanne
always felt severe reproach of conscience when she had thus
involuntarily yielded to fatigue; and finding the inclination
grow upon her, she demanded permission from the Synod to
work tapestry during the sermon. This request was granted ;
and from thenceforth, queen Jeanne, bending decorously oyer
her tapestry frame, and busy with her needle, gave due attention
to the rambling addresses of her ministers. 1
Meantime, the royal army was wasting its strength before
St Jean d'Angely ; which proved as disastrous an undertaking
to king Charles, 'as the siege of Poitiers had been to Coligny.
The towns of Partheney, Niort, Pontenoy, Chatellerault, and
others yielded, when summoned by the duke d'Anjou ; the An-
goumoi's was subdued : nevertheless, in the south, Coligny and
Montgommery defied the king's lieutenants, and ravaged the
country with remorseless fury. A design was also formed by
Tavannes, and the duke d'Anjou, to surprise La Eochelle by
means of traitorous intelligences, which they had established in
the town. The conspiracy was discovered in time, and de-
feated by the vigilance of the queen, and her lieutenant, La
Eochefoucauld ; but its details are not on record.
The battle of Moncontour had been followed by another
1 Mathieu, Hist, de France (Regne de Charles IX.), liv. 5. Mathieu is
the historian who first applied to queen Jeanne the words of Quintus Curtius,
" .Nihil prater vultuin fecmineum gerens."
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBEET. 331
insurrection in Beam and Lower Navarre. The baron de Luxe
again raised the standard of revolt in the Basque provinces, en-
couraged by an intimation from the duke d'Anjou, that he was
about to send thither puissant succours. The marshal de
Montluc also fanned the flame of revolt ; and engaged to take
Beam with a strong detachment of troops — a promise which he
would undoubtedly have fulfilled, had not the menacing attitude
of the army of the Viscounts restrained his malevolent intent.
As an encouragement to the rebel lords, however, he advanced,
and stormed the town of Babesteins, which he took by assault,
putting to death every individual of its garrison. At this as-
sault, Montluc received a wound in the face, which disfigured
him in so terrible a manner, that ever afterwards he was com-
pelled to wear a velvet mask. D'Arros and Montamar
gathered their troops, and marched upon the town of Tarbes,
which had opened its gate to de Luxe, determined to crush the
rebellion at its commencement.
The rebels, de Luxe, and the barons de Podens and d'Au-
daux, had fortified themselves strongly in the town, and were
prepared to defend their position to the last. Montamar, how-
ever, to the confusion of the rebels, proved to be a warrior of
Montgommery's energy. One summons was given to the citi-
zens of Tarbes, to submit to the queen's generals : its rejection
was followed by an attack upon the city, which was carried by
assault, and subjected to the same terrible penalties as the town
of Orthez. Tarbes was. then burned to the ground, by com-
mand of Montamar. 1 De Luxe managed to escape during the
combat ; he fled to the mountains, and finally found refuge in
the town of St Jean-Bied-de-Port, under the protection of the
Spanish government. The baron de Podens remained a pri-
soner in the hands of Montamar, who condemned him to per-
petual imprisonment at Xavarreins. The extensive estates of
tie Luxe were confiscated ; his castles and villages were burned
to the ground ; and his lands ravaged, by the orders of the
queen's lieutenants. The sentence of confiscation and attainder
was confirmed by Jeanne, when the matter was referred for her
pleasure thereon. The baron de Luxe never recovered his
wealth, which the queen firmly refused to restore, though
afterwards warmly solicited to do so by Catherine de Medici.
1 " Ainsi Tarbes," says the historian Olhagaray, " qui s'etoit rejouie et
enrichie du sac de Beam, fut rendue miserable, et brulee bientot apres." Many
of the rebel chieftains were killed during the conflict in the streets of Tarbes.
The abbe de Saubalade, Bonasse, and the captain Sguarebaque, one of the
chief leaders of the seditious populace of Oleron, perished.
332 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBKET.
The effects of this rash rebellion fell heavily on the Soman
Catholic portion of Jeanne's subjects of Beam, whose position
it had been intended to ameliorate. The queen determined to
temporize no longer with subjects whose obstinate rebellion de-
fied alike every measure of conciliation, or of stern justice, that
she had adopted. Believing that the designs of the rebels were
fomented and countenanced by the Eoman Catholic ecclesiastics
of the principality, she despatched a mandate, addressed to her
lieutenants, d'Arros and de Montamar, requiring them to issue
decrees expelling from the territory of Beam all Eoman
Catholic prelates, priests, and monks, whom she calls, in the
edict, " enemies of the state, and her own." She excepts only
those ecclesiastics who were willing to take solemn oath, in
presence of her lieutenants, to conform to the existing order of
affairs in the principality. The queen promises to all such
ecclesiastics, who are willing to join the reformed communion,
the tranquil enjoyment of their several benefices. Upon
non-beneficed ecclesiastics Jeanne engages to bestow adequate
preferment, on their abjuration. Finally, the queen solemnly
renewed her prohibition of the Bomish worship in Beam. This
edict produced marvellous results, numbers of the ecclesiastics
of Beam hastened to abjure the Bomish faith. The laity,
wearied with the wars, and the consequent horrible slaughters,
offered prompt submission. Scarcely one of the Bearnnois ad-
hered to the Eomish communion. Those who still clung to the
faith of their fathers, were regarded, by the queen's direction,
as personages defunct. Their posts were distributed to others ;
and the lands which they possessed in the principality were al-
lotted to their nearest heir who professed the dominant faith.
The queen strictly forbade executions for heresy. In the re-
cords of the public administration of Jeanne d'Albret, not a
single case occurs ; all those who, despite her tolerance, con-
tinued to intrigue with covert treachery for her overthrow,
Jeanne punished by fines and banishment.
The town of St Jean d'Angely capitulated to the king on
the 2nd of December, after a siege of two months, during which
his Majesty lost ten thousand troops, and one of his bravest
generals, Sebastian de Luxembourg, viscount de Martigues.
Charles, accompanied by the queen his mother, the duke
d'Anjou, and the cardinal de Lorraine, made his entry into the
town on the following day. 1 Notwithstanding his military
ardour, Charles had soon wearied of the monotony of the camp
1 Mem. de Michel de Casteluau, liv. 7, chap. x. De Thou.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 333
The perpetual presence of his mother, and the duke d'Anjou,
annoyed and vexed him. He felt that although he bore the
name of king, the authority of the sovereign office was virtually
vested in other hands. Jealous and discontented, Charles
retired to Angers ; for that mysterious fascination which
Catherine's manner ever presented, imposed yet upon her un-
happy son.
The battles of Jarnac and Moncontour, and the capture of
St Jean d'Angely, proved to the Koman Catholics rather a sub-
ject for self-laudation than of profit. The miserable condition
of the country, the exhausted finances, the menaces of Coligny
and Montgommery, who were still unsubdued and powerful, the
threats of queen Elizabeth and the Protestant states of Europe
to arm for the triumph of the cause throughout France, pro-
duced a powerful impression on the mind of Catherine de
Medici. The dissensions of the court, the jealousy which
reigned between King Charles and his brother, and the king's
impatient endurance of his mother's control, all acted as warn-
ings to Catherine to adjust affairs while the power to do so re-
mained in her hands. The great nobles were disaffected ; and
many even professed in secret the Protestant faith, against
which they were called to combat. The duke de Guise, chief
of that race, whose fiat made or destroyed the last kings of the
house of Yalois, had received mortal offence in the refusal of
the king to bestow upon him the hand of his beautiful sister,
Marguerite de Valois, once the betrothed bride of Henri de
Navarre. To escape from the violent death, which the impru-
dent Charles had been rash enough to menace him with, the
duke hastily espoused Catherine de Cleves, 1 widow of the prince
of Porcien — an illustrious alliance, but one inferior to the pre-
tensions of the family, whose aim was to establish itself upon
the throne of St Louis. The quarrels of the Italian adven-
turers, such as Gondy, de Retz, and Birague, who followed
Catherine into Prance, and whom the queen had forced into
the ranks of the French nobles, then the most exclusive and
princely aristocracy in Europe, augmented the embarrassments
of the realm. Peace had now become necessary for a season to
1 Catherine de Cleves, comtesse d'Eu, second daughter of the duke de
Nevers and Marguerite de Bourbon, the sister of Antoine king of Navarre.
She espoused Antoine de Croy, prince de Porcien, a famed Huguenot leader.
The prince died in 1564, making, it is recorded, as his last request, that his
young and wealthy widow would refrain from bestowing her hand upon his
enemy, Honri due de Guise, in case she was solicited to do so, as the prince
predicted would be the case.
331 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBKET.
Catheriue de Medici ; and she felt neither shame nor reluctance
in being the first to propose negotiations.
Michel de Castelnau, seigneur de la Mauvissiere, whose
dexterous tact had so often opposed with success the diplomacy
of the English cabinet, was the agent chosen by the queen to
effect her project. Castelnau was, therefore, despatched to La
Kochelle, to demand in the queen's name admission to the
presence of Jeanne d'Albret, whom all parties recognized as
the chief and representative of the Huguenot cause. His mis-
sion occurred in December of the year 1569. Castelnau readily
obtained audience: he was commissioned by Catherine to re-
present to Jeanue d'Albret, " that her Majesty desired to be
affectionately commended to the queen of Navarre ; secondly,
that being well disposed to promote her interest and repose, as
well as that of the country at large, the queen promised to ob-
tain from the king her son, favourable terms of peace for the
queen of Navarre, and for her adherents, provided that, acting
like good, loyal, and dutiful subjects, they woul'd petition his
Majesty, and present for his acceptance reasonable articles of
accommodation." 1
Feeling much astonishment at this overture, Jeanne replied
with caution ; after tendering her thanks for queen Catherine's
expressions of friendship, she added, " that she was herself
inspired with a most ardent desire for the success of the over-
ture of peace, which it had pleased her Majesty, the queen-
mother, to make." She then boldly expressed to Castelnau her
distrust of the court, and her doubts that any sincere desire for
peace could be entertained, while the cardinal de Lorraine
remained in the cabinet. " At this very moment, monseigneur,
that you are deputed to propose to me peace, the agents of the
French court are at work to frustrate the attempt. Witness
the intrigues of the ambassador Eourquevaulx, at Madrid ; those
of the emissaries of the cardinal de Lorraine, in Rome ; the
secret intelligences which the court maintains with the duke of
Alba ! They have also stirred up a faction to revolt in the
realm of England, to prevent any assistance from that quarter
being afforded to us ! " Jeanne, having thus expressed her
sentiments and asserted her disbelief in the sincerity of Cathe-
rine's overtures, abruptly brought the couference to a con-
clusion by saying, "that she would despatch a courier to the
army of the Princes, with information of her Majesty's conde-
scending overture ; that they might forthwith draw up articles
embodying their just demands, the which she would forward
1 Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 7, chap. x.
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 335
without delay to tue court." 1 The array lay in the neighbour-
hood of Toulouse, when Jeanne's envoy, the baron de Beauvoir,
reached this camp. At a council, hastily summoned, the princes,
with Coligny and Montgommery, drew up this memorial, which
stated, "that the queen of Navarre, the princes, and the
Huguenots generally, supplicated his Majesty to grant them
the unrestricted exercise of their religion everywhere throughout
the kingdom ; to annul all legal proceedings against them ; to
give his royal assent and countenance to all enterprises under-
taken by them, within or without the limits of the realm ;
with the unconditional restitution of their estates, honours,
and dignities." Upon these conditions, the princes declared
themselves willing to lay down arms and to make submission
to the king. 2 The document was forwarded to La Eochelle,
for the sanction of the queen. Jeanne confirmed it without
hesitation ; and she despatched de Beauvoir, and Teligny, son-
in-law of Coligny, to convey it to their Majesties, who were
then sojourning at Angers.
The anger of queen Catherine was extreme. The demands
of Coligny and his captains seemed almost ironical, in the
extent of the concessions prayed for. The king at once rejected
the ultimatum of the princes : yet Catherine still hoped to
impose on the queen of Navarre, by the plausible gloss which
no one knew better than herself how to impart to a document
of state. The marshal de Biron and the seigneur de Mesmea
were, therefore, instructed to proceed to La Eochelle, and
inform the queen of Navarre of the rejection of the memorial
sent by the princes ; and to offer, in the name of the king, the
following terms : first, that his Majesty was willing to permit
the private exercise of the Calvinist faith, and to guarantee his
royal protection to its adherents. He consented, moreover, to
cede to his Protestant subjects two towns of the realm, where
they might worship as seemed good to them, without molesta-
tion ; his Majesty reserving to himself the right of nominating
the governor of such towns, so ceded. The king, also, promised
the restoration of their wealth, houses, and dignities, provided
that the Huguenots dispersed, and retired to their respective
homes within a given period. 3 The queen of Navarre coldly
remarked, that the response of the court was what she had
expected, and consistent with its disastrous policy. The marshal
then proceeded to the camp of the admiral at St Etienne de
1 Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 7, chap. x.
• Davila. De Thou. Aubigne.
Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 7. Be Thou, liv. 47.
336 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
Porets. Coligny, still suffering from the severe wound he had
received at Moncoutour, greeted the envoy with his accustomed
sang-froid. He replied to the communication, by observing,
" that to induce the council of the king to do justice to his
Majesty's subjects of the reformed faith, it was evidently
necessary that the army should approach the gates of Paris, so
that the court might personally experience some of the miseries
and horrors of Avar." 1 Although Jeanne never believed in the
sincerity of the court, she yet conceived it her duty to promote
the conclusion of peace by every means in her power. She,
therefore, addressed a letter to Charles, setting forth the rea-
sons which ought to induce him to condescend to the demands
of his Protestant subjects. At the same time, she wrote to
Catherine, to decline to interfere with the measures adopted by
her lieutenants in Beam, in respect to the baron de Luxe.
Catherine had been requested to mediate between Jeanne and
her turbulent subject, by the baron de Lansac, whose daughter 2
de Luxe had espoused. The letter of the baron is curious and
peremptory ; and he alludes with great asperity to the proceed-
ings of the queen of Navarre. He writes thus :
THE BARON DE LANSAC TO QUEEN CATHERINE
DE MEDICI.
" Madame,
" Understanding that M. de Villeroy is about to visit your Ma-
jesties, 3 I have requested him to remind you (before the conclusion of
a treaty of peace with the Huguenots, a thing greatly to be desired
by your Majesty, and by all your faithful, subjects) of the claims of
poor monsieur de Luxe, and of those of his party, who, out of respect
and obedience to your commands, have sacrificed their persons and
friends. I assure you, madame, that this loyal service has already
cost my son-in-law, M. de Luxe, more than the sum of 50,000 livres ;
moreover, if he is bereaved of your potent protection, and abandoned
to the discretion of the queen of Navarre, the best he can expect is
the loss of his life, and of whatever property he may still possess. _ I
very humbly, therefore, beseech your Majesty to take pity upon him,
and not forget his case. I pray you also to remember, madame, that
in obedience to your command, I bestowed upon him my daughter.
I write, therefore, in certain hope that your Majesty will not consent
that M. de Luxe should be put to shame and ruined for having only
too faithfully obeyed your command : it would, moreover, afford a
precedent most pernicious to your service.
1 Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 7. De Thou, liv. 47.
2 Claude de St Gelais.
3 The court was sojourning at Chateaubriand, "pour prendre le plaisir de
la chasse, et se dormer du bon temps."
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 337
"Madame, I pray God to grant you good and perfect health,
with a long and prosperous life.
"From Paris this 1st day of April, 1570.
" Your Majesty's humble subject, and very obedient
and obliged servant,
" Lansac." '
Jeanne properly proved inexorable in her decision respect-
ing the baron ; for many years afterwards de Luxe led a roving
life, chiefly dependent for subsistence on the bounty of Philip
of Spain, and of his father-in-law.
The country adjacent to La Eochelle, meantime, continued
to be ravaged by combats between the rival factions. The
honours of war rested chiefly with the Huguenots, under the
valiant La ]S T oue. On the 12th of June, 1570, La Noue gained
a decisive victory over the Catholic army, commanded by Puy-
Gailliard, at Ste G-emme, a village close to the town of Lucon.
The slaughter was great ; and five hundred men, chiefly officers,
were left on the field of battle. La K"oue himself was
w r ounded by a ball, which fractured his right arm, and com-
pelled him to relinquish his command, and retire to La
Eochelle. He was welcomed with enthusiasm by Jeanne and
the Eochellois ; every care was lavished upon him, and his
sufferings were sorrowed for as a public calamity. The skill of
the queen's physicians, however, was exercised in vain; the
wound mortified — and, at length, it was announced to La ]Noue
that he must undergo amputation of the arm, to afford him
even a chance of life. This was a terrible fiat for one of the
bravest warriors of France. For long, La Noue refused to
submit to the operation ; preferring, as he declared, to die
rather than to accept of existence, a maimed and disabled man.
Every hour lost in debate and entreaty increased the peril of
his case ; some of the friends of La Noue, therefore, appealed
to the queen, and besought her interference. In a brief
space of time Jeanne stood by the bedside of the wounded
man, consoling his grief, and gently chiding his impatience.
"Valiant La Noue," exclaimed the queen, "ought you to
hesitate in this matter ? If you refuse to yield to the en-
treaties of your friends, your death is certain, and you are lost
for ever to our cause, to our brothers-in-arras, and to the faith
which you have maintained by your courage, and honoured by
your virtue. If, on the contrary, you consent to follow the
advice of men skilled in their art ; if you will heed the voice of
1 MS. Bibl. Roy. — Inedited. This letter affords very convincing evidence
of Catherine's intelligence with queen Jeanne's rebel subjects.
22
338 LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET.
friendship, and the demands of duty, the precious life maj
perhaps be spared, which serves as an example to our warriors,
and a support to our holy cause. Beloved La Noue, a hero so
dear to his country and to his friends, ought, when in peril,
to welcome every ray of hope ; if after all he succumbs, he
carries with him to the tomb the consciousness of having ful-
filled his duty to the last ! "
Vanquished by the words, and by the emotion manifested
by his beloved mistress, La Noue promised to afflict her no
longer by his refusals ; and he signified his intention of sub-
mitting himself to the knife of the surgeons. A sign from the
queen brought the latter to La Noue's couch. Jeanne, with
her own hands, then tenderly laid bare the wound, and with
heroic fortitude she supported the arm whilst the surgeon per-
formed the operation, encouraging the sufferer the while with
words of cheering comfort. 1 In after life, when La Noue re-
counted the act of devoted sympathy which he had received
from the queen of Navarre, tears of profound emotion rose ;
his gratitude was unbounded ; and manifested itself by num-
berless acts of loyal service. During La Noue's convalescence,
the queen continued her friendly care ; she sought out a
famous machinist, who fabricated an iron arm, ingeniously
contrived, so that La Noue was enabled to guide his horse.
From thenceforth he acquired the appellation of La Noue Bras
de fer.
Soon after the combat of Ste Gemme, the queen one day
quitted La Rochelle, and proceeded for change of air and exer-
cise to a place called La Font, about half a league from the city,
intending to spend a night there. Some unknown reason, after
her arrival, however, induced her to return in the evening to
the safe shelter of La Rochelle ; and very fortunate, as it
proved, was her decision. One of the emissaries of Puy-Gail-
liard, who was defeated at Ste Gemme by La Noue, informed
that officer of Jeanne's intended sortie. Burning to wipe away
the disgrace of defeat, Gailliard quitted St Jean d'Angely,
Avhere he had taken refuge after the combat, and marched dur-
ing the night upon La Font, with a body of seven hundred
cavalry, intending to surprise and capture the queen. When
Gailliard arrived at La Lout, Jeanne was abiding in safety
within the citadel of La Rochelle ; but the attempt, though
frustrated, confirmed the queen and the Huguenot party in
their opinion of the perfidious designs of the court. No faith,
as queen Jeanne observed, could be reposed in the honour of
1 Moyse Amyrant — Vie de La Noue.
LIFE OF JEANNE DALBEET. 339
Catherine de Medici; at the time when most deluding by her
blandishments and apparent frankness, the queen designed to
prevail by craft or by sudden violence. Even when she professed
an earnest desire for peace and unity, and tried to accomplish
the object, she secretly abetted measures to overthrow the party
she avowed a wish to conciliate. This incident made a deep
impression upon Jeanne d'Albret, and she never subsequently
quitted the walls of La Eochelle without sufficient escort.
The princes, meantime, continued their victorious route, tra-
versing the provinces of Languedoc, Gascogne, Dauphine, Cham-
pagne, and Burgundy, without meeting an obstacle to check
the ravages of their troops. They left the country behind them
burned ; the inhabitants decimated ; the churches destroyed ;
and the towns deserted and battered. The marshal de Cosse
was despatched to oppose their progress ; he effected nothing ;
and on the 25th of June, the admiral encamped his army at
Arnay-le-Due, and prepared to offer combat. The panic was
overwhelming in Paris ; all subordination was at an end ; the
people prepared to flee from the capital, as on the memorable
advance of Charles V. to Epernay, in the reign of Francis I.
Catherine, dejected, yet beside herself with rage and meditated
revenge, perceived then that nothing but the apparent con-
cession of the king to the demands of the Huguenots could
save the capital ; or relieve her government from its embarrass-
ments.
So efficiently had Catherine's policy of extermination served
her, that there'now remained two only of the numerous rival
claimants for power, who had beset her sou's throne on his ac-
cession. These two personages were the queen of Navarre
and the admiral de Coligny. That the peace which the court
now found itself compelled to grant was conceded under the
firm intent of renewing hostilities ou the first favourable oppor-
tunity cannot be questioned ; the same spirit of dissimulation,
and the same intent, inspired Catherine, when she signed the
peace of Orleans, in 1563, and that of Longjumeau, or Char-
tres, in 1568. The plan of a general massacre of the Hugue-
not chieftains had, at this period, certainly been discussed in
detail by the queen and the Spanish conned, through the duke
of Alba. The design, however, though it existed in theory,
had received no definite realization. It was afterwards execut-
ed on the fatal eve of St Bartholomew. 157.!. on a sudden im-
pulse, arising from an imaginary peril, and before its different
details had received the requisite organization. The atrocious
deed, therefore, like most of the schemes of the cabinet pre-
sided over by Catherine de Medici, though fraught with blood-
340 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
shed and woe, failed to accomplish the object of its unscrupul-
ous originators. Above all, the massacre realized not the secret
objects aimed at by Catherine de Medici. The destruction of
the enemies of the Church of Rome was not the design do-
minating in the mind of the queen when she sanctioned the
persecution of the Huguenots, but the overthrow of the great
political party, professing liberal opinions, civil and religious,
headed by the prince of .Navarre. Astrology was the only
revelation implicitly believed in by the niece of two pontiffs,
Leo X. and Clement VII. It had been predicted to Catherine,
by every professor of the occult sciences, whom her fears led her
to consult, that Henry, the son of Jeanne d'Albret, would
triumphantly ascend the throne of the Valois. Catherine now
beheld prince Henry at the head of an army of indomitable
valour, commanded by able chieftains, who, after two nominal
defeats, at Jarnac and Moncontour, yet rallied in renewed vigour,
and marched through 300 leagues of country, garrisoned by the
flower of the French army, and encamped only sixty miles from
the gates of Paris ! Catherine dreaded lest the heir of her
hated rival should despoil her own luxurious and incompetent
sons of their kingly heritage, rather than that the authority
of the see of Rome should falter. More than this, Charles IX.
had prohibited the duke d'Anjou, with a vehemence bordering
on frenzy, from assuming any command whatever over his
armies, in case the war continued. Another acute pang thence-
forth agitated the heart of the ambitious Catherine ; for she
foresaw that the general of the royal army, whom the king in-
sisted on nominating of his own unbiassed will, in case of the
successful conduct of the war, would at once become her for-
midable and dangerous rival.
The envoys of the queen of Navarre, Teligni, the baron
Beauvoir, la Noue, Cavagnes, and la Chassetiere, still lingered
at court. Charles seemed imbued with reckless indifference, as
to the conduct of the war and his mother's proceedings. He
hunted in the dense forests which then covered the province of
Bretagne — for his Majesty was then the guest of the count de
Chateaubriand, — he played at tennis sometimes for four hours
together. His sarcasms on his brother's battles of Jarnac
and Moncontour, and his allusions to the superiority of the
Huguenot chieftains over his own generals, alarmed the queen.
She knew that this carelessness of demeanour concealed feelings
of poignant irritation, which needed but one trivial incitement
to break forth with fury, and overwhelm every supposed, as
well as existing, impediment to the prosperity of his realm.
Catheriue knew her son too well to doubt that if the will pos-
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 341
sessed him, no consideration for herself, or for his brothers,
would prevent Charles from installing the queen of Navarre,
and her party, in the highest posts of the realm. She recoiled
repeatedly under Charles's taunting allusions to the superiority
of the young Henri de Navarre — his abilities, frankness, and
principles: — to Ins own brothers, whom Catherine had trained
in the arts of servile expediency and treachery. " Henry alone
of my royal House loves me, and I love him," were often known
to be the concluding words of many conferences, alter which,
Charles, his lips pale and trembling with rage, quitted his
mother's cabinet. Maddened frequently by Catherine's sar-
casms, and by the suspicions which she infused into his mind,
the unfortunate Charles, believing himself surrounded by trai-
tors and assassins, fled from his miserable thoughts, cursing the
destiny which had made him a king, and sought refuge in in-
temperate and dissolute pleasures. For several days consecu-
tively, when under the influence of this dark speil, he would
ride frantically from forest to forest, in pursuit of the boar ;
his features sunken and of leaden hue, his brow contracted,
and his eyes expressive of such concentrated fury, that when
in these moods, no one — not even his mother herself, dared to
accost him. After one of these paroxysms, the reaction too
surely came: the unhappy Charles, exhausted in body and
mentally spent, lamenting, and too often vainly, the deeds per-
petrated during his period of insensate fury, became an easy
victim to the wiles oi the party dominant at court.
The peace, therefore, when it became queen Catherine's
will to negotiate it, was soon adjusted. The plenipotentiaries
appointed by king Charles were Henri de Mesmes, seigneur
de Eoissy, count de Malassise, and the marshal de Biron. 1 The
articles were as follows : permission was guaranteed to the
Huguenots to celebrate their worship, publicly, in the faux-
bourgs of two towns in every province throughout the realm.
Every individual was declared to be at liberty to profess the
reformed faith, without dread of persecution. The Huguenots
were to be admitted, upon equal rights with their Eomau Ca-
tholic fellow-subjects, to partake in the benefit of all public
institutions ; they were likewise declared eligible to fill every
post in the state. The king engaged to publish a general
amnesty for all past offences ; aud to declare the queen of
Navarre, her son, and the prince of Conde, his loyal and faith-
ful subjects. All estates confiscated were to be restored. The
1 This peace was wittily nicknamed " Paix Boiteuse et Malassise," from
the two royal plenipotentiaries who concluded it, Biron, who was lame, and
de Mesmes, sei«neur de Malassise.
342 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
king, moreover, permitted his Protestant subjects of the south
to appeal from the judgment of the parliament of Toulouse,
hitherto irrevocable, to his Majesty's Masters of Bequest.
Finally, the king consented to permit the Huguenots to retain
possession of the towns of La Rochelle, Cognac, Charite, and
Montauban — conquests achieved by their arms — on condition
that the princes of Navarre and Conde, with forty of the Hu-
guenot chieftains, bound themselves to restore these towns to
the crown of France, two years after the faithful execution of
this edict of pacification."
" A peace of such a nature," says the Jesuit Maimbourg,
approvingly, "was not in reality contemplated by Catherine
de Medici. This princess had her designs in reserve ; and she
only granted the Huguenots their demands in order to disarm
them, and to surprise those on whom she desired to be revenged,
and specially the admiral, on the first favourable opportunity."
The parliament confirmed the edict three days after it had
received the royal assent, at St Germain. 1 It was conveyed by
Teligny to the camp of the princes, and published there, on the
11th of August, 1570. The baron Beauvoir, La None, and La
Chassetiere, secretary to the prince of Navarre, departed with
the edict for La Rochelle. The queen of Navarre received
these, the concessions extorted from the fears of Catherine de
Medici, with distrust and reluctance. Jeanne unerringly read
the mind and actions of queen Catherine : she knew that the
latter never forgave those whom she feared. " Can the queen,
who has never pardoned, pardon me ? " exclaimed she to the
admiral, when, some months after, Coligny pressed her to repair
to the court. Jeanne looked upon a peace so concluded — con-
cessions indignantly rejected three months previously, and
accepted at the present time without protest — as a calamity
presaging darker malice. The temper of the Huguenot army,
nevertheless, was decidedly adverse to a prolongation of the
contest, now that toleration for their faith had been virtually
conceded. As Frenchmen, they deplored the lamentable con-
dition to which their country was reduced ; as husbands,
fathers, and masters, but one feeling actuated the bosom of both
chieftains and soldiers, — that of being restored to their families,
and to their homes. The peace, therefore, was proclaimed with
great solemnities, in the grand square of the citadel of La
Rochelle, in the presence of queen J eanne and her court, on the
26th day of August, 1570. The queen's chaplain, Le Nord,
then read prayers, and offered the accustomed admonition to
the people. The guns on the ramparts were fired ; the bells of
1 Journal de Brulart
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 343
the churches pealed ; the people uttering hearty vivas for king
Charles, the queen of Navarre, and her gallant son. 1 The
following day, all things resumed their accustomed gloom in
La Kochelle, as if no tidings of peace had roused a thrill of
joy in the breast of its warlike citizens. The queen, unhappy
and pre-occupied, refrained from showing herself in public. A
thousand fears and anxieties distracted Jeanne's mind: for the
confederacy of the princes and their allies dissolved, her son,
at the mercy of the court, would have no resource, save in his
mother's energy and foresight. Not the least of Jeanne's
care, was the fact that her suspicions of the good faith of the
court, and her forebodings for the future, were lightly regarded
by Coligny. Ever sanguine, the admiral persisted in his
opiuion, that it was the secret resolve of the young kiug to
place himself at the head of a powerful party of the Huguenot
faction, and by their support to emancipate himself from the
control of his mother and her favourites. Jeanne understood
better the stormy passions, and the chaos of conflicting feelings
of good and evil preponderance, which agitated the mind of the
miserable Charles. She had seen him goaded to anger, almost
insensate, against the very men whom, in reality, he respected
and loved. For the Huguenots, therefore, to place their confi-
dence in the favour of such a sovereign, Jeanne knew to be
both delusive and perilous.
Four days after the publication of the edict of pacification,
Jeanne addressed a letter of congratulation to king Charles,
whom she regarded with feelings of sincere commiseration.
Its tenor shows that when she deemed it requisite the sage
Jeanne d'Albret could abound in phrases of politic compliment.
QUEEN JEANXE TO CHARLES IX.
" MoNSETGNEUR,
"I cannot express to your Majesty the general satisfaction, and
pleasure which has resulted from the publication of the peace, that it
has pleased God, and you, sire, to give to us. We all place our only
hope in your goodness, and your prudence, that the effect of this ;
your said edict, will increase the joy which inspires every one here,
and unite your humble and obedient subjects in piety and justice un-
der the authority of your sceptre ; the which, sire, will render your
Majesty's reign happy, long, and prosperous, under the favour and
blessing of God, the mighty King of kings. Having expressed to
your Majesty the content which actuates every one, I will now attempt
to describe my own satisfaction, which for many reasons is infinite ;
but more especially from the intimation which it has pleased you, sire,
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. ii. Favyn, liv. 14.
344 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
to make to me, of your confidence and trust in my loyal fidelity to
your crown, the which gracious hope on your part, monseigneur, I
promise never to disappoint. Monsieur le Premier ' will doubtless
have informed you, monseigneur, of the pleasure and content written
on every face ; and what great joy the fortunate results of his holy
and much desired negotiation has given to all. He will also impart
to you divers especial matters, which my duty to you, sire, urged me
to confide. I will also humbly pray your Majesty to accept my
words as arising from the hearty desire which inspires me to honour
and obey you. Monseigneur, I have already satisfactorily replied to
that which you commanded the sieur de Beauvoir to say to me on
your behalf, the which was confirmed to me by Monsieur le Premier.
I will not, therefore, allude more to this subject except to beseech
your Majesty to do me the honour to believe that you have no sub-
ject or servant within this realm over whom you exercise more influ-
ence ; and who is inspired with greater desire to devote everything
to your service than her, who having commended herself to your fa-
vour, supplicates that the Almighty will augment His blessings, and
bestow upon you, a long and happy life.
" From La Rochelle, this 30th day of August.
" Your very humble, and very obedient aunt and subject,
" Jeanne." 2
If Charles's ambassadors had taken note of the demeanour
of the Bochellois, their report, if truthfully made, must have
informed his Majesty, that despite his edict, and queen Jeanne's
exaggerated expressions, no cordiality or trust existed between
the two recently reconciled factions. The gates of La Eochelle
were not the less guarded; nor, even in the interior of the
town, nor in the port and quays, were there signs of abated
activity. Warlike stores continued to arrive, and to be accepted
with alacrity. The princes, and Coligny, Montgommery, Te-
ligny, and the count Louis of Nassau, after having taken leave
of count Wolrad Mansfeld and the German mercenaries at
Langres, instead of availing themselves of the eager invitation
of the king to visit St Germain, repaired to the court of the
queen of Navarre. The sombre suspicion which weighed upon
all, was not diminished when it was known that Philip II. had
offered to the king a force of three thousand horse, and six
thousand infantry, " provided that the king engaged never to
make peace with the heretic rebels of his realm." 3 Couriers
almost daily arrived at La Eochelle, bringing letters from
Catherine to the queen of Navarre, containing pressing invit-
1 Probably the queen alludes to M. de Biron, the king's chief envoy for the
negotiation of the peace with the Huguenots.
2 Bibl. Roy. MS. F. de Dupuy, 209—211. fol. 44.— Inedited.
3 Mem. de Casteluau, liv. 7.
LIFE OF JEANNE d'aLBRET. 315
ations ; and filled with expressions of esteem and friendship.
The particular occasion upon which Catherine desired to
welcome the queen and her son, was during the festivities to
he holden at court in celebration of the nuptials of Charles
IX. with Elizabeth, daughter of the emperor Maximilian II.
Jeanne never relinquished the idea that Catherine wished
to deprive her of liberty, or to obtain some ungenerous advan-
tage, by the warmth with which she solicited her presence
at court. The king had, as yet, very imperfectly executed the
clauses of the edict of pacification. The Huguenots were not
molested in the exercise of their religion within the bounds
prescribed ; but massacres of these unfortunate people still
occasionally occurred ; and these outrages the law took no
paius to avenge. Queen Jeanne, therefore, excused herself
from being present at Charles's espousals. She alleged the
unsettled condition of the country ; " for," said Jeanne,
" the populace, excited by the past troubles, will not willingly
see me travel attended by a numerous escort of armed men ;
Avhile the state of the roads, infested by banditti, permits me
not to attempt the journey surrounded only by my ordinary
suite." 1
The prolonged sojourn of the queen and the princes at La
Eochelle gave inteuse umbrage to the court. Catherine was
determined to compel the Huguenots to quit their refuge, or
at any rate to assume a less menacing attitude. Charles, on
his part, did all in his power to reassure them, whether sincere-
ly or otherwise can never be solved. He frequently corre-
sponded with Coligny, using towards the veteran admiral the
most endearing and filial expressions ; he publicly reprimanded
the duke d'Anjou for the caustic malice which he evinced
towards the Protestant party ; and he repressed Catherine's
enterprises. The king frequently exclaimed, " that he was
sickened of war ; and that he had been deceived in all that
related to his good subjects, the Huguenots." Yet Charles
jested, played, threatened, and cajoled, without once giving
satisfactory demonstration of the sincerity of his placable in-
tention towards his persecuted subjects. " Sire," said the
admiral, in a letter written to the king, " to inspire your sub-
jects with confidence and faith in your gracious intentions, it
is necessary that you should yourself set the example of ob-
serving your own edict. Show to your courtiers that you are
resolved to punish its infringement, even by those nearest to
you."
It was at length determined to send the marshal de Cosse
1 Yauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. ii.
346 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
to La Boehelle to seek another interview with, the queen, to
learn from her Majesty's own lips why she refused to proceed
to court. Catherine, at the same time, with that incredible
disregard of policy and combination apparent in most of her
schemes, commanded the marquis de Villars, the king's lieu-
tenant in Guyenne, to advance towards La Eochelle with the
army under his command. Cosse was, likewise, commissioned
to sound the disposition of queen Jeanne as to a renewal of the
alliance once proposed between her son and Marguerite de
Valois, the king's sister. Catherine's political art shone con-
spicuously in the faculty which she possessed of governing in-
dividuals by a subtle adaptation of her schemes to their beset-
ting passions. She knew that the legitimate aggrandizement
of her idolized son was the ruling motive of many of Jeanne's
actions ; hence, therefore, her offer of bestowing her daughter
on the son of the princess whose interests had clashed with,
and in many instances marred her own, from the earliest period
of her arrival in France. The queen, likewise, knew that the
project which monopolized the chivalrous spirit of Coligny,
was a campaign in Flanders to assist the Protestants against
their persecutor, the duke of Alba ; and to re-establish the
prince of Orange and his brother, the count de Nassau, in their
estates and dignities. Catherine, therefore, commanded Cosse
gravely to discuss the possibility of this expedition with
Coligny ; while she secretly derided the credulity which could
accord credit to any project so chimerical as a rupture between
the court of France and its trusted ally the Spanish king.
The marshal de Cosse was introduced into the presence of
the queen, whom he found surrounded by many goodly person-
ages and learned ministers. He unfolded his errand, com-
mencing by some complimentary allusions, to which the queen
replied in a few apt and courteous words. Cosse than ha-
rangued the queen at length on the subject of his mission. In
eloquent language he assured Jeanne of the desire of their Ma-
jesties to see her at court ; and of their anxiety to accomplish
the marriage between her son and madame Marguerite. The
queen commanded the sieur de la Proutiere to reply, and to
state to his Majesty's ambassadors the grievances which yet
prevented the cordial co-operation of the Huguenots for the
restoration of peace. The complaints personal to herself,
which Jeanne had directed Proutiere to make, were — that the
king still retained her town of Lectoure, the capital of her
county of Armagnac ; and that the marquis de Yillars, lieu-
tenant of Gruyenne, of which province her son was governor,
conducted himself with such arrogance, that he refused to ac-
LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET. 347
knowledge his subordination to the prince of Navarre. Jeanne,
therefore, prayed that the marquis might be removed from bis
office. She then desired La Proutiere to inquire whether the
king bad anything to allege against his Huguenot subjects?
Cosse replied in the affirmative, and declared that bis Majesty
was highly dissatisfied on the two following points; namely, that
the Protestant faction bad not disbanded its forces, but main-
tained an army efficient, and strong enough to garrison the
Pavs d' Aunis ; secondly, that the queen of Navarre, the princes,
and Huguenot chieftains, obstinately remained in the town
of La Pioehelle, in despite of bis Majesty's cordial invitation
to them to repair near to his royal person. 1 Jeanne, upon
this, replied with great presence of mind, before the sieur de
la Proutiere could collect himself sufficiently to make response,
" that a month previously, there were no troops in La Pochelle ;
but, haviug been advertised that both Cosse himself and the
marquis de Yillars were advancing, each at the head of a con-
siderable force, she had, therefore, thought it expedient to
prepare, if necessary, for a vigorous defence. The troops so
gathered," the queen assured Cosse, " would be dismissed as
soon as those of de Yillars retired from the vicinity of La
Eocbelle." 2 The queen then requested the marshal de Cosse
to negotiate the recall of the chancellor de l'Hopital ; and to
ask, in her name, for the exile of the princes of Guise, the
rigid maintenance of the edict, and the recognition of her
sovereign rights over the county of Foix. The queen added,
'• that if it pleased his Majesty to grant these requests it would
be the means of removing every particle of distrust from the
minds of his Huguenot subjects of every degree." Kespectinsj;
the proposed marriage between the prince of Navarre and
madame Marguerite de France, Jeanne declared herself unable
to reply to so important a demand in the absence of her son,
who was then sojourning in Beam. To gain time, however,
the queen consented to nominate deputies to treat on all these
matters at court. She, accordingly, accredited thither, M.M.
de la Proutiere, de Beauvoir, Teligny, Briquemaut, and Cavag-
nes. These deputies accompanied Cosse, Avho took leave of
the queen on New Year's Day, 1571. 3
Jeanne's envoys were received by the king and his mother
with marked consideration. Charles himself condescended to
grant them personal audience, instead of receiving a resume of
1 Mem. de FEtat de France sous Charles IX., p. 40, t. i.
8 Ibid. Tavannes.
3 Instructions donnees par la Royne de Navarre au capitaine Lalaine
pourctre lus aux Etats de Beam. Archives Imperiales, K. 129G. — Inedited.
348 LIFE OF JEANNE DALBRET.
their mission through a secretary of state. The king expatiated
much upon the advantages likely to result from the alliance
between the houses of Valois and Albret. He said that he was
resolved to bestow his sister's hand on "son bonfrere, Henri,'''
to whom she had been virtually betrothed by his royal father ;
" et qu'il vouloit par ce moyen marier en quelque maniere les
deux religions.'''' As for the exile of the princes of Guise,
Charles exclaimed, with an oath, "that he would dispose of
them as he chose." " Am I not king and master here ? These
Guises hold offices under my crown ; but they do not control
my pleasure. Subjects they are ; and I will compel them to
conform to my commandments. Say to my good aunt, that
more than this I cannot now promise." Charles promised to
restore the town of Lectoure to the queen ; and, at the re-
quest of the deputies, he nominated commissioners to proceed
to Rouen and to Orange, to investigate the origin of the
massacres perpetrated since the promulgation of the edict,
and to punish the aggressors. 1 He also granted his royal sanc-
tion for the convocation of a synod of ministers in La Ro-
chelle, as a voluntary act of grace, which the king said he
knew would be agreeable to his aunt. To demonstrate, more-
over, his desire to favour even the hidden adherents of the
Huguenots, Charles announced his intention of spending some
days at Chantilly, with the marshal de Montmorency, who had
fallen somewhat in disfavour with Catherine, from a suspicion
that the proscribed tenets were not so abhorrent to the marshal
as she could have desired. In short, nothing could exceed the
king's gracious affability, and his apparent desire to conciliate
the Protestant party. Still, however, Jeanne believed not, nor
trusted ; her confidence had been broken ; her experience, and
the misfortunes of her life, rendered her incredulous, despite
the protestations of the court.
During the month of February, 1571, the court of Jeanne
d'Albret was enlivened by unwonted festivity, on the occasion
of the marriage of the admiral de Coligny with Jacqueline de
Montbel, coinptesse d'Entremont, widow of the baron d'Anthon,
who was killed at the battle of Dreux. Coligny had lost his first
wife, Charlotte de Laval, several years previously ; while the
fame of his exploits and virtues had made an ineffaceable im-
pression on the heart of madame d'Entremont. This lady was a
subject of the duke de Savoye, and one of the richest heiresses
of his dominions. As she made no attempt to conceal her ad-
miration of the admiral, and her ultimate intention to offer him
1 Mezeray, Abbrt'g. Chrou. Vie de Charles IX.
LIFE OF JEANNE DALBRET. 319
the band which so many nobles contended for in vain, duke
Emmanuel Pbilibert signified his disapprobation of her project
of allying herself with a rebel vassal of the French crown ; and
commanded her to accept the proposals of one of her own coun-
trymen, a nobleman in his suite. Jacqueline boldly refused ;
and, despite the duke's avowed intent of sequestrating her vast
estates, in case of disobedience, she quitted Savoy on the con-
clusion of peace, and repairing to La Eochelle, placed herself
under the protection of queen Jeanne, " inspired," as Davila
says, "with an ardent longing to become the Martia of her
modern Cato." The duke de Savoye fulfilled his threat, and
confiscated the domains of Entremont. Nevertheless, the mar-
riage between the countess and Coligny was celebrated in the
presence of the queen of Navarre. In her marriage contract,
Jacqueline de Montbel made donation of her estates to Coligny
and his heirs, in case they were eventually restored ; and the
admiral settled upon her a jointure of 1200 livres Tournois, and
his beautiful castle of Chatillon. Jeanne d'Albret witnessed
both these transactions, and appended her signature to the
contract. This romantic incident, for the countess d'Entre-
mont and the admiral had never met before the arrival of the
former in La Eochelle, created great excitement and interest.
Coligny's valour and worth were greatly enhanced in the
opinion of his party, seeing that the renown alone of his virtues
had won for him so illustrious a bride. 1 On the same day that
the admiral's nuptials were solemnized, he bestowed the hand
of his eldest daughter Louise, on Teligny, whose wisdom and
moral endowments were prized by queen Jeanne. The queen
afterwards appointed madame de Teligny to an important office
in her household.
During the rejoicings which succeeded the celebration of
these marriages, the queen's indefatigable mind dwelt on the
subjects to be proposed before the approaching synod of minis-
ters, which she had convoked to meet in La Eochelle, on the
2nd day of April, 1571. The queen presided at the discus-
' After the assassination of Coligny, his wife fled in a destitute condition
from France, and retired into Savoy. On the 21st of December, 1572, a few
months after her widowhood, she gave birth to a daughter, Beatrice de Co-
ligny, at St Andre de Brior The unfortunate countess in vain pleaded for
the restitution of her noble patrimony ; duke Emmanuel proved inexorable to
her prayers ; and soon she was cast into prison, under a shameful charge of
" sorcellerie, de magie, et de partes avec le Diable." For many years she re-
mained a close prisoner, her property having been again formally confiscated.
After the accession of Henry IV., the court of France made earnest intercession
for " la veuve de Coligny ;" but before the king's representations could be of
avail, madame de Coligny died in her prison, after a life of unparalleled ca-
lamity.
350 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBKET.
sions, accompanied by her sou, who returned from Pau, ex-
pressly to meet the assembly. By Jeanne's desire ecclesias-
tical discipline was restored to its primitive severity ; and the
ceremonial to be observed during the celebration of the Lord's
supper was discussed and decided. These matters occupied
the attention of the assembly for two days. On the fourth day
of April, the queen demanded of the assembly, " whether she
could without hurt to her conscience retain in her service the
Roman Catholic members of her household, provided that she
could not provide herself with other officers professing the re-
formed doctrines?" In answer to this, "says the historian,
recording the acts of the synod of La Rochelle," 1 her Majesty
was very humbly entreated to examine well who these said
Roman Catholic officers were, and to be served as much as pos-
sible by those professing her own faith, such beiug trustworthy
by having the fear of God. As for the Papists of her house-
hold, the assembly besought her Majesty to cause all such who
led quiet and orderly lives to be well instructed in the faith.
But; in respect to those traitors, once of her household, who be-
trayed her Majesty in her necessity, and committed unheard-of
cruelties during the late troubles, the synod admonished her
Majesty never to admit them again into any public office,
either in her household or appertaining to the court." Jeanne
approved the decision of her ministers : through her chaplain,
Le Nord, she thanked them for their loyal advice, to the which
she promised faithfully to conform.
During the session of the assembly the queen caused the
New Testament, translated in the Basque dialect by the minis-
ters assembled at La Rochelle, to be published ; for which
patriotic aud honourable achievement the queen publicly re-
ceived the thanks of the synod. Jeanne viewed the acts ot' this
assembly with exultation : she regarded its legal convocation as
the crowning point of the war she had successfully waged ; and
as a solemn ratification of the recent edict of pacification.
Before the assembly dispersed, the queen's deputies re-
turned from Paris. They announced the speedy arrival of an
embassy from the king to negotiate the marriage of his sister.
The deputies expressed their belief in the sincerity of the
king's expressions of good-will ; and they besought Jeanne to
consent to the union so ardently desired by the sovereign.
A few days subsequently, the marshal de Biron and the
seigneur de Quince arrived in La Rochelle, the bearers of more
distinct overtures on the part of his Majesty relative to his
1 Aymon, Recueil des Synodes Nationaux des Eglises Reformees dc Fiance,
>ii. Synode, art. 47, p. 108. La Rochelle, le 2 Avril 1571.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 351
sister's union with prince Henry ; coupled with an intimation
that, after all his gracious overtures and promises, the king
would take it exceedingly ill if the princes maintained their
present hostile attitude, and contumaciously refused to visit
the court. The perseverance of Charles and his mother in
making all the preliminary propositions for the alliance between
Henry and Marguerite appeared of most significant import to
Jeanne. No overtures had as yet emanated from the young
prince himself. The exquisite loveliness of the princess, her
exalted birth and rich dower, rendered Charles's eagerness the
more remarkable ; for why should the king persist in bestowing
his sister on a prince, born to fortunes, as it then appeared, so
mediocre, and \mworthy of the splendour of the alliance?
Jeanne could trace but three actuating motives. Either the
king was sincerely desirous to be reconciled to his Huguenot
subjects, and in pledge of which bestowed upon their leader
the brightest jewel of his house ; or he feigued to tender that
honour as a snare to lull their suspicions, and to lure them to
captivity and death. The third surmise dyed the pure cheeks
of Jeanne d'Alhret with shame and indignation to dwell even
upon its possibility. It was rumoured that the known attach-
ment between the princess Marguerite and the duke de Guise
had passed the limits of decorum, and that a secret alliance had,
in fact, united them. Could it, therefore, be probable that, as
the mad folly of the king, on discovering this liaison, had com-
pelled the duke de Guise to become the husband of Catherine
de Cleves, contrary to his inclination, that Charles, knowing his
sister's position, and not daring to bestow her hand upon any
of her kingly suitors, destined her for his vassal Henri de Na-
varre ?
During the first audience which she granted Biron, on the
subject of this marriage, the queen raised two objections which
she hoped might relieve her from further negotiation on the
unwelcome subject. She objected that the union could not be
accomplished on account of the nearness of kin ; and the re-
ligion of the parties.
Biron replied, that the king had had several conferences on
the subject with the papal nuncio, JSalviati ; and that his
Eminence was of opinion that these obstacles might easily be
surmounted. The marshal then represented to the queen how
offensive her delays were to the court ; and that the conse-
quences might be the restoration of the house of Guise to its
ancient influence in the state, and the proscription of the
Protestants throughout France; whereas, the proposed mar-
riage would for ever cement the happy union of the two factions.
352 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
" The juncture, madame, is admirable ; and seems even to have
been created expressly by God, to assure for ever the peace of
the realm. Come, madame," proceed fearlessly to the court.
"Lo?e precious time no longer in perpetual delay — in irresolu-
tions, especially humiliating to his Majesty ; inasmuch as no
reason can be assigned for such excess of distrust." He then
represented the charms and graces of person possessed by Mar-
guerite, the "pearl of the court;" and descanted on the
honour and fortune of her son in being selected as the recipient
of so signal a treasure. Jeanne made no reply to these cour-
teous congratulations ; she was, perhaps, intently musing on
the words, addressed to her, it is believed, by her devoted
servant Rosny, who, notwithstanding the disparity of age,
exhorted his mistress to try to obtain the hand of Elizabeth of
England for her son. "Madame," said he, "the spouse whom
they have offered to you for your royal son is of more subtle
intellect than you think ; rumour speaks of her in a dispar-
aging manner. Her blandishments will soon supersede your
influence over the mind of the prince."
A few days later, Jeanne summoned Biron to her presence.
She then replied, that she was sensible of the great honour
done her by the king in proposing such an alliance ; neverthe-
less, before she returned a definite reply, it was necessary for
her to consult the ministers of her persuasion on the matter of
the lawfulness of the intended union. " My conscience, mon-
seigneur, once at rest, there is nothing that I am not ready to
grant to please the king and the queen, and to guarantee the
peace of this realm ; for the which I would willingly sacrifice
life itself. But, monseigneur, I should prefer to descend to the
condition of the simplest gentlewoman in France, rather than
to sacrifice my own soul, and that of the prince, my son, for the
aggrandizement of my house." 1 Perceiving that Jeanne would
bind herself to nothing, and that she evidently intended to pro-
ceed no further at that period with the negotiation, Biron
directed bis assaults on the admiral. He delivered a most
gracious letter from the young king, praying Coligny, son bon
fere, to repair to court, and aid him with his counsels ; and,
lest fears for his safety should still prevail, Charles enclosed a
patent, signed by his own hand, permitting Coligny to enrol a
body-guard of fifty men-at-arms. The admiral shed tears on
perusing this mark of confidence on the part of his youthful
sovereign, and he promised to visit the court without delay.
To confirm the favourable impression already wrought in the
1 Vauvilliers, Hist, de Jeanne d'Albret, t. ii. Mem. de l'Etat de France
sous Charles IX., t. i. De Thou.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 353
mind of the admiral, Biron informed him that the king had
been pleased to intercede with the duke de Savoye, for the
restoration of the heritage appertaining to madame l'Amirale. 1
Nothing could exceed the dismay with which the Protest-
ants of La Eochelle received the news of Coligny's intended
departure for the court. Eosny, Conde, Teligny, and Jeanne
herself, all united in remonstrances. The supplications of his
bride even failed to move the admiral's purpose. Frank and
loyal, he indignantly rejected the idea, that his anointed sove-
reign could overwhelm him with signal favours, only with the
perfidious intent of taking his life. " No, no, madame," ex-
claimed Coligny, addressing the queen of Navarre ; " I firmly
confide in the honour and word of my king ; otherwise, life is no
longer life, to exist in the midst of perpetual alarms. Madame,
I would rather die, smitten by one effectual blow, than live
a hundred years, subject to dread apprehensions ! "
The admiral, therefore, departed for the court, where he
arrived in June, 1571. The king advanced, and affectionately
greeted Coligny, who threw himself at his sovereign's feet, and
besought his gracious pardon for the past. Charles raised the
admiral, and embraced him three times with every mark of
affection, giving him the appellation of " mon pere." The same
day, the king restored to Coligny his place in the council ; and
presented him with the sum of one hundred thousand crowns.
Catherine was prodigal of her most winning smiles ; the duke
d'Anjou received his recent adversary with gracious affability,
and compliments on the prowess displayed by the admiral on
the battle-field ; and the young and lovely Marguerite charmed
him by her condescension, and the interest which she displayed
respecting the queen and the prince of Navarre. "AVe have
you, now, amongst us, mon pere" exclaimed Charles joyously ;
" nor shall you be able to escape at will! " These words were
capable of two meanings : and, for once, distrust was roused in
Coligny's mind ; but the shadow passed, dissipated by the
flattery and the homage bestowed upon him. Another day,
Charles casually observed, " Mon pere, we know your influence
with the queen of Navarre. Exert yourself, therefore, I pray
you to induce her to come hither, with the prince, her son."
Jeanne, however, not to be deceived by the blandishments
of the court, and foreseeing that other attempts would be
made to shake her resolve, had departed from La Eochelle,
perceiving that her residence there gave umbrage to the court,
and afforded an ostensible cause for the embassies sent to her.
In the middle of the month of September, 1571, Jeanne,
1 La Popeliniere, Hist, de France, t. ii. fol. 21.
23
351 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
therefore, accompanied by her two children, the prince de
Conde, and a numerous suite, quitted La Rochelle — the city
which had sheltered her during the darkest hours of adversity.
Her beneficence and piety had endeared her to the gallant
hearts of the Eochellois; deputations attended her to the
gates of the town ; aud, amid the tears and blessings of the
citizens, queen Jeanne departed for the venerable abode of her
ancestors ; one which she had never expected to visit again —
the castle of Pau.
CHAPTEE XI.
1571—1572.
Rumours of the alliance between Henry and Marguerite at court — Its recep-
tion by the princess Marguerite— Her aversion to the proposal — Beauty of
Marguerite de Valois — Her portraits — Details of her attachment to the duke
de Guise — Marriage of the duke with the princesse de Porcicn — Illness of
Marguerite — Her resentment — Progress of the queen of Navarre through
her dominions — Her entry into Pau — Revises her code of laws — Her corre-
spondence with the viscount de Gourdon — She constructs the chateau de
Castel-Beziat for her daughter, madame Catherine — Attitude of the French
court — Correspondence of the queen with Coligny — Arrival of the marshal
de Biron on a special embassy to Pau — Renewed discussions on the union of
Henry and Marguerite — Queen Jeanne refers the matter to her council of
state — Decision of the council — Grief of the queen of Navarre on giving her
assent to the marriage— Her letter to king Charles — She journeys to Nerac —
Summons the nobility of Foix, Beam, and Navarre to a conference at N6rac
— Her advice to her son — She receives the allegiance of her subjects of
Lectoure — Queen Jeanne bids farewell to her son — Her distress and anxiety
of mind — She proceeds to Blois — Her suite — She sojourns at Biron — Her
letter to the prince of Navarre — Her meeting at Vendome with the legate
Alexandrini — Deportment of Charles IX. — Dissensions between the king,
and his mother, and brother — Queen Jeanne sojourns at Tours until after
the departure of the legate — Is visited by queen Catherine and the court —
Negotiations on the marriage — Catherine's demands are rejected by the
queen of Navarre — Correspondence with the prince of Navarre — Gracious
deportment of Marguerite de Valois — Correspondence of Jeanne with the
baron de Beauvoir and others — Her letter to the prince of Navarre — Fac-
simile of the handwriting of Jeanne d'Albret — The queen journeys to Blois
• — Her cordial reception by king Charles — Details of her interview with the
king — Insulting demeanour of Catherine de Medici — Her insincerity in the
negotiation— Her demands — Resolute deportment of the queen of Navarre
— Jeanne's letter to her son — Her complaints of the court — Her anger at
the treatment to which she is subjected — She intimates to the queen-mother
her intention to arrest the journey of the prince, her son, to the court —
Anger of Catherine de Medici — Her instructions to the prince of Navarre —
Henry's love, and confidence in his mother — He returns to Pau — Resump-
tion of the negotiation — The king forbids bis mother to interfere more in the
affairs — Deputies are nominated to discuss the marriage articles — Jeanne's
interview with queen Elizabeth's ambassadors — Her perplexity — The king
and queen-mother continue to urge the presence of the prince of Navarre at
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBKET. 355
Blois — Jeanne steadily refuses her assent to the journey of the prince —
Deliberation of the deputies — Catherine still continues to influence the pro-
ceedings - Displeasure of the king— He suddenly resolves to bestow his sister
upon Henry without conditions, provided that the prince of Navarre repairs
to court to espouse Marguerite — Reluctant assent given by Jeanue d'Albret
— Articles of the marriage-contract between Henry and' Marguerite — The
cardinal de Lorraine applies to Rome for a dispensation authorizing the
marriage — Refusal of Pius V. to sanction the union — Rage of the king — He
refuses permission to the queen of Navarre to retire to'Veudome pending
the negotiation with the Holy See — Failing health of the queen of Navarre.
The first person who presumed openly to speak at court
of the projected alliance between Marguerite de Valois and
the prince of Navarre, was M. de Meru, brother of the mar-
shal de Montmorency. The latter, from the liaison existing
between the Houses of Albret and Montmorency, possessed
much of Jeanne's confidence; and by the queen's direction,
nothing had been negotiated by the ambassadors relative to
this alliance, without the previous co-operation of the marshal.
His affection for his cousins of Chatillon, and his total disap-
proval of Catherine's disastrous policy, rendered the marshal
de Montmorency little appreciated at court, where, on the
contrary, his second brother, Damville, possessed great influ-
ence. Charles de Montmorency, seigneur de Meru, 1 third son
of the constable Anne, held the post of chamberlain to queen
Catherine. In discharge of the functions of his office, M. de
Meru was one day in attendance behind the chair of Catherine,
as she dined in public, when he ventured to congratulate her
Majesty, in the presence of the assembled court, on the con-
templated union of her daughter Marguerite with the prince of
Navarre. "Upon this," says Marguerite, in her memoirs, 2
" the queen, my mother, desired M. de Meru to speak to me
on the same subject; which, when he did, I replied, that to do
so was superfluous, as I had no other will in the matter than
to obey my said mother. Nevertheless, I entreated him (M.
de Meru) to bear in mind that I was devoted to my faith, and
that it would be a source of great disquietude to me to be
compelled to espouse a prince who professed not the Catholic
religion."
Yet after this avowal on the part of the young princess,
Coligny was so deluded by the flattery of the court, as to ex-
press himself thus to queen Jeanne. " Concerning the princess,
madame, be assured that she will have no will but that of her
' Charles de Montmorency afterwards became duke d'Amville, on the ac-
cession of his second brother, Henry, to the honours of his house, on the de-
cease ol the marshal de Montmorency, in 1579. He was elevated to the dignity
of admiral of France.
* Mem. de Marguerite de Valois, Reine de Navarre, liv. 1.
356 LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBRET.
brother, the king ; an obedient sister and daughter, she will
submit to all that is required from her ; she is most witty ; her
temper is kiud, supple, docile ; her mind is peuetrating, and
enlighteued. AVhy should she not, therefore, madame, end by
inclining her ear to the truth, and by accepting from convic-
tion the faith professed by her future husband, and her mother-
in-law ? " No supposition could be more completely fallaci-
ous, as Coliguy discovered, unhappily, but too soon.
After her conversation with M. de Meru, Marguerite was
summoned to her mother's private apartment, where, appar-
ently for the first time, the contemplated project was seriously
imparted to her. She was reminded by Catherine that the
prince of Navarre possessed a claim to her hand, which had
been pledged to him by her royal father, Henry II., when the
king and queen of Navarre and their son visited Compiegne in
1557. Marguerite, at this period, was suffering from her bro-
ther's arbitrary interference with her attachment to the duke
de Guise : outraged, and feeling herself injured, she seems to
have received the communication with passive sang-froid. She
says, in her account of this interview Avith Catherine, "my
mother, the queen, called me afterwards into her cabinet and
said, ' that M.M. de Montmorency had proposed to her this
marriage for me, and that she had sent for me to learn what
was my pleasure on the subject.' I replied," relates Mar-
guerite, " that I had no other will or choice than her own ;
only I supplicated her Majesty to remember that I was a very
devout Catholic." 1
But since the period, when, as a child of three years old,
and the youngest of the daughters of France, Marguerite's
hand had been hastily pledged by her father to the son of the
king and queen of Navarre, she has become one of the most
fascinating and lovely women of Europe. Her elder sister
Elizabeth 2 had ascended the throne of Spain; her second sister,
Claude, became the consort of the chief of the line of Lorraine ;
and suitors innumerable craved the favour of Marguerite. When
the project of her marriage with Henri de Navarre occupied
the mind of Catherine, the princess had not completed her
twentieth year. If the many historians are to be credited, and
Brantome especially, who have described the charms of Mar-
guerite de Valois, a more perfectly beautiful face and figure
never adorned a court. Many portraits of the princess, taken
both before and after her marriage, exist ; the majority of these
represent her as having possessed great personal beauty^
1 Mem. de Marguerite de Valois, liv. 1.
2 Elizabeth, queen of Spain, died in 156S.
LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET. 357
enough, perhaps, to justify, in some degree, the exaggerated
eulogies of the poets and courtiers of the day.
Marguerite's complexion was exquisitely fair, and her eyes
of a very bright blue. As golden tresses were thought to har-
monize best with her complexion, the princess often hid her
beautiful black hair beneath a coiffure of pale-coloured curls. 1
" Nevertheless," says Brantome, 2 " I have seen this magnificent
princess wear her own hair without devices of borrowed tresses ;
and, although her hair was very black, like that of her father,
king Henry, she knew well how to curl, frizzle, and dress it, in
imitation of her sister, the queen of Spain, that such head-
dress seemed more becoming to her than any other she could
invent." Marguerite's features were soft, and perfectly mould-
ed ; her nose resembled that of her mother, Catherine de Me-
dici ; her mouth, chin, and throat, in the portraits drawn dur-
ing early youth, are exquisitely beautiful. Her figure was
majestic, and displayed, to the admiration of the court, her
costly, and often fantastic attire. Well might Jeanne
d'Albret dread the demoralization of her little court, when she
heard from Coligny and others of the voluptuous graces and
habits of her future daughter-in-law.
Catherine had sought, through the influence of her daughter
Elizabeth, to negotiate an alliance for Marguerite with the in-
fant Don Carlos of Spain, Philip's eldest son. The decease of
the prince, in 1568, frustrated her design. She next sanctioned
the overtures of Sebastian, king of Portugal, nephew of the king
of -Spain. This alliance, however, did not meet with the appro-
bation of king Philip, who entertained the project of bestowing
a member of his own lineage on Sebastian. During the inter-
val occurred Marguerite's liaison with the duke de Guise :
" those princes of Lorraine have so noble and majestic a mien,
that, in comparison to them, all other men appear plebeian and
common," said madame de Eetz, one of the most fastidious and
learned ladies of the court. The duke's influence over the
spirit of Marguerite soon became paramount ; and for the first,
and only time, her affections were touched, and she loved with
a passion equal to that which she so often inspired. Probably
had Marguerite been permitted to yield to her inclinations, the
tenor of her life had been changed ; but the duke d'Anjou hated
the princes of Lorraine, and, therefore, with malignant per-
tinacity, he schemed to foil their projects. Before his de-
1 There is a picture of Marguerite in the Bibliotheque Imperiale, as a child
of't'isht years old, in which she is represented, even at that early age, with
blonde tresses.
2 Brantome, Dames Illustres, Tie de Marguerite de Valois.
358 LIFE OF JEANNE D ALBRET.
parture as generalissimo of the royal forces, sent against the
Huguenots, the duke had chosen Marguerite as the confidante
of his designs ; he therefore initiated her into his policy ; and
praying his mother to consult the princess as the depository of
his opinion and desires, he quitted the court, after giving Mar-
guerite many injunctions to support his interests, and to send
him early tidings of all that passed there. 1 On his return,
great was the indignation of d' Anjou to find the duke de Guise
established in the favour of the princess ; he bitterly reproached
Marguerite for the interest which she evinced for his enemy,
and lie at once withdrew his confidence from her. He, more-
over, represented to Catherine and the king, " that his sister
was becoming most beautiful and fascinating, and that M. de
Guise wished to obtain her in marriage, urged thereto by his
uncles. He, therefore, thought it important that nothing of
an} r consequence should be said before the princess, as she
would be sure to report it to the duke de Guise. The queen,
his mother, knew well, and could bear witness of the mad am-
bition of that House, and how it had always opposed that of
Yalois." 2 The anger and jealousy of the king were further in-
creased by the incautious boasting of the cardinal de Lorraine,
who was imprudent enough to exclaim publicly, referring to
the duke de Lorraine, who had espoused the princess Claude of
France: " L'aine a eu Vainee — Je cadet aura la cadetteV
One day Charles returned from the chase in a paroxysm of
fury, after witnessing the attentions bestowed on his sister by
the duke de Guise. He was attended by his brother, the duke
d' Anjou, and by his illegitimate brother, Henri d'Angouleme,
Grand Prior of France. Addressing the latter in a tone hoarse
with passion, the king pointed to two swords which chanced to
be lying on a table before them, saying : " Henri, you see those
swords ? well, one of them, I swear, shall pierce thee to the
heart, if to-morrow when we go to the chase, thou dost not kill
the duke de Guise with the other! " 3 The same evening Guise
was entering the great hall of the palace, arrayed with the ut-
most magnificence, for a ball, at which Marguerite was to
appear. At the door, the duke met king Charles, who impe-
riously demanded " whither he
